THE
OXFORD
E N C Y C L O P E D I A
OF
A R C H A E O L O G Y IN T H E N E A R E A S T
EDITORS
William G. Dever
Ca...
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THE
OXFORD
E N C Y C L O P E D I A
OF
A R C H A E O L O G Y IN T H E N E A R E A S T
EDITORS
William G. Dever
Carol L. Meyers
Dennis Pardee
James D . M u h l y
James A. Sauer
CONSULTING
EDITOR
Paul Corby Finney
ASSISTANT
EDITOR
J o h n S. J o r g e n s e n
ASOR
P i e r r e M . Bikai
CONSULTANTS
Seymour Gitin
Stuart Swiny
ADVISERS
David E. A u n e
Ofer Bar-Yosef
Ghazi Bisheh
Annie Caubet
Trude Dothan
Oleg Grabar
William D . Kingery Ernst Pernicka
Siegfried M i t t m a n n D o n a l d B. Redford
Javier T e i x i d o r
Giorgio Buccellati William W . Hallo P . R . S. M o o r e y
David Stronach
Richard L . Zettler
THE OXFORD ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE NEAR EAST PREPARED U N D E R T H E AUSPICES OF
THE
A M E R I C A N S C H O O L S OF O R I E N T A L R E S E A R C H
Eric M. Meyers E D I T O R IN
CHIEF
VOLUME 1
New York Oxford OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1997
Oxford University Press Oxford Athens Bombay Dar es Salaam Karachi
New York
Auckland
Bangkok
Bogota
Buenos Aires
Calcutta
Cape T o w n
Delhi
Florence
Kuala Lumpur Mexico City
Nairobi
Taipei
Hong K o n g
Madras
Madrid
Paris
Tokyo
Istanbul
Melbourne
Singapore
Toronto
and associated companies in Berlin
Ibadan
Copyright © 1997 by Oxford University Press, Inc. Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 198 Madison Avenue, N e w York, New York 10016 Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press All rights reserved. N o part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of Oxford University Press.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Oxford encyclopedia of archaeology in the Near East / prepared under die auspices of the American Schools of Oriental Research; Eric M . Meyers, editor in chief, p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p.
) and index.
1. Middle East—Antiquities—Encyclopedias. 2. Africa, North—Antiquities— Encyclopedias. I, Meyers, Eric M . II. American Schools of Oriental Research. DS56.09
1996
96-17152
939'4—dc20
CIP
ISBN 0-19-506512-3 (set) ISBN 0-19-511215-6 (vol. 1) Many photographs and line drawings used herein were supplied by contributors to the work. Others were drawn from the archives of the American Schools of Oriental Research, from commercial photographic archives, and from the holdings of major musettms and cultural
institutions.
The publisher has made every effort to ascertain that necessary permissions to reprint materials have been secured. Sources of all photographs and line drawings are given in the captions to illustrations. EDITORIAL AND PRODUCTION
STAFF
COMMISSIONING EDITOR: Elizabeth Maguire DEVELOPMENT EDITOR: Mark D . Cummings M A N A G I N G E D I T O R : Jeffrey P. Edelstein ASSISTANT PROJECT EDITOR: Paul Arthur COPYEDITORS AND PROOFREADERS: Roberta Maltese, Sandra Buch, Karen Fraley, Donald Spanel, Leslie Watkins BIBLIOGRAPHIC AND TECHNICAL RESEARCHERS: Stephen Goranson, John S. Jorgenscn, Eric C. Lapp, Philomena Mariani INDEXER: Cynthia Crippen, A E I O U , Inc. CARTOGRAPHER: Philip Schwartzberg, Meridian Mapping MANUFACTURING CONTROLLER: Michelle Lcvesque BOOK DESIGNER: Joan Greenfield Printing (last digit): 9
8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
CONTENTS
Editorial Board vol. 1 p. vii 3
Preface ix
Abbreviations XV
THE
OXFORD ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
A R C H A E O L O G Y IN T H E NEAR E A S T
Appendix i: Egyptian Aramaic Texts vol. 5, p . 393 Appendix 2: Chronologies 411
Appendix 3: Maps 417
Directory of Contributors 431
Synoptic Outline of Contents 45i
Index 461
E D I T O R I A L BOARD
E D I T O R IN
Ofer B a r - Y o s e f
CHIEF
Eric M . M e y e r s Professor of Religion and Archaeology,
Duke
University
McCurdy
Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology,
Harvard
University
Peabody
Museum,
G h a z i Bisheh EDITORS
Director-General,
Department
of Antiquities
of Jordan
William G . D e v e r Professor of Near Eastern Archaeology
and Anthropology,
University
Giorgio Buccellati
of
Professor Emeritus
Arizona
California,
Carol L. Meyers
of the Ancient Near East and of History,
University
of
Los Angeles
Annie Caubet
Professor of Biblical Studies and Archaeology,
Duke
University Keeper, Departemenl
des Antiquitis
Orientates, Musee du Louvre,
Paris
James D . M u h l y Professor of Ancient Histoiy, elect, American
University
School of Classical
of Pennsylvania;
Studies,
and
Trude Dothan
Director-
Eleazar L. Sukenik
Athens
Professor Emerita of Archaeology,
Hebrew
University
of Jerusalem
Dennis Pardee Professor of Northwest
Semitic Philology,
University
Oleg G r a b a r
of Chicago
Professor, School of Historical Studies, Institute of Advanced
James A. Sauer Research Associate, Semitic Museum,
Harvard
Aga Khan Professor Emeritus
University
of Islamic Art, Harvard
Study;
and
University
William W . Hallo CONSULTING
EDITOR
William M. Laffan Professor of Assyriology
and Babylonian
and Curator, Babylonian
University
Collection,
Yale
Literature,
Paul Corby Finney Associate Professor of Histoiy St.
and History of Art, University
of
William D . K i n g e r y
Missouri,
Professor of Anthropology
Louis
Systems, ASSISTANT
EDITOR
Duke
ASOR
Instructor, Department
of
of Technology and
Production
Eberhard-Karls-Universitdt
Tubingen
Religion,
P . R. S. M o o r e y Keeper of Antiquities,
CONSULTANTS
Ashmolean
Museum,
University of Oxford
Senior Researcher in Analytical
Geochemistry
and Archaeometry,
Planck-Institut
fur Kernphysik,
Heidelberg; and Professor of
Geochemistry,
Universitdt
E r n s t Pernicka
Pierre M . Bikai Center of Oriental Research,
Amman
S e y m o u r Gitin Dorot Director and Professor of Archaeology, Archaeological
and Archaeology Arizona
Professor of Biblical Archaeology,
and Graduate
University
Director, American
of
Siegfried M i t t m a n n
J o h n S. J o r g e n s e n Doctoral Candidate
University
Research,
W. F. Albright Institute
Heidelberg
D o n a l d B. Redford
of
Jerusalem
Professor of Near Eastern Studies and Director, Akhenaten
S t u a r t Swiny
Project, University
Past Director, Cyprus American Archaeological
Research
Max-
Analytical
Institute,
Temple
of Toronto
David Stronach
Nicosia Professor of Near Eastern Archaeology, ADVISERS
Javier T e i x i d o r
David E. A u n e Professor of New Testament
University of California,
Professor of Semitic Studies, and Christian
Origins, Loyola
College de France
University,
R i c h a r d L . Zettler
Chicago
Associate Professor of Anthropology,
vii
University of
Pemnylvania
Berkeley
PREFACE
T h e genesis of this w o r k was in 1988 w h e n t h e A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A S O R ) m o v e d its h e a d q u a r t e r s from Philadelphia t o t h e c a m p u s of t h e J o h n s H o p k i n s University i n Baltimore. A s first vice p r e s i d e n t for publications I was e n c o u r a g e d by t h e A S O R B o a r d of T r u s t e e s to establish a closer working relationship w i t h the J o h n s H o p k i n s University P r e s s . I n t h a t context I d e v e l o p e d a project entitled The ASOR Handbook of Biblical Archaeology, w h i c h w a s to b e a n authoritative o n e - v o l u m e reference w o r k o n all aspects of t h e material culture of t h e lands of t h e Bible in antiquity. T h e geographical region t o b e c o v e r e d was Syria-Palestine, or t h e m o d e r n territories of Israel, J o r d a n , Syria, a n d L e b a n o n . T h e chronological r a n g e w a s to h a v e b e e n t h e Early B r o n z e A g e to the Byzantine p e r i o d . T h e idea w a s t o m a k e available a n d easily accessible t h e results of m o d e r n archaeological scholarship to readers interested in t h e ancient N e a r E a s t a n d b i b lical studies. A m a j o r motivating factor w a s t h e a b s e n c e of s u c h a w o r k in t h e existing literature. T h e m o d e l for t h e A S O R h a n d b o o k was a G e r m a n classic in t h e field, K u r t Galling's Biblisches Reallexikon, largely unavailable to English readers a n d l o n g ago o u t of p r i n t . F r o m t h e outset, t h e A S O R h a n d b o o k w a s to have e n d e a v o r e d to b r i n g t o g e t h e r t h e results of archaeological fieldwork, e p i g r a p h y , a n d literary-historical studies. Archaeological fieldwork w a s also u n d e r s t o o d as s o m e t h i n g m o r e t h a n site reports. R a t h e r , it was viewed as a m e a n s of securing data t h a t w o u l d lead to a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of aspects of everyday life s u c h as agriculture, family life, m e d i c i n e a n d p u b l i c health, clothing, diet, a n d a r c h i t e c t u r e ; it w a s a w a y of e x a m i n i n g h o w different sorts of material culture s h a p e d a n d w e r e s h a p e d by t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . Similarly, a major c o n c e r n was to have b e e n t h e e c o n o m y of the p e o p l e s of t h e L e v a n t ; their industries, such as t h e p r o d u c t i o n of agricultural c o m m o d i t i e s , glassmaking, shipbuilding, metallurgy, a n d so forth, were to b e considered. T h e m o r e familiar q u e s t to d e t e r m i n e t h e social world as well as t h e political setting of t h e p e o p l e s a n d cultures of t h e ancient N e a r East r e m a i n e d a basic a i m from t h e outset. I n addition, t r u e to t h e tradition of W . F . A l b r i g h t — p r e e m i n e n t archaeologist a n d orientalist, f o r m e r professor of N e a r E a s t e r n Studies at t h e J o h n s H o p k i n s University a n d long-term director of A S O R ' s Jerusalem s c h o o l — t h e h a n d b o o k would deal w i t h t h e full range of written materials t h a t h a v e survived f r o m Syria-Palestine, from t h e origins of alphabetic writing to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of elaborate scribal practices a n d varied literatures. Finally, the p r o j e c t w o u l d e m b r a c e t h e challenge of explaining archaeological t e c h n i q u e s / t h e o r y , m e t h o d s , a n d practice including all m a t t e r s p e r t a i n i n g to science a n d archaeology. It s o o n b e c a m e a p p a r e n t t o m e a n d m y c o u n t e r p a r t s at t h e J o h n s H o p k i n s University Press t h a t s u c h a n u n d e r t a k i n g was far t o o ambitious for A S O R a n d H o p k i n s a n d t h a t w h a t I envisioned fell squarely into t h e area of encyclopedic reference works. It was t h e n , in seeking a publisher with a strong reference d e p a r t m e n t , t h a t A S O R a n d Oxford U n i versity P r e s s c a m e together. After a few consultations with m e m b e r s of t h e reference d e p a r t m e n t it b e c a m e a b u n dantly clear t h a t t h e r e w e r e m a n y c o n c e p t u a l issues to b e resolved before s u c h a project could c o m m e n c e . T h e first issue to b e considered w a s t h a t of length. After several meetings I w a s c o n v i n c e d t h a t t h e 'only w a y t h a t t h e wide variety of issues t o b e covered could b e p r o p e r l y a c c o m m o d a t e d was t h r o u g h a m u l t i v o l u m e a p p r o a c h . T h e idea of bringing texts
ix
X
PREFACE into dialogue with archaeological realia was appealing t o all of u s . N o less i m p o r t a n t w a s the h o p e that this project w o u l d b r i n g scholars from all countries of the region into dialogue with o n e another for t h e first time. G i v e n t h e reality, at t h a t t i m e , of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which separated Israel from t h e rest of t h e A r a b world, this w a s to b e o n e of t h e greatest challenges b u t o n e that A S O R , with its historic position of neutrality in political matters a n d with research centers i n b o t h worlds, a n d Oxford University Press were p a r ticularly capable of meeting. In organizing t h e editorial b o a r d I w a s mindful of all of these c o n c e r n s . T h e inclusion of J a m e s A. Sauer, with his long experience in J o r d a n a n d the rest of t h e A r a b world a n d knowledge of the sites there, w a s i n t e n d e d to ensure t h e participation of scholars from those countries w h e r e A m e r i c a n s have h a d only limited experience a n d even less famil iarity with t h e data u n c o v e r e d . T h e c o m b i n a t i o n of William G . D e v e r ' s extensive field experience in Israel with m y o w n work there as well as m a t of C a r o l M e y e r s w a s designed to attract o u r distinguished Israeli colleagues. J a m e s M u h l y ' s expertise i n several i m p o r t a n t a r e a s — a n c i e n t history, the archaeology of the Aegean, a n d aspects of scientific a p p r o a c h e s to t h e discipline—was d e e m e d valuable to the project. D e n n i s P a r d e e s e e m e d u n i q u e l y qualified to h a n d l e matters c o n c e r n i n g ancient N e a r E a s t e r n languages a n d literatures, especially Semitics, linguistics, a n d epigraphy. Carol M e y e r s ' s participation w a s enlisted in addition to h e r work in Israel, for h e r particular interest i n m e t h o d o l o g y , theory, a n d social science aspects of t h e archaeological enterprise. M y o w n focus o n t h e classical periods a n d on t h e history of t h e discipline were considered beneficial a n d sufficient to guide u s t h r o u g h those areas. W h e n t h e editorial b o a r d first m e t , w e were of course aware t h a t w o r k w a s p r o c e e d i n g o n t h e Israel Exploration Society's New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land; indeed, those of us w h o h a d c o n t r i b u t e d to t h e society's previous encyclopedia, published i n English in 1975-1978, h a d b e e n asked to revise a n d u p d a t e o u r articles. T h e anticipated publication of their project was hardly a deterrent t o u s in o u r p l a n n i n g b e c a u s e theirs was to b e strictly a n encyclopedia of sites, virtually all of w h i c h a r e in Israel. A s the d e v e l o p m e n t of o u r table of c o n t e n t s progressed, we learned t h a t a n o t h e r m u l t i v o l u m e work, titled Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, was being p l a n n e d . A l t h o u g h c o m p r e hensive in its i n t e n d e d coverage of the region a n d its ancient cultures, t h e w o r k w a s t o b e a collection of a b o u t t w o h u n d r e d lengthy a n d s o m e w h a t idiosyncratic topical essays, thematically organized, w h i c h w o u l d m a k e it far less useful as a reference w o r k t h a n a s t a n d a r d encyclopedia, with its m o r e specific, alphabetically a r r a n g e d articles. B o t h works eventually were published, t h e f o r m e r in 1993 (English edition) a n d t h e latter in 1995. As t h e editorial t e a m b e g a n t h e serious work of laying o u t a general plan, it b e c a m e clear t h a t w e did n o t w a n t to limit o u r geographical locations to t h e L e v a n t . R a t h e r , w e w e r e interested in t h e archaeology of t h e entire N e a r East, from t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n to I r a n , from Anatolia to t h e A r a b i a n Peninsula; w e also w a n t e d to include E g y p t , C y p r u s , a n d p a r t s of N o r t h a n d East Africa. Because of A S O R ' s particular role in t h e archaeology of C y p r u s there was hardly any a r g u m e n t there. W h a t soon b e c a m e a very real p r o b l e m for all of us was t h e classical world a n d t h e question of sites relating to t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t . I n thinking a b o u t t h e Hellenistic world or t h e R o m a n E m p i r e it b e c a m e very difficult to limit o u r scope to the territories associated with t h e N e a r East. W h a t w o u l d w e d o with R o m e o r A t h e n s , the Italian Peninsula a n d Greece? If we w o u l d deal only with sites relating t o t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t world h o w w o u l d t h a t section stand u p vis-a-vis t h e o t h e r c o n c e p tual categories in t h e encyclopedia? In t h e e n d , w e opted for t h e geographical principle a n d a d d e d places s u c h as M a l t a a n d Sardinia where Semitic culture h a d b e e n strong since antiquity, t h e A e g e a n w o r l d , a n d N o r t h Africa as far as M o r o c c o . Anatolia w o u l d b e o u r n o r t h e r n b o u n d a r y , I r a n o u r eastern b o u n d a r y , a n d Ethiopia a n d t h e A r a b i a n Peninsula o u r s o u t h e r n limits. I n a w a y w e a d o p t e d Albright's inclusive geographical view of t h e ancient N e a r East a n d d e c i d e d t o e m p l o y a b r o a d e r chronological r a n g e as well. Since so m u c h i m p o r t a n t n e w a r c h a e o -
PREFACE logical w o r k is b e i n g d o n e in periods prior t o t h e B r o n z e A g e , w e felt t h a t any n e w ar chaeological reference w o r k could n o t fail to treat t h e n e w e s t discoveries i n prehistory. A t t h e o t h e r e n d of the chronological s p e c t r u m it s e e m e d less a n d less acceptable to e n d our studies in t h e Byzantine period, especially given t h e recent u p s u r g e of interest a n d discoveries in t h e field of Islamic archaeology. I n t h e e n d w e d e c i d e d to e x t e n d o u r cov erage t h r o u g h t h e C r u s a d e s while allowing for individual authors to discuss s o m e sites a n d s o m e aspects of material culture of even later periods w h e r e a p p r o p r i a t e . It should b e n o t e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t m a n y subjects a n d sites d o n o t fall easily into t h e categories or p a r a m e t e r s of t h e project. I n s o m e regions or countries certain p e r i o d s of h u m a n history simply h a v e n o t received as m u c h attention as o t h e r s . Islamic archaeology is stronger, as m i g h t b e e x p e c t e d , in t h e A r a b world. I r o n A g e archaeology is s t r o n g e r i n Israel b e c a u s e of interest i n t h e Bible a n d t h e ancient k i n g d o m of Israel. M o r e extensive digging i n Israel, for e x a m p l e , h a s resulted in t h e fact t h a t m o r e is k n o w n a b o u t its antiquity titan a b o u t m o s t o t h e r a n c i e n t societies. C o r r e s p o n d i n g l y , t h e relatively fewer excavations in Arabia a n d E a s t Africa a n d t h e c u r r e n t political situation i n those areas m e a n s t h a t o u r knowledge of their a n c i e n t cultures is m o r e limited. O u r coverage of individual countries t h u s varies considerably. F o r all areas w e have tried to engage scholars with firsthand k n o w l e d g e of the site, region, o r t o p i c to p r e s e n t available data w i t h the idea of b e i n g as c u r r e n t a n d a c c u r a t e as possible. N e e d l e s s to say w e h a v e b e e n m o r e successful i n s o m e cases t h a n in others. G i v e n t h e major reconceptualization of t h e project after o u r initial meetings with t h e O x f o r d University P r e s s reference editors, it w a s impossible for u s t o title o u r project a n y t h i n g b u t w h a t w e in t r u t h h a d b e c o m e , a n encyclopedia of N e a r E a s t e r n archaeology. W h i l e s o m e of u s h a d s o m e nostalgic feelings for titles such as Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Biblical World or s o m e variant of that, in t h e e n d we w e r e all m o r e comfortable with t h e m o r e descriptive, geographical n o m e n c l a t u r e , w h i c h w e also believed w a s m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e , less political, a n d m o r e inclusive: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East. W i t h o u r larger geographical a n d chronological s c o p e t h e r e was n o disposition or r e a s o n w h a t e v e r t o u s e t h e t e r m Syro-Palestinian i n the title of w h a t w a s t o b e a m u l tivolume w o r k . A l t h o u g h Syria-Palestine remains very m u c h at t h e core of these v o l u m e s , it is largely t h e result of t h e fact t h a t t h e r e has b e e n m o r e historic interest, a n d c o n s e quently, m o r e fieldwork in t h a t area. T h e cultures of b o t h ancient E g y p t a n d M e s o p o t a m i a , w h i c h h a v e held s u c h places of p r i d e in W e s t e r n consciousness since t h e b e g i n n i n g of the n i n e t e e n t h century, especially after t h e d e c i p h e r m e n t of hieroglyphics a n d c u n e i f o r m (see " H i s t o r y of t h e F i e l d , " over view article), p r e s e n t e d u s with special p r o b l e m s as w e p l a n n e d o u r coverage. B o t h cultures h a v e e n o r m o u s literatures a n d c o m p l e x histories t h a t c a n n o t b e comprehensively p r e s e n t e d e v e n in a five-volume work s u c h as this encyclopedia, w h i c h includes so m a n y individual site entries. N o n e t h e l e s s , w e h a v e a i m e d to p r o v i d e sufficient coverage of these cultures so t h a t t h e interested s t u d e n t o r scholar can u s e o u r entries a n d their a c c o m p a n y i n g bibliographies as suitable entry p o i n t s for further study. Similarly, given t h e limited access of W e s t e r n e r s , especially English speakers, to I r a q a n d Iran, w e h a v e only b e e n able to highlight t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t sites t h e r e , a l t h o u g h w e h a v e also i n c l u d e d b r o a d e r entries on all t h e significant historical peoples a n d cultures i n those countries. I n p o i n t i n g o u t s o m e of t h e p r o b l e m s e n c o u n t e r e d in dealing w i t h different ancient cultures, I m u s t also m e n t i o n o t h e r factors t h a t have led to w h a t m i g h t a p p e a r to b e a n u n e v e n n e s s in t h e a m o u n t of coverage a n d n a t u r e of the material p r e s e n t e d for the various regions a n d cultures covered. M a n y subfields h a v e their o w n a u d i e n c e s , a n d individual scholars in t h o s e fields d o n o t necessarily k n o w t h e w o r k of o t h e r scholars engaged in similar projects i n a n e a r b y c o u n t r y . Egyptologists, for e x a m p l e , focus closely o n their o w n subject. T h a t is n o t to say t h a t E g y p t i a n archaeologists are u n i n f o r m e d a b o u t neigh b o r i n g cultures or t h a t a specialist i n hieroglyphics is i g n o r a n t of Semitic languages, b u t in g e n e r a l t h e crossover from E g y p t o l o g y to o t h e r fields is limited. Similarly, biblical ar-
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PREFACE chaeologists in general are n o t well informed a b o u t t h e larger ancient N e a r E a s t e r n e n v i r o n m e n t , in p a r t because of c o n t e m p o r a r y regional politics b u t p e r h a p s o w i n g m o r e t o the tradition of scholarship t h a t favors t h e Bible over t h e literatures of other N e a r E a s t e r n cultures. M e s o p o t a m i a n archaeologists, especially those working in I r a n or Iraq, are still struggling t o establish chronologies for certain periods; in o t h e r regions such efforts are n o longer essential. It is only very recently that J o r d a n i a n s a n d Israelis h a v e h a d c o m p l e t e access t o each other's published research or enjoyed t h e possibility of visiting e a c h other's sites; despite t h e proximity of o n e area to t h e next there has b e e n very little collaboration a m o n g local scholars in t h e region. I n 1990 n o n e of us h a d a n y inkling t h a t m a n y age-old political barriers that h a d so h i n d e r e d synthetic thinking a b o u t t h e N e a r East region i n t h e past w o u l d c o m e t u m b l i n g d o w n in t h e mid-1990s. T h e s e v o l u m e s d o n o t in a n y sense reflect t h e scholarly fruits or potential benefits t h a t will ultimately e m e r g e as a result of the recent breakthroughs in t h e p e a c e process. I n this c o n n e c t i o n it is i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e also that different countries have different standards a n d laws for archaeological p r e s e r vation a n d for reporting of data t o t h e g o v e r n m e n t antiquities authority. T h e s e variations h a v e perforce affected t h e n a t u r e of the discipline of archaeology as practiced i n individual countries or regions; it is t h e p u r p o s e of n u m e r o u s entries in t h e encyclopedia t o e x a m i n e the implications of this reality (see, for e x a m p l e , " N a t i o n a l i s m a n d A r c h a e o l o g y " ) . O n e of t h e major areas of complexity has b e e n t h e q u e s t i o n of periodization a n d its n o m e n c l a t u r e . A n y serious reader in N e a r E a s t e r n archaeology knows h o w h e a t e d d e b a t e s can b e over matters of chronology a n d period n a m e s . T h o u g h t h e editorial b o a r d consid ered developing its o w n neutral or c o m m o n terminology t h a t m i g h t b e utilized b y all c o n t r i b u t o r s , it ultimately d e c i d e d t o allow t h e traditions of particular scholarly g r o u p s or specializations t o stand. F o r e x a m p l e , t h e s u b p e r i o d s for t h e I r o n A g e u s e d i n C y p r u s a n d in the Aegean reflect t h e longtime involvement a n d continuing influence of classical a r chaeologists. I n general, t h e A r a b world has eschewed certain classifications or designa tions t h a t are c o m m o n in Israel. F o r e x a m p l e , i n t h e A r a b world o n e w o u l d n o t e n c o u n t e r s u c h expressions as First Temple period (a reference to S o l o m o n ' s T e m p l e f r o m its c o n struction in t h e t e n t h century until its destruction in 587/6 BCE) or Israelite period, w h i c h refers t o t h e period of Israelite political a u t o n o m y . F o r obvious r e a s o n s it is m o r e c o m m o n in t h e A r a b world t h a n elsewhere t o designate t h e p e r i o d after t h e t i m e of t h e p r o p h e t M u h a m m a d as t h e Islamic period a n d t o label t h e field that specializes in t h o s e p e r i o d s Islamic archaeology. Similarly, t h e u s e b y s o m e scholars of t h e t e r m Crusader period t o designate t h e nearly t w o centuries of medieval history greatly influenced b y t h e C r u s a d e s d o e s n o t necessarily m e a n t h a t it is a p p r o p r i a t e to u s e s u c h a t e r m for t h e N e a r E a s t as a whole. T h e reader is thus alerted t o s u c h divergences a n d inconsistencies a n d s h o u l d consult the chronological charts i n v o l u m e 5 for assistance in terminology a n d t h e relevant i n d i vidual entries for t h e distinctive chronological t r e a t m e n t s by c o u n t r y , culture, or region. S o m e of t h e disagreements a b o u t n o m e n c l a t u r e , it m u s t b e said, arise o u t of different scholarly trends in t h e c o u n t r y of the researcher rather t h a n of t h e area being studied. S o , for e x a m p l e , t h e British treat t h e transition b e t w e e n t h e Early B r o n z e A g e a n d t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e in their o w n way, referring t o it as the Intermediate Bronze Age. S o m e A m e r i c a n a n d Israeli scholars w o u l d call this p e r i o d Middle Bronze I, others Early Bronze IV. H e n c e the reader is cautioned t h a t w h a t m i g h t b e designated late Early Bronze Age in o n e culture m a y n o t b e so designated in a n o t h e r setting. T h e F r e n c h , w h o s e p r e s e n c e h a s b e e n e s pecially strong in Egypt, N o r t h Africa, Syria, a n d Iraq, h a v e their o w n scholarly traditions in this regard as well. T h e reader is referred t o t h e regional survey entries (e.g., " P a l e s t i n e , " " T r a n s j o r d a n , " " C y p r u s " ) a n d their n u m e r o u s sections organized b y p e r i o d s , a n d t o t h e article " P e r i o d i z a t i o n " for assistance i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g this issue. T h e attentive reader will also n o t e t h a t t h e r e are wide discrepancies i n t h e periodization of w h a t w e call prehistory, roughly from t h e S t o n e Age t o t h e Chalcolithic period. T h e s e discrepancies reflect t h e various levels of sophistication a n d refinement in establishing t h e
PREFACE chronologies of prehistoric archaeology in different countries. Like t h e ones already n o t e d , the differences are indicative of t h e developing n a t u r e of t h e discipline a n d should serve as a n incentive to further serious inquiry. T h e p r e s e n t a t i o n of sites stands at t h e very core of t h e p r e s e n t w o r k a n d represents t h e first t i m e t h a t site r e p o r t s of t h e archaeology of t h e entire N e a r E a s t h a v e b e e n b r o u g h t t o g e t h e r i n a single work. It h a s of c o u r s e b e e n necessary to b e selective in choosing which sites w o u l d receive t r e a t m e n t in i n d e p e n d e n t entries; despite this selectivity, site entries n u m b e r a l m o s t 450 of t h e 1,100 entries in t h e encyclopedia. T h e editors h a v e e n d e a v o r e d to include entries o n all of the m o s t significant sites; others a r e discussed within t h e c o n t e x t of t h e m o r e general entries o n regions, countries, or peoples. A careful u s e of t h e i n d e x together w i t h t h e s y n o p t i c outline of c o n t e n t s (both at t h e back of v o l u m e 5) s h o u l d lead the interested s t u d e n t or scholar t o t h e discussion of the site in q u e s t i o n even if it is n o t the subject of a s e p a r a t e entry. H o w e v e r , readers m a y n o t find coverage within t h e e n cyclopedia o n relatively o b s c u r e sites, information o n w h i c h is likely t o b e f o u n d only i n m o r e specialized scholarly literature. S o m e m i g h t w o n d e r a b o u t the illustrations p r o g r a m a n d its rationale. T h e editorial c o m m i t t e e relied first o n the submissions of individual contributors a n d s e c o n d o n t h e A S O R p h o t o g r a p h i c archives. W e particularly wished to illustrate places a n d sites t h a t a r e n o t well k n o w n , especially i n s u c h areas as Syria, J o r d a n , a n d t h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a . A l t h o u g h w e ultimately h a d to a b a n d o n o u r efforts to illustrate certain articles, particularly those for w h i c h c o n t r i b u t o r s w e r e u n a b l e to p r o v i d e materials, in t h e e n d w e f o u n d t h a t w e h a d i n c l u d e d 650 drawings, plans, a n d p h o t o g r a p h s , a significant increase over t h e 450 originally p l a n n e d . I n addition, t h e r e is a separate series of regional m a p s in v o l u m e 5 t h a t are d e s i g n e d t o assist t h e reader in locating all sites that are the subject of i n d e p e n d e n t entries; t h e less detailed m a p s a c c o m p a n y i n g individual entries o n e m p i r e s a n d peoples enable t h e r e a d e r t o u n d e r s t a n d individual cultural a n d political entities (e.g., ' A b b a s i d Caliphate, Arameans, R o m a n Empire). J u s t as archaeologists from different countries a n d different scholarly traditions have different s t a n d a r d s a n d m o d e s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , so t o o d o o u r colleagues in t h e fields of linguistics, l a n g u a g e , literature, a n d epigraphy. T h o u g h w e h a v e a t t e m p t e d to r e n d e r their p r e s e n t a t i o n s s o m e w h a t m o r e accessible t o t h e nonspecialist r e a d e r t h r o u g h certain editorial c o n v e n t i o n s , w e h a v e n o t a t t e m p t e d to alter their f u n d a m e n t a l m o d e of scholarly discourse, w h i c h for s o m e m a y s e e m a b i t technical in places. N o n e t h e l e s s , this practice is entirely i n k e e p i n g with t h e editorial policy of inviting state-of-the-art presentations from experts i n t h e field. I n a n age of specialization it s h o u l d c o m e as n o surprise t h a t b o t h archaeologists a n d linguists h a v e their o w n technical m o d e s of discourse. It h a s b e e n especially difficult to develop a c o m m o n system of spelling. W h e r e a p r o p e r n a m e is u s e d c o m m o n l y in t h e literature w e have a d o p t e d t h e m o s t frequently u s e d spell ing. S o , for e x a m p l e , i n H e b r e w w e h a v e preferred Beth-Shean to t h e m o r e precise Beth She'an. W h e r e a strict transliteration r e n d e r e d a w k w a r d or unfamiliar a fairly c o m m o n G r e e k n a m e , s u c h as Seleukos following G r e e k convention r a t h e r t h a n t h e m o r e frequently e n c o u n t e r e d Seleucus, w e o p t e d for t h e m o r e familiar latinized f o r m , as we did for sites a n d individuals b e a r i n g Semitic n a m e s . F o r p l a c e n a m e s in Israel w e t e n d e d to b e strict i n utilizing diacritical m a r k s w i t h c o n s o n a n t s , t h o u g h w e e s c h e w e d u s i n g m a c r o n s a n d other indications of vowel length. T h i s general r u l e of t h u m b , however, w a s n o t a d h e r e d to for s u c h c o m m o n place n a m e s as Bethlehem ( m o r e p r o p e r l y Beth-Lehem). F o r H e b r e w site n a m e s t h a t i n c l u d e the e l e m e n t tell, t h e spelling tel w a s e m p l o y e d t o reflect the H e b r e w spelling, while for those places within Israel b e a r i n g Arabic n a m e s t h e spelling tell w a s u s e d . I n this w a y w e were able t o r e m a i n sensitive t o b o t h Arabic a n d H e b r e w conventions rather t h a n leveling t h r o u g h a n d o p t i n g for o n e spelling over t h e o t h e r (e.g., Tell Beit Minim vs. Tel Miqne). W e d i d try t o b e c o n s i s t e n t in r e n d e r i n g t h e H e b r e w sade u s i n g s, t h o u g h t h e r e a r e instances w h e r e w e u s e d z following a m o r e c o m m o n spelling from t h e p r i m a r y publications (e.g., Nazareth,
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PREFACE 'Ein-Zippori), F o r t h e c o m m o n e l e m e n t m e a n i n g "spring/well" in H e b r e w place n a m e s w e chose t h e construct state spelling 'Ein with t h e d i p t h o n g ei to indicate t h e long sere vowel as o p p o s e d t o t h e alternate spelling 'En, which is m o r e frequently u s e d b y Israeli scholars; t h u s , w e have preferred t h e spellings 'Ein-Besor a n d 'Ein-Gedi to 'En Besor a n d 'En Gedi. T h i s we contrast with t h e absolute state spelling, 'Ayin. W h i l e as a rule w e d i d n o t indicate aspiration of t h e begadkepat c o n s o n a n t s (e.g., 'Atlit r a t h e r t h a n 'Athlit), w e m a i n t a i n e d t h e c o m m o n spelling Beth- as in Beth-Shean a n d Beth-Shemesh, a n d so forth. F o r technical t e r m s , we have usually included indications of vowel length as well, for e x a m p l e , masseba, bamd. In deciding on spellings for A r a b i c place n a m e s we generally deferred t o t h e spellings utilized in t h e p r i m a r y publications (i.e., t h e formal excavation r e p o r t s ) , since w e d i d n o t wish t o create conflicts with officially accepted forms, t h o u g h again, as with t h e H e b r e w n a m e s , normally we did n o t include indications of vowel length. W e w e r e p e r h a p s less innovative here t h a n in o u r choice for H e b r e w place n a m e s . As w i t h H e b r e w place n a m e s , where a c o m m o n spelling existed w e m a i n t a i n e d t h a t spelling, as in San a (contrast w i t h die m o r e p r o p e r San'a'). N o t e that i n this context we spell " s p r i n g / w e l l " 'Ain (e.g., Ain c
Ghazal). Since T u r k i s h is written i n L a t i n characters with only slight modifications, w e tried as best as possible t o adhere t o s t a n d a r d T u r k i s h spellings. F o r instance t h e site n a m e Boghazkoy is spelled Bogazkoy. W e e m p l o y e d t h e dotless i (z) w h e r e a p p r o p r i a t e ; a n y i n c o n sistency in its u s e is inadvertent. F o r personal n a m e s , w e generally t e n d e d simplify t h e n a m e s w i t h little u s e of diacriticals. T h u s , for instance, although w e u s e d t h e spelling AHur for t h e Assyrian capital, w e u s e d Ashurbanipal for t h e n a m e of the Assyrian king. T h i s rule applies to m o s t p e r s o n a l n a m e s . Finally, since it w a s nearly impossible t o b e completely consistent i n o u r spellings, w e often provided variant spellings parenthetically in t h e o p e n i n g lines of a site article or o n first m e n t i o n of a n a m e in a n article. R e a d e r s should b e aware of t h e frequency of n a m e changes for sites t h r o u g h t i m e , resulting in a single location h a v i n g a n ancient n a m e , a R o m a n n a m e , a n d m o d e r n n a m e s (sometimes b o t h H e b r e w a n d A r a b i c ) . Variant spellings a p p e a r in t h e index; w e h a v e a t t e m p t e d to be t h o r o u g h in linking these variant spellings so t h a t readers will find all m e n t i o n s of a particular site, regardless of t h e spelling u s e d . R e a d e r s seeking information a b o u t a particular subject are referred t o t h e i n d e x a n d synoptic outline of the w o r k in v o l u m e 5; as m e n t i o n e d above, specific sites for w h i c h w e h a v e i n d e p e n d e n t entries m a y b e generally located on t h e regional m a p s . S u c h topics as scientific techniques a n d archaeology, biographies of p r o m i n e n t archaeologists n o w d e ceased; histories of all t h e major archaeological institutes a n d organizations in t h e N e a r East; a n d discussion of peoples, places, a n d languages as well as individual artifacts a n d their decoration a n d industries m a y b e readily located b y utilizing o n e of these reference tools. I n locating t h e discussion o n certain specialties s u c h as glassmaking (see " V i t r e o u s M a t e r i a l s " ) or shipbuilding (see " U n d e r w a t e r A r c h a e o l o g y , " " S e a f a r i n g , " or " S h i p s a n d B o a t s " ) t h e reader will h a v e t o p a y attention t o o u r system of internal cross-referencing, which is designed t o m a k e t h e encyclopedia user-friendly, leading readers from a particular entry into a vast network of related topics. T h e r e are several kinds of specialty article in this work that distinguish it from all o t h e r presentations; t h e issues involved i n these articles are at the cutting e d g e of t h e field of N e a r E a s t e r n a n d world archaeology. I n t h e area of theory or history of t h e discipline I w o u l d call attention to t h e m u l t i p a r t entry " H i s t o r y of t h e F i e l d , " which, following a general overview, is organized as t e n articles t h a t cover all t h e countries a n d regions of t h e N e a r East (Syria, Israel, J o r d a n , M e s o p o t a m i a , Persia, t h e Anatolian Plateau, E g y p t , C y p r u s , t h e Aegean Islands, a n d t h e Arabian Peninsula). T h e special role of "biblical a r c h a e o l o g y " b e c o m e s clear within t h e larger context of N e a r E a s t e r n archaeology. T o r o u n d o u t t h e b r o a d geographical perspective t h e reader should consult t h e entries " E t h i o p i a , " " N u b i a , " a n d " N o r t h Africa." O t h e r entries s u c h as " N e w A r c h a e o l o g y , " " U n -
PREFACE d e r w a t e r A r c h a e o l o g y , " " S u r v e y , A r c h a e o l o g i c a l , " a n d "Salvage E x c a v a t i o n " will also indicate t h e rich diversity of archaeological t h e o r y a n d m e t h o d . W h i l e t h e r e h a v e been n u m e r o u s w o r k s o n t h e history of archaeology, there is n o t h i n g in t h e existing literature t h a t c a n q u i t e c o m p a r e to this t r e a t m e n t , w h i c h has t h e benefit of b e i n g site specific a n d u p to d a t e in t e r m s of actual fieldwork while treating archaeology historically a n d in general terms. It is only i n t h e b r o a d e r N e a r E a s t e r n c o n t e x t a n d setting t h a t w e also m a y fully a p p r e ciate t h e distinctive c o n t r i b u t i o n s of specialists w h o h a v e written o n " C e r a m i c s , " " B o n e , Ivory, a n d S h e l l , " o r " B u i l d i n g Materials a n d T e c h n i q u e s . " I n this b r o a d e r context, t o o , t h e role of various l a n d s of settlements or a particular k i n d of fortification or w e a p o n m a y b e better a p p r e c i a t e d a n d u n d e r s t o o d . I w o u l d also like t o m e n t i o n a n u m b e r of special entries p l a n n e d within t h e category of T h e o r y a n d Practice: " D e v e l o p m e n t a n d A r c h a e o l o g y , " " M u s e u m s a n d M u s c o l o g y , " "Ethics and Archaeology," "Ideology and Archaeology," "Nationalism and Archae ology," a n d " T o u r i s m a n d A r c h a e o l o g y . " E a c h of these articles is d e s i g n e d t o call attention t o t h e p l a c e a n d plight of archaeology in t h e individual countries in w h i c h it is practiced. M o r e o v e r , t h e s e entries focus o n t h e results of archaeological w o r k a n d t h e influence t h o s e results h a v e o n b o t h t h e national c u l t u r e a n d consciousness of p e o p l e at h o m e a n d a b r o a d . H o w t h e stories of p e o p l e s a n d places of long ago are r e c o v e r e d a n d told a n e w brings us closer t o t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y issue of h o w m o d e r n nation-states define t h e m s e l v e s a n d their cultures in t h e multicultural universe of c o n t e m p o r a r y society. T h e s e articles allow t h e reader to reflect o n t h e i m p a c t of t h e field of archaeology o n t h e citizens of t h e m o d e r n countries l o c a t e d in t h e territories of a n c i e n t civilizations, o n t h e tourists w h o visit there, a n d o n t h e s t u d e n t s w h o r e a d their a n c i e n t literatures. W h e n E d w a r d R o b i n s o n , t h e U n i t e d States's p i o n e e r explorer a n d first historical g e o g r a p h e r of a n c i e n t Palestine, a n d D a v i d R o b e r t s , E n g l a n d ' s p r e m i e r l a n d s c a p e artist, set o u t to e x p l o r e a n d illustrate t h e H o l y L a n d in 1839, neither individual h a d a n inkling of h o w his scientific a c h i e v e m e n t or artistic genius w o u l d so c a p t u r e t h e imagination a n d hearts of t h e W e s t . Y e t t h e e n t h u s i a s m t h a t they g e n e r a t e d at h o m e a n d t h r o u g h o u t E u r o p e was only a p r e l u d e t o w h a t w a s to c o m e in t h e latter p a r t of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century: the b e g i n n i n g of a systematic a n d scientific exploration of all t h e countries of the region. T h e canvas of t h e artist w a s ultimately r e p l a c e d b y t h e lens of the c a m e r a , w h i c h ironically also c a m e to Palestine in 1839 w h e n t h e first l a n d s c a p e pictures of Palestine w e r e taken with t h e d a g u e r r e o t y p e p r o c e s s by t h e F r e n c h painter H o r a c e Vernet. T h e b e g i n n i n g s of t h e scientific e x p l o r a t i o n a n d excavation of t h e N e a r E a s t followed closely t h e establishment of t h e n a t i o n a l schools of archaeology (see " A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental R e s e a r c h , " " E c o l e B i b l i q u e et A r c h e o l o g i q u e F r a n c a i s e , " " I n s t i t u t F r a n c a i s d ' A r c h e o l o g i e d u P r o c h e O r i e n t , " " I s r a e l E x p l o r a t i o n S o c i e t y , " "British School of A r c h a e o l o g y in J e r u s a l e m , " "British S c h o o l of A r c h a e o l o g y in I r a q , " " D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesellschaft," etc.), which were ultimately t h e leading s p o n s o r s of actual fieldwork in nearly all of t h e countries of t h e region. T h e b r e a k u p of t h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e a n d the a s s i g n m e n t to individual c o u n tries of " m a n d a t e s " to administer vast territories only s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e forces of national interest, w h i c h are reflected in tire archaeology of t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y M i d d l e E a s t even today. B r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r t h e w o r k of a w i d e array of scholars from all o v e r t h e world h a s b e e n a real challenge; b y t h e t i m e we h a d c o m p l e t e d t h e c o m m i s s i o n i n g of articles, w e h a d enlisted 560 c o n t r i b u t o r s from m o r e t h a n two d o z e n countries. T h e encyclopedia contains m o r e t h a n 1,100 entries, a n d t h e sheer logistics of c o m m u n i c a t i n g in a variety of languages with individuals from so m a n y countries h a s b e e n e n o r m o u s l y c o m p l i c a t e d . D u r i n g t h e c o u r s e of t h e evolution of this project t h e editors h a v e witnessed t h e electronic mail rev olution. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , a l t h o u g h in t h e later stages of t h e project this i m p r o v e d c o m m u nications w i t h o u r A m e r i c a n c o n t r i b u t o r s considerably, it has n o t y e t b e e n established in m o s t of t h e countries of t h e M i d d l e East, n o r is it y e t widely u s e d in E u r o p e . T h u s w e
xv
have h a d to rely o n mail, p h o n e , a n d fax for m o s t of our c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . T h e efforts of t h e dedicated staff of the Scholarly a n d Professional Reference D e p a r t m e n t at O x f o r d University Press have enabled t h e editors to o v e r c o m e m a n y of these logistical barriers. It has b e e n a privilege to work with t h e m . T h i s project could n o t have b e e n l a u n c h e d a n d completed w i t h o u t t h e e n c o u r a g e m e n t , s u p p o r t , a n d w i s d o m of Oxford's C l a u d e C o n y e r s , whose i n p u t a t t h e c o n c e p t u a l p l a n n i n g stage was essential a n d determinative. Also involved at the earliest stage a n d extraordinarily helpful in conceptual matters w a s M a r k C u m m i n g s , w h o served as t h e encyclopedia's d e v e l o p m e n t editor until his d e p a r t u r e from t h e press in J u n e 1991. It was at t h a t p o i n t that Jeffrey Edelstein a s s u m e d direct administrative a n d editorial responsibility as project editor, later m a n a g i n g editor. Jeffrey's indefatigable work ethic, keen eye, a n d versatile editorial skills enabled the project to progress with great efficiency a n d care. I h a v e b e n efited in so m a n y ways from collaboration with these editors t h a t it is almost impossible to offer words t h a t can express a d e q u a t e appreciation. N o n e t h e l e s s , I d o so o n a p e r s o n a l level a n d o n behalf of all t h e m e m b e r s of the editorial b o a r d . O u r assistants in N e w York a n d D u r h a m , P a u l A r t h u r of O x f o r d University Press a n d J o h n S. J o r g e n s e n of D u k e University, have also helped greatly i n a variety of m a t t e r s , b u t especially in locating illustrations a n d p r e p a r i n g captions, checking spellings a n d bibli ographies, a n d assisting in t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of m a p s , charts, a n d o t h e r s u c h materials. R o b e r t a M a l t e s e , bringing to the project valuable editorial experience w i t h t h e writings of archaeologists, served as principal copyeditor, a d d i n g a level of clarity a n d consistency a n d establishing standards for t h e presentation of information t h a t w e could n o t otherwise have achieved. All of us are i n d e b t e d to t h e m for their tireless efforts. Eric M . Meyers Durham,
North
February
1996
Carolina
A B B R E V I A T I O N S AND S Y M B O L S
ACOR
American C e n t e r of Oriental
BSAJ
Research AD
AH
anno Domini, (our) L o r d
in t h e year of the
B.T. c.
anno Hegirae, in t h e year of the
CAARI
Hij rah AIA AIAR
Archaeological Institute of America ( W . F.) Albright Institute of Archaeological Research
AJA
American Journal
Akk.
Akkadian
Am.
Amos
of
Archaeology
J. B . Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near East in Pictures
ANBT
J. B . Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern
APES
American Oriental Society
'Arakh.
chapter, chapters
Research
Col.
CTA
BSAE BSAI
3
Batra
before Christ before t h e c o m m o n era
Bikkurim
BP
Schools
DAI diss. Dn.
C o r p u s Inscriptionum Semiticarum centimeters Centre National de la R e c h e r c h e Scientifique
British School of Archaeology in Egypt British School of Archaeology in Iraq
expanded Ezckiel
ff.
Colossians I
fig. fl.
floruit,
ft.
2
ED
flourished
feet fragment, fragments
dissertation Daniel
Deuteronomy Early Bronze Ecclesiastes
EEF
Egyptian Exploration F u n d
e.g.
exempli gratia, for example
xvii
Geographica
GIS
Geographic Information Systems
Gk.
Greek
Heb. Hg.
Genesis hectares Hebrew Haggai
Hist.
H e r o d o t u s , History
Hirt.
Hittite
Has.
Hosea
Hur.
Hurrian
IAA
Israel Antiquities Authority
ibid.
ibidem, in the same place (as the o n e immediately preceding)
editor, editors; edition Early Dynastic
Ptolemy, German
ha
D e u t s c h e s Archaologiscb.es Institut
gallon, gallons
Ger.
Gn.
D o c t o r of Science
ed., eds.
Geog.
Corinthians
A. H e r d n e r , Corpus des tableltes en cuniifonnes alphabetiques
D e u t c h e Orient-Gesellschaft
Eccl.
gal., gals.
Corinthians
D.Sc.
EB
and following figure
column, columns
DOG
Dt.
before the p r e s e n t
et sequens, and t h e following Exodus
feminine
CIS
died
Bik.
exp.
Ethiopie
fascicle
d.
Berakhot
Ex.
et cetera, and so forth
fern.
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecamm
Babylonian
Ber.
Eth. et seq.
et alii, and others
fasc.
CIG
Bab.
Bekhorot
etc.
Ezra
cubic
Behh.
et al.
Ezr.
cu
BCE
enlarged especially
Chronicles
Bachelor of Arts
BC
enl. esp.
2
born
Bulletin of the American of Oriental Research
English
2 Chr.
2 Cor. Zarah
Enoch
Chronicles
i Cor.
Assyrian
BaTja'
Eng.
i
B.A.
B.B.
Elamite
En.
i Chr.
col., cols.
American Schools of Oriental
BASOR
Egyptian
Elam.
frag., frags.
Aramaic
b.
Council of American Overseas Research Centers
Egyp.
Ez.
'Arakhin
'Avodah
computer-aided design/drafting
confer, c o m p a r e
CNRS
Aram.
A.Z.
Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute
cf.
cm
ASOR Assyr.
circa, about, approximately
of the c o m m o n era
American Palestine
Arabic
Babylonian T a l m u d
CE
Texts
Exploration Society Ar.
CAORC
chap., chaps.
ANEP
AOS
CAD
British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem
IDA(M) i.e.
Israel D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities (and M u s e u m s ) id est, that is
xviii
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS IBS
Israel Exploration
IES
Israel Exploration Society
IFAPO Is. IsMEO
Meg.
Journal
Megillah
mi.
Institut Francais d'Archeologie du Prochc-Orient Isaiah
miles
Mh.
Mark
mm
millimeter
mod.
Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente
Mt. Mt.
Supplementum Graecnm
SEG ser.
modern Mount
singular
*•
Song of Songs Shabbath
Shab. S.J.
Matthew
Jer.
Jeremiah
Jgs.
Judges
n. NAA Nat.
John
>• Jon.
Jonah
Jos.
Joshua Journal of the Palestine Society
JPOS
Oriental
JRA
Journal of Roman
J.T.
Jerusalem T a l m u d
KAI
H . D o n n e r and W. Rollig, Kanaandische imd aramaische Inschrift.cn
Kel.
Archaeology
Kelim
Kel. kg
Hist.
n.d.
no date
Nm.
Numbers
no., nos. n.p. n.s.
new series O r d o Praedicatorum, O r d e r of Preachers (Dominicans)
paragraph
kilogram
PEF
Palestine Exploration F u n d Persian
Kings
Pers. Ph.D.
kilometers M . Dietrich a n d 0 . Lorentz, Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit liter
1., 11.
line, lines
Lat.
Latin
lb. LB
pounds Late Bronze
lit.
literally
Lh.
Luke
LM Lv. m
Phil. pi. PN PPm PPN Pw. Ps. pt., pts.
r. RCEA
Saint, Saints Sumerian supplement Syriac Ta'anit Theologicae D o c t o r , D o c t o r of Theology
Ti.
Titus
Tk.
Turkish
Tm.
/
Timothy
2 Tm.
2
Timothy
trans.
translated by
Ugar.
Ugaritic
v. viz. vol., vols. vs.
verse videlicet, namely volume, volumes versus Yadayim
Yad.
Zeitschrift Palastina-
Zee.
Zechariah hypothetical; in bibliographic citations, English language pages in H e b r e w journals
}
uncertain; possibly; p e r h a p s
reigned, ruled
degrees minutes; feet
It
seconds; inches plus
rev.
revised
-
minus
Ru.
Ruth
SBF SBL
S t u d i u m Biblicum Franciscanum Society of Biblical Literature
des Deutschen Vereins
*
part, parts
Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe
square
Revelations
Malachi
Master of Divinity
Psalms
Samuel
Ta'an.
Pre-Pottery Neolithic Proverbs
/
2 Samuel
+
Rev.
M.Div.
parts per million
Societas Jesu, Society of Jesus (Jesuits)
Th.D,
0
masculine
Maccabees
Pottery Neolithic
2 Peter
masc.
Mc.
plate; plural
/ Peter
Master of Arts
Middle Bronze
Philippians
2 Pt.
meters
MB
Syr.
Philosophiae Doctor, D o c t o r of Philosophy
IPI.
M.A.
Mai.
supp.
ZDPV
Late M i n o a n Leviticus
Sum.
i
Ketubbot
i
sq
page, pages
para.
2 Kings
1
no place
Sm.
St., Sts.
number, n u m b e r s
O.P.
p., p p .
i
2 Sm.
Pliny, Naturalis Historia (Natural History) nola bene, note well
i Kgs.
KTU
N e u t r o n Activation Analysis
n.b.
2 Kgs. km
note
series
sg-
Job
Jb.
Epigraphicum
plus or minus
=
equals; is equivalent to
X
by
—»
yields
A C
A B B A S I D C A L I P H A T E . As t h e result of a revolu tion t h a t c u l m i n a t e d in 750 CE in t h e defeat of t h e last U m a y y a d caliph, M a r w a n i b n M u h a m m a d , o n t h e River Z a b in n o r t h e r n Iraq, t h e ' A b b a s i d family c a m e to p o w e r . T h i s real revolution s t e m m e d from t h e p r o f o u n d social stresses of t h e U m a y y a d period: t h e i m p o s i t i o n of n e w cultural values o n t h e M i d d l e East, t h e privileged position of A r a b M u s l i m s over o t h e r s , t h e p e r c e i v e d irreligious lifestyle of t h e U m a y y a d s , exemplified b y their desert castles, a n d finally t h e c o n stant in-fighting of t h e A r a b tribes. L i k e all revolutions, t h e constitution of t h e n e w state did n o t initially differ m u c h from t h e old b u t was r a t h e r affected b y e n v i r o n m e n t a l fac tors. A l t h o u g h t h e ' A b b a s i d family h a d lived at H u m e i m a in J o r d a n , t h e revolutionary a r m y , t h e K h u r a s a n i y a h , was r e cruited o n t h e frontier in eastern I r a n , a n d t h e ' A b b a s i d s f o u n d their s u p p o r t in t h e f o r m e r territories of t h e S a s a n i a n e m p i r e , n o t a b l y in Iraq.
A l t h o u g h t h e state's prestige was reestablished u n d e r t h e regent al-Muwaffaq (d. 891) a n d his son a l - M u ' t a d i d , w h o settled again at B a g h d a d in 892, t h e disastrous reign of alM u q t a d i r (d. 932) led to a complete loss of p o w e r b y t h e regime from 937 a n d a takeover of B a g h d a d b y an Iranian Shi'i tribal d y n a s t y , t h e B u y i d s , in 945. T h e 'Abbasids r e m a i n e d virtual p r i s o n e r s in their palaces even after the S u n n i r e c o n q u e s t b y the Seljuks in 1055. Nevertheless, the idea of a unified Islamic world d i d n o t disappear, a n d t h e A b b a s i d s gave legitimacy to i n d e p e n d e n t dynasts. N o t a b l y u n d e r alM u q t a f i (1136-1160) a n d al-Nasir li-Din Allah ( 1 1 8 0 1225), a n i n d e p e n d e n t ' A b b a s i d state r e e m e r g e d in cemral Iraq, only t o b e extinguished finally b y t h e M o n g o l s u n d e r Hiilegu in 1258. E v e n s u b s e q u e n d y , t h e M a m l u k s installed a n ' A b b a s i d p r i n c e as caliph in t h e C a i r o Citadel, a line that c o n t i n u e d until t h e O t t o m a n c o n q u e s t in 1517. T h e 'Abbasids n e v e r controlled t h e extensive territories lightly g o v e r n e d b y t h e U m a y y a d s ; t h e 'Abbasid empire e x t e n d e d from T u n i s i a to S a m a r k a n d . T h e p r o b l e m of control over far distant p r o v i n c e s w a s solved at t h e beginning of t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y b y h e r e d i t a r y dynasties of a u t o n o m o u s gov e r n o r s : t h e Aghlabids in T u n i s i a a n d t h e T a h i r i d s in K h u r a s a n (eastern I r a n ) , w h o c o n t i n u e d to c o n t r i b u t e to t h e c e n tral treasury. I n t h e era of S a m a r r a , however, genuinely i n d e p e n d e n t rulers, s u c h as t h e Saffarids of Sistan, ceased t o p a y , a n d m u c h confusion was caused b y t h e slave revolt of t h e Zanj in the m a r s h e s of s o u t h e r n Iraq for fifteen years until 883. R e m o v a l of A r a b s from t h e p a y registers of the a r m y (c. 833) equally alienated t h e tribes, a n d control over d i e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a was increasingly lost, a p a r t from the H o l y Cities of M e c c a a n d M e d i n a .
T h e ' A b b a s i d s first settled n e a r K u f a h , b u t in 762 t h e sec o n d 'Abbasid caliph, a l - M a n s u r , f o u n d e d a n e w capital, B a g h d a d , only 30 Ion (19 m i . ) from t h e S a s a n i a n capital of C t e s i p h o n . T h e centralized administrative traditions of t h e late S a s a n i a n E m p i r e w e r e t a k e n as a m o d e l for an imperial state, a p h a s e w h i c h in its original f o r m lasted for half a c e n t u r y until t h e d e a t h of H a r u n al-Rashid in 809. [See S a s anians.] T h e s u b s e q u e n t civil w a r , including the siege of B a g h d a d in 8 1 1 - 8 1 3 , d e s t r o y e d m u c h of t h e state's infra s t r u c t u r e a n d led to t h e increasing r e c r u i t m e n t of p e o p l e s from t h e eastern frontier in t h e a r m y , notably C e n t r a l Asian Iranians a n d T u r k s . R e l i a n c e o n t h e T u r k s led to alienation of t h e state from t h e M u s l i m p o p u l a t i o n ; in p a r t i c u l a r dis t u r b a n c e s b e t w e e n t h e T u r k s a n d t h e B a g h d a d i s led to t h e f o u n d a t i o n of a n e w capital, S a m a r r a , b y a l - M u ' t a s i m in 836. In spite of t h e success of a l - M u ' t a s i m himself in r e f o r m i n g t h e state, the isolation of t h e caliphs with their a r m y in S a m a r r a e x p o s e d t h e ruler to control b y t h e soldiery, cul m i n a t i n g in a d e c a d e of troubles in t h e 860s, a n d gravely w e a k e n e d t h e prestige of t h e state. A l r e a d y existing t e n d e n cies w e r e given free rein: t h e increasingly successful at t e m p t s b y t h e p r o v i n c e s to gain i n d e p e n d e n c e , a s e p a r a t i o n of t h e religious institution of I s l a m f r o m t h e control of t h e caliph, a n d t h e evolution of a c o m m e r c i a l e c o n o m y t h a t w a s u n c o n t r o l l e d b y t h e state.
T h e e c o n o m i c basis of t h e ' A b b a s i d state was the l a n d tax o n agriculture, initially calculated in cash, a n d later as a p r o p o r t i o n of t h e c r o p . B y far t h e largest s u m s were contributed b y Iraq, b u t E g y p t a n d w e s t e r n I r a n were also significant. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of I r a q s t e m m e d from tire high degree of d e v e l o p m e n t of irrigation u n d e r t h e Sasanians, which has b e e n well illustrated b y t h e area surveys of R o b e r t M c C . A d a m s in t h e Diyala region ( A d a m s , 1965), a n d s o u t h c e n tral I r a q ( A d a m s , 1981). [See Diyala.] A l t h o u g h it is difficult to date tire c o n s t r u c t i o n of canals, t h e full elaboration of t h e system seems t o date t o t h e later Sasanian period in t h e sixth
1
'ABBASID CALIPHATE century, p r o b a b l y u n d e r t h e centralizing m o n a r c h K h u s r a u A n u s h i r v a n (531-578). Particularly t h e n o r t h e r n extension of t h e N a h r a w a n canal east of B a g h d a d (Ar., al-Qatul alKisrawi) with its offtakes from t h e T i g r i s River in t h e region of S a m a r r a i n c r e a s e d t h e availability of irrigation w a t e r c o n siderably. T h e early ' A b b a s i d s , al-Rashid a n d a l - M a ' m u n (813-833), took care t o a d d t o t h e system. H o w e v e r , this a c h i e v e m e n t carried within it t h e seeds of its o w n decay: a c c o r d i n g t o A d a m s , t h e s h a r p increase i n t h e availability of w a t e r leads t o r a p i d salinization a n d , after a certain l e n g t h of t i m e , decline i n land p r o d u c t i v i t y ( A d a m s , 1981, p . 20). E v e n if this were n o t so, t h e l o n g a n d massive Sasanian ir rigation canals of I r a q — t h e N a h r a w a n canal is 225 k m (139.5 - ) l ° g — r e q u i r e d a large i n v e s t m e n t to excavate, a n d a centralized a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to m a i n t a i n , a degree of organization t h a t d i d n o t exist before t h e sixth c e n t u r y or after t h e n i n t h century. I t w a s impossible, t h e n , later to r e place canals r u i n e d by w a r f a r e , s e d i m e n t a t i o n or, m o r e i m portantly, t h e regrettably f r e q u e n t t e n d e n c y of t h e T i g r i s a n d t h e E u p h r a t e s t o c h a n g e their c o u r s e s . A c c o r d i n g to b o t h archaeological surveys a n d historical sources, there w a s a severe r e t r e n c h m e n t in t h e cultivated area of I r a q from t h e m i d - t e n t h c e n t u r y o n w a r d . A l t h o u g h t h e decline of Iraq, o n e of the m o s t striking p h e n o m e n a of t h e e c o n o m i c history of Islam, r e m a i n s a p u z z l e , it m a y b e t h a t t h e explanation lies in this area. m i
n
T h e r e is n o d o u b t t h a t t h e f o r t u n e s of t h e ' A b b a s i d state paralleled t h e e c o n o m i c f o r t u n e s of Iraqi agriculture. I n its first c e n t u r y the ' A b b a s i d caliphate w a s a great world p o w e r . T h e system was established b y a l - M a n s u r (754-775), b a s e d u p o n t h e b u r e a u c r a c y i n h e r i t e d from t h e Sasanians a n d an aristocracy of t h e K h u r a s a n i A r a b s . M o n u m e n t a l architec t u r e played a significant role. T h e n e w capital of B a g h d a d ( f o u n d e d 762-766) w a s d o m i n a t e d b y t h e R o u n d City, t h e circular fortified p a l a c e a n d administrative quarter, w h i c h is t h e first fully developed e x a m p l e of a n Islamic royal city ( N o r t h e d g e , 1994). T h e ' A b b a s i d a r m y , t h e K h u r a s a n i y a h , w e r e settled in a c a n t o n m e n t i n a l - H a r b i y a h , a n d t h e c r o w n p r i n c e , a l - M a h d i , h a d h i s o w n establishment o n t h e east b a n k in Rusafa. T h e m a r k e t s w e r e c e n t e r e d a r o u n d a p r e Islamic s e t t l e m e n t at a l - K a r k h , A l t h o u g h w e h a v e n o ar chaeological t r a c e of early B a g h d a d , t h e p l a n w a s very influ ential, a n d t h e s a m e general p a t t e r n c a n b e seen r e p e a t e d over t h e following c e n t u r y . After t h e a b a n d o n e d c o n s t r u c tion of a n octagonal city o n t h e p a t t e r n of t h e R o u n d City at Qadisiyah in 796, H a r u n a l - R a s h i d (786-809) built a pal ace q u a r t e r at R a q q a in Syria, outside t h e walls of a h o r s e s h o e - p l a n city built b y a l - M a n s u r i n 772 apparently as a garrison center. [See R a q q a , ar-.] T h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of caliphal cities r e a c h e d its greatest ex t e n t a t S a m a r r a (836-892), w h e r e 57 sq k m (22 sq. m i . ) of c o n s t r u c t i o n in pise, m u d b r i c k a n d b a k e d brick in a s t e p p e z o n e o n t h e b a n k of t h e T i g r i s i n c l u d e d t w o caliphal e s t a b l i s h m e n t s , S u r r a M a n R a ' a a n d al-Mutawakkiliyah, six m a jor military c a n t o n m e n t s a n d a m o d e r a t e - s i z e d t o w n . T h e
3
two m a i n military c a n t o n m e n t s (Ar., qati'a), of t h e T u r k s at a l - K a r k h , a n d t h e C e n t r a l Asian Iranians at al-Matira, w e r e p l a c e d a p a r t from S u r r a M a n R a ' a , a t a distance of 2 farsakhs e a c h (c. 10 k m [6 m i . ] ) , a l t h o u g h Matira w a s later engulfed b y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e city, a n d t h e r e w e r e further c a n t o n m e n t s in t h e city itself. T h e caliphal estab lishments a n d military c a n t o n m e n t s consisted of a m a i n pal ace, m i n o r palaces, a g r a n d a v e n u e , a n d a grid of streets with h o u s e s . Significant differences from R o m a n practices in military settlement lay in t h e f r e e d o m of ' A b b a s i d t r o o p s to m a r r y , p e r s o n a l allegiance to generals, a n d ethnic division of units. T h e imperial c h a r a c t e r of the city is e m p h a s i z e d by the lack of fortifications a n d t h e m o n u m e n t a l provision for s p o r t s — r a c e courses a n d p o l o g r o u n d s . A c c o r d i n g to t h e e x t r a v a g a n t textual d e s c r i p t i o n s , t h e t e n t h - c e n t u r y palace c o m p l e x in B a g h d a d (Dar al-Khilafah) w a s similar, b u t t h e e c o n o m i c collapse of the caliphate suggests a reality of m o r e limited d i m e n s i o n s . T h e p l a n n i n g of t h e palaces revolved a r o u n d t h e four iwan p l a n — a c c o r d i n g t o E . J. Keall (1974) t h e iwan is first f o u n d as a n o p e n - f r o n t e d vaulted hall i n P a r t h i a n M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e original p a t t e r n of four iwans facing o n t o a c o u r t y a r d gave w a y to a central d o m e c h a m b e r with four iwans o p e n i n g t o t h e exterior. S a m a r r a a n d R a q q a a r e t y p ically M e s o p o t a m i a n , vast c o m p l e x e s of r o o m s a n d court y a r d s , w i t h provision a t S a m a r r a for s u n k e n basins t o avoid t h e h e a t of s u m m e r . I n I r a q a n d I r a n t h e Sasanian tradition of c a r v e d stucco r e v e t m e n t s w a s further developed with n e w inspiration in t h e designs, suggested t o b e of Indian, Central Asian, a n d Byzantine origin—a sign of wider cultural hori zons. T h i s dynastic c o n c e n t r a t i o n o n t h e capital diverts o u r at tention from the g r o w i n g islamization of t h e provinces; a p a r t from Syria, m a n y of t h e congregational m o s q u e s in cities were first built in t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y , s u c h as at Isfahan. T h e p a t t e r n was established of a c o u r t y a r d m o s q u e with a h y postyle or basilical p r a y e r hall, a n d a m i n a r e t opposite t o t h e mihrab (the niche indicating t h e direction of M e c c a ) , a p l a n built differently a c c o r d i n g t o local architectural traditions. At Kairouan (Qayrawan) in Tunisia the mosque has a square brick minaret, h o r s e s h o e arches, a n d square external buttresses; at S a m a r r a t h e m i n a r e t is helicoidal, apparently after t h e p a t t e r n of Assyrian ziggurats, t h e buttresses semi circular, a n d t h e arches p o i n t e d . T h e defenses of t h e Byzantine frontier in southeastern Anatolia, stretching from T a r s u s t o Malatya, a n d E r z u r u m , were based o n series of fortified cities, in w h i c h t h e frontier ttoops w e r e settled. It w a s only at t h e e n d of t h e eighth cen tury a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e n i n t h t h a t t h e R o m a n c o n c e p t of t h e frontier fort w a s i n t r o d u c e d in t h e ribats of t h e T u nisian coast a n d C e n t r a l Asia. W i t h t h e collapse of the sec ular authority of t h e ' A b b a s i d Caliphate, t h e ribats w e r e m a n n e d b y volunteers for religious r e a s o n s , a n d in the t e n t h c e n t u r y t h e y d e v e l o p e d into religious centers, or caravan serais, if located o n a m a i n r o u t e .
4
c
ABBASID CALIPHATE
D u r i n g the early part of the A b b a s i d period, especially in the reigns of a l - M a h d i a n d H a r u n al-Rashid, the transdesert pilgrim road from B a g h d a d a n d K u f a h to M e c c a w a s built u p in a m o n u m e n t a l form, k n o w n today as D a r b Z u b a y d a h [See D a r b Z u b a y d a h . ] T h e hajj w a s sometimes led by the caliph a n d nearly always by a leading m a n of state. L o n g stretches of the r o a d w e r e cleared of boulders, and in places the road was walled a n d drainage ditches were d u g . T h e road stations in I r a q a n d Saudi Arabia have b e e n surveyed, a n d the station at a r - R a b a d h a has b e e n excavated. T h e ar r a n g e m e n t s seem to have fallen into decay in the t e n t h c e n tury. A p a r t from state activity, a thriving commercial e c o n o m y begins to be visible in the archaeological evidence. In p a r t this was related to t h e g r o w t h of maritime trade with the F a r East. Although the Sasanians h a d taken care to control I n dian O c e a n t r a d e , a substantial increase in quantity o c c u r r e d a b o u t 800, based o n Basra a n d the Gulf. Excavations at Siraf on the Iranian coast r e c o r d e d the first a p p e a r a n c e of C h i nese stoneware a n d , later, porcelain, the first of a long line of Chinese ceramic i m p o r t s that c a m e to d o m i n a t e t h e M i d dle East. H o w e v e r , distribution patterns show t h a t in fact Chinese pottery did n o t p e n e t r a t e in quantity far from t h e p o r t s or river t r a n s p o r t to the capital cities of Iraq. C e r a m i c s are also only the m o s t visible element of trade in the ar chaeological record; spices and teakwood were also i m p o r tant. F r o m the t e n t h century o n w a r d , after the sack of Basra by the Qaramita, the t r a d e m o v e d elsewhere, notably the R e d Sea a n d Egypt. T h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of this trade w e r e fundamental. O n t h e simplest level, it is r e m a r k a b l e that t h e introduction of p o l y chrome-glaze pottery in Iraq, a n d t h u s in Islam, closely p o s t dates the first large-scale Chinese i m p o r t s . A l t h o u g h s o m e copying of C h i n e s e white stoneware a n d splash-lead glazes took place, original Islamic techniques played a m o r e i m p o r t a n t role—cobalt-blue painting, luster painting, a n d glazed-relief m o l d e d wares, T h e evidence a p p e a r s to s h o w t h a t the idea of p o l y c h r o m y spread immediately t o Syria, E g y p t , a n d Iran, a n d polychrome-glaze pottery quickly b e c a m e the staple of fine ceramics. T h e stimulation to t h e p o t tery industry was n o t limited to glazed wares: Brittle-Ware cooking pots from N o r t h Syria, a n d unglazed barbotine a n d m o l d e d vessels w e r e also t r a d e d widely. However, as d e m o n s t r a t e d for later periods b y K. N . C h a u d h u r i (1985), a l t h o u g h there was a risk of shipwreck, even a single successful eastern voyage could lead t o e n o r m o u s profits. T h e availability of large quantities of invest m e n t capital a m o n g Basran a n d other m e r c h a n t s is t h e b e s t explanation of p h e n o m e n a in the historical sources a n d t h e archaeological record. G a n g s of i m p o r t e d E a s t African slaves (Zanj) p u t to clearing saline land for agricultural e s tates a r o u n d Basra, revolted, b u t particularly there was e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in the A r a b i a n Peninsula. Large-scale development of c o p p e r m i n i n g in O m a n during t h e n i n t h
century has b e e n d e m o n s t r a t e d , a n d t h e S a u d i A r a b i a n ar chaeological survey has f o u n d m i n i n g sites east of M e d i n a for gold a n d chlorite-schist for c o o k i n g p o t s , l a m p s , a n d in cense b u r n e r s . P r o d u c e d a r o u n d S a ' d a h in Y e m e n even t o day, chlorite-schist is f o u n d in m o s t archaeological deposits in the Fertile C r e s c e n t b e t w e e n t h e m i d - e i g h t h a n d n i n t h centuries, a n d t h e central A r a b i a n p r o d u c t i o n r e p r e s e n t s an expansion. I n v e s t m e n t in Arabia m a y h a v e b e e n s e n t i m e n tal, b u t peaceful conditions t h e r e o p e n e d u p possibilities t h a t did n o t exist later. A t any rate t h e political collapse of t h e ' A b b a s i d r e g i m e in the second q u a r t e r of the t e n t h c e n t u r y b r o u g h t an e n d t o p r o m i s i n g d e v e l o p m e n t s . Political a n d e c o n o m i c p o w e r (including also t h e centers of p r o d u c t i o n , m o s t visibly of ceramics) was s u b s e q u e n t l y in E g y p t (the F a t i m i d s from 969) a n d I r a n - C e n t r a l Asia (the B u y i d s , S a m a n i d s a n d Seljuks). T h e agriculture of these regions d e p e n d s on shortdistance, easily m a i n t a i n e d irrigation systems, w h i c h could survive i n d e p e n d e n t l y of the low level of organization of a medieval state. [See also A r a b i a n Peninsula, article on A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a in Islamic T i m e s ; B a g h d a d ; F a t i m i d D y n a s t y ; M e s o p o t a mia, article on M e s o p o t a m i a in t h e Islamic P e r i o d ; S a m a r r a , article on Islamic Period; and U m a y y a d Caliphate.] BIBLIOGRAPHY A d a m s , Robert M c C . Land behind Baghdad: A History of Settlement on the Diyala Plains, Chicago, 1 9 6 5 . A d a m s , Robert M c C . Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement and Land use on the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates. Chicago, 1981. C h a u d h u r i , K. N . Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Eco nomic History from the Rise of Islam to 17s - C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 5 . Costa, Paolo M., a n d T , J. Wilkinson. " T h e Hinterland of S o h a r . " Journal of Oman Studies 9 ( 1 9 8 7 ) . Creswell, K, A. C. Early Muslim Architecture, vol. 2, Urnayyads, Early 'Abbasids, and Tulunids. Oxford, 1940. D e Jesus, P . S., et al. "Preliminary R e p o r t of t h e Ancient M i n i n g S u r vey, 1981 ( 1 4 0 1 ) . " Atlal6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 6 3 - 9 6 . Keall, E. J. " S o m e T h o u g h t s on the Early E y v a r . " In Near Eastern Numismatics: Iconography, Epigraphy, and History, edited by D . K. Kouymjian, p p . 1 2 2 - 1 3 6 . Beirut, 1 9 7 4 . 0
K e n n e d y , H u g h . The Early 'Abbasid Caliphate: A Political History. L o n don, 1 9 8 1 . K e n n e d y , H u g h . The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century. L o n d o n , 1986. Kervran, Monik. " L e s niveaux islamiques du secteur oriental du tepe de l'Apadana." Cahiers de la Delegation Archeologique Francaise en Iran 7 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 7 5 - 1 6 2 . Lassner, Jacob. " T h e Caliph's Personal D o m a i n : T h e City Plan of Baghdad R e e x a m i n e d . " In The Islamic City, edited by Albert H o u r ani and S. M . Stern, p p . 1 0 3 - 1 1 8 . Oxford, 1 9 7 0 . Lassner, Jacob. The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages: Text and Studies. Detroit, 1 9 7 0 . M o r o n y , Michael, " C o n t i n u i t y and C h a n g e in t h e Administrative G e ography of L a t e Sasanian a n d Early Islamic al-'Iraq." Iran 20 (1982) : 1-49. Popovic, Alexandre. La revoke des esclaves en Iraq au DlellXe siecle. Paris, 1 9 7 6 ,
ABLLA Rashid, Sa'ad al-. Darb Zubaydah:
The Pilgrim Road from Kufa to
Mak-
kah. Riyadh, 1980. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. Al-Rabadhah: A Portrait of Early Islamic Civilisation in Saudi Arabia. L o n d o n , 1986. Samarrai, H u s a m Q. Agriculture in Iraq during the Third Century A. H. Beirut, 1 9 7 2 . Sarre, Friedrich P. T . Ausgrabungen von Samarra, vol. 2, Die Keramik von Samarra. Berlin, 1 9 2 5 . Waines, David. " T h e T h i r d - C e n t u r y Internal Crisis of t h e 'Abbasids," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 20 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 282-306. W a t s o n , A n d r e w M . Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World: The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700-1100. Cam bridge, 1983. W h i t e h o u s e , David. "Siraf: A Medieval P o r t on the Persian Gulf." World Archaeology 2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) : 1 4 1 - 1 5 8 .
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abel, Felix-Marie. Grammaire du Grec biblique suivie d'un choix de Papynts. Paris, 1927. Abel, Felix-Marie, Geographie de la Palestine. 2 vols. Paris, 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 3 8 . Abel, Felix-Marie. Les livres des Maccabees. Paris, 1949. Abel, Felix-Marie. Histoire de la Palestine depuis la conquete d'Alexandre jusqu'a I'invasion arabe. Paris, 1 9 5 2 . Vincent, L . - H . , and Felix-Marie Abel. Bethleem, tivite. Paris, 1 9 1 4 . Vincent, L . - H . , and Felix-Marie Abel. Hibron: sepulture des patriarches. Paris, 1 9 2 3 .
le sanctuaire de la naLe Haram
el-Khalil,
Vincent, L . - H . , and Felix-Marie Abel. Jerusalem: Recherches de topogra phic, d'archeologie et d'histoire, vol. 2, Jerusalem nouvelle. Paris, 1926. Vincent, L . - H . , and Felix-Marie Abel. Emmaiis, toire. Paris, 1 9 3 2 .
sa basilique et son his
ALASTAIR NORTHEDGE
JEROME MURPHY-O'CONNOR, O.P.
ABEL, F E L I X - M A R I E (i878-1953), professor of history a n d g e o g r a p h y at t h e Ecole Biblique et A r c h e o l o -
ABILA, city of the D e c a p o l i s , located a b o u t 151cm (9 mi.) n o r m - n o r t h e a s t of I r b i d i n n o r t h e r n J o r d a n . Abila has a n occupational history t h a t e x t e n d s from t h e fourth millen n i u m to 1500 GE. It is identified in n u m e r o u s ancient sources: Polybius ( s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE) m e n t i o n s t h a t A n t i o c h u s III (218 BCE) c o n q u e r e d Abila along with Pella a n d G a d a r a / U m m Qeis (Hisloriae 5.69-70). It is later c o n q u e r e d by A l e x a n d e r J a n n a e u s (first c e n t u r y BCE), as r e p o r t e d by G e o r gios Synkellos (Chronographia, 294 D - 2 9 5 A ) . A n inscrip tion (133/144 CE) at T a y i b e h , n o r t h e a s t of Palmyra, Syria, speaks of an agaihangelos Abilenos tes Dekapoleos ("good m e s s e n g e r , or well-heralded Abila of t h e D e c a p o l i s ; " CIG 4501 o r L e B a s - W a d d i n g t o n , Inscriptions III, 2, n o . 2631 = OGIS 631). I n the s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE, Ptolemy {Geography 5.14) identifies this Abila separately from the Abila of L y s anias just n o r t h of D a m a s c u s , Syria. Hierokles (sixth cen tury CE) in Synekdemos ( p p . 720-721) lists this Abila as p a r t of the Provincia S e c u n d a , along with the n e a r b y sites of Scythopolis, Sella (Pella), G a d a r a , a n d Capitolias. J e r o m e iden tifies a n Abila 12 R o m a n miles from G a d a r a (Carl Ritter, Erdkunde, Berlin, 1832-1858, vol. 15, p . 1060), the same city (Abel) E u s e b i u s h a d earlier located 12 R o m a n miles east of G a d a r a (Onomasticon, 32.16; Spijkerman, 1978, p p . 48-49, n, 5; cf. J o h a n n L. B u r c k h a r d t , Travels in Syria and the Holy Land, rpt. N e w York, 1983, vol. 1, p . 537, n o t e to p . 425). I n 1888 Gottlieb S c h u m a c h e r (1889, p p . 18, 21) found that the nationals at this site still called t h e n o r t h tell T e l l Abil. T h e 1984 excavation on T e l l Abila p r o d u c e d an inscription in G r e e k with the n a m e c u t in the s e c o n d line; in the fourth line Bmrnaftha] ( H a m m a t h - G a d e r ) , a site 18 k m (11 mi.) w e s t of Abila (Michael A v i - Y o n a h , The Holy Land, G r a n d R a p i d s , M i c h . , 1977, p p . 166, 170) is m e n t i o n e d , further verifying t h a t this is Abila of the Decapolis. In the B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages the site's n a m e m a y h a v e carried t h e prefixed n o u n , 'abel ( H e b . , " m e a d o w " ; Ar., " g r e e n " ) . It is similar to the Semitic n o u n u s e d in several o t h e r sites in the J o r d a n River system: Abel B e t h - M a a c a h (2 Kgs. 15:29); Abel
gique F r a n c a i s e in J e r u s a l e m from 1905 to 1953. Abel w e n t t o J e r u s a l e m as a novice in t h e D o m i n i c i a n O r d e r in 1900. E v e n as a s t u d e n t he p a r t i c i p a t e d in t h e scientific activity of t h e Ecole Biblique, w h e r e h e w a s to s p e n d his entire career. F r o m his d e b u t in die p a g e s of the Revue Biblique in 1903, Abel systematically p u b l i s h e d d o z e n s of detailed studies of different areas in the r e g i o n s , from t h e O r o n t e s River to the Sinai D e s e r t a n d from C y p r u s to J o r d a n . H e eventually syn thesized in his t w o - v o l u m e Geographie de la Palestine (Paris, 1933-1938), w h i c h deals in e x e m p l a r y detail with physical, historical, a n d political g e o g r a p h y from earliest times t o the Byzantine period. T h e t e n m a p s h e p r e p a r e d h a v e served as t h e p r i m e , b u t often u n a c k n o w l e d g e d , s o u r c e of m u c h s u b s e q u e n t t o p o g r a p h i c a l identification. Abel's m a s t e r y of t h e w h o l e r a n g e of G r e e k sources is displayed in his Grammaire du Grec biblique suivie d'un choix de Papyrus (Paris, 1927), his major c o m m e n t a r y on 1 a n d 2 Maccabees (1949), a n d his t w o - v o l u m e Histoire de la Palestine depuis la conquete d'Alexandre jusqu 'a Vinvasion arabe (Paris, 1952). H e h a d a n u n c a n n y ability t o identify t h e key q u e s tions in texts, a n d t h e vast majority of his p r o p o s e d a n swers—for e x a m p l e , his location of Pilate's p r a e t o r i u m in H e r o d t h e G r e a t ' s p a l a c e , r a t h e r t h a n at the A n t o n i a for t r e s s — h a v e s t o o d t h e test of time. Inevitably L . - H . V i n c e n t , also of t h e Ecole Biblique, called o n h i m to contribute t h e d o c u m e n t a r y evidence to t h e m a g isterial studies of B e t h l e h e m , H e b r o n , Jerusalem, a n d E m m a u s o n w h i c h they collaborated (Paris, 1914, 1923, 1926, 1932, respectively). H i s e x t r a o r d i n a r y erudition facilitated t h e ease with w h i c h h e t r a c k e d d o w n t h e m o s t esoteric data, even for individual b u i l d i n g s . It is his insights rather t h a n V i n c e n t ' s conclusions t h a t give these v o l u m e s their p e r m a n e n t value. [See also E c o l e Biblique et A r c h e o l o g i q u e F r a n c a i s e ; and the biography of Vincent]
6
ABILA
M e h o l a h (Jgs. 7:22); Abel Shittim (Nm. 33:49); a n d Abel K e r a m i m (Jgs. 11:33). Matthew 4:25 a n d Mark 5:20 a n d 7:31 mention the Decapolis b u t w i t h o u t specifying Abila or a n y other individual city. I n die m o d e r n period, in 1806, Ulrich Jasper Seetzen (Reisen durch Syrien, ed. Fr. K r u s e , Berlin, 1854-1859, vol. 1, p . 371, vol. 4, p p . 190-191) rediscovered Abila. H e was fol lowed by S c h u m a c h e r (see above) w h o described t h e ruins a n d drew a m a p of the site, today called Quailibah. I n 1978 W . Harold M a r e of C o v e n a n t Theological Seminary, St. L o u i s , revisited t h e site; h e b e g a n excavating there in 1980, with s u b s e q u e n t seasons in 1982, 1984, 1986, 1988, 1990, 1992,1994, a n d 1995. Abila of the Decapolis is a b o u t o n e mile n o r t h - s o u t h a n d a half-mile east-west in area. T h e site consists of Tell Abila to the n o r t h and Tell U m m e l - A m a d to t h e south. It is p r o tected by d e e p wadis o n the n o r t h , east, a n d s o u t h a n d b y a saddle depression b e t w e e n the two tells. T h e site is sur r o u n d e d by rich farmlands a n d has a generous water supply. A n c i e n t building r e m a i n s are visible over the entire site. Its occupational history begins in the Neolithic p e r i o d a n d goes t h r o u g h the Early B r o n z e , M i d d l e B r o n z e , L a t e B r o n z e , a n d Iron Ages a n d the Hellenistic period, c o n c e n t r a t e d partic ularly on the acropolis of Tell Abila. O c c u p a t i o n in the R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d Islamic periods (especially U m a y y a d a n d 'Abbasid, a bit of F a t i m i d , a n d some A y y u b i d / M a m l u k ) is evident t h r o u g h o u t the site. Occasional O t t o m a n sherds are also found, indicating m o r e recent T u r k i s h h e g e m o n y . c
ABILA.
F i g u r e 1. Restored
seventh-century
basilica.
Excavations (1982-1990) on t h e acropolis of Tell Abila u n c o v e r e d a large sixth-century triapsidal Christian basilica (19 X 34.5 m ) in area A . It shows evidence of two rows of twelve c o l u m n s dividing the n a v e from the side aisles. T h e nave is p a v e d w i t h an o p u s sectile floor a n d t h e a t t i u m in t h e west with mosaics. T h e c h u r c h w a s built o n t h e f o u n dations of an earlier possibly fourth-fifth-century Christian basilica or G r e c o - R o m a n t e m p l e . Just t o the n o r t h e a s t of the basilica, in deep t r e n c h e s (area A A ) , p o t t e r y a n d walls p o i n t t o R o m a n , Hellenistic, a n d I r o n a n d B r o n z e A g e o c c u p a tions. E B a n d M B p o t t e r y a p p e a r e d extensively in area A A . Excavation o n Tell U m m e l - A m a d revealed a s e v e n t h c e n t u r y triapsidal Christian basilica (20 X 41 m ) , with t w o rows of twelve c o l u m n s each. It, t o o , w a s p a v e d with an o p u s sectile floor a n d h a d mosaics in its auxiliary r o o m s , colon n a d e d p o r c h , a n d a t r i u m . T h e excavated r e m a i n s of this basilica w e r e r e s t o r e d in 1988 (see figure 1). In the terraced depression b e t w e e n the t w o tells a large civic center existed in t h e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e periods. It included w h a t seems to have b e e n a t h e a t e r built into t h e n o r t h e a s t slope of U m m e l - ' A m a d . M o s t of t h e theater's r e m a i n s w e r e r e u s e d b o t h recently a n d in antiquity. S c h u m a c h e r (1889, p . 30) saw s o m e of the seats in 1888. In t h e U m a y y a d p e r i o d a large building (palace?) was c o n s t r u c t e d within the theater's cavea. P a r t of the cavea w a s u s e d in t h e 'Abbasid a n d A y y u b i d / M a m l u k p e r i o d s . A n e x t e n d e d B y z antine basalt street existed just in front ( n o r t h ) of the Islamic building. Its eastern s e g m e n t at least lay over a n earlier l i m e -
T h e basilica, partially r e s t o r e d in 1 9 8 8 , is l o
c a t e d o n U m m e l - ' A m a d , t h e s o u t h e r n tell at Abila. (Courtesy W . H. M a r e )
ABU HAMID, TELL stone street or plaza w i t h a n e n t r a n c e w a y . N o r t h of this plaza excavation w a s b e g u n in 1990 in w h a t seems to h a v e b e e n a b a t h / n y m p h a e u m c o m p l e x ; a c h a n n e l cut into a vault at t h e east end of the c o m p l e x indicates t h a t water was b r o u g h t t h e r e f r o m springs ( A i n Q u a i l i b a h at t h e s o u t h e r n foot of U m m e l - ' A m a d a n d K h u r a y b a h , farther south) t h r o u g h a n intricate s y s t e m of u n d e r g r o u n d a q u e d u c t s . T h e s e a q u e d u c t s , w h i c h h a v e b e e n excavated, studied, a n d m a p p e d , w e r e u s e d to b r i n g w a t e r t o t h e site to p r o v i d e for t h e n e e d s of i n d u s t r y , civic installations, a n d private citizens. I n t h e civic center farther t o t h e n o r t h e a s t , near t h e R o m a n b r i d g e , excavation was b e g u n in 1990, a n d h a s c o n t i n u e d , o n a n o t h e r large C h r i s t i a n basilica, cruciform in design (32 m X 29.25 m ) ; a t t h e extremities of t h e a r m s of the central apse, large basalt piers w i t h Ionic capitals w e r e f o u n d , as well as a n o t h e r n o r t h r o w a n d also a s o u t h r o w of basalt columns. c
Extensive burial sites w e r e c u t into t h e wadis. B e t w e e n 1982 a n d 1994, eighty-five b u r i a l sites (mostly t o m b s , b u t s o m e graves) w e r e excavated. T h e burials date mainly from t h e L a t e Hellenistic, R o m a n , a n d B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d s , b u t a few I r o n A g e a n d M B / L B p e r i o d t o m b s w e r e also excavated. T h e grave g o o d s , t h e e m b e l l i s h m e n t of t h e t o m b s a n d their architectural style, food offerings, a n d religious i c o n o g r a p h y indicate t h r e e levels of society: t h e wealthy, t h e m i d d l e class, and the poor. E x c a v a t i o n t h u s far of t h e I r o n a n d B r o n z e A g e levels h a s p r o d u c e d evidence of a fairly well-developed society, with a variety of pottery types a n d buildings with small r o o m s . E x cavation of t h e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e levels points to a c o n siderably well-developed city of seven t h o u s a n d - e i g h t d i o u s a n d i n h a b i t a n t s , with a s t r o n g agricultural b a s e , thriving c o m m e r c i a l activity, a n d a s t r o n g e m p h a s i s o n cultural a n d religious activities. BIBLIOGRAPHY Corpus Inscriptionem Graecarum (CIG). 5 VOLS., 1 3 faces. Berlin, 1 8 2 8 1877, n o . 450. Dittenberger, W . Orientis Graecae Inscriptiones Seleclae (OGIS). Leip zig, 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 0 5 . L e Bas, Philippe, a n d William H e n r y W a d d i n g t o n . Inscriptionesgrecqucs et latines recueilles en Asie Mineure. Hildesheim and N e w York, 1 9 7 2 . Ill, 2, n o . 2 6 3 1 . M a r e , W . Harold, et al. Preliminary Reports. Near East Archaeological Society Bulletin 17 (1980): 5 - 2 5 ; 21 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 5-68; 22 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 5 - 6 4 ; 24 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 7 - 1 0 8 ; 25 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 3 5 - 9 0 ; 26 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 5 - 7 0 ; 27 ( 1 9 8 S ) : 2 5 - 6 0 ; 28 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 3 5 - 7 6 ; 29 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 3 1 - 8 8 ; 30 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 7 - 1 0 6 ; 31 (1988): 1 9 - 6 6 ; 3 2 - 3 3 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 2 - 6 4 ; 34 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 2 - 4 1 ; 35 ( I 9 9 I ) : 2 - 4 1 M a r e , W . Harold, et al. " T h e Decapolis Survey Project: Abila 1 9 8 0 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 26 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 3 7 - 6 5 . M a r e , W . Harold, et al. " T h e 1982 Season at Abila of the Decapolis." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 28 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 3 9 - 5 4 . M a r e , W . H a r o l d , et al. " T h e 1 9 8 4 Season at Abila of the Decapolis." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 29 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 2 1 - 2 3 7 . M a r e , W . H a r o l d , "Quwailiba: Abila of t h e Decapolis." Archivfiir Orientforschung 33 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 206-209. M a r e , W . H a r o l d , et al. " T h e 1 9 8 6 Season at Abila of the Decapolis." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 31 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 0 5 - 2 1 9 .
7
M a r e , W . Harold, " Q u w e i l b e h (Abila)," In Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 2, Field Reports, edited by Denyse H o m e s - F r e d e r i c q and J. Basil H e n n e s s y , p p . 4 7 2 - 4 8 6 . L o u v a i n , 1989. M a r e , W . H a r o l d , " T h e 1988 Season of Excavation at Abila of the Decapolis." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 35 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 203-220. M a r e , W . Harold, "Abila." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p p . 1 - 3 . Jerusalem and N e w York, 1993. S c h u m a c h e r , Gottlieb. Abila of the Decapolis. L o n d o n , 1889. Smith, R o b e r t H o u s t o n , a n d Leslie P . Day. Final Report on the College of Wooster Excavations in Area IX, the Civic Complex, 1 9 7 9 - 1 9 8 5 . Pella of the Decapolis, vol. 2. Wooster, Ohio, 1989. Spijkerman, Augusto. The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia. Jerusalem, 1 9 7 8 . W . HAROLD MARE
A B U H A M I D , TELL, site located in the J o r d a n Valley, at 240 m below sea level, o n L i s a n m a r l deposits b e t w e e n two small wadis (32°i9' N , 35°33' E ) . It originally covered an area of 1,400 m e a s t - w e s t a n d 400 m n o r t h - s o u t h . Since 1975 a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of m o d e r n agriculture, it has suf fered from intensive leveling, and m o s t of d i e site h a s dis appeared. T h e site w a s first s u r v e y e d in 1975 ( I b r a h i m , Sauer, a n d Yassine, 1975), a n d revisited in 1982 b y Z e i d a n Kafafi ( K a fafi, 1982). I n 1984 a n international research project was initiated b y t h e Institute of Archaeology and A n t h r o p o l o g y of Y a r m o u k University, J o r d a n ; t h e Institut F r a n c a i s d'Archeologie d u P r o c h e O r i e n t ( I F A P O , A m m a n ) ; a n d t h e C e n t r e N a t i o n a l d e la R e c h e r c h e Scientiflque, with t h e c o o p e r a t i o n of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of J o r d a n . R e search was focused o n t h e J o r d a n Valley a n d the nortiiern J o r d a n i a n p l a t e a u in t h e seventh-fifth millennia BP. T h e first stage of t h e project w a s t h e excavation of A b u H a m i d . T h e five seasons carried o u t from 1986 to 1992 p r o v i d e d a firm stratigraphic a n d chronological s e q u e n c e : 350-2,000 sq m w e r e e x p o s e d , a n d l o n g n o r t h - s o u t h a n d e a s t - w e s t sections w e r e established. T h e stratigraphic s e q u e n c e a n d t h e c h r o n o l o g y of t h e o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site can n o w b e c o m b i n e d with t h e s e q u e n c e a t M u n h a t a (30 1cm, or 19 mi., to t h e n o r t h , o n t h e w e s t b a n k of t h e J o r d a n River) to p r o v i d e a clear picture of t h e h i s t o r y of t h e m i d d l e J o r d a n Valley r e gion. [See M u n h a t a ; J o r d a n Valley.] A t A b u H a m i d n o significant hiatus is p r e s e n t e d in t h e stratigraphic s e q u e n c e ; however, small gaps w e r e observed t h a t w e r e c a u s e d by occasional a b a n d o n m e n t o r by the u s e of t h e site b y seasonal g r o u p s (Dollfus a n d Kafafi, 1993). A t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e o c c u p a t i o n , in t h e early seventh mil l e n n i u m BP, t h e g r o u p lived in circular or oval shelters p a r tially d u g into t h e soil ( u p to 1.50 m d e e p , 1.80-3 ' di a m e t e r ) ; s o m e are lined w i t h roughly m a d e bricks along t h e sides. T h e inhabitants u s e d various kinds of pits a n d g y p s u m basins t o store a n d p r o c e s s food. T h e i r h a n d m a d e pottery includes a small p e r c e n t a g e of p a i n t e d ware (bowls w i t h inm
n
8
ABU HAMID, TELL
terior and/or exterior decoration, such as chevrons or diag onal lines; jars with sun motifs a n d criss-crossed lines). In terms of subsistence, the inhabitants were b e y o n d merely exploiting natural resources; they employed strategies to ex ploit their livestock a n d grew w h e a t , barley, lentils, a n d p e a s . T h e s e levels are certainly postclassical Y a r m u k i a n , as d e fined at S h a ' a r h a - G o l a n by M o s h e Stekelis; at M u n h a t a 2b by Jean Perrot, Avi G o p h e r , a n d Yosef Garfinkel; at A b u T h a w w a b ; at ' A m R a h u b ; a n d at W a d i S h u ' e i b b y Kafafi ( 9 9 3 ) - [See S h a ' a r h a - G o l a n ; Shu'eib, Wadi.] I n s o m e strata ashy floors, pits, a n d hearths were observed, b u t n o dwelling remains. J
D u r i n g t h e next o c c u p a t i o n , which, according to the stra tigraphy a n d the associated cultural remains could b e d a t e d to the second p a r t of the seventh millennium BP, t h e h o u s e s were built with well-made plano-convex m u d bricks a n d m o s t are pluricellular. T h e i r r o o m s are rectangular a n d , in some instances, their interior walls were plastered with g y p sum. At least o n e s t r u c t u r e h a d a wall painting, of w h i c h some fragments were u n c o v e r e d , Its design is linear, b r o a d , straight lines in yellow a n d red, w i t h a series of n a r r o w e r vertical a n d curved lines in red. [See Wall Paintings.] T h e o c c u p a n t s either h e a t e d their houses or cooked inside (cf, some small oval pits with ashes), b u t m o s t d o m e s t i c activities took place outside, as suggested b y the m a n y g y p s u m plastered basins, oval fire pits, a n d hearths f o u n d in o n e of the dwelling complexes. In that same complex, t h e large rectangular living r o o m is clearly separated from a storage building comprised of two small rectangular r o o m s a n d a brick platform.
ABU HAMID, TELL. nium dwelling.
Rectangular
living room from a late
fifth-millen
(Courtesy Z. Kafafi)
T h e ceramic evidence shows n e w techniques, especially in decoration: incisions, impressions, d e e p p u n c t u r e s , c o m b i n g and such plastic decoration as incised or fingerimpressed b a n d s in relief; an applied snake decoration a p pears for the first time. P a i n t e d sherds as well as s o m e sherds of extremely finely m a d e dark- a n d red-faced b u r n i s h e d w a r e were found. S h a p e s t h a t played an i m p o r t a n t role in the following p e r i o d s , such as churns and pedestal vessels, m a k e their d e b u t here. F r o m a chronological p o i n t of view, these levels u n d o u b t e d l y pertain to the W a d i R a b a h c h r o n ological h o r i z o n (cf. W a d i R a b a h , M u n h a t a 2a, H a z o r e a ' ) , Differences d o exist, for at A b u H a m i d t h e r e is an a b s e n c e of carinated vessels a n d b o w rims.
lian/Beersheba culture, evident in aspects of its p o t t e r y a n d artifacts (large storage jars, flint p e r f o r a t e d disks, "pillar m o r t a r s " ) . A s t h e violin figurines a n d large z o o m o r p h o logical vessel (bull) recovered at T e l A b u H a m i d suggest, t h e g r o u p certainly h a d links with others living in t h e south ( N e g e v ) ; m o r e o v e r t h e r e also w e r e ties w i t h t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e W a d i ' A r a b a h , indicated b y the c o p p e r u s e d in s o m e pins from W a d i F e i n a n c o p p e r ores.
In the early sixth millennium B P , the village c o m p o u n d was c o m p r i s e d of a series of houses. M o s t of t h e m w e r e originally unicellular, b u t d u r i n g their occupation partitions were m a d e in s o m e ; in others, small r o o m s were a d d e d . T h e houses differ in building t e c h n i q u e . S o m e are m a d e c o m pletely of m u d bricks, while others have walls with stone bases. As at t h e b e g i n n i n g of the occupation, the g r o u p raised animals: sheep, goats, pigs, a n d cattle. [See S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Pigs; Cattle a n d Oxen.] Its material culture r e p r e sents a regional f a d e s — n o r t h e r n M i d d l e J o r d a n Valley, U p p e r J o r d a n Valley, D j a u l a n , Irbid plateau—of t h e G h a s s u -
Dollfus, Genevieve, a n d Z e i d a n A. Kafafi et al. "Preliminary Results of the First Season of the Joint J o r d a n o - F r e n c h Project at A b u H a m i d . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 30 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 353-380.
[See also Institut F r a n c a i s d'Archeologie d u P r o c h e O r i ent.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dollfus, Genevieve, a n d Zeidan A. Kafafi et al. " A b u H a m i d , an Early F o u r t h Millennium Site in t h e Jordan Valley: Preliminary Results." In The Prehistory of Jordan: The State of Research in 1086, edited by A. N . Garrard and H a n s G e o r g Gebel, p p . 5 6 7 - 6 0 1 . Oxford, 1988. Dollfus, Genevieve, a n d Zeidan A. Kafafi. " R e c e n t Research at A b u H a m i d . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 38 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 241-262. Dollfus, Genevieve, a n d Zeidan A. Kafafi. "Representatins h u m a i n e s et animales sur le site d'Abu H a m i d ( M I - 7 E - D ' e b u t 6 E Millenaire
ABU SALABIKH BP)." Studies in the History and Archaeology
of Jordan 5 ( 1 9 9 5 ) : 4 4 9 -
457Ibrahim, M o a w i y a h , James A . Sauer, and K h a i r Yassine. " T h e East Jordan Valley Survey, 1 9 7 5 . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori ental Research, no. 222 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 4 1 - 6 6 . Kafafi, Zeidan A . " T h e Neolithic of J o r d a n (East B a n k ) . " P h . D . diss., Freie Universitat Berlin, 1 9 8 2 . Kafafi, Z e i d a n A . " T h e Y a r m o u k i a n s in J o r d a n . " Paleorient 1 9 . 1 (1993): 1 0 1 - 1 1 5 . ZEIDAN A . KAFAFI a n d GENEVIEVE DOLLFUS
9
u p of the h a r b o r , or was destroyed in the Assyrian invasions in the e i g h t h c e n t u r y BCE. [See P h o e n i c i a n s ; Assyrians.] S t r a t u m I I A - B (fifth-fourth century) p r o d u c e d a Persianperiod settlement, with substantial fortifications a n d consid erable i m p o r t e d pottery. T e l l A b u H a w a m was subsequently largely a b a n d o n e d . M a n y of the t o m b s in the n e a r b y c e m etery on t h e n o r t h e r n slope of M t . C a r m e l belong to this Persian horizon. BIBLIOGRAPHY
A B U H A W A M , TELL, i o - a c r e m o u n d on t h e M e d iterranean coast n e a r w h e r e t h e K i s h o n River empties into t h e bay of Haifa ( m a p reference 151 X 144). It m a y b e i d e n tified with B r o n z e - I r o n A g e A c h s h a p h , or biblical S h i h o r L i b n a h (Jos. 19:26). W i t h i n t h e Haifa city limits, t h e site w a s t h e focus of several salvage excavations b y t h e British M a n datory D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities (1922-1933), a n d later b y t h e Israeli archaeologists E m a n u e l Anati, Y a a c o v O l a m i , a n d M o s h e P r a u s n i t z (1952, 1963). M o r e m o d e r n stratigraphic w o r k was carried o u t in 1984-1989 b y F r e n c h a n d Israeli archaeologists. T h e y also investigated the ancient h a r b o r area, w h i c h was responsible for T e l l A b u H a w a m ' s relative a b u n d a n c e of i m p o r t e d w a r e s a n d c o m m e r c i a l p r o m i n e n c e . T h e earlier stratigraphic s e q u e n c e , mostly derived by R. W . H a m i l t o n (1932, 1933), h a s b e e n m u c h d e b a t e d in t h e literature. Jacqueline Balensi (1980) h a s revised the strata a n d dates (1985, 1986) b a s e d o n t h e latest excavations. T h e t o w n was f o u n d e d at t h e e n d of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e ( s t r a t u m VI; sixteenth-fifteenth c e n t u r y BCE), t h e n for tified a n d e q u i p p e d with a citadel a n d sanctuary w h e n it b e c a m e a major e n t r e p o t d u r i n g the L a t e B r o n z e A g e (stra t u m V A - C ; mid-fifteenth-twelfth c e n t u r y ) . T h e material b e l o n g i n g t o the latter h o r i z o n is exceptionally fine a n d often i m p o r t e d ; t h e older view t h a t T e l l A b u H a w a m w a s an E g y p t i a n n i n e t e e n t h - d y n a s t y naval b a s e has n o w b e e n largely a b a n d o n e d (Weinstein, 1980). T h e destruction t h a t e n d e d s t r a t u m V C was p r o b a b l y c a u s e d b y invading " S e a P e o p l e s " in a b o u t 1200 BCE, as at other sites along t h e L e v antine coast. [See Philistines, article on Early Philistines.] A g a p p o s i t e d by H a m i l t o n at t h e e n d of s t r a t u m V seems n o t t o h a v e existed. S t r a t u m I V A - B ( e l e v e n t h - t e n t h c e n t u r y ) represents an I r o n I r e o c c u p a t i o n , c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y r e u s e of t e m p l e 30, three-room houses, and some Phoenician bichrome wares. T h i s s t r a t u m e n d e d in a g r e a t conflagration. S t r a t u m I I I A - B ( t e n t h - e i g h t h century) belongs to the I r o n II p e r i o d a n d s e e m s t o r e p r e s e n t a m i x e d IsraeliteP h o e n i c i a n culture, in w h i c h s o m e of t h e earlier cyclopean walls a n d other installations w e r e r e u s e d . T h e p o t t e r y in cluded late C y p r o - P h o e n i c i a n w a r e s ; s o m e " S a m a r i a " wares; C y p r i o t W h i t e - P a i n t e d III w a r e s , a n d G r e e k i m p o r t s . T h i s s t r a t u m either declined, p e r h a p s as a result of t h e silting
Balensi, Jacqueline. "Les fouilles d e R. W . Hamilton a Tell Abu H a w a m , Niveaux IV et V . " P h . D . diss., University of Strassburg, 1980. Balensi, Jacqueline, et al. " A b u H a w a m , T e l l . " In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p p . 7 - 1 4 . Je rusalem and N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . Weinstein, James M . " W a s Tell Abu H a w a m a Nineteenth Dynasty Egyptian Naval Base?" Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 238 (1980): 4 3 - 4 6 . WILLIAM G . DEVER
A B U SALABIKH ( m o d e r n n a m e , Ar., Tell or Isan A b u es-Salablh ["father of clinker"]), city of t h e fourth a n d third millennia in s o u t h e r n Iraq, located at the center of the M e s o p o t a m i a n alluvial plain b e t w e e n the E u p h r a t e s a n d T i gris Rivers (32°i5' N , 4 5 V E ) . T h e site's m o d e r n n a m e c o m e s from t h e quantities of overtired c e r a m i c slag f o u n d o n its sLirface. S e t t l e m e n t distribution a n d g e o m o r p h o l o g y suggest t h a t in antiquity the site lay on a principal a r m of the E u p h r a t e s , flowing from K i s h t o w a r d N i p p u r , which lies only s o m e 16 k m ( a b o u t 10 mi.) to the southeast a n d c a n b e seen from A b u Salabikh o n a clear day. T h e site's ancient n a m e remains uncertain. K e s h (kes), w h i c h was initially p r o p o s e d , seems likelier to b e near A d a b , farther east ( p e r h a p s at T e l l al-Wilayah). A t present, E r e s h c o u n t s as t h e best c a n d i d a t e , which w o u l d b e significant in t h a t its p a t r o n deity was N i s a b a , g o d d e s s of reeds a n d h e n c e of scribal craft. T h e m o u n d s on the site are scattered over an area of a b o u t 2 X 1 Ion. N o n e rises m o r e t h a n 5 m a b o v e the s u r r o u n d i n g plain, b u t their lower p a r t s are s h r o u d e d by 2-3 m of silt that h a s a c c u m u l a t e d since the first settlement here. T h e earliest occupation is h i n t e d at by a few L a t e U b a i d p a i n t e d p o t s h e r d s from unstratified contexts, U r u k levels are r e p r e s e n t e d on the S o u t h w e s t ( " U r u k " ) , W e s t , a n d N o r t h w e s t M o u n d s b u t are n o t yet identified elsewhere. T h e N o r t h e a s t M o u n d a n d c o m p o u n d s laid o u t on t h e flattened surface of t h e W e s t M o u n d date f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g of Early D y n a s t i c ( E D ) I (c. 2900 BC). T h e o c c u p a t i o n of the M a i n M o u n d m a y n o t p r e d a t e t h e later E D I, All t h a t is k n o w n of the S o u t h M o u n d is that its surface levels w e r e o c c u p i e d in E D III. T h e very low-lying area k n o w n as t h e East M o u n d s m a y b e U r III, o n the e v i d e n c e of an unstratified A m a r - S u e n brick. D a t e s of a b a n d o n m e n t are m o r e difficult to establish b e c a u s e of massive erosion. T h e r e is n o r e a s o n to think that
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ABU SIMBEL
the m a i n p a r t of the U r u k M o u n d was occupied after the U r u k period, or t h e W e s t M o u n d after E D I. T h e highest buildings surviving o n the M a i n M o u n d are E D III, b u t the evidence of p o t s h e r d s u s e d as packing a r o u n d drains, in pits a n d in tip lines outside the city wall proves Akkadian a n d probably U r III o c c u p a t i o n . T h e r e is no artifactual evidence for the second m i l l e n n i u m BC or later. Archaeological notice of the site was first published by Albrecht Goetze a n d V a u g h n E. Crawford, as p a r t of the Akkad survey carried o u t b y the A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research. C r a w f o r d initiated excavations in 1963-1965, assisted by D o n a l d P . H a n s e n . Several s o u n d ings were m a d e : of principal interest was the u n e x p e c t e d discovery of about five h u n d r e d pieces of P r e - S a r g o n i c c u neiform tablets scattered t h r o u g h t h e r o o m s of a building in area E on t h e M a i n M o u n d , p r o b a b l y part of a t e m p l e c o m plex. Published b y R o b e r t D . Biggs in 1974, they revolu tionized our view of early M e s o p o t a m i a n literature. Of p a r ticular interest are versions of the Instructions of S h u r u p p a k a n d the K e s h T e m p l e H y m n . Old Babylonian copies of these texts help us to u n d e r s t a n d them. In addition to lexical a n d geographical lists, s o m e n o w duplicated by texts f r o m Ebla in Syria, m e r e are literary a n d religious pieces a n d a few public administrative d o c u m e n t s . L a t e r work at the site yielded additional tablets, s o m e from other buildings on t h e M a i n M o u n d , including administrative tablets a n d an in cantation. A contour survey was carried o u t in 1973 a n d excavation was r e s u m e d in 1975 by t h e British School of Archaeology in Iraq, u n d e r the direction of J. N . Postgate. T h e work c o n t i n u e d with occasional fallow years until 1989 a n d will b e r e s u m e d if circumstances permit. T h e principal results in clude the recovery of m o r e than 4 ha (10 acres) of the city layout as a result of surface clearing: on the m a i n m o u n d this revealed the street a n d lane network, the line of the city wall, t h e p r o b a b l e location of gates, and m a n y individual buildings. O n the W e s t M o u n d it showed that the E D I settlement was laid out in c o m p o u n d s divided b y h e a v y walls. I n areas A a n d E of the M a i n M o u n d , buildings excavated b y the earlier excavators were further investigated. T h i s e n tailed excavating n u m e r o u s graves, furnished with consid erable a m o u n t s of pottery, jewelry, a n d other g o o d s , i n c l u d ing equids p r e s u m a b l y h a r n e s s e d to wheeled vehicles. S o m e of t h e graves were d e m o n s t r a b l y intramural having been d u g from within the houses. Against the southeastern side of t h e area E complex a massive refuse tip was identified t h a t was m o r e than 6 m d e e p . It contained m a n y d o o r sealings, fig urines, a n d other items suggestive of t e m p l e discard. T w o large E D III domestic buildings were excavated on t h e M a i n M o u n d , with particular attention, given to defining t h e u s e of space t h r o u g h quantitatively controlled recovery a n d m i cromorphological e x a m i n a t i o n of the stratification. S u s a n M . Pollock u n d e r t o o k excavation a n d other w o r k
on t h e U r u k M o u n d b e t w e e n 1985 a n d 1990. H e r w o r k c o n firmed an o c c u p a t i o n f r o m Early to L a t e U r u k , with a small E D o c c u p a t i o n o n t h e m o u n d ' s s o u t h e a s t e r n sector. A L a t e U r u k city wall 20 m thick was located. D e t a i l e d observation of its surface r e m a i n s h a s illuminated t h e distribution of a c tivities t h r o u g h o u t t h e settlement. [See also M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Biggs, Robert D . Inscriptions from Tell Abu Salabikh. University of C h i cago Oriental Institute Publications, no. 99. Chicago, 1 9 7 4 . Defini tive publication of the inscriptions from 1963 to 1 9 6 5 , with a r e p o r t on the excavations by D o n a l d P. H a n s e n . G r e e n , A. R., et al. Abu Salabikh Excavations, vol. 4, The 6G Ash-Tip and Its Contents. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 3 . See below for the first three volumes of this report; two additional volumes are in preparation. M a r t i n , Harriet P., J a n e M o o n , and J. N . Postgate. Abu Salabikh cavations, vol. 2, Graves 1 to 99. L o n d o n , 1 9 8 5 .
Ex
M o o n , Jane. Abu Salabikh Excavations, vol. 3 , Catalogue of Early Dy nastic Pottery. L o n d o n , 1987. Pollock, Susan. " A b u Salabikh, the U r u k M o u n d , 1 9 8 5 - 8 6 . " Iraq 49 (1987): 1 2 1 - 1 4 1 . Pollock, Susan. "Archaeological Investigations on the U r u k M o u n d , Abu Salabikh." Iraq 52 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 8 5 - 9 3 . Pollock, Susan, Caroline Steele, and M e l o d y P o p e . "Investigations on the U r u k M o u n d , Abu Salabikh, 1 9 9 0 . " Iraq 53 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 5 9 - 6 8 . Postgate, J. N . "Excavations at Abu Salabikh" ( 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 7 9 ) . Iraq 39.2 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 2 6 9 - 2 9 9 ; 40.2 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 7 7 - 8 7 ; 42,2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) : 8 7 - 1 0 4 . Postgate, J. N . Abu Salabikh Excavations, vol. 1, The West Mound Sur face Clearance. L o n d o n , 1983. Postgate, J. N . "Excavations at Abu Salabikh, 1 9 8 8 - 8 9 . " Iraq 52 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 95-106. Postgate, J. N . j and Jane M o o n . "Excavations at Abu Salabikh, 1 9 8 1 . " Iraq 44.2 (1982): 1 0 3 - 1 3 6 . Postgate, J. N . , and P . R. S. M o o r e y . "Excavations at A b u Salabikh, 1 9 7 5 . " Iraq 38.2 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 1 3 3 - 1 6 9 . F o r other articles on the inscrip tions, animal and fish bones, fire installations, pottery, the flint in dustry, a n d geomorphology, see various authors in Iraq, vols. 4 0 - 5 2 . J. N . POSTGATE
A B U S I M B E L , colossal t e m p l e c o m p l e x located in the n o r t h e r n S u d a n a b o u t 200 k m (186 mi.) u p t h e Nile from A s w a n (22°21' N , 31°3 8' E ) . Built in N u b i a b y t h e E g y p t i a n p h a r a o h R a m e s e s II (1279-1213 BCE), t h e c o m p l e x consists of two rock-cut t e m p l e s , a large s t r u c t u r e for the p h a r a o h a n d a small one for h i m a n d his q u e e n , Nefertari. B e g u n after 1274, b o t h t e m p l e s w e r e officially o p e n e d for cult p u r poses in 1255; the officials responsible for t h e w o r k w e r e t w o successive viceroys of K u s h ( N u b i a ) , I u n y a n d H e k a n a k h t , a n d a royal c u p b e a r e r , A s h a h e b s e d . I n 1238 A b u Simbel e x p e r i e n c e d a severe e a r t h q u a k e . Viceroy P a s e r carried o u t extensive repairs, b u t the u p p e r p a r t of o n e of four great colossi of R a m e s e s II t h a t fronted t h e G r e a t T e m p l e h a d t o b e left w h e r e it h a d fallen. T h e colossi, a n d the G r e a t T e m ple itself, w e r e already partly b u r i e d u n d e r e n c r o a c h i n g s a n d in 593, w h e n G r e e k , C a r i a n , a n d P h o e n i c i a n m e r c e n a r i e s serving in a n i n v a d i n g a r m y of P s a m m e t i k II (595-589) left
ABYDOS graffiti relatively h i g h u p o n t h e legs of the colossi. E v e n tually b o t h t e m p l e s were largely b u r i e d u n d e r s a n d ; t h e G r e a t T e m p l e w a s r e d i s c o v e r e d b y t h e Swiss traveler J o h a n n B u r c k h a r d t in 1813 a n d first e n t e r e d by t h e early E g y p tologist G i o v a n n i Belzoni in 1817. T h e t w o t e m p l e s of A b u Simbel are t h e b e s t - p r e s e r v e d e x a m p l e s of the g r a n d i o s e a r t a n d architecture typical of t h e reign of R a m e s e s II. E a c h was c u t into separate, high s a n d stone bluffs. Nefertari's s t r u c t u r e lay n o r t h e a s t of the G r e a t T e m p l e . T h e G r e a t T e m p l e ' s facade is c u t directly into t h e cliff face (over 26 m [85 ft.] high a n d recalling a t e m p l e p y l o n in f o r m ) . F o u r colossal figures (over 19.8 m [65 ft.] high) of an e n t h r o n e d R a m e s e s s t a n d in front, a n d over t h e e n t r a n c e a statue of R e - H a r a k h t i , a solar g o d , set in a recess, receives offerings from figures of R a m e s e s cut in relief o n either side. A frieze of b a b o o n s along t h e t o p of t h e facade r e p r e s e n t s those creatures of t h e " e a s t e r n h o r i z o n " w h o a d o r e t h e rising s u n . T h e G r e a t T e m p l e ' s m a x i m u m d e p t h is 62.85 m (206.2 ft.); o n e a c h side, also rock cut, are l o n g c h a m b e r s , which h o u s e d t e m p l e utensils a n d furniture. W i t h i n is a large c o l u m n e d hall lined with eight colossal figures of R a m e s e s s t a n d i n g in b o t h royal regalia a n d Osiride p o s e . T h e reliefs covering t h e walls focus mostly on royal victories; in particular, t h e n o r t h wall is o c c u p i e d b y t h e b e s t - p r e s e r v e d d e p i c t i o n of t h e f a m o u s battle of R a m e s e s II against t h e Hittites at Q a d e s h (1274). M o r e conventional scenes involving Syrians, L i b y a n s , a n d N u b i a n s are f o u n d o n t h e s o u t h wall. B e y o n d , a smaller c o l u m n e d hall is e m bellished w i t h cult scenes, a n d further in (after a small ves tibule) is t h e sanctuary, w h i c h contains an altar or b a r q u e stand (at festival times, i m a g e s of g o d s w e r e carried outside t h e t e m p l e in a b o a t - s h a p e d p a l a n q u i n ) a n d , along the rear wall, four seated statues r e p r e s e n t i n g P t a h a n d A m u n o n the south side a n d t h e deified R a m e s e s a n d R e - H a r a k h t i o n the n o r t h side. I n tire N e w K i n g d o m (eighteenth t o t w e n t i e t h dynasties, 15 50-1069) a p h a r a o h c o u l d b e u n d e r s t o o d as b e ing b o t h a m o r t a l earthly ruler a n d simultaneously a divine b e i n g capable of receiving cult like a g o d . Nefertari's t e m p l e is m a r k e d l y smaller; its facade is only 12 m (39 ft.) h i g h , a n d its total d e p t h a b o u t 20 m (66 ft.). Six colossal s t a n d i n g figures (all 9.9 m [32.4 ft.] high) front t h e t e m p l e . O n each side, Nefertari is depicted as the g o d dess H a t h o r a n d is flanked b y figures of R a m e s e s . A col u m n e d hall with six H a t h o r i c c o l u m n s within is d e c o r a t e d mainly with cult scenes, a n d a small c h a m b e r before the s a n c t u a r y celebrates in its reliefs deities associated with f e m ininity a n d birth. H a t h o r in c o w f o r m e m e r g e s f r o m t h e m a r s h e s , a n d T a w e r e t , p r o t e c t o r of w o m e n in childbirth, a p p e a r s . I n the s a n c t u a r y is a statue of H a t h o r as a c o w p r o t e c t i n g the king. Implicitly h e is h e r m a t u r i n g s o n , al t h o u g h h e is s h o w n as a n adult. T h e t e m p l e s of A b u S i m b e l are of manifold significance; they are b e s t u n d e r s t o o d as a c o n c e p t u a l , as m u c h as an architectural, whole. O n o n e level, t h e t e m p l e s link R a m e s e s
11
w i t h the g o d s of N u b i a a n d E g y p t , specifically t h e N u b i a n g o d s H o r u s of M e h a n d H a t h o r of Ibshek, a n d t h e four E g y p t i a n deities P t a h , A m u n , R e - H a r a k h t i , a n d the deified R a m e s e s himself. T h e y also p r o v i d e t h e context for a cult of the divine R a m e s e s . H o w e v e r , t h e m y t h i c dimensions of kingship are also involved. T h e Nefertari t e m p l e is c o n c e p tually a secluded arena for c o n c e p t i o n , gestation, birth, a n d creation, a n d Nefertari a n d four individualized hypostases (essential natures) of R a m e s e s (the six colossi) literally stride o u t from it. T h e s e s a m e f o u r hypostases take their place as the four colossi of the G r e a t T e m p l e , w h i c h celebrates R a m eses as virtual e m b o d i m e n t of t h e s u n g o d on earth a n d ruler of E g y p t a n d the world. T h e Nefertari t e m p l e w a s aligned so t h a t its' m o s t direct solar illumination w o u l d occur at a b o u t t h e winter solstice. Sunlight p e n e t r a t e d tire G r e a t T e m p l e m o s t d e e p l y a b o u t a m o n t h a n d a half before or after t h e solstice. T h e s e schedules suggest that Nefertari's t e m p l e w a s ritually m o s t significant d u r i n g the p e r i o d of g r o w t h a n d e m e r g e n c e , a n d the G r e a t T e m p l e w a s m o s t p r o m i n e n t at the t i m e of increasing heat a n d at the i n u n dation. As a result of the flooding of N u b i a b y the L a k e N a s s e r reservoir, b o t h t e m p l e s w e r e cut into segments a n d rebuilt at a h i g h e r location b e t w e e n 1964 a n d 1968, a spectacularly successful example of salvage archaeology. [See also N u b i a . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Desroches-Noblecourt, Christiane, and Charles Kuentz. La petit temple d'Abou Simbel, 2 vols. C e n t r e de D o c u m e n t a t i o n et d ' E t u d e sur l'Ancienne Egypte, M e m o i r e s , vols. 1 - 2 . Cairo, 1968. Desroches-Noblecourt, Christiane, and G e o r g Gerster. The World Saves Abu Simbel. Vienna, 1 9 6 8 . Hery, Francois-Xavier, a n d T h i e r r y Enel. Abou Simbel & les temples de Nubie. Aix-en-Provence, 1994. Save-Soderbergh, T o r g n y , ed. Temples and Tombs of Ancient Nubia: Tlte International Rescue Campaign at Abou Simbel, Philae, and Other Sites. L o n d o n , 1987. DAVID O'CONNOR
A B Y D O S , o n e of a n c i e n t E g y p t ' s m o s t sacred sites, lo cated in the eighth U p p e r E g y p t i a n n o m e , or p r o v i n c e ( 2 6 ° n ' N , 3i°55' E ) . Archaeological survey indicates t h a t along with T h i s ( T h i n i s ) it was o n e of t w o p r o m i n e n t towns within this administrative district. Initially, K h e n t i a m e n t i u , a p r o t e c t o r of cemeteries, was the local g o d , b u t by t h e late Old K i n g d o m (c. 2350 BCE), h e h a d b e e n syncretized with Osiris, the powerful g o d of t h e u n d e r w o r l d . M o s t likely, Osi ris c a m e to b e associated w i t h A b y d o s b e c a u s e the ancient E g y p t i a n s believed t h e u n d e r w o r l d ' s e n t r a n c e was there. By t h e twelfth d y n a s t y (c. 1991-1783 BCE), a n n u a l rites i n c l u d e d a procession f r o m t h e t e m p l e at t h e e d g e of the flood plain t o Osiris's s u p p o s e d t o m b at U m m e l - Q a ' a b , the Early
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ABYDOS
Dynastic royal cemetery at the foot of the high desert e s carpment. In ancient E g y p t the n a m e Abydos applied only t o t h e town in which the Osiris t e m p l e was located. T o d a y die d e s ignation Abydos refers to the t o w n as well as a n u m b e r of settlements, cemeteries, and m o n u m e n t s located along a narrow 4 k m (2.5 mi.) stretch of low desert. Additionally, several other A b y d o s cemeteries, including U m m e l - Q a ' a b , are found b e y o n d this z o n e , into t h e low desert along a small wadi whose m o u t h w a s located b e h i n d the town of A b y d o s . T h e first p e r s o n t o excavate at A b y d o s was A u g u s t e M a r iette a r o u n d 1858-1859. H e focused on the necropoleis, la beling the largest ones the N o r t h , M i d d l e , and S o u t h C e m eteries. H e was principally interested in acquiring funerary stelae, ( c o m m e m o r a t i v e tablets), although h e u n d e r t o o k a substantial a m o u n t of excavation in the n o r t h w e s t corner of K o m es-Sultan (tile m o d e r n n a m e for the ancient t o w n site), searching for the " t o m b of Osiris." T h e ancient E g y p t i a n s believed that A b y d o s was the burial place of Osiris, h e n c e Mariette's search for that t o m b . Between 1895 a n d 1897, Emile Amelineau c o n d u c t e d t h e first excavations at U m m e l - Q a ' a b , uncovering t o m b s of early kings. A considerable b o d y of early archaeological w o r k was c o n d u c t e d u n d e r the auspices of the E g y p t E x ploration F u n d ( E E F ) of L o n d o n . William M a t t h e w Flin ders Petrie was responsible for the largest a n d m o s t system atic b o d y of early E E F excavations. Although A m e l i n e a u h a d already d u g at U m m e l - Q a ' a b , Petrie's m o r e detailed research on the t o m b s a n d Amelineau's d u m p s allowed h i m to outline the Early D y n a s t i c period. Also h e excavated t h e Osiris temple, some of the early t o w n , as well as the M i d d l e C e m e t e r y ; m u c h of this w o r k h a s yet t o b e i m p r o v e d u p o n . O t h e r archaeologists w o r k e d there as well: T . Eric Peet a n d H e n r i Frankfort ( M i d d l e C e m e t e r y ) ; E. R. A y r t o n a n d C . T . Currelly ( S o u t h A b y d o s ) ; a n d A r t h u r C. M a c e ( N o r t h C e m e t e r y ) . J o h n G a r s t a n g d u g in t h e N o r t h a n d M i d d l e Cemeteries as well b u t published little. Abydos continues t o b e a rich source of data. Since 1979, t h e Pennsylvania-Yale E x p e d i t i o n to A b y d o s has regularly a n d systematically explored the ancient t o w n a n d n e a r b y funerary remains, especially M i d d l e K i n g d o m c e n o t a p h s of private persons a n d the m u d - b r i c k funerary enclosures of the first a n d second dynasties. A t t h e latter, n u m e r o u s m u d brick structures h a v e b e e n discovered t h a t h o u s e w o o d e n boats. R e c e n t work a t C e m e t e r y U near U m m e l - Q a ' a b b y the G e r m a n Archaeological Institute in Cairo has u n c o v e r e d t o m b s belonging to high-ranking individuals, possibly kings, w h o s e remains date prior to N a r m e r of D y n a s t y 0 (c. 3150
t o p t a h built by Seti I] a n d u n d e r C e m e t e r y D ) h a v e b e e n assigned t o the s u b s e q u e n t late N a q a d a II a n d III periods. T h e stratigraphic r e m a i n s from K o m es-Sultan suggest t h a t t h e t o w n was o c c u p i e d by the e n d of t h e P r e d y n a s t i c period, b u t t h e earliest stratified levels in the Osiris t e m p l e c a n n o t b e d o c u m e n t e d p r i o r to t h e late O l d K i n g d o m . C a c h e s of objects a n d several burials within t h e t o w n site ( M series), generally agreed t o be principally of Early D y n a s t i c date, suggest, however, that t h e t e m p l e flourished earlier. T h e ten royal t o m b s at U m m e l - Q a ' a b a n d their funerary enclosures in the M i d d l e C e m e t e r y are t h e m o s t significant early dynastic r e m a i n s . T h e Old K i n g d o m is r e p r e s e n t e d by t o m b s (most in M a r i e t t e ' s N o r t h a n d M i d d l e c e m e t e r i e s ) , t e m p l e architecture, a n d a settlement ( b o t h in K o m es-Sul t a n ) . T h e increasing i m p o r t a n c e of A b y d o s to t h e M i d d l e K i n g d o m E g y p t i a n s can b e seen in the g r o w t h of the c e m etery zone. In addition t o traditional burials, c e n o t a p h s (or m o r e precisely, m e m o r i a l chapels) b e c a m e fashionable. T h e private cenotaphs are located in the e a s t e r n m o s t p o r t i o n of t h e N o r t h C e m e t e r y , b u t large royal c e n o t a p h - t e m p l e s , s u c h as those of S e n w o s r e t (Sesostris) III a n d A h m o s e , w e r e built farther s o u t h ( n o w k n o w n as S o u t h A b y d o s ) . Particularly well k n o w n are t h e n i n e t e e n t h - d y n a s t y s t r u c t u r e s , i n c l u d i n g o n e dedicated t o R a m e s e s I, the large, well-preserved ex a m p l e built by Seti I, a n d t h e small R a m e s e s II t e m p l e . T h e N o r t h a n d M i d d l e C e m e t e r i e s w e r e u s e d extensively from the N e w K i n g d o m t h r o u g h t h e R o m a n p e r i o d , a n d t h e south cemetery is certainly of a late date. A s of t h e P t o l e m a i c period, the w a d i b e d , previously taboo for burial p u r p o s e s , b e c a m e a heavily exploited c e m e t e r y z o n e . T h e cemeteries for a n i m a l s — p r e d o m i n a n t l y ibis, dog, a n d h a w k — d a t e t o t h e L a t e period a n d s u b s e q u e n t phases of E g y p t i a n history. T h e Osiris t e m p l e was e x p a n d e d in the M i d d l e K i n g d o m , a n d in the later N e w K i n g d o m , it was leveled a n d rebuilt. N u m e r o u s rulers of the N e w K i n g d o m ( e i g h t e e n t h - t w e n tieth dynasties) d e c o r a t e d a n d a d d e d o n t o t h e r e v a m p e d t e m p l e . Rameses I I built a n e w t e m p l e , t h e p o r t a l , t o t h e west. F i n d s of private a n d royal statuary, dating t h r o u g h t h e e n d of the twenty-sixth dynasty, testify t o t h e Osiris t e m p l e ' s c o n t i n u e d use. F r a g m e n t s b o r e a dedication to N e c t a n e b o , suggesting t h a t building c o n t i n u e d in t h e thirtieth D y n a s t y , a n d t h e s a m e s t r u c t u r e w a s p r o b a b l y u s e d in t h e P t o l e m a i c a n d R o m a n periods, [See also Egypt, article on Predynastic E g y p t ; E g y p t E x ploration Society; and the biographies of Frankfort, Garstang,
Mariette, and Petrie.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
BCE).
T h e earliest predynastic remains date to the late N a q a d a I a n d early N a q a d a II periods (Cemeteries cb/C, E , U , a n d S/Salmani a n d a settlement east of t h e A h m o s e c e n o t a p h ) . N u m e r o u s cemeteries (%/B, E , U , a n d S/Salmani) a n d sev eral small settlements (west of t h e Osireion [elaborate c e n -
Dreyer, Gtinter. " R e c e n t Discoveries at Abydos C e m e t e r y U . " In The Nile Delta in Transition: 4th~3rd Millennium B.C., edited by E d w i n C. M . van den Brink, p p . 2 9 3 - 2 9 9 . T e l Aviv, 1 9 9 2 . Brief s u m m a r y of the newly discovered burials of the earliest rulers. Kees, H e r m a n n . Ancient Egypt: A Cultural Topography. T r a n s l a t e d by Ian F . D . M o r r o w . Edited by T . G. H . James. L o n d o n , 1 9 6 1 . C h a p -
ACHZIV ter 9 is devoted to a very readable discussion of t h e significance of Abydos in ancient Egyptian culture. K e m p , Barry J. " T h e Egyptian 1st D y n a s t y Royal Cemetery." Antiquity 41 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 2 2 - 3 2 . I m p o r t a n t discussion of the evidence that leads most scholars to accept the structures of U m m el-Qa'ab as the t o m b s of Egypt's first kings not c e n o t a p h s . K e m p , Barry J. " A b y d o s . " In Lexikon der Agyptologie, vol. 1, cols. 2 8 - 4 1 . Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 2 . Excellent s u m m a r y of the archaeological remains at Abydos. K e m p , Barry J. " A b y d o s . " In Excavating in Egypt: The Egypt Explora tion Society, 1882-1082, edited by T . G. H . James, p p . 7 1 - 8 8 . L o n don, 1982. S u m m a r i z e s the archaeological excavations conducted at Abydos u n d e r the auspices of the E g y p t Exploration Society. O ' C o n n o r , David. " T h e ' C e n o t a p h s ' of the M i d d l e K i n g d o m at A b y d o s . " In Melanges Gamal Eddin Mokhtar, vol. 2, p p . 1 6 1 - 1 7 7 . Cairo, 1985. Clear, detailed discussion of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedi tion's excavations of private cenotaphs of the M i d d l e K i n g d o m . O ' C o n n o r , David. " T h e Earliest P h a r a o h s and T h e University M u s e u m . " Expedition 29.1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 7 - 3 9 . Excellent s u m m a r y of k n o w n Early Dynastic sites at A b y d o s , with information about the p e r s o n alities of the individuals responsible for some of the archaeological excavations there at the t u r n of the century. O ' C o n n o r , David. " B o a t Graves a n d P y r a m i d Origins: N e w Discov eries at Abydos, E g y p t . " Expedition 33.3 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 5 - 1 7 . O ' C o n n o r discusses his most recent find of boats in the vicinity of an Early Dynastic funerary enclosure. DIANA CRAIG PATCH
A C H A E M E N I D D Y N A S T Y . See Persians.
A C H Z I V (or A k h z i b ; Ar., E z - Z i b ; Assyr., A c c i p u ) , site located on t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast of Israel, 15 k m (9 mi.) n o r t h of A k k o a n d 25 Ion (15 mi.) s o u t h of T y r e (33°02'o8" N , 35°o6' E ) . T h e tell, a d o u b l e m o u n d , is located o n a kurkar (sandstone) ridge t h a t overlooks the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea a n d is s o u t h of the e s t u a r y of t h e K e s i b River. T o t h e s o u t h a d e e p riverbed is u s a b l e as an a n c h o r a g e . B e y o n d t h e s o u t h e r n b a y , a well-protected a n d sizable h a r b o r ( M i n a t e z Z i b ) can a c c o m m o d a t e a considerable n u m b e r of boats. A n u n d e r w a t e r survey revealed r o c k installations u s e d in g r o w ing crops of the M u r e x snail t h a t p r o d u c e s the p u r p l e a n d blue dyes so valued in antiquity. Achziv is m e n t i o n e d in m e H e b r e w Bible as a t o w n on t h e n o r t h e r n coast of C a n a a n b o r d e r i n g t h e land of t h e S i d o n ians a n d allotted to the tribe of A s h e r (Jos. 19:29). G r e e k a n d R o m a n writers, a m o n g t h e m J o s e p h u s , k n e w E k d i p p a , a city o n t h e P h o e n i c i a n coast (War 1.257). T r a v e l e r s a n d historians in R o m a n , B y z a n t i n e , a n d A r a b times also m e n tion Achziv on t h e r o a d t o T y r e , 16 k m (9 mi.) from Akko, T h e C r u s a d e r s built a fortress, the Casal U m b e r t i , on the h i g h e r m o u n d of the tell. T h e native Arabic-speaking p o p ulation c o n t i n u e s t o call tire village Ekziv/ez-Zib. I n 1963-1964, excavations w e r e u n d e r t a k e n jointly by the Istituto d e Vicino Oriente of t h e University of R o m e a n d the Israel D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities, d i r e c t e d by M o s h e W . P r a u s n i t z . F o u r c o n t e m p o r a r y , or o v e r l a p p i n g , I r o n A g e
13
cemeteries were excavated: t h e central cemetery ( C C A ) at t h e foot of the defenses o n t h e eastern slope; t h e n o r t h e r n c e m e t e r y ( N C A ) on the n o r t h e r n b a n k of t h e K e s i b River; the s o u t h e r n cemetery ( S C A ) overlooking M i n a t ez-Zib; a n d t h e eastern c e m e t e r y ( E C A ) , d u g into a second kurkar ridge east of a n d parallel t o the coastal ridge. A c c o r d i n g t o Jewish tradition, this is t h e n o r t h w e s t b o r d e r of the ancient land of Israel. Achziv's strategic position o n t h e coastal m a i n artery, the Via M a r i s , from T y r e to Akko a n d on to Philistia, was cov eted by the Asherites a n d the T y r i a n s . In antiquity the h a r b o r was regularly visited b y L e v a n t i n e , as well as Cypriot, coastal vessels. T h e S i d o n i a n s focused all their resources on m a i n t a i n i n g control of the h a r b o r . T h e i r n o u r i s h i n g arts a n d crafts survived the aftermath of the collapse of eastern M e d iterranean t r a d e in the twelfth c e n t u r y BCE (see below). T h e site's earthworks—its r a m p a r t a n d glacis—and t o w ers were built in t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e IIA period. T h e p e n insula w a s t u r n e d into an island city b y cutting the fosse to join the creek with the m o u t h of the K e s i b River. A t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e I, the site's defenses w e r e d e s t r o y e d a n d t h e n rebuilt, only t o b e destroyed again at the e n d of L B II. Inside tire city, t h e excavators discontinued a test t r e n c h w h e n it r e a c h e d the final L B destruction layers. A m o n g the few r e m a i n s belonging t o t h e transitional I r o n A g e IA, pits, fireplaces, a n d occasional walls were excavated. Inside the pits, wall brackets a n d Philistine-style pottery were discov ered. A c h z i v r e c o v e r e d in t h e eleventh century BCE (Iron I B ) . T h e t o w n p r o c e e d e d to develop rapidly, a n d d u r i n g t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE r e a c h e d its largest size, s o m e 20 acres. S e n n a c h e r i b of Assyria c o n q u e r e d a p r o s p e r o u s t o w n in 701 BCE. T h e excavations o n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of the m o u n d u n c o v e r e d a n u m b e r of s t o r e r o o m s adjacent to the L a t e Iron A g e a n d P e r s i a n - p e r i o d fortifications. Inside the storerooms were jars given as tax p a y m e n t s " t o m y lord t h e k i n g , " in cised in A r a m a i c Adonimelech. T h e t o w n ' s prosperity c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t the Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n p e r i o d s . T h e higher, small central m o u n d contained levels from the B y z a n t i n e to the A r a b a n d C r u s a d e r periods. F o u r p h a s e s of activity in the n o r t h e r n cemetery were dis cerned. S t r a t u m 4, the earliest, revealed p a r t of a floor of an o p e n area—a " h i g h p l a c e " — t h a t h a d a cultic use. It was f o u n d e d on s a n d a n d covered with thick layers of plaster, indicating frequent r e u s e d u r i n g the e i g h t h - s e v e n t h c e n t u ries BCE. A masseba, or stela (1.5 X 1 m ) , u s e d as an altar was f o u n d lying o n die floor. Subsequently, this " h i g h p l a c e " w a s enclosed b y a wall. T h e wall r e m a i n e d in use t h r o u g h o u t s t r a t u m 3. Jars with ashes a n d kraters containing cremation burials, juglets, a n d Achziv-ware vessels h a d b e e n placed a r o u n d the h i g h place a n d b e n e a t h its foundations. Graves first a p p e a r in s t r a t u m 3, with small baetyls (upright stones signifying H e b . , bet-el, " h o u s e of G o d " ) m a r k i n g each burial. Until recently, this type of baetyl was k n o w n
14
ACOR
only in P u n i c N o r t h Africa. A t o p h e t was discovered nearby—tire first instance of a t o p h e t related to a centtal high place discovered in t h e P h o e n i c i a n h o m e l a n d . T h e central cemetery contained cist graves dated to Early Iron IB. Single or pairs of skeletons were b u r i e d in a supine position. T h e y w e r e found with cylinder seals, a b r o n z e bowl, a small ivory bowl with a lion c o u c h a n t o n t h e rim, and n u m e r o u s locally m a d e b i c h r o m e pilgrim flasks—bur nished a n d d e c o r a t e d with vertical, concentric circles. A b r o n z e double axhead, a spear, and a fibula date t h e cists to the eleventh c e n t u r y BCE. [See Seals; T o m b s ; G r a v e Goods.] T h e eastern c e m e t e r y began to h e used at t h e e n d of Iron IB. M a n y r o c k - h e w n burial c h a m b e r s with shafts were found in a family vault that was in use for 250-300 years. T h e s e c h a m b e r t o m b s are identical with c o n t e m p o r a r y I s raelite burials. In t h e m , a sequence of p r o t o - B l a c k - o n - R e d a n d Black-on-Red I wares was found along w i t h r e d - b u r nished a n d red-polished jugs of typical Achziv ware. Only a few early b i c h r o m e vessels and pilgrim flasks were found. A different r a n g e of I r o n II pottery a p p e a r e d with m o s t of the burials in the southern cemetery. B i c h r o m e , blackon-red, a n d b l a c k - o n - p i n k pilgrim flasks r e p r e s e n t t h e over w h e l m i n g majority of pottery in this cemetery's early p h a s e , which was dated b y its ceramics, scarabs, a n d seals to t h e eleventh-tenth centuries BCE. A recently excavated built t o m b illustrates funerary architecture a n d this cemetery's three phases. A short d r o m o s led to t h e e n t r a n c e of a rec tangular c h a m b e r d u g into the earth a n d h e w n into t h e rock. Its roof, visible a b o v e g r o u n d , was covered with large stone slabs sealed b y a stepped, u p p e r structure of clay bricks, to f o r m a high place. T h e d r o m o s a n d the c h a m b e r w e r e ar ranged o n an e a s t - w e s t axis. T h i s was a family t o m b in which d i e bodies were placed o n their back facing t h e en trance in the s o u t h e r n corner of the east wall. T h e c e m e t e ry's middle p h a s e ( e n d of t h e t e n t h to e n d of t h e eighth century BCE) is m a r k e d b y t h e first a p p e a r a n c e of r e d - p o l ished Achziv jugs a n d bowls. T h e final p h a s e (seventh c e n tury BCE) is n o t e w o r t h y for the large i m p o r t e d storage jars used as receptacles for funerary gifts. D u r i n g all t h r e e phases, valuable metals (lead n e t weights, b r o n z e a r m r i n g s , a n d other o r n a m e n t s of gold), ivories, a m b e r b e a d s a n d seals, a n d votive figurines were buried with t h e deceased. T h e s e finds b e a r witness to t h e range of Sidonian t r a d e t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin a n d t h e rest of t h e N e a r East. BIBLIOGRAPHY Giveon, Raphael. Scarabs from Recent Excavations in Israel, Fribourg, 1988. See pages 2 2 - 3 9 (nos. 5 - 2 8 ) . Oren, Eliezer D . " T h e Pottery from the Achzib Defence System, Area D , 1963 and 1964 Seasons." Israel Exploration Journal 25 ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 211-225. Prausnitz, M . W . " N o t e s and N e w s . " Israel Exploration Journal 9
( 1 9 5 9 ) : 2 7 1 ; 10 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 ; 13 ( 1 9 6 3 ) : 3 3 7 - 3 3 8 ; 15 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 2 5 6 258. Prausnitz, M . W . "Red-Polish and Black-on-Red W a r e s of Akhziv." In The First International Congress of Cypriot Studies, p p . 1 5 1 - 1 5 6 . Nicosia, 1969. Prausnitz, M . W . "Israelite and Sidonian Burial Rites at Akhziv." In Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies, vol. 1, p p . 8 5 - 8 9 . Jerusalem, 1 9 7 2 . Prausnitz, M . W . " T h e Planning of the M i d d l e Bronze Age T o w n of Achzib and Its D e f e n c e s . " Israel Exploration Journal 25 ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 2 0 2 210. Prausnitz, M . W . "Die N e k r o p o l e n von Akhziv u n d die Entwicklung der Keramik v o m 10. bis z u m 7. J a h r h u n d e r t v. Chr. in Akhziv, Samaria u n d A s h d a d . " In Phbnizier im Westen, edited by H a n s G e o r g Niemeyer, p p . 3 1 - 4 4 . M a d r i d e r Beitrage, 8. M a i n z , 1982. Prausnitz, M . W . "Akhziv ( N o r t h ) . " Excavations and Surveys in Israel 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2. Smith, Patricia M . , et al. " H u m a n R e m a i n s from t h e Iron Age C e m e teries at Akhziv." Revista di Studi Fenici 18.2 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 3 7 - 1 5 0 . M . W . PRAUSNITZ
ACOR. See A m e r i c a n C e n t e r of Oriental R e s e a r c h .
A D A B ( m o d e r n B i s m [ a ] y a ) , m o u n d s located in a desert area of s o u t h e r n I r a q a b o u t 40 k m ( 2 5 mi.) d u e east of t h e m o d e r n town of D i w a n i y a a n d a b o u t 30 k m (19 mi.) s o u t h east of t h e ancient religious capital of N i p p u r (3i°54' N , 45°36' E ) T h e identification of the site w i t h ancient A d a b was m a d e b y E d g a r J a m e s B a n k s a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e twentieth c e n t u r y o n t h e basis of inscriptions from t h e m a i n t e m p l e , w h i c h n a m e d it as t h e E - S a r , k n o w n t o be t h e m a i n t e m p l e of A d a b . I n 1885 J. P . P e t e r s , t h e excavator of N i p p u r , visited t h e site a n d n o t e d its m a i n features. Banks car ried o u t the first full-scale excavations in 1903-1904, w h i c h h e described in his b o o k (1912). It r e m a i n s t h e major s o u r c e of information a b o u t t h e site. A d a b is r o u g h l y r e c t a n g u l a r in s h a p e a n d is a p p r o x i m a t e l y a mile long b y half a mile wide. It is s u r r o u n d e d by a d o u b l e wall that, at least in p a r t , is tliird-millennium in date a n d is bisected by t h e b e d of a d r i e d - o u t canal, a b r a n c h of t h e Shatt-an-Nil, w h i c h linked it to N i p p u r . I n s i d e t h e walls are a n u m b e r of m o u n d s , one of w h i c h Banks identified as a t e m e n o s with a ziggurat a n d t e m p l e ; others c o n t a i n e d a p a l ace a n d an area of d o m e s t i c dwelling. A d d i t i o n a l low m o u n d s lay outside t h e walls a n d m a y r e p r e s e n t t h e r e m a i n s of s u b u r b s a n d g a r d e n s . T h e t o w n w a s inhabited from at least t h e early t h i r d mil l e n n i u m a n d a p p e a r s in t h e S u m e r i a n K i n g L i s t w h e r e t h e dynasty of A d a b contains t h e n a m e of a single king, L u g a l a n n e - M u n d a , credited with a reign of n i n e t y years. H e is t h o u g h t to h a v e lived at t h e e n d of t h e E a r l y D y n a s t i c III period. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e t o w n in t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m is confirmed b y tire archaeological finds, w h i c h i n c l u d e t h e statue of a n o t h e r ruler of similar d a t e , L u g a l D a - u d u , a n d
ADEN an area of well-preserved private h o u s e s w h i c h i n c l u d e d one fine c o u r t y a r d h o u s e with a b r i c k - p a v e d floor. B a n k s iden tified the h o u s e as t h e r e s i d e n c e of the local governor, on the basis of c u n e i f o r m tablets f o u n d in it. Bricks s t a m p e d with the n a m e s of Early D y n a s t i c a n d A g a d e (Akkadian) kings, including S a r g o n I a n d N a r a m - S i n , w e r e recovered from t h e t e m e n o s ; bricks s t a m p e d with the n a m e of Shulgi c a m e from the t o p levels of t h e ziggurat. H a m m u r a b i claims, in t h e p r o l o g u e to his law c o d e , t o h a v e (re)built the t e m p l e a n d t h e city. P a r t of a palace t h o u g h t to d a t e t o this period was f o u n d o n m o u n d i . O c c a s i o n a l bricks s t a m p e d with t h e n a m e of K u r i g a l z u indicate t h a t t h e city w a s still inhabited, a n d of s o m e i m p o r t a n c e , in t h e K a s s i t e period. Small finds include a collection of a b o u t t h r e e h u n d r e d cuneiform clay tablets from t h e so-called palace, a n d s o m e of a late t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m d a t e f r o m the private h o u s e s . A magnificent collection of i n s c r i b e d a n d d e c o r a t e d sherds from a wide variety of stone b o w l s was f o u n d in the t e m p l e d u m p . S o m e of the finest are of steatite, or chlorite, elabo rately d e c o r a t e d w i t h g e o m e t r i c a n d figurative designs. M a n y of t h e designs c a n be m a t c h e d on similar vessels from Iran a n d Arabia, as well as f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a n cities s u c h as N i p p u r , U r , a n d M a r i . It h a s b e e n suggested t h a t A d a b m a y have b e e n a distribution p o i n t for this t y p e of i m p o r t e d vessel. P r o v e n i e n c e analyses of t h e stone h a v e also indicated a n u m b e r of different sources for t h e m in southeast Iran a n d the A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a . A fine alabaster h e a d of a m a n , with a c l o s e - t r i m m e d b e a r d and inlaid eyes, only 10 c m high, is d a t e d to t h e A k k a d i a n p e r i o d on stylistic g r o u n d s a n d on t h e basis of its stratigraphic association w i t h a n inscription t h o u g h t to b e of t h a t date. It is t h e finest of a n u m b e r of h e a d s a n d other fragments of statuary. A d a b u n d o u b t e d l y is o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m sites in s o u t h ern Iraq, still to be fully explored. [See also N i p p u r ; S u m e r i a n s ; and the biography of Peters.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Banks, Edgar James. Bismya, or, The Lost City of Adab. N e w York and London, 1912. U n g e r , Eckhard. " A d a b . " In Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. I, p p . 2 1 - 2 2 . Berlin, 1932. HARRIET CRAWFORD
A D E N , since antiquity a m a j o r p o r t city (i2°46' N , 45°02' E ) o n the G u l f of A d e n , n o w i n Y e m e n . M o d e r n A d e n is associated with the n o r t h w e s t e r n p o r t o n B a n d a r T a w a h i , b u t the a n c i e n t a n d medieval p o r t a p p e a r s to have b e e n o n Sira Bay, on t h e eastern side of t h e irregular oval volcanic p r o m o n t o r y k n o w n as A d e n ( / A d a n ) . T h e ancient city w a s located at C r a t e r , t h e hollow of t h e volcano w a s h e d b y t h e waters of Sira Bay. I n antiquity, A d e n m a y h a v e b e e n a n island intermittently, especially at high tide. A n c i e n t l a n d
15
a n d sea c o m m u n i c a t i o n s r o u t e s m e t at A d e n , as k n o w n p r i marily from d e d u c t i o n s a n d later sources. T h e very few in scriptions f o u n d in A d e n m a y n o t c o m e from t h e r e origi nally, a n d S o u t h A r a b i a n texts n a m e m a n y cities called A d e n . It is n o t clear w h e n the p r e s e n t n a m e c a m e to be associated with this particular city. T h e principal pieces of direct evidence c o n c e r n i n g A d e n are the f a m o u s water tanks a n d the a n c i e n t text t h e Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. F r o m prehistoric until m o d e r n times, t h e city at t h e p r e s e n t location of A d e n has b e e n an e m p o r i u m , i m p o r t i n g a n d e x p o r t i n g , serving the m a s t e r s of the interior, rather t h a n b e c o m i n g a p o w e r in its o w n right. Historically the p o r t of A d e n served the frankincense t r a d e of the k i n g d o m of A w s a n in W a d i M a r k h a in t h e first half of tire first millen n i u m BCE a n d t h e n the k i n g d o m of Saba (Sheba) in t h e fol lowing centuries, before falling into the h a n d s of the king d o m of Q a t a b a n a n d later H i m y a r . I n f o r m e d speculation suggests t h a t t h e historic role m i r r o r e d a prehistoric p r e c e d e n t — t h e i m p o r t a t i o n of frankincense from D h u f a r a n d S o malia a n d t h e t r a n s s h i p m e n t b y tire overland t r a d e r o u t e heading north. D u r i n g the first centuries of Islam, a p a r t from continuing to serve as a n e m p o r i u m , A d e n m a y have b e c o m e a p r i m a r y s o u r c e of glass, which was e x p o r t e d t o the L e v a n t a n d the F a r East, again p e r h a p s in c o n t i n u a t i o n of an earlier tradi tion. D u r i n g t h e Rasulid p e r i o d (thirteenth c e n t u r y ) , A d e n i m p o r t e d C h i n e s e p r o d u c t s a n d e x p o r t e d horses. It w o u l d s e e m t h a t t h e t e m p o r a r y decline of ancient A d e n in the first centuries CE c a n b e associated w i t h the rise of the Himyarite p o r t M u z a (near m o d e r n M o c h a , o n the R e d Sea coast) a n d the H a d h r a m a u t p o r t Q a n a ' ( m o d e r n Bir 'Ali, 500 k m [310 mi.] farther east), which flourished from roughly the first century BCE until well after tire demise of the H a d h r a m a u t k i n g d o m . Historically, A d e n p r o b a b l y d o m i n a t e d the sea b o r n e i m p o r t - e x p o r t frankincense t r a d e d u r i n g the entire first m i l l e n n i u m BCE. T h e Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a s h i p p i n g guide dating to t h e first-third century, describes all of the ports in the region, defining the S o u t h A r a b i a n coast as " A u s a n i c " (thus associated with the k i n g d o m o f ' A w s a n ) a n d reports that the p o r t of A d e n ( E u d a i m o n Arabia or Arabia Felix) was sacked, possibly b y the R o m a n E m p e r o r Claudius (41-54 CE). It has b e e n equally plausibly argued, however, that the p l u n d e r i n g was the work of a H i m y a r i t e king. Because t h e date of t h e Periplus itself is n o t certain, the destruction m a y h a v e o c c u r r e d a n y w h e r e f r o m first t o t h e third centuries CE. Regardless of the date, the eclipse w a s only t e m p o r a r y ; a n d E u d a i m o n Arabia was flourishing again soon thereafter. T h e m o s t o v e r w h e l m i n g archaeological feature of A d e n consists of the f a m o u s T a w i l a t a n k s . C a r v e d into t h e rock of a n a r r o w cleft o n t h e s o u t h e r n edge of Crater, they h a v e a c o m b i n e d capacity of s o m e 136,500,000 1 (30 million i m perial gals.) of water. T h e y w e r e filled completely in 1993,
16
ADULIS
showing that the capacity c o r r e s p o n d e d to the extraordi narily irregular rainfall patterns of A d e n , w h e r e 70 m m (2.8 in.) annual rainfall was the m e a n in the 1980s, T h a t the tanks were r e m o d e l e d by Islamic a n d British rulers is clear, b u t the date of their conception is not. A p a r t from r a n d o m soundings and an a t t e m p t to reestab lish the ancient coastline, archaeological research in A d e n itself has never b e e n u n d e r t a k e n , and the objects supposedly coming from t h e city a n d neighboring regions c a n n o t be regarded as reliable sources. T h e c o l u m n capitals f o u n d 3 m (10 ft.) b e n e a t h t h e surface in the city are medieval a n d n o t ancient. D a t i n g to t h e third a n d early second millennia a n d r e vealing parallels to b o t h Africa and the rest of t h e peninsula, the pottery from t h e sites of S u b r a n d Bir N a s s e r , some 2 5 30 1cm (15.5-18.6 mi.) n o r t h , suggests, however, t h a t A d e n was indeed a t r a d i n g center in prehistoric times. Prehistoric i m p o r t pieces can have reached S u b r only after passing t h r o u g h A d e n , a n d the same route applies t o the G r e c o R o m a n finds from t h e district northwest of S u b r . T h e Q a t abanian material f r o m Bir F a d h l , o n e of t h e m a i n l a n d s u b urbs of the m o d e r n city, underlines t h e c o n t i n u o u s i m p o r t a n c e of t h e site. T h u s , despite the dearth of material, dispersed artifacts a n d written S o u t h Arabian and medieval sources indicate t h a t A d e n always served as a major p o r t despite occasional periods of decline, such as t h a t m e n t i o n e d
in the Periplus. [See also H a d h r a m a u t ; H i m y a r ; M o c h a ; Q a t a b a n ; and Y e men.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Casson, Lionel, ed. and trans. The "Periplus Maris Erythraei": Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Princeton, 1989. D o e , Brian. Southern Arabia. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 1 , Guide to the most impor tant published sources relating to Aden. DAVID A . WARBURTON
A D U L I S , i m p o r t a n t ancient coastal t r a d i n g center in Ethiopia ( n o w in Eritrea; I 5 ° i 7 ' N , 39°4o' E ) . L o c a t e d on the d e e p G u l f of Z u l a (Annesley B a y ) , Adulis was t h e R e d Sea p o r t of a n c i e n t A x u m . T h i s was where R o m a n traders t r a n s s h i p p e d g o o d s to vessels h e a d e d , for s o u t h e r n India. F r o m Adulis, ivory collected in n o r t h e r n Ethiopia was s h i p p e d to the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . A l t h o u g h the site was occupied before t h e Aksumite period, the p e r i o d of its ac tivity as a trading center was from t h e first t h r o u g h the eighth c e n t u r y CE. T h e first extensive note a b o u t Adulis a n d t h e first m e n t i o n of A x u m appears in a Greek m e r c h a n t ' s h a n d b o o k , the Per iplus of the Erythraean [Red] Sea, datable to 40-70 CE. A c cording to this source, the journey from Adulis to K o l o e , an inland city a n d t h e first t r a d i n g p o s t for ivory, t o o k t h r e e days. F r o m t h e r e it was five days to tire metropolis called
Axomites. T h e ruler of these regions was Zoskales, w h o w a s well versed in r e a d i n g and writing Greek. M a j o r exports of Adulis were ivory, tortoise shell, a n d r h i n o c e r u s h o r n ; i m ports i n c l u d e d clothing from E g y p t , millefiori glass, brass, iron, wine, olive oil, I n d i a n iron, a n d steel (Periplus, 4-6). T h e land r o u t e w e n t u p the n o r t h e r n E t h i o p i a n e s c a r p m e n t to K o l o e of t h e Periplus ( p e r h a p s t h e site k n o w n cur rently as M a t a r a ) a n d t h e n west t o A x u m . F r a g m e n t s of M e d i t e r r a n e a n a m p h o r a e , glass, a n d iron in later c h r o n o logical levels at Adulis, A x u m , a n d M a t a r a d e m o n s t r a t e t h e continued i m p o r t a n c e of A x u m ' s i m p o r t t r a d e . T h e a u t h o r of the Christian Topography (recently identi fied as C o s t a n t i n e of Antioch) visited Adulis a b o u t 520 CE. T h e p o r t of t h e A x u m i t e s , h e w r o t e , was visited b y m e r chants of A l e x a n d r i a a n d Eilat [Aila]. A t Adulis h e c o p i e d t h e G r e e k inscription of a m a r b l e victory t h r o n e of an u n identified A x u m i t e ruler (xh&MonumentumAdulitanum) a n d t h e G r e e k inscription of a basalt stele of P t o l e m y III. T h e search for t h e Monumentum Adulitanum inspired n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y interest in the r u i n s of Adulis. R o b e r t o P a r i b e n i excavated at Adulis in 1906, followed b y Francis Anfray in 1961 a n d 1962. Like A x u m a n d M a t a r a , Adulis was unwalled. T h e m o n u m e n t a l architecture c o m plexes of the n o r t h e r n and n o r t h e a s t e r n p o r t i o n s of the site reveal characteristic traits of A x u m i t e a r c h i t e c t u r e — s t e p p e d podia platforms w i t h projecting a n d r e - e n t r a n t walls, a n d adjacent a n n e x constructions. Anfray's excavations revealed specific similarities b e t w e e n Adulis a n d M a t a r a . H e u n c o v ered a n area at t h e western p a r t of t h e site w i t h p o p u l a r t w o to t h r e e - r o o m dwellings t h a t a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n p a r t of a m u c h larger architectural c o m p l e x . Unlike the c h u r c h e s at inland A x u m i t e sites, those at A d ulis yielded fragments of prefabricated m a r b l e ecclesiastical furnishings from t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n (see figure 1). T h e s e are datable to the sixth century. F r a g m e n t s of similar or identical m a r b l e chancel panels a n d p o s t s are f o u n d at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e a n d R a v e n n a as well as at c h u r c h e s in Byz antine Palestine. T h e prefabricated m a r b l e s f o u n d at Adulis m u s t have b e e n carved at eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n quarries, sent overland t h r o u g h the N e g e v , a n d s h i p p e d f r o m a p o r t at the n o r t h e r n e n d of the R e d Sea, p r o b a b l y Aila. T h e s e m a r b l e fragments f o u n d at Adulis are associated with c h u r c h e s built in A x u m i t e style. T h e i r p l a n (like the c h u r c h in c o m p l e x F at M a t a r a ) is a basilica with an in scribed eastern apse. T h e latter feature is typical of sixthc e n t u r y c h u r c h e s in Byzantine Palestine. In t h e c o m p l e x t h a t includes t h e n o r t h e r n c h u r c h , P a r i b e n i f o u n d fragments of m a r b l e reliefs carved with a s i x - a r m e d star disk. T h i s design p r o m p t e d h i m to identify t h e architectural m a s s below t h e c h u r c h as a p a g a n ara del sole ("altar of t h e s u n " ) . H o w e v e r , t h e s i x - a r m e d star disk is typical of t h e repertoire of designs carved on prefabricated m a r b l e chancel a n d a m b o (pulpit) furnishings; these fragments s h o u l d also b e d a t e d t o t h e sixth century.
AEGEAN ISLANDS A s h layers a n d charcoal p r o v i d e a m p l e evidence of fire at Adulis, b u t t h e p o r t city w a s n o t d e s t r o y e d in the second quarter of t h e seventh c e n t u r y as s o m e h a v e a s s u m e d . I n ternational t r a d e r o u t e s w e r e deflected f r o m t h e R e d Sea from the late sixth c e n t u r y o n w a r d , a n d the i m p o r t a n c e of Adulis w a n e d . [See also A x u m ; Ethiopia; M a t a r a . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Anfray, Francis. " D e u x villes axoumites: Adoulis et M a t a r a . " In IV Congresso Internazionale di Studi Ethiopia - Rome 1972, p p . 7 4 5 - 7 6 6 , pis. 1 - 6 . Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Q u a d e r n o n o . 1 9 1 . R o m e , 1974. Includes a discussion of the findings of t h e 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 mission of the Ethiophian Institute of Archaeology (led by Anfray). Casson, Lionel. The "Periplus Maris Erythraei": Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. P r i n c e t o n , 1989. Presents the m o s t recent discussion of the date of the Periplus. Heldrnan, Marilyn E. "Early Byzantine Sculptural F r a g m e n t s from A d ulis." In Etudes ethiopiennes, Actes de la Xe confirence internaitonale des etudes ethiopiennes - Paris 1988, edited by Claude L e p a g e , vol. 1, p p . 2 3 9 - 2 5 2 Paris, 1 9 9 4 . M u n r o - H a y , Stuart. " T h e British M u s e u m Excavations at Adulis, 1 8 6 8 . " Antiquaries Journal 69.1 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 4 3 - 5 2 pis. 3 - 6 W i t h an in clusive bibliography. MARILYN E . HELDMAN
A E G E A N I S L A N D S . T h e p u r p o s e of this essay is to situate the A e g e a n Islands in their o w n social, e c o n o m i c a n d cultural milieu as well as in a N e a r E a s t e r n context. L i n k s b e t w e e n the A e g e a n Islands a n d t h e a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t w e r e influenced b y t h e e v e r - c h a n g i n g array of states a n d cultures t h a t d o m i n a t e d the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n — i n Syria-Pal
ADULIS. F i g u r e 1. Marble
chancel posts and panels.
m a r a . (Courtesy M . E. H e l d m a n )
17
estine, Anatolia, a n d E g y p t . T o discuss these island cultures a n d their relationship to N e a r E a s t e r n societies, it is i m p o r t a n t to m o v e b a c k a n d forth b e t w e e n b e t w e e n historical a n d archaeological r e c o r d s , always keeping e a c h distinct b u t placing o n e in c o u n t e r p o i n t t o t h e other wherever a p p r o priate. S u c h an a p p r o a c h will facilitate o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the political ties, e c o n o m i c relationships, a n d cultural a s s o ciations b e t w e e n t h e major polities of t h e m a i n l a n d N e a r E a s t a n d the d o m i n a n t island cultures of the A e g e a n . By the b e g i n n i n g of the Early B r o n z e A g e , a b o u t 3000 BCE, m o s t of t h e A e g e a n Islands h a d b e e n settled for t h e better p a r t of a m i l l e n n i u m , b u t C r e t e h a d b e e n occupied for sev eral millennia. O u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of island d e v e l o p m e n t s d u r i n g the third m i l l e n n i u m is b a s e d exclttsively on a r c h a e ological evidence. D o c u m e n t a r y materials d o n o t c o m e into play before the M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e ( a b o u t 2000-1600). By t h e L a t e B r o n z e Age ( a b o u t 1600-1200/1100), t h e devel o p i n g international spirit in t h e A e g e a n a n d eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n led to m u c h closer connections within the M e d i t e r r a n e a n islands a n d b e t w e e n t h o s e islands a n d the ancient N e a r East. S u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s fostered a n e e d for m o r e d e tailed r e c o r d s of c o m m e r c i a l transactions or political alli ances a n d divisions. T h e absolute chronology of the A e g e a n Early B r o n z e A g e h a s i m p r o v e d markedly in r e c e n t years, a n d yet, b e c a u s e it is difficult to establish chronological connections a m o n g so m a n y islands, cultural s e q u e n c e s still r e m a i n v a g u e , a n d e c o n o m i c or social d e v e l o p m e n t s c a n only b e assessed in t h e b r o a d e s t of t e r m s . By t h e M i d d l e a n d L a t e B r o n z e Ages ( a b o u t 2000-1200), m o r e detailed cultural sequences help to characterize m a n y of t h e A e g e a n Islands. O n e result is
S i x t h c e n t u r y CE. A r c h a e o l o g i c a l M u s e u m , A s
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that the chronological framework a n d t h e relative c h r o n o logical s e q u e n c e s in t h e Aegean a n d eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n are well k n o w n . Absolute dating, however, a n d t h e r a d i o carbon dating m e t h o d are still m u c h debated. T h e t w o following reasons underlie t h e i m p r o v e d situa tion for dating: ( i ) T h e international contacts that devel o p e d on a n u n p r e c e d e n t e d scale b e t w e e n a b o u t 1800 a n d 1100 BCE b r o u g h t distinctive Aegean pottery or metal p r o d ucts into reasonably secure stratigraphic contexts in E g y p t or western Asia, w h e r e astronomically derived dates have e n h a n c e d possibilities for closer dating; (2) t h e spectacular Bronze Age e r u p t i o n o n the Cycladic island of T h e r a n o t only b u r i e d t h e site of Akrotiri b u t also preserved crucial evidence for r a d i o c a r b o n dating. Still t h e chronological d e b a t e continues. T h e best r a d i o carbon-based a p p r o x i m a t i o n for the cataclysmic event a s sociated with t h e T h e r a e r u p t i o n is 1728 BCE a date which may correlate w i t h other types of scientific evidence. Y e t there remain considerable p r o b l e m s associated with labo ratory error, interlaboratory c o m p a r i s o n s , a n d t h e statistical approximation of calibrated r a d i o c a r b o n - d a t e ranges. U n like m o s t archaeologists elsewhere, m a n y A e g e a n prehistorians do n o t a c c e p t r a d i o c a r b o n - d a t i n g evidence. O n e c o n s e q u e n c e is t h e notable disparity of u p to 150 years b e t w e e n their favored date for t h e e r u p t i o n of T h e r a ( a b o u t 1550) and the best estimate t h a t c u r r e n t scientific evidence c a n provide. D e s p i t e t h e wide range of scholarly expertise a n d high-tech e q u i p m e n t b r o u g h t to bear on the p r o b l e m , such discrepancies persist: they are typical of archaeology the world over. C y c l a d e s a n d C r e t e . A l t h o u g h limited in size, m o s t C y cladic islands were colonized b y the B r o n z e A g e , n o t least because water a n d arable land were available. T h e role of the Cyclades in B r o n z e Age regional t r a d e networks was perhaps even m o r e i m p o r t a n t in their p e r m a n e n t settlement. Early mariners u s e d islands as landmarks (or " s t e p p i n g stones") to avoid crossing o p e n stretches of sea. T h e loca tion of the Cyclades within t h e Aegean allowed t h e m t o serve as bridges linking m a i n l a n d G r e e c e , C r e t e a n d Anatolia. D u r i n g t h e Early Cycladic p e r i o d ( a b o u t 3000-1800 BCE), these islands w e r e at t h e forefront of cultural a n d artistic developments in t h e Aegean, only to give w a y in t h e s u b sequent M i d d l e a n d L a t e Cycladic periods to their increas ingly influential n e i g h b o r s , t h e M i n o a n s a n d t h e M y c e n a e ans. In c o m p a r i s o n with C r e t e , t h e Cyclades s h o w less archaeological evidence for contact with areas b e y o n d t h e Aegean. T h e final settlement at T h e r a in t h e late M i d d l e Bronze Age is an exception. L i n k s b e t w e e n M i n o a n C r e t e a n d C y p r u s , t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a n d t h e N e a r East (including E g y p t ) increased t h r o u g h time a n d r e a c h e d a peak during tire L a t e B r o n z e Age. W h e r e a s t h e likelihood of some N e a r E a s t e r n influence o n M i n o a n C r e t e is still d e bated, recent finds of Minoan-style frescoes (Egypt) a n d
painted-plaster floors (Israel) leave n o d o u b t t h a t A e g e a n influences traveled in t h e o p p o s i t e direction. A e g e a n prehistorians w o r k in a nearly " p r e h i s t o r i c " c o n text with a very limited r a n g e of d o c u m e n t a r y evidence (Linear A a n d L i n e a r B) at their disposal. T h i s factor c o m bined with tire i n h e r e n t chronological i m p r e c i s i o n for Bronze Age C r e t e a n d t h e C y c l a d e s (from 50 to 200 years) makes it difficult to p r o v i d e reliable narrative a c c o u n t s for m u c h of the B r o n z e A g e . G i v e n t h e n a t u r e of the evidence, t h e best that A e g e a n prehistorians c a n d o is to outline p a t terns of h u m a n activity, d e v e l o p m e n t , or c h a n g e . T o reflect this situation, t h e chronological t e r m s u s e d here are b a s e d o n t h e m o s t obvious material d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e A e g e a n world: t h e e m e r g e n c e , d e v e l o p m e n t , a n d decline of palatial civilization o n M i d d l e - L a t e B r o n z e C r e t e . T h e Pre-Palalial Period c o r r e s p o n d s to t h e Early B r o n z e A g e ( E B A ) a n d spans t h e p e r i o d from 3000 to a b o u t 2000/1950 BCE. T h e Old Palatial Period c o r r e s p o n d s to t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e ( M B A ) , covering t h e p e r i o d 1950-1700 BCE. T h e New Palatial Period m a r k s t h e transition from M i d d l e to L a t e B r o n z e , a b o u t 1700-1400 BCE. T h e Post-Palatial Period c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h e later p h a s e s of t h e L a t e B r o n z e Age ( L B A ) , e x t e n d i n g from 1400 to 1200 BCE. T h e final p e r i o d is t h e Sub-Minoan/Mycenaean, from 1200 to 1000 B C E . D u r i n g t h e third m i l l e n n i u m BCE, innovations in m a r i t i m e t r a n s p o r t a n d t h e earliest cultivation of olives a n d vines h a d a striking effect o n social a n d e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t s . Heretofore isolated from t h e b r o a d e r M e d i t e r r a n e a n world, A e g e a n islanders b e g a n to m a n u f a c t u r e distinctive artifacts, to participate in overseas t r a d e , a n d t o c o n s t t u c t t h e earliest t o w n s in the M e d i t e r r a n e a n . M o s t Cycladic sites (farming settlements) w e r e n o m o r e t h a n a n acre in size, b u t their s p r e a d t h r o u g h o u t t h e islands is a n o t a b l e feature of t h e Early B r o n z e A g e archaeological r e c o r d . A t t h e s a m e time, the a d v e n t a n d s p r e a d of c o p p e r a n d silver metallurgy p e r m i t t e d some A e g e a n islanders to a c q u i r e wealth a n d p r e s tige, which p r o m o t e d social stratification. A m u l t i t u d e of h a r b o r s a n d t h e potential diversity of t r a d i n g r o u t e s further p r o m o t e d international contacts. T h e s e interrelated d e v e l o p m e n t s r e p r e s e n t a s h a r p b r e a k with earlier p a t t e r n s . O n C r e t e in t h e Early B r o n z e A g e , several n e w , widely dispersed settlements arose. Before larger sites s u c h as K n o s s o s , Mallia, or Phaistos—all situated in agriculturally favorable positions a n d all destined t o b e c o m e palace c e n t e r s — c o u l d b e c o n s t r u c t e d a n d m a i n t a i n e d (along with their d e p e n d e n t p e r s o n n e l ) , society h a d to b e reoriented, a n d a labor force mobilized. I t is still difficult t o r e c o n s t r u c t this social reorganization from t h e archaeologi cal record.
AEGEAN ISLANDS H o w did these d e v e l o p m e n t s p r o m o t e long-distance t r a d e , a n d h o w did t h a t t r a d e h e l p to stabilize the n e w p a latial regimes? T h e A e g e a n generally a n d C r e t e in particular w e r e obvious n o d e s for t r a d e a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e east a n d central M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a n d b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n d t h e N e a r East. A l t h o u g h Early B r o n z e A g e t r a d e in t h e A e g e a n w a s chiefly local or regional, it h a d a n international aspect c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e acquisition of l u x u r y items or b a sic resources. S u c h "prestige g o o d s " singled o u t t h e social g r o u p s t h a t increasingly m a i n t a i n e d centralized control over C r e t e a n d d e v e l o p e d t h e A e g e a n palatial system. B e c a u s e the palaces n o t only m a i n t a i n e d p r o d u c t i o n for e x p o r t b u t at t h e s a m e time controlled i m p o r t s , they played a key role in overseas t r a d e . I n t h e r e t u r n t r a d e , C r e t e offered its N e a r E a s t e r n p a r t n e r s finished g o o d s — t e x t i l e s , metal, s e m i p r e cious stones, o r g a n i c g o o d s , a n d dyes. T h e material evidence of c o n t a c t with t h e ancient N e a r East, therefore, is clear, b u t t h e n a t u r e of this contact is a p r o b l e m a t i c issue t h a t t h e archaeological r e c o r d c a n n o t r e solve easily. H o w w e r e g o o d s e x c h a n g e d ? W h o actually c o n d u c t e d t r a d e ? S o m e scholars w h o s t u d y t h e later, M i n o a n L i n e a r B tablets m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e palaces could n o t h a v e controlled overseas t r a d e b e c a u s e it is n e v e r m e n t i o n e d as s u c h i n t h e tablets. G i v e n t h e evidence for c o n t a c t s b e t w e e n M i n o a n C r e t e a n d t h e L e v a n t d u r i n g t h e O l d Palatial p e r i o d , is it possible t h a t M i n o a n palatial civilization evolved as a result of inter action b e t w e e n t h e A e g e a n a n d t h e N e a r East? Because cer tain functional (drainage s y s t e m s ) , technical, a n d stylistic aspects (ashlar m a s o n r y , wall paintings) in t h e t w o areas a r e similar, s o m e archaeologists h a v e a r g u e d for a direct t e c h nological a n d artistic e x c h a n g e of ideas. Several n e w features a p p a r e n t in t h e M i n o a n palaces (pottery s h a p e s , m o n u m e n tality of t h e palaces, i c o n o g r a p h y , u s e of writing, a n d c o m plexity of M i n o a n p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems) are n o t r a n d o m o c c u r r e n c e s . T h e y m a y reflect a close knowledge of N e a r E a s t e r n ideas of kingship. T h e c e r e m o n i a l a n d administrative a s p e c t s , however, a p p e a r as early on C r e t e as t h e y d o in t h e N e a r East, a n d there is little t h a t is specifically N e a r E a s t e r n a b o u t their a d o p t i o n in M i n o a n b u r e a u c r a c i e s . E a c h M i n o a n palace reveals u n i q u e ele m e n t s , a n d in overall design t h e y focus o n a central c o u r t i n a m a n n e r distinct from N e a r E a s t e r n palaces ( M a r i or A l alakh), or from E g y p t i a n u r b a n centers (Tell e l - A m a r n a ) . I n other w o r d s , t h e form of t h e M i n o a n palaces is clearly n o t derived from N e a r E a s t e r n p r o t o t y p e s . I n a n era of increasing internationalism, cultural i n t e r c o n nections b e t w e e n the N e a r E a s t a n d t h e A e g e a n a r e n o t especially r e m a r k a b l e . It is likely, therefore, t h a t the i n t e n sification of long-distance t r a d e d u r i n g t h e twentieth-sev e n t e e n t h centuries BCE (including gift exchanges b e t w e e n palace centers in b o t h regions) m a y h a v e led Crete's rulers to e m u l a t e w h a t t h e y learned a b o u t N e a r E a s t e r n royal i n
19
stitutions, particularly t h o s e aspects that m a y h a v e helped to consolidate their o w n rule. A c q u i r i n g "prestige g o o d s " from a b r o a d h e l p e d to confer h i g h e r status o n M i n o a n elites, w h i c h in t u r n led to further social inequalities. I n s u m , e x p o s u r e t o t h e ideas a n d institutions of the ancient N e a r E a s t did n o t lead directly to t h e rise of t h e M i n o a n palaces, a l t h o u g h it m a y h a v e initiated s o m e level of c o m p e t i t i o n a m o n g elites in n e i g h b o r i n g M i n o a n polities a n d thereby led to intensified p r o d u c t i o n , as well as social a n d organizational change. C r e t e ' s N e o - P a l a t i a l P e r i o d . A b o u t 1700 BCE, a n e a r t h q u a k e or series of quakes d e s t r o y e d C r e t e ' s first palaces. I n the elaborate reconstructions t h a t followed, t h e magnificent frescoes widely recognized as a n i m p o r t a n t hallmark of M i n o a n civilization w e r e a p p l i e d t o t h e n e w palace walls. U n p r e c e d e n t e d wealth is further indicated b y fine p a i n t e d p o t tery, jewelry, engraved g e m s , b r o n z e items, a n d ivory figurines. Self-supporting i n food a n d m o s t other basic r e sources except metals, t h e inhabitants of M i n o a n Crete i n tensified their agricultural a n d textile p r o d u c t i o n . C o m b i n e d with t h e extensive t r a d e c o n t a c t s t h a t t u n n e l e d luxury items a n d other goods into t h e e c o n o m y , these factors b r o u g h t C r e t e to t h e a p e x of p r o s p e r i t y b y a b o u t 1600. Even if land a n d agriculture-pastoralism formed the eco n o m i c basis of t h e palatial system, centralized control over foreign t r a d e p r o v i d e d m u c h of t h e extraordinary wealth a n d prestige items t h a t h e l p e d t o solidify political a n d e c o n o m i c p o w e r . M e r c h a n t s or m a r i n e r s , m o r e o v e r , w o u l d have i n dulged i n o t h e r forms of (private) trade a n d barter. T h r o u g h s u c h m e c h a n i s m s , M i n o a n g o o d s b e g a n to a p p e a r in in creasing n u m b e r s t h r o u g h o u t t h e A e g e a n a n d western A n atolia, a n d i n C y p r u s , tire L e v a n t , a n d E g y p t . D o c u m e n t a r y a n d pictorial evidence related to KeftiujKaptaru ( C r e t e , or the A e g e a n world generally) suggests t h a t this t r a d e w a s m u c h m o r e extensive t h a n t h e archaeological evidence alone w o u l d imply. T h e " c u l t u r a l i m p e r i a l i s m " suggested by t h e p r e s e n c e of M i n o a n g o o d s overseas, however, does n o t m e a n t h a t the M i n o a n s also exercised political or even e c o nomic dominion. T o w a r d t h e e n d of w h a t A e g e a n prehistorians t e r m t h e L a t e M i n o a n ( L M ) IB p e r i o d , w h e n " m a r i n e - s t y l e " pottery flourished o n C r e t e , t h e r e is evidence of d a m a g e , desertion, o r destruction at several M i n o a n sites with the possible ex ception of K n o s s o s . T h e i m m e d i a t e a n d extensive rebuild ing t h a t followed w a s a l m o s t as elaborate as that of the p a latial p e r i o d , b u t M i n o a n settlement overall contracted d u r i n g t h e L M II period. K n o s s o s , extensively r e m o d e l e d at the s a m e t i m e , r e m a i n e d t h e only functioning palatial center. M y c e n a e a n (i.e., G r e e k m a i n l a n d ) influence b e c a m e m o r e evident o n C r e t e at t h e s a m e time. S o m e t i m e within t h e post-palatial p e r i o d (the date is d i s p u t e d ) K n o s s o s ' s g r a n d palace w a s destroyed b y fire. Afterward, although M i n o a n culture flourished at sites s u c h as K h a n i a in t h e west a n d
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AEGEAN ISLANDS
K o m m o s on t h e s o u t h coast, palatial life on Crete along with M i n o a n p o w e r a n d influence in the A e g e a n ceased to exist. T h e political a n d e c o n o m i c collapse of M i n o a n C r e t e c a m e at a time w h e n M i n o a n power, in archaeological t e r m s , seemed t o be at its peak. Over recent decades t h e L M IB destructions a n d the M i n o a n collapse h a v e b e e n attributed exclusively to s u c h factors as the cataclysmic e r u p t i o n of a volcano o n T h e r a , earthquakes and fires, a M y c e n a e a n in vasion, or an internal revolution. Y e t we k n o w t h a t t h e col lapse of d o m i n a n t early states at t h e peak of their p o w e r is n o t u n c o m m o n — w i t n e s s M e s o p o t a m i a d u r i n g t h e Old Babylonian or N e o - A s s y r i a n periods or E g y p t d u r i n g its N e w K i n g d o m . It is m u c h m o r e likely t h a t Crete's political a n d e c o n o m i c p r e e m i n e n c e w a s disrupted by several inter related factors, a m o n g t h e m t h e T h e r a n eruption, t h e later L M IB earthquakes, a n d M y c e n a e a n incursions. External factors such as increased M y c e n a e a n p o w e r a n d Hittite ex p a n s i o n in Anatolia a n d n o r t h Syria m a y also h a v e u p s e t t h e balance of M i n o a n p o w e r , a n d d i s r u p t e d long-standing M i n o a n links with those areas. O n c e M i n o a n p o w e r was shat tered, an internal revolution m a y have temporarily c o n c e n trated p o w e r at K n o s s o s . Crete never regained its position of d o m i n a n c e , a n d like all other states in the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , it suffered further e c o n o m i c stress at d i e e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e Age. T h e r a . N o w h e r e is t h e extent of M i n o a n cultural contacts overseas m o r e a p p a r e n t t h a n at t h e site of Akrotiri in T h e r a . Excavations at Akrotiri (a B r o n z e Age P o m p e i i in t h e A e gean) have u n c o v e r e d h u n d r e d s of examples of M i n o a n p o t tery, as well as " M i n o a n i z i n g " features a n d i c o n o g r a p h y in pottery, frescoes, spindle whorls, l a m p s , a n d other items. W h e n t h e M i n o a n s e m e r g e d as a major e c o n o m i c force in the A e g e a n d u r i n g t h e early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE, other islands like T h e r a m a y have a c c r u e d prestige or p o w e r sim ply by possessing M i n o a n p r o d u c t s . In the final two p h a s e s of its occupation, t h e inhabitants of Akrotiri h a d rebuilt their t o w n in a m a n n e r r e m i n i s c e n t of the d o m i n a n t M i n o a n centers o n Crete. T h r o u g h o u t the island there are signs of dispersed settlement—farmsteads, villages, p e r h a p s " c o u n t r y houses"—similar t o t h a t of con t e m p o r a r y M i n o a n C r e t e . Akrotiri's multistoried architec ture, however, is u n i q u e , and its pottery a n d other fine arts represent a high Cycladic standard. T h e site of Akrotiri w o u l d have b e e n an i m p o r t a n t b u reaucratic center with a m a r i t i m e location ideally situated for inter-Aegean c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . Sailing ships, w h i c h are depicted on T h e r a ' s " M i n i a t u r e F r e s c o , " would h a v e helped to regularize intra-Aegean t r a d e , a n d to facilitate a n in creased m o v e m e n t of local, surplus, a n d l u x u r y g o o d s . As in Crete, the incentive m a y have c o m e from t h e elite desire to acquire prestige goods (on T h e r a , often of M i n o a n origin or style) in o r d e r to concentrate a n d legitimize p o w e r a n d from t h e ability of t h a t elite to control a labor force that p r o d u c e d finished goods for t r a d e .
T h e cataclysmic destruction suffered b y t h e t o w n of Ak rotiri t o w a r d t h e e n d of L M I A b u r i e d it in m o r e t h a n 30 m (98 ft.) of volcanic ash a n d debris. T h e entire island of T h e r a w a s d e v a s t a t e d . T h r o u g h o u t t h e A e g e a n area, ash fallout, if n o t tidal w a v e s , w r e a k e d further h a v o c . S h i p p i n g a n d trading within t h e A e g e a n m u s t h a v e b e e n curtailed as a result, a n d s o m e scholars a r g u e t h a t this h y p o t h e t i c a l series of related events m u s t have b r o k e n M i n o a n control over A e g e a n seas. E v e n if e a r t h q u a k e s c o n n e c t e d with t h e e r u p tion caused localized destructions o n C r e t e , t h e series of ca tastrophes o n C r e t e , which served to u n d e r m i n e its p r e e m i n e n c e within t h e A e g e a n , o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e L M IB (not t h e L M IA) p o t t e r y p h a s e . In other w o r d s , h o w e v e r disruptive the T h e r a n e r u p t i o n m a y h a v e b e e n to A e g e a n society a n d c o m m e r c e , it did n o t c a u s e t h e d e m i s e of M i n o a n cultural a n d political d o m i n i o n . R h o d e s . T h r o u g h o u t the D o d e c a n e s e g r o u p of islands, which includes R h o d e s , archaeological evidence for t h e Early a n d M i d d l e B r o n z e Ages is still limited. T h e heaviest concentration of sites o n R h o d e s is f o u n d along t h e fertile n o r t h w e s t coastal plain, w h e r e two key L a t e B r o n z e A g e s i t e s — T r i a n d a a n d Ialysos—were situated. T h e earliest m i d d l e B r o n z e Age settlement at T r i a n d a reveals a local character p e p p e r e d with nortirwest A n a t o l i a n influence. A s u b s e q u e n t L a t e M i n o a n IA t o w n covered m o r e tiian 12 ha (29.6 acres) a n d revealed so m u c h e v i d e n c e of M i n o a n c o n tact tiiat L M I A T r i a n d a is widely r e g a r d e d as a M i n o a n colony. T h i s classification m a s k s t h e fact t h a t t h e inhabitants of T r i a n d a like uiose of c o n t e m p o r a r y Akrotiri a n d of m a n y M i n o a n settlements h a d greatly e x p a n d e d a n d elaborated their t o w n s d u r i n g t h e L M I A p e r i o d . After w h a t a p p e a r s t o b e e a r t h q u a k e d a m a g e , T r i a n d a u n d e r w e n t s o m e r e n o v a t i o n s , w h i c h w e r e d i s r u p t e d a n d left unfinished. P e r h a p s this w a s yet a n o t h e r o u t c o m e of t h e massive volcanic e r u p t i o n o n T h e r a ( t e p h r a from several places in n o r t h w e s t R h o d e s h a s b e e n analyzed as T h e r a n in origin). T r i a n d a was partially r e c o n s t r u c t e d in L M I B , b u t t h e n e w t o w n was r e d u c e d in size a n d m o r e limited in h a b itation. T h e L M IB a n d L a t e C y p r i o t I p o t t e r y f o u n d in tltis s t r a t u m indicates that overseas links r e m a i n e d o p e n , a n d d i e increasing o c c u r r e n c e of M y c e n a e a n p o t t e r y (Late Helladic II-IIIA2) in die u p p e r layers m a y indicate c h a n g i n g e c o n o m i c orientations. E v i d e n c e for L a t e B r o n z e A g e settlements o n R h o d e s ends with t h e a p p a r e n t a b a n d o n m e n t of the site of T r i a n d a d u r i n g t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE.
T h e m o r t u a r y evidence for t h e following centuries is over whelmingly b a s e d o n t h e massive c e m e t e r y site at n e a r b y Ialysos. T h e p r e s e n c e in t h e Ialysos t o m b s of a variety of metal artifacts, a m b e r , glass o r n a m e n t s , b e a d s of s e m i p r e cious stones, a n d r o c k crystal, a n d even t h e o d d seal a n d E g y p t i a n s c a r a b , attests to far-flung e c o n o m i c relations. Like T r i a n d a before it, Ialysos w o u l d h a v e b e e n a n ideal p o i n t for t r a n s s h i p p i n g cargo from eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n
AEGEAN ISLANDS b o t t o m s o n t o local craft a n d m a y therefore h a v e controlled m u c h of the eastern t r a d e c o m i n g into t h e A e g e a n . T h e c u r r e n t archaeological r e c o r d of L a t e B r o n z e A g e R h o d e s s u g gests t h a t a g r o u p of M i n o a n or M y c e n a e a n m e r c h a n t s e n sconced at T r i a n d a or Ialysos m a y h a v e m a n a g e d t h e t r a n s s h i p m e n t of g o o d s t o a n d f r o m t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . I n this scenario, R h o d i a n elites w o u l d h a v e e m u l a t e d a n d s o u g h t t o acquire certain prestige g o o d s from t h e A e g e a n core area. The Aegean World a n d t h e Ancient Near East. Cu neiform, hieroglyphic, a n d hieratic d o c u m e n t s d a t e d p r i marily to t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE refer only sporadically to t h e A e g e a n Islands. E v e n t h e n , t h e g e o g r a p h i c identifi cations proposed—Alihijawa^Achaean; Keftiu/Kapht o r = C r e t e or t h e A e g e a n — a r e n o t universally a c c e p t e d . T h e s e texts a r e n o t only limited in n u m b e r , they are also u n e v e n i n n a t u r e a n d c o n c e r n e d with idiosyncratic m a t t e r s t h a t often h a v e little relevance for historical r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . M a n y have little b e a r i n g o n t h e archaeological r e c o r d of t h e B r o n z e A g e A e g e a n world. Cultural associations b e t w e e n t h e A e g e a n Islands a n d t h e ancient N e a r East a r e b e s t d e m o n s t r a t e d b y archaeologi cal materials, w h i c h s h o w particularly close contacts o n the p a r t of M i n o a n C r e t e d u r i n g t h e M i d d l e a n d L a t e B r o n z e Ages. T h e d o c u m e n t a r y evidence associated w i t h the t e r m s Ahhijawa, Keftiu, a n d Kaptaru provides insight into certain types of i s l a n d - m a i n l a n d c o n t a c t s , usually e c o n o m i c or geopolitical in n a t u r e . W h a t w e c a n learn from textual evidence a b o u t relations b e t w e e n Ahhijawa a n d H i t tite Anatolia, for e x a m p l e , is decidedly geopolitical or mili tary in outlook. Y e t w e also k n o w t h a t t h e p e o p l e of Ahhijawa w e r e able t o ply t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea t o their e c o n o m i c advantage. B y contrast, d o c u m e n t a r y m a terials t h a t refer t o K e f t i u / K a p t a r u are decidedly e c o n o m i c in n a t u r e . Y e t w e also learn t h a t Keftiu w a s r a n k e d politically with powerful states such as B a b y l o n , H a t t i , Assur, U g a r i t , and Cyprus. O u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e relationships b e t w e e n tire B r o n z e A g e A e g e a n a n d E g y p t or t h e L e v a n t has b e e n col ored by n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y p r e c o n c e p t i o n s t h a t d i s c o u n t e d t h e notion of Semitic cultural i m p a c t u p o n t h e B r o n z e A g e p r e c u r s o r s of classical G r e e k civilization. T h e s e views h a v e n o w altered dramatically, n o t least b e c a u s e of M a r t i n B e r nal's controversial study Black Athena (1987). Bernal b e lieves t h a t E g y p t o - L e v a n t i n e cultural a n d linguistic influ ences o n t h e A e g e a n world b e g a n as early as 2000 BCE a n d played a central role in t h e f o r m a t i o n of G r e e k civilization. T h e p r e s e n t study h a s suggested, quite t o t h e contrary, t h a t s o m e rulers of M i n o a n C r e t e , as a n adjunct t o c o m m e r c i a l t r a d e , c a m e t o e m u l a t e various aspects of N e a r E a s t e r n i d e ology in o r d e r t o e n h a n c e their o w n political roles. T h e Keftiu evidence m a k e s it clear t h a t A e g e a n t r a d e r s visited E g y p t d u r i n g t h e m i d - s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m , while t h e evidence of t h e T e l l e d - D a b ' a frescos indicates t h a t contacts
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b e t w e e n E g y p t a n d t h e A e g e a n w e n t b e y o n d t h e purely commercial. T h e E g y p t i a n s chose t o describe their o w n r e lationship with t h e Keftiu as t r i b u t a r y — a n d thus politically motivated. A l t h o u g h a statue base of A m e n o p h i s III m a y well have r e c o r d e d a f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y Egyptian a m b a s sadorial visit t o t h e A e g e a n , it c a n n o t b e interpreted (follow ing Bernal) as indicating E g y p t i a n suzerainty over t h e A e gean. I n s u m , w h e r e a s Bernal's challenge t o t h e o r t h o d o x y a b o u t t h e n a t u r e of s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m A e g e a n - N e a r East e r n relations m a y force scholars t o reevaluate earlier colonial a n d racist n o t i o n s , his c o n c e p t of E g y p t i a n or Levantine col onizations in t h e A e g e a n is ill f o u n d e d a n d confuses t h e n a t u r e of e c o n o m i c a n d ideological processes at w o r k in t h e B r o n z e A g e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T h e K e f t i u / K a p t a r u d o c u m e n t s s h o w t h a t t h e Aegean world h a d a recognized political status a m o n g c o n t e m p o r a r y N e a r E a s t e r n states a n d enjoyed e c o n o m i c relations with E g y p t , M a r i , a n d Ugarit. C r e t e ' s active involvement in this trade enriched its o w n culture, vitalized t h e palatial e c o n o m y , a n d e x p a n d e d its h o r i z o n s far b e y o n d the Aegean area. If t h e Ahhijawa-Achaiwa e q u a t i o n is accepted, t h e g e o p o litical status of t h e A e g e a n w o r l d indicated by t h e Keftiu/ K a p t a r u r e c o r d s finds further substantiation. M y c e n a e a n t r a d i n g v e n t u r e s c o r r e s p o n d closely in time a n d space to t h e e c o n o m i c a n d political activities of t h e Ahhijawa. T h e Ahhijawa-Achaiwa c o r r e s p o n d e n c e seems eminently defen sible. It hints at A e g e a n military a n d political m a n e u v e r s in western Anatolia, reveals t h a t diplomatic relations existed b e t w e e n t h e t w o areas, a n d m a k e s it feasible t o reconsider t h e quasi-historical aspects of the T r o j a n war. T h e elaborate c o m m e r c i a l networks of t h e B r o n z e A g e M e d i t e r r a n e a n involved a m u l t i t u d e of ttade m e c h a n i s m s a n d a variety of t r a d i n g p a r t n e r s . T o g e t h e r they defined the n a t u r e a n d intensity of M e d i t e r r a n e a n contacts with the ancient N e a r East. A l t h o u g h s o m e h a v e argued for a state-controlled M i n o a n thalassocracy, t h e r e are good reasons t o t h i n k t h a t localized trade p r e d o m i n a t e d in t h e Cycladic a n d D o d e c a n e s e islands. I n either case, cen tralized control over s o m e aspects of t r a d e does n o t preclude private initiative in others. T h e ethnicity of t h e m e r c h a n t s a n d m a r i n e r s w h o c o n d u c t e d M e d i t e r r a n e a n trade has b e e n d e d u c e d from archaeological evidence or p r e s u m e d on t h e basis of personal n a m e s f o u n d in d o c u m e n t a r y records. T o gether t h e y indicate t h a t Semites, H u r r i a n s , Anatolians, Egyptians, Minoans, Cypriotes, and probably Mycenaean Greeks w e r e involved. Y e t t h e r e is n o final w a y t o determine w h o controlled or directed t r a d e . A C a n a a n i t e thalassocracy is n o m o r e plausible t h a n a M i n o a n o n e . T h e picture t h a t e m e r g e s from t h e foregoing suggests t h a t ruling elites, royal m e r c h a n t s , itinerant tinkers, a n d private individuals were all involved i n t h e l o n g - t e r m political a n d e c o n o m i c intercon nections b e t w e e n t h e A e g e a n Islands a n d t h e ancient N e a r East. [See also C r e t e ; M i n o a n s . ]
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AGRICULTURE BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bietak, Manfred, et al. " N e u e Grabungsergebnisse aus Tell el D a b ' a u n d 'Ezbet Helmi im ostlichen Nildelta 1 9 8 9 - 1 9 9 1 . " Agypten und Levante 4 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 9 - 8 1 . Bietak, Manfred, et al. Pharaonen und Fremde: Dynasiien im Dunkel, Vienna, 1994. Bernal, Martin, Black Athena: The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civili zation, vol. 1, The Fabrication of Ancient Greece, 1785—1985; vol. 2, The Archaeological and Documentary Evidence. N e w Brunswick, N.J., 1 9 8 7 - 1 9 9 1 . T h e first two of four projected volumes, detailing Bernal's ideas concerning Egypto-Levantine influence o n t h e Bronze Age Aegean. Cherry, John F . "Polities and Palaces: S o m e Problems in M i n o a n State Formation." In Peer Polity Interaction and Socio-Political Change, ed ited by Colin Renfrew and John F . Cherry, p p . 1 9 - 4 5 . C a m b r i d g e , 1986. Detailed theoretical study of the possible impact of N e a r East ern political a n d ideological factors o n the formation of the M i n o a n palaces. Dietz, Soren, and Ioannes Papachristodoulou, eds, Archaeology in the Dodecanese. C o p e n h a g e n , 1988. Provides up-to-date reports on sites and artifactual material from R h o d e s a n d other Dodecanese islands (prehistoric to Classical). D o u m a s , Christos. Santorini: A Guide to the Island and Its Archaeological Treasures. Athens, 1985. U p - t o - d a t e , general archaeological study and guide to t h e excavations on T h e r a . Forrer, E. 0 . "Vorhomerische Griechen in d e n Keilschrifttexten von Boghazkoi." Mitteihngen des deutschen Orient Gesellschaft 63 (1924): 1 - 2 2 . Forrer's original publication, equating Ahhiyawa a n d Achaiwa. See also S o m m e r and Huxley. G a l e , N . H . , ed. Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean. Studies in M e d iterranean Archaeology, vol. 90. [Goteborg], 1 9 9 1 . Publication of a 1988 conference held in Oxford, featuring several important papers dealing with various aspects of trade in the Bronze Age Aegean a n d adjacent areas. Gtiterbock, H a n s G . , Machteld J. Mellink, and Emily T o w n s e n d Vermeule. " T h e Hittites a n d t h e Aegean W o r l d . " American Journal of Archaeology 87 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 3 3 - 1 4 3 . Reasonably u p - t o - d a t e discussion of the Ahhiyawa-Aegean debate, by a Hittitologist, a n Anatolian ar chaeologist, a n d an Aegean archaeologist, respectively. H a r d y , D . A., et al., eds. Thera and the Aegean World, vol. 3.1, Archae ology. L o n d o n , 1990. Published proceedings of a 1989 conference, detailing t h e latest archaeological work on t h e island of T h e r a . I n dispensable for any extended study of Aegean prehistory. Hardy, D . A., and Colin Renfrew, eds. Thera and the Aegean World, vol, 3.3, Chronology. L o n d o n , 1990. Published proceedings of a 1989 conference, with several important chronological studies relating t o Thera. Indispensable for research o n Bronze Age Aegean chronol ogy. Huxley, George L . Achaeans and Hittites. Oxford, i 9 6 0 . T h e best E n glish-language discussion of the corpus of cuneiform Hittite texts o n the Ahhijawa. See also Gtiterbock et al. Manning, Start. " T h e Bronze Age Eruption of T h e r a : Absolute D a t ing, Aegean Chronology, a n d Mediterranean Cultural Interrela tions." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 1.1 (1988): 1 7 - 8 2 . T h e most detailed discussion available of t h e archaeological, radiocarbon, and other scientific factors involved in the higher Aegean Bronze Age chronology. See also M a n n i n g (1992). Manning, Start. " T h e Emergence of Divergence: Bronze Age Crete and t h e Cyclades." I n Development and Decline in the Bronze Age Mediterranean, edited b y Clay Mathers and Simon Stoddart, p p . 2 2 1 - 2 7 0 . Sheffield, 1 9 9 4 . Comprehensive and u p - t o - d a t e discussion of a vast range of Aegean Bronze Age sites and materials within a sophisticated theoretical (social) framework. M a n n i n g , Sturt. The Absolute Chronology of the Aegean Early Bronze Age.
M o n o g r a p h s in M e d i t e r r a n e a n Archaeology, vol. 1. Sheffield, 1 9 9 5 . Comprehensive study, u p d a t e d just before publication, establishing an accurate chronological framework for t h e Aegean during the Early Bronze Age. Replaces W a r r e n a n d H a n k e y a n d contains an a p p e n d i x treating die higher Aegean chronology. M e e , Christopher. Rhodes in the Bronze Age. W a r m i n s t e r , 1982. Still the only book in English that deals with Bronze Age R h o d e s in detail, heavily weighted toward description a n d study of t h e M y c e n a e a n pottery from t h e t o m b s at Ialysos. Renfrew, Colin. The Emergence of Civilisation: The Cyclades and the Ae gean in the Third Millennium B.C. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 2 . Still the most c o m prehensive archaeological study of the Cycladic islands during t h e Bronze Age, a n d unlikely t o be superseded in the immediate future. Sherratt, A n d r e w G., a n d S u s a n Sherratt. F r o m Luxuries to C o m modities: T h e N a t u r e of M e d i t e r r a n e a n B r o n z e Age T r a d i n g Sys t e m s . " I n Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, edited b y N . H . Gale, p p . 3 5 1 - 3 8 6 . Studies in M e d i t e r r a n e a n Archaeology, vol. 90. [Goteborg], 1 9 9 1 . T h e m o s t sophisticated theoretical article ever written o n the topic of Bronze Age trade in the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a n d the standard-bearer for t h e Oxford conference where it was first p r e sented. S o m m e r , F e r d i n a n d . Die Ahhijawa-Urkunden. A b h a n d l u n g e n der Bayerische Akademie d e r Wissenschaften, Historische-Philosophische Abteilung 6. M u n i c h , 1 9 3 2 . S o m m e r ' s publication of t w e n t y - o d d Hittite cuneiform texts concerning the Ahhiyawa. See also Forrer and Huxley. Strange, John. CaphlorlKeftiu: A New Investigation. Acta Theologica Danica, vol. 1 4 . Leiden, 1980. Detailed philological stady of all tex tual evidence for KaphtorlKeftiu, flawed b y its identification of that place n a m e with C y p r u s . See also Vercoutter. Vercoutter, Jean. L'Egypte et le monde egeen prehellenique. Bibliotheque des E t u d e s , vol. 2 2 . Cairo, 1956. Still the m o s t comprehensive study of all Egyptian material, especially of Kaphtor/Keftiu, related t o t h e Bronze Age Aegean. W a c h s m a n n , Shelley. Aegeans in the Theban Tombs. Orientalia L o v a n iensia Analecta, vol. 20. L o u v a i n , 1 9 8 7 . C o m p r e h e n s i v e , u p - t o - d a t e , descriptive study of all T h e b a n t o m b paintings t h o u g h t to depict Bronze Age Aegean peoples, including a discussion of Keftiu-rs\&ttd issues. Warren, Peter M . , a n d V r o n w y Hankey. Aegean Bronze Age Chronology. Bristol, 1989. T h e most detailed recent publication of the traditional (lower) chronology in t h e Aegean, which rejects t h e u p d a t i n g n e cessitated by t h e radiocarbon dates from T h e r a . See M a n n i n g (1988). W a t r o u s , L . Vance. " T h e Role of t h e N e a r East in t h e Rise of t h e Cretan Palaces." I n The Function of the Minoan Palaces, edited b y Robin H a g g a n d N a n n o M a r i n a t o s , p p . 6 5 - 7 0 . . Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, vol. 35. Stockholm, 1 9 8 7 . C o m p r e h e n sive, traditional archaeological discussion of possible N e a r Eastern influences on t h e art a n d architecture of the M i n o a n palaces. A . BERNARD KNAPP
A G R I C U L T U R E . T h e b r o a d a r r a y of activities a n d k n o w l e d g e w h e r e b y h u m a n c o m m u n i t i e s exploit p l a n t s t o p r o d u c e food a n d other c r o p s (fibers a n d oils), agriculture, literally m e a n s t h e cultivation of fields. I n t h e N e a r E a s t , agriculture-based subsistence nearly always i n c l u d e d a c o m p o n e n t of pastoralism. T h e n a t u r e of agricultural systems is d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e c o m p l e x interaction of e n v i r o n m e n t , p o p u l a t i o n , a n d t e c h n o l o g y . T e c h n o l o g y i n c l u d e s tools a n d t e c h n i q u e s as well as cultural t r a d i t i o n s — k n o w l e d g e a n d s o -
AGRICULTURE cial organization—for dealing w i t h t h e material a n d social e n v i r o n m e n t . P o p u l a t i o n size d e t e r m i n e s t h e n u m b e r of h a n d s available for agricultural tasks. T h e influence of p o p ulation o n t h e c o n d u c t of agriculture is also s h a p e d b y its distribution o n t h e l a n d s c a p e , b o t h in t e r m s of density a n d its location relative t o p a r t i c u l a r e n v i r o n m e n t a l conditions a n d lines of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e t e r m i n a n t itself e m b r a c e s b o t h t h e physical e n v i r o n m e n t — c l i m a t e , soil, vegetation, a n d t o p o g r a p h y — a n d t h e cultural/ historical e n v i r o n m e n t , i n c l u d i n g t h e configuration of inter regional political p o w e r . T h e interrelatedness of these t h r e e p a r a m e t e r s b e a r s e m p h a s i z i n g . T h e study of agriculture in t h e N e a r E a s t has periodically highlighted either t e c h n o l o g ical innovation, e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e , o r p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h as t h e key t o explain t h e e b b a n d flow of farming. Y e t n o n e of these d e t e r m i n a n t s c a n b e isolated f r o m t h e others. E n v i r o n m e n t is n o static dictator, b u t r e s p o n d s t o technological t r e a t m e n t . T e c h n o l o g i e s generally d e p e n d u p o n e c o n o m i c feasibility, largely a m a t t e r of labor s u p p l y in t h e ancient world. P o p u l a t i o n is n o t a straightforward m e a s u r e of available labor b e c a u s e a constellation of cultural traditions a n d historical c i r c u m s t a n c e s affects t h e w e i g h t of p e r capita labor b u r d e n s . O r i g i n s o f A g r i c u l t u r e . Archaeological data relating t o t h e origins of agriculture h a v e m u s h r o o m e d since R o b e r t B r a i d w o o d ' s expedition t o J a r m o in I r a q b e g a n a systematic gathering of botanical e v i d e n c e for p l a n t domestication ( B r a i d w o o d , i960). [See J a r m o . ] T h e transition f r o m t h e foraging cultures of t h e late Epipaleolithic ( c . 11,000-9000 BCE) to t h e f a r m i n g cultures of t h e N e o l i t h i c (c. 9000-5000 BCE) is d o c u m e n t e d b y vegetal a n d animal r e m a i n s r e c o v ered in excavations, b y artifacts—prehistoric tools a n d fa cilities—and b y h u m a n skeletal r e m a i n s . Village life p r e c e d e d farming. A t sites s u c h as H a y o n i m , M u r e y b e t , a n d A b u H u r e y r a in t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t a n d Syria, villagers g a t h e r e d wild cereals a n d p u l s e s . [See H a y o n i m ; M u r e y b e t . ] Centuries of harvesting wild cereals altered their c h a r a c t e r istics, selecting for larger h e a d s t h a t d i d n o t b u r s t w h e n h a r vested. S o , t o o , g e n e r a t i o n s of y e a r - r o u n d c o m m u n a l life forged n e w forms of social organization. Early foragers p a v e d t h e w a y for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of agriculture. C u r r e n t m o d e l s of t h e origins of agriculture diverge sig nificantly f r o m V . G o r d o n C h i l d e ' s m i d - c e n t u r y portrait of d o m e s t i c a t i o n driven b y t h e o p p o r t u n i t y a n d necessity o f a d v a n c i n g aridity ( C h i l d e , 1969). O n e k e y e l e m e n t of c u r r e n t theory is t h e recognition t h a t d e n s e stands of wild c e reals offered a n attractive s u b s i s t e n c e s o u r c e for early for agers o n a seasonal basis. E x p l a n a t i o n s of w h a t m o t i v a t e d t h e shift from g a t h e r i n g b o u n t i f u l wild harvests to c o n s c i o u s cultivation call u p o n climatic deterioration, m o r e p e r m a n e n t a n d p o p u l o u s settlements a n d t h e resulting p r e s s u r e o n local resources, as well as t h e e m e r g e n c e of n e w social f o r m s a n d cultural traditions. All e x p l a n a t i o n s still suffer from a n i n substantial d a t a b a s e . K n o w l e d g e of a n c i e n t e n v i r o n m e n t a l
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conditions a n d preagricultural subsistence patterns h a s n o t stretched t o t h e p o i n t of b e i n g able t o tie t h e emergence of village life or t h e a p p e a r a n c e of d o m e s t i c a t e d crops to local changes in environment a n d resource use. R e m a i n s of d o m e s t i c a t e d c r o p s first a p p e a r in t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t in a b o u t 9000 BCE. Usually preserved t h r o u g h carbonization b y fire, d o m e s t i c a t e d cereal seeds possess p l u m p e r kernels t h a n their wild c o u n t e r p a r t s a n d less brittle ears t h a t resist shattering w h e n ripe. S u c h morphological indicators of d o m e s t i c a t i o n d o n o t exist for lentils, peas, bit ter vetch, a n d chick-peas. Y e t , these pulses routinely join barley, e m m e r wheat, a n d einkorn w h e a t in t h e a r c h a e o b o tanical material from this p e r i o d of incipient farming villages ( P r e - P o t t e r y , or A c e r a m i c , Neolithic, c. 9000-6000 BCE). G r a i n s a n d l e g u m e s w e r e c o m p l e m e n t a r y crops at a n early stage of agricultural d e v e l o p m e n t . Botanical finds at Jericho Qordan Valley), A s w a d (near D a m a s c u s ) , A b u H u r e y r a (western Syria), Cayonii ( s o u t h e a s t e r n Anatolia), Yiftahel (Galilee), a n d ' A i n G h a z a l (near A m m a n ) represent t h e s p r e a d of agricultural life. [See Jericho; C y ° ; Yiftahel; Ain Ghazal.] T h o u g h h u n t i n g m a m m a l s such as gazelle a n d gathering wild fruits a n d seeds c o n t i n u e d alongside farming, settled life in these m u d - b r i c k villages w a s thoroughly c o m mitted t o crop cultivation. A n u m b e r of sites attain sizable p r o p o r t i o n s a n d show signs of social differentiation (e.g., A i n G h a z a l ) . T h e y witness technological d e v e l o p m e n t s as well, including t h e building of rectilinear h o u s e s , s o m e em ploying lime plaster a n d timber in their construction. Flax, h a r v e s t e d for its fiber (linen) as well as its oil, also shows u p in tire p l a n t medleys of P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic ( P P N ) vil lages. M a n y sites evidence h e r d i n g sheep a n d goats as well. B e c a u s e these animals w e r e d o m e s t i c a t e d in t h e region of t h e Z a g r o s M o u n t a i n s , their place in t h e subsistence systems of t h e L e v a n t manifests interregional exchange. Sheep a n d goats r e p r e s e n t t h e other side of t h e e x c h a n g e network t h a t sent d o m e s t i c a t e d cereals n o r t h w a r d from t h e L e v a n t . [See S h e e p a n d Goats.] a
n u
c
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By a b o u t 6000 BCE, t h e agricultural village was well estab lished in t h e N e a r East. F a r m i n g cereals a n d pulses a n d h e r d i n g s h e e p , goats, pigs (sporadically), a n d cattle formed its e c o n o m i c basis, initiating an e n d u r i n g p a t t e r n of m i x e d subsistence. [See Pigs; Cattle a n d Oxen.] Subsistence secu rity was e n h a n c e d by the proliferation of free-threshing w h e a t (where t h e kernel is freed from its hull d u r i n g t h r e s h ing, obviating p o u n d i n g before u s e ) a n d six-row barley. T h o u g h data from t h e P o t t e r y Neolithic ( P N ) p e r i o d r e m a i n s p a r s e , changes in t h e distribution of settlements r e flected t h e increasing reliability of subsistence systems. A particularly i m p o r t a n t e x p a n s i o n of t h e p o p u l a t i o n l a n d scape o c c u r r e d outside t h e rainfall agriculture z o n e in south e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . A t t h e eastern edge of t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n plain, C h o g a M a m i h a s p r o d u c e d traces of an irrigation ca nal as well as botanical i n d i c a t o r s — p l u m p flax seeds—of c r o p irrigation. Sketchy data awkwardly c r a m p knowledge
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AGRICULTURE
of this period s u b s e q u e n t to t h e origins of agriculture a n d p r i o r t o t h e third-millennium BCE e m e r g e n c e of irrigationbased M e s o p o t a m i a n civilization. [See Irrigation.] In the L e v a n t , t h e Chalcolithic period (5000-3500 BCE) a d d e d a crucial c o m p o n e n t to t h e subsistence repertoire: t h e cultivation of fruit trees. Fruit pips preserved outside t h e natural range of wild trees a n d vines offer t h e first signs of horticulture. T h e olive a n d t h e date palm a p p e a r e d earliest. [See Olives.] T h e domestication of the fig, also a native s p e cies, probably waited until t h e Early Bronze Age. T h e same holds for t h e i m p o r t e d p o m e g r a n a t e a n d g r a p e vine ( E u r asian natives). D o m e s t i c a t i o n of fruit trees r e q u i r e d s u b stituting vegetative for sexual p r o p a g a t i o n , a n d these five fruits—olive, date, fig, p o m e g r a n a t e , a n d g r a p e — s h a r e d t h e capacity to be multiplied by simple cuttings, roofings, or transplanting of offshoots. M o r e technically d e m a n d i n g grafting enabled t h e t a m i n g of apple, pear, and other ttees, b u t only m u c h later. T h e earliest examples of olives a n d dates materialized at t h e large fourth-millennium J o r d a n Valley site of Teleilat el-Ghassul. [See Teleilat el-Ghassul.] T h e s e same t w o fruits also showed u p i n t h e botanical r e mains excavated from t h e Cave of t h e T r e a s u r e ( N a h a l M i s h m a r ) in the J u d e a n Desert. [See J u d e a n D e s e r t Caves.] While it is possible t h a t t h e fruits were i m p o r t e d at b o t h sites from zones w h e r e they grew wild, Chalcolithic sites in t h e G o l a n have p r o d u c e d n u m e r o u s finds of olive w o o d , d e m onstrating t h e cultivation of t h e tree. [See Golan.] S p o u t e d craters at t h e sites m a k e sense as tentative separator vats for the p r o d u c t i o n of olive oil. Fruits have n o t a p p e a r e d a m o n g the Beersheba culture sites, w h e r e evidence points t o w a r d a greater c o m m i t m e n t t o pastoral pursuits. A n i m a l kill-off patterns, m u l t i t u d i n o u s ceramic c h u r n s , a n d artistic motifs together portray c o m m u n i t i e s devoted t o animals n o t only for their m e a t , b u t for their secondary p r o d u c t s as well. [See Beersheba.] A g r i c u l t u r e i n U r b a n i z e d M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e emer gence of the world's first u r b a n civilization in s o u t h e r n M e sopotamia's U r u k period is linked inextricably t o the b o u n t y of irrigated grain fields. Y e t scholars of early M e s o p o t a m i a have m o v e d away from t h e c o m m a n d i n g hypothesis of K a r l Wittfogelin Oriental Despotism (1957) that explained the rise of social complexity b y t h e n e e d t o create administrative structures to m a n a g e t h e irrigation works. B e c a u s e data place control of irrigation at t h e local rather t h a n regional level, t h e administration of large-scale irrigation projects was n o t t h e p r i m e agent in urbanization. T h e e m e r g e n c e of stratified society w a s nonetheless d e p e n d e n t u p o n t h e p o tential surplus in t h e reliable cereal harvests p r o d u c e d b y the irrigation of this otherwise uncultivable alluvial plain. T h e increased conflict i n h e r e n t in t h e landscape's b u r geoning p o p u l a t i o n density—clearly manifest in t h e settle m e n t patterns—set t h e scene for t h e birth of a n e w political order. F r o m multitiered settlement patterns t o systems of writing, m o n u m e n t a l a r t a n d architecture t o delicately
carved cylinder seals, a n u r b a n - b a s e d , rivertme civilization took shape. A " m a n a g e r i a l r e v o l u t i o n " did overtake agriculture in early M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e interrelated complexities of b r i n g ing water t o t h e fields, c a p t u r i n g it, d r a i n i n g away u n w a n t e d water, a n d p r o t e c t i n g arable plots from floods called for m a n a g e m e n t . T h e fact t h a t t h e flow of t h e T i g r i s a n d E u p h r a t e s Rivers is n o t s y n c h r o n i z e d with t h e n e e d s of f a r m i n g (the rivers are l o w at planting t i m e in t h e fall a n d r e a c h flood stage after crops are well grown) exposes t h e n e e d for care ful coordination. T e x t s m e n t i o n a local official, t h e gugallum, t h e " c a n a l i n s p e c t o r , " w h o m a y have served this function as well as seeing t o canal m a i n t e n a n c e . C o n s t r u c t i o n of irri gation facilities w o u l d also r e q u i r e p l a n n i n g a n d collabora tion a n d m i g h t entail the c o o p e r a t i o n of o n e or m o r e villages. R e c o r d s a n d inscriptions advertise royal a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s in sluice construction, canal digging, a n d even alterations in river courses. T h e advantages of scale in irrigation agricul ture—from planning to production—were apparently rec ognized early o n a n d resulted i n n u m e r o u s g r a n d i o s e state initiatives. T h e t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m m a n a g e r s of this agrarian society left records outlining t h e farming system. O n e U r III text, t h e so-called F a r m e r ' s I n s t r u c t i o n , a p p a r e n t l y i n t e n d e d t o disseminate practicable information. It detailed fieldwork f r o m initial p r e p a r a t i o n t h r o u g h harvest. Its outline of a g ricultural practice fits readily within t h e b o u n d a r i e s of e t h nographically d o c u m e n t e d traditional irrigated cereal p r o duction. F l o o d i n g t h e b o n e - d r y field from t h e adjacent irrigation ditch l a u n c h e d the agricultural year i n t h e fall. T h e p l o t was grazed over a n d h o e d t o loosen the g r o u n d . P l o w i n g followed. U s e of t h e p l o w in t h e N e a r E a s t dates t o the U r u k period, as plow m a r k s in t h e soil a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of plows o n seals attest; t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m cultivators w e r e m e ticulous in its d e p l o y m e n t . T h e I n s t r u c t i o n s specifies furrow spacing, signaling close attention t o g r o w i n g conditions a n d their effect o n yield. O t h e r r e c o r d s c o n t a i n e d precise cal culations of seed rates. T h e seed was p l a n t e d , n o t s o w n , with t h e help of a seed drill attached t o t h e plow. A timetable e n u m e r a t e d t h e ideal delivery of irrigation w a t e r t o t h e field. Nearly o n e - t h i r d of t h e text's lines profile t h e harvest a n d crop-handling season. Flarvest r e p r e s e n t e d a c r u n c h p o i n t in t h e farming calendar a n d w a s a t i m e of e c o n o m i c reck oning. L a n d l o r d - t e n a n t farmer contracts a n d loan d o c u m e n t s took c r o p failure as well as p r e - a n d p o s t h a r v e s t price variation into a c c o u n t . [See U r . ] W h e a t a n d barley w e r e t h e key c r o p s , o c c u p i e d t h e lion's share of t h e irrigated arable land, a n d figure m o s t p r o m i nently in t h e d o c u m e n t s . [See Cereals.] C o n t r a c t s a n d a d ministrative r e c o r d s also m e n t i o n lentils, p e a a n d b e a n s p e cies, onions a n d garlic, flax, a n d s e s a m e . N o n - n a t i v e s e s a m e w a s likely i n t r o d u c e d from t h e I n d u s Valley d u r i n g t h e third millennium. G r o w n for its oil, sesame b e c a m e a n extremely i m p o r t a n t c o m m e r c i a l crop in this r e g i o n outside t h e r a n g e
AGRICULTURE of olive-oil p r o d u c t i o n . G a r d e n s offered c u c u m b e r s , s o m e root vegetables, a n d lettuce as well. O r c h a r d s b o a s t e d tall date p a l m s , p o m e g r a n a t e s , a p p l e s , figs, vines, a n d tamarisk trees cultivated for their t i m b e r . O f these, the date p a l m o c c u p i e d the position of greatest i m p o r t a n c e , parallel to t h e olive in M e d i t e r r a n e a n lands. T h e date p r o d u c e d a storable c r o p of great nutritional value as well as w o o d , fiber, a n d leaves u s e d in roofing. S h e e p a n d goats d o m i n a t e d t h e a n i m a l holdings detailed by t e m p l e offering lists a n d h o u s e h o l d p r o p e r t y inventories. C o n t r a c t s b e t w e e n h e r d o w n e r s a n d s h e p h e r d s specified flock c o m p o s i t i o n s , t e r m s of e m p l o y m e n t , a n d t h e expected productivity of the h e r d . [See A n i m a l H u s b a n d r y . ] T h e h u g e v o l u m e of texts continues t o p r o v i d e the p r i m a r y s o u r c e of information o n the animal a n d c r o p i n v e n t o r y of early M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e strictly archaeological c o n t r i b u t i o n of r e c o v ering botanical a n d zoological data r e m a i n s m i n i m a l in c o m parison. N e v e r t h e l e s s , p a l e o b o t a n i s t s h a v e identified a h o s t of agricultural plants from t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m contexts: of the grains einkorn, e m m e r , a n d n a k e d w h e a t a n d six- a n d t w o r o w barley; lentil, p e a , chick-pea, grass p e a , h o r s e b e a n , bit ter vetch, d a t e a n d grape; as well as t a m a r i s k a n d willow trees. M e d i t e r r a n e a n M i x e d E c o n o m y . Civilization s p r i n t e d a h e a d in M e s o p o t a m i a ( a n d E g y p t ) . By the Early B r o n z e Age (contemporaneous with the Mesopotamian Late U r u k t h r o u g h t h e T h i r d D y n a s t y at U r ) , Palestinian societies h a d decisively a s s e m b l e d all t h e e l e m e n t s of w h a t has c o m e t o b e k n o w n as t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n m i x e d e c o n o m y . T h e e m e r g e n c e of full-fledged M e d i t e r r a n e a n agriculture a n d p a s t o r alism coincided w i t h Palestine's first u r b a n period. T h e r e gion e x p e r i e n c e d f u n d a m e n t a l l y the s a m e d y n a m i c as i n M e s o p o t a m i a : u r b a n i z a t i o n , intensification of agricultural p r o d u c t i o n , a n d interregional t r a d e . T h e p o p u l a t i o n l a n d scape s h o w e d the first signs of this transformation. Palestine witnessed a d r a m a t i c g r o w t h in t h e n u m b e r s of settlements a n d a c o n s p i c u o u s shift t o w a r d less arid plains a n d valleys, e n c o m p a s s i n g the h i g h l a n d r e g i o n as well. M i n i m a l l y t w o tiered settlement p a t t e r n s constellated villages a r o u n d walled cities in the L e v a n t as they h a d previously in M e s o p o t a m i a . Botanical r e m a i n s from B a b e d h - D h r a ' a n d N u m e i r a o n the eastern shore of t h e D e a d Sea illustrate t h e c h a n g e d e c o n o m i c r e g i m e . [.Sije B a b e d h - D h r a ' . ] T h e m a j o r c r o p , barley, included the b o u n t e o u s six-row variety, w h i c h was better r e p r e s e n t e d t h a n t h e t w o - r o w . Figs a n d grapes joined the olive in the fruit assemblage. F l a x was g r o w n , a n d the large size of the p r e s e r v e d seeds suggests t h a t it was an irrigated crop. C o u p l e d with the large a m o u n t s of linen discovered in burials, t h e flax seeds suggest t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a local t e x tile industry. [See T e x t i l e s , article on Textiles of the Neolithic t h r o u g h I r o n Ages.] F a u n a l r e m a i n s e x t e n d e d b e y o n d t h e p r e d o m i n a t e sheep a n d goats t o include t h e donkey, a c r u cial p a c k animal. Increasingly p r o d u c t i v e grain fields, e x p a n d i n g invest
25
m e n t in horticulture, intensified p r o d u c t i o n of selected crops, local industry, a n d a d v a n c i n g t r a d e — i n s u m , inten sified agriculture yielding a greatly a u g m e n t e d total eco n o m i c p r o d u c t — a r e in e v i d e n c e t h r o u g h o u t the L e v a n t . T h e c e r a m i c repertoire i n c l u d e d t r a n s p o r t containers for li q u i d s — n o t a b l y A b y d o s w a r e a n d metallic c o m b ware. M e tallic c o m b w a r e has been associated with olive oil a n d w i n e p r o d u c t i o n . Its particular clay a n d high t e m p e r a t u r e firing served to seal otherwise p o r o u s walls. M o r e o v e r , storejars of metallic w a r e have been f o u n d in conjunction with an elab orate oil press at Early B r o n z e A g e Ugarit. [See Ugarit.] A b y dos jugs w e r e widely distributed, r a n g i n g from s o u t h e r n E g y p t to t h e n o r t h e r n coastland of Syria. [See Abydos.] T h e vessels likely carried Palestinian oils a n d o i n t m e n t s for elite c o n s u m p t i o n . T r a d e c o n n e c t i o n s were particularly strong b e t w e e n E g y p t a n d t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t . A n impressive ar ray of g o o d s was already flowing b y t h e initial phase of t h e Early B r o n z e period. T o t h e n o r t h , t h e g r o w t h and strength a n d the exceptional durability of L e v a n t i n e cities s u c h as Byblos already d e m o n s t r a t e in the Early B r o n z e A g e the central i m p o r t a n c e of seafaring a n d especially seaborne t r a d e for the s h a p e a n d c o n d u c t of agricultural subsistence. [See Byblos.] C y p r u s a n d t h e islands of the Aegean were already participating in a M e d i t e r r a n e a n m a r i t i m e e c o n o m i c system. C y p r i o t c o p p e r ores w e r e e x c h a n g e d with the N e a r E a s t a n d E g y p t , as were m a n u f a c t u r e d g o o d s a n d agricul tural p r o d u c t s from the C y c l a d e s and C r e t e . F a r m i n g set tlements s p r e a d widely o n t h e islands, forming t h e f o u n d a tions for the e m e r g e n c e of t h e palatial periods. [See C y p r u s ; A e g e a n Islands.]
AGRICULTURE.
Room
tesy A S O R Archives)
with sixteen grindstones
in situ. E b l a . ( C o u r
26
AGRICULTURE
T h e granary at B e t h - Y e r a h (near t h e Sea of Galilee), with its capacity of approximately one a n d one-half tons of grain, illustrates the e x p a n s i o n of grain p r o d u c t i o n . [See B e t h Yerah; Granaries a n d Silos.] A n i m a l b o n e remains p o i n t to a likely contributor to this a u g m e n t e d capacity; the increased incidence of ox b o n e s calls attention to the first w i d e s p r e a d a p p e a r a n c e of this draft animal in Palestine. T h e t h o u s a n d year old scratch plow (ard) m u s t have cut furrows b e h i n d this source of traction. A l t h o u g h textual sources d o n o t exist, t h e collection a n d distribution of such quantities of grain d e m a n d s n o less of a managerial revolution t h a n t r a n s p i r e d in M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e m e c h a n i s m s by which this grain was p r o d u c e d for storage m a y h a v e included elements of elite " s t i m u l a t i o n " of increased p r o d u c t i o n , s u c h as was argued years ago by Childe, t h e " u r b a n r e v o l u t i o n ' s " original t h e orist (see a b o v e ) . M o r e crucial were the growing abilities of an u r b a n - b a s e d elite to " e x t r a c t " or a p p r o p r i a t e the p r o d u c t of subsistence cultivators, including the " n o r m a l " surplus p r o d u c e d as a buffer by village agriculturalists. D u r i n g the Early B r o n z e A g e , interaction b e t w e e n u r b a n a n d rural spheres constituted the e m e r g e n t e c o n o m i c c o n t e x t in w h i c h subsistence strategies developed over t h o u s a n d s of years b e n t to n e w u r b a n - b a s e d d e m a n d s . Typically for the S y r o Palestinian region, this process took place in the c o n t e x t of increasing relations with m o r e highly organized a n d m o r e powerful n e i g h b o r s , in this case, a unified Egypt. T h e basic structure of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n m i x e d e c o n o m y rests on the region's sharp climatic biseasonality. T h e b e ginning of the agricultural year finds t h e fields h a r d b a k e d
AGRICULTURE. S.Jorgensen)
by five m o n t h s of rainless s u m m e r , d u r i n g w h i c h high in solation rates d r a i n the soil of all its m o i s t u r e . T h e winter rains m u s t fall to i n a u g u r a t e the p l o w i n g of the fields. T h r o u g h o u t m o s t of the region precipitation is a m p l e , a b o v e the 200 m m level necessary for dry farming. Y e t , s q u e e z e d into the short rainy season ( O c t o b e r - A p r i l , w i t h m o s t rain falling in t h r e e m o n t h s ) , rain falls intensely a n d m u c h p r e cious water is lost to agriculture t h r o u g h runoff. M o v e o v e r , t h e precipitation is highly erratic b o t h with r e s p e c t t o its a n n u a l a c c u m u l a t i o n a n d its p a t t e r n t h r o u g h o u t the season. Because crops d e p e n d entirely o n the rain t h a t falls d u r i n g their growth, t h e y are vulnerable b o t h to precipitation defi ciencies a n d to skewed p a t t e r n s t h a t m a y delay t h e o p e n i n g of t h e sowing season o r strand g e r m i n a t e d c r o p s b e n e a t h rainless skies. T h e strictly limited possibilities of a s s u r i n g w a t e r supplies t o cereal fields t h r o u g h irrigation offer n o r e lief from rainfall d e p e n d e n c y . T o c o p e with t h e frustrating rainfall r e g i m e , farmers stag g e r e d their field p r e p a r a t i o n a n d b r o a d c a s t s o w i n g so as n o t t o d e p e n d too heavily o n any particular p a t t e r n of rainfall. T h e plowing a n d sowing season stretched well into t h e w i n ter as the Iron A g e " G e z e r c a l e n d a r " indicates b y devoting four m o n t h s to t h e operation. [See G e z e r Calendar.] B e g i n n i n g in early s u m m e r , t h e cereal harvest e m b o d i e d t h e p e riod of greatest labor intensity, a p e a k in the c u r v e of a n n u a l l a b o r d e m a n d . A r d u o u s tasks a n d a h i g h degree of attention w e r e required t o b r i n g in the w h e a t a n d barley. H a r v e s t i n g p e r se w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d b y r e a p i n g w i t h a h a n d sickle or h a n d picking. T h e h a r v e s t e d stalks w e r e t h e n t r a n s p o r t e d to
Threshingfloorwith piles of grain. E a s t
D e l t a r e g i o n , E g y p t . ( P h o t o g r a p h courtesy J.
AGRICULTURE
AGRICULTURE. Agricultural
27
terraces. (Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
t h e t h r e s h i n g floor, dried, a n d t h r e s h e d t o disarticulate t h e spikelets a n d r e m o v e t h e hulls. W i n n o w i n g a n d sieving s e p arated t h e chaff from t h e grain, w h i c h w a s finally m e a s u r e d a n d stored. Cereals w e r e b y n o m e a n s t h e sole focus of agricultural energy. A variety of c r o p s diversified t h e p r o d u c t i v e b a s e , s p r e a d i n g risk a n d o p t i m i z i n g l a b o r r e s o u r c e s . Pulses (e.g., lentils a n d chick-peas) w e r e p l a n t e d p r e d o m i n a n t l y as field c r o p s , while o t h e r vegetables ( o n i o n s , m e l o n s , leeks) w e r e likely t e n d e d in g a r d e n plots n e a r residential z o n e s . V i n e a n d tree crops p r o v i d e d t h e m o s t significant s p r e a d i n g of risk w i t h o u t c o m p e t i n g for t h e l a b o r n e e d e d for field c r o p s . C u l tivators o p e n e d o r c h a r d s a n d v i n e y a r d s t o t h e rain b y h o e i n g a n d p l o w i n g d u r i n g breaks in t h e field sowing season. L i k e wise, p r u n i n g was a c c o m p l i s h e d at i n - b e t w e e n times. M o s t i m p o r t a n t l y , t h e h a r v e s t f r o m g r a p e vines, fig trees, a n d olive trees m e s h e d advantageously w i t h t h e cereal harvest. T h e fig r i p e n e d incrementally a t b o t h e n d s of s u m m e r . G r a p e h a r v e s t a n d p r o c e s s i n g w e r e intensive. G r a p e s were t r e a d or p r e s s e d in shallow, r o c k - c u t d e p r e s s i o n s a n d t h e juice d e c a n t e d t h r o u g h o n e or m o r e b a s i n s , t h e n Iadeled off into ceramic jugs. G r a p e s h a d t o b e p r o c e s s e d expeditiously, y e t wine p r o d u c t i o n o c c u p i e d vintners after w h e a t a n d barley h a d already b e e n p u t away. [See Viticulture.] Olive picking a n d oil m a n u f a c t u r e w e r e also c o n c e n t r a t e d a n d l a b o r i o u s . R i p e olives w e r e p i c k e d or b e a t e n from tree b r a n c h e s , p o u n d e d or c r u s h e d with s o m e t y p e of s t o n e , a n d pressed. T h e resultant oil was d e c a n t e d from t h e surface of t h e a g gregate extracts. T h o u g h d e m a n d i n g , olive oil m a n u f a c t u r e t r a n s p i r e d before t h e onset of t h e w i n t e r rains a n d t h e r e t u r n to grain field p r e p a r a t i o n .
All told, t h e a n n u a l agricultural calendar was a full o n e , as t h e G e z e r tablet outlines: line line line line line line line line
i: two m o n t h s of [olive] harvest; 1-2: two m o n t h s of sowing; 2: two m o n t h s of late sowing; 3: a m o n t h of h o e i n g w e e d s ; 4: a m o n t h of h a r v e s t i n g barley; 5: a m o n t h of h a r v e s t i n g a n d [measur]ing; 6: t w o m o n t h s of c u t t i n g [grapes]; 7: a m o n t h of [collecting] s u m m e r fruit.
T h e diversification of t h e agricultural b a s e a c c o m p l i s h e d especially by the cultivation of tree a n d vine crops served indispensably in a geographically fractured region with lim ited e x p a n s e s of level land. Plains a n d valley b o t t o m s — f r o m t h e M a d a b a Plains of central J o r d a n t o t h e basin of t h e O r o n t e s River in S y r i a — h a d long b e e n t h e focus of profuse agricultural efforts. [See J o r d a n Valley.] F a r m i n g m u s t often m a n a g e in t h e s o m e t i m e s m o u n t a i n o u s h i g h l a n d terrain. T h i s terrain was perfectly suited t o horticulture. Heavier rainfall a n d hilly terrain, h o w e v e r , d e m a n d e d a t t e m p t s t o p r e s e r v e t h e h i g h l a n d s ' n u t r i e n t - r i c h b u t easily e r o d e d terra rossa soils. T e r r a c e c o n s t r u c t i o n represents t h e chief strat egy t o stabilize hillside soils, a n d terraces offer t h e further a d v a n t a g e of controlling runoff a n d a u g m e n t i n g rainwater infiltration. Archaeological d o c u m e n t a t i o n of terrace c o n struction, t h o u g h still s p o r a d i c , stretches b a c k to the Early B r o n z e A g e . Yet, t h e w i d e s p r e a d a d o p t i o n of terraces was regularly limited b y t h e h i g h labor costs d e m a n d e d b y their c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d m a i n t e n a n c e . S h o r t - t e r m challenges alone p r e o c c u p i e d subsistence-oriented agriculturalists, leaving
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precious time left for investments in long-term stability. "Soil m i n i n g " often resulted: t h e terracing accomplished d u r i n g the m o s t intensive periods of agricultural d e v e l o p m e n t often faced the n e e d t o i m p o r t colluvial soil from valley floors to fill hillside terraces above. T e r r a c e d - b a s e d horticultural d e v e l o p m e n t held t h e key to any long-term highland agricultural tenancy. Like p a s t o r alism, it c o m p l e m e n t e d rain-fed grain cultivation. M a n y of its products were storable (wine a n d raisins, olive oil, a n d fig cakes) a n d m a d e essential dietary contributions (e.g., sugar and fat). Horticulture p r o v i d e d a resource subject to a s o m e w h a t different set of environmental hazards t h a n field crops, whose yields were n o t only erratic, b u t notably m e a ger. W i t h w h e a t a n d barley yields stagnant at t e n to fifteen fold, t h e olives, grapes, figs, a n d p o m e g r a n a t e s of t h e hill sides were indispensable. M o r e o v e r , the transportability of tree a n d vine p r o d u c t s facilitated t h e creation of regional economies a n d interregional exchange. S u b s i s t e n c e - P a t t e r n Oscillations. T h e building, dis mantling, a n d rebuilding of the M e d i t e r r a n e a n m i x e d e c o n o m y h a s s t a m p e d the e b b a n d flow of Syro-Palestinian civ ilization since it was achieved by t h e Early B r o n z e A g e . T h u s , after realizing a plateau of u r b a n life a n d sway over the hinterlands, the collapse of Early B r o n z e culture o p e n e d a p e r i o d of agricultural a b a t e m e n t . Over t h e course of sev eral centuries, the relative p r o p o r t i o n of agriculturalists d e creased, a n d n o m a d i c pastoralists multiplied o n the land scape. [See Pastoral N o m a d i s m . ] T h e M i d d l e B r o n z e reemergence of m o r e intensive subsistence patterns is well illustrated in t h e E g y p t i a n tale of Sinuhe (mid-twentieth century BCE), w h o testifies regarding his allotment of land s o m e w h e r e in n o r t h e r n Syria-Palestine: " I t was a g o o d land, n a m e d Yaa. Figs w e r e in it, a n d grapes. It h a d m o r e wine t h a n water. Plentiful was its h o n e y , a b u n d a n t its olives. Every kind of fruit w a s o n its trees. Barley w a s t h e r e , a n d e m m e r . T h e r e was n o limit to a n y [kind of] cattle" (ANET, p . 19,11. 81-84). S u c h subsistence-pattern oscillations r e p resent m o v e m e n t s along a n increasingly well u n d e r s t o o d and d o c u m e n t e d pastoral-agricultural c o n t i n u u m . A t o n e e n d of this s p e c t r u m , periods of high-intensity agriculture manifest relatively higher p o p u l a t i o n densities; settlement patterns with recognizable centtal places; specialization of production in agricultural, industrial, a n d pastoral p u r s u i t s , including the p r o d u c t i o n of market-oriented g o o d s ; integra tion into interregional a n d international trading n e t w o r k s ; a n d heightened investments in p e r m a n e n t p r o d u c t i o n facil ities, transportation, food storage, a n d water a n d soil m a n agement. [See F o o d Storage.] A t t h e s p e c t r u m ' s o t h e r e n d , periods of agricultural a b a t e m e n t p r o d u c e low-intensity constellations d o m i n a t e d b y subsistence-oriented n o m a d i c pastoralists. A relatively lower sedentary p o p u l a t i o n density clings to a decentralized l a n d s c a p e with fewer settled t o w n s a n d villages, while n o n s e d e n t a r y folk spread o u t in seasonal e n c a m p m e n t s . Regional isolation d a m p e n s trade, a n d p r o
duction for a u t o c o n s u m p t i o n p r o d u c e s few large-scale p e r m a n e n t facilities. T h e basic principle u n d e r l y i n g m o v e m e n t along this a g ricultural-pastoral c o n t i n u u m relates to contrast in t h e elas ticity of the t w o m o d e s of p r o d u c t i o n . Pastoral productivity a n d its d e m a n d s for land (pasturage) a n d labor fluctuate considerably: b o o m years see t r e m e n d o u s increases b u t are m a t c h e d by t h e precipitous declines of b u s t years. F a r m i n g , on t h e other h a n d , is m o r e inelastic: l a n d a n d labor n e e d s r e m a i n relatively c o n s t a n t a n d d o n o t rise a n d fall with t h e success of each c r o p . T h e s e contrary t e n d e n c i e s p r o v i d e i n centives for t h e security-conscious integration of pastoral a n d agricultural p u r s u i t s . T h e y also associate t h e florescence of agriculture with p e r i o d s of well-organized central a u t h o r ity, w h i c h provides t h e stability, institutions, a n d capital n e c essary for agricultural growth. T h e p r e d o m i n a n c e of p a s toralism is associated with weak rule a n d d i s o r d e r e d social conditions. U n d e r s u c h risky conditions, t h e selection of r e silient a n d mobile pastoralisrn offers an adaptive a d v a n t a g e . M a n y factors a r e associated with m o v e m e n t along this c o n t i n u u m . Agricultural intensification is p r o p e l l e d b y p o p ulation growth, centralization, e x p a n d i n g m a r k e t s a n d i n ternational t r a d e , b u r e a u c r a t i c direction, a n d innovation. A b a t e m e n t is c o n n e c t e d to e n v i r o n m e n t a l d e g r a d a t i o n , p o p ulation decline, loss of t r a d i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s , political dis integration, a n d military defeat. E m p i r e a n d A g r i c u l t u r a l Intensification. T h e I r o n A g e in Palestine m a r k s a particularly s h a r p a n d w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d spike in t h e course of L e v a n t i n e a n d N e a r E a s t e r n agricultural history. Regional settlement p a t t e r n s signal a t h r o u g h g o i n g intensification of agricultural subsistence. T h e crucial context of this agricultural trajectory w a s t h e expansion of the Assyrian E m p i r e a n d t h e florescence of M e d i t e r r a n e a n ttade. Galvanized b y t h e m a r i t i m e expertise a n d u r b a n - o r i e n t e d m a n u f a c t u r i n g a d v a n t a g e of t h e P h o e nicians, t r a d e connections b e g a n to w e a v e a w e b of inter regional exchange a n d regional specialization across t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n world. By t h e first t w o centuries of t h e first millennium, T y r i a n a n d other P h o e n i c i a n t r a d e r s plied t h e m a i n artery of e a s t - w e s t ttade from C y p r u s along t h e s o u t h ern Anatolian coast to t h e A e g e a n , C r e t e , a n d t h e Cyclades, a n d as far west as Sardinia. T h e long-distance r o u t e s linked u p with existing regional e x c h a n g e n e t w o r k s , stimulating the g r o w t h of local centers. I n t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE, Assyrian expansion w e s t w a r d to t h e L e v a n t s o u g h t to establish a n d control t r a d e with t h e lands of t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n as well as with E g y p t a n d Arabia. Assyria also a i m e d t o e n r i c h itself by gathering spoil a n d extracting regular tribute. M o s t of the tributary g o o d s were n o t i n d i g e n o u s to subjugated regions: according t o Assyrian sources, t h e J u d e a n king H e zekiah's postrevolt tribute ( m e n t i o n e d i n 2 Kgs. 18:13-16) included gold, silver, g e m s , ivory-inlaid c o u c h e s , e l e p h a n t hides, African b l a c k w o o d , b o x w o o d , a n d h u m a n beings
(ANET, p. 288).
AGRICULTURE T h e luxury g o o d s d e m a n d e d as t r i b u t e p a y m e n t s held m o r e c o n s e q u e n c e s for agricultural e c o n o m i e s t h a n s h o r t t e r m i m p o v e r i s h m e n t ; they incited t h e search for high-value materials. T h e s e c o m m o d i t i e s (preciosities) h a d to b e p r o c u r e d o n t h e international t r a d e n e t w o r k . T o enter this n e t w o r k d e m a n d e d intensive i n v e s t m e n t s in exportable a g ricultural p r o d u c t s . T h u s , Assyrian p o w e r p u s h e d d e p e n d e n t polities t o p r o d u c e m o r e a n d pulled t h e m t o w a r d s p e cific p r o d u c t s . T h e s e influences w e r e joined b y increasing p o p u l a t i o n densities, u r b a n i z a t i o n , a n d political centraliza tion in s p u r r i n g agricultural industrialization a n d c o m m e r cialization. I n Israel a n d J u d a h , t h e intensification of olive oil a n d wine p r o d u c t i o n s t a n d s o u t . [See J u d a h . ] T e r r a c e technology a d v a n c e d , reclaiming d e n u d e d hillside slopes. T h e terraces w e r e a c c o m p a n i e d b y h u n d r e d s of r o c k - c u t presses t h r o u g h o u t h i g h l a n d r e g i o n s w h e r e wine p r o d u c t i o n p r o g r e s s e d at b o t h industrial sites ( G i b e o n n o r t h of Jerusa lem) a n d dispersed f a r m s t e a d s (e.g., K h i r b e t e r - R a s ) . [See Gibeon.] T h e addition of a b e a m a d v a n c e d existing p r e s s i n g technology, a d d i n g leverage t o e x t r a c t g r a p e juice a n d olive oil m o r e proficiently. I n J u d a h , signs of b u r e a u c r a t i c m a n a g e m e n t of w i n e p r o d u c t i o n a n d distribution took t h e form of royally s t a m p e d w i n e jar h a n d l e s . T h e e n o r m o u s c o n c e n tration of olive-oil p r o d u c t i o n facilities at s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE T e l M i q n e / E k r o n o n t h e s o u t h e r n Palestinian coast s u perbly manifested t h e e c o n o m i c benefits of p r o x i m i t y to t h e sea a n d t h e access it afforded i n t o M e d i t e r r a n e a n c o m m e r c e . M o r e t h a n 100 olive-oil p r o d u c t i o n u n i t s h a v e b e e n excavated or s u r v e y e d thus far, m a k i n g t h e site the largest s u c h constellation of industrial facilities in t h e a n c i e n t N e a r East (Heltzer a n d E i t a m , 1987). T h e overall agricultural i n tensification stretched as far as t h e arid lands of the N e g e v desert, w h e r e runoff f a r m i n g c r e a t e d costly w a d i terraces, c a t c h m e n t s , a n d even diversion systems to t r a p a m e a g e r rainfall. [See M i q n e , T e l ; N e g e v . ] W i t h its e m p h a s i s o n c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n , I r o n A g e agricultural intensification supplies a signal instance of u r b a n m a n i p u l a t i o n of the e c o n o m y c o u n t e r to the subsis tence-oriented objectives of villages. Villages c o p e with t h e two major constraints of erratic e n v i r o n m e n t (physical as well as political) a n d d e m o g r a p h i c fragility b y diversifying their p r o d u c t i v e regimes. F a r m e r s seek to s p r e a d t h e risk i n h e r e n t in settled agriculture b y p l a n t i n g a variety of crops in scattered locations a n d b y a scattered timetable. H e r d s are m a i n t a i n e d as p a r t of t h e village enterprise, a c o m p l e m e n t a r y p u r s u i t that a d d s greatly to h o u s e h o l d productivity as well as resilience. S u c h s u b s i s t e n c e - o r i e n t e d objectives are n o t sustainable w h e n u r b a n - b a s e d direction of t h e p r o ductive activities sets t h e agricultural a g e n d a for rural life. T h e g o v e r n o r s d e m a n d e d t h e m o s t readily exchangeable a n d e x p o r t a b l e c o m m o d i t i e s — w i n e a n d olive oil in t h e L e v a n t — a n d e n c o u r a g e d their p r o d u c t i o n through" polices of taxation a n d p r o c u r e m e n t , judicial regulation, a n d land d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e s e forces p u s h e d village agriculture t o w a r d
29
specialization. R u r a l life f o u n d itself m a l d n g investments in l o n g - t e r m i m p r o v e m e n t s (such as water reservoirs a n d ter racing), producing marketable goods, and depending u p o n regional networks of e x c h a n g e . T h u s , agricultural intensifi cation severed village life f r o m its traditional subsistence m o o r i n g s as u r b a n rule fashioned a " c o m m a n d " or " m o bilization" e c o n o m y . D e p e n d e n t u p o n maladroit a d m i n i s trative structures, t e n u o u s politically secured access to m a r itime t r a d e , a n d the erratic n a t u r e of the Palestinian natural e n v i r o n m e n t , s u c h a s t r u c t u r e d e c o n o m i c system was highly fragile. A g r i c u l t u r a l D a t a . C h a r t i n g tire d y n a m i c relationship b e t w e e n u r b a n a n d rural z o n e s is o n e area t h a t benefits from e m e r g e n t archaeological strategies p u r s u i n g quantitative r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of ancient agricultural e c o n o m i e s . [SeePaleoe n v i r o n m e n t a l R e c o n s t r u c t i o n ; Paleobotany.] I n t h e a b sence of ancient agricultural r e c o r d s , researchers t u r n to data from preindustrial e c o n o m i e s t o posit levels of yields, p r o p o r t i o n s of various c r o p s (especially grains a n d fruits), a n d animals (sheep, goats, a n d cattle), as well as h u m a n dietary n e e d s . T h e s e data are collected in e t h n o a r c h a e o l o g ical fieldwork or are m i n e d from the census figures of t h e late p r e m o d e r n a n d even t h e earlier O t t o m a n periods. [See Ethnoarchaeology.] A d m i t t e d l y relative a n d a p p r o x i m a t e , s u c h data join with s i t e - c a t c h m e n t analysis a n d other r e gional studies to offer assessments of field a n d p a s t u r e p o tential (carrying capacity). P l a c e d n e x t to other archaeolog ical indicators (e.g., settlement p a t t e r n s , site areas, a n d p r o c e s s i n g installations), s u c h calculations fuel assessments of agricultural intensity a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of t h e relation ship b e t w e e n agricultural p r o d u c t i o n a n d its larger political a n d e c o n o m i c e n v i r o n m e n t . T h u s , for e x a m p l e , t h e olive presses at T e l M i q n e m i g h t h a v e p r o d u c e d 1,000 t o n s of oil e a c h season. B a s e d o n yields from olive groves planted a n d t e n d e d u n d e r preindustrial c o n d i t i o n s (kilograms p e r tree a n d trees p e r h e c t a r e ) , M i q n e ' s d e m a n d for raw olives w o u l d have r e q u i r e d o r c h a r d s r a n g i n g over 5,000 h a (12,350 acres), e n c o m p a s s i n g a r a d i u s of 10-20 k m (6-12 m i . ) sur r o u n d i n g t h e site. T h e control of s u c h a vast territory raises political questions a n d p o i n t s to t h e role of t h e Assyrian E m p i r e in creating conditions for o r s p o n s o r i n g the massive industrial center. Paleoosteological analysis of faunal r e m a i n s offers crucial assistance to r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s of ancient agricultural e c o n o m i e s . Analysis of stratified b o n e refuse p e r m i t s characteri zations of animal p r o d u c t i o n systems a n d their t e m p o r a l d e v e l o p m e n t . [See Paleozoology.] B e c a u s e of the inter d e p e n d e n c e b e t w e e n pastoralism a n d agriculture in t h e N e a r East, these data p e r m i t inferences a b o u t the n a t u r e of t h e agricultural systems. T h u s , a n increase in the relative frequencies of cattle a n d p i g b o n e s at t h e expense of sheep/ goat b o n e s m a y manifest t h e w a x i n g of agricultural intensity. L a n d d e v e l o p m e n t a r o u n d a site r e d u c e s t h e a m o u n t of small-animal p a s t u r a g e available, forcing s h e e p a n d g o a t
30
AHARONI, YOHANAN
pastoralism m o r e into the periphery. Cattle can b e kept m o r e easily in close p r o x i m i t y to agricultural o p e r a t i o n s , a n d their traction is crucial for field c r o p s . Pigs find their place as t o w n scavengers. A m o n g s h e e p a n d g o a t s , kill-off p a t terns p r o v i d e a c o m p l e m e n t a r y b a r o m e t e r of t h e d e r e a l i z a t i o n of p a s t o r a l p r o d u c t i o n : g r e a t e r d i s t a n c e s b e t w e e n t h e loci of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d h e r d i n g spell h i g h e r ages at d e a t h , as n o m a d i c pastoralists sell older a n i m a l s to t o w n dwellers. I n c r e a s i n g p r o p o r t i o n s of s h e e p / g o a t s a n d y o u n g e r ages a t d e a t h m a y signal a less intensive e c o n o m y with a less d i c h o t o m i z e d a g r i c u l t u r a l - p a s t o r a l c o n t i n u u m . T h u s , faunal r e m a i n s offer t h e possibility of c h a r t i n g t h e e b b a n d flow of agricultural life. [See also F a r m s t e a d s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Borawski, O d e d . Agriculture in Iron Age Israel Winona Lake, Ind., 1 9 8 7 . Catalog of the components of Israelite agriculture, with special e m phasis on their H e b r e w Bible terminology. Braidwood, Robert J„ a n d Bruce H o w e , eds. Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan. Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, vol. 3 1 . Chicago, i 9 6 0 . Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture. Vols. 1 - 7 . C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 9 3 . I n dispensable collections of articles by archaeologists, philologists, agronomists, a n d ethnographers. Individual volumes focus on cere als, field crops, fruits, irrigation, trees, a n d domestic animals. Childe, V. Gordon. New Light on the Most Ancient East ( 1 9 5 2 ) . 2 d ed. N e w York, 1969. D a l m a n , Gustaf. Arbeit und Situ in Paldstina. 7 vols, in 8. Giitersloh, 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 4 2 . Rich c o m p e n d i u m of Palestinian village life as D a l m a n observed it in the early twentieth century, Finkelstein, Israel. The Archaeology of the Israelite Settlement. Jerusalem, 1988. Presentation a n d analysis of the setdement pattern a n d m a t e rial culture of Early Iron Age Palestine, focusing on the central hill country and utilizing 1945 village statistics to portray the d e m o g r a phy a n d economy of p r e m o d e r n settlement. Halstead, Paul, and J o h n O'Shea, eds. Bad Year Economics: Cultural Responses to Risk and Uncertainty. N e w York, 1989. Collection of essays on culturally a n d historically diverse contexts regarding h o w h u m a n communities secure their food supplies in the face of envi ronmental variability. Heltzer, Michael, a n d David Eitam, eds. Olive Oil in Antiquity: Israel and Neighboring Countries from Neolith [sic] to Early Arab Period. Haifa, 1987. Several articles on the olive-oil production facilities at T e l M i q n e highlight a wide-ranging collection on this m o s t i m p o r tant fruit of the Mediterranean basin. Hesse, Brian, and Paula W a p n i s h . Animal Bone Archaeology: From Ob jectives to Analysis. Washington, D . C . , 1985. Exacting, detailed, a n d superbly illustrated presentation of faunal analysis, covering speci m e n identification, t h e nature of bone preservation, sampling strat egies, a n d analysis. Hesse, Brian, "Animal U s e at T e l Miqne-Ekron in the Bronze Age a n d Iron Age." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 264 (1986): 1 7 - 2 7 . Animal bone statistics depict shifts in t h e animalhusbandry systems that s u p p o r t e d T e l Miqne/Ekron. Hopkins, David C. The Highlands of Canaan: Agricultural Life in the Early Iron Age. Sheffield, 1 9 8 5 . A systematic, anthropologically ori ented presentation of the nature of agriculture a n d its particular manifestations in Early Iron Age Palestine. LaBianca, Oystein S. Hesban, vol. 1, Sedentarization and Nomadization: Food System Cycles at Hesban and Vicinity in Transjordan. Berrien
Springs, Mich., 1990. Outlines the idea of a "food s y s t e m , " including relevant concepts of intensification a n d a b a t e m e n t a n d sedentariza tion a n d nomadization as integrating principles for archaeological investigation. Describes the successive food-system configurations for t h e Hesban (Heshbon) region of J o r d a n based on excavated a n imal-bone refuse a n d carbonized seeds a n d survey data. Miller, N a o m i F . " T h e N e a r E a s t . " In Progress in Old World Palaeoethnobotany, edited by Willem v a n Zeist et al,, p p . 1 3 3 - 1 6 0 . R o t t e r d a m , 1 9 9 1 . Up-to-date survey of t h e archaeobotanical record of the N e a r East. Nissen, H a n s J. The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C. Translated b y Elizabeth Lutzeier a n d K e n n e t h J. N o r t h c o t t . Chicago, 1988. Readable survey that includes a discussion (based o n settlement patterns) of t h e beginnings of food p r o d u c t i o n , p e r m a n e n t settlement, a n d the emergence of high civilization t h r o u g h the third millennium. Relies t o o heavily on a n insecure reconstruc tion of climate change to explain developments. Postgate, J. N . Early Mesopotamia: Society and Economy at the Dawn of History. R e v . ed. L o n d o n , 1994. Artful integration of literary a n d archaeological data, creating a lively narrative of the social world of M e s o p o t a m i a , 3 0 0 0 - 1 5 0 0 BCE. Renfrew, Jane M . Palaeoethnobotany: The Prehistoric Food Plants of the Near East and Europe. N e w York, 1 9 7 3 . Classic text with illustrations of each of the major genera a n d species of domesticated a n d edible wild plants, their origins, identification, cultivation, a n d u s e . Sherratt, Susan, a n d A n d r e w G . Sherratt. " T h e G r o w t h of the M e d i terranean E c o n o m y in the Early First Millennium B C . " World Ar chaeology 24.3 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 3 6 1 - 3 7 8 . Outlines the development of I r o n Age trading systems in the Mediterranean against B r o n z e Age p a t terns from the perspective of world systems theory. M a p s the inter action of Assyrian, eastern, central, a n d western M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a n d E u r o p e a n economic arenas. Stager, L a w r e n c e E. " T h e First Fruits of Civilization." I n Palestine in the Bronze and Iron Ages: Papers in Honour of Olga Tufnell, edited b y Jonathan N . T u b b , p p . 1 7 2 - 1 8 7 . University of L o n d o n , Institute of Archaeology, Occasional Publication, n o . 1 1 . L o n d o n , 1 9 8 5 . L u c i d chronicle a n d explanation of E B domestication of t h e olive, grape, date, fig, a n d pomegranate. Zohary, Daniel, a n d M a r i a Hopf. The Domestication of Plants in the Old World: The Origin and Spread of Cultivated Plants in West Asia, Eu rope, and the Nile Valley. 2 d ed. Oxford, 1 9 9 3 . Synthesis of c r o p plant evolution combining data from archaeology a n d t h e distribu tion of living plants. Covers cereals, pulses, oil a n d fiber crops, fruit trees and nuts, vegetables a n d tubers, condiments a n d dyes, as well as wild fruits. DAVID C. HOPKINS
AHARONI, YOHANAN
( 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 7 6 ) , Israeli biblical
a r c h a e o l o g i s t a n d historical g e o g r a p h e r . B o r n in G e r m a n y , A h a r o n i w e n t to P a l e s t i n e as a y o u n g m a n . H i s c h a r a c t e r a n d his desire to e x p l o r e Israel w e r e f o r m e d in t h e Z i o n i s t y o u t h m o v e m e n t a n d t h e k i b b u t z . H e e a r n e d his P h . D . in 1957 a t t h e H e b r e w U n i v e r s i t y of J e r u s a l e m , w h e r e h e s t u d ied u n d e r Benjamin M a z a r . Aharoni's doctoral dissertation, a l m o s t u n k n o w n o u t s i d e of Israel, o u t l i n e d a n i m p o r t a n t d i r e c t i o n for biblical a r c h a e o l o g y , w h i c h h a d b e e n f o r e s e e n b y t h e G e r m a n biblical s c h o l a r A l b r e c h t A l t in 1925: r e g i o n a l r e s e a r c h c o m b i n e d w i t h biblical-historical d a t a i n a critical synthesis. T h i s w a s t h e first a r c h a e o l o g i c a l c h a l l e n g e t o t h e "Albright-Glueck-Yadin
s c h o o l " of biblical
archaeology.
AHIRAM INSCRIPTION [See the biographies of Mazar; Albright, Alt, Glueck, and Yadin.] A h a r o n i ' s u n t i m e l y d e a t h left his regional research in t h e N e g e v desert unfinished. H i s e m p h a s i s o n a regional a p p r o a c h w a s d e v e l o p e d by his s t u d e n t s , h o w e v e r — m a i n l y b y M o s h e K o c h a v i a n d his s t u d e n t s in t u r n — i n projects in the Galilee, t h e G o l a n , M a n a s s e h , E p h r a i m , a n d J u d a h . T h e s e projects h a v e h a d a major i m p a c t o n biblical history and the archaeology of Israel. B e t t e r - k n o w n outside Israel are A h a r o n i ' s syntheses ( i 962-1964) of t h e historical g e o g r a p h y of the biblical p e r i o d . T h e s e works are still a m o n g the m a i n h a n d b o o k s for this field. T h e y c o m b i n e a wide r a n g e of archaeological a n d historical data for the ancient N e a r East, w i t h a semicritical u s e of biblical materials. A h a r o n i excavated at R a m a t R a h e l , L a c h i s h , A r a d , a n d T e l B e e r s h e b a . H e d e v e l o p e d an Israeli m e t h o d of excava tion t h a t e m p h a s i z e s the i m p o r t a n c e of digging large areas, in addition to r e c o r d i n g sections, for a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of a site. T h i s strategy was a r e s p o n s e to t h e W h e e l e r - K e n y o n m e t h o d . [See the biographies of Kenyan and Wheeler.] A h a r o n i p u b l i s h e d t h e A r a d inscriptions, a n i m p o r t a n t c o n tribution to t h e history a n d p a l e o g r a p h y of late I r o n A g e J u d a h . N o t e w o r t h y also is his p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e exploration of t h e caves in the J u d e a n D e s e r t a n d of M a s a d a , his work at H a z o r , a n d his study of I r o n A g e M e g i d d o . I n 1968 A h a r o n i f o u n d e d t h e Institute of A r c h a e o l o g y at T e l Aviv University. H e g a t h e r e d scholars in archaeology, ancient N e a r E a s t studies, a n d related disciplines, e n s u r i n g progress t o w a r d c u r r e n t interdisciplinary research. A l o n g with Yigael Y a d i n , his everlasting adversary, A h a r o n i s h a p e d t h e character of Israeli biblical archaeology. [See also A r a d Inscriptions; B e e r s h e b a ; Biblical A r c h a e ology; Historical G e o g r a p h y ; J u d a h ; and R a m a t R a h e l ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Aharoni, Y o h a n a n . The Settlement of the Israelite Tribes in the Upper Galilee (in H e b r e w ) . Jerusalem, 1 9 5 7 . Aharoni's first regional r e search, based on his P h . D . dissertation. M o s t of his conclusions are no longer valid, but this study is a methodological t u r n i n g point in the archaeology of Israel and in biblical history. Aharoni, Y o h a n a n . Excavations at Ramat Rahel. 2 vols. R o m e , 1 9 6 2 1964. Covers the 1 9 5 9 - 1 9 6 0 a n d 1 9 6 1 - 1 9 6 2 excavation seasons. Aharoni, Y o h a n a n . The Land of the Bible: A Historical Geography ( 1 9 6 7 ) . 2 d ed. Philadelphia, 1 9 7 9 . Still the m o s t comprehensive description a n d primary h a n d b o o k for the historical geography of biblical Israel a n d Judah, M u c h of what was out of date was replaced in the post h u m o u s editions, edited by A n s o n F . Rainey. Aharoni, Y o h a n a n , ed. Beer-Sheba I: Excavations at Tel Beer-Sheba, 1969-1971 Seasons. T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 3 . Aharoni, Y o h a n a n . Investigations at Lachish: The Sanctuary and the Res idency (Ijichish V). T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 5 . Aharoni, Y o h a n a n , with contributions by Joseph N a v e h . Arad Inscrip tions. T r a n s l a t e d by Judith B e n - O r . Jerusalem, 1 9 8 1 . Aharoni, Y o h a n a n , and Michael Avi-Yonah. The Macmillan Bible Atlas. 3 d ed., completely revised by A n s o n F . Rainey a n d Zeey Safrai. N e w York, 1993. Detailed m a p s of t h e biblical and R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e p e riods. T h e material by Aharoni, u p to the Persian period, is a useful s u p p l e m e n t to his Historical Geography (see aboye).
31
Bachi, Gabriella, c o m p . "Bibliography of Y. A h a r o n i . " Tel Aviv 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 161—184. Kochavi, M o s h e . "Professor Y o h a n a n Aharoni, 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 7 6 : In M e m o r i a m . " Tel Aviv 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 2 - 4 . Avi OFER
AHIRAM INSCRIPTION.
T h e sarcophagus of
A h i r a m f o u n d in Byblos, in L e b a n o n , by F r e n c h archaeol ogists in 1923 is o n e of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t works of art from t h e L e v a n t . [See Byblos.] Its inscription can b e considered the oldest meaningful d o c u m e n t so far k n o w n in Phoenician. T h e text, in two lines of u n e q u a l length, is carved on the lid of the s a r c o p h a g u s . W o r d s a n d syntactic units are separated b y a small vertical stroke, b u t t h e technical execution of the writing leaves a bit to be desired, Analysis of t h e inscription shows that o r t h o g r a p h i c p r a c t i c e at the e n d of t h e second m i l l e n n i u m BCE did n o t i n c l u d e t h e u s e of m a t r e s lectionis. T h e script p r e s e n t s a n u m b e r of peculiar features: t h e aleph, t h e u p r i g h t stance of gimel, t h e horizontal crossbars of het, a n d the archaic ayin. T h e inscription is dated on paleographic g r o u n d s to a b o u t 1000 BCE. T h e text runs as follows: "Coffin w h i c h Itthobaal s o n of A h i r a m , king of Byblos, m a d e for A h i r a m , his father, w h e n h e placed h i m in eternity: if a king from a m o n g kings or a g o v e r n o r from a m o n g gov ernors or t h e c o m m a n d e r of an a r m y should c o m e u p against Byblos a n d u n c o v e r this coffin, m a y the scepter of his rule b e b r o k e n , m a y t h e t h r o n e of his kingship b e over t u r n e d , a n d m a y p e a c e flee Byblos, a n d (as for) h i m , m a y his inscription b e effaced (from) before B y b l o s . " T h e decoration on the lid p o r t r a y s t w o figures, a father a n d son. T h e d e a d father holds a d r o o p i n g flower in one h a n d a n d raises the other in a gesture of benediction. O n the main b o d y of t h e s a r c o p h a g u s , t h e father is e n t h r o n e d , a n d before h i m is a table l a d e n with food; o n the other side of t h e table a s t a n d i n g courtier is followed by two m e n with c u p s a n d four others with b o t h h a n d s raised. M o u r n i n g w o m e n , p e r s o n s carrying baskets on their h e a d s , a n d a single m a n leading an animal are carved o n the n a r r o w a n d long sides of t h e s a r c o p h a g u s . T h e strong E g y p t i a n influence in t h e i c o n o g r a p h y of these scenes reflects t h e connections this ancient city-state always h a d w i t h Egypt. T h e decoration allows for a date at the e n d of t h e eleventh century BCE, w h i c h accords well with t h e p a l e o g r a p h y of the inscription. T h e royal n a m e Ahiram, w h i c h m e a n s " M y b r o t h e r [god] is exalted," a p p e a r s very frequently in Phoenicia, b u t less so t h e n a m e Itthobaal, " B a a l is w i t h h i m . " BIBLIOGRAPHY D u s s a u d , Rene. "Les inscriptions pheniciennes du tombeau d'Ahiram, roi de Byblos." Syria 5 ( 1 9 2 4 ) : 1 3 5 - 1 5 9 . Contains the editioprinceps of the principal Ahiram inscription (pp. 1 3 5 - 1 4 2 ) . Gibson, J o h n C, L . Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, nician Inscriptions. Oxford, 1982. See pages 1 2 - 1 6 .
vol. 3, Phoe
P o r a d a , Edith. " N o t e s on the Sarcophagus of A h i r a m . " Journal
of the
32
AHMAR, TELL
Ancient
Near
Eastern
Society
of Columbia
University
5
(1973):
355-372. Teixidor, Javier. "L'inscription d'Ahiram a n o u v e a u . " Syria 64 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 137-140. JAVIER TEIXIDOR
AHMAR, TELL. See Til Barsip.
AI, biblical site located east of Bethel (Gn. 12:8, Jos. 7:2). T h r e e sites on t h e p e r i m e t e r of m o d e r n Deir D i b w a n , 3 k m (2 mi.) east of Beitin (Bethel) have b e e n suggested as the location of biblical Ai: K h i r b e t H a i y a n , to the south, K h i r b e t K h u d r i y a , to the east; a n d et-Tell, to t h e northwest. T h e first two have b e e n excavated a n d found to b e Byzantine settlements. Et-Tell ( m a p reference 71385 X 53365), a p o l y g o n - s h a p e d m o u n d of 27.5 acres, situated on t h e s o u t h side of t h e deep W a d i el-Jaya, w h i c h leads east t o w a r d Jericho, has b e e n extensively excavated. It yielded cultural material from as early as 3100 BCE, E t - T e l l is generally accepted as biblical Ai; b o t h t h e H e b r e w a n d Arabic n a m e s for the site m e a n " d i e ruin h e a p . " T h e first excavations at et-Tell were undertaken by J o h n Garstang for the D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of Palestine in 1928 b u t were brief a n d involved only eight t r e n c h e s . T h e work yielded a three-page s u m m a r y report a n d the sketch of a plan. Judith M a r q u e t - K r a u s e , with t h e s u p p o r t of B a r o n E d m o n d de Rothschild, directed the second excavation p r o ject in 1933-1935. H e r work focused on the highest p a r t of the m o u n d a n d the Early B r o n z e A g e necropolis east of it. T h e Rothschild expedition excavated several significant E B structures, including t h e temple-palace ( M a r q u e t - K r a u s e r ' s palais) a n d die sanctuary on the acropolis with its splendid alabaster a n d pottery cult objects; the nearby Iron A g e vil lage, where finds d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t the village h a d b e e n built directly on top of the E B city; a n d the lower city, w h o s e fortifications included a p o s t e r n and towers. T h e third excavation project at et-Tell was a joint e x p e dition of several r e s e a r c h institutions t h a t was in the field for nine seasons (1964-1976) u n d e r the direction of Joseph A. Callaway. T h e joint expedition e x p a n d e d t h e M a r q u e t K r a u s e excavations to include the citadel fortifications; the e x p a n d e d Iron A g e village; the lower-city residential area; fortifications with gates; a n d a reservoir. In addition, it ex cavated three sites in the vicinity of et-Tell to address further the location of biblical Ai a n d t o secure comparative m a t e rials from the region for t h e study of et-Tell. In 1964 a n d 1969, K h i r b e t H a i y a n w a s excavated to b e d r o c k a n d w a s f o u n d to b e a Byzantine settlement, T o m b s a n d a Byzantine settlement were also excavated at K h i r b e t K h u d r i y a in 1966 a n d 1968. B o t h sites m a y represent t h e location of m o n a s teries. T h e third site in t h e regional study was K h i r b e t R a d d a n a h , at the n o r t h e r n perimeter of m o d e r n Ramallah. A n
unfortified village w i t h pillared h o u s e s was excavated t h a t is c o n t e m p o r a r y with t h e Iron Age village at et-Tell. T h e major evidence from et-Tell points to five settlement phases with a b u n d a n t cultural r e m a i n s . T h e original settle m e n t (EB IB, 3250-3100 BCE) is a n u n w a l l e d village 220 m long a n d located o n t h e u p p e r terraces of t h e site. T h e ar tifacts indicate a m i x t u r e of local a n d foreign elements. L o cal Chalcolithic traits of the indigenous p o p u l a t i o n include angular jar n e c k a n d rim f o r m s , as well as angular b o w l forms. " F o r e i g n " influence has b e e n seen in carinated plat ters, h o l e m o u t h jars with their r i m s rolled i n w a r d , a n d painted designs of g r o u p s of lines. Callaway (1964) t h o u g h t these n e w forms m i g h t have b e e n t h e result of m i g r a t i o n s of populations from Anatolia a n d Syria, b u t m o s t scholars dis sent from t h a t view. T h e d e a d w e r e b u r i e d in caves along the slopes of the hill, a n d t h e burial goods reflect t h e cultural varieties of t h e m i x e d settlement p o p u l a t i o n . T h e second settlement p h a s e ( E B I C , 3100-2950 BCE) w a s a well-planned, walled city enclosing 27.5 acres. M a s s i v e fortifications were c o n s t r u c t e d over the h o m e s in the u n walled village, following t h e site's n a t u r a l c o n t o u r s . F o u r city-gate complexes were discovered: t h r e e of t h e m were one m e t e r wide a n d w e n t straight t h r o u g h t h e wall; t h e fourth, w h i c h a p p e a r s to b e larger t h a n t h e others, was only partially excavated. All t h e gates w e r e fortified b y towers constructed o n the wall's exterior. T h e s e fortifications e n closed significant functional areas, including t h e impressive acropolis complex, t h e citadel a n d sanctuary, a n d a m a r k e t a n d residential area. A large building (25 m long) of u n c u t stones with structures attached m a y r e p r e s e n t t h e t e m p l e palace c o m p l e x of t h e acropolis a n d t h e center of u r b a n life. Callaway argued again t h a t the changes in material culture a n d settlement plans suggest t h a t t h e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n was a b s o r b e d by n e w c o m e r s , possibly f r o m Anatolia a n d Syria (Callaway, 1972). T h e s e n e w c o m e r s i m p o s e d n e w leadership forms a n d a c h a n g e d lifestyle f r o m village to u r b a n life, with creative city p l a n n i n g for t h e n e w settlement. In any case, tliis settlement e n d e d in d e s t r u c t i o n — a blanket of ashes b e i n g m u t e testimony to t h e violent event. T h e settlement w a s rebuilt in the third major p h a s e (EB II, 2950-2775 BCE) of its history. T h e i n h a b i t a n t s r e p a i r e d a n d modified buildings a n d w i d e n e d a n d s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e fortifications, all inferior to those of the original city. N e w pottery forms include a carinated bowl with a n o u t w a r d curving rim a n d a jug with a tall cylindrical n e c k a n d h i g h loop h a n d l e s . A massive d e s t r u c t i o n of this city m a y h a v e b e e n caused by an e a r t h q u a k e , as e v i d e n c e d by rifts in t h e b e d r o c k a n d associated walls, with stones tilting into the fis sures. T h e destruction was a c c o m p a n i e d b y an intense fire. Egyptian i n v o l v e m e n t in the rebuilding of t h e f o u r t h set t l e m e n t (EB III, 2775-2400 BCE) is evident in t h e t e m p l e palace a n d in the c o r n e r - g a t e area of t h e fortifications. C o l u m n bases in the t e m p l e - p a l a c e w e r e r e w o r k e d w i t h c o p p e r saws like those u s e d b y E g y p t i a n craftsmen. T h e walls w e r e
'AIN DARA'
33
built of h a m m e r - d r e s s e d stones laid like bricks. T h e interior of the walls was plastered, a n d the r o o m s c o n t a i n e d E g y p tian i m p o r t s of alabaster a n d s t o n e vessels. A t the southeast c o r n e r of t h e cities' fortifications, a k i d n e y - s h a p e d reservoir w a s c o n s t r u c t e d to c a p t u r e r a i n w a t e r from the u p p e r city. [See Reservoirs.] Estimates of its capacity r a n g e from 1,800 to 2,000 cu m . Major changes a p p e a r a b o u t m i d w a y in this fourth p e r i o d of settlement (c. 2550 BCE). Walls were rebuilt, the t e m p l e was r e d e s i g n e d as a royal r e s i d e n c e , a n d a s a n c t u a r y was c o n s t r u c t e d against t h e citadel. K h i r b e t K e r a k p o t t e r y a n d n e w objects seem t o i m p l y a n e w influence from the n o r t h of C a n a a n . T h i s p h a s e w a s e n d e d by a n o t h e r vi olent d e s t r u c t i o n (c. 2400 BCE), a n d t h e site was a b a n d o n e d a n d left in ruins for m o r e t h a n a m i l l e n n i u m .
c r o p planting. [See Cisterns; Agriculture.] T h e s e settlers w e r e farmers a n d s h e p h e r d s , as indicated b y t h e stone sad dles, q u e r n s , m o r t a r s , pestles, iron i m p l e m e n t s , a n d n u m e r ous b o n e s of goats a n d s h e e p . [See Sheep a n d Goats.] T w o p h a s e s of the Iron A g e village are seen in t h e rebuilt houses a n d die different p o t t e r y f o r m s . T h e original houses w e r e modified by relocating their d o o r s , repairing walls, a n d r e surfacing floors. T h e long collared-rim storejar distinguishes the first-phase pottery form from the low collared-rim jar of the s e c o n d p h a s e . Slingstones w e r e f o u n d o n the floors of the rebuilt h o u s e s , suggesting that the settlement m a y have b e e n a b a n d o n e d after a m i n o r battle. T h e excavator has s u g gested t h a t this Iron I settlement r e p r e s e n t e d the Early Is raelite villagers described in the Book of Judges.
T h e fifth a n d final s e t t l e m e n t p h a s e (Iron A g e I, 12001050 BCE) was established o n t h e terraces below t h e a c r o p olis b y n e w c o m e r s . T h e n e w villagers, p r o b a b l y " P r o t o - I s raelites," did n o t fortify their settlement, a n d their h o u s e s were characterized by pillars or piers t h a t s u p p o r t e d the roof a n d divided t h e space. Streets w e r e p a v e d with cobble stones, a n d the h o u s e s s h a r e d c o m m o n walls—suggesting t h a t t h e p o p u l a t i o n w a s m a d e u p of e x t e n d e d families. T w o n e w technologies were evident: cisterns w e r e d u g for a water supply (see figure 1) a n d t h e hillslopes w e r e t e r r a c e d for
[See also C e r a m i c s , article on Syro-Palestinian C e r a m i c s of the Neolithic, B r o n z e , a n d I r o n Ages; and the biographies
of Callaway, Garstang, and Marquet-Krause.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Callaway, Joseph A. Pottery from the Tombs at Ai (el-Tell). Colt Archae ological Institute, M o n o g r a p h Series, 2. L o n d o n , 1964. Callaway, Joseph A. " T h e 1964 'Ai (et-Tell) Excavations." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 1 7 8 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 1 3 - 4 0 . Callaway, Joseph A., and M . B. Nieol. " A S o u n d i n g at Khirbet Haiyan." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 183 (1966): 1 2 - 1 9 . Callaway, Joseph A. " N e w Evidence on the C o n q u e s t o f ' A i . " Journal of Biblical Literature 87 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 3 1 2 - 3 2 0 . Callaway, Joseph A. " T h e 1966 'Ai (et-Tell) Excavations." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 196 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 2 - 1 6 . Callaway, Joseph A. " T h e 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 6 9 'Ai (et-Tell) Excavations." Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 198 (1970): 7 3iCallaway, Joseph A. The Early Bronze Age Sanctuary at Ai (et-Tell). London, 1972. Callaway, Joseph A., and K e r m i t Schoonover, " T h e Early Bronze Age Citadel at Ai (et-Tell)." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 207 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 4 1 - 5 3 Callaway, Joseph A. The Early Bronze Age Citadel and IJOWCV City alAi (et-Tell). C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1980. M a r q u e t - K r a u s e , Judith. Ijisfouilles de 'Ay (et-Tell), 1933-1935. 2 vols. Paris, 1949. ROBERT E . COOLEY
AIA.
C
See Archaeological Institute of America.
C
AIN DARA , site located in Syria's 'Afrin valley, u p
s t r e a m from the ' A m u q plain, a b o u t 67 k m (42 mi.) n o r t h w e s t of A l e p p o a n d 7 k m (4 mi.) s o u t h of t h e n e w city of Afrin (36°56' N , 36°55' E ) . It is n o t far from the a r c h a e o logical site of H a - z a - z a / A - z a - z a , m o d e r n F a z a z , a b o u t 25 k m (15.5 mi.) t o t h e n o r t h e a s t , a n d from Tell Rifa'at/Arpad, a AI. F i g u r e 1. Three cisterns in the courtyard of a house. (Erich Les- b o u t 30 k m (18 mi.) to the east. Ain D a r a is n a m e d after a spring a b o u t 700 m east of t h e m o u n d . T h e tell is enorsing/Art R e s o u r c e , N Y ) c
c
c
34
'AIN DARA'
m o u s . Its citadel rises a b o u t 30 m from t h e level of the plain; its lower city covers a n area of 24 h a (59 acres). 'Ain D a r a ' is not m e n t i o n e d often in the scholarly litera ture. S o m e researchers p a s s e d t h r o u g h t h e area while s t u d y ing t h e ancient city of K u n u l u a . It was generally ignored, however, until the c h a n c e discovery of a m o n u m e n t a l basalt lion in 1955. T h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of A l e p p o t h e n initiated a series of seasons of excavation o n t h e tell. Excavations at its s o u t h e r n corner a n d on the n o r t h w e s t ern edge of t h e s u m m i t were c o n d u c t e d in 1956,1962, a n d in 1964 u n d e r t h e direction of Feisal Seirafe, assisted b y the F r e n c h archaeologist M a u r i c e D u n a n d . [See the biography of Dunand.] In 1976 a n d again in 1978, a n expedition from t h e Syrian D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities a n d M u s e u m s , u n d e r t h e direction of Ali A b o u Assaf, excavated at t h e site. In seasons 6 - 1 1 (1980-1985) a t e m p l e was uncovered. I n 1983 a n d 1984, P a u l Z i m a n s k y a n d Elizabeth Stone m a d e s o u n d i n g s in t h e lower city near t h e western a n d n o r t h e r n corner. F r o m surface exploration a n d a sounding in t h e cit adel a n d the lower city it a p p e a r s t h a t t h e lower city was settled from the e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e Age (c. t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE) until t h e I r o n A g e II (c.740 BCE). E x c e p t for the R o m a n period, t h e citadel was settled from t h e C h a l colithic t h r o u g h the O t t o m a n periods. T h e following levels, d a t e d b y their artifacts, were distin guished in t h e area above a n d a r o u n d t h e temple, w h i c h belongs to level VII (three phases: 1300-1000BCE; 1000-900 BCE; a n d 900-740 BCE). Level I: Seljuk p e r i o d (1100-1400 CE) Level II: L a t e Byzantine period (650 CE)
'AIN DARA'.
Level III: U m a y y a d a n d ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d (650-900 CE) Level IV: Hellenistic p e r i o d (330-75 BCE) Level V: L a t e A r a m e a n a n d A c h a e m e n i d p e r i o d s (530330 BCE) Level VI: A r a m e a n a n d N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d s (740530 B C E ) . T h e t e m p l e , oriented to t h e southeast, consists of six a r chitectural c o m p o n e n t s . 1. Paved courtyard. A well a n d a basin for w a s h i n g h a n d s before entering t h e s a n c t u a r y for p r a y e r s w e r e f o u n d in t h e courtyard. 2. Entrance. T h r e e basalt steps d e c o r a t e d with a guilloche p a t t e r n led t o the e n t r a n c e , w h i c h was a portico with t w o c o l u m n s . T w o h u g e limestone threshold blocks w e r e situ ated in the successive d o o r w a y s ; there are i m p r e s s i o n s of two footprints o n t h e first, a n d t h e print of a left foot o n t h e s e c o n d (97 X 31 c m ) . T w o towers or r o o m s m a y h a v e flanked the e n t r a n c e . T h r o u g h a r o o m o n t h e right a stair case b e t w e e n the anticella a n d t h e corridor w a s r e a c h e d . T w o sphinxes a n d four colossal lions flank t h e e n t r a n c e , g u a r d i n g t h e portico. 3. Facade. Reliefs of lions a n d sphinxes a r r a n g e d in t w o levels d e c o r a t e d t h e facade. T h e u p p e r level was c o m p r i s e d of h u g e lions in p r o t o m e , a n d t h e lower of o p p o s i n g lions a n d sphinxes. 4. Anticella. T h e decoration of t h e o b l o n g anticella is very impressive. A b o v e t h e floor o n t h e lower p a r t of t h e wall is a series of orthostats d e c o r a t e d w i t h a pair of guilloches. L a r g e basalt slabs are d e c o r a t e d with figures of m o u n t a i n g o d s ; t h e o r n a m e n t a t i o n a b o v e t h e orthostats is g e o m e t r i c .
Basalt bas-relief on a socle, depicting a mountain god and two bulls with human heads and
arms. N a t i o n a l M u s e u m , A l e p p o , Syria. (Erich Lessing/Art Resource, N Y )
C
5. Stairway. T h r e e steps of a stairway join t h e anticella with t h e cella. T h e cella m u s t h a v e o n c e h a v e b e e n very impressive. O n l y a few orthostats d e c o r a t e d with guilloches remain. T h e p o d i u m o p p o s i t e t h e d o o r was badly destroyed. Its profile is only suggested b y t h e series of facing basalt orthostats, d e c o r a t e d w i t h figures of m o u n t a i n g o d s a n d g e niuses (see b e l o w ) . 6. Raised corridor. I n t h e latest p h a s e of t h e t e m p l e t h e builder s u r r o u n d e d it with a raised corridor. O r t h o s t a t s of o p p o s i n g lions a n d s p h i n x e s g r a c e its exterior, a n d lions flank its e n t r a n c e . O n b o t h sides of t h e corridor t h e builders originally erected thirty o p p o s i n g stelae w i t h different scenes (e.g., a t h r o n e d king, a p a l m tree, a s t a n d i n g g o d , offerings). T h e sculpture in d i e t e m p l e a t ' A i n D a r a ' is integrated into t h e building's design: lions line t h e p a s s a g e t h r o u g h the gates, lions a n d s p h i n x e s are c a r v e d i n p r o t o m e o n the slabs in t h e anticella a n d o n t h e socle in t h e n i c h e of the p o d i u m in t h e cella. T h e stelae o n b o t h sides of corridor exhibit t h e s a m e t e c h n i q u e : eighty-two reliefs f o r m a d a d o a r o u n d t h e sides of the t e m p l e terrace. T h e r e p e r t o i r e is v e r y limited— only lions a n d sphinxes. It is well k n o w n t h a t t h e lion is a n attribute of t h e g o d d e s s Ishtar, a n d it is k n o w n from P h o e nician works of art t h a t t h e s p h i n x is a n attribute of t h a t g o d d e s s . I s h t a r - S a w u s k a , t h e lover of t h e m o u n t a i n g o d , ruled t h e m o u n t a i n s i n n o r t h e r n Syria a n d s o u t h e r n A n a tolia. [See Phoenicians.] B e c a u s e d i e m o u n t a i n g o d is d i p icted o n t h e orthostats a n d socles i n t h e cella a n d anticella, it c a n b e a s s u m e d that t h e t e m p l e w a s d e d i c a t e d t o the g o d dess Ishtar. I n its p l a n t h e t e m p l e a t 'Ain D a r a ' repeats t h e m a i n features of temples at T e l l C h u e r a , M u n b a q a , E m a r , Ebla, H a z o r , a n d Tell T a ' y i n a t . [See C h u e r a , Tell; E m a r ; Ebla; H a z o r . ] A t 'Ain D a r a ' , h o w e v e r , t h e following p r i n cipal changes a p p e a r : t h e p l a t f o r m is higher, a corridor is situated o n t h r e e sides of t h e t e m p l e , t h e decorations include m o r e t h a n 168 reliefs a n d sculptures in p r o t o m e , a n d a d e e p well a n d a large chalkstone basin o p p o s i t e t h e east c o r n e r were f o u n d in t h e p a v e d c o u r t y a r d . T h e lions a n d sphinxes o n the m a i n facade a n d the facade of the cella r e s e m b l e those g u a r d i n g t h e gates at B o g a z k o y a n d Alaca H o y u k a n d m a y be said t o follow C a n a a n i t e a n d Hittite p r o t o t y p e s . [See B o gazkoy; Hittites.] [See also T e m p l e s , article on Syro-Palestinian T e m p l e s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdul-Hals, Selim. " L e s musees syriens et l'education." Annates Archeoiogiques Arabes Syriermes 1 5 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 3 - 1 2 . Abou Assaf, AH. Der Tempel von 'Ain Dara. M a i n z a m Rhein, 1990. Annates Archiologiques Arabes Syriennes 1 0 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 8 7 - 1 0 3 . A L I ABOU ASSAF
'AIN E S - S A M I Y E H , a n exceptionally strong, p e r e n nial spring s o m e 19 k m (12 mi.) n o r t h - n o r t h e a s t of Jerusa lem, at t h e n o r t h e a s t e r n foot of B a a l H a z o r , o n e of t h e h i g h est peaks in the J u d e a n m o u n t a i n s (31°59' N , 35°2o' E ) . T h e c
AIN ES-SAMIYEH
35
s p r i n g arises in a d e e p ravine s u r r o u n d e d b y cliffs pock m a r k e d w i t h caves a n d grottoes. William Foxwell Albright, A m i h a i M a z a r , a n d others h a v e suggested plausibly t h a t this lush area was a sanctuary in antiquity. T h e spring irrigates a system of small valleys t h a t c o n v e r g e into t h e W a d i Auja, w h i c h cuts all the w a y d o w n f r o m t h e J u d e a n hills, a t 457 m (1,500 ft.), t o t h e J o r d a n Valley. T h e spring still provides copious water for t h e t o w n of R a m a l l a h , from t h e m o d e r n p u m p i n g station a t the site. It is n o t surprising t h a t t h e r e a r e a n u m b e r of archaeolog ical sites of m a n y periods i n t h e vicinity. (1) K h i r b e t S a m i y e h lies 275 m (900 ft.) t o t h e southeast, apparently a relatively late r u i n , mostly B y z a n t i n e a n d A r a b . (2) K h i r b e t el-Marjameh ( " R u i n of t h e H e a p s of S t o n e s " ) is a large, rocky ruin o n a p r o m o n t o r y just n o r t h e a s t of t h e spring, with sherds from t h e Early B r o n z e , M i d d l e B r o n z e , a n d L a t e B r o n z e A g e s , as well as major r u i n s from t h e Iron I—II p e riods. (3) T h e long, n a r r o w D h a h r M i r z b a n e h ridge, s o m e 730 m (2,400 ft.) n o r t h - n o r t h e a s t of t h e spring, has a few r e m a i n s from a n E B I V settlement a n d a c o m p l e x of m u c h r o b b e d cemeteries t h a t is k n o w n to h a v e m o r e t h a n o n e thousand tombs. T h e antiquities of 'Ain e s - S a m i y e h have long b e e n k n o w n to t o p o g r a p h e r s a n d archaeologists, b u t die area's settlement history w a s only elucidated recently. D a v i d G . L y o n a c q u i r e d Early B r o n z e I V p o t t e r y f r o m r o b b e d shaft t o m b s while director of the A m e r i c a n School of Oriental Research in 1906-1907, a n d similar material found its w a y into m a n y o t h e r collections from J e r u s a l e m a n d elsewhere. Albright s u r v e y e d K h i r b e t e l - M a r j a m e h in 1923, identifying it with biblical E p h r a i m (2 Sm. 13:23). P a u l W . L a p p excavated forty-five Early B r o n z e I V t o m b s o n t h e D h a h r M i r z b a n e h in 1963-1964, b u t h e failed t o locate any settlement. Bakizah S h a n t u r a n d Y u s u f L a b i d i d u g a n o t h e r forty-four Early B r o n z e I V t o m b s in 1970; a n d William G . D e v e r published still m o r e material from r o b b e d t o m b s in 1972. Z . Kallai surveyed K h i r b e t e l - M a r j a m e h i n 1968, o p p o s i n g Albright's identification a n d suggesting a n alternative identification with Baal Shalisha (1 Sm. 9:4; 2 Kgs. 4:42). M a z a r cleared p o r t i o n s of t h e I r o n A g e t o w n in 1975 a n d 1978. Finally, in 1987 Israel Finkelstein located m a n y m o r e Early B r o n z e IV t o m b s o n t h e D h a h r M i r z b a n e h , as well as a fairly extensive settlement from the same p e r i o d . T h e t w o b e s t - k n o w n p e r i o d s of o c c u p a t i o n in the vicinity of 'Ain es-Samiyeh are t h e Early B r o n z e I V a n d I r o n I—II. D u r i n g t h e Early B r o n z e I V (c. 2300-2000 BCE), t h e site attracted large n u m b e r s of m i g r a t o r y pastoralists, as well as transitory s e t d e m e n t s . T h e D h a h r M i r z b a n e h shaft-tomb cemetery, w i t h several differing g r o u p s of t o m b s , is t h e larg est s u c h c e m e t e r y k n o w n i n Palestine, w i t h eleven h u n d r e d t o m b s i n evidence a n d m a n y m o r e n o d o u b t y e t u n d i s c o v ered. T h e pottery belongs t o D e v e r ' s Central Hills t y p e b u t has clear links w i t h j e r i c h o , t h e J o r d a n Valley, a n d t h e s o u t h -
36
'AIN GHAZAL
ern H e b r o n hills. O n e t o m b p r o d u c e d a u n i q u e silver goblet of Syrian origin, with an e m b o s s e d scene in the U r III style. T h e settlement on t h e ridge at D h a h r M i r z b a n e h , partly en closed, covers some 4 acres a n d has remains of b o t h c r u d e dwellings and a possible cult area, possibly with two phases. T h e Iron A g e o c c u p a t i o n , c o n c e n t r a t e d at K h i r b e t elM a r j a m e h , m a y extend from the tenth to t h e late eighth c e n tury BCE. T h e earliest p h a s e of o c c u p a t i o n at the 10-acre site m a y have b e e n in the t e n t h century BCE, for there is material k n o w n from r o b b e d t o m b s of that period in the vicinity. S o m e w h a t later, in t h e n i n t h - e i g h t h centuries BCE, a t o w n grew u p , with well-laid-out lanes a n d densely built-up c o u r t yard houses of the "Israelite" t y p e , s u r r o u n d e d b y a stone wall 4 m wide with a massive tower, or citadel, at its n o r t h e r n end. T h e existence of a large fortified t o w n d u r i n g t h e M o n archy in such an isolated site m a y seem surprising, b u t it is explicable given t h e strategic i m p o r t a n c e of a n d attractive conditions for settlement at A i n es-Samiyeh. c
BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William F. " T h e Ephraim of the Old and N e w T e s t a m e n t s . " Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 3 (1923): 36-40. Dever, William G. " M i d d l e Bronze Age I Cemeteries at M i r z b a n e h 2
and 'Ain-Samiya." Israel Exploration Journal 22.2-3 ( i 9 7 ) : 9 5 - 1 1 2 . Dever, William G. " M B IIA Cemeteries at 'Ain es-Samiyeh a n d Sinjil." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 2 1 7 ( F e b ruary 1975): 2 3 - 3 6 . Finkelstein, Israel. " T h e Central Hill C o u n t r y in the Intermediate Bronze Age." Israel Exploration Journal 4 1 . 1 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 9 - 4 5 . Kallai, Zecharia. "Baal-Shalisha and E p h r a i m . " In HaMikra' weToledol Yisra'el: Essays in Memory of Ron Yishai, edited by Benjamin Uffenheimer, p p . 6 0 - 7 1 . Tel Aviv, 1 9 7 2 . L a p p , Paul W . The Dhahr Mirzbaneh Tombs: Three Intermediate Bronze Age Cemeteries in Jordan. N e w Haven, 1966. Mazar, Amihai. " T h r e e Israelite Sites in the Hills of J u d a h and E p h r a i m . " Biblical Archaeologist 45.3 (1982); 1 6 7 - 1 7 8 . Shantur, Bakizah, and Yusuf Labadi. " T o m b 204 at 'Ain Samiya." Israel Exploration Journal
21.2-3 (1971): 73-77. WILLIAM G . DEVER
'AIN GHAZAL, site located in the W a d i Z e r q a , at t h e n o r t h e a s t edge of A m m a n , J o r d a n (3i°59' N , 35°58' E ) . H i g h w a y construction in 1974 b a r e d a continuous e x p o s u r e of archaeological settlement. Six seasons of excavations a n d site survey were c o n d u c t e d u n d e r the auspices of Y a r m o u k University, t h e University of K a n s a s , S a n D i e g o State U n i versity, the D e s e r t R e s e a r c h Institute of t h e University of N e v a d a , and the J o r d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities from 1982 to 1985 a n d in 1988-1989 (cf. Rollefson, S i m m o n s , a n d Kafafi, 1992), a n d a regional survey a r o u n d t h e settlement was u n d e r t a k e n in 1987 b y Alan H . S i m m o n s a n d Z e i d a n A. KafafI (1988). M o r e t h a n forty r a d i o c a r b o n dates from t h e site h a v e s h o w n that settlement was continuous for m o r e t h a n two t h o u s a n d years. C o u p l e d with major changes in architec
t u r e , ritual, e c o n o m i c b a s e , a n d c e r a m i c t e c h n o l o g y , four major stages of cultural d e v e l o p m e n t h a v e b e e n identified. M i d d l e P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic B ( M P P N B ) P e r i o d . I n the earliest p h a s e a t 'Ain G h a z a l (c. 7200-6500 B C E ) , cereals a n d pulses were f a r m e d a n d goat h u s b a n d r y developed. By the middle of the seventh m i l l e n n i u m , t h e settlement h a d g r o w n from a small h a m l e t of a b o u t 2 ha (5 acres) t o a village of nearly 5 h a (12 acres). H u n t i n g still p l a y e d a vital role in the diet, contributing half of t h e m e a t protein; d o m e s t i c a t e d goats p r o v i d e d t h e other half. Hotises w e r e large (up t o 40-50 sq m ) , with t h e n u m b e r of r o o m s increasing f r o m o n e at t h e beginning of the p e r i o d to t w o a n d t h r e e r o o m s b y the e n d of t h e p h a s e . Walls were of u n d r e s s e d fieldstone, coated with m u d m o r t a r a n d finished w i t h lime plaster. Floors were m a d e of a fine layer of lime plaster applied over a lime-and-gravel b a s e . R e d p i g m e n t w a s u s e d to decorate the floors a n d walls; a few fragments indicate specific d e signs: stylized birds a n d p e r h a p s other animals a m o n g d i e m . M P P N B ritual practices were particularly striking at ' A i n G h a z a l . Subfloor h o u s e burials of b o t h adults a n d children were t h e n o r m , a l t h o u g h c o u r t y a r d burials w e r e also c o m m o n . All burials w e r e individual ( e x c e p t for females w i t h n e w b o r n s or still b i r t h s ) . T h e c o m m o n regional M P P N B practice of decapitating t h e corpses of children a n d adults a n d interring their skulls elsewhere was followed (in s o m e cases t h e skulls w e r e t r e a t e d with special r e v e r e n c e , see b e low). A significant n u m b e r of " t r a s h b u r i a l s " of adults with skulls intact was also f o u n d , suggesting t h a t social divisions existed in t h e early seventh m i l l e n n i u m BCE. A l t h o u g h the a p p e a r a n c e of n u m b e r s of small b a k e d a n d u n b a k e d clay figurines of h u m a n s a n d animals is a c h a r a c teristic of t h e M P P N B , only a few s p e c i m e n s of t h e e c o nomically i m p o r t a n t goats were f o u n d at 'Ain G h a z a l . C a t tle, o n the other h a n d , d o m i n a t e d the identifiable animal figurines, including two e x a m p l e s of "ritually killed" cows b u r i e d b e n e a t h a h o u s e floor a n d several others w i t h twisted fiber imprints b e h i n d their h e a d t h a t suggest halters. T h e h u m a n figurines a r e headless or lack a b o d y , p e r h a p s reflect ing a close parallel to t h e p r e d o m i n a n t burial m o d e . Fertility figurines at 'Ain G h a z a l are very distinct: obviously p r e g n a n t females with d i s t e n d e d a b d o m e n s a n d enlarged breasts are also decorated with r o c k e r - s t a m p e d " t a t t o o i n g . " T h e m o s t impressive aspects of ritual activity at 'Ain G h a zal are plastered skulls a n d plaster h u m a n statuary. Six p l a s tered skulls a n d t w o caches of statues h a v e b e e n r e c o v e r e d . T h r e e plastered skulls h a v e b e e n d a t e d t o before 7100 BCE, a n d a c a c h e of twenty-five statues a n d b u s t s dates t o a b o u t 6750 BCE; a s e c o n d cache of statues m a y date to a b o u t 6,500 BCE, at t h e transition of t h e M P P N B a n d t h e L a t e P r e - P o t tery Neolithic B ( L P P N B ) . L a t e P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic B P e r i o d ( L P P N B ) . A t 'Ain G h a z a l t h e L a t e P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic B p e r i o d lasts from a b o u t 6500 t o a b o u t 6000 BCE. W i t h i n this p e r i o d t h e site m o r e t h a n d o u b l e d in size, r e a c h i n g 10 ha (25 acres) in extent. H o u s e design c h a n g e d radically, f r o m t h e spacious
'AIN GHAZAL
37
BCE) 'Ain G h a z a l grew to m o r e t h a n 12 ha (30 acres; a n d , possibly, to m o r e t h a n 14 ha or 34 acres). A l t h o u g h details of t h a t p e r i o d ' s agricultural p u r s u i t s are lacking, a farming base for the settlement is u n d e n i a b l e . H u n t i n g , on the other h a n d , was severely restricted t o s t e p p e a n d desert fauna, with d o m e s t i c a t e d goats, cattle, pigs, a n d s h e e p constituting the bulk (90 percent) of r e c o v e r e d animal b o n e s . B e y o n d differences in a n i m a l h u s b a n d r y , h u n t i n g , a n d implied e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e , t h e P P N C p e r i o d at 'Ain G h a z a l suggests in other critical ways t h a t a major cultural c h a n g e w a s u n d e r w a y . Architecturally, h o u s e s included semistibterranean structures f o u n d e d on M P P N B and/or L P P N B lime-plaster floors, as well as similar surface s t r u c tures t h a t differed dramatically from M P P N B a n d L P P N B times. Buildings were smaller ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y 3.5-4 m o n a side), with small r e c t a n g u l a r c h a m b e r s (approximately 3 times 1 m ) bisected b y a central corridor t h a t created cells too small for n o r m a l d o m e s t i c functions, s u c h as living or sleeping areas. Altogether, t h e P P N C structures suggest p e r m a n e n t storage features w i t h flimsy superstructures.
'AIN GHAZAL. Human
figurines.
( P h o t o g r a p h by Dorrell and Stuart
Laidlaw; courtesy G. Rollefson)
t w o - to t h r e e - r o o m M P P N B settings to multiple small cells ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 x 2 m e a c h ) a r o u n d a central hall or c h a m b e r of u n k n o w n d i m e n s i o n s . L i m e - p l a s t e r floors d e c orated with r e d ocher c o n t i n u e d to characterize the build ings. T h e site's e c o n o m i c base r e m a i n e d agrictutural. D o m e s ticated dogs are evident early in t h e p h a s e , a n d at its close cattle a n d pigs w e r e p r o b a b l y d o m e s t i c a t e d . It is clear t h a t h u n t e d wild species b e g a n to decline dramatically after 6500 BCE, signaling a major e n v i r o n m e n t a l c h a n g e for the settle m e n t a n d its vicinity. T h e r e a p p e a r to b e n o major ritual changes in h u m a n burials f r o m t h o s e in t h e M P P N B ; the n u m b e r of h u m a n a n d animal figurines r e c o v e r e d from the restricted areas of excavation also w a s the s a m e , P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic C P e r i o d ( P N N C ) . T h e e n d of t h e seventh m i l l e n n i u m in a n c i e n t Palestine witnessed the demise of all k n o w n large agricultural settlements. H o w e v e r , d u r i n g t h e P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c C p e r i o d (6000-c. 5500
T h e ritual aspects of the first half of t h e sixth millennium contrast with the L P P N B as strongly as t h e architectural elements. P P N C burials o c c u r as subfloor a n d courtyard i n t e r m e n t s , but in every case t h e skull r e m a i n s intact with the skeleton. T h e consistent o c c u r r e n c e of pig remains with P P N C burials is also a major d e p a r t u r e from P P N B p r a c tices. T h e a p p e a r a n c e of p o t t e r y h a s l o n g b e e n taken to b e a w a t e r s h e d of cultural d e v e l o p m e n t in the L e v a n t , a n d in the south it h a s b e e n conventionally a s s u m e d t h a t this was a technological innovation i n t r o d u c e d b y p o p u l a t i o n s migrat ing from the n o r t h (Mellaart, 1975, p . 238). T h e evidence from 'Ain G h a z a l argues against this view however. Several examples of modifications of P P N C architecture are asso ciated with c r u d e fired p o t t e r y , followed soon thereafter by typical Y a r m u k i a n ceramics. T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t indicates t h a t the transition from t h e a c e r a m i c to t h e ceramic N e o lithic was a local p h e n o m e n o n (Rollefson, Kafafi, a n d S i m m o n s , 1993). Y a r m u k i a n P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c . T h e gradual changes from t h e P P N C to the Y a r m u k i a n P o t t e r y Neolithic are also expressed in other ways. H u n t i n g a n d h e r d i n g evidence from animal remains is similar for b o t h periods. T h e earliest Y a r m u k i a n inhabitants modified s t a n d i n g P P N C structures, b u t slightly later, Y a r m u k i a n s built p e r m a n e n t rectangular structures very different from P P N C n o r m s . T h e s e struc tures i n c l u d e d large o p e n spaces enclosed b y stone walls, with floors m a d e of p u d d l e d m u d or huwwar, a " p l a s t e r " c o m p o s e d of m u d and p o u n d e d chalk. T h e latest preserved Y a r m u k i a n architectural r e m a i n s are curvilinear stone ar r a n g e m e n t s a r o u n d the r e p e a t e d a p p e a r a n c e of p u d d l e d m u d floors. T h e indication is t h a t 'Ain G h a z a l had ceased to function as a p e r m a n e n t settlement, offering instead a seasonal c a m p for pastoral n o m a d i c g r o u p s , probably d u r ing t h e dry s u m m e r m o n t h s . T h e evidence from 'Ain Ghazal
38
'AJJUL, TELL EL-
(Kohler-Rollefson, 1988; Kohler-Rollefson a n d Rollefson, 1990), as well as from the eastern deserts of J o r d a n (e.g., Betts, 1986, p . 303) strongly suggests t h a t an increasing r e liance on pastoral n o m a d i s m b e g a n during the P P N C a n d that pastoral a n d agricultural e c o n o m i c systems w e r e c o m pletely segregated shordy after the beginning of t h e Y a r m u k i a n period. I n its ritual practices t h e Y a r m u k i a n p e r i o d differed vastiy from its aceramic forebears: n o t a single Y a r m u k i a n burial has b e e n identified at 'Ain G h a z a l a n d animal figurines are rare, although a bird (?) has b e e n found; h u m a n figurines are also few, b u t the h e a d of a typical "coffee-bean" fertility figurine (Rollefson, Kafafi, a n d S i m m o n s , 1993) was r e c o v ered (cf. Perrot, 1964, pi. X X H I ) . I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e D a t a . T h e changes witnessed in t h e long, u n b r o k e n occupational sequence at 'Ain G h a z a l c a n b e u n d e r s t o o d in terms of responses to the d e m a n d s of increasing p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h on w h a t was a lucrative b u t delicate habitat. T h e M P P N B strategy of a c o m b i n e d h u n t ing, goat herding, a n d agricultural subsistence base p e r m i t t e d an u n p r e c e d e n t e d p o p u l a t i o n growth. By the onset of the L P P N B , t h e effects of these increasing d e m a n d s is seen in the decrease of animal species variability. T h i s decrease culminated during the P P N C period, w h e n faunal diversity collapsed t o a handful of wild species. C o n t i n u e d e n v i r o n m e n t a l degradation d u r i n g t h e Y a r m u k i a n period finally led to the collapse of 'Ain G h a z a l as a p e r m a n e n t settlement (Kohler-Rollefson a n d Rollefson 1990). Climate change h a d little to do with the demise of ' A i n G h a z a l (and other settlements in the southern L e v a n t ) . T h e large d e m a n d s on tree stands for fuel to p r o d u c e M P P N B a n d L P P N B lime plaster deforested an area within a radius of several kilometers; exacerbated by the appetite of increas ingly large herds of goats, t h e landscape a r o u n d 'Ain G h a z a l was exposed to continual erosion by the winter rains a n d s u m m e r winds. L o g s a n d b r a n c h e s b e c a m e scarcer for c o n struction t h r o u g h time, a n d w o o d w a s increasingly difficult to collect for hearths. Agricultural fields within a reasonable distance from the spring at 'Ain G h a z a l b e c a m e so distant titat it was n o longer feasible to u s e t h e settlement as a h o m e base. By the P P N C period the cultural degradation of t h e e n v i r o n m e n t was p r o b a b l y already irreversible, a n d late P P N C and Y a r m u k i a n efforts to accom'modate t h o s e changes were too little a n d too late for the l o n g - t e r m stable continuation of a p e r m a n e n t c o m m u n i t y . [See also Cattle a n d O x e n ; Paleoenvironmental R e c o n struction; Pigs; and S h e e p a n d Goats.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Betts, Alison V. G. " T h e Prehistory of the Basalt Desert, T r a n s j o r d a n : An Analysis." Ph. D . diss., University of L o n d o n , 1986. Kohler-Rollefson, Use. " T h e Aftermath of the Levantine Neolithic Revolution in the Light of Ecological and Ethnographic E v i d e n c e . " Paleorient 14.1 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 8 7 - 9 3 . Kohler-Rollefson, Ilse, and G a r y O. Rollefson. " T h e I m p a c t of N e o lithic Subsistence Strategies on the Environment: T h e Case of 'Ain
Ghazal, J o r d a n . " In Man's Role in the Shaping of the Eastern Medi terranean landscape, edited by Sytze Bottema et al., p p . 3 - 1 4 . R o t terdam, 1990. Mellaart, James. The Neolithic of the Near East. N e w York, 1 9 7 5 . Perrot, Jean. " L e s d e u x premieres campagnes de fouilles a M u n h a t a , 1 9 6 2 - 1 9 6 3 : Premiers resultats." Syria 41 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : 3 2 3 - 3 4 5 . Rollefson, G a r y O., Z e i d a n A. Kafafi, and Alan H . S i m m o n s . " T h e Neolithic Village of 'Ain Ghazal, Jordan: Preliminary R e p o r t on the 1989 Season." In Preliminary Excavation Reports: Sardis, Paphos, Caesarea Maritima, Shiqmim, 'Ain Ghazal, edited by William G. Dever, p p . 1 0 7 - 1 2 6 . A n n u a l of the A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research, no. 5 1 . Baltimore, 1993. Rollefson, Gary O., Alan H. S i m m o n s , and Z e i d a n A. Kafafi. " N e o lithic Cultures at 'Ain Ghazal, J o r d a n . " Journal of Field Archaeology 19 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 4 4 3 - 4 7 ° S i m m o n s , Alan H., a n d Zeidan A. Kafafi. "Preliminary R e p o r t on the 'Ain Ghazal Archaeological Survey, 1 9 8 7 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 32 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 2 7 - 3 9 . GARY O . ROLLEFSON
C
AJJUL, TELL EL- (Ar., " t h e m o u n d of t h e c a l f " ) , site located on t h e n o r t h e r n b a n k of W a d i G a z a , 2 k m (1.2 mi.) from t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast a n d 6 k m (3.6 mi.) s o u t h w e s t of m o d e r n G a z a (3i°29' N , 34°28' E; m a p reference 0934 X 0976). T h e site is p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d as a result of e n croaching d u n e s a n d seasonal flooding; it is at least 8 h a (20 acres) in size a n d r e c t a n g u l a r in s h a p e . William M . Flinders Petrie excavated T e l l el-'Ajjul for t h e British School of A r c h a e o l o g y from 1930 to 1934. E r n e s t H . M a c k a y a n d M a r g a r e t A . M u r r a y briefly c o n t i n u e d t h e ex cavation in 1938. L e s s t h a n 5 p e r c e n t of t h e site has b e e n excavated. Petrie claimed that T e l l el-'Ajjul w a s ancient G a z a . However, A h a r o n K e m p i n s k i (1974) n o t e s t h a t a n cient G a z a was p r o b a b l y located within t h e confines of t h e m o d e r n city and correctly suggests t h a t T e l l el-'Ajjul is t h e city of S h a r u h e n , m e n t i o n e d in b o t h biblical a n d E g y p t i a n sources. T h e size of Tell el-'Ajjul, along with its great q u a n tity of Hyksos scarabs a n d die wealth of its gold h o a r d s , s u p p o r t s this identification. Petrie's excavation a n d p u b l i cation of t h e site are, t h u s , p r o b l e m a t i c , a n d basic aspects of stratigraphy a n d chronology r e m a i n confusing a n d c o n troversial. William Foxwell Albright (1938), J a m e s R. S t e w art (1974), K e m p i n s k i (1993), a n d William G . D e v e r (1992) h a v e all a t t e m p t e d to r e w o r k the dating of T e l l el-'Ajjul. [See
the biographies of Petrie and Albright.] E x c e p t for the site's Early B r o n z e I V t o m b s , t h e r e are scant traces of early settlement. T e l l el-'Ajjul r e a c h e d its ze nith during the M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . In t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , o c c u p a t i o n was limited, b u t n e w cemeteries a p p e a r e d . T h e r e are a few I r o n A g e II burials a n d a s m a t t e r i n g of material t h a t dates t o the Hellenistic, R o m a n , a n d L a t e A r a b periods. C e m e t e r i e s . C e m e t e r y 1500 (EB IV) is l o c a t e d w e s t of t h e tell a n d includes a p p r o x i m a t e l y forty-two single, artic ulated burials in r e c t a n g u l a r t o m b s with s q u a r e shafts. [See Burial Sites; T o m b s . ] G r a v e g o o d s w e r e often limited to a single b r o n z e dagger. [See G r a v e G o o d s . ] K a t h l e e n M . K e n -
'AJJUL, TELL ELyon (1956) suggests t h a t only t h e earliest t o m b s contained daggers. C e m e t e r y 100-200 ( E B IV) is located east of t h e tell a n d c o n t a i n e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y fifty burials. Its t o m b s shafts a n d c h a m b e r s t e n d to b e r o u n d e d . G r a v e g o o d s i n cluded ceramic bowls a n d d e e p c u p s b u t very few daggers. T h e earliest material from t h e tell itself c o m e s from t h e C o u r t y a r d C e m e t e r y . Its t o m b s w e r e c u t into t h e soft m a r l in the n o r t h e r n c o r n e r of t h e site. T h e r e is a total of t w e n t y five h u m a n burials a n d evidence of eighty animals. Burials w e r e usually of single individuals. Six p h a s e s of burial types h a v e b e e n identified d a t i n g to M B I I A . N o t e w o r t h y is the burial of a child w e a r i n g gold jewelry f o u n d b e n e a t h palace II. T h e C a n a a n i t e city ceased to function in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e a n d a series of t h r e e large cemeteries b e g a n to develop to t h e n o r t h a n d east of t h e tell. T h e lower c e m e t e r y t o the n o r t h of the site, t h e e i g h t e e n t h - d y n a s t y c e m e t e r y to t h e n o r t h e a s t , a n d t h e eastern c e m e t e r y t o the east c o n t a i n e d t h r e e h u n d r e d a n d five simple p i t burials a n d eight elaborate p i t burials. T h e p i t burials w e r e simple shallow rectangular or oval pits d u g into t h e g r o u n d . T h e practice of pit burials c o n t i n u e d f r o m t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e , b u t t h e M B burials w e r e i n t r a m u r a l , w h e r e a s t h e L B cemeteries w e r e not. H o w e v e r , t h e r e are a few L B i m r a m u r a l burials o n t h e tell. T h e p i t burials c o n t a i n a high p e r c e n t a g e of i m p o r t e d C y p r i o t p o t t e r y . O t h e r grave g o o d s include M y c e n a e a n ILIA p o t t e r y , g o l d a n d b r o n z e jewelry, metal objects (e.g., toggle p i n s , needles, d a g g e r s , a r r o w h e a d s , a blade, razor, adzer, a n d a x e ) , a n d E g y p t i a n objects, especially scarabs. T h e cemeteries decline in u s e in L B LIB. Eight elaborate pit t o m b s t h a t i n c l u d e a d r o m o s a n d a stone-lined cist are u n i q u e to T e l l el-'Ajjul a n d date t o L B II. T h i s evolution from simple p i t burials p r o b a b l y a c c o m m o d a t e d elite families. B o t h t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e t o m b s a n d t h e grave g o o d s are m o r e elaborate. T h e grave goods i n cluded a great n u m b e r of w e a p o n s , E g y p t i a n objects (a gold ring, s c a r a b s ) , a n d E g y p t i a n - i n s p i r e d objects (lead fishingn e t weights, d u c k - s h a p e d b o w l ) . T h e " g o v e r n o r ' s t o m b " is particularly o u t s t a n d i n g a n d w a s r e u s e d several times throughout the Late Bronze Age. It has a stepped dromos, walls lined with s a n d s t o n e slabs, a n d a gabled roof. G r a v e g o o d s include a gold r i n g with t h e n a m e of T u t a n l d i a m u n , a scarab of R a m e s e s I I , thirty-five a r r o w h e a d s , a b r o n z e wine set, fishing weights, a n d a n d u c k - s h a p e d ivory b o w l . O t h e r L B burial types i n c l u d e cave burials a n d loculi b u r ials. Rivka G o n e n (1992) considers t h e limited u s e of these burial types to b e evidence of foreign p o p u l a t i o n s , with pit burials reserved for t h e i n d i g e n o u s p o p u l a t i o n . A g r o u p of loculi burials w a s f o u n d in t h e e a s t e r n cemetery. E a c h cave h a d a w i d e e n t r a n c e a n d tire loculi w e r e c a r v e d into the walls. T h e caves m e a s u r e d a t least 3.5 m in d i a m e t e r , with t h e largest m e a s u r i n g 3.5 X 6 m . T h e y m a y h a v e h a d vaulted ceilings. E a c h loculus h a d t h e r e m a i n s of at least t w o i n d i viduals a n d several c o n t a i n e d t h e d i s m e m b e r e d skeleton of an e q u i d ( t o m b 411 c o n t a i n e d t h e r e m a i n s of a n entire
39
h o r s e ) . A c a c h e of limbs from a variety of species including ass, gazelle, horse, a n d ox, as well as h u m a n b o n e s , was f o u n d near t h e e n t r a n c e to t h e s e loculi. G o n e n (1992; p . 131) c o m p a r e s t h e horse burials to o n e from M a r a t h o n in G r e e c e . A n o d d u s e of a burial cave is o n e c u t into t h e M B fosse: a shaft leads to a central c h a m b e r , off of which two burial niches c o n t a i n e d t h e r e m a i n s of four distinct burial g r o u p s . A total of fourteen p e o p l e w a s found. T h e r e is s o m e indication of Phoenician-style c r e m a t i o n burials in cemetery 1000. T h i r t e e n simple graves contained c r e m a t i o n u r n s along with m e t a l (bronze a n d iron) a n d E g y p t i a n objects (faience c u p , scarabs, a m u l e t s ) . C y p r o P h o e n i c i a n vessels, C y p r i o t vessels, a n d s o m e Philistine p o t tery w e r e also found. T h e c r e m a t i o n jar burials date t o t h e t e n t h - e i g h t h centuries BCE. F o r t i f i c a t i o n s . T h e site w a s p r o t e c t e d b y a fosse t h a t sur r o u n d e d t h e m o u n d o n three sides a n d was u p to 6 m d e e p . T h e fosse was created b y digging o u t t h e soft m a r l a n d sand stone, w h i c h in t u r n w a s u s e d t o b u i l d a steep r a m p a r t . T h e fosse a n d r a m p a r t date to late M B IIA. T h e r e is s o m e evi d e n c e for a m u d - b r i c k wall c r o w n i n g t h e r a m p a r t that would h a v e b e e n c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h palace III. E n t r a n c e to t h e site was from t h e n o r t h e a s t , w h e r e a strip of m a r l w a s left intact, acting as a causeway across t h e fosse. A series of enigmatic shallow t u n n e l s e m e r g e d from t h e causeway a n d continued o u t t o t h e coastal plain. Olga T u f n e l l (1993) suggests that these tunnels m a y b e p a r t of a n irrigation system. [See Irri gation.] P a l a c e s . A p l a n n e d city w a s c o n s t r u c t e d inside t h e r a m p a r t s in t h e M B IIB. A ring r o a d encircles t h e inside of its fosse, a n d a major s o u t h e a s t - n o r t h w e s t r o a d runs t h r o u g h t h e center of t h e tell. Palace I (43 X 55 m ) is located in the n o r t h w e s t p a r t of the m o u n d . A rectangular structure, it consists of a large central c o u r t y a r d s u r r o u n d e d by r o o m s a n d is c o n s t r u c t e d of large blocks of s a n d s t o n e , p r o b a b l y cuttings from t h e fosse. P a l a c e I bears s o m e similarities in p l a n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n to t h e M B palace at L a c h i s h , includ ing e m b e d d e d orthostats in t h e lower p a r t of plastered walls—a C a n a a n i t e architectural tradition. [See Lachish.] City III w a s partially destroyed in t h e early sixteenth century BCE.
City II w a s built along t h e s a m e general p l a n as City III a n d dates to M B I I C , T h e residential q u a r t e r , in the s o u t h east p a r t of t h e m o u n d , is divided b y long streets that create an o r t h o g o n a l p l a n similar to M B M e g i d d o . H o u s e s h a d sev eral r o o m s a n d often i n c l u d e d a small interior courtyard. Patrician h o u s e s r a n g e d in size from 190 t o 270 sq m a n d sometimes h a d s e c o n d stories; t h e h o u s e s belonging t o in dividuals of lower status w e r e o n e story a n d only 70-100 sq m in size, P a l a c e I I is built a b o v e palace I, b u t it is smaller a n d m a d e entirely of m u d brick, w i t h o u t orthostats. Several very significant gold h o a r d s w e r e f o u n d in c o n texts m o s t likely associated w i t h City II prior to its d e s t r u c tion. T h e s e h o a r d s suggest t h a t Tell el- Ajjul was a wealthy city. T h e s e particular h o a r d s m a y reflect t h e stress felt by. c
40
'AJJUL, TELL EL-
the inhabitants d u r i n g A h m o s e ' s c a m p a i g n in C a n a a n , w h e n the Egyptians besieged t h e city of S h a r u h e n for three years. T h e City II palace was t h u s p r o b a b l y desffoyed in a b o u t 1530 BCE. T h e city declined steadily in the L a t e B r o n z e A g e , w h e n a series of large cemeteries was in use. T h e palace, w h i c h was rebuilt several times t h r o u g h o u t the L a t e B r o n z e A g e , was converted into an Egyptian fortress t h a t controlled the coastal road to G a z a . Palace III dates to L B I B , Palace I V to L B IIA, a n d Palace V to L B IIB. T h e r e is s o m e evidence of an Iron A g e o c c u p a t i o n . Albright (1938) suggested that Palace V might date to the t e n t h century BCE. [See Palace.] M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e . T h e use of b i c h r o m e decoration, the a r r a n g e m e n t of motifs, and the vessel m o r p h o l o g y at T e l l el-'Ajjul all reflect C a n a a n i t e ceramic traditions. A b i c h r o m e ware sometimes referred to as 'Ajjul P a i n t e d W a r e is dis tinctive because r e d a n d black p a i n t were u s e d to depict b o t h geometric a n d a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c motifs. T h e decoration is frequently arranged in a frieze of m e t o p e s or triglyphs in w h i c h bulls, birds, a n d fish are depicted. T y p i c a l ceramic forms at the site include the krater, jug, a n d bowl. S o m e forms are m o r e typically Cypriot, however, as are the a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c motifs. B i c h r o m e W a r e begins in M B I I C a n d continues in u s e until L B IA. It has a wide distribution in the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n b u t is f o u n d primarily along t h e s o u t h e r n coast of Palestine, in the Shephelah, along the Syrian coast, on C y p r u s , in the Egyptian D e l t a , a n d in Cilicia. N e u t r o n acti vation analysis has d e m o n s t r a t e d that m o s t of the T e l l el'Ajjul B i c h r o m e W a r e was p r o d u c e d in eastern C y p r u s , which was a major p r o d u c t i o n center for this ceramic t y p e (Artzy et al., 1973). [See N e u t r o n Activation Analysis.] S o m e of the B i c h r o m e W a r e from Tell el-'Ajjul was also p r o d u c e d locally. O t h e r i m p o r t e d Cypriot pottery f o u n d at T e l l el-'Ajjul includes R e d - o n - B l a c k , Black-Slip II, M o n o c h r o m e , Black L u s t r o u s , Base-Ring I and II, White-Slip I a n d II, and W h i t e - P a i n t e d IV a n d V W a r e s . Tell el-'Ajjul is well k n o w n for gold jewelry found in sev eral hoards a n d in t o m b s . U n i q u e gold crescents, p e n d a n t s , earrings, toggle pins, a n d bracelets were m a d e in a variety of sophisticated techniques s u c h as granulation, cloisonne, a n d repousse. [See Jewelry.] Gold-foil p e n d a n t s with s c h e matic representations of a fertility goddess, similar to ex amples from Gezer, were also found. [See Gezer.] T h e gold itself was probably i m p o r t e d from N u b i a . [See N u b i a . ] T h e jewelry found is also m a d e of silver, electrum, a n d lead. T h e floruit of jewelry p r o d u c t i o n was in M B I I C . Tell el-'Ajjul has p r o d u c e d scores of fifteenth-dynasty, or Hyksos, scarabs a n d eighteenth-dynasty scarabs, [See H y k sos.] Egyptian royal seals from several kings were f o u n d , including A m e n e m h e t III, Neferhotep I, a n d M a - i b R e Sheshi. O t h e r E g y p t i a n artifacts include a jar w i t h car t o u c h e s of H a t s h e p s u t a n d T h u t m o s i s III, a gold signet ring with the n a m e of T u t a n k h a m u n , a n d scarabs of T h u t m o s i s
III. T h e last royal n a m e f o u n d is t h a t of R a m e s e s II, i n d i cating that the cemeteries were u s e d until 1200 BCE. [See also C e r a m i c s , article on Syro-Palestinian C e r a m i c s of t h e Neolithic, B r o n z e , a n d I r o n Ages; and Fortifications, article on Fortifications of t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. " T h e Chronology of a S o u t h Palestinian City, Tell el-'Ajjul." American Journal of Semitic Languages and Lit erature 55.4 ( 1 9 3 8 ) : 3 3 7 - 3 5 9 . Artzy, Michal, et al. " T h e Origin of the 'Palestinian' B i c h r o m e W a r e . " Journal of the American Oriental Society 93.4 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 4 4 6 - 4 6 1 . Dever, William G. " T h e Chronology of Syria-Palestine in the S e c o n d Millennium B.C.E.: A Review of C u r r e n t Issues." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 288 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 - 2 5 . Epstein, Claire. Palestinian Bichrome Ware. L e i d e n , 1 9 6 6 . T h e most comprehensive analysis of b i c h r o m e pottery from a stylistic p e r spective. T h o u g h a bit dated and written prior to Artzy et al.'s im p o r t a n t work, this is still worthwhile. G o n e n , Rivka. Burial Patterns and Cultural Diversity in Laic Bronze Age Canaan. American Schools of Oriental Research, Dissertation Se ries, 7. Winona Lake, Ind., 1 9 9 2 . See especially pages 7 0 - 8 2 , n 8 f f . Heurtley, W. A. "A Palestinian Vase-Painter of t h e Sixteenth C e n t u r y B . C . " Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 8 ( 1 9 3 8 ) : 2 1 - 3 7 , T h e first comprehensive look at bichrome pottery; remains valuable for its stylistic analysis. Kempinski, Aharon. " T e l l el-'Ajjul—Beth-Aglayim or S h a r u h e n ? " rael Exploration Journal 2 4 . 3 - 4 (!974)- 4 5 I 5 I
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Is
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Kempinski, Aharon. " T h e M i d d l e Bronze A g e . " In The Archaeology of Ancient Israel, edited by A m n o n B e n - T o r , p p . 1 5 9 - 2 1 0 . N e w H a v e n , 1992. Kempinski's overviews of Tell el-'Ajjul are invaluable for u n derstanding the importance of the site and the material's broad im plications (see esp. p p . i89ff, 203ff), Kempinski, Aharon. " T e l l el-'Ajjul." In The New Encyclopedia of Ar chaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p p . 5 2 - 5 3 . Jerusalem and N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . K e n y o n , Kathleen M . " T o m b s of the Intermediate Early B r o n z e - M i d dle Bronze Age at Tell Ajjul." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 3 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 4 1 - 5 5 . M c G o v e r n , Patrick E. Late Bronze Age Palestinian Pendants: Innovation in a Cosmopolitan Age. Sheffield, 1985. Excellent detailed treatment of Canaanite pendants; Tell el-'Ajjul's m a n y such p e n d a n t s are prominent. Negbi, Ora. 77ze Hoards of Goldwork from Tell el-Ajjul. Studies in M e d iterranean Archaeology, vol. 2 5 . Goteborg, 1 9 7 0 . Valuable overview of the gold jewelry from the site, with i m p o r t a n t c o m m e n t a r y on its dating and stylistic influences. Peine, W. M . Flinders. Ancient Gaza. 4 vols. L o n d o n , 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 3 4 . Petrie, W . M . Flinders. City of Shepherd Kings and Ancient Gaza V. L o n d o n , 1 9 5 2 . Excavation reports by Petrie to b e read as catalogs. Stewart, James R. Tell el-'Ajjul: The Middle Bronze Age Remains. in Mediterranean Archaeology, 38. Goteborg, 1 9 7 4 . Tufnell, Olga. " T h e C o u r t y a r d Cemetery at Tell el-'Ajjul, Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology 3 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 1 - 3 7 .
Studies
Palestine."
Tufnell, Olga. " A Review of the Contents of Cave 303 at Tell el-'Ajjul." 'Atiqot 14 (1980): 3 7 - 4 8 . T h i s and the article by Tufnell above r e p resent some of the best analyses of the Tell el-'Ajjul material by someone who was present at the excavations. Tufnell, Olga. "Tell el-'Ajjul." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeolog ical Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p p . 4 9 - 5 2 . Jerusalem and N e w York, 1993. J. P. DESSEL
AKKADE e
AJLUN, site located above W a d i Kafranja, o n e of t h r e e valleys b e t w e e n t h e t w o lakes w h i c h climb from t h e J o r d a n Valley u p t o t h e T r a n s Jordanian p l a t e a u (32°2o' N , 35°45' E ) . Ajlun h a s the best p r e s e r v e d A y y u b i d m o s q u e in J o r d a n . A n inscription of al-Malik a l - M u ' a z z a m (RCEA 3970) d e m onstrates t h a t it w a s f o u n d e d i n or before 1218-1227. T h e m i n a r e t was built u n d e r B a y b a r s I in 1264 (RCEA 4528), a n d the d o o r w a y was r e p a i r e d i n 1332 (RCEA 5618). 'Ajlun castie, called QaVat al-Rabad ("citadel of the s u b u r b " ) after t h e s u b u r b w h i c h g r e w u p a r o u n d it, occupies the last high p o i n t in t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e valley. I t was extensively restored b y t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of T r a n s j o r d a n in 1927-1929. T h e castle w a s f o u n d e d in 1184-1145 b y Izz a d - D i n U s a m a b y o r d e r of Salah a d - D i n (Saladin) t o c o u n t e r t h e t h r e a t p o s e d by the C r u s a d e r s ' Belvoir castle o n the o p p o s i t e side of t h e J o r d a n Valley. I t m a y also h a v e served t o check R e y n a l d d e C M t i l l o n , lord of K e r a k , a n d t o p r o t e c t t h e region's r i c h iron ore deposits. c
e
T h e nucleus of the castle w a s a f o u r - t o w e r e d keep o n t h e site's highest p o i n t , flanked by t w o baileys o n its eastern a n d s o u t h e r n sides. T h e m a i n e n t r a n c e lay b e n e a t h t h e southeast c o r n e r of t h e k e e p , p r o t e c t e d b y a m a c h i c o u l i s o n two cor bels (dismantled in 1927). T h e w h o l e c o m p l e x was sur r o u n d e d b y a d e e p r o c k - c u t ditch. T h e castle w a s extensively refortified in a b o u t 1214 b y Aybak b . A b d Allah, c h a m b e r l a i n (Ar., ustadh al-dar) t o alMalik a l - M u ' a z z a m Isa. H e built the south tower to p r o t e c t the reflex angle b e t w e e n t h e t w o baileys (RCEA 3746), a d d e d a w a r d t o its east, c o n s t r u c t e d two o u t e r gates ( o n e d e c o r a t e d with z o o m o r p h i c c a r v i n g s ) , a n d h e i g h t e n e d m u c h of the older structure. c
c
S o m e restoration to t h e east wall w a s carried o u t in a b o u t 1253-1260 (RCEA 4463), before t h e castle w a s s u r r e n d e r e d t o the M o n g o l s (in 1260), C r u d e repairs t o t h e keep a n d t h e s o u t h w e s t c o r n e r are p o s t m e d i e v a l . T h e castle was still i n habited w h e n J. L . B u r c k h a r d t visited it in 1812, a n d I b r a h i m P a s h a installed a small E g y p t i a n garrison t h e r e in 1831-1841. [See also C r u s a d e r P e r i o d ; K e r a k . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Johns, C . N . "Medieval 'Ajlun: T h e C a s t l e . " Quarterly of the Depart ment of Antiquities of Palestine 1 ( 1 9 3 2 ) : 2 1 - 3 3 . G o o d account of the castle's history a n d construction. Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe ( R C E A ) . 18 vols, to date. E d ited b y Etienne C o m b e , Jean Sauvaget, and G a s t o n Wiet. Cairo, 1 9 3 1 - . Standard collection of Arabic epigraphy. JEREMY JOHNS
A K K A D E , capital city, location u n k n o w n , of the A k k a dian E m p i r e (c. 2290-2200 BCE), c r e a t e d a n d m a i n t a i n e d b y S a r g o n a n d his dynastic successors. T h e city of A k k a d e a n d the A k k a d i a n E m p i r e are at t h e n e x u s of several interrelated
41
p r o b l e m s : t h e location of t h e city; w h y a n d h o w southern M e s o p o t a m i a u n d e r w e n t a centralization of regional p o w e r , passing from a loose u r b a n confederation in the early third m i l l e n n i u m to tight politicoeconomic imperialization u n d e r o n e city in the late third m i l l e n n i u m ; w h e t h e r t h e third-mil l e n n i u m cities of southern M e s o p o t a m i a w e r e self-sustain ing or were d e p e n d e n t o n adjacent regions for essential r e sources; t h e r e a s o n for t h e regional extensions of southern M e s o p o t a m i a n political a n d e c o n o m i c p o w e r in t h e m i d third m i l l e n n i u m ; a n d h o w t h e e m p i r e functioned a n d t h e reasons for its collapse. T h e s e historical questions s u r r o u n d ing Akkade m a k e the city t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t ancient W e s t Asian site as yet to b e located a n d excavated. K n o w l e d g e of the city a n d t h e e m p i r e is mostly derived from settlements and material a n d epigraphic r e m a i n s from regions imperialized b y the A k k a d i a n s , a n d from Akkadianp e r i o d d o c u m e n t s copied by later scribes. H o w e v e r , the ear liest reference t o Akkade o c c u r s in a year date of E n s a k u s a n n a (second dynasty of U r u k ) , w h o p r o b a b l y ruled within t h e g e n e r a t i o n prior t o S a r g o n , f o u n d e r of t h e Akkadian dy nasty. [See U r u k - W a r k a . ] T h i s singular d a t u m indicates that Akkade w a s n o t f o u n d e d ab novo b y S a r g o n a n d suggests the limitations of data presently available for u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e early history of the city a n d its rise t o regional political power. C o n t e m p o r a r y A k k a d i a n - p e r i o d references, as well as later copies of historical inscriptions, describe Akkade as a bustling imperial capital with t e m p l e s a n d palaces, a b u s y h a r b o r , a large imperial b u r e a u c r a c y , m e r c h a n t s travel ing t o distant realms acquiring a n d dispatching exotic g o o d s , as well as a n a r m y c a p a b l e of m a r c h e s t o the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea, to the sources o f t h e Tigris a n d the E u p h r a tes, a n d t h e c o n q u e s t of the u r b a n centers in its path. T h e m o s t famous of t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n "city l a m e n t s , " the C u r s e of A k k a d e , c o m p o s e d within a h u n d r e d years of the A k k a d i a n imperial collapse, describes the collapse a n d a b a n d o n m e n t of Akkade as symbolic of the collapse of the Ak kadian Empire. Historical references indicate, h o w e v e r , t h a t Akkade was o c c u p i e d for seventeen h u n d r e d years following the collapse of t h e e m p i r e . I n the U r III p e r i o d tire city w a s the seat of a provincial governor, while t h e p r o l o g u e t o t h e C o d e of H a m m u r a b i m e n t i o n s t h e still-functioning E u l m a s T e m p l e of Istar (Ishtar) within " b r o a d - m a r t e d " Aldsade. Parts of the ancient city w e r e still settled in t h e Kassite, Neo-Assyrian, a n d N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d s , d u r i n g which archaeological expeditions w e r e repeatedly u n d e r t a k e n in search of Akka d i a n - p e r i o d treasure. [See Kassites; Assyrians; Babylonians.] T h e m o s t f a m o u s of these excavations, a p r o g r a m t h a t lasted three years, was directed b y a scribe of K i n g N a b o n i d u s of B a b y l o n (r. 555-539) w h o t o o k a n impression of a c o m m e m o r a t i v e inscription e x c a v a t e d within a palace of Sarg o n ' s g r a n d s o n N a r a m - S i n ; t h e excavator labeled t h e i m pression with its p r o v e n i e n c e as well as his n a m e . T h e city
42
AKKADE
is last m e n t i o n e d in a d o c u m e n t dated t o year 29 of t h e reign of D arms. V. G o r d o n Childe's early characterization of the A k k a d i a n E m p i r e stressed its c a m p a i g n s of c o n q u e s t for t h e acquisi tion of resources unavailable in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , such as metals a n d t i m b e r . Childe's sketch, although still influential a m o n g archaeologists, could not consider t h e progression and t h e c o n t e x t of expansionary activities di rected from Akkade that are n o w d o c u m e n t e d in t h e ar chaeological a n d epigraphic r e c o r d s , n o r the still earlier se q u e n c e of repeated s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n e x p a n s i o n s d o c u m e n t e d in the L a t e U b a i d , L a t e U r u k , a n d L a t e Early D y n a s t i c il/early Early D y n a s t i c III periods (Childe, 1951). T h e detailed Akkadian data suggest t h a t S a r g o n ' s long distance military c a m p a i g n s were b u t o n e stage of t h e A k kadian expansionary process. T h e s e early military c a m paigns focused on c o n q u e s t of distant u r b a n centers a n d t h e retrieval of p l u n d e r . S u b s e q u e n t military c a m p a i g n s led b y Sargon's successors, particularly N a r a m - S i n , c o n q u e r e d a n d t h e n imperialized b o t h irrigation-agriculture s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a and dry-farming n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . I n this second stage of Akkadian expansion, t h e forces from Akkade first c o n q u e r e d local states a n d t h e n c o n s t r u c t e d fortresses and t e m p l e s for resident Akkadian administrators a n d functionaries. Acting in each imperialized province, these A k k a d i a n forces systematically i m p l e m e n t e d five imperial strategies o n behalf of t h e capital: 1. Reorganized t h e administrative structure of agricultural p r o d u c t i o n by establishing a streamlined administrative c o m m a n d responsible to authorities in Akkade; 2. Reorganized t h e spatial structure of regional agricultural p r o d u c t i o n b y vacating s e c o n d - a n d third-level p o p u l a tion centers; c o n c e n t r a t e d labor forces in u r b a n centers; a n d constructed city walls to enclose relocated p o p u l a tions; 3. Intensified a g r o - p r o d u c t i o n by creating imperial d o m a i n s in S u m e r a n d A k k a d for t h e exclusive p r o d u c t i o n of A k kade-directed taxes a n d b y e x t e n d e d , a n d p e r h a p s irri gated, cereal p r o d u c t i o n in die imperialized dry-farming regions; 4. I n t r o d u c e d and enforced imperial-standard units of m e a sure for ration-labor work gangs a n d for regional agri cultural p r o d u c t i o n ; 5. Extracted imperial taxes, as m u c h as 70 p e r c e n t of t h e intensified a g r o - p r o d u c t i o n , from each reorganized a d ministrative unit, a n d s h i p p e d these agricultural goods b y water transport to Akkade. T h i s flow of administrators, military forces, a n d i m p e r ialized agricultural p r o d u c e into a n d o u t of Akkade can b e m o d e l e d (see figure 1) to illustrate t h e imperial a c c u m u l a tion of agricultural wealth from b o t h S u m e r in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Subir, t h e dry-farming K h a b u r plains of
n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . [See S u m e r i a n s . ] Similar relation ships were s t r u c t u r e d at t h e five other h i g h - p r o d u c t i v i t y d r y farming regions (Susa, G a s u r / N u z i , Erbil, N i n e v e h , D i y a r bakir) s u r r o u n d i n g A k k a d e , w h e r e u r b a n i z e d polities w i t h nucleated labor forces already c o m p r i s e d a p r e a d a p t a t i o n for Akkadian agricultural imperialism. [See Susa; N u z i ; N i n eveh.] T h e w a t e r - b o r n c o u r s e of imperialized a n d convertible agricultural wealth into A k k a d e f r o m adjacent r e g i o n s u n derlies the ideal of regional unification u p h e l d b y t h e A k kadians and successor M e s o p o t a m i a n e m p i r e s . It also e m phasizes the still-problematic goals of t h e earlier s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n e x p a n s i o n s into these s a m e r e g i o n s , al t h o u g h the form a n d regional s t r u c t u r e of earlier e x p a n s i o n s differed considerably. T h e description of t h e fall of A k k a d e in t h e p o e t i c C u r s e of Akkade p o r t r a y s a city suffering from r e d u c e d E u p h r a t e s flow, desiccated irrigation fields, famine, a n d t h e i n c u r s i o n s of n e i g h b o r i n g " b a r b a r i a n s " into t h e A k k a d i a n h e a r d a n d . T h e s e descriptions h a v e b e e n u n d e r s t o o d as p o e t i c m e t a p h o r s b y m a n y Assyriologists, b u t a few h a v e v e n t u r e d t h a t t h e descriptions, while p o e t i c , are n o t necessarily m e t a p h o r i c . S o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n irrigation agriculture w a s d e p e n d e n t u p o n t h e frequently variable flow of t h e E u p h r a tes. T h e d o c u m e n t a r y evidence for L a t e A k k a d i a n - p e r i o d agricultural failure in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , a n d for ex t e n d e d d r o u g h t in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , c o n f o r m s to t h e i n d e p e n d e n t data for h e m i s p h e r i c aridification, p r o b a b l y a n a b r u p t climate c h a n g e , b e g i n n i n g in a b o u t 2200 BCE. T h e g r a d u a l aridification a n d decrease in E u p h r a t e s flow t h a t h a d b e g u n a b o u t seven h u n d r e d years earlier m a y explain in p a r t t h e stages of conflict, unification, a n d e x p a n s i o n t h a t cul m i n a t e d in A k k a d e ' s ascension to regional a n d t r a n s r e g i o n a l power. T h e publication in 1972 of two surface surveys of t h e r e gion of Akkad raised a n e w t h e l o n g s t a n d i n g q u e s t i o n of t h e location of A k k a d e . T h e associations of S a r g o n a n d A k k a d e with t h e city of K i s h m a d e these surface r e c o n n a i s s a n c e o b servations particularly i m p o r t a n t for locating t h e city. [See Kish.] T h e s e associations i n c l u d e t h e p a r a m o u n t c y of K i s h within s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a in t h e p r e - A k k a d i a n p e r i o d , S a r g o n ' s service as c u p b e a r e r to U r - z a b a b a , king of K i s h , a n d t h e historiographic traditions of S a r g o n ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n of a n e w city opposite Babylon, w h i c h is adjacent to K i s h . [See Babylon.] I s h a n M i z y a d , o n e site identified in t h e A k k a d surveys, is located b e t w e e n K i s h a n d B a b y l o n , b e s i d e t h e a n c i e n t course of t h e E u p h r a t e s River. It p r e s e n t s several locational, t o p o g r a p h i c , a n d settiement-history features t h a t c a n b e a s sociated with Akkade. R e c e n t Iraqi g o v e r n m e n t s o u n d i n g s at t h e site p r o d u c e d evidence for t h e U r I I I settlement t h e r e , a n d cuneiform texts m e n t i o n i n g B a b - E a , b u t d i d n o t e x t e n d to t h e site's Akkadian levels ( M a h d i , 1986). B a b - E a , a n o t h erwise u n k n o w n t o p o n y m , is a likely n a m e for a n u r b a n
AKKADE
43
winter rain
labor
DIYAR -BAKR local maintenance NINUA
SUBIR imperial taxes
ARBILU
water transport
army
A
K
K
water transport
A
D
imperial administration
GASUR
E
| army |
SUSA
imperial administtation
imperial taxes SUMER local maintenance
labor
AKKADE.
Euphrates irrigation
Figure I . Flow chart schematizing
Akkadian
z
q u a r t e r or " g a t e . " M o r e r e c e n t r e v i e w s of historical o c c u r r e n c e s of t h e city s t r o n g l y s u g g e s t a l o c a t i o n a b o u t 50 k m (31 m i . ) t o t h e n o r t h e a s t , a t o r n e a r d i e c o n f l u e n c e of t h e Tigris a n d t h e Diyala Rivers. T h e s e locational suggestions, if a c c u r a t e , m a y r e q u i r e a m a j o r r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n of d i e role of t h e T i g r i s R i v e r i n t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n history. [See also A g r i c u l t u r e ; A k k a d i a n s ; and M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a . ]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Attinger, Pascal. " R e m a r q u e s a p r o p o s d e la 'Malediction d ' A c c a d . ' " Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archeologie Orientale 78 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 9 9 - 1 2 1 . Full translation of t h e Curse of Akkade, with a n illuminating discussion of its ambiguous or difficult-to-translate passages. Childe, V. G o r d o n . Man Makes Himself. N e w York, 1 9 5 1 . Influential sketch of N e a r Eastern prehistory a n d early historic developments, including t h e origins of M e s o p o t a m i a n cities a n d empires, Foster, Benjamin R . " M a n a g e m e n t a n d Administration in the Sargonic P e r i o d . " In Akkad, the First World Empire, edited by M a r i o Liverani,
agro-imperialism.
_
PP- 5 3 9 - P a d u a , 1 9 9 3 . S u m m a r y of the epigraphic data for Ak kadian imperial activity. G i b s o n , M c G u i r e . The City and Area of Kish. M i a m i , 1 9 7 2 . Archaeo logical surface reconnaissance, including a n appendix by Robert Ad ams presenting t h e settlement data from his earlier Akkade survey. Glassner, J.-J. " L a fin d'Akkade: A p p r o c h e chronologique." Nouvelles Assyriologiques Breves et Ulilitaires 1 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 8-9. Outline of the se quence, chronology, a n d actors within the Akkadian collapse events. M a h d i , A. M . " I s h a n Mizyad: I m p o r t a n t centre agadeene." Histoire et Archeologie 103 (1986): 6 5 - 6 7 . S u m m a r y description of brief Iraqi excavations at a site hypothesized t o b e Akkade. M c E w a n , G. J. P , "Agade after d i e Gutian Destruction: T h e Afterlife of a M e s o p o t a m i a n City." Archiv filr Orientforschung 29 (1982): 8 - 1 5 . Synthesis of cuneiform references to Akkade after the imperial collapse. W a l l - R o m a n a , Christophe. " A n Areal Location of A g a d e . " Journal of Near Eastern Studies 49.3 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 2 0 5 - 2 4 5 . Collection of epigraphic data for a Tigris-region location for Akkade. Weiss, Harvey. " K i s h , Akkad, a n d A g a d e . " Journal of the American Ori ental Society 95,3 ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 4 3 4 - 4 5 3 . Analysis of Kish-area settlement data for t h e Akkadian period a n d comparison with epigraphic data for t h e location of Akkade. Weiss, Harvey, a n d M . - A . Courty. " T h e Genesis a n d Collapse of the
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Akkadian E m p i r e . " In Akkad, the First World Empire, edited by Mario Liverani, p p . 1 3 1 - 1 5 6 . Padua, 1993. A model for the devel opment, function, and collapse of the Akkadian E m p i r e , with an emphasis on late third-millennium abrupt climate change a n d thirdmillennium variability in Tigris-Euphrates flow. HARVEY WEISS
AKKADIAN. T h e language of t h e ancient Assyrians a n d Babylonians of M e s o p o t a m i a , Akkadian, s u b s u m e s b o t h A s syrian a n d Babylonian dialects within it. T h e earliest attested Semitic language, A k k a d i a n comprises the m o r e i m p o r t a n t m e m b e r of d i e eastern b r a n c h of d i e Semitic family ( t h e other m e m b e r being Eblaite). T h e name Akkadian (akkadii) derives from A k k a d ( e ) , t h e capital city built by king Sargon in a b o u t 2300 BCE. It is n o t k n o w n w h e n speakers of Akka dian o r its linguistic predecessor(s) first arrived in M e s o potamia, n o r is it k n o w n w h e n t h e last speakers of d i e lan guage died out; the first written attestations date to t h e 26th c e n t u r y BCE (in Semitic n a m e s ; connected texts s o m e w h a t later) and the latest t o the first century CE. Several h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d texts have been discovered in excavations, m a n y of which remain u n p u b l i s h e d . D i a l e c t s a n d G e n r e s , O l d Akkadian refers to texts from the earliest attestation of Akkadian d o w n t o a b o u t t h e b e ginning of t h e s e c o n d millennium, t h u s including d o c u m e n t s dating t o the reigns of Sargon and N a r a m - S i n of Ak kad a n d to t h e U r III period; although t h e t e r m is u s e d collectively for all s u c h texts, dialectal distinctions, b o t h g e o graphical and chronological, are evident within this c o r p u s . Old Akkadian is attested in letters, legal texts, e c o n o m i c dockets, royal inscriptions, a n d a few literary texts (such as a love incantation). T o d i e middle of die Old Akkadian p e riod as well date d i e t h o u s a n d s of texts f o u n d recentiy at Ebla, in Syria, s o m e of w h i c h are also partiy written in a Semitic language, referred t o as Eblaite o r E b l a i c . F o r m e r l y thought to be an early representative of W e s t Semitic, E b laite is n o w considered to b e a close linguistic relative of Akkadian (or even, t h o u g h tiiis is less likely, a dialect of Ak kadian). [See Ebla T e x t s . ] In t h e second a n d first millennia, t w o major geographical dialects are attested, Assyrian in northern M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Babylonian in t h e south. Linguistically these are distin guished by a n u m b e r of phonological differences, b y m i n o r morphological variations, a n d by certain lexical items. T h e Assyrian and Babylonian scripts also developed s o m e w h a t independently of o n e another. A s is t r u e in all languages, n u m e r o u s linguistic changes occurred over t h e m a n y c e n turies in which Assyrian a n d Babylonian were spoken, a n d these a p p e a r e d (eventually) in t h e texts. Altiiough these d e velopments arose continuously, so that tiiere are n o n e a t chronological divisions, scholars refer for t h e sake of c o n venience to t h e following s u b p h a s e s , which c o r r e s p o n d roughly with political periods:
O l d Assyrian M i d d l e Assyrian Neo-Assyrian
2000-1500 1500-1000 1000-600 600 B C E - I O O CE
Old Babylonian Middle Babylonian Neo-Babylonian Late Babylonian
Old Assyrian is k n o w n from a p p r o x i m a t e l y fifteen t h o u s a n d letters a n d legal a n d e c o n o m i c d o c u m e n t s d a t i n g from the m i d - t w e n t i e t h t o t h e m i d - e i g h t e e n t h centuries BCE, m o s t of w h i c h have b e e n f o u n d i n C a p p o d o c i a (eastern T u r k e y ) at t h e site of K a n e s ( m o d e r n K u l t e p e ) , a l t h o u g h otiier sites in Anatolia a n d Assyria h a v e also p r o d u c e d a few similar texts. T h e majority of these d o c u m e n t s c o n c e r n t h e business activities of Assyrian m e r c h a n t h o u s e s a n d their t r a d e with outposts in Anatolia. ( T h e majority of tiiese texts are u n published.) Also attested a r e a n u m b e r of royal inscriptions of rulers of t h e city of Assur, c o m m e m o r a t i v e a n d dedica tory in n a t u r e , a n d a few magical texts. [See K u l t e p e T e x t s . ] M i d d l e Assyrian is sparsely attested, a l t h o u g h it is k n o w n from a variety of g e n r e s , including letters, legal texts, e c o n o m i c texts, a n d inscriptions of t h e early kings of d i e nation a n d nascent e m p i r e of Assyria, a n d a set of h a r e m decrees. P e r h a p s m o s t f a m o u s , however, are the f o u r t e e n tablets c o n taining t h e M i d d l e Assyrian laws, discovered in t h e city of Assur. N e o - A s s y r i a n is t h e s p o k e n l a n g u a g e of t h e p e r i o d of t h e Assyrian E m p i r e i n t h e first m i l l e n n i u m until its d e m i s e late in t h e seventh c e n t u r y BCE. T h e r e are a great m a n y letters a n d administrative texts, of b o t h t h e c o u r t a n d private i n dividuals. M a n y royal inscriptions a n d scholarly writings are also attested; as in all p e r i o d s , literary texts exhibit consid erable linguistic influence of the m o r e prestigious B a b l y o n ian dialect. Old Babylonian is t h e language of several tens of t h o u s a n d s of texts, dating t o t h e first half of the s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m , from d i e first dynasty of B a b y l o n , from t h e Isin a n d L a r s a dynasties, a n d from other soutiiern M e s o p o t a m i a n sites, as well as from sites outside M e s o p o t a m i a , s u c h as M a r i a n d Susa. N o t surprisingly, texts from s u c h a r a n g e of sites exhibit n u m e r o u s m i n o r dialectal differences. T h e best-studied form of O l d B a b y l o n i a n is t h a t of d i e c o u r t of K i n g H a m m u r a b i of Babylon. A n extremely diverse variety of genres h a s b e e n preserved; in addition t o tiiousands of letters, contracts, e c o n o m i c texts, a n d royal inscriptions, these include the f a m o u s " c o d e " of laws of H a m m u r a b i ( t h e longest single O l d B a b y l o n i a n d o c u m e n t ) , a n d m a n y l a n d s of scholarly a n d school texts s u c h as m e d i c a l , m a t h e m a t i c a l , a n d grammatical texts, encyclopedic lists of w o r d s (lexical texts), a n d o m e n s . T h e r e a r e also h y m n s , p r a y e r s , a n d epic a n d mydiological works of literature, of w h i c h t h e b e s t k n o w n are G i l g a m e s h , Atrahasis (the flood story), a n d A n z u (the theft of the "tablets of d e s t i n y " ) ; these latter texts, as well as royal inscriptions, a r e often written in a h i g h literary language full of archaic forms a n d archaisms. I n later times, O l d B a b y l o n i a n w a s r e g a r d e d as t h e clas-
AKKADIAN sical p e r i o d of A k k a d i a n l a n g u a g e a n d literature, a n d scribes in b o t h Babylonia a n d Assyria a t t e m p t e d to duplicate it in a purely literary (i.e., u n s p o k e n ) l a n g u a g e called S t a n d a r d Babylonian ( t h o u g h usually with m i x e d results, as their o w n linguistic forms frequently i n t e r v e n e d ) . T h i s is t h e dialect in which s u c h i m p o r t a n t works as Enuma elish a n d t h e later version of G i l g a m e s h a r e w r i t t e n — i n d e e d , all of t h e literary texts of d i e first m i l l e n n i u m , as well as m a n y royal i n s c r i p tions.
45
AS
U
4,
M i d d l e Babylonian is t h e l a n g u a g e of texts from t h e K a s site p e r i o d . Like M i d d l e Assyrian, it is less well r e p r e s e n t e d t h a n t h e dialects t h a t p r e c e d e a n d follow it. It is k n o w n from letters, legal texts, e c o n o m i c texts, a few royal inscriptions, a n d inscribed b o u n d a r y stones (kudurrus). Already in t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e p e r i o d , b u t especially in t h e L a t e B r o n z e , A k k a d i a n , particularly B a b y l o n i a n , was u s e d as a n international lingua franca; A k k a d i a n texts h a v e b e e n f o u n d at a great m a n y sites o u t s i d e M e s o p o t a m i a , including Alalakh, E m a r , a n d U g a r i t in Syria, H a t t u s a in Anatolia ( m o d e r n B o g a z k o y , t h e capital of t h e Hittite l a n d ) , a n d elA m a r n a in E g y p t , to n a m e a few. T h e l a n g u a g e of these texts, w h i c h w a s written b y n o n - n a t i v e speakers, is usually t e r m e d Peripheral A k k a d i a n ; t h e texts vary considerably in their fidelity to n o r m a t i v e g r a m m a r a n d frequentiy betray the influence of die scribes' o w n languages. [See E m a r T e x t s ; Alalakh T e x t s ; U g a r i t I n s c r i p t i o n s ; A m a r n a Tablets.] N e o - B a b y l o n i a n refers t o t h e s p o k e n , nonliterary lan g u a g e of s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a until t h e e n d of d i e Assyr ian E m p i r e , after w h i c h t h e t e r m L a t e B a b y l o n i a n is u s e d for t h e final p e r i o d of texts w r i t t e n in Akkadian. T h e s e d i alects c o m p r i s e large n u m b e r s of letters a n d administrative d o c u m e n t s . F o r literary a n d m o n u m e n t a l texts, S t a n d a r d Babylonian (see above) was e m p l o y e d . W r i t i n g S y s t e m . A k k a d i a n w a s written in cuneiform, a system of w e d g e - s h a p e d c h a r a c t e r s usually pressed into moist clay tablets with a reed stylus. ( O t h e r m e d i a for i n scriptions w e r e w a x , metal, a n d , especially for m o n u m e n t a l texts, stone.) T h e system was b o r r o w e d from S u m e r i a n , t h e other l a n g u a g e of M e s o p o t a m i a a n d d i e language for w h i c h it w a s devised. T h e writing w a s at first p i c t o g r a p h i c , with fairly representational d r a w i n g s ; early o n , h o w e v e r , it b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e stylized until d i e p i c t o g r a p h s ulti mately b e c a m e u n r e c o g n i z a b l e . A s t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n ( c o d e of H a m m u r a b i ) forms i n figure i s h o w , individual signs m a y consist of o n e w e d g e ( s u c h as A § a n d U ) , of a few w e d g e s ( s u c h as B A D a n d M A § ) , or of m a n y w e d g e s (such as I N a n d I G ) . A s already n o t e d above, forms of signs c o n t i n u e d to c h a n g e t h r o u g h o u t t h e history of A k k a d i a n , a n d Assyrian a n d Babylonian f o r m s differed f r o m o n e a n other: t h e histories of a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a m p l e of signs a p p e a r in figure 2. T h e r e are t h r e e t y p e s of signs: 1. Phonetic signs. Syllables o r p a r t s of syllables to b e p r o n o u n c e d a r e indicated b y p h o n e t i c signs t h a t m a y r e p r e s e n t a simple vowel (such as " a " ) , a c o n s o n a n t plus a vowel
AKKADIAN.
F i g u r e I.
Cuneiform writing (Old Babylonian Code of
Hammurabi). (Courtesy J. H u e h n e r g a r d )
( " b a " ) , a vowel plus a c o n s o n a n t ( " a b " ) , or a c o n s o n a n t v o w e l - c o n s o n a n t s e q u e n c e ( " b a d " ) . Individual c o n s o n a n t s c a n n o t b e written. 2. fjogograms. T h e s e m a y b e u s e d to r e p r e s e n t whole words. 3. Determinatives. A few signs t h a t serve as classifiers in dicating s e m a n t i c ranges a r e k n o w n as determinatives. O n e d e t e r m i n a t i v e , for e x a m p l e , m a y p r e c e d e w o r d s for items m a d e of w o o d , while a n o t h e r p r e c e d e s n a m e s of gods. T h e t h r e e types of signs are formally indistinguishable a n d , in fact, s o m e signs are u s e d in all three ways; an ex a m p l e is t h e sign K I , which, in a n y given context m a y , a m o n g other possibilities, r e p r e s e n t t h e (part-) syllable " k i , " d e n o t e t h e w o r d for " e a r t h , " or indicate t h a t the w o r d p r e c e d i n g it is a place n a m e . T o illusttate t h e writing system, t h e b e g i n n i n g of L a w 8 of H a m m u r a b i ' s c o d e is r e p r o d u c e d in figure 3 witii a s t a n d a r d Assyriological transliteration, in w h i c h p h o n e t i c values a p p e a r i n italics, l o g o g r a m s in r o m a n capital letters (with their S u m e r i a n p r o n u n c i a t i o n ) , a n d a determinative in superscript letters. A s t h e s a m p l e in figure 3 indicates, cuneiform is w r i t t e n from left t o right. T w o additional c o m p l i c a t i n g aspects of t h e writing system are h o m o p h o n y and p o l y p h o n y . H o m o p h o n y describes d i e fact tiiat several discrete signs m a y h a v e d i e same p h o n o logical value, s u c h as /sa/; tiiese a r e distinguished in t r a n s literation b y diacritical m a r k s as follows: t h e m o s t c o m m o n sign found for a particular value receives n o special mark, t h e s e c o n d a n acute accent over t h e vowel, a n d t h e third a grave accent, whereas t h e f o u r t h a n d following receive s u b -
46
AKKADIAN
Sign N a m e and Meaning
Pictogram
Old Bab./Assyr.
O l d Aid;:.
Middle Bab./Assyr.
Bab.
DINGER "star"
NeoBab./Assyr.
4
Assyr.
Bab.
KA ''mouth"
Assyr.
Bab.
LUGAL "king"
Assyr.
Bab.
GUD "ox"
Assyr.
AKKADIAN.
F i g u r e 2. Comparison of Old Akkadian, Assyrian, and Babylonian Cuneiform Signs. (After
Labat, 1988)
script n u m b e r s ( t h u s , sa, sd, sd, sa etc.; called s a - o n e , sat w o , sa-three, sa-four, etc.). M a n y signs are p o l y p h o n o u s — that is, they m a y r e p r e s e n t m o r e than o n e p h o n e t i c value; for e x a m p l e , t h e sign u s e d to write the value ud m a y also b e u s e d to write t h e values tarn a n d pir. 4l
G r a m m a t i c a l S u m m a r y . T h e original n u m b e r of twenty-nine P r o t o - S e m i t i c c o n s o n a n t s w a s considerably r e d u c e d in Akkadian, p r o b a b l y t h r o u g h c o n s t a n t c o n t a c t with S u m e r i a n , to only twenty, as s h o w n in table 1. N a t u r a l l y d i e precise p r o n u n c i a t i o n of these p h o n e m e s is u n k n o w n ; m o d ern scholars b a s e their p r o n u n c i a t i o n o n parallels with living
Semitic languages. T h e p h o n e m e £ is p r o n o u n c e d as " s h " a n d h as " c h " in t h e G e r m a n ach o r Scottish loch; t h e s o called " e m p h a t i c " c o n s o n a n t s q, s, t w e r e either p h a r y n gealized (as in Arabic) or, m o r e likely, glottalized (as in A m haric a n d m o d e r n S o u t h A r a b i a n l a n g u a g e s ) . It is likely t h a t Old-Akkadian p r e s e r v e d m o r e of t h e original Semitic c o n s o n a n t s , especially t h e interdental *0 a n d s o m e of t h e socalled guttural p h o n e m e s , s u c h as h a n d ' ' ; d i e writing system was poorly e q u i p p e d t o expressed s u c h s o u n d s , h o w e v e r . Early Semitic h a d t h r e e short vowels, (a, i, u) a n d t h r e e c o r r e s p o n d i n g long vowels (a, F, it); m o s t dialects of A k k a -
Sum-ma a-wi-Ium
if m a n
lu G U D lu U D U
or ox or sheep
lu A N S E lu S A H i g
if
or donkey or pig
uluS MA
or else
iS-ri-ig
stole
w o o d
boat
"If a m a n stole an ox, a sheep, a donkey, a pig, or a boat,..." AKKADIAN.
Figure
3. Sample Akkadian text from Code of Hammurabi. (Courtesy
J. H u e h n e r g a r d )
AKKADIAN TABLE 1.
Akkadian
Stops Voiced Voiceless Emphatic
Consonants
Bilabial
Dental
b P
d t t
Fricatives Voiced Voiceless Emphatic Nasal
Palato-Alveolar
Glottal
8 k
2
s
S
h
s m
n r
Trill Approximant
Velar
w
l,y
dian preserve these a n d a d d a f o u r t h vowel quality, e a n d long e. M o s t Assyriologists distinguish t w o types of long vowels, m a r k i n g t h o s e inherited as long vowels w i t h a m a cron (a, e, F, it) a n d t h o s e t h a t result from t h e contraction of two adjacent vowels witii a circumflex ( 4 2, f, u). It h a s recentiy b e e n p r o p o s e d t h a t A k k a d i a n also h a d a fifth p h o n e m i c vowel quality, o ( W e s t e n h o l z , 1991). A k k a d i a n p h o n o l o g y is m a r k e d b y a n u m b e r of s o u n d changes vis-a-vis c o m m o n S e m i t i c , in addition t o t h e loss of c o n s o n a n t s a n d the addition of t h e vowel e already d e scribed. All dialects exhibit a p h e n o m e n o n called vowel syn c o p e , in w h i c h the s e c o n d of t w o s h o r t vowels in o p e n syl lables is deleted, as in damqum, " g o o d ( m a s c u l i n e ) , " from *da/mi/qum (cf. t h e feminine c o u n t e r p a r t , damiqtum) or in napsdtum, from *najpijsaltum, t h e plural of napistum, "life." Also c o m m o n to Akkadian is G e e r ' s law, a c c o r d i n g t o w h i c h two e m p h a t i c c o n s o n a n t s m a y n o t c o o c c u r in o n e w o r d : t h u s , for e x a m p l e , Semitic *qasarum b e c a m e A k k a d i a n kasarum, " t o b i n d " ; Semitic *sabatum b e c a m e Akkadian sabatum, " t o seize"; a n d Semitic *qatarum b e c a m e qatarum, " t o billow (of s m o k e ) . " In B a r t h ' s law, t h e initial m of n o u n prefixes b e c a m e n in w o r d s in w h i c h a labial c o n s o n a n t (b,
T A B L E 2.
m, p) followed: narkabtum, " c h a r i o t ; " naramum, " b e l o v e d " ; naspakum, " s t o r a g e a r e a . " B o t h Assyrian a n d Babylonian forms of A k k a d i a n also exhibit distinctive types of vowel h a r m o n y : in Assyrian, s h o r t a in an u n a c c e n t e d o p e n syllable is replaced by a short-vowel t h a t m i m i c s the vowel of t h e following syllable, as in isbat, " h e seized," b u t tasbiti (vs. Babylonian tasbati), " y o u (feminine) seized," and isbutii (vs. B a b y l o n i a n isbatu), " t h e y (masculine) seized"; in Babylo nian, the p r e s e n c e of an e vowel t e n d s t o cause an a vowel in t h e same w o r d to b e c o m e e, as in beletum, " l a d i e s " (from belatum; cf. iarratum, " q u e e n s " ) . T h e basic m o r p h o l o g i c a l categories of p r o n o u n s , n o u n s , a n d verbs generally exhibit t w o g e n d e r s (masculine a n d feminine) a n d three n u m b e r s (singular, dual, a n d plural), although d i e u s e of t h e d u a l is considerably circumscribed after the O l d Akkadian p e r i o d . As in otiier Semitic l a n g u a g e s , t h e r e is a set of i n d e p e n d e n t personal p r o n o u n s a n d t h e r e are also sets of p r o n o m inal suffixes t h a t indicate possession ( w h e n u s e d o n n o u n s a n d prepositions) or direct or indirect objects (on v e r b s ) ; t h e Old B a b y l o n i a n a n d O l d Assyrian forms are s h o w n in table 2. Indirect object f o r m s are also attested in Eblaite b u t are n o t f o u n d in other b r a n c h e s of Semitic; they p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t a n innovation within East Semitic (Akkadian a n d Eblaite). I n early dialects of A k k a d i a n ( O l d Akkadian, Old B a b y lonian, O l d Assyrian), as in other morphologically c o n s e r vative Semitic languages, n o u n s a n d adjectives exhibit three cases, m a r k e d with distinct vowels: n o m i n a t i v e , for the s u b ject of a clause ( m a r k e d w i t h w; in t h e dual with a); genitive, indicating possession a n d also u s e d after prepositions ( m a r k e d wiui z); a n d accusative, for t h e direct object a n d various adverbial uses ( m a r k e d w i t h a). In dual a n d plural forms t h e genitive a n d accusative m e r g e into a single form, t e r m e d t h e oblique ( m a r k e d w i t h i). I n addition to endings t h a t indicate t h e case, t h e regular, or free, forms of n o u n s also b e a r a final -m in t h e singular a n d t h e feminine plural ( b u t n o t in t h e m a s c u l i n e plural) a n d a final -n in t h e dual.
Old Babylonian (OB) and Old Assyrian (OA) Pronoun Forms ( 1 , 2, 3 = first, s e c o n d , t h i r d
p e r s o n ; m = m a s c u l i n e ; f = f e m i n i n e ; c = c o m m o n g e n d e r ; s = singular; p = p l u r a l ; d u a l f o r m s a r e omitted). Independent
Possessive
Direct Object
Indirect Object
OB
OA
OB/OA
OB
OA
OB
OA
lcs 2ms 2fs 3ms 3fs
andku
andku atta atti sit
-i,ya -ka -ki -su -sa
-ni -ka -ki -su -H
-ni,-i -ka -ki -hi -si
-nim -kum -kim -sum -sim
-nim -kum -kim -him -sim
lcp 2mp 2fp 3mp 3fp
nmu attunu attina sunu sina
nmu attunu attina sunu Una
-ni -kunu -kina -sunu -sina
-nidti -kuniiti -kinati -kuniiti -hnati
-nidti -kunu -kina -sunu -Una
-niaiim -kunusim -kindsim -suniisim -sindsim
-nidti -kuniiti -kinati -hmuti -sindti
atta
atti su si
Silt
47
48
AKKADIAN
F e m i n i n e n o u n s a n d feminine forms of adjectives are usually m a r k e d with either -t- or -at- after the base a n d before the case vowel: belum, " l o r d " ; beltum, " l a d y " ; sarrum, " k i n g " ; ilarratum, " q u e e n " ; tabum (masc.) a n d tdbtum (fem.), " p l e a s a n t " ; dannum (masc.) and dannatum (fern.), " s t r o n g . " Besides the regular, or free, form of t h e n o u n t h e r e is also tile b o u n d form (or c o n s t r u c t form), u s e d w h e n a n o u n syntactically g o v e r n s a n o t h e r n o u n or a p r o n o m i n a l suffix; t h e b o u n d form generally lacks b o t h t h e final -mj-n a n d t h e case vowel: sarratum, " q u e e n , " a n d matum, " l a n d " (both n o m i n a t i v e case); b u t sarrat mdtim, " q u e e n of t h e l a n d " (with " l a n d " appropriately in t h e genitive case), a n d sarratni, " o u r q u e e n . " Adjectives are for the m o s t p a r t d e clined like substantives, although they exhibit a distinctive e n d i n g in masculine-plural forms. T a b l e 3 shows t h e regular (free form) declensions of the substantives sarrum, " k i n g , " and sarratum, " q u e e n , " a n d t h e adjective tabum, " p l e a s a n t , " in Old Babylonian. Final -m/-n were lost in t h e late stages of b o t h Old Assyrian a n d Old Babylonian, so t h a t in later phases of Akkadian t h e singular sarrulsarri/sarra is found, for example. Still later in the history of Akkadian, t h e case system itself b e c a m e defunct as final vowels were lost. (In the literary dialect called S t a n d a r d Babylonian, t h e n o m i native a n d t h e accusative are b o t h usually written sarru; one form, t h e earlier oblique, is usually written for plurals r e gardless of case.) In addition to their free a n d b o u n d forms, substantives a n d adjectives also enter into a syntactic construction called the predicative form (also called the stative, with adjectives), in which the b a s e of a substantive or adjective is followed by a special set of p r o n o m i n a l suffixes; the two elements constitute a verbless clause, with t h e substantive or adjective as predicate a n d t h e p r o n o m i n a l suffix as subject: sarraku, " I (-aku) a m king ( f a n - ) " ; tabat, "it (feminine; -at) is pleas ant (tab-)"; rabianu, " w e (-ami) are great (rabi-)." T h a t this is an ancient c o n s t r u c t i o n is suggested b y t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a similar construction in Old Egyptian; in other Semitic lan guages, h o w e v e r , it fell o u t of use except in restricted cir cumstances. -
TABLE 3.
Old Babylonian Noun Declension "PLEASANT" "KING"
"QUEEN"
Masc.
Fern.
Singular Nominative Genitive Accusative
sarrum Sarrim sarram
sarratum sarratim sarratam
tabum tdbim tabam
tdbtum tabtim tabtam
Dual Nominative Oblique
sarran sarrfn
sarratan sarratm
Plural Nominative Oblique
Sarru iarri
sarratum sarratim
tabutum tabutim
tabatum tabatim
Akkadian verbal m o r p h o l o g y is c o m p l e x , as in o t h e r S e mitic languages. T h e verbal " r o o t " usually consists of t h r e e c o n s o n a n t s , as in r-k-b, " r i d e . " T h e r e are four m a i n finite forms (or tenses, or aspects): (1) an imperfective f o r m d e n o t i n g t h e p r e s e n t , t h e future, t h e h a b i t u a l or circumstantial past, a n d a variety of m o d a l functions, t h a t is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by doubling in t h e s e c o n d of t h e t h r e e r o o t c o n s o n a n t s , as in arakkab, " I r i d e / a m riding/will r i d e / u s e d to ride ( e t c . ) , " in w h i c h the prefix a- denotes " I " (cf. nirakkab, " w e r i d e , " with ni- for " w e " ) ; (2) a p u n c t i v e f o r m called t h e preterite, for the past, as in arkab, " I r o d e , d i d r i d e " ; (3) t h e perfect, a form i n w h i c h -t- is infixed after t h e first r o o t c o n s o n a n t , as in artakab, " I have r i d d e n " ; a n d (4) t h e i m p e r a t i v e rikab, "ride!". T h e imperfective f o r m arakkab a n d t h e preterite arkab were u n d o u b t e d l y inherited essentially u n c h a n g e d from c o m m o n Semitic. Akkadian shares t h e arakkab form with E t h i o p i a n a n d m o d e r n S o u t h A r a b i a n Semitic lan guages ( c o m p a r e classical E t h i o p i c 'arakkab, " I a t t a i n " ) , b u t t h e f o r m was lost in t h e C e n t r a l Semitic l a n g u a g e s ( s u c h as Arabic, H e b r e w , a n d A r a m a i c ) . T h e preterite f o r m arkab is f o u n d in m o s t other Semitic languages in restricted u s e s , b u t has b e e n r e p l a c e d as t h e m a i n p a s t - t e n s e f o r m b y a conju gation in w h i c h t h e subject p r o n o u n s are i n d i c a t e d b y suf fixes rather titan prefixes (derived ultimately f r o m t h e p r e d icative form of A k k a d i a n , discussed a b o v e ) , as in A r a b i c rakibtu or H e b r e w rokabti, " I r o d e . " T h e f o r m called t h e perfect is n o t f o u n d in other Semitic l a n g u a g e s a n d is g e n erally c o n s i d e r e d an Akkadian innovation. Finite verbs m a y b e m a r k e d w i t h a m o r p h e m e called t h e ventive, w h i c h in dicates m o t i o n or activity in t h e direction or p r o x i m i t y of t h e speaker: illik, " h e w e n t , " b u t illikam, " h e c a m e " ; tusi, " y o u w e n t f o r t h , " b u t tusiam, " y o u c a m e f o r t h . " T h e v e n tive is u n k n o w n in other Semitic languages a n d its p r e s e n c e in Akkadian m a y reflect t h e influence of S u m e r i a n . In addition to t h e finite f o r m s t h e r e is a verbal n o u n or infinitive, rakabum, " t o r i d e " ; an active participle rakibum, " r i d i n g , r i d e r " ; a n d a verbal adjective rakbum, " r i d d e n . " T h e s e forms h a v e analogues or parallels in t h e o t h e r Semitic languages. In c o m m o n with o t h e r Semitic t o n g u e s , A k k a d i a n exhibits t h e modification of verbal r o o t s , b y m e a n s of prefixes or other c h a n g e s , to p r o d u c e a series of a u g m e n t e d s t e m s with m e a n i n g s derived m o r e - o r - l e s s p r e d i c t a b l y f r o m t h a t of t h e basic stem; for e x a m p l e , from t h e basic f o r m parasum, " t o s e p a r a t e , " a r e derived a passive v e r b w i t h a prefixed n, naprusum, " t o b e s e p a r a t e d " ; a causative v e r b with a p r e fixed it, suprusum, " t o cause to s e p a r a t e " ; a n d a n iterative verb with a n infixed syllable, pitarrusum, "to separate re p e a t e d l y . " T h e last of these is an A k k a d i a n i n n o v a t i o n , u n k n o w n elsewhere in Semitic. In m a n y features of syntax A k k a d i a n r e s e m b l e s other S e mitic languages closely. F o r e x a m p l e , attributive adjectives follow their h e a d n o u n s a n d m u s t agree w i t h t h e m in g e n d e r , n u m b e r , a n d case; a n d verbs m u s t agree w i t h their subjects in gender a n d n u m b e r . A k k a d i a n m a k e s f r e q u e n t u s e of a
AKKADIANS genitive chain involving juxtaposition of two n o u n s to i n dicate g o v e r n a n c e of o n e b y d i e other, t h e lead or g o v e r n i n g n o u n a p p e a r i n g in t h e b o u n d ( c o n s t r u c t ) f o r m , as in sarrat matim, " q u e e n of t h e l a n d " (see a b o v e ) ; b u t a p r o n o m i n a l form, sa, also evolved for t h e e x p r e s s i o n of t h e s a m e rela tionship, as in larratum sa matim, " q u e e n of the l a n d " (a similar d e v e l o p m e n t o c c u r r e d in m a n y o t h e r Semitic lan guages). In other syntactic features A k k a d i a n deviates m a r k e d l y from its Semitic relatives. I n all p r o s e dialects a n d texts, t h e verb occupies t h e final p o s i t i o n in t h e sentence, a feature u n d o u b t e d l y b o r r o w e d from S u m e r i a n : sarrum ekallam ina Slim ibni, " k i n g - p a l a c e - i n - c i t y - b u i l t " (i.e., " t h e king built a palace in the c i t y " ) . Already n o t e d a b o v e was t h e u s e of t h e predicative c o n s t r u c t i o n in verbless sentences in w h i c h t h e predicate is a n adjective or a n o u n : Hammurapi rabi, " H a m m u r a b i is g r e a t " ; sarraku, " I a m k i n g . " T h e r e are t w o m a i n clause c o o r d i n a t o r s : u (Semitic wa-) c o n n e c t s n o u n s in phrases (sarrum u sarratum, " k i n g a n d q u e e n " ) a n d clauses that are n o t semantically c o n n e c t e d (abni u arkab, " I built a n d I [also] r o d e " ) , w h e r e a s t h e enclitic particle -ma c o n nects clauses in w h i c h t h e first is logically s u b o r d i n a t e to t h e second (allikam-ma abni, " I c a m e a n d t h e n b u i l t " or " h a v i n g c o m e , I b u i l t " ) . T h e use of -ma is so c o m m o n that the w i d e r a n g e of s u b o r d i n a t i n g c o n j u n c t i o n s is u s e d only infrequentiy ( s u b o r d i n a t e clauses, like otiier p a r t s of speech, u s u ally p r e c e d e t h e m a i n - c l a u s e v e r b ) . T h e syntax of t h e infin itive is c o m p l e x ; for e x a m p l e , t h e p h r a s e " o n reaching t h e t o w n " m a y a p p e a r in the following tiiree forms: ina kasad Slim (lit., " i n t h e r e a c h i n g of t h e t o w n " ) , ina Slim kasadim ("in t o w n - r e a c h i n g " ) , alam ina kasadim ("the t o w n in reaching"). T h e majority of t h e lexicon in all A k k a d i a n dialects is i n herited from c o m m o n Semitic. I n t h e earliest period, h o w ever, there are already m a n y l o a n w o r d s from S u m e r i a n , nearly all of w h i c h are n o u n s , covering a w i d e s e m a n t i c range. B e g i n n i n g in t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n a n d N e o - B a b y l o n i a n periods, m a n y A r a m a i c w o r d s b e g i n t o e n t e r the l a n g u a g e as well.
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Gelb, Ignace J., et al. The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago, 1 9 5 6 - . Encyclopedic reference work, devoting one volume to each "letter" of the Akkadian p h o nological system; sixteen of twenty-one volumes have appeared to date. Gelb, Ignace J. Old Akkadian Writing and Grammar. Materials for the Assyrian Dictionary, 2. 2 d ed. Chicago, 1 9 6 1 . Description of the earliest phase of Akkadian. Groneberg, Brigitte. Syntax, Morphologie und Stil derjungbabylonischen "hymnischen" Literatur. 2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1987. Up-to-date d e scription of the important literary dialect known in English as Stan dard Babylonian. Hecker, Karl. Grammalik der Kultepe-Texte. Analecta Orientalia, 44. R o m e , 1968. Comprehensive description of the Old Assyrian dialect. Labat, R e n e . Manuel d'ipigraphie akkadienne. 6th ed. by Florence M a l bran-Labat. Paris, 1988. O n e of two sign lists that give both p h o nological and logographic values and histories of individual signs (the other is Borger, 1988; see above). Mayer, Walter. Untersuchungen zur Grammatik des Mittelassyrischen. Kevelaer, 1 9 7 1 . T h e most thorough treatment of the Middle Assyr ian dialect. Reiner, Erica. A Linguistic Analysis of Akkadian. T h e H a g u e , 1966. T h e most competent linguistic presentation of Akkadian yet published. Reiner, Erica. "Akkadian." In Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 6, Lin guistics in South West Asia and North Africa, edited by T h o m a s A. Sebeok, p p . 2 7 4 - 3 0 3 . T h e H a g u e , 1970. History of Akkadian gram matical and lexical research, and a review of topics requiring new or additional research. Reiner, Erica. " D i e akkadische Literatur." In Altorientalische Lileraturen: Neues Handbuch der Litaraturaissenschaft, edited by Wolfgang Rollig, p p . 1 5 1 - 2 1 0 . W i e s b a d e n , 1 9 7 8 . Comprehensive review of the types of Akkadian literature. Rollig, Wolfgang. "Oberblick iiber die akkadische Literatur." In Real lexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasialischen Archaologie, vol. 7, p p . 48-66. Berlin, 1987. Survey of Akkadian literary works. Soden, Wolfram von. Akkadisches Handworterbuch. 3 vols. Wiesbaden, 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 8 1 . T h e only complete m o d e r n dictionary of Akkadian. Soden, Wolfram von. Grundriss der akkadischen Grammalik samt Erganzungsheft. R o m e , 1 9 6 9 . S t a n d a r d reference grammar of Akka dian. Soden, Wolfram von, and Wolfgang Rollig. Das akkadische Syllabar. 4th ed. R o m e , 1 9 9 1 . Authoritative reference for phonetic sign values in Akkadian. Westenholz, Aage. " T h e P h o n e m e /o/ in Akkadian." Zeitschrifl fiir As syriologie 81 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 0 - 1 9 . JOHN HUEHNERGARD
[See also Akkadians.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Aro, Jussi. Studien zur mittelbabylonischen Grammalik. Studia Orientalia, 20. Helsinki, 1 9 5 5 . T h e m o s t recent monograph-length treat m e n t of Middle Babylonian g r a m m a r . Borger, Rykle. Handbuch der Keilschriftliteratur. 3 vols. Berlin, 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 7 5 . Indispensable guide to the publication of Akkadian and Sumerian texts and all matters pertaining to the reading of cuneiform texts, u p d a t e d in the periodical Archiv fur Orientforschung. Borger, Rykle. Assyrisch-babylonische Zeichenliste. 4th ed. Kevelaer, 1988. O n e of two sign lists t h a t give both phonological and logographic values and histories of individual signs (the other is L a b a t , 1988; see below). Ebeling, Erich, et al., eds. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen ArchUologie. Berlin, 1 9 3 2 - . Encyclopedic reference work of all things Assyriological.
AKKADIANS. A l t h o u g h t h e origin of the t e r m is u n k n o w n , Akkadians refers t o a Semitic-speaking people living in n o r t h e r n Babylonia in a b o u t 2400-2100 BCE. T h e t e r m m a y derive f r o m a city a n d its s u r r o u n d i n g territory, for w h i c h t h e earliest spellings are A g a d e o r Aggide, later A k k a d e or Akkad. By d i e e n d of t h e third millennium, t h e land of Akkad m e a n t n o r t h e r n Babylonia, from n o r t h of N i p p u r to Sippar. H o w e v e r , d u r i n g t h e early second millennium BCE, t h e n a m e Akkadians b r o a d e n e d t o m e a n t h e indigenous p o p u l a t i o n of all of Babylonia, as o p p o s e d t o Amorites. By d i e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, A k k a d h a d b e c o m e a literary syn o n y m for Babylonia. M o d e r n scholars call the language of d i e Akkadians Old A k k a d i a n , to distinguish it from *Akkadian, t h e ancient n a m e , u s e d from t h e early second millen-
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n i u m onward, for t h e Semitic language of Assyria a n d B a b ylonia and its n u m e r o u s dialects. T h e term Akkadian period usually refers to t h e 150 years (c. 2334-2193 BCE) defined by t h e reign of five kings of t h e Akkadian, or Sargonic, dy nasty (hence also called die Sargonic p e r i o d ) . S o m e scholars a d d another fifty years to this t o include later kings of t h e city A g a d e (Akkade), thus overlapping t h e L a t e Akkadian a n d Post-Akkadian, o r G u t i a n , periods. T h e b r o a d e r m e a n ings of Akkad a n d Akkadian were c o n s e q u e n c e s of political a n d military e x p a n s i o n of die Sargonic dynasty. Babylonian a n d Assyrian e x p a n d e d from local to regional t e r m s , w i t h their respective e m p i r e s , are later examples of t h e same p r o cess. Prior to the Sargonic dynasty, n o r t h e r n Babylonia was p a r t of a larger Semitic-speaking cultural h o r i z o n t h a t stretched west into n o r t h e r n Syria from its M e s o p o t a m i a n center at Kish, p e r h a p s as early as the Early D y n a s t i c I p e riod. T h e Akkadians m a y h a v e b e e n an eastern g r o u p of this population, p e r h a p s centered a r o u n d t h e confluence of t h e Diyala a n d the Tigris Rivers. T h i s is only a hypothesis, for, according to surface surveys, t h e Diyala region was only sparsely p o p u l a t e d in t h e Akkadian period. T h e relationship b e t w e e n t h e Akkadians a n d t h e earlier, m o r e widely distrib u t e d Semitic-speaking population of greater n o r t h e r n M e s opotamia remains o b s c u r e . In the absence of epigraphic data, Akkadian p e r i o d sites are often difficult to distinguish from tiiose of earlier or later periods; as a result, analysis of settlement patterns m a y b e based on sketchy evidence. Archaeological surveys suggest that during the A k k a d i a n p e r i o d t h e p o p u l a t i o n of n o r t h e r n Babylonian cities a n d t o w n s increased at t h e e x p e n s e of vil lages. T h e s e findings could imply centralization of g o v e r n m e n t a n d p r o d u c t i o n . In contrast, t h e central E u p h r a t e s floodplain witnessed a decline in the n u m b e r a n d size of large u r b a n centers b u t an increase in the n u m b e r a n d size of m e d i u m - s i z e d t o w n s a n d smaller villages ( R o b e r t M c C . A d a m s , Heartland of Cities, Chicago, 1981, p . 139). Al t h o u g h this can b e viewed as a l o n g - t e r m natural develop ment, a contributing factor could have b e e n aggression b y the Akkadian dynasty against the older city states in this region, with t h e creation of e x t r a u r b a n administrative cen ters. T h e resulting pattern—centralization of rural land scapes and decentralization of potentially competitive u r b a n landscapes—needs verification. T o p o g r a p h i c lists of n o r t h e r n Babylonian settlements per mit reconstruction of nine i m p o r t a n t waterways b r a n c h i n g southward f r o m t h e area of Sippar, b e t w e e n t h e m o d e r n courses of the E u p h r a t e s a n d Tigris Rivers, with a string of towns along each a n d a sparsely p o p u l a t e d hinterland b e tween (Douglas F r a y n e , The Early Dynastic List of Geograph ical Names, A m e r i c a n Oriental Series; vol. 74, N e w H a v e n , 1992). C o m m u n i c a t i o n n o r t h w e s t followed t h e E u p h r a t e s u p s t r e a m ; o n e r o u t e east led to the Iranian plateau tiirough the H a m r i n Valley, w h e r e extensive remains of t h e Akkadian period h a v e b e e n found.
N o r t h e r n Babylonia d e p e n d e d on a m i x e d e c o n o m y of agriculture a n d h u s b a n d r y . D u r i n g t h e A k k a d i a n p e r i o d there is substantial e p i g r a p h i c evidence for c o n t r o l of p r o duction t h r o u g h local centers of collection, p r e p a r a t i o n , a n d redistribution of food for workers; p r o d u c t i o n , storage, a n d distribution of i m p l e m e n t s ; a n d c o o r d i n a t i o n of agriculture. Fields w e r e allocated t o plowing t e a m s ; seed a n d feed u s e d for draft animals a n d t h e collection, distribution, a n d t r a n s p o r t of t h e harvest, locally a n d to t h e capital, w e r e r e c o r d e d ; a n d flocks a n d h e r d s w e r e m a i n t a i n e d (shearing, culling, counting, fattening). T h e history a n d culture of the A k k a d i a n s a r e m o s t l y a s sociated with t h e Sargonic E m p i r e , a military, political, a n d cultural unification of M e s o p o t a m i a a n d N o r t h Syria tiiat is often c o n s i d e r e d t h e first of t h e great e m p i r e s or territorial states in M e s o p o t a m i a n history. T h e f o u n d e r of t h e d y n a s t y was S a r g o n ( S h a r r a k i n ) of A k k a d (so called t o distinguish h i m from the t w o later Assyrian kings referred t o as S a r g o n I a n d I I ) . A c c o r d i n g t o one l e g e n d a r y a c c o u n t , h e w a s c u p bearer t o a k i n g of K i s h . T h w a r t i n g a m u r d e r p l o t b y his master, S a r g o n m a d e himself king, taldng t h e title " k i n g of K i s h , " w h i c h implied suzerainty over n o r t h e r n Babylonia a n d p e r h a p s b e y o n d . H e defeated t h e p r i n c i p a l ruler in S u m e r , Lugalzagesi king of U r u k , a n d t h e r e b y u n i t e d B a b y lonia u n d e r o n e rule. H e i n v a d e d s o u t h w e s t e r n I r a n in sev eral c a m p a i g n s a n d t u r n e d n o r t h a n d n o r t h w e s t t o Syria a n d Anatolia, stating in his inscriptions t h a t M a r i a n d E b l a b e c a m e s u b o r d i n a t e to h i m . H e is credited with b u i l d i n g u p a capital city, A k k a d e (often spelled A g a d e in m o d e r n b o o k s , to distinguish it from t h e region of A k k a d ) . T h e city's lo cation h a s n o t b e e n identified, b u t it m a y lie east of t h e c o n fluence of t h e T i g r i s a n d Diyala Rivers, altiiough a location n e a r K i s h h a s b e e n p r o p o s e d . I n a n inscription h e boasts t h a t h e m a d e Akkadians g o v e r n o r s t h r o u g h o u t his c o n q u e r e d lands. S a r g o n ' s life, reign, a n d exploits b e c a m e t h e subjects of a richly e m b r o i d e r e d literary tradition in later M e s o p o t a m i a , i n c l u d i n g epic p o e t r y a n d a tale t h a t h e was b o r n in secret t o a priestess a n d set adrift i n a basket. A stela, n o w in t h e L o u v r e , is t h e major surviving m o n u m e n t of his reign; his c o m m e m o r a t i v e inscriptions are b e s t k n o w n from copies p r e p a r e d b y B a b y l o n i a n scholars c e n t u r i e s after his death. S a r g o n w a s r e m e m b e r e d in later ages as tile a r c h t y p ical successful warrior-ldng; it is for h i m t h a t t h e d y n a s t y is n a m e d S a r g o n i c (to b e distinguished from S a r g o n i d , refer r i n g to S a r g o n II of Assyria a n d his s u c c e s s o r s ) . Sargon's s o n a n d successor, R i m u s h , d e v o t e d m u c h of his nine-year reign to s u p p r e s s i n g revolts in S u m e r i a n cities. His inscriptions claim t h e execution a n d e n s l a v e m e n t of tens of t h o u s a n d s of p e o p l e . F r a g m e n t a r y stelae s h o w i n g m a r c h i n g soldiers, p a r a d i n g a n d killing captives m a y d a t e t o this reign or later (e.g., t h e Victory Stela f r o m T e l l o h at t h e L o u v r e , a fragment at t h e B o s t o n M u s e u m of F i n e A r t s , a n d t h e Nasiriyyah stela, t h e last p e r h a p s c o m m e m o r a t i n g a n A n a tolian c a m p a i g n b y a later k i n g ) . R i m u s h w a s m u r d e r e d in
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a palace conspiracy a n d s u c c e e d e d by his b r o t h e r , M a n i s h tushu. M a n i s h t u s h u restored his father's control over s o u t h western Iran, w h e r e a n expansionist state, P a r a h s e ( M a r hasi), h a d established itself. H e also l a u n c h e d a naval c a m p a i g n in t h e Gulf, a m o n g d i e results of which was t h e importation of blocks of diorite. A g r o u p of statues from his reign carved in this h a r d m e d i u m marks t h e e m e r g e n c e of w h a t is called t h e Akkadian style in sculpture: life-sized or larger naturalistic, b u t idealized portraits of t h e ruler t h a t convey a sense of serene m u s c u l a r strength a n d u n c h a l l e n ged p o w e r . T h e style a n d m e d i u m w e r e imitated for c e n turies thereafter. A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t m o n u m e n t of his reign, called the Obelisk of M a n i s h t u s h u , records the king's p u r chase of large tracts of land from families in w e s t e r n B a b ylonia, p r e s u m a b l y for redistribution to his officers a n d household in r e t u r n for their service. H e too w a s m u r d e r e d in a palace conspiracy after a reign of fifteen years, t o b e succeeded b y his son, N a r a m - S i n .
w e r e reorganized as p r o v i n c e s a n d N a r a m - S i n ' s p r o g e n y served as g o v e r n o r s a n d priestesses. H i s r e b u i l d i n g of t h e T e m p l e of Enlil at N i p p u r m a y h a v e i n s p i r e d a S u m e r i a n narrative p o e m called t h e C u r s e of A g a d e , w h i c h attributes t h e later fall of t h e e m p i r e to N a r a m - S i n ' s h u b r i s a n d falsely projects it to his reign. T h e art of this p e r i o d is exemplified b y a stela of N a r a m Sin, n o w also in t h e L o u v r e , t h a t s h o w s t h e deified king invading a m o u n t a i n o u s region. Its brilliant design a n d ex ecution m a k e it o n e of d i e m o s t significant w o r k s of a r t of its m i l l e n n i u m to h a v e survived. [See Stelae.] T h i s a n d var ious other r o c k reliefs projected t h e authority of t h e ruler a n d the d e a t h a n d e n s l a v e m e n t in store for his e n e m i e s . C y l inder seals u s e d by courtiers w e r e exquisitely e n g r a v e d with c o m b a t scenes a n d r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of wild b e a s t s in heraldic poses. A m u t i l a t e d n u d e m a l e figure, f o u n d at Bassetki, was
Like Sargon, N a r a m - S i n b e c a m e the subject of legendary a n d m o n i t o r y literature after his death, so t h a t t h e events of his thirty-seven(?)-year reign are difficult to interpret. H e was a successful warrior-king w h o s e conquests established his h e g e m o n y over t h e u p p e r Gulf, southwestern I r a n , A s syria, t h e U p p e r E u p h r a t e s a n d Tigris into Anatolia, a n d N o r t h Syria to t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast. I n his inscriptions h e claims to b e t h e first to destroy Ebla a n d A r m a r i u m , the latter a heavily fortified city in the same region, p e r h a p s m o d e r n A l e p p o . Major religious a n d administrative s t r u c tures of diis p e r i o d at Tell Brak in die K h a b u r region s h o w that his policy was o n e of direct rule in this area, p e r h a p s intending to develop its agricultural potential. M a s s p r o duction of s t a n d a r d i z e d p o t t e r y a t Tell Leilan, also in t h e K h a b u r , suggests t h e u s e of a rationed labor force or garri son there at a b o u t this time; changes in local settlement pat terns could b e t h e result of enforced centralization. [See Brak, Tell; Leilan, T e l l ] T h r o u g h o u t his reign, N a r a m - S i n faced i m p o r t a n t rebel lions a n d external attacks, s o m e o n a scale t h a t gained s u pernatural character in later literature. O n e was led by a S u m e r i a n city, t h e n a m e of which is u n c e r t a i n , a n d i n c l u d e d Amorite t r i b e s m e n a n d p e r h a p s the land of M a g a n ( O m a n a n d t h e Iranian coastline opposite); it t h u s s e e m e d a w o r l d wide event to M e s o p o t a m i a n c o n t e m p o r a r i e s . A n o t h e r r e bellion was centered o n a p r e t e n d e r at Kish, w i t h s u p p o r t at N i p p u r , U r u k , a n d elsewhere. I n n i n e battles, N a r a m - S i n defeated a coalition of foreign rulers a n d M e s o p o t a m i a n al lies. T h e s e d r a m a t i c events were retold as cautionary tales in later literature, while in his o w n lifetime they resulted in his deification as savior of his city, A g a d e . H e led a n e x p e dition to t h e sources of t h e Tigris a n d r e c o n q u e r e d Susiana, imposing a treaty o n the ruler there. H i s reign m a r k s t h e apogee of t h e Sargonic state. A standardized b u r e a u c r a c y spread t h r o u g h o u t M e s o p o t a m i a , w h e r e former city-states
•
AKKADIANS.
F i g u r e I.
Bronze head from Nineveh. I r a q M u s e u m ,
B a g h d a d . (Scala/Art Resource, N Y )
AKKADIANS cast in m o r e t h a n 160 kg of c o p p e r , p r o o f of t h e extraordi n a r y artistic a n d technical a c h i e v e m e n t s of t h e period, fur ther exemplified b y a b r o n z e h e a d of an A k k a d i a n ruler f o u n d at N i n e v e h (see figure i ) . A later poetic narrative speaks of t h e t r e a s u r e s a c c u m u l a t e d in t h e capital; t h e wealth a n d resources available to d i e royal e s t a b l i s h m e n t are r e flected in adminisU-ative d o c u m e n t s of d i e p e r i o d as well, s o m e of w h i c h list magnificent gifts to t h e royal family. N a r a m - S i n was s u c c e e d e d b y his son, Sharkalisharri, t h e events of w h o s e twenty-five-year reign are obscure. H e m a y h a v e faced a rebellion at his accession. A s c r o w n p r i n c e h e directed t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e T e m p l e of Enlil at N i p p u r , w h o s e w o r k h e m a y h a v e c o m p l e t e d as king. His t e r ritories shrank, a l t h o u g h h e c l a i m e d victory over t h e E l a m ites in t h e Diyala region. S a r g o n i c administrators m u s t h a v e left Susiana b y this time a n d t h e f o r m e r g o v e r n o r of t h e area, E p i r - m u p i , m a y h a v e set u p a n i n d e p e n d e n t k i n g d o m . S h a r kalisharri also f o u g h t t h e A m o r i t e s n e a r Jebel Bishri, as well as t h e G u t i a n s , a p e o p l e of u n c e r t a i n origin w h o m t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n s c o n s i d e r e d b a r b a r i a n s . T h e p i c t u r e is of an e m b a t t l e d state falling b a c k t o w a r d its capital. Its final col lapse m a y h a v e b e e n the result of internal weaknesses, r e bellion, a n d foreign attack, especially, a c c o r d i n g to S u m e rian tradition, b y the Gutians. Dessication and a b a n d o n m e n t of f o r m e r A k k a d i a n centers in die K h a b u r , s u c h as Tell Leilan, m a y also h a v e b e e n a significant factor ( H a r v e y Weiss et a l , " T h e G e n e s i s a n d Collapse of T h i r d M i l l e n n i u m N o r t h M e s o p o t a m i a n Civilization," Science 261 [1993]: 995-1004). T h e r e followed a short i n t e r r e g n u m : a letter, a p p a r e n t i y from a ruler of this p e r i o d , asserts " T h e r e is a king in A g a d e , " w h e r e a s d i e S u m e r i a n K i n g L i s t says " W h o w a s king, w h o was n o t k i n g ? " A local dynasty was established at A g a d e t h a t r u l e d for a b o u t forty years. O n e of its kings, D u d u , c a m p a i g n e d against U m m a a n d S u s a , b u t A g a d e w a s thereafter a n u n i m p o r t a n t place, a l t h o u g h attested into t h e A c h a e m e n i d period. O n e major legacy of t h e S a r g o n i c d y n a s t y to M e s o p o t a mia was t h e realization of t h e political a n d e c o n o m i c p o s sibilities of a territorial state, t r a n s c e n d i n g t h e city-state p a t tern typical of S u m e r previously. A l o n g with this c a m e political v o c a b u l a r y , military a n d m a n a g e m e n t strategies, a n d a grandiose ideology of t h e ruler t h a t w e r e to b e e m u lated, d e n o u n c e d , a n d a d m i r e d for fifteen h u n d r e d years. P r i o r to t h e S a r g o n i c dynasty, d i e A k k a d i a n s p r e s u m a b l y shared t h e religious convictions of t h e Semites of n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Syria, w h i c h often a c c o r d e d special v e n eration to t h e s u n ( S h a m a s h ) , t h e m o o n ( S i n ) , a n d d i e planet V e n u s (Ishtar), especially as " l a d y of c o m b a t " ( A n n u n i t u m ) . T h e inclusion of S u m e r in t h e Sargonic state b r o u g h t with it t h e S u m e r i a n city-states' p a n t h e o n , includ ing Enlil, chief g o d of S u m e r , thereafter u s e d as a t e r m for " s u p r e m e d e i t y . " S u m e r i a n I n a n n a , a g o d d e s s of r e p r o d u c tion a n d fertility, was fused w i t h Ishtar t o create a c o m p l e x ,
53
c o n t r a d i c t o r y p e r s o n a . S o m e deities i m p o r t a n t in N o r t h Syria, s u c h as A d a d (the t h u n d e r g o d ) a n d D a g a n ( p o p u l a r in t h e U p p e r E u p h r a t e s region) w e r e less i m p o r t a n t in n o r t h e r n Babylonia, suggesting greater S u m e r i a n t h a n Syr ian influence there. A deity referred to simply as G o d (II or H u m ) is sometimes c o m p a r e d to t h e western El or t h e later B a b y l o n i a n Hum, in t h e sense of " p e r s o n a l g o d . " L o c a l d e ities in n o r t h e r n Babylonia i n c l u d e d Z a b a b a (at K i s h ) ; Ilaba, a p a t r o n deity of t h e d y n a s t y ; a n d N e r g a l (at C u t h a ) . Save for N e r g a l , little or n o m y t h o l o g y is k n o w n of these figures. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t religious c o m p o s i t i o n s of t h e p e r i o d are a t t r i b u t e d to E n h e d u a n n a , d a u g h t e r of S a r g o n and high priestess of t h e m o o n g o d Sin at U r . T h e s e include a cycle of S u m e r i a n h y m n s in h o n o r of i m p o r t a n t S u m e r i a n s a n c tuaries, p e r h a p s with t h e i n t e n t of p r o m o t i n g S u m e r o - A k k a d i a n syncretism. A m o n g h e r other works is a narrative p o e m describing h e r p e r s o n a l humiliation at t h e h a n d s of a local p r e t e n d e r a n d h e r a p p e a l to Ishtar, w h o reinstates h e r a n d destroys h e r e n e m i e s . T h i s is b u t o n e e x a m p l e of m a n y w h e r e Ishtar is r e g a r d e d as h o l d i n g t h e royal family in special favor: b o t h S a r g o n a n d N a r a m - S i n are said to have b e e n loved b y Ishtar, a n d t h e S a r g o n i c dynasty is sometimes r e ferred to in later sources as I s h t a r ' s p e r i o d of ascendancy. M e s o p o t a m i a n religious architecture of this p e r i o d is poorly k n o w n , a n d , w h e r e identified, shows no significant changes in p l a n from p r e v i o u s phases of established t e m ples. A religious s t r u c t u r e at T e l l Brak contained a large c o u r t y a r d t h a t m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d for s o m e i m p o r t a n t p u b lic event. N a r a m - S i n i n t r o d u c e d religious veneration of t h e living ruler b y p r o c l a i m i n g himself g o d of his city, Agade. Secular architecture is also poorly k n o w n , for various buildings formerly c o n s i d e r e d Sargonic in date, such as d i e n o r t h e r n palace at Tell A s m a r , t h e palace at Tell al-Wilayah, a n d the Old Palace at Assur, are n o w generally dated to earlier or later p e r i o d s . A large building at Tell Brak, which i n c o r p o r a t e d s o m e bricks s t a m p e d with t h e n a m e of N a r a m Sin, r e m a i n s t h e m o s t securely d a t e d building of t h e Akka dian period. Tell T a y a is a t o w n - s i z e d settlement of this p e r i o d , allowing the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of h o u s e a n d street plans a n d a g r o u p of administrative buildings. A k k a d i a n society m a y originally have b e e n articulated b y e x t e n d e d families r e c k o n i n g their descent from a c o m m o n male a n c e s t o r and h o l d i n g large areas of arable land in c o m m u n a l ownership, witii shares allotted to individuals a n d n u clear families. An i n n o v a t i o n of t h e S a r g o n i c dynasty was t h e creation of royal estates a n d their distribution to m e m b e r s of t h e royal family a n d ruling elite. T h e s e elites in turn leased a n d subleased parcels for r e n t a l p a y m e n t s in cash a n d kind, A k k a d i a n estates h a v e b e e n identified at G a s u r ( N u z i ) , in Akkad ( U m m el-Jir), in S u m e r ( M e s a g Estate, near U m m a ) , a n d Susa. A n A k k a d i a n stela f r o m G i r s u (Telloh) records distribution of an i m m e n s e area of land to Sargonic officials, including t o w n s a n d villages. R e c o r d s of internal c o m m e r c e s h o w t h e free circulation
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AKKO
of silver in private h a n d s a n d g o v e r n m e n t establishments a n d its use as a s t a n d a r d of valuation a n d m e d i u m of ex c h a n g e . C o m m o d i t i e s b o u g h t a n d sold included foodstuffs, slaves, real estate, aromatics, metals, a n d finished p r o d u c t s s u c h as wagons a n d b o a t s . T h e r e are hints of international v e n t u r e trade by c o m m e r c i a l families tihat took a d v a n t a g e of t h e Sargonic o c c u p a t i o n of such entrepots as Susa to p u r chase foreign c o m m o d i t i e s such as copper, tin, a n d semi precious stones. Sargonic weights and m e a s u r e s s p r e a d , with the e m p i r e , to Syria a n d Anatolia. F o r e i g n t r a d e is k n o w n to D i l m u n , M a g a n , a n d M e l u h h a . Extensive archival r e m a i n s from all p a r t s of M e s o p o t a m i a a n d from Susa illuminate m a n a g e m e n t a n d r e c o r d k e e p i n g techniques, using a distinctive calligraphy for official p u r poses. T h e s e archives shed light o n such subjects as labor, animal h u s b a n d r y , fishing, agriculture, and p r o d u c t i o n (sometimes o n a gigantic scale); on c o m m o d i t i e s s u c h as pottery; a n d o n comestibles such as b r e a d a n d beer. T h e s e archives mostly date to the reigns of N a r a m - S i n a n d S h a r kalisharri a n d i n c l u d e r e c o r d s of Akkadian estates, as well as u r b a n and regional administrative centers. F a m i l y a n d p r i vate archives include records of buying, selling, a n d leasing land; m a k i n g loans at interest; depositing valuables; m a n aging livestock; a n d contracting to carry o u t g o v e r n m e n t services. Sargonic letters m a k e requests a n d orders for g o o d s a n d services, b r i n g n e w s , a n d m a k e complaints a n d p e t i tions. T h e Akkadian rulers d r e w from their n o r t h e r n e n v i r o n m e n t traditions of statecraft dating t o t h e earliest kings of Kish. T h e s e they i n t r o d u c e d to S u m e r , along with Akkadian ideas of nobility, land t e n u r e , a n d military organization. O n t h e other h a n d , m u c h of Akkadian literate a n d scholastic tradition was d r a w n from S u m e r , either directiy t h r o u g h conquest, or indirectly t h r o u g h long-standing S u m e r i a n cul tural influence in t h e n o r t h . T h i s m e a n s tiiat a n o r t h - s o u t h influence w e n t in b o t h directions over m a n y centuries. T h e Akkadian a c h i e v e m e n t was to b e a n i m p o r t a n t i d e ological concern in later M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e rulers of t h e successor state of the third dynasty of U r distanced t h e m selves from it, a l t h o u g h they a d o p t e d its m a n a g e m e n t t e c h niques, whereas t h e dynasty of E s h n u n n a a d o p t e d Sargonic royal n a m e s . T o t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n s , t h e Sargonic, or Ak kadian, period w a s a t u r n i n g p o i n t in their history. [See also Akkade; Diyala; Ebla; Kish; M a r i ; M e s o p o t a m i a ; article on M e s o p o t a m i a ; N i p p u r ; T a y a , T e l l ; U r ; andUrvkWarka.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Amiet, Pierre. Van d'Agadi au Musee du Louvre. Paris, 1 9 7 6 . Detailed study of the large collection of Sargonic sculpture in the Louvre. Boehmer, Rainer Michael. Die Bntwicklung der Glyptic wahrend derAkkad-Zeit, Berlin, 1 9 6 5 . Major publication and study of cylinder seals of the Akkadian period. Cooper, Jerrold S. The Curse of Agade. Baltimore, 1983. Edition of a
Sumerian narrative p o e m about the destruction of t h e Sargonic e m pire, with a discussion of t h e historical background. Foster, Benjamin R. "Archives and E m p i r e in Sargonic M e s o p o t a m i a . " In Cuneiform Archives and Libraries, edited by Klaas R. Veenhof, p p . 4 6 - 5 2 . Leiden, 1986. Survey of historical uses of administrative d o c uments of the Akkadian period; with a bibliography. Foster, Benjamin R. "Select Bibliography of the Sargonic P e r i o d . " In Akkad, the First World Empire: Structure, Ideology, Traditions, edited by Mario Liverani, p p . 1 7 1 - 1 8 2 . P a d u a , 1 9 9 3 . Annotated bibliog raphy for archaeology, art, language, literature, and archival and inscriptional sources for the Akkadian period, as well as studies of the history and economy of t h e Sargonic E m p i r e . F r a y n e , Douglas. The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods, vol. 2, Sargonic and Gutian Periods, 2334-2113 BC. T o r o n t o , 1 9 9 3 . C o m m e m o r a t i v e inscriptions of the Akkadian period, with historical commentary. Glassner, J.-J. La chute d'Akkade: L'evenement et sa mimoire. Berliner Beitriige z u m Vorderen Orient, 5. Berlin, 1986. Historical survey of the period, with a bibliography. Flallor, William W . , and J. J. A. Van Dijk. The Exaltation oflnama. Yale N e a r Eastern Researchers, 3. N e w H a v e n , 1968. Edition a n d C o m mentary on a p o e m by E n h e d u a n n a , daughter of Sargon. Liverani, M a r i o , ed. Akkad, the First World Empire. P a d u a , 1 9 9 3 . Essays o n the history, archaeology, administration, and tradition of the Ak kadian Empire. Nissen, H a n s J. " ' S u m e r i a n ' vs. 'Akkadian' Art: Art and Politics in Babylonia of t h e M i d - T h i r d Millennium B . C . " In Insight through Images: Studies in Honor of Edith Porada, edited b y Marilyn KellyBuccellati, p p . 1 8 9 - 1 9 6 . Malibu, 1986. Porada, Edith. " T h e Period of Akkad." In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, vol. 1, edited by Robert W . Ehrich, p p . 1 1 3 - 1 1 6 . 3 d e d . Chicago, 1992. Archaeological evidence for Akkadian chronology. Westenholz, Aage. " T h e Sargonic P e r i o d . " In Circulation of Goods in Non-Palatial Context in the Ancient Near East, edited by Alfonso Archi, p p . 1 7 - 3 0 . Incunabula Graeca, 82. R o m e , 1984. Surveys records of commercial activity. BENJAMIN R . FOSTER
AKKO (Ar., T e l l e l - F u k h a r ) , a p r o m i n e n t 50-acre tell o n t h e n o r t h e r n b a n k of t h e N a ' a m a n R i v e r in Israel, n e a r its d e b o u c h m e n t into t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea at t h e m e d i e v a l m o d e r n p o r t of Akko ( m a p reference 1585 X 2585). It w a s excavated f r o m 1973 t o 1989 b y M o s h e D o t h a n o n behalf of Haifa University, w i t h t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of t h e University of M a r b u r g , G e r m a n y . O c c u p a t i o n levels f r o m t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e to t h e R o m a n era w e r e revealed. T e l Akko was evidently a major p o r t in t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e Age, heavily d e f e n d e d b y a massive terre pisie e m b a n k m e n t a n d glacis c o n n e c t e d w i t h a c y c l o p e a n wall 3.5 m wide witii towers. A large fortress with a n e a r b y elite t o m b is associated with t h o s e early defenses, all d a t e d b y t h e excavator t o t h e late M B I. T o this h o r i z o n apparently b e l o n g sherds of C y p riot W h i t e P a i n t e d I I I - I V pottery, a m o n g t h e earliest s u c h imports k n o w n in t h e L e v a n t . Early in M B II t h e e m b a n k m e n t a n d r a m p a r t s w e r e a u g m e n t e d , a n d a t h r e e - e n t r y w a y sea gate, w a s c o n s t r u c t e d d o w n along t h e n o r t h w e s t slopes. In M B III, Akko s e e m s to have declined, a n d s o m e of t h e defenses, i n c l u d i n g t h e gate, were a b a n d o n e d . H o w e v e r , a n u m b e r of t o m b s b e l o n g i n g
ALALAKH to this p e r i o d h a v e b e e n f o u n d , b o t h c o n s t r u c t e d a n d p i t burials, as well as a rare t y p e of s t o n e - v a u l t e d t o m b . T h e s e t o m b s p r o d u c e d c e r a m i c i m p o r t s ( s o m e from A n a t o l i a ) , w e a p o n s , scarabs, a n d jewelry. In t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e s o m e of t h e r a m p a r t s w e r e r e constructed. F r o m t h e first p h a s e , in t h e early fifteenth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e r e is a n elaborate t o m b of ashlar c o n s t r u c t i o n , with B i c h r o m e a n d C h o c o l a t e - o n - W h i t e pottery. T h e p h a s e seems to e n d in a d e s t r u c t i o n . L B II is witnessed b y large, well-planned buildings, as well as n u m e r o u s C y p r i o t a n d M y c e n a e a n i m p o r t s t h a t p o i n t t o p r o s p e r o u s t r a d e . T h e site r e m a i n e d largely unfortified, a l t h o u g h , a c c o r d i n g t o a relief at K a r n a k , R a m e s e s II d e s t r o y e d a gate at Akko. T h e final L B levels a r e characterized by burials f o u n d in t h e a b a n d o n e d fortress (building A ) , followed b y silos and industrial installations of several t y p e s . L a t e C y p r i o t a n d M y c e n a e a n IIIB p o t t e r y places this p h a s e in t h e late t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE.
T h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e I r o n A g e a p p e a r s to be m a r k e d b y n e w settlers, a l t h o u g h the r e m a i n s consist largely of pits a n d w o r k s h o p s , with flimsy dwellings. L a t e M y c e n a e a n I I I C : i b pottery, as well as a scarab of T a w o s e r t , q u e e n of E g y p t in a b o u t 1207-1200 BCE, places this o c c u p a t i o n mainly in t h e early twelfth c e n t u r y BCE. T h e excavator suggests t h a t t h e inhabitants w e r e t h e S h e r d e n , o n e g r o u p of t h e Sea P e o p l e s k n o w n from t h e o n o m a s t i c o n of A m e n e m o p e t (c. 1000 B C E ) , w h o are said to h a v e o c c u p i e d t h e coast n o r t h of t h e Ski. T h e eleventh a n d t e n t h centuries BCE a r e poorly attested. T h e r e are m o r e extensive r e m a i n s f r o m t h e I r o n II p e r i o d , including residences a n d several large p u b l i c buildings. T h e site was destroyed b y fire, p r o b a b l y b y t h e Assyrians in t h e late eighth c e n t u r y BCE. O n l y s c a n t r e m a i n s survive from t h e Babylonian p e r i o d , b u t in d i e P e r s i a n p e r i o d Akko r e c o v ered, p r o b a b l y as a p o r t again a n d an administrative center. Attic i m p o r t s a n d s o m e P h o e n i c i a n inscriptions b e l o n g to this era. T h e Hellenistic p e r i o d reveals a well-planned t o w n , preserving t h e P e r s i a n b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e of ashlar c o n struction i n t e r s p e r s e d w h h r u b b l e fill: R o m a n , B y z a n t i n e , a n d C r u s a d e r r e m a i n s h a v e either b e e n severely d i s t u r b e d or have largely d i s a p p e a r e d . BIBLIOGRAPHY D o t h a n , M o s h e , and D i e t h e l m C o n r a d . " A c c h o . " Israel Exploration JournaH^ ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 2 5 7 - 2 5 8 ; 24 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 2 7 6 - 2 7 9 ; 25 ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 1 6 3 - 1 6 6 ; 26 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 2 0 7 - 2 0 8 ; 27 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 2 4 1 - 2 4 2 ; 28 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 2 6 4 - 2 6 6 ; 29 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 2 2 7 - 2 2 8 ; 31 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : n o - i i 2 ; 3 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : i i 3 - n 4 J 3 4 ( i 9 8 4 ) : 189-190. D o t h a n , M o s h e . " A Sign of T a n i t from Tel ' A k k o . " Israel
Exploration
Journal 2 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 4 4 - 4 9 . D o t h a n , M o s h e . ' " A k k o : Interim Excavation R e p o r t , First Season, 1
9 7 3 / 4 ' " Bulletin
of the American
Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 224
( 1 9 7 6 ) : 1-48. D o t h a n , M o s h e . " A n Attic R e d - F i g u r e d Bell-Krater from T e l ' A k k o . " Israel Exploration Journal 29 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 4 8 - 1 5 1 . D o t h a n , M o s h e . " A Phoenician Inscription from ' A k k o . " Israel Explo ration Journal 35 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 8 1 - 9 4 .
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D o t h a n , M o s h e . "Archaeological Evidence for M o v e m e n t s of the Early 'Sea Peoples' in C a n a a n . " In Recent Excavations in Israel: Studies in Iron Age Archaeology, edited by S e y m o u r Gitin and William G. Dever, p p . 5 9 - 7 0 . Annual of the American Schools of Oriental R e search, 49. W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1 9 8 9 . WILLIAM G. DEVER
A L A L A K H ( m o d e r n T e l l ' A t c h a n a ) , site located in t h e T u r k i s h p r o v i n c e of H a t a y , n e a r t h e m o u t h of the O r o n t e s River, in t h e A m u q plain (36°io,' N , 36°29' E ) . T h e site c o m m a n d e d the area's p r i n c i p a l t r a d e r o u t e s a n d was se lected b y C. L e o n a r d Woolley in 1936 as a link b e t w e e n die early cultures of t h e A e g e a n a n d the Asiatic m a i n l a n d . c
T h e m o u n d (750 X 300 m ) is an oval, its axis being r o u g h l y n o r t h w e s t b y southeast. T h e elevation slopes from a b o u t 9 m at t h e n o r t h w e s t e r n e n d to t h e level of t h e plain o n the soutiiwest. H o r i z o n t a l excavation w a s concentrated in t h e n o r t h and n o r d i w e s t e r n p a r t s of t h e m o u n d , with sev eral d e e p s o u n d i n g s p r o v i d i n g a c o n t i n u o u s s e q u e n c e of seventeen architectural levels r e a c h i n g b a c k t o t h e early sec o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. T h e succession of temples, palaces, a n d t o w n defenses confirmed t h e city's p r o m i n e n c e , partic ularly d u r i n g levels VII a n d IV. T h o s e p e r i o d s are n o t e d for their royal archives, w h i c h identify t h e ancient site as Alalakh, capital of t h e p r o v i n c e M u k i s h , vassal to t h e k i n g d o m s of Y a m h a d ( m o d e r n A l e p p o ) in d i e eighteenth-sixteenth centuries BCE and M i t a n n i in t h e fifteenth-fourteenth cen turies BCE. [See Alalakh T e x t s ; A l e p p o ; Mitanni.] P r o v i d i n g key s y n c h o n i s m s with t h e kings of Y a m h a d , M a r i , Babylon, H a t t i , M i t a n n i , a n d E g y p t , these archives are central to dis cussions of absolute c h r o n o l o g y for the second millennium BCE a n d have b e e n cited, in particular, in s u p p o r t of the " m i d d l e " chronology. [See M a r i ; Babylon.] T h e two ar chives also reveal c h a n g e s in social s t r u c t u r e a n d ethnic c o m p o s i t i o n that, c o m b i n e d witii t h e material r e m a i n s , bear, in particular, o n t h e p r o b l e m of H u r r i a n infiltration a n d cul t u r e . [See Hurrians.] S u b s e q u e n t spells u n d e r Hittite suzer ainty b e t w e e n levels III a n d I e n d e d in t h e city's final d e struction, tentatively correlated with d i e onslaught of t h e Sea P e o p l e s . [See Hittites.] L e v e l O r e p r e s e n t s a brief a t t e m p t at recolonization in the twelfth c e n t u r y BCE. H i s t o r y of E x c a v a t i o n . Woolley, o n behalf of the British M u s e u m in L o n d o n , c o n d u c t e d eight seasons of excavation b e t w e e n 1937 a n d 1939 a n d 1946 a n d 1949. His first ex p l o r a t o r y s o u n d i n g s , b e g u n as a n offshoot of t h e excavations at t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n p o r t of T e l l a l - M i n a , were followed in 1937 b y m o r e extensive investigations of t h e level I - I V r e s idential h o u s e s a n d associated citadel wall. T h e level I V p a l ace a n d archives, discovered at t h e e n d of this season, w e r e fully excavated in 1938, w h e n investigations along t h e n o r t h ern a n d n o r t h w e s t e r n ridge of d i e tell e x p o s e d older fortifi cations of V I a n d V as well as the city gate of VII. T h e fourth season (1939) was m a r k e d b y t h e discovery of tp'alace VII
56
ALALAKH
a n d its archives b e n e a t h the private houses of I V - V I . D i rectiy west of d i e palace. Woolley e n c o u n t e r e d t h e t e m p l e precinct, which b e c a m e t h e focus of die first p o s t w a r season in 1946. By d i e e n d of d i e fifth season, m o s t of levels I - V I I h a d b e e n u n c o v e r e d , a n d a s o u n d i n g below palace V I I ex p o s e d p r e c u r s o r s in levels VIII a n d I X . E x t e n d e d d o w n t o t h e water table in 1947, this d e e p s o u n d i n g p r o d u c e d seven further levels, X - X V I ; a second s o u n d i n g in t h e t e m p l e p r e cinct r e a c h e d virgin soil below level X V I I , u n d e r t h e p r e s e n t water table. T h e last t w o seasons were devoted to p r o b l e m s of stratigraphy in t h e t e m p l e s o u n d i n g a n d t h e fortifications of levels I - V I I . [See the biography of Woolley.]
a n d ceramic parallels b e t w e e n Alalakh V I I a n d E g y p t ' s twelfth dynasty. I n s t e a d , t h e y w o u l d correlate t h e m with M i d d l e B r o n z e I I B / C material in Palestine. T h e i n t r o d u c tion of B i c h r o m e w a r e , Base R i n g I, a n d C y p r i o t M o n o c h r o m e in V I B suggests a d e s t r u c t i o n date of a b o u t 1575 BCE or later for VII, w h i c h w o u l d tiius s p a n t h e late seven t e e n t h - e a r l y sixteenth centuries BCE. D e s p i t e reservations a b o u t t h e dating of B i c h r o m e W a r e b a s e d o n its p r e s e n c e in M e g i d d o s t r a t u m IX, w h i c h e n d e d in d e s t r u c t i o n s u p p o s edly at the h a n d s of T h u t m o s e III in 1468/67 BCE, r e c e n t evaluations of historical a n d archaeological d a t a s u p p o r t t h e "low" chronology.
T h e finds were divided mainly b e t w e e n the British M u s e u m in L o n d o n a n d t h e H a t a y M u s e u m in A n t a k y a , b u t some also w e n t t o the A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m at Oxford U n i versity a n d t o d i e Universities of Sydney a n d M e l b o u r n e , Australia. T h e field notes a n d negatives are s t o r e d at d i e Institute of Archaeology, L o n d o n . T h e results of t h e exca vations were p u b l i s h e d in preliminary reports b e t w e e n 1936 a n d 1950. Woolley's final publication in 1955 followed two volumes o n e p i g r a p h y b y Sidney S m i d i (1949) a n d D o n a l d J. W i s e m a n (1953). M u c h of t h e secondary literature is d e voted to p r o b l e m s of stratigraphy a n d chronology.
Woolley's p r o p o s e d hiatus b e t w e e n d i e d e s t r u c t i o n of level VII and t h e b e g i n n i n g of level VI is also q u e s t i o n e d . Levels V I a n d V were associated b y W o o l l e y w i t h t w o r e buildings of t h e fortress, each of w h i c h c o m p r i s e d t w o dis tinct phases: V I A a n d B , V A a n d B . T h e correlation of V I - V with the M B I I C a n d L a t e B r o n z e I p e r i o d (c. 1575-1460 BCE) is s u p p o r t e d b y c e r a m i c parallels f r o m r e c e n t excava tions at Tell Fladidi a n d M u m b a q a t . [See H a d i d i , T e l l ]
S t r a t i g r a p h y a n d C h r o n o l o g y . T h e absolute c h r o n o l ogy at Alalakh hinges o n the dating of t h e archives in levels V I I and IV. T h a t dating, in t u r n , d e p e n d s o n t h e r e c o n s t r u c tion of t h e local genealogy a n d o n s y n c h r o n i s m s with exter nal king lists as well as ceramic a n d glyptic assemblages. Level VII constitutes a n architectural p h a s e r e p r e s e n t e d b y a city gate, r a m p a r t s , a t e m p l e , a n d a palace. A r c h a e o logically, level V I I is considered coterminous with t h e pal ace, w h o s e archive of 175 tablets spans at least two rulers at Alalakh, coinciding with at least five rulers at Y a m h a d . B o t h t h e palace archive a n d architecture suggest a s h o r t o c c u pation of fifty to seventy-five years. Originally, S m i t h (1940), followed b y Woolley (1953, 1955), fixed t h e time span of VII at 1780-1750 BCE. I n his assessment, b a s e d o n ceramic a n d glyptic evidence as well as t h e V e n u s tablets of A m m i s a d u q a , S m i t h assumes a s y n c h r o n i s m b e t w e e n Y a r imlim of level VII, H a m m u r a b i of Babylon, a n d Zimrilim of Mari. Following the publication of the texts in 1953, it t r a n s p i r e d t h a t the c o n t e m p o r a r y of H a m m u r a b i a n d Zimrilim was Yarimlim of Y a m h a d , grandfather of Yarimlim of Alalakh to w h o m t h e oldest palace records pertain. T h e dates w e r e revised to about 1720-1650 BCE by advocates of t h e " m i d d l e " chronology (see a b o v e ) . Following B e n n o L a n d s b e r g e r ("Assyrische Konigsliste u n d 'dunkles Zeitalter,' " Journal of Cuneiform Studies 8 [1954], p . 8), Albrecht G o e t z e (1957, p . 23) linked t h e destruction of VII with Mursili I a n d t h e sack of Babylon d u r i n g t h e reign of S a m s u d i t a n a . H o w e v e r , texts found at Bogazkoy in 1957 reveal t h a t it was Hattusili I w h o destroyed Alalakh during his second Syrian c a m p a i g n . [See Bogazkoy.] P r o p o n e n t s of t h e " l o w " chronology q u e s tion the accuracy of t h e V e n u s tablets and dispute t h e glyptic
T h e b e g i n n i n g of level IV, a c c o r d i n g t o W o o l l e y , is m a r k e d b y t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e N i q m e p a p a l a c e , w h i c h was destroyed in t h e reign of N i q m e p a ' s s o n , Ilimilimma, before t h e e n d of level IV. B e c a u s e , c o n t r a r y to Woolley's a s s u m p t i o n , six of d i e three h u n d r e d tablets in t h e palace archive p e r t a i n to I d r i m i (once c o n s i d e r e d t o b e N i q m e p a ' s g r a n d s o n b u t n o w recognized as his father), it is u n c e r t a i n w h o built the palace. Idrimi's date derives f r o m his inscribed statue, a l t h o u g h t h e text, if c o m p o s e d p o s t i i u m o u s l y , has little historical value. Vassal to P a r r a t t a r n a , k i n g of t h e H u r rians, a n d indirectiy linked witii t h e Hittite king Z i d a n t a , Idrimi is n o w d a t e d to a b o u t 1470 BCE. I n r e c e n t studies (Gates, 1981, p p . 8-9; G a t e s , 1987, p . 76; H e i n z , 1992) h e is associated w i t h t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n w i n g ( C 1 - 9 ) of t h e palace a n d the triple serai ( T k . [orig., P e r s . ] , " p a l a c e " ) gate, b o t h assigned to level V B . Woolley's 1460/50 BCE d a t e for d i e start of level I V c o n f o r m s w i t h d i e relative d a t i n g of t h e M i t a n n i a n rulers a n d t h e dates of M e d i t e r r a n e a n i m p o r t s in IV. N i q m e p a is vassal to Saustatar, king of M i t a n n i , w h o s e seal occurs at N u z i , w h e r e it m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d as an heirloom. [See Seals; N u z i . ] T h e a b s e n c e of B i c h r o m e W a r e in Alalakh IV, c o m b i n e d with t h e p r e s e n c e of C y p r i o t B a s e - r i n g II W a r e s a n d a M y c e n a e a n ILIA sherd, places d i e d e s t r u c t i o n of palace IV after 1425 BCE. T h e e n d of level I V , a t t r i b u t e d to an invasion b y S u p p i l u l i u m a I, w a s o n c e d a t e d 1370 BCE b u t m i g h t b e as late as 1340 BCE, a c c o r d i n g to t h e " l o w " chronology. Level VII p r o v i d e s a n e n d d a t e for levels X V I I - V I I I en c o u n t e r e d in t w o d e e p s o u n d i n g s . W o o l l e y ' s correlation b e t w e e n these t w o s o u n d i n g s , h o w e v e r , w a s b a s e d o n t h e se q u e n c e of structures below V I I a n d is currentiy challenged b y a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y of t h e p o t t e r y ( H e i n z , 1992). I n b o t h s o u n d i n g s , levels IX-VLU r e p r e s e n t s u b p h a s e s of VII. W h e r e a s in t h e palace s o u n d i n g , levels X V I - X I V = X I I I , in t h e t e m p l e s o u n d i n g , levels X V I - X V = X I V a n d X I = X .
AJLALAKH Woolley's original f o u r t h - m i l l e n n i u m date for t h e b e g i n n i n g of die " A r c h a i c " levels w a s q u e s t i o n e d as l o n g ago as 1957 by M a c h t e l d J. Mellink (review of Woolley, Alalakh, in American Journal of Archaeology 61 [1957]: 395-400). H e r observation t h a t t h e u n i f o r m c e r a m i c assemblage of X V I I - V I I I m a t c h e s d i e early M B r e p e r t o i r e h a s since b e e n confirmed b y several studies d r a w i n g o n c o m p a r a t i v e evi d e n c e from recent excavations, in particular at T e l l e d D a b ' a in t h e E g y p t i a n D e l t a , a n d T e l l M a r d i k h / E b l a , T e l l H a b u b a K a b i r a , T e l l H a d i d i , a n d M u m b a q a t in Syria. [See D a b ' a , T e l l e d - ; Ebla; H a b u b a K a b i r a . ] T h e u p p e r m o s t levels, I I I - I , share c e r a m i c elements. T h e destruction following level I I , w h i c h c o n t a i n e d L a t e C y p r i o t IIB ware, signals t h e e n d of a p e r i o d of Hittite d o m i n a t i o n (c. 1350/40-1275 BCE). Level I is d a t e d b y t h e p r e s e n c e of L a t e M i n o a n IIIB p o t t e r y t o t h e late t h i r t e e n t h - e a r l y twelfth centuries BCE, p r e c e d i n g t h e arrival of t h e Sea Peoples. A r c h i t e c t u r e . A circuit wall, city gate, a n d fortress e n closed a palace, a t e m p l e , a n d residential h o u s e s . O f t h e s e , only t h e palace a n d t e m p l e w e r e t r a c e d d o w n t h r o u g h t h e Archaic levels. W h i l e t h e t e m p l e location r e m a i n e d m o r e or less fixed, t h e palace m o v e d f r o m t h e t e m p l e area t o t h e city gate in t h e m i d - s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. Middle Bronze IIA (levels XVII-X). T h e t e m p l e was traced b a c k t o level X I V , b u t b e s t k n o w n is t h e t e m p l e p l a n of X I I A - B . C o n s i d e r e d a p r e c u r s o r to t h e N e o - H i t t i t e bit hilani, this multistoried t e m p l e i n c l u d e d a cella a n d an a n t e r o o m fronted b y a c o u r t y a r d . I n d i e p a l a c e s o u n d i n g , level X I I also p r o d u c e d t h e earliest r e m a i n s of a m o n u m e n t a l building with a c o l o n n a d e , followed in levels X I - X b y a n i m p o s i n g s t r u c t u r e witii a stairway a n d c o u r t y a r d . Middle Bronze IIB (levels IX-VII). T h e sparse a r c h i tectural r e m a i n s of levels I X - V I I I are c o n s i d e r e d s u b p h a s e s of t h e t e m p l e a n d palace of level V I I , w h i c h also includes a r a m p a r t , gate, a n d " f o r t r e s s . " T h e so-called Y a r i m l i m p a l ace is built in three sections o n a t e r r a c e d terrain along t h e city wall. T h e official q u a r t e r ( r o o m s 1-13), embellished b y basalt orthostats, contains t h e m a i n e n t r a n c e , c o u r t y a r d , a u dience c h a m b e r , a n d archive r o o m . It rises t o t h e central block in w h i c h a stairway leads t o t h e living q u a r t e r s a b o v e . Botii t h e a u d i e n c e c h a m b e r a n d t h e u p p e r living r o o m w e r e divided b y w o o d e n c o l u m n s o n basalt bases b e t w e e n t w o projecting piers, a feature t h a t r e c u r s in levels I V - I . T h e walls w e r e d e c o r a t e d b y frescoes of architectural a n d n a t u ralistic designs of C r e t a n inspiration. Stairs lead d o w n t o a possible h y p o g e u m , w h i c h r e m a i n s a n e n i g m a . T h e s o u t h ern section p r o b a b l y served a d o m e s t i c function. T h e adjoining t e m p l e c o n t a i n e d related tablets. Its u n u s u ally thick walls suggest a n u p p e r story; its p l a n , w h i c h c o n sists of a shallow a n t e c h a m b e r a n d d e e p cella witii an altar aligned o n a central axis with t h e e n t r a n c e , is related t o t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m N o r t h Syrian p r o t o t y p e s . Also typical of Syria a n d Palestine in t h e M B II p e r i o d is the " t h r e e - e n t r a n c e " city gate f r a m e d b y lateral towers c r o w n i n g a n e a r t h e r n r a m p a r t o r glacis. T h e gate's associ
57
ation with level V I I is b a s e d o n its relative position below the fort/fortress of level I V .
Middle
Bronze
IIC-Late
Bronze
I (levels
VI-IV). A l
t h o u g h t h e remains of levels V I a n d V w e r e e n c o u n t e r e d in all areas of excavation, their s u b p h a s e s , A a n d B , were less a p p a r e n t outside t h e fortress. T h e first major construction is t h e n i n e - r o o m palace a n d triple (serai) gate of level V B , n o w associated with Idrirni, tiiat w e r e later incorporated as die s o u t h w i n g in N i q m e p a ' s level I V palace. T h e separation of the palace from the t e m p l e a n d its relocation n e a r t h e city gate indicate major social or political change. Its plan, c o m prising a central h e a r t h r o o m s u r r o u n d e d b y smaller utility a n d storage r o o m s , is i n t h e tradition of c o n t e m p o r a r y houses. Its m a i n distinguishing feature is its m o n u m e n t a l e n t r a n c e with stairs a n d a c o l u m n e d portico. Polished basalt orthostats line t h e walls of t h e e n t r a n c e a n d a n t e r o o m lead ing to stairs a n d a n u p p e r story. Like t e m p l e X I I , this a r r a n g e m e n t is seen as a p r e c u r s o r of the earlier bit hilani plan. C o l u m n e d porticoes also m a r k t w o ceremonial r o o m s of t h e later extension built by N i q m e p a ' s son, Ilimilimma, a n d r e cur in d i e fort. T h e level I V t e m p l e , s u p e r i m p o s e d o n t h e s u n k e n cella of t e m p l e V , resembles the axial plan of temple VII, w h i c h c o n f o r m e d to a local N o r t h Syrian tradition. T h e t o w n defenses, t r a c e d to levels V a n d VI, were only partially r e m o d e l e d in level I V . T h e e n t r a n c e leads t h r o u g h a n a r r o w passage with t w o right-angle t u r n s . It o p e n s into a courtyard b o r d e r e d o n t h e n o r t h w e s t b y t h e fortress, w h i c h is integrated with t h e gate buildings a n d contains formal rooms with columned porticoes. Late Bronze IIA-B (levels III-I). Following t h e d e s t r u c tion of level IV, d i e fort a n d t e m p l e w e r e rebuilt on a massive scale b y t h e Hittite c o n q u e r e r s . I t o c c u p i e d t h e entire n o r t h west q u a r t e r of d i e citadel, i n c l u d i n g d i e old palace area. Its d e s t r u c t i o n at the end of level II was s u c c e d e d by a rebuild ing o n a smaller scale. T e m p l e III c o m p r i s e d t w o d o u b l e - s t o r i e d shrines with o p posite orientations. In shrine A , the altar is located in t h e courtyard, with t h e cella, p r e s u m a b l y , upstairs. T e m p l e II m a r k s a reversion to d i e axial plan of levels I V a n d V I I . T e m p l e I is a one-story b u i l d i n g consisting of a large cella, a n t e c h a m b e r , a n d c o u r t y a r d . A p a r t from porticoed d o o r s , its distinguishing features i n c l u d e a triple-niched cella in p h a s e A a n d an a n n e x in p h a s e B . P o t t e r y . T h e ceramic e v i d e n c e c o m e s from all levels at Alalakh a n d s u p p l e m e n t s t h e tablets from levels V I I and I V as a chronological index. A t t e m p t s to subject this material to statistical analysis h a v e b e e n t h w a r t e d b y lack of infor m a t i o n in t h e final r e p o r t (McClellan, 1989), b u t c o m p a r ative studies of t h e p o t t e r y assemblage have led to adjust m e n t s in Woolley's correlation b e t w e e n levels at Alalakh a n d their association with d a t e d assemblages in M e s o p o t a m i a , Palestine, a n d t h e A e g e a n . Middle Bronze IIA (levels XVII-X). T h e type index of levels X V I I - X i s " A m u q - C i l i c i a n " ware, with its character istic trefoil-mouthed jugs, c a r i n a t e d bowls, a n d high-footed
58
ALALAKH
vessels decorated with a p a i n t e d triglyph-metope frieze c o n taining geometric, plant, a n d animal motifs. D a t e d parallels from n o r t h e r n Syria, Cilicia, a n d Anatolia range within t h e M B IIA period. F r o m level X I I c o m e s a solitary " r e d - c r o s s b o w l , " w h o s e far-flung analogs date to the E B III period. Level X saw t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of K h a b u r W a r e a n d gray b u r nished W a r e , b o t h characteristic of the M B LIB p e r i o d . Middle Bronze IIB (levels IX-VII). T h e b u r n i s h e d gray w a r e tiiat b e g a n in level X is characteristic of IX-VLII b u t also occurs in levels VLT-V. K h a b u r W a r e , t o o , continues t h r o u g h VIII. T h e c e r a m i c assemblage of VII is m a r k e d b y the absence of p a i n t e d pottery a n d b y bowls a n d handleless pots with carinations a n d flaring rims.
Middle Bronze IIC-Late
Bronze I (level VIA-B).
The
m a i n feature of VI is t h e a b r u p t influx of Syro-Palestinian wares (black lustrous juglets, painted craters, a n d footed goblets), w h i c h together with C y p r i o t i m p o r t s ( B i c h r o m e , Red-on-Black, a n d M o n o c h r o m e ware in VIA; W h i t e Slip I a n d Base R i n g I in VLB), provide a chronological indicator of the transition from t h e M i d d l e to t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e . Late Bronze IA-B (levels V-IV). Level V is m a r k e d b y i m p o r t e d W h i t e Slip I a n d II, Base R i n g I, late K h a b u r W a r e , a n d Black I m p r e s s e d W a r e . T h e d i s a p p e a r a n c e of B i c h r o m e W a r e a n d K h a b u r W a r e in level I V a n d t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of N u z i W a r e h a v e long overshadowed t h e transi tional character of tiiis level. In it, C y p r i o t i m p o r t s ( W h i t e Slip I a n d II, Base R i n g II) increased, while n e w types a p p e a r e d that b e c a m e m o r e c o m m o n in levels III—I. Late Bronze IIA-B (levels III-I). T h e w h i t e - p a i n t e d N u z i W a r e blends into " A t c h a n a W a r e , " a local variation w h o s e shapes a n d decoration show strong Aegean affinities. In level II, the fashion for Cypriot wares is s u p e r c e d e d b y M y c e n a e a n IILA a n d B i m p o r t s , t h e m a i n ceramic e l e m e n t of level I. G l y p t i c . T h e glyptic material from Alalakh comprises cylinder seals mainly b u t also scarabs. Actual cylinder seals span a b r o a d e r time range a n d s h o w greater variety. T h e y are, however, qualitatively inferior to the seal impressions, which occur mainly on envelopes in V I I a n d o n tablets a n d jars in IV. T h e s e include seal impressions of t h e rulers of Alalakh, Y a m h a d , a n d M i t a n n i . I n VLT, t h e s t a n d a r d c o m positional s c h e m e comprises a n inscription a n d t h r e e s t a n d ing figures: t h e king/seal owner, a deity, and-an interceding goddess. T h e style evolves from solid, delicately m o d e l e d figures (baroque) t o w a r d thinner, elongated figures e x e cuted in flat relief ( r o c o c o ) . A l t h o u g h locally p r o d u c e d , t h e designs show Egyptian, Babylonian, a n d C a p p a d o c i a n as well as Aegean a n d C y p r i o t inspiration. T h e seal i m p r e s sions from TV a r e i n contrast with c o n t e m p o r a r y seals. W h e r e a s t h e f o r m e r reveal a preference for r e c u t older or foreign p r o d u c t s with distinctive designs, t h e latter, m a d e of sintered quartz, a r e uniformly drill decorated, w h i c h c h a r acterizes t h e w i d e s p r e a d M i t a n n i a n C o m m o n Style. T h e r e are local variations, of w h i c h t h e Alalakh g r o u p a p p e a r s to be one.
T h e oldest cylinder seals b e l o n g to t h e late fourtii-early third millennia. O n c e cited as evidence for t h e early d a t i n g of t h e Archaic levels, t h e y are n o w r e c o g n i z e d as a n t i q u e s . T h e latest seals, s h o w i n g figures with raised a r m s s u p p o r t i n g the winged disk, a r e related to Hittite i c o n o g r a p h y , w h i c h , ultimately, however, derived from n o r t h e r n Syria. S m a l l F i n d s . A s a result of n u m e r o u s violent d e s t r u c t i o n s followed b y looting, few of the small finds w e r e f o u n d in situ a n d their dates a r e largely o p e n to d e b a t e . C o m p o s i t e statues were p o p u l a r d u r i n g V I I , to j u d g e b y t h e stone h e a d s a n d fragments from t h e floor of the t e m p l e . M o s t r e m a r k a b l e is t h e black diorite " h e a d of Y a r i m l i m , " a priestiy figure, w h o s e b e a r d a n d m o u s t a c h e m a y have b e e n highlighted b y p a i n t or incrustation. T w o c r u d e basalt figures f o u n d in t h e northeast gate t o w e r of level V b e l o n g t o a g r o w i n g n u m b e r of statuettes from Syria, n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , a n d t h e L e v a n t i n e coast. T h e y d a t e to t h e m i d d l e a n d late s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE, a n d their contexts suggest a g u a r d i a n f u n c tion. T h e well-known seated statue of I d r i m i , identified b y its autobiographical inscription, w a s f o u n d b r o k e n a n d b u r ied in the t e m p l e I B a n n e x . T h o u g h t to h a v e survived several centuries as an object of veneration, it is u n c l e a r w h e t h e r t h e statue was ever m o u n t e d o n t h e basalt lion t h r o n e f o u n d nearby. M a d e of white stone, with eyes a n d eyebrows inlaid in black stone, t h e statue's striking frontality w a s o n c e c o n sidered characteristic of H u r r o - M i t a n n i a n art. H o w e v e r , its tall h a t a n d w r a p a r o u n d cloak with its thick rolled h e m place it firmly i n the O l d Syrian tradition. E g y p t i a n influence is seen in the s o m b e r facial expression a n d tire p o s i t i o n of t h e h a n d s . M o r e puzzling is t h e abstract s c u l p t u r e of a r a m ' s h e a d from palace I V , w h o s e only parallel c o m e s f r o m N u z i . Evidence of Hittite s u p r e m a c y d u r i n g level III is m a n i f e s t e d by d i e basalt slab of a Hittite royal relief s h o w i n g T u d h a l i y a a n d his wife, w h i c h w a s f o u n d i n v e r t e d as a p a v i n g slab in t e m p l e I. Also of this general p e r i o d , b u t c o n s i d e r e d typically N o r t h Syrian, a r e t w o c o r n e s t o n e lion s c u l p t u r e s w i t h t h e h e a d , chest, a n d forelegs carved in d i e r o u n d ; t h e b o d y is r e n d e r e d in relief. M o s t n o t e w o r t h y is a b r o n z e g o d seated o n a n eagle f r o m the level V I I gate a n d a b r o n z e g o d d e s s from t e m p l e V. A ritual spearhead w i t h m o l d e d lions g r i p p i n g d i e b l a d e is c o n sidered to b e of Hittite inspiration. T h i s a n d a c e r e m o n i a l s w o r d with an inlayed hilt a n d a l u n a t e h a n d l e w e r e f o u n d in level I a n d a r e difficult to date. Alalakh's location at d i e h e a r t of t h e ivory t r a d e n e t w o r k is evidenced b y t h e store of e l e p h a n t tusks f o u n d in p a l a c e VII. U s e d primarily for a p p l i q u e or inlay, d i e r a w material was w o r k e d by local craftsmen, a l t h o u g h E g y p t i a n a n d H i t tite inspiration is a p p a r e n t . T h e repertoire of l u x u r y p r o d ucts includes statuettes, toilet b o x e s , a n d bowls f r o m t h e t e m p l e , palace, a n d graves. T h e discovery of faience vessels a n d p o l y c h r o m e glass b e a d s in t h e level V I I t e m p l e a n d palace is c o n s i s t e n t with the M B glass a n d faience i n d u s t r y in Syria a n d Anatolia. [See Glass.] T h e s e p r e c e d e t h e earliest glass vessels a n d t h e
ALALAKH TEXTS first vessels of glazed t e r r a c o t t a f o u n d in level V I . T h e glaze is alkaline, n o t lead, as o n c e t h o u g h t . W o o l l e y ' s d i s c o v e r y of s h e r d s of p o l y c h r o m e , c o r e - f o r m e d glass vessels in level V I m u s t b e cited w i t h c a u t i o n : e x a m p l e s f o u n d o u t s i d e Alalakh d a t e t o d i e mid-fifth c e n t u r y BCE. O t h e r cast o r m o l d e d glass objects
reported
from
level V I ,
notably
a
nude-female
p l a q u e , are in k e e p i n g w i t h e x t e r n a l finds. BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Collon, D o m i n i q u e . The Seal Impressions from Tell Atchana/Alalakh. Al ter Orient u n d Altes T e s t a m e n t , 2 7 . Kevelaer, 1975. Comprehensive publication of the seal impressions from Alalakh, with a critical ex amination of their chronological a n d sociological role, combined with an art historical study of style a n d iconography. Collon's dating of level VII is n o w obsolete. Collon, D o m i n i q u e . The Alalakh Cylinder Seals. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 1 3 2 . Oxford, 1982. Valuable cat alog with m u c h information on dating, iconography, a n d distribution included with t h e descriptions in the individual entries. Dietrich, Manfried, a n d Oswald L o r e t z . " D i e Inschrift d e r Statue des Konigs Idrimi von Alalah." Ugarit Forschungen 1 3 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 2 0 1 - 2 6 9 . Oiler, Gary H o w a r d . " T h e A u t o b i o g r a p h y of Idrimi: A N e w T e x t E d i tion with Philological a n d Historical C o m m e n t a r y . " P h . D . diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1977. Reedition of the text with a useful s u m m a r y of existing theories o n the inscription a n d a critical eval uation of its historical significance. Smith, Sidney. The Statue of Idri-mi. Occasional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara, n o . 1. L o n d o n , 1949. T h e original translation a n d evaluation of t h e Idrimi inscription, which has been a m e n d e d a n d a u g m e n t e d b y newer readings, notably Oiler ( 1 9 7 7 ) and Dietrich a n d Loretz ( 1 9 8 1 ) . W i s e m a n , D . J. The Alalakh Tablets. Occasional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara, n o . 2. N e w York, 1 9 5 3 . Primary reference work for m o s t of t h e 460 tablets from Alalakh, with a useful introduction a n d synopsis of key developments in p o p ulation, social structure, religion, a n d literature. Additional tablets were published by W i s e m a n in " S u p p l e m e n t a r y Copies of Alalakh T a b l e t s , " Journal of Cuneiform Studies 8 ( 1 9 5 4 ) : 1 - 3 0 . Woolley, C. L e o n a r d . A Forgotten Kingdom. L o n d o n , 1953. P o p u l a r account of t h e excavations. Woolley, C . L e o n a r d . Alalakh: An Account of the Excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, 1937-1949. Oxford, 1955. T h e final publica tion of Woolley's last excavation, an overview of the general results. O n the whole, the chronology is outdated and Woolley's interpre tation of t h e lower strata, in particular, is doubtful. Recent studies on t h e pottery, small finds, a n d glyptic have been frustrated by in adequacies a n d inaccuracies with r e g a r d t o information on findspots, types, a n d quantities. Best u s e d in conjunction with the field notes a n d actual objects. Secondary Sources
59
University of Gothenburg, 20-22 August laSj, edited by Paul Astrom, p p . 60-86. G o t h e n b u r g , 1987. U p d a t e d version of her 1981 work. G o t z e , Albrecht. "Alalah a n d Hittite C h r o n o l o g y . " Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 146 ( 1 9 5 7 ) : 2 0 - 2 6 . Heinz, Marlies. Tell Atchana/Alalakh: Die Schichten VII-XVII. Alter Orient u n d Altes T e s t a m e n t , 4 1 . Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1992. T h e most recent in-depth investigation of t h e early ceramic assemblage, with a view toward defining its date a n d context. D r a w i n g on comparative material from recent excavations, Heinz proposes adjustments t o Woolley's stratigraphic correlations a n d supports the M B horizon suggested by Mellink a n d others. McClellan, T h o m a s L . " T h e Chronology a n d C e r a m i c Assemblages of Alalakh." In Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene J. Kantor, edited by Albert L e o n a r d , Jr., a n d Bruce B . Williams, p p . 1 8 1 - 2 1 2 . Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, no. 47. Chicago, 1989. L u c i d discussion of the central issues affecting the chronology of Alalakh, which the author attempts to solve by means of a statis tical analysis of pottery types in various levels. Relying heavily on Woolley's publication, McClellan's results are p e r h a p s less reliable t h a n those of Heinz ( 1 9 9 2 ) , w h i c h are based on her inspection of the actual sherds. See the c o m m e n t s on McClellan by Heinz in Akkadica 83 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 - 2 5 . Smith, Sidney. Alalakh and Chronology. L o n d o n , 1940. T h e basis for the middle chronology, which gained a wide following a n d is still prevalent in textbooks despite t h e faulty synchronisms between t h e kings of Alalakh a n d Babylon. DIANA L . STEIN
A L A L A K H T E X T S . British-led archaeological teams, d i r e c t e d b y C . L e o n a r d W o o l l e y from
1937 to 1939
and
a g a i n from 1946 t o 1949, e x c a v a t e d m o r e t h a n 515 texts a n d f r a g m e n t s a t T e l l ' A t c h a n a , in n o r t h w e s t e r n Syria, t h e site of t h e a n c i e n t city of Alalakh. O f d i e s e v e n t e e n levels of o c c u p a t i o n f o u n d , d a t e d f r o m a b o u t 2400 t o a b o u t 1195 BCE, t w o y i e l d e d nearly all t h e t e x t s : level VII ( m i d - e i g h t e e n t i i mid-seventeenth centuries) synchronized with the First D y n a s t y of B a b y l o n ; a n d level I V (fifteentii c e n t u r y ) s y n c h r o n i z e d w i t h t h e k i n g d o m of M i t a n n i . A l m o s t two h u n d r e d texts d a t e t o level V I I , a b o u t tiiree h u n d r e d t o level I V , a n d a b o u t t w e n t y t o d i e s u c c e e d i n g levels. All b u t a few of t h e t e x t s a r e w r i t t e n in A k k a d i a n c u n e i f o r m o n clay tablets. A letter a n d a l e n g t h y divination t e x t are in H i t t i t e , a n d an i n s c r i p t i o n of K i n g I d r i m i is written in A k k a d i a n o n a s t a t u e (see b e l o w ) . N e a r l y all t h e A k k a d i a n texts w e r e w r i t t e n locally i n a w e s t e r n f o r m of the l a n g u a g e t h a t b e t r a y s a H u r r i a n i n f l u e n c e a n d , to a lesser d e g r e e , of t h e local W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s . A few of t h e A k k a d i a n t e x t s w e r e p u b l i s h e d preliminarily b y S i d n e y S m i t i i in 1939. T h e H i t t i t e letter was p u b l i s h e d
Albright, William Foxwell. "Stratigraphic Confirmation of t h e L o w M e s o p o t a m i a n C h r o n o l o g y . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori ental Research, n o . 1 4 4 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 26--30. Pioneering study of the low chronology, which h a s recently gained favor.
b y H . E h e h o l f in d i e s a m e y e a r . T h e s t a t u e inscription of
Gates, Marie H . C . Alalakh Levels VI and V: A Chronological Reassess ment. S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n Studies, 4.2. M a l i b u , 1 9 8 1 . Novel a p p r o a c h t o t h e dating of Alalakh V I I a n d IV by m e a n s of the L B assemblages of t h e intervening levels VI a n d V , which s u p p o r t the low chronology.
M a r c u s , b y G a r y H . Oiler, a n d b y M a n f r i e d D i e t r i c h a n d
Gates, Marie H . C . "Alalakh a n d C h r o n o l o g y A g a i n . " I n High, Middle, or Low? International Colloquium on Absolute Chronology Held at the
I d r i m i was p u b l i s h e d in a s e p a r a t e v o l u m e b y S m i d i in 1949; it h a s b e e n reedited b y E d w a r d L . G r e e n s t e i n a n d D a v i d
O s w a l d L o r e t z . M o r e t h a n 460 texts w e r e cataloged
and
m o s t of t h e m p u b l i s h e d in a h a n d w r i t t e n c o p y a n d / o r t r a n s literation b y D o n a l d J. W i s e m a n i n a 1 9 5 3 v o l u m e , w h i c h i n c l u d e d Oliver R. G u r n e y ' s t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of a l e n g t h y H i t tite d i v i n a t i o n r e p o r t , a n d i n a series of s u b s e q u e n t articles.
60
ALALAKH TEXTS
Forty-three additional, fragmentary d o c u m e n t s from level I V were published in transliteration b y Dietrich a n d L o r e t z in three articles a p p e a r i n g in 1969-1970. O n e text, a n a m e list, remains altogether u n p u b l i s h e d . T h e majority of the tablets are held by t h e Antakya M u s e u m in T u r k e y ; m o s t of t h e rest are held by the British M u s e u m . T h e level VII tablets, mainly from the reign of Y a r i m lim and his son A m m i t a q u m , were, for t h e m o s t p a r t , dis covered in tire palace archive a n d in the temple. M o s t of t h e level IV tablets w e r e found in t h e palace of N i q m e p a , b u t outside ± e archive, strewn a b o u t the floors as t h o u g h they w e r e being r e m o v e d to safety at the time the palace was burned. T h e majority of t h e texts are lists: censuses b y n a m e a n d in some cases also b y place a n d occupation; inventories; ra tion lists; landholdings; and others. T w o level I V texts list w o m e n . T h e r e are contracts of t o w n p u r c h a s e s , m a i n l y from level VII, a n d d e e d s of t h e exchange of villages, mainly from level IV. Several contracts, issuing loans or giving credit— m a n y by the king or his agent—take persons as surety, as at N u z i . T h e king serves as magistrate, b u t in level I V h e m u s t also appear as a litigant before t h e M i t a n n i overlord. T h e last king of level IV, Ilimilimma II, a d o p t s a m a n as his "fa t h e r , " providing h i m a son's service in life a n d death in re t u r n for a father's inheritance. A level IV m a r r i a g e contract permits a m a n to designate a son other t h a n the firstborn as principal heir, in a c c o r d a n c e with practices at N u z i a n d Ugarit. T h e p r e s e n c e of parts of t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n lexical series ~HAK-ra=hubullu attests to a Babylonian scribal tra dition. T h e texts furnish an excellent picture of level VII a n d IV societies with r e s p e c t to ethnicity, e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e , a n d size. A substantial H u r r i a n sector in level VII b e c o m e s the p r e d o m i n a n t p o p u l a t i o n g r o u p in level IV. T h e latter society is stratified into a small aristocracy, a middle class of "free(d) p e r s o n s , " a n d a heterogeneous lower class, includ ing peasants a n d rootless 'Apiru. I n t h e level VII texts w e find references to a certain A b b a n (or A b b a - ' I l ) , king of the north-central d o m a i n of Y a m h a d , w h o granted Alalakh to his son Yarimlim as p a r t of a division of power to decrease t h e chances of revolt. Y a r i m l i m ' s gifts t o the t e m p l e , apparently u p o n his accession, are also d o c u m e n t e d . T w o treaties governing t h e extradition of fugitives are present in t h e c o r p u s , o n e from level VII a n d a n o t h e r from level IV, In t h e latter treaty t h e H u r r i a n overlord, Barrattarna, oversees the a g r e e m e n t between two vassals, Pilliya, apparently of K i z z u w a t n a (Cilicia) a n d I d r i m i of Ala lakh. T h e p s e u d o a u t o b i o g r a p h y of K i n g Idrimi was inscribed in 104 lines across t h e front of a statue of t h e subject t h a t h a d stood, e n t h r o n e d , in the sanctuary, a n d w a s securely b u r i e d nearby, a p p a r e n t l y to p r o t e c t it from t h e c o m i n g d e struction t h a t took place in level I. T h e text, w h i c h w a s c o m p o s e d in t h e m i d - 1 5 t h century b y a well-known scribe in t h e
palace of Idrimi's son N i q m e p a , p r o v i d e s invaluable histor ical information within a u n i q u e s p e c i m e n of a n c i e n t Syrian narrative prose. Its closest parallels are t h e E g y p t i a n tale of S i n u h e a n d the biblical stories of J a c o b , J o s e p h , M o s e s , a n d D a v i d . It tells h o w I d r i m i , w h o e s c a p e d calamity in his native A l e p p o with his older b r o t h e r s , w e n t o n t o live a m o n g ' A p i r u in n o r t h e r n C a n a a n until he could r e t u r n to t h e l a n d of M u kish and, b y the assent of B a r r a t t a r n a , a s s u m e t h e kingship of Alalakh. T h i s a n d o t h e r level IV Alalakh texts are of particular value, for they illuminate w h a t w o u l d h a v e otherwise b e e n a continuation of the " d a r k a g e " created b y t h e lack of e p igraphic sources for t h e sixteenth c e n t u r y BCE. [See also Akkadian; Alalakh; H u r r i a n s ; and N u z i . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Hess (see below) provides a key to the various primary publications of texts, and these references are not repeated here: Dietrich, Manfried, and Oswald Loretz. " D i e Inschrift der Statue des Konigs Idrmi von Alalah." Ugarit-Forschugen 13 ( 1 9 8 1 , ) : 2 0 1 - 2 6 8 . T h o r o u g h re-edition of t h e inscription based on a new collation with some improvements in interpretation. Draffkorn, Ann. " H u r r i a n s and H u r r i a n at Alalah: A n Ethno-Linguistic Analysis." P h . D . diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1 9 5 9 . T h e most comprehensive investigation of Hurrian n a m e s a n d terminology in the Alalakh texts from levels VII and IV; it has a t e n d e n c y to maxi mize the Hurrian presence and influence where evidence is lacking or ambiguous. D r o w e r , Margaret S. "Syria c. 1 5 5 0 - 1 4 0 0 B . C . " In The Cambridge An cient History, vol. 2, pt. I, History of the Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380 B.C., edited by I. E . S. E d w a r d s et al., p p . 4 1 7 - 5 2 5 . 3d ed. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 7 3 . S o u n d interpretation of the his torical context and significance of level IV at Alalakh. T h e reader m u s t follow the bibliographic references for documentation. Greenstein, Edward L., and David M a r c u s . " T h e Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi." Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 5 9 - 9 6 . Detailed linguistic and philological c o m mentary, but a few of its suggestions are n o t sustained b y a collation of the text. Hess, Richard S. " A Preliminary List of the Published Alalakh T e x t s . " Ugarit-Forschungen 20 (1988): 6 9 - 8 7 . Catalog of all published texts and fragments, except the Idrimi inscription, with reference to places where h a n d copies, transliterations, and translations m a y be found. T h o r o u g h , but lacks some data. Hess, Richard S. "Observations on S o m e U n p u b l i s h e d Alalakh T e x t s , Probably from Level I V . " Ugarit-Forschungen 24 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 1 3 - 1 1 5 . N o t e 2 provides references to additional transliterations and trans lations of texts, courtesy of N a d a v N a ' a m a n . Klengel, Horst. Ceschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v.u.Z., vol. 1, Nordsyrien. Berlin, 1 9 6 5 . Comprehensive presentation a n d analysis of the pertinent historical sources, which benefits from c o m p a r i s o n with other, later discussions because of the often difficult n a t u r e of the material. K u p p e r , J.-R. " N o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a and Syria." In The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 2, pt. 1, History of the Middle East and the Aegean Region c. 1800-1380 B.C., edited by I. E. S, E d w a r d s , p p . 1 - 4 1 . 3d ed. Cambridge, 1 9 7 3 . S o u n d interpretation of the historical context and significance of the level VII Alalakh texts. T h e reader m u s t fol low the bibliographic references for documentation. Oiler, Gary H. " T h e Autobiography of I d r i m i . " P h . D . diss,, University of Pennsylvania, 1 9 7 7 . Transcription, translation, and interpretation
ALBRIGHT, WILLIAM FOXWELL based on a new collation, with g o o d discussion of historical and lit erary matters. Smith, Sidney. " A Preliminary A c c o u n t of the T a b l e t s from A t c h a n a . " Antiquaries Journal 1 9 . 1 ( 1 9 3 9 ) : 3 8 - 4 8 . Initial sampling of diverse texts, superseded for the m o s t p a r t by later publications. Smith, Sidney. The Statue of Idri-mi. Occasional Publications of the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara, n o . 1. L o n d o n , 1 9 4 9 . Initial publication of Alalakh's m o s t remarkable text. Still valuable for h a n d copies and p h o t o g r a p h s , b u t m a n y of Smith's readings a n d interpretations have been superseded. W i s e m a n , D o n a l d J., and Richard S. Hess. "Alalakh T e x t 4 5 7 . " UgaritForschungen 26 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 5 0 1 - 5 0 8 . Publication and discussion of this list of personal n a m e s and their geographic locations. Woolley, L e o n a r d . A Forgotten Kingdom. L o n d o n , 1 9 5 3 . Popular, a u thoritative account of Tell ' A t c h a n a and neighboring excavations, providing historical b a c k g r o u n d a n d interpretation. T h e history of level IV Alalakh is distorted b y t h e author's acceptance of Sidney Smith's dating of Idrimi to the end, rather t h a n the beginning, of t h e dynasty. Woolley, L e o n a r d . Alalakh: An Account of the Excavations at Tell At chana in the Hatay, 1937-1949, Oxford, 1 9 5 5 . F u n d a m e n t a l , c o m prehensive excavation report; tire conclusions (especially concerning chronology) m u s t be balanced by later, critical discussions. EDWARD L . GREENSTEIN
ALBRIGHT,
WILLIAM
FOXWELL
(1891-
1971), t h e a c k n o w l e d g e d " d e a n of biblical a r c h a e o l o g y . " B o r n to self-supporting m i s s i o n a r y p a r e n t s in Chile, Al bright g r e w u p in a strict, frugal M e t h o d i s t family as t h e oldest of four boys a n d t w o girls. A t t h e age of five, o n fur lough with his p a r e n t s at his g r a n d m o t h e r ' s Iowa farm, t h e nearsighted William c a u g h t h o l d of a m a c h i n e r o p e t h a t d r e w his left h a n d u p into a pulley, injuring it severely. T h u s h a n d i c a p p e d , the b o y , o n r e t u r n i n g to Chile, a n d u n a b l e t o engage in sports, d e v o u r e d his father's history a n d theology b o o k s . By age eleven he w a n t e d to b e c o m e an archaeologist b u t feared t h a t b y t h e time h e was old e n o u g h everything w o u l d h a v e b e e n discovered. T h e family r e t u r n e d to I o w a in 1903, a n d William at t e n d e d a regular school instead of being t u t o r e d at h o m e . I n 1912 h e was g r a d u a t e d f r o m U p p e r I o w a University a n d spent t h e n e x t year as a t e a c h e r in a n d principal of a h i g h school in M e n n o , S o u t h D a k o t a , a V o l g a - G e r m a n farming c o m m u n i t y . Realizing t h a t h e h a d n o gift for teaching y o u n g pupils, he sent an application t o P a u l H a u p t at J o h n s H o p kins University in B a l t i m o r e , M a r y l a n d . H e enclosed proofs of an article of his u i a t h a d b e e n a c c e p t e d b y a G e r m a n scholarly journal. T h e article dealt with an A k k a d i a n w o r d — h e h a d in college t a u g h t himself A k k a d i a n as well as H e b r e w , a n d k n e w S p a n i s h , F r e n c h , G e r m a n , Latin, a n d Greek. H a u p t g r a n t e d h i m a m o d e s t scholarship t h a t e n abled h i m to begin four years of study in Baltimore t h a t h e was t o pass with brilliance. Albright w o n t h e T h a y e r Fellowship for study in J e r u s a lem b u t w a s u n a b l e to u s e it until t h e e n d of W o r l d W a r I. In 1916, after e a r n i n g his P h . D . , h e received research grants
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a n d t a u g h t in H a u p t ' s Oriental S e m i n a r y at J o h n s H o p k i n s . L a t e in 1918, he e n d u r e d six painful m o n t h s as a clerk in t h e army. R e t u r n e d at last to his beloved books a n d teaching, h e m e t his future wife, R u t h N o r t o n , w h o subsequently e a r n e d h e r P h . D . in Sanskrit literature in t h e Classical S e m inary at H o p k i n s . Albright arrived in J e r u s a l e m at t h e b e g i n n i n g of 1920 for a d e c a d e of fruitful study, teaching, exploration, a n d exca vation. Fie m a d e his h o m e at the A m e r i c a n School of O r i ental R e s e a r c h , n o w t h e W i l l i a m F . Albright Institute of A r chaeological R e s e a r c h , w h e r e h e a n d R u t h N o r t o n w e r e m a r r i e d in 1921. His tiiree b o y h o o d years s p e n t living in t h e A t a c a m a D e s e r t of n o r t h e r n Chile were excellent p r e p a r a tion for life in t h e N e a r East, the place t h a t h a d so early b e c o m e the focus of his interest, study, a n d lifework. U n d e r P a u l H a u p t , Albright h a d b e e n trained in higher criticism a n d a mythological a p p r o a c h to biblical subjects. T h e i m p a c t of being in t h e land of d i e Bible, as h e led his s t u d e n t s o n walking a n d h o r s e b a c k t o u r s , convinced h i m of d i e Bible's basic historicity, c h a n g i n g his focus a n d his writ ing. T h e Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (BASOR) was b e g u n t h e s a m e m o n t h h e arrived, a n d for years its m a i n c o n t e n t w a s his r e p o r t s of his explorations a n d excavations, written in a p o p u l a r style to generate in terest a n d s u p p o r t . H e w a s its editor from 1930 t o 1968. Albright first excavated at Tell el-Ful, t h e palace of K i n g Saul at G i b e a h . H e also excavated at T e l l Beit M i r s i m for four seasons (1926-1932), w h i c h h e believed to b e biblical D e b i r (Israeli a n d other scholars prefer n e a r b y K h i r b e t R a b u d ) . T e l l Beit M i r s i m p r o v e d ideal for ascertaining a p o t tery c h r o n o l o g y for w e s t e r n Palestine, as its layers of o c c u p a t i o n w e r e clearly s e p a r a t e d b y destruction levels. Albright's chronology is still s t a n d a r d . F r o m 1929 to 1935, h e also c o n d u c t e d " s h o e s t r i n g " excavations at Bethel a n d Betli-Zur—while c o m m u t i n g half-yearly b e t w e e n Baltimore a n d J e r u s a l e m — a n d later excavated in Soutii Arabia. H e was c h a i r m a n of the O r i e n t a l S e m i n a r y at H o p k i n s from 1929 until his r e t i r e m e n t in 1958. A t H o p l d n s he p r o d u c e d a cadre of scholars w h o b e c a m e specialists in die n u m e r o u s fields in w h i c h this giant h a d p i o n e e r e d a n d m a d e himself expert. Albright published prolifically—his lifetime bibliographic total is m o r e t h a n eleven h u n d r e d books a n d articles. H e received m e d a l s a n d other a w a r d s , a n d a b o u t thirty h o n o r ary doctorates in t h e U n i t e d States a n d in m a n y E u r o p e a n countries. I n 1969, on his last visit, he was given t h e h o n orary title of " W o r t h y [One] of J e r u s a l e m , " w h i c h h a d never before b e e n given to a n o n - J e w . H e h a d played a p a r t in s u c h " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " (his w o r d ) discoveries as t h e Ugaritic tablets (1929) a n d t h e D e a d Sea Scrolls (beginning in 1947) a n d w a s f o u n d i n g coeditor, with D a v i d N o e l F r e e d m a n , of t h e A n c h o r Bible project. Albright died from multiple strokes just a few m o n t h s after celebrating his eightieth b i r t h d a y a n d receiving his final Fest-
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ALBRIGHT INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH
schrift. H e h a d b e e n a legend in his own time, a pioneer archaeologist, a n d a historian of ideas, especially of religion, in t h e ancient N e a r East, a n d truly a genius. [See also A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research; Beit M i r s i m , T e l l ; B e t h - Z u r ; D e a d Sea Scrolls; Historical G e ography; R a b u d , K h i r b e t ; and U g a r i t Inscriptions.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. The Archaeology of Palestine and the Bible ( 1 9 3 2 ) , C a m b r i d g e , Mass., 1 9 7 4 . Albright, William Foxwell. From the Stone Age to Christianity: Mono theism and the Historical Process, Baltimore, 1940. Albright, William Foxwell. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel. Balti more, 1942. Albright, William Foxwell. History, Archaeology, and Christian Human ism. N e w York, 1 9 6 4 . Albright, William Foxwell. Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan: A Historical Analysis of Two Contrasting Faiths. G a r d e n City, N . Y . , 1968. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 122 (April 1 9 5 1 ) : In H o n o r of William Foxwell Albright on His Sixtieth Birth day, M a y 2 4 , 1 9 5 1 (guest editor: E p h r a i m Avigdor Speiser). F r e e d m a n , David N o e l , ed. The Published Works of William Foxwell Albright: A Comprehensive Bibliography. C a m b r i d g e , Mass., 1 9 7 5 . Goedicke, H a n s , ed. Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William Foxwell Albright. Baltimore, 1 9 7 1 . Malamat, A b r a h a m , ed. W. F. Albright Volume. Eretz-Israel, vol. 9. Je rusalem, 1969. R u n n i n g , L e o n a Glidden, and David Noel Freedman. William Foxwell Albright: A Twentieth-Century Genius. N e w York, 1 9 7 5 ; centennial ed., Berrien Springs, Mich., 1 9 9 1 . Van Beek, G u s W . The Scholarship of William Foxwell Albright: An Ap praisal. Atlanta, 1989. Wright, G. Ernest, ed. The Bible and the Ancient Near East: Essays in Honor of William Foxwell Albright. G a r d e n City, N . Y . , 1 9 6 1 . LEONA GLIDDEN RUNNING a n d DAVID NOEL FREEDMAN
ALBRIGHT INSTITUTE OF A R C H A E O LOGICAL R E S E A R C H . T h e W. F . Albright Insti t u t e of Archaeological R e s e a r c h (ALAR) in Jerusalem is t h e oldest A m e r i c a n research center for ancient N e a r E a s t e r n studies in t h e M i d d l e East. F o u n d e d in 1900 as d i e A m e r i c a n School of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A S O R ) by its p a r e n t organi zations—die A m e r i c a n Oriental Society, t h e Society for B i b lical Literature, a n d t h e Archaeological Institute of A m e r i ca—its p u r p o s e was t o create an institutional base in Palestine in which scholars could p u r s u e m o r e efficiently a n d productively their research o n issues relating t o t h e L e vant. I n 1970, u n d e r t h e leadership of t h e n A S O R p r e s i d e n t G . E r n e s t W r i g h t , the school was separately i n c o r p o r a t e d a n d r e n a m e d after its m o s t distinguished director, William Foxwell Albright. T o d a y , ALAR is one of three institutes affiliated with A S O R , t h e others being in A m m a n a n d N i c osia. S u p p o r t for ALAR is provided by its trustees, alumni, a n d a large constituency within t h e A S O R c o n s o r t i u m of 150 institutions. T h e p r e s e n t A I A R facility, constructed in 1925 for
A S O R , is located 500 m e t e r s n o r t h of t h e old walled city of Jerusalem. It is within walking distance of t h e E c o l e Biblique et Archeologique F r a n c a i s e ; t h e British, G e r m a n , a n d S p a n ish Schools of A r c h a e o l o g y ; t h e Institute of Islamic A r c h a e ology; the N e l s o n G l u e c k School of Biblical A r c h a e o l o g y of t h e H e b r e w U n i o n College-Jewish Institute of Religion; t h e H e b r e w University's Institute of A r c h a e o l o g y ; t h e R o c k e feller M u s e u m ; a n d t h e Israel Antiquities A u t h o r i t y . T h i s g r o u p i n g of scholarly resources is an u n p a r a l l e l e d c o n c e n tration of h u m a n , bibliographic, a n d artifactual r e s o u r c e s in N e a r E a s t e r n studies. T h e m a i n objectives of the institute, w i t h its l o n g - s t a n d i n g tradition of a c a d e m i c f r e e d o m a n d excellence in s c h o l a r s h i p , are to provide a c o m p r e h e n s i v e scholarly e n v i r o n m e n t for qualified students a n d scholars in a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t e r n s t u d ies; t o advance t h e study of t h e literature, history, a n d cul t u r e of the ancient N e a r East, w i t h an e m p h a s i s o n t h e dis ciplines of the archaeology of Palestine a n d biblical studies; a n d t o help e d u c a t e d i e n e x t g e n e r a t i o n of A m e r i c a n scholars in ancient N e a r E a s t e r n studies, w i t h an e m p h a s i s o n t h e training of archaeologists. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of A I A R is m e a s u r e d b y its critical c o n tributions t o the d e v e l o p m e n t of d i e discipline of S y r o - P a l estinian archaeology, in particular t h e archaeology of a n cient Israel. T h e s e include a d v a n c e m e n t s in excavation m e t h o d o l o g y , archaeological p e r i o d i z a t i o n , a n d strati g r a p h i c a n d material culture analyses. T h e y also i n c l u d e t h e results of t h e institute's major excavations a n d surveys, its pivotal role in t h e study of t h e D e a d Sea Scrolls, a n d d i e i m p a c t of its distinguished a l u m n i o n t h e fields of a n c i e n t N e a r Eastern, biblical, a n d J u d a i c studies. T h e institute's m o s t p r o d u c t i v e p e r i o d s h a v e b e e n u n d e r its five l o n g - t e r m directors. William Foxwell Albright (1920-1926,1927-1929,1933-1936) is c o n s i d e r e d t h e father of t h e discipline of Palestinian, or biblical, archaeology. Al bright's T e l l Beit M i r s i m excavation r e p o r t s (1932-1943) p r o d u c e d a p o t t e r y dating s e q u e n c e tiiat gave t h e e m e r g i n g field of Palestinian archaeology a chronological f o u n d a t i o n t h a t is still used. T h e framework for tiiis n e w discipline a n d t h e stimulus for its g r o w t h were p r o v i d e d b y Albright's syn thetic volumes o n t h e archaeology of Palestine a n d religion of Israel (1942; 1949), a n d b y his seminal articles o n H e b r e w a n d P h o e n i c i a n epigraphy. N e l s o n G l u e c k (1932-1933,1936-1940,1942-1947) i d e n tified m o r e tiian 1,000 sites in his survey of T r a n s j o r d a n a n d p r o d u c e d t h e first scientific d e m o g r a p h i c syntiiesis of M o a b , A m m o n , a n d E d o m , p u b l i s h e d in four v o l u m e s ( 1 9 3 4 1951). T h i s is still a p r i m a r y textbook of t h e a r c h a e o l o g y of J o r d a n , as is his v o l u m e o n t h e N a b a t e a n s (1966), b a s e d o n his excavation of K h i r b e t e t - T a n n u r . P a u l L a p p (1961-1965) m a d e a major c o n t r i b u t i o n to t h e s t u d y of Palestinian p o t t e r y in his p i o n e e r i n g v o l u m e o n t h e L a t e Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n p e r i o d s (1961). Also, his excavations at ' I r a q el-Amir, T e l l e r - R u m e i t h , W a d i e d - D a -
ALEPPO c
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liyeh, D h a h r M i r z b a n e h , T e l l el-Ful, a n d T e l l T a a n a c h p r o d u c e d significant results for t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages a n d t h e Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n p e r i o d s .
front of archaeological a n d historical scholarship in t h e M i d dle East. It is this tradition t h a t h a s m a d e t h e Albright I n stitute a r e n o w n e d international research center.
William G . D e v e r ( i 971-1975) is best k n o w n for his w o r k at T e l l G e z e r a n d o n t h r e e of t h e G e z e r r e p o r t v o l u m e s (1970-1986). H i s l o n g - t e r m r e s e a r c h projects a n d publica tions o n d i e material culture of t h e Early B r o n z e IV ( M i d d l e B r o n z e I) p e r i o d , die c h r o n o l o g y of M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e II, d i e L a t e B r o n z e II/Iron I transition, a n d his integrative stud ies e m p h a s i z i n g n e w directions in archaeology h a v e b e c o m e a major focus of s t u d y in t h e a r c h a e o l o g y of ancient Israel. C o n t i n u i n g o n e of Albright's legacies, D e v e r has t r a i n e d m a n y of t h e n e w g e n e r a t i o n of A m e r i c a n archaeologists presently w o r k i n g in t h e M i d d l e East.
[See also A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research; Biblical A r c h a e o l o g y ; and the biographies of Albright, Glueck, and Lapp. In addition, all sites mentioned are the subject of inde pendent entries.]
T h e A I A R ' s c u r r e n t director, S e y m o u r Gitin, a p p o i n t e d in 1980, was a s t u d e n t of b o t h G l u e c k ' s a n d D e v e r ' s a n d is k n o w n for his publications o n t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE at Tell G e z e r (1990) a n d o n t h e I r o n II p e r i o d at T e l M i q n e / E k r o n (1981-1995). B a s e d o n t h e w o r k of his p r e d e c e s s o r s , he h a s built a n extensive p r o g r a m t h a t offers p r e - a n d p o s t doctoral researchers multicultural experiences s p a n n i n g t h e b r o a d s p e c t r u m of N e a r E a s t e r n studies. T h e p r o g r a m p r o vides a u n i q u e o p p o r t u n i t y for t h e e x c h a n g e of ideas b e tween t h e forty a n n u a l A I A R a p p o i n t e e s , primarily from N o r t h A m e r i c a a n d E u r o p e , a n d h u n d r e d s of researchers living a n d working in Israel a n d in o t h e r countries in d i e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin. F o r m a n y , i n c l u d i n g Palestin ian a n d foreign scholars w o r k i n g in A r a b countries, t h e i n stitute is their p r i m a r y c o n t a c t w i t h colleagues in Israel. T h e p r o g r a m , w h i c h annually involves m o r e t h a n three t h o u s a n d s p a r t i c i p a n t s , includes a series of eighty lectures, r e p o r t s , s e m i n a r s , w o r k s h o p s , field trips (local a n d a b r o a d ) a n d social events, a n d s u p p o r t for t w e n t y - o n e ASOR-affiliated excavation a n d p u b l i c a t i o n projects, a m o n g w h i c h are the l o n g - t e r m projects at A s h k e l o n , C a e s a r e a , L a h a v , S e p phoris, a n d t h e institute's excavation at T e l M i q n e / E k r o n , jointly s p o n s o r e d w i t h t h e I n s t i t u t e of A r c h a e o l o g y of t h e H e b r e w University of Jerusalem. T h e A I A R also has a p u b lications p r o g r a m , a n extensive r e s e a r c h library, l a b o r a t o ries, a n d living a c c o m m o d a t i o n s for thirty-four p e o p l e . T o further e x p a n d the s c o p e of interregional scholarly collaboration, A I A R recentiy initiated a n international r e search project, " T h e N e o - A s s y r i a n E m p i r e in d i e S e v e n t h C e n t u r y BC: A S t u d y of t h e I n t e r a c t i o n s b e t w e e n C e n t e r a n d P e r i p h e r y . " D e s i g n e d t o investigate t h e g r o w t h a n d devel o p m e n t of d i e Assyrian E m p i r e , its p a r t i c i p a n t s include r e searchers w h o have w o r k e d o n C y p r u s a n d in E g y p t , G r e e c e , Iran, Iraq, Israel, J o r d a n , S p a i n , Syria, a n d T u r k e y . T h e institute h a s also created a l o n g - t e r m joint research, lecture, field t r i p , a n d fellowship p r o g r a m w i t h t h e A m e r i c a n School of Classical Studies a t A t i i e n s , a p r o g r a m it p l a n s to e x t e n d to o t h e r A m e r i c a n r e s e a r c h centers in t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin. F o r almost o n e h u n d r e d years, A I A R h a s b e e n at d i e fore
BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell, ed. The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim. 4 vols. A n n u a l of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 1 2 , 1 3 , 17, 21/22. N e w Haven, 1932-1943. Albright, William Foxwell. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel. Balti more, 1942. Albright, William Foxwell. The Archaeology of Palestine. H a r m o n d s worth, 1 9 4 9 . D e v e r , William G . , et al. Gezer I: Preliminary Report of the 1964-66 Seasons. Jerusalem, 1970. D e v e r , William G . , et al. Gezer II: Preliminary Report of the 1967-70 Seasons in Field I and II. Jerusalem, 1 9 7 4 . Dever, William G . , et al. Gezer IV: The 1969-71 Seasons in Field VI, the "Acropolis. " J e r u s a l e m , 1986. Gitin, Seymour. " T e l M i q n e - E k r o n : A T y p e - S i t e for the Inner Coastal Plain in the Iron Age II P e r i o d . " In Recent Excavations in Israel: Stud ies in Iron Age Archaeology, edited by Seymour Gitin and William G . Dever. A n n u a l of the American Schools of Oriental Research 49 (1989), pp. 23-58. Gitin, Seymour. Gezer III: A Ceramic Typology of the Late Iron II, Per sian, and Hellenistic Periods at Tell Gezer. Jerusalem, 1990. Gitin, Seymour, ed. Tel Miqne (Ekron) Excavation Project. 6 vols. Jeru salem, 1 9 8 1 - 1 9 9 5 . Glueck, Nelson. Explorations in Eastern Palestine. 4 vols. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 1 4 , 1 5 , 18/19, 25/28. N e w Haven, 1 9 3 4 - 1 9 5 1 . Glueck, Nelson. Deities and Dolphins: The Stoiy of the Nabataens. L o n d o n , 1966. K i n g , Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Philadelphia, 1983. L a p p , Paul W . Palestinian Ceramic Chronology, 200 B.C.-A.D. 70. N e w Haven, 1961. SEYMOUR GITIN
A L E P P O (Ar., H a l a b ) , t h e s e c o n d largest city in Syria, located in d i e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e c o u n t r y (40°i2' N , 38°68' 5" E ) . It has b e e n o c c u p i e d since r e m o t e antiquity a n d p l a y e d a very i m p o r t a n t role in N e a r E a s t e r n history d u r i n g t h e second millennium BCE. It is likely t h a t A l e p p o has existed since at least d i e Early B r o n z e A g e , a l t h o u g h t h e e v i d e n c e is indirect and uncertain. E x c a v a t i o n s of a small site in t h e soudiwest p a r t of m o d e r n A l e p p o (al-Ansari) e x p o s e d Early B r o n z e IV levels a n d s h o w at least t h a t t h e outskirts of d i e area w e r e occupied in d i e latter p a r t of t h e m i l l e n n i u m (see A n t o i n e Suleiman, " E x c a v a t i o n s at A n s a r i - A l e p p o for t h e Seasons 1973-1980: Early a n d M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e s , " Akkadica 40 [1984]: 1-16; a n d idem., "Fouilles d'Alep ( A l - A n s a r i ) , " Syria 62 [1985]: 135). A l e p p o m a y b e m e n t i o n e d u n d e r t h e n a m e H a l a m in tablets from Ebla a n d Early D y n a s t i c M a r i (see W . G . L a m -
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ALEPPO
bert, " H a l a m , Il-Halam a n d A l e p p o , " Mart: Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaires 6 [1990]: 641-643.). D u r i n g the first half of t h e second millennium, A l e p p o was t h e capital of d i e i m p o r t a n t state of Y a m h a d , w h i c h played a leading role in the political d e v e l o p m e n t of n o r t h ern Syria and U p p e r M e s o p o t a m i a . D u r i n g t h e eighteenth century BCE, Y a m h a d was t h e m o s t powerful state in Syria and could resist die expansionist attempts of S h a m s h i - A d a d I of Assyria. T h e Hittites, w h o rose to p o w e r in Anatolia d u r i n g t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y BCE, referred to Y a m h a d as having a " g r e a t k i n g s h i p . " A l e p p o p r o s p e r e d until t h e o p e n ing years of die sixteenth c e n t u r y BCE, w h e n Mursili I of Hatti attacked a n d d e s t t o y e d d i e city. D u r i n g die L a t e B r o n z e Age, A l e p p o no longer held its previous, d o m i n a n t position; instead, it b e c a m e a strategic p a w n in the imperial conflicts b e t w e e n H a t t i a n d M i t a n n i over t h e control of n o r t h e r n Syria, eventually c o m i n g firmly u n d e r Hittite rule. D u r i n g t h e first millennium BCE, A l e p p o a p p e a r s to have b e e n r e d u c e d to political insignificance, b u t it retained its ancient religious status as a major center of t h e worship of H a d a d , t h e s t o r m god. I n the early third c e n t u r y BCE, Seleucus I N i c a t o r settled a colony of M a c e d o n i a n s at A l e p p o , r e n a m e d it Beroea, a n d rebuilt d i e t o w n as a Hellenistic city, probably with a s q u a r ish city wall a n d rectilinear streets, some of which can still be discerned in die c u r r e n t layout of d i e " O l d C i t y . " Evi d e n c e for the R o m a n period is extremely slim, b u t t h e city is likely to have p r o s p e r e d , as did m o s t of n o r t h e r n Syria, a k h o u g h n o t as a major city. A l e p p o r e m a i n e d a s e c o n d a r y city u n d e r the s h a d o w of Antioch until t h e latter was d e
ALEPPO.
Figure
stroyed in 539/40 CE. It is likely t h a t A l e p p o b e g a n to develop into a major trade center at this point. I n 636 CE, A l e p p o c a m e u n d e r M u s l i m control, a n d in t h e early eighth c e n t u y CE, a major m o s q u e w a s built b y either al-Walid I (r. 705-715) or his successor, S u l a y m a n (r. 7 1 5 - 7 1 7 ) . Unfortunately, n o n e of this m o s q u e h a s sur vived t h e several d e s t r u c t i o n s a n d disasttous fires t h a t befell it. Following t h e d e m i s e of t h e U m a y y a d d y n a s t y in t h e m i d eighth century, A l e p p o , like m o s t of Syria, slipped into a d e e p decline, from w h i c h it did n o t r e c o v e r until t h e twelfth century. B e c a u s e t h e city has b e e n continuously o c c u p i e d for m i l lennia, little archaeological work h a s b e e n d o n e in A l e p p o . It is n o t yet certain w h e r e t h e earliest o c c u p a t i o n of t h e t o w n actually occurred, a l t h o u g h m o s t scholars believe t h a t a tell in t h e western p a r t of the c u r r e n t O l d City, called e l - ' A q a b e , represents t h e original settlement. It is a s s u m e d t h a t t h e site e x p a n d e d eventually to include t h e h i g h hill n o w o c c u p i e d by t h e great medieval citadel (see figure 1 ) . L i m i t e d exca vations early in this c e n t u r y b y G . Ploix de R o t r o u o n t h e citadel showed t h a t this h i g h hill was o c c u p i e d at least b y the first m i l l e n n i u m BCE. T h e excavators f o u n d t h e wall of a major public building, along with o r n a m e n t e d o r t h o s t a t s , t w o basalt lions, a n d a relief sculpture d a t i n g to t h e nintii/ eighth centuries BCE. R e m a i n s of the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s are few. As m e n t i o n e d above, d i e area east a n d s o u t h of t h e tell, el' A q a b e , preserves d i e lines of t h e rectilineal streets of t h e Hellenistic city. T h e streets divided t h e area into r e c t a n g u l a r blocks roughly 48 m n o r t h - s o u t h a n d 124 m e a s t - w e s t , t h e
1. Medieval citadel. (Courtesy W . T . Pitard)
ALEXANDRIA typical a r r a n g e m e n t in cities f o u n d e d d u r i n g t h e Seleucid period. N o t h i n g of t h e original city wall h a s b e e n f o u n d , b u t scholars have generally t h o u g h t t h a t t h e p r e s e r v e d medieval wall r u n s along t h e ancient line. N o building r e m a i n s of t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s h a v e b e e n r e c o v e r e d o n t h e citadel hill, a l t h o u g h n u m e r o u s small finds indicate a s u b stantial o c c u p a t i o n t h e r e d u r i n g this t i m e . D u r i n g t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d t h e city e x p a n d e d outside t h e old walls, a n d r e c o r d s m e n t i o n t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of sev eral c h u r c h e s . H o w e v e r , r e m a i n s of only o n e c h u r c h survive, the city's s u m p t u o u s a n d beautiful cathedral, located jtist s o u t h of w h e r e t h e great m o s q u e w a s eventually built a n d the madrasah Halawiyeh, a n Islamic school, n o w stands. A few vestiges of t h e G r e a t S y n a g o g u e built d u r i n g this p e r i o d b y A l e p p o ' s t h e n large a n d p r o s p e r o u s Jewish c o m m u n i t y h a v e also survived. N o o v e r w h e l m i n g changes t o o k place in t h e city d u r i n g t h e U m a y y a d period. Its m o s t significant building w a s , of course, t h e G r e a t M o s q u e , w h o s e c o n s t r u c t i o n b e g a n in a b o u t 7 1 5 . It is n o t certain w h e t h e r Caliph al-Walid or his successor S u l a y m a n actually i n a u g u r a t e d t h e project. Al t h o u g h n o n e of the original exists, r e c o r d s s h o w m a t it was built o n t h e s a m e general p l a n as t h e G r e a t M o s q u e of D a m a s c u s , b u t o n a m o r e m o d e s t scale. F r o m t h e m i d - e i g h t h until t h e mid-twelfth c e n t u r y , A l e p p o suffered a significant decline. R e p a i r s were m a d e to t h e major structures of earlier p e r i o d s , b u t little n e w devel o p m e n t took place i n t h e city. BIBLIOGRAPHY G a u b e , H e i n z , a n d E u g e n Wirth. Aleppo: Historische und geographische Beitrage zur baulichen Gestaltung, zur sozialen Organisation und zur wirtschaftlichen Dynamik einer vorderasiatischen Femhandelsmelropole. Beihefte z u m T u b i n g e r Atlas des V o r d e r e n Orients, 58. W i e s b a d e n , 1984. Excellent study of the city; a very different interpretation of its growth from the Hellenistic t h r o u g h Byzantine periods from that of Sauvaget (see below). Klengel, Horst. Geschichte Syriens im 2. jfahrtausendv.u.Z. Teili-Nordsyrien. Berlin, 1 9 6 5 . By far the best (though n o w somewhat dated) study of the city during its early p e r i o d of greatness. Chapters 7 - 1 0 deal with Aleppo during the s e c o n d millennium BCE. Klengel, Horst. Syria: 3000 to 300 B.C. A Handbook of Political History. Berlin, 1 9 9 2 . A less detailed, b u t m o r e current study. See especially chapter 2. Sauvaget, Jean. Alep: Essai sur le diveloppemenl d'une grande ville syrienne, des origines an milieu de XIXe si'ecle. Paris, 1 9 4 1 . Classic study of the city, which should now b e read in conjunction with t h e volume by G a u b e a n d Wirth. Because of t h e meager evidence for the early periods, Sauvaget d e p e n d s heavily o n parallels from other Syrian cities. W A Y N E T . PITARD
A L E X A N D R I A , city i n E g y p t , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of m a n y b y t h a t n a m e f o u n d e d b y A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t (d. 3 2 3 BCE) . Alexandria ( G k . , Alexandreia) w a s built o n a ridge of land b e t w e e n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea a n d L a k e M a r e o t i s at
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t h e western e n d of t h e N i l e D e l t a ( 3 i ° i 2 ' N , 29°53' E ) , w h e r e there was already a native E g y p t i a n village, Rhakotis. Rhakotis was t h e n a m e given to t h e q u a r t e r of die city o c c u p i e d chiefly b y native E g y p t i a n s a n d w a s later retained as a designation for t h e city as a w h o l e in C o p t i c sources (Rakote, R a k o t i ) . Its m o d e r n A r a b i c n a m e is el-Iskandariya. H i s t o r y . Alexandria w a s f o u n d e d in t h e spring of 331 BCE. Its first architect was D e i n o k r a t e s of R h o d e s ; K l e o m e n e s of N a u k r a t i s w a s its first g o v e r n o r . I n 323 E g y p t c a m e u n d e r t h e rule of t h e M a c e d o n i a n P t o l e m y I Soter, w h o h a d b e e n a general a n d c o m p a n i o n of Alexander. T h e city b e c a m e t h e capital of P t o l e m a i c E g y p t a n d quicldy p r o s p e r e d , even tually b e c o m i n g the cultural a n d educational center of t h e Hellenistic world. A m u l t i e t h n i c city, Alexandria b e c a m e t h e h o m e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t Jewish c o m m u n i t y of t h e D i aspora (Jews living outside of Palestine). L a t e r , from t h e third t o d i e fifth centuries CE, the Alexandrian c h u r c h was t h e leading intellectual a n d theological center of C h r i s t e n dom. Alexandria c a m e u n d e r R o m a n rule in 30 BCE. After a series of disasters—riots a n d p o g r o m s against t h e Jews in 38 a n d 66 CE; d i e Jewish revolt of 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 ; a n d attacks o n t h e city b y Caracalla in 215, A u r e l i a n in 273, a n d Diocletian in 295—the city declined in p o p u l a t i o n a n d in area. F u r t h e r devastation w a s visited o n t h e city b y d i e Persians in 617 a n d b y t h e A r a b s in 641, after w h i c h E g y p t as a whole c a m e u n d e r M u s l i m A r a b rule. Alexandria was t h e n eclipsed b y t h e n e w A r a b capital at F u s t a t (Old Cairo) a n d by t h e m a r itime city of R a s h i d (Rosetta) o n d i e m o u t h of t h e western b a n k of t h e Nile. I n 1798 N a p o l e o n a n d his forces e n c o u n tered Alexandria as a small village of a few tiiousand i n h a b itants. T h e city's m o d e r n d e v e l o p m e n t b e g a n u n d e r M u h a m m a d 'Ali (1805-1848), a n d it is n o w a major city with a p o p u l a t i o n estimated as h i g h as four million. T o p o g r a p h y . T h e d o m i n a n t geographical feature of Al e x a n d r i a was die bay f o r m e d b y a p r o m o n t o r y called L o chias ( m o d e r n Silsila), p r o t e c t e d b y t h e island of P h a r o s off shore. A dike joining t h e island to d i e m a i n l a n d , t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n (Gk., " s e v e n s t a d e s " l o n g ) , built soon after d i e city's f o u n d i n g , divided t h e bay into t w o m a i n h a r b o r s . T h i s su-ucture has silted u p over t h e centuries; b y N a p o leon's time t h e city's p o p u l a t i o n was c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e resulting l a n d area. T h e b e s t a n d m o s t extensive description of Alexandria at d i e e n d of d i e P t o l e m a i c p e r i o d is that of Strabo in b o o k 17 of his Geography, w h i c h w a s b a s e d o n p e r s o n a l observations m a d e d u r i n g a residence a b o u t 24-20 BCE. Strabo begins his description b y giving t h e d i m e n s i o n s of t h e city. 30 stades (5.5 k m or 3.5 mi.) in length (east-west) a n d approximately 8 stades (1.5 k m or 1 mi.) in w i d t h ( n o r t h - s o u t h ) . Of t h e wide streets intersecting t h e city, t h e two b r o a d e s t cut o n e a n o t h e r at right angles ( 1 7 . 1 . 8 ) . T h e long o n e , Via C a n o p i c a ( c o r r e s p o n d i n g roughly to t h e m o d e r n Sharia el-PIorreya) r a n from d i e necropolis (cemetery) in t h e west to t h e C a -
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n o p i c G a t e in the east. Strabo reports that u p to a third of t h e city consisted of an area called t h e Palaces, r e s p l e n d e n t with beautiful buildings, t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t of which w e r e t h e M o u s e i o n ( p r e s u m a b l y including the famous L i b r a r y ) a n d d i e S e m a (die t o m b of Alexander and s o m e of his s u c cessors). C o n c e n t r a t e d o n a n d n e a r C a p e Lochias was a smaller p a r t of the Palaces n e i g h b o r h o o d called t h e inner palaces (17.1.9). Strabo t h e n describes t h e city as one w o u l d e n c o u n t e r it sailing into t h e " g r e a t " (eastern) harbor. T o t h e right lay P h a r o s with its f a m o u s lightiiouse (one of the seven w o n d e r s of t h e ancient w o r l d ) . T o the left w e r e the reefs a n d p r o m ontory of Lochias with its royal palace a n d private royal h a r bor. O p p o s i t e that h a r b o r was A n t i r r h o d o s , a n island with a palace a n d a n o t h e r small harbor. T h e T h e a t e r o c c u p i e d a p r o m i n e n t place o n t h e m a i n l a n d above. A n elbow of land e x t e n d e d from t h e s h o r e o n which was a t e m p l e of P o s e i d o n . F r o m there M a r k A n t o n y h a d e x t e n d e d a m o l e or break water o u t into t h e h a r b o r , w h e r e o n an artificial island h e built a palace, the T i m o n i u m ( 1 7 . 1 . 9 ) . Structures furtiier west included the C a e s a r i u m , w h i c h w a s a temple b e g u n b y Cleopatra VII for Julius Caesar a n d completed as a t e m p l e dedicated to A u g u s t u s . N e a r b y w e r e the E m p o r i u m (market) with its warehouses a n d ship build ings extending as far as t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n . B e y o n d lay t h e western harbor, t h e E u n o s t o s (now t h e m a i n h a r b o r of Al exandria) within which was a smaller harbor, t h e K i b o t o s , u s e d for Nile traffic a n d c o n n e c t e d to a canal leading t o L a k e M a r e o t i s . A necropolis lay outside die city to t h e west. W i t h i n the city east of the canal w e r e the S e r a p e u m ( t e m p l e of t h e god Serapis) a n d other sanctuaries. In the central p a r t of t h e city were t h e G y m n a s i u m , a center for athletic training a n d education, which was situ ated o n Via C a n o p i c a , a n d t h e P a n e i o n (a sanctuary of t h e god P a n ) o n a hill nearby. Outside of the C a n o p i c G a t e t o the east lay the H i p p o d r o m e (racetrack) a n d b e y o n d that, 5.5 k m (3.5 mi.) from Alexandria, the s u b u r b Nikopolis founded b y A u g u s t u s in c o m m e m o r a t i o n of his victory over M a r k A n t o n y and C l e o p a t r a (17.1.10). A b s e n t from S t t a b o ' s a c c o u n t is any m e n t i o n of t h e city's walls, t h e older eastern necropoleis, the fortified acropolis, t h e city's agora, assorted other p u b l i c buildings a n d t e m p l e s , a n d its division into five quarters n a m e d for the first five letters of the G r e e k alphabet, details k n o w n from o t h e r a n cient sources. Philo reports that two of t h e " l e t t e r s " were p r e d o m i n a n t i y Jewish (Flaccus, 55). A r c h a e o l o g i c a l H i s t o r y . Alexandria presents d a u n t i n g p r o b l e m s for t h e archaeologist, b e c a u s e of geological factors a n d t h e results of u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t since t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. Because t h e coastal area of t h e city has subsided s o m e 4 m (15.7 ft.) over t h e centuries, t h e ancient structures along die coast h a v e b e e n swallowed u p b y t h e sea, leaving only foundations s o m e t i m e s visible b e n e a t h t h e surface. T h i s subsidence plus intensive building activity, with m u c h
cutting a n d filling, h a s resulted in d i e virtual obliteration of t h e c o n t o u r s of t h e ancient city. N u m e r o u s a n c i e n t s t r u c tures were d e m o l i s h e d at t h e t i m e of the c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e corniche ( c o m p l e t e d in 1906), a n d t h e p r e s e n t coastiine fac ing die h a r b o r s is c o m p l e t e l y artificial. T h e first m o d e r n archaeological excavation of any c o n s e q u e n c e was carried o u t b y M a h m u d Bey " e l - F a l a k i , " c o u r t a s t t o n o m e r of K h e d i v e Ismail, w h o s e goal w a s to p r e p a r e a m a p of t h e a n c i e n t city. O n t h e basis of m a n y s o u n d ings M a h m u d Bey p r e p a r e d a p l a n of t h e a n c i e n t streets a n d walls, published in 1872, w h i c h is still in u s e t o d a y . U n f o r tunately, he h a d n o qualifications as a n archaeologist, a n d t h e accuracy of his w o r k h a s often b e e n q u e s t i o n e d . W h e r e m o d e r n excavations h a v e confirmed t h e existence of s o m e of his streets, for e x a m p l e , at K o m el-Dik, these t u r n o u t to belong to d i e late R o m a n period. T h e i r orientation differs in t h e m a i n from t h e streets of t h e P t o l e m a i c era. Scientific excavations b e g a n with t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of G i u s e p p e Botti in 1891 to t h e directorship of t h e newly f o r m e d G r e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m . H i s work in d i e city a n d in t h e a n cient necropoleis w a s p u b l i s h e d in n u m e r o u s m o n o g r a p h s a n d in several v o l u m e s of the Bulletin de la Societe (royaie) archeologique d'Alexandrie. U l e
I n 1895, E g y p t E x p l o r a t i o n F u n d of L o n d o n sent D . G . H o g a r t h , E. F . B e n s o n , a n d E . R. B e v a n to A l e x a n d r i a to carry o u t s o m e excavations in t h e city a n d in d i e eastern cemeteries. H o g a r t h ' s r e p o r t was very pessimistic, c o n c l u d ing tiiat t h e city's greatest m o n u m e n t s s t o o d w i t h i n d i e area covered by the o c c u p i e d q u a r t e r s of Alexandria (then r e centiy built) or b y t h e e n c r o a c h i n g sea, e x c e p t for t h e Ser a p e u m then u n d e r excavation b y Botti. H e expressed d o u b t s as to t h e possibility of r e a c h i n g P t o l e m a i c levels o w i n g to t h e rise of t h e w a t e r table resulting f r o m d i e city's subsi d e n c e . H o g a r d i advised against any furtiier work b y foreign societies in Alexandria, advice fortunately n o t h e e d e d . A G e r m a n expedition s p o n s o r e d b y E r n s t v o n Sieglin w o r k e d in Alexandria from 1898 t o 1902. Botti was s u c c e e d e d b y Evaristo Breccia ( c u r a t o r of d i e m u s e u m , 1904-1933), w h o e x p a n d e d u p o n Botti's efforts. Achille Adriani followed Breccia i n 1932 (curator, 1933-1939; 1947-1953). Adriani's directorship of t h e m u s e u m was i n t e r r u p t e d d u r i n g d i e war years, w h e n Alan R o w e served as c u r a t o r (1941-1947) a n d w o r k e d d u r i n g t h a t time o n the S e r a p e u m hill a n d at t h e K o m el-Shogafa n e cropolis nearby. A p a r t from d i e excavation of d i e S e r a p e u m a n d d i e n e cropoleis of Alexandria, m u c h of t h e archaeological w o r k in t h e city until i960 consisted of narrowly confined s o u n d i n g s or salvage w o r k c o n n e c t e d with i n n u m e r a b l e b u i l d i n g p r o j ects. T h e m a n y artifacts t h a t h a v e t u r n e d u p are h o u s e d mainly in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m . U n f o r t u n a t e l y m u c h has also b e e n destroyed. T h e m o s t extensive archaeological p r o j e c t ever m o u n t e d in Alexandria is t h a t of d i e Polish C e n t e r of M e d i t e r r a n e a n
ALEXANDRIA Archaeology in t h e K o m el-Dik n e i g h b o r h o o d , virtually in t h e center of t h e city. T h e e x c a v a t i o n s b e g a n u n d e r K a z i m ierz M i c h a l o w s k i in i960 a n d a r e o n g o i n g . A late R o m a n theater discovered in 1964 h a s b e e n r e s t o r e d a n d n o w serves as t h e centerpiece of a n archaeological p a r k (see figure 1 ) . O t h e r finds at K o m el-Dik i n c l u d e a large b a t h c o m p l e x ( s e c o n d - s i x t h c e n t u r y C E ) , a g r o u p of early R o m a n h o u s e s , a s e c o n d - c e n t u r y school b u i l d i n g , a n d a p a r t of a P t o l e m a i c pavement. It h a s n o t b e e n possible t o o b t a i n a c o m p l e t e stratigraphic r e c o r d of t h e city's archaeological history a p a r t from the p a r tial results o b t a i n e d at isolated locations. C o n t r a r y to H o garth's e x p e c t a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , P t o l e m a i c levels h a v e b e e n identified, principally at four areas. I n a d d i t i o n t o d i e finds at K o m el-Dik, t h r e e areas associated w i t h t h e ancient royal q u a r t e r h a v e b e e n e x c a v a t e d : (1) several sites in d i e area a r o u n d t h e g o v e r n m e n t h o s p i t a l , (2) n e a r d i e M e d i c a l F a c ulty of t h e University of A l e x a n d r i a , a n d , m o s t recentiy, (3) at t h e site of d i e n e w Alexandria L i b r a r y , opposite Silsila. I n addition, P t o l e m a i c f o u n d a t i o n s h a v e b e e n f o u n d just s o u t h of H o r r e y a Street, n e a r K o m el-Dik. F a r t h e r west along d i e s a m e street f o u n d a t i o n s of a t e m p l e of Sarapis a n d Isis (identified as s u c h b y a n inscription of P t o l e m y I V a n d Q u e e n A r s i n o e III) w e r e f o u n d already i n 1895, b u t tiiis find was n o t associated with a scientific archaeological excava tion. T h e only s t r u c t u r e m e n t i o n e d b y S t r a b o t h a t h a s so far b e e n confirmed archaeologically is t h e S e r a p e u m ( G k . , S e r a p e i o n ) . L o c a t e d i n d i e R h a k o t i s district ( m o d e r n K h a r m u z ) , it is a t e m p l e t h a t also served as a d a u g h t e r library t o
67
t h e M o u s e i o n . I t is n o w covered over b y a hillock d o m i n a t e d b y a c o l u m n 26.85 m (88 ft.) high referred t o erroneously as " P o m p e y ' s Pillar"—it w a s actually dedicated t o E m p e r o r Diocletian (see figure 2). T h e S e r a p e u m was excavated first b y G i u s e p p i Botti (1894-1896) a n d t h e n b y Alan R o w e (1943-1945,1956). E x c a v a t i o n s revealed evidence of a m a jor P t o l e m a i c t e m p l e built b y P t o l e m y III, a n d possibly a n earlier o n e built b y P t o l e m y I. T h e s e structures were e n closed within a m u c h larger s a n c t u a r y built in t h e early R o m a n p e r i o d . T h e sack of t h e S e r a p e u m b y Christians in 391 a p p a r e n t l y did n o t result in d i e t e m p l e ' s c o m p l e t e d e s t r u c tion at t h a t time, c o n t r a r y t o a n often-repeated claim. T h e P h a r o s t o w e r a n d lighthouse, w h i c h w a s built early in t h e third century BCE, w a s severly d a m a g e d b y a n e a r t h q u a k e in 956 CE a n d i n c u r r e d further d a m a g e by s u b s e q u e n t earthquakes. By d i e fourteentii c e n t u r y it w a s in ruins. I n 1480 Sultan Ashraf Qait B e y built a fortress u p o n its f o u n dations. T r a c e s of t h e t e m p l e of Isis P h a r i a ( n o t m e n t i o n e d b y Strabo) a n d a colossal statue of Isis h a v e b e e n found b y divers off t h e n o r t h coast of P h a r o s n e a r t h e Qait Bey fort. S t r u c t u r e s associated with A n t i r r h o d o s a n d M a r k A n t o n y ' s T i m o n i u m h a v e b e e n s p o t t e d b y divers in t h e eastern H a r b o r , b u t n o u n d e r w a t e r excavations have b e e n carried o u t t h e r e as yet. N o r e m a i n s of t h e H e p t a s t a d i o n have b e e n identified, n o r is its exact location k n o w n . A s for t h e famous M o u s e i o n a n d S e m a , n o trace of these m o n u m e n t s h a s b e e n f o u n d . T h e r e is a long-standing b u t u n c o n f i r m e d r u m o r t o t h e effect t h a t Alexander's t o m b is located u n d e r t h e m o s q u e of N e b i D a n i e l , n e a r K o m el-Dik. O n t h e other h a n d , s o m e h a v e argued unconvincingly d i a t
ALEXANDRIA. F i g u r e 1. Late Roman theater. F o u r t h - s i x t h c e n t u r y CE. (Courtesy B . A. Pearson)
68
ALEXANDRIA
t h e "Alabaster T o m b " f o u n d in the Latin C e m e t e r y is a c tually Alexander's t o m b . It is a M a c e d o n i a n - s t y l e t o m b , originally covered by a t u m u l u s , of the P t o l e m a i c period, b u t its original o w n e r r e m a i n s u n k n o w n .
b e e n identified within t h e city, t h o u g h an isolated dedicatory inscription of 37 BCE was f o u n d in G a b b a r i ( p a r t of t h e west ern necropolis a r e a ) , a n d a n o t h e r of t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE in H a d r a (part of t h e eastern necropolis area).
T h e T h e a t e r described b y Strabo was p r o b a b l y located n e a r t h e m o d e r n g o v e r n m e n t hospital, b u t t h e excavations in that vicinity h a v e t u r n e d u p n o convincing traces. R e m a i n s of other P t o l e m a i c buildings have b e e n found there. T h e r e is n o archaeological evidence of the G y m n a s i u m or the Paneion. T h e a p p r o x i m a t e location of the C a e s a r i u m is well k n o w n b e c a u s e t h e obelisks associated with it r e m a i n e d , one standing and o n e fallen, until t h e 1870s. ( T h e s e obelisks are n o w located respectively in C e n t r a l P a r k in N e w Y o r k City a n d o n the T h a m e s E m b a n k m e n t in L o n d o n . ) T h e lavish description of t h e t e m p l e and its precincts p r o v i d e d b y Philo (Embassy to Gains 151) has n o t b e e n confirmed b y archaeology, t h o u g h it is n o t inconceivable t h a t excavations b e g u n in 1992 at the site of t h e old Majestic T h e a t e r m a y t u r n u p s o m e trace of it. T h e C a e s a r i u m was rebuilt as a c h u r c h in t h e fourth c e n t u r y a n d was finally destroyed in
E p i p h a n i u s of Salamis lists t h e c h u r c h e s in Alexandria k n o w n to h i m (Panarion 69.2), all of t h e m datable to t h e fourth century e x c e p t t h a t of T h e o n a s ( b i s h o p , 282-300). T h i s , the earliest attested c h u r c h in A l e x a n d r i a , is said to have b e c o m e p a r t of t h e M o s q u e of a T h o u s a n d Pillars, d a m a g e d b y t h e F r e n c h i n 1798 a n d d e s t r o y e d in 1829. A n other c h u r c h - b e c o m e - m o s q u e is t h a t built b y St. A t h a n a s i u s n e a r a t e m p l e called B e n d i d i o n (or M e n d i d i o n ) , w h i c h w a s rebuilt as t h e M o s q u e of the S o u q al-Attarin ( d e s t r o y e d in 1830). H u n d r e d s of stone fragments from c h u r c h e s datable to t h e f o u r t h - s e v e n t h centuries h a v e b e e n f o u n d — b e l o n g i n g to architectural features s u c h as capitals, c o l u m n b a s e s , a n d decorative e l e m e n t s — b u t unfortunately n o n e of these o b jects was f o u n d in situ. T h u s , a l t h o u g h locations of s o m e ancient c h u r c h e s are well established, n o t o n e h a s ever b e e n identified b y excavation.
912.
T h e best p r e s e r v e d evidence of P t o l e m a i c a n d R o m a n art a n d architecture is t h a t associated w i t h t h e necropoleis of Alexandria. T h e oldest of these cemeteries w e r e located east of t h e early P t o l e m a i c city a n d w e r e left u n m e n t i o n e d b y S t r a b o , p r e s u m a b l y b e c a u s e t h e y were n o longer in use. T h e city h a d e x t e n d e d e a s t w a r d by his time. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t necropoleis are i n the S h a t b y district ( f o u r t h - t h i r d c e n t u r y BCE), excavated b y Breccia; several areas of H a d r a (mainly t h i r d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE, some later); I b r a h i m i y a ; a n d , far ther east, M u s t a f a Pasha. A small, late P t o l e m a i c h y p o g e u m
M e n t i o n should b e m a d e of the synagogues a n d c h u r c h e s k n o w n from literary sources. Philo cites n u m e r o u s syna gogues (proseuchat) existing in Alexandria (Embassy to Gains, 132), including o n e n e a r t h e G y m n a s i u m uhat he calls " t h e largest a n d m o s t n o t a b l e " (134-135), p r e s u m a b l y to b e identified with t h e d o u b l e - c o l o n n a d e d basilica described in rabbinic sources (Tosefta Suk. 4.6; J . T . Suk 5.1; B . T . Suk 51b) tiiat also r e p o r t its destruction u n d e r T r a j a n d u r i n g t h e revolt of 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 . N o traces of this or other synagogues have
ALEXANDRIA.
Figure
2. Pompey's pillar. (Courtesy B. A. Pearson)
ALEXANDRIA ( s u b t e r r a n e a n b u r i a l c h a m b e r ) w a s also f o u n d i n tire A n t o n i a d i s G a r d e n . O f t h e s e only t h e S h a t b y n e c r o p o l i s c a n b e visited. T h e i s l a n d of P h a r o s h a d a s u b s t a n t i a l n a t i v e p o p u l a t i o n in t h e P t o l e m a i c a n d early R o m a n p e r i o d s , a n d several late Ptolemaic-early R o m a n hypogaea have been found there, t h a t is, t h o s e of R a s e l - T i n a n d A n f o u c h i . T h e latter is a c cessible. P r o b a b l y t h e m o s t r e m a r k a b l e of A l e x a n d r i a ' s n e cropoleis is t h e m a g n i f i c e n t t h r e e - l e v e l h y p o g e u m c o m p l e x at K o m e l - S h o g a f a ( m a i n l y s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE) n e a r t h e S e r a p e u m . A p o p u l a r t o u r i s t a t t r a c t i o n , it h a s c a r v e d
tomb
c h a m b e r s f e a t u r i n g bas-relief d e c o r a t i o n s of m i x e d E g y p t i a n and Greek inspiration. T h e western necropolis m e n t i o n e d by Strabo corresponds t o finds m a d e in t h e m o d e r n i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s of M a f r u s a , Gabbari, a n d W a r d i a n — h y p o g a e a a n d other tombs datable t o t h e late P t o l e m a i c a n d early R o m a n p e r i o d s . M o s t of these burials have b e e n destroyed, although s o m e discov eries h a v e b e e n m a d e b y t h e E g y p t i a n A n t i q u i t i e s O r g a n i z a t i o n at W a r d i a n , i n c l u d i n g a s e c o n d - c e n t u r y BCE h y p o g e u m w i t h w e l l - p r e s e r v e d wall p a i n t i n g s . T h u s , a h u n d r e d y e a r s of a r c h a e o l o g i c a l w o r k in A l e x andria has p r o d u c e d mixed results. P e r h a p s the richest p o s sibilities for f u t u r e w o r k a r e u n d e r w a t e r , p r i n c i p a l l y in t h e e a s t e r n h a r b o r a n d off S h a t b y b e a c h e a s t of Silsila. T h e latter area c o r r e s p o n d s t o A l e x a n d r i a ' s m a i n J e w i s h q u a r t e r in a n t i q u i t y , as a t t e s t e d b y J o s e p h u s (Against
Apion
2.33-36).
BIBLIOGRAPHY Adriani, Achille. "Saggio di u n a pianta archeologica di Alessandria." Annuario del Museo Greco-Romano I ( 1 9 3 4 ) : 5 5 - 9 6 , m a p . G u i d e to archaeological discoveries m a d e i n Alexandria to 1 9 3 1 . Adriani, Achille. Reperlorio d'arte dell'Egitto greco-romano. Series C . 2 vols. Palermo, 1 9 6 6 . Essential work on t h e topography of ancient Alexandria a n d reports on excavations in t h e city a n d its necropoleis, with bibliographies. Bonacasa, Nicola, a n d A n t o n i n o D i Vita, eds. Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano: Stndi in onore di Achille Adriani. 3 vols. R o m e , 1983. Contains essays by leading scholars o n the history, t o p o g r a p h y , art, a n d architecture of ancient Alexandria, Botti, Giuseppe. Plan de la ville d'Alexandrie d I'epoque ptolema'ique. A l exandria, 1898. Discussion of the ancient testimonies of Alexandria's t o p o g r a p h y a n d m o n u m e n t s in t h e Ptolemaic period in light of ar chaeological discoveries. Breccia, Evaristo. Alexandria and Aegyptum: A Guide to an Ancient and Modern Town, and to Its Graeco-Roman Museum. Bergamo, 1 9 2 2 . E x p a n d e d English edition of t h e historical a n d topographical a c count of ancient Alexandria, with a guide t o t h e G r a e c o - R o m a n M u seum. Originally published in F r e n c h ( 1 9 1 4 ) , a n d still very useful. Breccia, Evaristo, ed. Inscriptiones Graecae Aegypti, vol, 2 , Inscriptiones nunc Alexandriae in Museo ( 1 9 1 1 ) . Chicago, 1 9 7 8 . Useful b u t dated collection of the Greek inscriptions found in Alexandria, with c o m mentary. Butler, Alfred J. The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the Last Thirty Years of the Roman Domain. Edited by P . M . Fraser. 2 d ed, Oxford, 1 9 7 8 . See t h e valuable chapter, "Alexandria at the C o n q u e s t " ( p p . 368-400). Description
de I'Egypte. 21 vols. Paris, 1 8 0 9 - 1 8 2 8 . Rare multi-volume
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report of the studies of E g y p t carried o u t by the scientific staff of N a p o l e o n ' s expedition. Contains descriptions of the antiquities of Alexandria by B . Saint-Genis (in vol. 2 of Antiquites: Descriptions) and of the " m o d e r n state" by G. L e Pere (in vol. 2 of Etat modeme: Texte). T h e five volumes of Antiquites: Planches have been r e p r o d u c e d in Monuments of Egypt: The Napoleonic Edition, 2 vols., edited by Charles Coulston Gillispie and Michel D e w a c h t e r (Princeton, 1 9 8 7 ) . F o r Alexandrian m o n u m e n t s see volume 1, plates ( = Planches, vol. 5, pis. 3 2 , 3 4 - 3 9 , 4 1 - 4 2 ) , a n d volume 2, double plates (= Planches, vol. 5, pis. 3 1 , 3 3 , 40). Fraser, P . M . Ptolemaic Alexandria. 3 vols. Oxford, 1 9 7 2 . Absolutely indispensable study of Alexandria in t h e Ptolemaic period, with ex tensive accounts of topography a n d archaeology (see vol. 1, p p . 3 - 3 7 ; vol. 2 , p p . I - I I I ) . H o g a r t h , D . G . , a n d E . F . Benson. " R e p o r t on Prospects of Research in Alexandria." In Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report, 1894-1855, p p . 1 - 3 3 . L o n d o n , 1895, Contains a report of work in Alexandria and t h e eastern cemeteries. H o r b u r y , W . , a n d D . N o y , e d s . Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt. C a m b r i d g e , 1992. Contains all of t h e Jewish inscriptions of the G r a e c o - R o m a n period found in Egypt. N o s . 1 - 2 1 ( p p , 1-24) are the Alexandrian ones. N o s . 1 2 5 - 1 3 4 , of uncertain origin ( p p . 2 1 2 - 2 2 6 ) , m a y include inscriptions of Alexandrian origin, Jondet, M . Gaston. Atlas historique de la ville el des ports d'Alexandrie. Cairo, 1 9 2 1 . Contains r e p r o d u c t i o n s of m a p s of Alexandria from the fifteenth to twentieth centuries, invaluable for topographical re search. M a h m o u d - B e y , Al-Falaki. Memoire sur Vantique Alexandrie, sesfauborgs et environs. C o p e n h a g e n , 1 8 7 2 . Contains the famous m a p of ancient Alexandria and its streets. Pagenstecher, Rudolf. Nekropolis: Untersuchungen iiber Gestall und EntwicklungderAlexandrinischen GrabanlagenundihrerMalereien.L&ipzig, 1 9 1 9 . Valuable discussion of Alexandrian art and architecture as revealed in the city's cemeteries, comprising p a r t of a report of the Sieglin expedition. Pearson, Birger A. " T h e N e w Alexandria Library: A n U p d a t e . " Biblical Archaeologist 56 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 2 2 1 . Brief account of the excavations begun in M a y 1993 at the site of t h e n e w Alexandria Library, part of the " P a l a c e s " area of Ptolemaic Alexandria. Rodziewicz, Mieczyslaw. Les habitations romaines tardives d'Alexandrie: A la lumiere des fouilles polonaises a Kom el Dikka. Alexandrie, 3. W a r s a w , 1984. Valuable study of t h e results of excavations at K o m el-Dik by t h e project's former director, concentrating chiefly on t h e R o m a n houses, with n u m e r o u s p h o t o g r a p h s , plans, a n d drawings. Sieglin, E r n s t von. Die Nekropole von Kom-esch-Schukafa. 2 vols. L e i p zig, 1908. Complete a c c o u n t of the most impressive of Alexandria's t o m b complexes, comprising p a r t of a report of the Sieglin expedi tion. Swelim, Nabil, ed. Alexandrian Studies in Memoriam Daoud Abdu Daoud. Alexandria, 1 9 9 3 . Collection of essays on the history, t o p o g raphy, archaeology, a n d art of ancient Alexandria. T k a c z o w , Barbara. "Archaeological Sources for t h e Earliest Churches in Alexandria." In Coptic Studies: Acts of the Third International Con gress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20-25 August 1984, edited by W l o d zimierz Godlewski, p p . 4 3 1 - 4 3 5 . Warsaw, 1 9 9 0 . Contains a discus sion of Alexandria's churches of the fourth-seventh centuries, a n d architectural fragments associated with t h e m . T h e ancient literary a n d d o c u m e n t a r y references to Alexandria, its topographical features, a n d its m o n u m e n t s are far too numerous to list here, b u t are conveniently collected in Aristide Calderini's invaluable work, Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell'Egitto greco-romano, vol. 1 . 1 , Alexandria, p p . 5 5 - 2 0 6 (Milan, 1 9 3 5 ) . See also Supplemento, vol. 1, 1 9 3 5 - 1 9 8 6 , edited b y Sergio Daris, p p . 1 8 - 2 2 (Milan, 1988). BIRGER A . PEARSON
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A L E X A N D R I A N E M P I R E . U n d e r d i e h e g e m o n y of K i n g Philip II of M a c e d o n i a a n d , later, his s o n A l e x a n d e r III (the G r e a t ) , d i e Greek city-states b o u n d themselves t o a military alliance (the L e a g u e of C o r i n t h ) for t h e p u r p o s e of invading d i e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e . T h i s P a n - H e l l e n i c cru sade was m e a n t t o rescue t h e A e g e a n w o r l d from a long history of Persian influence a n d t o avenge t h e fifth-century BCE invasion by X e r x e s , which h a d destroyed m u c h of A t h ens. In 336, Philip II w a s assassinated o n t h e eve of t h e G r e e k advance, b u t his y o u n g s o n Alexander (356-323) took u p t h e cause after securing his position o n t h e M a c e donian throne. In 334 BCE t h e n e w M a c e d o n i a n king led nearly 40,000 troops across t h e Hellespont into A c h a e m e n i d Anatolia. H e quickly defeated a satrapal (Persian provincial) a r m y at t h e battle of t h e G r a n i c u s River a n d t h e n systematically c a p t u r e d d i e coastal strongholds of t h e Persian fleet from t h e Hellespont t o Cilicia. T h e A c h a e m e n i d king, D a r i u s III (r. 336-330), personally c o m m a n d e d his t r o o p s in a m o v e to halt t h e G r e e k a d v a n c e into Syria. A t die battle of Issus (late 333)5 Alexander defeated, b u t d i d n o t capture, t h e king of Persia. While D a r i u s r e g r o u p e d in M e s o p o t a m i a , A l e x a n d e r c o n t i n u e d his coastal c a m p a i g n d o w n t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T h e offshore fortress of T y r e resisted for seven m o n t h s b u t fell in a b r u t a l assault w h e n A l e x a n d e r ' s forces c o m p l e t e d a i,6oo-meter siege m o l e o u t t o t h e island. After besieging t h e city of G a z a in late 332, t h e Greeks m a r c h e d u n o p p o s e d into E g y p t . Alexander w a s seen b y t h e Egyptians as a liberator w h o respected their ancestral c u s t o m s a n d religion. H e u n d e r took a n a r d u o u s journey t o consult d i e oracle of Z e u s - A m m o n at Siwah in t h e L i b y a n D e s e r t , w h e r e h e w a s s u p p o s edly assured of w o r l d conquest. Alexander's m o s t e n d u r i n g a c h i e v e m e n t in E g y p t was t h e construction of a city, bearing his n a m e (Alexandria) a n d destined t o b e c o m e a n unrivaled intellectual a n d c o m m e r c i a l success u n d e r t h e p a t r o n a g e of his successors. In early s u m m e r 331, Alexander's forces m a r c h e d b a c k to Phoenicia a n d t h e n east t o w a r d M e s o p o t a m i a for a s h o w d o w n with D a r i u s . T h e Persian king h a d n o t b e e n idle. H i s forces n u m b e r e d over 100,000, a n d h e h a d carefully p r e p a r e d a battlefield near Arbela. O n 1 O c t o b e r 331 Alexan der's army r o u t e d t h e Persians at t h e b a t d e o f G a u g a m e l a . Again D a r i u s e s c a p e d eastward, h o p i n g t o rally a defense of Bactria (Afghanistan), b u t h e h a d lost t h e h e a r t of his e m pire. T h e major cities of M e s o p o t a m i a lay o p e n t o Alex ander, who m a r c h e d t r i u m p h a n d y into Babylon, Susa, a n d finally Persepolis in J a n u a r y 330. T h e vast A c h a e m e n i d treasures w e r e seized a n d t h e palace destroyed. T h e G r e e k s were avenged for t h e sack of A t h e n s a c e n t u r y a n d a half before. [See Persians; Babylon; Susa; Persepolis.] Alexander soon r e s u m e d his p u r s u i t of D a r i u s . N e a r H e catompylos ( m o d e r n S h a h r - i Q u m i s ) , however, a d e s p e r a t e g r o u p of Iranian nobles led b y Bessus, satrap of Bactria,
assassinated D a r i u s . A s successor t o t h e A c h a e m e n i d t h r o n e , A l e x a n d e r gave D a r i u s a royal burial, b u t B e s s u s tried to u n d e r m i n e A l e x a n d e r ' s legitimacy b y declaring h i m self t h e rightful P e r s i a n king. T h u s , A l e x a n d e r w a s c o m pelled to c o n t i n u e his a d v a n c e e a s t w a r d against this n e w adversary. T h e s e n e x t c a m p a i g n s carried A l e x a n d e r ' s a r m y b e y o n d t h e N e a r East into C e n t r a l Asia (329-327) a n d t h e I n d u s Valley (326-325). O n their r e t u r n , a fleet c o m m a n d e d b y N e a r c h u s e x p l o r e d t h e coastline f r o m Pattala t o t h e P e r sian Gulf while A l e x a n d e r led t h e land forces o n a disastrous desert m a r c h t h r o u g h G e d r o s i a b a c k t o B a b y l o n . A l e x a n d e r e n c o u n t e r e d m a n y military h a r d s h i p s d u r i n g these years in t h e distant east, a n d h e faced a g r o w i n g tide of related p r o b l e m s : opposition of his h i g h c o m m a n d t o acts of reconciliation with t h e defeated I r a n i a n nobility, sagging m o r a l e of his t r o o p s b e c a u s e of physical a n d emotional strain, limited r e s o u r c e s t o o c c u p y a n d a d m i n i s t e r t h e east e r n e m p i r e , a n d m i s c o n d u c t a m o n g d i e senior officials in c h a r g e of t h e N e a r E a s t e r n satrapies d u r i n g A l e x a n d e r ' s a b sence in India. W h e n A l e x a n d e r r e t u r n e d t o M e s o p o t a m i a i n 324, h e b e g a n t o address t h e e m e r g i n g crisis in h i s newly w o n e m p i r e . H e p u n i s h e d s o m e officials a n d p a r d o n e d o t h e r s , p a i d his a r m y h a n d s o m e l y from t h e r e v e n u e s earlier stockpiled after t h e p l u n d e r of S u s a a n d Persepolis. H e a r r a n g e d a massive w e d d i n g c e r e m o n y at S u s a in w h i c h senior officers took n o ble P e r s i a n b r i d e s , a n d 10,000 M a c e d o n i a n soldiers f o r m a l ized their liaisons with native w o m e n . W h e n A l e x a n d e r t h e n organized a force of i n d i g e n o u s soldiers t o h e l p m e e t his military n e e d s , h e h a d t o face d o w n at O p i s in 324 t h e m u t i n o u s i n s u b o r d i n a t i o n of his M a c e d o n i a n veterans w h o o p p o s e d an ethnically m i x e d military system. I n t h e m i d s t of plans for future c o n q u e s t s , i n c l u d i n g a n expedition to Arabia, A l e x a n d e r fell ill a n d died at B a b y l o n in early J u n e 323. T h e a r m y a n d its officers s o o n quarreled over the issue of succession. A c o m p r o m i s e p r o v i d e d for a d u a l m o n a r c h y s h a r e d b y two nonentities: Philip III A r r h i d a e u s , A l e x a n d e r ' s infirm half b r o t h e r , a n d A l e x a n d e r I V , A l e x a n d e r ' s p o s t h u m o u s son, I n t r u t h , d i e e m p i r e w a s g o v e r n e d b y a m b i t i o u s generals d o w n t o 306/05. First, P e r d i c c a s asserted autiiority as r e g e n t for t h e kings b u t w a s assassi n a t e d in 320. I n M a c e d o n i a , t h e aging general A n t i p a t e r served as t h e n e x t r e g e n t until his d e a t h a year later. T h e fragile u n i t y of t h e e m p i r e e n d u r e d as d i e diadochoi ('successors') c o m p e t e d for t h e regency, often in shifting coalitions sealed b y m a r r i a g e alliances a n d satrapal a p p o i n t m e n t s . U n t i l his defeat a t t h e battle of I p s u s in 301, t h e lead in this struggle w a s t a k e n b y A n t i g o n u s t h e O n e - E y e d , along with his s o n D e m e t r i u s t h e City-Sacker. T h o s e n o t a i m i n g for s u p r e m e p o w e r staked o u t smaller d o m a i n s for t h a t d a y w h e n t h e e m p i r e w o u l d splinter b e y o n d a single m a n ' s g r a s p . A s e x p e c t e d , t h e assassination of t h e t w o kings, Philip III (317/16) a n d A l e x a n d e r I V (311/10), e x h a u s t e d t h e bloodline of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t a n d o p e n e d t h e w a y for
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the formation of n e w royal dynasties in the N e a r East h e a d e d by P t o l e m y ( E g y p t ) , a n d Seleucus (Syria). T h e political unity of die Alexandrian E m p i r e h a d n o t long survived the fall of t h e A c h a e m e n i d s , as t h e c o m p e t i tion for greatness inspired b y Alexander led to a n u n p r e c e d e n t e d period of k i n g m a k i n g a m o n g die M a c e d o n i a n s a n d , ' later, the local nobility of t h e N e a r East as well. Generally k n o w n as t h e Hellenistic A g e , the tiiree centuries following Alexander's death ( 3 2 3 - 3 0 ) witnessed the reigns of fourteen Ptolemies in E g y p t , c a p p e d by d i e remarkable career of Q u e e n Cleopatra VII (r. 51-30). In addition to t h e Nile Val ley, the Ptolemies controlled a few Aegean p o r t s , C y p r u s , a n d Cyrene; diey fought five major Syrian wars against d i e Seleucids for d o m i n i o n over Coele-Syria (Palestine) d o w n to 200. [See Ptolemies; C y r e n e ; Coele-Syria.] T h e Seleucid dynasty p r o d u c e d over t w o d o z e n ldngs a n d n u m e r o u s u s u r p e r s . In addition, the slow dissolution of this vast state, which u n d e r Seleucus I (312-281) h a d stretched from Anatolia to Afghanistan, allowed the rise of m a n y local dynasties in areas such as Bactria, Parthia, C o m m a g e n e , P e r g a m o n , J u d e a , Iturea, N a b a t e a , and C h a r a c e n e ; smaller principalities and n u m e r o u s cities also gained their i n d e p e n dence, m o s t notably in Phoenicia. By t h e time t h a t R o m e a n n e x e d the r e m a i n s of t h e Seleucid E m p i r e in 63, only t h e region a r o u n d A n t i o c h w a s left in M a c e d o n i a n h a n d s . [See Seleucids; P e r g a m o n ; Antioch.] T h i s N e a r Eastern world gradually a b s o r b e d into d i e R o m a n E m p i r e was very different from t h e A c h a e m e n i d w o r l d rapidly absorbed into t h e Alexandrian E m p i r e s o m e t h r e e centuries earlier. T h e s e differences give m e a s u r e to t h e i m pact of Alexander t h e G r e a t u p o n tiiis region. W e m a y here s u m m a r i z e t h a t legacy in its archaeological context. First, the rise of an Alexandrian E m p i r e i n t r o d u c e d a strong a n d lasting Hellenic influence into t h e rich cultural milieu of the N e a r East. T h i s is n o t to say tiiat G r e e k culture wholly d o m i n a t e d d i e area d u r i n g the Hellenistic A g e n o r tiiat some G r e e k influence h a d n o t already been felt in t h e N e a r East long before Alexander's invasion. G r e e k m e r c e naries h a d b e e n recruited earlier into the armies of t h e A c h a e m e n i d kings, and G r e e k m e r c h a n t s h a d long plied their trade in the ports of the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . A G r e e k trading colony h a d existed at Naukratis (Egypt) since the seventh century. [See Naukratis.] T h e degree of Hellenic influence clearly intensified, however, n o longer i n c r e m e n tally, b u t exponentially, in t h e wake of Alexander's wars. R a t h e r than a few t h o u s a n d G r e e k mercenaries, the N e a r East witnessed a w a v e of G r e e k military colonists (kleroukoi) t h a t crested in t h e h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s . W h e r e v e r t h e r e were p e r m a n e n t c a m p s of G r e e k soldier-settlers, t h e r e w e r e n o w islands of Hellenism in the Semitic N e a r East. Of course, n o n Greeks inhabited tiiese " i s l a n d s " as well, s o m e as soldiers or s u p p o r t personnel, others as wives or workers. R e c e n t excavations on Ikaros ( m o d e r n Failaka) reveal a S e leucid military settlement w h e r e traditional M e s o p o t a m i a n
artifacts a n d n o n G r e e k graffiti exist side b y side with d e d ications to G r e e k gods m a d e b y d i e garrison c o m m a n d e r a n d his t r o o p s . [See Failaka.] F r o m Anatolia as far east as Ai K h a n u m (Afghanistan), evidence of this t y p e d e m o n strates h o w i m m i g r a n t G r e e k soldiers i n t r o d u c e d a n e w b u t n o t o v e r w h e l m i n g cultural element in t e r m s of their lan g u a g e , religion, art, a n d architecture. I n E g y p t , w h e r e p a pyrus d o c u m e n t s tell t h e story m o r e fully, w e c a n follow t h e family histories of s o m e of these settlers. I n s o m e cases, t h e colonists held doggedly to their Hellenic b a c k g r o u n d a n d insulated themselves as far as possible from native influ ences; odiers m a r r i e d E g y p t i a n wives, w o r s h i p e d local d e i ties, a n d raised bilingual children. W h a t e v e r t h e degree of cultural " f u s i o n " in a given klerouchia, t h e r a t h e r s u d d e n a n d sustained p r e s e n c e of G r e e k soldiers o c c u p y i n g t h e N e a r East c o n t r i b u t e d greatiy t o t h e changes w r o u g h t by A l e x a n d e r the G r e a t . S e c o n d , the n u m b e r of Hellenistic u r b a n centers grew. T h e one G r e e k e n t r e p o t at N a u k r a t i s w a s quickly s u p p l a n t e d by d o z e n s of full-fledged cities f o u n d e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r East b y A l e x a n d e r a n d his successors. Alexandria in E g y p t b l o s s o m e d u n d e r t h e P t o l e m i e s into a major M e d iterranean city t h a t attracted G r e e k artists, intellectuals, a d ministrators, m e r c h a n t s , a n d m a n y others into its p o p u l a tion. A l t h o u g h n o n - G r e e k s certainly p l a y e d a vital role in t h e city's history, t h e Hellenic element u n d e r P t o l e m a i c p a t r o n a g e enjoyed a privileged position b o t h politically a n d culturally. [See Alexandria.] T h e s a m e o c c u r r e d at A n t i o c h , one of the capitals of t h e Seleucid E m p i r e , a n d m a n y o t h e r places. T h e administration of t h e s e Hellenistic cities w a s generally Greek, t h o u g h w e c a n trace in t h e d o c u m e n t a r y sources d i e a p p o i n t m e n t of s o m e officials b e a r i n g n o n G r e e k n a m e s a n d tides; s o m e city business w a s c o n d u c t e d in native languages a n d a c c o r d i n g to local c u s t o m s . B a b y l o n provides a well-known e x a m p l e of h o w traditional M e s o p o t a m i a n t e m p l e a n d civic practices survived t h e intrusion of the Greeks. I n t h e m a i n , h o w e v e r , t h e G r e e k language a n d Hellenic political institutions t o o k r o o t in tiiese n e w f o u n d a t i o n s . C a r e was often taken b y t h e M a c e d o n i a n dy nasts to give t h e s e cities a G r e e k a p p e a r a n c e t o go along with their G r e e k n a m e s (usually dynastic, b u t occasionally t r a n s p l a n t e d p l a c e - n a m e s from G r e e c e ) a n d institutions (e.g., boule [council] a n d agora [assembly]). T h o u g h often a d a p t e d to local building m e t h o d s a n d materials (e.g., m u d brick), Hellenic s t r u c t u r e s s u c h as g y m n a s i a a n d theaters rose o n N e a r E a s t e r n soil. G r e e k terra cottas, c o l u m n d r u m s a n d capitals, propylaea [entrance s t r u c t u r e s ] , a n d M a c e d o n i a n palaces c o u l d b e seen in m a n y of these cities, along with G r e e k p o t t e r y a n d other G r e e k d o m e s t i c items in p r i vate h o u s e s built of G r e e k design. E v e n burial practices a n d t o m b construction were influenced b y Hellenic m o d e l s , as at Jerusalem, M a r i s a ( M a r e s h a h ) , D e i r e d - D e r b in S a m a r i a , Suweida in Syria, H e r m e l and K a l a t F a k r a in L e b a n o n , a n d of course P e t r a in t h e N e g e v . Clearly, places s u c h as B a b -
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ylon a n d J e r u s a l e m did n o t b e c o m e t h o r o u g h l y hellenized, b u t a substantial G r e e k p r e s e n c e could easily b e seen d i e r e by a n y visitor, a n d s o m e cultural interaction a n d b l e n d i n g was inevitable over t h e c o u r s e of t h r e e centuries. [See J e r u salem; M a r e s h a h ; S u w e i d a ; Petra.] T h r o u g h military o c c u p a t i o n a n d city founding, t h e n , G r e e k culture m a d e a lasting i m p a c t u p o n t h e N e a r East. T h e G r e e k l a n g u a g e , in t h e K o i n e ( c o m m o n G r e e k ) dialect of t h e Hellenistic world, b e c a m e t h e lingua franca of t h e N e a r East, a role previously p l a y e d b y A r a m a i c u n d e r t h e A c h a e m e n i d s . Y e t , w h e n t h e R o m a n s arrived on t h e scene in the first c e n t u r y BCE, tiiey c o u l d still h e a r s p o k e n a variety of Semitic l a n g u a g e s a n d local dialects. T h e y could see i n t h e Seleucid archives r e c e n t c u n e i f o r m texts, or in E g y p t t h e o n g o i n g u s e of hieroglyphs a n d d e m o t i c script o n m o n u m e n t s a n d inscriptions s u c h as t h e f a m o u s Rosetta S t o n e from d i e reign of P t o l e m y V (205-180). B u t t h e language of t h e Hellenistic rulers was G r e e k (only t h e last of t h e P t o l e mies, C l e o p a t r a V I I (51-30), learned t h e E g y p t i a n l a n g u a g e ) , a n d c o u r t life r e q u i r e d K o i n e for business a n d plea sure. T h e e d u c a t e d elite s e l d o m strayed into t h e l a n g u a g e s or literatures of t h e N e a r E a s t e r n p e o p l e s . N a t i v e works of n o t e h a d t o b e translated into G r e e k for further s t u d y , as in d i e case of d i e S e p t u a g i n t , t h e E g y p t i a n history preserved b y M a n e t h o , or t h e B a b y l o n i a n lore translated b y Berossos. W h e n A l e x a n d e r i n v a d e d t h e N e a r E a s t , interpreters w e r e r e q u i r e d t o m a k e it possible for G r e e k s a n d n o n - G r e e k s t o c o m m u n i c a t e . W h e n t h e R o m a n s arrived, G r e e k was a s e c o n d l a n g u a g e t h r o u g h o u t t h e region, a t least a m o n g d i e priv ileged classes. T h a t did n o t c h a n g e , e v e n t h r o u g h centuries of R o m a n rule. T h e N e w T e s t a m e n t took f o r m in K o i n e , R o m a n coinage i n t h e N e a r E a s t e m p l o y e d G r e e k i n s c r i p tions, a n d B y z a n t i u m i n h e r i t e d from t h e Alexandrian E m pire a n administrative s y s t e m b a s e d o n G r e e k r a t h e r t h a n L a t i n . [See Greek.] Third, t h e Alexandrian E m p i r e increased the production of coins, w h i c h m a d e t r a d e easier. G r e e k s , especially m e r chants a n d m e r c e n a r i e s , w e r e long a c c u s t o m e d t o t h e c o n venience of coinage. T h e A c h a e m e n i d s h a d established m i n t s , therefore, in those r e g i o n s w h e r e Greeks w e r e n o r mally recruited a n d stationed, b u t h a d n o t p r e s s e d t o h a v e a m o n e t i z e d e c o n o m y replace traditional barter i n other ar eas of their e m p i r e . T r a d i n g c e n t e r s , s u c h as Phoenicia a n d E g y p t , h a d b e e n c o m p e l l e d t o i m p o r t G r e e k coinage o r t o m i n t locally. A l e x a n d e r a n d h i s successors c h a n g e d this sit u a t i o n very rapidly, n o t so m u c h as p a r t of a g r a n d e c o n o m i c s c h e m e t o stimulate t h e " s t a g n a n t " N e a r E a s t ( a n old view t h a t still holds t o o m u c h influence), b u t ratiier t o m e e t t h e i m m e d i a t e n e e d s of a m a s s i v e invasion a n d o c c u p a t i o n . T o p a y his t r o o p s , A l e x a n d e r o p e r a t e d nearly t w o d o z e n royal m i n t s i n Anatolia, C y p r u s , Syria, P h o e n i c i a , E g y p t , a n d Mesopotamia, These mints produced a homogeneous, "im p e r i a l " coinage o n t h e Attic G r e e k s t a n d a r d (see figure 1). M a s s i v e supplies of bullion c a m e to h a n d w h e n A l e x a n d e r
ALEXANDRIAN EMPIRE.
F i g u r e I . Macedonian tetradrachm. Figaie
of A l e x a n d e r III is s e a t e d o n right. D a t e d t o 320 BCE, (Courtesy American N u m i s m a t i c Society)
c a p t u r e d t h e treasuries of t h e A c h a e m e n i d palaces; P e r s e p olis alone yielded s o m e 120,000 talents' w o r t h ( m o r e t h a n 3 million k g or 6.8 million lbs.) of silver. M o s t , b u t n o t all, of this p l u n d e r w a s c o n v e r t e d into coins t o m e e t t h e military e x p e n s e s of A l e x a n d e r a n d t h e diadochoi. O v e r time, a m o n etary e c o n o m y replaced b a r t e r in m o s t parts of t h e N e a r East, particularly t h e u r b a n i z e d areas. T h i s is especially ev ident in t h e increased p r o d u c t i o n of b r o n z e fiduciary cur rencies, a n d t h e striking of Greek-style coinage in areas b e y o n d the control of d i e P t o l e m i e s a n d Seleucids. All of t h e native dynasties that b r o k e free of t h e Seleucids m i n t e d H e l lenistic coinage. W i d e s p r e a d m o n e t a r y p r o d u c t i o n facili t a t e d t r a d e . Archaeology confirms this d e v e l o p m e n t t h r o u g h coin finds, t h e diffusion of M e d i t e r r a n e a n a m p h o r a e , a n d t h e luxury goods that flowed i n a n d o u t of t h e N e a r East. F r o m the deatii of A l e x a n d e r d o w n t o 167 BCE, w h e n p u n ished b y R o m e with crippling e c o n o m i c sanctions, R h o d e s served as d i e wealthy center of East M e d i t e r r a n e a n m a r i t i m e t r a d e ; its a m p h o r a e h a v e b e e n f o u n d f r o m t h e British Isles to I n d i a . [See Coins.] I n spite of e c o n o m i c growtii in t h e Hellenistic Age, w a r still p r o v i d e d d i e usual m e a n s of e x p a n d i n g royal wealth. T a x e s , tolls, a n d t r i b u t e s e l d o m m e t t h e exorbitant needs of t h e kings, for w h o m c o n s p i c u o u s c o n s u m p t i o n o n a g r a n d scale w a s a hallmark of Hellenistic m o n a r c h y . If n o t b y t r a d e , t h e n b y c o n q u e s t , these kings sought l u x u r y goods t o p u t o n p a r a d e . O n o n e f a m o u s occasion, P t o l e m y II (285/82-246) m a r c h e d t h r o u g h Alexandria an a s t o u n d i n g display of p r e s tige i t e m s , i n c l u d i n g exotic animals from India, Ethiopia, a n d Arabia. T h e r e w a s also competition a m o n g t h e kings either t o develop t h e largest w a r s h i p s o r t o field t h e largest e l e p h a n t c o r p s . E v e r y w h e r e in t h e N e a r East, t h e M a c e d o nian military system t o o k hold. B e g i n n i n g with A l e x a n d e r , levies of local t r o o p s w e r e a r m e d a n d trained i n t h e M a c e donian m a n n e r , a practice e x p a n d e d b y t h e successors from d i e late third c e n t u r y BCE o n w a r d . A d v a n c e d siege engines a n d artillery, n o t to m e n t i o n d i e counterforce of intensive fortification, b e c a m e s t a n d a r d features of N e a r E a s t e r n w a r fare. Hellenistic armies w e r e naturally t h e heirs of t h e Al-
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exandrian E m p i r e ratiier t h a n of d i e A c h a e m e n i d . In fact, all processes of hellenization were essentially military in or igin, from colonization to monetization. T h e legacy of t h e Alexandrian E m p i r e r e m a i n e d imperialist and colonial in nature. W h e n looking so deliberately for Alexander's i m p a c t o n the N e a r East, w e m u s t n o t leave the false impression t h a t earlier p a t t e r n s of social, cultural, political, religious, military, a n d e c o n o m i c life were totally swept away. In m a n y ways, the Hellenic c u s t o m s of t h e c o n q u e r o r s were held at b a y b y t h e resilient a n d often better-suited tra ditions of t h e i n d i g e n o u s peoples. Recall that local lan guages were n o t effaced b y Greek a n d t h a t m a n y Greeks a d o p t e d N e a r Eastern religious practices or, at t h e very least, a d a p t e d t h e m to their o w n use t h r o u g h syncretism. E v e n in warfare, t h e Greeks grew fond of t h e elephants a n d scythed chariots e m p l o y e d b y t h e A c h a e m e n i d s . I n fact, Seleucus I t r a d e d India to C h a n d r a g u p t a M a u r y a for five h u n d r e d el e p h a n t s , which p r o v e d a good i n v e s t m e n t at d i e battle of I p s u s in 301. N o reign or region of t h e Hellenistic N e a r E a s t was t h o r oughly Greek. T h e i m p o r t a n t political institutions of d i e G r e e k s , m o s t notably those of t h e polis (city), functioned within an administrative system that was largely A c h a e m e n i d . Alexander h a d retained d i e successful b u r e a u c r a t i c structure of the N e a r East, with its diverse collection of " t e m p l e - s t a t e s " , s e m i - i n d e p e n d e n t cities a n d tribes, t r i b u tary ldngs, a n d satraps. Before b e c o m i n g lungs, all of d i e eastern diadochoi h a d first b e e n satraps. W h e n , for e x a m p l e , t h e Seleucids later established their royal dynasty, they a p p o i n t e d satraps of their own, some of w h o m in t u r n b e c a m e i n d e p e n d e n t kings w h o straightaway divided their former satrapies into smaller satrapies. Clearly, d i e Greeks could find nothing better t h a n t h e old A c h a e m e n i d s t r u c t u r e within which to build their new Hellenistic states. T h e hellenization of t h e Semitic East was, therefore, a long, complex process t h a t did n o t t o u c h all areas n o r all classes with the s a m e effect. T h e aggressive m e a s u r e s to c o m p e l cultural c h a n g e in J u d e a u n d e r A n t i o c h u s I V (175-164), for e x a m p l e , sparked intensive resistance that, itself, divided m a n y n o n - G r e e k s over t h e issue of helleni zation. Everywhere in t h e N e a r East, Alexander's legacy was a patchwork of languages a n d cultures t h a t i n c l u d e d for t h e first time a substantial G r e e k element tiiat clearly inspired s o m e and incensed others. BIBLIOGRAPHY Austin, M . M . , ed. Tfie Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest: A Selection of Ancient Sources in Translation. Cambridge, 1981. Convenient collection of 2 7 9 items, including literary sources as well as documentary evidence. Bosworth, A. B . Conquest and Empire: The Reign of Alexander the Great. Cambridge, 1988. T h e best recent biography, meticulously r e searched with excellent chapters on administration a n d the army. Burstein, Stanley B., ed. a n d trans. The Hellenistic Age from the Battle
of Jpsos to the Death of Kleopalra VII. T r a n s l a t e d D o c u m e n t s of Greece and R o m e , vol. 3. Cambridge, 1 9 8 5 . Well-chosen selection of 1 1 2 d o c u m e n t s , with first-rate c o m m e n t a r y and bibliographical references. Downey, Susan B . Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander through the Parthians. Princeton, 1988. Close scholarly examination of how N e a r Eastern traditions e n d u r e d u n d e r foreign occupation. Eddy, Samuel K. The King Is Dead: Studies in Near-East Resistance to Hellenism, 334-31 B.C. Lincoln, N e b . , 1 9 6 1 . Classic attempt to see the N e a r Eastern side of t h e Hellenistic world. Fedak, Janos. Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age: A Study of Se lected Tombs from the Pre-Classical to the Early Imperial Era. T o r o n t o , 1990. T h e best work of its kind, covering t o m b architecture from pre-Classical to R o m a n periods. Grainger, John D . The Cities of Seleukid Syria. Oxford, 1990. Useful case study of Hellenistic city-founding in the heart of the Seleucid Empire, with summaries of excavations and surveys. G r e e n , Peter. Alexander to Actium: Tlie Historical Evolution of the Hel lenistic Age. Berkeley, 1990. Opinionated b u t expert essay of nearly a thousand pages that minimizes the geniune interaction of Greek and non-Greek cultures. G r e e n , Peter, ed. Hellenistic History and Culture. Berkeley, 1 9 9 3 , Eight articles on important aspects of Hellenistic studies, with an excellent balance of critical responses and discussion. Hengel, Martin. Jews, Greeks, and Barbarians: Aspects of the Helleniza tion of Judaism in the Pre-Christian Period. L o n d o n , 1980. K u h r t , Amelie, a n d Susan Sherwin-White, eds. Hellenism in the East: The Interaction of Greek and Non-Greek Civilisations from Syria to Central Asia after Alexander. Berkeley, 1987. Six studies giving m u c h needed attention t o the n o n - G r e e k side of Hellenistic history and making effective use of n e w archaeological evidence. Lewis, Naphtali. Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt: Case Studies in the Social History of the Hellenistic World. Oxford, 1986. Uses papyrological evidence to explore cultural interaction on the personal level. Mornigliano, Arnaldo. Alien Wisdom: The Limits of Hellenization. Cam bridge, 1 9 7 5 . Based on a series of lectures at C a m b r i d g e , this work examines the intellectual meeting g r o u n d of Greeks, R o m a n s , Per sians, Jews, and Celtic tribes. Rostovtzeff, Michael. 77K Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World. 3 vols. 2d ed. Oxford, 1 9 5 3 . Venerable a n d still valuable treat ment of the scattered evidence; nothing is likely to replace its scope. Samuel, Alan E. Prom Athens to Alexandria: Hellenism and Social Goals in Ptolemaic Egypt. Series Sludia Hellenistica, vol. 26. Louvain, 1983. Careful analysis of all phases of contact a n d conflict between Greek and Egyptian cultures in t h e Hellenistic Age. Samuel, Alan E. The Shifting Sands of History: Interpretations of Ptole maic Egypt. Publications of the Association of Ancient Historians, vol. 2. L a n h a m , M d . , 1989. Rich historiographical survey for the educated nonspecialist. Sherwin-White, Susan, and Amelie K u h r t . From Samarkhandto Sardis: A New Approach to the Seleucid Empire. Berkeley, 1 9 9 3 . T h e best single volume n o w available on the Seleucids, with detailed regional surveys a n d up-to-date archaeological evidence. T h o m p s o n , Dorothy, Memphis under the Ptolemies. Princeton, 1988. Very detailed but readable account of a key Egyptian city, fully d o c umented and illustrated. Walbank, F. W., a n d A. E. Astin, et al. The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 7 . 1 , The Hellenistic World. 2 d ed. C a m b r i d g e , 1984. T h e best starting point for all aspects of Hellenistic history. N o t e also die ar ticle on later Seleucid history by Christian Habicht, " T h e Seleucids and T h e i r Rivals," in The Cambridge Ancient History, vol, 8, Rome and the Mediterranean to 133 B.C., edited b y A. E. Astin et al., p p . 324-387 (Cambridge, 1989). FRANK L . HOLT
ALPHABET ALI K O S H , a small p r e h i s t o r i c site located o n t h e D e h L u r a n plain in s o u t h w e s t e r n I r a n a t a n elevation of a b o u t 170 m (32°3o' N , 47°2o' E ) . T h e plain, covering a p p r o x i mately 169 s q k m (100 sq. m i . ) is enclosed b y t h e Z a g r o s M o u n t a i n s o n t h e n o r t h , a low line of hills a n d t h e vast M e s o p o t a m i a n plain o n t h e s o u t h , a n d b y t w o small streams o n t h e east a n d west. I n 1903 t h e F r e n c h archaeologists, J o s e p h E . G a u t i e r a n d Georges L a m p r e , representing the Mission Archeologique de P e r s e , e x c a v a t e d a small t r e n c h a t t h e site t h a t they called T e p e M o h a m m e d Jaffar ( t h e n a m e of a local tribal l e a d e r ) . W h e n they f o u n d only r e m a i n s of " r e e d a n d b r a n c h h u t s , " along with s o m e flints a n d c r u d e c e r a m i c s , t h e y a b a n d o n e d work. N e a r l y sixty years later, R o b e r t B r a i d w o o d a n d R i c h ard W a t s o n of t h e Oriental I n s t i t u t e Prehistoric Project col lected s o m e flints t h e r e a n d , o n their advice, in 1961 F r a n k H o l e a n d K e n t F l a n n e r y (Rice U n i v e r s i t y - O r i e n t a l I n s t i tute) u n d e r t o o k a 3 - b y - 5 - m e t e r excavation. T h e u p p e r lay ers of t h e site w e r e f o u n d t o c o n t a i n Early Neolithic pottery, b u t t h e lower layers were a c e r a m i c . A c c o r d i n g t o local vil lagers, d i e site h a d t w o n a m e s , B u s M o r d e h (Pers., " d e a d g o a t " ) a n d Ali K o s h (Pers., " t h e p l a c e w h e r e Ali w a s killed"). U n a w a r e a t t h e time tiiat t h e F r e n c h h a d n a m e d t h e site M o h a m m e d Jaffar, t h e excavators called it Ali K o s h . O n t h e basis of t h e initial results, a n d especially o n finding c h a r r e d seeds in ashy material collected for r a d i o c a r b o n d a t ing, H o l e a n d F l a n n e r y r e t u r n e d to t h e site in 1963 for m o r e extensive excavations. G u i d e d b y B r a i d w o o d ' s previous r e search into t h e origins of d o m e s t i c a t i o n , t h e r e n e w e d e x c a vation w a s f o c u s e d o n r e c o v e r i n g p l a n t r e m a i n s a n d a n i m a l b o n e s . Plans Helbaek, a D a n i s h paleobotanist w h o h a d w o r k e d with B r a i d w o o d , a n autiiority o n a n c i e n t p l a n t r e m a i n s , joined t h e t e a m in t h e field to s t u d y t h e samples as they were excavated. T o e x t r a c t seeds from t h e soil, t h e e x cavators u s e d flotation (the first t i m e t h e t e c h n i q u e w a s e m ployed in S o u t h w e s t A s i a ) . T h e t e c h n i q u e separates c h a r r e d organic remains f r o m soil b y i m m e r s i n g t h e m in w a t e r w i t h t h e aid of m a c h i n e s . A t Ali K o s h , a t e d i o u s h a n d m e t h o d w a s u s e d , witii w a t e r t r u c k e d t o t h e site. T h e r e a r e t h r e e archaeological p h a s e s at Ali K o s h , e a c h given local site n a m e s : B u s M o r d e h for t h e oldest, Ali K o s h for t h e s e c o n d aceramic p h a s e , a n d M o h a m m e d Jaffar for t h e ceramic Neolithic. Fifteen r a d i o c a r b o n dates were orig inally obtained for t h e site, b u t they gave highly variable a n d a m b i g u o u s results. O n t h e basis of dates from other sites, as well as additional accelerator m a s s s p e c t r o s c o p y A M S dates o n c h a r r e d b o n e f r o m d i e B u s M o r d e h a n d Ali K o s h p h a s e s , it is n o w estimated t h a t t h e site w a s f o u n d e d in a b o u t 7000 BCE.
T h e first settlers a t Ali K o s h lived n e a r a p e r m a n e n t m a r s h from w h i c h they h a r v e s t e d fish, turtles, clams, a n d w a t e r fowl. H u n t e r s stalked wild gazelle, onager, cattle, a n d pigs t h a t grazed t h e s u r r o u n d i n g plain, a n d h e r d e r s kept small flocks of d o m e s t i c goats. [See Cattle a n d O x e n ; Pigs; S h e e p
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a n d Goats.] T h e y s u p p l e m e n t e d these foods b y harvesting seasonally a b u n d a n t wild p l a n t foods a n d cultivating w h e a t a n d barley. [See Cereals.] T h e successive layers a t Ali K o s h d o c u m e n t the increasing d e p e n d e n c e o n d o m e s t i c a t e d h e r d s a n d agriculture until 6000 BCE, w h e n t h e m a r s h dried a n d t h e villagers m o v e d t o o n e of d i e other sites o n t h e plain, s u c h as C h o g h a Sefid. [See also Persia, article on Prehistoric Persia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Gautier, Joseph, a n d Georges L a m p r e . "Fouilles d e M o u s s i a n . " Mimoires de la Delegation en Perse 8 ( 1 9 0 5 ) : 5 9 - 1 4 9 . T h e first mention of Ali K o s h , here called T e p e M o h a m m a d - D j a f f a r (see p p . 8 1 - 8 3 ) . Hole, Frank, et al„ eds. Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Deh Luran Plain: An Early Village Sequence from Khuzistan, Iran. University of Michigan, M e m o i r s of the M u s e u m of Anthropology, n o . 1. A n n Arbor, 1 9 6 9 , Final report of t h e excavations, with specialist studies of botanical and faunal remains. Hole, Frank, ed. The Archaeology of Western Iran. Washington, D . C . , 1987. See chapters 2 a n d 3 for.discussions of Ali K o s h a n d otlier c o n t e m p o r a r y sites. FRANK HOLE
A L P H A B E T . [This entry treats the origins and develop ment of what is traditionally termed the "alphabet," that is, the stages termed "abjad" and "alphabet." For definitions and fur ther discussion, see W r i t i n g a n d W r i t i n g Systems.] T h e a l p h a b e t b e g a n as a system of symbols, each of w h i c h r e p r e s e n t e d a c o n s o n a n t a l p h o n e m e . B e c a u s e in t h e earliest attested stages t h e signs are q u a s i - p i c t o g r a p h i c a n d the form of t h e sign c o r r e s p o n d s i n several cases t o t h e n a m e of t h e letter k n o w n f r o m later p e r i o d s , it is plausible t h a t each of t h e earliest sign forms b o r e a n a m e b e g i n n i n g with d i e p h o n e m e r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e sign. F o r e x a m p l e , the n a m e of the {b}-sign w o u l d h a v e b e e n baytu, t h e Semitic word for " h o u s e , " a n d it w o u l d h a v e r e p r e s e n t e d d i e c o n s o n a n t a l p h o n e m e /b/. T h i s is t h e so-called a c r o p h o n i c principle. M o r e titan a m i l l e n n i u m after writing h a d c o m e into u s e in M e s o p o t a m i a a n d i n E g y p t , t h e alphabetic principle was devised s o m e w h e r e in t h e L e v a n t b e t w e e n these t w o early centers of civilization. B e c a u s e of d i e representational c h a r acter of t h e earliest signs, t h e invention p r o b a b l y took place u n d e r E g y p t i a n radier t h a n u n d e r M e s o p o t a m i a n influence, for hieroglyphs m a i n t a i n e d p i c t o g r a p h i c forms for millen nia, even while cursive scripts developed. [See E g y p t i a n ; H i eroglyphs.] O n t h e other h a n d , a l t h o u g h a system of quasialphabetic signs was d e v e l o p e d i n E g y p t i a n , u s e d principally to r e p r e s e n t foreign n a m e s , e a c h E g y p t i a n sign c o n t i n u e d t o note o n e , t w o , o r three c o n s o n a n t s until t h e G r e e k a l p h a b e t was a d o p t e d for C o p t i c . [See H i e r o g l y p h s ; Greek; C o p t i c ] T h e earliest alphabet clearly did n o t originate in a simple b o r r o w i n g of t h e E g y p t i a n quasi-alphabetic signs, for n o sin gle c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e t w o systems h a s b e e n p r o v e n . R a t h e r , even t h o u g h t h e idea m a y well h a v e b e e n
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b o r n u n d e r the influence of the Egyptian u s a g e (Sznycer, 1974; Sass, 1991), t h e t r u e invention is t h e idea of n o t i n g die consonantal s e g m e n t only, for t h a t resulted in t h e radical reduction of the n u m b e r of signs: from die large n u m b e r required for a syllabic system to a m u c h small n u m b e r r e quired for an alphabetic system. It is estimated t h a t a w o r k ing M e s o p o t a m i a n scribe n e e d e d an active k n o w l e d g e of a p proximately two h u n d r e d signs, b u t the earliest alphabets probably d i d n o t h a v e m o r e titan twenty-nine signs at t h e m o s t . T h e imitation of the Egyptian iconic principle of writ ing also resulted in a set of relatively simple symbols; t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n cuneiform system, b y contrast, included m a n y signs t h a t consisted of a large n u m b e r of w e d g e s (ten or m o r e in the archaic p e r i o d ) a n d that required m u c h p r a c tice to p r o d u c e a n d to recognize. [See Cuneiform.] It can b e debated whether t h e c o n s o n a n t a l writing system merits t h e n a m e alphabet, b u t the simplification of t h e writing process it represented m a k e s it t h e decisive step t o w a r d t h e full al p h a b e t as devised b y tire Greeks. [See W r i t i n g a n d W r i t i n g Systems.] Because of the small n u m b e r of extant early alphabetic inscriptions a n d t h e difficulties in dating t h e m , it is u n c e r t a i n just where the alphabet was invented. B e c a u s e t h e earliest k n o w n examples a r e arguably the Proto-Sinaitic texts, it is t e m p t i n g to see in t h e m the texts for the writing of w h i c h the alphabet was invented. T h a t t e m p t a t i o n m u s t b e r e sisted, however, for it is presentiy impossible to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r the social conditions requisite for t h e invention of a writing system existed in the Sinai t h e n — t h a t is, t h e p r e s e n c e of a scribe of t h e language for which t h e alphabet w a s invented w h o was also well acquainted with Egyptian. It is in any case likely t h a t t h e invention was only a c c o m p l i s h e d o n c e and spread t h r o u g h o u t t h e L e v a n t . In theory, it could h a v e o c c u r r e d a n y w h e r e there was an Egyptian influence in t h e late M i d d l e K i n g d o m — f r o m E g y p t itself t h r o u g h C a n a a n into Syria. T h e concentration of early texts in Sinai a n d die various inscriptions from sites in s o u t h e r n C a n a a n , however, m a k e t h e m o s t plausible hypothesis tiiat of a s o u t h ern origin. If the hypothesis b e a c c e p t e d t h a t t h e above Proto-Sinaitic a n d P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e inscriptions r e p r e s e n t the earliest al phabetic writings, a necessary corollary is that t h e a l p h a b e t was invented to write a W e s t Semitic language. [See P r o t o Sinaitic; P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e . ] Unfortunately, p r o b l e m s of overall d e c i p h e r m e n t a n d of the identification of individual signs a n d their variants m a k e it impossible at p r e s e n t to d e termine t h e precise characteristics of the language(s) r e p resented by d i e earliest inscriptions. T h e data available in dicate an early dialect of Canaanite. U g a r i t i c A l p h a b e t . T h e earliest W e s t Semitic l a n g u a g e represented in an alphabetic script a n d with an i m p o r t a n t b o d y of decipherable inscriptions is Ugaritic. [See Ugarit; Ugaritic; Ugarit Inscriptions.] T h e s e texts date to t h e four
t e e n t h - t h i r t e e n t h centuries BCE, a l t h o u g h t h e greatest n u m b e r are p r o b a b l y from the last few d e c a d e s before t h e destruction of t h e site in t h e early twelfth c e n t u r y BCE. Ugaritic m a d e t w o major c o n t r i b u t i o n s to d i e early history of t h e alphabet: it is t h e only W e s t Semitic alphabetic writing system t h a t is c u n e i f o r m a n d a significant n u m b e r of a b e cedaries exist (an abecedary is t h e c o n v e n t i o n a l n a m e for t h e writing o u t of a n a l p h a b e t a c c o r d i n g t o an established or der). F o r reasons presently u n k n o w n (the prestige of M e s o p o t a m i a n c u n e i f o r m , a t e m p o r a r y shortage of p a p y r u s ? ) , t h e W e s t Semitic a l p h a b e t w a s r e d u c e d t o w e d g e forms a n d written on clay at Ugarit. [See P a p y r u s ; W r i t i n g Materials.] Various considerations—chronological, formal, a n d s t r u c t u r a l — m a k e it highly unlikely t h a t t h e Ugaritic writing sys t e m represents a local invention of d i e alphabet: it a p p e a r e d too late (fourteenth c e n t u r y BCE), there are several plausible c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s of sign forms b e t w e e n it a n d t h e k n o w n linear writing systems, a n d it does n o t c o r r e s p o n d perfectiy to the Ugaritic p h o n o l o g i c a l system. T h e Ugaritic abecedaries h a v e established several valu able reference p o i n t s in t h e history of t h e alphabet. • T h e y p r o v e tiiat the o r d e r of t h e letters later k n o w n as t h e s t a n d a r d N o r t h w e s t Semitic o r d e r ( H e b r e w , P h o e n i c i a n P u n i c , A r a m a i c ) was in use in t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE in Syria. [See H e b r e w L a n g u a g e a n d L i t e r a t u r e ; P h o e n i cian-Punic; A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d Literature.] A b e c e daries are attested in Palestine a n d in P h o e n i c i a b y t h e late thirteenth c e n t u r y BCE a n d o n i n t o t h e first millen n i u m BCE ( C r o s s , 1980, p p . 8-15; L e m a i r e , 1978). T h e early date of t h e Ugaritic e x a m p l e s a n d d i e w i d e s p r e a d of t h e later languages attesting this o r d e r m a k e it plausible t h a t the i n v e n t o r of t h e alphabet h a d conventionally u s e d this order for p e d a g o g i c p u r p o s e s . • C o m p a r i s o n b e t w e e n t h e Ugaritic abecedaries a n d t h e or der of letters in t h e later N o r t h w e s t Semitic languages shows t h a t a " l o n g " a l p h a b e t w a s in u s e in t h e f o u r t e e n t h century BCE. T h e basic c o n s o n a n t a l i n v e n t o r y of Ugaritic was represented b y t w e n t y - s e v e n signs, w h e r e a s t h e basic s o u t h e r n C a n a a n i t e a l p h a b e t consisted of t w e n t y - t w o signs. T h e five extra Ugaritic signs are i n t e r s p e r s e d a m o n g t h e signs k n o w n from t h e soutiiern C a n a a n i t e al p h a b e t as follows: Canaanite
'
b
g
Ugaritic
a
b
g
Canaanite
I m
Ugaritic
I m
d
d h
d
h
h
w
w
z z
h h
n
s ' p
s q r s
n z
s ' p
$ q
r t
t t
y y
k k
s
t g
t
(i u s)
• If t h e inventor of t h e Ugaritic c u n e i f o r m s y s t e m h a d b e e n imitating a " s h o r t " alphabet, h e w o u l d in all likelihood
ALPHABET have t a c k e d t h e extra signs h e n e e d e d o n t h e e n d of t h e alphabet, as h e d i d with t h e t h r e e extra signs t h a t h e d i d devise ({i, u , s } ) — a n d as t h e G r e e k s did w h e n t h e y b o r r o w e d a n d a d a p t e d t h e W e s t Semitic alphabet; or h e w o u l d h a v e a d a p t e d existing signs in g r o u p s , as t h e A r a b s did w h e n they revised t h e N o r t h w e s t Semitic a l p h a b e t . R a t h e r , h e seems to h a v e b e e n following an established o r d e r in w h i c h {h} followed {g}, {§} followed {k}, et cet era. B e c a u s e t h e Ugaritic p h o n o l o g i c a l system does n o t perfectly m a t c h t h e writing s y s t e m (e.g., is u s e d i n c o n s i s tently), it is likely t h a t t h e a l p h a b e t w a s originally b o r r o w e d from a W e s t Semitic l a n g u a g e with a slightly dif ferent c o n s o n a n t a l i n v e n t o r y a n d / o r t h a t t h e u s e of t h e long linear a l p h a b e t already h a d a history at Ugarit. • T h e order of t h e long a l p h a b e t , as illustrated by t h e U g a ritic abecedaries, m a k e s t h e h y p o t h e s i s plausible t h a t t h e short a l p h a b e t is a simplification of t h e longer one: t h a t is, certain sign f o r m s w e r e d r o p p e d f r o m u s a g e w h e n n o t n e e d e d ( p r o b a b l y in t h e p r o c e s s of a d o p t i o n from o n e l a n g u a g e to a n o t h e r , r a t h e r t h a n b y a l p h a b e t reform in a given c o m m u n i t y ) , for a l p h a b e t u s a g e t e n d s to b e c o n servative. • T h e r e c e n t discovery at U g a r i t of a n a b e c e d a r y in t h e S o u t h Semitic o r d e r a n d with variant sign forms ( G a q u o t , forthcoming; Bordreuil and Pardee, forthcoming), a n d t h e earlier d e c i p h e r m e n t of a c u n e i f o r m tablet from B e t h S h e m e s h as an a b e c e d a r y in t h e S o u t h Semitic o r d e r ( L o u n d i n , 1987; further b i b l i o g r a p h y in Bordreuil a n d P a r d e e , f o r t h c o m i n g ) , p r o v e t h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e of a dif ferent alphabetic o r d e r c o u p l e d with variant sign f o r m s . [See B e t h - S h e m e s h . ] T h e s e a b e c e d a r i e s m u s t reflect t h e u s e of a l a n g u a g e of t h e S o u t h Semitic t y p e in C a n a a n , a l t h o u g h t h e y a n d a few signs o n sherds f r o m K a m i d elL02 (Rollig a n d M a n s f e l d , 1969-1970) are t h e only p r e s ent evidence for t h a t u s a g e . [See K a m i d el-Loz.] S p r e a d o f t h e S e m i t i c A l p h a b e t . T h e d a t e of t h e earliest P h o e n i c i a n inscriptions h a s b e e n m u c h d e b a t e d . T h e A h i r a m inscription is t h e earliest c o n t i n u o u s t e x t in a P h o e nician dialect, b u t a r r o w h e a d inscriptions from a b o u t 1 1 0 0 900 BCE a n d a few very brief inscriptions from Byblos a n d other sites illustrate t h e u s e of t h e a l p h a b e t in t h e Early I r o n period. [See A h i r a m I n s c r i p t i o n ; Byblos.] It is also clear t h a t t h e Ugaritic c u n e i f o r m s y s t e m w a s occasionally u s e d t o write C a n a a n i t e at t h e very e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e (the l a n g u a g e of a late m i r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE inscription f r o m Sarepta in Ugaritic script h a s b e e n classified as P h o e n i c i a n : see G r e e n s t e i n , 1976, a n d B o r d r e u i l , 1979). [See Sarepta.] By t h e late t e n t h - e a r l y n i n t h centuries BCE, inscriptions i n A r a m a i c a n d H e b r e w illustrate t h e s p r e a d of t h e P h o e n i c i a n a l p h a b e t inland. It is clear t h a t t h e A r a m a e a n s b o r r o w e d t h e a l p h a b e t f r o m t h e P h o e n i c i a n s b e c a u s e t h e sign forms in t h e earliest inscriptions are P h o e n i c i a n a n d b e c a u s e t h e r e w e r e
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major phonological differences b e t w e e n t h e two languages t h a t affected t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of A r a m a i c o r t h o g r a p h y . [See A r a m e a n s ; Phoenicians.] F o r e x a m p l e , /d/ a n d /s/ h a d coa lesced in P r o t o - P h o e n i c i a n a n d only o n e sign r e m a i n e d ; A r a m a i c , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , h a d a p h o n e m e , /d/, t h e scribes r e p r e s e n t e d b y m e a n s of {q}; at a later p o i n t , t h e p r o n u n ciation of /d/ shifted a n d t h e scribes b e g a n r e p r e s e n t i n g it b y {'}: for e x a m p l e , " e a r t h " {'rs} in P h o e n i c i a n is written f r q } in Old A r a m a i c , {Y} in the Persian period. B e c a u s e /s/ survived as a p h o n e m e in H e b r e w b u t w i t h o u t a c o r r e s p o n d i n g sign in t h e H e b r e w alphabet, it is clear t h a t t h e H e b r e w s b o r r o w e d t h e s t a n d a r d s h o r t a l p h a b e t from t h e P h o e n i c i a n s or from speakers of a n o t h e r N o r t h w e s t Semitic l a n g u a g e w h o u s e d t h e s a m e alphabet. (For the possibility t h a t oilier c o n s o n a n t a l p h o n e m e s h a d survived in t h e H e b r e w of t h e biblical p e r i o d t h a t w e r e n o t n o t e d in t h e writing system, see K u t s c h e r , 1982, p p . 17-18.) All that can b e said for t h e p r e s e n t is that t h e H e b r e w a l p h a b e t does n o t r e p r e sent a n i n d e p e n d e n t a d a p t a t i o n of t h e s h o r t alphabet to t h e peculiarities of t h e H e b r e w language (cf. Cross, 1980, p p . 13-15). W i t h i n t h e L e v a n t t h e various linguistic/political/geo graphic entities a d o p t e d t h e alphabet, a n d t h e sign forms u n d e r w e n t local evolutions ( N a v e h , 1982/1987; C r o s s , 1980). T h e alphabet s p r e a d t h r o u g h o u t t h e Semitic world a n d t o its colonies ( P h o e n i c i a n s in t h e W e s t ) . After A r a m a i c w a s a d o p t e d as a lingua franca b y t h e A c h a e m e n i d s , its u s age s p r e a d t h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r E a s t a n d b e y o n d ; A r a m a i c even seems to have b e e n u s e d logographically in areas cor r e s p o n d i n g to m o d e r n T u r k m e n i s t a n a n d Georgia ( N a v e h , 1982/1987, p p . 127-130). T h e s h o r t a l p h a b e t was eventually b o r r o w e d b y A r a b i c speakers a n d a d a p t e d in a different or d e r t o express t h e fuller c o n s o n a n t a l inventory of A r a b i c — twenty-eight p h o n e m e s ( N a v e h , 1982/1987, p p . 153-162). [See A r a b i c ] C o n t r i b u t i o n o f G r e e k . T h e r e has b e e n a l o n g c o n t r o versy a b o u t t h e date at w h i c h t h e Greeks b o r r o w e d t h e W e s t Semitic c o n s o n a n t a l a l p h a b e t , with proposals ranging over several centuries—from t h e m i d d l e of t h e second millen n i u m BCE to the early eighth c e n t u r y BCE. P h o e n i c i a n and A r a m a i c inscriptions f r o m as early as a b o u t 900 BCE (Bisi, 1991) are rare in t h e W e s t , a n d the earliest G r e e k inscrip tions d a t e t o t h e early eighth c e n t u r y BCE; t h u s , a h y p o t h e t ical earlier b o r r o w i n g of t h e alphabet m u s t b e b a s e d on t h e typology of letter forms: t h e earliest G r e e k letters m o s t clearly resemble W e s t Semitic signs from w h a t period? Viewed abstractly, d e n y i n g a date significantly earlier t h a n t h e first inscriptions is essentially an a r g u m e n t from silence: b e c a u s e n o e x a m p l e s exist of G r e e k writing earlier t h a n t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e writing system was a d o p t e d relatively shortly before t h a t date. Following R h y s C a r p e n t e r ' s 1933 article of f u n d a m e n t a l i m p o r t a n c e , P . Kyle M c C a r t e r (1975) a n d M a r i a Giulia A m a d a s i G u z z o (1991) h a v e m a d e
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very strong a r g u m e n t s from sign typology that essentially back u p the a r g u m e n t from silence, to the effect t h a t archaic G r e e k letters look like W e s t Semitic forms from the late ninth/early eighth centuries BCE. A less heated d e b a t e h a s b e e n carried o n with regard to t h e place w h e r e d i e alphabet was b o r r o w e d , with proposals t e n d i n g to fit the date b e i n g argued. Because of t h e varieties of letter forms a n d alphabetic configurations attested a m o n g d i e Greeks, there are even those w h o favor multiple b o r r o w ings: while refusing to choose a particular place of b o r r o w ing, A m a d a s i G u z z o (1991, p . 309) makes an essential m e t h odological point: t h e sophistication s h o w n in recognizing p h o n e t i c equivalences b e t w e e n t h e G r e e k b o r r o w e r ' s lan guage, t h e P h o e n i c i a n system being b o r r o w e d , a n d t h e ad aptations to G r e e k n e e d s requires t h a t t h e place of b o r r o w ing b e a metropolitan center with significant g r o u p s of b o t h Greeks and P h o e n i c i a n s , including well-trained scribes. [See Scribes and Scribal T e c h n i q u e s . ] T h e alphabet b o r r o w e d by t h e Greeks was of t h e P h o e nician type, consisting of twenty-two c o n s o n a n t a l signs. T h i s is clear b o t h from early Greek abecedaries a n d from t h e numerical value of t h e Greek letters (Pierart, 1991, p p . 571-573, figs. 1, 2). M o s t scholars a s s u m e that t h e P h o e nicians themselves were t h e transmitters—in no small p a r t b e c a u s e of t h e m a n y contacts b e t w e e n Greeks a n d P h o e nicians on their c o m m o n M e d i t e r r a n e a n waters. It c a n n o t b e ruled o u t that t h e A r a m e a n s w e r e involved, b u t b e c a u s e t h e A r a m e a n s w e r e n o t k n o w n as seafarers, this t h e o r y u s u ally involves overland transmission across Asia M i n o r (Amadasi G u z z o , 1991). T h e strongest basis for this t h e o r y remains the Greeks n a m e s of t h e letters, s u c h as alpha a n d delta, for they s e e m to reflect A r a m a i c p r o n u n c i a t i o n , n o t Phoenician (which w o u l d be 'alp a n d dali). It has b e e n c o u n t e r a r g u e d t h a t f o r m s like alpha only r e p r e s e n t t h e G r e e k p r o nunciation of c o n s o n a n t a l clusters such as /-lp/ at t h e e n d of die word, whereas s o m e letter n a m e s , such as iota, p r e s u p p o s e a n o n - A r a m a i c origin ( N a v e h , 1982/1987, p . 183). By inventing t h e notation of vowels, t h e G r e e k s m a d e their o w n contribution to die history of t h e alphabet. O n t h e Semitic side, a start in this direction h a d b e e n m a d e that h a s b e c o m e systematized in H e b r e w a n d in Arabic: d i e u s e of m a t t e s lectionis. T h e c o n s o n a n t s 'aleph, he, wazv, a n d yod were first used by A r a m e a n s a n d H e b r e w s to indicate a long vowel. T h e usage m a y h a v e arisen b y analogy from historical writings (e.g., if/bayt/becomes/bet/, the t e n d e n c y is to c o n tinue writing the w o r d with {y}, even t h o u g h t h e c o n s o n a n t is n o longer p r o n o u n c e d ) . It never b e c a m e a rigid system in any of t h e H e b r e w or A r a m a i c dialects of t h e p r e - C h r i s t i a n era, b u t in time m o r e a n d m o r e matres lectionis are f o u n d in the texts. T h e y are u s e d , for example, m o r e frequentiy in the so-called sectarian d o c u m e n t s from Q u m r a n t h a n in t h e received text of die P e n t a t e u c h , w h i c h represents a stage of t h e text dating a few centuries earlier t h a n the D e a d Sea Scrolls. [See Q u m r a n ; D e a d Sea Scrolls.]
It is for t h e p r e s e n t a m o o t p o i n t w h e t h e r t h e G r e e k s k n e w a b o u t s u c h u s a g e s — t h e y certainly did n o t if t h e a l p h a b e t was b o r r o w e d f r o m t h e P h o e n i c i a n s , for m a t r e s lectionis w e r e n o t a p a r t of n o r m a t i v e P h o e n i c i a n o r t h o g r a p h y in t h e eighth century BCE. W h a t t h e G r e e k s did, in a n y case, w a s t o give vocalic values to certain P h o e n i c i a n c o n s o n a n t s t h a t did n o t c o r r e s p o n d to c o n s o n a n t a l p h o n e m e s in t h e G r e e k language, b e g i n n i n g witii the first letter of t h e alphabet: t h e sign for t h e W e s t Semitic c o n s o n a n t /'/ w a s u s e d t o r e p r e s e n t t h e vowel /a/ b y t h e G r e e k s . T h e signs for all t h e Semitic gutturals (/', h, h , 7) w e r e so a d a p t e d , as w e r e t h o s e for t h e t w o c o n t i n u a n t s /w/ a n d /y/. T h e addition of vowel signs m a d e t h e a l p h a b e t m o r e e x plicitly expressive, for it p r o v i d e d a m o r e c o m p l e t e p r o n u n ciation of a w o r d t h a n did t h e n o t a t i o n of c o n s o n a n t s only. T h e notation of vowels m a d e t h e G r e e k a l p h a b e t a stronger p e d a g o g i c tool, allowing for a decrease in t h e i m p o r t a n c e of oral tradition in t e a c h i n g . T h i s i n c r e a s e d expressivity n o t only gave a m o r e c o m p l e t e rendition of w o r d s in a given language, b u t also facilitated r e a d i n g a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g a foreign language. G r e e k also h a d a series of c o n s o n a n t a l p h o n e m e s that d i d n o t h a v e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s in P h o e n i c i a n . N e w signs were i n v e n t e d or existing ones w e r e t r a n s m u t e d for those s o u n d s a n d t h e y w e r e a d d e d to t h e e n d of t h e a l p h a b e t — w h e n c e c o m e several of t h e letters t h a t o c c u r in t h e English a l p h a b e t after {t}, t h e last sign of t h e W e s t S e mitic alphabet. T h e transmission of t h e a l p h a b e t to t h e G r e e k s p e r m i t t e d t h e writing d o w n of G r e e k traditions t h a t h a v e by this m e a n s b e c o m e p a r t of m o d e r n culture. F o r e x a m p l e , t h e H o m e r i c traditions plausibly b e g a n b e i n g c o m m i t t e d to writing in t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE, shortiy after d i e full alphabet was devised ( A m a d a s i G u z z o , 1991, p p . 307308; Powell, 1991). T h e invention of the c o n s o n a n t a l a l p h a b e t b y t h e Semites a n d its t r a n s f o r m a t i o n b y the G r e e k s for t h e n o t a t i o n of vowels are often cited as i m p o r t a n t factors in d i e d e m o c ratization of writing. A l t h o u g h w i d e s p r e a d literacy d i d n o t follow immediately u p o n d i e i n v e n t i o n of t h e alphabet, a m o r e rapid s p r e a d of literacy c a n b e seen after t h e invention of t h e vowels. [See Literacy.] T h e r e is certainly a g o o d deal of t r u t h in linking d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n a n d t h e alphabet: to t h e e x t e n t tiiat t h e g r o w t h of d e m o c r a c y r e q u i r e d a n e d u c a t e d m i d d l e class to deal with t h e complexities of g r o w i n g soci eties, t h e ease of u s e of t h e a l p h a b e t m a y b e t h o u g h t to h a v e facilitated, b y d i e principle of efficient u s e of r e s o u r c e s , this process. O w i n g to the s p r e a d of alphabetic u s a g e t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n w o r l d a n d eastward d u r i n g the last centuries of the p r e - C h r i s t i a n era, t h e major writings of t h e t h r e e great W e s t e r n religions h a v e , w i t h relatively few exceptions (e.g., E t h i o p i c ) , b e e n t r a n s m i t t e d in a l p h a b e t i c scripts (e.g., H e b r e w , Greek, L a t i n , Syriac, C o p t i c , A r a b i c , A r m e n i a n ) . [See Ethiopic; Latin; Syriac; C o p t i c ; A r m e n i a n . ]
ALT, ALBRECHT BIBLIOGRAPHY Amadasi G u z z o , M a r i a Giulia. " ' T h e S h a d o w Line*: Reflexions s u r l'introduction de l'alphabet e n G r e c e . " In Phainikeia Grammata, lire et ecrire en Meditermnee: Actes du colloque de Liege, 15-18 navembre 1989, edited by C l a u d e Baurain et al., p p . 2 9 3 - 3 1 1 . N a m u r , 1 9 9 1 . Excellent, brief overview of t h e origin of t h e alphabet a n d its t r a n s mission to t h e Greeks, with a g o o d presentation of methodological factors. T h e essential bibliography is provided in footnotes. Bisi, A n n a M . " L e s plus anciens objets inscrits en phenicien et en arameen retrouves en Grece: L e u r typologie et leur rflle." I n Phainikeia Grammata, lire et ecrire en Meditermnee: Actes du colloque de Liege, 1518 novembre 1989, edited by C l a u d e Baurain et al., p p . 2 7 7 - 2 8 2 . N a m u r , 1 9 9 1 . Discusses t h e implications of t h e presence of P h o e nician- a n d Aramaic-transcribed objects in t h e West. Bordreuil, Pierre. "L'inscription p h e n i c i e n n e d e Sarafand en cuneiformes alphabetiques." Ugarit Porschungen 11 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 6 3 - 6 8 . I m p r o v e d reading of the Sarepta inscription in Ugaritic script. Bordreuil, Pierre, a n d D e n n i s P a r d e e . " L e s textes ougaritiques." F o r t h coming in t h e edition of texts discovered at R a s Shamra from 1986 to 1992. Includes t h e editio princeps of the abecedary in South Semitic order. C a q u o t , A n d r e . " U n abecedaire d u type sud-semitique decouvert e n 1992 dans les fouilles archeologiques francaises d e Ras S h a m r a - O u g arlt." Comptes Rendus de I'Academie des Inscriptions el des Belles Lettres. F o r t h c o m i n g . First a n n o u n c e m e n t of t h e discovery of an a b e cedary of South Semitic type at R a s S h a m r a . Carpenter, Rhys. " T h e Antiquity of t h e Greek A l p h a b e t . " American Journal of Archaeology 37 ( 1 9 3 3 ) : 8-29. F u n d a m e n t a l article o n the methodology of dating the b o r r o w i n g of the alphabet by t h e Greeks. M o r e recent discoveries have m o v e d t h e date a bit earlier, b u t t h e basic arguments still stand. Cross, F r a n k M o o r e . " N e w l y F o u n d Inscriptions in O l d Canaanite a n d Early Phoenician Scripts." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 238 (1980): 1 - 2 0 . Reappraisal of alphabetic origins a n d developments which accepts an early borrowing of die alphabet by the Greeks (eleventh century). Greenstein, E d w a r d L . " A Phoenician Inscription in Ugaritic S c r i p t ? " Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 8 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 4 9 - 5 7 . Identifies t h e l a n g u a g e of the Sarepta inscription in Ugaritic script as Phoenician. Kutscher, E d u a r d Y. A History of the Hebrew Language, Jerusalem, 1 9 8 2 . Includes a discussion of the relationship of graphemes t o p h o n e m e s in Biblical H e b r e w . L e m a i r e , A n d r e . " F r a g m e n t d ' u n alphabet ouest-s6mitique d u VHIe siecle av. J . - C . " Semitica 28 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 7 - 1 0 . Edition of a partial a b e cedary p u r c h a s e d o n t h e antiquities market. L u n d e n [Loundine], A, G. " L ' a b e c e d a i r e de Beth S h e m e s h . " Le Museon 100 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 4 3 - 2 5 0 . M c C a r t e r , P . Kyle, Jr. The Antiquity of the Greek Alphabet and the Early Phoenician Scripts. H a r v a r d Semitic M o n o g r a p h s , 9. Missoula, 1 9 7 5 . T h e basic work accepting a late borrowing of the alphabet by t h e Greeks (though it leaves o p e n t h e possibility of earlier experiments). C o m p e t e n t treatment of both t h e Semitic a n d the Greek sides of the question. N a v e h , Joseph. An Early History of the Alphabet: An Introduction to West Semitic Epigraphy and Palaeography. 2 d ed. Jerusalem, 1 9 8 7 . G o o d overview of alphabetic origins a n d developments, t h o u g h o n e m a y query t h e late dating of the Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions (fifteenth cen tury) a n d the early borrowing of t h e alphabet by the Greeks (eleventh century). Generally m o r e t h o r o u g h on graphic evolutions t h a n on correlations between graphemes a n d p h o n e m e s . Pierart, Marcel. "Ecriture et identite culturelle: L e s cites d u P61oponnese nord-oriental." In Phoinikeia Grammata, lire et ecrire en Mediterranee: Actes du colloque de Liige, 15-18 novembre 1989, edited by
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C l a u d e Baurain et al., p p . 5 6 5 - 5 7 6 . N a m u r , 1 9 9 1 . Discussion of the contribution of Greek abecedaries to the early history of the alphabet a m o n g the Greeks. Powell, B . P . " T h e Origins of Alphabetic Literacy among t h e Greeks." In Phoinikeia Grammata, lire et ecrire en Meditenanee: Actes du colloque de Liege, 15-19 novembre 1989, edited by Claude Baurain et al., p p . 3 5 7 - 3 7 0 - N a m u r , 1 9 9 1 . Sees t h e origin of vowel notation by the Greeks in the requirements of representing t h e hexameter in writing. Rollig, Wolfgang, a n d G. Mansfeld. " Z w e i Ostraka v o m Tell K a m i d el-Loz u n d ein neuer Aspekt fur die E n t s t e h u n g des kanaanaischen A l p h a b e t s . " Die Well des Orients 5 ( 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 0 ) : 2 6 5 - 2 7 0 . Sass, Benjamin. Studia Alphabetica: On the Origin and Early History of the Northwest Semitic, South Semitic, and Greek Alphabets. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 102. Freiburg, 1 9 9 1 . Overview of various crucial points in the origin a n d transmission of the alphabet. Sznycer, Maurice. " Q u e l q u e s r e m a r q u e s a p r o p o s d e la formation de l'alphabet ph6nicien." Semitica 24 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 5 - 1 2 . Brief b u t systematic t r e a t m e n t of alphabetic origins. DENNIS PARDEE
ALT,
ALBRECHT
(1883-1956),
Hebrew
Bible
s c h o l a r a n d f o u n d e r of t h e discipline of historical g e o g r a p h y . Alt w a s b o r n in S t u b a c h , n e a r N e u s t a d t / A i s c h , i n Bavaria. After finishing t h e g y m n a s i u m in A n s b a c h , h e s t u d i e d d i e ology in E r l a n g e n a n d i n L e i p z i g . I n 1909 h e received a d o c t o r a t e of t h e o l o g y for his thesis " I s r a e l u n d A g y p t e n . " I n t h a t s a m e y e a r , h e r e c e i v e d a p r o m o t i o n t o lecturer a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y of G r e i f s w a l d , w h e r e h e served as associate p r o fessor of O l d T e s t a m e n t s t u d i e s . H e b e c a m e a full p r o f e s s o r a t Basel i n 1914 a n d at H a l l e in 1921. H e h e l d t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t chair at L e i p z i g f r o m 1923 u n t i l shortiy before his d e a t h . Alt w a s a very gifted t e a c h e r , a n d m a n y of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t scholars in t h e field of O l d T e s t a m e n t
studies
w e r e his p u p i l s : M a r t i n N o t h , G e r h a r d v o n R a d , H e r b e r t D o n n e r , a n d Siegfried H e r r m a n n . H e w a s also closely affil i a t e d w i t h t h e E v a n g e l i s c h e s I n s t i t u t fur die A l t e r t u m s w i s s e n s c h a f t des H e i l i g e n L a n d e s . H e m a d e t w o l o n g visits to P a l e s t i n e in 1908 a n d 1 9 1 2 - 1 9 1 3 a n d d i r e c t e d t h e institute's scientific r e s e a r c h a n d field t r i p s t h e r e from 1924 u n t i l 1931. I n 1925 h e b e c a m e p r e s i d e n t of t h e D e u t s c h e r V e r e i n z u r E r f o r s c h u n g P a l a s t i n a s a n d in 1927 e d i t o r of t h e
Palastina
Jahrbuch. Alt h a d a p r o f o u n d k n o w l e d g e of t h e texts d e a l i n g w i t h d i e h i s t o r y of P a l e s t i n e in all p e r i o d s , as well as an i n t i m a t e k n o w l e d g e of t h e c o u n t r y itself. H e d e v e l o p e d d i e history of its territories in t h e biblical p e r i o d (Temtarialgeschichte)
as a
special subject area i n t h e discipline of t h e historical g e o g r a p h y of t h e H o l y L a n d , w i t h f a r - r e a c h i n g results. A l d i o u g h h e n e v e r p u b l i s h e d a b o o k s u m m a r i z i n g his w o r k , m a n y of his p a p e r s b e c a m e t h e f o c u s of furtiier r e s e a r c h a n d a d v a n c e d d i e o r i e s . H i s critical s t u d i e s of t h e lists of t h e cities in t h e H e b r e w Bible w e r e u s e d as p r i m a r y s o u r c e s for t h e m a n y different p e r i o d s o f Israel's h i s t o r y . D e v e l o p i n g t h e critical v i e w of G e r m a n s c h o l a r s h i p t o w a r d t h e historicity of t h e Book of Joshua,
A l t a r t i c u l a t e d a n e w t h e o r y of t h e c o n
q u e s t of d i e l a n d b y t h e t r i b e s of Israel: t h e i m m i g r a t i o n , or
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infiltration, theory. E v e n t h o u g h some of his ideas are n o longer accepted, m a n y others r e m a i n of f u n d a m e n t a l i m p o r t a n c e to the fields of archaeology a n d biblical studies, especially in t h e areas of biblical law and social d e v e l o p m e n t . H e influenced n o t only his o w n pupils, b u t scholars all over t h e world. His collected p a p e r s a p p e a r e d in 1953 a n d 1959 in three volumes, t h e last one edited by N o t h . A selection of his work in English translation a p p e a r e d in 1966 u n d e r t h e tide Essays on Old Testament. History and Religion. Alt has b e e n praised b y those w h o studied w i t h h i m as a stimulating teacher w h o e n c o u r a g e d his pupils t o d o original work. His k n o w l e d g e of topographical a n d historical details exceeded t h a t of all his colleagues a n d enabled h i m to d e velop n e w views for certain regions a n d whole e p o c h s . Al t h o u g h he never participated in an excavation, Alt closely followed t h e progress of archaeological fieldwork. I n his o w n work, he u s e d p o t t e r y as a key indicator for chronology, c o m b i n i n g surface exploration with text interpretation in a u n i q u e way. T h i s n e w a p p r o a c h to the material a d v a n c e d specialized research into tire territories a n d regions of an cient Palestine. [See also Historical G e o g r a p h y ; and the biography of Noth.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bardtke, H a n s . "Albrecht Alt: L e b e n u n d W e r k . " Theologische Literaturzeitung 81 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 5 1 3 - 5 2 2 . N o t h , Martin. "Albrecht Alt z u m Gedachtnis." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins
7 2 ( 1 9 5 6 ) : 1-8. VOLKMAR FRITZ
A L T A R S . In the ancient N e a r East, altars are typically classified o n the basis of their material a n d style of c o n s t r u c tion. H o w e v e r , t h e flexibility a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e n e s s of a typology based o n function a n d location allows altars to be described within a n archaeological context useful in analys ing written sources s u c h as t h e H e b r e w Bible. T h e t e r m altar refers to any surface o n which a n offering t o a deity is placed. T h e use of altars is widespread geographically a n d chronologically t h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r East, with types r a n g ing from plain r o c k surfaces to elaborate installations within t e m p l e complexes. A l t h o u g h altars were associated witii the p r e s e n c e of a deity, their location was n o t limited t o t h e area of temples. Altars were often located o n hilltops, raised plat forms, a n d rooftops, as well as in a r a n g e of settings n o t characterized b y height. T h e t e r m altar should n o t b e a p plied to the interior raised platform, or " d a i s , " f o u n d o p posite the entry to m a n y temples, o n which t h e i m a g e of t h e deity was displayed. A distinction is m a d e archaeologically b e t w e e n altars found outside structures (type I) a n d t h o s e f o u n d within structures (type I I ) , b o t h having a n u m b e r of s u b t y p e s . 1. Rock altars: type la. A n example of a rock altar is t h e s t e p p e d stone block w i t h channels a n d c u p m a r k s f o u n d at
T e l Sera', west of Jerusalem. T h i s installation h a s b e e n a s sociated with t h e a c c o u n t of t h e sacrifice of M a n o a h in Judges 13. It is often impossible to verify t h e d a t e or religious function of this t y p e of altar b e c a u s e of t h e lack of associated artifacts. It should also b e n o t e d t h a t seemingly " s e c u l a r " installations, s u c h as t h r e s h i n g floors, m a y h a v e h a d religious/cultic c o n n e c t i o n s in ancient times. [See Sera', Tel.] 2. Open altars: type lb. Installations k n o w n as o p e n altars h a d clear cultic functions b u t w e r e n o t located witiiin t e m p l e complexes. A n e x a m p l e is t h e Early B r o n z e A g e s t r u c t u r e (4017) at M e g i d d o , in a n c i e n t Palestine, a large altar (8 m diameter) m o u n t e d via steps. [See M e g i d d o . ] I n later p e r i o d s this type of installation is f o u n d s u r r o u n d e d b y a n u m b e r of temples (although it does n o t afford direct access to t h e m ) . O t h e r buildings s o m e t i m e s f o u n d n e a r o p e n altars m a y h a v e h a d a function witiiin t h e cult, b u t t h e y are n o t c o n s i d e r e d t e m p l e s . T h r o u g h o u t d i e N e a r E a s t e v i d e n c e of o p e n altars c o m e s primarily from t h e B r o n z e A g e . 3. Enclosed altars: type Ic. F o u n d c o m m o n l y t h r o u g h o u t t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e s , enclosed altars w e r e located witiiin t h e forecourt of t e m p l e c o m p l e x e s . E x a m p l e s of this type m a y be seen in t h e t e m p l e areas at K i t i o n o n C y p r u s . [See Kition.] A n o t h e r p r o m i n e n t e x a m p l e is t h e stone a n d e a r t h altar of t h e J u d a h i t e t e m p l e at A r a d . [See Arad.] B i b lical evidence (1 Kgs, 9:25, for e x a m p l e ) indicates a similarly located altar in t h e c o u r t y a r d of t h e S o l o m o n i c T e m p l e in Jerusalem, b u t this has n o t b e e n verified archaeologically. B o d i die archaeological a n d written e v i d e n c e identify o p e n a n d enclosed altars ( H e b . , mizbeah), often witii " h o r n s , " as t h e site of b u r n t offerings. T h e written e v i d e n c e suggests t h a t the materials u s e d in t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of tiiese altars included earth, stone, a n d metal, a l t h o u g h t h e r e are n o k n o w n excavated e x a m p l e s of metal. 4. Incense altars: type Ha. It is unlikely tiiat altars f o u n d witiiin buildings were u s e d for t h e b u r n i n g of a n i m a l sacri fices. It was t h e p r a c t i c e within t e m p l e s , h o w e v e r , t o b u r n several types of incense. A variety of stone a n d c e r a m i c s t a n d s h a v e b e e n identified as incense altars, a n d a n u m b e r of d i e former, w h i c h m a y have h a d a religious function, h a v e also been identified in " s e c u l a r " contexts. I n c e n s e altars b e c a m e u b i q u i t o u s in t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t d u r i n g the P e r s i a n period. 5. Presentation altars: type lib. T h e " p r e s e n t a t i o n " altar is f o u n d within t e m p l e s a n d related buildings b u t is n o t a s s o ciated with b u r n i n g . It is a surface u p o n w h i c h offerings t o t h e deity, such as grain, could b e placed. A t times, p r e s e n tation altars took t h e f o r m of b e n c h e s (often plastered m u d brick); stone " t a b l e s " o r ceramic s t a n d s also served this function. 6. Libation altars: type lie. Offerings t o deities also in c l u d e d liquids, s u c h as water, wine, a n d oil. Installations with depressions—plastered m u d brick o r large stone basins (e.g., the G e z e r stelae field), d e t a c h e d stone tables with carved depressions (e.g., H a z o r , area H ) , or bowls p l a c e d
AMARNA, TELL ELo n ceramic s t a n d s — h e l d s u c h offerings. T h i s t y p e of altar is often f o u n d within t h e t e m p l e itself (cf. L a c h i s h P a l a c e T e m p l e ) or in its c o u r t y a r d (e.g. E i n - G e d i ) . [See G e z e r ; Hazor; Lachish; 'Ein-Gedi.] c
Altars w e r e the focal p o i n t of c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e h u m a n a n d divine realms a n d a r e u b i q u i t o u s in t h o s e areas of t h e N e a r E a s t w h e r e religious practice included t h e t r a n s mission of foodstuffs to t h e g o d s .
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Archaeology Today, 1000; Proceedings of the Second International Con gress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem June-July J 9 9 0 , edited by Avraham Biran and Joseph Aviram, p p . 1 8 8 - 1 9 5 . Jerusalem, 1 9 9 3 . Meyers, Carol L. "Altar." In Harper's Bible Dictionary, p p . 2 2 - 2 4 . San Francisco, 1 9 8 5 . Overview of the types and functions of altars m e n tioned in the H e b r e w Bible. Stendebach, Franz Josef. "Altarformen im kanaanaisch-israelitischen R a u m . " Biblische Zeitschrift 2 0 { 1 9 7 6 ) : 1 8 0 - 1 9 6 . Werner, H a r o l d M . The Altars of the Old Testament, Leipzig, 1 9 2 7 . ROBERT D. HAAK
[See also Cult; I n c e n s e ; and T e m p l e s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Barrick, W . Boyd. " H i g h Place." In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 3 , p p . 1 9 6 - 2 0 0 . N e w York, 1 9 9 2 . S u m m a r y of an important study that distinguishes altars from cultic areas known as high places. Bergquist, Birgitta. "Bronze A g e Sacrificial Koine in the Eastern M e d iterranean? A Study of Animal Sacrifice in t h e Ancient N e a r East." In Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, edited b y J. Q u a e gebeur, p p . 1 1 - 4 3 . Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 5 5 . L e u v e n , 1993.
DeVries, L a m o i n e R, " C u l t Stands: A Bewildering Variety of Shapes and Sizes." Biblical Archaeology Review 1 3 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 6 - 3 7 . P o p u l a r presentation of information about ceramic stands, especially in cultic contexts. Galling, K u r t . Der Altar in den Kulturen des alten Orients cine archdologische Studie. Berlin, 1 9 2 5 . Classic study of the p h e n o m e n o n of altars in the ancient N e a r East. Gitin, Seymour. "Incense Altars from Ekron, Israel, and Judah: C o n text and T y p o l o g y . " Eretz-Israel 2 0 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 5 2 * - 6 7 * . Authoritative study of four-horned incense altars in the Iron Age. Haak, Robert D . "Altar." In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, p p . 1 6 2 - 1 6 7 . N e w York, 1 9 9 2 . Convenient s u m m a r y of information concerning altars in the written a n d archaeological record. Hagg, Robin. " O p e n Cult Places in the Bronze Age Aegean." In Biblical
ALTARS.
A M A R N A , TELL EL-, site of t h e capital of t h e heretic E g y p t i a n king A k h e n a t e n , built t o h o n o r his sole g o d , Aten, located in M i d d l e E g y p t (27°38' N , 30°53' E ) . T h e large m u d - b r i c k a n d stone e x p a n s e of t h e city, as well as t h e cu neiform clay tablets f o u n d there within a state archival of fice, have m a d e T e l l e l - A m a r n a i m p o r t a n t to archaeologists a n d essential to historians of t h e N e a r East in t h e L a t e Bronze Age. I d e n t i f i c a t i o n . T h e r e m a i n s of T e l l e l - A m a r n a t o d a y stretch s o m e 10 k m (10 m i . ) n o r t h to s o u t h on t h e east side of t h e Nile River. T h e a n c i e n t city a n d environs o c c u p i e d nearly twice that distance o n b o t h sides of t h e river a n d were t o g e t h e r called Akhetaten, " t h e H o r i z o n of the Aten (sun d i s k ) . " T h e n a m e was given b y t h e city's founder, A k h e n a t e n , o n a series of stelae p l a c e d to delimit Tell el-Amarna. T h e city within A k h e t a t e n m a y h a v e h a d a separate desig nation or m o r e t h a n o n e , a n d t h e m o n u m e n t a l buildings t h a t A k h e n a t e n p l a c e d witliin t h e city likewise h a d discreet a p pellations (for s o m e of t h e s e see b e l o w ) .
Limestone incense altars, T e l M i q n e , I r o n II p e r i o d . (Courtesy A S O R Archives)
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AMARNA, TELL ELof the site were o c c u p i e d , h o w e v e r , d u r i n g o t h e r ancient eras. Earliest r e m a i n s are k n o w n f r o m several Paleolithic sites with flint c o n c e n t r a t i o n s , a n d a few N e o l i t h i c ( p r e d y nastic) artifacts suggest p r e - t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m o c c u p a t i o n in t h e region. A k h e n a t e n ' s city within Akhetaten w a s largely a b a n d o n e d within a d o z e n years of his d e a t h . T h e ruler w h o s u c c e e d e d A k h e n a t e n for a year o r t w o , S m e n k h k a r e , a p p e a r s to h a v e resided in e l - A m a r n a , a n d T u t a n k h a t e n , w h o s o o n c h a n g e d his n a m e to t h e m o r e familiar T u t a n k h a m u n , is well attested at t h e site for at least a n o t h e r t w o years. Building activity is d o c u m e n t e d also in a worker's village in t h e p e r i o d following T u t a n k h a m u n ' s a b a n d o n m e n t of M i d d l e E g y p t a n d r e t u r n to t h e region of T h e b e s . T h e full s e v e n t e e n years of A k h e n a t e n ' s reign, t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e d o z e n or so years c o m p r i s i n g S m e n k h k a r e ' s , T u t a n k h a m u n ' s , a n d A y ' s rules, are often r e ferred to as the " A m a r n a P e r i o d , " a l t h o u g h e l - A m a r n a w a s n o t inhabited d u r i n g all of it.
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V AMARNA, TELL E L - .
F i g u r e I.
Limestone bust of Queen Nefertiti.
N e w K i n g d o m , e i g h t e e n t h dynasty, A m a r n a p e r i o d , c. 1340 BCE. H e i g h t , 50 c m . E g y p t i a n M u s e u m , Berlin. (Erich Lessing/Art R e source, N Y )
T h e n a m e Tell el-Amama is a m i s n o m e r , for t h e site h a s n o visible m o u n d that characterize tells in t h e N e a r East generally. M o d e r n n a m e s a n d spellings h a v e shifted since W e s t e r n expeditions arrived there in the late eighteenth cen tury. First designated with t h e n a m e of t h e village of El-Tell by the N a p o l e o n i c expedition of 1798, the site was called b y several n a m e s , for e x a m p l e , Till Bene A m r a n , u s e d b y R o b ert H a y in 1829. E u r o p e a n travelers conflated t h e villages of et-Tell (or Till) a n d el-Amariya with a tribe settled in the region called B e n A m r a n . T h e n a m e Telfl) el-Amama first a p p e a r e d o n a publication b y Sir J o h n G a r d n e r Wilkinson, w h o m a p p e d the site a n d published his m a p in 1830. O c c u p a t i o n a l H i s t o r y . T e l l el-Amarna, or e l - A m a r n a as it is n o w m o r e c o m m o n l y t e r m e d , consists principally of the capital built for K i n g A k h e n a t e n , a b o u t 1350 BCE, o n land tiiat he believed to b e previously unsettled. ( S o n of A m e n h o t e p III, A k h e n a t e n h a d ascended t h e t h r o n e as A m e n h o tep I V , b u t c h a n g e d his n a m e a few years later.) A few areas
I n o n e region of s o u t h e r n e l - A m a r n a , n e a r d i e river, are t h e r e m a i n s of a t o w n t h a t survived t h e a b a n d o n m e n t of d i e m a i n city. F r a g m e n t a r y architecture of late N e w K i n g d o m date or later a r e m i x e d t h e r e w i t h s h e r d s of t h e A m a r n a period. Altiiough originally identified as t h e "river t e m p l e , " t h e bits of structures h a v e recently b e e n relabeled as h o u s e r e m a i n s . A few burials of t h e t w e n t y - s e c o n d - t w e n t y - t h i r d dynasties were f o u n d i n t h e early 1920s n e a r d i e w o r k e r ' s village, a n d in 1984 a burial of t h e t w e n t i e t h - t w e n t y - f i r s t dynasties was e x c a v a t e d in t h e s a m e area. S h e r d s of t h e L a t e Period ( e n d of eighth c e n t u r y - 3 3 2 BCE) w e r e f o u n d n e a r the s o u t h e r n t o m b s of A k h e n a t e n ' s nobles. T h e s e m a y h a v e b e longed to burials of a p o p u l a t i o n living in d i e general vicinity (possibly the river t o w n ) or m a y indicate t r a n s i e n t activity t h r o u g h t h e area for various p u r p o s e s , possibly even illicit o n e s , that is, t o m b r o b b e r y . I n t h e R o m a n p e r i o d several settlements existed at t h e site of e l - A m a r n a , a n d C o p t i c Christians later c o n v e r t e d t o m b s t h e r e for h o u s i n g a n d w o r ship. R e s e a r c h a n d E x c a v a t i o n . T h e largest of t h e few p r e served E g y p t i a n cities, e l - A m a r n a h a s b e e n frequently ex p l o r e d a n d studied. R e c e n t surveys a n d c o m p a r i s o n s with t h e earliest m a p s of t h e region indicate t h a t e l - A m a r n a h a s always b e e n visible t o interested visitors. A r e a s d e s t r o y e d b y illicit digging a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n only slightly less disturbed 150 ago t h a n t o d a y . As early as 1 7 1 4 F a t h e r C l a u d e Sicard, a F r e n c h Jesuit missionary, p u b l i s h e d a d r a w i n g of A m a r n a B o u n d a r y Stela A at T u n a el-Gebel. T h e N a p o l e o n i c scientific e x p e d i t i o n visited t h e region in 1799, a n d E d m e J o m a r d p r o d u c e d a p l a n of El T e l l in t h e p i o n e e r i n g study Description de I'Egypte, p u b l i s h e d in 1817. Sir J o h n G a r d n e r W i l k i n s o n vis ited el-Amarna in 1824 a n d 1826 to d r a w , p l a n , a n d c o p y t h e buildings a n d t o m b s a n d h e p r o d u c e d p l a n s of t h e entire city. O t h e r travelers in t h e 1820s a n d 1830s, s u c h as R o b e r t H a y , James B u r t o n , a n d N e s t o r L ' H o t e , m a d e copies of d i e
AMARNA, TELL ELt o m b s of A k h e n a t e n ' s nobles. T h e royal P r u s s i a n e x p e d i t i o n led b y R i c h a r d L e p s i u s d r e w p l a n s of t h e city of e l - A m a r n a b e t w e e n 1843 a n d 1845. T h e first m o d e r n archaeological w o r k a t e l - A m a r n a t o o k place in 1891-1892 w h e n Sir William M a t t h e w Flinders P e trie o p e n e d excavations in a variety of locations at t h e site. Several expeditions followed i n r a p i d succession, c u l m i n a t ing in t h e m e t h o d i c a l survey a n d excavations of L u d w i g B o r c h a r d t (1907, 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 1 4 ) , carried o u t for t h e D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesellschaft. S o m e of d i e b e s t - k n o w n works of A m a r n a art were u n c o v e r e d d u r i n g this p e r i o d , i n c l u d i n g t h e f a m o u s b u s t of Nefertiti (see figure 1), w h i c h is n o w in t h e E g y p t i a n M u s e u m in Berlin ( C h a r l o t t e n b u r g ) , a n d n u m e r o u s otiier statues f o u n d in t h e h o u s e a n d w o r k s h o p of t h e sculptor T h u t m o s e in t h e m a i n city/south s u b u r b . T h e E g y p t E x p l o r a t i o n F u n d ( n o w Society) of L o n d o n c o p i e d a n d p u b l i s h e d t h e private t o m b s a n d b o u n d a r y stelae b e t w e e n 1901 a n d 1907. T h e y r e s u m e d w o r k a t the site in 1921 u n d e r a succession of well-known directors, i n c l u d i n g T h o m a s E r i c P e e t , H e n r i F r a n k f o r t , F r a n c i s Llewellyn Grif fith, a n d J o h n D . S. P e n d l e b u r y . T h e E E F e x p l o r e d nearly all areas of t h e site, m o v i n g f r o m p e r i p h e r a l regions s u c h as t h e w o r k e r ' s village, t h e "river t e m p l e , " a n d t h e n o r t h e r n palace to later extensive excavations in t h e central city last ing until 1936. I n t h e early 1970s Geoffrey T . M a r t i n reinvestigated t h e royal t o m b at e l - A m a r n a a n d p u b l i s h e d in addition t h e n u m e r o u s b u t f r a g m e n t a r y objects f r o m t h e t o m b associated with A k h e n a t e n a n d Nefertiti. I n 1977 t h e E g y p t E x p l o r a t i o n Society r e s u m e d w o r k u n d e r d i e direction of Barry J. K e m p a n d has w o r k e d a t the site since. K e m p c o m m e n c e d exca vation at t h e w o r k e r ' s village t h a t o n c e h o u s e d artisans e m ployed in t h e royal t o m b . H i s t e a m f o u n d t h a t the village m a y h a v e b e e n a b a n d o n e d a n d dien reinhabited in t h e t i m e of T u t a n k h a m u n b y g u a r d i a n s of t h e royal a n d private n e cropoleis. R e s e a r c h has f o c u s e d o n identifying p a t t e r n s of activity sited within t h e village, as well as the i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e village a n d t h e central city. K e m p has m o v e d his investigations into t h e m a i n city area since 1987 b u t c o n t i n u e s to b e interested in d i e interrelationships b e tween p u b l i c a n d private buildings a n d their p e r i p h e r a l e c o nomic dependencies. R e m a i n s . T h e fifteen b o u n d a r y stelae of A k h e n a t e n d e limiting t h e territory of e l - A m a r n a , like t h e r e m a i n s of t h e city t h e y describe, are i m p o r t a n t m o n u m e n t s . S o m e of t h e s e b o u n d a r y m a r k e r s consist only of a stela a n d others of a n actual r o c k shrine c o n t a i n i n g statuary. T h e y p r o v i d e further i n f o r m a t i o n vis-a-vis t h e site, h o w e v e r , for t h r e e of t h e m p r e s e r v e t h e t e x t of a p r o c l a m a t i o n m a d e b y A k h e n a t e n in t h e first m o n t h s of his fifth regnal year, in w h i c h h e describes a n d n a m e s n u m e r o u s b u i l d i n g s a n d c o m p l e x e s to b e c o n structed a t A k h e t a t e n . S o m e of t h e s e (e.g.,'the great A t e n t e m p l e , t h e " m a n s i o n o f t h e A t e n , " t h e royal t o m b ) c a n b e identified with e x c a v a t e d s t r u c t u r e s ; s o m e c a n n o t with cer
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tainty (e.g., die " h o u s e of rejoicing a n d s u n s h a d e of the great q u e e n " ) , and s o m e o t h e r s a p p e a r n e v e r to have b e e n c o m pleted (e.g., the t o m b of t h e M n e v i s bull of Heliopolis). T h e identifiable buildings c o r r e s p o n d to complexes a n d t o m b s built t h r o u g h o u t m u c h of t h e 10-kilometer n o r t h - s o u t h stretch of e l - A m a r n a , a fact t h a t confirms d i e original design of t h e city as a long n a r r o w t o w n a c c o m m o d a t e d t o t h e Nile a n d d i e eastern bay of l i m e s t o n e cliffs b y a royal road. T h i s r o a d was later redirected in p a r t b u t r e m a i n e d t h e p r i m a r y r o u t e Uniting n o r t h areas to t h e centtal city. A t its n o r t h e r n e n d , e l - A m a r n a h a d a m u d - b r i c k n o r t h e r n river p a l a c e oriented o n its w e s t side to t h e royal r o a d t h a t travels s o u t h w a r d for 6 k m (3.7 m i ) . T h i s palace m a y have b e e n t h e principal r e s i d e n c e of d i e king. A g r o u p of a d m i n istrative buildings lies just soutii of it along with a residential q u a r t e r likewise oriented to d i e r o a d . F a r t h e r south is the n o r t h e r n palace, also built t o face t h e royal r o a d a n d a tourist attraction t o d a y . H e r e , a r o u n d courts with pools a n d s h a d e d g a r d e n p o r t i c o e s , lived a t least t w o q u e e n s , including M e retaten, A k h e n a t e n ' s d a u g h t e r , w h o resided there after a predecessor, p e r h a p s Nefertiti or Kiya. T h e n o r t h e r n s u b u r b is located t o t h e east of die royal r o a d orientation, a n d t h e p a r t s excavated (those fartiiest n o r t h from die central city) a p p e a r to h a v e been a late ad dition. A r e a s of r e s i d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e n o r t h e r n s u b u r b a n d d i e central city have n o t b e e n excavated b u t could reveal in time w h e t h e r this is a n a t u r a l n o r t h e r n extension from t h e central city or grew u p later in a separate b u t parallel fashion. T h e central city contains m o s t of t h e buildings w h o s e m a terial r e m a i n s , a r c h i t e c t u r e , a n d p r e s e r v e d decoration m a y suggest a center p l a n n e d for state administration a n d w o r ship. Oriented to t h e royal r o a d , it contained from n o r t h to south, t h e e n o r m o u s p r e c i n c t of t h e great A t e n t e m p l e ( " h o u s e " or "estate of t h e A t e n " ) ; t h e king's h o u s e , c o n n e c t e d b y a b r i d g e to t h e great palace; t h e smaller A t e n t e m ple (the " M a n s i o n of t h e A t e n " ) ; a n d t h e S m e n k h k a r e hall. O n t h e east side of t h e r o a d , die king's h o u s e a n d smaller Aten temple w e r e t h e w e s t e r n m o s t of a c o m p l e x of buildings that w e r e crucial t o state functions. K e m p considers the K i n g ' s h o u s e t o b e d i e m o s t likely siting for d i e " w i n d o w of a p p e a r a n c e " p i c t u r e d in n u m e r o u s private t o m b s of A k h e n a t e n ' s officials ( K e m p a n d Garfi, 1993, p . 59). A series of scribal offices lay east of d i e king's h o u s e , including one identified by s t a m p e d bricks as t h e " p l a c e of t h e p h a r a o h ' s c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . " In this archival office w e r e found the m a jority of t h e A m a r n a L e t t e r s , f a m o u s as t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n t h e E g y p t i a n rulers A m e n h o t e p III, A k h e n a t e n , and T u t a n k h a m u n with kings a n d city-state rulers from M e s o p o t a m i a a n d t h e L e v a n t . T o t h e east of t h e offices lies a garrison block w i t h a n i m a l stalls a n d barracks, as well as separate storage areas for rations. T h i s security c o m p l e x is n o t oriented t o w a r d t h e royal road. Being on d i e eastern e d g e of d i e city, it m a y h a v e h a d m o r e association with t h e desert a n d t h e w a d i d u e east leading t o t h e royal t o m b .
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T h e b e s t - k n o w n c o m p o u n d in the central city, t h e great Aten t e m p l e , likewise c o m p r i s e d several structures. T h e G e m p a a t e n ( " t h e A t e n is f o u n d " ) was a m u l t i c o u r t e d stone building near the western e n d of t h e t e m p l e precinct. It was entered from a western gateway t h r o u g h high pylons giving o n to stone colonnades that themselves led to a series of u n r o o f e d c o u r t y a r d s . W i t h i n a n d beside these courts w e r e arranged bread-offering altars, m a d e of stone (within t h e courts) or brick ( s o u d i of the c o u r t s ) . M o r e t h a n 750 altars were placed within t h e G e m p a a t e n , a n d some 920 brick t a bles lay to the south of d i e building. A n o t h e r 920 m a y o n c e have existed o n t h e n o r t h e r n side. T h e formal c o l o n n a d e d setting a p p e a r s to have b e e n the p r i m a r y offering area for A t e n state worship b u t n o t t h e actual sanctuary of t h e t e m ple. Between G e m p a a t e n a n d a second stone s t r u c t u r e to t h e east, t h e sanctuary, was a " b u t c h e r ' s y a r d " with t e t h e r ing stones a n d a n e n o r m o u s o p e n area. A separate n o r t h e r n entrance to t h e o p e n area before the sanctuary was elabo rated as a gateway pavilion. A stela of quartizite, p e r h a p s evoking t h e Heliopolitan benben stone, was set u p o n a line with this e n t r a n c e . T h e sanctuary building was flanked to t h e n o r t h b y m o r e bread-offering altars, b u t excavations to t h e south of the building a n d just outside t h e enclosure wall have revealed indications of different ritual activities as well. I n a d u m p Petrie a n d P e n d l e b u r y found plain everted r i m bowls with b u r n t r e s i n s inside. I n 1986 K e m p confirmed t h a t d i e bowls with b u r n e d " i n c e n s e " were c o m m o n in t h e d u m p area along with " b e e r - j a r " s h a p e s a n d other offering vessel types ( K e m p , 1989, vol. 4, p p . 1 1 6 - 1 2 1 ) . H e f o u n d frag m e n t s of storage jars, a n d P e n d l e b u r y h a d f o u n d seals a n d labels in t h e area. K e m p has identified this d u m p as a sig nificant locale for the sanctuary's refuse. It provides evi
d e n c e for the libations a n d offerings of i n c e n s e m a d e within t h e n e i g h b o r i n g building. K e m p has n o t e d d i e p l a c e m e n t of large bakeries o n t h e s o u t h side of t h e enclosure wall o p posite t h e G e m p a a t e n . T h e h u n d r e d s of altars t h e r e w o u l d h a v e held loaves from those bakeries; K e m p believes t h a t a s e g m e n t of t h e city's p o p u l a c e offered to t h e A t e n o n t h e brick tables to t h e south of t h e G e m p a a t e n while t h e king a n d family officiated inside d i e t e m p l e p r o p e r ( K e m p a n d Garfi, 1993, p . 55). D e s p i t e K e m p ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n s , t h e ritual connection b e t w e e n t h e s a n c t u a r y a n d d i e G e m p a a t e n , as well as t h e u s e p a t t e r n s for t h e c o m p l e x generally, r e m a i n uncertain. In die m a i n city or soutii s u b u r b are residential a n d a d ministrative q u a r t e r s . L a r g e - s c a l e u n e x c a v a t e d c o m p l e x e s of u n d o u b t e d administrative n a t u r e lie in this sector, largely to t h e west of m o r e d o m e s t i c structures. T h e state a n d t e m ple institutions o p e r a t e d tiieir o w n e c o n o m i e s a n d n e c e s s a r ily h o u s e d the r e s o u r c e s , b o t h perishable a n d n o n p e r i s h a b l e . K e m p believes t h a t g o v e r n m e n t w o r k s h o p s m a y h a v e b e e n situated in these large centers, b u t h e also n o t e s t h a t large institutions a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n m a d e u p of a n u m b e r of c o m p l e x e s , often n o t located t o g e t h e r . T h e designation of industrial centers w i t h o u t inscription as " r o y a l , " " t e m p l e , " or " p r i v a t e " t h u s b e c o m e s p r o b l e m a t i c ( K e m p a n d Garfi, 1993, p p . 67-69; K e m p , 1989, vol. 5, p p . 56-63). T h e h o u s e a n d w o r k s h o p of t h e s c u l p t o r T h u t m o s e , fa m o u s for t h e m a n y statues a n d plaster m a s k s of royal family, are located in t h e s o u t h s u b u r b n e a r o t h e r s c u l p t o r s ' s h o p s (see figure 2). T h u t m o s e ' s precise e c o n o m i c a n d a d m i n i s trative association with his p a t r o n s is difficult t o ascertain. W h e t h e r individual artisans w e r e c o n t r a c t e d directiy b y t h e c o u r t , t h r o u g h c o u r t - s a n c t i o n e d p a t r o n s , or botii is u n -
Head of Nefertiti found here AMARNA, TELL E L - .
F i g u r e 2. Floor plan of the house of the sculptor Thutmose. (After K e m p , 1989)
AMARNA, TELL ELk n o w n . F o r e x a m p l e , s o m e obviously n o n r o y a l estates a p p e a r to h a v e h o u s e d royal w o r k s h o p s , p e r h a p s as a s u b c o n tract from t h e c r o w n . A r c h i t e c t u r e is n o t always a clear indicator of function. Archaeological r e s e a r c h h a s d e m o n s t r a t e d t h e often diverse p a t t e r n s of u s e for b o t h r e s i d e n c e s a n d specialized buildings, s u c h as " m a g a z i n e s , " w h i c h , as K e m p h a s f o u n d , were u s e d b o t h for p r o d u c t i o n a n d for storage ( K e m p a n d Garfi, 1993, p p . 67-69). N e a r l y all areas of e l - A m a r n a held residences (royal, t e m p l e , p r i v a t e ) , a n d t h o s e residences nearly always c o n t a i n e d s e p a r a t e storage facilities, wells, often industrial centers. T h e degree to w h i c h t h e s e s e p a r a t e facilities i n d i cate i n d e p e n d e n t e c o n o m i c b e h a v i o r is u n k n o w n . T o t h e s o u t h of t h e m a i n city/south s u b u r b is K o m elN a n a , oriented t o t h e original royal r o a d as it was laid o u t before t h e g r o w t h of the m a i n city. K o m e l - N a n a is a t e m p l e c o m p l e x w i t h s u p p o r t i n g b u i l d i n g s for food p r o d u c t i o n a n d storage. K e m p believes t h a t this is t h e t h i r d of three major institutions described in t h e early p r o c l a m a t i o n , t h e " s u n s h a d e of t h e great q u e e n " ( K e m p a n d Garfi, 1993, p . 79). E v e n farther s o u t h a n d entirely isolated is t h e M a r u a t e n , a site tiiat h o u s e s enclosures w i t h altars a n d shrines along w i t h pools a n d s u r r o u n d i n g g a r d e n s . It is clearly linked with queens, including Akhenaten's daughter Meretaten. Otiier areas of s o u t h e r n e l - A m a r n a include t h e a b o v e m e n t i o n e d river settlement, w h i c h is a residential area a n d e l - H a w a t a in t h e far s o u t h also n e a r t h e Nile. Little r e m a i n s in this sector. O n t h e o p p o s i t e e n d of t h e site are a n u m b e r of architectural r e m a i n s n o t p a r t of t h e city p r o p e r . T h r e e large desert altars in t h e n o r t h e a s t e r n desert, nearly o p p o s i t e t h e n o r t h palace, are o r i e n t e d t o w a r d t h e royal r o a d . T h e s e m u d - b r i c k structures w i t h r a m p s o n c e held pavilions, p e r h a p s for large-scale royal r e c e p t i o n s of dignitaries, s u c h as are p i c t u r e d in t w o private t o m b s . A b o v e these altars are t h e n o r t h e r n t o m b s of private residents of e l - A m a r n a . A s e c o n d set of s u c h t o m b s exists in t h e s o u t h e r n cliffs. A total of forty-three t o m b s was e x c a v a t e d in w h o l e or p a r t . T h e m o s t elaborate h a d c o l o n n a d e d i n n e r halls, a n d in t h o s e t h a t w e r e d e c o r a t e d ( m a n y were left i n c o m p l e t e ) d i e royal family a n d t h e architecture of A k h e t a t e n figured p r o m i n e n t l y in p a i n t e d relief s c u l p t u r e . T h e royal t o m b a n d a few u n i n s c r i b e d smaller t o m b s w e r e located in a w a d i r e a c h e d t h r o u g h a larger w a d i r u n n i n g eastward o p p o s i t e d i e c e n t r a l city. U n u s u a l relief scenes of m o u r n i n g over corpses o n b e d s a p p e a r o n t h e walls of t h e royal burial c h a m b e r a n d o n a side c h a m b e r u s e d for t h e burial of A k h e n a t e n ' s d a u g h t e r M e k e t a t e n , w h o m a y h a v e died in childbirth. T h e royal funerary g o o d s left at t h e site w e r e s m a s h e d i n t o pieces, b u t r e m a i n s of t h e royal s a r c o p h agus a n d c a n o p i c b o x h a v e b e e n studied ( M a r t i n , 1974). A t t h e m o u t h of eastern w a d i w a s t h e w o r k e r ' s village, w h i c h was a p p a r e n t l y u s e d for t h e b u i l d i n g of t h e royal t o m b a n d later, d u r i n g t h e reign of T u t a n k h a m u n , for g u a r d i n g t h e s a m e area. R e s i d e n t s a t this village in t h e time of T u t a n
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k h a m u n h a d n o t only self-sufficient residences b u t also shrines w h e r e families g a t h e r e d to eat a n d c o m m u n e with recently deceased relatives. T h e s e shrines would also have b e e n m e m o r i a l chapels for a h o u s e h o l d or several related h o u s e h o l d s . T h e s e c o n d p h a s e in t h e w o r k e r ' s village is o n e of d i e latest excavated, r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e later reign of A k h e n a t e n t h r o u g h t h e reign of T u t a n k h a m u n , including t h e time after t h e court's d e p a r t u r e from e l - A m a r n a . T h e activity of t h e g u a r d s living in t h e village in t h e last p h a s e therefore reflects a m i x t u r e of religious beliefs with various traditional gods r e a p p e a r i n g in s h r i n e i m a g e s . Following the a b a n d o n m e n t of d i e w o r k e r ' s village, t h e city of A m a r n a was b o t h u s e d as a quarry, especially for the R a m e s s i d e t e m p l e at H e r m o p o l i s , a n d deliberately mutilated. Statuary w a s d e stroyed in situ or d r a g g e d away a n d d u m p e d . A similar p a t t e r n of reuse a n d d e s t r u c t i o n can b e seen in the earlier c o m plex a t E a s t K a r n a k , w h i c h A k h e n a t e n built b o t h before a n d after his c h a n g e of n a m e from A m e n h o t e p . BIBLIOGRAPHY Aldred, Cyril. Akhenaten, Pharaoh of Egypt: A New Study. L o n d o n , 1968. Pioneering historical and art historical study of the ruler, p r e senting Aldred's arguments for a prolonged co-regency between Akhenaten a n d his father A m e n h o t e p III. Revised and reissued in 1988. B o m a n n , Ann H . The Private Chapel in Ancient Egypt: A Study of the Chapels in the Workmen's Village at El Amarna with Special Reference to Deir el Medina and Other Sites. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 1 . Identifies the close relationship between el-Amarna chapels and D e i r el-Medineh pri vate chapels used for personal cult worship, differentiating tiiese from chapels strictly attached to t o m b s , which the author considers to b e for the K a of the deceased. K e m p , Barry J. Amarna Reports. 5 vols. L o n d o n , 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 8 9 . Annual reports of work by t h e E g y p t Exploration Society u n d e r K e m p ' s direction. Each volume includes contributions by expedition m e m bers o n topics such as pottery analysis, ancient wells, survey work, ancient ovens, faunal a n d botanical remains, etc. K e m p ' s offerings are always written with the reader in mind, but some authors allow the technical side to dominate. K e m p , Barry J. "Tell el-Amarna." In Lexikon dor Agyptologie, vol. 6, cols. 3 0 9 - 3 1 9 . Wiesbaden, 1 9 8 5 . Encyclopedia article encapsulating work at the site, with references to 1985. K e m p , Barry J. Ancient Egypt: Anatomy of a Civilization. L o n d o n , 1989. General work on the cultural life of ancient Egypt, with a lengthy chapter using el-Amarna as " E g y p t in microcosm." Contains anal ysis of work u p to 1988. K e m p , Barry J., a n d Salvatore Garfi. A Survey of the Ancient City of El'Amarna. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 3 . Survey sheets of the site with accompanying text. K e m p offers a n u m b e r of recent thoughts, particularly on p r o visioning within el-Amarna, and provides summaries of earlier anal yses witiiin the technical descriptions of the sheets. Martin, Geoffrey T . The Royal Tomb at el-Amama I. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 4 . T h e t o m b objects from m u s e u m s all over the world gathered t o gether for study. Martin, Geoffrey T . A Bibliography of the Amarna Period and Its After math. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 1 . M o r a n , William L . The Amarna Letters. Baltimore, 1992. Retranslation and annotation of the famous correspondence between the rulers of el-Amarna, M e s o p o t a m i a , and the Levant. Eminently readable. M u r n a n e , William J., and Charles C. Van Siclen III. The
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Stelae of Akhenaten. L o n d o n , 1993. Publication of the refound, recollated, and researched boundary stelae, forming an important ref erence work for historians and philologists of el-Amarna. Redford, Donald B. Akhenaten the Heretic King. Princeton, 1984. Chapter 7 contains Redford's summation of the city. Archaeologically m u c h has been revised since that time, b u t Redford has a spir ited style and links the site with East Karnak, where he excavated Akhenaten's early temples. Van de Walle, Baudouin. " L a decouverte d'Amarna et d ' A k h e n a t o n . " Revue d'Egyptologie 28 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 7 - 2 4 . History of the early researches at el-Amarna. BETSY M . BRYAN
A M A R N A T A B L E T S . Tell e l - A m a r n a (ancient A k h etaten) in m i d d l e E g y p t w a s , in die fourteenth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e capital city of A k h e n a t e n , or A m e n o p h i s IV. In 1887 local inhabitants discovered cuneiform tablets t h e r e while digging in t h e m o u n d s . T h e tablets eventually f o u n d their w a y to a n t i q u e dealers and m u s e u m s . Subsequently, m o r e tablets were u n e a r t h e d in organized excavations. T h e exist i n g corpus consists of 380 tablets n o w primarily in the Brit ish M u s e u m in L o n d o n , t h e Vorderasiatisches M u s e u m in Berlin, and the E g y p t i a n M u s e u m in Cairo, T h e corpus of the A m a r n a tablets mainly includes letters sent to die courts of t h e Egyptian p h a r a o h s A m e n o p h i s III a n d his son A k h e n a t e n , T h e senders were o t h e r kings— n a m e l y of Babylonia, Assyria, Haiti, M i t a n n i , a n d Alashiya—and some m i n o r princes a n d rulers in the N e a r East. T h e majority of t h e extant letters are from vassals of t h e Egyptian E m p i r e in t h e L e v a n t . S o m e copies or drafts of letters from the p h a r a o h s are also preserved. A n o t h e r p a r t of the corpus consists of scholarly tablets (e.g., literary texts, vocabularies, and scribal exercises). M o s t of t h e A m a r n a texts were written in Akkadian, die diplomatic l a n g u a g e of t h e ancient N e a r East in the second millennium BCE (two of the letters were written in Hittite a n d o n e in H u r r i a n ) . T h e letters from C a n a a n reflect a language t h a t is a m i x t u r e of t h e Akkadian lingua franca a n d die local C a n a a n i t e , t h e m o t h e r t o n g u e of their scribes. T h e A m a r n a letters from C a n a a n are tiius a u n i q u e , and invaluable source for u n d e r standing t h e C a n a a n i t e dialects of t h e second millenium BCE. T h e international c o r r e s p o n d e n c e is usually c o n c e r n e d with exchanges of gifts; s o m e letters deal with diplomatic marriages a n d thus give t h e impression of a time of peaceful relationships a m o n g the great political powers o f t h a t p e r i o d . H o w e v e r , the rising p o w e r of d i e Hittites was already threat ening die n o r t h e r n b o r d e r of die E g y p t i a n E m p i r e , which is clearly reflected in t h e letters from E g y p t ' s vassals in t h e nortiiern L e v a n t . A considerable n u m b e r of letters from Byblos (in L e b a n o n ) tell of t h e pressure p u t on d i e coastal plain by Adbi-Asirta a n d his sons after h i m . T h e s e letters, along with others from d i e n o r t h e r n L e v a n t , a n d letters from t h e A m u r r i t e kings themselves, tell t h e story of t h e rise of t h e state of A m u r r u , a n d the shift of allegiance of Aziru, t h e
A m u r r i t e king a n d son of Abdi-Assirta, from E g y p t to t h e Hittites. L e t t e r s from local kings in m o s t areas of Syria a n d Palestine reflect a n almost c o n s t a n t state of conflict a n d r e quests to the p h a r a o h to intervene. I n n e r - c i t y rebels a n d pressure from t h e 'apiru, a class of outsiders, a r e also c o m m o n l y m e n t i o n e d . F o r e x a m p l e , i R - h e b a , king of J e r u s a l e m , complains a b o u t a coalition of o t h e r s o u t h e r n C a n a a n i t e kings against h i m led b y Milkilu, king of G e z e r . L a t e r , in G e z e r , Y a p a ' u , a successor of Milkilu, c o m p l a i n s t h a t his b r o t h e r rebelled against h i m a n d joined t h e 'apiru. Similar descriptions of u n s t e a d y situations c o m e from all over t h e area d o m i n a t e d b y E g y p t . T h r o u g h t h e A m a r n a letters w e learn a b o u t d i e relation ship b o t h b e t w e e n t h e empires a n d a m o n g t h e local C a naanite rulers; a b o u t t h e ways t h e E g y p t i a n E m p i r e d o m i n a t e d its territories in t h e L e v a n t ; a b o u t d i e social diversity in Syria-Palestine; a n d a b o u t t h e political s t r u c t u r e a n d struggles b e t w e e n t h e Hittite a n d t h e E g y p t i a n e m p i r e s at their b o r d e r s in t h e n o r t h e r n L e v a n t . T h e A m a r n a letters constitute a u n i q u e c o r p u s for s t u d y i n g t h e social a n d polit ical s t r u c t u r e of Syria-Palestine in t h e s e c o n d half of t h e fourteenth c e n t u r y BCE, a time t h a t h a s accordingly b e e n t e r m e d , t h e A m a r n a age. Shortiy after their discovery, all of t h e A m a r n a texts w e r e published in c u n e i f o r m copies, in transliteration, a n d in translation. Jorgen A. K n u d t z o n (1915) c o m p i l e d a full e d i tion of d i e texts t h a t is still authoritative with r e g a r d t o their Akkadian texts. T h e s e c o n d v o l u m e of tiiis edition includes a historical c o m m e n t a r y b y O t t o W e b e r a n d a n analytic v o cabulary b y E r i c h Ebeling. T h e texts discovered later w e r e published b y A n s o n F . R a i n e y in 1970 (revised edition, 1978). T h e language of t h e C a n a a n i t e A m a r n a letters p o s ited m a n y difficulties, b u t William L . M o r a n achieved a breaktiirough in 1950 in u n d e r s t a n d i n g it as a m i x e d lan guage. This breakthrough and subsequent research by M o r a n , R a i n e y , a n d others h a v e established t h e study of t h e A m a r n a letters o n solid philological g r o u n d s . A n e w , a u dioritative translation of t h e A m a r n a letters b y M o r a n a p p e a r e d in F r e n c h in 1987 (English edition, 1992). Historical research has c o n c e n t r a t e d mainly o n d i e relationships b e tween the great p o w e r s a n d m u c h less o n t h e internal affairs of Syria-Palestine. T h e first major a t t e m p t to tackle t h e c o m plicated chronological disposition of t h e letters w a s m a d e b y E d w a r d F . C a m p b e l l (1964). T h i s p a v e d d i e w a y for N a d a v N a ' a m a n ' s p i o n e e r i n g history of Palestine in t h e A m a r n a p e r i o d (1975). H o r s t Klengel (1965-1970) w a s t h e first to h a n d l e comprehensively internal affairs in Syria. [See also Akkadian; and A m a r n a , T e l l el-.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Campbell, E d w a r d F . The Chronology of the Amarna Letters: With Spe cial Reference to the Hypothetical Coregency ofAmenophis III and Akhe naten. Baltimore, 1964. Kitchen, K. A. Suppiluliuma
and the Amarna Pharaos: A Study in Rel-
AMATHUS ative Chronology. Liverpool M o n o g r a p h s in Archaeology and Ori ental Studies, n o . 5. Liverpool, 1 9 6 2 . Klengel, Horst. Geschichte Syriens im 2,Jahrtausendv.u.Z, 3 vols. Berlin, 1965-1970. K n u d t z o n , J0rgen A. Die el-Amarna-Tafeln ( 1 9 1 5 ) . Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, 2. Leipzig, 1964. K u h n e , C o r d . Die Chronologie der intemationalen Korrespondene von ElAmarna. Alter Orient u n d Altes T e s t a m e n t , vol. 1 7 . Kevelaer, 1 9 7 3 . M o r a n , William L. " A Syntactical S t u d y of t h e Dialect of Byblos as Reflected in the A m a r n a T a b l e t s . " P h . D . diss., Johns H o p k i n s U n i versity, 1 9 5 0 . T h e first b r e a k t h r o u g h for the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e language of the Canaanite A m a r n a letters. Available from University Microfilms International, A n n A r b o r . M o r a n , William L . The Amarna Letters. Baltimore, 1 9 9 2 . N a ' a m a n , N a d a v . " T h e Historical Disposition and Historical D e v e l o p m e n t of Eretz-Israel a c c o r d i n g to the A m a r n a L e t t e r s . " P h . D . diss., Tel Aviv University, 1 9 7 5 . In H e b r e w with English s u m m a r y . Rainey, A n s o n F . Tell el-Amarna Tablets, 359-379, 2 d ed., rev. Alter Orient u n d Altes T e s t a m e n t , vol. 8. Kevelaer, 1 9 7 8 . SHLOMO IZRE'EL
A M A T H U S , city o n t h e s o u t h coast of C y p r u s , a p p r o x imately 10 k m (6.2 mi.) east of m o d e r n Limassol, capital of o n e of t h e small k i n g d o m s of t h e island until the e n d of d i e f o u r t h c e n t u r y BCE (34°4i'25" N , 33°i2'5" E ) . T h e principal p a r t of t h e site o c c u p i e s a small hill 88 m (289 ft.) high; t o w a r d d i e south d i e hill d e s c e n d s in a gentle slope t o t h e sea, b u t o n t h e o t h e r t h r e e sides t h e site is p r o t e c t e d b y a n a t u r a l cliff. T o t h e s o u t h e a s t of t h e acropolis t h e r e is t h e lower city o c c u p i e d principally d u r i n g d i e R o m a n p e r i o d , a n d t h e p o r t built at t h e e n d of t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y . T h e necropoleis e x t e n d all a r o u n d d i e s e p o p u l a t e d areas, b u t t h e u n e x c a v a t e d s u m m i t of t h e hill, called Viklaes, to t h e east of t h e acropolis, seems to h a v e b e e n o c c u p i e d b y a P h o e n i c i a n sanctuary. T h e G r e e k a n d L a t i n literary texts c o n c e r n i n g a n c i e n t A m a t h u s are n o t n u m e r o u s . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e historian T h e o p o m p o s (fourth c e n t u r y B C E ) , t h e city w a s h o m e to t h e d e s c e n d a n t s of t h e " c o m p a n i o n s of K i n y r a s w h o h a d b e e n p u t t o flight b y t h e G r e e k s w h o a c c o m p a n i e d A g a m e m n o n . " P s e u d o - S k y l a x o n t h e o t h e r h a n d describes t h e A m a t h u s i a n s as " a u t o c h t h o n o u s . " T h e inscriptions discovered at t h e site confirm tiiat until d i e b e g i n n i n g of t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d t h e A m a t h u s i a n s w r o t e a n d v e r y p r o b a b l y spoke a l a n g u a g e t h a t w a s neither I n d o - E u r o p e a n n o r Semitic, b u t one tiiat is c o n ventionally called " e t e o c y p r i a n . " H o w e v e r , t h e d e a r t h of available inscriptions m a k e s translation impossible. U n t i l 1975 t h e archaeological e x p l o r a t i o n of A m a t h u s involved only t h e necropoleis: in 1874-1875 t h e A m e r i c a n c o n s u l L u i g i P a l m a di C e s n o l a h a d discovered a few spectacular pieces, s u c h as a g r a n d l i m e s t o n e s a r c o p h a g u s at d i e N e w Y o r k M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m or a silver c u p at t h e British M u s e u m . T h e first scientific excavations were carried o u t in 1893-1894 b y a British e x p e d i t i o n , followed in 1930 b y those of a S w e d i s h expedition d i r e c t e d b y E i n a r Gjerstad. Since 1975, an e x p e d i t i o n from t h e F r e n c h S c h o o l of Archaeology
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in A t h e n s has o p e n e d m a n y sites o n the acropolis, in the p o r t , a n d in m a n y places o n the r a m p a r t s of the city; these excavations have b e e n c o n c l u d e d b y a survey of t h e territory of this small realm. F o r its p a r t , t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiq uities of C y p r u s has t a k e n c h a r g e of t h e excavation of the lower city a n d associated t o m b s , especially in t h o s e areas, w h e r e sites are t h r e a t e n e d b y constructions p r o m p t e d b y t o u r i s m . [See the biographies of di Cesnola and Gjerstad.] M a n y sites located close to d i e city testify to an o c c u p a t i o n of t h e region since t h e P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c b u t , curiously, n o i m p o r t a n t settlement h a s yet b e e n attested in t h e L a t e B r o n z e P e r i o d , w h e n d i e s o u t h coast of C y p r u s k n e w its m o s t i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t (despite C e s n o l a ' s claims to h a v e discovered oriental cylinder seals a n d M y c e n a e a n p o t tery at A m a t h u s ) . T h e earliest evidence of o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site dates t o t h e eleventh c e n t u r y , b u t this consists of n o m o r e titan a small deposit of pottery f o u n d o n t h e slope of t h e acropolis a n d , p e r h a p s , of the t o m b situated at the very t o p of t h e hill, in the f u t u r e sanctuary of A p h r o d i t e . T h e other oldest t o m b s currentiy k n o w n date n o further b a c k t h a n t h e late C y p r o - G e o m e t r i c I (i.e., t h e beginning of tile t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE), a n d a m o r e d e n s e o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site, characterized by t h e e x c h a n g e s with Phoenicia a n d the A e g e a n w o r l d , is attested only in C y p r o - G e o m e t r i c II a n d III ( e n d of t h e t e n t h - e i g h t h c e n t u r y ) . O n t h e acropolis, d i e first p h a s e s of t h e sanctuary of A p h r o d i t e a n d the palace do n o t d a t e b a c k further t h a n t h e eighth century. R e g a r d i n g t h e o c c u p a t i o n of A m a t h u s in d i e C y p r o - G e o m e t r i c II—III a n d at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e C y p r o - A r c h a i c , it is necessary to consider t h e p r o b l e m of d i e identification of t h e k i n g d o m of Q a r t i h a d a s h t , t h e C a r t h a g e of C y p r u s , m e n t i o n e d b o t h in t h e d e d i c a t i o n of a b r o n z e bowl discovered in t h e last c e n t u r y in t h e area of A m a t h u s / L i m a s s o l (object offered t o Baal of L e b a n o n b y a " g o v e r n o r of Cartilage, servant of H i r a m , king of t h e S i d o n i a n s , " eightii c e n t u r y ) , a n d in t h e list of die C y p r i o t kings subject to Esarhadclon a n d A s h u r b a n i p a l (seventh c e n t u r y ) . G i v e n t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e P h o e n i c i a n influence on die material culture a n d r e ligion of A m a t h u s , it is altogether possible that this " C a r thage of C y p r u s " referred to A m a t h u s , even if t h e P h o e n i cians exerted only a t e n u o u s p o w e r t h e r e a n d t h e majority of t h e p o p u l a t i o n was m a d e u p of " E t e o c y p r i o t s . " T o t h e a r g u m e n t s that result from t h e studies already p u b l i s h e d o n e m u s t a d d t h e discovery in 1992, in t h e west p a r t of t h e n e cropolis b y die edge of t h e sea, of a great mass of burials in vases p l a c e d o n d i e b a r e eartii. T h e s e h u n d r e d s of vases, w h i c h contain t h e r e m a i n s of children or adults, s e e m to date b e t w e e n the e n d of C y p r o - G e o m e t r i c a n d the C y p r o - A r chaic. T h i s was very p r o b a b l y d i e P h o e n i c i a n necropolis of A m a t h u s . In t h e fifth a n d f o u r t h centuries, w h e n C y p r u s was a p a r t of t h e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e , t h e Phoenician p r e s ence at A m a t h u s was visibly limited: all t h e kings h a d G r e e k n a m e s . In d i e a b s e n c e of inscriptions, only isolated m o n u m e n t s s u c h as a n t h r o p o i d s a r c o p h a g i , b r o u g h t t o light in t h e
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necropolis, a n d fragments of t h e " t h r o n e of A s t a r t e " dis covered on t h e hill of Viklaes, t o t h e east of t h e acropolis, still testify t o t h e role played in t h e city b y t h e P h o e n i c i a n s . O n t h e acropolis, t w o sites o p e n e d by t h e F r e n c h e x p e dition have revealed i m p o r t a n t information on t h e history a n d civilization of A m a t h u s . T h e first, situated half-way u p t h e hill, explored a large building of w h i c h t h e first two levels date to t h e end of the C y p r o - G e o m e t t i c a n d t h e C y p r o Archaic; these levels are followed b y a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e whole at t h e e n d of the sixth century or the beginning of t h e fifth a n d t h e n a destruction a r o u n d 300. A t t h e m o m e n t only t h e area of the w a r e h o u s e s has b e e n excavated, b u t t h e r e a r e n u m e r o u s similarities with t h e palace of V o u n i , o n t h e n o r t h coast of C y p r u s , excavated b y t h e Swedish expedition of Gjerstad, a n d consequentiy there is a g o o d c h a n c e that this building o n t h e acropolis is t h e palace of t h e kings of A m a t h u s , destroyed n o later t h a n t h e war b e t w e e n P t o l e m y I a n d D e m e t r i o s Poliorcete. [See Vouni.] T h e pottery i m p o r t e d from A t h e n s a n d t h e quality of t h e limestone sculpture ( a m o n g which it is necessary to m e n t i o n t h e H a t h o r i c col u m n capital dated a r o u n d 480, t h e loveliest e x a m p l e of this type discovered at C y p r u s ) testify to d i e wealth of t h e local princes in t h e fifth c e n t u r y after t h e victory of their allies, the Persians, over t h e Cypriots w h o joined t h e revolution o n t h e side of t h e Ionians (499-497). Currently t h e b e s t - k n o w n site at A m a t h u s is t h e sanctuary of A p h r o d i t e , situated at t h e s u m m i t of the acropolis. C i t e d b y t h e R o m a n historian T a c i t u s (Annals 3.62) as o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t o n C y p r u s , it w a s definitely identified in 1979 owing t o d i e discovery of t w o dedications m a d e b y king Androkles, a c o n t e m p o r a r y of Alexander t h e G r e a t . T h e s e dedications were a d d r e s s e d to " t h e C y p r i o t " (Kypria) a n d to " t h e C y p r i o t A p h r o d i t e " (Aphrodite K y p r i a ) . T h e s a n c tuary developed b e g i n n i n g in t h e eighth century, n o d o u b t on t h e site of an older t o m b , p e r h a p s t h a t of A r i a n a - A p h rodite m e n t i o n e d b y P l u t a r c h (Life of Theseus 20.30-34, cit ing t h e A m a t h u s i a n historian P a i o n ) . A l t h o u g h t h e ancient cities were devastated in t h e R o m a n period a n d , above all, in t h e early years of Christianity, s o m e characteristics of t h e primitive sanctuary can b e discerned. T h e r e w a s a large court open t o d i e sky, into which a small natural cave o p e n e d . T h i s area w a s dedicated to t h e cult d o w n t o t h e fifth century. T w o large monolithic vases m a d e of local limestone w e r e also found h e r e , o n e of which was taken t o t h e L o u v r e in Paris in 1865; weighing approximately 13,000 kg (14 t o n s ) , it has four h a n d l e s , o n e of w h i c h bears a n E t e o c y p r i o t inscription. B e n e a t h these handles t h e vase is decorated w i t h bulls. T h e water t h a t these vases contained w a s p e r h a p s u s e d in ablutions of d i e faithful d u r i n g rituals practiced i n tire sanctuary. I n t h e sixth t o fifth century a fair n u m b e r of figurines of t h e G r e e k K o r e or of the breast-holding P h o e nician " A s t a r t e " t y p e w e r e offered. F u r t h e r m o r e , a H a t h o r i c c o l u m n capital m a d e of limestone, which w a s f o u n d in a
Christian wall n e a r t h e vases, shows t h a t t h e local g o d d e s s was equivalent t o t h e E g y p t i a n c o w - h e a d e d H a t h o r , w h o w a s also a g o d d e s s of love a n d fertility. I n t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d , a n inscription suggests t h a t t h e cult of Isis a n d S e rapis was associated with t h a t of A p h r o d i t e . T h i s association was illustrated b y t h e discovery just u n d e r t h e palace of m a n y terra-cotta figurines, from t h e e n d of t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d , r e p r e s e n t i n g A p h r o d i t e a n d Isis. I n t h e last q u a r t e r of t h e first c e n t u r y CE a m o n u m e n t a l G r e e k t e m p l e w a s c o n structed, b u t w i t h " N a b a t e a n " c o l u m n capitals of great quality. A t the b e g i n n i n g of t h e seventh c e n t u r y CE t h e s u r viving p a g a n buildings were d e s t r o y e d for t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a c h u r c h a n d other C h r i s t i a n buildings. T h e site w a s a b a n d o n e d at t h e e n d of t h e seventh c e n t u r y , w h e n L i m a s s o l b e c a m e t h e principal u r b a n center of t h e region. BIBLIOGRAPHY Each year a report on the work of t h e F r e n c h expedition a n d t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities is published in the Bulletin de Conespondance Hellenique. F o r m o n o g r a p h s o n the results of t h e F r e n c h expedition, see Pierre Aupert et al., Amathonte I. Testimonia i:Auteurs anciens, monnayage, voyageurs, fouilles, origines, geographic (Paris, 1 9 8 4 ) , which c o n tains all the literary sources concerning A m a t h u s ; A n t o i n e H e r m a r y , with Veronica T a t t o n - B r o w n , Amathonte II. Testamonia 2: Les sculptures decouvenes avant 1975 (Paris, 1 9 8 1 ) ; R o b e r t Laffineur et al., Amathonte III. Testimonia 3: L'orfevrerie (Paris, 1 9 8 6 ) ; a n d A n n e Queyel, Ama thonte IV: Les figurines hellenisliques de terre cuite (Paris, 1988). A n t o i n e H e r m a r y provides a synthesis in F r e n c h and English, with a detailed bibliography, in " L e s fouilles francaises d ' A m a t h o n t e / T h e F r e n c h E x cavations at A m a t h u s , " in Kinyras: L'arMologiefrangaise a Chypre, p p . 1 6 7 - 1 9 3 (Lyon, 1 9 9 3 ) . T h e excavations of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q uities are covered in Vassos Karageorghis et al., eds., La necropole d'Amathonte: Tombes 110-383, 6 vols. (Nicosia, 1 9 8 7 - 1 9 9 2 ) . F o r t h e early periods and relations with the East, t h e reader should consult Antoine H e r m a r y , " A m a t h o n t e de C h y p r e et les P h e n i c i e n s , " in Phoe nicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C., edited by E d u a r d Lipinski, p p . 3 7 5 - 3 8 8 (Louvain, 1 9 8 7 ) ; a n d Vassos K a r a georghis and M . Iacovou, " A m a t h u s T o m b 5 2 1 : A C y p r o - G e o m e t r i c I G r o u p , " Report of the Department of Antiquities of Cypms ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 7 5 100, pis. 4 - 1 1 . A guide of the site, edited by Pierre A u p e r t , is in press. ANTOINE HERMARY Translated from French by Melissa Kaprelian
AMERICAN CENTER OF ORIENTAL R E SEARCH. Located in A m m a n , Jordan, the American C e n t e r of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A C O R ) w a s established in 1968, b u t its origins b e l o n g t o t h e t u r n of t h e c e n t u r y . I n 1900 t h e A m e r i c a n S c h o o l of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A S O R ) w a s established i n J e r u s a l e m as a p e r m a n e n t r e s e a r c h center tiiat w o u l d facilitate regional biblical, historical, linguistic, a n d archaeological studies. After 1967 t h e s c h o o l b e c a m e k n o w n as t h e Albright Institute of Archaeological R e s e a r c h . In t h e aftermath of t h e 1967 W a r , b e c a u s e it is situated in E a s t Jerusalem, it b e c a m e logistically i m p o s s i b l e t o c o n t i n u e u s i n g t h e institute as a b a s e of o p e r a t i o n s for archaeological
AMERICAN CENTER OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH field projects in J o r d a n a n d n e i g h b o r i n g A r a b countries. D r . G. E r n e s t W r i g h t , t h e n p r e s i d e n t of A S O R , called for t h e establishment of a n e w r e s e a r c h institute in A m m a n , a n d in 1968 an a p a r t m e n t w a s r e n t e d n e a r t h e first traffic circle o n Jebel A m m a n . Like its p r e d e c e s s o r in J e r u s a l e m , t h e future of t h e A m m a n institute w a s very u n c e r t a i n at its genesis. F u n d i n g w a s m i n i m a l a n d t h e n e w center h a d neither a li brary n o r o t h e r assets. I n 1971 A C O R w a s legally i n c o r p o r a t e d a n d registered in b o t h t h e U n i t e d States a n d J o r d a n as a n o n p r o f i t educational a n d cultural organization. It is g o v e r n e d b y a b o a r d of t r u s t ees in a c c o r d a n c e with its c h a r t e r a n d bylaws. A l t h o u g h A C O R is technically an i n d e p e n d e n t organization, it has al ways m a i n t a i n e d a close w o r k i n g relationship with its p a r e n t organization, A S O R . F o r t h e first seven years of its existence, A C O R o p e r a t e d with a m o d e s t a n n u a l b u d g e t of less t h a n $25,000 p r o v i d e d b y grants from t h e U . S . I n f o r m a t i o n A g e n c y ( U S I A ) , A S O R , a n d private c o n t r i b u t i o n s . Its directorship w a s a one-year a p p o i n t m e n t t h a t also carried with it t h e title " a n nual p r o f e s s o r . " I n addition to facilitating t h e research p r o j ects of U . S . a n d C a n a d i a n scholars, the directors also t a u g h t courses at t h e University of J o r d a n a n d w e r e i n s t r u m e n t a l in setting u p t h e m a s t e r ' s p r o g r a m in archaeology t h e r e . T h e A C O R directors in o r d e r of their t e r m s of service b e t w e e n 1968 a n d 1975 w e r e R u d o l p h D o r n e m a n n , M u r r a y N i c h o l , Bastiaan v a n E l d e r e n , Siegfried H o r n , H e n r y T h o m p s o n , a n d G e o r g e M e n d e n h a l l . D u r i n g t h o s e early years a c o o k w a s t h e only full-time e m p l o y e e . I n 1971, t h e c e n t e r m o v e d t o s o m e w h a t larger q u a r t e r s near t h e t h i r d circle o n Jebel A m m a n a n d a small library collection w a s established. T h e a p p o i n t m e n t of J a m e s S a u e r as director in 1975 m a r k e d a n i m p o r t a n t t u r n i n g p o i n t for A C O R . S a u e r was the first l o n g - t e r m a p p o i n t m e n t , serving from 1975 t o 1981. D u r i n g his t e n u r e , a hostel w a s e s t a b lished to p r o v i d e a c c o m m o d a t i o n s for visiting scholars, a n d t h e n u m b e r of r e s e a r c h projects w o r k i n g t h r o u g h t h e c e n t e r m o r e t h a n d o u b l e d . T h e o p e r a t i n g b u d g e t tripled a n d i n c o m e g e n e r a t e d f r o m t h e hostel a n d e q u i p m e n t rental m a d e t h e institute less d e p e n d e n t o n external funding sources. B y 1977 A C O R h a d o u t g r o w n t h e third-circle facility a n d a newly c o n s t r u c t e d t w o - s t o r y h o u s e w a s r e n t e d n e a r t h e sixth circle o n Jebel A m m a n . I n 1980 n e w fellowships w e r e e s t a b lished with f u n d i n g from t h e N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t for t h e Humanities. T h e r a p i d g r o w t h of A C O R ' s projects a n d p r o g r a m , along with rising rental costs in A m m a n , s p a w n e d a d i s c u s sion in t h e late 1970s a b o u t t h e advisability of c o n s t r u c t i n g a p e r m a n e n t facility for A C O R . C r o w n P r i n c e H a s a n i b n T a l a l e n c o u r a g e d this c o u r s e of action, pledging his g o v e r n m e n t ' s s u p p o r t in securing l a n d . T h e task of overseeing t h e fund-raising a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n projects w a s u n d e r t a k e n b y D a v i d M c C r e e r y , w h o served
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as director from 1981 t o 1988. T h r o u g h o u t t h e 1980s, the n u m b e r of field projects w o r k i n g t h r o u g h A C O R , of longt e r m appointees, of library v o l u m e s , a n d of resident scholars c o n t i n u e d t o increase. T h e p u b l i c lecture series a n d field trips to archaeological sites initiated b y S a u e r grew in p o p ularity. In J u n e 1986 t h e n e w A C O R facility, located at t h e west ern edge of A m m a n , n e a r t h e university a n d the British a n d G e r m a n archaeological Institutes, o p e n e d its d o o r s . T h e 25,000-square-foot facility comfortably a c c o m m o d a t e s thirty p e o p l e , a library, private study carrels, a conservation lab, w o r k r o o m s , storage r o o m s , a n d a lecture r o o m . B e t w e e n 1988 and 1994, A C O R w a s directed b y Bert de Vries (1988-1991) a n d Pierre Bikai (since 1991). U n d e r tiiese m o s t recent directors a Cultural R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t p r o g r a m w a s established in cooperation with t h e J o r d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities to p r o t e c t a n d conserve e n d a n g e r e d sites. A C O R works closely witii J o r d a n i a n a n d U . S . g o v e r n m e n t a l agencies to c o o r d i n a t e t h e interests of t h e international scholarly c o m m u n i t y a n d g o v e r n m e n t a l agencies interested in d e v e l o p i n g archaeological sites for their touristic a n d e c o n o m i c value to t h e country. T h e A C O R library holds m o r e t h a n twenty t h o u s a n d v o l u m e s , m a k i n g it o n e of the b e s t in t h e region. I n 1994, a newly e q u i p p e d conservation lab w a s i n a u g u r a t e d a n d i m m e d i ately p u t to use b y a U . S . / F i n n i s h J o r d a n i a n t e a m working o n t h e fifth-sixtii-century P e t r a p a p y r i . [See Petra, article on R e c e n t Finds.] A p p r o x i m a t e l y forty archaeological field projects are c u r rently associated with A C O R . A C O R is t o d a y actively p r o m o t i n g d i e investigation of J o r d a n ' s prehistoric a n d p o s t classical (Islamic) p e r i o d s . A l t h o u g h archaeological research has always b e e n the focal p o i n t of t h e institute, t h r o u g h o u t t h e early 1990s t h e s c o p e of A C O R - s p o n s o r e d research was b r o a d e n e d dramatically. T h e institute n o w offers fellow ships in a variety of disciplines u n d e r t h e overall rubric of N e a r E a s t e r n Studies. T h e institute h o u s e s u p to thirty scholars a n d students o n a regular basis a n d has an overflow capacity of u p to seventy d u r i n g d i e p e a k excavation season. A C O R has b e c o m e a truly international institute. I n 1992 A C O R initiated a n e w p r o g r a m with the goal of p r o d u c i n g high-quality archaeological publications in Jor d a n . W i t h f u n d i n g from t h e U . S . A g e n c y for International D e v e l o p m e n t , t h e first m a j o r A C O R publication—The Mo saics of Jordan—appeared in 1993, followed b y volumes o n t h e architecture of t h e G r e a t T e m p l e of A m m a n a n d t h e J o r d a n Antiquities D a t a b a s e a n d Information System. A publications e n d o w m e n t h a s b e e n established to ensure t h e longevity of A C O R ' s p u b l i c a t i o n p r o g r a m . I n its brief twenty-five-year history, A C O R has u n d e r g o n e several t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , to take its place, despite political a n d fi nancial obstacles, as a d y n a m i c research institute in t h e N e a r East.
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AMERICAN INSTITUTE FOR MAGHREB STUDIES
[See also Albright Institute of Archaeological R e s e a r c h ; A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research; and the biography of Wright.]
[See also C o u n c i l of A m e r i c a n Overseas R e s e a r c h C e n ters; Libya; M i d d l e East Studies Association; and N o r t h Af rica.] JOSEPH A . GREENE
BIBLIOGRAPHY Bikai, Pierre, ed. ACOR, the First Twenty-Five Years: The American Center of Oriental Research, 1968-1993. A m m a n , 1993. Kanellopoulos, Chrysanthos. The Great Temple of Amman: The Archi tecture. A m m a n , 1 9 9 4 . King, Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Winona Lake, Ind., 1983. Palumbo, Gaetano, ed. JADIS, the Jordan Antiquities Database and In formation System: A Summary of the Data. A m m a n , 1994. Piccirillo, Michele. The Mosaics of Jordan. A m m a n , 1993. DAVID W . MCCREERY
AMERICAN INSTITUTE F O R M A G H R E B STUDIES. F o u n d e d in 1984 as a private, nonprofit a s sociation to foster r e s e a r c h a n d p r o m o t e scholarly c o o p e r ation between t h e U n i t e d States a n d countries in N o r t h Af rica k n o w n collectively as t h e M a g h r e b (Algeria, L i b y a , Mauritania, M o r o c c o , a n d T u n i s i a ) , t h e A m e r i c a n Institute for M a g h r e b Studies ( A I M S ) is s u p p o r t e d financially b y i n dividual a n d institutional m e m b e r s h i p s , as well as b y p u b l i c a n d private grants. A I M S meets annually in conjunction with t h e M i d d l e E a s t Studies Association. A I M S operates a n overseas center, t h e C e n t e r for M a g h rebi Studies in T u n i s ( C e n t r e d ' E t u d e s M a g h r e b i n e s a T u nis, or C E M A T ) . C E M A T w a s established in 1985 u n d e r an a g r e e m e n t b e t w e e n A I M S a n d t h e T u n i s i a n M i n i s t r y of Higher E d u c a t i o n a n d Scientific Research. T h e ministry provides C E M A T ' s premises a n d administrative s u p p o r t , while A I M S contributes a n A m e r i c a n resident director. C E M A T assists visiting researchers in m a k i n g contact with l o cal scholars, gaining access t o research resources, a n d se curing permissions for fieldwork. It also sponsors lectures a n d seminars by local a n d foreign scholars a n d m u s e u m a n d archaeological site tours. C E M A T maintains a reference li brary of works in English on t h e M a g h r e b , especially A m e r ican a n d British dissertations n o t otherwise readily available in t h e region. It also possesses a large collection of W o r l d W a r II-vintage t o p o g r a p h i c m a p s of t h e M a g h r e b . A I M S sponsors a n a n n u a l regional conference o n a s p e cific topic held on a rotating basis in o n e of t h e M a g h r e b countries. I n developing its p r o g r a m s a n d p l a n n i n g its a n nual conference, A I M S a n d C E M A T w o r k closely with a n advisory c o m m i s s i o n c o m p o s e d of T u n i s i a n , M o r o c c a n , Al gerian, and A m e r i c a n m e m b e r s . A I M S offers grants for travel a n d research in t h e M a g h r e b , mainly for topics in t h e humanities a n d social sciences. A I M S also publishes p r o ceedings of its a n n u a l conferences a n d occasional p a p e r s . A I M S is a m e m b e r of d i e Council of A m e r i c a n Overseas Research C e n t e r s ( C A O R C ) a n d is associated with t h e T a n g i e r A m e r i c a n L e g a t i o n M u s e u m in M o r o c c o .
AMERICAN INSTITUTE F O R YEMENI S T U D I E S . U n t i l t h e early 1970s, Y e m e n , l a n d of t h e fa bled Q u e e n of S h e b a a n d a rich s o u r c e for classical a n d Islamic N e a r E a s t e r n history, w a s effectively closed to for eigners. I n 1970, a l t h o u g h a n e w m o d e r n i z i n g g o v e r n m e n t there c h a n g e d this policy, W e s t e r n scholars f o u n d t h a t fieldw o r k w a s being severely h a m p e r e d b y t h e lack of research facilities a n d materials. I n 1978 t h e A m e r i c a n Institute for Y e m e n i Studies (AIYS) w a s f o u n d e d i n T o r o n t o t o p r o v i d e such field s u p p o r t for international scholars in all disciplines a n d t o act a s an international clearinghouse for r e s e a r c h r e lated to Y e m e n . B y t h e 1990s o t h e r n a t i o n a l r e s e a r c h insti tutes h a d b e e n established in Y e m e n , n o t a b l y b y t h e Italian, F r e n c h , a n d G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t s . A I Y S differs from t h e m in its b r o a d s c o p e of disciplinary interest a n d deliberately international scholarly s u p p o r t . A I Y S is h o u s e d at t h e University of C h i c a g o ' s Oriental Institute. Its individual m e m b e r s h i p as of 1995 w a s 190, d r a w i n g from scholars from a r o u n d t h e w o r l d ; t h e r e a r e thirty-six university a n d m u s e u m institutional m e m b e r s . Archaeology h a s b e e n a p r i m a r y beneficiary of t h e insti tute. Its lead f o u n d i n g m e m b e r a n d first a n d c u r r e n t presi d e n t is M c G u i r e G i b s o n , a N e a r E a s t e r n archaeologist. T h e institute h a s u n d e r t a k e n archaeological projects o n its o w n : in 1993 it carried o u t a n archaeological survey of t h e p r o p o s e d highway r o u t e b e t w e e n M a r i b a n d S h a b w a a n d c o n t i n u e d a s e c o n d season of excavation in t h e vicinity of S h a b w a . Its key role, h o w e v e r , is in p r o v i d i n g logistic a n d liaison s u p p o r t for t h e n u m e r o u s m e m b e r t e a m s w o r k i n g i n t h e c o u n t r y . Several of these g r o u p s already figure p r o m i nently in t h e history of archaeology in Y e m e n . B e t w e e n 1981 a n d 1986 t h e A m e r i c a n F o u n d a t i o n for t h e S t u d y of M a n ( A F S M ) , u n d e r Chief Archaeologist J a m e s S a u e r , carried o u t t h e first m o d e r n excavation in n o r t h e r n Y e m e n (at W a d i el-Jubah) since t h e brief 1951 e x p e d i t i o n of W e n d e l l Phillips, d i e f o u n d e r of A F S M . U n d e r t h e direction of E d w a r d Keall, in 1982 T o r o n t o ' s Royal O n t a r i o M u s e u m b e g a n t h e b r o a d est multiseason archaeological survey t o date in Y e m e n , t h a t of t h e coastal city of Z a b i d ; excavation c o n t i n u e d t h e r e in
1993. A I Y S also plays a major s u p p o r t role in U N E S C O ' s ef forts t o conserve t h e O l d City district of Y e m e n ' s capital, S a n ' a . A I Y S publishes b o t h a T r a n s l a t i o n s a n d a D e v e l o p m e n t m o n o g r a p h series. Its s e m i a n n u a l bulletin, Yemen Up date ( C h i c a g o , 1979-) r e p o r t s o n all o n - g o i n g archaeological research i n a n d c o n c e r n i n g Y e m e n . [See also J u b a h , W a d i el-; M a r i b ; S a n ' a ; S h a b w a ; Y e m e n ; and Zabid.]
AMERICAN RESEARCH CENTER IN EGYPT BIBLIOGRAPHY Buringa. Joke. Bibliography on Women in Yemen. Edited by M a r t a Coilwin. A I Y S , Y e m e n D e v e l o p m e n t Series, no. 2. P o r d a n d , O r e . , 1 9 9 2 . Croken, Barbara, et al. Libraries and Scholarly Arab
Republic.
Resources in the
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A I Y S , Y e m e n G u i d e Series, n o . 2. D e K a l b , 111.,
c.1985. Tutwiler, Richard, a n d Sheila C a s a p i c o . Yemeni nomic Change. A I Y S , Y e m e n D e v e l o p m e n t r9«i. W e n n e r , M a n f r e d W . , a n d Leila N . Swanson. An for Researchers and Scholars. A I Y S , Y e m e n D e K a l b , 111., c. 1984.
Agriculture and Eco Series, no. 1. S a n ' a , Introduction to Yemen G u i d e Series, n o . 1. JON MANDAVILLE
AMERICAN INSTITUTE S T U D I E S . Established in 1967
OF
IRANIAN
as a n o n p r o f i t e d u c a tional organization t o e n c o u r a g e a n d facilitate I r a n i a n s t u d ies, t h e A m e r i c a n Institute of I r a n i a n S t u d i e s was f o u n d e d b y a c o m m i t t e e c o m p o s e d of R o b e r t H . D y s o n , Jr., R i c h a r d N . F r y e , a n d J a c o b C . H u r e w i t z . T h e institute w a s s u p p o r t e d by s o m e t w e n t y universities a n d m u s e u m s , e a c h of which n o m i n a t e d a trustee t o t h e g o v e r n i n g b o a r d , w h i c h elected officers to a d m i n i s t e r t h e institute. F r o m 1969 until 1979 t h e institute o p e r a t e d a c e n t e r i n T e h r a n , w h i c h served as a liaison b e t w e e n N o r t h A m e r i c a n scholars a n d t h e I r a n i a n g o v e r n m e n t . T h e T e h r a n c e n t e r also m a i n t a i n e d a small library, issued a quarterly newsletter, h o s t e d informal s e m i n a r s o n c u r r e n t r e s e a r c h , a n d m a i n t a i n e d a hostel to p r o v i d e t e m p o r a r y h o u s i n g for scholars. D u r i n g t h e years t h e T e h r a n c e n t e r w a s o p e n t h e r e w a s a virtual explosion of r e s e a r c h in I r a n . N u m e r o u s a r c h a e o l o g ical excavations a n d regional surveys w e r e c o n d u c t e d , a n d g r a d u a t e s t u d e n t s a n d established scholars in almost all h u m a n i s t i c a n d social science disciplines w e r e well r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e c o u n t r y . T h e c e n t e r w a s a focal p o i n t for interdisci plinary discourse t h a t created a r e m a r k a b l e sense of c a m a raderie. Since 1979 t h e institute h a s c o n t i n u e d t o foster r e s e a r c h o n I r a n i a n topics b y offering dissertation grants, essay a n d translation prizes, a n d p u b l i c a t i o n s u b v e n t i o n . It h a s s u p p o r t e d a bibliographic i n v e n t o r y of r e s o u r c e s for I r a n i a n studies in N o r t h A m e r i c a n libraries a n d c o m m i s s i o n e d a survey of t h e state of I r a n i a n studies i n N o r t h A m e r i c a n universities. I n J a n u a r y 1989, t h e institute c o n v e n e d a c o n ference o n I r a n i a n studies a t t h e A r t h u r M . Sackler Gallery at t h e S m i t h s o n i a n Institution in W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . P a p e r s w e r e delivered o n t h e state of studies i n d i e following dis ciplines: literature, history, linguistics, e c o n o m i c s , sociology, political science, g e o g r a p h y , a n t h r o p o l o g y , archaeology, a n d art history. T h e p r o c e e d i n g s of t h e conference will b e p u b l i s h e d i n a special issue of t h e journal Iranian Studies. T h e archives of t h e institute a r e h e l d i n d i e University M u s e u m Archives at t h e U n i v e r s i t y M u s e u m , University of Pennsylvania. WILLIAM M . SUMNER
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AMERICAN PALESTINE EXPLORATION SOCIETY. A privately f u n d e d society for t h e g e o g r a p h ical a n d archaeological e x p l o r a t i o n of t h e Holy L a n d , t h e A m e r i c a n Palestine E x p l o r a t i o n Society ( A P E S ) w a s f o u n d e d in N e w Y o r k city i n 1870. T h e society's leaders, including Roswell H i t c h c o c k of U n i o n T h e o l o g i c a l S e m i n a r y a n d J. H e n r y T h a y e r of H a r v a r d University, h i g h lighted t h e conservative theological orientation of t h e A P E S in their h o p e t h a t archaeology w o u l d help verify t h e histor ical authenticity of t h e Bible, W i t h that goal in m i n d , funds were solicited from A m e r i c a n universities a n d c h u r c h g r o u p s a n d a n expedition w a s recruited t o u n d e r t a k e a sur vey of T r a n s j o r d a n . T h e w o r k w a s c o o r d i n a t e d with t h e sur vey work of t h e B r i t i s h - s p o n s o r e d Palestine Exploration F u n d in western Palestine. F r o m t h e start, t h e A m e r i c a n expedition w a s p l a g u e d b y a lack of funds a n d p o o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n with society h e a d q u a r t e r s i n N e w York. L e d b y U . S . Cavalry L i e u t e n a n t E d gar Z . Steever a n d naturalist J o h n A . P a i n e of N e w York, d i e A m e r i c a n t e a m p r o c e e d e d t o M o a b from Beirut in s p r i n g 1873. T h e result w a s a preliminary ( a n d only roughly triangulated) field m a p of a p p r o x i m a t e l y 500 s q u a r e miles e x t e n d i n g soutirward from H e s b a n ( H e s h b o n ) . Following Steever's resignation in 1874, t h e A P E S a i m e d t o James C . L a n e , a f o r m e r railroad p l a n n e r a n d Civil W a r h e r o , to c o m m a n d its s u b s e q u e n t e x p l o r a t i o n parties. Also a p p o i n t e d at this time w a s t h e R e v e r e n d Selah Merrill of A n d o v e r , M a s sachusetts as expedition archaeologist. T h e s e c o n d A P E S e x p e d i t i o n d e p a r t e d from B e i r u t i n S e p t e m b e r 1875 a n d w a s considerably m o r e successful t h a n t h e first. T h e goal of detailed m a p p i n g w a s a b a n d o n e d ; instead, t h e t e a m t o o k h u n d r e d s of p h o t o g r a p h s a n d collected t h o u s a n d s of artifacts a n d n a t u r a l specimens. After L a n e ' s resignation in a d i s a g r e e m e n t over funding, Merrill w a s placed in charge of A P E S explorations a n d led t h r e e m o r e expeditions. T h e s e w e r e t h e A P E S ' s final expeditions; t h e organization w a s n e v e r able t o m u s t e r t h e resources o r t r a i n e d p e r s o n n e l of its British c o u n t e r p a r t . T h e A m e r i c a n Palestine E x p l o r a t i o n Society p u b l i s h e d its last Statement in 1877. [See also the biographies of Merrill and
Thayer,]
BIBLIOGRAPHY King, Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Philadelphia, 1983. M o u l t o n , W a r r e n J. " T h e American Palestine Exploration Society." Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 8 (1928): 5 5 - 6 9 . Silberman, Neil Asher. Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Ar chaeology, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799-1917. New York, 1 9 8 2 . N E I L ASHER SILBERMAN
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E G Y P T . F o u n d e d i n 1948, t h e A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h C e n ter in E g y p t ( A R C E ) is a n organization t h a t assists A m e r i -
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can institutions c o n d u c t i n g archaeological projects in Egypt. Since 1951, an office has b e e n m a i n t a i n e d in G a r d e n City, C a i r o , where the staff assists resident scholars a n d fellows a n d manages A R C E ' s p r o g r a m s in Egypt. Over t h e years, m a n y A m e r i c a n archaeological projects, s u c h as t h e E p i graphic Survey of t h e Oriental Institute of t h e University of Chicago and t h e T h e b a n M a p p i n g Project, have w o r k e d in E g y p t u n d e r A R C E ' s aegis. A l t h o u g h A R C E ' s attention first focused o n ancient E g y p t , its b o a r d s o o n recognized that E g y p t h a d a n i m p o r t a n t role in t h e m o d e r n M i d d l e East. T h i s realization led t o a b r o a d e n i n g of A R C E ' s agenda to e m b r a c e scholars inter ested in all aspects of medieval and m o d e r n Egypt, resulting, for example, in s u p p o r t for t h e A m e r i c a n University in C a i ro's excavations in F u s t a t , an early Islamic settlement. [See Fustat.] A R C E thus aims to provide its m e m b e r s with a b e t ter u n d e r s t a n d i n g of E g y p t , b o t h ancient a n d m o d e r n . I n the past three decades, A R C E has p u r s u e d several m a jor initiatives: a d v a n c i n g A m e r i c a n a n d E g y p t i a n collabo ration, encouraging research, a n d assisting scholarly p u b l i cation. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of A m e r i c a n a n d E g y p t i a n cooperation is a high priority. A n early and i m p o r t a n t e x a m p l e of s u c h t e a m w o r k was A R C E ' s involvement in t h e N u b i a n salvage operation, a n d since t h e n restoration of t h e S p h i n x has b e e n t h e subject of collaboration. T h e s e c o n d goal is successfully a d d r e s s e d t h r o u g h t h e fellowship p r o g r a m , bringing b o t h n e w a n d established scholars t o E g y p t u n d e r A R C E ' s s p o n s o r s h i p . Recently, A R C E has b e g u n t h e reverse process, s e n d i n g E g y p t i a n researchers to t h e U n i t e d States. T h e initial step t o w a r d a p r o g r a m of scholarly publication was taken in 1951 w h e n t h e first issue of t h e Newsletter a p p e a r e d . It c o m m u n i c a t e d t o A R C E ' s m e m b e r s information a b o u t the recent responsibilities a n d travels of its directors a n d officers. N o w A R C E fellows p r e s e n t t h e preliminary reports of their projects in this format. T h e initial v o l u m e of t h e annual Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, a periodical presenting scholarly research on all E g y p t ' s h i s tory a n d culture, was p u b l i s h e d in 1962. Since t h e n A R C E has e x p a n d e d its publication p r o g r a m to include m o n o g r a p h s a n d catalogs. A R C E ' s h e a d q u a r t e r s is located in N e w Y o r k City. M e m bers of die b o a r d of governors include representatives from r e s e a r c h - s u p p o r t i n g institutions a n d scholars a n d n o n - a c a demics, w h o are all elected from a m e m b e r s h i p t h a t in t h e early 1990s stood at twelve h u n d r e d . I n 1985, t h e first of five regional chapters w a s formed. T h e s e chapters have c o n t r i b u t e d to a growing m e m b e r s h i p a n d e x p a n d e d A R C E ' s p u b lic p r o g r a m m i n g in t h e U n i t e d States. BIBLIOGRAPHY American Research Center in Egypt. Forty Years of Bridging Time and Culture. N e w York, 1 9 8 7 . Interesting summary of the organization's goals and accomplishments.
American Research C e n t e r in Egypt. Informational p a m p h l e t . N e w York, 1992. Basic information about the C e n t e r ' s c u r r e n t direction. DIANA CRAIG PATCH
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T U R K E Y . A m e r i c a n s h a v e p a r t i c i p a t e d in t h e a r c h a e o logical exploration of T u r k e y since t h e 1881-83 excavations at Assos in t h e T r o a d , s p o n s o r e d b y d i e Archaeological I n stitute of A m e r i c a just t w o years after its f o u n d a t i o n . F o l lowing t h e establishment of d i e R e p u b l i c of T u r k e y in 1923, archaeologists w e r e joined b y scholars in m a n y o t h e r disci plines, including historians of all p e r i o d s , political a n d social scientists, philologists, anthropologists, a n d T u r c o l o g i s t s . B y t h e early 1960s, it w a s clear t h a t a n organization w a s n e e d e d to assist scholars c o n d u c t i n g r e s e a r c h in t h e c o u n t r y . T h e A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h Institute in T u r k e y ( A R I T ) w a s f o u n d e d in 1964 " t o p r o m o t e research o n T u r k e y in ancient, medieval, a n d m o d e r n times in all fields of t h e social sciences a n d t h e h u m a n i t i e s . " A R I T , t h e p r i m a r y representative of A m e r i c a n higher e d u c a t i o n within T u r k e y , is s u p p o r t e d a n d g o v e r n e d b y a c o n s o r t i u m of thirty-five universities, m u s e u m s , a n d research institutions in t h e U n i t e d States a n d C a n ada. A R I T ' s b r a n c h e s in I s t a n b u l a n d i n A n k a r a , each w i t h a resident director, specialized library, a n d hostel, p r o v i d e a wide range of scholarly s u p p o r t services. F r o m its inception, A R I T has c o n c e n t r a t e d its resources o n a fellowship p r o g r a m t h a t has e n a b l e d m o r e tiian o n e t h o u s a n d p r e - a n d p o s t d o c t o r a l researchers to w o r k in T u r key. T h i s includes fellowships to T u r k i s h scholars, a w a r d e d through ARIT's in-country counterpart, the Tiirk-Amerikan Ilmi Arastirmalar Demegi ( T u r k i s h - A m e r i c a n A c a d e m i c R e search Association). A R I T also a d m i n i s t e r s an intensive s u m m e r p r o g r a m of a d v a n c e d T u r k i s h - l a n g u a g e instruction at B o s p h o r u s University. T h r o u g h o u t its existence, A R I T has strongly s u p p o r t e d archaeological research in T u r k e y , a n d four of its six p r e s idents have been p r o m i n e n t in this field: H a n s G . Gtiter bock, w h o guided t h e institute t h r o u g h m u c h of its formative d e c a d e ; Cecil L . Striker; M a c h t e l d J. Mellink; a n d G. K e n n e t h S a m s . In 1993, at t h e r e q u e s t of t h e T u r k i s h M i n i s t r y of C u l t u r e , A R I T a s s u m e d responsibility for c o n d u c t i n g an a n n u a l p r i m a r y review of all applications from d i e U n i t e d States for archaeological excavations a n d surveys within Turkey. T O N I M . CROSS
AMERICAN SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL RE S E A R C H IN B A G H D A D . T h e idea of a n A m e r i c a n school of M e s o p o t a m i a n archaeology in B a g h d a d was p r o p o s e d in 1913 b y G e o r g e A a r o n B a r t o n t o t h e A r c h a e o l o g ical Institute of A m e r i c a ( A I A ) . T h e ALA a p p o i n t e d a c o m mittee with B a r t o n as chair to study t h e m a t t e r a n d , if
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feasible, organize t h e school. I n 1919-1920, Albert T . Clay, a n n u a l professor at t h e A m e r i c a n S c h o o l for Oriental R e search ( A S O R ) in J e r u s a l e m , w a s sent t o B a g h d a d joindy b y t h e ALA c o m m i t t e e a n d t h e A S O R executive c o m m i t t e e to p r e p a r e t h e way for t h e n e w school; h e a r r a n g e d for it initially t o b e sheltered by t h e A m e r i c a n consulate. In 1921, t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n c o m m i t t e e of t h e ALA a n d t h e executive c o m m i t t e e of A S O R in J e r u s a l e m jointly i n c o r p o r a t e d as t h e A m e r i c a n Schools of O r i e n t a l R e s e a r c h , the plural " s c h o o l s " b e i n g an intentional recognition of t h e p l a n n e d B a g h d a d enterprise a n d other possible u n d e r t a k i n g s else w h e r e in t h e N e a r East. In t h a t s a m e year, M e s o p o t a m i a n c o m m i t t e e m e m b e r M o r r i s J a s t r o w , Jr., died, a n d his w i d o w p r e s e n t e d t h e Assyriological p o r t i o n of his library to t h e p l a n n e d school; it r e a c h e d B a g h d a d in 1924, w h e r e it f o r m e d t h e core of t h e n e w school's library. A n earlier b e q u e s t of books from p i o n e e r Orientalist William W a r d for an antic ipated A m e r i c a n school in B a g h d a d s e e m s n e v e r t o have gotten b e y o n d Philadelphia.
m a i n source of i n c o m e was a n e n d o w m e n t f u n d b e q u e a t h e d by James B. Nies. T h e school w a s conceived as a n e n g i n e for A m e r i c a n ar chaeological activity in M e s o p o t a m i a . I t played t h a t role b o t h b y enabling its directors, a n n u a l professors, a n d fellows to b e in I r a q participating in various digs a n d projects and b y directly s p o n s o r i n g excavations, preferably with other in stitutions. Between t h e w a r s , t h e B a g h d a d school jointly s u p p o r t e d w o r k a t N u z i with t h e I r a q M u s e u m a n d H a r v a r d University; a t T e p e G a w r a w i t h t h e University M u s e u m of t h e University of Pennsylvania a n d D r o p s i e College; at T e l l Billa and Khafajeh with t h e University M u s e u m ; a n d at T e l l U m a r witii t h e University of M i c h i g a n . After W o r l d W a r II, die school s p o n s o r e d , with t h e Oriental Institute of t h e U n i versity of C h i c a g o , several c a m p a i g n s at N i p p u r a n d the I r a q Prehistoric Project (together witii related projects in I r a n a n d T u r k e y ) a n d t h e I r a q Surface Survey, as well as excavations at al-Hiba with N e w Y o r k University a n d t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n M u s e u m of A r t ( N e w Y o r k C i t y ) .
O n 2 N o v e m b e r 1923, A l b e r t T . Clay i n a u g u r a t e d t h e A m e r i c a n S c h o o l of Oriental R e s e a r c h i n B a g h d a d in d i e p r e s e n c e of t h e A m e r i c a n c o n s u l a n d officials of t h e Iraqi a n d British g o v e r n m e n t s . T h e school's first-year's p r o g r a m i n c l u d e d p u b l i c lectures o n B a b y l o n i a n history, o u t r e a c h sessions w i t h Iraqi s c h o o l m a s t e r s , a n d archaeological survey work.
Publications s p o n s o r e d o r c o s p o n s o r e d b y t h e school in clude n u m e r o u s v o l u m e s of N u z i tablets; t h e excavations of N u z i a n d G a w r a ; N e u g e b a u e r a n d Sachs (1945); and d i e following A A S O R v o l u m e s : Speiser (1941); K r a m e r (1944); P o r a d a (1947); a n d G o e t z e (1956). I n 1947, A S O R , at the u r g i n g of t h e B a g h d a d school c o m m i t t e e , b e g a n publishing t h e Journal of Cuneiform Studies;, w h i c h immediately estab lished itself as a leading Assyriological journal. It was f o u n d e d b y G o e t z e a n d e d i t e d b y h i m until his death in 1971; from 1972 to 1990 it w a s edited b y Erie Leichty. Since 1990 the editor has b e e n Piotr M i c h a l o w s k i of die University of M i c h i g a n .
T h e B a g h d a d school was always m o r e a research c o n c e p t t h a n a place. I n 1926, G e r t r u d e Bell, h o n o r a r y director of antiquities for Iraq, offered t h e school a r o o m for its library in t h e n e w I r a q M u s e u m ; it r e m a i n s in t h a t m u s e u m , still serving, as A S O R i n t e n d e d in 1926, as " t h e first nucleus of an archaeological library in t h a t p a r t of t h e w o r l d " ( D o u g h erty, 1926). D e s p i t e s p o r a d i c p l a n s a n d h o p e s , t h e school w o u l d have n o building of its o w n in B a g h d a d ; yet, it m a n aged, over a fifty-year p e r i o d , t o a s s e m b l e an impressive r e c ord of scholarly a c h i e v e m e n t . T h e school w a s led b y a l o n g - t e r m director a n d staffed b y a variety of a n n u a l a p p o i n t e e s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t being t h e a n n u a l professor a n d t h e ( m o r e junior) fellow. B a r t o n , t h e first director, (1922-1934), w a s r e s i d e n t in the U n i t e d States; s u b s e q u e n t directors s p e n t varying lengths of time in B a g h d a d w h e n conditions p e r m i t t e d : E p h r a i m A. Speiser (1934-1947), A l b r e c h t G o e t z e (1947-1956), V a u g h n C r a w ford (1956-1968), a n d R o b e r t M c C . A d a m s (1968-1970). A n n u a l professors a n d fellows i n c l u d e d , a m o n g others, A d a m s , R o b e r t Biggs, J. A. B r i n k m a n , G i o r g i o Buccellatti, Briggs B u c h a n a n , G e o r g e C a m e r o n , E d w a r d C h i e r a , A. T . Clay, C r a w f o r d , G e o r g e D a l e s , R a y m o n d D o u g h e r t y , R i c h a r d Ellis, M c G u i r e G i b s o n , G o e t z e , C y r u s G o r d o n , D o n a l d Hansen, Alexander Heidel, Bruce H o w e , Thorkild Jacobsen, S a m u e l N . K r a m e r , T h e o p h i l e M e e k , A l b e r t T . O l m stead, E d i t h P o r a d a , Speiser, a n d L e r o y W a t e r m a n . Begin n i n g in a b o u t 1931, t h e s c h o o l w a s overseen b y a s t a n d i n g c o m m i t t e e of t h e A S O R b o a r d of trustees. T h e school's
c
After 1970, as access to I r a q b e c a m e m o r e restricted a n d t h e n o t i o n of an A S O R school (or center, as it h a d c o m e to b e called) a n d professor in B a g h d a d less tenable, t h e B a g h d a d school c o m m i t t e e b e c a m e t h e c o m m i t t e e on M e s o p o t a m i a n civilization, or, as it is m o r e c o m m o n l y k n o w n , t h e B a g h d a d c o m m i t t e e . It a w a r d s an a n n u a l M e s o p o t a m i a n fellowship t o p r e - a n d p o s t d o c t o r a l scholars for research o n ancient M e s o p o t a m i a n civilization, preferably involving s o m e residence in t h e N e a r East. It continues to oversee die publication of t h e Journal of Cuneiform Studies and publishes a newsletter, Mar Sipri. F o r several years before t h e Gulf w a r , the C o m m i t t e e ' s McAllister F u n d s u p p o r t e d excava tions at M a s h k a n - s h a p i r , A b u SalabOdi, Tell H a m i d a , a n d Deylam. [See also A b u Salabikh; A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental R e search; Khafajeh; M a s h k a n - s h a p i r ; N i p p u r ; N u z i ; T e p e G a w r a ; and the biography of Speiser.] BIBLIOGRAPHY D o u g h e r t y , R a y m o n d . " R e p o r t s . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 22 ( 1 9 2 6 ) : 1. Goetze, Albrecht. The Laws of Eshnunna. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 3 1 . N e w H a v e n , 1 9 S 6 .
94
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K i n g , Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Philadelphia, 1983. K r a m e r , Samuel N o a h . Sumerian Literary Texts. Annual of the A m e r ican Schools of Oriental Research, 23. N e w Haven, 1944. Neugebauer, Otto, and A b r a h a m Sachs. Mathematical Cuneiform Texts. American Oriental Series, 29. N e w Haven, 1945. Porada, Edith. Seal Impressions from Nuzi. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 24. N e w Haven, 1 9 4 7 . Speiser, Ephraim Avigdor. Introduction to Human. Annual of the A m e r ican Schools of Oriental Research, 20. N e w Haven, 1 9 4 1 . JERROLD S. COOPER
AMERICAN S C H O O L S OF ORIENTAL R E S E A R C H . T h e history a n d tradition of the A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A S O R ) are linked t o t h e p a r ent societies that called for its f o u n d i n g m o r e t h a n a c e n t u r y ago. T h e first a c a d e m i c organization t o press for t h e e s t a b lishment of a n e w society with an archaeological focus was t h e Society of Biblical L i t e r a t u r e ( S B L ) , originally f o u n d e d as the Society for Biblical Literature a n d Exegesis in 1880. O n 13 J u n e 1895, its president, J. H e n r y T h a y e r , a specialist in t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t at H a r v a r d University, u r g e d t h e s o ciety to establish a school in Palestine t h a t would b e able to p r o m o t e t h e study of scripture in t h e very land in w h i c h it h a d taken shape. It was to be called an A m e r i c a n School for Oriental S t u d y a n d Research. O t h e r s , notably H e n r y W . H u l b e r t , w a n t e d such a school to b e located in Beirut a n d h a d referred to it as a school of biblical archaeology a n d philology in the East. [See the biography of Thayer.] T h a y e r ' s suggestion t o establish a school in Palestine w a s referred to c o m m i t t e e , w h i c h consequently p u b l i s h e d a cir cular to win t h e s u p p o r t a n d confidence of b o u t theological schools and universities. In t h a t d o c u m e n t T h a y e r ' s col leagues expressed t h e rationale for establishing an overseas center in this way: " T h e object of t h e school w o u l d b e to afford graduates of A m e r i c a n theological seminaries, a n d other similarly qualified p e r s o n s , o p p o r t u n i t y to p r o s e c u t e biblical and linguistic investigations u n d e r m o r e favorable conditions that can b e secured at a distance from t h e H o l y L a n d ; . . . to gather material for t h e illustration of t h e biblical narratives; t o settle doubtful points in biblical t o p o g r a p h y ; to identify historic localities; t o explore a n d , if possible, e x cavate sacred sites" (King, 1983, p . 26). T h e t o n e a n d direction of S B L ' s 1895 circular clearly e x press the overriding interest of the f o u n d i n g fathers, w h i c h remains to this d a y , although A S O R ' s p u r p o s e was soon b r o a d e n e d t o include nonbiblical aspects of N e a r E a s t e r n studies. T h e circular also illustrates die W e s t e r n bias of " O r i e n t a l i s m , " a certain disregard of indigenous culture b y those who s t u d y a region only in t e r m s of W e s t e r n a n d c o lonial values. A t a n y r a t e , b y 1890 eleven institutions h a d pledged one h u n d r e d dollars each annually, for a p e r i o d of five years, until a p l a n for a new school could b e i m p l e mented.
A n o t h e r s t r o n g s u p p o r t e r of t h e idea of establishing an overseas r e s e a r c h center in d i e N e a r E a s t w a s t h e A m e r i c a n Oriental Society, w h i c h formally e n d o r s e d t h e i d e a in 1896. I n 1898 d i e Archaeological Institute of A m e r i c a (AIA) n o t only e n d o r s e d t h e p r o p o s a l , b u t also p l e d g e d a n a n n u a l s u b sidy. T h e AIA h a d established its o w n A m e r i c a n School of Classical Studies at A t h e n s in 1882 a n d a c o m p a r a b l e school in R o m e in 1895, which in 1913 was c o n s o l i d a t e d with t h e A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y in R o m e , formerly a fine arts school a n d enterprise devoted to h u m a n i s t i c research. T h e p r e s i d e n t of t h e A I A in 1899 w a s Charles Eliot N o r t o n , professor of F i n e Arts at H a r v a r d ; h e p l e d g e d his c o m p l e t e s u p p o r t to a school of biblical studies t h a t w o u l d s o o n be established in J e r u s a l e m o n t h e m o d e l of d i e A m e r i c a n institutes in A t h e n s a n d Rome. By 1900 t w e n t y - o n e institutions of h i g h e r l e a r n i n g — c o l leges, seminaries, a n d universities—had b e e n o r g a n i z e d into A S O R ' s first a c a d e m i c c o n s o r t i u m . A M i o u g h m o s t of tiiose institutions were secular universities, theological interest a n d s u p p o r t w e r e key from t h e outset. T h e o r g a n i z i n g c o m m i t tee's r e s t a t e m e n t of goals a n d objectives, w h i c h b e c a m e t h e basis of A S O R ' s future bylaws, reflected a b r o a d e n e d intel lectual horizon t h a t w o u l d enable A S O R to e x t e n d its p u r view b e y o n d t h e L e v a n t into t h e greater N e a r E a s t a n d t o e x t e n d its historical r e a c h a n d interest b e y o n d t h e m e r e "biblical." Its c h a r t e r also c o n t a i n e d a n inclusive s t a t e m e n t t h a t resonates w i t h a n entirely m o d e r n spirit: " T h e S c h o o l shall b e o p e n to duly qualified applicants of all races a n d b o t h sexes, a n d shall be k e p t wholly free from obligations or preferences as respects a n y religious d e n o m i n a t i o n or liter ary institution." A S O R ' s ties w i t h t h e A I A a n d S B L w e r e so s t r o n g that in t h e early years all r e s e a r c h studies c o n d u c t e d u n d e r A S O R auspices w e r e to b e p u b l i s h e d in d i e journal of either affiliated society—the f o r m e r p u b l i s h i n g a r c h a e o logical a n d nonbiblical material, t h e latter t h e biblical. J e r u s a l e m . A S O R ' s first overseas institute w a s o p e n e d in 1900 in Jerusalem, with Charles C. T o r r e y , a n O l d T e s t a m e n t scholar at Yale University, serving as its first director for t h a t year. T o r r e y , s u p p o r t e d b y t h e U . S . c o n s u l in J e rusalem, Selah Merrill, himself a distinguished Orientalist, established A S O R ' s first h e a d q u a r t e r s i n a large r o o m in a hotel in t h e Jaffa G a t e area, l a u n c h e d a lecture p r o g r a m , a n d b e g a n his o w n series of field explorations. T h e s e activities b e c a m e hallmarks of A S O R institutes' future p r o g r a m s . W i t h o u t a p e r m a n e n t A S O R facility, A m e r i c a n scholars i n Jerusalem a t the t i m e w e r e d e p e n d e n t o n otiier institutes for library resources. [See the biography of Merrill] Palestine's u n s t a b l e political situation at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e twentieth c e n t u r y , w i t h t h e e m e r g e n c e of A r a b n a t i o n alism clashing w i t h Z i o n i s m a n d signaling t h e collapse of t h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e , m a d e significant p r o g r e s s for t h e J e r u s a l e m school difficult. T h e political instability, lack of a p e r m a n e n t facility, a n d a n n u a l rotation of directors m e a n t t h a t a p r o g r a m of activities along d i e lines established b y T o r r e y
AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH a n d his successors w a s d i e c o r r e c t a n d m o s t stable c o u r s e for t h e school. T h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e p r o g r a m , e x c e p t for excavation, r e m a i n e d intact until 1920, w h e n William F o x well Albright b e c a m e t h e school's first l o n g - t e r m director, serving until 1929, a n d t h e n again from 1933 to 1936. A S O R ' s first major field p r o j e c t in t h e years prior to Albright w a s t h e e x p e d i t i o n to S a m a r i a (1908-1910) led b y G e o r g e A . Reisner, C l a r e n c e S. Fisher, a n d D a v i d G . L y o n , a n d in 1908 b y Gottlieb S c h u m a c h e r . T h e r e p o r t of this project, delayed b y W o r l d W a r I, a p p e a r e d in 1924. [See S a m a r i a ; and the biographies of Albright, Reisner, Fisher, and Schu macher.} D u r i n g t h o s e years, t h e J e r u s a l e m school was m a n a g e d in t h e U n i t e d States by c o m m i t t e e . R e p o r t s o n d i e school's activities a n d research were given at special m e e t i n g s or at A S O R m e e t i n g s held in c o n j u n c t i o n widi d i e a n n u a l m e e t ing of d i e S B L or A I A . T o all i n t e n t s a n d p u r p o s e s , A S O R a n d d i e J e r u s a l e m school w e r e o n e a n d t h e s a m e . I n 1907 d i e O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t r e c o g n i z e d t h e school in J e r u s a l e m as t h e " A m e r i c a n School of A r c h a e o l o g y at J e r u s a l e m . " I n 1910 d i e m a n a g i n g c o m m i t t e e c h a n g e d its official n a m e to T h e A m e r i c a n School of Oriental R e s e a r c h in Jerusalem. In 1917 T o r r e y a n n o u n c e d t h e p r o m i s e of a gift of $50,000 b y J a n e O r r N i e s t o erect a p e r m a n e n t facility in Jerusalem o n land t h a t h a d b e e n p u r c h a s e d in 1909. J a m e s A, M o n t g o m ery of t h e University of P e n n s y l v a n i a a n d t h e P r o t e s t a n t E p i s c o p a l Divinity School, d i e J e r u s a l e m school's a n n u a l di r e c t o r in 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 1 5 , b e c a m e t h e c h a i r m a n of A S O R ' s m a n aging c o m m i t t e e in 1918. A t its a n n u a l m e e t i n g t h e c o m m i t t e e v o t e d to r e o p e n t h e J e r u s a l e m school t h e following year (it h a d b e e n t e m p o r a r i l y closed d u r i n g t h e w a r from (1916 to 1918). At t h a t 1918 m e e t i n g , A l b r i g h t was elected T h a y e r Fellow for 1919. T h e school r e o p e n e d in O c t o b e r 1919, with William H . W o r r e l l as director. T h e first issue of t h e Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research (BASOR), t h e journal t h a t w a s t o b e c o m e t h e central o r g a n of scholarly c o m m u n i c a t i o n for A S O R , also a p p e a r e d in tiiat year. T h e first issue of A S O R ' s Annual a p p e a r e d in 1920, edited b y four f o r m e r directors of t h e J e r u s a l e m school. T h e legal i n c o r p o r a t i o n of A S O R in d i e District of C o l u m b i a in 1921 reiterated t h e plural " S c h o o l s " in d i e tide, correctly anticipating t h e f u t u r e of other institutes in t h e N e a r East, b u t specifically t h e i m m i n e n t start of t h e school in B a g h d a d . I n 1923 t h e E g y p t i a n a n k h , t h e s y m b o l of life, inside of w h i c h w a s t h e e i g h t - p o i n t e d B a b y l o n i a n star, t h e sign of deity, b e c a m e t h e l o g o of A S O R . A S O R P r e s i d e n t s . A S O R ' s p r e s i d e n t s f o r m an illustri o u s g r o u p . T h e w o r k of t h e s e individuals r e p r e s e n t s t h e h e i g h t of scholarship in their respective fields.
1955-1965
95
A. Flenry Detweiler, Cornell University
1966-1974
G . E r n e s t W r i g h t , H a r v a r d University
1
F r a n k M o o r e C r o s s , H a r v a r d University
975-1976
1976-1982
Philip J. K i n g , B o s t o n College
1982-1988
J a m e s A. S a u e r , University of Pennsylvania
1988-1989
P . K y l e M c C a r t e r , J o h n s H o p k i n s University
1990-1996
Eric M . M e y e r s , D u k e University
1996-
Joe D . Seger, Mississippi State University
[See the biographies of Montgomery,
Burrows,
Kraeling,
and
Wright] B a g h d a d . W i t h t h e l o n g - t e r m a p p o i n t m e n t of Albright as director in J e r u s a l e m in 1920, archaeological activities t h e r e e x p a n d e d a n d t h e school's future was s e c u r e d in a way t h a t h a d n o t b e e n possible before. S u c h stability also allowed A S O R to enlarge its h o r i z o n s to M e s o p o t a m i a , w h e r e d i e B a g h d a d school, originally called t h e A m e r i c a n School of M e s o p o t a m i a n Archaeology, o p e n e d officially in 1923. T h a t school was t h e first A m e r i c a n a c a d e m i c institution in B a g h d a d ; it was h o u s e d in a s p a c e p r o v i d e d b y t h e A m e r i c a n consulate. T h e B a g h d a d school, a l t h o u g h n o t a full-fledged institute, h a d an o u t s t a n d i n g library, a n d from its inception p r o v i d e d a n i m p o r t a n t b a s e from w h i c h researchers c o n d u c t e d field surveys a n d on-site e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e m o s t -
i m p o r t a n t sites in M e s o p o t a m i a . A m o n g t h e b e s t - k n o w n e x cavations c o n d u c t e d from t h e school w e r e d i e A S O R - H a r v a r d excavations a t N u z i , particularly f r o m 1925 t o 1931. [See N u z i . ] O u t e r n o t e w o r t h y excavations i n c l u d e Tell Billa, T e p e G a w r a , T a r k h a l a n , a n d T e l l O m a n . [See T e p e G a w ra.] B a g h d a d ' s first publication, E d w a r d C h i e r a ' s The Joint Expedition
with the Iraq Museum
at Nuzi,
a p p e a r e d in 1927.
It soon b e c a m e clear t h a t t h e r e w e r e n o t sufficient finan cial resources to s u p p o r t a p e r m a n e n t facility in Jerusalem a n d a n e w o n e in B a g h d a d . H e n c e , A S O R ' s a c a d e m i c m a n aging c o m m i t t e e w a s r e o r g a n i z e d in 1929 t o include n o n a c a d e m i c , lay m e m b e r s o n a b o a r d of trustees to b r o a d e n its financial base. T h e B a g h d a d school a t t r a c t e d a series of distinguished scholars as a n n u a l professors until 1970. T h e n , for political reasons, it was n o longer possible for A m e r i c a n s to b e in residence tiiere. A m o n g d i o s e w h o w o r k e d o u t of B a g h d a d w e r e E p h r a i m Speiser (1926-1927, 1931-1932), N e l s o n G l u e c k (1933-1934, 1942-1946), S a m u e l N o a h K r a m e r (1946-1947)3 T h o r k i l d J a c o b s e n (1953-1954, 1968-1969), R o b e r t M c C . A d a m s (1968-1969), A l b r e c h t G o e t z e (19551956), a n d M c G u i r e G i b s o n (1969-1970). [See the biogra phies of Speiser, Glueck, and Jacobsen.]
F r o m 1947 to 1956
G o e t z e served as director of t h e school; a m o n g his m o s t 1921-1933 1934-1948 1949-1954
J a m e s A. M o n t g o m e r y , University of P e n n sylvania Millar B u r r o w s , Yale University C a r l PI. K r a e l i n g , University of C h i c a g o
notable achievements w a s d i e f o u n d i n g of t h e Journal
of'Cu
neiform Studies in 1947. T h e 1967 Arab-Israeli W a r m a d e any future significant A S O R p r e s e n c e in Iraq doubtful. A S O R ' s last field project prior to t h e w a r h a d b e e n in 1963,
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b u t it r e n e w e d its fieldwork there in t h e 1980s. T h e 1991 Gulf W a r e n d e d t h a t activity as well. T h e annual professorship in B a g h d a d was converted to a M e s o p o t a m i a fellowship following t h e t e r m i n a t i o n of a physical presence at t h e school in B a g h d a d . T o d a y , a c o m mittee supervises A S O R ' s interests in the region a n d over sees publication of the Journal of Cuneiform Studies.
H o w e v e r , following t h e 1967 war a n d t h e reunification of Jerusalem, there w e r e two schools in t h e city d e v o t e d to ar chaeological work, A S O R ' s J e r u s a l e m school a n d H U C , later to b e r e n a m e d tire N e l s o n G l u e c k S c h o o l of Biblical Archaeology. [See N e l s o n G l u e c k S c h o o l of Biblical A r chaeology.] T h e 1967 war, h o w e v e r , h a d even far greater implications for A S O R .
I n t e r w a r P e r i o d (1919-1945). A r e m a r k m a d e b y Millar B u r r o w s w h e n h e served as director of the Jerusalem school (1931-1932) provides insight into t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e world wars a n d is remarkably relevant. N o t i n g t h e dearth of A m e r i c a n archaeologists a n d t h e plethora of archaeological activities in Palestine, h e observed t h a t m o s t of the funding was A m e r i c a n , that m o s t of t h e leadership of excavations was n o n - A m e r i c a n , a n d t h a t chief a m o n g A S O R ' s goals was to raise a cadre of " y o u n g A m e r i c a n s w h o w o u l d like to take u p the fascinating w o r k , " T h e interwar years p r o d u c e d a new generation of leaders in t h e field in the N e a r East, yet there was a genuine shortage of qualified Americans t o carry forward t h e aims of A S O R ' s founders, as well as a shortage of funds to carry t h e m out. D e s p i t e t h e considerable achievements of the Jerusalem a n d B a g h d a d schools, politics soon again interfered in t h e progress of the first half of t h e twentieth century.
A S O R a n d I t s O v e r s e a s C e n t e r s : 1967-1978. O n e of t h e major results of t h e 1967 w a r w a s t h e A r a b b o y c o t t of all scholars working in Israeli territory, f o r m e r territory or newly held, w h i c h effectively m e a n t t h a t archaeologists a n d N e a r Eastern specialists in o t h e r disciplines h a d to decide w h e t h e r to c o n t i n u e to w o r k in Israel. If t h e y h a d w o r k e d in Israel they could c h o o s e to w o r k in A r a b l a n d s , especially in t h e H a s h e m i t e K i n g d o m of J o r d a n or in Syria, b u t could n o t t h e n continue to w o r k in Israel as well. B e c a u s e t h e B a g h d a d school was defunct, t o all intents a n d p u r p o s e s , t h e A S O R b o a r d of trustees, h e a d e d b y G. E r n e s t W r i g h t of H a r v a r d University, p r e s i d e n t at t h e t i m e , decided t h a t t h e only w a y for A S O R scholars t o c o n t i n u e working o n b o t h sides of t h e J o r d a n River w a s t o create separate institutes: a separately i n c o r p o r a t e d A m m a n center in J o r d a n a d m i n i s t e r e d b y its o w n b o a r d of trustees, so t h a t A S O R ' s historic aims a n d goals could c o n t i n u e to b e p u r s u e d u n i m p e d e d , a n d t h e J e r u s a l e m school to b e reorganized along t h e s e s a m e lines. T h e A S O R trustees a p p r o v e d the m o v e in D e c e m b e r 1969. T h e Jerusalem school was r e n a m e d t h e W . F . Albright I n stitute of Archaeological R e s e a r c h ( A I A R ) ; it still o c c u p i e s t h e building w h o s e c o n s t r u c t i o n was b e g u n in 1924, c o m pleted in 1931, a n d d e s i g n a t e d a historical l a n d m a r k b y t h e State of Israel. T h e A m m a n center w a s n a m e d t h e A m e r i c a n C e n t e r of Oriental R e s e a r c h ( A C O R ) ; it m o v e d into a s p a cious, state-of-the-art facility in 1986.
A major figure to e m e r g e d u r i n g this period was N e l s o n Glueck, explorer p a r excellence. T r a i n e d in biblical studies at J e n a in G e r m a n y , G l u e c k c a m e u n d e r t h e influence of Albright in the late 1920s while digging at Tell Beit Mirsirn. T h e r e he learned t h e essentials of stratigraphic archaeology a n d t h e basis of ceramic typology. G l u e c k s u c c e e d e d Al bright as director of t h e school i n Jerusalem in 1936, a p o sition h e held three times, first in 1932-1933, again from 1936 to 1940, a n d finally from 1942 t o 1947. Glueck's major contribution to work in the region was his extensive explorations in T r a n s j o r d a n a n d t h e N e g e v desert. As a result of this enterprise he b e c a m e fascinated with t h e history a n d material culture of the N a b a t e a n s . Glueck c o n d u c t e d his surveys while serving as director of the Jerusalem school. Fie developed his expertise in N a b a t e a n studies from 1952 to 1964, while b a s e d at H e b r e w U n i o n College ( H U C ) in Cincinnati, O h i o ; h e h a d b e e n a faculty m e m b e r there since 1928 and b e c a m e p r e s i d e n t in 1948. O n e of his major accomplishments as a n administrator w a s the building of the H U C c a m p u s in Jerusalem, which o p e n e d in 1963 with an archaeological c o m p o n e n t h e envisioned as the successor t o A S O R ' s Jerusalem school, w h i c h h a d been cut off from I s rael as a result of t h e 1948 W a r of I n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e irony of the situation c a n n o t b e overstated. Glueck, p r e s i d e n t of a theological school for training A m e r i c a n R e form rabbis, h a d explored t h e territories that largely b e c a m e p a r t of the K i n g d o m of J o r d a n . H e f o u n d e d a n archaeolog ical school in Israeli Jerusalem largely b e c a u s e A r a b lands h a d b e e n cut off from Jewish archaeologists after 1948.
B o t h institutes, newly constituted with their o w n b o a r d s of trustees, b e g a n their operations in s p r i n g 1970. T h e A S O R b o a r d c o n t i n u e d to subsidize in p a r t t h e activities at b o t h schools, b u t increasingly t u r n e d its attention to g e n erating funds for n e w overseas field projects, publications, a n d o t h e r p r o g r a m m a t i c activities relating to its a n n u a l c o n vention held in conjunction with t h e S B L a n d t h e A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y of Religion ( A A R ) . In creating a decentralized A S O R , W r i g h t a n d t h e trustees h a d averted t h e political r e p e r c u s s i o n s of t h e Arab-Israeli conflict. T h e p a r e n t organization w a s , h o w e v e r , still e x p e c t e d t o seek and secure funds as before for b o t h centers a n d t o fund field projects o n b o t h sides of t h e J o r d a n River. A S O R subsidies to t h e centers c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h t h e 1980s, b u t responsibility for raising funds for t h e overseas centers, their p r o g r a m s , a n d their buildings b e g a n t o shift t o their own boards. D u r i n g t h e t u m u l t u o u s p e r i o d in t h e region b e t w e e n t h e 1967 a n d 1973 wars, A S O R entertained t h e idea of e s t a b lishing a center in B e i r u t t h a t w o u l d focus scholarly attention
AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH o n L e b a n o n ' s special h e r i t a g e of P h o e n i c i a n culture, in ad dition to o t h e r aspects of its rich material r e m a i n s . Altiiough t h e Civil W a r in L e b a n o n a n d A S O R ' s increased financial responsibilities ultimately p r e c l u d e d u n d e r t a k i n g t h e p r o ject, interest in P h o e n i c i a led A S O R scholars to look to two of P h o e n i c i a ' s principal colonies, C y p r u s a n d Cartilage, for t h e recovery of n e w data t h r o u g h archaeological excavation. [See C y p r u s ; Carthage.] A t C a r t h a g e , A S O R fulfilled its field objectives from 1975 to 1979 b y s p o n s o r i n g a series of excavations, financed with U . S . federal f u n d s , at P u n i c a n d R o m a n C a r t h a g e . D u r i n g this limited p e r i o d A S O R s u p p o r t e d a n e w center n e a r b y , t h e C a r t h a g e R e s e a r c h I n s t i t u t e , w h i c h served as a b a s e for t h e excavation a n d survey w o r k at d i e site. T h e w e s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n region c o u l d n o t m a i n t a i n its h o l d o n A S O R ' s historic c o n s t i t u e n c y , h o w e v e r , w h i c h w a s far m o r e oriented to t h e east, a n d t h e institute closed u p o n d i e c o m pletion of fieldwork. C y p r u s , t h e o t h e r i m p o r t a n t P h o e n i c i a n colony, attracted A S O R ' s attention in t h e early 1970s. E n c o u r a g e d b y W r i g h t t o engage in fieldwork t h a t w o u l d s h e d further light o n P h o e nician culture a n d also establish a definitive typology of C y p r i o t c e r a m i c s , A S O R scholars b e g a n excavations at t h e C y p r i o t site of Idalion in 1 9 7 1 . P r e l i m i n a r y w o r k at Idalion h a d involved W r i g h t a n d t h r e e of his f o r m e r s t u d e n t s : P a u l L a p p , until his u n t i m e l y d e a t h in 1970; L a w r e n c e Stager; a n d Anita Walker. W r i g h t ' s interest in establishing a p e r m a n e n t A S O R facility a w a y f r o m t h e center of t h e a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t e r n m a i n l a n d w a s further stimulated b y his o w n w o r k at Idalion. W r i g h t died in 1974, four years before d i e f o u n d i n g of the m o s t r e c e n t of A S O R ' s overseas c e n t e r s , d i e C y p r u s A m e r i c a n Archaeological R e s e a r c h Institute ( C A A R I ) , in Nicosia. [See Idalion; and the biography of Lapp.] Establishing a research c e n t e r o n t h e island of C y p r u s e n abled A S O R at long last t o e n t e r institutionally into t h e w o r l d of classical archaeology a n d t o p r o v i d e a b r i d g e b e t w e e n it a n d N e a r E a s t e r n archaeology. In fact, N e a r E a s t e r n sites are replete witii r e m a i n s f r o m t h e classical p e r i o d , a n d A S O R field projects h a d long dealt with material orig inating in or influenced b y A e g e a n cultures. T h e n e w insti t u t e in Nicosia b r o u g h t f o r m a l recognition to A S O R ' s b r o a d e r interest in t h e classical a n d pre-classical A e g e a n w o r l d s , for C y p r u s in nearly all its p e r i o d s of h u m a n o c c u p a t i o n exhibits a m e e t i n g or synthesis b e t w e e n N e a r E a s t e r n a n d A e g e a n cultures. B e c a u s e t h e r e w a s n o university o n C y p r u s until 1993, C A A R I h a d a n d c o n t i n u e s to h a v e a s p e cial role in d i e intellectual life of t h e c o u n t r y . Like A S O R ' s o d i e r institutes, C A A R I c o o p e r a t e s closely with t h e local d e p a r t m e n t of antiquities a n d invites scholars of all countries t o u s e its library a n d facilities. A l t h o u g h A S O R - s p o n s o r e d excavations o n C y p r u s h a v e t h u s far b e e n few, C A A R I ' s p r e s e n c e h a s nonetheless b e e n influential. T h e institute's fa
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cility is a m e e t i n g g r o u n d for scholars from all over t h e world. C A A R I m o v e d into elegant r e n o v a t e d quarters in 1991 a n d , like A I A R a n d A C O R , is m a n a g e d b y an i n d e p e n d e n t b o a r d of trustees a n d received subsidies from A S O R until 1990. T h e establishment of A C O R in 1970, initially a way of c o n t i n u i n g traditional p a t t e r n s of N e a r E a s t e r n archaeology with a s t r o n g biblical focus, also led to a significant w i d e n i n g of A S O R ' s perspective o n archaeology in general a n d o n several subfields in particular. F a r m o r e digs were carried o u t in J o r d a n at prehistoric sites b y A m e r i c a n s t h a n in Israel (where t h e biblical focus r e m a i n e d a constraint), a reality paralleled also o n C y p r u s . Archaeology in J o r d a n b e g a n to p r o s p e r in n e w a n d u n a n t i c i p a t e d w a y s . T h e L a t e A n t i q u e floruit of T r a n s j o r d a n i a n Christianity, for e x a m p l e , w h i c h e x t e n d e d well into t h e Early Islamic p e r i o d , has b e c o m e a special field along with Islamic archaeology, w h i c h is also flourishing. W i t h its a b u n d a n c e of U . S . federal funding, A C O R has also e n a b l e d cultural r e s o u r c e m a n a g e m e n t — t h e excavation a n d restoration of antiquities sites for national a n d touristic p u r p o s e s — t o set d i e s t a n d a r d for the entire region. [See R e s t o r a t i o n a n d C o n s e r v a t i o n ; C o n s e r v a t i o n Archaeology.] N e w D i r e c t i o n s : 1978-1995. W i t h t h e decentralization of A S O R a n d with t h e o p e r a t i o n s a n d p r o g r a m s of the overseas centers r u n entirely b y separate b o a r d s , A S O R ' s historic role in fostering excavations a n d scholarship has c h a n g e d . A S O R ' s h o m e office c o n t i n u e s to assist t h e overseas centers in building their libraries t h r o u g h b o o k a n d journal ex c h a n g e s , in c o m m u n i c a t i n g w i t h U . S . trustees a n d scholars, in s o m e b a n k i n g activities, in p r e p a r i n g a n d auditing federal grants, a n d in s o m e f u n d raising. T h e a p p r o x i m a t e l y 150 colleges, universities, seminaries, a n d m u s e u m s t h a t consti tute d i e A S O R c o n s o r t i u m of c o r p o r a t e m e m b e r s are b y a n d large t h e s a m e institutions t h a t send volunteers a n d students to digs and tiiat s u p p o r t scholars in their a c a d e m i c pursuits at each of d i e centers. A S O R ' s a n n u a l c o n v e n t i o n a n d its publications are t h e two major vehicles for facilitating interaction a m o n g schol ars in t h e field of a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t e r n archaeological stud ies. A S O R r e m a i n s t h e p r e m i e r international scholarly or ganization dedicated to fostering research in t h e m o d e r n N e a r East. Its r e c o r d of sustaining its projects t h r o u g h p e riods of w a r a n d political tension h a s w o n it valued a d m i ration in the region. T h e realization of p e a c e treaties b e t w e e n Israel a n d its n e i g h b o r s m a k e s the future seem b r i g h t e r t h a n ever before a n d should result in n e w projects in N e a r E a s t e r n research. C u r r e n t d e v e l o p m e n t s within A S O R a n d its overseas centers can b e followed in its q u a r terly Newsletter, or m o r e generally in its quarterly journal, The Biblical Archaeologist. A S O R ' s h o m e office was located o n t h e J o h n s H o p k i n s University c a m p u s in Baltimore, M a r y l a n d ; as of July 1996 die office, together with those of
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the three overseas centers, was relocated to t h e c a m p u s of B o s t o n University, adjacent to the h e a d q u a r t e r s of t h e A r chaeological Institute of America. [See also Albright Institute of Archaeological R e s e a r c h ; A m e r i c a n C e n t e r for Oriental Research; A m e r i c a n School of Oriental Research in B a g h d a d ; Archaeological Institute of America; C y p r u s A m e r i c a n Archaeological R e s e a r c h I n stitute; Periodical L i t e r a t u r e ; and Society of Biblical Liter ature.] BIBLIOGRAPHY King, Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Philadelphia, 1983. T h e defin itive work on A S O R ' s history, prepared by a past president and c o m missioned by the A S O R trustees. ERIC M . MEYERS
A M M A N , capital city of the H a s h e m i t e K i n g d o m of Jor d a n , located a b o u t 88 k m (55 mi.) east of Jerusalem, 206 k m (128 mi.) south of D a m a s c u s , a n d 335 k m (208 mi.) n o r t h o f ' A q a b a (3i°57' N , 35°S6' E; m a p reference 238 X 152). In the earliest references, it is designated as ' A m m a n of t h e B e n e ' A m m o n or as R a b b a t Bene ' A m m o n a n d is referred
AMMAN.
to as Bit A m m a n u in Assyrian texts. It w a s r e n a m e d Phila delphia at t h e time of P t o l e m y II P h i l a d e l p h u s (283-246 BCE); its earliest n a m e was revived as ' A m m a n in t h e Islamic period. T h e A m m a n district is a fertile area t h a t d r o p s d o w n t h r o u g h r o u g h terrain a n d occasionally forested hillsides to the J o r d a n Valley t o t h e w e s t a n d m e r g e s gradually into t h e steppelike desert t o t h e east. [See J o r d a n Valley.] T h e city h a s a l o n g history d a t i n g b a c k to t h e sixth m i l l e n n i u m ; remains f o u n d in its vicinity d a t e b a c k even earlier, to t h e Paleolithic p e r i o d . Jebel Q a l ' a , A m m a n ' s citadel, w a s the focus of settlement for t h o u s a n d s of years (see figure 1 ) ; n u m e r o u s sites o c c u p i e d in m a n y different p e r i o d s are scat tered a r o u n d the city. S o m e — S a h a b , T e l l e l - ' U m e i r i , 'Ain G h a z a l , a n d Safut—were significant settlements in size, stra tegic location, a n d p r e s e r v e d artifacts. A m m a n was still flourishing in the t e n t h c e n t u r y CE a c c o r d i n g to t h e A r a b historian a l - M u q a d d a s i , b u t b y d i e fifteenth c e n t u r y it w a s described as a field of ruins. A m m a n was a spectacular R o m a n , B y z a n t i n e , a n d U m a y y a d r u i n for m a n y centuries until late in t h e O t t o m a n period, with impressive stretches of fortification walls, col o n n a d e d streets, a n d m a n y substantially p r e s e r v e d b u i l d ings. A l t h o u g h a d v e n t u r e r s m a d e t h e trip to a n c i e n t r u i n s
F i g u r e 1. Plan of the citadel, Jebel el-Qafa. (Courtesy R. D o r n e m a n n )
AMMAN east of t h e J o r d a n River late in t h a t p e r i o d , serious surveys of sites s u c h as A m m a n w e r e n o t initiated until t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. C l a u d e R. C o n d e r visited A m m a n in 1880 a n d H o w a r d C r o s b y B u d e r p u b l i s h e d t h e results of t h e P r i n c e t o n Archaeological S u r v e y t h e r e in 1921. T h e survey i n c l u d e d t h e careful m a p p i n g a n d e x a m i n a t i o n of ruins in A m m a n a n d elsewhere in T r a n s j o r d a n . T h e gradual resetd e m e n t of A m m a n b e g a n in 1878, as a small village a m o n g t h e r u i n s , with a g r o u p of Circassians relocated b y O t t o m a n T u r k i s h authorities. T h e village e x p a n d e d after P r i n c e A b d ullah c h o s e A m m a n as t h e seat of g o v e r n m e n t in 1921 a n d t h e H a s h e m i t e K i n g d o m of J o r d a n w a s established in 1946. A n o t h e r e x p a n s i o n of d i e city t o o k p l a c e in t h e 1970s a n d 1980s. It n o w covers m o r e t h a n 9 0 0 sq k m (558 sq. m i . ) , with a p o p u l a t i o n a p p r o a c h i n g t w o million. T h r o u g h o u t history, t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n essential to d i e p r o s p e r i t y of A m m a n a n d t h e s u r r o u n d i n g area ttaversed t h e desert h i g h w a y a n d t h e K i n g s H i g h w a y . N e l s o n G l u e c k ' s extensive T r a n s Jordanian survey (1932-1949) h a s recentiy b e e n a u g m e n t e d b y surveys c o n n e c t e d with t h e Cultural R e s o u r c e M a n a g e m e n t p r o g r a m in J o r d a n a n d b y t h e M a d a b a Plains Project. T h i s h a s led to a better u n d e r s t a n d i n g of l a n d - u s e p a t t e r n s a n d t h e interrelationships b e t w e e n r e m a i n s in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e (farmsteads, storage t o w ers, a n d forts) a n d o c c u p a t i o n o n t h e region's tells. E a r l i e s t R e m a i n s . T h e earliest major settlement a r o u n d A m m a n is t h e N e o l i t h i c village of ' A i n G h a z a l . [See 'Ain G h a z a l ] Its o c c u p a t i o n e x t e n d e d from t h e N a t u f i a n a n d P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic ( P P N ) p e r i o d s t h r o u g h an early p o t tery p h a s e of d i e Y a r m u k i a n culture. T h e site's m o s t r e m a r k a b l e r e m a i n s are rectilinear s t r u c t u r e s with plastered walls from t h e P P N B t h a t are associated witii burials of p l a s t e r e d skulls a n d caches of t h e earliest k n o w n r e e d - a n d - p l a s ter h u m a n statuary. O c c u p a t i o n o n t h e citadel, Jebel Q a l ' a , c a n b e t r a c e d to t h e Neolithic as well, b u t , e x c e p t for Chalcolithic p o t t e r y f o u n d in a cave o n its s e c o n d p l a t e a u , r e m a i n s are extremely scanty for any p e r i o d before t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . Early B r o n z e A g e t o m b s h a v e b e e n f o u n d o n Jebel Q a l ' a , Jebel e t - T a j , Jebel Abdali, a n d o t h e r n e a r b y sites like U m m elBighal. T h e traditions r e c o r d e d in t h e biblical a c c o u n t s of L o t a n d A b r a h a m indicate a n early political A m m o n i t e e n tity (Gn. 19:28). Walls of substantial M B b u i l d i n g s a n d stretches of t h e fortifications h a v e b e e n e x c a v a t e d o n t h e citadel, b u t t h e r e m a i n s are scattered a n d d o n o t p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t h o w t h e site was o r g a n i z e d t h e n . T h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e M B settlement is d e m o n s t r a t e d b y t h e m a n y rich t o m b g r o u p s excavated o n Jebel Q a l ' a a n d in t h e n e a r b y hills, T h e a s s e m blage includes distinctive, w e l l - m a d e vessels; scarabs; cyl i n d e r seals; metal pins a n d i m p l e m e n t s ; ivory inlays; b e a d s ; a n d alabaster jars. T h e c h o c o l a t e - o n - w h i t e wares a n d t h e white b u r n i s h e d w a r e s f r o m t h e e n d of t h e p e r i o d a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e a r e exceptionally finely
99
m a d e . B r o n z e A g e r e m a i n s have b e e n f o u n d o n t h e highest a n d s e c o n d plateau of Jebel Q a l ' a , indicating t h a t t h e city (at least 20 h a [49 acres] in extent) was p r o b a b l y as large a n d i m p o r t a n t as the I r o n A g e city (see b e l o w ) . Little is k n o w n a b o u t t h e p e r i o d s of o c c u p a t i o n o n t h e lowest, or third, pla teau in a n y p e r i o d b e c a u s e it is covered with m o d e r n h o u s e s . T h e richest r e m a i n s f r o m L a t e B r o n z e A g e in t h e A m m a n district c o m e at p r e s e n t f r o m t h e t e m p l e at t h e old airport, n o r t h e a s t of the city. [See A m m a n A i r p o r t T e m p l e . ] E x c a vation of this substantial, isolated building yielded signifi cant quantities of foreign, C y p r i o t a n d M y c e n a e a n a n d l u x u r y w a r e s , and i m p o r t a n t small finds s u c h as cylinder seals, jewelry, E g y p t i a n s c a r a b s , amulets, a n d alabaster vessels. Similar artifacts h a v e b e e n f o u n d in lesser quantities in A m m a n - a r e a t o m b s . A n architecturally similar structure was discovered n e a r b y at e l - M a b r a k (Yassine, 1988, p p . 61-64). I r o n A g e . R e m a i n s of t h e I r o n A g e o c c u p a t i o n on Jebel Qal'a h a v e b e e n excavated in m o r e areas and in larger e x p o s u r e s t h a n for earlier p e r i o d s , b u t still n o t e n o u g h to reveal a c o h e r e n t plan. Several centuries of I r o n II o c c u p a t i o n are r e p r e s e n t e d , b u t t h e y only give limited insight into t h e n a t u r e of t h e settlement. P o r t i o n s of fortification walls a n d a possible gateway were e x c a v a t e d f r o m t h e t e n t h a n d n i n t h centuries BCE ( D o r n e m a n n , 1983, p p . 90-92) a n d sections of defense walls h a v e b e e n f o u n d in several other areas ( H u m b e r t a n d Z a y a d i n e , 1992). A large building of late I r o n II d a t e h a s b e e n e x c a v a t e d o n t h e s e c o n d plateau ( H u m b e r t a n d Z a y a d i n e , 1992). T h e first excavators, an Italian e x p e dition in 1934 (Bartoccini, 1933-1934), suggested t h a t t e m ple r e m a i n s existed in w h a t was later t h e p r e c i n c t of t h e R o m a n T e m p l e of H e r c u l e s . H o w e v e r , t h e " t e m p l e " was badly destroyed b y t h e R o m a n c o n s t r u c t i o n , m a k i n g t h e designation questionable. A large n u m b e r of rich I r o n A g e t o m b s h a v e b e e n excavated in A m m a n a n d its vicinity. A t o m b n e a r t h e royal p a l a c e p r o v i d e d evidence t h a t s p a n n e d t h e e n d of the B r o n z e A g e a n d I r o n I a n d II. T h i s s u p p l e m e n t s t h e m e a g e r e v i d e n c e from Jebel Qal'a for t h e b e g i n ning of t h e I r o n Age. T h e early pottery traditions of t h e I r o n Age s h o w limited e x a m p l e s of t h e d e c o r a t e d pottery witii a n Aegean influence t h a t is so characteristic in coastal a s s e m blages from t h e period. A l t h o u g h a variety of painted pottery is p r e s e n t , the assemblage is d o m i n a t e d b y plain wares tiiat show a transition in f o r m a n d t e c h n i q u e from t h e B r o n z e A g e to I r o n II materials. A long list of n e i g h b o r i n g sites has n o w b e e n investigated t o h e l p develop a picture of the area's material culture in d i e I r o n A g e . Excavation has n o w b e e n carried o u t or t o m b s e x c a v a t e d at T e l l el-'Umeiri, Tell Jawa, Tell Safut, T e l l Siran, K h i l d a , K h i r b e t el-Hajjar, M e q a b e lein, R u j m el-Malfuf, a n d T e l l S a h a b . [See 'Umeiri, T e l l el-; Safut, T e l l ; and Sahab.] M a n y of the e x c a v a t e d t o m b g r o u p s a n d m u c h of t h e p o t tery e n c o u n t e r e d o n t h e site date to t h e seventh a n d sixth centuries BCE. T h e p o t t e r y tradition is impressive for its s o phistication. R e d - b u r n i s h e d w a r e is t h e m o s t distinctive I r o n
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II feature, with s o m e very sophisticated, finely m a d e ex amples of bowls and jars. T h e s e traditions can be established in a b r o a d e r regional context with examples that rival t h e best p r o d u c t i o n in n e i g h b o r i n g lands, particularly t h e P h o e nician coast, if they are n o t examples of imports. A char acteristic corpus of simple p a i n t e d pottery also exists. T h e t o m b s d e m o n s t r a t e a burial tradition t h a t includes a n t h r o p o i d coffins. O n e of t h e A m m o n i t e kings, ' A m m i - N a d a b , is m e n t i o n e d o n t h e seal of o n e of his officers that was f o u n d in one of these t o m b s , in a rich assemblage that also c o n tained gold a n d silver jewelry a n d decorated seals. H a n d m a d e a n d m o l d - m a d e figurines illustrate the period's artistic conventions, with h o r s e a n d rider figurines p r e d o m i n a t i n g that apparently enjoyed special significance locally, a t least in t h e A m m a n District. R a b b a t A m m o n w a s t h e capital of an I r o n A g e state t h a t at times stretched from t h e m o d e r n W a d i Mujib (biblical A r n o n River) to t h e W a d i Z e r q a (biblical J a b b o k R i v e r ) , from the J o r d a n River to t h e desert, a n d at times b e y o n d . Its relationships with t h e n e i g h b o r i n g states of M o a b a n d Israel, as well as t h e m i g h t y Assyrian, N e o - B a b y l o n i a n , a n d Persian empires shifted constantly a n d dramatically from peaceful a n d cooperative to hostile. A m m a n is first m e n tioned as a state in t h e J e p h t h a h stories in Judges 3 a n d 11 a n d played an i m p o r t a n t role in t h e t i m e of D a v i d a n d Sol o m o n . It fought as a m e m b e r of a coalition of Syrian a n d neighboring states against Assyrian advances in t h e n i n t h century BCE b u t eventually was i n c o r p o r a t e d into t h e Assyr ian provincial administration u n d e r Tiglath-Pileser III. T w o A m m o n i t e rulers of the seventh century BCE are m e n t i o n e d in an inscription o n a B r o n z e bottle from T e l l Siran, a d d i n g to t h e still i n c o m p l e t e series of royal names that extends from the late eleventh t h r o u g h t h e sixth centuries BCE. A m m a n c a m e successively u n d e r N e o - B a b y l o n i a n a n d t h e n Persian rule ( u n d e r t h e P e r s i a n governorship of Arabia). T h e T o b i a d family, powerful Jewish landowners in t h e A m monite area c o n n e c t e d with the Jerusalemite p r i e s t h o o d , was influential in A m m a n in t h e Persian a n d Hellenistic periods. A small corpus of A m m o n i t e inscriptions a n d an extensive collection of inscribed seals exist. T h e A m m a n citadel i n scription and t h e inscribed bottle from Tell Siran are t h e longest texts. T h e y illustrate an A m m o n i t e language, b u t it is difficult to translate b e c a u s e t h e corpus is so limited. A m m o n i t e script is related to H e b r e w , Phoenician, A r a m a i c , a n d M o a b i t e . [See A m m o n i t e Inscriptions.] A rich collection of sculpture and other small finds indi cates m a n y elements i n c o r p o r a t e d from a variety of sources, particularly E g y p t i a n , P h o e n i c i a n , Syrian, Assyrian, a n d Cypriot. T h e corpus of A m m o n i t e limestone a n d basalt sculpture continues t o grow a n d is quite distinctive: small freestanding sculptures in the r o u n d with u n u s u a l a n d u n realistic p r o p o r t i o n s , frequently with oversized h e a d s , feet, and other b o d y parts. S o m e pieces are very polished i n their r e n d e r i n g and others heavily stylized (see figure 2).
AMMAN.
F i g u r e 2. Double-faced stone female head. I r o n
Age.
(Courtesy R. D o r n e m a n n )
Hellenistic, R o m a n , a n d E a r l y I s l a m i c P e r i o d s . Fol lowing t h e c o n q u e s t s of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t , A m m a n w a s included in t h e s p h e r e of control of t h e P t o l e m i e s . P t o l e m y II P h i l a d e l p h u s (285-247 BCE) rebuilt t h e city a n d r e n a m e d it Philadelphia. A m m a n later c a m e u n d e r t h e c o n t r o l of t h e Seleucid dynasty of Syria. Only scattered b u i l d i n g r e m a i n s of this p e r i o d have b e e n e n c o u n t e r e d so far o n t h e t w o u p p e r plateaus of t h e citadel, b u t t h e ceramic r e m a i n s , coins, a n d other small finds again indicate a rich a n d p r o s p e r o u s city. A m m a n b e c a m e p a r t of the R o m a n E m p i r e in t h e first century BCE, a result of P o m p e y ' s victories. M a r c u s A n t o nius took t h e A m m o n i t e area from N a b a t e a n control a n d gave it to Egypt. W i t h his defeat at A c t i u m (31 B C E ) , t h e city regained its i n d e p e n d e n c e in t h e R o m a n world. A n e w height in t h e city's p r o s p e r i t y w a s r e a c h e d in t h e s e c o n d century BCE, w h e n T r a j a n ' s a n n e x a t i o n of t h e N a b a t e a n k i n g d o m r e d u c e d c o m p e t i t i o n for t r a d e . A m m a n was asso ciated with t h e D e c a p o l i s league of cities a n d w a s an i m p o r t a n t stop o n a newly established r o a d system, the Via N o v a T r a j a n a . [See Decapolis.] A m m a n ' s e x p a n s i o n a n d prosperity in t h e R o m a n p e r i o d (second century CE) entitled it to all of t h e t r a p p i n g s of a major city in the e m p i r e : t e m p l e s a d o r n e d its acropolis a n d a t h e a t e r / o d e u m c o m p l e x a n d o t h e r impressive structures,
AMMAN
s u c h as t h e n y m p h a e u m o n t h e b a n k s of t h e stream, t h e Seil A m m o n , a d o r n e d t h e d o w n t o w n area (see figure 3). A system of c o l o n n a d e d streets organized t h e city's areas: its cardo r a n d o w n the m a i n w a d i along t h e Seil A m m o n , w h i c h was vaulted, its decumanus intersected the cardo n e a r t h e p r e s e n t - d a y H u s s e n i m o s q u e in d i e d o w n t o w n area; a n d a n o t h e r street e x t e n d e d u p t h e slopes of t h e citadel t h r o u g h a m o n u m e n t a l gateway. T h e p a r t i y r e s t o r e d t e m p l e o n t h e citadel is n o w securely a t t r i b u t e d to H e r c u l e s b y two frag m e n t s of a n inscription o n t h e architrave of t h e portico t h a t dedicates t h e building to t h e e m p e r o r s M a r c u s Aurelius A n t o n i u s a n d L u c i u s A u r e l i u s V e r u s (161-169 CE), d u r ing t h e g o v e r n o r s h i p of P . Julius G e m i n i u s M e r c i a n u s (see figure 4). Philadelphia w a s t h e seat of a b i s h o p r i c in the B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d . R e m a i n s of several c h u r c h e s w e r e r e c o r d e d o n early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y m a p s of t h e d o w n t o w n ' area a n d a c h u r c h
101
d e d i c a t e d to St. Elianos (a tiiird-century Christian m a r t y r from A m m a n ) stands e x c a v a t e d o n d i e citadel. T h e tradi tional location of the C a v e of tire Seven Sleepers, o n the outskirts of A m m a n , at Rajib, n e a r S a h a b , still venerated, traces its origins to B y z a n t i n e legends. T h e R o m a n city was rebuilt in b o t h t h e B y z a n t i n e a n d Islamic periods. T h e ancient n a m e Amman w a s again given to a b u r g e o n i n g city substantially r e n e w e d b y walls, streets, a n d an i m pressive palace c o m p l e x o n d i e citadel in t h e Islamic period. A m m a n p r o s p e r e d u n d e r t h e U m a y y a d dynasty a n d was d i e g r a n a r y of t h e ' A b b a s i d p r o v i n c e . Following the Islamic p e riod, t h e city w a n e d in i m p o r t a n c e , its decline h a s t e n e d b y t h e shift of major administrative functions t o other cities— to K e r a k , H e s b a n , a n d Salt, in t u r n . By the fourteenth c e n t u r y , A b u l F i d a , a n A r a b writer, described t h e city as a ruin. [See also A m m a n A i r p o r t T e m p l e . ]
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AMMAN AIRPORT TEMPLE American Schools of Oriental Research, 1 8 / 1 9 . N e w H a v e n , 1 9 3 9 . O n e of four volumes in a landmark survey covering all of the T r a n s jordan, including materials from the A m m a n area. Harding, G. Lankester. The Antiquities of Jordan. L o n d o n , 1 9 5 9 . E x cellent overview of the cultural remains of Jordan. H o m e s - F r e d e r i c q , Denyse, and J. Basil Hennessy, eds. Archaeology of Jordan, vol. I, Bibliography and Gazetteer of Surveys and Sites. L o u vain, 1986. Very useful s u m m a r y of sites and excavations in Jordan. H u m b e r t , Jean-Baptiste, and Fawzi Zayadine. " T r o i s c a m p a g n e s de fouilles a A m m a n ( 1 9 8 8 - 1 9 9 1 ) . T r o s i e m e T e r r a s s e de la citadelle (Mission Franco-Jordanienne)." Revue Biblique 99 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 2 1 4 - 2 6 0 . LaBianca, Oystein S. Hesban, vol. 1, Sedentarization andNomadization: Food System Cycles at Hesban and Vicinity in Transjordan. Berrien Springs, Mich., 1990. Innovative work interpreting tire remains en countered in surveys of the H e s b a n a n d A m m a n areas. L a n d e s , George M . " T h e Material Civilization of the A m m o n i t e s . " Biblical Archaeologist 24 ( 1 9 6 1 ) : 6 5 - 8 6 . I m p o r t a n t synthesis of A m monite culture and history, N o r t h e d g e , Alastair. Studies on Roman and Islamic Amman: The Exca vations of Mrs. C.-M. Bennett, and Other Investigations. Oxford, 1 9 9 2 . Major study of the architecture and other remains of t h e R o m a n a n d Islamic periods in A m m a n . Yassine, Khair. Archaeology of Jordan: Essays and Reports. A m m a n , 1988. RUDOLPH H . DORNEMANN
A M M A N A I R P O R T T E M P L E , located at t h e for
AMMAN.
F i g u r e 4.
Temple
of Hercules.
(Photograph by
Gaetano
Palumbo, courtesy A C O R )
BIBLIOGRAPHY Almagro, Gorbea Antonio. " T h e Photogrammetric Survey of the Cit adel of A m m a n and Other Archaeological Sites in J o r d a n . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 24 (1980); 1 1 1 - 1 1 9 . Bartoccini, Renato. "Scavi a d A m m a n della missione archeologica italiana." Bolleltino dell' Associazione interna degli studi mediterranei 4 ( 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 3 4 ) : fasc. 4 - 5 , PP. 1 0 - 1 5 . Butler, Howard Crosby. Ancient Architecture in Syria. Publications of the Princeton University Archaeological Expedition to Syria, 1904-1905 and 1909, Division 2, Section A. Leiden, 1907. Includes a survey of A m m a n w h e n major ruins were still visible (see p p . 34-62)D o r n e m a n n , Rudolph H. The Archaeology of the Transjordan in the Bronze and Iron Ages. Milwaukee, 1983. Major synthesis of archae ological remains in the Transjordan concentrating on remains from Amman. Geraty, Lawrence T . , et al. " M a d e b a Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1987 Season at Tell 'Umeiri and Vicinity." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 26 (1990): 5 9 - 8 8 . R e port of an ongoing project fliat is doing major work in the area and integrating remains from stratigraphic excavation with systematic survey of the surroundings. Glueck, Nelson. Explorations in Eastern Palestine. Vol. 3. Annual of the
m e r A m m a n Civil A i r p o r t in M a r k e h , J o r d a n , a n o r t h e r n s u b u r b of A m m a n . T h e site lies i m m e d i a t e l y east of d i e a p r o n r u n w a y , w h e r e it joins t h e first of d i e m a i n r u n w a y s , a n d a b o u t 300 m s o u t h of the terminal. T h i s single-period site was discovered in 1955 while bulldozers w e r e e x p a n d i n g t h e r u n w a y area. A salvage excavation b y M . Salih cleared a s q u a r e s t r u c t u r e to its s t o n e - p a v e d floor; G . L a n k e s t e r H a r d i n g r e p o r t e d o n it in 1956 (Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 3:80). L a t e r , H a r d i n g identified t h e structure as an isolated L a t e B r o n z e A g e t e m p l e (Palestine Exploration Quarterly 90 [1958]: 1 0 - 1 2 ) . J. Basil H e n n e s s y (1966) subsequently excavated b e n e a t h t h e floor a n d in p r o b e s outside t h e structure. H e i n t e r p r e t e d t h e site as a t e m p l e w h e r e h u m a n sacrifice h a d t a k e n place a n d c o n firmed t h e s t r u c t u r e ' s isolation ( H e n n e s s y , 1985). I n 1976, w h e n t h e site was again t h r e a t e n e d by e x p a n s i o n , L a r r y G . H e r r e x p a n d e d H e n n e s s y ' s p r o b e s in t h e n o r t h . H e r r u n covered a square stone s t r u c t u r e h e i n t e r p r e t e d as a platform for cremation, u s e d with t h e m a i n building, w h i c h h e s u g gested h a d functioned as a m o r t u a r y t e m p l e ( " T h e A m m a n A i r p o r t Structure a n d t h e Geopolitics of A n c i e n t T r a n s j o r d a n , " Biblical Archaeologist 46 [1983]: 223-229). T h e p l a n of t h e building was virtually a perfect s q u a r e , approximately 15 m o n a side (see figure 1). A n a r r o w d o o r led t h r o u g h the t w o - m e t e r - t h i c k n o r t h wall to a series of six i n t e r c o n n e c t e d , r e c t a n g u l a r r o o m s , of r o u g h l y t h e s a m e size, s u r r o u n d i n g a central s q u a r e r o o m . I n t h e m i d d l e of t h e central r o o m was a circular pillar base o r platform/incense altar. All t h e r o o m s w e r e p a v e d w i t h flat stones. A shallow earth surface e x t e n d e d a b o u t 2 m n o r t h of t h e structures
AMMON
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m o r t u a r y activities, w h i c h w o u l d have included, a m o n g other possible activities, c r e m a t i o n a n d t h e storage of t o m b offerings. A l t h o u g h Semites d i d n o t generally practice c r e m a t i o n , Hittites a p p a r e n t i y did, w h i c h suggests their p r e s e n c e in t h e region at t h e t i m e . BIBLIOGRAPHY Hankey, Vronwy. " A Late Bronze Age T e m p l e at A m m a n : I. T h e Ae gean Pottery." Levant 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 1 3 1 - 1 5 9 . Technical publication of fifty to sixty imported M y c e n a e a n pots from the 1955 and 1966 ex cavations studied in the context of other M y c e n a e a n finds from an cient Palestine.
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Hankey, Vronwy. " A Late Bronze Age T e m p l e at A m m a n : II. Vases and Objects M a d e of S t o n e . " Levant 6 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 1 6 0 - 1 7 8 . D o e s for the stone vessels what she does for the Mycenaean pottery (see above). Hennessy, J. Basil. "Excavation of a Late Bronze Age T e m p l e at A m m a n . " Palestine Exploration Quarterly 98 ( 1 9 6 6 ) : 1 5 5 - 1 6 2 . In the ab sence of a final report, the best publication on the 1966 excavations, although it appeared almost immediately after die excavations were completed, leaving m a n y finds unstudied. Hennessy, J. Basil. " T h i r t e e n t h Century B . C . T e m p l e of H u m a n Sac rifice at A m m a n . " Studia Phoenicia 3 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 8 5 - 1 0 4 . H e r r , Larry G . , ed. The Amman Airport Excavations, 1976. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 48. "Winona Lake, Ind., 1983. Final publication of the small 1976 excavations, the most com plete synthesis t o date. LARRY G . HERR
F i g u r e i . Plan of the Amman airport temple, based on 1 9 6 6 excavation plans. A t t h e n o r t h e a s t is a very
AMMAN AIRPORT TEMPLE.
small e n t r a n c e . In t h e c e n t e r r o o m is t h e circular " i n c e n s e a l t a r " or " c o l u m n b a s e . " (Courtesy A S O R Archives)
d o o r w a y , b u t n o other e x t e r n a l surface could be distin guished. Six m e t e r s to t h e n o r t h w a s a s q u a r e stone s t r u c t u r e m e a s u r i n g a b o u t 4 m p e r side. T h e finds from inside a n d outside d i e structure c o m p r i s e d an extremely large p r o p o r t i o n of i m p o r t e d finds, including M y c e n a e a n pottery, E g y p t i a n s t o n e vessels a n d scarabs, a n d C y p r i o t pottery. O t h e r objects i n c l u d e d h u n d r e d s of b e a d s m a d e of semiprecious s t o n e s , small strips of gold, b r o n z e a n d silver jewelry, a n d b r o n z e w e a p o n s . S u c h items are n o r mally r a r e at c o n t e m p o r a r y sites in J o r d a n . M o r e o v e r , in 1976 H e r r (1983) collected a total of 1,127 b u r n e d adult h u m a n b o n e fragments. H e n n e s s y (1966) h a d also collected b u r n e d h u m a n b o n e s in f o u n d a t i o n deposits beneatii t h e floors of t h e s t r u c t u r e . T h e i m p o r t e d r e m a i n s s p a n t h e late M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e t h r o u g h t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e ( c 1700-1200 BCE). M a n y of t h e m m u s t have b e e n c u r a t e d in antiquity a n d p r e s e r v e d titrough g e n e r a t i o n s as special objects b e c a u s e t h e local p o t tery seems t o d a t e exclusively to t h e 13th c e n t u r y BCE, t h e e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e . B e c a u s e d i e b u r n e d b o n e s w e r e f r o m adults, t h e p r a c t i c e of c r e m a t i o n has b e e n s u g g e s t e d , n o t h u m a n sacrifice b e cause t h a t usually involved children. F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e c u r ated i m p o r t e d objects a r e typical of L a t e B r o n z e t o m b d e posits, suggesting t h a t t h e w h o l e site- w a s d e d i c a t e d to
AMMON.
A m m o n a n d d i e A m m o n i t e s m a k e u p o n e of t h e national g r o u p s east of t h e J o r d a n River m e n t i o n e d b y t h e Bible as enemies or subjects of Israel d u r i n g the time of the Israelite m o n a r c h y , t h e I r o n II period. T h e y are best k n o w n from t h e seventh a n d sixth centuries BCE, w h e n a large p o r t i o n of t h e biblical a n d Assyrian sources t h a t m e n tion t h e m were written a n d w h e n their material culture flourished in d i e archaeological record. H i s t o r y . A c c o r d i n g t o t h e Bible (Gn. 19:38), die e p o n y m o u s ancestor of die A m m o n i t e s was the son of A b r a h a m ' s n e p h e w L o t , w h o h a d an i n c e s t u o u s relationship with his d a u g h t e r while fleeing f r o m t h e destruction of S o d o m a n d G o m o r r a h . T h e y p r o b a b l y first a p p e a r e d t o w a r d d i e e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e or in t h e Early I r o n I period (c. 1300 BCE), h o w e v e r , w h e n a cluster of sites in t h e A m m a n region b e g a n to b e settled b y d i e m or b y others p e r h a p s related to t h e m ( A m m a n , B a q ' a h Valley, ' U m e i r i , Jawa, H e s b a n , Jalul, M a d a b a ) . [See A m m a n ; B a q ' a h Valley; U m e i r i , Tell el-; Jawa; H e s b a n ; M a d a b a . ] M o r e such sites will p r o b a b l y b e f o u n d in d i e future. T h e s e a n d s u b s e q u e n t settlements dis play a continuity of m a t e r i a l culture tiiroughout Iron I, I r o n II, a n d t h e Persian p e r i o d t h a t indicates an ethnic a n d n a tional c o n t i n u u m ( H e r r , 1992). N a t i o n a l awareness r e a c h e d its h e i g h t in the seventh c e n t u r y BCE, w h e n d i e P a x Assyriaca allowed d i e greatest intensification of settlement before R o m a n times a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a distinctive material cul t u r e t h a t can b e called A m m o n i t e . c
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Several A m m o n i t e kings (or chiefs) are k n o w n from a va riety of literary evidence. T h e Israelite chief Saul f o u g h t with a c o r r e s p o n d i n g leader in A m m o n w h o m t h e Bible calls N a h a s h ( " s n a k e " ) , p e r h a p s in the late eleventh c e n t u r y (i Sm. 1 1 : 1 - 1 2 ) ; a n d K i n g D a v i d dealt with an insult f r o m H a n u n t h e son of N a h a s h (2 Sm. 10:1-4). Tiglath-Pileser III m e n tions a Shanib as king in a text dated to a b o u t 733 BCE (ANET 282), a n d two statues from A m m a n d a t e d to t h e e i g h t h - s e v e n t h centuries BCE, n o w in the A m m a n M u s e u m , m a y represent ldngs: t h e y claim to b e of Z a k u r t h e son of Shanib and Yarih-Ezer. T h e Assyrian kings S e n n a c h e r i b a n d E s a r h a d d o n (early seventh century BCE) m e n t i o n B u du'il (Assyr., P u d u - I l u ; Riekele Borger, Die Inschriften AsarhaddonsKbnigs von Assyrien, G r a z , 1956); a n d A s h u r b a n i p a l lists ' A m m i - N a d a b in a b o u t 667 BCE (ANET 294). A small b r o n z e bottie from T e l l Siran n e a r A m m a n lists several kings, including ' A m m i - N a d a b I, his son Hissal'il, and ' A m m i - N a d a b II, t h e s o n of Hissal'il. Finally, a seal i m pression from Tell el-'Umeiri was m a d e from a seal b e l o n g ing to a royal official w h o served a king n a m e d Ba'alyasha', u n d o u b t e d l y t h e Ba'alis of Jeremiah 40:14, w h o a p p e a r s in a story dated to a b o u t 582 BCE (Herr, 1985). Probably as a result of A m m o n i t e complicity in t h e m u r d e r of Gedeliah, t h e B a b y l o n i a n - a p p o i n t e d g o v e r n o r of J u d a h , the Babylonians c o n q u e r e d A m m o n a n d m a d e it a p a r t of their e m p i r e , b u t retained the A m m o n i t e king (Josephus, Antiq. 10.9:7). T h e m o n a r c h y seems to have lasted t h r o u g h t h e Babylonian p e r i o d b u t was replaced by a P e r s i a n p r o vincial system similar to t h e o n e in J u d a h (Herr, 1993). T h e biblical reference to T o b i a h (e.g., Neh. 2:10) as a Persian official in A m m o n has created t h e mistaken a s s u m p t i o n b y s o m e t h a t h e w a s a n A m m o n i t e ruler of t h e Persian g o v e r n m e n t — h o w e v e r , n o A m m o n i t e would give his child a Y a h wistic (Hebrew) n a m e . B a s e d o n t h e occurrence of t h e n a m e in two A r a m a i c t o m b inscriptions at I r a q el-Amir, t h e p r e s e n c e of a dynasty of T o b i a d s in t h e well-watered W a d i esSir west of A m m a n m u s t be accepted. [See ' I r a q el-Amir.] T h e y m a y h a v e b e e n d e s c e n d e n t s of N e h e m i a h ' s T o b i a h . It is possible that this family d e s c e n d e d from t h e r e n e g a d e p r i n c e of J u d a h , Ishmael, w h o escaped t h e Babylonian d e sttuction of J u d a h b y fleeing to A m m o n a n d soon thereafter m u r d e r e d G e d e l i a h (Jer. 40). T h e A m m o n i t e p r e s e n c e a p parently c o n t i n u e d b e h i n d the scenes d u r i n g t h e classical a n d Islamic periods, r e m e m b e r e d in t h e n a m e of m o d e r n J o r d a n ' s capital city, A m m a n . G e o g r a p h i c a l B o r d e r s . T h e territory of A m m o n cen t e r e d a r o u n d its central city, called R a b b a t A m m o n in t h e Bible. T h e ancient city is still preserved in d o w n t o w n A m m a n , J o r d a n , on t h e hill called el-Qal'a ("the C i t a d e l " ) . Al t h o u g h t h e I r o n Age I a n d Early I r o n II territory of A m m o n m a y have h a d sUghtly different b o r d e r s , a c o m m o n material culture—including pottery, script, a n d l a n g u a g e — h a s b e e n found at sites from W a d i Z e r q a in the n o r t h to t h e s o u t h e r n e d g e of t h e hilly region n o r t h of M a d a b a a n d from t h e east
e r n desert to t h e J o r d a n Valley (late s e v e n t h a n d sixth c e n turies BCE), u n d o u b t e d l y r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e A m m o n i t e c u l t u r e at its greatest e x t e n t ( H e r r , 1992). Biblical e v i d e n c e suggests t h a t M o a b m a y h a v e conttolled t h e s o u t h e r n e d g e of this territory for a time (Hiibner, 1992, p p . 1 3 1 - 1 5 7 ) . A m m o n i t e holdings in the J o r d a n Valley m a y h a v e o c c u r r e d only d u r i n g t h e seventh a n d early sixth centuries BCE as well. S e t t l e m e n t P a t t e r n . F o r m o s t of its history, A m m o n w a s p r o b a b l y little m o r e t h a n a city-state—that is, t h e capital city ruled a small territory o n t h e central T r a n s j o r d a n p l a t e a u w i t h satellite t o w n s a n d villages in a relatively small h i n t e r land. T h e finds f r o m small excavations o n t h e citadel of A m m a n reflect a major u r b a n center ( G e r a t y a n d Willis, 1986, p p . 11—17). S t o n e statues of kings or divinities, royal i n s c r i p tions s u c h as t h e A m m a n Citadel I n s c r i p t i o n ( H o r n , 1969), m a n y small finds of superior quality, a n d t h e large size of t h e site all p o i n t to its central i m p o r t a n c e . Smaller t o w n s in t h e s u r r o u n d i n g h i n t e r l a n d fed t h e capital with agricultural p r o d u c e g a t h e r e d from their o w n territories. Several h a v e b e e n excavated: T e l l Safut, U m m a d - D a n a n i r , S a h a b , Jawa, T e l l el-'Umeiri, a n d H e s b a n . [See Safut, T e l l ; Sahab.] T h r o u g h o u t the region are m a n y small, isolated structures often built of megalithic stones. Early explorers i n t e r p r e t e d t h e m as towers for t h e defense of t h e capital, b u t d i e location of m o s t of t h e m ( o n s p u r s of hills with p o o r visibility a b o v e agricultural fields) suggests t h e y w e r e f a r m s t e a d s . [See F a r m s t e a d s . ] T h e few larger ones o n hilltops m a y h a v e served as military w a t c h t o w e r s . T h e scores of farmsteads in t h e A m m o n i t e region s e e m t o have p r o d u c e d grain in t h e valley b o t t o m s a n d fruit o n t h e slopes. S t r o n g evidence for w i n e p r o d u c t i o n was f o u n d at several farmsteads in t h e ' U m e i r i region. [See Viticulture.] T o g e t h e r with a n administrative center dating to t h e sev enth-fifth centuries BCE at Tell e l - ' U m e i r i , t h e A m m o n i t e m o n a r c h y seems to h a v e h e l p e d farmers c o n s t r u c t these farmsteads to p r o d u c e wine for t r i b u t e to B a b y l o n . T h e farmsteads c o n t i n u e d into t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d . A l o n g with agriculture, m o s t families k e p t m i x e d flocks of s h e e p a n d goats, s o m e cattle a n d a few donkeys a n d h o r s e s . S o c i a l a n d P o l i t i c a l O r g a n i z a t i o n . As w a s t r u e of m o s t of t h e tribal g r o u p s in t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t d u r i n g t h e early stages of t h e I r o n Age, w h e n t h e y originated, individual loy alties were stronger to family a n d clan t h a n tiiey w e r e to a cohesive " n a t i o n a l " entity. T h e n a m e bene 'ammon, " s o n s of A m m o n " (e.g., Gn. 19:38), seems t o suggest a n allied g r o u p of tribes or clans that, b y I r o n II, w h e n the biblical n a m e w a s u s e d , h a d coalesced into a c o h e r e n t a n d p e r m a n e n t tribal confederation with a chief or " k i n g " as h e a d ( L a B i a n c a and Y o u n k e r , 1994). B y t h a t t i m e national a w a r e ness was developing rapidly, facilitated b y a n a t i o n a l deity, M i l k o m , a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of an A m m o n i t e script o u t of A r a m a i c a n d a dialect (or l a n g u a g e ) related to o t h e r N o r t h w e s t Semitic l a n g u a g e g r o u p s ( P h o e n i c i a n , A r a m a i c , H e b r e w , M o a b i t e , a n d E d o m i t e ) . A m m o n a p p e a r s as t h e
AMMONITE INSCRIPTIONS n a m e of a P e r s i a n p r o v i n c e o n t h r e e seals f o u n d at Tell el' U m e i r i ( L a r r y G . H e r r , " T w o S t a m p e d Jar I m p r e s s i o n s of t h e Persian P r o v i n c e of A m m o n from T e l l e l - U m e i r i , " An nual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 36 [1992]: 1 6 3 -
105
[See also E d o m ; M o a b ; and T r a n s j o r d a n , article on T r a n s j o r d a n in t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages.]
c
166). E t h n i c i t y a n d M a t e r i a l C u l t u r e . E x c a v a t i o n s have u n covered a strong similarity in t h e material culture within t h e b o u n d a r i e s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e d u r i n g t h e L a t e I r o n II a n d P e r s i a n p e r i o d s . P o t t e r y f o r m s frequentiy f o u n d in t h e A m m o n i t e region are rare or u n k n o w n elsewhere ( L u g e n b e a l a n d Sauer, 1972). F i g u r i n e s , a l t h o u g h similar to those f o u n d all over t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t , h a v e u n i q u e features t h a t allow researchers to p i n p o i n t t h e m t o t h e A m m o n i t e region. I n scriptions are written in a n a l p h a b e t i c script similar to t h a t of other N o r t h w e s t Semitic p e o p l e s b u t with easily definable characteristics t h a t can b e isolated to A m m o n (Herr, 1978, Aufrecht, 1989). P e r s o n a l n a m e s from inscriptions f o u n d in A m m o n also reflect typical p a t t e r n s . U s e of t h e t h e o p h o r i c e l e m e n t '77 (or 'El) is almost universal, in spite of t h e practice elsewhere of u s i n g national deities m o s t of t h e time. C e r t a i n p e r s o n a l n a m e s a r e f o u n d m o r e frequentiy in the A m m o n i t e region t h a n elsewhere, s u c h as T a m a k ' i l or 'Ilnadab ( A u frecht, 1989, p p . 356-376.; H i i b n e r , 1992, p p . 125-129). M a n y s h o r t inscriptions allow a basic description of t h e A m m o n i t e dialect J a c k s o n , 1983; Aufrecht, 1987). All of t h e s e cultural features indicate tiiat, b y t h e eighth a n d seventii centuries BCE, A m m o n i t e s saw themselves as a distinctive e t h n o s even t h o u g h A m m o n i t e p o t t e r y m a y b e related m o r e to regional technologies t h a n t o ethnic practices. R e l i g i o n . A m m o n i t e religion can b e characterized as a limited p o l y t h e i s m or h e t e r o t h e i s m c e n t e r e d 011 die deity M i l k o m , w h o seems to h a v e b e e n a n 'II (or 'El) divinity b a s e d o n t h e bull i m a g e r y in A m m o n i t e i c o n o g r a p h y (es pecially t h e seals) a n d t h e u s e of 'II in t h e A m m o n i t e o n o m a s t i c o n (Aufrecht, 1989). T h e few A m m o n i t e n a m e s with t h e d i e o p h o r i c title bdal ( " l o r d " ) p r o b a b l y refer t o M i l k o m . T h e A m m o n i t e deity should n o t b e e q u a t e d with M o l e k , as 1 K i n g s 11:7 s e e m s to do (mlk is d i e result of a scribal e r r o r for mlkm); therefore, M i l k o m s h o u l d n o t b e c o n n e c t e d with rites of child sacrifice, as t h e m i s t a k e n c o n n e c t i o n of M o l e k with M i l k o m has suggested to s o m e . T h e A m m o n i t e s w e r e o n e of t h e few p e o p l e s of t h e s o u t h e r n L e v a n t to d e p i c t deities in statues. Several stone b u s t s w e a r i n g c r o w n s f o r m e d of t h e E g y p t i a n atef symbol m a y d e p i c t M i l k o m (Piotr Bienkowski, The Art of Jordan, L i v e r p o o l , 1991, p . 41). T h e large R o m a n T e m p l e of H e r c u l e s o n t h e A m m o n i t e citadel h a s led s o m e researchers to suggest an identification with t h a t G r e e k deity (Hiibner, 1992, p . 259). T h e p r i m a r y g o d d e s s w a s Astarte, p r o b ably seen as d i e c o n s o r t of M i l k o m . O n e seal in typical A m m o n i t e script even m e n t i o n s a pious w o r s h i p e r of t h e g o d d e s s at S i d o n (Aufrecht, 1989, p p . 145-148). Scores of figurines of n u d e fertility g o d d e s s e s p r o b a b l y are m e a n t t o d e p i c t her.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Aufrecht, Walter E . " T h e A m m o n i t e L a n g u a g e of the Iron A g e . " Bul letin of the American
Schools of Oriental Research, no. 266 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 8 5 -
95Aufrecht, Walter E . A Corpus of Ammonite
Inscriptions.
Lewiston, N . Y.,
1989. Geraty, Lawrence T „ and L l o y d A. Willis. "Archaeological Research in T r a n s j o r d a n . " In The Archaeology
of Jordan and Other Studies
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sented to Siegfried H. Horn, edited by L a w r e n c e T . Geraty and L a r r y G. H e r r , p p . 3 - 7 2 . Berrien Springs, Mich., 1986. H e r r , L a r r y G. The Scripts of Ancient
Northwest
Semitic Seals. H a r v a r d
Semitic M o n o g r a p h s , 1 8 . Missoula, 1 9 7 8 . H e r r , L a r r y G., ed. The Amman
Airport Excavations,
1976. Annual of
the American Schools of Oriental Research, 48. W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1983. H e r r , Larry G. " T h e Servant of Baalis." Biblical
Archaeologist
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(1985): 1 6 9 - 1 7 2 . H e r r , L a r r y G. "Shifts in Settlement Patterns of Late Bronze and Iron Age A m m o n . " In Studies
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vol. 4 , edited by Ghazi Bisheh, p p . 1 7 5 - 1 7 8 . A m m a n , 1 9 9 2 . H e r r , L a r r y G. " W h a t Ever H a p p e n e d to the A m m o n i t e s ? " Archaeology
Biblical
Review 19.6 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 2 6 - 3 5 .
H o r n , S. H . " T h e A m m a n Citadel Inscription." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 193 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 2 - 1 3 . Hiibner, Ulrich. Die Ammonitcr,
A b h a n d l u n g e n des D e u t s c h e n Palas-
tinavereins, 1 6 . W i e s b a d e n , 1 9 9 2 . Jackson, K e n t P . The Ammonite
Language
of the Iron Age. Harvard Se
mitic M o n o g r a p h s , 27. C h i c o , Calif., 1983. LaBianca, Oystein S., and R a n d y W . Younker. " T h e K i n g d o m s of A m m o n , M o a b , and E d o m : T h e Archaeology of Society in L a t e Bronze/Iron Age T r a n s j o r d a n , ca. 1400-500 BCE." In The
Archaeology
of Society in the Holy Land, edited by T h o m a s E. Levy, p p . 3 9 9 - 4 1 5 . L o n d o n , 1994. Lugenbeal, E d w a r d N . , a n d J a m e s A. Sauer. "Seventh-Sixth C e n t u r y B.C. Pottery from Area B at Heshbon." Studies
Andrews
University
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10 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 2 1 - 6 9 .
M c G o v c r n , Patrick E. The Late Bronze Transjordan:
The Baa'ah
and Early Iron Ages of Central
Valley Project, 1977-1981.
University M u
seum, M o n o g r a p h 65. Philadelphia, 1986. LARRY G . HERR
AMMONITE INSCRIPTIONS.
A m m o n i t e texts are inscribed o n various materials: stone (e.g., from the A m m a n Citadel), metal (e.g., o n a bottle from Tell Siran), p o t tery (engraved, e.g., from S a h a b ; or witii ink o n ostraca, e.g., from T e l l H e s b a n ) , s e m i p r e c i o u s stones (seals), a n d clay (seal impressions, k n o w n as bullae). [See A m m a n ; S a h a b ; Ostraca; H e s b a n ; Seals.] A n inscription m a y b e defined as A m m o n i t e a c c o r d i n g to several categories of criteria: g e o g r a p h i c (i.e., t h e text was f o u n d in territory ascribed to t h e A m m o n i t e s ) , cultural (e.g., i c o n o g r a p h i c , religious), tech nical (e.g., p a l e o g r a p h i c ) , a n d linguistic (i.e., g r a m m a t i c a l a n d lexical). U n f o r t u n a t e l y , so few inscriptions of significant length are attested, t h e p r e s e n d y k n o w n linguistic features
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AMMONITE INSCRIPTIONS
differentiating t h e A m m o n i t e language from M o a b i t e a n d E d o m i t e are rather few in n u m b e r . T h u s , other criteria h a v e b e e n u s e d m o r e extensively in defining the A m m o n i t e cor p u s , for e x a m p l e , i c o n o g r a p h y a n d onomastics (Israel, 1979; N a v e h , 1982/1987, p p . 1 0 5 - 1 1 1 ; Jackson, 1983; Aufrecht, 1987). S e a l s . T h e largest n u m b e r of extant A m m o n i t e i n s c r i p tions are o n seals (Hiibner, 1993; p p . 154-155) a n d date to t h e eighth-sixth centuries BCE. T h e earlier ones are classified as A m m o n i t e primarily o n t h e basis of t h e script a n d t h e discovery site; the later ones are classified o n t h e basis of language, onomastics, or i c o n o g r a p h y b u t n o t o n t h e script, which is A r a m a i c . [See A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d Literature.] Only a small n u m b e r h a v e b e e n found in systematic e x c a vations, and it is difficult without scientific analysis to estab lish which of the objects obtained o n the antiquities m a r k e t are authentic ( H i i b n e r , 1993, p p . 132-133; Bordreuil, 1992, PP- 13—38). T h e history of research a n d the criteria t h a t di rected the formation of t h e extant c o r p u s of A m m o n i t e seals are listed by Felice Israel (1991, p p . 227-231, a n d Pierre Bordreuil (1992, p p . 1 5 7 - 1 5 9 ) . M o n u m e n t a l Inscriptions. T h e circumstances of dis covery of t h e A m m a n Citadel inscription ( C M / 5 9 ) r e m a i n unclear. T h e beginnings and endings of all of its lines h a v e disappeared b u t p a l e o g r a p h i c analysis indicates a date for it at t h e beginning of t h e eighth century BCE. Several t e m p t i n g hypotheses regarding its p u r p o s e (bibliography in CAI) have been rejected b e c a u s e they a r e based o n incorrect r e a d ings. M o s t p r o b a b l y t h e inscription refers to an order from t h e A m m o n i t e national g o d , M i l k o m , to build s o m e mb't, " e n t r a n c e s . " A salvation oracle appears at the e n d of t h e inscription. Because it was r e u s e d in A m m a n ' s R o m a n t h e a t e r a n d probably conceived b y its author as a building inscription, CAI 58 is k n o w n as t h e A m m a n T h e a t e r inscription. U n fortunately, the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of t h e beginning a n d endings of its lines i m p e d e s u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e text, which is dated only paleographically to t h e sixth century BCE. A now d a m a g e d inscription of t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE (CM/43) is engraved o n t h e b a s e of t h e statue of Yrlfzr, t h e g r a n d s o n of the A m m o n i t e king Shanibu, T h e u s e of br for " s o n " indicates t h a t tire language of the inscription is A r a maic. P r o d u c e d as a p a r t of m o n u m e n t a l artworks, b u t n o n m o n u m e n t a l in character, are letters a n d religious symbols engraved o n the reverse of eyes fixed in t h e h e a d s of female statues found o n t h e A m m a n Acropolis (CAI73). T h e p u r p o s e of these brief inscriptions w a s to indicate their correct p l a c e m e n t to t h e builders or craftsmen. T h e y h a v e b e e n dated to t h e seventh c e n t u r y BCE, b u t on archaeological ev idence rather t h a n b y paleographic c o m p a r i s o n s . Inscriptions o n M e t a l . A n A m m o n i t e inscription, p r o b ably royal, from T e l l Siran near A m m a n (CAI 78), is en graved o n a metal bottle (Hiibner, 1992, p . 29). T h e text
contains stylistic literary features k n o w n from o t h e r N o r t h west Semitic literature. A c u p f o u n d in an I r o n II t o m b at K h i r b e t U d e i n a h , also n e a r A m m a n ( H i i b n e r , 1992, p p . 3031), is engraved w i t h t h e n a m e of its o w n e r . T h e inscription is dated to the sixth c e n t u r y BCE o n archaeological a n d p a leographic g r o u n d s . T w o inscribed weights are k n o w n w h o s e A m m o n i t e identification r e m a i n s in d o u b t ( H i i b n e r , 1992, p p . 31-32). Inscriptions o n C l a y . A m m o n i t e ostraca h a v e b e e n f o u n d at T e l l H e s b a n (CAI 65, 80, 94, 137), T e l l e l - M a z a r (CAI 144-147), a n d T e l l e l - ' U m e i r i ( H e r r , 1992). [SeeMazar, Tell el-; ' U m e i r i , T e l l el-.] U l r i c h H i i b n e r (1992, p . 136) disputes t h e classification of t h e T e l l H e s b a n ostraca as A m m o n i t e for t o p o g r a p h i c r e a s o n s . T h e validity of t h e g e o g r a p h i c a r g u m e n t is doubtful, h o w e v e r , for t h e oracle of Jer emiah 49:1-3 shows t h a t d u r i n g tire sixth c e n t u r y B C E H e s h b o n / H e s b a n was u n d e r A m m o n i t e control ( L e m a i r e , 1992). In any case, t h e l a n g u a g e a n d script of t h e s e texts is not Moabite. T h e y have been dated on paleographic g r o u n d s t o t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE b y F r a n k M . C r o s s (1986, p p . 480-484). T h e H e s b a n I V o s t r a c o n (CAI 80) is n o t e w o r t h y for its g r a m m a t i c a l features, w h i c h are characteristic of t h e A m m o n i t e l a n g u a g e . Also of n o t e are T e l l M a z a r o s traca n o . 3 (CAI 144), a letter from t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE t h a t contains a typical epistolary formula, a n d n o . 7 (CAI 147), a list of p e r s o n a l n a m e s dating to t h e fifth c e n t u r y BCE t h a t d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e continuity of t h e traditional A m m o n ite o n o m a s t i c o n (Heltzer, 1989). O t h e r d o c u m e n t s from t h e site refer to agricultural life a n d are t o b e ascribed t o t h e Hellenistic period. T h e ostraca f r o m T e l l el-'Umeiri r e m a i n u n d e c i p h e r e d for t h e m o s t p a r t b e c a u s e of their p o o r state of p r e s e r v a t i o n . O n e fragmentary inscription from t h a t site m a y b e classified as sacred (Herr, 1992, p p . 195-196). T h e ostraca from D e i r 'Alia are still u n p u b l i s h e d (see t h e list in F r a n k e n a n d I b r a h i m , 1977-1978, p . 79). [See D e i r 'Alia Inscriptions.] T h e scholarly c o n s e n s u s t h a t o s t r a c o n n o . 6231 from N i m r u d ( G W 4 7 ) is a list of typical A m m o n i t e p e r s o n a l n a m e s w a s recently rejected b y B o b Becldng (1988) a n d H t i b n e r (1992, PP- 35-37)' [See N i m r u d . ] H o w e v e r , t h e p r e s e n c e of A m m o n i t e s a t N i m r u d has b e e n p r o v e d b y the discovery of A m m o n i t e p o t t e r y o n t h e site (Israel, 1990, p . 234). T h e possibility of ascribing the d o c u m e n t to t h e A m m o n i t e w o r l d therefore r e m a i n s o p e n . E x c a v a t i o n s at A m m a n (CAI 77), H e s b a n (CAI 81), S a h a b ( H i i b n e r , 1992, p . 39, n o . 4), a n d K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r ( H t i b n e r 1992, p . 39, n o . 5) h a v e p r o d u c e d pottery e n g r a v e d with p e r s o n a l n a m e s t h a t are m o r e or less fragmentary. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aufrecht, Walter E . " T h e A m m o n i t e L a n g u a g e of the I r o n A g e . " Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 266 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 8 5 95. Review of Jackson ( 1 9 8 3 ) .
AMORITES Aufrecht, Walter E. A Corpus of Ammonite Inscriptions (CAI). Lewiston, N . Y . , 1989. Includes extensive bibliography and photographs. Becking, Bob. " K a n n das Ostrakon N D 6231 von Nimrild fiir a m m o n itisch gehalten w e r d e n ? " Zeitschrift. des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 104 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 5 9 - 6 7 . Rejects t h e N i m r u d ostracon as A m m o n i t e . Bordreuil, Pierre. " S c e a u x inscrits des pays d u L e v a n t . " In Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible, vol. 1 2 , cols. 8 6 - 2 1 2 . Paris, 1 9 9 2 . Detailed overview of inscribed seals from the Levantine area. Cross, F r a n k M o o r e . " A n U n p u b l i s h e d A m m o n i t e Ostracon from H e s b a n . " In The Archaeology of Jordan and Other Studies Presented to Siegfried H. Horn, edited by L a w r e n c e T . Geraty and Larry G. H e r r , p p . 4 7 5 - 4 8 9 . Berrien Springs, M i c h . , 1986. F r a n k e n , H . J., and M o ' a w i y a h Ibrahim. " T w o Seasons of Excavations at Deir 'Alia, 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 7 8 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 22 ( 1 9 7 7 - 1 9 7 8 ) : 5 7 - 7 9 . Heltzer, Michael. " T h e Tell e l - M a z a r Inscription n° 7 and S o m e H i s torical and Literary P r o b l e m s of the V S a t r a p y . " Transeuphratene 1 (1989): 1 1 1 - 1 1 8 . t h
H e r r , L a r r y G. "Epigraphic F i n d s from Tell el-'Umeiri during the 1989 S e a s o n . " Andrews University Seminary Studies 30 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 8 7 - 2 0 0 . Flubner, Ulrich. Die Ammoniter: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte, Kultur und Religion eines transjordanischen Volkes irn 1 . Jahrtausend. v. Chr. A b h a n d l u n g e n des D e u t s c h e n Palastinavereins, 16. W i e s b a d e n , 1992. Extensive bibliography, with particular attention to A m m o n i t e culture. Flubner, Ulrich. " D a s ikonographische Repertoire der ammonitischen Siegel u n d seine E n t w i c k l u n g . " In Studies in the Iconography of North west Semitic Inscribed Seals: Proceedings of a Symposium Held in Fribourg on April 17-20, 1991, edited by Benjamin Sass and Christoph Uehlinger, p p . 1 3 0 - 1 6 0 . Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 1 2 5 . Freiburg, 1993. Overview of A m m o n i t e seals, particularly from the iconographic perspective. Israel, Felice. " T h e L a n g u a g e of the A m m o n i t e s . " Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 10 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 4 3 - 1 5 9 . Brief overview of the A m m o n i t e language problem, with extensive bibliography. Israel, Felice. " N o t e A m m o n i t e II: L a religione degli Ammoniti attraverso le fonti epigrafiche." Studi e Materiali Storico-Religiosi 56 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 3 0 7 - 3 3 7 . A m m o n i t e religion as revealed by A m m o n i t e inscriptions. Israel, Felice. " N o t e A m m o n i t e III: Problemi di epigrafia sigillare a m m o n i t a . " In Phoinikeia Grammata, lire etecrire en Meditenanee: Actes du colloque de Liege, 1 5 - / 8 novembre 1989, edited by Claude Baurain et al., p p . 2 1 5 - 2 4 1 . N a m u r , 1 9 9 1 . Overview of A m m o n i t e seals. Israel, Felice. " N o t e di onomastica semitica 7/2. Rassegna critico-bibliografica ed epigrafica su alcune o n o m a s t i c h e palestinesi: L a T r a n s giordania." Studi Epigrajici e Linguistici 9 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 9 5 - 1 1 4 . T r a n s j o r danian onomastics, including A m m o n i t e . Jackson, K e n t P . The Ammonite Language of the Iron Age. H a r v a r d S e mitic M o n o g r a p h s , 2 7 . Chico, Calif., 1983. A t t e m p t to gather all the data for defining the A m m o n i t e language (see Aufrecht 1 9 8 7 ) . Lemaire, Andre. "Pleshbon = H i s b a n ? " Eretz-Israel23 (1992): 64-70. N a v e h , Joseph. An Early History of the Alphabet: An Introduction to West Semitic Epigraphy and Palaeography. 2 d ed. Jerusalem, 1987. D i s c u s sion of the A m m o n i t e script. FELICE ISRAEL
A M O R I T E S . T h e t e r m Amorite is t h e English r e n d e r i n g of t h e H e b r e w w o r d 'emort, w h i c h is derived in t u r n f r o m t h e A k k a d i a n Amurrum o r Amurr-T-itm, T h i s gentilic is d e rived from t h e t e r m Amurrum, w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d s to mardu in S u m e r i a n (written M A R . T U ) , of u n k n o w n origin. T h e H e b r e w f o r m is a gentilic f r o m a n a m e s u c h as *'emdr,
107
w h i c h is otherwise u n a t t e s t e d in H e b r e w . T h e English t e r m Amurrite, derived directly from the A k k a d i a n version of the w o r d , is preferred by s o m e scholars. N o distinctive archaeological evidence can b e c o n v i n c ingly associated with t h e A m o r i t e s . T h e material culture f o u n d in the u r b a n centers w h e r e they w e r e active does n o t exhibit stylistic traits t h a t could positively be identified with t h e m ; this holds t r u e e v e n for smaller provincial cities closer t o their h o m e g r o u n d , s u c h as T e r q a . [See T e r q a . ] N o r has any site b e e n identified in t h e s t e p p e t h a t could even b e dated to t h e p e r i o d in q u e s t i o n . W h a t is left are only t a n t a lizing textual clues t h a t speak of w e a p o n s a n d g a r m e n t s fashioned in t h e A m o r i t e style and t h a t indicate t h a t t h e y w e r e t h e suppliers of p r o d u c t s associated with h e r d i n g a n d w i t h the steppe (salt a n d a special kind of truffle, b o t h re sources still b e i n g exploited). T h e p e r t i n e n t textual d o c u m e n t a t i o n falls into t h r e e major periods: 1. Second half of the third millennium (2500-2000 BCE): T h e relatively few explicit references to Amorites are p r i marily from s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Ebla. [See Ebla.] T h e few individuals so identified are generally labeled in the texts by t h e S u m e r i a n appellative M A R . T U . 2. Old Babylonian period (c. 1900-1600). L a r g e n u m b e r s of individuals are m e n t i o n e d in cuneiform texts of the Old B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d ( w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d s in p a r t to the M i d d l e B r o n z e Age) w h o b e a r n a m e s identifiable linguistically as A m o r i t e ; t h e y are not, h o w e v e r , explicitly labeled MAR.TU". Besides p e r s o n a l n a m e s t h e r e are also n a m e s for larger social g r o u p s a n d a few w o r d s referring to t h e l a n d s c a p e a n d the material culture. T h e majority of die texts were f o u n d at M a r i . [See M a r i ; M a r i T e x t s . ] 3. Late Bronze Age. N o t r a c e is left of t h e Amorites in L B M e s o p o t a m i a , e x c e p t t h a t t h e t e r m Amurrum is still in u s e t o d e n o t e the west. I n Syria tiiere is an i m p o r t a n t k i n g d o m t h a t bears t h e n a m e Amurrum (written as either M A R . T U or A-mur-ri in Akkadian texts f r o m e l - A m a r n a , Ugarit, a n d B o gazkoy a n d as W r i n U g a r i t i c texts). [.See A m a r n a T a b l e t s ; Bogazkoy; Ugaritic Inscriptions.] O r i g i n a n d E t h n o l i n g u i s t i c Identification. T h e wide s p r e a d opinion a m o n g scholars is t h a t t h e Amorites spoke a W e s t Semitic language a n d w e r e essentially a n o m a d i c p o p ulation interacting w i t h t h e u r b a n centers of S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e n a t u r e of this interaction has b e e n variously defined as r e p r e s e n t i n g a g r a d u a l infiltration ( K u p p e r , 1957; A n b a r , 1991) or a symbiosis b a s e d especially on e c o n o m i c factors ( R o w t o n , 1987). T h e i r origin w o u l d be in the Syrian s t e p p e , a n d this w o u l d h a v e s h a p e d their etiinic identity as essentially n o m a d i c , w h a t e v e r n u a n c e is placed on this def inition. A n alternative i n t e r p r e t a t i o n views t h e Amorites as p e a s ants originally at h o m e in t h e n a r r o w valley of t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s River (Buccellati, 1992; a preliminary suggestion in this sense w a s a d v a n c e d by G e o r g e M e n d e n h a l l a n d by
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his student, J o h n T . L u k e [Luke, 1965]). F r o m tiieir r e stricted h o m e b a s e , they would have m o v e d t o w a r d d i e s t e p p e in a successful effort to gain control of the vast s t e p p e rangeland for their flocks. In die process, diey w o u l d h a v e acquired n o m a d i c traits a n d developed considerable social a n d political a u t o n o m y . In this perspective, their l a n g u a g e represents d i e rural Semitic c o u n t e r p a r t of u r b a n Semitic (Akkadian/Eblaite), vis-a-vis which it retained m o r e archaic traits. T h e A m o r i t e l a n g u a g e is k n o w n almost exclusively from personal n a m e s ( m o r e t h a n four t h o u s a n d text o c c u r r e n c e s ; Gelb, 1980). Like all Semitic n a m e s , they consist of r e c o g nizable sentences a n d n o u n p h r a s e s , so t h a t m u c h can b e said a b o u t p h o n e m i c s a n d m o r p h o l o g y . S o m e traits are m o s t distinctive, in c o m p a r i s o n to Akkadian, the other S e mitic language with which it is c o n t e m p o r a r y in (Buccellati, 1966; Huffmon, 1965). 1. T h e p h o n e m i c inventory includes m o r e c o n s o n a n t s d i a n Akkadian, w h i c h is m o s t likely t h e result of t h e r e t e n tion of archaic traits (rather t h a n an i n n o v a t i o n ) ; see, for example, t h e retention of 'ayn, as in 'ammu-rapi, " t h e p a ternal uncle has h e a l e d . " 2. Several m o r p h o p h o n e m i c alternations are also indic ative of archaism: t h e retention of the m i d d l e vowel in salamatum ( c o m p a r e Akk. salimtum), "well-being." 3. T h e third p e r s o n of t h e verb retains the original vowel in first position: Yasma-Dagan, "Dagan hears" (compare Akk. Isme-Dagan). 4. A possible innovation in t h e verbal system is t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a perfect with suffixed p r o n o m i n a l elements: Mutu-malaka, " t h e m a n has r u l e d . " 5. T h e w o r d o r d e r retains for the m o s t p a r t t h e s e q u e n c e verb-subject, as in Yantin-Erah, " t h e m o o n g o d gives" ( c o m p a r e the semantically equivalent Akkadian n a m e Siniddinam w h e r e t h e w o r d order is inverted). T h e few A m o r i t e w o r d s t h a t have survived outside o n o mastics include s o m e t o p o n y m s t h a t refer to t h e local land scape. T h u s , nawii c o n n o t e s the specific p e r c e p t i o n of t h e Syrian steppe, d o t t e d with wells a n d h e r d i n g c a m p s . As such, it m a y b e a n Amorite w o r d ( b o r r o w e d in A k k a d i a n ) , while serum is t h e p r o p e r Akkadian t e r m for t h e s o u t h e r n steppe, m o r e sharply differentiated from t h e irrigated agri cultural areas. Similarly, t h e A m o r i t e t e r m yamina refers to t h e "right (bank of t h e r i v e r ) , " looking at t h e E u p h r a t e s flowing d o w n s t r e a m (only secondarily did it acquire the m e a n i n g " s o u t h " ) . Also A m o r i t e are the t e r m s 'aharatum/ 'aqdamatum, w h i c h refer, respectively, to " t h e region b e h i n d " or "in front," b o l t i n g at t h e river from t h e w e s t e r n side, w h e r e the major cities were located. G e o g r a p h i c B a c k g r o u n d . T h e Amorites r e p r e s e n t o n e of the b e t t e r - k n o w n n o n u r b a n societies of die ancient N e a r East. T h e question a b o u t their origin has a b e a r i n g o n a p r o p e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of their socioeconomic institutions. If d i e y were n o m a d s , or s e m i n o m a d s , on their way to s e d e n -
tarization, a well-established social organization w o u l d h a v e to b e a s s u m e d t h a t h a d d e v e l o p e d a p a r t from u r b a n civili zation a n d c a m e t o face it full b l o w n from a p o s i t i o n of o u t right distinctiveness—and from a distant location t h a t d i d n o t allow contact. As indicated a b o v e , s o m e scholars prefer to see t h e m instead as p e a s a n t s in an incipient stage of n o m a d i z a t i o n , with a persistent g e o g r a p h i c a n d institutional link to the u r b a n setting from w h i c h t h e y originated. L i k e d i e other rural classes m o r e directiy u n d e r t h e sway of city influence, they w e r e essentially " p a r a u r b a n " at t h e s a m e t i m e that they w e r e developing a n t i u r b a n t e n d e n c i e s . It is this perspective t h a t is followed h e r e . T h e area of d i e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s is well within t h e arid z o n e (below t h e 200-millimeter rainfall line), so tiiat agri culture is impossible w i t h o u t irrigation. [See Irrigation.] H o w e v e r , t h e b e d of t h e river h a s cut a d e e p t r o u g h in d i e s t e p p e , a n d the irrigable area is limited t o a n a r r o w strip t h a t is for die m o s t p a r t n o m o r e t h a n 10 k m (6 m i . ) wide; it is called zbr in A r a b i c , a n d in Akkadian ah Purattim. T h e u r b a n density in t h e area of t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s is c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y m u c h lower t h a n either in t h e irrigable alluvium t o t h e s o u t h or t h e rain-fed plains to t h e n o r t h a n d t h e west. A s a result, a single political center ( M a r i , for m o s t of d i e A m o r i t e period) controlled a m u c h vaster territory ( c o m prising valley floor a n d steppe) titan any o t h e r S y r o - M e s o potamian kingdom. T h e exploitation of t h e s t e p p e as a r a n g e l a n d for h e r d i n g t u r n e d o u t to be of major e c o n o m i c benefit: this was possible t h r o u g h t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a n e t w o r k of wells tiiat p r o v i d e d w a t e r for animals (not for cultivation, m u c h less for h u m a n s , b e c a u s e it was t o o brackish). T h e p e a s a n t s of t h e valley floor seized o n this o p p o r t u n i t y a n d e x p a n d e d i m m e a s u r a b l y t h e territorial b o u n d a r i e s a n d t h e e c o n o m i c base of t h e k i n g d o m t o which they b e l o n g e d . E v e n t h o u g h it r e m a i n e d w i t h o u t u r b a n settlements until t h e latter p a r t of t h e s e c o n d millen n i u m BCE, the entire s t e p p e w a s d i e d o m a i n of t h e M a r i h e r d e r s , w h o w e r e in direct c o n t a c t w i t h t h e cities from t h e O r o n t e s valley t o t h e K h a b u r plains. Social a n d E c o n o m i c Institutions. T h e peasant-herd ers acquired a h i g h degree of a u t o n o m y , simply b e c a u s e t h e s t e p p e , h o w e v e r t e m p o r a r y a r e s i d e n c e it m i g h t h a v e r e m a i n e d for t h e m , p r o v i d e d a safe distance f r o m t h e forces of t h e central g o v e r n m e n t , w h i c h was a i m i n g t o enforce r e g ulations p e r t a i n i n g especially t o military c o n s c r i p t i o n a n d taxation. Certainly t h e g o v e r n m e n t n e v e r u n d e r t o o k t h e task of i m p o s i n g direct central controls in t h e s t e p p e : it is signif i c a n t t h a t of t h e several military confrontations b e t w e e n t h e u r b a n g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e various A m o r i t e g r o u p s , only t h o s e initiated b y t h e kings of t h e O l d A k k a d i a n d y n a s t y speak of battles in t h e s t e p p e ; tiiose involving t h e kings of M a r i take place at or n e a r t h e cities b y t h e riverbanks. F r o m this p e r s p e c t i v e it m a y b e said t h a t t h e A m o r i t e s e x t e n d e d b e y o n d t h e limits of territorial contiguity t h e ties that, in t h e u r b a n a n d rural settlements, h a d g r o w n t o b e
AMORITES
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intimately d e p e n d e n t o n just s u c h contiguity. T h e 'ibrum is t h e smallest unit t o t r a n s c e n d t h e village a n d function as a n e x t e n d e d nonterritorial n e i g h b o r h o o d , a " c l a n . " ( T h e t e r m 'dbirum, c o u l d m e n b e u n d e r s t o o d as " t h e o n e w h o joins t h e 'ibrum" referring to a n individual e s c a p i n g from a city t o a clan a n d in this r e s p e c t it w o u l d b e semanticaHy, t h o u g h n o t morphologically, equivalent to t h e H e b r e w gentilic f o r m 'ibr-t), T h e clustering of clans into h i g h e r units w o u l d result in a tribe, to w h i c h t h e A m o r i t e t e r m gayum seems to a p p l y .
A clear indication of t h e d e g r e e of political a u t o n o m y achieved c o m e s from t h e titulary of t h e leaders. T h e office of village h e a d m a n (sugagum) w a s e x t e n d e d to p r o v i d e lead e r s h i p , b e y o n d t h e village, to t h e clan. T h e title king ( L U G A L or sarrum) was u s e d for t h e leader of t h e tribe (gayum). It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that only t h e n a m e of a n individual tribe, a n d n e v e r t h e n a m e of a major tribal family, a p p e a r s in t h e royal titulary of these tribal " k i n g s , " with t h e following q u a l ifications.
T h e larger tribal families w e r e defined b y p r o p e r n a m e s : A m o r i t e s in the earlier p e r i o d s a n d t h e n , as a result of d e m o g r a p h i c increases, a variety of o t h e r n a m e s , including e s pecially t h e H a n e a n s a n d t h e S u t e a n s . ( M e n t i o n is f o u n d of t h e " d y n a s t y of A m u r r u m , " referring to t h e H a m m u r a b i line in Babylon.) T h e t e r m maru yamina, o n t h e other h a n d , w h i c h is generally i n t e r p r e t e d as t h e n a m e of a n an alog o u s tribal family, can b e s t b e i n t e r p r e t e d as t h e generic, a n d p o tentially d e r o g a t o r y , t e r m for tribal people—literally, " s o n s of (the s t e p p e on) t h e right ( b a n k ) " — m u c h as maruugarim a n d maru dlim—literally, " s o n s of t h e irrigation district" a n d " o f t h e c i t y " — m e a n , respectively, " p e a s a n t s " a n d " u r b a n d w e l l e r s . " O n l y clans a n d t r i b e s w e r e associated with s p e cific g e o g r a p h i c areas, b u t n o t t h e larger tribal families.
1. T h e plural "kings of H a n a " a n d "kings of t h e sons of yamina" (alternating w i t h "fathers of . . .") is n o t p r o p e r l y a royal title, b u t r a t h e r a descriptive designation for t h e lead ers of individual H a n e a n or n o m a d i c n i b e s .
P o l i t i c a l C o n s o l i d a t i o n . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a tribal s t r u c t u r e h a d significant political ramifications. I n t h e first place, t h e tribe b e c a m e t h e m a j o r alternative to t h e territorial state as a factor in p r o v i d i n g political cohesion. I n o t h e r w o r d s , while t h e city h a d b e e n t h e first major state o r g a n i zation, w h i c h built o n t h e solidarity deriving from territorial contiguity, t h e tribe achieved similar goals w i t h o u t p r e s u p p o s i n g s u c h contiguity. W h a t little is k n o w n a b o u t A m o r i t e tribal history is, therefore, of g r e a t c o n s e q u e n c e in t y p o l o g ical t e r m s . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t of p u t a t i v e kinship ties (as ev i d e n c e d , a m o n g o t h e r t h i n g s , b y t h e p r o m i n e n t role p l a y e d in t h e o n o m a s t i c s b y kinship t e r m s s u c h as 'ammu, " p a t e r n a l u n c l e " ) b e a r s evidence to this. M o r e i m p o r t a n t , h o w e v e r , is t h e ability to retain the c o h e s i o n of a large h u m a n g r o u p over t h e vasteness of t h e s t e p p e , w h i c h w a s the last r e g i o n of t h e N e a r E a s t t o b e c o m e u r b a n i z e d . T h e t e r m chiefdom m i g h t b e u s e d , b u t such political units h a d very special d i m e n s i o n s . It is o u t of this e x p e r i m e n t with tribal institutions, w h i c h t h e A m o r i t e s w e r e t h e first to u n d e r t a k e , t h a t t h e p o litical configuration of a n a t i o n a l state eventually arose (as distinct f r o m city-states a n d e x p a n d e d territorial states).
TABLE
2. T h e title " k i n g of H a n a " ( a s s u m e d b y t h e rulers of M a r i a n d possibly T e r q a , b u t never u s e d b y individual tribal leaders) m a y b e u n d e r s t o o d as p r o g r a m m a t i c in t h a t it p r o claimed t h e b r o a d authority of t h e king of t h e city-state over t h e entire tribal family, r a t h e r t h a n over any single tribe. 3. T h e Old B a b y l o n i a n title wakil Amurrim, " l e a d e r of A m u r r u m " (translated as " g e n e r a l " ) , m a y b e a carry-over into t h e u r b a n s p h e r e of t h e p o s i t i o n of t h e m i n o r tribal kings after their political a n d military integration h a d taken place: a " k i n g of A m n a n u m , " for i n s t a n c e , w o u l d be called leader of A m u r r u m after he was a b s o r b e d within t h e military c a d r e of Babylon. F r o m t h e r e t h e title w o u l d have a s s u m e d t h e generic c o n n o t a t i o n of "military leader, g e n e r a l . " 4. T h e title " k i n g of A m u r r u m , " as f o u n d at a later d a t e in Syria, w o u l d r e p r e s e n t a parallel d e v e l o p m e n t , with t h e a d d e d d i m e n s i o n of political i n d e p e n d e n c e . T h e situation m a y b e s u m m a r i z e d as s h o w n in table 1. E x p a n s i o n a n d A s s i m i l a t i o n . T h e tribal entities u n d e r t h e rule of these kings a c q u i r e d sufficient military strength to p o s e a t h r e a t to t h e established territorial states. E v e n t u ally, in fact, m o s t of these k i n g d o m s of ancient S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a were o v e r r u n b y A m o r i t e s . T h e full d i m e n s i o n of this d a n g e r b e c a m e a p p a r e n t b y t h e e n d of tire third millen n i u m , w h e n Shulgi a n d S h u - S i n of t h e third dynasty of U r built a defensive system c a l l e d — p r e s u m a b l y in a m i x t u r e of S u m e r i a n a n d A k k a d i a n — B k D - m u r i q - T i d n i m , " t h e wall (or fortress) that repels T i d n u m " (another general n a m e for t h e A m o r i t e s ) . T h i s m a y h a v e b e e n a line of w a t c h t o w e r s stretching "like a n e t " into t h e s t e p p e o n either side of t h e E u p h r a t e s and T i g r i s R i v e r s , for a lengtii of s o m e 280 k m , or 174 m i . (cf. Wi l ck e, 1969, p . 9). B y t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y
1. Socio-political Categories Generic
Group
Amurrum, maru yamina
Tribal Family
Hana, Sutu
Tribe
Clan
gaytt
hibnim
sarrum
sugagum
Leadership Tribal Urban
sar Hana
wakil Amurrim
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of the following millennium, m o s t of t h e royal dynasties of S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n city-states were A m o r i t e , least in t e r m s of the linguistic affiliation of t h e n a m e s of their kings. B e cause it is unlikely t h a t this was purely o n a c c o u n t of stylistic preferences, it can b e a s s u m e d t h a t the n a m e bearers were A m o r i t e n o t just onomastically, b u t ethnically. T h e c o u n t e r p a r t of the political takeover was a t h o r o u g h " u r b a n i z a t i o n " of d i e A m o r i t e s — a complete assimilation into the culture of t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n cities. It m a y n o t b e necessary to speak of t h e Amorites b e c o m i n g M e s o p o t a m i a n s if it is a c c e p t e d that, as a local rural class, t h e y h a d in fact b e e n M e s o p o t a m i a n all along. T h u s , it m a y b e as s u m e d t h a t t h o s e A m o r i t e elements w h o established t h e m selves as die n e w ruling dynasties simply b e c a m e fully u r b a n , from t h e p a r a u r b a n t h a t they w e r e , while other segments of t h e s a m e p o p u l a t i o n r e m a i n e d just as rural a n d p a r a u r b a n as t h e y h a d b e e n . T h i s is t h e picture t h a t t h e M a r i texts, in particular, paint. In the area of t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s , t h e s t e p p e r e m a i n e d the exclusive d o m a i n of d i e p e a s a n t p o p u l a t i o n , w i t h o u t t h e u r b a n leadership ever trying to intervene there directiy. Af ter t h e fall of M a r i a n d t h e n of T e r q a as t h e capital of t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s (by t h e m i d d l e of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE), t h e entire region u n d e r w e n t a devolution process of deurbanization. T h e tribes m o v e d their g e o g r a p h i c focus to the west, w h e r e t h e y eventually established (by a b o u t 1300 BCE) the first t r u e s t e p p e - b a s e d state, t h e k i n g d o m of A m u r r u m . Because of its u n i q u e typological traits, this final efflo rescence of d i e Amorites m a y b e r e g a r d e d as their first t r u e state formation; the odier k i n g d o m s called A m o r i t e are so only in t e r m s of the origin of their dynasties a n d p a r t of t h e population, b u t n o t institutionally. I d e o l o g y a n d I n t e l l e c t u a l H i s t o r y . I n d i e early stages of t h e confrontation b e t w e e n die Amorites a n d d i e s o u t h e r n city-states, S u m e r i a n characterizations are f o u n d of t h e A m orites as n o m a d i c : t h e y " d o n o t b e n d their k n e e " (no or ganized t e m p l e cult), they " d o n o t b u r y their d e a d " (no p e r m a n e n t cemeteries), they " d o n o t grow g r a i n " (no ag riculture—at least at t h e p o i n t of contact in s o u t h e r n M e s opotamia) . H o w e v e r , n o convincing, i n d e p e n d e n t trace of their culture, a n d in particular their ideology, w a s t r a n s ferred to the u r b a n culture into which t h e y b e c a m e assimi lated. It is only in t h e west tiiat s u c h traces m a y b e f o u n d , p o s sibly ttansmitted over t h e intermediary of t h e k i n g d o m of A m u r r u . It h a s long since b e e n a r g u e d t h a t t h e patriarchal tradition of t h e Bible c a n be u n d e r s t o o d against t h e setting of A m o r i t e e x p a n s i o n . Because several scholars t e n d to ac cept a m u c h later date for d i e patriarchal tradition, this in terpretation is n o w generally downplayed. T h e r e are still, nevertheless, g o o d reasons in its favor, such as t h e close p a r allels in onomastics (e.g., A m o r i t e Ya'qubum a n d H e b r e w Ya'qob) a n d institutions (e.g., the agropastoralist e c o n o m i c
b a s e , t h e rejection of d i e u r b a n milieu, t h e significance of wells). T h e r e is also, h o w e v e r , a m o r e generic a r g u m e n t t h a t bears m e n t i o n i n g . T h e figures of t h e p a t r i a r c h s are relatively m o d e s t from t h e p o i n t of view of t h e c o u r t a n d t e m p l e t h a t sanctioned tiieir i n t r o d u c t i o n in t h e c a n o n . A later p r o c e s s of literary invention w o u l d h a v e b e e n likely to p r e s e n t g r a n d e r figures a n d m o r e heroic events. If t h a t is n o t so, it is very likely b e c a u s e t h e A m o r i t e c o n q u e s t of t h e s t e p p e was indeed p e r c e i v e d as epic in its p r o p o r t i o n s b y t h o s e w h o h a d carried it o u t in d i e first place. Similar echoes are f o u n d in M e s o p o t a m i a — i n , for e x a m p l e , t h e Assyrian king list, which gives t h e n a m e s of earlier kings " w h o dwelt in t e n t s " a n d in t h e r e t e n t i o n of A m o r i t e p e r s o n a l n a m e s for rulers w h o h a d long since lost their n o m a d i c identity. T h e s e are, h o w e v e r , n o m o r e t h a n e c h o e s ; t h e interaction of t h e p a s toralists with u r b a n culture w a s t o o close, a n d t h e cultural weight of u r b a n tradition t o o m a s s i v e , to allow for t h e crys tallization of any t r u e internal A m o r i t e ideology. T h e dis t a n c e (in time a n d space) resulting from t h e relocation in t h e west, a n d t h e eventual e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a culturally a u t o n o m o u s s t e p p e k i n g d o m , t h a t of A m u r r u , w e r e possibly t h e catalysts for s u c h crystallization. If so, t h e " A m o r i t e " s t e p p e , h a v i n g r e m a i n e d t h e last e m p t y , n o n u r b a n s p a c e of t h e Fertile C r e s c e n t , was to p r o v e , b y virtue of its very b a r r e n n e s s , o n e of t h e m o s t fruitful b r i d g e s across s p a c e a n d time in a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t e r n history. [See also A k k a d i a n ; H e b r e w L a n g u a g e a n d L i t e r a t u r e ; M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a ; and Syria, article on Syria in t h e B r o n z e Age.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Anbar, M o s h e . Les tribus arnurrites de Mari, Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 108. Fribourg, 1 9 9 1 . Methodologically in line with K u p p e r ' s work; presents an u p - t o - d a t e , reliable review of the philological evidence. Archi, Alfonso, et al. / nomi di luogo dei testi di Ebla (ARETI-IV, VIIX e altri documenti editi e inediti). R o m e , 1 9 9 3 . Complete list, with a discussion, of all the references from the texts of Ebla to MAR.TU(M). Buccellati, Giorgio. The Amorites of the Ur III Period, Pubblicazioni del Seminario di Semitistica, Richerche 1. N a p l e s , 1 9 6 6 . Historical and linguistic analysis of t h e earliest phase of Amorite. Buccellati, Giorgio. ' " R i v e r Bank,' 'High C o u n t r y , ' a n d 'Pasture L a n d ' : T h e G r o w t h of N o m a d i s m on the M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s a n d t h e K h a b u r . " In Tall al-IIamidvya 2, b y Seyarre Eichler et al., p p . 8 7 - 1 1 7 . Gottingen, 1 9 9 0 . Presents the evidence from " p e r c e p t u a l " geogra phy as gleaned from the ancient texts a n d the contemporary land scape. Buccellati, Giorgio. "Ebla and the A m o r i t e s . " In Eblaitica, vol. 3, edited by Cyrus H . G o r d o n et al., p p . 8 5 - 1 0 6 . W i n o n a L a k e , Ind., 1 9 9 2 . T h e last in a series of articles dealing with the hypothesis that the Amorites were originally peasants in t h e process of nomadization. Gelb, Ignace J. Computer-Aided Analysis of Amorite. Chicago, 1980. T h e most comprehensive a n d authoritative collection of personal n a m e s , each one p a r s e d grammatically, and a variety of alternative listings according t o different grammatical categories. Huffmon, H. B . Amorite Personal Names in the Mari Texts: A Structural
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and Lexical Study. Baltimore, 1965, Still t h e most detailed and bal anced reconstruction of the A m o r i t e language. Izre'el, S h l o m o . Amurru Akkadian: A Linguistic Study. 2 vols. H a r v a r d Semitic Studies, 4 0 - 4 1 . A d a n t a , 1991. T h o r o u g h investigation of the second millennium BCE k i n g d o m of A m u r r u , including an appendix of the history of A m u r r u by I t a m a r Singer. K u p p e r , J.-R. Les nomades en Mesopotamie au temps des wis de Mari. Paris, 1957. M o d e r n classic o n the subject. K u p p e r , J.-R. L'iconographie du dieu Amurru dans la glyptique de la Ire dynastic babylonienne. Brussels, 1961. Argues for a M e s o p o t a m i a n origin of the e p o n y m divinity of t h e Amorites. L u k e , John T r a c y . "Pastoralism and Politics in the M a r i Period." P h . D . diss., University of M i c h i g a n , 1965. Influential dissertation based on G e o r g e M e n d e n h a l l ' s theory. M a t t h e w s , Victor H. Pastoral Nomadism in the MariKingdom, ca. 18301760 B.C. American Schools of Oriental Research, Dissertation S e ries, 3. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1978. P o d a n y , A. H . " A M i d d l e Babylonian D a t e for the H a n a K i n g d o m . " Journal of Cuneiform Studies 4 3 - 4 5 (1991-1993): 53-62. Argues that die cities of H a n a were located on the K a b u r , not the Euphrates. R o w t o n , M . B . " T h e Role of E t h n i c Invasion and die Chiefdom R e gime in D i m o r p h i c Interaction: T h e Post Kassite Period." In Lan guage, Literature, and History: Philological and Historical Studies Pre sented to Erica Reiner, edited by Francesca Rochberg-Halton, p p . 367-378. N e w H a v e n , 1987. T h e last in a series of influential articles on the question of n o m a d i s m in southwestern Asia at the time of the Amorites. Wilcke, Claus. " Z u r Geschichte der A m u r r i t e r in der Ur-III-Zeit." Die Welt des Orients 5 (1969): 1-31. T h e historical evidence for the A m orite invasions in the south at the end of t h e third millennium. GIORGIO BUCCELLATI
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A M R I T ( a n c i e n t M a r a t h u s ) , site l o c a t e d 7 k m (4 mi.) s o u t h of T a r t u s , Syria, a n d 700 m inland f r o m t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea, b e h i n d tall s a n d d u n e s , w h e r e r e c e n t discoveries from the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s w e r e m a d e . E a s t of d i e d u n e s t h e plain is d o m i n a t e d b y a r o c k y plateau. T h e d i m e n s i o n s of die ancient t o w n w e r e 3 X 2 k m ( 2 X 1 m i . ) . T w o springs, 1,300 m a p a r t , a b o u t 1.5 Ion from t h e sea, feed t h e N a h r 'Ami-it t o t h e n o r t h a n d N a h r a l - Q u b l e h t o d i e s o u t h . B o t h flow t o w a r d t h e sea, t h e first o n e directly; d i e s e c o n d o n e , w h i c h forms a n angle to d i e n o r t h , r u n s along t h e coast before it joins N a h r ' A m r i t close to its estuary. ' A m r i t served as the c o n t i n e n t a l p o r t for t h e island of A r a d u s / P h o e n i c i a n R u a d ( A r w a d ) . R e c e n t excavations r e c o v ered a simple h a r b o r t h a t h a d sheltered ships. T h e rocky a n d arid island of A r a d u s faces the c o n t i n e n t 2.5 k m (1.5 mi.) away; it has t w o large, w e l l - p r o t e c t e d d e e p - w a t e r b a y s tiiat f o r m a n a t u r a l h a r b o r . W h e n U g a r i t declined, A r a d u s b e c a m e t h e principal c o m m e r c i a l a n d n a v a l p o w e r o n t h e Syrian coast, as i m p o r t a n t as P h o e n i c i a n S i d o n to the s o u t h . U n t i l R o m a n times, the entire region d e p e n d e d o n t h e h a r b o r s of A r a d u s a n d ' A m r i t . A n c i e n t historians r e c o u n t tiiat A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t s p e n t four days at M a r a t h u s while his a r m y c o n q u e r e d D a m a s c u s . [See Arwad.] Prior to excavation, t h e only visible m o n u m e n t s w e r e from the Persian period: f u n e r a r y t o w e r s , t w o of t h e m called
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the spindles by t h e local p o p u l a t i o n a n d a third that is c u b e s h a p e d (see b e l o w ) . I n a d d i t i o n , two temples were built a r o u n d a spring: t h e M a ' a b e d a n d a t e m p l e at the " s p r i n g of the s e r p e n t s . " T h e latter, a l t h o u g h visible long ago, has d i s a p p e a r e d entirely: early visitors to the site, M . M a u n d r e l l (1697), R i c h a r d P o c o c k e (1743), a n d E r n e s t R e n a n (i860), d e s c r i b e d two sanctuaries there. A small archaeological in vestigation was u n d e r t a k e n b y M a u r i c e D u n a n d in 1926 at die M a ' a b e d , b u t it is only since 1954 t h major explora tions of the tell a n d s t a d i u m h a v e taken place. T h e M a ' a b e d w a s partly excavated in 1957 a n d a h y p o g e u m in 1976. [See the biographies of Renan and Dunand.] a t
L e d b y D u n a n d , excavations were b e g u n at t h e tell east of die M a ' a b e d a n d s o u t h of N a h r ' A m r i t . T h e tell is r e c tangular, m e a s u r i n g n o m at its n o r ± - s o u t h axis a n d 140 m at t h e e a s t - w e s t axis. T h e s u m m i t platform is 16.25 m above sea level a n d t h e b e d r o c k a b o u t 10-11 m . T h e ar chaeological occupational layer is a b o u t 7-8 m thick. At the n o r t h e r n side of the tell, a m a i n building c a m e to light t h a t is p r e s e r v e d on 24.2 m e a s t - w e s t a n d to a w i d t h of 21.8 m; only the s o u t h e r n wall is p r e s e r v e d in its entire length. T h e m o s t significant objects f r o m t h e building date to the e n d of the Persian p e r i o d ( e n d of t h e fifth a n d t h e first half of the fourth centuries BCE). D u r i n g t h e excavations on die tell, a d e e p test t r e n c h indicated d i e earliest levels (dated by the ceramics) t o b e from t h e e n d of the third millennium: jugs w i t h small h a n d l e s a n d s h o r t n e c k s t h a t are decorated with clear, closely spaced h o r i z o n t a l lines. I n the excavated area, eight corbeled t o m b s were discov ered. Small stones f o r m e d a circular d o m e that closed a pit 2.5-3.5 d e e p . T h e skeletons found in the better-preserved t o m b s w e r e folded over o n themselves b e c a u s e the t o m b ' s d i a m e t e r was n o t large e n o u g h to a c c o m m o d a t e an e x t e n d e d b o d y . A m o n g t h e grave g o o d s w e r e a b r o n z e p i n , a fenes trated ax, a semicircular ax, a dagger blade, a terra-cotta c u p , a spearpoint, a jug, c r e a m - c o l o r e d goblets with incised lines, a n d decorated jars. [See Burial T e c h n i q u e s ; G r a v e Goods.] T h e s e silo t o m b s c a n n o w b e a d d e d to the k n o w n forms of burial in P h o e n i c i a n Syria: their dates vary b e t w e e n the M i d d l e B r o n z e III a n d L a t e B r o n z e I or II. [See T o m b s . ] T h e s e dates are interesting for their potential c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the Amorite invasion of Phoenicia. ' A m r i t lies at the m a r i t i m e outiet of t h e E l e u t h e r u s valley, w h i c h served as one of the m a i n routes of t h e A m o r i t e invasion. T h e site's p o r t i c o e d t e m p l e is k n o w n to the local p o p u lation b y t h e n a m e Ma'abed. Excavations were u n d e r t a k e n in 1955 to clarify a few p r o b l e m s resulting from R e n a n ' s Mission de Phenicie (1864). T h e M a ' a b e d was excavated from t h e rocky slope of gravel n e a r N a h r M a r a t h u s . T h e t e m p l e site was completely covered with rubble; only t h e T s h a p e d c o r n e r pillars a n d t h e sanctuary at t h e center of the b u i l d i n g w e r e visible. T h e 1957 excavation r e a c h e d the b o t m
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torn of t h e basin a t a d e p t h of 3 m below t h e floor level of d i e portico. T h e temple's m a x i m u m dimensions w e r e 56.23 m in length a n d 49.5 m in width; t h e basin was 46.7 X 38.5 m ; t h e total height is 7.7-8 m at t h e northwestern corner. A channel r u n n i n g n o r t h w e s t carried t h e water o u t of tire b a sin. T h e excavation r e m o v e d massive architectural fragments t h a t h a d rolled into t h e basin: all were portico e l e m e n t s — pillars, architraves, friezes, a n d leonine gargoyles—in t h e A c h a e m e n i d P e r s i a n style. A m o n g t h e recovered p o t t e r y were fragments of a m p h o r a e from R h o d e s , s t a m p e d h a n dles, a n d large M e g a r i a n bowls as well as incised P e r g a m o n pottery; in t h e n o r t h e r n section were f o u n d n u m e r o u s frag m e n t s of globe-shaped flat-bottom jugs with a small p o u r i n g lip on die shoulder a n d a short n e c k e n d i n g in a strainer, usually with two-five holes, sometimes seven. T h e s e jugs m a y have been receptacles for holy water from t h e t e m p l e . T h e pillars recovered are 3 m tall, 1 m X 55-60 c m i n section. I n addition, blocks of architrave a n d blind m e r l o n s from t h e crowning, as well as bossage from t h e covering,
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w e r e recovered. T h e s e fragments p e r m i t t e d a r e c o n s t r u c tion of t h e naos in t h e center of t h e basin, w h e r e it w o u l d h a v e served as a shelter for t h e idol (see figure 1 ) . T h i s t e m ple, witii its wide e n t r a n c e , flanked b y t w o s q u a r e towers o n t h e n o r t h , a n d a n altar in its m i d d l e , is u n i q u e . I t dates t o t h e time of t h e A c h a e m e n i d e x p a n s i o n into Syria after C y r u s t h e G r e a t c o n q u e r e d B a b y l o n (539 BCE). I t w a s d e d i c a ted t o t h e savior gods M e l q a r t a n d E s h m u n . T h e remains from t h e favissa D u n a n d discovered i n 1926 also date to t h e t w o centuries of P e r s i a n rule. T h e favissa is situated 100 m w e s t of t h e M a ' a b e d , w h e r e it f o r m s a n e m b a n k m e n t (70 m X 60 m ) . U n t i l very recently, t h e local p o p u l a t i o n exploited t h e favissa for b u i l d i n g materials. D u n a n d f o u n d several limestone statues, s o m e of t h e m d r e s s e d in t h e style of t h e time of R a m e s e s II; others r e p r e s e n t H e r acles a n d are similar to t h e statues at t h e stairs at Persepolis ( D u n a n d , 1944-1945; 1946-1948). T h e 1957 excavation a d d e d a n u m b e r of fragments t h a t c o u l d b e joined t o t h e statuary f o u n d i n 1926. T h e statues d a t e t o t h e s i x t h - f o u r t h centuries BCE. [See Persepolis.]
The sanctuary after restoration. (Courtesy N . Saliby)
AMULETS T h e s t a d i u m at ' A m r i t h a s b e e n k n o w n since R e n a n ' s e x cavations (see a b o v e ) . It s t a n d s a t t h e n o r t h e r n b e n d of t h e N a h r a n d is 230 m long a n d 30 m w i d e . T h e r e are seven tiers of seats (each 55 c m d e e p ) o n b o t h sides tiiat e n d in a semicircle with t w o corridors for p a s s a g e . O n t h e s o u t h e r n side were f o u n d a t i o n s for small h o u s e s . S t a m p e d handles f r o m R h o d i a n a m p h o r a e w e r e f o u n d i n test t r e n c h e s . R o m a n t o m b s were h o l l o w e d o u t of d i e rock. T h e s t a d i u m dates t o t h e fourth c e n t u r y BCE, w i t h c o n t i n u e d u s e t h r o u g h t h e third c e n t u r y BCE. T h e spindles a r e h y p o g e a t o p p e d b y funerary m o n u m e n t s . T h e p y r a m i d a l h y p o g e u m consists of a cubic b a s e o n which stands a cylinder t o p p e d b y an eight-sided p y r a m i d . T w o irregular steps d e s c e n d into it, followed b y t h r e e m o r e leading to t h e b o t t o m . T h e interior consists of t w o c h a m b e r s , d i e first with loculi a n d t h e s e c o n d m e a n t to h o l d t h e f o u n d e r of t h e h y p o g e u m . T h e p y r a m i d a l h y p o g e u m is c o n t e m p o r a r y w h h d i e ' A m r i t t e m p l e , b u t t h e objects f o u n d in it date to t h e p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e f o u r d i a n d first centuries BCE, indicating t h a t d i e h y p o g e u m was in u s e for a long p e riod of t i m e . T h e d o m e h y p o g e u m is a 5.5-meter-high cylinder flanked b y four lions a n d t o p p e d b y a d o m e . T h e u p p e r p a r t h a s decorative friezes similar t o t h o s e from t h e t e m p l e . It is 9.5 m high, plus t h e b a s e . T h e interior is r e a c h e d via a slope e n d i n g in tiiree steps before t h e e n t r a n c e . T h e internal or ganization is similar to t h a t of t h e p y r a m i d a l h y p o g e u m . A p l a n a n d a section e x e c u t e d d u r i n g t h e 1976 restoration r e c tified t h e results previously p u b l i s h e d b y R e n a n (1864). A c r o s s t h e centuries t h e b u i l d e r s of t h e t o w n of ' A m r i t f o u n d their stone at a q u a r r y w h o s e material is golden in color. T h e ruins of t h e t o w n later served as a q u a r r y for c o n s t r u c t i o n at R u a d a n d T a r t u s . ' A m r i t w a s destroyed in t h e first c e n t u r y BCE. W h a t r e m a i n s constitutes a u n i q u e P h o e n i c i a n site, w h i c h clearly s h o w s d i e assimilation of O r i e n t a n d O c c i d e n t i n its a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d ceramic artifacts. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bordreuil, Pierre, " L e dieu E c h m o u n dans la region d ' A m r i t h . " In Sta dia Phoenicia, vol. 3, edited by Eric G u b e l and E d u a r d Lipihski, p p . 2 2 1 - 2 3 0 . Louvain, 1985. D u n a n d , Maurice. " L e s sculptures de la favissa du temple d ' A m r i t . " Bulletin duMusiede Beyrouth 7 ( 1 9 4 4 - 1 9 4 5 ) : 9 9 - 1 0 7 5 8 ( 1 9 4 6 - 1 9 4 8 ) : 81-107. D u n a n d , Maurice. " R e c h e r c h e s archeologiques dans la region de M a r athus: N o t e preliminaire." Annates Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes 3 (1953): 165-170. D u n a n d , M a u r i c e , et al. "Les fouilles d'Amrith en 1 9 5 4 : R a p p o r t p r e liminaire." Annates ArchMogiques Arabes Syriennes 4.-5 ( 1 9 5 4 - 1 9 5 5 ) : 189-204. D u n a n d , Maurice, a n d Nassib Saliby. " R a p p o r t preliminaire sur les fouilles d'Amrith e n 1 9 5 5 . " Annates Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes 6 (1956): 3-ioD u n a n d , M a u r i c e , a n d Nassib Saliby. " L e sanctuaire d'Amrit: R a p p o r t preliminaire." Annates ArchMogiques Arabes Syriennes 1 1 - 1 2 ( 1 9 6 1 1962): 3 - 1 2 . D u n a n d , M a u r i c e , a n d R a y m o n d D u r u . Oumni el-'Amed. Paris, 1 9 6 2 .
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D u n a n d , Maurice. "Phenicie." In Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement, vol. 7, cols. 1 1 4 1 - 1 2 0 4 . Paris, 1966. D u n a n d , M a u r i c e , and Nassib Saliby. Le temple d'Amrith dans la Peree d'Aradus. Bibliothique Archeologique et Historique, vol. 1 2 1 . Paris, 1985. D u s s a u d , Rene. Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol, 4. Paris, 1927. Gawlikowski, Michal. Monuments funeraires de Palmyre. Warsaw, 1 9 7 0 . M a u n d r e l l , H e n r y . Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, A.D. 1697. L o n d o n , 1 8 1 0 . R e n a n , Ernest. Mission de Phenicie, Paris, 1864. Rey-Coquais, Jean-Paul. Arados et sa Peree aux epoques grecque, romaine et byzantine, Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 97. Paris, 1974Saliby, Nassib. "Essai de restitution du temple d ' A m r i t . " Annates cheologiques Arabes Syriennes 21 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 283-288.
Ar
Saliby, N a s s i b . Article in Congres international du verre provenant de la cote phenicienne, p p . 1 3 3 - 1 4 3 . L o n d o n , 1 9 7 9 . Saliby, Nassib. Archcologie et histoire de la Syrie. Vol. 2. Liege, 1989. Seyrig, H e n r i . " A r a d u s et sa Peree sous les rois Seleucides." Syria 28 ( 1 9 5 1 ) : 206-220. NASSIB SALIBY Translated from French by Ulla Kasten
AMULETS.
T h e L a t i n t e r m amuletum ("an object u s e d as a c h a r m t o avert evil") was possibly derived from d i e Arabic w o r d hamilet (sometiiing "carried, w o r n " ) b y d i e first c e n t u r y CE b e c a u s e t h e t e r m first a p p e a r s in the w o r k of Pliny d i e Elder (Nat. Hist. 29.66,83; 37.50,118). A m u l e t s are objects m a d e of v a r i o u s types of material, either u n i n scribed o r inscribed, a n d s u p p o s e d l y c h a r g e d with s u p e r n a t u r a l p o w e r . T h e magical properties believed to be inher ent in particular p l a n t s , animals, stones, a n d metals often d e t e r m i n e d the selection of a certain material for an amulet. A m u l e t s function like p r a y e r s ; diey are i n t e n d e d to offer p r o t e c t i o n from disease, m i s f o r t u n e , or attacks from super n a t u r a l beings or t o g u a r a n t e e wealth, success, a n d victory. I n t h e a n c i e n t N e a r East, t h e y w e r e usually w o r n o n die n e c k o n a c o r d or chain, b u t s o m e types of amulets were affixed to h o u s e s a n d places of business. Lamellae, a special t y p e of amulet, are thin pieces of inscribed tin, lead, b r o n z e , silver, or gold t h a t w e r e rolled u p , p l a c e d in small t u b e s , and t h e n w o r n o n a c o r d a r o u n d t h e neck. F r e q u e n t i y magical letters, w o r d s , symbols, or p i c t u r e s w e r e engraved on semiprecious stones (e.g., h e m a t i t e , c h a l c e d o n y , q u a r t z ) , which are g e n erally called " m a g i c a l g e m s . " A m u l e t s were also m a d e of perishable animal a n d vegetable material, such as leather, b o n e , w a x , w o o d , h e r b s , r o o t s , linen, a n d p a p y r u s , a n d m a n y of these h a v e also survived b e c a u s e of t h e very dry climate. A m u l e t s of various types were widely u s e d t h r o u g h o u t die ancient N e a r East, a l t h o u g h it is frequentiy difficult to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r s m a l l u n i n s c r i b e d objects and statuettes a c tually functioned as a m u l e t s . F u r t h e r m o r e , s o m e items m a y h a v e h a d dual functions, serving as amulets in addition to tiieir original function. F o r e x a m p l e , cylinder seals (en-
114
AMULETS
graved with designs, inscriptions, or b o t h ) , sometimes w o r n s u s p e n d e d o n a c o r d a r o u n d the o w n e r ' s neck occasionally functioned as amulets. M i t a n n i a n faience seals from t h e last half of second m i l l e n n i u m BCE probably functioned as b o t h jewelry a n d amulets. O n the other h a n d , t h e function of two small seventh-century BCE rectangular limestone plaques with A r a m a i c inscriptions from Arslan T a s h (between C a r chemish and H a r r a n in Syria) is clear. O n e depicts a winged s p h i n x and a c r o u c h i n g lioness with a serpent's tale swallow ing a m a n a n d is inscribed with a n incantation t o p r o t e c t the house of the strangling n o c t u r n a l d e m o n s , while t h e other depicts a p e r s o n with big eyes a n d scorpion feet a n d has two inscriptions, one for protection against t h e evil eye, a n d the other to obtain rain, (translations in Beyerlin, 1978, p p . 247250; pictured in P r i t c h a r d , 1969, p . 216, n o . 662). D u r i n g t h e Persian period (539-330 BCE), m a n y glass amulets in the shape of h u m a n h e a d s (both bearded male a n d female), h a v e b e e n f o u n d i n t o m b s in C y p r u s , Egypt, a n d t h e S y r o Palestinian coast (as well as Spain, C a r t h a g e , a n d Sardinia). T h i s distribution suggests that they were p r o d u c e d a n d dis tributed by Phoenicians.
magicae, t h a t is, " m a g i c a l w o r d s " m a d e u p of m e a n i n g l e s s , t h o u g h traditional, strings of vowels a n d c o n s o n a n t s t h a t m a k e n o sense in G r e e k (e.g., " a b l a t h a n a l b a " ) . T h e s e g e m s t o n e amulets w e r e w o r n in rings, bracelets, o r as p a r t s of necklaces ( B o n n e r , 1950; D e l a t t e a n d D e r c h a i n , 1964). S o m e of these amulets consist of an incised i m a g e o n t h e obverse a n d a magical inscription o n t h e reverse, a n d others h a v e only a magical inscription. T h e s t r o n g influence of E g y p t i a n religion o n G r e c o - R o m a n magical practices m e a n t t h a t gods like Osiris, Sarapis, Isis, A n u b i s , a n d H o r u s o c c u r frequently on a m u l e t s . F a v o r e d b y m a g i c a l practitioners w e r e the r o o s t e r - h e a d e d , snake-footed god a n d a headless figure variously identified as Iao (a divine n a m e derived f r o m J u d a i s m ) , S e t h , A t u m , or Osiris (the last t h r e e of E g y p tian origin). T h i s i c o n o g r a p h y is n o t k n o w n from ancient cults. T h e strong influence of J u d a i s m o n a n c i e n t m a g i c h a d a p r o f o u n d effect o n t h e divine n a m e s inscribed o n a m u l e t s , including Iao, A d o n a i , S a b a o t h , a n d E l o h i m . T h e G r e e k magical p a p y r i contains m a n y spells in w h i c h careful i n structions are given r e g a r d i n g h o w to p r e p a r e amulets p r o p erly a n d w h a t s h o u l d b e inscribed o n t h e m .
E g y p t i a n A m u l e t s . M o r e amulets are p r e s e r v e d from ancient E g y p t t h a n from a n y w h e r e else in die a n c i e n t N e a r East. T h r e e Egyptian t e r m s for amulet are sa ( " p r o t e c t i o n " ) , meket ( " p r o t e c t o r " ) a n d uedjau ("healtii-maintaining object"). A m u l e t s for t h e d e a d were essential features of Egyptian funerary practice. T h e Book of the Dead contains incantations that, w h e n recited, were t h o u g h t t o e n d o w t h e amulets with magical p o w e r s . S o m e t i m e s larger t h a n a m u lets w o r n b y t h e living, funerary amulets were f o u n d o n dif ferent parts of t h e b o d y , n o t just a r o u n d t h e neck. M a n y amulets were w r a p p e d u n d e r t h e b a n d a g e s . T h e r e w a s an a p p r o p r i a t e a m u l e t for each limb of the deceased. T h e r e were at least 275 types (Petrie, 1914).
J e w i s h A m u l e t s . T h e p r i m a r y H e b r e w t e r m for a m u l e t , qm comes f r o m a r o o t m e a n i n g " t o b i n d " , " t o t i e . " T h e H e b r e w Bible h a s surprisingly few real or i m a g i n e d refer ences to amulets (Gn. 35:4; Ex. 32:3; Jgs. 8:21, 26; Is. 3:1820; Zech. 14:20); only in t h e f o u r t h reference a r e they viewed pejoratively, b u t n o w h e r e are t h e y f o r b i d d e n . A l t h o u g h m o s t surviving Jewish amulets are from t h e R o m a n p e r i o d , t w o silver amulets d a t i n g from t h e late s e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE w e r e f o u n d at K e t e f H i n n o m in the vicinity of J e r u s a l e m ( D a v i e s , 1991, p . 72, 4.301, 302). [See K e t e f H i n n o m . ] O n e contains t h e entire priestly blessing in Numbers 6:24-26, a n d t h e other has an abbreviated form of t h e s a m e text, w h i c h contains t h e divine n a m e Y H W H t h r e e times, a text often u s e d or alluded t o o n later Jewish amulets (Schrire, 1966, p p . 82, 97).
Ushebtis were small funerary statuettes inscribed with t h e n a m e of t h e deceased a n d a magical spell from t h e Book of the Dead. T h e s e statuettes were i n t e n d e d to take t h e place of the deceased w h e n t h e gods desired work in their fields to be performed. Scarabs, representing a type of beetle, m a d e from m a n y materials b u t typically stone or faience (glazed blue, green, or t u r q u o i s e ) , were symbols of t h e g o d K h e p r i (the rising s u n ) , p r o m i s i n g d i e renewal of life in t h e n e x t world. O t h e r E g y p t i a n amulets r e p r e s e n t e d various parts of t h e h u m a n b o d y a n d were i n t e n d e d to p r o t e c t t h o s e parts from misfortune or disease. G r e c o - R o m a n A m u l e t s . T h e three general G r e e k t e r m s for amulets are phylakterion ("safeguard," " p r e s e r v a t i v e " periapton, a n d periamma (both m e a n i n g " a t t a c h e d , " "tied o n " ) . T h o u s a n d s of G r e c o - R o m a n amulets f r o m t h e first few centuries CE h a v e survived, primarily inscribed o n g e m stones. T h e s e g e m s t o n e amulets have b e e n frequently, t h o u g h mistakenly, called " G n o s t i c " amulets in t h e p a s t b e cause of t h e use of bizarre images (such as a c o m m o n l y occurring r o o s t e r - h e a d e d , snake-footed figure) a n d of voces
A c c o r d i n g to 2 Maccabees 12:40, w h e n J u d a s e x a m i n e d t h e bodies of Jews w h o h a d fallen in battle, h e discovered t h a t " a l l " of t h e m w e r e w e a r i n g hieromata, " s a c r e d o b j e c t s " or " a m u l e t s " c o n s e c r a t e d to t h e idols of J a m n i a . Phylacteries (from t h e G r e e k w o r d phylakterion, " m e a n s of p r o t e c t i o n " ) or tefillin, from tefilla, " p r a y e r " (Ex. 13:9,16; Dt. 6:8; cf. Mt. 23:5) are containers holding four Biblical passages: Ex. 1 3 : 1 1 0 , 1 1 - 1 6 ; Dt. 6:4-9,11:13-20. T h e p h y l a c t e r y t h a t i s p l a c e d on t h e u p p e r p a r t of t h e left a r m contains just one roll of p a r c h m e n t o n w h i c h all four passages are written, a n d t h a t p u t o n t h e u p p e r forehead contains four separate rolls of p a r c h m e n t . T h e y are traditionally w o r n b y Jewish males d u r i n g prayer, e x c e p t o n S a b b a t h s a n d holy days.. A l t h o u g h tefillin a r e distinguished from amulets in t h e M i s h n a h (Shab. 6.2; 8,3; Sheq. 3.2)3 t h e y are called phylacteries, a n d t h e y w e r e a s s u m e d to exert protective p o w e r s o n t h e w e a r e r s . T h e mesuzdt, w h i c h still function as a p o t r o p a i c a m u l e t s , are small containers fixed o n d o o r p o s t s (Dt. 6:9). T h e y c o n t a i n
'AMUQ a
n
u
t h e Biblical texts Deuteronomy 6:4-9 11:13-20, w h i c h m e n t i o n t h e n a m e of G o d t e n t i m e s , i n c l u d i n g t h e t e t r a g r a m m a t o n (the four c o n s o n a n t s of t h e H e b r e w n a m e for G o d — Y H W H ) seven t i m e s . T w o Jewish magical h a n d b o o k s , the first from t h e T a l m u d i c era a n d the s e c o n d n o t later t h a n the eleventh c e n t u r y , are t h e Sefer ha-Razim ( " B o o k of M y s t e r i e s " ) , a n d t h e Harba de Mosheh ( " S w o r d of M o s e s " ) c o n t a i n i n g i n s t r u c t i o n s for t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of amulets. BIBLIOGRAPHY Andrews, Carol. Amulets ofAncient Egypt. Austin, 1994. Barkay, Gabriel. " T h e Divine N a m e F o u n d in Jerusalem." Biblical Ar chaeology Review 9.2 (1983): 14-19. Popular, illustrated discussion of the two silver amulets covered in m o r e detail in Yardeni (below). Benoit, Pierre, et al. Les grottes de Murabba'at. Discoveries in the J u daean D e s e r t , vol. 2 Oxford, 1961. See pages 80-86 for phylactery a n d mezuza from W a d i M u r a b b a ' a t , with references to earlier p u b lications of phylacteries a m o n g t h e D e a d Sea Scrolls. Beyerlin, Walter, ed. Near Eastern Religious Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Philadelphia, 1978. B o n n e r , Campbell. Studies in Magical Amulets, Chiefly Graeco-Egyptian. Ann Arbor, M i c h . , 1950. I m p o r t a n t discussion of G r e c o - R o m a n a m ulets and magical g e m s dating primarily from ca. 100-500 CE. B o n n e r , Campbell. " A m u l e t s Chiefly in the British M u s e u m : A S u p plementary Article," Hesperia 20 (1951): 301-345. Budge, E. A. Wallis. Amulets and Superstitions. L o n d o n , 1930. D a u p h i n , Claudine. " A G r a e c o - E g y p t i a n Magical Amulet from M a z z u v a h , " 'Atiqot 22 (1993): 145-147. Davies, G r a h a m I. Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions: Corpus and Concordance. Cambridge, 1991. Delatte, A r m a n d , and Phillippe D e r c h a i n . Les intailles magiques gricoegyptiennes. Paris, 1964. I m p o r t a n t study of G r e c o - R o m a n magical gems. G a g e r , J o h n G „ ed. Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from Antiquity and the Ancient World. N e w York, 1992. Lise, Giorgio. Amuleti EgizilEgyptian Amulets. Milan, 1988. M o n t g o m e r y , James A. " S o m e Early Amulets from Palestine." Journal of the American Oriental Society 31 (1911): 272-281. Miiller-Winkler, Claudia. Die dgyptischen Objeht-Amulette. Freiburg, 1987N a v e h , Joseph, and Shaul Shaked. Amulets and Magic Bowls: Aramaic Incantations of iMe Antiquity. Jerusalem and L e i d e n , 1985. Collection of and c o m m e n t a r y on all H e b r e w a n d Aramaic amulets from the first to the fourth centuries CE from Syria-Palestine, except those published in M o n t g o m e r y (above). Petrie, W . M . Flinders, Amulets: Illustrated by the Egyptian Collection in University College, London. L o n d o n , 1914. I m p o r t a n t study of E g y p tian amulets, lavishly illustrated. Pritchard, James B. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament. 2 d ed. Princeton, 1969. Reiner, Erica. " P l a g u e Amulets a n d H o u s e Blessings." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19 (i960): 148-155. Schrire, T h e o d o r e . Hebrew Amulets: Their Decipherment and Interpre tation. L o n d o n , 1966. T r a c h t e n b e r g , Joshua. Jewish Magic and Superstition. N e w York, 1939. Contains a chapter devoted to late T a l m u d i c a n d medieval Jewish amulets ( p p . 132-152). W a e g e m a n , Maryse. Amulet and Alphabet: Magical Amulets in the First Booh of Cyranides. A m s t e r d a m , 1987. T h e Cyranides is an ancient encyclopedia of magical lore c o m p o s e d in t h e first or second century CE.
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Yardeni, Ada. " R e m a r k s on the Priestly Blessing on T w o Ancient A m ulets from Jerusalem." Vetus Testamentum 41 (1991): 176-185. Zwierlein-Diehl, Erika, ed. Magische Amulette. Opladen, 1992. DAVID E. AUNE
' A M U Q , a well-watered a n d extremely fertile plain m o r e t h a n 1,400 s q k m (868 sq. mi.) in area, b o u n d e d on the n o r t h by the T a u r u s M o u n t a i n s a n d on the west by the Kizildag extension of the A m a n u s M o u n t a i n s . T o t h e northeast the K u r t D a g i rises to the A n a t o l i a n plateau; on the east a n d s o u t h t h e hills of Jebel S i m a ' a n a n d Jebel 'Ala rise to the A l e p p o plateau; a n d o n t h e southwest, b e h i n d the ruins of A n t i o c h o n O r o n t e s , rises Jebel Akra. T h e 'Afrin a n d K a r a S u Rivers flow into the ' A m u q from the east, w h e r e t h e y r e a c h a m a r s h y area a r o u n d t h e L a k e of Antioch. T h a t p o i n t is n o r t h of a major b e n d in t h e O r o n t e s River that flows for m o r e t h a n 644 k m (400 mi.) from t h e s o u t h a n d makes a s h a r p b e n d t h e r e to t h e sea. M a j o r c o n n e c t i n g roads traverse t h e area a n d are well d o c u m e n t e d t h r o u g h o u t history—from the A l e p p o area a n d p o i n t s s o u t h a n d east, to the coast along t h e course of t h e O r o n t e s River. C o n n e c t i o n s t o the Anatolian plateau a n d Cilicia are m a d e possible t h r o u g h the Bailan P a s s t h r o u g h the A m a n u s M o u n t a i n s . T h e ' A m u q plain is d o t t e d w i t h n u m e r o u s tells, a strategic selection of w h i c h h a v e b e e n investigated. Archaeological r e m a i n s before the N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d are n o t well d o c u m e n t e d at p r e s e n t , b u t a series of rich cultural sequences c o n t i n u e s from t h a t p e r i o d t o t h e present. T h e archaeolog ical s e q u e n c e has b e e n b l o c k e d o u t in phases by the exca vations of the Oriental Institute of t h e University of Chicago carried o u t b e t w e e n 1933 a n d 1937 at the i m p o r t a n t sites of T e l l T a ' y i n a t (36°i5' N , 36°22'3o" E ) on t h e O r o n t e s 2 Ion (1 mi.) n o r t h w e s t of T e l l ' A t c h a n a a n d 20 k m (12 mi.) east- n o r t h e a s t of A n t i o c h (36°i7' N , 3 6 ° 2 2 ' n " E ) ; Tell el-Judeideh; Catal Hoytik, T e l l D h a h a b , a n d T e l l K u r d u . T h e excavators designated p h a s e s A - Q from the Neolithic t h r o u g h t h e Hellenistic periods. T h e ancient capital of Al alakh w a s excavated b y a British expedition in 1937-1939 a n d 1946-1949 t h a t highlighted the o c c u p a t i o n of the M i d dle a n d L a t e B r o n z e Ages (within phases K - L of the O r i ental Institute excavation s e q u e n c e ) . [See Alalakh.] T h e British expedition also e x c a v a t e d at T a b a r a el-Akrad, T e l l esh-Sheikh, a n d a l - M i n a o n the M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast. T h e classical periods w e r e d o c u m e n t e d primarily t h r o u g h the ef forts of t h e P r i n c e t o n University excavations at Antioch. [See A n t i o c h on Orontes.] Excavations farther south along the O r o n t e s at Q a r q u r a n d at 'Ain D a r a ' to the east on the Afrin h a v e yielded b y assemblages very closely related cul turally to the ' A m u q in t h e specific periods t h a t have so far b e e n investigated there. [See Q a r q u r , Tell; 'Ain D a r a ' . ] T h e Neolithic s e q u e n c e in the ' A m u q begins with the P o t tery Neolithic. T h e flint inventory a n d s u c h pottery,, as
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coarse simple wares; dark-faced b u r n i s h e d wares with in cised, impressed, a n d w a s h e d variants; a n d brittle a n d o t h e r painted wares characterize t h e assemblage. It is further ar ticulated b y period-typical p e n d a n t s a n d s t a m p seals, stone tools, and w o r k e d b o n e . T h e sequence c o n t i n u e s t h r o u g h t h e Halaf a n d U b a i d p e riods, again well d o c u m e n t e d b y rich ceramic traditions. A t r e m e n d o u s variety of m o n o c h r o m e a n d b i c h r o m e p a i n t e d wares, characteristic of these p h a s e s , represents strong local traditions as well as typical Halaf a n d U b a i d p a i n t e d traditions. T h e latter h a v e wide-ranging connections to welld o c u m e n t e d cultures across n o r t h e r n Syria, into t h e A s s y r ian heartland, a n d reaching s o u t h into s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a mia. T h e long tradition of dark-faced b u r n i s h e d ware e n d e d in phase E , at t h e e n d of the U b a i d period. Small finds in clude b o t h c h i p p e d a n d g r o u n d - s t o n e tools, in a d e c r e a s e d quantity from before, a n d includes a significant q u a n t i t y of well-made stone b o w l s , as well as s t a m p seals, b e a d s , a n d pendants. N e w ceramic a n d stone-tool traditions are p r e s e n t in ' A m u q p h a s e F , a n d metal objects are p r e s e n t for d i e first time a n d in significant quantities. Flint tools characteristic of die C a n a a n e a n industry occur from p h a s e F t h r o u g h p h a s e H . Characteristic ceramic indicators of foreign c o n nections are included a m o n g t h e rich local assemblage of t h e fourth millennium. T h e beveled-rim bowls, triangularlug handles, b e n t s p o u t s , a n d other distinctive features of t h e Late U r u k - J e m d e t N a s r p e r i o d in M e s o p o t a m i a are clearly r e p r e s e n t e d in ' A m u q p h a s e F a n d c o n t i n u e t o be p r e s e n t at t h e b e g i n n i n g of p h a s e G . In p h a s e G t h e variety of pottery increases, as cultural connections b e c o m e b r o a d e r . I n addition to t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n ceramic influ ences already m e n t i o n e d , there are cylinder seals a n d r e served-slip wares. In addition to the local stamp seals, locally p r o d u c e d cylinder seats also show M e s o p o t a m i a n influence. Similar definitive features are f o u n d in a G e r z e a n c o n t e x t in E g y p t , including multiple-brush p a i n t e d pottery, incised a n d impressed wares, a n d 'Syrian bottles.' Palestinian c o n nections are d e m o n s t r a t e d with platter forms, r e d - s u r f a c e d wares with simple a n d p a t t e r n e d b u r n i s h e d decorations, a n d c o m b - i m p r e s s e d surface t r e a t m e n t o n h a r d , high-fired wares. T h e tiiird-millennium s e q u e n c e is r e p r e s e n t e d in e x c e p tional detail. T h e plain simple wares of p h a s e s G - J , i n c l u d ing a variety of c u p or goblet forms, are established with basic similarities b u t s o m e geographic variation over a b r o a d area of n o r t h e r n Syria. R e d - b l a c k b u r n i s h e d ware with c o n nections to s o u t h e a s t e r n T u r k e y , also k n o w n as K h i r b e t K e r a k w a r e , is well r e p r e s e n t e d in phases G - I . I n p h a s e I, a n d particularly in p h a s e J, a n e w , sophisticated p a i n t e d tra dition, characteristic of die e n d of d i e Early B r o n z e A g e , is well represented. A g o o d sampling of small finds was also excavated in these p h a s e s , r a n g i n g from b e a d s , a variety of stone tools, metal i m p l e m e n t s , a n d terra-cotta figurines to
surprisingly sophisticated h u m a n figurines f r o m p h a s e G t h a t were cast in c o p p e r by a lost-wax p r o c e s s . A drastic c h a n g e o c c u r r e d in t h e ' A m u q at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE with radical political a n d cul tural shifts. T h e flourishing E B cultural tradition, well r e p resented a t T e l l T a ' y i n a t , e n d e d , a n d t h e n e a r b y site of T e l l ' A t c h a n a rose t o p r o m i n e n c e . T h e c e r a m i c traditions c h a n g e d significantly at t h a t time. C o m b - i n c i s e d d e c o r a t i o n b e c a m e t h e m o s t c o m m o n l y u s e d , t h o u g h beautiful pieces of p a i n t e d "Cilician w a r e " jars, jugs, a n d b o w l s are p r e s e n t in limited quantity. S p e c t a c u l a r r e m a i n s from t h e m i d d l e of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE w e r e p r e s e r v e d at T e l l ' A t c h a n a , t h e site of a n c i e n t Alalakh, capital of a r e g i o n within t h e k i n g d o m of Y a m h a d tiiat h a d its capital at A l e p p o . [See Aleppo.] Palace c o m p l e x e s w e r e e x c a v a t e d in levels V I I a n d IV. T h e level V I I palace dates to t h e e n d of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e , primarily to t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y BCE a n d is at tributed to Y a r i m l i m b y C. L e o n a r d W o o l l e y ( 1 9 5 5 ) , t h e site's excavator. T h e level I V palace dates t o early in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , primarily in t h e late fifteenth a n d early f o u r t e e n t h centuries BCE, a n d was labeled t h e palace of N i q m e p a by Woolley, ( 1 9 5 5 ) . R i c h artistic r e m a i n s w e r e p r e s e r v e d in t h e palaces a n d associated t e m p l e s , as well as significant archives of c u n e i f o r m tablets a n d t h e inscribed statue of t h e seated king Idrimi. T h i s w r i t t e n d o c u m e n t a t i o n gives an insight into t h e history, d i p l o m a c y , t r a d e , a d m i n istrative s t r u c t u r e s , a n d m a n y other details of d i e culture of t h e period. [See Alalakh T e x t s . ] T h e long, c o n t i n u o u s s e q u e n c e of t e m p l e s was located adjacent t o t h e palaces a n d n o t far f r o m a major city gate t h a t is best p r e s e r v e d in level V I I a n d c o v e r e d b y a fortress in levels III—H. Interestingly, t h e architectural traditions r e p resented in the t e m p l e plans c h a n g e d radically in its rebuildings. T y p i c a l Syrian direct-access t e m p l e s o c c u r b u t others, including s o m e t h a t s e e m to h a v e A n a t o l i a n inspiration, are also present. International c o n n e c t i o n s are also d e m o n s t r a t e d in t h e d e c o r a t e d N u z i a n d ' " A t c h a n a " p o t t e r y f o u n d in levels I V - I I a n d in t h e i m p o r t e d M y c e n a e a n a n d C y p r i o t w a r e s in t h e same time r a n g e a n d later. Also, i m p o r t e d E g y p t i a n , C r e t a n , a n d Anatolian objects w e r e f o u n d in these contexts. T h e well-built palaces o n c e s t o o d several stories h i g h a n d w e r e d e c o r a t e d with frescoes. Basalt o r l i m e s t o n e orthostats faced t h e walls of major r o o m s a n d c o u r t y a r d s , a n d w o o d was heavily u s e d in t h e construction. T h e half-timber c o n struction in t h e level I V palace is particularly well d o c u mented. W h e n Alalakh was destroyed at t h e e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , political p o w e r in t h e region shifted a n d again b e c a m e established at n e a r b y T a ' y i n a t , as it h a d a p p a r e n t l y shifted from T a ' y i n a t t o Alalakh earlier. T h e transition p e r i o d in t h e twelfth-eleventh centuries BCE is n o t well r e p r e s e n t e d at either site b u t is well d o c u m e n t e d at T e l l el-Judeideh a n d Catal Hoyiik. A e g e a n influence is very clear i n t h e p a i n t e d
ANAFA, TEL pottery of p h a s e N , particularly in its very distinctive shapes a n d p a i n t e d designs. T h e r e is s o m e d e v e l o p m e n t within this pottery tradition d o w n to t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE, b u t a n o t h e r tradition, characterized b y r e d - w a s h e d a n d b u r n i s h e d pottery, b e c a m e d o m i n a n t in a b o u t 1000 BCE. T h a t n e w t r a dition is also well d o c u m e n t e d to the s o u t h at T e l l Q a r q u r a n d to d i e w e s t at ' A i n D a r a ' . A t T a ' y i n a t it o c c u r s t h r o u g h several p h a s e s of a citadel c o m p l e x characterized b y a series of typically Syrian hilani b u i l d i n g s a n d a small t e m p l e of direct-axis t y p e b u t p r o p o r t i o n e d longer t h a n wide. L u w i a n hieroglyphic and o t h e r inscriptions date t h e c o m p l e x t o t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n p e r i o d , c o n t i n u i n g well b e y o n d t h e reign of Tiglath-Pileser III. Eight- a n d s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE E g y p tian, G r e e k , a n d C y p r i o t p o t t e r y are better d o c u m e n t e d in t h e latest layers of this c o m p l e x t h a n earlier. I n a n o t h e r area of t h e site a palatial Assyrian b u i l d i n g of t h e seventh a n d sixth centuries BCE was e x c a v a t e d by t h e Oriental Institute expedition ( H a i n e s , 1971, p p . 61-63, pis. 84, 85, a n d 109) a n d "Assyrian palace w a r e " w a s a m o n g the ceramic m a t e rials f o u n d in its r e m a i n s . T h e British expedition t o Alalakh also excavated a site o n die coast t h a t w a s c o n s i d e r e d to b e the outlet to t h e sea for t h e ' A m u q area in the I r o n A g e . T h i s site, a l - M i n a , w a s o c c u p i e d primarily from t h e m i d - e i g h t h c e n t u r y BCE until t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e Hellenistic period, b u t also s u b s e q u e n t l y in t h e Byzantine a n d later p e r i o d s . I r o n A g e s t o r e r o o m s at a l - M i n a c o n t a i n e d quantities of i m p o r t e d A e g e a n a n d C y p r i o t wares t h a t are also r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e ' A m u q , b u t n o t in t h e s a m e quantities. As in t h e ' A m u q , the se q u e n c e c o n t i n u e s u n b r o k e n into t h e Hellenistic period. T h e f o u n d i n g of the city of A n t i o c h b y Seleucus I in 300 BCE c a u s e d a major political shift in the area. As t h e city grew to b e c o m e o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t in the ancient w o r l d , the ' A m u q plain clearly shifted t o a s u p p o r t i n g b u t integral role in its success. T h e ' A m u q plain w a s n o w k n o w n b y a n e w designation, t h e plain of A n t i o c h . T h e rich culture of t h e area relied on die newly c o n s t r u c t e d ports of Seleucia a n d L a o d o c i a . A n t i o c h w a s r e n o w n e d for its b e a u t y in a n tiquity, t h o u g h its physical a p p e a r a n c e w a s altered several times by major e a r t h q u a k e s . T h e P r i n c e t o n E x p e d i t i o n to A n t i o c h h a s p r o v i d e d a h i n t of die greatness of this c e n t e r in t h e rich architectural a n d artistic r e m a i n s t h a t are p a r t of the cultural materials tiiat w e r e u n c o v e r e d ( D o w n e y , 1961). A n t i o c h c o n t i n u e d b e y o n d t h e classical p e r i o d as an i m p o r t a n t B y z a n t i n e a n d t h e n C r u s a d e r city. Its fortunes only d e clined drastically after t h e d e s t r u c t i o n s suffered at the h a n d s of M u s l i m a n d M o n g o l forces in the t h i r t e e n t h century. BIBLIOGRAPHY Braidwood, R o b e r t J., a n d L i n d a S. Braidwood. Excavations in thePlain of Antioch, vol. i , The Earlier Assemblages, Phases A-J. Oriental I n stitute Publications, 6 1 . Chicago, i 9 6 0 . Major resource detailing die archaeological assemblages of the ' A m u q from the Neolithic t h r o u g h the Early Bronze Age,
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D o w n e y , Glanville. A History of Antioch in Syria: From Seleucus to the Arab Conquest. Princeton, 1 9 6 1 . Excellent s u m m a r y of the history of Antioch, reviewing the finds of the Princeton Archaeological E x p e dition in their historical context. Haines, Richard C. Excavations in the Plain of Antioch, vol. 2, The Struc tural Remains of the Later Phases. Oriental Institute Publications, 95. Chicago, 1 9 7 1 . Final architectural study of t h e later phases excavated by the Oriental Institute. Smiuh, Sidney. Alalakh and Chronology. L o n d o n , 1940. Basic publica tion a n d commentary on the cuneiform texts found at Alalakh. Woolley, C . Leonard. A Forgotten Kingdom. L o n d o n , 1953. Interesting discussion of the excavations at Tell 'Atchana, for a general audi ence. M u s t be used with caution because t h e chronological discus sion for the period prior to 2000 BCE has been completely revised. Woolley, C . L e o n a r d . Alalakh: An Account of the Excavations at Tell Atchana in the Hatay, 1937-1949. Oxford, 1 9 5 5 . Major d o c u m e n tation of the archaeological materials and architecture excavated at Tell 'Atchana, but also m u s t be used with caution for the discussion of materials dated before 2000 BCE because the chronology has been completely revised. RUDOLPH H . DORNEMANN
A N A F A , T E L , small site in the n o r t h e a s t e r n c o r n e r of m o d e r n Israel ( m a p reference 2105 X 2869). T h e site was first excavated b e t w e e n 1968 a n d 1973 b y the M u s e u m of A r t a n d Archaeology of t h e University of Missouri, u n d e r tile directorship of Saul W e i n b e r g . T h e s e excavations r e vealed evidence for o c c u p a t i o n from t h e Early B r o n z e II p e r i o d t h r o u g h the first c e n t u r y BCE. T h e remains of t h e L a t e Hellenistic era were t h e best p r e s e r v e d a n d were strik ing for d i e n u m b e r s of i m p o r t e d luxury p r o d u c t s — f r a g m e n t s of t h o u s a n d s of cast-glass bowls a n d the red-gloss pottery k n o w n as E a s t e r n Sigillata A, as well as h u n d r e d s of m o l d - m a d e l a m p s and coins of T y r e a n d Sidon. T h e p r i n cipal b u i l d i n g u n c o v e r e d w a s lavishly d e c o r a t e d with gilded a n d p a i n t e d stucco in the m a n n e r of die Hellenistic buildings o n D e l o s . I n d e e d , the variety of finds led W e i n b e r g to s p e c ulate t h a t the L a t e Hellenistic settlement might have b e e n a t r a d e e m p o r i u m p r o v i d i n g amenities for those plying the caravan r o u t e from D a m a s c u s to T y r e a n d t h a t w a s a b a n d o n e d , never to b e r e o c c u p i e d , w h e n the c a m p a i g n s of Alex a n d e r J a n n a e u s m a d e the area too d a n g e r o u s for trade. S t u d y seasons b e t w e e n 1974 a n d 1977 cast s o m e d o u b t s on these h y p o t h e s e s a n d led to the r e o p e n i n g of the site for a s e c o n d series of excavations b e t w e e n 1978 a n d 1986. T h i s series was jointly s p o n s o r e d by the M i s s o u r i M u s e u m a n d the Kelsey M u s e u m of t h e University of M i c h i g a n with S h a r o n H e r b e r t a n d W e i n b e r g serving as co-directors. T h e excavations were f u n d e d b y the s p o n s o r i n g universities, the S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, t h e N a t i o n a l E n d o w m e n t for t h e 1
H u m a n i t i e s , a n d private d o n o r s . T h e first of three projected v o l u m e s of final r e p o r t s o n the site a p p e a r e d in 1994 ( H e r b e r t et. al., 1994). T h e r e is still n o evidence for the ancient n a m e of the settlement. G . F u k s (Scripta Classica Israelica, 1979-1980, p p . 178-184) h a s a r g u e d it to b e Arsinoe of
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C o d e - S y r i a . A r g u m e n t s against this identification a p p e a r in TelAnafa (vol. i.i, p . 10, note 25). T h e second series of excavations at T e l Anafa focused on two issues: the form a n d function of the L a t e Hellenistic stuccoed building, only a corner of w h i c h h a d b e e n e x p o s e d in the first series; and the date of the final p h a s e of o c c u p a t i o n in antiquity. S t u d y h a d s h o w n substantial n u m b e r s of early R o m a n artifacts at the site b u t no clearly R o m a n buildings. W i t h t h e e x p o s u r e of m o r e t h a n 50 p e r c e n t of the stuccoed building by 1986, it was established that this s t r u c t u r e was m o d e l e d after Greek peristyle private h o u s e s . Sig nificant variations from the p r o t o t y p e include P h o e n i c a n m a s o n r y t e c h n i q u e s , an elaborate bath c o m p l e x , a n d its large size. All these variations m i g h t be attributed to linger ing Phoenician c u s t o m s of the residents of n e a r b y T y r e into w h o s e territory t h e L a t e Hellenistic site c a n b e a r g u e d to fall. T y r i a n s are, in fact, the m o s t likely candidates to h a v e built a n d lived in t h e structure n o w t h o u g h t to b e a private country villa rather t h a n a t r a d e center. T h e R o m a n o c c u p a t i o n was also clarified with t h e e x p o s u r e of eleven small dwellings datable to the first century CE. Unlike t h e Helle nistic remains, t h e R o m a n levels showed little evidence of contact with T y r e b u t w e r e m u c h m o r e closely c o n n e c t e d with the e c o n o m y of the Galilee a n d H e r o d Philip's n e a r b y capital of C a e s a r e a Philippi. In s u m m a r y , t h e richness of the site a n d controlled stratigraphic contexts of the finds allow T e l Anafa to serve as a Hellenistic type-site for t h e L e v a n t , presenting a b r o a d e r a n d m o r e closely d a t e d r a n g e of H e l lenistic artifacts t h a n ever before possible. Its location in t h e b o r d e r area b e t w e e n Phoenicia, t h e Galilee, a n d t h e G o l a n also makes it an i m p o r t a n t site for studying changing inter actions b e t w e e n G r e e k s , Phoenicians, Ituraeans, a n d Jews in the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n eras. [See also Galilee, article on Galilee in the Hellenistic t h r o u g h Byzantine Periods; Golan; Phoenicians; and Tyre.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Fuks, Gideon. " T e l Anafa: A Proposed Identification." Scripta Classica Israelicas ( 1 9 7 9 - 1 9 8 0 ) : 1 7 8 - 1 8 4 . Herbert, Sharon C. " T h e Greco-Phoenician Settlement at Tel Anafa: A Case Study in the Limits of Hellenization." In Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Bib lical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, edited by A v r a h a m Biran and Joseph Aviram. Jerusalem, 1 9 9 3 . Herbert, Sharon C , et al. Tel Anafa I: Final Report on Ten Years of Excavation at a Hellenistic and Roman Settlement in Northern Israel. 2 vols. Journal of R o m a n Archaeology, Supplementary Series, 1 0 . 1 . A n n Arbor, Mich., 1994. Includes an introduction and chapters on occupational history a n d stratigraphy, stamped a m p h o r a handles, coins, a Tyrian sealing, the geological setting, and vertebrate fauna. Naveh,Joseph. " U n p u b l i s h e d Phoenician Inscriptions from Palestine." Israel Exploration Journal 37 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 5 - 3 0 . Weinberg, Saul S. " T e l Anafa: T h e Hellenistic T o w n . " Brochure for an excavation exhibit, Rockefeller M u s e u m . Jerusalem, 1 9 7 0 . Weinberg, Saul S. " T e l Anafa: T h e Hellenistic T o w n . " Israel Explo ration Journal 21 ( r 9 7 i ) : 8 6 - 1 0 9 . SHARON C . HERBERT
A N A L Y T I C A L T E C H N I Q U E S . T h e traditional ar chaeological m e t h o d s of classification a n d seriation w e r e d e veloped on the basis of the physical a p p e a r a n c e of a r c h a e ological artifacts, b u t it is increasingly a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t the material of the artifact also carries information. T h e r e is usually n o difficulty, for e x a m p l e , describing p o t t e r y b y its color a n d texture; it is, however, m o r e difficult to describe artifacts m a d e of rock or metal in this w a y w i t h o u t b e i n g inaccurate (e.g., " g r e e n s t o n e " ) or even w r o n g . T h e possi bility of identifying the n a t u r e of certain materials only by scientific analysis inevitably arises. T o extract t h e m a x i m u m information locked in t h e material of archaeological r e m a i n s it is often necessary to p r o c e e d one step farther to e m p l o y a variety of scientific t e c h n i q u e s to establish, for e x a m p l e , the identity a n d geographic sources of t h e r a w materials u s e d or t h e t e c h n i q u e s of m a n u f a c t u r e . T h u s , applying sci entific m e t h o d s to archaeological objects can simply b e r e garded as an extension to the sort of visual e x a m i n a t i o n the magnifying lens or binocular m i c r o s c o p e d o . D e t e r m i n i n g chemical c o m p o n e n t s (or elemental analy sis) is n o w a d a y s rarely a c c o m p l i s h e d by t h e classical w e t chemical m e t h o d s (i.e., gravimetric or v o l u m e t r i c quantifi cation b y chemical reactions in a q u e o u s solution); it is car ried out rather b y applying physical t e c h n i q u e s b a s e d on the properties of molecules, a t o m s , a n d a t o m i c nuclei. T h e c o m m o n principle of these analytical t e c h n i q u e s is t h e ex p o s u r e of the s a m p l e to s o m e f o r m of energy i n p u t ( t h e r m a l or b y irradiation with p h o t o n s or particles). E x p o s u r e results in the excitation of molecules a n d a t o m s t h a t either emit, scatter, a b s o r b , or r e e m i t various forms of radiation analyzable with spectroscopic m e t h o d s . T h e choice of any m e t h o d usually d e p e n d s on a variety of factors such as sensitivity, selectivity, precision, accuracy, speed, availability, or cost of analysis. T h e i r applicability m a y d e p e n d o n the sample matrix, s a m p l e size, or o n a n other specific c o m p o n e n t b e i n g absent. E v e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t is t h e sampling step. It h a s to b e ascertained tiiat t h e sample is truly representative of the w h o l e t h a t it r e p r e s e n t s . W i t h archaeological objects it is often n o t possible to r e m o v e a s a m p l e , so t h a t the application of n o n d e s t r u c t i v e t e c h niques b e c o m e s necessary. S o m e t i m e s it m a y n o t b e p o s s i ble t o obtain a p u r e sample from a h e t e r o g e n e o u s object. I n this case, it is b e t t e r to apply a microanalytical m e t h o d witii high lateral resolution. O n t h e other h a n d , if k n o w i n g the average c o m p o s i t i o n of a h e t e r o g e n e o u s s a m p l e will suffice, the bulk analysis of a relatively large s a m p l e m a y p r o v i d e m o r e reliable results t h a n any microanalytical m e t h o d . O p t i c a l M e t h o d s . T h e r a n g e of colors to w h i c h the h u m a n eye is sensitive is only a very n a r r o w r a n g e of t h e elec t r o m a g n e t i c s p e c t r u m of radiation. O f progressively d e creasing wavelength a n d , h e n c e , increasing e n e r g y are t h e ultraviolet, X - r a y , a n d 7-ray regions of t h e s p e c t r u m , while t h e infrared a n d m i c r o w a v e regions h a v e longer wavelengths
ANALYTICAL TECHNIQUES t h a n visible light. All tiiese r e g i o n s are u s e d in chemical anal ysis. U V - V I S s p e c t r o s c o p y (also called colorimetry) involves m e a s u r i n g d i e intensity of a b s o r p t i o n of visible light. It is dierefore restricted to colored s u b s t a n c e s , usually in solu tion. Often, n o t d i e s u b s t a n c e itself b u t a colored derivative is m e a s u r e d b y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h s t a n d a r d solutions. C o n centrations of elements c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d in t h e p a r t s p e r million r a n g e in solutions ( i p p m = i ing/g = 0.0001%) as well as their valency states a n d c o m p l e x species (speciation). T h i s m e t h o d is regaining i m p o r t a n c e b e c a u s e it is r a t h e r inexpensive a n d c a n be a p p l i e d in t h e field (e.g., for envi r o n m e n t a l m o n i t o r i n g a n d p h o s p h a t e analysis). I n optical emission s p e c t r o m e t r y ( O E S ) t h e s a m p l e t o b e analyzed is v a p o r i z e d at h i g h t e m p e r a t u r e s b y m e a n s of c o m b u s t i o n flames, an electric discharge b e t w e e n elec t r o d e s , a laser b e a m , or a p l a s m a t o r c h . S u c h a t r e a t m e n t breaks m o s t chemical b o n d s a n d excites t h e outer electrons of s o m e a t o m s to higher e n e r g y levels t h a t e m i t light in t h e visible a n d n e a r ultraviolet r e g i o n o n their r e t u r n to t h e g r o u n d state. T h i s light consists of a n u m b e r of sharply d e fined wavelengths o r spectral lines t h a t are characteristic of t h e p a r t i c u l a r e l e m e n t excited. C o n s e q u e n d y , t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of t h e c o n s t i t u e n t w a v e l e n g t h s in t h e light e m i t t e d b y t h e s a m p l e p r o v i d e s t h e basis for identifying the elements p r e s e n t in t h e s a m p l e while t h e intensity of the light, at a particular wavelength, p r o v i d e s an estimate of t h e c o n c e n tration of t h e associated e l e m e n t . By c o m p a r i s o n with s t a n d a r d s of k n o w n c o m p o s i t i o n it allows, in principle, t h e si m u l t a n e o u s d e t e r m i n a t i o n of u p t o seventy elements in t h e r a n g e of b e t w e e n 1 p p m a n d 10 p e r c e n t w i t h detection limits varying b e t w e e n 1 a n d 100 p p m in t h e solid s a m p l e . A l t h o u g h s o m e materials, like m e t a l s , c a n b e u s e d directly as electrodes, the m e t h o d c a n n o t b e r e g a r d e d as n o n d e s t r u c tive. F o r analysis, a small s a m p l e , typically 10 m g , has to b e r e m o v e d from t h e object. T h e s a m p l e is either dissolved or m i x e d directly with p u r e g r a p h i t e p o w d e r a n d p l a c e d in a graphite c u p , w h i c h forms t h e lower electrode. A n electric arc or a spark discharge is struck b e t w e e n this a n d an u p p e r g r a p h i t e electrode, thus c o m p l e t e l y volatilizing t h e s a m p l e a n d exciting its c o n s t i t u e n t a t o m s . A m o r e elegant m e t h o d of direct analysis is t h e excitation with a n intense laser b e a m of a b o u t 100 |j,m in d i a m e t e r . A brief b u r s t of intense light is sufficient to vaporize a few m i c r o g r a m s of material a n d leaves b e h i n d only a very small a n d h a r d l y visible crater o n t h e surface of t h e object. T h e small c l o u d of s a m p l e v a p o r n e e d s an auxiliary spark d i s c h a r g e t o excite t h e emission s p e c t r u m u s e d for analysis. A l t h o u g h this l a s e r - i n d u c e d O E S may appear to be a m u c h better technique than the first o n e , it h a s t h e decisive d i s a d v a n t a g e t h a t its r e p r o d u c ibility is m u c h lower a n d t h a t it c a n only b e u s e d for quali tative or semiquantitative analyses. F u r t h e r i m p r o v e m e n t of t h e t e c h n i q u e has b e e n m a d e b y t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a p l a s m a t o r c h for die vaporization a n d
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excitation of the s a m p l e instead of t h e electric discharge. It has only relatively recently b e e n possible to obtain a stable p l a s m a (a completely ionized gas) u n d e r laboratory c o n d i tions. T h e m o s t widely e m p l o y e d p l a s m a for analytical p u r p o s e s consists of a r g o n flowing t h r o u g h a q u a r t z t u b e placed with its u p p e r e n d into a h i g h - f r e q u e n c y ( a b o u t 30 M H z ) m a g n e t i c field. O n c e ignited t o p l a n t a " s e e d " of electrons in t h e gas, t h e electron are accelerated by t h e oscillating field a n d obtain e n o u g h e n e r g y t o ionize all o t h e r a r g o n a t o m s within a very s h o r t time. T h e result is a very h i g h - t e m p e r a t u r e flame ( u p to io,ooo°C) t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e solution of t h e dissolved s a m p l e is t r a n s p o r t e d as an aerosol. T h i s t e c h n i q u e is called inductively c o u p l e d p l a s m a - O E S ( I C P - O E S ) a n d is a highly reliable m e t h o d for t h e analysis of m a n y el e m e n t s in die parts p e r billion ( p p b ) r a n g e in solutions (1 p p b = i n g / g = o . o o o o o o i % ) . B e c a u s e solids have to b e dis solved for analysis, elemental concentrations in t h e p p m r a n g e c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d in the solid sample. A disadvantage is t h a t t h e dissolution step is very critical for t h e accuracy of t h e m e t i i o d and t h e s a m p l e is lost o n analysis. I n a t o m i c a b s o r p t i o n s p e c t r o m e t r y (AAS) the sample, usually in the form of a solution, is also volatilized a n d at o m i z e d w i t h c o m b u s t i o n flames or b y electrothermal heating in a small graphite t u b e . T h i s m e t h o d utilizes the fact that free a t o m s c a n absorb r a d i a t i o n at t h e s a m e wavelength t h a t t h e y w o u l d emit o n excitation. If c o p p e r is being deter m i n e d , a c o p p e r - c o n t a i n i n g light source is u s e d t o p a s s a b e a m t h r o u g h t h e a t o m i z e d s a m p l e . T h e a m o u n t of light a b s o r b e d can b e detected electronically a n d is directly p r o portional to the n u m b e r of a t o m s present. C o m p a r i s o n with s t a n d a r d solutions yields elemental concentrations. T h e in s t r u m e n t a t i o n of A A S is c h e a p e r t h a n t h a t of O E S and d i e m e t h o d is less sensitive t o interelement interferences. D e tection limits are r o u g h l y c o m p a r a b l e . H o w e v e r , only o n e e l e m e n t c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d with o n e m e a s u r e m e n t , whereas with O E S all detectable elements are m e a s u r e d simulta neously. Only elemental c o n c e n t r a t i o n s c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d with b o t h m e t h o d s . T h e m e t h o d s discussed so far are b a s e d on the fact t h a t electrons of t h e outer shells of atoms can b e excited, w h i c h results in absorption a n d emission of light in the visible a n d U V r a n g e of t h e electromagnetic s p e c t r u m . T h e energy of infrared radiation is t o o low for such processes, b u t it can excite oscillations a n d vibrations in molecules. Certain s p e cific wavelengths t h a t d e p e n d o n t h e s t r u c t u r e of the c o m p o u n d being tested are a b s o r b e d w h e n a b e a m of infrared radiation is p a s s e d t h r o u g h a suitably p r e p a r e d s p e c i m e n of almost any inorganic or o r g a n i c c o m p o u n d . T h e greatest u s e of this t e c h n i q u e ( I R S ) is in d i e qualitative identification of organic c o m p o u n d s . S t r u c t u r a l information o n t h e p r e s e n c e or a b s e n c e of certain functional g r o u p s is obtained. It is t h u s a typical m e t h o d for species analysis. M a n y c o m p o u n d s exhibit typical infrared spectra t h a t can be u s e d as a "fingerprint." R e s o n a n c e r a m a n spectroscopy ( R R S ) is a
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c o m p l e m e n t a r y t e c h n i q u e t o I R S in that the radiation scat t e r e d and partly r e e m i t t e d in a direction p e r p e n d i c u l a r to t h a t of the incident b e a m is m e a s u r e d . X - R a y M e t h o d s . W h e n an element is irradiated with X rays of a p p r o p r i a t e wavelengtii, X-rays of different b u t smaller wavelength, characteristic of the element, are emit ted. T h e underlying p r o c e s s is t h e d i s p l a c e m e n t of an elec t r o n of one of the inner shells of the a t o m followed by filling of the vacancy by o n e of d i e outer electrons c o m b i n e d with simultaneous emission of a p h o t o n . C o m p l e x m i x t u r e s can usually b e analyzed w i t h o u t prior separation of t h e c o m p o n e n t s by the s p e c t r o s c o p y of t h e secondary radiation with diffracting crystals or s e m i c o n d u c t o r detectors a n d — m o s t i m p o r t a n t — t h e m e t h o d is virtually n o n d e s t r u c t i v e (only some glasses a n d g e m s t o n e s m a y c h a n g e color o n irradiation with X-rays, b u t this c a n b e reverted b y gentie h e a t i n g ) . However, t h e d e p t h of analysis is only in the r a n g e of o.i m m in silicates a n d even less in metals, so that t h e surface of an object has to be representative of t h e bulk composition, which is n o t always t h e case. T h e r e f o r e , it m a y often b e better to take a representative sample a n d perform t h e anal ysis on that. T h e sensitivity of t h e m e t h o d d e p e n d s o n t h e matrix a n d t h e element to b e analyzed, b u t typical detection limits are a r o u n d 10-100 p p m . X R F is t h e s t a n d a r d m e t h o d for rock analysis in geology, a n d it is also widely e m p l o y e d for ana lyzing metals a n d alloys. T h e analyzed area is usually a b o u t 1 c m in diameter b u t can be r e d u c e d with a p p r o p r i a t e slits; however, these also r e d u c e die intensity of t h e p r i m a r y b e a m a n d accordingly e x t e n d t h e necessary m e a s u r e m e n t t i m e . X-rays can also b e excited by energetic electrons t h a t can b e focused with m a g n e t i c lenses. I n the electron p r o b e m i croanalyzer, a fine electron b e a m is focused on t h e surface of the sample (approximately 1 u.m in d i a m e t e r ) ; t h e posi tion of the b e a m c a n be c h a n g e d systematically. T h u s , it is possible to obtain information o n the c o n c e n t r a t i o n s a n d distribution of t h e elements within a small area of d i e s a m ple. F o r quantitative analysis t h e sample is m o u n t e d in a resin a n d t h e surface polished. Accordingly, strictly n o n destructive analysis is n o t possible, b u t small objects like coins can b e investigated with little d a m a g e . Electrons in d u c e m o r e b a c k g r o u n d radiation in t h e s a m p l e . T h e r e f o r e , detection limits a r e s o m e w h a t higher ( > i o o p p m ) t h a n w i t i i XRF. P r o t o n s p r o d u c e m u c h less b a c k g r o u n d a n d can also be focused so t h a t p r o t o n - i n d u c e d X-ray analysis ( P I X E ) c o m bines lower detection levels a n d high lateral resolution. However, t h e i n s t r u m e n t a l effort to p r o d u c e a p r o t o n b e a m is m u c h larger t h a n for electrons. Accordingly, this m e t h o d is rarely available a n d comparatively expensive. W i t h X - r a y diffraction analysis ( X R D ) , crystal structures ( a n d thus mineral c o m p o u n d s ) c a n b e identified. T h i s m e d i o d is very useful t o c o m p l e m e n t chemical analysis
w h e n different materials have similar chemical c o m p o s i tion. N u c l e a r M e t h o d s . While the preceding methods make u s e of physical processes taldng place in t h e molecules or in t h e electron shells of a t o m s , nuclear m e t i i o d s are b a s e d o n reactions t h a t o c c u r b e t w e e n nuclei a n d n e u t r o n s or c h a r g e d particles. S u c h reactions are usually a c c o m p a n i e d or fol l o w e d by the emission of radiation t h a t is p h e n o m e n o l o g i cally largely identical w i t h the radiation e m i t t e d b y t h e elec t r o n shells—with the difference t h a t it originates from t h e n u c l e u s . T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of these t e c h n i q u e s is n e u t r o n activation analysis ( N A A ) , in w h i c h a s a m p l e is irradiated w i t h t h e r m a l n e u t r o n s t o interact w i t h t h e a t o m i c nuclei of t h e constituent elements, teansforming t h e m into u n s t a b l e radioactive isotopes. T h e decay of t h e s e isotopes is often a c c o m p a n i e d b y t h e emission of 7-rays, w h i c h can b e u s e d for identifying a n d quantifying t h e e l e m e n t s i n question. T h e spectroscopic t e c h n i q u e s for 7-rays are similar to t h e ones u s e d for X - r a y s . B e c a u s e radioactivity c a n b e m e a s u r e d very sensitively, this m e t h o d offers a n unparalleled c o m b i n a t i o n of selectivity a n d sensitivity for simultaneously d e t e r m i n i n g m a n y elements. Typically, a b o u t 40 elements c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d i n rock samples from major c o m p o n e n t s to t h e p p b range. F o r several elements this is t h e m o s t sensitive m e t h o d of analysis altogether. D e p e n d i n g o n their major c o m p o s i t i o n s , small objects c a n b e a n a l y z e d n o n d e s t r u c tively, if n o long-lived isotopes are p r o d u c e d . I n any case, t h e s a m p l e is p r e s e r v e d a n d can b e u s e d for o t h e r investi gations after t h e decay of the radioactivity. T h e major dis a d v a n t a g e of this m e t h o d is t h e low a n d diminishing avail ability of strong n e u t r o n s o u r c e s — t h a t is, n u c l e a r r e s e a r c h reactors. A n a l o g o u s t o A A S , M o s s b a u e r effect s p e c t r o s c o p y ( M E S ) involves t h e a b s o r p t i o n of 7-rays of characteristic energies within a very n a r r o w e n e r g y r a n g e b y specific nuclei in t h e sample. T h i s m e t h o d is mainly u s e d for d i e speciation of iron in various matrices or, m o r e generally, p r o v i d e s in formation o n t h e i m m e d i a t e crystallographic e n v i r o n m e n t of t h e isotope u n d e r investigation. Typically, it is t h e ratio of F e / F e in minerals that is of interest b e c a u s e it bears o n t h e a m b i e n t c o n d i t i o n s d u r i n g t h e f o r m a t i o n of i r o n - c o n taining minerals. 2 +
3 +
A mass s p e c t r o m e t e r is an i n s t r u m e n t t h a t will sort o u t c h a r g e d gas molecules (ions) a c c o r d i n g to their masses by accelerating t h e m electrically t o f o r m a b e a m t h a t is d e flected magnetically i n t o separate b e a m s a c c o r d i n g to t h e m a s s - t o - c h a r g e ratio of t h e ions involved. T h e s e b e a m s c a n b e m a d e to pass t h r o u g h a series of slits to r e a c h separate detectors w h e r e t h e y a r e individually c o u n t e d . I n t h e r m a l ionization mass s p e c t r o m e t r y ( T I M S ) t h e e l e m e n t s o u g h t h a s to be s e p a r a t e d from t h e s a m p l e a n d is t h e n e v a p o r a t e d a n d ionized f r o m an array of h o t filaments. Quantification is achieved b y a d d i n g k n o w n a m o u n t s of different isotopes
ANALYTICAL TECHNIQUES of t h e s a m e e l e m e n t (isotope dilution). F o r m a n y elements this is t h e m o s t sensitive t e c h n i q u e available, b u t it is r a t h e r t i m e c o n s u m i n g a n d usually only one e l e m e n t can be m e a s u r e d at a t i m e . T h e major a d v a n t a g e is t h a t n o t only t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n of a n e l e m e n t c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d , b u t also its isotopic c o m p o s i t i o n — w h i c h is especially i m p o r t a n t for el e m e n t s with v a r y i n g a b u n d a n c e s of their c o n s t i t u e n t stable isotopes. M o s t elements o n E a r t h h a v e a u n i f o r m isotopic c o m p o s i t i o n regardless of their location or chemical f o r m . Variations can b e i n d u c e d in light elements (from h y d r o g e n t o sulfur) b y physical p r o c e s s e s s u c h as diffusion that are sensitive to isotopic differences (e.g., " h e a v y " water, D 0 can b e e n r i c h e d b y r e p e a t e d e v a p o r a t i o n of o r d i n a r y water) or b y t h e decay of radioactive e l e m e n t s o c c u r r i n g in n a t u r e . A typical e x a m p l e is t h e d e c a y of u r a n i u m a n d t h o r i u m t o lead, so t h a t t h e isotopic c o m p o s i t i o n of lead varies a c c o r d ing to w h i c h geochemical e n v i r o n m e n t it derives. 2
T h e r e are also alternative w a y s to p r o d u c e ions from t h e sample: O n e is the direct a t o m i z a t i o n a n d ionization b y a n electric spark similar to O E S ( s p a r k - s o u r c e m a s s s p e c t r o m e u y , or S S M S ) or t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of a s a m p l e solution into a p l a s m a t o r c h ( I C P - M S ) . B o t h c o m b i n e t h e high sensitivity of M S with m u l t i e l e m e n t detection. H o w e v e r , especially S S M S c a n only b e r e g a r d e d as a semiquantitative m e t h o d unless a t e d i o u s m u l t i e l e m e n t i s o t o p e dilution t e c h n i q u e is applied. If a s a m p l e is directly e v a p o r a t e d b y a n a r r o w laser b e a m and t h e n i n t r o d u c e d into a n I C P - M S , h i g h lateral r e s olution is also possible. E v e n b e t t e r resolution is achieved b y ionization with a p r i m a r y b e a m of i o n s ( s e c o n d a r y - i o n m a s s s p e c t r o m e t r y , or S I M S ) , so t h a t t h e features of t h e E M P A are c o m b i n e d with h i g h sensitivity a n d isotopic anal ysis. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , precision a n d a c c u r a c y of all these m e t h o d s is n o t yet c o m p e t i t i v e with conventional instru m e n t a l m e t h o d s (e.g., X R F or N A A ) b e c a u s e of interelem e n t effects t h a t a r e as yet difficult t o correct. H o w e v e r , with their increased u s e , t h e s e n e w t e c h n i q u e s will certainly b e c o m e powerful a n d reliable analytical tools. T h e m a i n field of application of M S in analytical c h e m istry is actually the analysis of c o m p l e x organic molecules. T o increase its selectivity, it is n o w c o m m o n practice to s e p arate t h e individual c o m p o n e n t s first in a gas c h r o m a t o g r a p h ( G C ) b y differential a d s o r p t i o n o n a solid stationary p h a s e ( G C - M S ) . B e c a u s e of t h e s e differences, each c o m p o n e n t diffuses at a different s p e e d t h r o u g h a n a r r o w col u m n p a c k e d with, for e x a m p l e , silica gel, so t h a t a t t h e e n d of t h e c o l u m n tire c o m p o n e n t s a r e completely separated a n d i n t r o d u c e d into a M S o n e after t h e other. S e l e c t e d A r c h a e o l o g i c a l A p p l i c a t i o n s . O E S was the first widely e m p l o y e d physical m e t h o d of chemical analysis; t h u s , m o s t of t h e analytical d a t a p u b l i s h e d since 1930 w a s , until recently, derived from this t e c h n i q u e . M o s t n o t e w o r t h y are t h e m a n y t h o u s a n d s of analyses of prehistoric m e t a l o b jects from E u r o p e , t h e e a s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n , a n d t h e N e a r
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E a s t carried out a t the W u r t t e m b e r g i s c h e s L a n d e s m u s e u m in Stuttgart, G e r m a n y . T h e s e data are still t h e p r i m a r y source for studying t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of alloying techniques in various regions a n d h a v e frequently b e e n discussed in t e r m s of t h e p r o v e n a n c e of r a w materials. T h e m e t h o d is still in u s e b u t X R F , A A S , N A A , a n d I C P - O E S are replac ing it increasingly in d e t e r m i n i n g major a n d trace elements. A significant m e t h o d i c a l e x t e n s i o n h a s b e e n t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of T I M S for d e t e r m i n i n g lead isotope ratios n o t affected b y p r o d u c t i o n processes. Obsidian, a naturally o c c u r r i n g volcanic glass that h a s b e e n u s e d widely for b l a d e s f r o m Paleolithic periods t h r o u g h t h e B r o n z e A g e , is a m u c h better material for p r o v e n a n c e studies b e c a u s e t h e p r o d u c t i o n of artifacts does n o t alter its chemical c o m p o s i t i o n in any w a y a n d it is also very resistant to chemical w e a t h e r i n g . O E S h a s b e e n u s e d to characterize m a n y obsidian sources in t h e A e g e a n , in central a n d eastern Anatolia, in A r m e n i a , a n d in E t h i o p i a , as well as obsidian artifacts from N e a r E a s t e r n sites. It a p p e a r s that t h e L e v a n t was mainly supplied f r o m C a p p a d o c i a n sources, whereas obsidian from eastern Anatolia was d o m i n a n t along t h e Z a g ros flanks. T o d a y , t h e m o s t widely applied analytical m e t h ods for this p u r p o s e are N A A a n d R F A , although the latter is n o t applicable for very small samples. So far, T I M S has offered little advantage over t h e s e m e t h o d s . I n a similar a p p r o a c h , O E S has also b e e n u s e d for t h e chemical analysis of p o t t e r y ; h o w e v e r , characterizing clay sources presents m o r e difficulties t h a n obsidian. T h e r e is a very large n u m b e r of p o t e n t i a l clay sources, a n d the varia tion within a source is likely to b e larger t h a n with obsidian. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , for mineralogical reasons, t h e variation b e t w e e n sources is rather small; as a result, they can hardly b e distinguished with t h e relatively low precision of O E S . P r o g r e s s , t h u s , c a m e only after t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of N A A , w h i c h is n o w t h e s t a n d a r d m e t h o d for p o t t e r y analysis. S t o n e artifacts h a v e also b e e n studied extensively, p a r t i c ularly m a r b l e , starting with isotope analysis of c a r b o n a n d oxygen. As with all studies w h e r e m a n y sources have to be considered, various o v e r l a p p i n g p a r a m e t e r s p r e v e n t t h e u n i q u e a s s i g n m e n t of an artifact to any source. Better r e s olution b e t w e e n sources c a n only b e achieved by increasing t h e n u m b e r of g e o c h e m i c a l p a r a m e t e r s . H e n c e , isotope analysis is n o w routinely c o m p l e m e n t e d b y trace element a n d p e t r o g r a p h i c analysis. O f organic materials, a m b e r h a s b e e n t h e m o s t extensively studied, especially by I R S , with t h e a i m of localizing r a w material sources a n d establishing t r a d e routes in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e . A p r o m i s i n g field seems to b e the analysis of food residues b y G C - M S . [See also D a t i n g T e c h n i q u e s ; M i c r o s c o p y ; N e u t r o n A c tivation Analysis; S p e c t r o s c o p y ; and X - R a y Diffraction Analysis.]
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ANATOLIA: Prehistoric Anatolia BIBLIOGRAPHY
Prehistoric Anatolia
Beck, Curt W., Constance A. Fellows, and Edith M a c K e n n a n . " N u clear Magnetic Resonance Spectrometry in Archaeology." In Ar chaeological Chemistry: A Symposium Sponsored by the Division of the History of Chemistry at the 165th Meeting of the American Chemical Society, Dallas, Texas, April 9-10,1973, edited by C u r t W . Beck, p p . 2 2 6 - 2 3 5 . American Chemical Society, Advances in Chemistry Se ries, no. 138. Washington, D . C . , 1 9 7 4 . G o o d introduction to an im portant technique (not covered in this article) for analyzing organic materials in archaeology.
V . G o r d o n C h i l d e places the origins of his N e o l i t h i c R e v olution in hypothesized " n u c l e a r z o n e s " w h e r e climate, e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e c a m e t o g e t h e r to catalyze t h e transition of h u m a n society from a f o o d - g a t h e r i n g or g a n i s m to a f o o d - p r o d u c i n g o n e ( C h i l d e , 1952, p . 23). T h e s e nuclear z o n e s w e r e limited to a n a r c of land from E g y p t to M e s o p o t a m i a , the so-called Fertile C r e s c e n t . Al t h o u g h later scholarship considered A n a t o l i a n sites s u c h as C a t a l Hoytik a n d C a y o n i i to b e p e r i p h e r a l d e v e l o p m e n t s of t h e L e v a n t i n e N e o l i t h i c tradition, t h e g r o w i n g evidence f r o m sites such as Asikli Hoytik p o i n t s to an a u t o c h t h o n o u s d e v e l o p m e n t within Anatolia. [See C a t a l Hoytik; Cayonii.] As a result, Anatolia h a s b e g u n to take its p l a c e as o n e of t h e p r i m a r y areas of prehistoric investigation in the N e a r East. It was in t h e Neolithic a n d Chalcolitiiic periods t h a t h u m a n s a c q u i r e d the capacity to m a n i p u l a t e their s u r r o u n d ings in ways still observable in t h e archaeological r e c o r d .
B o u m a n s , Paul W. J. M . , ed. Inductively Coupled Plasma Emission Spec troscopy, N e w York, 1987. Comprehensive overview of this relatively new analytical technique. E h m a n n , William D . , and Diane E. Vance, eds. Radiochemislry and Nuclear Methods in Analysis. N e w York, 1 9 9 1 . T h e m o s t readable m o d e r n treatment of analytical radiochemistry. Harbottle, G a r m a n . " C h e m i c a l Characterization in Archaeology." In Contexts for Prehistoric Exchange: Studies in Archaeology, edited by Jonathan E. Ericson and T i m o t h y K. Earle, p p . 1 3 - 5 1 . N e w York, 1982. Useful review of the application of chemical analyses in ar chaeology. Kolthoff, I. M . , and Philip J. Elving, eds. Treatise on Analytical Chem istry. 2d ed. N e w York, 1 9 7 8 - . Authoritative series on analytical chemistry that treats the field comprehensively. Pollard, A. M . , ed. New Developments in Archaeological Science: A Joint Symposium of the Royal Society and the British Academy, February 1991. Proceedings of the British Academy, 7 7 . Oxford, 1992. T h e most recent collection of specific applications of scientific m e t h o d s to archaeological problems. P o t t s , P . J . / 4 Handbook of Silicate Rock Analysis. Glasgow, 1987. S u m marizes the principles and experimental techniques of all analytical methods discussed in this text with the exception of I R S , R R S , and GC-MS. Tite, Michael S. Methods of Physical Examination in Archaeology. L o n don and N e w York, 1 9 7 2 . Concise overview of physical m e t h o d s applied for the location, dating, and compositional analysis of ar chaeological artifacts. Wagner, U., F. E. Wagner, and J. Riederer. " T h e Use of M o s s b a u e r Spectroscopy in Archaeometric Studies." In Proceedings of the 24th International Archaeometry Symposium, edited by Jacqueline S. Olin and M . J. Blackman, p p . 1 2 9 - 1 4 2 . Washington, D . C . , 1986. Useful introduction to the principles of the method, with an archaeological application. Zussman, J., ed. Physical Methods in Determinative Mineralogy. 2 d ed. N e w York and L o n d o n , 1 9 7 7 . Somewhat dated but detailed and authoritative review of O E S , X R F , X R D , A A S , IRS, a n d S S M S . ERNST PERNICKA
A N A T O L I A . [This entry provides a broad survey of the history of Anatolia as known primarily from archaeological dis coveries. It is chronologically divided into four articles: Prehistoric Anatolia Ancient Anatolia Anatolia from Alexander to die Rise of Islam Anatolia in the Islamic P e r i o d In addition to the related articles on specific subregions and sites referred to in this entry, see also History of the Field, article on Archaeology in t h e Anatolian Plateau.]
C l i m a t e , E n v i r o n m e n t , and D o m e s t i c a t i o n . M u c h of Anatolia is situated along a b r o a d plateau t h a t stretches from t h e A e g e a n Sea t o Iran. W h i l e this plateau m a y seem, at first glance, to be little m o r e t h a n m o n o t o n o u s h i g h l a n d s , careful inspection reveals a c o m p l e x l a n d s c a p e c o m p o s e d of n u m e r o u s m i c r o e n v i r o n m e n t s , e a c h w i t h its o w n peculiar set of ecological features (Yakar, 1991). W i t h i n t h e c o n t e x t of this ecological framework, the basic e l e m e n t s of soil, t e m p e r a t u r e , a n d precipitation h a d m u c h t o do w i t h t h e success o r failure of h u m a n habitation 011 t h e p l a t e a u (cf. G o r n y , 1995b). E n v i r o n m e n t a l studies indicate t h a t t h e climate of Anatolia in t h e era p r e c e d i n g t h e Neolithic m a y h a v e dif fered significantly from w h a t it is t o d a y , witii large areas inhospitable to h u m a n h a b i t a t i o n (Butzer, 1970, 1982; C o h e n , 1971), Climatic conditions seem t o h a v e ameliorated in Anatolia d u r i n g t h e eighth m i l l e n n i u m , m a k i n g it c o n d u c i v e t o settlement at sites s u c h as Hacilar a n d C a t a l Hoytik. [See Hacilar.] W h e t h e r this climatic c h a n g e was t h e p r i m e cata lyst b e h i n d the innovations of t h e N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d is still u n c e r t a i n , b u t w h a t stands o u t is die dramatically different direction h u m a n culture took from t h a t p o i n t o n w a r d . A l t h o u g h h u m a n s h a d already b e g u n to observe a n d e x p e r i m e n t with t h e plants (and animals) in their e n v i r o n m e n t , it w a s n o t until this m o d e r a t i n g c h a n g e in climate o c c u r r e d t h a t the " i n c i p i e n t a g r i c u l t u r e " of the Epipaleolithic p e r i o d finally gave w a y t o a m o r e formalized system of settlement a n d cultivation. [See Agriculture.] T h e system was c h a r a c terized b y dry-farming c o m m u n i t i e s in w h i c h t h e i n h a b i t a n t s practiced cereal cultivation a n d a n i m a l h u s b a n d r y . [See Cereals.] W h i l e village c o m m u n i t i e s a p p a r e n t l y s p r a n g u p before t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of p l a n t d o m e s t i c a t i o n , t h e r e are indications t h a t , in at least s o m e cases (see b e l o w ) , animal domestication also p r e c e d e d t h a t of p l a n t s , especially i n c e n tral Anatolia (cf. Yakar, 1991; M . O z d o g a n , 1995). [See Vil-
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lages.] O t h e r d e v e l o p m e n t s i n social organization, ideology, architecture, a n d c r a f t m a n s h i p followed o n d i e heels of t h e f o o d - p r o d u c i n g revolution; e x c h a n g e is also evident, even from earliest times. T h e s e cultural d e v e l o p m e n t s , h o w e v e r , r e p r e s e n t only a small s e g m e n t o n a l o n g a n d n o t necessarily straight c o n t i n u u m .
f o u n d i n s u b p h a s e III r e p r e s e n t s a n o t h e r innovation of t h e C a y o n i i inhabitants, a n d t h e "cell b u i l d i n g " is t h e featured architectural type. T h e a d v a n c e d style a n d a r r a n g e m e n t of these architectural types m a y eventually p r o v i d e s o m e of the first real evidence of stratification a n d specialization (their architectural a n t e c e d e n t s a r e still t o b e d i s c o v e r e d ) .
N e o l i t h i c P e r i o d ( c . 11000-5500 BCE). T h e earliest evi d e n c e of settled life i n Anatolia dates to t h e Neolithic p e r i o d (Singh, 1974; Mellaart, 1975; T o d d , 1980; Yakar, 1991; J o u kowsky, f o r t h c o m i n g ) , w i t h s e t t l e m e n t divided into t w o p h a s e s b a s e d o n t h e a b s e n c e o r p r e s e n c e of pottery t e c h nology. P r e p o t t e r y o r a c e r a m i c settlements h a v e b e e n i d e n tified a t C a y o n i i , Hallan C e m i , N e v a h Cori, Gritille, Asikh Hoyiik, a n d S u b e r d e , with additional e v i d e n c e c o m i n g from surveys (cf. Voigt, 1985; T o d d , 1980; M e r i c , 1993; Algaze, 1994; M . O z d o g a n 1995). [See Nevali Cori.] T o g e t h e r t h e y p r o v i d e a b r o a d e n i n g vista of Neolitiiic settlement in A n a tolia.
P h a s e s I a n d II a t C a y o n i i yielded wild cereals, vetch, a n d n u t s , s u p p l e m e n t e d b y wild pig, goat, s h e e p , a n d deer. [See S h e e p a n d Goats.] E v i d e n c e o f d o m e s t i c a t i o n begins to a p p e a r b y p h a s e s I I I - I V , w i t h plants s u c h as p e a s , lentils, a n d e m m e r joined b y d o m e s t i c a t e d animals s u c h as s h e e p , goat, a n d p i g . T h e e c o n o m y o f C a y o n i i m a y have b e e n a u g m e n t e d b y c o p p e r p r o d u c t i o n from a n e a r b y m i n e . T h e site's p i n s , awls, a n d fishhooks r e p r e s e n t d i e first k n o w n u s e of c o p p e r for fashioning tools; w h e t h e r this c o p p e r was u s e d in t r a d e is unclear, b u t t h e increased u s e of obsidian f r o m t h e N e m r u d D a g i region in p h a s e I V d o e s suggest t h a t it could h a v e b e e n i m p o r t e d i n t h e e x c h a n g e .
R a d i o c a r b o n dating of the e v i d e n c e o f t h e Neolithic a t Hallan C e m i places it in t h e n i n t h m i l l e n n i u m , malting it t h e oldest k n o w n p e r m a n e n t s e t t l e m e n t in Anatolia ( R o s e n b e r g , 1994). C i r c u l a r h o u s e s a p p e a r e d i n e a c h of t h e t w o levels o f o c c u p a t i o n , w h o s e e c o n o m y w a s typical of a food-collecting site. N e a r l y all t h e faunal a n d b o t a n i c a l r e m a i n s a p p e a r t o h a v e c o m e from wild s p e c i e s — t h e e x c e p t i o n b e i n g t h e p i g , w h i c h m a y h a v e b e e n d o m e s t i c a t e d . [See Pigs.] T h i s s u g gests that, contrary t o earlier o p i n i o n s , a n i m a l d o m e s t i c a t i o n p r o b a b l y o c c u r r e d here (in t h e f o r m of pig d o m e s t i c a t i o n ) prior t o t h e d o m e s t i c a t i o n o f plants. Q u e r n s , g r i n d i n g stones, a n d pesties, m a n y of w h i c h w e r e festooned with z o o m o r p h i c d e c o r a t i o n s , d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t wild grains w e r e p r o c e s s e d . O t h e r evidence p o i n t s t o fishing a n d n u t a n d leg u m e g a t h e r i n g s u p p l e m e n t i n g t h e diet. [See Fishing.] W h i l e m o s t of t h e c h i p p e d - s t o n e i n d u s t r y is t o b e a t t r i b u t e d t o obsidian derived from t h e V a n region, t h e microlithic r e p ertoire h a s little i n c o m m o n w i t h c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r e s — w h i c h m a y p o i n t t o outside influences. O b s i d i a n , c o p p e r (or p e r h a p s just c o p p e r o r e ) , a n d M e d i t e r r a n e a n shells suggest t h a t e x c h a n g e also f o r m e d p a r t of t h e H a l l a n C e m i e c o n omy.
E v i d e n c e r e g a r d i n g m o r t a l i t y for t h e site's i n h a b i t a n t s c o m e s f r o m the r e m a i n s of m o r e t h a n five h u n d r e d individ uals f o u n d at Cayonii. O f interest are t h e skeletal r e m a i n s f o u n d associated with t h e so-called skull h o u s e , w h e r e t h e discovery of n u m e r o u s skulls suggests a cult in w h i c h t h e skull p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t role. [See Cult.] Additional evi d e n c e revealing t h e religious a n d artistic sensibilities of t h e inhabitants is d e m o n s t r a t e d b y clay figurines f o u n d at t h e site, especially tiiose tiiat a r e early manifestations of t h e m o t h e r - g o d d e s s m o t i f so p r o m i n e n t in later cultures. Al t h o u g h t r u e p o t t e r y w a s a b s e n t , white plaster vessels o c c u r r e d in d i e u p p e r levels.
T h e w e l l - d o c u m e n t e d s e t t l e m e n t at C a y o n i i (c. 8000 BCE) p r o v i d e s revealing data r e g a r d i n g t h e shift from a h u n t e r g a t h e r e r society t o a village-farming e c o n o m y (cf. B r a i d w o o d a n d B r a i d w o o d , 1982; A . O z d o g a n , 1995). F o u r p h a s e s o f settlement cover s o m e five h u n d r e d years a n d dis play u n u s u a l s t a n d a r d i z a t i o n i n their p l a n s . T h e p h a s e I p r e historic settlement covered a p p r o x i m a t e l y 30,000 sq m a t its p e a k a n d was o c c u p i e d b y several u i o u s a n d i n h a b i t a n t s . T h e earliest structures i n s u b p h a s e I w e r e primarily oval a n d set o n virgin soil. S u b p h a s e I I s h o w e d e v i d e n c e of t o w n p l a n n i n g , with a central s q u a r e a n d buildings o n a s o u t h - s o u t h easterly axis. T h e d o m i n a n t b u i l d i n g style is t h e so-called grill building, w h i c h e n c o u r a g e s ventilation. A terrazzo floor
N e v a h Cori is t h e site of a n a c e r a m i c village w h o s e e x cavation was occasioned b y , t h e Atatiirk d a m project o n t h e E u p h r a t e s River ( H a u p t m a n n , 1993). [See Euphrates.] F o u r levels of a c e r a m i c r e m a i n s w e r e recovered. M a n y of t h e twenty-seven tripartite structures excavated are of interest, b u t several are of p a r t i c u l a r n o t e . H o u s e 13 yielded a ter razzo floor with several limestone stelae, o n e of w h i c h is 2.50 m h i g h a n d portrays a h u m a n figure. T h e p r e c e d i n g level of t h e h o u s e p r o d u c e d several m o r e carved stelae. T h e m o n u m e n t a l sculptures a r e said t o indicate t h e p r e s e n c e of a s a n c t u a r y . Several otiier buildings w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d with cross channels r u n n i n g u n d e r t h e walls. Cattle was d o m e s ticated a n d cereals cultivated. [See Cattle a n d Oxen.] Flint w a s t h e stone of choice, b u t n o obsidian h a s b e e n discov ered. Artistic motifs o n several s t o n e vessels m a y link t h e site w i t h P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c B sites o n t h e L e v a n t i n e coast. F a r d i e r to t h e west, i n t h e h e a r t of t h e plateau, is Asikh Hoyttk, o n e of Anatolia's m o s t i m p o r t a n t Neolithic sites (Esin, 1991,1995). T h e s e t t l e m e n t displays thickly clustered h o u s e s a n d a d o u b l e wall, o n e of s t o n e a n d o n e of m u d brick. F a u n a l r e m a i n s indicate t h a t wild s h e e p a n d goat were c o n s u m e d , b u t t h e r e is n o e v i d e n c e of agriculture in t h e 1 5 -
124
ANATOLIA: Prehistoric Anatolia
m e t e r - d e e p deposit. C e r a m i c s were i n t r o d u c e d in its later levels. T h e sophistication of t h e Asikli assemblage is evi d e n c e that Neolithic settiement in Anatolia was m o r e t h a n just an afterthought of L e v a n t i n e developments. T h e a p p e a r a n c e of p o t t e r y at Neolithic sites in Anatolia is dated to a b o u t 6500 BCE. Catal Hoyiik (East), p e r h a p s t h e best-known site of the C e r a m i c Neolithic (Mellaart, 1967), was c o m p o s e d of buildings with contiguous walls a n d e n tryways t h r o u g h t h e roof. T h e solid exterior face of t h e vil lage probably served as a simple defensive device. Utilitarian pottery is found in all thirteen of its excavated levels. A c eramic levels were n o t found b u t are t h o u g h t t o lie b e n e a t h the ceramic levels. T h e c h i p p e d - s t o n e assemblage from C a tal Hoyiik is notable b e c a u s e the inhabitants m a d e exclusive use of obsidian from local sources. T h e i m p o r t a n c e of this obsidian resource c a n n o t b e overemphasized, as discoveries of central Anatolian obsidian in places s u c h as Jericho i n Syria-Palestine are indicative of Early Neolithic exchange. [See Jericho.] M e d i t e r r a n e a n shells, metal ores, a n d pig m e n t s n o t found locally provide additional evidence of a n exchange network. A n i m a l h u s b a n d r y appears to have b e e n i m p o r t a n t to t h e t o w n ' s overall e c o n o m y , witii m o s t of its m e a t coming from cattle. H u n t i n g w a s still a n i m p o r t a n t factor, however, as indicated by t h e b o n e s of wild animals a n d h u n t scenes depicted o n d i e walls of buildings. [See H u n t i n g ; Wall Paintings.] C u l t figurines, shrines with b u c rania, plaster reliefs, a n d wall paintings reflect t h e t o w n ' s religious disposition. T h e site comes t o a n e n d in a b o u t 5400 BCE b u t is s u c c e e d e d b y a settlement in t h e Early C h a l c o lithic period. Hacilar (Mellaart, 1970) illustrates a L a t e Neolithic t r a dition s o m e w h a t farther west of Catal Ployvik a n d provides a key link with other L a t e Neolithic ttaditions. T h e Early A c e r a m i c period (of which there were seven sublevels t h a t e n d e d in a b o u t 6700 BCE) e n d e d with an a b a n d o n m e n t of approximately one t h o u s a n d years. T h e succeeding six lev els ( I X - V I ) , which span a period from a b o u t 5700 t o 5600 BCE) represent typical Neolithic agricultural settlements t h a t cultivated w h e a t a n d barley along with lentils. Only t h e d o g was domesticated, a n d h u n t i n g still provided a s u p p l e m e n t to the local diet. P o t t e r y a p p e a r s for t h e first time in level I X , and exquisite clay figurines, p r o b a b l e d o m e s t i c cult stat ues, appear i n Neolithic levels I X - V I . In Cilicia t h e sites of M e r s i n a n d T a r s u s m a i n t a i n e d their close links with t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n plain. [See Cilicia.] Central Anatolian obsidian found at M e r s i n illustrates t h e contact between Cilicia a n d t h e plateau. K o s k H o y u k , l o cated near N i g d e , is again close t o t h e obsidian sources (Silistreli, 1989). N o t surprisingly, 90 percent of its c h i p p e d stone assemblage is c o m p o s e d of obsidian. Its strategic situation leading t o t h e Cilician gates, along with t h e obsid ian a n d crafted pottery a n d figurines that parallel t h e Catal Hoyiik assemblage, suggests a n exchange of materials a n d ideas a m o n g Cilicia, t h e ' A m u q , a n d t h e L e v a n t . [See
' A m u q ; Levant.] Hoyticek, n e a r L a k e B u r d u r , is i m p o r t a n t as a site t h a t was a p r e d e c e s s o r t o d i e L a t e Neolithic (levels , I X - V I ) at Hacilar ( D u r u 1993). I n the n o r t h w e s t , t h e earliest levels at H o c a C e s m e H o y u k in T h r a c e also s h o w c o n n e c tions witii Hacilar levels I X - V I a n d p r o v i d e clues a b o u t t h e w i d e s p r e a d character of t h e Anatolian L a t e Neolithic ( O z d o g a n , 1993). Neolithic innovations o c c u r r e d in Anatolia over a n e x t e n d e d period a n d i n widely differing regions—establishing a tradition that w a s b o t h rich a n d c o m p l e x . Early on, settle m e n t s practiced a m i x e d e c o n o m y c o m p o s e d of food g a t h ering, food p r o d u c t i o n , a n d e x c h a n g e , with surplus g o o d s leading to social complexity at places like C a y o n i i a n d Catal Hoytik. Pyrotechnological industries w e r e i n their initial stage of d e v e l o p m e n t , as evidenced b y metals a n d p o t t e r y (Esin, 1995; S c h m a n d t - B e s s e r a t , 1977). Artistic r e p r e s e n tations at Catal H o y i i k a n d N e v a h Cori p r o v i d e e v i d e n c e of religious sensibilities a n d t h e ability t o t h i n k in t h e abstract. Evidence of e x c h a n g e provides a w i n d o w t o a c o m p l e x e x traregional perspective tiiat m u s t already h a v e b e e n taking s h a p e at this early date (Yakar, 1991). C h a l c o l i t h i c P e r i o d . T h e innovations a n d technologies t h a t originated i n t h e Neolithic p e r i o d w e r e e x p a n d e d i n t h e Chalcolithic period. Excavations a n d surveys b e a r witness to a w i d e n i n g n e t w o r k of settlements across a b r o a d r a n g e of environmental settings (cf. Yakar, 1985; S u m m e r s , 1993; Efe, 1993; Parzinger, 1993; Algaze, 1994; G o r n y et al„ 1995c). T h e Chalcolithic is generally delineated into t h r e e chronological p h a s e s : Early (5500-5000 B C E ) , M i d d l e (5000-4500 BCE), a n d L a t e (4500-3000 BCE). T h e e m e r g e n c e of t h e Anatolian plateau as an i m p o r t a n t center of settlement i n t h e prehistoric p e r i o d m e a n s t h a t discussions regarding t h e Anatolian Chalcolithic m u s t take into a c c o u n t n o t only chronological factors, b u t a n e x p a n d e d g e o g r a p h i c r a n g e i n w h i c h c o n t e m p o r a r y d e v e l o p m e n t s o c c u r alongside e a c h other o n b o t h t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n plain a n d in d i e E u r o - A n a t o l i a n regions.
Anatolia
and the Syro-Mesopotamian
plain.
The
t h r e e phases of t h e Chalcolithic p e r i o d i n d i e Syro-Anatolian region developed gradually from t h e N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d o n w a r d , witii n o indication of cultural u p h e a v a l . Hacilar I - V (Mellaart, 1970) r e m a i n s t h e principle site for t h e Anatolian Early Chalcolithic. A n i m a l h u s b a n d r y p r o b a b l y existed at Hacilar just as it d i d at C a n H a s a n , w h e r e s h e e p , goats, cat tle, a n d p e r h a p s pigs w e r e kept ( F r e n c h , 1972). T h e d o g is t h e only animal for w h i c h t h e r e is e v i d e n c e of d o m e s t i c a t i o n . Paleobotanical research discovered e m m e r a n d e i n k o r n w h e a t , along with barley, lentils, p e a , bitter vetch, pistachio, a n d a l m o n d . W h a t set Chalcolithic Hacilar a p a r t from o t h e r Anatolian settlements, however, w a s t h e r e d - o n - c r e a m p o t tery of levels I I - V ; its quality is u n p a r a l l e d t h r o u g h o u t b o t h Anatolia a n d t h e a n c i e n t N e a r E a s t until m u c h later times. In addition t o t h e ceramics, a later p h a s e of figurines w a s u n c o v e r e d at Chalcolithic Flacilar. T h e y lack t h e creativity
ANATOLIA: Prehistoric Anatolia a n d zest f o u n d in t h e earlier N e o l i t h i c e x a m p l e s a n d e v e n tually d e g e n e r a t e d into s c h e m a t i z e d violin-shaped e x a m p l e s in level I. T h e early levels r e m a i n e d u n p r o t e c t e d , b u t a d e fensive p e r i m e t e r w a s f o r m e d i n level II b y t h e construction of a fortification wall 1.5-3 m thick. T h e village s h o w e d ev i d e n c e of specialization, w i t h various industries located i n their o w n sectors. Shrines i n t h e site's n o r t h e a s t corner, along with t h e p r e s e n c e of m o t h e r - g o d d e s s figurines, i n d i cate c o n t i n u i n g religious sensibilities. T h e settlement w a s d e s t r o y e d a n d t h e n resettled. I t s n e w inhabitants built a n even stronger fortification wall. Hacilar I c a m e t o a violent e n d in a b o u t 4800 BCE a n d a p p e a r s t o h a v e left n o heirs t o its rich traditions. T h e Cilician t o w n s of M e r s i n a n d T a r s u s again r e p r e s e n t t h e n o r t h e r n m o s t extension of t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n cul t u r a l z o n e a n d p r o v i d e a p o t e n t i a l interface for c o n n e c t i n g t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n a n d E u r o - A n a t o l i a n worlds. Early Chalcolithic M e r s i n (levels X X I I I - X X ) shows Halaf inspi ration in its c e r a m i c s e q u e n c e , b u t t h e M i d d l e Chalcolithic is p o o r l y r e p r e s e n t e d . T h e c e r a m i c r e p e r t o i r e begins t o s h o w U b a i d influences in t h e L a t e Chalcolithic (level X V I ) , w h e n t h e t o w n was d e f e n d e d b y a wall, a fortified gate, a n d a glaci ( G a r s t a n g , 1953). A large r e s i d e n c e a n d outbuildings give t h e settlement t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a military q u a r t e r s . T h e t o w n w a s leveled b y a t t a c k in a b o u t 4300 BCE. T h e M i d d l e Chalcolithic, is b e s t r e p r e s e n t e d b y a string of settlements stretching a l o n g t h e E u p h r a t e s River f r o m Lower Mesopotamia to the Middle Euphrates. Late Ubaid evidence f o u n d at sites along this r o u t e , s u c h as a t D e g i r m e n t e p e , suggests t h a t M e s o p o t a m i a n s e x p a n d e d into t h e area i n o r d e r t o exploit t h e r e s o u r c e s of t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a tes (Esin, 1989; H e n d r i c k s o n a n d T h u e s e n , 1989). W h i l e t h e T a u r u s M o u n t a i n s are generally c o n s i d e r e d t o h a v e b e e n a barrier t o i n t e r c o u r s e b e t w e e n t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n a n d E u r o - A n a t o l i a n cultural z o n e s , t h e p r e s e n c e of U b a i d p o t tery a t Fraktin suggests t h a t M e s o p o t a m i a n influences c o u l d h a v e p e n e t r a t e d into central Anatolia a t this very early date. [See T a u r u s M o u n t a i n s , ] I n n o r t h e a s t e r n Anatolia t h e r e is increasing evidence o f T r a n s - C a u c a s i a n culture b y t h e e n d of t h e L a t e Chalcolithic ( S a g o n a , 1984). T h e g r o u p ' s u n i q u e red-black polished p o t tery p r o v i d e s a reliable m e a n s of t r a c i n g this culture from t h e C a u c a s u s into Anatolia; h o w e v e r , t h e sparcity of s e c u r e data m a k e s it difficult t o p r o v i d e assess t h e g r o u p ' s i m p a c t o n Anatolia's cultural d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e L a t e Chalcolithic p e r i o d is b e s t d o c u m e n t e d b y a n o t h e r M e s o p o t a m i a n i n t r u sion. Following t h e lead of their U b a i d p r e d e c e s s o r s , U r u k elements settled i n Anatolia as far n o r t h as t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s , a t n u m e r o u s sites a l o n g t h e river: a t H a b u b a K a bira, C a r c h e m i s h , K u r b a n H o y i i k , S a m s a t H o y u k , H a c i n e b i T e p e , N o r s u n t e p e , a n d m o s t notably at Arslantepe (Frang i p a n e , 1988-1989). [See F l a b u b a K a b i r a ; C a r c h e m i s h ; A r slantepe.] T h e w i d e s p r e a d U r u k system collapsed s u d d e n l y in a b o u t 3000 BCE (Algaze, 1993; cf. Stein, f o r t h c o m i n g ) .
12 5
Euro-Anatolian zone. S o m e studies postulate that at roughly t h e s a m e t i m e in w h i c h i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t s were s h a p i n g Neolithic a n d Chalcolithic traditions o n t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n plain, intensive interaction b e t w e e n E u r o p e a n d Anatolia w a s establishing i n d e p e n d e n t links b e t w e e n the t w o regions. Prehistoric c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n A n atolia a n d t h e Balkans a s s u m e internal d e v e l o p m e n t rather t h a n external influence, w i t h a g e o g r a p h i c range e x t e n d i n g from t h e H u n g a r i a n plain t o t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n stretches o f Anatolia, w h e r e it is effectively c u t off from contact with M e s o p o t a m i a b y t h e T a u r u s M o u n t a i n s ( O z d o g a n , 1993). E v i d e n c e suggests t w o p h a s e s of contact: t h e first, begin n i n g in a b o u t 5500 BCE ( T h i s s e n , 1993; T o d o r o v a , 1993)— or r o u g h l y c o n t e m p o r a r y w i t h t h e Early Chalcolithic of t h e S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n r e g i o n — a n d c o n t i n u i n g until t h e b e ginning of t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m , w h e n several elements m a y h a v e b e e n responsible for a cultural break. A m o n g these elements w e r e tectonic activity, h i g h e r t e m p e r a t u r e s resulting from climatic c h a n g e , long periods of d r o u g h t , e r o sion, c h a n g i n g sea levels, a n d / o r n o m a d i c invasions ( T o dorova, 1993; L i c h a r d u s - I t t e n , 1993). T h e resulting b r e a k d o w n of existing social structures lasted approximately eight h u n d r e d years, d u r i n g w h i c h t i m e t h e affected areas wit nessed mostly local d e v e l o p m e n t (Makkey, 1993; T o d o r o v a , 1993)- T h e s e c o n d p h a s e , b e g i n n i n g at t h e e n d of the fourth m i l l e n n i u m , saw a stabilization of e n v i r o n m e n t a l conditions, w h i c h l e d t o tire r e n e w a l of cultural interaction b e t w e e n southeast E u r o p e a n d Anatolia ( T o d o r o v a , 1993). E v i d e n c e for t h e s p r e a d of E u r o - A n a t o l i a n culture into central Anatolia c o m e s first from sites in t h e northwest, s u c h as Y a n m b u r g a z ( O z d o g a n , 1991) a n d l l i p i n a r ( R o o d e n b e r g , 1993). I t is also a p p a r e n t a t central Anatolian sites such as Ali§ar I-Ioyiik a n d Gelveri, w h e r e curvilinear-decorated p o t tery of t h e so-called fruchenstich t e c h n i q u e is dated t o b e t w e e n 4000 a n d 3500 BCE (Esin, 1993; T h i s s e n , 1993; G o r n y , i995a). G r a p h i t e - s l i p p e d pottery f o u n d a t C a d i r Ployuk a n d Alisar is linked with t h e K a r a n o v a V I V i n c a D culture a n d provides a date b e t w e e n 3000 a n d 3500 BCE for settlement at b o t h Alisar a n d C a d i r ( T h i s s e n , 1993; G o r n y , 1995a). F u r t h e r evidence for t h e b r e a d t h of L a t e Chalcolithic culture comes from s o u t h w e s t e r n sites s u c h as E l m a h (Eslick, 1992), Beycesultan (Mellaart, 1962), a n d Aphrodisias (Jorikowsky, 1986), w h e r e cultural d e v e l o p m e n t m a y h a v e some c o n n e c tion with earlier influences from Hacilar. [See Aphrodisias.] T h e Chalcolithic p e r i o d witnessed t h e dramatic devel o p m e n t o f earlier Neolithic t h e m e s . F o o d p r o d u c t i o n b e g a n t o take o n a s t a n d a r d a p p e a r a n c e across t h e plateau, with m o s t of t h e major categories of plants a n d animals d o m e s ticated. H o r t i c u l t u r e , h o w e v e r , does n o t seem t o have m a d e its a p p e a r a n c e until t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m ( G o r n y , 1995a). T h e h u n t i n g a n d g a t h e r i n g of foodstuffs still a u g m e n t e d t h e Anatolian diet, b u t t h e y w e r e declining. Artistic expression r e a c h e d a height in t h e p o t t e r y of Hacilar, a n d cosmological t h e m e s a r e recognizable i n s u c h religious motifs as m o t h e r -
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g o d d e s s figurines. Increasing social complexity s e e m s t o have fueled the c o m p e t i t i o n for limited r e s o u r c e s , w h i c h m a y a c c o u n t for the evidence of fortifications a n d major defensive systems at M e r s i n a n d H a c i l a r — e v i d e n c e t h a t b e trays an ability to c o o r d i n a t e massive a m o u n t s of labor and capital. By the b e g i n n i n g of t h e third millennium (Early B r o n z e Age I) t h e r e w e r e increasing p o i n t s of c o n t a c t along t h e E u r o - A n a t o l i a n a n d S y r o - M e s o p o t a m i a n interface. T h a t barrier gradually b r o k e d o w n , h o w e v e r , a n d a n increasing orientalization of t h e Anatolian plateau took p l a c e t h a t greatiy influenced interaction b e t w e e n Anatolia, Syria, a n d M e s o p o t a m i a in the historical periods. BIBLIOGRAPHY Algaze, Guillermo. The Uruk World System: The Dynamics of Early Me sopotamian Civilization. Chicago, 1 9 9 3 . Algaze, Guillermo, et al. " T h e Tigris-Euphrates Archaeological R e connaissance Project: Final Report of the Birecik and Carchemish D a m Survey A r e a s . " Anatolica 20 (1994): 1 - 1 4 4 . Bordaz, J. " C u r r e n t Research in the Neolithic of South Central T u r k e y : Suberde, Erbaba, a n d T h e i r Chronological Implications." American Journal of Archaeology 7 7 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 282-288. Bordaz, J". "Erbaba: T h e 1 9 7 7 a n d 1978 Excavations in Perspective." Turk Arkeolofi Dergesi 26 (1982): 8 5 - 9 3 . Braidwood, Linda S„ and R o b e r t J. Braidwood, eds. Prehistoric Village Archaeology in South-Eastern Turkey. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 1 3 8 . Oxford, 1982. Butzer, Karl W . "Physical Conditions in Eastern E u r o p e , Western Asia, and Egypt before the Period of Agricultural a n d U r b a n Settlement." In The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 1 . 1 , edited by I. E. S. Edwards et al., p p . 3 5 - 6 9 . C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 7 0 . Butzer, Karl W . Archaeology as Human Ecology: Method and Theory for a Contextual Approach. C a m b r i d g e , 1982. Childe, V. G o r d o n . New Light on the Most Ancient East. 4th ed. N e w York, t 9 5 2 . Cohen, H. " T h e Paleoecology of South Central Anatolia at the E n d of the Pleistocene and the Beginning of tire H o l o c e n e . " Anatolian Stud ies 20 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 1 1 9 - 1 3 7 . D u r u , Refik. "Hoyiicek Kazilan." Kazi Sonuclan Toplantisi 1 4 . 1 (1993): 1 4 7 - 1 5 3 . Efe, T u r h a n . "Chalcolithic Pottery from the M o u n d s of Aslanapa a n d Kinik." Anatolica 19 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 9 - 3 1 . Esin, Ufuk, "An Early T r a d i n g Center in Eastern Anatolia." In Anatolia and the Ancient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Ozgiic, edited by Kutlu E m r e et al., p p . 1 3 5 - 1 4 1 . Ankara, 1989. Esin, Ufuk. "Salvage Excavations at the Pre-Pottery Site of Asikli H b yiik in Central Anatolia." Anatolica 17 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 2 4 - 1 7 4 . Esin, Ufuk. "Gelveri: Ein Beispiel fur die kulturellen Bezeihungen zwischen Zentralanatolien und Siidosteuropa w a h r e n d des Chalko\ithikums." Anatolica 19 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 4 7 - 5 6 . Esin, Ufuk. "Metallurgy at the Prehistoric Site of Asikh." In Prehistorya Yazilan: Readings in Prehistory, p p . 6 1 - 7 8 . Istanbul, 1 9 9 5 . Eslick, Christine M . Elmah-KarataS I, the Neolithic and Chalcolithic Pe riods: Bagbasi and Other Sites. Bryn Mawr, Pa., 1992. Frangipane, Marcella. "Aspects of Centralization in the L a t e U r u k P e riod in the M e s o p o t a m i a n Periphery." Origini 1 4 ( 1 9 8 8 - 1 9 9 ) : 5 3 5 560. French, David H . "Excavations at C a n Hasan II, 1 9 6 9 - 7 0 . " In Papers
in Economic Prehistory, edited by David H . F r e n c h et al., p p . 18c— 190. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 7 2 . Garstang, John. Prehistoric Mersin: Yiimiik Tepe in Southern Turkey. Oxford, 1 9 5 3 . G o l d m a n , Hetty, ed. Excavations
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1956. Gorny, Ronald L . Review essay on Anatolica 19 (special issue on " A n atolia a n d the B a l k a n s " ) . Biblical Archaeologist 58 ( 1 9 9 5 a ) : 1 1 9 - 1 2 2 . Gorny, Ronald L . "Viticulture and Ancient Anatolia." In The Ancient Origins of Wine, edited by Patrick E. M c G o v e r n , p p . 1 3 3 - 1 7 4 . N e w ark, 1995b. Gorny, Ronald L . , et al. " T h e Alisar Regional Project, 1994 S e a s o n . " Anatolica 21 ( 1 9 9 5 c ) : 6 8 - 1 0 0 . H a u p t m a n n , Harald. "Ein K u l t g e b a u d e in Nevali C o r i . " In Between the Rivers and over the Mountains: Archaeologica Anatolica et Mesopota mia, Alba Palmieri Dedicata, edited by Marcella F r a n g i p a n e et al., pp. 37-69. Rome, 1993. Henrickson, Elizabeth F . , a n d Ingolf T h u e s e n , eds. Upon This Foun dation: The' Ubaid Reconsidered. Carsten N i e b u h r Institute of Ancient N e a r East Studies, 10. C o p e n h a g e n , 1 9 8 9 . See die introduction by Henrickson a n d T h u e s e n . Joukowsky, M a r t h a Sharpe. Prehistoric Aphrodisias: An Account of the Excavations and Artifact Studies. 2 vols. Archaeologia T r a n s a t l a n t i c , 3,39. Providence, R.I., 1 9 8 6 . Joukowsky, M a r t h a S h a r p e . Early Turkey: An Introduction to the Ar chaeology of Anatolia from Prehistory through the Lydian Period. F o r t h coming, Lichardus-Itten, M a r i o n . " Z u m Beginn des Neolithikums im T a l der S t r u m a . " Anatolica 1 9 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 9 9 - 1 1 6 . Makkay, Janos. " P o t t e r y Links between L a t e Neolithic Cultures of the N W Pontic a n d Anatolia and the Origins of the Hittites." Anatolica 19 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 1 7 - 1 2 8 . Mellaart, James, Beycesultan I: The Late Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Age Levels. L o n d o n , 1 9 6 2 . Mellaart, James. Catal Hoyiik: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia. L o n d o n , 1967. Mellaart, James. Excavations at Hacilar. 2 vols. E d i n b u r g h , 1 9 7 0 . Mellaart, James. The Neolithic of the Near East. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 5 . M e r i c , R. " P r e - B r o n z e Age Settlements of W e s t - C e n t r a l Anatolia," Anatolica 19 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 4 3 - 1 4 7 . Osten, H a n s H e n n i n g . The Alisar Hoyiik: Seasons of 1930-32. Oriental Institute Publications, 2 8 . 1 . Chicago, 1 9 3 7 . 6 z d o g a n , Ash. "Life at Cayonii d u r i n g the Pre-Pottery Neolithic P e riod." In Prehistorya Yazilan: Readings in Prehistory, p p . 7 9 - 1 0 0 . Is tanbul, 1 9 9 5 . O z d o g a n , M e h m e t . " A n Interim R e p o r t on the Excavations at Y a n m b u r g a z a n d T o p t e p e in Eastern T h r a c e . " Anatolica 17 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 59-120. Ozdogan, M e h m e t . "Vinca a n d Anatolia: A N e w L o o k at a Very O l d P r o b l e m . " A n a t o l i c a 19 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 7 3 - 1 9 3 . Ozdogan, M e h m e t . "Neolithic Anatolia: T h e State of C u r r e n t R e search." In Prehistorya Yazilan: Readings in Prehistory, p p . 4 1 - 6 0 . Istanbul, 1 9 9 5 . O z d o g a n , M e h m e t . " P r e - B r o n z e Age S e q u e n c e of Central Anatolia: An Alternative A p p r o a c h . " In Beran Festschrift. F o r t h c o m i n g . Parzinger, H , " Z u r Zeitstellung der Biiyiikkaya-ware: Bemerkungen zur vorbronzezeitlichen Kulturfolge Zentralanatoliens." Anatolica 1 9 (1993): 2 1 1 - 2 2 9 , R o o d e n b e r g , J. "Ilipinar X to VI: Links and C h r o n o l o g y . " Anatolica 1 9 (1993): 2 5 1 - 2 6 7 . Rosenberg, M . "Hallan Cemi Tepisi, A n Early Aceramic Neolithic Site in Eastern Anatolia: S o m e Preliminary Observations C o n c e r n i n g Material C u l t u r e . " Anatolica 20 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 1 - 1 8 .
ANATOLIA: Ancient Anatolia Sagona, A. G. The Caucasian Region in the Early Bronze Age. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 214. Oxford, 1984. Schmandt-Besserat, Denise. " T h e Beginnings of the U s e of Clay in T u r k e y . " Anatolian Studies 27 (1977): 133-150. Silistreli, U g u r . " L e s fouilles d e K5sk H o y i i k . " In Anatolia and the An cient Near East: Studies in Honor of Tahsin Ozguc, edited b y Kutlu E m r e et al., p p . 461-463. Ankara, 1989. Singh, P u r u s h o t t a m . The Neolithic
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1974Stein, G. " U r u k Colonial E x p a n s i o n a n d Anatolian C o m m u n i t i e s : A n Interim R e p o r t on t h e 1992-3 Excavations at Hacirebi, T u r k e y , " American Journal of Archaeology. F o r t h c o m i n g . S u m m e r s , G. D . " T h e Chalcolithic Period in Central Anatolia." In The Fourth Millennium B. C.: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Nessebur, 28-30 August 1992, edited b y Petya Georgieva, p p . 29-48. Sofia, 1993. T h i s s e n , L . " N e w Insights in Balkan-Anatolian Connections in the L a t e Chalcolithic: Old Evidence from t h e T u r k i s h Black Sea Littoral." Anatolian Studies 43 (1993): 207-237. T o d d , Ian A. The Prehistory of Central Anatolia, vol. I, The Neolithic Period. Studies in M e d i t e r r a n e a n Archaeology, vol. 60. G o t e b o r g , 1980. T o d o r o v a , Flenrietta. " D i e Protobronzezeit auf d e r Balkanhalpinsel." Anatolica 19 (1993): 307-318. Voigt, M a r y M . "Village on t h e E u p h r a t e s : Excavations at Neolithic Gritille in T u r k e y . " Expedition 27 (1985): 10-24. Yakar, Jak. The Later Prehistory of Anatolia: The Late Chalcolithic and the Early Bronze Age. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 268. Oxford, 1985. Yakar, Jak. Prehistoric Anatolia: The Neolithic Transformation and the Early Chalcolithic Period. T e l Aviv, 1991. RONALD L . GORNY
Ancient Anatolia Archaeological discoveries i n t h e m o d e r n era have b r o u g h t t o light a r e m a r k a b l e series of i n d i g e n o u s civilizations t h a t arose in Anatolia d u r i n g t h e B r o n z e A g e (c. 3000-1200 BCE) a n d in s u b s e q u e n t centuries before t h e c o n q u e s t s of Alex a n d e r t h e G r e a t in t h e 330s BCE. N o u r i s h e d b y t h e r e g i o n ' s rich subsistence b a s e a n d c o v e t e d m e t a l r e s o u r c e s , tiiese civ ilizations d e v e l o p e d distinctive f o r m s of material culture, r e ligion, a n d writing. A t t h e s a m e time, t h e y w e r e influenced a n d e n r i c h e d b y o n g o i n g c o n t a c t s witii their neighbors. A s with o t h e r areas o f t h e N e a r E a s t a n d A e g e a n , t h e initial i m p e t u s for exploring Anatolia's p r e - R o m a n p a s t c a m e from E u r o p e a n a n d A m e r i c a n interest in t r a c i n g civilizations k n o w n from t h e Bible or f r o m G r e e k epic a n d historical t r a dition. O r g a n i z e d archaeological investigations thus b e g a n in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y with searches for H o m e r ' s T r o y , t h e G r e e k cities a n d A n a t o l i a n k i n g d o m s of H e r o d o t u s ' s a c c o u n t s , a n d t h e biblical Hittites. T h e rediscovery a n d d o c u m e n t a t i o n of other native a n d of prehistoric cultures fol l o w e d d u r i n g t h e twentieth c e n t u r y , t o g e t h e r with efforts t o explore areas o n c e c o n s i d e r e d p e r i p h e r a l or provincial. W r i t i n g , a n d h e n c e t h e earliest e v i d e n c e for linguistic, e t h nic, a n d historical labels, is first attested in Anatolia shortly after 2000 BCE. [See W r i t i n g a n d W r i t i n g Systems.] T h e s e
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r e c o r d s , t h e archives of A s s y r i a n m e r c h a n t s from n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , d o c u m e n t several ethnic a n d linguistic g r o u p s residing in central Anatolia, a n d t h e y also tie t h e a r chaeological s e q u e n c e s of t h e region to M e s o p o t a m i a n a b solute chronologies. F o r t h e Early B r o n z e A g e (c. 3000-2000 BCE), dates in years are o b t a i n e d b y r a d i o c a r b o n dating a n d b y cross-dating sites u s i n g isolated artifacts that supply syn c h r o n i s m s with t h e absolute chronologies of M e s o p o t a m i a , Syria, a n d Egypt. T h r o u g h o u t the period, archaeological se quences recovered from stratified sites furnish relative c h r o nologies . B r o n z e A g e m e t a l technologies h a d a p r o f o u n d i m p a c t o n t h e location a n d organization of settlements, material cul t u r e , a n d c o m m e r c i a l n e t w o r k s in Anatolia. [See M e t a l s , ar ticle on Artifacts of t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages.] B r o n z e , sil ver, a n d gold were highly p r i z e d for w e a p o n s , tools, a n d p e r s o n a l o r n a m e n t s , a n d t h e influence of these prestige m a terials c a n b e seen i n t h e metallic s h a p e s , colors, a n d highly b u r n i s h e d surfaces of c o n t e m p o r a r y c e r a m i c vessels. S t i m u l a t e d b y t h e d e m a n d for m e t a l s , t r a d e in b o t h r a w materials a n d finished g o o d s s u p p l e m e n t e d t h e settled subsistence e c o n o m y b a s e d o n d r y f a r m i n g a n d animal h u s b a n d r y al r e a d y established in N e o l i t h i c times. Sites of this p e r i o d display distinctive regional styles in architecture, ceramics, m e t a l w o r k , a n d burial c u s t o m s , p e r h a p s reflecting different e t h n i c g r o u p s organized in small states. T h e site of Hisarlik, near Canakkale, illustrates t h e material culture of n o r t h w e s t e r n Anatolia in this period. L o n g identified as t h e T r o y of H o m e r ' s Iliad, t h e site is l o cated in r i c h f a r m l a n d , w i t h access to t h e sea; its fortified citadel enclosed several buildings of a particular p l a n k n o w n as a m e g a r o n . [See the biography of Schliemann.] Quantities of gold a n d silver vessels a n d jewelry preserved in a n u m b e r of " t r e a s u r e s " testify t o a highly developed m e t alworking industry a n d a wealthy elite. [See Jewelry.] M a n y of T r o y ' s i m p o r t a n t c o m m e r c i a l a n d cultural contacts w e r e clearly b y sea, for similar forms of architecture, ceramics, a n d m e t a l w o r k a r e f o u n d a t sites along t h e western coast a n d o n offshore islands. O n t h e s o u t h e r n coast, a t t h e site of K a r a t a s - S e m a y u k n e a r Elmali, west of Antalya, a fortified citadel enclosed structures of m e g a r o n plan. I n contrast to T r o y , w h e r e n o t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m burials have y e t b e e n f o u n d , K a r a t a s yielded a n extensive c e m e t e r y of i n h u m a tions p l a c e d in large c e r a m i c storage jars, or pithoi. T h i s f o r m of burial w a s also c u s t o m a r y in west-central Anatolia, w h e r e it c o n t i n u e d into d i e early s e c o n d millennium BCE. [See Jar Burials.] Still farther east, at t h e coastal site of T a r s u s (Gozlii K u l e ) , n e a r A d a n a , architecture, ceramics, a n d m e t alwork similar to styles attested at T r o y a n d K a r a t a s d e m onstrate t h e r a n g e a n d i m p o r t a n c e of seagoing contacts in this period. [See Seafaring.] I n n o r t h - c e n t r a l Anatolia, a t t h e site of Alaca Hoytik, stone-lined cist burials richly e q u i p p e d with metal vessels, jewelry, a n d w e a p o n s p r o b a b l y b e l o n g e d
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to t h e ruling elite. Elsewhere in central Anatolia, as at Alisar Hoyiik a n d K u l t e p e , fortification walls enclosed settlements with m o d e s t architecture a n d simple i n h u m a t i o n burials; large-scale buildings served as residences a n d administrative centers for the rulers or c o m m u n a l functions, such as t e m ples. In eastern Anatolia, little-known archaeologically in this period, ceramics a n d metalwork reveal links with n o r t h ern Mesopotamia and the Caucasus Mountains. N o written r e c o r d s explain t h e religious beliefs or p r a c tices of E B A n a t o l i a n cultures. C e r a m i c or metal sculptures of bulls, stags, a n d felines, a m o n g other animals, are often interpreted as representations of deities or of animals a s s o ciated with particular deities. Illustrations of deities a n d their animals, or textual descriptions of s u c h images, a r e f o u n d in central Anatolia i n t h e second millennium BCE. S o m e of t h e s a m e animals a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n w o r s h i p p e d in central Anatolia in Neolithic a n d Chalcolithic times, indicating a remarkable continuity in cultic expression over a p e r i o d of several millennia. A series of destruction levels at sites in western Anatolia from t h e m i d - a n d late third millennium h a s b e e n t h o u g h t b y some scholars t o indicate t h e arrival of peoples spealdng I n d o - E u r o p e a n languages, w h o s e p r e s e n c e in central A n a tolia is first d o c u m e n t e d b y personal n a m e s m e n t i o n e d in t h e Assyrian m e r c h a n t s ' archives. [See I n d o - E u r o p e a n L a n guages.] H o w e v e r , w h e r e the h o m e l a n d of t h e I n d o - E u r o p e a n speakers w a s located, a n d h e n c e the r o u t e or routes b y w h i c h they entered Anatolia, a n d w h e n , are issues currentiy u n d e r debate. Beginning in the M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e (2000-1600 BCE), a n d continuing into t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e (1600-1200 BCE), written records s u p p l e m e n t archaeology in d o c u m e n t i n g political and e c o n o m i c organization, as well as ethnic a n d linguistic m a k e u p . T h e earliest written records f o u n d in A n atolia are t h e c o m m e r c i a l archives of m e r c h a n t s from n o r t h ern M e s o p o t a m i a . W r i t t e n in the Old Assyrian dialect of Akkadian, o n e of d i e Semitic languages of M e s o p o t a m i a , in cuneiform script, the r e c o r d s consist of small clay tablets a n d the clay envelopes in which they were originally e n closed. [See Cuneiform.] By far t h e largest m e r c h a n t ar chives have b e e n excavated at K u l t e p e , ancient K a n e s , near Kayseri in central Anatolia, furnishing evidence for t h e or ganization of the t r a d e . [See K u l t e p e T e x t s ; Kanes.] Private, family-based firms established in Assur, t h e capital of t h e Assyrian state of n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , a r r a n g e d for t h e e x p o r t via donkey caravan of textiles a n d g a r m e n t s a n d a metal, probably tin, i n exchange for silver a n d gold. [See Assur; Textiles; T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . ] T h i s t r a d e w a s c o n d u c t e d b y Assyrian commercial representatives, w h o established p e r m a n e n t residence at s o m e twenty centers in central a n d southeastern Anatolia a n d n o r t h e r n Syria; t h e t r a d e contin u e d for at least three generations. [See Assyrians,] T h e texts also provide a glimpse of the local c o m m u n i t i e s with w h o m t h e foreign m e r c h a n t s d i d business a n d occasionally inter
m a r r i e d . References to local Anatolian rulers suggest a p o litical framework of small, i n d e p e n d e n t states, occasionally u n i t e d in t e m p o r a r y alliances t h r o u g h t h e efforts of a p o w erful individual. T h e m e r c h a n t s a n d their families lived in h o u s e s a n d used furnishings a n d utensils indistinguishable from those of the local residents. I m p o r t e d from M e s o p o t a m i a , t h e A k k a d i a n l a n g u a g e a n d cuneiform script s e e m n o t to h a v e b e e n a d o p t e d for u s e b y native Anatolians. M a n y d o c u m e n t s are sealed w i t h cylinder seals, however, a M e s o p o t a m i a n i n v e n t i o n t h a t s p a w n e d a native Anatolian style depicting local deities a n d scenes of w o r s h i p . [See Seals.] I m p r e s s i o n s of these seals a r e f o u n d o n clay envelopes alongside t h o s e of M e s o p o t a m i a n a n d N o r t h Syrian glyptic styles. T h e indigenous f o r m of seal w a s t h e s t a m p , w h i c h w a s u s e d along witii t h e cylinder, a n d c o n t i n u e d after t r a d e w i t h Assyria e n d e d . I n a b o u t 1750 BCE, t h e m e r c h a n t settlements a n d local c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e destroyed a n d a b a n d o n e d . P e r h a p s a c e n t u r y later, a p e o p l e k n o w n as t h e Hittites established a n e w political o r d e r from their capital city, H a t t u s a , t o d a y called Bogazkoy. [See Hittites; Bogazkoy.] Earlier t h e site of an Assyrian m e r c h a n t colony a n d local settlement, H a t t u s a served as t h e capital of t h e Hittite O l d K i n g d o m (1650-1400 BCE) a n d E m p i r e (1400-1200 BCE) a l m o s t c o n t i n u o u s l y for m o r e t h a n four h u n d r e d years. F r o m this regional b a s e , t h e Hittite kings gradually e x p a n d e d their d o m a i n b y f r e q u e n t military c a m p a i g n s a n d c a m e t o rule over m o s t of central a n d southeastern Anatolia. T h e language of t h e Hittites h a s b e e n p r e s e r v e d in e x t e n sive cuneiform r e c o r d s o n clay tablets r e c o v e r e d f r o m H a t t u s a . K n o w n i n t h e texts as N e s h i t e , it b e l o n g s to t h e I n d o - E u r o p e a n family of languages. T w o o t h e r languages preserved i n t h e archives, L u w i a n a n d Palaic, a r e closely related to Hittite. [See Luwians.] T h e archives also i n c l u d e texts written in A k k a d i a n , t h e Semitic l a n g u a g e of M e s o potamia; Hurrian, a non-Indo-European language spoken b y t h e Hittites' n e i g h b o r s to t h e southeast; a n d H a t t i a n , a n other n o n - I n d o - E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e a p p a r e n t l y s p o k e n b y t h e pre-Hittite i n h a b i t a n t s of central Anatolia. [See A k k a dian; H u r r i a n . ] A m o n g t h e contents of t h e archives are royal laws, decrees, edicts, treaties, a n d letters; annals; literary works, epics, a n d m y t h s ; a n d a vast n u m b e r of religious texts relating to festivals, rituals, a n d i n c a n t a t i o n s . T h e c u n e i f o r m script continued as t h e principal writing s y s t e m until t h e e n d of t h e empire. I n addition to c u n e i f o r m , t h e Hittites also e m p l o y e d a hieroglyphic writing consisting of p i c t o g r a p h i c signs. A writing system of Anatolian i n v e n t i o n , t h e h i e r o glyphic script w a s u s e d o n personal seals a n d o n stone m o n u m e n t s carved w i t h figured scenes. T h e l a n g u a g e of t h e h i eroglyphic script w a s n o t Hittite b u t L u w i a n , its close ldn also written in c u n e i f o r m script o n texts f o u n d a t H a t t u s a . F r o m their political h e a r t l a n d i n n o r t h - c e n t r a l Anatolia, t h e Hittite kings ruled over a n ethnically a n d linguistically diverse e m p i r e . A t its m a x i m u m extent, in t h e t h i r t e e n t h
ANATOLIA: Ancient Anatolia c e n t u r y BCE, Hittite influence—if n o t o u t r i g h t political c o n t r o l — r e a c h e d far into w e s t - c e n t r a l Anatolia. In this region, t h e Hittites c a m e into conflict with a p o w e r called t h e king d o m of A r z a w a , w h i c h s e e m s t o h a v e o c c u p i e d t h e coastal regions of w e s t e r n a n d s o u t h e r n Anatolia, a n d w h o s e lan g u a g e was L u w i a n . A r z a w a w a s d e s t r o y e d b y t h e Hittites in a b o u t 1350 BCE. F a r t h e r w e s t lay t h e state k n o w n in Hittite texts as A h h i y a w a , w h i c h h a s l o n g b e e n identified b y s o m e w i t h t h e M y c e n a e a n ( A c h a e a n ) G r e e k s . T h e Hittite kings m a i n t a i n e d active d i p l o m a t i c e x c h a n g e s with t h e great e m pires to t h e south a n d east: t h e M i t a n n i , centered in n o r t h e r n Syria a n d M e s o p o t a m i a ; E g y p t ; Babylonia; a n d Assyria. E g y p t i a n d o c t o r s a n d B a b y l o n i a n sculptors were invited to t h e Hittite court b y t h e king himself, a n d diplomatic m a r riages w e r e a r r a n g e d a m o n g t h e i m m e d i a t e m e m b e r s of these e m p i r e s ' ruling families. T h e close relationships the kings enjoyed w i t h their c o u n t e r p a r t s in n e i g h b o r i n g e m pires are richly illustrated b y t h e A m a r n a letters, royal cor r e s p o n d e n c e written in A k k a d i a n a n d f o u n d at t h e site of A m a r n a in E g y p t , dating principally f r o m t h e reigns of p h a r aohs A m e n h o t e p III a n d A k h e n a t e n (c. 1360-1330 BCE). [See A m a r n a Tablets.] Yet, a t t h e s a m e t i m e , t h e Hittites f o u g h t w i t h E g y p t over control of Syria's rich f a r m l a n d s a n d thriv ing coastal p o r t s . F i n d s of r a w materials, s u c h as ingots, t o g e t h e r w i t h l u x u r y finished g o o d s , d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t e x t e n sive t r a d e a n d p e r h a p s also d i p l o m a t i c contacts flourished in t h e A e g e a n region. T h e Hittite E m p i r e , t h r o u g h its i m p o r t a n t p o r t at U g a r i t , w a s a n active participant. [See U g a rit.] H a t t u s a h o u s e d i m p r e s s i v e buildings of administrative a n d religious function, s u r r o u n d e d b y m o n u m e n t a l fortifi cation walls pierced b y a few elaborate gates with carved sculptural decoration. M a s s i v e stone f o u n d a t i o n s , h e w n with h a r d e r stones or iron tools, also s e c u r e d m u d - b r i c k walls with t i m b e r f r a m e w o r k for p a l a c e structures, in w h i c h t h e extensive archives m e n t i o n e d previously w e r e f o u n d . O n higher g r o u n d , a b o v e t h e palace-citadel, a religious p r e c i n c t h o u s e d s o m e thirty t e m p l e s a l m o s t identical in plan, p r o b ably built in o n e massive p h a s e of c o n s t r u c t i o n d u r i n g t h e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. B e l o w t h e palace-citadel a m o n u m e n t a l t e m p l e adjoined b y extensive storage facilities w a s a p p a r e n t l y d e d i c a t e d to t h e H i t t i t e s ' chief deities, t h e s t o r m g o d , T e s u b , a n d s u n g o d d e s s , H e p a t (see below). O u t s i d e t h e capital few sites h a v e b e e n intensively excavated, b u t at least several smaller cities b o a s t e d architecture a n d s c u l p t u r e e m u l a t i n g imperial fashions: m o d e s t palaces, city walls d e c o r a t e d w i t h figural relief s c u l p t u r e s , a n d g u a r d i a n gate fig u r e s . C e r a m i c styles t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e are virtually identical t o t h o s e f o u n d at H a t t u s a , p e r h a p s suggesting a centrally a d m i n i s t e r e d i n d u s t r y . T e x t s f o u n d i n t h e H a t t u s a archives, t o g e t h e r w i t h r e m a i n s of t e m p l e s a n d o t h e r cult sites, furnish i n f o r m a t i o n o n t h e religion of t h e Hittites. T h e i r p a n t h e o n consisted of m a l e a n d female deities personifying forces of n a t u r e , b u t it
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also i n c l u d e d deities of t h e Syrian a n d M e s o p o t a m i a n relig ions. T h e i c o n o g r a p h y of t h e p a n t h e o n is k n o w n from relief preserved at cult sites, especially t h e rock sanctuary of Yazihkaya, near H a t t u s a . T h e deities w e r e often associated with a particular animal, w h o s e i m a g e could b e w o r s h i p p e d as a representative of t h e deity. Iconographically, s o m e are closely related to deities d e p i c t e d in the native Anatolian seals of t h e Assyrian m e r c h a n t colonies (see a b o v e ) . Cult sites, usually consisting of a stone m o n u m e n t or rock face carved with a scene of w o r s h i p , h a v e b e e n found over a wide area of Anatolia, s u p p l e m e n t i n g textual d o c u m e n t a t i o n for an extraordinarily active calendar of religious festivals cele b r a t e d b y t h e Hittite ldng a n d q u e e n t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e . In a b o u t 1200 BCE, H a t t u s a was destroyed. T h e reasons for t h e destruction of this a n d other Hittite cities, a n d t h e s u b s e q u e n t collapse of t h e e m p i r e , are n o t well u n d e r s t o o d . P r e s u m a b l y , there w e r e significant m o v e m e n t s of peoples t h r o u g h o u t Anatolia t h a t s u c c e e d e d in disrupting t h e e m pire's established political a n d military authority. W h a t e v e r t h e c a u s e , t h e site of H a t t u s a was virtually a b a n d o n e d for s o m e t i m e a n d never again s u p p o r t e d a major city. F o r t h e p e r i o d b e g i n n i n g in a b o u t 1200 BCE, k n o w n in archaeological t e r m s as t h e I r o n Age, almost everywhere in Anatolia a " d a r k a g e " followed the end of t h e Hittite E m pire. Yet, m a n y imperial traditions lived o n in southeastern Anatolia a n d n o r t h e r n Syria, formerly b o r d e r provinces. T h e r e , small k i n g d o m s w e r e established, probably b y 1000 BCE, w h e n hieroglyphic inscriptions in t h e L u w i a n language again a p p e a r e d o n s t o n e m o n u m e n t s . As w i t h t h e hiero glyphic script of Hittite imperial times, these texts were mostly official a n d highly restricted in content, consisting primarily of c o m m e m o r a t i v e a n d dedicatory inscriptions, b o u n d a r y m a r k e r s , a n d l a n d grants. T h e N e o - H i t t i t e states also c o n t i n u e d imperial traditions of m o n u m e n t a l stone ar chitecture a n d reliefs d e c o r a t i n g city walls a n d gates. Also b e g i n n i n g in a b o u t 1000 BCE, t h e A r a m e a n s , a Semiticspeaking p e o p l e , m o v e d into n o r t h w e s t Syria a n d estab lished neighboring, a n d s o m e t i m e s rival, states. [See A r a m e a n s . ] T h e A r a m e a n s w r o t e their language u s i n g t h e P h o e n i c i a n alphabetic script, b u t d r e w o n Hittite traditions for m o n u m e n t a l stone architecture a n d sculpture. [See P h o e n i c i a n - P u n i c ] L o c a t e d o n or n e a r t h e E u p h r a t e s River a n d in control of t h e lucrative t r a d e r o u t e s b e t w e e n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d t h e Syrian coast, t h e N e o - H i t t i t e a n d A r a m e a n states w e r e well suited to p r o s p e r . Beginning in t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE, t h e y c a m e u n d e r t h e influence a n d t h e n t h e political c o n t t o l of t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n E m p i r e centered in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . B y t h e e n d of t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e states were forced to p a y t r i b u t e to t h e Assyrians. In eastern Anatolia, t h e B r o n z e A g e traditions of c u n e i f o r m script a n d interaction with M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Syria c o n t i n u e d in t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE in t h e k i n g d o m of U r artu. [See Urartu.] C e n t e r e d a r o u n d L a k e V a n , this k i n g d o m c a m e t o p o w e r in t h e early first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, a rival state
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o n t h e n o r t h e r n frontier of t h e Neo-Assyrian E m p i r e . Its n o n - I n d o - E u r o p e a n language, apparentiy related to H u r rian, was written in cuneiform a n d has survived in m a n y official a n d c o m m e m o r a t i v e inscriptions. A t its greatest e x tent, in t h e ninth c e n t u r y BCE, U r a r t u extended well into t h e regions occupied n o w by t h e Republic of A r m e n i a a n d Ira n i a n Azerbaijan. Like d i e N e o - H i t t i t e states, U r a r t u w a s c o n q u e r e d a n d destroyed as a political entity b y Assyrian armies in t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE. U r a r t u also e n g a g e d in diplomatic a n d c o m m e r c i a l exchanges with Phrygia, a n d p e r h a p s also with N o r t h Syria. By contrast, in t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, t h e k i n g d o m s of central a n d western Anatolia b o r r o w e d alphabetic scripts to write their Anatolian languages. Inscriptions in P h r y g i a n , L y d i a n , Lycian, a n d C a r i a n are mostly dedicatory or c o m m e m o r a t i v e , a n d for narrative accounts scholars d e p e n d o n die writings of Plerodotus (fifth c e n t u r y BCE), a native of t h e G r e e k town of Halikarnassos o n t h e southwest coast of A n atolia. [See Lycia.] D u r i n g t h e early first millennium BCE, settlers from m a i n l a n d G r e e c e established colonies o n t h e western and soutitern coasts of Anatolia, a n d later along t h e Black Sea coast. W h i l e closely tied to their m o t h e r cities, these colonies p r o s p e r e d t h r o u g h their e c o n o m i c interaction with Anatolian states, with w h o m they w e r e also linked cul turally. West-central Anatolia c a m e u n d e r t h e control of d i e Phrygians, a n I n d o - E u r o p e a n - s p e a k i n g g r o u p t h a t seems t o have migrated there from t h e far northwest, p r o b a b l y orig inally from T h r a c e , reaching central Anatolia p e r h a p s in a b o u t i i o o BCE. P h r y g i a n inscriptions, mostly votive, a r e f o u n d on rock facades, altars, a n d small objects. Excavations at t h e Phrygian capital of G o r d i o n , west of A n k a r a , h a v e u n c o v e r e d remains of fortifications, m o n u m e n t a l buildings, a n d impressive m m u l u s burials w h o s e rich contents suggest t h a t their o c c u p a n t s were m e m b e r s of the ruling family. [See G o r d i o n ; T u m u l u s . ] C r e m a t i o n seems to h a v e b e e n t h e m o r e typical burial form. H e r o d o t u s a n d later G r e e k tradi tion are the principal written sources on t h e P h r y g i a n s a n d their kings, especially M i d a s , w h o m a y also b e t h e ruler, M i t a , m e n t i o n e d in N e o - A s s y r i a n records. I n o u t d o o r cult places a n d in city temples, t h e Phrygians w o r s h i p p e d a b o v e all Cybele, a n earth goddess of longstanding Anatolian tra dition. G o r d i o n was destroyed i n a b o u t 700 BCE, a p p a r e n t i y by invading C i m m e r i a n s from t h e north, whose attacks o n Anatolia were r e c o r d e d i n b o t h G r e e k a n d N e o - A s s y r i a n sources. T h e downfall of t h e Phrygians enabled a n o t h e r Anatolian k i n g d o m to extend its d o m i n a t i o n toward t h e plateau. U n t i l its c o n q u e s t by t h e A c h a e m e n i d Persians in t h e 540s BCE, t h e L y d i a n k i n g d o m of western Anatolia was ruled from its capital at Sardis, east of Izmir. [See Sardis.] D u r i n g t h e sev e n t h century a n d into t h e first half of die sixth c e n t u r y BCE, the kings of L y d i a , especially C r o e s u s , acquired wealth a n d status that b e c a m e legendary i n later G r e e k tradition. T h e
history of L y d i a a n d its links w i t h t h e coastal G r e e k cities u n d e r its control a r e k n o w n principally t h r o u g h H e r o d o t u s ' s a c c o u n t s ; inscriptions in t h e native l a n g u a g e a r e few a n d mostly votive in content. L y d i a also e x c h a n g e d d i p l o m a t i c envoys with t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n c o u r t . After C r o e s u s ' s defeat b y C y r u s , king of Persia, t h e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e a c q u i r e d t h e vast a n d rich region of Anatolia. T h e A c h a e m e n i d d o m i n a t i o n of Anatolia i n t r o d u c e d n e w cultural elements, i n c l u d i n g l a n g u a g e s a n d scripts, religion, a n d artistic traditions. A r a m a i c , t h e b u reaucratic language of t h e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e , h a s b e e n preserved in t h e f o r m of inscriptions c a r v e d o n grave stelai or o n small objects s u c h as cylinder seals. [See A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d Literature.] Inscriptions n a m i n g I r a n i a n deities or their a m a l g a m a t i o n s with A n a t o l i a n o r G r e e k c o u n t e r parts d e m o n s t r a t e that Iranian religious beliefs w e r e also i n t r o d u c e d into t h e region. U n d e r D a r i u s (r. 520-486 BCE), t h e e m p i r e was organized into p r o v i n c e s called satrapies, ruled by a g o v e r n o r , or s a t r a p , usually a m e m b e r of t h e royal family. I n w e s t e r n Anatolia, t h e satrapies c e n t e r e d at Sardis a n d Daskyleion a r e k n o w n in p a r t t h r o u g h G r e e k a c c o u n t s describing t h e conflict b e t w e e n t h e G r e e k s a n d P e r s i a n s . A r chaeology h a s c o n t r i b u t e d additional i n f o r m a t i o n , showing t h a t t h e satrapal capitals fostered a rich a n d varied artistic m i x c o m b i n i n g G r e e k , native, a n d I r a n i a n traditions. F a r ther south, in L y c i a , inscriptions i n L y c i a n , G r e e k , a n d A r amaic, together w i t h extensive archaeological r e m a i n s , d o c u m e n t a similar cultural flowering u n d e r local d y n a s t s w h o ruled for t h e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e . T h e invasion of M a c e d o n i a n armies l e d b y A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t , w h i c h b e g a n with t h e e m p i r e ' s w e s t e r n m o s t p o s s e s sions in Anatolia i n t h e 330s BCE, b r o u g h t t h e A c h a e m e n i d E m p i r e t o a n e n d . In his sweep t h r o u g h w e s t e r n Asia, A l e x a n d e r attacked a n d b u r n e d m a n y of Anatolia's great cities. I n 333 BCE h e defeated t h e last A c h a e m e n i d ruler, D a r i u s III, at t h e battle of Issus, n e a r m o d e r n I s k a n d e r u n . [See also Alexandrian E m p i r e ; and Persia, article on A n cient Persia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Akurgal, Ekrem. Die Kunst Anatoliens von Homer bis Alexander. Berlin, 1 9 6 1 . Well-illustrated survey of the native arts of Anatolia in t h e first millennium BCE, with special reference to central a n d western A n a tolia. American Journal of Archaeology. Includes a yearly illustrated newsletter reporting o n excavation a n d survey results in T u r k e y , covering t h e Palaeolithic t h r o u g h Byzantine periods. Initiated by M a c h t e l d J. M e l link, "Archaeology in Asia Minor/Anatolia" ( 1 9 5 5 - 1 9 9 3 ) , the n e w s letter is n o w written by Marie-Henriette C . Gates, "Archaeology in Turkey" (1994-). Bittel, Kurt. Die Hethiter: Die Kunst Anatoliens vom Ende des 3. bis zum Anfang des 1 . Jahrtausends vor Christus. M u n i c h , 1 9 7 6 . Richly illus trated survey focusing on art and architecture, beginning with cul tural developments of the Early Bronze A g e . The Cambridge Ancient History. Vols. 1 - 3 . 2 , 4 . C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 7 1 - 1 9 8 8 . Contains authoritative chapters on t h e archaeology a n d history of
ANATOLIA: Anatolia From Alexander to the Rise of Islam Anatolia from the Early Bronze Age through the Achaemenid period. See essays by James Mellaart, Hildegard L e w y , R. A. Crossland, Albrecht Gotze, R. D . Barnett, Carl W . Blegen, M a c h t e l d J . Mellink, J. D . Hawkins,J. M . Cook, and O l i v i e r M a s s o n . Contributions treat ing the Bronze Age, especially archaeological topics, are out of date and need to be s u p p l e m e n t e d b y preliminary or final publications mentioned in the yearly newsletter of the American Journal of Ar chaeology (see above). G u r n e y , O . R. The Hittites. Rev. ed. L o n d o n , 1990. Highly readable and useful introduction to the history, languages, and archaeological remains. H a a s , Volkert. Geschichte der hethitischen tailed scholarly synthesis.
Religion.
Leiden, 1994. D e
Sasson, Jack M . , et al., eds. Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. N e w York, 1 9 9 5 . Articles on Anatolian history, art, and archaeology, writ ten by specialists for a general readership; illustrated, with annotated bibliographies. van L o o n , Maurits N . Anatolia 1985.
in the Second Millennium
B.C.
Leiden,
van L o o n , Maurits N . Anatolia in the Earlier First Millennium B. C. Lei den, 1 9 9 1 . T h i s a n d van L o o n ' s volume above examine the rich repertoire of religious iconography in the light of archaeological and textual sources; abundantly illustrated and full of insights. ANN C.
GUNTER
Anatolia From Alexander to the Rise of Islam T h e Hellenistic age in Anatolia o p e n s with t h e arrival of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t , Icing of M a c e d o n , at T r o y in 334 BCE, from w h e n c e he l a u n c h e d his c o n q u e s t of t h e Persians a n d u n i t e d t h e G r e e k s , or H e l l e n e s , o n b o t h sides of t h e A e g e a n Sea. F i n a l victory against D a r i u s III w a s achieved at d i e b a t tie of I s s u s , near Syrian A n t i o c h , in 333 BCE. [See Antioch.] H e n c e f o r t h , G r e e k c u l t u r e a n d institutions, already e s t a b lished t o s o m e extent in t h e w e s t e r n cities, p r e d o m i n a t e d in Anatolia. A u n i f o r m c u l t u r e a n d t h e G r e e k language s u p p l a n t e d local styles a n d dialects. P r e d o m i n a n t was the f o u n d a t i o n of cities g o v e r n e d b y G r e e k political institutions, a council, p o p u l a r assembly, a n d college of magistrates. T h e gymnasion was t h e key cultural a n d e d u c a t i o n a l institution. T h e P e r s i a n oligarchy w a s s u p p l a n t e d b y principles t h a t w e r e d e m o c r a t i c b y t h e s t a n d a r d s of t h e day. A l e x a n d e r died in 323 BCE. W i t h i n t w e n t y years his e m p i r e was divided into four k i n g d o m s ruled b y his successors (diadochoi) a n d Hellenistic m o n a r c h y e m e r g e d . T h e attributes of kingship a p p e a r o n coins a n d s c u l p t u r e . [See Coins.] A n atolia n o r t h of t h e T a u r u s M o u n t a i n s was ruled b y t h e S e leucids, d e s c e n d a n t s of S e l e u c u s , o n e of A l e x a n d e r ' s g e n erals. [See Seleucids.] T h e ruler of T h r a c e , L y s i m a c h o s , rivaled Seleucid control in Anatolia until h e was defeated b y Seleucus I at t h e battle of K o r u p e d i o n in 281 BCE. S o u t h of d i e T a u r u s , L y c i a a n d P a m p h y l i a b e l o n g e d to t h e P t o l e m i e s , w h o r u l e d E g y p t . [See L y c i a ; Ptolemies.] T h e cities o n t h e A e g e a n coast, d e s c e n d e n t s of t h e G r e e k colonies, r e m a i n e d nominally free. C a p p a d o c i a , P o n t u s , a n d Bithynia r e m a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n t k i n g d o m s . [See C a p p a d o c i a . ] In t h e early t h i r d c e n t u r y (c. 280 B C E ) , a s e m i - i n d e p e n d e n t k i n g d o m arose in
131
t h e west, ruled by t h e local Attalid dynasty established at P e r g a m o n . [See P e r g a m o n . ] T h e s e changes h a d p r o f o u n d cultural effects strongly elu cidated b y the archaeological record. Inscriptions, m a n y col lected before the era of controlled excavation a n d published in a systematic c o r p u s , Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antigua, are as i m p o r t a n t as historical texts in revealing die major players, social a n d political organization, a n d c h a n g e s in r e ligion a n d o c c u r r e n c e of festivals. T h e n e t w o r k of r o a d s the P e r s i a n s established w a s e x p a n d e d b o t h for the m o v e m e n t of t r o o p s and for travel a n d t r a d e . [See R o a d s ; T r a n s p o r tation.] Coins were m i n t e d b y kings a n d b y cities. A single s t a n d a r d for silver a n d gold prevailed over m u c h of t h e H e l lenistic world, a n d t h e i s s u a n c e of b r o n z e coins in small d e n o m i n a t i o n s led to a m o n e t a r y e c o n o m y . C o i n s were also u s e d as p r o p a g a n d a : for e x a m p l e , coins show A l e x a n d e r with t h e p o w e r a n d attributes of Z e u s . P a t t e r n s of overseas t r a d e h a v e b e e n established t h r o u g h analysis of ceramics, their s t a m p s , a n d graffiti. A Celtic tribe from E u r o p e , the G a u l s , or Galatians, in v a d e d Anatolia in 278 BCE. W i t h i n t e n years t h e Galatians h a d a c q u i r e d extensive territories a n d wealth t h r o u g h p l u n der a n d extracting p r o t e c t i o n m o n e y from cities. In t h e m i d t h i r d c e n t u r y BCE, t h e Galatians a n d their allies in Bythinia were defeated in a decisive battle by t h e king of P e r g a m o n , Attalus I. In celebration of this victory, a great altar d e c o rated w i t h reliefs a n d t w o s c u l p t u r e s — a dying G a u l by E p i g o n u s a n d a warrior a n d his wife c o m m i t t i n g suicide—were set u p in t h e p r e c i n c t of t h e T e m p l e of A t h e n a at P e r g a m o n , establishing it as a n artistic center t h a t rivaled A t h e n s a n d e x t e n d e d far-reaching influence into t h e R o m a n imperial period. T h e majority of t h e G a u l s m o v e d into Phrygia, which was r e n a m e d Galatia. A l t h o u g h partially hellenized, they r e tained their o w n material culture, a distinctive political a n d social organization, a n d their o w n language, still spoken in L a t e Antiquity, T h e i r c u s t o m s i n c l u d e d h u m a n a n d animal sacrifice, which has b e e n graphically confirmed by skeletal finds a t G o r d i o n . [See G o r d i o n . ] H e l l e n i s t i c C i t i e s . I n t h e T r o a d , Alexander instructed that I l y u m b e rebuilt. It w a s later o v e r s h a d o w e d b y Alex a n d e r T r o a s a n d joined in t h e Ilian foundation witii Assos, Parium, and Lampsacus. Cyme, Myrina, Gryneum, and Elea (the p o r t of P e r g a m o n ) w e r e established. T h e Ionian cities of E p h e s u s , S m y r n a , P r i e n e , a n d C o l o p h o n were m o v e d , largely b e c a u s e silt h a d filled in t h e harbors a n d cre ated u n h e a l t h y m a r s h e s . [See Assos; E p h e s u s ; Priene.] T h e n e w cities s h o w t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of p l a n n e d c o m p l e x e s in w h i c h individual buildings were designed to fit a visually unified whole a n d t h e streets followed t h e rectilinear grid p l a n n a m e d for H i p p o d a m u s of M i l e t u s . O p e n spaces were p r o v i d e d by sanctuaries, t h e palaestras of d i e gymnasia, and rectilinear agoras with stoas, often two-storied, o n all four sides, except w h e r e t h e y w e r e built into t h e hillside, as at
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ANATOLIA: Anatolia From Alexander to the Rise of Islam
Assos and P e r g a m o n . In s o m e cases shops w e r e built b e h i n d
E a c h city controlled t h e s u r r o u n d i n g territory with f a r m s ,
t h e colonnade; t h e east stoa of t h e S o u t h Agora at M i l e t u s
t o w n s , sanctuaries, a n d l a n d e d estates. O n t h e c o a s t a n d
has back-to-back s h o p s a n d at Alinda a n d Aigai s h o p s a n d
along the e a s t - w e s t river valleys t h e s e territories w e r e c o n
s t o r e r o o m s w e r e built below t h e c o l o n n a d e o n t h e downhill
tiguous,
side of t h e agora. [See Miletus.]
A l t h o u g h m a n y surveys h a v e b e e n carried out, analysis of
T h e classical o r d e r s w e r e u s e d freely for n o n s t r u c t u r a l decoration. [See Architectural Orders.] T h e T e m p l e of Z e u s
b u t the density of u r b a n i z a t i o n d i m i n i s h e d inland.
c o u n t r y life is t h e area least elucidated b y archaeology. Hellenistic T e m p l e s a n d Religion. Temples and
tiieir
at Olba in Cilicia, b e g u n in a b o u t 170 BCE by A n t i o c h u s IV,
estates w e r e central to t h e religious a n d e c o n o m i c life of
ranks with the O l y m p e i o n in A t h e n s as t h e earliest C o r i n
Anatolia; t e m p l e states, r u l e d b y priests, b e c a m e s t r o n g c e n
t h i a n temples. T h e C o u n c i l H o u s e at Miletus exemplifies
ters of settlement in t h e interior a n d in t h e s o u t h , w h e r e cities
the n e w secular architecture a n d d i e use of c o m p o s i t e or
w e r e slow to develop. T e m p l e estates w e r e n o t secularized
ders. All cities h a d a t h e a t e r with stage buildings a n d a sta
until the R o m a n p e r i o d , b u t u n d e r Seleucid r u l e land w a s
d i u m with seating s u p p o r t e d b y stone vaulting. [See T h e a
often taken from t h e m to f o u n d cities. T h e a n c i e n t fertility
ters; S t a d i u m s ; Building Materials a n d T e c h n i q u e s , article
g o d s w o r s h i p e d at t h e s e cult centers gradually a c q u i r e d
on Materials and T e c h n i q u e s of the Persian t h r o u g h R o m a n
G r e e k n a m e s a n d associations: for e x a m p l e , Attis at P e s s i -
Periods.] Portrait statues s t o o d in t h e theater, in t h e agoras,
n u s , Z e u s of O l b a , a n d t h e m a n y shrines to A r t e m i s . [See
a n d along the streets, a reversal of earlier c u s t o m , w h i c h
Cult.]
prohibited the r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a n individual before death.
I n t h e west, cult centers flourished, s o m e traditionally at
[See Architectural D e c o r a t i o n , ] A l t h o u g h few statues have
t a c h e d to t h e cities. O n e of t h e largest b u i l d i n g projects w a s
survived, m a n y bases a n d dedicatory inscriptions r e m a i n t o
t h e T e m p l e of A p o l l o , p a t r o n deity of t h e Seleucid kings, at
tell of t h e benefactions of individual citizens. [See I n s c r i p
D i d y m a (see a b o v e ) . T h e rebuilding of t h e h u g e T e m p l e of
tions, article on Inscriptions of t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n
A r t e m i s at E p h e s u s was t o m a k e it o n e of t h e S e v e n W o n
Periods.]
ders of the W o r l d .
As a wealthy class of m e r c h a n t s a n d officials arose, g r a n d
R o m a n R u l e . T h e p r e s s u r e of t h e e x p a n d i n g p o w e r of
residences were built, typically focused o n a n i n n e r c o u r t
R o m e was felt as early as 200 BCE, a n d b y t h e first c e n t u r y
a n d decorated with m o s a i c p a v e m e n t s , p a i n t e d walls, a n d
BCE, after t h e c o n q u e s t of P o m p e y , t h e r e m a i n i n g Hellenistic
marble statues a n d furnishings. [See M o s a i c s ; Wall P a i n t
k i n g d o m s w e r e vassal states. A u g u s t u s a n n e x e d m o s t of A n
ings.] T h e s e are k n o w n b e s t
the well-preserved
atolia to R o m e , a n d u n d e r his reign t h e growtii of u r b a n
houses excavated a t P r i e n e . Furnishings w e r e lavish, with
institutions, a p e r m a n e n t military p r e s e n c e , a n d radical
tiirough
marble stands a n d tables, ivory inlay, a n d b r o n z e a n d silver
changes in the p a t t e r n of l a n d o w n e r s h i p w e r e witnessed.
embellishment. T e r r a - c o t t a figurines w e r e m u c h favored as
T h e institutions a n d ideals of t h e Hellenistic m o n a r c h s w e r e
o r n a m e n t s a n d as d e d i c a t i o n s , a n d they reveal a great deal
c o n t i n u e d a n d evolved as Anatolia w a s i n t e g r a t e d into t h e
a b o u t styles of dress a n d daily activities ( M y r i n a ) .
social and e c o n o m i c organization of t h e R o m a n e m p i r e . A l
Post-and-lintel c o n s t r u c t i o n r e m a i n e d basic, b u t the a r c h
t h o u g h L a t i n w a s t h e l a n g u a g e of e m p i r e , t h e l a n g u a g e of
a n d vault were i n t r o d u c e d . [See Arches.] Sloping vaults c o v
d i e e d u c a t e d classes in w h i c h official notices a n d d e d i c a t i o n s
ered t h e interior passages in the T e m p l e of Apollo at D i -
w e r e inscribed r e m a i n e d Greek. [See L a t i n ; Greek.]
d y m a . [See D i d y m a . ] T h e tradition of fitted stone m a s o n r y w i t h o u t the use of m o r t a r persisted.
F r o m 25 BCE t o 235 CE, Anatolia w a s o r g a n i z e d into five m a j o r p r o v i n c e s — A s i a , Bithynia a n d P o n t u s , Galatia, a n d
A new style of city p l a n n i n g developed that was r o o t e d in
C a p p a d o c i a , f r o m w h i c h T r e s E p a r c h i a e was split in 140
the ancient Anatolian acropolis palace. [See Palace.] I t fea
C E — w i t h t h e E u p h r a t e s River f o r m i n g t h e e a s t e r n frontier.
t u r e d vertical p l a n n i n g a n d conformity r a t h e r t h a n resist
[See E u p h r a t e s . ] T h e b o u n d a r i e s of t h e p r o v i n c e of Asia
ance to die t o p o g r a p h y . P e r g a m o n d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e m o s t
r e m a i n e d firm, b u t t h e others, especially G a l a t i a ' s , fluctu
a d v e n a t r o u s and d r a m a t i c d e v e l o p m e n t of this n e w c o n c e p t
ated. A d m i n i s t r a t i o n d e p e n d e d o n a n e t w o r k of cities a n d
of exploiting die terrain b u t regularizing it with terraces s u p
their d e p e n d e n t territories. T a x collection, p r o v i s i o n of s u p
p o r t e d by retaining walls of large ashlars—once believed to
plies, a n d t r a n s p o r t for t h e armies a n d officials w e r e all o r
b e a Hellenistic i n n o v a t i o n b u t n o w k n o w n to h a v e o c c u r r e d
ganized t h r o u g h t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of t h e cities. U r b a n i z a
m u c h earlier, at Sardis. [See Sardis.]
tion s p r e a d t h r o u g h t h e i m p e r i a l f o u n d a t i o n of cities a n d t h e
T h e deification of kings a n d the Itemization of nobles a n d
consolidation of their territories. By t h e e n d of the Julio-
local potentates gave rise to t h e building of g r a n d t o m b s .
C l a u d i a n p e r i o d (68 CE), a n e t w o r k of cities w a s established
[See T o m b s . ] T h e m o s t splendid is t h e t o m b at Belevi, n e a r
in central Anatolia for t h e first time. F o r t w o centuries t h e r e
E p h e s u s , b e g u n after 300 BCE, possibly for L y s i m a c h o s . T h e
after, the A n a t o l i a n cities grew in size a n d i m p o r t a n c e a n d
t o m b was r e u s e d b y A n t i o c h u s II. I n Lycia, r o c k - c u t t o m b
b e c a m e t h e wealthiest in t h e e m p i r e .
c h a m b e r s are faced with G r e e k facades, s o m e s h o w i n g P e r
T h e wealth of t h e A n a t o l i a n cities w a s , h o w e v e r , always
sian burial c u s t o m s c o m b i n e d with G r e e k figural styles. [See
derived f r o m t h e l a n d a n d t h e e x p a n s i o n of agriculture a n d
Burial T e c h n i q u e s . ]
stock raising. [See Agriculture.] T i m b e r w a s b r o u g h t d o w n
ANATOLIA: Anatolia From Alexander to the Rise of Islam from t h e m o u n t a i n s a n d m a r b l e was o n e of t h e principle e x p o r t s t h r o u g h o u t t h e e m p i r e . B o t h t h e sculptors a n d s c u l p t u r e from t h e w o r k s h o p s at A p h r o d i s i a s w e r e f o u n d at R o m e a n d o t h e r centers. [See Aphrodisias.] Salted fish ( t u n n y ) , olives, g r a p e s , a n d w i n e ( C a p p a d o c i a n w i n e rivaled t h a t from G r e e c e ) , grain, w o o l a n d skins from stock raising, a n d flax a n d linen w o v e n in Cilicia w e r e all widely e x p o r t e d . [See Olives; Viticulture; Cilicia.] A d d i t i o n a l wealth was d e rived f r o m silver a n d i r o n d e p o s i t s , semiprecious stones, m i c a , a n d other m i n e r a l r e s o u r c e s . [See M e t a l s , article on Artifacts of the P e r s i a n t h r o u g h R o m a n Periods.] T h e h u g e h a r b o r buildings at A e g e a n a n d M e d i t e r r a n e a n p o r t s b e a r witness to t h e e x t e n t of m a r i t i m e t r a d e . U n d e r w a t e r a r c h a e ology h a s just b e g u n to reveal rich information from s h i p wrecks a n d s u b m e r g e d h a r b o r s . [See Seafaring.] I n t h e T a u r u s / P i s i d i a , t h e J u l i o - C l a u d i a n e m p e r o r s built r o a d s t o link the h i g h l a n d cities with t h e coast. By t h e e n d of tire first c e n t u r y CE, a n e t w o r k of p a v e d r o a d s t h a t w a s m a i n t a i n e d until t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y crisscrossed t h e p e n i n sula. T h e roads w e r e built primarily b y Vespasian for t h e military, b u t t h e y facilitated travel a n d trade. I n the second a n d t h i r d centuries, a s y s t e m of rest h o u s e s a n d p o s t stations d e v e l o p e d . V e s p a s i a n established t h e limes o n t h e frontier— forts linked by p a v e d h i g h w a y s a n d auxiliary forts b e t w e e n t h e m — a n d established g a r r i s o n s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t at A n cyra. Roman cities. T h e r e w a s absolute continuity of t h e H e l lenistic tradition in a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d city p l a n n i n g u n d e r R o m a n rule, b u t t h e e m p h a s i s w a s m o r e o n secular t h a n reli gious building. [See Cities, article on Cities of t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n Periods.] C h a n g e s in c o n s t r u c t i o n materials e s pecially t h e u s e of vaulting a n d c o n c r e t e , were n o t as d r a m a t i c as in t h e W e s t . T h e n o t a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n of R o m a n p l a n n e r s w a s to c o n n e c t u r b a n spaces with c o l o n n a d e d t h o r oughfares t h a t t r a n s e c t e d t h e city b e t w e e n well-defined g a t e ways. Sagalassos exemplifies t h e R o m a n e m b e l l i s h m e n t of t h e city w i t h m o n u m e n t a l e n t r a n c e s a d d e d to b o t h agoras u n d e r T i b e r i u s a n d C l a u d i u s , t h e b u i l d i n g of a s a n c t u a r y of Apollo Clarius, p r o b a b l y u n d e r A u g u s t u s , a n d the b u i l d i n g of t r i u m p h a l a r c h e s , s y m b o l i c of R o m a n rule. In 17 CE, an e a r t h q u a k e leveled twelve of t h e great cities in t h e west; h a r d e s t hit w a s Sardis. R e b u i l d i n g w a s o n a strictly R o m a n p l a n u n d e r i m p e r i a l direction. As t h e cities grew, n e w buildings a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d s w e r e c o n n e c t e d b y major streets h a v i n g c o l o n n a d e d sidewalks with s h o p s b e h i n d tltem. T h e streets o p e n e d into c o l o n n a d e d plazas t h a t served as the c o m m e r c i a l agoras a n d as g a t h e r i n g places. Statuary in every conceivable c o n t e x t — a l o n g t h e r o a d w a y s , o n facades a n d m o n u m e n t s , a n d o n t o m b s a n d s a r c o p h a g i — celebrated t h e p o w e r of t h e e m p e r o r a n d t h e prestige of rich citizens. [See S a r c o p h a g u s . ] P o r t r a i t s c u l p t u r e b e c a m e a m a jor i n d u s t r y (e.g., at A p h r o d i s i a s ) . R e c e n t evidence suggests Sagalassos was a n equally i m p o r t a n t center for s c u l p t u r e . S t o n e c u t t e r s of all types w e r e r e q u i r e d to chisel inscriptions a n d elaborate architectural o r n a m e n t a n d to cut m a r b l e a n d
133
other colored stones to b e set in p a t t e r n s o n walls a n d floors. Schools of painters a n d mosaicists a p p e a r to have m o v e d from city t o city. By t h e e n d of t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y every t h r o u g h w a y h a d a fountain, s o m e set in e x e d r a s (as at t h e great nymphaion at M i l e t u s ) , s o m e with elaborate aedicular buildings (e.g., a t Hierapolis, S i d e ) . T h e b a t h - g y m n a s i u m b e c a m e t h e archi tectural s y m b o l of i m p e r i a l culture. [See Baths.] Baths a n d fountains r e q u i r e d vast a m o u n t s of w a t e r , w h i c h were p r o vided b y a q u e d u c t s . [See A q u e d u c t s . ] Placing the water s u p ply o u t s i d e t h e fortification walls was only m a d e possible b y t h e pax romana. A d e q u a t e d r a i n a g e a n d waste disposal w e r e t h e responsibility of t h e civic administration. E n t e r t a i n m e n t was taken for g r a n t e d b y t h e p o p u l a c e . T h e a t e r s w e r e modified t o a c c o m m o d a t e animal contests a n d m a n y cities h a d an a m p h i t h e a t e r . T h e b e s t - p r e s e r v e d theater, at A s p e n d o s , h a s a seating capacity for seventy-five h u n d r e d spectators. H o u s i n g , n e e d e d for a vastly increased p o p u l a t i o n , is best studied at E p h e s u s , w h e r e t e r r a c e d h o u s e s r e a c h e d five s t o ries a n d were a r r a n g e d in blocks, or insulae. T h e y w e r e richly furnished a n d d e c o r a t e d with m o s a i c s , paintings, a n d c u t - m a r b l e inlay. Inscriptions d o c u m e n t s o m e key aspects of city life. P a triotism is revealed b y dedications t o the patris. F a m i l y m e m b e r s were celebrated t h r o u g h t h e n a m i n g of privately d o n a t e d buildings, as t h e libraries at Sagalassos a n d E p h e s u s d e m o n s t r a t e . [See L i b r a r i e s a n d Archives.] P r e - R o m a n cul tural heritage was often celebrated: T a r s u s a n d Aigai in C i licia claimed P e r s e u s as their f o u n d e r , N i c a e a was f o u n d e d b y Flerakles, o t h e r cities claimed relationships with A r g o s , Atliens, a n d S p a r t a . U n d e r the Severan e m p e r o r s building r e a c h e d a zenith, a n d t h e n e t w o r k of cities attained its m a x i m u m g e o g r a p h i c extent. Imperial cult. T h e imperial cult played an i m p o r t a n t role in the d e v e l o p m e n t of u r b a n i s m . I n newly a n n e x e d areas t h e cult p r o v i d e d traditions t h a t unified t h e p o p u l o u s : public sacrifices, festivals, g a m e s , wild-animal fights (venaliones), a n d gladiatorial shows at w h i c h feasts w e r e enjoyed a n d corn a n d oil distributed. Before taking t h e n a m e of A u g u s t u s in 27 BCE, Octavian a u t h o r i z e d dedications to R o m e a n d t h e deified Julius Caesar at E p h e s u s a n d N i c a e a a n d t o himself at P e r g a m o n a n d N i c o m e d i a . A t Aphrodisias the Sebasteion, t h e m o s t elaborate t e m p l e c o m p l e x to t h e imperial cult presently k n o w n , w a s established d u r i n g the reign of C l a u dius (41-54 CE) t h r o u g h a private d o n a t i o n . T h e t e m p l e it self a n d t h e p u b l i c buildings c o n n e c t e d to it w e r e often t h e first G r e c o - R o m a n buildings in t h e n e w cities of t h e interior. L a t e r E m p i r e . In t h e m i d - t h i r d century, incursions b y t h e G o t h s from t h e n o r t h a n d t h e Sasanian Persians a n d b r e a k a w a y dynasts of P a l m y r a from t h e east a n d south c a u s e d t h e collapse of t h e e m p i r e ' s frontiers. [See Sasanians; P e r s i a n s ; Palmyra.] T h r o u g h o u t t h e peninsula hasty forti fications were built a r o u n d t h e cities, often with material taken from p u b l i c buildings. W i d e s p r e a d plague also c o n -
134
ANATOLIA: Anatolia From Alexander to the Rise of Islam
tributed to an e c o n o m i c crisis. In r e s p o n s e , Diocletian, w h o ruled from N i c o m e d i a (284-305, instituted radical a d m i n istrative changes: he created smaller provinces c o m p o s e d of t h e contiguous territories of the cities. Frontiers w e r e strengthened a n d t r o o p s , w h o were paid in kind as well as in coin, were stationed in a n d near t h e cities. T h e authority of t h e city councilors gradually diminished u n d e r t h e strain of increased taxation, and t h e ancient a u t o n o m y of t h e cities was gradually lost. T h e transfer of lands to t h e c h u r c h a n d c o n s e q u e n t loss of taxes also c o n t r i b u t e d to u r b a n decline. T h e countryside, with its villages and l a n d e d estates, b e c a m e the key factor in e c o n o m i c recovery in d i e fourth c e n tury. [See Villages.] W h e n grain supplies from E g y p t w e r e i n a d e q u a t e , the capital was supplied from Anatolia, e s p e cially from Bithynia a n d Phrygia. Stock raising c o n t i n u e d to be t h e p r e d o m i n a n t u s e of land on t h e central plateau. N e i ther erosion n o r deforestation from the overexploitation of t h e land appears to h a v e altered settlement p a t t e r n s — t h e only geomorphological c h a n g e to h a v e d o n e so was d i e silt ing u p of the great h a r b o r s . Scholarship has relinquished t h e old c o n c e p t of "decline a n d fall," largely as a result of the archaeological evidence, w h i c h shows c o n t i n u e d u r b a n life a n d even growth d u r i n g t h e fourth a n d fifth centuries. T h e survival of classical cul t u r e is seen in writing a n d in t h e arts, especially s c u l p t u r e (e.g., at N i c o m e d i a , N i c a e a , E p h e s u s , a n d Sardis). In t h e sixth century, the picture changed. Plague struck again a n d pressure from the Persians intensified. Treaties w i t h t h e m were m a d e at a n e n o r m o u s price in gold. Justinian's building p r o g r a m s caused a further strain o n local economies a n d m a n p o w e r , while earthquakes disrupted t h e water s u p p l y a n d t h e a q u e d u c t s fell into disrepair. I n general, t h e s u b d i vision of and e n c r o a c h m e n t o n m o n u m e n t a l buildings a n d thoroughfares was w i d e s p r e a d (e.g., at Sagalassos, Sardis, A n c y r a ) . H o w e v e r , streets were repaired late into t h e c e n tury a n d a lively local c o m m e r c e a n d small industry c o n t i n u e d with the m a n u f a c t u r e of pottery, glass, gilded jewelry, a n d utilitarian metal items—albeit often from recycled m a terials (e.g., at Sardis, Sagalassos). [See Glass, Jewelry.] O f c o n t i n u e d scholarly d e b a t e is w h e t h e r d i e evidence d e m onstrates an actual decline in society or a n e w p a t t e r n of settlement t h a t was c o n c e n t r a t e d less in t h e city, foreshad owing t h e medieval society t h a t e m e r g e d after the dark age t h a t followed the Persian invasions in the seventh c e n t u r y (see below). Judaism and Christianity. T h e single m o s t provocative d e v e l o p m e n t in L a t e Antiquity was t h e rise of Christianity, w h i c h was i n t r o d u c e d into Anatolia b y St. P a u l in t h e first c e n t u r y CE. After t h e Christian c h u r c h was legalized in t h e early fourth century, c h u r c h e s a n d other ecclesiastical build ings w e r e built rapidly, sometimes p r e e m p t i n g civic space such as the agora (e.g., at Sagalassos). [See C h u r c h e s . ] P a gan temples slowly w e n t o u t of u s e or w e r e c o n v e r t e d t o churches (e.g., at A p h r o d i s i a s ) . Burials w e r e m a d e in a n d a r o u n d the c h u r c h e s , a c h a n g e from t h e R o m a n prohibition
of burial witiiin t h e city. [See Burial Sites.] Political p o w e r transferred from t h e civic centers to the ecclesiastical realm. Excavation has e n h a n c e d the p i c t u r e of p e r s o n a l piety t h r o u g h rich finds of seals a n d a m u l e t s , small flasks from pilgrimage sites, a n d Christian symbols o n d o m e s t i c pottery, glass, metal, gravestones, a n d s a r c o p h a g i . T h e material cul t u r e also d e m o n s t r a t e s the persistence of p a g a n cult a n d s u perstition, especially t h e practice of m a g i c . T h e conditions u n d e r w h i c h Christianity s p r e a d so r a p idly in Anatolia a r e c o m p l e x . Archaeological e v i d e n c e h a s illuminated t h e size a n d civil status of Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s (e.g., t h e great s y n a g o g u e at Sardis, a n inscription a t A p h r o d i s i a s , coins from A p a m e a in P h r y g i a s h o w i n g N o a h ' s ark). Jews h a d b e e n resettled in L y d i a a n d P h r y g i a b y A n tiochus III at the e n d of d i e third c e n t u r y BCE, a n d imperial directives h a d p r o t e c t e d Jewish law a n d c u s t o m s since t h e reign of Caesar. A s is clear from t h e story of P a u l ' s visits t o Galatia, related in Acts, t h e status of t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s was u n d o u b t e d l y basic to t h e s p r e a d of t h e Christian m e s sage. C o n c u r r e n t l y , a s t r o n g t e n d e n c y t o m o n o t h e i s m h a d developed in p a g a n i s m with t h e rise of a " s u p e r g o d " (Theos Hipsistos, a t e r m u s e d also b y t h e Jews to describe their G o d ) . T h u s , t h e w o r s h i p of a n a b s t r a c t g o d w h o dwelt above or replaced t h e a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c p a n t h e o n w a s fertile g r o u n d for t h e s p r e a d of Christianity e v e n before C o n s t a n tine, w h e n it was a c c e p t e d as t h e official religion, s u p p l a n t ing t h e imperial cult. E n d of A n t i q u i t y . T h e Sasanian P e r s i a n s , u n d e r C h o s roes II, took A n t i o c h a n d J e r u s a l e m in 614 CE, Alexandria in 617, a n d t h e n t u r n e d o n Anatolia. [See J e r u s a l e m , A l e x a n dria.] C o i n finds at several Anatolian cities stop witii t h e issues of 616/17, a n d t h e r e is evidence of d e s t r u c t i o n , b u r n ing, a n d p o p u l a t i o n dispersal. H e r a c l i u s c o u n t e r a t t a c k e d a n d reestablished t h e eastern frontier, b u t t h e cities of A n atolia h a d suffered t o s u c h an e x t e n t t h e y n e v e r r e c o v e r e d . T h e history of central Anatolia d u r i n g t h e seventh a n d eighth centuries is little k n o w n , excavation shows t h a t c h u r c h e s were r e p a i r e d a n d enlarged (e.g., at A m o r i u m , Sardis, A p h r o d i s i a s ) , b u t little is k n o w n a b o u t t h e life of t h e inhabitants. A g e n u i n e dark age a p p a r e n t l y e n s u e d until t h e n i n t h century, for w h i c h s o m e evidence is available. W h e n recovery did occur, t h e cities t h a t survived h a d r e t r a c t e d to walled acropoleis. T h e vast u r b a n culture established u n d e r G r e c o - R o m a n d o m i n a t i o n was to s o m e e x t e n t a t h i n veneer t h a t d i s a p p e a r e d after imperial rule was w e a k e n e d a n d A n atolia b e c a m e o n c e again a land of villages a n d c o u n t r y e s tates. [See also A l e x a n d r i a n E m p i r e , and R o m a n E m p i r e . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Brown, Peter. The World of Late Antiquity. N e w York, 1 9 7 1 . Social history, especially t h e deep effects of religious change r o o t e d in A n atolia. The Cambridge Ancient History. Vols. 7 . 1 , 8, and 9. 2 d ed. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 9 4 . T h e best historical overview of the Hellenistic and early
ANATOLIA: Anatolia in the Islamic Period R o m a n period; the tents. T h e separate tions o n sites and planned. Extensive
relevant sections are clear from the outline/con plates to v o l u m e 7.1 provide notes a n d illustra finds. Additional volumes of this edition are bibliography.
C a m e r o n , Averil. 77M Mediterranean World in Late Antiquity, 5 9 5 - 6 0 0 . L o n d o n , 1 9 9 3 . Provides extensive critical bibliography and analysis of the state of scholarship, situating Anatolia in a broader context. Foss, Clive. History and Archaeology ojByzantine Asia Minor. Aldershot, 1990. T h e articles reprinted here f o r m the seminal study of the " d i s a p p e a r a n c e " of the great G r e c o - R o m a n cities and the importance of archaeological evidence to historical reconstruction. Gates, Marie-FIenriette. "Archaeology in T u r k e y . " American Journal of Archaeology 99 ( 1 9 9 5 ) : 2 0 7 - 2 5 5 . T h e most recent s u m m a r y of c u r rent fieldwork and new bibliography for sites in Anatolia, published annually (previously "Archaeology in Asia M i n o r " by M a c h t e l d Mellink). H a n f m a n n , George M . A. From Croesus to Constantine: The Cities of Western Asia Minor and Their Arts in Creek and Roman Times. A n n Arbor, 1 9 7 5 . Still a stimulating t r e a t m e n t of the creative syndiesis of Greek and Anatolian contributions to the plastic arts and city plan ning. Lloyd, Seton. Ancient Turkey: A Traveller's History of Anatolia. L o n d o n , 1989. Extraordinarily clear narrative history i m b u e d with the a u tiior's close experience of die ancient sites, routes, and countryside. See especially chapters 1 2 - 2 0 . M a c D o n a l d , William L . The Architecture of the Roman Empire, vol. 2, An Urban Appraisal. N e w H a v e n , 1986. T h e reciprocal relationship of R o m e and its provinces in the development of urbanism and t h e imagery of empire. Limited in its point of view; see the review by Frank B. Sear, Journal of Roman Archaeology I (1988): 1 6 0 - 1 6 5 . M a g i e , David. Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after Christ. 2 vols. Princeton, 1 9 5 0 . F u n d a m e n t a l to the study of the R o m a n period. Mitchell, Stephen. Anatolia: Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor, vol. 1, The Celts and the Impact of Roman Rule; vol. 2, The Rise of the Church. N e w York, 1993. Definitive treatment of the period from the conquest of Alexander t h r o u g h the fourth century CE. T h o r o u g h synthesis of textual and archaeological evidence, concentrating o n central Anatolia, Extensive bibliography. Price, S, R. F . Rituals of Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. C a m b r i d g e , 1984. R e m a i n s t h e basic work. R a m a g e , N . H . , and A n d r e w R a m a g e . Roman Art: Romulus to Con stantine. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1 9 9 1 . L u c i d and well-illustrated a c count. T h e authors' long experience working in T u r k e y results in m o r e t h a n usual emphasis o n the artistic centers in Anatolia. A new edition is in press. Syme, Ronald. Anatolica: Studies in Strabo. Edited and completed post h u m o u s l y by A n d i o n y R. Birley. Oxford, 1 9 9 5 . Studies in die his torical geography of Anatolia and adjacent regions, with reference to the Geography of Strabo. JANE AYER SCOTT
Anatolia in the Islamic Period T h r e e p h a s e s m a r k d i e history of m e d i e v a l Anatolia. F r o m t h e sevendi to t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y CE u r b a n life a n d e c o n o m i c e x c h a n g e shrank drastically; f r o m t h e t e n t h until t h e twelfth c e n t u r y recovery o c c u r r e d in t o w n s , cities, a n d t h e c o u n t r y side until t h e disruptions of T u r k i s h i m m i g r a t i o n ; a n d from t h e twelfth c e n t u r y o n w a r d an influx of pastoral n o m a d s , a g r o w t h of regional t r a d e , a n d t h e processes of conversion to I s l a m a c c o m p a n i e d t h e splintering of political authority a n d d i e e n d of B y z a n t i n e p o w e r in t h e p e n i n s u l a . D u r i n g t h e
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first era, B y z a n t i u m r u l e d t h e peninsula s u p r e m e ; in t h e sec o n d , central Anatolia b e c a m e t h e h o m e of the Seljuks of R u m ; a n d in the third, B y z a n t i u m lost control over t h e coastal lands a n d t h e Seljuks ultimately d i s a p p e a r e d before t h e M o n g o l s a n d t h e T u r k i s h beyliks (area ruled b y a bey). D e s p i t e the utility of s u c h p u b l i c works as the great b r i d g e over t h e S a n g a r i u s ( c o m p l e t e d in 560) and the c h u r c h of St. J o h n at E p h e s u s of the e m p e r o r Justinian (527-565), t h e cost of his c a m p a i g n s , as well as outbreaks of plague (beginning in 542), b u r d e n e d his subjects a n d led to a p a u s e in t h e p r o s p e r i t y of t o w n s a n d cities. T h i s p r o s p e r i t y c a m e to an e n d following t h e destructive invasions of t h e Persians ( 6 1 3 626), w h o practically e n d e d classical u r b a n life in this c o r n e r of die M e d i t e r r a n e a n . O n c e p r o s p e r o u s cities (Sardis [c. 616] E p h e s u s [c. 614], A n k a r a [622], P e r g a m o n , for e x a m ple) s h r a n k t o fortifications a n d villages, occasionally o n n e a r b y hills. C o i n finds a n d t h e evidence from s u c h sites as h a v e b e e n excavated or s u r v e y e d p o i n t to a substantial d e cline in e c o n o m i c life a n d t h e e n d of public works a n d social services. A full recovery from d i e Persian devastation r e m a i n e d i m possible for two full centuries b e c a u s e of M u s l i m raids t h a t b e g a n in 641. A n k a r a in t h e center a n d A m o r i o n in t h e s o u t h w e s t b e c a m e centers of Byzantine defense, a n d m a n y cities b e c a m e walled or h a d their existing walls strengthened. T h e raids were disruptive b u t did n o t result in M u s l i m o c c u p a t i o n of lands n o r t h a n d west of t h e T a u r u s range, a n d in areas u n t o u c h e d b y M u s l i m raids tiiere w a s a relative c o n tinuity, as in t h e m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t i e s in Bithynia. N o n e theless, d i e r e is little B y z a n t i n e c o n s t r u c t i o n on t h e plateau b e y o n d repairs tiiat m a y b e securely dated to t h e p e r i o d from t h e P e r s i a n invasions t o d i e M a c e d o n i a n dynasty, a n d t h u s the era is justly t e r m e d a " d a r k a g e . " Cities b e c a m e fortified, h o u s i n g s h r a n k in size a n d quality, a n d m a n y setd e m e n t s r e m o v e d to b e t t e r defensible hills: external threat a n d internal defense b e c a m e key c o n c e p t s . B e g i n n i n g in t h e m i d - n i n t h century, d i e e m p e r o r s of t h e M a c e d o n i a n dynasty m a n a g e d to stop t h e raids (after S63 diey w e n t o n t h e offensive) a n d t o restore p e a c e a n d p r e dictability t o life o n t h e plateau. C o n s e q u e n t l y , there is ev idence of e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n a n d u r b a n revival. A b r o a d recovery m a y b e posited from t h e restoration of t h e c h u r c h of t h e D o r m i t i o n at N i c a e a (after 843), t h e c h u r c h of St. N i c h o l a s a t M y r a , t h e building, p e r h a p s in d i e late n i n d i century, of the (pilgrimage?) c h u r c h at D e r e a g z i (Lycia), a very large b u i l d i n g for a r e m o t e hill c o u n t r y , a n d t h e t e n t h or eleventh-century c h u r c h of Ucayak. I n t h e nintii c e n t u r y tiiere also b e g a n an era of c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d elaboration of d i e r o c k - c u t c h u r c h e s a n d m o n a s t e r i e s of C a p p a d o c i a , in d i e P e r i s t r e m a valley n e a r Aksaray a n d t h e area centered o n G o r e m e , w h e r e n e w b u i l d i n g flourished from a r o u n d 900 to a b o u t 1060. T u r k i s h migration into Anatolia b e g a n in t h e mid-eleve n d i c e n t u r y , a n d after t h e Seljuk sultan Alp Arslan (10631073) defeated t h e B y z a n t i n e s at M a n z i k e r t (1071) no line
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of defense p r e v e n t e d the T u r k s from raiding t h e plateau a n d even establishing a short-lived emirate at Nicaea. D u r i n g t h e First C r u s a d e , Alexios K o m n e n o s (1081-1118) m a n a g e d to r e c o n q u e r Nicaea a n d to retrieve t h e coastal plains a n d t h e hill country of western Anatolia for Byzantium. D u r i n g d i e twelfth century Seljuk a n d D a n i s h m e n d leaders w a r r e d over t h e possession of central Anatolia, a n d only after t h e defeat of the D a n i s h m e n d i d s (1178) a n d the crushing of a B y z antine army at M y r i o c e p h a l o n (1176) were t h e Seljuks, n o w established at I c o n i u m / K o n y a u n d e r t h e leadership of Kihj Arslan II ( 1 1 5 5 - 1 1 9 2 ) , able to devote themselves fully to t h e elaboration of Perso-Islamic civilization in t h e peninsula, in 1156 the construction of t h e 'Ala e d - D i n m o s q u e at K o n y a b e g a n , b u t n o great resources were available for m o n u m e n tal building. T h e Seljuks b e g a n to strike silver dirhams in t h e 1180s, a n d their silver coinage, of a fineness superior t o o t h e r M u s l i m coinages in t h e L e v a n t , c o n t i n u e d to e x p a n d until t h e e n d of t h e thirteenth century. T o their west, d u r i n g t h e early a n d middle years of the twelfth c e n t u r y the K o m n e n i built a n u m b e r of fortifications a n d walled m a n y of their Anatolian towns (e.g., A c h y r a o u s 1139, D o r y l a i o n 1 1 7 5 , Laodikeia [Laodicea] c. 1 1 1 9 , L o p a d i o n 1130), a n d as d i e frontier stabilized o n the western confines of the plateau af ter d i e F o u r t h C r u s a d e , there was further e c o n o m i c devel o p m e n t , including the growth of long-distance t r a d e t h r o u g h o u t the peninsula a n d across t h e political frontiers. E v e n during t h e period of Byzantine exile in Anatolia, from 1204 to 1261, there is evidence of an increase in wealth b o t h in die " e m p i r e s " of N i c a e a a n d T r e b i z o n d : building of c h u r c h e s (e.g., Nicaea) a n d fortifications (such as N y m p h a i o n , Pegai) r e s u m e d o n a m o d e s t scale. T h e r e w a s , h o w ever, m u c h m o r e T u r k i s h t h a n Byzantine construction in Anatolia. T h e fullest flowering of Seljuk civilization in Anatolia o c c u r r e d in t h e generation before t h e M o n g o l defeat of t h e Seljuk armies at K o s e D a g i (1243). T h e m o n u m e n t a l c o n structions of the Seljuks, superior in n u m b e r , quality, a n d size to Byzantine Anatolian architecture, reflect t h e wealth of their society, i n d e e d , n o fewer t h a n t e n Anatolian silver m i n e s were in operation ( a n d w e r e Seljuk m i n t sites) d u r i n g t h e century. T h e Seljuks c o n q u e r e d i m p o r t a n t p o r t s ( A n talya in 1207, Sinope in 1214) t h a t allowed t h e m t o establish a n d reinforce commercial routes. T h e extent of t r a d e , a n d its extension across t h e peninsula from C o n s t a n t i n o p l e t o K o n y a a n d from K o n y a to t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n or t o Sivas a n d the east is b e s t m e a s u r e d b y t h e forty or m o r e c a r a v a n serais built d u r i n g this era (no Byzantine caravanserai is k n o w n ) . T h e r e was a great deal of m o s q u e a n d t o m b c o n struction, a n d excavation of t h e c o u n t r y palaces of t h e Sel juks at K u b a d i y a a n d K u b a d a b a d has b e g u n ( M . Zeki-Oral, 1949-1951, K a t h a r i n a O t t o - D o m a n d M e h m e t O n d e r , 1965-1966). T h e R u m Seljuk constructions of this era are k n o w n for their extensive use of calligraphic o r n a m e n t a t i o n a n d "stalactites" (muqarnas). D u r i n g t h e entire c e n t u r y
m u c h of t h e m o n u m e n t a l architecture w a s o r d e r e d b y h i g h officials of t h e g o v e r n m e n t , a n d there w a s a g o o d deal of building (besides at K o n y a ) in Sivas, T o k a t , A m a s y a , a n d E r z u r u m . T h e p a t r o n a g e of t h e sultans was either military or devoted to c o m m e r c i a l use; a n d tiiere w a s s o m e p a t r o n age from t h e w o m e n of t h e royal family. T h e M o n g o l s ex t r a c t e d an e n o r m o u s tribute from t h e Seljuks, a n d after 1277 administered eastern Anatolia as a p r o v i n c e of t h e Ilkhanate, b u t t h e e c o n o m i c e x p a n s i o n of t h e p e n i n s u l a d i d n o t suffer greatly; in 1299 t h e r e w e r e well over thirty m i n t s striking silver dirhams, a figure n o t attained before or since. After 1243, however, tiiere is little architectural p a t r o n a g e from t h e sultans, a n d m o s t c o m e s from t h e officials of state; tiiere w a s , t h e n , n o letting u p in construction. T h e M o n g o l s w e r e able to control eastern Anatolia into t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y , b u t t h e collapse of B y z a n t i n e defenses at t h e e d g e of t h e plateau after t h e recovery of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in 1261 led to t h e T u r k i s h infiltration of t h e entire coastal areas, e x c e p t for T r e b i z o n d a n d t h e eastern shores of t h e M a r m a r a , b y 1300, a n d t h e division of Anatolia into a n u m b e r of beyliks, usually f o u n d e d b y i n d e p e n d e n t chiefs, w h i c h lasted until t h e later O t t o m a n c o n q u e s t s . T h e m o s q u e s a n d other s t r u c t u r e s of t h e early beylik era are small, a n d a m o n g early O t t o m a n m o n u m e n t s they display Byzantine influence in building style ( " B y z l a m i c , " in t h e t e r m i n o l o g y of Clive F o s s ) . D e s p i t e t h e political, cultural, a n d religious c h a n g e s d u r ing this era, there w e r e s o m e c o n s t a n t s . T h e i n c u r s i o n s of t h e T u r k s before a n d w i t h t h e M o n g o l s s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e pastoral s e g m e n t of Anatolian agriculture, b u t it h a d long b e e n polycultural. Agricultural t e c h n o l o g y r e m a i n e d b a s e d u p o n earlier practices. B y 1300, t h e c o n v e r s i o n of G r e e k Christians to Islam was well u n d e r w a y b u t b y n o m e a n s complete, a n d t h e r e w e r e inheritances f r o m Christianity in t h e form of Islam p r a c t i c e d in t h e c o u n t r y s i d e . [See also B y z a n t i n e E m p i r e . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY C a h e n , Claude. La Turquie pre-Ottomane. Paris and Istanbul, 1988. Standard survey of the Seljuks of R u m ; the English version ( N e w York, 1968) has fuller coverage but lacks d o c u m e n t a t i o n . C r a n e , Howard. " N o t e s on Saldjuq Architectural Patronage in T h i r teenth-Century Anatolia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 1 - 5 7 . Contains a full list of p a t r o n s a n d buildings, with helpful c o m m e n t a r y . Foss, Clive. "Archaeology and the ' T w e n t y Cities' of Byzantine Asia." American Journal of Archaeology 81 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 4 6 9 - 4 8 6 . Convenient s u m m a r y of i m p o r t a n t work published in detail in later articles a n d monographs. Foss, Clive, and D a v i d Winfield. Byzantine Fortifications: An Introduc tion. Pretoria, 1986. I m p o r t a n t study of m e t h o d . H e n d y , Michael. Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 3001450. Cambridge, 1 9 8 5 . L a n d m a r k study (to be u s e d with caution) of the interaction of Byzantine economic, social, and m o n e t a r y his tory. M a n g o , Cyril, Byzantine Architecture. N e w York, 1 9 7 6 . Authoritative, well-illustrated survey.
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Meinecke, Michael. " K u b a d a b a d . " In Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., vol. 5, p p . 285-286. Leiden, 1986. . The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. 3 vols. Oxford, 1 9 9 1 . T h e best digest of information on individual sites. T h e Encyclopaedia of Islam is uneven, as is its T u r k i s h version, the Islam Ansiklopedisi, which is fuller on Anatolian cities. Rodley, L y n . Cave Monasteries of Byzantine Cappadocia. Cambridge, 1985. Emphasizes architecture rather than decoration. Tabula imperii byzantini. Vienna, 1 9 7 6 - . T h e best site surveys and dis cussions of sources bearing u p o n particular locales; profusely illus trated with excellent maps. RUDI PAUL LINDNER
ANCHORS. Figure 1. Depiction of a figure on a ship handling a stone anchor. P a i n t i n g f r o m a s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE C y p r i o t jug.
(After
ANCHORS.
Karageorghis and des Gagniers, 1 9 7 4 , p . 1 2 3 , n o . 1 1 . 2 )
As t h e last h o p e for a s t o r m - t o s s e d s h i p , a n c h o r s also t o o k o n a religious significance—and m a n y h a v e b e e n f o u n d in t e m p l e s a n d other cultic locations. B e c a u s e a n c h o r s f o u n d o n t h e seabed are unlikely t o h a v e a stratigraphic c o n t e x t , their d a t i n g d e p e n d s largely o n a n c h o r s f o u n d at a r c h a e o logically excavated l a n d sites.
view of a similar operation. Alternately, cargo derricks m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d for m a n e u v e r i n g a n c h o r s . A n c i e n t ships e m p l o y e d a c o m p l e m e n t of a n c h o r s . T h e U l u b u r u n shipwreck off t h e coast of T u r k e y carried twentyfour weight a n c h o r s , totaling m o r e t h a n 4 t o n s . T w o - t h i r d s of t h e s h i p ' s a n c h o r s w e r e stationed at t h e b o w , while the r e m a i n d e r h a d b e e n s t o w e d a m i d s h i p s . [See U l u b u r u n . ] A g r o u p of fifteen Byblian a n c h o r s , u n d o u b t e d l y from a single ship, w e r e f o u n d in Israel at N e v e h Y a m . Curiously, only o n e a n c h o r has b e e n f o u n d o n t h e C a p e Gelidonya ship w r e c k off T u r k e y , p e r h a p s indicating that n o t all of the ship h a s b e e n located. [See C a p e Gelidonya.]
I n antiquity, those w h o sailed utilized stones as t h e earliest a n c h o r i n g devices. As a n c h o r s f o u n d o n d i e seabed a s s u m e t h e p a s s i n g of a ship, these stones p r o v i d e valuable clues a b o u t a n c i e n t r o u t e s a n d seafaring practices: Defining t h e nationalities of stone a n c h o r t y p e s c a n t h u s lead researchers t o d e t e r m i n i n g t h e r a n g e a n d d i rections of a n c i e n t seafarers. A ship's h o m e p o r t also m a y b e identifiable from t h e a n c h o r s it carried.
S t o n e A n c h o r s . A l o n g t h e shores of d i e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n d u r i n g t h e B r o n z e a n d t h e I r o n Ages, a n c h o r stones were p i e r c e d to s e c u r e t h e h a w s e r s ( r o p e s ) . T y p o logically, p i e r c e d - s t o n e a n c h o r s fall into t h r e e categories: weight a n c h o r s , in w h i c h t h e s t o n e ' s w e i g h t acts as t h e a n c h o r i n g device; s a n d a n c h o r s , w h i c h are relatively light weight a n d c o n t a i n one or m o r e additional piercings t o se c u r e w o o d e n slats t h a t g r a s p t h e seabed; a n d c o m p o s i t e a n c h o r s , w h i c h h o l d t h e s e a b e d b o t h b y m e a n s of their weight a n d b y w o o d e n " a r m s " inserted t h r o u g h additional piercings. S t o n e a n c h o r s a r e often a s y m m e t r i c a l . E r e c t a n c h o r s p o sitioned at t h e b o w are s o m e t i m e s d e p i c t e d in illustrations of seagoing ships in Old K i n g d o m E g y p t . T h i s design m a y h a v e p e r m i t t e d the a n c h o r s t o s t a n d u p r i g h t o n a tilting deck. If so, b a r s m u s t h a v e b e e n u s e d to lock d i e m in place against t h e b u l w a r k s to p r e v e n t their shifting in heavy seas. A l t h o u g h t h e heaviest r e c o r d e d B r o n z e A g e stone a n c h o r , f r o m K i t i o n , weighs 1,350 kg, it is unlikely to h a v e b e e n u s e d at sea. [See Kition.] H a l f - t o n s t o n e a n c h o r s f o u n d o n d i e M e d i t e r r a n e a n sea floor p r o b a b l y indicate t h e u p p e r limits of functional weight. H o w s u c h h e a v y a n c h o r s w e r e raised w i t h o u t a c a p s t a n is unclear. T w o s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE C y p riot jugs d e p i c t t h e h a n d l i n g of s t o n e a n c h o r s (figure 1 ) . O n e scene shows t h e a n c h o r ' s h a w s e r going t h r o u g h a sheave a t t h e t o p of t h e m a s t , while t h e o t h e r seems to b e an e x p l o d e d
Studies in t h e typologies of B r o n z e A g e stone anchors h a v e p e r m i t t e d t h e differentiation of several regional types. E g y p t i a n anchors often h a v e a s e c o n d , L - s h a p e d piercing n e a r t h e a n c h o r ' s b a s e , p e r h a p s for t h e a t t a c h m e n t of a line with a float to indicate t h e a n c h o r ' s location on d i e sea b e d (see b e l o w ) . E x a m p l e s h a v e b e e n f o u n d at Mirgissa on t h e U p p e r Nile River, at W a d i G a w a s i s o n E g y p t ' s R e d Sea coast, a n d as far afield as Byblos in L e b a n o n a n d U g a r i t in Syria. S t o n e a n c h o r s a b o u n d u n d e r w a t e r along Israel's M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast. Several a n c h o r s from t h e C a r m e l coast bear m a r k i n g s , s o m e in relief. T h e earliest datable stone, a n chorlike objects in t h e N e a r E a s t are shfifonim ( H e b . , " v i p e r s " ) , f o u n d in the region immediately s o u t h of t h e Sea of Galilee. [See Shfifonim.] N u m e r o u s stone anchors have also b e e n f o u n d at Byblos a n d Ugarit. A m o n g those f o u n d at Byblos w e r e several t h a t h a v e a distinctly triangular shape. A l t h o u g h a n c h o r s w i t h this s h a p e are c o m m o n l y t e r m e d B y blian, t h e majority h a v e b e e n f o u n d in Israeli waters (figure
2). C y p r u s is rich in stone a n c h o r s — 1 4 7 w e r e found at Kition alone. F e w stone a n c h o r s h a v e b e e n r e c o v e r e d from T u r k i s h waters, h o w e v e r , a n d t h e y are so rare in t h e A e g e a n Sea t h a t a different form of a n c h o r i n g device m a y h a v e b e e n in use there. A e g e a n B r o n z e A g e cultures m a y have e m p l o y e d killiks—devices that u s e u n d r e s s e d stones as weights for
138
ANCHORS nological d e v e l o p m e n t s . S t o n e stocks often b r o k e o n rocky sea b o t t o m s . L e a d - c o r e d w o o d e n stocks w e r e n o t as fragile, b u t their n u m b e r was directly linked t o t h e s u p p l y of lead. L e a d was in s h o r t s u p p l y until t h e late t h i r d - c e n t u r y BCE, w h e n the R o m a n s gained control of rich S p a n i s h silver m i n e s a n d p r o d u c e d silver, a n d its b y - p r o d u c t , lead, o n a g r a n d scale. W h e n t h e p r i c e of lead fell, t y p e - I l l solid-lead stocks a p p e a r e d a l m o s t simultaneously. T y p e - I V r e m o v a b l e stocks are frequentiy f o u n d in t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . T h e s e collapsible a n c h o r s were d e s i g n e d for an e c o n o m y of space a n d suggest t h e u s e of smaller ships. T h e versatile removable-stock w o o d e n a n c h o r s h e r a l d e d increasing u s e of removable-stock iron a n c h o r s .
ANCHORS. F i g u r e 2 .
0
10
Stone
anchor.
20
30 cm
Byblian a n c h o r f o u n d in tire
a n c i e n t h a r b o r of D o r , in T a n t u r a L a g o o n , Israel. (Courtesy S. Wachsmann)
w o o d e n anchoring devices. O n c e t h e w o o d disintegrated, the a n c h o r - s t o n e w o u l d b e indistinguishable f r o m other stones (see below). O n C r e t e , some stone a n c h o r s have b e e n found at Mallia a n d K o m m o s . A n a n c h o r - s h a p e d p o r p h y r y stone from K n o s s o s , with a relief carving of an o c t o p u s , m a y have b e e n a weight, or a cultic object. It is unlikely to have ever been e m p l o y e d at sea. Small stone a n c h o r s have continued in u s e into m o d e r n times. L a r g e stone a n c h o r s — t h o s e that required m o r e t h a n one person t o h a n d l e t h e m — a p p a r e n t i y w e n t o u t of u s e as n e w types of a n c h o r s w e r e i n t r o d u c e d , t o w a r d t h e e n d of the I r o n Age. W o o d e n A n c h o r s . D r a m a t i c changes in a n c h o r shape probably o c c u r r e d t o w a r d the e n d of t h e seventh century BCE w h e n t h e w o r d ankura ( " b e n t " ) first appears in G r e e k texts (Kapitan, 1984; p p . 33-36). F o u r types of w o o d e n a n chor stocks were u s e d in the G r e c o - R o m a n , p e r i o d (figure 3): stone (type I ) ; w o o d witii lead cores (II); lead (III), o c casionally with w o o d e n cores ( C ) , a n d r e m o v a b l e lead stocks (IV). L e a d stocks c o n t i n u e d to b e k n o w n as stones long after their typological forebears fell into disuse ( D u r r b a c h and Roussel, 1926-1935, vol. 1, 443.92, vol. 3;i4X7, p p . 163-65). In general, Greeks u s e d stone-stocked anchors (type I ) , whereas R o m a n s u s e d solid lead (type III) stocks. T y p e II represents a transition from stone to lead stocks, a n d t y p e IV a m o r e drastic c h a n g e from w o o d e n anchors to iron a n chors. B o t h transitions w e r e p r o d u c t s of historical a n d t e c h
Greeks called a n c h o r s h a n g i n g gear ( p r o b a b l y b e c a u s e they h u n g from b o w s a n d sterns [Casson, 1971, p . 265]), stays ( A t h a n a e u s , Diepnosophists 3.99D), or e v e n h o l d e r s ( L u c i a n , Lex. 15). T h e largest a n c h o r w a s t h e " s a c r e d a n c h o r " which was t h r o w n in times of d e s p e r a t i o n ( L u c i a n , Jup. Trag. 51). R o m a n a u t h o r s m a d e m o r e specific refer ences to a n c h o r p a r t s . A r m s (figure 3.3) or even entire a n chors were k n o w n as h o o k s (Virgil, Aeneid 1.169.3). T h e conical iron or b r o n z e c a p s t h a t reinforced a r m e n d s (figure 3.2) were called teeth (Livy 37.30.9-10), b e c a u s e of their toothlike s h a p e , o r claws (Plutarch, de mul. 8.247E). Pliny credited i n v e n t i o n of t h e o n e - a r m e d a n c h o r to E u p a l a m u s a n d of t h e t w o - a r m e d a n c h o r to A n a c h a r s i s (Nat. Hist. 7.56.209). References like Pliny's w e r e t h o u g h t a p o c ryphal until a r e i n f o r c e m e n t collar (figure 3.4) for a o n e a r m e d a n c h o r w a s f o u n d n e a r Brindisi, Italy ( K a p i t a n , 1984; Rosloff, 1991). O n e - a r m e d iron a n c h o r s also existed (P. Lond. n 6 4 h 1 1 . 7 - 1 1 ) . Scholars learned m o r e a b o u t a n c h o r a r m c o n s t r u c t i o n with t h e discovery of a f r a g m e n t a r y a n c h o r o n the C h r e t i e n n e " C " wreck (Joncheray, 1975). A r m s w e r e b o u n d fas t e n e d to a n c h o r shanks with Z - s h a p e d h o o k joints t h a t w e r e , in t u r n , secured b y m o r t i s e - a n d - t e n o n joints (figure 3.5). Pegs placed p e r p e n d i c u l a r l y t h r o u g h t e n o n s in a n c h o r a r m s locked t h e m in position. W h e n a r m / s h a n k joints l o o s e n e d with wear, r e i n f o r c e m e n t collars (figure 3.4) p o u r e d o n t o a n c h o r s held t h e a n c h o r a r m s in position ( H a l d a n e , 1986). Pliny records cork floats o n lines u s e d t o m a r k a n a n c h o r ' s location o n t h e sea b o t t o m (Nat. Hist. 16.13.34). T h e s e lines, tied t o w o o d e n - a n c h o r c r o w n n o t c h e s (figure 3.6) or iron a n c h o r c r o w n rings, also freed a n c h o r s stuck in t h e sea bed. I r o n A n c h o r s . H e r o d o t u s (9.74) m a k e s t h e first r e c o r d e d reference t o iron a n c h o r s in t h e early fifth c e n t u r y BCE. I r o n was scarce, h o w e v e r , a n d iron a n c h o r s d o n o t c o m m o n l y a p p e a r o n shipwrecks until t h e first c e n t u r y CE. A S i r o n working t e c h n o l o g y d e v e l o p e d in t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n , t h e u s e of w o o d e n a n c h o r s diminished. T h e first conclusive evidence of a n c h o r m a n u f a c t u r e to p r e d e t e r m i n e d specifications c a n b e s e e n in i r o n a n c h o r s . T h e first-century CE iron a n c h o r f o u n d at L a k e N e m i , Italy,
ANCHORS
ANCHORS.
F i g u r e 3.
Wooden
anchors.
139
S t o c k t y p e s for w o o d e n a n c h o r s . T y p e I is a s t o n e stock;
T y p e II is a w o o d s t o c k w i t h a lead c o r e ; T y p e III stocks are lead; T y p e I V stocks h a v e r e m o v a b l e lead c o r e s . T h e pieces of t h e T y p e III a n c h o r are n u m b e r e d : ( 1 ) s h a n k ; (2) t e e t h ; ( 3 ) a r m ; (4) r e i n f o r c e m e n t collar; ( 5 ) m o r t i s e a n d t e n o n joints; ( 6 ) c r o w n . (Courtesy A S O R Archives)
h a s its w e i g h t inscribed in R o m a n p o u n d s o n its shank ( S p e ziale, 1931). T h e a n c h o r c o m p l e m e n t of t h e s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y CE Yassiada B y z a n t i n e s h i p w r e c k f o u n d off t h e coast of T u r k e y m a y have r a n g e d f r o m smallest to largest in i n c r e m e n t s of 5 0 R o m a n p o u n d s (Bass a n d v a n D o o r n i n c k , 1982, p . 134). [See Yassiada W r e c k s , ] A n c h o r a r m configurations also s h o w a progressive e v o lution. I r o n a n c h o r a r m s first i m i t a t e d t h e s h a r p V p a t t e r n of w o o d e n a n c h o r s b u t gradually relaxed to t h e lunate s h a p e of t h e N e m i iron a n c h o r ( B ) ; t h e y c o n t i n u e to o p e n f r o m t h e first to t h e fourth c e n t u r i e s CE in t h e D r a m o n t D a n d F a n c h o r s . T h e c r u c i f o r m s h a p e of t h e s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y Yassiada a n c h o r s reflects t h e christianization of t h e R o m a n E m p i r e . A n c h o r a r m angles relative t o s h a n k s increased until they r e a c h e d the Y s h a p e of t h e e l e v e n t h - c e n t u r y Serce L i m a m a n c h o r s . [See Serce L i m a m . ] Increasingly u n s t a b l e e c o n o m i c a n d political conditions in t h e m e d i e v a l M e d i t e r r a n e a n dictated die u s e of smaller, faster ships. D e c k space w a s at a p r e m i u m , and d i e u s e of d u r a b l e , r e m o v a b l e - s t o c k i r o n a n c h o r s a b o a r d ships b e c a m e t h e rule. [See also Ships a n d Boats.]
Recording of Pierced Stones from the M e d i t e r r a n e a n . " In Marine Archaeology: Proceedings of the XXIII Symposium of the Colston Re search Society Held in the University of Bristol, April 4th to 8th, 1971, edited b y D . J. Blackman, p p . 3 9 7 - 4 0 6 . Colston Papers, no. 32, L o n don, 1 9 7 3 . Frost, H o n o r . " E g y p t and S t o n e Anchors: S o m e Recent Discoveries." Mariner's Minor 65 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 3 7 - 1 6 1 . Frost, H o n o r . " A p p e n d i x I: T h e Kition A n c h o r s , " In Excavations at Kilion 5, vol. 1, The Pre-Phoenician Levels, Areas I and II, edited by Vassos Karageorghis a n d M a r t h a D e m a s , p p . 2 8 1 - 3 2 1 , pis. A - N . Nicosia, 1986. Frost, H o n o r . " A n c h o r s Sacred a n d Profane: Ugarit-Ras S h a m r a , 1986, the Stone Anchors Revised a n d C o m p a r e d . " In Arts et indus tries de la pierre, edited b y Marguerite Y o n , p p . 3 5 5 - 4 1 0 . Ras S h a m r a - O u g a r i t , 6. Paris, 1 9 9 1 . Galili, E h u d . " A G r o u p of Stone Anchors from N e w e - Y a m . " Inter national Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 14 (1985): 143-153. Galili, E h u d , and K u r t Raveh. " S t o n e Anchors with Carvings from the Sea off M e g a d i m . " Sefunim 7 (1988): 4 1 - 4 7 , pi. 5. Karageorghis, Vassos, and Jean des Gagniers. IM ceramique chypriote de style figure, Age du fer (1050-500 Av. J.-C). Rome, 1974. Sayed, A. M . A. H . "Discovery of the Site of the Twelfth-Dynasty Port at W a d i Gawasis on the R e d Sea S h o r e . " Revue d'Egyplologie 29 (1977): 138-178. W a c h s m a n n , Shelley, Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. College Station, T e x a s , in press.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Stone Anchors Frost, H o n o r . " T h e Stone A n c h o r s of U g a r i t . " Ugaritica 6 ( 1 9 6 9 a ) : 235-245. Frost, H o n o r . " T h e S t o n e A n c h o r s of Byblos." Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph 45 ( : 9 6 9 b ) : 4 2 5 - 4 4 2 . Frost, H o n o r . " A n c h o r s , the P o t s h e r d s of M a r i n e Archaeology: O n the
Wood and Iron Anchors Babbitt, F r a n k C , trans. Plutarch's Moralia. Vol. 3: 1723-2630. L o e b Classical Library. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1 9 6 1 . Bass, G e o r g e F . , a n d Frederick H . van Doorninck, Jr. YassiAda, vol. 1, A Seventh-Century Byzantine Shipwreck. College Station, T e x a s ,
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ANDRAE, WALTER
Casson, Lionel. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World. Princeton, 1 9 7 1 . Definitive work on ancient ships and seafaring. D u r r b a c h , Felix, and Pierre Roussel. Inscriptions de Debs. Vols. 1 and 3. Paris, 1 9 2 6 - 1 9 3 5 . Godley, Alfred D . , trans. Herodotus. Vol. 4, Books 8-9. L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1924. Gulick, C. B., trans. Alhanaeus: The Deipnosophists. Vol. 1, Books 1 - 3 . L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1927. Haldane, Douglas. " W o o d e n Anchor A r m Construction." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 15 (1986): 1 6 3 - 1 6 6 . H a r m o n , A u s d n M . , trans. Lucian. Vol. 5, L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1936. H a r m o n , Austin M . , trans. Lucian. Vol. 2. L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., i960. Joncheray, J.-P. " L ' e p a v e ' C ' de la chretienne." Cahiers
d'Archeologie
Subaquatique, supp. 1 ( 1 9 7 5 ) . K a p i t a n , Gerhard, "Ancient Anchors: Technology and Classification." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Explo ration 13 (1984): 3 3 - 4 4 . K e n y o n , Frederic, a n d H. Idris Bell. Greek Papyri in the British Museum. Vol. 3. L o n d o n , 1907. Rackham, Harris, trans. Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 2, Books 3 - 7 . L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1942. Rackham, Harris, trans. Pliny: Natural History. Vol. 4, Books 1 2 - 1 6 . L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 4 5 . Rosloff, Jay. " A O n e - A r m e d Anchor of c. 400 B.C.E. from M a ' a g a n Michael Vessel, Israel: A Preliminary R e p o r t . " International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 20.3 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 223-226. Sage, E. T „ trans, Livy: From the Founding of the City. Vol. 10, Books 3 5 - 3 7 . L o e b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass., 1935. Speziale, G. C . " T h e R o m a n Anchors F o u n d a t N e m i . " Manner's Mir ror 17 ( 1 9 3 1 ) : 300-320. SHELLEY WACHSMANN a n d DOUGLAS HALDANE
ANDRAE, WALTER (1875-1956), archaeologist, scholar, a n d museologist. A n d r a e was b o r n in A n g e r , n e a r Leipzig, G e r m a n y . After finishing school at G i m m a (the school of t h e princes of S a x o n y ) , h e studied architecture for four years at the T e c h n i c a l University in D r e s d e n . A n d r a e was only t w e n t y - t h r e e w h e n , in 1898, h e set off for the N e a r East with the D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesellschaft's B a b y l o n E x pedition. In Babylon A n d r a e learned excavation techniques from the expedition's leader, R o b e r t Koldewey, the m o s t p r o m i n e n t excavator of t h a t time. I n 1903, A n d r a e u n d e r took the first excavation of his o w n , at Assur, the capital of Assyria. H e worked there until 1914. A n d r a e also w o r k e d at Shuruppak (modern Fara) and Kisurra (Abu Hatab), both s o u t h of Babylon, a n d at H a t r a , the P a r t h i a n city of the sun g o d northwest of Assur. D u r i n g W o r l d W a r I, A n d r a e served as a G e r m a n a r m y officer in the N e a r East. After the war he was e m p l o y e d by t h e Berlin M u s e u m , w h e r e h e succeeded K o l d e w e y as c u rator of the N e a r East collection. I n 1928 he b e c a m e director of t h e N e a r East d e p a r t m e n t of t h e State M u s e u m of Berlin, a position h e held until die 1950s. After W o r l d W a r II, A n drae b e c a m e a professor of the history of architecture at the
T e c h n i c a l University in Berlin. T o w a r d the e n d of his life, a n accident c a u s e d his almost c o m p l e t e b l i n d n e s s . A t Assur, A n d r a e first i n t r o d u c e d t h e system of e x a m i n i n g levels: in the area of the T e m p l e of Ishtar, the oldest b u i l d i n g at Assur, he n a m e d b u i l d i n g levels b y letter, designating A for the u p p e r m o s t a n d H for t h e lowest level. H e also d e veloped K o l d e w e y ' s m e t h o d s of archaeological w o r k for d i e c o m i n g generations. A t t h e Berlin M u s e u m , A n d r a e was r e sponsible for d i e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k on t h e P r o c e s s i o n Street, t h e Ishtar G a t e , a n d other m o n u m e n t s from A s s u r and Uruk. [See also Assur; D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesellschaft; and the bi ography of Koldewey.] BIBLIOGRAPHY A n d r a e , Ernst Walter, and Rainer Michael B o e h m e r . Sketches by an Excavator: Walter Andrae im Orient, 1898-1919. Berlin, 1989. A n d r a e , Walter. Ijibenserinnerungen eines Ausgrdbers. Berlin, 1 9 6 1 . A n d r a e , Walter. Das wiedererstandene Assur. 2 d ed. M u n i c h , , 1 9 7 7 . BARTI-IEL HROUDA
A N I M A L H U S B A N D R Y . T h e d o m e s t i c a t i o n of a n imals is a c o m p o n e n t of the " N e o l i t h i c R e v o l u t i o n " a n d a process t h a t h a d an i m p a c t b o t h o n the biology of t h e t a m e d a n d tire culture of the t a m e r s . O n e of t h e m a i n centers for t h e evolution of h u s b a n d r y was the ancient N e a r East, w h e r e its beginnings, i n the early H o l o c e n e c. 9000 BCE, c a n b e f o u n d in Iran, I r a q , Anatolia, Syria, a n d the L e v a n t , within t h e hilly zones adjacent to t h e Fertile C r e s c e n t . T h e r e , within a relatively short p e r i o d of time—a few t h o u s a n d years at m o s t — m o b i l e h u n t i n g a n d gathering, a strategy t h a t h a d been successful for millennia, was r e p l a c e d b y sedentary farming a n d animal h u s b a n d r y as the p r i m a r y m o d e of s u b sistence for m o s t c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e s e t h r e e aspects of t h e Neolithic R e v o l u t i o n — s e d e n t i s m , h u s b a n d r y , a n d agricul t u r e — a r e interwoven b u t i n d e p e n d e n t c o m p o n e n t s of t h e process; t h u s , evidence for the p r e s e n c e of o n e is n o t certain p r o o f for the existence of the others. F o r this r e a s o n , t h e p r i m a r y evidence for animal h u s b a n d r y is to b e s o u g h t in d i e b o n e s of animals recovered at archaeological sites. Bones reflect d o m e s t i c a t i o n in two ways. O n e is t h e i m p a c t the p r o c e s s h a d on the wild species t h a t c a m e u n d e r h u m a n control; t h e other is its i m p a c t o n h u m a n values a n d social organizations. Shifts in t h e selective forces affecting t h e small p o p u l a t i o n s of animals initially t a m e d gradually c h a n g e d die a p p e a r a n c e of their d e s c e n d a n t s : m o s t b e c a m e smaller, n e o t e n o u s features w e r e retained,, a n d coat color a n d t e x t u r e as well as o t h e r m o r p h o l o g i c a l features b e c a m e m o r e variable. T h e s e changes w e r e likely n o t intentional goals of t h e first h e r d e r s b u t e m e r g e d from t h e p r o c e s s of selecting animals w h o w e r e easiest to m a n a g e a n d m a i n t a i n . S o m e novel m o r p h o l o g i c a l a n d behavioral features did c o m e t o h a v e e c o n o m i c significance: t h e wooly coat of s h e e p or a
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY m o r e docile personality in cattle; outers, s u c h as t h e cork screw h o r n s of goats o r t h e s h o r t e n e d faces of pigs, a l t h o u g h p e r h a p s culturally salient, d i d n o t c o n t r i b u t e obvious m a terial benefits t o t h e h u s b a n d e r s ' n e w a d a p t a t i o n t o t h e e n vironment. M o r p h o l o g i c a l features p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h u n c o n s c i o u s h u m a n i n t e r v e n t i o n are visible in skeletons a n d can b e u s e d t o d e m o n s t r a t e t h e p r e s e n c e o f d o m e s t i c stock at a n a r c h a e ological site. A t Ali K o s h , in s o u t h w e s t e r n I r a n , t h e p r e s e n c e of d o m e s t i c sheep c. 7500-7000 BCE is e v i d e n c e d b y t h e skull of a hornless ewe; d o m e s t i c goats a r e d e d u c e d from h o r n core m o r p h o l o g y ( t h e h o r n s o f b o v i d s , w h i c h a r e n o t s h e d like antlers, a r e keratinous s h e a t h s covering b o n e spikes t h a t project from t h e frontal b o n e of t h e skull). A t Hallan C e m i , in eastern Anatolia, d o m e s t i c pigs c a n b e d e m o n s t r a t e d in a b o u t 8000 BCE o n t h e basis of t h e discovery of teeth smaller t h a n their wild a n c e s t o r s ' . T h e existence of d o m e s t i c cattle in central Anatolia in t h e late sixth m i l l e n n i u m h a s b e e n a r g u e d o n t h e basis of t h e small overall size of t h e animals. M o r p h o l o g i c a l evidence a l o n e , h o w e v e r , is insufficient t o t r a c e t h e process of d o m e s t i c a t i o n . T h e earliest stages of h u s b a n d r y — t h o s e t h a t o c c u r r e d before m o r p h o l o g i c a l changes appeared—will b e missed. Moreover, the remains of d o m e s t i c stock a t a site is n o t certain p r o o f that t h e p e o p l e w h o slaughtered a n d c o n s u m e d t h e animals also raised t h e m . T h u s , t h e s e c o n d w a y in w h i c h b o n e s reflect d o m e s tication is crucial. D o m e s t i c a t i o n is t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n of living animals into h u m a n society. D o m e s t i c a t i o n n o t only p r o d u c e s d o m e s t i c animals, it e n c o u r a g e s d i e a d o p t i o n of different values a n d social organizations b y t h e societies t h a t e m p l o y it. A major a d j u s t m e n t is required: a n i n c r e a s e d sense of p r o p e r t y b e c o m e s a m e a s u r e o f social status. T h e t e r m husbandry m e a n s to conserve, k e e p , a n d alienate r e s o u r c e s . T h e r o u t e t o s u c cess is t h r o u g h resisting t h e i m p u l s e t o slaughter stock so t h a t h e r d g r o w t h c a n b e e n c o u r a g e d . T h i s w a y of thinking is a n a t h e m a to m a n y foraging societies in w h i c h t h e r e is s t r o n g p r e s s u r e t o share t h e g a m e from a successful h u n t across t h e whole c o m m u n i t y . T h e d e m o g r a p h i c s of pastoral societies a r e s h a p e d b y t h e ratio b e t w e e n t h e n u m b e r of h e r d e r s a n d t h e size of t h e flock, a relatively rigid relation ship tiiat fosters s e g m e n t a t i o n within c o m m u n i t i e s o n h o u s e h o l d lines a n d d i s c o u r a g e s t h e free flow of p e r s o n n e l b e t w e e n c a m p s o r settlements t h a t is characteristic of h u n t ers. T h e events of t h e early H o l o c e n e i n t h e N e a r E a s t t h e r e fore p r o d u c e d significant c h a n g e s in t h e values a n d social organization of t h e e m e r g e n t c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e n e w atti t u d e s c a n only b e inferred indirectly. A k e y c o m p o n e n t of h u s b a n d r y is t h e decision t o cull. T h e p r o p o r t i o n s of t h e different ages a n d sexes in t h e animals t h a t h e r d e r s c h o o s e t o slaughter t o feed their families are distinct from those seen in t h e animals h u n t e r s a r e likely t o kill. T h u s , evaluation of t h e mortality of potentially d o m e s t i c a b l e animals at a site is a key t e c h n i q u e i n d e t e r m i n i n g w h e t h e r t h e h u m a n b e h a v
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iors associated with p a s t o r a l i s m a r e p r e s e n t . T h o u g h other i n f o r m a t i o n is s u p p o r t i v e , d e m o g r a p h i c information is c e n tral to t h e conclusions t h a t s h e e p were d o m e s t i c b y a b o u t 8500 BCE at Zawi C h e m i a n d S h a n i d a r cave in n o r t h e r n Iraq a n d goats h u s b a n d e d a t T e p e Ganj D a r e h in w e s t e r n Iran b y 7000 BCE. W h a t m o t i v a t e d t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n of animals into h u m a n society? M o s t theories h a v e a r g u e d t h a t t h e reliable p r o d u c tion of m e a t w a s t h e incentive. It is widely agreed t h a t h u m a n p o p u l a t i o n was increasing in t h e Early H o l o c e n e , forc ing marginal habitats (from a h u n t e r - f o r a g e r perspective) to b e o c c u p i e d — l a n d s with less g a m e , w h e r e those c o m m u nities w i t h domestic h e r d s w o u l d m o r e easily survive. B e cause s o m e of these m a r g i n a l habitats a r e outside t h e r a n g e of the wild ancestors of s h e e p , t h e discovery of their r e m a i n s a t s u c h P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c sites as Jericho in t h e J o r d a n Valley, B e i d h a in J o r d a n , a n d A b u H u r e y r a o n t h e E u p h r a t e s River i n Syria h a s b e e n taken as direct evidence of d o m e s tication. F o r w h a t , t h e n , w e r e t h e y b e i n g raised? A t t h e same time m a r g i n a l habitats w e r e b e i n g i n v a d e d , t h e e n v i r o n m e n t of t h e Early H o l o c e n e w a s b o t h spatially variable a n d t e m porally erratic—conditions ethnology tells u s p r o m o t e stor age as a buffering m e c h a n i s m , a n d h u s b a n d r y is a f o r m of storage o n t h e hoof. T h e difficulty with these m o d e l s h a s b e e n d i e lack of a n e x p l a n a t i o n for h o w h u n t e r s c a n avoid killing t h e animals t h e y e n c o u n t e r a n d instead treat t h e m m o r e like gathered r e s o u r c e s — w h i c h , again ethnology r e p o r t s , a r e s h a r e d within t h e h o u s e h o l d , n o t the c o m m u n i t y at large. O n e controversial explanation for t h e motivation is t h e milk even wild caprines yield. Small n u m b e r s of t a m e stock m a i n t a i n e d b y h o u s e h o l d s for dairy p r o d u c t s could h a v e served as t h e basis for t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of larger h e r d s capable of p r o d u c i n g m e a t . A s e c o n d factor is t h e behavior of t w o of t h e wild species first d o m e s t i c a t e d — s h e e p a n d goats. B o t h of these animals are "vertical m i g r a t o r s , " a d a p t ing to t h e c h a n g e of t h e season b y m o v i n g u p a n d d o w n p r e c i p i t o u s terrain. T h e y c o n t r a s t with "horizontal m i g r a t o r s , " s u c h as gazelles a n d e q u i d s , w h i c h deal with variable climate b y traversing great distances. S h e e p a n d goats also h a v e a considerable a t t a c h m e n t t o their h o m e ranges. E x ploiting t h e m , r a t h e r t h a n t h e horizontal m i g r a t o r s , w o u l d h a v e given a n e w definition t o t h e c o n c e p t of h u n t i n g ter ritory b e c a u s e sheep a n d goat habitat is p r o d u c t i v e yearr o u n d rather t h a n just seasonally. I t is m o r e w o r t h defend ing. G a m e - m a n a g e m e n t t e c h n i q u e s , which m i m i c s o m e h e r d i n g strategies a n d so are h a r d to distinguish in t h e a r chaeological r e c o r d , w o u l d h a v e h a d value a n d offered a n other potential p a t h w a y t o m o r e intensive h u s b a n d r y . A l t h o u g h h u s b a n d r y w a s u n d e r w a y b y a b o u t 9000 BCE, it took nearly eight t h o u s a n d s years for t h e list of N e a r Eastern domesticates t o b e c o m p l e t e . S h e e p , goats, a n d p r o b a b l y pigs w e r e first, d o m e s t i c a t e d across southwest Asia b y 7000 BCE. B y 6000 BCE, t h e first sites with multiple species of d o mestic livestock a r e r e c o r d e d (e.g., E r b a b a i n Anatolia a n d
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J a r m o in Iraq, a m o n g m a n y o t h e r s ) . A t a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e or a little earlier, a figurine found at t h e western Iranian site of Sarab indicates that woolly sheep were k n o w n . H u n t i n g h a d not died o u t as a n i m p o r t a n t subsistence p u r s u i t — t h o u g h a t sites w h e r e t h e i m p o r t a n t domesticates b e longed to tire s a m e species as the wild animals h u n t i n g m i g h t also have been p u r s u e d — b u t there is presently n o w a y to estimate its contribution accurately. However, a t t h e site of U m m D a b a g h i y e h , a sixth-millennium settlement in Iraq, onagers (a wild relative of t h e horse) were h u n t e d i n t e n sively. A scattering of d o m e s t i c donkeys is found i n various p a r t s of t h e N e a r East in a b o u t 3000 BCE, in M e s o p o t a m i a often in ritual contexts. Shortly thereafter, t h e animal b e c a m e a mainstay as a beast of b u r d e n . T h e h o r s e was d o mesticated in central Asia b y t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m a n d seems to have a p p e a r e d in t h e N e a r East b y t h e third mil l e n n i u m , although a Chalcolithic horse b o n e has b e e n f o u n d in Israel's N e g e v desert. Cattle entered t h e b a r n y a r d at t h e e n d of the sixth m i l l e n n i u m a n d w e r e used for motive p o w e r a n d milk b y t h e fourth, T h e centuries just before 3000 BCE have b e e n referred to as t h e p e r i o d of t h e S e c o n d a r y P r o d u c t s R e v o l u t i o n — a t i m e w h e n donkeys n o t only entered t h e work force, b u t sheep, goats, a n d cattle b e g a n t o b e m a n a g e d for their fiber a n d dairy p r o d u c t s . I n fact, t h e m a n a g e m e n t for s e c o n d a r y p r o d u c t s p r o b a b l y b e g a n m u c h earlier; it is m o r e correct to say that the effort invested in these forms of h u s b a n d r y i n creased with the a d v e n t of complex society. T h e complex political organization associated with t h e rise of the state r e s h a p ed animal h u s b a n d r y in the N e a r East, O n e d e v e l o p m e n t was specialized n o m a d i c pastoralism, a n adaptation d e p e n d e n t o n t h e e c o n o m i c infrastructure t h e state provides. It is n o t , as s o m e would have it, a simpler subsistence m o d e into w h i c h p e o p l e slip d u r i n g t h e inter m i t t e n t periods of social disintegration b r o u g h t o n b y t h e collapse of states a n d empires. N o m a d i c pastoralism has t h e capacity to generate considerable political p o w e r . T h o u g h it is counterintuitive, the successes a n d failures of individual pastoralists d o n o t even o u t over time. Instead, s o m e s u c ceed enormously a n d are able to employ or otherwise attach their luckless fellows t o m a n a g e their ever-increasing h e r d s . T h e s e a r r a n g e m e n t s are capable of multiplying t o p r o d u c e n o m a d i c " k i n g d o m s " of considerable p o w e r . U n d e r t h e state, animal p r o d u c t i o n w a s m a n a g e d either t h r o u g h b u reaucrats o r t h e action of markets. I n either case, h u s b a n d e r s were e n c o u r a g e d b y t h e d e m a n d s m a d e o r t h e opportunities p r o v i d e d b y these institutions to redirect their efforts away from h o u s e h o l d p r o d u c t i o n a n d t o w a r d t h e creation of a n imal p r o d u c t s for exchange. F o r example, in t h e L e v a n t , at T e l Halif, donkeys w e r e p r o d u c e d o n a large scale, p r e s u m ably to serve a regional n e e d for t r a n s p o r t animals. T h i s principle also is visible in the transformation of culling strat egies for sheep a n d goats. Effective m u l t i p u r p o s e m a n a g e m e n t of these animals for h o u s e h o l d c o n s u m p t i o n focuses
o n dairy p r o d u c t i o n as t h e m o s t efficient m e t h o d of p r o d u c i n g calories. E v i d e n c e for h e r d i n g t e c h n i q u e s a i m e d at t h e p r o d u c t i o n of m e a t o r wool implies that t h e e x c h a n g e value associated with these p r o d u c t s w a s sufficient t o o u t weigh t h e overall decrease in total p r o d u c t i o n . T h e s e a r e r e c o r d e d in all p a r t s of t h e N e a r East. I n M e s o p o t a m i a , c u neiform d o c u m e n t s indicate t h a t b y t h e e n d of t h e third m i l l e n n i u m extensive centralized s h e e p h e r d i n g w a s u n d e r w a y . Unfortunately, t h e d o c u m e n t a r y r e c o r d refers almost exclu sively to state-directed activities a n d p r o v i d e s n o p i c t u r e of t h e rural d o m e s t i c p r o d u c t i o n of a n i m a l p r o d u c t s , w h i c h m u s t h a v e been e n o r m o u s . T h e textual r e c o r d also indicates t h a t local " b r e e d s " h a d developed. It is a mistake to view these as distinctive m o r phologies p r o d u c e d b y deliberate isolation a n d selection, as is practiced in m o d e r n h u s b a n d r y . I n s t e a d , subregional e c o n o m i c , political, a n d physical b o u n d a r i e s p r o d u c e d isolated p o p u l a t i o n s of d o m e s t i c stock that, either t h r o u g h a d a p t a tion t o local conditions o r t h e effects of genetic drift, attained distinctive a n d recognizable qualities. I n t h e s e c i r c u m stances, local h e r d s , even t h o u g h n a m e d , actually c o n t a i n a wide r a n g e of m o r p h o l o g i e s . Genesis 31 p r o v i d e s a clear e x a m p l e of t h e principle. W h i l e J a c o b believes t h a t t h e c h a r acteristics of t h e m a l e goats in his flock will t u r n u p in t h e n e x t generation of kids, t h e flock itself is very diverse in a p p e a r a n c e , hardly t h e m o d e r n idea of a b r e e d . I n Egypt, d o m e s t i c s h e e p a n d goats s e e m t o h a v e b e e n i m p o r t s from s o u t h w e s t Asia. I n t h e case of cattle, t h e case is n o t settled. A center of domestication, i n d e p e n d e n t of t h e o n e in Anatolia a n d southeast E u r o p e , m a y h a v e existed in n o r t h e a s t Africa. Certainly in t h e p h a r a o n i c e r a , extensive e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n with a w i d e r a n g e of animals w a s practiced. While most ventures never went beyond taming, some birds, notably geese, b e c a m e significant d o m e s t i c a t e s , as they d i d in M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e date t h e c a m e l e n t e r e d t h e register of d o m e s t i c stock is u n k n o w n . T h o u g h m o s t authorities w o u l d place t h e event in Arabia a n d eastern I r a n s o m e t i m e in t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m or a little earlier, t h e evidence is extremely thin a n d subject t o alternative explanations. A s i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t o r s t o t h e e c o n o m y , h o w e v e r , t h e evidence for camels p o i n t s certainly t o t h e early first a n d p e r h a p s t o t h e m i d d l e of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. O t h e r animals deserve s o m e m e n t i o n . T h e h u m p e d Z e b u cattle, especially well a d a p t e d t o arid c o n d i t i o n s , is p r e s e n t in J o r d a n b y t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , a l t h o u g h t h e difficulty associated with identifying its r e m a i n s m e a n s t h a t it m a y b e p r e s e n t elsewhere earlier, b u t u n r e c o g n i z e d a m o n g t h e b o n e s of t h e m o r e c o m m o n t a u r i n e cattle. T h e s a m e p r o b l e m faces t h e identification of t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n of t h e w a t e r buffalo, p r e s u m a b l y wild examples of w h i c h h a v e b e e n f o u n d in Halafian deposits, F a u n a l evidence s h o w s t h a t t h e animal w a s d o m e s t i c a t e d in t h e I n d u s Valley b y t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , a n d a seal i m p r e s s i o n places t h e a n i m a l i n M e s -
'ANJAR o p o t a m i a at a b o u t the s a m e t i m e . Little m o r e is k n o w n . T h e i n d i g e n o u s hare of the N e a r E a s t w a s n o t d o m e s t i c a t e d , a n d rabbits w e r e n o t i n t r o d u c e d until R o m a n times. F i s h w e r e raised in p o n d s in M e s o p o t a m i a b u t do n o t s e e m t o h a v e b e e n t r u e domesticates. Bees w e r e kept in E g y p t b e g i n n i n g in t h e O l d K i n g d o m (third m i l l e n n i u m ) , b u t the technology does n o t s e e m to h a v e s p r e a d to Asia. T h e e l e p h a n t p r e s e n t s an especially c o m p l e x p r o b l e m . T h e discovery of ivory at s u c h w o r k s h o p s as Bir es-Safadi in the n o r t h e r n N e g e v indicates the p r e s e n c e of t h e a n i m a l in t h e Chalcolithic period. S c a t t e r e d b o n e a n d tusk finds t o g e t h e r witii textual r e c o r d s of imperial h u n t i n g suggest t h a t a relict p o p u l a t i o n of an as yet u n d e t e r m i n e d species of e l e p h a n t w a s p r e s e n t in Syria as late as t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE. H o w e v e r , at least o n e authority h a s a r g u e d tiiat these animals w e r e actually t r a n s p o r t e d from India for royal s p o r t a n d so technically w o u l d b e d o m e s t i cates. Finally, t h e chicken has b e e n r e p o r t e d from occasional finds as early as d i e Early B r o n z e Age. T h e scarcity of these r e p o r t s a n d t h e possibility of c o n t a m i n a t i o n associated with m o s t of t h e m contrasts with t h e explosion of chicken h u s b a n d r y t h a t begins in t h e P e r s i a n a n d particularly the H e l lenistic period. T h e evidence n o w p o i n t s to a n original d o mestication of die chicken in C h i n a d u r i n g the Neolithic, followed b y a n extremely slow diffusion west. [See also C a m e l s ; Cattle a n d O x e n ; E q u i d s ; Paleozoology; Pigs; and S h e e p a n d Goats.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Boessneck, Joachim. Die Tierwelt des Alten Agypten: Untersucht anhand Kulturgeschichtlicher und Zoologischer. M u n i c h , 1988. Encyclopedic survey of animal domestication in Egypt. Clutton-Brock, Juliet, ed. The Walking Larder: Patterns of Domestication, Pastoralism, andPredation, L o n d o n , 1989. Presents important studies by Pierre D u c o s and S a n d o r Bokonyi from a social and instrumental perspective, as well as a survey by Richard H . M e a d o w of the m e t h ods of determining animal domestication in the N e a r East. C r a b t r e e , P a m J. "Early Animal D o m e s t i c a t i o n in the Middle East a n d E u r o p e . " In Archaeological Method and Theory, edited by Michael B. Schiffer, p p . 2 0 1 - 2 4 5 . T u c s o n , 1 9 9 3 . Clearly written s u m m a r y of the evidence for animal domestication, although it does not e m p h a size social process. Gautier, Achilles. La domestication: Et I'homme crea ses animaux. Paris, 1990. I m p o r t a n t E u r o p e a n perspective on the process of animal d o mestication. Grigson, Caroline. " P l o u g h a n d P a s t u r e in t h e Early E c o n o m y of tire S o u t h e r n L e v a n t . " In The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, edited by T h o m a s E. Levy, p p . 2 4 5 - 2 6 8 . N e w York, 1 9 9 5 . R e c e n t review of the process of domestication in the western N e a r East. Emphasizes a critical review of t h e evidence within an ecological model. R e d d i n g , R. W . " A General E x p l a n a t i o n of Subsistence C h a n g e : F r o m H u n t i n g a n d Gathering to F o o d P r o d u c t i o n . " Journal of Anthropo logical Archaeology 7 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 5 6 - 9 7 . Utilizes a systems a p p r o a c h to explain t h e advent of domestication. Russell, Kenneoh. After Eden. British Archaeological Reports, I n t e r n a tional Series, n o . 3 9 1 . O x f o r d , 1 9 8 8 . I m p o r t a n t statement from t h e
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perspective of optimization theory on the process of domestication, providing the a r g u m e n t for the early exploitation of dairy p r o d u c t s . T c h e r n o v , Eitan, a n d Liora K. Horwitz. " B o d y Size Diminution u n d e r Domestication: Unconscious Selection in Primeval Domesticates." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 10 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 5 4 - 7 5 . Sophisti cated analysis of the coevolution of domesticators and domesticated. Zeder, Melinda A. Feeding Cities: Specialized Animal Economy in the Ancient Near East. W a s h i n g t o n , D . C , 1 9 9 1 . Based on a study of T a l - e M a l y a n in Iran, providing a systems view of t h e impact of c o m p l e x society on animal production systems in southwest Asia. BRIAN HESSE
' A N J A R ('Andjar, ' A i n al-Jarr), site located in L e b a n o n , in the eastern foothills of the B i q a ' (Bekaa) Valley, south of Baalbek, halfway b e t w e e n Beirut a n d D a m a s c u s (35°56' N , 33°44' E ) . S o m e ruins in the area of 'Anjar, in particular a q u a d r a n g u l a r fortification wall, were described b y n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y travelers a n d biblical scholars, s u c h as J o h a n n L . B u r c k h a r d t a n d E d w a r d R o b i n s o n . T h e first e x p l o ration of the site, carried o u t by t h e G e r m a n Archaeological E x p e d i t i o n excavating at Baalbek, w a s p u b l i s h e d in 1938 by D a n i e l M . K r e n c k e r a n d Willy Z s c h i e t z s c h m a n n . I n 1939, J e a n S a u v a g e t identified t h e ruins as U m a y y a d 'Ain al-Jarr. I n 9535 M a u r i c e C h e h a b b e g a n to excavate 'Anjar, p u b lishing preliminary r e p o r t s in 1957 a n d 1963. I n 1967, S o lange O r y p u b l i s h e d die site's Arabic inscriptions and graf fiti, a n d J e a n - P a u l R e y - C o q u a i s published the few G r e e k inscriptions excavated. I n 1969, K. A . C . Creswell included 'Anjar i n his second edition of Early Muslim Architecture (1969). In 1993, Hafez K . C h e h a b c o m m e n t e d on G r e e k a n d Syriac texts t h a t attribute t h e construction o f ' A n j a r r e spectively to al-Walid I (r. 705-715 C E ) , a n d his son a l - ' A b b a s (in 709 CE); C h e h a b also discussed 'Anjar's identification w i t h Chalcis a d L i b a n u m , its pre-Islamic origin, a n d die p r o b l e m s created b e c a u s e t h e material culture excavated at 'Anjar has n o t b e e n studied. It is still u n c l e a r w h e t h e r the site is an Islamic f o u n d a t i o n reusing architectural structures from n e a r b y R o m a n a n d Byzantine sites, or the Islamic r e consu-uction of a previous settlement. It is even less certain t h a t the I t u r e a n a n d H e r o d i a n Chalcis was at 'Anjar. T h e excavations at 'Anjar carried o u t by M a u r i c e C h e h a b cleared a q u a d r a n g u l a r defense wall (310 X 370 m ) t h a t was b u t t r e s s e d with semicircular towers a n d h a d a m o n u m e n t a l gate in die middle of e a c h side. T w o c o l o n n a d e d avenues link the gates a n d intersect at right angles u n d e r a m o n u m e n t a l t e t r a p y l u m . T w o palaces, a m o s q u e (with a mihrab a d d e d later), a n d t w o b a t h s (the larger with mosaic a n d m a r ble floors) were cleared a n d partially rebuilt. T h e f o u n d a tions of t h r e e other palaces w i t h i n n e r courts were f o u n d along t h e east-west c o l o n n a d e d avenue. T h e overall p l a n of this walled town, w h i c h recalls plans of R o m a n and B y z antine castra, a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n laid o u t all at once: t h e f o u n d a t i o n m a s o n r y , u s i n g a h a r d m o r t a r , is of t h e s a m e t y p e for all the large structures. T h e s o u t h w e s t q u a d r a n t is :
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ANTIOCH ON ORONTES
covered with smaller dwellings. D r a i n a g e channels w e r e found all over the site, converging t o w a r d sewers built u n d e r die c o l o n n a d e d avenues. R e u s e d architectural structures, in particular capitals of R o m a n a n d Byzantine types, were found in the larger palace a n d along the porticoes. A c o l u m n with a G r e e k Christian inscription t h a t b e l o n g e d to a c h u r c h dedicated to " O u r L a d y M o t h e r of G o d " can b e seen in the court of t h e larger palace. M a n y stone elements of archivolts a n d friezes (with vegetal, floral, a n d geometric motifs) a n d pillar and pilaster capitals ( s o m e with figures) w e r e u n c o v ered in t h e palaces. It remains t o b e seen w h e t h e r this p a r t of t h e architectural decoration is Islamic or pre-Islamic. It is certain, however, that 'Anjar, called 'Ain al-Jarr in Islamic sources, was inhabited from at least 741 CE until its d e s t r u c tion, r e p o r t e d b y the M u s l i m g e o g r a p h e r A b u al-Fida', in 1321. BIBLIOGRAPHY Burckhardt, Johann L. Travels in Syria and the Holy Land.
London,
1822. See pages 8-9. C h e h a b , Hafez. " O n the Identification of 'Anjar ('Ayn al-Jarr) as an U m a y y a d F o u n d a t i o n . " Muqamas 10 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 4 2 - 4 8 . C h e h a b , Maurice. " T h e U m a y y a d Palace at 'Anjar." Ars Orientalis 5 (1963): 1 7 - 2 5 . Creswell, K. A. C . Early Muslim Architecture,
vol. 1, Umayyads A.
622-7$o. 2d ed. Oxford, 1969, See pages 4 7 8 - 4 8 1 . Krencker, Daniel M . , and Willy Zschietzschmann. Romische
D.
Tempelin
Syrien. Vol. 1. Berlin, 1 9 3 8 . See pages 1 9 2 - 1 9 4 . Ory, Solange. " L e s graffiti Umayyades de 'Ayn a l - G a r r . " Bulletin
du
Musee Beyrouth 20 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 9 7 - 1 4 8 . Rey-Coquais, Jean-Paul. Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, vol. 6, Baalbek
el Beqa. Institute Francais d'Archeologie de Beyrouth,
Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, 78. Paris, 1 9 6 7 . S e e p a g e s 229-232. Robinson, Edward, et al. Biblical Researches in Palestine and the Adjacent Regions: A Journal of Travels in the Years 1838 and 1852, vol. 3, Later Biblical Researches in Palestine. 2d ed. L o n d o n , 1 8 5 6 . See pages 495-500. Sauvaget, Jean. "Les m i n e s omeyyades de 'Andjar." Bulletin de Beyrouth 3 ( 1 9 3 9 ) : 5 - 1 1 .
du
Musee
HAFEZ CHEHAB
A N T I O C H O N O R O N T E S , site identified with A n takya, m o d e r n H a t a y , f o u n d e d on t h e course of the O r o n t e s River (36°i2' N , 36°io' E ) . O n e of the greatest cities in the ancient world, A n t i o c h is n o w a t o w n of m o d e r a t e i m p o r tance, i n c o r p o r a t e d into T u r k e y in 1938. A n t i o c h was orig inally f o u n d e d in 330 BCE by Seleucus I. H e n r i Seyrig has d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t t h e cities t h a t p r e c e d e d it on t h e plain of Antioch, Alalakh, a n d later Antigonia, the short-lived city f o u n d e d b y A n t i g o n u s I (the O n e - E y e d ) , w e r e situated within the plain a n d d r e w the bulk of their resources from t h e fertility of t h e ' A m u q a n d t h e proximity of inland Syria. I n contrast, A n t i o c h is o n t h e O r o n t e s River, w h e r e its c h a n nels r u n into t h e sea. It was located directly o n the great
t r a d e r o u t e t h a t r u n s from the P e r s i a n Gulf to the M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea by w a y of d i e E u p h r a t e s River valley. It is n o table t h a t a m o n g the t h r e e cities f o u n d e d in t h e s a m e p e r i o d by Seleucus, t w o — S e l e u c i a of Pieria a n d L a o d i c e a — w e r e sited on the sea a n d served as t r a d i n g outlets. It m a y s e e m t h a t die t r u e capital of the Seleucid E m p i r e w a s Seleucia of Pieria rather t h a n Antioch. Seleucia, h o w e v e r , was e x p o s e d a n d occasionally s u c c u m b e d to external t h r e a t s w h i c h gave the advantage t o A n t i o c h . Of ancient A n t i o c h , n o t h i n g r e m a i n s o n t h e surface ex cept for a few traces of walls. T h e city suffered n u m e r o u s earthquakes a n d was r e c o n s t r u c t e d e a c h time u p o n t h e ruins of the p r e c e d i n g e p o c h . T h a n k s to a n c i e n t autiiors, p r i n c i pally Libanios a n d Julian in t h e fourth c e n t u r y a n d Malalas in t h e sixth, its t o p o g r a p h y is k n o w n w i t h s u c h precision t h a t the G e r m a n philologist Carl Otfried M u l l e r gave a fairly p r e cise view of t h e city in his Antiquitat.es Antiochenae p u b l i s h e d in 1839. T h e excavations carried o u t b e t w e e n 1932 a n d 1939 by P r i n c e t o n University u p d a t e d a n d refined w h a t was k n o w n of the city. T h e earliest levels o c c u r at a d e p t h of 11 m ; the city of Justinian (sixth c e n t u r y CE) w a s f o u n d at 6 m . Because of the c o n t i n u o u s o c c u p a t i o n of the city, it w a s n o t possible to p r o c e e d with extensive excavations. I n addition, the rise in the level of t h e O r o n t e s a n d t h e s u r r o u n d i n g w a t e r table as a result of alluviation h a s resulted in t h e s u b m e r s i o n of the earliest Hellenistic levels. T h e great n o r t h - s o u t h r o a d t h a t traversed t h e city could b e t h o r o u g h l y excavated, h o w ever. Because all the city streets c o n n e c t e d t o t h e m a i n r o a d , the excavators w e r e able to a d v a n c e o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the city's general organization a n d evolution. O u r k n o w l e d g e of d i e city f o u n d e d b y Seleucus is r e stricted t o a r e c o r d of its m o d e s t size. S i t u a t e d entirely o n the left b a n k of d i e O r o n t e s , it was s u r r o u n d e d by a wall t h a t e x t e n d e d to t h e east along a cart track o n w h i c h a great c o l o n n a d e d r o a d was later installed. A c c o r d i n g to d i e texts, it i n c l u d e d a G r e c o - M a c e d o n i a n a n d an A r a m e a n quarter. As die capital of the Seleucid k i n g d o m , w h i c h , at the e n d of the third century, e x t e n d e d as far as I n d i a a n d i n c l u d e d Asia M i n o r , A n t i o c h e x p e r i e n c e d r a p i d g r o w t h . Its area m o r e t h a n doubled u n d e r A n t i o c h u s IV, w i t h t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the E p i p h a n i a q u a r t e r t o the east. T h e city d i d n o t yet h a v e the wealth it later acquired. T h e ancient r o a d t h a t r a n along the wall of Seleucus certainly existed in t h e center of the city, b u t it was u n p a v e d a n d r e m a i n e d so a n d w i t h o u t a gate until the b e g i n n i n g of t h e first c e n t u r y . Antioch participated in the u r b a n e x p a n s i o n t h a t resulted from t h e R o m a n a n n e x a t i o n of Syria. U n d e r A u g u s t u s , thanks t o the intervention a n d financing of A g r i p p a a n d H e r o d , t h e city's great r o a d w a s flanked b y b r o a d walkways. T i b e r i u s installed the c o l o n n a d e . T h e r o a d w a s t r a n s e c t e d b y alleys a n d lined w i t h s h o p s , at least o n its east side. T h e city was destroyed b y t h e terrible e a r t h q u a k e of 115 CE. T r a jan, w h o was p r e s e n t i n the city, e s c a p e d b y taking refuge
APAMEA in t h e H i p p o d r o m e . R e c o n s t r u c t i o n w a s p l a n n e d on a g r a n d scale a n d c o m p l e t e d in d i e time of A n t o n i n u s . L a n d w a s e x p r o p r i a t e d on b o t h sides of t h e r o a d w a y , a n d a n e w , wider (33 m ) r o a d was c o n s t r u c t e d t h a t w a s m o r e m o n u m e n t a l t h a n the p r e c e d i n g o n e . T h e r o a d w a y w a s 9 m w i d e , e a c h lateral gate w a s 9 w i d e , a n d t h e s h o p s w e r e 6 m d e e p . It w a s t h e m o s t impressive r o a d in all the Syrian cities, except for t h e o n e at A p a m e a . N o major modification of t h e city p l a n w a s u n d e r t a k e n until the sixth century. L i b a n i o s a n d M a l a l a s a n d a m o s a i c e x e c u t e d in a b o u t 460 at Y a k t o i n f o r m u s t h a t t h e city e n joyed a c o n t i n u o u s increase i n its p o p u l a t i o n a n d m o n u m e n t a l o r n a m e n t a t i o n . F o r several d e c a d e s , die city's growtii w a s i n t e r r u p t e d only b y its c a p t u r e b y the Persians (in 256 a n d 260) a n d die d e p o r t a t i o n in e a c h case of a p o r tion of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . A t t h e e n d of t h e fourth c e n t u r y , s u b u r b s w e r e built outside t h e city walls. After t h e E d i c t of M i l a n , several c h u r c h e s w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d , including an o c t a g o n a l b u i l d i n g n o t a b l e for its scale a n d gilded w o o d c u pola. It w a s attributed to C o n s t a n t i n e a n d called the domus aurea, t h e " h o u s e of g o l d . " T h e city w a s lighted t h r o u g h d i e night. E v e n t h o u g h the p o p u l a t i o n w a s k n o w n as b o i s t e r o u s , pleasure loving, a n d a r g u m e n t a t i v e , Julian the A p o s t a t e dis pleased t h e p e o p l e with his p a g a n i s m a n d his lack of interest in g a m e s . T h e wealthy i n h a b i t a n t s of A n t i o c h h a d c o u n t r y h o u s e s in t h e vicinity of D a p h n e . I n t h e third c e n t u r y , this little t o w n , celebrated for the a b u n d a n c e of its waters, a c q u i r e d a n u r b a n organization: n a r r o w lanes a p p e a r to have sepa r a t e d t h e m o d e s t p r o p e r t i e s , a n d s u b t e r r a n e a n channels s u p plied t h e m with water. A n u m b e r of p a g a n sanctuaries w e r e installed at D a p h n e , i n c l u d i n g o n e d e d i c a t e d to oracular Apollo. T h e Christians s u c c e e d e d in dislodging t h e m . In the fifth a n d sixth c e n t u r i e s , t h e life of t h e city w a s m a r k e d b y the contests t h a t o p p o s e d the factions of t h e Blues a n d t h e G r e e n s in t h e H i p p o d r o m e , b u t especially by t h e confrontation of the C h a l c e d o n i a n s a n d die M o n o p h y sites. T h e sixth c e n t u r y w a s m a r k e d by great disasters. E a r t h q u a k e s struck A n t i o c h i n 526 a n d 528 tiiat killed b e t w e e n 250,000 a n d 300,000 victims, a n o d i e r e a r t h q u a k e struck in 551 a n d at D a p h n e i n 577. I n 528, e l - M u n d h i r t h e L a k l i m i d i a n , a P e r s i a n ally, c a p t u r e d a n d sacked t h e city a n d d e p o r t e d a significant p o r t i o n of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . Antioch suffered a similar attack b y t h e Persians in 540. E p i d e m i c s of p l a g u e struck f r o m 542 to 573. After t h e destructions of 526 a n d 528, well d o c u m e n t e d b y excavation, Justin a n d t h e n Justinian r e c o n s e c r a t e d t h e city as T h e o p o l i s a n d d e d icated considerable resources t o its r e c o n s t r u c t i o n . I n spite of w h a t P r o c o p i u s says, t h e d e s t r u c t i o n debris could n o t b e completely cleared away. I n t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the n e w city, m o s t of the r u b b l e w a s r e u s e d . T h e great r o a d w a s r e c o n s t r u c t e d o n e m e t e r h i g h e r , witii basalt paving. S o m e m o n u m e n t s w e r e r e s t o r e d a n d others w e r e newly c o n
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structed. T h e city wall, w h i c h h a d b e e n destroyed several times, was rebuilt b u t with a shorter perimeter. In s u m , the city was restored—if n o t t o its a n c i e n t splendor, at least a p p r o a c h i n g it. D i s a s t e r s were r e n e w e d in the seventh century. A n t i o c h w a s c a p t u r e d by t h e Persians in 606, 607, a n d again in 611 a n d r e m a i n e d o c c u p i e d until 622. E a r t h q u a k e s followed the pillage. W h e n t h e A r a b s arrived in 636, the city was in a pitiful state a n d was taken w i t h o u t resistance. T h e city never r e c o v e r e d her f o r m e r m e t r o p o l i t a n role. A n t i o c h reverted again to Byzantine control in t h e second half of the t e n t h century. It fell t o Philarete, t h e A r m e n i a n a d v e n t u r e r , in the last third of t h e eleventh c e n t u r y , a n d t h e n to the F r a n k s , at t h e very e n d of the s a m e century. T a k e n by t h e C r u s a d e r s in 1098, A n t i o c h ceased to be the capital of Syria b e c a u s e of t h e decline in the n u m b e r a n d activity of its inhabitants a n d its status. I n the twelfth a n d thirteenth centuries, it again b e c a m e a capital, b u t of a state m u c h r e d u c e d in size, the principality of A n t i o c h . BIBLIOGRAPHY D o w n e y , Glanville. A History of Antioch in Syria. Princeton, 1 9 6 1 . K e n n e d y , H u g h . " T h e L a s t C e n t u r y of Byzantine Syria." Byzanlinische Forschungen 10, p p . 1 4 1 - 1 8 3 . Lassus, Jean. Lesportiqucs d'Antiochs. Princeton, 1 9 7 7 . Levi, D o r o . Antioch Mosaic Pavements. 2 vols. Princeton, 1947. Liebeschuetz, J. H . W. G. Antioch, City and Imperial Administration in the Later Roman Empire. Oxford, 1 9 7 2 . Stillwell, Richard. Antioche-on-the-Orontes: The Excavations, 19331936. Princeton, Stillwell, Richard. 1938. Princeton, T a t e , Georges. Les
1938. Antioche-on-the-Orontes: The Excavations, 1941. campagnes de la Syrie du Nord du He au Vile
1937siecle.
Vol. 1. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 1 3 3 . Paris, 1992. T c h a l e n k o , Georges. Villages antiques de la Syrie du Nord: Le massif du Belus a I'epoque romaine. 3 vols. Bibliotheque Archeologique et H i s torique, vol. 50. Paris, 1 9 5 3 - 1 9 5 8 . GEORGES TATE Translated from French by Nancy Leinwand
A P A M E A (Gk., A p a m e i a , L a t . , A p a m e a , Ar., Afamiya, F a m i y a ; O l d F r . , F e m i e ) , Hellenistic, R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d Early Islamic city in t h e M i d d l e Orontes valley, o n e of die four m a i n cities of t h e N o r t h Syrian tetrapolis (Strabo 16.2.10). O n c e t h o u g h t t o b e a t H a m a (Epiphaneia) b e c a u s e of an e r r o n e o u s identification witii t h e Syriac E u p h e m i a , 'wpymy' (P. della Valle, 1614), it has b e e n located at Q a f a t e l - M u d i q in t h e p r o v i n c e of H a m a , Syria (35°25' N , 36 24' E) at least since C a r s t e n N i e b u h r ' s visit in 1766, C . - F . Volney's from 1783 to 1785, a n d J o h a n n L . B u r c k h a r d t ' s i n 1812. [See H a m a . ] T h e city w a s f o u n d e d in 300/299 BCE b y Seleucus I N i c a t o r w i t h t h e dynastic n a m e Apamea, related to that of the sovereign's wife, A p a m a . It was d i e h e a d c
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quarters of t h e Seleucid army, with five h u n d r e d w a r ele p h a n t s , a p a y corps checking office, a n d a stud farm t h a t comprised no fewer tiian thirty t h o u s a n d m a r e s a n d t h r e e h u n d r e d stallions. " R i d i n g masters, m a s t e r s - a t - a r m s a n d a n y o n e w h o w a s paid t o teach d i e art of warfare were also stationed t h e r e " ( S t r a b o 16.2.10). T h e town, like A n t i o c h , w h i c h also lies in a seismic region, suffered m a n y e a r t h quakes in its history, a m o n g w h i c h those of 1 1 5 , 526, 528, 1157, and 1170 CE were t h e m o s t disastrous. Definitively a b a n d o n e d after these last t w o , t h e t o w n was s u p e r s e d e d b y t h e citadel on t h e tell, w a s reconstructed b y N u r a d - D i n , a n d encloses t h e m o d e r n village. Foreign travelers to t h e site n o t e d s o m e scattered G r e e k a n d Latin inscriptions, t h e r e m a i n s of a magnificent colon n a d e d street that o n c e crossed t h e site, a n d an agora, a ca thedral, a n d a theater. C u m o n t , w h o visited t h e r u i n s o n his w a y t o D u r a - E u r o p o s (1922), r e c o m m e n d e d t h e site t o t h e Belgian F o n d s N a t i o n a l d e la R e c h e r c h e Scientifique for ex cavation. After a survey i n 1928, F . M a y e n c e led seven c a m paigns there (1930-1938), with t h e help of the architect H . Lacoste. T h e work w a s i n t e r r u p t e d b y W o r l d W a r II, r e s u m e d for t w o years (1947, 1953), a n d t h e n r e s u m e d every year from 1965 o n w a r d , with a n e w staff, in c o o p e r a t i o n with t h e Syrian D i r e c t o r a t e General of Antiquities a n d M u s e u m s , which is responsible for restoration. A l t h o u g h especially interested in t h e city's wide s p e c t r u m of historical p e r i o d s , t h e Belgian expedition h a s also s u r veyed M i d d l e Paleolithic e n c a m p m e n t s a n d w o r k s h o p s w h e r e flints were k n a p p e d , collected Neolithic material t h a t fell from t h e t o p of t h e tell, a n d excavated rich B r o n z e A g e t o m b s . It has systematically u n c o v e r e d a n d studied various m o n u m e n t s belonging t o t h e later periods of o c c u p a t i o n . Soundings m a d e o n t h e s o u t h e r n slope of t h e tell in 1970 revealed L a t e U b e i d s h e r d s (square A 1) a n d s o m e thirty successive strata of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e a n d t h e transi tional p h a s e to t h e L a t e Bronze (square B 1). Inaccessible until n o w on t h e slopes of t h e medieval citadel, t h e s e c o n d millennium BCE a n d t h e first half of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE remain mostly u n k n o w n . H o w e v e r , the discovery of a N e o Hittite stela of K i n g Urhilina of I i a m a (c. 850-840 BCE) in the foundation of a Christian c h u r c h on t h e plateau attests to the city's i m p o r t a n c e at that time. By c o m p a r i n g A p a m e a t o t h e other Seleucid t o w n s of t h e tetrapolis a n d m a k i n g soundings o n t h e m a i n street a n d a t t h e foot of the city wall, d i e Hellenistic t o w n p l a n n i n g is n o w better u n d e r s t o o d . U n e a r t h i n g t h e r a m p a r t o n its n o r t h e r n , eastern, a n d s o u t h e r n sides (1984-1986) confirmed t h a t t h e city wall, p e r h a p s n o t earlier t h a n t h e e n d of t h e third c e n tury BCE, enclosed a city of a b o u t 230 h a (568 acres). T h e town developed within this framework, divided into quarters of varying i m p o r t a n c e a n d character, in a cross-of-Lorraine pattern, of its m a i n plateiai. T h e insulae s e e m t o h a v e m e a sured approximately 55 X 110 m , just as at A n t i o c h a n d Laodicea, its sister cities. [See Antioch o n Orontes.] R e c e n t
discoveries at t h e n o r t h e r n gate have s h o w n t h a t in t h e H e l lenistic p e r i o d a c o l o n n a d e d a v e n u e , in a " D o r i c o - T o s c a n " c o m p o s i t e style, p r e c e d e d t h e C o r i n t h i a n p o r t i c o e s built af ter t h e e a r t h q u a k e of 115 CE ( s o m e of these capitals w e r e f o u n d r e u s e d i n private h o u s e s ) . I n t h e c e n t e r of t h e city, west of t h e m a i n axis a n d b e t w e e n t h e t w o p r i n c i p a l e a s t west arteries, w a s t h e h u g e peribolos of a t e m p l e d e d i c a t e d to Z e u s Belos, t h e oracular g o d of A p a m e a . T h e m o n u m e n t stands o n a h i g h p o d i u m t h a t o c c u p i e d t h e highest p o i n t o n t h e u r b a n l a n d s c a p e , i n front of t h e citadel, exactly w h e r e t h e t e m p l e of d i e poliad g o d d e s s A r t e m i s d o m i n a t e s t h e city of Gerasa/Jerash. [See Jerash.] It is n o t possible to r e c o v e r anything of t h e Hellenistic buildings b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e e x tensively rebuilt in t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE. T h e Corinthian colonnaded avenue (north-south), where s m o o t h c o l u m n s alternate with c o l u m n s w i t h vertical a n d sometimes rare spiral fluting, attests t o t h e g r a n d e u r of t h e restored city (3,750 m wide a n d a b o u t 1,850 m f r o m its n o r t h e r n to its s o u t h e r n gate). H u n d r e d s of s h o p s a n d w o r k shops, m o n u m e n t a l b a t h s (e.g., t h e N o r t h B a t h s , d e d i c a t e d b y L . Julius A g r i p p a , 116/17 C E ) , a large p u b l i c latrine, a t w o story n y m p h a e u m d e c o r a t e d w i t h statues of g o d s a n d h e r o e s (?), t h e c o u r t y a r d s of s o m e t e m p l e s a n d a s y n a g o g u e , a n d , later, t h e entrances to m a n y c h u r c h e s ( N o r t h w e s t Basilica, Atrium Church, and Rotunda) opened onto t h e avenue. Pri vate h o u s e s (excavated since 1973) a r e n u m e r o u s o n d i e other streets. O f special interest, b e c a u s e of their spectacular p r o p o r t i o n s (from 1,500 sq m s o m e t i m e s t o 4,500 s q m ) , t h e h o u s e s , with tiieir peristyles with w i d e o p e n i n g s a n d tiieir beautifully o r n a m e n t e d r e c e p t i o n halls ( p a v e d with mosaics or o p u s sectile), confirm t h a t a n aristocracy of rich l a n d owners lived in t h e city. A p a m e a h a d b e e n , since N u m e n i u s setded his school t h e r e i n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE, t h e seat of various philosophic s c h o o l s — E p i c u r e a n s a n d especially N e o - P l a t o n i s t s — w h o s e i m p o r t a n c e ceased only as a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e T h e o d o s i a n edicts, w h e n d i e Belos T e m p l e , t h e oracle H a d r i a n , S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s , a n d M a c r i n u s h a d earlier consulted, w a s destroyed b y B i s h o p M a r c h e l l u s (c. 376 CE). A m a r v e l o u s series of m o s a i c s , f o u n d u n d e r t h e p a v e m e n t of t h e cathedral t h a t w a s t o seal t h e N e o - P l a t o n i c school ( n o w i n t h e M u s e e s R o y a u x d ' A r t e t d ' H i s t o i r e in Brussels a n d in t h e local m u s e u m at A p a m e a ) reveals m u c h of t h e temples i c o n o g r a p h i c p r o g r a m : Socrates as o n e of t h e Seven W i s e M e n of G r e e c e , t h e r e t u r n of Ulysses t o Ithaca as a symbol of t h e soul recovering P h i l o s o p h y a t t h e e n d of its life, t h e c r o w n i n g of Cassiopeia as B e a u t y itself i n t h e competition with t h e N e r e i d s . T h e m o s a i c s m a y h a v e b e e n c o m m i s s i o n e d i n t h e time of E m p e r o r Julian b y S o p a t r o s II, in t h e very last years of t h e school's life. [See Mosaics,] Apamea's proximity to Antioch, where R o m a n emperors so often p r e p a r e d their eastern c a m p a i g n s against t h e P a r thians a n d later t h e Sasanians, led t o its b e i n g t h e w i n t e r quarters of t h e L e g i o I I P a r t h i c a i n t h e third c e n t u r y CE. T h i s special elite c o r p s a c c o m p a n i e d Caracalla, Severus A l e x -
APHEK a n d e r , a n d G o r d i a n III t o t h e E a s t a n d w a s stationed n e a r t h e city for a few years e a c h t i m e . N u m e r o u s gravestones of its soldiers, r e u s e d in o n e of t h e towers of t h e city wall, are i n c o m p a r a b l e d o c u m e n t a t i o n of these events a n d their p a r ticipants, as are t h e stelae of riders of t w o cavalry alae (Ulpia C o n t a r i o r u m a n d Flavia Britannica) d i s p a t c h e d t h e r e from t h e Balkans in 252 CE t o stop tire first Sasanian raid into t h e e m p i r e ' s territory. C h u r c h e s w e r e built t h r o u g h o u t t h e city, as elsewhere in t h e p r o v i n c e (Tell A r r , 374 CE; H a s s , 388 CE; K h i r b e t M u q a , 394/95 CE). Bishops w e r e k n o w n t h e r e as early as 325 CE ( C o u n c i l of N i c a e a ) . T h e m o n u m e n t s date mainly from t h e fifth a n d especially t h e sixth c e n t u r i e s , from t h e Justinianic rebuilding of the t o w n after t h e e a r t h q u a k e s of 526 a n d 528 CE. T h i s is t r u e for t h e A t r i u m C h u r c h , w h e r e d i e cult of t h e m a r t y r s d e v e l o p e d a r o u n d reliquaries of Sts. C o s m a s a n d D a m i a n a n d of St. T h e o d o r e ; for d i e R o t u n d a ; for t h e C a thedral (for w h o s e d e c o r a t i o n A r c h b i s h o p P a u l is r e s p o n sible); a n d for a pillared basilica recently excavated at t h e n o r d i e r n gate. Apamea was n o t destroyed when Chosroes I invaded Syria in 540 CE, a n d it w a s t a k e n b u t also n o t d e s t r o y e d in 613 CE b y C h o s r o e s II. T h e t o w n suffered d u r i n g t h e raid of A d a a r m a n e s in 573 CE, w h o sent s o m e 292,000 captives into exile i n Persia. T h e city o p e n e d its doors t o t h e c o n q u e r i n g A r a b s in 638 b e c a u s e of t h e M o n o p h y s i t e inclina tion of a great p a r t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n against B y z a n t i n e fiscal o p p r e s s i o n . T h e city did n o t suffer a n y d a m a g e , b u t s o m e of its richest i n h a b i t a n t s a p p e a r t o h a v e a b a n d o n e d their h o u s e s . T h e i r flight w a s n o t t e m p o r a r y , as t h e y m a y h a v e believed it w o u l d b e , a n d t h e servants tiiey left t o p r o t e c t tiieir p r o p e r t y retained it. A s a result, d e e p social changes e n s u e d . C e r a m i c s a n d coins d a t e tiiis last p h a s e in t h e city's history t o t h e s e v e n t h - t e n t h c e n t u r i e s . A p a m e a was retaken a n d r e o c c u p i e d b y t h e Byzantines in 975; it fell t o t h e F a t i m i d s in AH 388/998 CE a n d t h e n t o t h e C r u s a d e r s , w h o h e l d t h e citadel b e t w e e n 1106 a n d 1149. A t t h a t time, t h e plateau w a s already mostly a b a n d o n e d as a result of t h e p e r i o d ' s i n c r e a s i n g political instability. T h e s e vere e a r t h q u a k e of 1157 s t r u c k A p a m e a off t h e m a p . I t is m e n t i o n e d in A r a b i c sources i n t h e list of t h e cities destroyed t h e n b u t does n o t a p p e a r as o n e of t h e cities d e s t r o y e d in
1170. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baity, Janine, et al., eds. Apamee de Syrie: Bilan des recherches archeologiques, 1065-1068. Brussels, 1 9 6 9 . T h e results of the first four c a m paigns, as well as a discussion with colleagues excavating other sites in Syria. Baity, Janine, a n d Jean C h . Baity, e d s . Apamee de Syrie: Bilan des re cherches archeologiques, 1969-1071. Brussels, 1 9 7 2 . T h e results of the 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 1 campaigns. Baity, Janine, a n d Jean C h . Baity. "Julien et Apamee: Aspects d e la restauration de 1'hellenisme et d e la politique antichretienne de l ' e m p e r e u r . " Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne 1 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 2 6 7 - 3 0 4 . T h e
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links between A p a m e a a n d E m p e r o r Julian through an analysis of the mosaics of the Neo-Platonic school discovered under the cathe dral. Baity, Janine, a n d Jean C h . Baity. " A p a m e e de Syrie, archeologie et histoire. I. D e s origines a la T e t r a r c h i e . " I n Aufslieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, vol. II.8, edited by Hildegard T e m p o r i n i , p p . 1 0 3 - 1 3 4 . Berlin, 1 9 7 7 . Ancient sources a n d archaeological m o n u ments combined to present a history of A p a m e a . Baity, Janine, ed. Apamee de Syrie: Bilan des recherches archeologiques, 973~ 979Brussels, 1984. Focuses o n domestic architecture, p r e senting the results of t h e 1 9 7 3 - 1 9 7 9 campaigns in five different houses within the context of extensive comparative material from other sites in Syria a n d the N e a r East. Baity, Janine, a n d Jean C h . Baity. " U n p r o g r a m m e philosophique sous la cathedrale d ' A p a m e e : L ' e n s e m b l c neo-platonicien de l ' E m p e r e u r Julien." I n Texte et image: Actes du colloque international de Chantilly, 13 au 15 octobre 1982, p p . 1 6 7 - 1 7 6 . Paris, 1984. Attempts a global analysis of the mosaics of the Neo-Platonic school. I
I
Baity, Jean Ch., a n d Jacqueline Napoleone-Lemaire. L'eglise a atrium de la Grande Colonnade. Brussels, 1969. T h e church through its s u c cessive architectural phases. Baity, Jean C h . " L ' e v e q u e Paul et le p r o g r a m m e architectural et d e coratif d e la cathedrale d ' A p a m e e . " In Melanges d'histoire ancienne et d'archeologie offerts d Paul Collart, edited by Pierre Ducrey et al„ p p . 3 1 - 4 6 . Cahier's d'Archeologie R o m a n d e d e la Bibliotheque Historique Vaudoise, vol. 5. L a u s a n n e , 1 9 7 6 . Interprets the program of the cathedral's mosaics as influenced by the patronage of Bishop Paul in the 630s. Baity, Jean C h . " L e s grandes Stapes de l'urbanisme d'Apam6c-sur1'Oronte." Ktema 2 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 3 - 1 6 . Sketches the evolution of town planning through its four major phases (Hellenistic, R o m a n , Byz antine, and Early Islamic). Baity, Jean C h . Guide d'Apamee. Brussels, 1 9 8 1 . Intended primarily as a guide t o t h e m o n u m e n t s at A p a m e a , this book also provides an extensive bibliography a n d n u m e r o u s illustrations; t h e best intro duction to the city. JEAN C H . BALTY
APHEK
(Gk., Antipatris; Ar., Tell R a s el-'Ain), site l o cated i n Israel at t h e h e a d w a t e r s of t h e Y a r k o n River o n t h e S h a r o n plain (32°o6' N , 34°56' E; m a p reference 143 X 168). T e l A p h e k , o n e of five different places b y the n a m e of Aphek ( H e b . , 'aphik, " r i v e r b e d " ) m e n t i o n e d in t h e H e b r e w Bible, is situated o n o n e of t h e c o u n t r y ' s m o s t i m p o r t a n t ancient crossroads. It is a b o u t 30 acres in size a n d w a s c o n tinuously inhabited from t h e Chalcolithic to t h e O t t o m a n period. A p h e k is first m e n t i o n e d in t h e Egyptian Execration texts of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE as ' A P Q M . I n the t o p o g r a p h ical lists of T h u t m o s e III it is m e n t i o n e d as n u m b e r 66, o n the Via Maris, between O n o to the south and Socoh to the n o r t h . T h e location w a s i n s t r u m e n t a l in establishing its i d e n tification, first p r o p o s e d b y A l b r e c h t Alt a n d William F o x well Albright in 1923. A p h e k is also m e n t i o n e d in t h e annals of A m e n h o t e p II as a city t h a t s u r r e n d e r e d t o h i m o n his m a r c h to t h e n o r t h e r n S h a r o n . I n t h e S e p t u a g i n t it is called A p h e k of t h e S h a r o n in t h e list of c o n q u e r e d C a n a a n i t e cities in Joshua 12. I t served twice as a b a s e for the Philistines in their w a r against Israel ( r Sm. 4:21, 29:1). D a v i d covered
APHEK.
General plan of the site. (Courtesy M . Kochavi)
APHEK t h e distance b e t w e e n A p h e k a n d Ziklag in d i r e e days, a r e a sonable walking t i m e b e t w e e n A p h e k a n d s o u d i e r n Philistia (i Sm. 30:1). Aphek/Antipatris marked the border between the coun try's n o r d i e r n a n d t h e s o u t h e r n regions. It is m e n t i o n e d in tiiis c o n t e x t in E s a r h a d d o n ' s c a m p a i g n to E g y p t ; in a n A r a m a i c letter from E g y p t w a r n i n g against Babylonian t r o o p s a p p e a r i n g as far as A p h e k ; a n d in several Jewish laws a n d legends in which Antipatris is t h e n o r t h e r n m o s t t o w n of J u d a h . [See J u d a h . ] T h e b u i l d i n g of Antipatris b y H e r o d t h e G r e a t in 9 BCE, in m e m o r y of his father, A n t i p a t e r , is r e p o r t e d b y J o s e p h u s (War 1.21.9), as is its destruction d u r i n g t h e First Jewish Revolt (War 2.29.1). [See First Jewish R e volt.] L a t e R o m a n A n t i p a t r i s w a s o n e of the t o w n s c o m pletely r u i n e d in t h e 363 e a r t h q u a k e . A n e i g h t h - c e n t u r y U m a y y a d fort a n d a n O t t o m a n fortress b y t h e n a m e of Binar Bashi, built in 1572, m a r k t h e only major later o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site. T w o r e s c u e excavations a n d a p l a n n e d excavation project h a v e b e e n carried o u t at A p h e k . T h e first r e s c u e o p e r a t i o n w a s c o n d u c t e d in 1934-1936 b y J a c o b O r y o n behalf of t h e Palestine D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities. T h e s e c o n d o n e t o o k place in 1961, u n d e r t h e direction of A v r a h a m Eitan o n b e half of t h e Israel D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities. T h e A p h e k Antipatris E x p e d i t i o n , d i r e c t e d b y Pirhiya Beck a n d M o s h e K o c h a v i of T e l Aviv U n i v e r s i t y , was carried o u t in thirteen seasons of excavation, from 1972 to 1985. T h e archaeology a n d history of t h e site a r e r e c o u n t e d h e r e in chronological order, utilizing t h e results of all t h r e e expeditions. Chalcolithic a n d E a r l y B r o n z e A g e s . A n o d u l e of g r a y ish soil c o n t a i n i n g Chalcolithic s h e r d s w a s f o u n d in a section c u t at d i e s o u t h e a s t e r n slope of the tell. I t r e p r e s e n t s t h e earliest settlement at t h e site, n e a r a large b o d y of water f o r m e d b y die Y a r k o n s p r i n g s , o n e of several Chalcolithic settlements k n o w n in t h e vicinity. R e m a i n s from the Early B r o n z e A g e w e r e u n c o v e r e d in all t h e excavated areas. E B I B private buildings w e r e u n c o v e r e d n e a r d i e n o r t h e r n city wall. T h e wall (2.5 m w i d e ) , w h i c h also forms t h e n o r t h eastern c o r n e r of t h e tell in O r y ' s excavation, was laid in t h r e e even courses of fieldstones followed b y layers of c r u s h e d - t e r ^ a r s u n - d r i e d m u d bricks. A substantial build ing with r o u n d e d c o r n e r s w a s u n c o v e r e d at t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n e d g e of t h e site. A t this early d a t e t h e settled area already c o m p r i s e d all of t h e tell. A section of t h e E B II t o w n at t h e n o r t h e a s t edge of t h e site c o n t a i n e d several b r o a d h o u s e s a r r a n g e d o n botii sides of t w o streets. V e r y few E B III p o t tery sherds w e r e detected, suggesting a decrease in t h e town's importance then. I n the E B I V (Intermediate Bronze p e r i o d ) , t h e site w a s totally deserted. M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . A p h e k was rebuilt at t h e very b e g i n n i n g of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . A s in t h e earlier u r b a n p e r i o d , its r e m a i n s were f o u n d in all areas of excavation, b u t far m o r e of t h e m w e r e e x p o s e d , t h u s enabling tiieir p h a s i n g into six stages of o c c u p a t i o n .
149
Stage 1. Private buildings, t o m b s , a n d pottery were f o u n d in t h e acropolis fill. T h e pottery i n c l u d e d simple bowls a n d w h i t e w a s h e d storage jars d e c o r a t e d with b i c h r o m e p a i n t i n g , incised decoration, or applied relief. Stage 2. T h e first p a l a c e (palace I) w a s c o n s t r u c t e d o n t h e acropolis fill. E x p o s u r e of its n o r t h w i n g revealed a large hall c o n t a i n i n g storejars a n d a n adjacent c o u r t y a r d witii t w o cooking ovens. I n t r a m u r a l burials, typical of all t h e M B p h a s e s , were f o u n d b e n e a t h t h e c o u r t y a r d floor. ( T h e p o t tery resembles that f o u n d in t h e cist graves O r y excavated.) T h e s e burials m a y b e l o n g t o A p h e k ' s royal cemetery. T h e n e w M B city wall (3.5 m wide) was erected several m e t e r s uphill from t h e E B city wall. Stage 3. Palace II, w i t h its t h r e e large courtyards with p l a s ter floors, was built o n d i e western slope of t h e tell, n o t o n t h e acropolis. A major restoration of t h e city wall took place d u r i n g this p h a s e . T h e p o t t e r y ' s elegant shapes a n d lustrous r e d slip (palace w a r e ) — c a r i n a t e d bowls a n d jugs with p e r fect finish—represent a zenith in t e r m s of style a n d crafts manship. Stage 4. Palace II w a s a b a n d o n e d a n d a residential q u a r t e r with m a n y infant burials in jars took its place. T h e pottery has M B I I affinities. Stage 5. Palace III, t h e largest of A p h e k ' s palaces was built o n t h e acropolis. Its 2-meter-wide walls, with f o u n d a t i o n s 2 m d e e p , enclosed a n area of a b o u t 4,000 s q m . Its " r e c e p t i o n hall" was 150 s q m in size; t w o o n e - m e t e r - w i d e c o l u m n s s u p p o r t e d die ceiling. Stage 6. M a n y modifications o c c u r r e d in t h e palace III plan. T h e hall was divided into small r o o m s , o n e of w h i c h was a cultic area c o m p r i s i n g a monolithic r o u n d altar a n d a cistern. T h e palace was d e s t r o y e d in a h u g e conflagration at t h e e n d of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . Besides the acropolis a n d its vicinity, only t h e far s o u t h eastern p a r t of t h e tell w a s excavated at M B levels. T h i s area was first u s e d to fire p o t t e r y in p o t t e r y kilns; three m o r e or less c o m p l e t e kilns w e r e excavated. T h e area was s u b s e quently t u r n e d into a burial g r o u n d . D u r i n g m o s t of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e , A p h e k w a s t h e central city in t h e s o u t h ern S h a r o n . L a t e B r o n z e A g e . D u r i n g t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , diree m o r e palaces w e r e built o n A p h e k ' s acropolis. Palace I V (fif t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE) w a s built o n t h e r e m a i n s of palace III, r e u s i n g its cultic installation. Palace V (fourteenth c e n t u r y BCE) was built o n a n e w orientation, with large p a v e d c o u r t yards. A stone-lined family grave a n d t w o large plastered wine presses belong t o t h e t h i r t e e n t h century BCE. Palace V I , t h e last of A p h e k ' s palaces was a n E g y p t i a n fortified resi dency, built o n t h e s o u t h w e s t e r n wing of the previous p a l ace, I t h a d solid stone walls (1.4 m w i d e , 2 m high) a n d was 400 s q m in area, Its g r o u n d floor consisted of t w o small r o o m s , two storage halls, a corridor, a n d a stone a n d brick staircase leading to a n u p p e r floor. A monolithic t r o u g h was located at the m a i n e n t r a n c e . T h e residency was destroyed
150
APHEK
APHEK.
Palace
VI, the Egyptian
governor's
residence.
(Courtesy M . Kochavi)
b y a fire m a t c o n s u m e d its u p p e r floor a n d sealed t h e g r o u n d floor with its debris. Several inscribed items were f o u n d u n d e r d i e debris: T w o u n i q u e cuneiform lexical tablets, one of w h i c h m e n tions kinds of liquids in S u m e r i a n , Akkadian, a n d C a naanite; the s e c o n d is bilingual, in S u m e r i a n a n d Ak kadian or C a n a a n i t e [See Sumerian; Akkadian; Proto-Canaanite.] A fragmentary business letter, in cuneiform A k k a d i a n [See Cuneiform.] A Hittite seal i m p r e s s i o n with t h e n a m e of a royal p r i n c e or princess [See Hittites; Seals.] T h r e e administrative fragments written in Akkadian A n Egyptian faience ring inscribed with a blessing to A m u n - R e a n d an E g y p t i a n faience f o u n d a t i o n deposit plaque dedicated b y R a m e s e s II to t h e g o d d e s s Isis A complete cuneiform clay tablet containing a letter from T a k u h l i n u , t h e prefect of Ugarit, to H a y a , t h e E g y p t i a n high c o m m i s s i o n e r of C a n a a n . [See Ugarit.] T h e syn c h r o n i s m b e t w e e n the careers of tiiese personalities fixes the date of the destruction of L B A p h e k to 1240/
30
BCE.
Iron A g e . After a g a p in o c c u p a t i o n , t h e acropolis of A p h e k was resettled in t h e twelfth century BCE. T w o resi dential quarters with different characters were u n c o v e r e d : fine square buildings with p a v e d c o u r t y a r d s — t h e elite sec t i o n — a n d h a p h a z a r d l y built dwellings—the p o o r e r quarter. Fishhooks, lead n e t weights, and turtie shells were f o u n d in
Tablets APHEK.
Plan of Palace
VI, the Egyptian
governor's
ing by Judith Dekel; courtesy M . Kochavi)
residence.
(Draw
APHRODISIAS the poorer houses, indicating that their inhabitants were fish ermen. [See Fishing.] Philistine pottery, several figurine heads of the Philistine goddess Ashdoda and a clay tablet inscribed in an as yet undeciphered script indicate a Philis tine presence at Aphek in the eleventh century BCE. [See Phil istines, article on Early Philistines.] Stone-lined silos typical at Israelite sites were dug into the debris of the first Iron A g e strata which may indicate the arrival of the Israelites at Aphek. Several four-room houses from the tenth century BCE were also excavated. [See Four-room House.] Most of the later strata on the acropolis were wiped out during lev eling operations to construct a fort in die Ottoman period. Hellenistic a n d R o m a n P e r i o d s . Excavation south of the acropolis penetrated only to the Hellenistic level. Private buildings, arranged on both sides of a road, were excavated. T h e western part of a Hellenistic fort, erected on the acrop olis, was saved from the Ottoman leveling operations. T h e s e remains suggest locating the Hellenistic town of Pegae at Aphek, rather than at the ruins of Fejja, its namesake, 2 km to the southwest. Herodian Antipatris was built on the same plan as the Hellenistic town. A section of its marketplace, with shops arranged on both sides of a Q-meter-wide paved cardo, was excavated. T h e town's destruction by Vespasian in 68 is well attested. T h e shops and their merchandise were burned and hoards of coins and unused oil lamps were found on the floors. T h e restoration of Antipatris during the second-third centuries nearly doubled the limits of the city toward the south. Several mansions, some with elaborately decorated mosaic floors, were built then; public buildings were added around the forum; and an odeum was constructed near die town's southern gate. [See Mosaics; Odeum.] This prosper ous town was completely destroyed, probably in the earth quake of 363. Only fragmentary remains from the Byzantine period were found, and no town has been built on the tell since. T h e fort that crowns the tell today was built in the sixteenth century by die Ottoman Turks as a cavalry base, guarding tiiat segment of the Via Maris between Gaza and the Megiddo pass. Its gate, mosque, and barracks have been excavated. BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. " T h e Site of A p h e k in the S h a r o n . " Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 3 ( 1 9 2 3 ) : 5 0 - 5 3 . Beck, Pirhiya. " A n Early Bronze Age 'Family' of Bowls from T e l A p h e k . " Tel Aviv 1 2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 1 7 - 2 8 . Analyzes a class of pottery found at Aphek a n d suggests A p h e k as its p r o d u c t i o n center. Beck, Pirhiya. " T h e M i d d l e Bronze A g e IIA Pottery from Aphek, 1 9 7 2 1984: First S u m m a r y . " Tel Aviv 1 2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 1 8 1 - 2 0 3 . Definitive work on the chronology of M B I I A pottery b a s e d on the Aphek stratig raphy. Eitan, Avraham. "Excavations at t h e F o o t of T e l Rosh H a 'Ayin" (in H e b r e w ) . 'Atiqot 5 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 4 9 - 6 8 . R e p o r t on the 1 9 6 1 excavations. Hellwing, Salo [Shlomo], a n d R a m G o p h n a . " T h e Animal Remains
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from the Early a n d M i d d l e Bronze Ages at Tel Aphek a n d Tel Dalit: A Comparative S t u d y . " Tel Aviv 1 1 (1984): 4 8 - 5 9 . Iliffe, J. H . "Pottery from Ras el-'Ain." Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 5 ( 1 9 3 6 ) : 1 1 3 - 1 2 6 . I m p o r t a n t for the pottery from the M B IIA cist graves. Kindler, Arie. " T h e Coins of Antipatris" (in H e b r e w ) . Eretz-Isracl 19 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 2 5 - 1 3 1 . Catalog of the coins minted in Antipatris. Kochavi, M o s h e , a n d Pirhiya Beck. Aphek-Ant.ipalris, 1972-1073: Pre liminary Report, T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 6 , T h e first two seasons of excavation and an analysis of the chronology a n d typology of the Aphek M B IIA pottery. Kochavi, M o s h e , et al. Aphek-Antipatris, 1974-1977: The Inscriptions. T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 8 . Prima lectiones of the Aphek inscriptions. Kochavi, M o s h e , et al. "Aphek-Antipatris, T e l Poleg, T e l Zeror, and T e l Burga: F o u r Fortified Sites of the M i d d l e Bronze IIA in the Sharon Plain." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins 95 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 1 2 1 - 1 6 5 . Establishes the existence of fortified cities in this period on the basis of M B IIA A p h e k a n d other sites (see Yadin below). Kochavi, M o s h e . " T h e History and Archaeology of Aphek-Antipatris, a Biblical City in the Sharon Plain." Biblical Archaeologist 4 4 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 7 5 - 8 6 . Concise review based on information available by 1980. Kochavi, M o s h e . Aphek-Antipatris: Five Thousand Years of History (in H e b r e w ) . T e l Aviv, 1989. T h e most complete synthesis on the sub ject, with a comprehensive bibliography. Kochavi, M o s h e . Aphek in Canaan: The Egyptian Governor's Residence and Its Finds. Israel M u s e u m Catalogue, no. 3 1 2 . Jerusalem, 1990. H e b r e w and English text with n u m e r o u s illustrations. Ncidinger, William. " A T y p o l o g y of Oil L a m p s from die Mercantile Q u a r t e r of Antipatris." Tel Aviv 9 (1982): 1 5 7 - 1 6 9 . Report on the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods. Ory, J. "Excavations at Ras el-'Ain." Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 5 ( 1 9 3 6 ) : 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 ; 6 ( 1 9 3 7 ) : 9 9 - 1 2 0 . R e p o r t o n the first rescue excavation at the site. O w e n , D a v i d I„ et al. Aphek-Antipatris, 1978-198$: The iMterfrom Uga rit—Philological, Historical, and Archaeological Considerations. Tel Aviv, 1 9 8 7 . Establishes the date of the end of L B Aphek. Yadin, Yigael. " T h e N a t u r e of Settlement in the Middle Bronze IIA Period in Israel and the P r o b l e m of the A p h e k Fortifications." Zeit schrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins 94 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 - 2 3 . Argues against the dating of die A p h e k city wall to M B IIA. MOSHE KOCHAVI
APHRODISIAS,
site located in a fertile u p l a n d plain s o u t h of t h e M a e a n d e r River valley, a b o u t 200 k m (124 mi) southeast of Izmir, in m o d e r n T u r k e y (37°43' N , 28°44' E ) . T h e city was p a r t of ancient Caria a n d was best k n o w n for its cult of A p h r o d i t e a n d t h e high-quality work of its sculp tors in marble. T h e site was visited in t h e eighteenth a n d n i n e t e e n t h centuries b y s u c h learned travelers as William S h e r a r d , die Dilettante, a n d Charles T e x i e r ) . Excavations w e r e first c o n d u c t e d in 1914 by P a u l G a u d i n a n d in 1937 b y Giulio Jacopi. Systematic investigation has b e e n carried o u t since 1961 b y N e w Y o r k University, led, until his d e a t h in 1990, b y K e n a n T . E r i m . T h e site's buildings a n d m o n u m e n t s , p r e d o m i n a n t i y of t h e R o m a n period, are exceptionally well preserved a n d u n usually well d o c u m e n t e d b y inscriptions. T h i s material gives a detailed picture of t h e city a n d its people from t h e first to t h e sixth century.
152
APLIKI
Aphrodisias was f o u n d e d , a c c o r d i n g to a legend r e c o r d e d by S t e p h a n u s of B y z a n t i u m , by the Babylonian king N i n o s , h u s b a n d of Semiramis. T h e r e are considerable prehistoric a n d Bronze Age r e m a i n s , b u t fewer for the archaic a n d clas sical periods. T h e t o w n grew u p a r o u n d its s a n c t u a r y of Aphrodite in the second century BCE and b e g a n r a p i d u r banization in the mid-first century BCE. Sulla a n d C a e s a r patronized the sanctuary, a n d in 39 BCE the city gained last ing favor a n d privileges t h r o u g h Octavian. Loyalty to R o m e in the W a r of L a b i e n u s (41/40 BCE) was r e w a r d e d by t h e granting of a u t o n o m y , tax-free status, a n d n e w asylum rights for the T e m p l e of A p h r o d i t e . T h e n e a r b y m a r b l e quarries were o p e n e d a n d , d u r i n g the first a n d s e c o n d c e n turies, the city saw c o n t i n u o u s building. Aphrodisias retained its u r b a n vitality far into late antiq uity, w h e n it was t h e seat of the R o m a n governor of t h e n e w (Diocletianic) p r o v i n c e of Caria. F o r a long p e r i o d . A p h rodite and tire old religion r e m a i n e d strong alongside rising Christianity. T h e city h a d a Christian bishop in t h e fourth century, and in the fifth century it was still h o m e to a leading school of p a g a n N e o p l a t o n i c philosophy. T h e N o r t h A g o r a a n d Portico of T i b e r i u s were two great colonnaded piazzas that together defined the o r t h o g o n a l center of the city's u r b a n p l a n , laid o u t p r o b a b l y in the late first century BCE a n d u n d e r construction t h r o u g h o u t t h e first century CE. T h e C o u n c i l H o u s e ( O d e i o n , first-second c e n tury CE) formed, with t h e N o r t h Agora, an a g o r a - b o u l e u terion complex typical of civic planning of d i e early imperial p e r i o d in Asia M i n o r . It was decorated with a scaenae frons a n d a rich display of m a r b l e statuary. T h e T e m p l e of A p h r o d i t e , rebuilt in the 30s BCE as a p r o style temple, was s u r r o u n d e d d u r i n g the first century CE w i t h a great Ionic peripteral c o l o n n a d e (8 X 13 m ) . It was later t u r n e d into a Christian basilica, witii considerable care a n d e c o n o m y , a n d is o n e of the best examples of such a t e m p l e c h u r c h conversion. A m o n u m e n t a l c o l u m n a r T e t r a p y l o n (mid-second century CE), in the style of the A n t o n i n e b a r o q u e , formed the e n t r a n c e gate t o the sanctuary area. Its full restoration, u s i n g 85% of its original blocks, was c o m pleted in 1991. T h e Sebasteion, built in the mid-first century CE, w a s a remarkable t e m p l e c o m p l e x dedicated to A p h r o d i t e a n d d i e Julio-Claudian e m p e r o r s . It was excavated b e t w e e n 1979 and 1982. T h e c o m p l e x consisted of a raised prostyle C o rinthian temple a p p r o a c h e d by a n a r r o w processional w a y flanked by two porticos 90 m long, each three-storied a n d decorated with a series of figural m a r b l e reliefs. T h e m o r e t h a n eighty surviving reliefs represent scenes b o t h from G r e e k mythology a n d of R o m a n imperial subjects. T h e Hadrianic B a t h s , built across t h e e n d of t h e P o r t i c o of Tiberius, were a massive construction a n d h a v e b e e n s t a n d i n g since antiquity. T h e y are c o m p o s e d of five great barrel-vaulted parallel c h a m b e r s , with an i m p o s i n g colon n a d e d court in front. A stadium, built in t h e first-second
centuries CE, was e n c o m p a s s e d b y t h e later city wall ( m i d fourth c e n t u r y ) , a n d is virtually intact. I t is 262 m long with thirty tiers of seats a n d could h o l d u p t o thirty t h o u s a n d people. T h e theater, built into t h e site's m a i n prehistoric hoyuk in d i e later Hellenistic p e r i o d , was e q u i p p e d in the 30s BCE with an elaborate c o l u m n a r stage facade d o n a t e d by a powerful local benefactor, o n e C . Julius Zoilos, a n ex-slave a n d a g e n t of the e m p e r o r A u g u s t u s , as r e c o r d e d i n t h e inscribed d e d ication of t h e building. M a r b l e seating a n d o t h e r m o n u m e n tal w o r k w e r e a d d e d in the first c e n t u r y CE. T h e building r e m a i n e d in use until the s e v e n t h c e n t u r y , w h e n t h e t h e a t e r hill was converted into a fort. A p h r o d i s i a n sculptors w e r e well k n o w n a b r o a d — t h e y p r o v i d e d sculpture for H a d r i a n ' s villa at Tivoli, for e x a m p l e — a n d held in high r e p u t e at h o m e . A large sculptor's w o r k s h o p has b e e n excavated in the h e a r t of t h e city ( b e t w e e n the C o u n c i l H o u s e a n d the T e m p l e ) , a n d the r a n g e of fine statuary r e c o v e r e d from o t h e r buildings gives a c o m plete cross section of t h e sculpture p r o d u c t i o n of a G r e e k city in the R o m a n period. T h e sculptures r a n g e from sec o n d - c e n t u r y BCE grave reliefs to fifth-century CE statues of L a t e R o m a n governors. BIBLIOGRAPHY Erim, Kenan T . Aphrodisias: City of Venus Aphrodite. L o n d o n and N e w York, 1986. A well-illustrated introduction t o the history and m o n u m e n t s of the site, with full bibliography of earlier work. Joukowsky, M a r t h a S. Prehistoric Aphrodisias, 2 vols. R h o d e Island and Louvain, 1986. Detailed publication of all aspects of t h e site in the Bronze Age and earlier. Reynolds, J. M . Aphrodisias and Rome. L o n d o n , 1983. Publication of an important series of inscriptions, including several imperial letters, detailing the city's special relationship with R o m e . R o u e c h e , Charlotte. Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity. L o n d o n , 1989. P u b lication of the L a t e Antique inscriptions (after 250 CE), with full his torical c o m m e n t a r y on the city in this period. R o u e c h e , Charlotte. Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias. London, 1993. A publication of inscriptions and graffiti relating to the athletic festivals a n d games held in the city. Rouech6, Charlotte, and K e n a n T . E r i m , eds. Aphrodisias Papers 1 . Journal of R o m a n Archaeology S u p p l e m e n t a r y Series, n o . 1. A n n Arbor, 1990. Studies on tire temple of A p h r o d i t e and various g r o u p s of sculpture. Smith, R. R. R. Aphrodisias I. The Monument of C. Julius Zoilos. M a i n z , 1993, A detailed publication of the allegorical frieze from the t o m b of Zoilos, the freedman and agent of Octavian in the city in the 30s BCE. T h e first in a new series publishing t h e major m o n u m e n t s of the site. Smith, R. R. R., and K e n a n T . Erim, eds, Aphrodisias Papers 2. Journal of R o m a n Archaeology Supplementary Series, n o . 2. A n n Arbor, 1 9 9 1 . Studies on t h e theater, coins, a n d further g r o u p s of sculpture. R . R . R. SMITH
A P L I K I , i m p o r t a n t c o p p e r - m i n i n g a n d smelting site o n C y p r u s . L o c a t e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y 6.5 k m (4 mi.) s o u t h of t h e m o d e r n village of Lefka o n the east b a n k of t h e M a r a t h a s a River in t h e foothills of t h e T r o o d o s M o u n t a i n s (35°04'39"
'AQABA N , 32°50'34" E ) , Ap]M-Karamallos was a Late Bronze Age m i n e r s ' village in t h e c o p p e r - m i n i n g region of n o r t h w e s t C y p r u s . T h e discovery of L a t e B r o n z e A g e ceramics by t h e C y p r u s M i n e s C o r p o r a t i o n led to limited excavations in 1938 a n d 1939 u n d e r direction of J o a n d u P l a t T a y l o r o n behalf of t h e C y p r u s D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities. T h e site occupies a n area of p e r h a p s t w o h a (5 acres) o n a h i g h plateau. Several t r e n c h e s were o p e n e d , designated areas A - H . Architectural r e m a i n s w e r e u n c o v e r e d in areas A (roughly 270 sq m or 2,905 sq. ft.) a n d B (125 sq m or 1,345 1 . ft.); other t r e n c h e s w e r e smaller a n d revealed frag m e n t a r y walls or pits a n d L a t e B r o n z e A g e sherd material. T h e r e m a i n s in area A c o m p r i s e a well-built stone a n d m u d brick L - s h a p e d s t r u c t u r e of at least eight r o o m s o p e n i n g o n t o a c o u r t y a r d , s o m e p r o v i d e d with b e n c h e s a n d h e a r t h s . T a y l o r identified t w o p e r i o d s of o c c u p a t i o n , distinguished by two floor levels a n d architectural r e a r r a n g e m e n t s . T h i s c o m p l e x was d e s t r o y e d b y fire. Area B revealed r e m a i n s of at least five h o u s e s with o n e p e r i o d of o c c u p a t i o n , w h i c h w e r e a b a n d o n e d b u t n o t b u r n t . Principal p o t t e r y types from diese buildings include W h i t e Slip II, Base R i n g II, Plain White Wheelmade, imported Mycenaean, White-Painted W h e e l m a d e III, C o a r s e M o n o c h r o m e (Apliki) wares a n d large storage jars (pithoi). T h i s c e r a m i c evidence suggests t h a t the site w a s c o n s t r u c t e d d u r i n g L a t e C y p r i o t I I C (thir t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE) a n d d e s t r o y e d a n d a b a n d o n e d early in L a t e C y p r i o t IIIA (early twelfth c e n t u r y BCE) . s
T h e site is of greatest interest for its evidence for m e t a l lurgical activity. Quantities of b l a c k slag, with r o p y surface, a type formerly t h o u g h t to b e l o n g t o the R o m a n period, w e r e f o u n d in areas A a n d B , along w i t h crucible fragments a n d tuyeres (pipes for c h a n n e l i n g air into a f u r n a c e ) , i n c l u d i n g D - s h a p e d a n d elbow types, in stratified L a t e B r o n z e A g e contexts within t h e h o u s e s . T h e location of t h e site a n d t h e massive size of the slag (blocks w e i g h i n g u p to 14 k g or 30.8 lbs.) a n d tuyeres suggest t h a t it was a major c o p p e r - m i n i n g a n d smelting center. M i n e shafts a n d galleries n o t e d in t h e n e a r b y c o p p e r - r i c h hills m a y h a v e b e e n associated with this settlement, a l t h o u g h i n d e p e n d e n t archaeological dating ev i d e n c e for d i e m is lacking. O t h e r objects from the r o o m s include l o o m weights, s p i n dle whorls, a n d wall b r a c k e t s for h a n g i n g l a m p s ; s t o n e q u e r n s , pestles, a n d bowls; b r o n z e chisels, drills, a n d knives; terra-cotta bull a n d female figurines; u n e n g r a v e d cylinders of ivory a n d steatite; f r a g m e n t s of a w o o d e n c o m b ; a gold l u n a t e earring; a n d a large s e r p e n t i n e s t a m p seal carved with a bull's h e a d a n d C y p r o - M i n o a n sign. B u r n t vegetable r e m a i n s from area A i n c l u d e b a r l e y , w h e a t , h o r s e b e a n , lentil, a l m o n d , g r a p e , olive, a n d c o r i a n d e r . T h e y w e r e p r o b a b l y n o t cultivated at d i e site, w h i c h is badly suited for farming, b u t m a y h a v e b e e n e x c h a n g e d for t h e c o p p e r p r o d u c e d there. A large slag h e a p a n d L a t e R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e r e m a i n s h a v e b e e n f o u n d at the foot of t h e hill. [See also M i n e s a n d M i n i n g . ]
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Helbaek, H a n s . " L a t e Cypriote Vegetable Diet at Apliki." Opusaila Atheniensia 4 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 1 7 1 - 1 8 6 . Detailed discussion of the plant re mains, tiieir place in N e a r Eastern agriculture, and possible trade in agricultural products. Kling, Barbara. Mycenaean IIIC:ib and Related Potteiy in Cyprus. Stud ies in Mediterranean Archaeology, vol. 87. G o t e b o r g , 1989. Reas sessment of the site's chronology in die light of recent discussions of the ceramics of the L C IIC and L C IIIA periods (see p p . 8 5 - 8 6 ) ; accepts T a y l o r ' s original dating. M u h l y , James D . " T h e Organisation of the C o p p e r Industry in L a t e Bronze Age C y p r u s . " In Early Society in Cyprus, edited by Edgar Peltenburg, p p . 2 9 8 - 3 1 4 . E d i n b u r g h , 1989. Discussion of metallur gical remains based on recent reexamination of the material, and consideration of the place of Apliki within the larger context of the Late Cypriot c o p p e r industry. Taylor, J o a n duPlat. " A L a t e Bronze Age Settlement at Apliki, Cy p r u s . " Antiquaries Journal 32 ( 1 9 5 2 ) : 1 3 3 - 1 6 7 . Original excavation report containing good descriptions of the architecture, pottery, and small finds. BARBARA KLING
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A Q A B A , p o r t in m o d e r n J o r d a n overlying the ancient cities of R o m a n Aila a n d early Islamic Ayla (29°3i' N , 3 5 V E ) . T h e biblical sites of Eilat a n d E z i o n - G e b e r were p r e s u m a b l y also located s o m e w h e r e in t h e vicinity. Situated at the n o r t h end of the G u l f of ' A q a b a , on an a r m of the R e d Sea, A q a b a lies at the n e x u s of i m p o r t a n t t r a d e routes. T h e p o r t serviced sea traffic w i t h E g y p t , S o u t h Arabia, Africa, a n d India. Several l a n d r o u t e s intersected at ' A q a b a , includ ing r o a d s n o r t h e a s t d i r o u g h T r a n s j o r d a n t o Syria, n o r t h via W a d i ' A r a b a h to die D e a d Sea a n d J o r d a n Valley, n o r t h w e s t via the N e g e v to G a z a o n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n , west across Sinai to E g y p t , a n d s o u t h e a s t into tire A r a b i a n Peninsula. C o p p e r from i m p o r t a n t m i n e s at F e i n a n a n d T i m n a ' , just to t h e n o r t h in W a d i ' A r a b a h , was t r a n s s h i p p e d via this port. Several Chalcolithic sites are attested in the region. O n e , die small m o u n d of T e l l M a q u s s n e a r die m o d e r n ' A q a b a air p o r t , was excavated b y Lufti Khalil in 1985 and yielded ev idence of c o p p e r p r o c e s s i n g from die mid-fourtii millen n i u m (Khalil, 1987, 1992). c
T h e biblical tradition asserts t h a t Eilat was t h e p o r t of d e p a r t u r e for S o l o m o n ' s m e r c h a n t fleet to O p h i r (r Kgs. 9:26-28; 2 Chr. 8:17-18). A later ldng of J u d a h , J e h o s h a p h a t , also p l a n n e d t o s e n d a fleet to O p h i r , b u t it was wrecked at E z i o n - G e b e r (1 Kgs. 22:48; 2 Chr. 20:36-37). Eilat was later c e d e d by J u d a h to the E d o m i t e s in the late eighth century BCE (2 Kgs. 16:2). [See J u d a h . ] Inspired by t h e biblical traditions, N e l s o n G l u e c k excavated T e l l el-Kheleifeh (1938-1940), a low m o u n d j u s t n o i t h w e s t of m o d e r n ' A q a ba. [See Kheleifeh, T e l l el-,] G l u e c k (1965) claimed to h a v e f o u n d E i l a t / E z i o n - G e b e r , b u t his results were never a d e quately published. A r e e x a m i n a t i o n by G a r y Pratico (1993) of G l u e c k ' s evidence suggests, ratiier, an E d o m i t e settle m e n t o c c u p i e d from t h e late eighth t h r o u g h the fourth c e n turies BCE. T h e walled site, a p p a r e n t i y a caravanserai,
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AQABA
yielded evidence of grain storage, c o p p e r smelting, a n d trade with s o u t h e r n Arabia. [See the biography of Glueck] T h e next major ancient settlement was Aila, a city at t h e h e a d of the gulf attested in various literary sources d u r i n g t h e R o m a n a n d Byzantine periods. Its origin is unclear, b u t presumably Aila b e g a n as a N a b a t e a n settlement in t h e first c e n t u r y BCE. [See N a b a t e a n s . ] S t r a b o (Geog. 16.2.30), writ ing in the early first c e n t u r y CE, already refers to Aila as a city (polis). M e r c h a n t s from Aila traveled to S o u t h Arabia to obtain frankincense a n d m y r r h (Geog. 16.4.4). T h e city passed u n d e r direct R o m a n rule with the annexation of N a batea as the R o m a n p r o v i n c e of Arabia in 106 CE. Aila t h e n b e c a m e tire s o u t h e r n t e r m i n u s of t h e Via N o v a T r a j a n a , a major t r u n k road b e t w e e n soutiiern Syria a n d t h e R e d Sea c o m p l e t e d in 1 1 1 - 1 1 4 CE. T h e strategic i m p o r t a n c e of t h e city is suggested b y t h e transfer of the L e g i o X Fretensis from Jerusalem t o Aila in a b o u t 300 CE (Eusebius, Onomasticon 6.17). A fragmentary m o n u m e n t a l L a t i n building in scription of t h e early f o u r t h century m a y relate to this legion, which r e m a i n e d g a r r i s o n e d until at least t h e t u r n of t h e fifth century (Notitia Dignitatum Oriens 34.30). Christian bishops from Aila are attested beginning in 325. Various sources suggest t h a t significant seaborne t r a d e c o n t i n u e d b e t w e e n Aila and t h e I n d i a n O c e a n littoral t h r o u g h t h e B y z a n t i n e period. T h e city m a d e a treaty with t h e p r o p h e t M u h a m m a d himself in 630 t h a t guaranteed protection of its c o m m e r c e at the beginning of t h e M u s l i m conquest. R i c h a r d B u r t o n identified t h e remains of N a b a t e a n a n d R o m a n Aila in 1878. T h e classical site, n o w within t h e m o d ern city of ' A q a b a , was rediscovered b y J o h n L . M e l o y in 1989. A n excavation l a u n c h e d b y S. T h o m a s P a r k e r of N o r t h Carolina State University in 1994 u n c o v e r e d signifi cant portions of Aila. T h e earliest excavated evidence dates to the first centuries BCE/CE, including a m p h o r a e from t h e western M e d i t e r r a n e a n , terra sigillata, a n d p a i n t e d N a b a t e a n fine ware. T h i s Early R o m a n pottery w a s associated with m u d - b r i c k d o m e s t i c structures. F a r t h e r south, t h e city wall was erected i n stone in the late fourth century. T h e excavated s e g m e n t is a b o u t 30 m long, survives to nearly 2 m in height, a n d was defended b y a projecting rectangular tower. T h e wall w a s built over an earlier massive m u d - b r i c k structure, apparentiy o n c e vaulted. Just n o r t h of t h e city wall was a m u d - b r i c k domestic complex consisting of r o o m s built a r o u n d a p a v e d courtyard. T h e complex w a s a p p a r ently occupied from t h e sixth/seventh to t h e eighth c e n t u ries. N o r t h of t h e d o m e s t i c complex was a cemetery of m u d brick t o m b s . [See T o m b s . ] T h r e e excavated t o m b s each contained a single articulated skeleton a n d date to t h e fourth century. C o n t i n u e d international t r a d e d u r i n g t h e B y z a n t i n e period is evidenced b y fine glossy r e d pottery i m p o r t e d from N o r t h Africa, t h e A e g e a n , C y p r u s , a n d Egypt. S o u t h of t h e Byzantine city wall (i.e., within t h e city walls), two other areas yielded substantial evidence of Early Islamic o c c u p a tion. T h i s suggests t h a t t h e Byzantine city survived for a
t i m e alongside t h e n e w Early Islamic city f o u n d e d just to t h e southeast. Archaeological investigation of the early Islamic city at ' A q a b a b e g a n in 1986 a n d c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h 1993 u n d e r D o n a l d W h i t c o m b . T . E . L a w r e n c e ( L a w r e n c e of A r a b i a ) p r o v i d e d t h e earliest description of t h e site in 1914 as a " s e t t l e m e n t of some luxury in the early M i d d l e A g e s " (Woolley a n d L a w r e n c e , 1936). T h e Early Islamic city w a s p r o b a b l y f o u n d e d u n d e r ' U t h m a n ibn 'Affan (c. 650). B e n e a t h t h e slightly m o u n d e d surface is a b o u t 4.5 m of o c c u p a t i o n f r o m t h e m i d - s e v e n t h c e n t u r y until t h e arrival of t h e C r u s a d e r s in 1 1 1 6 . T h e city wall is d e f e n d e d b y U - s h a p e d towers a n d was entered via four gates, n o w n a m e d t h e E g y p t i a n , Syrian, I-Iijazi, a n d Sea G a t e s . T h e p l a n of d i e city (165 X 140 m ) is m a r k e d b y axial streets dividing t h e t o w n into four q u a d r a n t s . T h e central crossing h a d a tetrapylon, like tire early Islamic city of 'Anjar in s o u t h e r n L e b a n o n . T h e p l a n m a y h a v e b e e n m o d e l e d o n t h a t of t h e fortress of t h e L e g i o X Fretensis, p r e s u m a b l y located n e a r b y . In a d d i t i o n to t h e streets a n d residences of t h e later p e r i o d s (see b e l o w ) , sev eral functional institutions h a v e b e e n d i s c o v e r e d . T h e c e n tral pavilion b e c a m e a wealthy m e r c h a n t ' s r e s i d e n c e , w h i c h m i g h t be associated with t h e g o v e r n o r ' s palace. T h e c h a n g e s associated with t h e ' A b b a s i d reorganization of t h e city after 750 included t h e u s e of t h e sea wall as t h e b a c k d r o p of an extensive suq, o r " m a r k e t , " w i t h n u m e r o u s small s h o p s ( s o m e c o m p o s e d of c o n v e r t e d towers) lined u p along t h e b e a c h . D u r i n g t h e 1993 season, t h e city's congregational m o s q u e was discovered, a hypostyle hall in t h e Syrian style a n d a n i m p o r t a n t addition to e x c a v a t e d m o s q u e s of t h e early Islamic period. [See M o s q u e . ] T h i s m o s q u e is oriented southwest, possibly a m i s c o n c e p t i o n of t h e direction of M e c c a (Ar., qiblah). T h e stratigraphic evidence gives a n artifactual s e q u e n c e t h a t amplifies t h e m e a g e r historical i n f o r m a t i o n o n Aila. T h e m o s t recent levels ( p h a s e E , 1050-1100 CE) b e l o n g t o t h e L a t e 'Abbasid o r F a t i m i d p e r i o d a n d a r e m a r k e d b y t h e af t e r m a t h of the 1068 e a r t h q u a k e . T h e limited r e c o n s t r u c t i o n a m i d t h e r u b b l e e n d e d w i t h t h e arrival of a b a n d of C r u s a d ers; the people of Aila fled in tiieir b o a t s , r e t u r n i n g m u c h later to resettle a r o u n d t h e ' A q a b a castle, o n e kilometer to t h e south. T h e c e n t u r y before this ( p h a s e D , 950-1050) was n o t m u c h better. T h e F a t i m i d s of E g y p t established s o m e control, b u t increasingly s o u t h e r n Palestine w a s a w a r z o n e w h e r e t h e F a t i m i d s e x c h a n g e d lands w i t h B y z a n t i n e s , Sel juks, a n d a local b e d o u i n confederation. I n 1024 t h e t o w n w a s sacked b y t h e B a n u Jarrah, a c a t a s t r o p h e in w h i c h a h o a r d of gold w a s a b a n d o n e d . T h e h o a r d , of thirty-two di n a r s , was c o m p o s e d m a i n l y of issues from Sijilmasa in M o r o c c o , suggesting a m e r c h a n t ' s or a pilgrim's loss. T h e p o t t e r y m a y p o i n t to this social instability: fine luster, d e c o r a t e d , a n d otiier glazed wares o c c u r w i t h a c r u d e , h a n d m a d e pottery. T h e p r e c e d i n g p h a s e C (850-950) is a m y s t e r y c e n t u r y at ' A q a b a , w h e n a p p a r e n t i y n o t h i n g d r a -
' AQABA
m a t i c h a p p e n e d — n e i t h e r political n o r n a t u r a l events m a r r e d its tranquility. T h e ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d ( p h a s e B , 750-850) b e g a n w i t h a c a t a s t r o p h e , t h e e a r t h q u a k e of 748; a n energetic r e c o n s t r u c tion a n d reorganization r e s u l t e d in a n e w , m o r e p r o s p e r o u s t o w n t h a t b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t center for t h e study of r e ligious law. T h e p o t t e r y again reflects t h e s e changes: t h e transition i n t r o d u c e d an u n g l a z e d c r e a m w a r e ( M a h e s h w a r e ) , a b a n d o n i n g d i e earlier B y z a n t i n e / U m a y y a d tradition a n d revealing stylistic attributes typical of ' A b b a s i d Iraq. O t h e r artifacts reveal t h e cultural leadership of t h e Hijaz d u r i n g this p e r i o d , w h e n Aila p a r t i c i p a t e d in t h e active c o m mercial w o r l d of t h e I n d i a n O c e a n via S o u t h A r a b i a a n d Ethiopia. T h e s e p a t t e r n s b e g a n in tire initial p h a s e A (650750) a n d e n d u r e d even t h o u g h t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t cultural influence of t h a t p e r i o d w a s f r o m Early Islamic E g y p t . T h e earliest glazed ceramics at ' A q a b a ( C o p t i c glazed ware) w e r e p r o d u c e d in E g y p t ( p r o b a b l y at Alexandria) in the early eighth c e n t u r y ; t h e finds a t ' A q a b a h a v e confirmed t h e i d e n tification of this c e r a m i c t r a d i t i o n . T h e city p l a n a n d artifacts
155
of this p h a s e testify to t h e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n from L a t e B y z antine to Early Islamic styles, paralleling t h e e m e r g e n c e of Islamic political a n d cultural identity in t h e time of t h e first caliphs a n d t h e U m a y y a d dynasty. BIBLIOGRAPHY Burton, Richard F . The Land of Midian (Revisited). Vol. 2. L o n d o n , 1879. See pages 2 4 0 - 2 4 1 . Glueck, Nelson. " E z i o n - G e b e r . " Biblical Archaeologist 28 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 7 0 87. Glueck's final interpretation of Tell el-Kheleifeh, revising some of his earlier views. Khalil, Lufti. "Preliminary R e p o r t on the 1985 Season of Excavation at el-Maqass—'Aqaba." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 31 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 4 8 1 - 4 8 3 . Khalil, Lufti. " S o m e Technological Features from a Chalcolithic Site at M a g a s s — ' A q a b a . " In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jor dan IV, p p . 1 4 3 - 1 4 8 . A m m a n , 1 9 9 2 . M a c A d a m , H e n r y I, " F r a g m e n t s of a Latin Building Inscription from 'Aqaba, J o r d a n . " Zeitschriftfilr Papyrologie undEpigraphikTj (1989): 163-172. Meloy, J o h n L , "Results of an Archaeological Reconnaissance in W e s t 'Aqaba: Evidence of the Pre-Islamic Settlement." Annual of the De partment of Antiquities of Jordan 35 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 3 9 7 - 4 1 4 .
156
C
AQAR QUF
Parker, S. T h o m a s . " T h e R o m a n 'Aqaba Project: Aila Rediscovered." Biblical Archaeologist 57 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 1 7 2 . Short summary of results from the first field season. Parker, S. T h o m a s . "Preliminary R e p o r t on the 1994 Season of die R o m a n 'Aqaba Project." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Forthcoming. Pratico, Gary D . Nelson Glueck's 1038-1940 Excavations at Tellel-Kheleifeh: A Reappraisal. American Schools of Oriental Research Ar chaeological Reports, 3. Adanta, 1 9 9 3 . This study, based on a re examination of Glueck's artifacts and field records, casts d o u b t o n Glueck's claim t h a t the site was Solomon's Ezion-Geber. W h i t c o m b , D o n a l d S. "Excavations in 'Aqaba: First Preliminary R e port." Annual of the Department, of Antiquities of Jordan 31 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 247-266. W h i t c o m b , D o n a l d S. 'Aqaba: Port of Palestine on the China Sea. A m man, 1988. Excellent introductory guide to die site, although now somewhat dated. Whitcomb, D o n a l d S. " C o p t i c Glazed Ceramics from the Excavations at 'Aqaba, J o r d a n . " Journal
of the American Research Center in Egypt
26 (1989): 1 6 7 - 1 8 2 . Whitcomb, Donald S. "Evidence of t h e Umayyad Period from the 'Aqaba Excavations." I n The History of Bilad al-Sham during the Umayyad Period: Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference, vol. 2, edited by M u h a m m a d A d n a n al-Bakhit and R o b e r t Schick, pp. 1 6 4 - 1 8 4 . A m m a n , 1989. Whitcomb, Donald S. "Diocletian's Misr at 'Aqaba." Zeitschrift
des
Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins 106 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 5 6 - 1 6 1 . D e b u n k s the view that the Early Islamic fortified town was actually a rebuilt version of an earlier R o m a n legionary fortress. Whitcomb, D o n a l d S. " T h e Fourth Gate at Ayla: A Report on the 1992 Excavations at ' A q a b a . " Annual
of the Department
of Antiquities
of
Jordan 37 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 533-543Whitcomb, Donald S. Ayla: Art and Industry in the Islamic Port of 'Aqaba. Chicago, 1994. Whitcomb, Donald S. " T h e Misr of Ayla: Settlement at al-'Aqaba in the Early Islamic Period." In The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, vol. 2 , Land Use and Settlement Patterns, edited by G. R. D . King and Averil C a m e r o n , p p . 1 5 5 - 1 7 0 . Princeton, 1994. Woolley, C. L e o n a r d , and T , E. Lawrence. The Wilderness ofZin.
New
York, 1936. See pages 1 4 1 - 1 4 5 . S. THOMAS PARKER a n d DONALD S. WHITCOMB
'AQAR QUF
( D u r K u r i g a l z u ) , site located a b o u t 30 k m
(19 mi.) west of B a g h d a d , I r a q (33°2i' N , 44°2i' E ) , a n d situated o n an o u t c r o p of die limestone terrace of t h e E u phrates River adjoining t h e Patti-Enlil canal in t h e east, c o n necting it with d i e Babylonian city of Sippar. It was identi fied b y H e n r y Creswicke Rawlinson o n t h e basis of bricks inscribed with t h e n a m e of the Kassite residence/capital D u r Kurigalzu (H. G. Rawlinson, A Selection from the Inscriptions
of Chaldaea,
Assyria,
and Babylonia,
Historical The Cu
neiform Inscriptions of W e s t e r n Asia, 1, L o n d o n , 1861, pi. 4.14). T h e t o w n was f o u n d e d b y t h e Kassite king Kurigalzu I a t the e n d of t h e fifteenth or t h e beginning of t h e f o u r t e e n t h century BCE, T h e r e are traces of an older settlement f r o m t h e fifteenth century. Following the fall of t h e Kassite dy nasty d u r i n g t h e twelfth century BCE, t h e site was a b a n d o n e d
a n d never r e o c c u p i e d . It w a s , h o w e v e r , occasionally u s e d for burials. T h e overall o c c u p a t i o n area seems t o h a v e b e e n a b o u t 225 ha (556 acres) with an e n c l o s u r e wall, p a r t s of w h i c h could b e distinguished t o p o g r a p h i c a l l y in t h e east. W i t h i n this area several hills diversify t h e otherwise flat g r o u n d ; t h e highest of t h o s e hills is A q a r Quf. A n o t h e r hill, 1 k m to the west, is T e l l al-Abyad; a third m o u n d , A, lies b e t w e e n t h e m , b u t only 100 m t o t h e w e s t of t h e ziggurat at ' A q a r Quf. E x c a v a t i o n results p o i n t t o a clear functional s e p aration of the t w o m a i n a r e a s — A q a r Q u f b e i n g t h e religious district a n d T e l l a l - A b y a d t h e palace a n d administrative c e n ter. B o t h were e x c a v a t e d b y a joint Iraqi-British mission di rected b y S e t o n L l o y d a n d T a h a Baqir u n d e r t h e auspices of t h e British S c h o o l of A r c h a e o l o g y in I r a q a n d t h e Iraqi D i r e c t o r a t e - G e n e r a l of Antiquities b e t w e e n 1942 a n d 1945. [See the biography of Lloyd.] c
c
T h e ziggurat, E - G I - K I L , is p a r t of t h e t e m p l e q u a r t e r , which is d e v o t e d to t h e god Enlil, t h e m a i n g o d in t h e B a b ylonian p a n t h e o n . Its g r o u n d p l a n is a l m o s t s q u a r e , covering an area of 69 X 67.6 m . T h r e e m a i n staircases led u p t o t h e first terrace, w h i c h m u s t h a v e b e e n a b o u t 33 m high. T h e two lateral staircases s p r e a d a r o u n d t h e c o r n e r s to m e e t d i e m a i n central staircase. O n l y a small p a r t of t h e t e m p l e c o m plex was excavated. It consisted originally of t h r e e almost square c o u r t y a r d s , e a c h of w h i c h w a s enclosed b y a single r o w of r o o m s . T h e m a i n t e m p l e is n o t p r e s e r v e d b u t m u s t have b e e n situated b e t w e e n t h e central c o u r t y a r d a n d t h e m a i n staircase of t h e ziggurat. A c c o r d i n g t o inscriptions f o u n d in each unit, t h e central o n e w a s d e v o t e d to t h e g o d Enlil; t h e one o n t h e n o r t h e a s t to his wife, t h e g o d d e s s Ninlil; a n d die one o n t h e s o u t h w e s t to t h e w a r g o d N i n u r t a . O n m o u n d A a n o t h e r t e m p l e , possibly also d e d i c a t e d t o Ninlil, was discovered. T h e palace consisted of several u n i t s , n o t all c o n t e m p o rary. In t h e m a i n u n i t , A, four stages w e r e distinguished. U n i t H , with wall paintings in situ, w a s t h e latest addition, [See Wall Paintings.] T h e palace w a s in u s e until t h e e n d of t h e Kassite d y n a s t y (mid-twelfth c e n t u r y BCE). U n i t A c o n sisted of three mittelsaalhauser (a b u i l d i n g with a large c e n tral hall flanked o n e a c h long side b y a r o w of smaller r o o m s c o n n e c t e d with it) adjoining a square c o u r t y a r d . T h e g r o u n d plans of all b u t t h e o n e on t h e n o r t h e a s t are very similar; it seems t o have b e e n t h e t h r o n e r o o m u s e d in c o n n e c t i o n with a ceremonial r o o m . O t h e r r e m a r k a b l e features of the palace are a treasury o n t h e east, w h i c h consisted of small vaulted r o o m s along a corridor. [See Palace.] M a n y of t h e k n o w n major works of art of t h e Kassite p e riod were f o u n d in t h e palace at D u r K u r i g a l z u . A s c u l p t u r e d terra-cotta h e a d of a b e a r d e d m a n , a n a l m o s t c o m pletely p r e s e r v e d s c u l p t u r e of a h y e n a , a relief m a c e h e a d of limestone, s o m e glass inlays, gold jewelry, a n d gold o r n a m e n t s a n d overlays are a m o n g t h e small finds. O n l y i n t e r i m reports o n t h e excavations at ' A q a r Q u f h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d
AQUEDUCTS (Baqir, 1944-1946). M u c h of t h e u n p u b l i s h e d material is in the Baghdad M u s e u m . [See also Kassites; M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a ; Sippar; T e m p l e s , article on M e s o p o t a m i a n T e m ples; Ziggurat; and the biography of Rawlinson.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Balkan, K e m a l . "Kassitenstudien I. D i e S p r a c h e d e r Kassiten." Amer ican Oriental Series 37 ( 1 9 5 4 ) : 9 3 . Baqir, T a h a . Iraq Government Excavations at 'Aqar Quf, 1942-1943. Iraq S u p p l e m e n t . L o n d o n , 1944. Baqir, T a h a . Iraq Government Excavations al 'Aqar Quf. Second Interim Report, 1943-1944. Iraq S u p p l e m e n t . L o n d o n , 1 9 4 5 . Baqir, T a h a . " I r a q G o v e r n m e n t Excavations at ' A q a r Quf: T h i r d I n terim R e p o r t , 1 9 4 4 - 1 9 4 5 . " Iraq 8 ( 1 9 4 6 ) : 7 3 - 9 3 . Heinrich, Ernst. Die Tempel und Heiligtiimer im alten Mesopotamien. D e n k m a l e r Antiker Architektur, 1 4 . Berlin, 1982. See pages 2 2 3 - 2 2 5 . Heinrich, Ernst. Die Palaste im alten Mesopotamien. D e n k m a l e r Antiker Architektur, 1 5 . Berlin, 1984. See pages 8 9 - 9 1 . Nashef, Khaled. Die Orts- und Gezudssemamen der mittelbabylonischen und mittelassyrischen Zeit. Repertoire G e o g r a p h i q u e des T e x t e s C u neiformes, 5. W i e s b a d e n , 1 9 8 2 . S e e " D u r - K u r i g a l z u . " T o m a b e c h i , Yoko. "Wall Paintings from D u r Kurigalzu." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 42 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 2 3 - 1 3 1 . HARTMUT KUHNE
AQUEDUCTS.
I n antiquity, aqueducts transported spring w a t e r o r r u n n i n g w a t e r t o c o m m u n i t i e s , principally to cities, b u t also t o palaces, fortresses, m o n a s t e r i e s , a n d farms. T h e s e water systems s u p p l i e d fresh w a t e r for i n d i vidual everyday u s e , for pools i n private residences, a n d for p u b l i c u s e in b a t h h o u s e s , f o u n t a i n s , a n d reservoirs. T h e y t r a n s p o r t e d water f r o m a h i g h p l a c e to a low place a c c o r d i n g t o t h e law of gravity. A q u e d u c t s b e g i n a t springs, a few of w h i c h w e r e e n h a n c e d b y built s t t u c t u r e s : at J e r u s a l e m , C a e sarea, E m m a u s , Sebaste, B e t h - G u v r i n , a n d ' E i n - B o q e q in Palestine. A t first, c h a n n e l s for t h e m o v i n g water w e r e d u g into t h e g r o u n d , b u t eventually t h e y w e r e h e w n o r built of field stone, sealed w i t h w a t e r p r o o f plaster, a n d covered with flat stone slabs t h a t p r e v e n t e d t h e w a t e r from b e c o m i n g p o l luted. I n a n u m b e r of places, pits w e r e d u g , into w h i c h r e s i d u e from t h e s e d i m e n t s i n t h e w a t e r c o u l d settle. T h e c h a n nels in w h i c h t h e water flowed w e r e generally c u t in a r e c t a n g u l a r shape; s o m e n a r r o w e d at t h e b o t t o m , t o b e c o m e trapezoidal. T h e d i m e n s i o n s of t h e c h a n n e l s w e r e d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e a m o u n t of w a t e r t h e y w e r e d e s i g n e d t o carry: from 1.4 X 1.8 m long (the lower a q u e d u c t a t C a e s a r e a ) to 0.1 X 0.14 m l o n g (the l o w e r a q u e d u c t at E m m a u s ) a n d generally a b o u t 0.3-0.5 m w i d e a n d 0.5-0.8 m d e e p . T h e a q u e d u c t s themselves w e r e usually built from small stones t h a t d i d n o t exceed 0,2 m in length; t h e stones w e r e held t o g e t h e r w i t h m o r t a r . I n o r d e r t o cross valleys a n d m o u n t a i n chains, a r c h e d b r i d g e s w e r e built a n d t u n n e l s w e r e d u g . T u n n e l s first a p p e a r e d in t h e I r o n A g e i n J e r u s a l e m in P a l
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estine a n d a t Erbil in Syria. M a n y were d u g in t h e Hellenis tic, R o m a n , a n d B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d s , several of which h a d shafts 33-56 m apart. S u c h a s y s t e m allowed t h e digging t o b e carried o u t simultaneously in all t h e shafts, so t h a t work o n t h e t u n n e l could p r o c e e d m o r e quickly. T u n n e l s c o n structed in this m a n n e r w e r e u s e d at A k k o , B e t h - h a - ' E m e k , G a a t o n , Jerusalem, C a e s a r e a , a n d S e p p h o r i s . Shorter t u n nels w i t h o u t shafts w e r e f o u n d a t Susita, Sebaste, Jerusalem, Jericho, Q u m r a n , a n d H y r k a n i a . F r o m t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d o n w a r d , it was c u s t o m a r y in d e e p valleys t o u s e a n i n v e r t e d s i p h o n t o m o v e water. T h i s consisted of a lead or clay p i p e t h a t could b e closed off. T h i s i m p o r t a n t invention c o n v e y e d w a t e r t o cities o n high hills (at P e r g a m o n the ridge w a s a b o u t 200 m h i g h ) . T o regulate t h e flow of water, pools a n d reservoirs w e r e built along t h e p a t h of t h e a q u e d u c t s . N e a r t h e city o r inside it, t h e water e n t e r e d a large reservoir ( S e p p h o r i s , Susita) or a n enclosed p o o l ( S e p p h o r i s , T i b e r i a s , Jericho, Petra, H u m e i m a ) or e n t e r e d into large w a t e r pits ( M a s a d a , C y p r o s , Sartaba, H y r kania) . In t h e R o m a n p e r i o d , a n inverted siphon built of stone links w a s in u s e a t J e r u s a l e m , Susita, a n d B e t h - Y e r a h . L i n k e d stones were u s e d in building t h e arched bridges t h a t a p p e a r for t h e first t i m e i n t h e first c e n t u r y BCE. T h e s e b r i d g e s a r e considered t h e m o s t impressive structures a s sociated with t h e a q u e d u c t s ; t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e inverted si p h o n (sometimes also in c o m b i n a t i o n , as at A s p e n d o s in Anatolia) a n d t h e t u n n e l s , they m a r k t h e h i g h p o i n t in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a q u e d u c t s . T h e earliest a q u e d u c t is M e n u a ' s canal d u g a t U r a r t u in T u r k e y , at t h e b e g i n n i n g of the eighth century BCE. It c o n veyed spring w a t e r for a distance of a b o u t 56 k m ( a b o u t 35 mi) t o t h e foot of t h e settlement at t h e citadel of U r a r t u . K n o w l e d g e of this t e c h n o l o g y traveled from U r a r t u to A s syria, w h e r e , a t t h e e n d of t h e eighth century BCE, S e n n a c h erib built two a q u e d u c t s for t h e cities o f N i n e v e h a n d Erbil. T h e a q u e d u c t a t N i n e v e h w a s a b o u t 55 k m long a n d i n c l u d e d a n u m b e r of t u n n e l s a n d bridges. Inscriptions glori fying S e n n a c h e r i b h a v e b e e n discovered o n t h e largest of t h e bridges ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y 300 m l o n g a n d a b o u t 12 m w i d e ) . A shaft t u n n e l w a s d u g for t h e a q u e d u c t a t Erbil. H e z e k i a h ' s T u n n e l (533 m long) was built i n Jerusalem in t h e s a m e period. It p a s s e d u n d e r t h e city, t o t h e other side of t h e ridge, going east t o southwest, i n o r d e r to b r i n g water into t h e city. T h e t e c h n i q u e of conveying water b y m e a n s of a q u e d u c t s also r e a c h e d classical G r e e c e , w h e r e , in t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE, E u p a l i n o s c o n s t r u c t e d a t u n n e l 1,040 m long t o b r i n g w a t e r t o t h e city of S a m o s . H e z e k i a h ' s T u n n e l a n d t h e t u n n e l of E u p a l i n o s , b o t h of w h i c h were built w i t h o u t t r e n c h e s , are c o n s i d e r e d t h e greatest works of watere n g i n e e r i n g technology in t h e preclassical period. T h e tech n i q u e s d e v e l o p e d b y t h e G r e e k s for building a q u e d u c t s arose f r o m t h e n e e d t o h i d e their water systems from their
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enemies. As a result, they constructed u n d e r g r o u n d t u n n e l s . Just s u c h a water system in Palestine b r o u g h t water from a distance of a b o u t 14 k m (8.75 mi.) to die city of Ptolemais/ Akko, at the beginning of the third century BCE, it is t h e first a q u e d u c t to bring water from such a distance. I n die second century BCE, in the desert of Palestine, aq u e d u c t s gathered floodwaters into gigantic water pits located in palaces a n d fortresses. T h e s e a q u e d u c t s are distinguished by a deeply cut channel. A t Sartaba and Hyrkania, an in verted siphon was built t h a t allowed water to b e conveyed to the pits situated along t h e slope of t h e fortress, a c c o r d i n g to the principle t h a t water in a pipe will always rise to its original height. A n a q u e d u c t was built from the springs at W a d i Qelt to the palaces of the H a s m o n e a n s in Jericho; in it a clay pipe was installed t h a t was u s e d as a n inverted si p h o n to raise water to the fortress. T h e lower a q u e d u c t to Jerusalem is dated t o this s a m e period. I n the R o m a n period, a q u e d u c t s were built in m o s t of the cities of the ancient N e a r East. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t ones w e r e in Palestine, at C a e s a r e a a n d in Jerusalem. T h e u p p e r a q u e d u c t at Caesarea, first built either by H e r o d the G r e a t or by his followers, rests o n impressive arches to keep w a t e r at the desirable height. T h u s , the water could reach every p a r t of the city by force of gravitation. At t h e time of t h e e m p e r o r H a d r i a n , a second a q u e d u c t was affixed to it t h a t bears n o fewer t h a n nine imperial inscriptions glorifying the e m p e r o r for building the structure. Jerusalem's a q u e d u c t in this p e r i o d is an a r r a n g e m e n t of four a q u e d u c t s w h o s e total length is about 80 k m ( a b o u t 50 m i . ) . Additional a q u e d u c t s w e r e built at Antioch, T y r e , T a d m o r / P a l m y r a , Banias, S u sita (three a q u e d u c t s ) , G a d a r a / U m m Qeis, T i b e r i a s ( t w o ) , Sepphoris (two), B e t h - S h e a n (three), Abila (three), D o r (two), Legio, S h a ' a r h a - ' A m a q i m ( t w o ) , Sebaste/Samaria (two), S h e c h e m , E m m a u s (two), B e t h - G u v r i n ( t w o ) , H u m e i m a , a n d Petra ( t w o ) , a m o n g others. A n inverted si p h o n built of stone links is f o u n d on the ridge ( a b o u t 45 m deep) at Susita and in the valley of Bethlehem, on t h e high ( a b o u t 40 m deep) a q u e d u c t to Jerusalem. T h e a q u e d u c t at Tiberias has a s e c o n d a r y water line ( a b o u t 20 m d e e p ) t h a t leads to the b a t h h o u s e at B e t h - Y e r a h . Stone inverted si p h o n s such as these are w i d e s p r e a d in m a n y R o m a n cities in western Anatolia. Bridges support a q u e d u c t s in only a few places: at C y p r e s a n d Hyrkania a n d in W a d i Qelt, Samaria, T i b e r i a s , Jerusa lem, a n d N a a r a n , n e a r Jericho. T h e r e p r o b a b l y was a b r i d g e at Sepphoris, b u t it h a s b e e n completely destroyed. I n other places, high s u p p o r t walls were built to guard the a q u e d u c t as it passed t h r o u g h low-lying regions: at C y p r o s , H y r k a n i a , a n d Sepphoris. A q u e d u c t s were u s e d late into t h e Byzantine period. In the Early A r a b period, an a q u e d u c t was built at R a m l a , t h e n the capital of Palestine. c
Jerusalem's a q u e d u c t s c o n t i n u e d to operate in t h e M a m luk a n d O t t o m a n periods. I n t h e O t t o m a n period, t w o a q u e d u c t s were built at Akko; the later one dates to t h e reign
of t h e Pasha S u l e y m a n a n d o p e r a t e d from 1814 to 1948. T h e Biar a q u e d u c t , one of t h e four a q u e d u c t s t o J e r u s a l e m , w a s repaired by the British a n d still operates, as do t h e ones in W a d i Qelt a n d W a d i Auja, w h i c h w e r e built in t h e t w e n t i e t h century on t h e f o u n d a t i o n s of a q u e d u c t s f r o m t h e H a s m o n e a n period. [See also Baths; C i s t e r n s ; D a m s ; H y d r o l o g y ; P o o l s ; R e s ervoirs; Sewers; and W a t e r T u n n e l s . In addition, many of the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries^ BIBLIOGRAPHY 'Amit, David, Yizhar Hirschfeld, and Joseph Patrich, eds. The Aque ducts of Ancient Palestine (in H e b r e w ) . Jerusalem, 1989. Olami, Yaacov, and Y e h u d a h Peleg. " T h e W a t e r Supply System of Caesarea M a r i t i m a . " Israel Exploration Journal 27.2-3 (1977): 1 2 7 - 1 3 7 , pis. 1 6 - 1 7 . Stenton, E. C , and J. J. Coulton. " O i n o a n d a : T h e W a t e r Supply and A q u e d u c t . " Anatolian Studies 36 (1986): 1 5 - 5 9 . T s u k , Tsvika. " T h e A q u e d u c t s to S e p p h o r i s . " M . A . thesis, T e l Aviv University, 1985. In H e b r e w , with English s u m m a r y . T s u k , Tsvika. " T h e A q u e d u c t to Legio and the Location of the C a m p of the Vlth R o m a n L e g i o n . " Tel Aviv 1 5 - 1 6 ( 1 9 8 8 - 1 9 8 9 ) : 9 2 - 9 7 , pis. 1 3 - 1 4 Vitruvius, Pollio. De Architectura. Book 8. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 3 4 . TSVIKA TSUK Translated from Hebrew by Eric S. Cohen
A R A B I A N P E N I N S U L A . [ This entry provides a broad survey of the history of the Arabian Peninsula as known pri marily from archaeological discoveries. It is chronologically di vided into three articles: T h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a in Prehistoric T i m e s T h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a before t h e T i m e of Islam T h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a i n Islamic T i m e s In addition to the related articles on specific countries, subregions, and sites referred to in this entry, see H i s t o r y of t h e Field, article on Archaeology in t h e A r a b i a n Peninsula.]
The Arabian Peninsula in Prehistoric Times T h e earliest h o m i n o i d finds from t h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a are fossil r e m a i n s of d r y o p i t h e c i n e t y p e r e c o v e r e d in n o r t h e a s t ern Saudi Arabia a n d d a t e d to the L o w e r M i o c e n e (c. seve n t e e n - f o u r t e e n million years B C E ) . E a s t e r n A r a b i a m u s t h a v e b e e n a relatively lush e n v i r o n m e n t t h e n , for t h e fossil r e c o r d contains evidence for the p r e s e n c e of various m e m bers of the giraffe, b o v i n e , pig, crocodile, a n d r h i n o c e r o s families. A great q u a n t i t y of i m p o r t a n t fossil r e m a i n s h a s also recently b e e n discovered in w e s t e r n A b u D h a b i , b u t thus far n o r e m a i n s of h o m i n o i d s . T h e earliest traces of artifactual remains, possibly of h o m i n i d origin, c o m e f r o m a site n o r t h of Hail in S a u d i Arabia, w h e r e a p r e - A c h e u l e a n industry, t h o u g h t t o b e related to O l d o w a n B in E a s t Africa, has b e e n identified. M u c h of n o r t h e r n , w e s t e r n , a n d s o u t h western Arabia, in w h a t is geologically p a r t of t h e A r a b i a n
ARABIAN PENINSULA: The Arabian Peninsula in Prehistoric Times shield formation, h a s yielded r e m a i n s of L o w e r Pleistocene d a t e (c. 1.2 milIion—100,000 B P ) , w h e r e a p o p u l a t i o n u s i n g a variety of L o w e r , M i d d l e , a n d U p p e r A c h e u l e a n industries lived. T y p i c a l A c h e u l e a n h a n d a x e s , bifaces, c h o p p i n g tools, a n d flakes h a v e b e e n f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t this region. T h e M i d d l e Pleistocene is equally, if n o t b e t t e r r e p r e s e n t e d b y sites w i t h M i d d l e Paleolithic tools of M o u s t e r i a n o r M o u s terian of A c h e u l e a n tradition, d a t i n g t o a b o u t 75,000-30,000 BP. Sites in t h e R u b al-Khali w e r e recently studied that c o n tain a n i n d u s t r y typologically related t o t h e Aterian of N o r t h Africa, a n d tiiat p r o b a b l y date t o a b o u t 35,000-20,000 BP. T h e existence of h u m a n o c c u p a t i o n in presently desertic areas s u c h as this w a s m a d e possible b y considerably moister conditions d u r i n g t h e L a t e P l e i s t o c e n e , p r o b a b l y as a result of a n o r t h w a r d d i s p l a c e m e n t of t h e m o n s o o n at t h a t time. T h e R u b al-Khali w a s a n area of savannahlike grassland then, It is n o t e w o r t h y , h o w e v e r , t h a t U p p e r Paleolithic r e m a i n s of L a t e Pleistocene date a r e r a r e in n o r t h e r n Arabia. N o e v i d e n c e of L o w e r , M i d d l e , or U p p e r Paleolithic industries h a s yet b e e n r e c o v e r e d a n y w h e r e o n t h e A r a b i a n shelf—that is, in eastern Arabia ( O m a n i n c l u d e d ) , w h e r e t h e earliest industries f o u n d d a t e t o a b o u t 5000 BCE. Sites dating t o this p e r i o d w e r e first identified in Q a t a r , w h e r e tiiey w e r e a s signed t o d i e so-called Q a t a r B g r o u p . M o r e recently, c o n t e m p o r a r y a n d , t o a limited e x t e n t , typologically related sites b e l o n g i n g t o t h e W a d i W u t a y y a facies h a v e b e e n found o n t h e coast of O m a n . T h e b l a d e a r r o w h e a d s t h a t characterize t h e Q a t a r sites s h o w a clear affinity t o L e v a n t i n e t y p e s . T h i s suggests t h a t d i e s o u t h w a r d s p r e a d of pastoral g r o u p s from t h e L e v a n t , via n o r t h e r n A r a b i a , m a y h a v e o c c u r r e d t h e n , p e r h a p s coinciding with w h a t h a s b e e n described as a n early/ m i d - H o l o c e n e "climatic o p t i m u m " in t h e region. M o i s t e r c o n d i t i o n s t h r o u g h o u t e a s t e r n Arabia p r o b a b l y prevailed t h r o u g h t h e fifth m i l l e n n i u m , w h e n a veritable explosion in t h e n u m b e r of late prehistoric sites b e l o n g i n g t o t h e " A r a b i a n bifacial t r a d i t i o n " (i.e., c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y stone tools flaked witii fine r e t o u c h o n t w o sides) o c c u r r e d . F i n e p r e s s u r e flaking, a n d t h e u s e of t a n g e d a n d / o r b a r b e d a r r o w h e a d s in n o r t h e a s t e r n Arabia, Q a t a r , d i e R u b al-Khali, Y e m e n , a n d t h e coast of t h e U n i t e d A r a b E m i r a t e s ( U A E ) , a r e c o m m o n features, w h e r e a s a r r o w h e a d s are a b s e n t o n t h e coast of O m a n p r o p e r in t h e so-called S a r u q facies. I n spite of t h e fact t h a t t h e p r o m i n e n c e of t h e a r r o w h e a d in their tool kit m i g h t a r g u e otherwise, t h e bearers of this culture w e r e n o t exclusively o r even primarily h u n t e r s . Sites in eastern Arabia of this p e r i o d routinely contain r e m a i n s of d o m e s t i c a t e d s h e e p a n d goat, n e i t h e r of w h i c h w a s , in its wild state, native t o t h e r e g i o n . ( T h e y m a y h a v e b e e n i n t r o d u c e d b y those L e v a n t i n e / N o r t h A r a b i a n i m m i g r a n t s w h o b r o u g h t with t h e m t h e b l a d e - a r r o w h e a d t e c h n o l o g y of t h e Q a t a r B sites.) M o r e o v e r , t h e coastal sites always s h o w ev i d e n c e for extensive shellfish gatiiering as well as fishing, routinely yielding ovoid a n d s u b r e c t a n g u l a r stone c r u s h i n g
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platforms, often deeply p i t t e d in t h e center, t h a t w e r e p r o b ably u s e d , together witii a particular kind of stone chisel, to o p e n shellfish. Various f o r m s of n e t sinkers are also c o m m o n o n these sites. T h u s , sites of t h e A r a b i a n bifacial tradition p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t the r e m a i n s of pastoralists w h o m o v e d seasonally b e t w e e n t h e coast, w h e r e they did s o m e shellfish g a t h e r i n g a n d fishing, a n d t h e interior, w h e r e t h e y could graze their h e r d s d u r i n g t h e winter. H u n t i n g was a n option a n d helped t o conserve their h e r d s ( p e r h a p s u s e d principally for milk p r o d u c t s , hair, a n d fleece) b y p r o v i d i n g a n o t h e r source of p r o t e i n . [See P a s t o r a l N o m a d i s m ; S h e e p a n d Goats; Fishing; Hunting.] S o m e of d i e coastal A r a b i a n bifacial sites in Saudi Arabia, Q a t a r ( Q a t a r g r o u p s A , C , D ) , B a h r a i n , a n d t h e U A E have also yielded small a m o u n t s o f i m p o r t e d M e s o p o t a m i a n p o t tery of U b a i d 3-4 type. T h o s e sherds t h a t have b e e n a n a lyzed c o m e almost certainly f r o m U r a n d a l - ' U b a i d in s o u t h ern Iraq, p r e s u m a b l y from vessels t r a d e d to t h e local inhabitants b y M e s o p o t a m i a n s in r e t u r n for local p r o d u c t s , p e r h a p s pearls, dried fish, a n d c o p p e r . I t a p p e a r s , however, tiiat this c o n t a c t d i d n o t lead t o t h e birth of an indigenous c e r a m i c tradition in eastern Arabia. S o m e sites in eastern S a u d i Arabia o n w h i c h p a i n t e d U b a i d sherds have b e e n f o u n d also c o n t a i n e d e x a m p l e s o f a coarse, r e d , chaff-tem p e r e d pottery; h o w e v e r , as this tends n o t t o o c c u r o n sites w i t h o u t t h e i m p o r t e d w a r e , it w o u l d n o t seem t o b e an in d i g e n o u s p r o d u c t . Certainly t h e r e is n o indication of a n e v o lution of local ceramic t e c h n o l o g y p o s t d a t i n g t h e period of U b a i d c o n t a c t with t h e area. [See U r ; U b a i d . ] T h e archaeological r e c o r d of O m a n , n o r t h e a s t e r n Arabia, a n d Y e m e n shows conclusively tiiat sites of the Arabian b i facial tradition c o n t i n u e d t o exist right d o w n to t h e third m i l l e n n i u m . T h e latest sites of this type o n d i e coast of O m a n ( B a n d a r Jissa facies), aldiough aceramic, d o contain small a m o u n t s of c o p p e r o r b r o n z e b u t w o u l d never b e clas sified as B r o n z e A g e sites. T h u s , t h e users of t h e A r a b i a n bifacial tradition p r e s u m a b l y r e p r e s e n t a s e g m e n t of t h e l o cal p o p u l a t i o n that coexisted with those other, sedentary g r o u p s , y e t d i d n o t m o v e d o w n a social evolutionary p a d i leading ultimately t o w a r d a c o m p l e x , " B r o n z e A g e " way of life. T o w h a t extent t h e A r a b i a n bifacial g r o u p s were p a r t time agriculturalists is a n o p e n question. S o m e sites in t h e desertic regions of eastern S a u d i Arabia h a v e yielded g r i n d ing stones, t h o u g h these n e e d n o t have b e e n u s e d t o grind d o m e s t i c a t e d cereals. T h e site of R a s a l - H a m r a 5, o n t h e coast of O m a n near M u s c a t , m a y h a v e t h e earliest evidence of d o m e s t i c a t e d s o r g h u m — d u r i n g t h e fourtii m i l l e n n i u m — b u t this was recently d i s p u t e d . A t Hili 8, in t h e interior of A b u D h a b i , d o m e s t i c a t e d cereals a n d dates are p r e s e n t b y a b o u t 3 t o o BCE, along with d o m e s t i c a t e d s h e e p , goats, a n d cattle; h o w e v e r , t h e origins of t h e cereals ( t h e date [i.e., datepalm] was i n d i g e n o u s ) is u n k n o w n . [See also Agriculture; Cereals; K u w a i t ; O m a n ; Qatar; U n i t e d A r a b E m i r a t e s ; and Y e m e n . ]
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ARABIAN PENINSULA: The Arabian Peninsula before the Time of Islam BIBLIOGRAPHY
Amirkhanov, Khizri A. Pakolit Iuga Aravii ( T h e Paleolithic in South Arabia). Moscow, 1 9 9 1 . T h e most extensive account of the subject ever written, with an English summary. Andrews, Peter, et al. "Dryopithecines from the Miocene of Saudi Ara bia." Nature 274 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 2 4 9 - 2 5 1 . Di Mario, Francesco. " A N e w Lithic Inventory from Arabian Penin sula: T h e N o r t h Yemen Industry in Bronze Age." Oriens Antiquus 26 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 8 9 - 1 0 7 . T o be read in conjunction with the article by U e r p m a n n (below) for lithic facies of the Bronze Age. Di M a r i o , Francesco. " T h e Western a r - R u b ' al-Khali 'Neolithic': N e w D a t a from the Ramlat Sab'atayn (Yemen Arab Republic)." Annali dell'ktituto Orientate diNapoli 49 (1989): 1 0 9 - 1 4 8 . T h e most recent statement on the western R u b al-Khali Neolithic. Edens, Christopher. " T h e R u b al-Khali 'Neolithic' Revisited: T h e View from N a d q a n . " In Araby the Blest: Studies in Arabian Archae ology, edited by Daniel T . Potts, p p . 1 5 - 4 3 . Carsten N i e b u h r Insti tute Publication, 7. Copenhagen, 1988. Comprehensive study of the Late Prehistoric stone-tool assemblages from the R u b al-Khali; an excellent bibliography refers to earlier works on the subject. Inizan, Marie-Louise. Prehistoire a Qatar. Mission Archeologique F r a n chise a Qatar, vol. 2. Paris, 1980. Final publication of the work of the F r e n c h mission u n d e r Jacques Tixier on die Qatar peninsula. Su persedes all earlier publications on the prehistory of Qatar by the Danish, British, and F r e n c h missions. Inizan, Marie-Louise, and L u c Ordieb. "Prehistoire dans la region de Shabwa au Yemen du sud ( R . D . P . Y e m e n ) . " Paleoricnt 1 3 . 1 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 5-22. M c C I u r e , Harold A. " L a t e Quaternary Palaeogeography and L a n d scape Evolution of the R u b ' al-Khali." In Araby the Blest: Studies in Arabian Archaeology, edited by Daniel T . Potts, p p . 9 - 1 3 . Carsten N i e b u h r Institute Publication, 7. Copenhagen, 1988. Brief survey of the environmental history of the R u b al-Khali in the period 35,00020,000 BCE. Potts, Daniel T . The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. Vol. I. Oxford, 1990. T h e entire prehistoric record of eastern Arabia, from the earliest hominoid finds through die late prehistoric period. Tosi, Maurizio. " T h e Emerging Picture of Prehistoric Arabia." Annual Review of Anthropology 1 5 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 4 6 1 - 4 9 0 . Synthetic look at the peninsula in prehistory, emphasizing processes of cultural evolution. U e r p m a n n , Margarethe. "Structuring the Late Stone Age of South eastern Arabia." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 3 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 6 5 109. T h e first comprehensive presentation of the late prehistoric stone-tool assemblages on the O m a n peninsula. DANIEL T . POTTS
The Arabian Peninsula before the Time of Islam A l t h o u g h a n u m b e r of early E u r o p e a n visitors wrote valu able descriptions of d i e visible ancient m o n u m e n t s o n t h e A r a b i a n Peninsula, it is only d u r i n g t h e last generation that systematic archaeological research has b e e n carried o u t there, a n d t h e n only i n limited areas. C o m p a r e d w i t h other parts of S o u t h w e s t Asia, therefore, current knowledge of Arabia is m e a g e r a n d u n e v e n ; m u c h of t h e archaeological m a p remains blank, a n d p r o b l e m s of chronology a n d inter pretation a b o u n d . M a n y of t h e blanks are doubtless a t r u e reflection of the absence of p e r m a n e n t settlement, b o t h a n cient a n d m o d e r n , in t h o s e vast b a r r e n areas of desert w h i c h o c c u p y m u c h of the central a n d eastern p a r t s of Arabia.
E v e n those areas, h o w e v e r , usually have sufficient vegeta tion t o s u p p o r t n o m a d s a n d their flocks ( w h o leave little sign of their p r e s e n c e in t h e archaeological r e c o r d ) . T h e desert is, after all, scattered with oases w h i c h f o r m staging posts on t h e cross-peninsular r o u t e s . O t h e r p a r t s of A r a b i a are m o r e fertile a n d attractive to h u m a n settlement, a n d it is in t h e m t h a t the major d e v e l o p m e n t s in p r e - I s l a m i c A r a b i a n civilization took place: the m o u n t a i n s a n d valleys of Asir, Y e m e n , a n d H a d h r a m a u t in t h e s o u t h w e s t (the A r a b i a Felix of t h e classical a u t h o r s ) ; D h o f a r in t h e s o u t h a n d O m a n in t h e southeast; a n d t h e lagoons a n d islands along d i e coast of t h e Arabian (Persian) G u l f in t h e east. [See Y e m e n ; H a d h r a m a u t ; O m a n . ] S o m e of these s a m e regions are also rich in natural resources: c o p p e r in O m a n , a r o m a t i c g u m s (frankincense a n d m y r r h ) in Y e m e n a n d D h o f a r ; a n d fish a n d pearls from t h e Gulf. P r o b a b l y t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t fac tor in t h e historical d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e A r a b i a n P e n i n s u l a has b e e n t h e exploitation of t h e s e n a t u r a l r e s o u r c e s b y m o r e powerful neighbors—first M e s o p o t a m i a a n d E g y p t a n d t h e n G r e e c e , R o m e , a n d Persia—from w h o m t h e A r a b i a n p e o ples received cultural stimuli, b o t h material a n d spiritual. T h e y assimilated a n d refashioned t h o s e influences t o suit their o w n n e e d s a n d tastes. S p o r a d i c contact b e t w e e n t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of eastern A r a bia a n d s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a b e g a n at least as early as t h e fifth millennium. It is d e m o n s t r a t e d b y t h e p r e s e n c e at a n u m b e r of small A r a b i a n coastal sites of t h e distinctive p a i n t e d U b a i d p o t t e r y t h a t w a s m a n u f a c t u r e d in M e s o p o tamia a n d b r o u g h t t o A r a b i a by seasonal f i s h e r m e n . A r chaeological evidence for this c o n t a c t ceases for t h e early p a r t of t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m b u t occurs again after a b o u t 3000 BCE, in t h e f o r m of a n o t h e r t y p e of M e s o p o t a m i a n p o t tery, t h e J e m d e t N a s r style, f o u n d at certain sites in inland O m a n , such as Plafit. T h i s distribution m a y indicate tiiat t h e O m a n i c o p p e r deposits w e r e already b e i n g exploited. By this t i m e d i e a d v a n c e d , literate S u m e r i a n civilization h a d b e e n established in M e s o p o t a m i a . [See S u m e r i a n s . ] It w a s greatiy d e p e n d e n t for its wealth a n d p o w e r u p o n foreign t r a d e , b o t h for t h e supply of t h o s e r a w m a t e r i a l s — m e t a l s , s e m i p r e c i o u s stones, g o o d building stone, a n d timber—Mesopotamia it self lacked a n d for t h e profits to b e m a d e from t h e e x p o r t of t h e foodstuffs, textiles, a n d m a n u f a c t u r e d items it p r o d u c e d in a b u n d a n c e . T h e S u m e r i a n s w e r e t h u s a t r a d i n g p e o p l e , a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e third m i l l e n n i u m t h e gulf a n d t h e seas b e y o n d , t o w a r d I n d i a , w e r e t h e scene of intense c o m m e r c i a l activity. A s a result, eastern A r a b i a , t h e s o u r c e of s o m e of t h e raw materials in d e m a n d a n d well p r o v i d e d with h a r b o r s a n d fresh water, p r o s p e r e d . T h i s is d o c u m e n t e d i n the M e s o p o t a m i a n t e x t u a l s o u r c e s , w h e r e t w o places in particular a r e m e n t i o n e d in c o n n e c t i o n w i t h this activity: D i l m u n a n d M a g a n (or M a k k a n ) . [See D i l m u n . ] T h e f o r m e r c a n confidentiy b e identified w i t h t h e island of B a h r a i n a n d n e i g h b o r i n g p a r t s of t h e n o r t h e r n gulf, while M a g a n is almost certainly O m a n . [See Bahrain.] It w a s t h e r e
ARABIAN PENINSULA: The Arabian Peninsula before the Time of Islam t h a t , in t h e third a n d early s e c o n d millennia BCE, w h a t c a n b e t e r m e d t r u e civilization first d e v e l o p e d o n t h e p e n i n s u l a . T w o distinct b u t closely related A r a b i a n cultures e m e r g e d in this p e r i o d . O n e , t h e U m m e n - N a r culture, n a m e d for t h e island off t h e coast of A b u D h a b i , w h e r e it w a s first discovered, is s p r e a d t h r o u g h o u t O m a n a n d is clearly to b e e q u a t e d w i t h M a g a n . A l t h o u g h m a n y small settlements a r e k n o w n , m o s t of d i e archaeological material c o m e s from t h e distinctive U m m e n - N a r t o m b s . T h e t o m b s a r e circular s t o n e structures, often with excellent m a s o n r y , designed for multiple successive burials. [See T o m b s . ] It s e e m s t h a t O m a n w a s t h e n i n h a b i t e d b y a tall p e o p l e w h o cultivated w h e a t , barley, d a t e s , a n d s o r g h u m ( s o m e form of s i m p l e run-off irrigation m a y h a v e b e e n p r a c t i c e d ) . [See Agricul t u r e ; Cereals; Irrigation.] T h e y raised s h e e p , goat, a n d cat tle, a n d t h e d o m e s t i c a t e d d o n k e y a n d c a m e l w e r e p r o b a b l y also k n o w n . [See S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Cattle a n d O x e n ; C a m els.] H u n t i n g gazelle, oryx, a n d various birds w a s also i m p o r t a n t , while at coastal s e t t l e m e n t s fishing a n d d i e c a p t u r e of large sea m a m m a l s s u c h as t h e turtle a n d d u g o n g w e r e c u s t o m a r y . [See Fishing.] T h e m i n i n g a n d smelting of t h e local c o p p e r ore a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n well established, a n d s o m e sites (e.g., M a y s a r ) h a v e b e e n i n t e r p r e t e d as special ized industrial centers. A r s e n i c a n d tin f o u n d in s o m e of t h e b r o n z e objects w e r e p r o b a b l y b r o u g h t f r o m Afghanistan or Iran. S u c h m e r c a n t i l e c o n t a c t s w i t h t h e E a s t a r e confirmed b y s o m e of d i e p o t t e r y , w h i c h is influenced b y t h e ceramic tra dition of those countries a n d even, occasionally, b y t h a t of t h e I n d u s River Valley civilization. C o m m e r c i a l contacts w e r e p r o b a b l y strongest w i t h S u m e r , h o w e v e r , either d i rectiy or, m o r e likely, indirectiy, via D i l m u n , S o m e p o t t e r y of t h e U m m e n - N a r t y p e h a s b e e n f o u n d at t h e nortiiern e n d of t h e gulf. T h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g culture is t h a t of D i l m u n , p r o b a b l y originating in a b o u t 3000 BCE o n the m a i n l a n d of Arabia, b u t best k n o w n d u r i n g t h e late third a n d t h e early s e c o n d millennia BCE f r o m excavations o n t h e islands of B a h r a i n a n d Failaka ( K u w a i t ) . [See Failaka; K u w a i t . ] A t Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain a s e q u e n c e of five " c i t i e s " h a s b e e n u n c o v e r e d b e t w e e n 1953 a n d 1969 b y a t e a m of D a n i s h ar chaeologists, directed b y Geoffrey Bibby, of w h i c h cities I (c. 2400-2000 BCE) a n d II ( c . 2000-1600 BCE) a r e relevant h e r e ; t h e excavations p r o d u c e d a wealth of material, p a r t i c ularly distinct types of p o t t e r y a n d s t a m p seals (Bibby, 1969; H o j l u n d a n d A n d e r s e n , 1994). [See Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain; Seals,] T h e finds have e n a b l e d archaeologists t o establish cultural a n d chronological links t h r o u g h o u t t h e r e g i o n — f r o m s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d t h e G u l f of Iran, B a l u c h i stan, a n d t h e I n d u s V a l l e y — t h u s confirming t h e p i c t u r e of w i d e s p r e a d t r a d e activity p r o v i d e d b y c o n t e m p o r a r y M e s o p o t a m i a n texts. Little a r c h i t e c t u r e of this p e r i o d survived a t Q a f a t al-Bahrain, a l t h o u g h city II w a s p r o v i d e d w i t h a substantial t o w n wall. F o r this a s p e c t of D i l m u n civilization, t h e sites of B a r b a r , D i r a z , a n d Sar, all o n B a h r a i n , are m o r e
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informative. A t S a r , r e c e n t excavations (Crawford, 1993) revealed a regular p l a n of s t a n d a r d h o u s e s lining a street. T h e i r o c c u p a n t s (judging from t h e n u m b e r of seals, seal i m p r e s s i o n s , a n d i m p o r t e d materials a n d objects) were e n gaged in c o m m e r c i a l activities. H o w e v e r , t h e e c o n o m y of die settlement s e e m s , f r o m a s t u d y of t h e excavated b o n e s a n d p l a n t r e m a i n s , t o h a v e b e e n m a i n l y b a s e d o n agriculture a n d fishing. A small t e m p l e w a s also excavated there a n d a t D i r a z . T h e major D i l m u n s a c r e d building k n o w n is a t B a r b a r , t h o u g h . It is a finely c o n s t r u c t e d of stone a n d incor p o r a t e s a sacred well; it is itself enclosed b y an oval p e r i m e t e r wall recalling t h e t e m p l e ovals a t Khafajeh a n d U b a i d in M e s o p o t a m i a . I t has b e e n suggested t h a t d i e B a r b a r t e m p l e m a y h a v e b e e n dedicated t o t h e S u m e r i a n god Enid, w h o s e special e l e m e n t was water. N o d i i n g is k n o w n o f the rituals c o n d u c t e d in these t e m p l e s , o r of t h e organization of reli gious life in D i l m u n ; h o w e v e r , t h e h u n d r e d s of burial m o u n d s of this p e r i o d w i t h w h i c h B a h r a i n is covered, a n d w h i c h h a v e p r o d u c e d large quantities of rich grave g o o d s , testify t o d i e a m o u n t of r e s o u r c e s invested in provising t h e afterlife. [See G r a v e G o o d s . ] T h e p r e c o c i o u s U m m e n - N a r a n d D i l m u n cultures, d e p e n d e n t as they were u p o n a thriving m a r i t i m e trade, s e e m n o t t o h a v e spread very far inland from t h e gulf a n d t h e O m a n peninsula. N o r d i d these regions c o n t i n u e to flourish to t h e s a m e e x t e n t after a b o u t t h e m i d d l e of t h e second mil l e n n i u m BCE. A l t h o u g h t h e g a p o n c e t h o u g h t t o exist in t h e archaeological r e c o r d t h e r e d u r i n g t h e second half of t h a t m i l l e n n i u m a n d t h e first half of t h e n e x t is gradually b e i n g filled, it is clear t h a t gulf t r a d e was in decline. M e s o p o t a m i a n m e r c h a n t s increasingly favored t h e nortiiern routes along d i e T i g r i s and E u p h r a t e s Rivers t o w a r d Anatolia, Syria, a n d t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n ( w h e r e , e.g., C y p r u s was t h e n t h e m a i n source of c o p p e r ) . D i l m u n c o n t i n u e d t o be m e n t i o n e d in t h e literary sources a n d w a s p r o b a b l y i n c o r p o r a t e d into t h e Kassite a n d , later, N e o - A s s y r i a n E m p i r e s ; Qal'at al-Bahrain itself m a i n t a i n e d its u r b a n c h a r a c t e r (cities III, I V ) . Else w h e r e , however, cultural s t a n d a r d s s e e m to h a v e declined, p e r h a p s also partly b e c a u s e of a slight deterioration i n t h e climate. F o r whatever r e a s o n , o n p r e s e n t evidence it seems t h a t it w a s n o t until t h e e n d of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE t h a t a real cultural revival t o o k place in eastern Arabia. U n t i l receirdy very little was k n o w n of conditions o n d i e rest of d i e peninsula i n t h e third a n d s e c o n d millennium BCE. It was generally a s s u m e d t h a t t h e area was m o s d y u n i n h a b ited except, p e r h a p s , b y a few survivors of t h e S t o n e A g e h u n t e r s w h o h a d o n c e lived t h e r e in climatically m o r e fa vorable times. T h i s p i c t u r e h a s n o w b e g u n t o change. R e cent surveys, particularly in Saudi Arabia (for preliminary r e p o r t s , see t h e journal Atlal 1 [1977] a n d following years), h a v e located t h e r e m a i n s of m a n y h u n d r e d s of small settle m e n t s a n d burial g r o u n d s . A l t h o u g h it is currently i m p o s sible t o date m o s t of d i e s e , archaeological research in Y e m e n indicates, o n t h e basis of r a d i o c a r b o n dating, t h a t similar
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sites there were o c c u p i e d as early as die second or even the third millennium BCE. Little can be said as yet a b o u t t h e life styles of die inhabitants, although agriculture a n d stock rear ing were practiced a n d simple c o p p e r metallurgy k n o w n . It is claimed (Maigret, 1990) t h a t s o m e of the pottery in u s e has similarities witii t h a t of c o n t e m p o r a r y Palestine. If this is so, it m a y p o i n t to the direction from which cultural in fluences, a n d p e r h a p s elements of the p o p u l a t i o n itself, r e a c h e d southwestern Arabia. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t aspect of recent w o r k in Y e m e n is tiiat it has at last p r o v i d e d an acceptable b a c k g r o u n d against w h i c h t h e spectacular cultural d e v e l o p m e n t tiiere in t h e first millennium BCE m a y b e set. T h e substantial architectural m o n u m e n t s of ancient southwestern Arabia—walled t o w n s , temples, d a m s — h a v e l o n g b e e n k n o w n . In addition, the m a n y inscriptions associated with t h e m or carved o n natural rock faces indicate that this was an a d v a n c e d , literate civi lization. T h e inscriptions have enabled scholars t o r e c o n struct, in outline, t h e c o m p l e x political history of t h e region. It reflects t h e rivalries of t h e various tribal federations (each of which spoke a n d w r o t e a distinct b r a n c h of a Semitic language k n o w n as Old S o u t h Arabian) as they struggled for control of t h e t r a d e routes. It was t h e e x p o r t of frankincense a n d m y r r h (which grew only there and in n e i g h b o r i n g East Africa) which p r o v i d e d t h e chief source of wealth for t h e S o u t h A r a b i a n states. T h e r e w e r e four of these states, each centered on a city on t h e inland slopes of t h e high coastal m o u n t a i n s . T h e s e states were p r o t e c t e d from the destructive s u m m e r m o n s o o n a n d w e r e close to t h e edge of t h e desert, w h e r e caravan travel was comparatively easy a n d t h e runoff could be utilized for agriculture. T h e date of t h e e m e r g e n c e of these states is t h e subject of intense d e b a t e (see K. A. K i t c h e n , Documentation for Ancient Arabia, Parti, Liverpool, 1994, chaps. 1-4). T h e earliest was certainly S a b a ' ( S h e b a ) , with its capital at M a r i b . [See Sheba; Marib.] T h e first ref erence to a king of S h e b a , YitiV'amara, occurs in a n inscrip tion of the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III (r. c. 745-727 BCE) . It was once generally agreed that this m a r k e d the a p p r o x i m a t e date of t h e beginning of a developed culture in the region. H o w e v e r , s o m e scholars have accepted t h e a c c o u n t in the H e b r e w Bible of t h e visit of S h e b a ' s q u e e n t o K i n g Solomon in t h e t e n t h century BCE as a reliable indi cation of its i m p o r t a n c e this early. R e c e n t geoarchaeological work o n the M a r i b d a m a n d associated field systems has led scientists to c o n c l u d e t h a t major hydraulic engineering works were b e i n g built there at the beginning of t h e first millennium BCE, a n d t h a t s o m e form of irrigation h a d b e e n in u s e a t h o u s a n d or m o r e years earlier (furgen S c h m i d t in D a u m , 1988, p p . 55-62). A date n o later t h a n t h e e n d of t h e second millennium BCE for the a p p e a r a n c e of an a d v a n c e d civilization in S o u t h Arabia is n o w also s u p p o r t e d b y m o s t epigraphists, on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t the script in w h i c h t h e inscriptions are written could only h a v e b e e n derived f r o m t h e C a n a a n i t e linear alphabet of t h e twelfth-eleventh c e n
turies B C E — a n d n o t from later P h o e n i c i a n or A r a m e a n ver sions. Suggestions t h a t it was inspired b y t h e G r e e k script of d i e sixth-fiftli centuries BCE have b e e n completely dis c o u n t e d (see t h e discussion in M a i g r e t a n d R o b i n , 1989). So powerful a n d rich w a s S a b a ' t h a t its n a m e b e c a m e s y n o n y m o u s in G r e c o - R o m a n times with all of s o u t h w e s t A r a bia. Well before t h a t , t h e k i n g d o m h a d yielded p r i d e of place t o states w h i c h h a d o n c e b e e n its vassals: M a ' i n , c e n t e r e d at Q a r n a w in t h e n o r t h (fl. fifth-fourth centuries B C E ) ; H a d h r a m a u t in t h e east, w h e r e it controlled t h e m a i n frank i n c e n s e - p r o d u c i n g region of D h o f a r ( f o u r t h - s e c o n d c e n turies BCE) ; and Q a t a b a n in t h e s o u t h e a s t ( t h i r d - s e c o n d c e n turies B C E ) . I n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y B C E , h o w e v e r , an i m p o r t a n t shift of p o w e r took place, a w a y from t h e i n l a n d valleys a n d oases b o r d e r i n g t h e desert a n d t o w a r d t h e coast, closer to t h e sea lanes. After t h e discovery b y w e s t e r n sailors of t h e value of s h i p p i n g in the I n d i a n O c e a n d u r i n g d i e m o n s o o n w i n d s , the sea lanes b e g a n to play a greater p a r t in t h e t r a n s p o r t of b o t h t h e locally p r o d u c e d a r o m a t i c s a n d of t h e spices a n d other p r e c i o u s c o m m o d i t i e s from India a n d S o u t h e a s t Asia. T h i s t r a d e is vividly d e s c r i b e d in t h e sailors' h a n d b o o k k n o w n as t h e Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (see t h e edition by L i o n e l C a s s o n , P r i n c e t o n , 1989) written in t h e m i d d l e of t h e first c e n t u r y CE. T h e beneficiary of this shift of p o w e r w a s t h e k i n g d o m of H i m y a r , w h o s e capital, Zafar, is situated o n t h e crest of t h e m o u n t a i n s at t h e h e a d of routes r u n n i n g d o w n t o the coastal plain. [See H i m y a r ; Zafar.] It was u n d e r d i e H i m y a r i t e kings in t h e fourth a n d fifth centuries CE t h a t b o t h J u d a i s m a n d Christianity w e r e established in Y e m e n , leading t o internal religious strife as well as to conflict with t h e Christian state of Abyssinia across t h e R e d Sea. It was for help against Abyssinia t h a t t h e Himyarites a p p e a l e d successfully t o t h e S a s a n i a n P e r s i a n s , w h o were in effective control of S o u t h A r a b i a at t h e time of its conversion to Islam in t h e m i d - s e v e n t h c e n t u r y . [See S a s anians.] A l t h o u g h t o m b r o b b i n g a n d illicit excavations h a v e filled t h e m u s e u m s a n d private collections of t h e w o r l d with S o u t h A r a b i a n antiquities (especially d i e small alabaster statues, votive plaques, a n d vessels in w h i c h t h e region s e e m s t o h a v e specialized), very little scientific archaeology h a d b e e n u n dertaken. A p a r t f r o m t h e t h r e e capital cities of T i m n a ' ( Q a t a b a n ) , M a r i b ( S a b a ' ) , a n d S h a b w a ( H a d h r a m a u t ) n o n e of d i e major sites h a s b e e n excavated, a n d very few h a v e b e e n even p r o p e r l y surveyed a n d r e c o r d e d . [See T i m n a ' ( A r a b i a ) ; Q a t a b a n ; Shabwa.] T h a t they w e r e n o r m a l l y p r o v i d e d w i t h massive stone fortifications is obvious o n t h e g r o u n d , b u t n o n e have b e e n studied. D a m s , b o t h of s t o n e a n d of earth, a n d associated irrigation works a r e also c o m m o n , a l t h o u g h only those at M a r i b h a v e received attention. D o m e s t i c a n d m i n o r public buildings s e e m m o s t i y to h a v e b e e n of u n b a k e d m u d brick; one e x c a v a t e d h o u s e at S h a b w a is of reinforced timber a n d several stories high, f o r e s h a d o w i n g t h e typical tall houses of m e d i e v a l a n d m o d e r n Y e m e n .
ARABIAN PENINSULA: The Arabian Peninsula before the Time of Islam T h e m o s t m o n u m e n t a l a n d b e s t - k n o w n buildings are t h e t e m p l e s , w h i c h , in an essentially t h e o c r a t i c society, were n o t only t h e h o m e s of t h e g o d s a n d places for cultic ritual, b u t also played an i m p o r t a n t secular role in a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , tax collection, a n d judicial activities. I n their surviving f o r m s , t h e t e m p l e s are t h e result of l o n g p e r i o d s of r e n o v a t i o n a n d elaboration. It is likely tiiat t h e earliest cult place was little m o r e t h a n an o p e n - a i r e n c l o s u r e with a s t a n d i n g stone r e p resenting t h e deity, p e r h a p s u n d e r a simple c a n o p y . T h e m o s t c o m m o n basic p l a n of t h e later t e m p l e s , particularly in t h e S a b a e a n region, r e m a i n e d t h a t of a n enclosed r e c t a n gular c o u r t y a r d with a m o r e elaborate c h a m b e r at o n e e n d , a l t h o u g h regional variations a r e f o u n d . Particularly striking in these t e m p l e s is t h e a b u n d a n t u s e of s q u a r e m o n o l i t h i c c o l u m n s in the c o u r t y a r d , either as a n interior peristyle or completely filling t h e o p e n area. M o n u m e n t a l e n t t a n c e buildings (or gateways, r e m i n i s c e n t of t h e G r e e k / R o m a n p r o p y l a e u m , a n d leading to a sacred enclosure, as at M a r i b ) with similar m a s s i v e c o l u m n s a r e also f o u n d . O r n a m e n t a tion is typically ascetic a n d abstract. B u l l - h e a d e d gargoyles a n d friezes of i b e x h e a d s d o a p p e a r , b u t always e x p r e s s e d in a rigid g e o m e t r i c style. T h e only concessions to n a t u r a l ism are d i e simple vine scrolls a n d p a l m e t t e s f o u n d o n ar chitraves a n d wall p a n e l s . S t a n d a r d s of craftsmanship are o n t h e w h o l e excellent, h o w e v e r , with t h e ashlar l i m e s t o n e m a s o n r y particularly n o t e w o r t h y . T h e origins of this a d v a n c e d civilization r e m a i n u n c e r t a i n , as do t h e dates of t h e a p p e a r a n c e of its various c o m p o n e n t s . M a s o n r y styles h a v e b e e n c o m p a r e d w i t h t h o s e of P h o e n i c i a a n d Israel in t h e late s e c o n d - e a r l y first millennia B C E , t h e r e b y reinforcing t h e links suggested b y tire script a n d b y d i e story of t h e Q u e e n of S h e b a . S u c h styles h a d a long history in Assyria a n d Persia as well, h o w e v e r . T h e influence of A c h a e m e n i d Persia ( s i x t h - f o u r t h centuries BCE) h a s b e e n seen in t h e prolific u s e of massive c o l u m n s , especially in hypostyle halls, b u t this w a s also always a feature of E g y p tian religious architecture. T h e a u s t e r e , massive n a t u r e of t h e architecture a n d its d e c o r a t i o n is also suggestive of E g y p t , a l t h o u g h n o typically E g y p t i a n motifs occur. T h e vine scrolls are u n d o u b t e d l y of M e d i t e r r a n e a n inspiration b u t could equally well h a v e c o m e b y w a y of Hellenistic E g y p t , t h e L e v a n t , M e s o p o t a m i a , or Persia. S o u t h A r a b i a w a s inevitably b r o u g h t into c o n t a c t w i t h all of these regions t h r o u g h t h e a r o m a t i c a n d spice t r a d e . It w o u l d b e n a t u r a l for its material culture to reflect t h o s e contacts. N e v e r t h e less, S o u t h A r a b i a n civilization w a s n o t c o s m o p o l i t a n — i n t h e sense tiiat it was a n u n d i g e s t e d m i x t u r e of foreign ele m e n t s . R a t h e r , it was a distinctive b l e n d of A r a b i a n a n d n o n A r a b i a n t h e m e s , selected a n d assimilated b y w h a t was clearly a highly creative p e o p l e , a n d fully w o r t h y of t h e fame it achieved in b o t h t h e a n c i e n t a n d m o d e r n w o r l d s . W i t h t h e notable e x c e p t i o n of Abyssinia, w h e r e c o n t e m p o r a r y d e v e l o p m e n t s in institutions, religion, a n d material culture largely paralleled t h o s e in S o u t h Arabia, this flour
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ishing civilization s e e m s to h a v e h a d little direct influence o n t h e r e s t of the peninsula. O t h e r p a r t s of Arabia were cer tainly affected b y t h e i n c e n s e t r a d e , however. As early as t h e t h i r t e e n t h - e l e v e n t h centuries BCE, nortiiwest A r a b i a — t h e H i j a z — h a d seen t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of u r b a n settlements at oases s u c h as Q u r a y y a h a n d T a y m a ' . [See Q u r a y y a h ; T a y m a ' . ] It is possible t h a t t h e s e sites w e r e already involved in t h e t r a d e , p e r h a p s u n d e r E g y p t i a n ( M i d i a n ) initiative. [See M i d i a n . ] If so, they m u s t h a v e b e e n in contact with t h e p r o d u c i n g regions of t h e s o u t h a n d p l a y e d a role in t r a n s mitting t h o s e Syro-Palestinian elements (script a n d m a s o n r y a n d p o t t e r y styles) discernible in S o u t h A r a b i a n civilization. A l t h o u g h this r e m a i n s controversial, it is certain from t h e Assyrian a n d B a b y l o n i a n texts that, b y the mid-first millen n i u m BCE, the inhabitants of n o r t h e r n Arabia were profiting from the a r o m a t i c t r a d e a n d t h a t T a y m a ' a n d a l - ' U l a / D e d a n h a d b e c o m e t h e centers of small k i n g d o m s . [See D e d a n . ] A t D e d a n , M i n a e a n inscriptions a n d sculptural fragments sur vive f r o m a small colony f o u n d e d t h e r e b y m e r c h a n t s from S o u t h Arabia in the f o u r t h c e n t u r y BCE. Of these N o r t h A r a b i a n k i n g d o m s t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t was that of the N a b a t e a n s , established at P e t r a , in m o d e r n J o r d a n , p r o b a b l y in t h e t h i r d century, a n d with a strongly hellenized material culture. [See N a b a t e a n s ; Petra.] N a b a t e a n pottery has b e e n f o u n d in Y e m e n , a n d it m a y well have b e e n t h r o u g h t h e s o u t h e r n N a b a t e a n c e n t e r of M e d a ' i n Saleh t h a t s o m e of t h e G r e c o - R o m a n features of t h e later p h a s e s of S o u t h Arabian civilization arrived. [See M e d a ' i n Saleh.] T h e e a s t - w e s t r o u t e s across d i e peninsula w e r e also as s u m i n g i m p o r t a n c e a t this time. A few N a b a t e a n sherds have been found at Thaj, probably the important emporium of G e r r h a m e n t i o n e d b y classical a u t h o r s , a b o u t 100 k m (62 mi.) i n l a n d from t h e gulf coast b e t w e e n K u w a i t a n d B a h rain. [See Thaj.] After w h a t a p p e a r s t o have b e e n a cultural decline t h r o u g h o u t m u c h of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, eastern Arabia a n d the Gulf e x p e r i e n c e d an e c o n o m i c revival. It was b r o u g h t a b o u t largely b y t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a wealthy H e l lenistic (Seleucid) state in M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Persia follow ing t h e d e a t h of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t in 323 BCE. [See Seleu cids.] T h e culture of t h e entire region b e c a m e rapidly infused with W e s t e r n e l e m e n t s , as s h o w n b y the discovery of a G r e e k t e m p l e at Failaka/Kuwait a n d G r e e k inscriptions, pottery, and jewelry t h e r e a n d at Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain, T h a j , a n d m a n y smaller sites. Little is k n o w n of t h e effects of t h e substitution of P a r tiiian for Seleucid p o w e r in t h e r e g i o n in t h e m i d - t h i r d c e n t u r y BCE. It is n o t until t h e Sasanian period (224-642 CE) t h a t t h e picture b e c o m e s clearer—although even t h e n only in t h e s o u t h e r n gulf. T h e Sasanians created a m a r i t i m e e m pire e n c o m p a s s i n g virtually all t h e I n d i a n O c e a n . While it w a s naturally t h e eastern (Persian) side of t h e gulf which benefited mostly from tiiis, O m a n a n d its chief p o r t , M a z u m ( m o d e r n S o h a r ) , p l a y e d a crucial strategic role also. [See Sohar.] N o r w a s S a s a n i a n i n v o l v e m e n t restricted to d i e
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coast; t h e interior of t h e O m a n p e n i n s u l a w a s c o l o n i z e d b y t h e P e r s i a n s , w h o , a m o n g o t h e r e n t e r p r i s e s , b e g a n fully t o exploit its c o p p e r d e p o s i t s again a n d p r o b a b l y i n t r o d u c e d n e w irrigation t e c h n o l o g y . T h e i r political a m b i t i o n s
led
t h e m even farther w e s t : Y a t h r i b ( m o d e r n M e d i n a ) w a s d e v a s t a t e d b y t h e S a s a n i a n a r m y in t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y CE a n d they were in effective c o n t t o l of s o u t h w e s t A r a b i a in t h e sixtii (see a b o v e ) [See M e d i n a . ] M o s t of t h e e v i d e n c e for this c o m e s at p r e s e n t f r o m literary r a t h e r t h a n archaeological s o u r c e s . H o w e v e r , sites of t h e p e r i o d are b e g i n n i n g t o b e investigated, especially in O m a n a n d t h e A r a b E m i r a t e s , N e v e r t h e l e s s , it is clear t h a t Persia h a d a p r o f o u n d effect o n t h e c u l t u r e of e a s t e r n a n d s o u t h e r n A r a b i a , t h e legacy of w h i c h was t o b e a n i m p o r t a n t factor in t h e h i s t o r y of t h e p e n i n s u l a in t h e m e d i e v a l p e r i o d . [See also M e s o p o t a m i a ; articles on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a and M e s o p o t a m i a from A l e x a n d e r t o t h e R i s e of I s l a m ; and P e r s i a , articles on A n c i e n t P e r s i a and Persia from A l e x a n d e r t o t h e Rise of Islam.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibby, Geoffrey. Looking for Dilmun. N e w York, 1969. Immensely read able a n d evocative account b y t h e m a n chiefly responsible for t h e Danish excavations which marked the real beginning of scientific archaeology in the Gulf a n d East Arabia in the 1950s a n d 1960s. A classic of archaeological literature. Bowen, Richard L e Baron, a n d Frank P . Albright, eds. Archaeological Discoveries in South Arabia. Baltimore, 1958. T h e first volume of the report on the pioneering work at M a r i b in the 1950s. Crawford, Harriet. " L o n d o n - B a h r a i n Archaeological Expedition: E x cavations at Saar, 1 9 9 1 . " Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 4 (1993): 1 - 1 9 . D a u m , Werner, ed. Yemen: Three Thousand Years of Art and Civilization in Arabia Felix. Innsbruck, 1988. Originally an exhibition catalog, this is now the best concise survey of South Arabian history a n d culture; authoritative contributions b y most of the leading workers in the field a n d excellent illustrations. D o e , Brian, Southern Arabia. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 1 . Informative though raflier poorly organized account of the archaeology of the region, c o n c e n trating on sites in the former British colony and protectorate of A d e n , where the author was director of antiquities. D o e , Brian. Monuments of South Arabia. N e w York, 1983. Similar t o D o e ( 1 9 7 1 ) b u t with a more extensive geographic coverage, includ ing the southern Gulf a n d O m a n . G r o o m , Nigel. Frankincense andMyrrh. L o n d o n , 1 9 8 1 . Excellent treat m e n t , although the argument (p. 37) that the incense trade was of little importance in South Arabia before the middle of the first mil lennium BCE has lost m u c h of its force. H0jlund, Flemming, a n d H . Hellmuth Andersen. Qala'at al-Bahrain, vol. 1, The Northern City Wall and the Islamic Fortress. M o e s g a a r d , 1994. T h e first detailed publication of some aspects of the important Danish excavations. Khalifa, Shaikha Haya A . al-, a n d Michael Rice, eds. Bahrain through the Ages: The Archaeology. L o n d o n , 1986. Collection of conference papers, varying in quality b u t mostly of importance, particularly those summarizing recent fieldwork. Larsen, Curtis E . Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands: The Geoarchaeology of an Ancient Society. Chicago, 1983. Somewhat outdated archaeological evidence b u t a n excellent and stimulating review of
the environmental factors affecting the prehistory a n d history of Bahrain, based largely on t h e author's original research. Maigret, Alessandro d e , a n d C . Robin. " L e s Fouilles Italiennes de Yala: Nouvelles donnees sur le chronologie de l'Arabie d u S u d Preislam i q u e . " Contes Rendus de I'Academic des Inscriptions et Belles Lellres (April-June 1989). Maigret, Alessandro d e , ed. The Bronze Age Culture ofHawlan at-Tiyal and al-Hada. Instituto Italiano p e r il M e d i o ed E s t r e m o Oriente, C e n t r o Studi e Scavi Archeologici, Reports a n d M e m o i r s , vol. 24. R o m e , 1990. Detailed a c c o u n t of t h e evidence from recent Italian excavations of third- and second-millennium BCE occupations in South Arabia. N a y e e m , M u h a m m a d Abdul. Prehistory and Protohistory of the Arabian Peninsula, vol. 1, Saudi Arabia. H y d e r a b a d , 1990. T h e only survey of its kind for Saudi Arabia; contains many facts b u t is somewhat uncritical. Potts, Daniel T . The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. 2 vols, Oxford, 1990. T h e most comprehensive survey of the subject in English, from p r e historic times to tire coming of Islam, by a leading expert. I n c o r p o rates t h e evidence from recent fieldwork (otherwise only available in specialist journals). Full bibliography. Rice, Michael. Search for the Paradise Land. N e w York, 1 9 8 5 . P o p u l a r a n d generally reliable introduction t o t h e archaeology of the Gulf a n d Bahrain, from t h e earliest times to die death of Alexander. Well illustrated with a g o o d bibliography. Van Beek, G u s W . Hajar Bin Humeid: Investigations at a Pre-Islamic Site in South Arabia. Publications of the A m e r i c a n F o u n d a t i o n for the Study of M a n , vol. 5. Baltimore, 1 9 6 9 . R e p o r t of t h e first exca vation of a deeply stratified u r b a n site in the Y e m e n which provided reliable archaeological evidence for the chronology of S o u t h Arabian civilization. Vine, Peter, ed. Bahrain National Museum. L o n d o n a n d Bahrain, 1 9 9 3 . Well-illustrated guide to d i e m u s e u m , with a brief b u t reliable text. PETER J. PARR
The Arabian Peninsula in Islamic Times c
T h e m i s s i o n of t h e p r o p h e t M u h a m m a d i b n A b d A l l a h of Q u r a y s h w a s to u n i t e a d i v i d e d p e o p l e t h r o u g h t h e force of a n e w m o n o t h e i s t i c religion. H e r e c e i v e d d i v i n e r e v e l a t i o n s after 610 a n d a s s u m e d p r o p h e t h o o d . H i s t e a c h i n g s a r o u s e d opposition by the conservative M e c c a n s ( M a k k a n s ) , which led t o t h e e m i g r a t i o n of M u s l i m s first t o A b y s s i n i a in 614 a n d t h e n , i n 622 ( t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e I s l a m i c e r a ) , t o Y a t h r i b , r e n a m e d M e d i n a ( M a d i n a a l - M u n a w w a r a ) , capital of t h e first Islamic s t a t e . T h e state w a s a political c o m m u n i t y of p e o p l e (ummah)
b o n d e d b y t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n of M e d i n a
t h a t h a d b e e n laid d o w n b y t h e P r o p h e t a n d h e l d t o g e t h e r b y d i e religion of I s l a m u n d e r t h e P r o p h e t ' s l e a d e r s h i p . G r a d u a l l y , t h e P r o p h e t a t t e m p t e d to b u i l d a political a n d socioeconomic system a m o n g M u s l i m s b a s e d o n the divine revelations. T h e n e w I s l a m i c o r d e r , or p o l i t y , f o r g e d u n d e r t h e p r i n c i p l e s of e q u a l i t y a m o n g all, t h e r i g h t t o a n a d e q u a t e livelihood, c o u r t e o u s t r e a t m e n t , t h e s e c u r i t y of life
and
p r o p e r t y , a n d c o m m u n i t y stability, a t t r a c t e d g r o u p s of n o mads. They Prophet.
a c c e p t e d I s l a m a n d g a v e allegiance t o
Thus,
Islam
spread
gradually
and
the
peacefully
t h r o u g h far-flung A r a b i a , u n i f y i n g t h e A r a b s a n d e s t a b l i s h i n g Islamic i n s t i t u t i o n s . M e c c a ( M a k k a h ) for i n s t a n c e , w a s
ARABIAN PENINSULA: The Arabian Peninsula in Islamic Times c o n q u e r e d w i t h o u t a struggle b e c a u s e I s l a m p r o p a g a t e s p e a c e , all-embracing tolerance, a n d social equality. T h e i n stitutions of Islam, derived f r o m t h e Q u r ' a n a n d t h e P r o p h e t ' s traditions, altered b o t h t h e religious a n d d o m e s t i c life of its believers. S o m e of its features are p r a y e r five times a day, fasting, t h e pilgrimage to M e c c a , circumcision, a n d almsgiving. Islamic law (short ah) abolished slavery, limits a M u s l i m m a n to four wives at a time, a n d prohibits u s u r y , intoxicating b e v e r a g e s , certain t y p e s of food, a n d r e p r e s e n tational art. Islam h a s a p a r t i c u l a r s y s t e m of taxation, c o n tractual law, a n d i n h e r i t a n c e rules, a n d its o w n calendar a n d rules of m a n n e r s a n d m o r a l c o n d u c t . I n places w h e r e I s l a m w a s e m b r a c e d , t h e P r o p h e t allowed t h e existing official/gov e r n o r to c o n t i n u e t o rule. T h u s , w h e n Y e m e n a c c e p t e d I s l a m in 6283 t h e P r o p h e t allowed B u d h a n , t h e fifth P e r s i a n g o v e r n o r , w h o s e capital w a s S a n ' a , to c o n t i n u e in this c a pacity. [See San'a.] T h e F o u r C a l i p h s (632-661). T h e P r o p h e t died in 632, w i t h o u t m a k i n g provisions for a successor. A b u Bala:, o n e of his c o m p a n i o n s , w h o h a d r e p r e s e n t e d t h e P r o p h e t d u r i n g his illness, was c h o o s e n as successor. T h e institution of t h e caliphate, w h i c h lasted for c e n t u r i e s , t h u s e m e r g e d . D u r i n g A b u B a l a ' s caliphate, s o m e tribal revolts, or apostasy (ridda), arose a n d w e r e s u p p r e s s e d . Before his d e a t h in 634, A b u Bakr u r g e d his c o m p a n i o n s t o elect ' U m a r i b n a l - K h a t t a b as his successor, w h i c h t h e y readily did. T o t h e title caliph was a d d e d t h a t of amir al-mu'minin ( " c o m m a n d e r of t h e faithful"). I n addition to t h e c o n q u e s t a n d e x p a n s i o n of Islam outside Arabia, ' U m a r ' s greatest c o n t r i b u t i o n d u r i n g his t e n - y e a r t e n u r e w a s t o organize a f o r m of g o v e r n m e n t t h a t was fol l o w e d for centuries. Before his d e a t h U m a r a p p o i n t e d a n elective c o m m i t t e e (shura) of six from Q u r a y s h for selecting t h e caliph. T h e y elected ' U t h m a n . After ' U t h m a n ' s twelveyear rule, Ali i b n A b i T a l i b s u c c e e d e d h i m as caliph in 656. A struggle for t h e caliphate s o o n e n s u e d that 'Ali s u p pressed. c
c
Islam's e x p a n s i o n outside A r a b i a m a d e control difficult from a l - M e d i n a . T h u s , t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e c o n q u e r e d lands p r o p e r l y a n d m e e t t h e challenge of his adversary M u ' a w i y a h i b n A b i Sufyan, t h e g o v e r n o r of Syria, 'Ali, in 657, shifted t h e capital from M e d i n a to al-Kufah. F a c t i o n s f o r m e d a m o n g t h e M u s l i m s : o n e rebellious g r o u p from t h e Kharijis ( " o u t g o e r s " ) assassinated ' A h at a l - K u f a h in AH 40/661 CE. 'Ali's s o n a l - H a s a n was i m m e d i a t e l y p r o c l a i m e d caliph, b u t for r e a s o n s of political e x p e d i e n c y r e n o u n c e d his claim in favor of M u ' a w i y a h . U m a y y a d s (692-750) a n d ' A b b a s i d s (750-1171). U n d e r t h e U m a y y a d s , D a m a s c u s b e c a m e t h e capital of Islam, g o v ernors w e r e a p p o i n t e d at M e c c a a n d a l - M e d i n a , a n d n o m inal rule^was e x t e n d e d to o t h e r p a r t s of Arabia. [See D a mascus.] T h e ~ H i j a z - b e c a m e a separate p r o v i n c e ; N a j d , a l - Y a m a m a h , al-Bahrain, a n d O m a n b e c a m e p a r t s of t h e eastern p r o v i n c e ; a n d Y e m e n a n d S o u t h Arabia f o r m e d a n
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other p r o v i n c e . S u b s e q u e n t l y , for p u r p o s e s of p r o p e r a d ministration, the Hijaz, Y e m e n , a n d central Arabia w e r e c o m b i n e d into a single p r o v i n c e a n d w e r e ruled b y a viceroy of t h e caliph. M u ' a w i y a h , in o r d e r to m a i n t a i n tribal s u p p o r t in t h e p r o v i n c e s , gave t h e m a certain d e g r e e of a u t o n o m y . T h e factional rivalry b e t w e e n t h e 'Alids ( d e s c e n d e n t s of Ali and Fatimah, the Prophet's daughter) and Umayyads con tinued for decades. T h e caliphate u n d e r w e n t a c h a n g e from t h e p r o p h e t i c to s o m e t h i n g like sovereignty. T h e h e r e d i t a r y principle of succession t o t h e caliphate was i n t r o d u c e d in 679, w h e n M u ' a w i y a h n o m i n a t e d his s o n as his successor. S u b s e q u e n t l y , this U m a y y a d practice w a s followed b y the ' A b b a s i d s a n d other M u s l i m dynasties. c
Islamic coins (gold dinars a n d silver dirhams) w e r e m i n t e d for t h e first t i m e b y C a l i p h ' A b d al-Malik in 695. Politically, life at M e c c a a n d a l - M e d i n a t h e n was tranquil; intellectuals gathered t h e r e t o study a n d p r o p a g a t e the traditions of t h e P r o p h e t . T h e e x p a n s i o n of Islam a n d tire m a n y pilgrims visiting a l - M e d i n a a n d M e c c a b r o u g h t great wealth f r o m all parts of A r a b i a a n d n e i g h b o r i n g M u s l i m countries. T h e ' A b b a s i d s ruled over Arabia from B a g h d a d for nearly five centuries, in t w o s e p a r a t e p e r i o d s , b e g i n n i n g with C a liph A b u a l - ' A b b a s in 750. [See B a g h d a d . ] D u r i n g t h e first c e n t u r y of their rule, a n era of great prosperity, they m a i n tained authority in A r a b i a b y a p p o i n t i n g governors at M e c c a , a l - M e d i n a , Y e m e n , a n d t h e central a n d eastern regions. H o w e v e r , the s e c o n d p e r i o d , w h i c h b e g a n with M u tawakkil (847), w a s o n e of r a p i d decline. T h e reign of H a r u n al-Rashid (786-809) is r e c k o n e d as t h e golden a g e of t h e caliphate. T h e archaeological r e m a i n s a n d finds along t h e pilgrim r o a d ( D a r b Z u b a y d a h ) , from al-Kufah to M e c c a , established d u r i n g his p e r i o d , testify to t h e favorable socio e c o n o m i c conditions of t h e p e o p l e in Arabia in general a n d M e c c a a n d a l - M e d i n a in particular. [See D a r b Z u b a y d a h . ] Saudi Arabia is replete w i t h Early Islamic m o n u m e n t s a n d sites, especially at M e c c a a n d a l - M e d i n a a n d the pilgrim attractions in their vicinity. W h i l e t h e m a i n m o s q u e is at M e c c a (Masjid a l - H a r a m ) , m o s q u e s are n a m e d after t h e c o m p a n i o n s of the P r o p h e t : Bilal bi R a b a h , A b u Bakr a s Siddiq, H a m z a i b n a l - M u t t a l i b , ar-Raiya, al-Jin, a n d alIjaba. A t a l - M e d i n a , t h e r e is t h e M o s q u e of t h e P r o p h e t , M a s j i d Q u b a (the first m o s q u e built after t h e P r o p h e t m o v e d t o a l - M e d i n a ) , M a s j i d al-Juma, Masjid at Qiblatain, a n d M a s j i d ' U m a r i b n a l - K h a t t a b , a m o n g others. T h e m o u n t a i n s associated with t h e p r o p h e t i c revelations are Jebel T h o r a n d Jebel H a r a ' , or N o o r , at M e c c a . [See Mosque.] Archaeological excavations in Arabia have b r o u g h t t o light Early Islamic settled sites with characteristic features. T r a c e s of a F r i d a y m o s q u e h a v e b e e n f o u n d at Jawatha, n e a r Hafuf, a n d d a t e d to t h e first c e n t u r y of t h e Islamic era. Early a n d M i d d l e Islamic sites a r e characterized b y m u d - b r i c k ar chitecture. Early Islamic sites are characterized b y g r e e n -
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glazed and incised wares. Slighdy later sites display ' A b b a s i d glazed, painted, a n d luster wares. Impressive Islamic archi tectural r e m a i n s — p o t t e r y , soft-stone and glass vessels, bracelets, c o p p e r , a n d slag—have b e e n recovered from sev eral sites in central Arabia. I n the T a ' i f area of the Hijaz, d a m s were built d u r i n g M u ' a w i y a h ' s reign (AH 58/677-78 CE), as attested b y Kufic inscriptions. D a m s (at S a d d a l - Q u s a y b a h , S a d d al-Hasid, a n d Sadd az-Zaydia) d a t e d to t h e Early Islamic p e r i o d are also found in die K h a y b a r area in n o r t h w e s t Arabia. Besides d a m s , several reservoirs from t h e 'Abbasid period, especially along the pilgrim r o a d s , h a v e survived. Caliph ' U m a r ' s m o s q u e at D o m a t al-Jendal is one of t h e earliest stone-built m o s q u e s with a towerlike minaret. It is dated to 634-644. 'Abbasid-period t o w n s ( K h a y b a r a l - Q a d i m , R a f h e - L i n a h ) a n d forts (Qal'at a l - M u a z z a m ) are found in n o r t h w e s t A r a bia. In the vicinity of R i y a d h , near A m m a r i y a h , w e l l - p l a n n e d buildings with courtyards date to t h e 'Abbasid period. T h e y are dated by their characteristic glazed ceramics a n d steatite a n d glass objects. T r a c e s of settlements—including h o u s e s a n d m o s q u e s — h a v e also b e e n found in other parts of t h e peninsula—at B a h r a i n , O m a n , a n d Y e m e n a n d in d i e U n i t e d A r a b Emirates. In Bahrain, at Rasal-Qal'at, r e m a i n s of an Early Islamic city have been excavated t h a t were built over cities of earlier periods. T h e r e , d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d - f o u r t h centuries AH, a fort (qafat) was built w h o s e remains are preserved. It is o n e of the oldest e x a m p l e s of Early Islamic architecture. Its square plan (each side m e a s u r e s 52.50 m ) resembles t h e U m a y y a d residences in Syria a n d Palestine a n d t h e Q a s r alK h a r a n a h in J o r d a n . Its features suggest drat t h e building's function was military. Built of limestone, it has c o r n e r t o w ers. F o r t h e two decades following AH 317/930 CE, Bahrain h a d t h e privilege of h o u s i n g t h e Black S t o n e of t h e K a ' b a h , after it w a s r e m o v e d from M e c c a b y t h e Q a r m a t i a n s . T r a d i t i o n dates the building of t h e Masjid al-Khamis in B a h r a i n to 992, the time of U m a y y a d caliph ' U m a r ibn A b d u l Aziz. H o w e v e r , an inscription f o u n d in t h e m o s q u e dates it to t h e s e c o n d half of the eleventii century and attributes it to A b u S i n a n M u h a m m a d al-Fadl Abdullah, t h e third ruler in t h e al-'Auni family t h a t ruled Bahrain then. T h e earliest Islamic m o n u m e n t in Y e m e n is t h e al-Jami' al-Kabir (the G r e a t M o s q u e ) at S a n ' a , which was built o n t h e orders of the P r o p h e t d u r i n g his lifetime. It w a s e x p a n d e d by A y y u b ibn Y a h y a a t h - T h a q a f i , the U m a y y a d governor of S a n ' a , o n t h e orders of Caliph al-Walid M a r w a n . H o w e v e r , it was t h e 'Abbasid governor ' U m a r i b n ' A b d al-Majid al-'Adwi w h o p r o v i d e d doors for t h e m o s q u e for first time in t h e m i d - e i g h t h century. It has u n d e r g o n e several phases of renovation a n d rebuilding. I n t h e U A E , remains of m a n y Islamic buildings survive in
t h e al-'Ain area (Hili, Q a t t a r a , M a ' s u d i ) . I n t h e e m i r a t e of Sharjah Islamic-period settlements are also f o u n d at M u waylih, b e t w e e n t h e village of F a l a h a n d t h e eastern limits of the t o w n of Sharjah. [See also ' A b b a s i d Caliphate; B a h r a i n ; K u w a i t ; M e c c a ; M e d i n a ; O m a n ; U m a y y a d Caliphate; and Y e m e n . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Allah The Journal of Saudi Arabian Archaeology 1 - 1 3 ( 1 9 7 7 - 1 9 9 0 ) . Baladhuri, A h m a d ibn Yahya al-. Kitab futiih al-buldan. Cairo, 1 9 0 1 . Ibn al-KalbT. Kitab al-asnam, Cairo, 1 9 1 4 . Ibn Hisham, ' A b d al-Malik. Al-sira al-nabaweya. Cairo, 1 9 1 4 . Ibn Ishaq, M u h a m m a d . Sirat Rasiil Allah. L a h o r e , 1 9 6 7 . I b n Sa'd, M u h a m m a d . Al-tabaqat al-kubra. 10 vols. Beirut, 1 9 5 7 - 1 9 6 8 . Rashid, Sa'ad al-. Al-Rabadhah: A Portrait of Early Islamic Civilisation in Saudi Arabia. L o n d o n , 1986. Rentz, George. ' " A r a b , DjazTrat al-." In Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., vol. 1, p p . 5 3 3 - 5 5 6 . Leiden, i 9 6 0 - . Shibli N u m a n i , M u h a m m a d . Sirat al-Nabi. 2 vols. T r a n s l a t e d by Fazlur R a h m a n . Karachi, 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 1 . Von G r u n e b a u m , G. E. Classical Islam: A History, 600-1258. L o n d o n , 1970. Watt, W . M o n t g o m e r y . Muhammad at Medina. Oxford, 1 9 5 6 . W a t t , W . M o n t g o m e r y . The Majesty That Was Islam: The Islamic World, 661-1100. London, 1974. ABDUL RAHMAN T . AL-ANSARY
ARABIC.
T h e m o s t widely s p o k e n l a n g u a g e in tire M i d dle E a s t a n d N o r t h Africa t o d a y , s p o k e n b y m o r e t h a n 160 million p e o p l e , A r a b i c is t h e l a n g u a g e of d i e Q u r ' a n a n d is therefore u s e d in t h e p r a y e r s of 800 million M u s l i m s d i e world over. Arabic belongs to t h e Semitic family of l a n g u a g e s ; its closest relatives are S o u t h A r a b i a n a n d E t h i o p i a T w o varieties of Arabic are in u s e today—literary A r a b i c a n d colloquial Arabic. Literary is u s e d for all f o r m s of writ ing, such as fiction, n o n a c t i o n , a n d a d v e r t i s e m e n t s . T h i s Arabic is r e m a r k a b l y u n i f o r m t h r o u g h o u t t h e A r a b world. T h e language u s e d in a n e w s p a p e r f r o m M o r o c c o is t h e s a m e as tiiat u s e d in a n e w s p a p e r from I r a q . L i t e r a r y Arabic is also u s e d for formal s p e e c h , s u c h as n e w s b r o a d c a s t s , lec t u r e s , interviews, a c a d e m i c instruction, a n d s e r m o n s . T h e Arabic u s e d in everyday c o m m u n i c a t i o n is colloquial Arabic a n d consists of h u n d r e d s of dialects. T h e closer t w o c o m m u n i t i e s are geographically, t h e closer their A r a b i c ; d i e farther apart, the m o r e divergent their A r a b i c . T h u s a P a l estinian and a J o r d a n i a n c a n u n d e r s t a n d each o t h e r readily, b u t an Iraqi a n d a L i b y a n will e n c o u n t e r p r o b l e m s . W h e n e d u c a t e d Arabs w h o speak fairly different varieties of col loquial Arabic get together, they shift their A r a b i c t o w a r d t h e literary m o d e . T h e differences b e t w e e n literary A r a b i c a n d colloquial Arabic r a n g e from m i n i m a l to striking. T h e m o s t visible dif ference is t h a t literary A r a b i c utilizes a series of case m a r k e r s
ARABIC o n n o u n s a n d m o o d m a r k e r s o n verbs t h a t h a v e d i s a p p e a r e d in colloquial A r a b i c . S u c h a situation, in w h i c h t w o divergent forms of a l a n g u a g e exist, each w i t h its o w n social function, is k n o w n as diglossia. T h u s , literary A r a b i c h a s its role—writing a n d for m a l s p e e c h — a n d colloquial A r a b i c h a s its role—everyday conversation. T h e t w o roles are n o t m i x e d . U s i n g t h e literary l a n g u a g e in a t a x i c a b w o u l d p r o v o k e a m u s e m e n t , a n d deliv ering a n e w s b r o a d c a s t in t h e colloquial f o r m w o u l d get t h e a n n o u n c e r fired. T h e t w o f o r m s of t h e l a n g u a g e are also learned differently. Colloquial A r a b i c is a native, first l a n g u a g e , l e a r n e d b y children f r o m p a r e n t s a n d friends. It is never studied at school. L i t e r a r y A r a b i c is learned at school, t h e r e are n o native speakers of this form. A l t h o u g h literary A r a b i c a n d colloquial A r a b i c are freq u e n t i y said to b e p o l a r o p p o s i t e s , t h e situation is actually m o r e c o m p l e x . V a r i o u s f o r m s of i n - b e t w e e n Arabic exist. T h e literary a n d colloquial l a n g u a g e s form t w o e n d p o i n t s of a c o n t i n u u m ; for this r e a s o n , t h e t e r m multiglossia is s o m e t i m e s used. A radio b r o a d c a s t , for e x a m p l e , m a y in c l u d e every case a n d m o o d vowel, w h e r e a s a lecture m a y b e basically in t h e literary f o r m b u t w i t h o u t m o s t case vowels, t h u s verging t o w a r d t h e colloquial variety. T h e t e r m "classical A r a b i c " is h e r e u s e d for t h e A r a b i c written prior to N a p o l e o n ' s invasion of E g y p t (1798); t h e t e r m " l i t e r a r y " A r a b i c is u s e d for later written A r a b i c , a n d particularly for t h e m o d e r n p e r i o d . M a n y scholars u s e " c l a s sical" to i n c l u d e w h a t is h e r e called literary. T h e use of d i e o n e t e r m ("classical") stresses t h e continuity of t h e lan g u a g e , e m p h a s i z i n g t h a t t h e g r a m m a r of t h e Q u r ' a n is e s sentially t h e same as tiiat of a m o d e r n n e w s p a p e r . H o w e v e r , neither t h e stylistic differences over t h i r t e e n centuries n o r t h e c h a n g e s of v o c a b u l a r y (including m u c h b o r r o w i n g from W e s t e r n languages) can b e d e n i e d . T h e u s e of only o n e t e r m glosses over tiiese differences.
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s p o k e n t h r o u g h o u t t h e entire A r a b i a n Peninsula, b u t its ex act geographical distribution is u n c e r t a i n . A t t h e time of M u h a m m a d ' s b i r t h (570 CE), there w a s n o unifying political s t r u c t u r e in t h e A r a b i a n Peninsula; rather, h u n d r e d s of tribes, varying greatiy in size, lived t h r o u g h o u t t h e area. S o m e tribes s p o k e f o r m s of Preclassical N o r t h e r n A r a b i c , b u t m o s t tribes spoke o t h e r varieties of Arabic. S o m e of the linguistic features of these latter tribes are k n o w n because they h a v e b e e n r e c o r d e d b y medieval A r a b a n d Persian grammarians. Alongside these s p o k e n varieties of A r a b i c , t h e r e existed a literary variety, t h e poetic koine. T h i s w a s a supradialectal variety, w h i c h d r e w features (especially vocabulary) from all t h e various s p o k e n dialects. It was u s e d primarily for p o etry, n o t for everyday speech. T h e origins of this koine are u n k n o w n , b u t it p r e s u m a b l y originated with one of t h e s p o k e n dialects, p e r h a p s b a s e d o n t h e dialect of a c o m m e r c i a l or cultic center. T h i s interpretation m e a n s t h a t at t h e t i m e of M u h a m m a d ' s birth, a t y p e of diglossia already existed in die p e n insula. H o w e v e r , it is very difficult to d e t e r m i n e h o w the dialects of t h e t i m e differed from t h e poetic koine. T h e basic q u e s t i o n is: w h a t was t h e status of the case endings at t h e t i m e of, say, t h e b i r t h of M u h a m m a d ? O n e view is that t h e case endings w e r e still in u s e in b o t h t h e poetic koine a n d t h e c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s dialects b u t only disappeared later from t h e dialects t h r o u g h c o n t a c t w i t h languages lacking these g r a m m a t i c a l distinctions (such as P e r s i a n ) . T h e o p p o s i n g view h o l d s t h a t t h e case vowels h a d already disap p e a r e d from d i e spoken dialects and t h a t they m a y i n d e e d h a v e d i s a p p e a r e d centuries before t h e b i r t h of M u h a m m a d . T h e y w e r e , h o w e v e r , p r e s e r v e d in d i e literary language, p r i marily b e c a u s e of metrical considerations.
H i s t o r y . A r a b i c is first attested in t h e form of p r o p e r n a m e s . A t t h e battle of Q a r q a r ( C a r c h e m i s h ) in 853 BCE, a few A r a b chieftains allied t h e m s e l v e s w i t h s o m e Syrian a n d Palestinian k i n g d o m s ( i n c l u d i n g Aliab of Israel) against t h e Assyrians, w h o w e r e e x p a n d i n g s o u t h . T h e n a m e s of tiiese chieftains, p r e s e r v e d in c u n e i f o r m script, are recognizably A r a b i c , for e x a m p l e , G i n d i b u . A n u m b e r of such n a m e s o c c u r in N e o - A s s y r i a n a n d later annals.
N o literature from t h e pre-Islamic p e r i o d is directiy p r e served. Society in t h e p e n i n s u l a was largely n o m a d i c . I n s u c h an e n v i r o n m e n t , oral p o e t r y developed as t h e art form p a r excellence. T h e c u s t o m of m e m o r i z a t i o n played a key role in p r e s e r v i n g this p o e t r y . C o m p o s e d in the two or m o r e centuries p r e c e d i n g t h e b i r t h of M u h a m m a d , it was written d o w n o n a systematic basis in t h e middle of t h e eighth cen tury; a vast array has b e e n p r e s e r v e d . Because t h e p o e t i c koine was t h e language regularly u s e d for literary expression, t h e Q u r ' a n w a s delivered in this language.
T h e first written A r a b i c consists of t h o u s a n d s of graffiti written in a form of A r a b i c called Preclassical N o r t h e r n A r abic, w h i c h is first attested in t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. T h e last inscriptions d a t e to p e r h a p s 500 CE or even later. T h e n u m b e r of s u c h inscriptions, in w h a t m u s t h a v e b e e n a largely illiterate society, is surprising. T h e y consist m a i n l y of p e r s o n a l a n d place n a m e s , b u t also i n c l u d e curses, r e m iniscences of t h e past, a n d m e m o r i a l s of t h e dead. P r e - c l a s sical N o r t h e r n A r a b i c is n o t o n e l a n g u a g e b u t c o m p r i s e s four or five closely related l a n g u a g e s or dialects. It w a s n o t
T h e p o e t i c koine a n d t h e related c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s s p o k e n dialects are categorized as N o r t h e r n Arabic. T h e relation ship of N o r t h e r n Arabic to Preclassical N o r t h e r n Arabic is u n c e r t a i n . B o t h coexisted as spoken languages for s o m e time, b u t their geographical distribution is n o t k n o w n . M o s t likely, b o t h N o r t h e r n A r a b i c a n d Preclassical N o r t h e r n A r abic go b a c k to a c o m m o n ancestor. Curiously, t h e medieval g r a m m a r i a n s do n o t m e n t i o n Preclassical N o r t h e r n Arabic forms, a n d it a p p e a r s to h a v e died o u t soon after t h e A r a b conquests.
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T h e first text in N o r t h e r n Arabic is a funeral inscription from N e m a r a in Syria d a t i n g to 328 CE. O n l y a handful of inscriptions in N o r t h e r n Arabic from before 600 CE are p r e served. Although written in p r o s e , n o t poetry, drey are in t h e same poetic k o i n e u s e d for pre-Islamic poetry a n d the Q u r ' a n or in s o m e spoken dialect close to it. Nortiiern Arabic h a d b e e n largely restricted to the p e n insula a n d the regions b o r d e r i n g u p o n Syria. T h e A r a b c o n quests, however, carried Arabic t h r o u g h o u t all of N o r t h Af rica a n d m o s t of t h e M i d d l e East. T h e m o s t widely spoken language in t h e M i d d l e East (outside the peninsula) o n the eve of t h e A r a b c o n q u e s t s was A r a m a i c , which t o d a y is s p o ken in only a few places. Similarly, in E g y p t C o p t i c b e c a m e displaced as a spoken language. In s o m e areas, s u c h as Iran, t h e Arabic language did n o t take root, b u t t h e Arabic script (the script u s e d for t h e Q u r ' a n ) did. T h u s , Persian is t o d a y written in Arabic script. Several other n o n - S e m i t i c lan guages have b e e n written in A r a b i c script, such as O t t o m a n Turkish. After the A r a b c o n q u e s t s , t h e medieval A r a b a n d Persian g r a m m a r i a n s studied the language of the Q u r ' a n and t h e language of pre-Islamic poetry. U s i n g primarily these two sources, t h e g r a m m a r i a n s defined t h e grammatical rules of Arabic. Classical A r a b i c is t h e language as specified b y these g r a m m a r i a n s . B e c a u s e of the sanctity a c c o r d e d d i e language of t h e Q u r ' a n , tire g r a m m a t i c a l structure of classical A r a b i c b e c a m e relatively fixed. T h e Q u r ' a n was t h e first large-scale p r o s e c o m p o s i t i o n in Arabic. T h e e x p a n s i o n of Islam b r o u g h t the A r a b s into c o n tact with other cultures, a n d the resultant cross-fertilization of ideas along with die a d o p t i o n b y n o n - A r a b M u s l i m s of Arabic as a written language led to an explosion in schol arship a n d literary activity. T h e r e is a vast b o d y of literature written in classical A r a b i c d u r i n g t h e medieval a n d p r e m o d ern periods. M u c h of this has n o t b e e n edited or published. Every major M i d d l e E a s t e r n city has large collections of m a n u s c r i p t s , often only incompletely cataloged. A system atic b u t b y n o m e a n s complete catalog of p u b l i s h e d a n d m a n u s c r i p t works for t h e early medieval period ( u p t o a b o u t 1050 CE) by F u a t Sezgin includes separate v o l u m e s for t h e following genres: (1) Q u r ' a n , religious sciences, history; (2) poetry; (3) m e d i c i n e , p h a r m a c o l o g y , zoology, veterinary science; (4) alchemy, chemistry, botany, agriculture; (5) m a t h e m a t i c s ; (6) a s t r o n o m y ; (7) astrology, meteorology; (8) lexicography; a n d (9) g r a m m a r . E a c h v o l u m e comprises thousands of entries. C o n t a c t with t h e W e s t d u r i n g t h e early m o d e r n p e r i o d led t o t h e i m p o r t i n g of n e w literary genres, including t h e short story, novel, and d r a m a . All three are actively practiced t o day. In 1988 t h e E g y p t i a n novelist a n d short-story writer N a g u i b M a h f o u z w o n t h e N o b e l Prize in literature. A small a m o u n t of fiction is n o w written in colloquial A r a b i c , p a r ticularly in E g y p t .
O r i g i n o f C o l l o q u i a l A r a b i c . Since classical A r a b i c w a s purely a literary l a n g u a g e (even if r o o t e d in a s p o k e n dia lect), the m o d e r n dialects c a n n o t b e r e g a r d e d as its lineal d e s c e n d a n t s . R a t h e r , t h e y are d e s c e n d a n t s of t h e N o r t h e r n A r a b i c dialects s p o k e n in the p e n i n s u l a at t h e time of t h e c o n q u e s t s . Exactly h o w t h e y c a m e into existence is still u n resolved. A p r o c e s s of leveling of dialects p r o b a b l y t o o k place after the c o n q u e s t s as A r a b soldiers f r o m different tribes c a m e t o g e t h e r in t h e A r a b military c a m p s . T h e r e w a s also w i d e s p r e a d c o n t a c t with n o n - S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e s . Because colloquial A r a b i c was n o t r e g a r d e d w i t h t h e s a m e sanctity as the classical form, it was n e v e r subject t o d i e n o r m a t i v e forces of t h e g r a m m a r i a n s a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y h a s c o n t i n u e d to evolve. T h e colloquial l a n g u a g e of t o d a y is very different from t h a t of a t h o u s a n d years ago. S c r i p t . T h e script u s e d to write A r a b i c derives from tiiat of t h e N a b a t e a n s , an A r a b i c - s p e a k i n g p e o p l e c e n t e r e d a r o u n d Petra. A l t h o u g h ethnic A r a b s , t h e N a b a t e a n s w r o t e in A r a m a i c b e c a u s e this was t h e prestige l a n g u a g e of t h e time. T h e i r form of t h e A r a m a i c script w a s a d o p t e d b y t h e A r a b s . T h e previously m e n t i o n e d inscription f r o m N e m a r a is Arabic in g r a m m a r b u t t h e script still looks N a b a t e a n . A s time passed, t h e external f o r m of t h e script c h a n g e d rapidly. Since Arabic h a d m o r e p h o n e m e s t h a n N a b a t e a n , a n d since several letters h a d b e g u n to fall t o g e t h e r in s h a p e , t h e A r a b s h a d to develop n e w symbols. T h i s w a s d o n e b y m a r k i n g s o m e letters witii dots. [See N a b a t e a n s ; A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d Literature.] Classical A r a b i c uses a series of s u p e r - a n d sublinear m a r k s to indicate vowels; these strokes are n o t p a r t of t h e c o n s o n a n t a l text. T h e y w e r e d e v e l o p e d to p r e s e r v e t h e cor rect a n d full p r o n u n c i a t i o n of t h e Q u r ' a n . T h e y are n o t in everyday u s e b u t a p p e a r only in t h e Q u r ' a n a n d occasionally in religious literature or poetry. Since t h e dots distinguishing certain c o n s o n a n t s c a n easily b e m i s p l a c e d or left out, a n d since the vowel m a r k s are u s u ally omitted, the A r a b i c script contains a certain m e a s u r e of i n h e r e n t ambiguity. A r a b scholars h a v e occasionally s u g gested modifications to t h e script, i n c l u d i n g t h e possibility of replacing it b y t h e L a t i n script. G i v e n t h e sanctity of t h e writing system, h o w e v e r , it is h a r d to i m a g i n e this h a p p e n ing. T h e script u s e d t o write Preclassical N o r t i i e r n A r a b i c is quite different f r o m tiiat u s e d for t h e classical f o r m ; it m a y h a v e b r a n c h e d off from t h e p a l e o a l p h a b e t b y d i e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. T h e s a m e script w a s also e m p l o y e d for E p i graphic South Arabic a n d Ethiopia F u t u r e of A r a b i c . W i t h its long a n d c o m p l e x history, A r a b i c offers several interesting future scenarios. M a n y A r abs believe t h a t with t h e s p r e a d of e d u c a t i o n , t h e literary f o r m will take o v e r t h e functions of t h e colloquial, w h i c h will t h u s disappear. M o s t W e s t e r n linguists d o u b t this devel o p m e n t will occur. T h e y d o believe, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h a t
ARAD: Bronze Age Period m a n y of the village-level dialects will d i s a p p e a r a n d t h a t di alects b a s e d o n t h e capital cities will spread. T h u s t h e col loquial dialect of C a i r o will displace o t h e r E g y p t i a n varieties. T h e state of diglossia, h o w e v e r , w i t h all its a t t e n d a n t p r o b l e m s , m a y persist for a very l o n g time. [See also Semitic L a n g u a g e s ; S o u t h Arabian.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
A b b o u d , Peter, et al. Elementary Modern Standard Arabic. 2 vols. 2 d ed. C a m b r i d g e , 1983. T h e most widely used teaching g r a m m a r of A r abic. The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 3 - . T h e most recent large-scale treatment of Arabic literature; t h e quality of individual contributions varies. F o u r volumes have appeared t o date: Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, edited by A. F . L . Beeston et al. ( 1 9 8 3 ) ; Abbasid Belles-Lettres, edited by Julia Ashtiany ( 1 9 9 0 ) ; Religion, Learning, and Science in the Abbasid Period, edited by M . J. L . Y o u n g et al. ( 1 9 9 0 ) ; a n d Modem Arabic Literature, edited b y M u h a m m a d Mustafa Badawi ( 1 9 9 2 ) . F e r g u s o n , Charles A. "Diglossia." Word 1 5 ( 1 9 5 9 ) : 3 2 5 - 3 4 0 . T h e first work t o systematically define a n d characterize diglossia in Arabic a n d other languages. Fischer, Wolfdietrich, a n d O t t o Jastrow. Handbuch der arabischen Dialekle. Porta L i n g u a r u m Orientalium, n.s. 1 6 . Wiesbaden, 1980. S u r vey of Arabic dialectology, with texts transcribed from several dif ferent dialects. Fischer, Wolfdietrich. Grundriss der arabischen Philologie, vol. i,Sprachwissenschaft. W i e s b a d e n , 1 9 8 2 . Studies of t h e different varieties of Arabic in tiieir Semitic context. H o p k i n s , Simon. Studies in the Grammar of Early Arabic Based upon Papyri Datable to before AM. 300IA.D. 012. L o n d o n Oriental Series, 37. Oxford, 1984. Detailed analysis of the earliest dated texts; for specialists. K a y e , Alan S. " A r a b i c . " In The World's Major Languages, edited by Bernard C o m r i e , p p . 6 6 4 - 6 8 5 . Oxford, 1 9 8 7 . Short description of tile major linguistic characteristics of Arabic, with a bibliography in cluding g r a m m a r s o n d i e major dialects. N e g e v , A v r a h a m . " O b o d a s t h e G o d . " Israel Exploration Journal 36 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 5 6 - 6 0 . Publication of a N a b a t e a n inscription which a p p a r ently contains two lines in N o r t h e r n Arabic, dating t o before 1 5 0 CE, thus predating the N e m a r a inscription by centuries. Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. 9 vols. L e i d e n , 1 9 6 7 - 1 9 8 4 . Catalogue of published a n d u n p u b l i s h e d texts of m a n y different genres. Stetkevych, Jaroslav. The Modem Arabic Literary Language: Lexical and Stylistic Developments. Chicago, 1 9 7 0 . Discusses t h e changes taking place in Literary Arabic. Versteegh, Kees. Pidginizalion and Creolization: The Case of Arabic. A m s t e r d a m , 1984. Argues that d i e m o d e r n dialects result from a pidginization process, as t h e inhabitants of lands conquered by t h e Arabs attempted to learn Arabic. W a n s b r o u g h , John. Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation. L o n d o n Oriental Series, 3 1 . Oxford, 1 9 7 7 . C o n t r o versial view of the development of Classical Arabic a n d of the text of t h e Q u r ' a n , which considers b o t h to have crystallized only some two centuries after the birth of M u h a m m a d . Zwettier, Michael. The Oral Tradition of Classical Arabic Poetry: Its Character and Implications. C o l u m b u s , Ohio, 1 9 7 8 . Studies d i e oral nature of Classical poetry, a n d t h e characteristics it shares with other such poetries of t h e world. P r o m p t e d m u c h heated discussion. JOHN L . HAYES
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A R A D . [This entry comprises two articles treating the re mains of the Bronze Age and Iron Age, respectively.] Bronze Age Period T e l A r a d lies 576 m a b o v e sea level, in Israel's n o r t h e a s t e r n N e g e v desert ( m a p reference 162 X 075). T h e 10-ha (25 acre) tell is b o w l s h a p e d , facilitating t h e drainage of runoff into its center, w h e r e a reservoir w a s located in t h e Early B r o n z e A g e II. A t p r e s e n t , a n n u a l rainfall averages 170 m m at T e l A r a d , classifying t h e climate as semiarid. H o w e v e r , t h e r e is m u c h evidence t o suggest a m o r e h u m i d climate for the Chalcolithic a n d Early B r o n z e A g e s , u p t o t h e m i d - t h i r d millennium. T h e city was f o u n d to h a v e five principal strata, witii vary ing local sequences a n d sublevels. Because t h e m a i n objec tive of t h e excavations a t A r a d was t o o b t a i n a c o m p r e h e n sive p i c t u r e of t h e site in its u p p e r m o s t u r b a n p h a s e (stratum I I ) , t h e p i c t u r e gained of t h e earlier strata (V-III) is m o r e fragmentary. S t r a t u m V. T h e s t r a t u m V settlement (c. 4000-3400 BCE) r e s e m b l e d c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s o n e s in t h e Beersheba valley: n o n - n u c l e a t e d r e m a i n s d i s p e r s e d over d i e tell a n d its neigh b o r i n g hills. T h o u g h assigned t o t h e Beersheba culture, n o cavelike, s u b t e r r a n e a n o c c u p a t i o n w a s found—only p i t dwellings—possibly b e c a u s e t h e loess layer at A r a d is very shallow. T h e pits m a y b e t h e lower sections of structures w h o s e u p p e r walls were m a d e of perishable materials. S t r a t u m V p r o d u c e d evidence of t w o p h a s e s . It n o w seems clear t h a t a g a p in o c c u p a t i o n o c c u r e d b e t w e e n strata V a n d I V b e c a u s e t h e material f o u n d in s t r a t u m I V belongs t o E B I B , a n d E B I A finds are absent. S t r a t u m I V . A n unfortified "village," w h o s e remains w e r e f o u n d w h e r e v e r s t r a t u m III r e m a i n s were r e m o v e d , r e p r e s e n t s s t r a t u m I V (3200-3000 BCE). Its full extent is u n k n o w n . F i n d s u n d e r t h e s u b s e q u e n t s t r a t u m III city-wall f o u n d a t i o n s w e r e of particular significance for chronological a n d u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t . D a t e d t o E B I B , t h e settlement's traces w e r e f o u n d b o t h i n rock caves a n d in building r e m a i n s . N o remains of larger, p u b l i c buildings were dis c e r n e d . T h i s small c o m m u n i t y was o n e of several similar ones t h a t coexisted in the A r a d basin in E B I B . It is n o t clear w h e t h e r A r a d already served as a central place a t this time. T h e E g y p t i a n p o t t e r y from s t r a t u m I V indicates that t r a d e b e t w e e n E g y p t a n d C a n a a n , well-known from t h e southern coastal plain, also involved A r a d . T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t find of this k i n d was a n E g y p t i a n jar fragment bearing t h e serekh (die p h a r a o h ' s n a m e in a r e c t a n g u l a r frame) of N a r m e r , t h e last ldng of dynasty 0 , at t h e e n d of t h e Egyptian predynastic p e r i o d ( A m i r a n , 1974, 1976). T h i s inscription provided a s y n c h r o n i s m of C a n a a n i t e a n d E g y p t i a n chronologies: d i e E B I, coeval o n t h e w h o l e with t h e N a q a d a II and III p e r i o d s ,
170
ARAD: Bronze Age Period
included die reigns of die last p h a r a o h s of d y n a s t y 0 ( N a r m e r and H o r - A h a ) . E B II b e g a n in t h e reign of P h a r a o h D j e r of die first dynasty. T r a d e with E g y p t c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t the city's history (see below). T h e only burial cave found at A r a d so far belongs t o stra t u m IV. L o c a t e d n o r t h w e s t of (i.e., outside) the later s t r a t u m III city wall, die cave contained sixteen skeletons of m e n , w o m e n , and children; pottery, stone, a n d c o p p e r vessels; a n d beads of various materials. [See Burial Sites; G r a v e Goods.] O n e skull w a s t r e p h i n a t e d (a small section of t h e skull was r e m o v e d while the p e r s o n was alive)—one of the earliest of such surgeries k n o w n (Smith, 1990). S t r a t u m I I I . T h e r e a p p e a r s to b e n o hiatus b e t w e e n strata IV and III. T h e city wall, sacred precinct, palace, a n d other structures t h r o u g h o u t the tell were erected in s t r a t u m III, t h e earliest " u r b a n " s t r a t u m at T e l A r a d . T h e reservoir was also installed, s u r r o u n d e d by a c o m p l e x of p u b l i c build ings. T h i c k conflagration layers f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the site, a n d the b r e a c h i n g a n d s u b s e q u e n t reconstruction of t h e city wall, attest to s t r a t u m B T s destruction by e n e m y attack in a b o u t 2800 BCE.
S t r a t u m I I . T h e destruction of s t r a t u m III w a s p r o b a b l y followed immediately by t h e s t r a t u m II settlement. Its ar chitectural style, b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s , material culture, a n d social structure all s h o w continuity. Below is a m o r e detailed description of the finds from strata II a n d III. Fortifications. T h e city wall, 1,176 m long, c o n t a i n e d gates, p o s t e r n s , a n d t o w e r s . It r a n along t h e w a t e r s h e d a n d was f o u n d e d partiy on b e d r o c k a n d partly on s t o n e b e d d i n g . T h e wall was 2-2.5 thick, c o n s t r u c t e d of twin stone courses filled with r u b b l e , a n d estimated to h a v e b e e n 4-5 m high. T h e original s t r a t u m III towers w e r e semicircular. T w o of these w e r e r e p l a c e d in s t r a t u m II with r e c t a n g u l a r o n e s . T h e i r total n u m b e r has b e e n e s t i m a t e d at b e t w e e n tiiirty-five a n d forty, b u t t h e distances b e t w e e n t h e m are n o t u n i f o r m . T h e two gates discovered w e r e s o m e w h a t dissim ilar, the western o n e h a v i n g a wider o p e n i n g a n d a n adjoin ing semicircular t o w e r o n its n o r t h side, while t h e s o u t h w e s t e r n gate h a d a s q u a r e t o w e r flanking it. P o s t e r n s ( n a r r o w openings in d i e city wall) w e r e also u n c o v e r e d ; t h e y s e e m t o h a v e b e e n additional openings t h a t c o u l d b e easily p l u g g e d w h e n necessary. m
ARAD: Bronze Age Period Domestic architecture. N o w t e r m e d t h e A r a d H o u s e in t h e archaeological literature, t h e typical b u i l d i n g at A r a d , for b o t h p u b l i c a n d private p u r p o s e s , w a s a b r o a d r o o m — a r e c t a n g u l a r s t r u c t u r e w i t h an e n t r a n c e in t h e long wall. Its fea t u r e s r e c u r w i t h great regularity: b e n c h e s along t h e walls, a s t o n e pillar base in t h e c e n t e r t o s u p p o r t t h e roof, o n e to d i r e e steps d o w n f r o m t h e street outside, a n d a stone d o o r p o s t socket to the left of t h e e n t r a n c e t o t h e h o u s e . T h e location of t h e pillar bases, t o g e t h e r with a pottery m o d e l of a n A r a d H o u s e discovered in excavation, indicate a flat roof. T h i s basic s t r u c t u r e was usually o n e p a r t of a walled c o m p o u n d t h a t typically i n c l u d e d a c o u r t y a r d a n d a smaller s u b sidiary r o o m or t w o tiiat m a y h a v e served as storage facili ties. T h e c o u r t y a r d s c o n t a i n e d s q u a r e or r o u n d platforms u s e d as silo bases o r w o r k surfaces. Residential c o m p o u n d s usually c o n t a i n e d great quantities of restorable p o t t e r y v e s sels; i m p l e m e n t s of flint, b o n e , c o p p e r , a n d stone; a n d c h a r r e d grain, flax a n d l e g u m e seeds, olive pits, a n d a n i m a l b o n e s , all of w h i c h allowed for a detailed r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of daily life. C l e a r residential q u a r t e r s w e r e identified in areas T-east, T-north, H , and K. Public and elite areas. T h e t r a c t b e t w e e n t h e w e s t e r n gate a n d t h e reservoir w a s designated for p u b l i c a n d elite activities. F o u r distinct z o n e s w e r e discerned: the " m a r k e t " area, the palace, t h e sacred p r e c i n c t , a n d d i e reservoir d i s trict. T h i s discussion p r o c e e d s f r o m t h e w e s t e r n gate t o t h e reservoir o n t h e east.
ARAD:
Bronze Age.
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Market area. L o c a t e d just inside the w e s t e r n gate, t h e m a r ket area w a s a large o p e n s p a c e w i t h t w o large, atypical buildings with flimsy walls. F r a g m e n t s of mostly large pithoi (storage vessels) w e r e r e c o v e r e d f r o m t h e t w o buildings. Palace. A large enclosed c o m p l e x of interconnected r o o m s , courts, a n d p a s s a g e s , t h e p a l a c e h a d a large e n t r a n c e o n the n o r t h t h a t p r o v i d e d access from t h e m a i n street. Smaller entrances existed t o t h e south a n d east. A large r o o m a p p e n d e d by an a n t e c h a m b e r a n d t w o c o u r t y a r d s f o r m e d d i e core of the palace. N u m e r o u s other r o o m s , cells, a n d c o u r t s c o n t a i n e d considerable evidence for the storage, p r e p a r a t i o n , and cooking of food in large quantities. O t h e r u n u s u a l features i n c l u d e d large stone b a s i n s , monolithic " t a b l e s , " a n d a cultic stela (see b e l o w ) . T h e s e elements a n d the location of t h e c o m p l e x b e t w e e n t h e w e s t e r n gate a n d the reservoir, n e x t t o the s a c r e d precinct, gave rise t o the c o n jecture that this was t h e t o w n ' s administrative center. [See Palace.] Sacred precinct. Just b e l o w a n d across d i e street from the palace a n d s e p a r a t e d from t h e reservoir c o m p l e x by an o p e n square was another self-contained c o m p l e x . T h r e e of its c o m p o n e n t s were d i s c e r n e d in s t r a t u m II: a large twin t e m ple, a small twin t e m p l e , a n d a n o t h e r large, single-roomed cultic s t r u c t u r e . Several buildings a n d c o u r t y a r d s were only partially e x c a v a t e d n o r t h of the sacred precinct; their c o n n e c t i o n t o the p r e c i n c t r e m a i n s unclear. T h e large twin t e m ples each o p e n e d onto c o u r t y a r d s t h a t themselves o p e n e d
Reconstruction of the early Canaanite city. (Drawing by L. Ritmeyer; courtesy O. Han)
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o n t o a type of piazza. O n e of t h e courtyards c o n t a i n e d a large altar with a n adjacent basin. T h e southern c h a m b e r contained a stone masseba, or stela. L a r g e quantities of p o t tery a n d carbonized seeds w e r e recovered there. T h e smaller twin temples were m u c h like d i e large ones in plan. T h e courtyard of t h e n o r t h e r n hall contained another stone altar a n d a group of c o m p l e t e vessels, a n d c h u n k s of b i t u m e n f o u n d b e n e a t h t h e floor of the southern hall m a y h a v e b e e n a ritual offering. T h e s e twin t e m p l e units have m u c h i n c o m m o n with t h e E B I twin temples at M e g i d d o , while t h e b r o a d r o o m type itself is f o u n d at t h e Chalcolithic t e m p l e at ' E i n - G e d i a n d t h e E B acropolis T e m p l e at Ai. [See M e giddo; ' E i n - G e d i ; Ai.] Reservoir quarter. L o c a t e d in a depression in t h e t o w n ' s center, t h e reservoir quarter w a s c o m p r i s e d of a r i n g of structures s u r r o u n d i n g t h e reservoir on three sides. T h e r e s ervoir was a n o p e n p o o l of approximately 1,000 s q m , into w h i c h runoff drained from all p a r t s of t h e t o w n b y w a y of its radial streets. A d a m m u s t have existed o n t h e east side, w h e r e n o architectural r e m a i n s were preserved. T h e s u r r o u n d i n g buildings differ from those in t h e residential q u a r ters; they c a n b e divided into five blocks w h o s e s e q u e n c e of construction can b e traced. W o r t h y of n o t e are t h e W a t e r Citadel, with its massive walls a n d u n i q u e p l a n of five p a r allel c h a m b e r s , a n d t h e W a t e r C o m m i s s i o n e r ' s H o u s e ,
w h i c h includes t h e only t r u e stone p a v i n g at E B A r a d . [See Reservoirs.] Religious beliefs. T h e r e are s o m e clues t o t h e religious beliefs held b y t h e d e n i z e n s of A r a d , b u t t h e y r e m a i n s o m e w h a t of a mystery. T h e stela in d i e m a i n r o o m of t h e palace w a s inscribed w i t h t w o a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c figures w i t h g r a i n like h e a d s , o n e in a p r o n e a n d t h e other in a n u p r i g h t p o s i tion. T h e i c o n o g r a p h y is t h o u g h t t o r e p r e s e n t t h e cyclical n a t u r e of t h e agricultural seasons a n d of life a n d deatii (cf. t h e D u m u z i / I n a n n a tales of S u m e r i a n literature). [See A g riculture; Sumerians.] Cultic practice m a y also b e i n h e r e n t in t h e n u m e r o u s s t o n e a n d clay animal figurines f o u n d i n various r o o m s . I n general, it a p p e a r s t h a t t h e forces of n a t u r e w e r e a d o m i n a n t m o t i f i n t h e cult of A r a d . [See Cult.] Economy and urbanism. C o n s i d e r i n g its arid location, t h e e c o n o m y of E B A r a d was highly diversified. Sickle blades a n d a p l e t h o r a of carbonized grain (barley a n d w h e a t ) , p e a s , lentils, chickpeas, flax s e e d s , a n d olive pits from all parts of t h e settlement testify t o a thriving agricul tural base. S h e e p a n d goat b o n e s were u b i q u i t o u s a n d r e p resent t h e p r o d u c t i o n of dairy p r o d u c t s , m e a t , skins, a n d wool. Cattle b o n e s indicate t h e u s e of t h e p l o w , a n d ass b o n e s are indicative of t h e major f o r m of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . [See Cereals; Olives; S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Cattle a n d O x e n ; T r a n s portation.]
ARAD: Bronze Age Period F o o d p r o c e s s i n g s e e m s to h a v e b e e n t h e m o s t c o m m o n p u r s u i t : g r i n d i n g stones a n d m o r t a r s w e r e f o u n d in almost every h o u s e . E v i d e n c e of o t h e r d o m e s t i c activities exists as well: spindle w h o r l s , shuttles, a n d needles for s p i n n i n g , w e a v i n g , a n d sewing. Flint tools—sickle blades, tabular s c r a p e r s , drills, a n d a w l s — w e r e still widely u s e d in this p e riod. Special flint objects, s u c h as t a b u l a r scrapers a n d C a n a a n e a n blades, w e r e i m p o r t e d t o A r a d as finished p r o d u c t s , p r o b a b l y from t h e central N e g e v . Jewelry m a n u f a c t u r e is indicated b y b e a d s a n d shells i n various stages of modifi cation, f o u n d with c o p p e r a n d flint awls a n d drills. T h e shells w e r e from b o t h t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n a n d t h e R e d Seas. T w o jewelry h o a r d s w e r e d i s c o v e r e d — i n a jug a n d jar, r e spectively—in a q u a r t e r t h a t p r o d u c e d e v i d e n c e for t h e e x istence of specialized artisans. [See Jewelry.] A n u m b e r of cylinder a n d s t a m p seals w e r e u n c o v e r e d , all m a d e of local chalk. T h e i r style a n d t e c h n i q u e a r e r e m i n i s c e n t of e x a m p l e s f r o m N o r t h Syria a n d M e s o p o t a m i a . L o n g - d i s t a n c e e x c h a n g e relations w e r e m a i n t a i n e d w i t h Sinai, E g y p t , a n d t h e n o r t h e r n C a n a a n i t e heartland. T h e s t u d y of p o t t e r y fabrics ( p e t r o g r a p h y ) h a s revealed p o t t e r y e x c h a n g e s b e t w e e n A r a d a n d C a n a a n i t e centers to t h e n o r t h . P e t r o g r a p h y h a s also d o c u m e n t e d ties with s o u t h e r n Sinai b y disclosing t h a t m a n y of t h e cooking pots at A r a d w e r e m a d e w i t h m i n e r a l s f o u n d exclusively in t h e f o r m e r region. T h e material culture of c o n t e m p o r a r y sites in Sinai is also r e m a r k a b l y similar t o t h a t of A r a d . T h e Sinai c o p p e r deposits s e e m t o h a v e b e e n t h e u n d e r p i n n i n g for this inter c o n n e c t i o n a n d it is suggested t h a t desert p e o p l e s u s e d A r a d as a t r a d e e m p o r i u m (Ilan a n d S e b b a n e , 1989; Finkelstein, 1990), b r i n g i n g c o p p e r t o e x c h a n g e for n o r t h e r n p r o d u c t s s u c h as olive oil a n d grain. A r a d s e e m s to h a v e b e e n t h e m a i n supplier of c o p p e r t o t h e n o r t h t h r o u g h o u t E B I a n d EBII. S o m e l a n d of c o n n e c t i o n w i t h E g y p t is also attested t o b y t h e E g y p t i a n p o t t e r y f o u n d at A r a d . It is n o t k n o w n w h a t E g y p t i a n p r o d u c e w a s s e n t t o A r a d in t h e s e vessels, b u t t h e E g y p t i a n s m a y well h a v e i m p o r t e d c o p p e r , salt, a n d b i t u m e n (the latter t w o from t h e n e a r b y D e a d Sea) from A r a d . ( I n general, t h e E g y p t i a n s w o u l d h a v e b e e n primarily interested in olive oil a n d w i n e from C a n a a n . ) Archaeological survey h a s revealed t h a t A r a d was e n c o m p a s s e d b y small r u r a l settlements it is a s s u m e d w e r e e c o nomically a n d politically associated, a n d p e r h a p s d o m i n a t e d , b y t h e t o w n ( A m i r a n et al., 1980). A r a d was, in fact, t h e only u r b a n entity in t h e N e g e v d u r i n g E B II a n d p r o b ably functioned as t h e focal p o i n t for m u c h of t h e region's c o m m e r c i a l a n d political activity. T h e d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e s t r a t u m II city m a y b e attributable t o any c o m b i n a t i o n of causes: a g r a d u a l decline in a n n u a l p r e c i p i t a t i o n t o w a r d t h e m i d d l e of t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , E g y p t i a n e n c r o a c h m e n t i n s o u t h e r n Sinai in t h e early years of t h e t h i r d d y n a s t y ( u n d e r m i n i n g A r a d ' s p r i m a c y as a m a jor t r a d i n g c e n t e r ) , or a v e r s i o n of t h e general political u n r e s t
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a n d collapse s u c h as afflicted t h e r e s t of C a n a a n s o m e w h a t later. S t r a t u m I . T h e s t r a t u m I settlement w a s m u c h smaller a n d m o r e s p a r s e t h a n t h e earlier o n e s , m a d e u p , p e r h a p s , of s q u a t t e r s w h o o c c u p i e d t h e r u i n e d city after its destruction. Following its a b a n d o n m e n t in a b o u t 2650 BCE, A r a d r e m a i n e d u n i n h a b i t e d until t h e I r o n A g e . E v e n t h e n , m o s t of t h e lower t o w n r e m a i n e d unsettled a n d relatively u n d i s t u r b e d . T h i s resulted in well-preserved r e m a i n s near t h e sur face, w h i c h h a v e allowed for a w i d e e x p o s u r e a n d a detailed r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e a n c i e n t t o w n ' s e c o n o m y a n d social life. T h e excavations at A r a d are of p a r a m o u n t i m p o r t a n c e for u n d e r s t a n d i n g processes of u r b a n i z a t i o n , t h e n a t u r e of t h e relationship b e t w e e n t h e d e s e r t a n d t h e s o w n , p a t t e r n s of e x c h a n g e , a n d t h e n u a n c e s of everyday life in t h e Early Bronze Age. [See also Building M a t e r i a l s a n d T e c h n i q u e s , article on B u i l d i n g Materials a n d T e c h n i q u e s of t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e s , Cities, article on Cities of t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages; and T e m p l e s , article on Syro-Palestinian T e m p l e s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Amiran, R u t h . "An Egyptian Jar F r a g m e n t with the N a m e of N a r m e r from A r a d . " Israel Exploration Journal 24 (1974): 4-12. Explains the nature of t h e synchronism between Egyptian and Canaanite chro nologies. Amiran, R u t h . " T h e N a r m e r Jar F r a g m e n t from Arad: An A d d e n d u m . " Israel Exploration Journal 26 (1976): 45-46. Important s u p plemental information to the previous paper. Amiran, R u t h , et al. Early Arad I: The Chalcolithic Settlement and Early Bronze Age City, First-Fifth Seasons of Excavations, 1962-1966. Je rusalem, 1978. T h e first final scholarly report. Several conclusions have been modified in the subsequent final reports (see below). Amiran, R u t h , et al. " T h e Arad Countryside." Levant 12 (1980): 2 2 29. Amiran, R u t h , and O m i t Ilan. Arad: Eine 5000 Jahre alte Sladt in der Wuste Negev, Israel. N e u m u n s t e r , 1992. T h e only comprehensive popular account of the finds from ancient Arad, includings m a n y photographs in color. Amiran, R u t h , and Ornit Ilan. Early Arad II: The Chalcolithic and Early Bronze IB Settlements and the Early Bronze II City—Architecture and Town Planning, Sixth to Eighteenth Seasons of Excavations, 1971-1978, 1980-1984. Jerusalem, 1996. T h e second detailed scholarly account of the Arad excavations, focusing on building techniques, with plans, reconstructions, and analysis. Amiran, R u t h , Ornit Ilan, a n d Michael Sebbane. Early Arad III: Finds of the Sixth-Eighteenth Seasons, 1971-1978, 1980-1984. Jerusalem, forthcoming. T h e third a n d final scholarly account, covering the small finds (pottery, crafts, agricultural implements, trade tech niques), their uses, and their social implications. Finkelstein, Israel. "Arad: U r b a n i s m of the N o m a d s . " Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina Vereins 106 (1990): 34-50. Interesting interpre tation of EB Arad as the n o r t h e r n m o s t manifestation of desert peo ples, rather t h a n as the s o u t h e r n m o s t outpost of the northern C a naanite culture. Ilan, Ornit, a n d Michael Sebbane. "Metallurgy, T r a d e , and the U r banization of Southern C a n a a n in the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze A g e . " In L'urbanisation de la Palestine d I'dge du Bronze ancient Bilan et perspectives des recherches aetuelles; Actes du Colhqtted'Emmaus, 2024 octobre 1986, vol. 1, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, p p . 139-162. British Archaeological R e p o r t s , International Series, n o . 527. O x -
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ford, 1989. Data-based inquiry into t h e crucial role of c o p p e r mining and trade between Arad and die Arava valley and Sinai. Includes a broad citation of relevant literature. Smith, Patricia M . " T h e T r e p h i n e d Skull from t h e Early Bronze Age Period at A r a d . " Emtz-hrad 21 (1990): 8 9 - 9 3 . ORNIT ILAN a n d RUTH AMIRAN
Iron Age Period T h e I r o n A g e settiement at A r a d w a s erected o n d i e n o r t h eastern hill of t h e Early B r o n z e A g e II city, following a g a p of o n e a n d a half millennia. T h e excavation of t h e site's fortress a n d tell w a s c o n d u c t e d d u r i n g five seasons (19621965, 1967) u n d e r t h e directorship of Y o h a n a n Aliaroni (in 1962, with R u t h A m i r a n ) . After 1977, limited excavations were carried o u t u n d e r t h e supervision of Z e ' e v H e r z o g , i n conjunction with the N a t i o n a l Parks A u t h o r i t y , w h i c h is c o n d u c t i n g restoration w o r k at t h e site. S o m e of this s u m m a r y includes reassessments of t h e work at I r o n A g e A r a d — stratigraphic a n d chronological conclusions tiiat differ from earlier views. T h e fortress a n d tell at A r a d p r o v i d e a u n i q u e archaeological s e q u e n c e for t h e period of t h e J u d e a n m o n archy. T h e discoveries of t h e J u d e a n t e m p l e a n d n u m e r o u s H e b r e w ostraca also contribute t o t h e site's i m p o r t a n c e . T h e site's Arabic n a m e (Tell Arad) affirms its identifi cation. It is also located at t h e distance from H e b r o n a n d Moleatha cited b y E u s e b i u s (Onomasticon 14. 1-3). Finally, the n a m e Arad is inscribed four times (in m i r r o r image) o n a pottery sherd found at t h e site. Arad is m e n t i o n e d in t h e Bible: t h e C a n a a n i t e king of Arad foils t h e Israelite a t t e m p t t o enter t h e c o u n t r y from t h e south (Nm. 2 1 : 1 , 33:40), it is o n t h e list of c o n q u e r e d C a naanite cities (Jos. 12:14); t h e Kenites settled in t h e wilder ness of J u d a h at " N e g e v A r a d " (Jgs. 1:16); it is listed ( m i s spelled as E d e r ) a m o n g d i e cities of J u d a h (Jos. 15:21); a n d t h e n a m e Arad is m e n t i o n e d twice on Shishak's ( S h e s h o n q ) list of 925 BCE ( n o s . 1 0 7 - 1 1 2 ) : Hgrm "Arad rbt 'Arad n-bt Yrhrn. T h e prevailing interpretation of t h e text is " t h e cit adels of greater A r a d a n d A r a d of t h e h o u s e of Y e r u h a m " (Aliaroni, 1993). A n o t h e r view recognizes t h r e e n a m e s in this text: Hagraim, Greater Arad, a n d Arad (of t h e family) nbt ( N a ' a m a n , 1985). " G r e a t e r A r a d " is u n a n i m o u s l y i d e n tified by scholars as T e l A r a d . I r o n A g e I V i l l a g e : S t r a t u m X I I . T h e first settlement (stratum XII) w a s built over t h e deserted ruins of t h e E B II city. I n fact, the n e w o c c u p a n t s r e u s e d s o m e of d i e old houses. M o s t of t h e s t r a t u m X I I remains were u n c o v e r e d to t h e west of t h e citadel, b u r i e d u n d e r a later glacis. Pillared walls a n d storage bins w e r e attached t o t w o of t h e E B II b r o a d r o o m s . A fence b o r d e r e d t h e h o u s e s o n t h e west, w h e r e a steep rock cliff is exposed. T h e p r e s e r v e d section, as well as sporadic finds u n c o v e r e d u n d e r t h e later r e m a i n s , allow t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the small village in t h e f o r m of an enclosed settlement. I n s o m e spots, several s t t a t u m X I I living surfaces were n o t e d . T h e objects recovered d a t e to t h e eleventh century BCE. T h e r e was n o sign of a violent
destruction, a n d t h e s a m e c o m m u n i t y m a y h a v e erected t h e fortress of t h e s u c c e e d i n g o c c u p a t i o n a l stage, in t h e t e n t h century BCE. T h e initial p u b l i c a t i o n s of t h e finds from s t r a t u m X I I p r e sented a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a cultic t e m e n o s in t h e center of t h e site, with a n altar a n d a r o u n d h i g h place ( H e r z o g et al., 1984; A h a r o n i , 1993). T h e s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s followed t h e view, first suggested b y Benjamin M a z a r , t h a t t h e religious tradition at t h e site s t e m m e d from t h e s e t t l e m e n t of t h e K e n ites, w h o h a d family ties ( H o b a b t h e K e n i t e ) with M o s e s as m e n t i o n e d in Judges 1:16 ( M a z a r , 1965). A m o r e critical opinion suggests t h a t these elements w e r e o r d i n a r y d o m e s t i c installations: a wall a n d a circular silo ( H e r z o g , 1994). [See G r a n a r i e s a n d Silos.] F i r s t F o r t r e s s : S t r a t u m X I . T h e fortress (55 X 50 m ) was carefully p l a n n e d : it was s u r r o u n d e d b y a c a s e m a t e wall a n d reinforced b y projecting t o w e r s . T h e r e m a i n s of four towers were d e t e c t e d o n t h e w e s t e r n side. E x c e p t o n t h e east, the c a s e m a t e wall w a s rebuilt i n t h e s u c c e e d i n g stage as a solid wall. T h e only e x p o s e d c a s e m a t e r o o m w a s at t h e n o r t h w e s t c o m e r . T h e outer wall is 1.60 m w i d e a n d d i e inner wall 1.40 m wide. O n d i e east, t h e c a s e m a t e r o o m s w e r e significantly wider, p e r h a p s serving as b a r r a c k s for t h e fort's g u a r d s . T h e citadels' gate w a s a t t h e n o r t h e r n e n d of t h e eastern side (blocked b y a later solid wall). T h e a p p r o a c h into t h e gate c h a m b e r w a s p r o t e c t e d b y t w o towers. T h e a s s u m e d p r e s e n c e of a t e m p l e in s t r a t u m X I w a s n o t validated b y t h e evidence. A p r o b e u n d e r t h e sacrificial altar disproved d i e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h e step at its s o u t h e r n side b e l o n g e d t o an older altar. R e m a i n s of a substantial s t r u c t u r e w e r e observed i n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e fortress, b u t t h e y do n o t indicate a cultic u s e . It seems safer t o attribute t h e construction of t h e t e m p l e only t o s t r a t u m X . Several d o m e s t i c structures w e r e u n c o v e r e d o n t h e s o u t h ern side of t h e fortress. S o m e stone-lined granaries f o u n d t o t h e west of t h e fort indicate t h a t t h e glacis h a d b e e n laid in s t r a t u m X , w h o s e structures w e r e d e s t r o y e d i n a conflagra tion. N u m e r o u s p o t t e r y vessels f o u n d in t h e d e s t r u c t i o n layer clearly d a t e to t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, affirming t h e identification of t h e fortress w i t h t h e o n e o n Shishak's list (cf. Z i m h o n i , 1985). Solid-Wall F o r t r e s s : S t r a t a X - V I . T h e fortress rebuilt in s t r a t u m X w a s p r o t e c t e d b y a solid wall w i t h only t w o gate towers. T h e builders filled i n the s p a c e i n t h e casemates o n three sides, b u t o n t h e east t h e n e w wall w a s c o n s t r u c t e d over t h e inner c a s e m a t e wall. T h e wall w a s staggered at small angles in a s a w t o o t h p a t t e r n . T h e fort w a s t h e n s q u a r e , with an area of 52 m (or 100 cubits). A n e w gate with t w o long halls inside t h e wall a n d two projecting t o w e r s w a s built in t h e center of t h e eastern wing. T h e fortifications w e r e reinforced b y a w i d e glacis laid a r o u n d t h e fortress a n d r e t a i n e d b y a low wall at its base. A n additional defensive feature w a s t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of a w a t e r system. I t consisted of u n d e r g r o u n d cisterns h e w n d e e p into t h e b e d r o c k a n d plastered. [See Cisterns.] W a t e r
ARAD: Iron Age Period w a s directed into the system t h r o u g h a c h a n n e l cut into d i e rock o n the w e s t e r n side of t h e hill. T h e c h a n n e l w a s covered with stones a n d concealed by t h e glacis. T h e cisterns w e r e i n t e n d e d for u s e d u r i n g a siege, w h e n water could n o t b e d r a w n from t h e well outside the fortress in t h e lower city a n d carried b y jars or waterskins t o the c h a n n e l opening. A p a s s a g e in d i e solid wall, a b o v e d i e cover stones, m a y have served as a secret p o s t e r n . T h e c a s e m a t e fortifications first a t t r i b u t e d to this h o r i z o n w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d of ashlars w o r k e d with a t o o t h e d chisel. T h e i r attribution to strata V I I or V I was strongly criticized b y various scholars ( N y l a n d e r , 1967; Y a d i n , 1965). A r e e x a m i n a t i o n of t h e stratigraphic d a t a leads to t h e conclusion t h a t t h e c a s e m a t e s w e r e , rather, p a r t of a Hellenistic fortress t h a t w a s never c o m p l e t e d . T h e solid wall was t h u s utilized t h r o u g h o u t t h e I r o n A g e II, in strata X - V I . E a c h s t r a t u m is r e p r e s e n t e d b y definite architectural alterations, such as the raising of floor levels, a n d b y a large collection of p o t t e r y vessels f o u n d in d e s t r u c t i o n layers. T h e t i m e s p a n of these strata is b e t w e e n the n i n t h a n d early sixth centuries BCE. Temple. T h e erection of t h e t e m p l e in s t r a t u m X in t h e n o r t h w e s t q u a d r a n t of the fortress w a s t h e only major m o d ification m a d e in t h e interior. T h e t e m p l e itself consisted of a m a i n b r o a d r o o m hall with p l a s t e r e d b e n c h e s along its walls a n d a small c o m p a r t m e n t a t t a c h e d t o t h e center of t h e west e r n l o n g wall. T h e c o m p a r t m e n t served as the n a o s , iden tified w i t h t h e debir of t h e T e m p l e in Jerusalem. A stela m a d e f r o m an o b l o n g s t o n e with r o u n d e d edges a n d showing traces of r e d p a i n t w a s f o u n d lying n e x t t o a low stone p o d i u m . F o u r shallow steps led into t h e n a o s ; flanking t h e m w e r e t w o limestone incense altars. T h e s e objects date to t h e latest u s e of the t e m p l e (in s t r a t u m I X ) , b u t tiieir first u s e p h a s e m a y b e l o n g to t h e early shrine. I n front of t h e s a n c t u a r y w a s a r e c t a n g u l a r c o u r t y a r d (12.00 X 7.50 m ) w i t h a s t o n e p a v e m e n t . R o o m s flanked t h e c o u r t y a r d o n its other t h r e e sides, a n d a large sacrificial altar w a s f o u n d on t h e east. T h e altar (2.40 X 2.20 m ) w a s raised a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1.50 m a b o v e t h e floor of s t r a t u m X, It w a s built f r o m u n h e w n fieldstones laid in m u d m o r t a r . A stone s t e p , or b e n c h , h a d b e e n p l a c e d at t h e foot of its s o u t h e r n side. A large flint flagstone, girdled b y plastered c h a n nels, covered t h e t o p of the altar, a n d a small c o m p a r t m e n t w a s f o u n d adjacent t o t h e altar o n t h e west. A r e d - s l i p p e d clay incense b u r n e r , c o m p r i s e d of t w o p a r t s , w a s f o u n d in side t h e r o o m , attesting to t h e r o o m ' s u s e as a storage area for c e r e m o n i a l articles. I n s t r a t u m I X , t h e floor of t h e t e m p l e ' s c o u r t y a r d w a s elevated b y a b o u t 1.20 m , so t h a t t h e sacrificial alter p r o jected only 0.40 m . A n o t h e r i n n o v a t i o n related to t h e area's c e r e m o n i a l role was t h e addition of a stone-built basin in t h e c o u r t y a r d , 2 m s o u t h of the altar. Unlike t h e other b u i l d i n g s , n o indication of violent d e struction is observable in t h e t e m p l e area. T h e vertical dis p o s i t i o n of t h e altars a n d d i e stela a n d t h e s u p e r b preser v a t i o n of t h e limestone i n c e n s e altars a n d t h e t o p of the
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sacrificial altar indicate t h a t the t e m p l e w a s intentionally dis m a n t l e d . T h e u p p e r p a r t s of t h e walls w e r e t o r n d o w n a n d the whole area was b u r i e d u n d e r a thick layer of soil. T h e abolition of t h e temple is attributed t o the cultic reform car ried o u t by K i n g Hezeldah in 715 BCE (2 Kgs. 18:22). Dwellings, storerooms, and workshops. T h e remain ing area inside t h e fortress w a s allocated t o residential dwell ings in the southern wing, storage units in the n o r t h e r n q u a d r a n t , a n d the w o r k s h o p s of craftsmen o n t h e southwest. T h e h o u s e of Eliashib, t h e c o m m a n d e r of t h e A r a d fortress, w a s u n c o v e r e d at the eastern e n d of t h e s o u t h e r n wing. H i s letters a n d p e r s o n a l seals w e r e f o u n d in t w o successive lay ers. Crafts are evident from a h o a r d of u n w o r k e d silver a n d b r o k e n jewelry t h a t surely b e l o n g e d to a local silversmith; t h e dozens of juglets recovered suggest the p r o d u c t i o n of perfume. Inscriptions. M o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d H e b r e w inscrip tions w e r e u n c o v e r e d at A r a d . T h e y c o m p r i s e o n e of the largest epigraphic collections dating to the Iron A g e II ( A h a r o n i , 1981). M o s t of t h e inscriptions are on sherds (os t r a c a ) ; a few are inscribed o n whole pottery vessels. [See A r a d Inscriptions; O s t r a c o n . ] T h e ostraca are administrative in character. M a n y are letters c o n c e r n e d w i t h the delivery of t h e food s u p p l y (flour or b r e a d , wine, oil) t o military units or t o Mum, apparently P h o e n i c i a n m e r c h a n t s (originating f r o m K i t i o n o n C y p r u s ) in the service of t h e k i n g d o m . O t h ers r e c o r d taxes in kind sent from villages in s o u t h e r n J u d a h . S o m e historical information is h i n t e d at the letters: the in a u g u r a t i o n of a n e w king ( n o . 88), a n d tiireat of an E d o m i t e attack on R a m o t N e g e v ( n o . 25). N i n e t e e n inscriptions were f o u n d in o n e r o o m , in t h e h o u s e of Elyashib, the c o m m a n d e r of A r a d in s t r a t u m VI (see a b o v e ) . T h r e e of his personal seals w e r e u n c o v e r e d in s t r a t u m VII, indicating a short time s p a n b e t w e e n the e n d of b o t h strata. P o s t - I r o n A g e P h a s e s : S t r a t a V - I . N u m e r o u s pits, in w h i c h eighty-five A r a m a i c ostraca w e r e f o u n d , characterize the Persian period ( s t r a t u m V ) . A c a s e m a t e fortress was ini tiated later, in the Hellenistic period, b u t was never c o m pleted (see a b o v e ) . Instead, a small fort w a s erected within a fenced-in c a m p ( s t r a t u m I V ) . A n e w fort was erected in the R o m a n period ( s t r a t u m I I I ) , in t h e first century BCE, a n d existed for a b o u t t w o h u n d r e d years. Following a long p e riod of a b a n d o n m e n t , t h e r e m a i n s of t h e fort w e r e partially r e u s e d a n d i n c o r p o r a t e d into a way station in t h e Early A r a b period, in t h e seventh a n d eighth centuries CE (stratum I I ) . A b e d o u i n cemetery ( s t r a t u m I) of t h e t h i r t e e n t h - n i n e t e e n t h centuries concludes t h e stratigraphic s e q u e n c e . [See also Fortifications, article on Fortifications of the B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages; and T e m p l e s , article on Syro-Palestinian T e m p l e s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Aharoni, M i r i a m . " T h e Israelite Citadels." In The Nezo Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. i , p p . 82-87. Jeru salem and N e w York, 1 9 9 3 .
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ARAD INSCRIPTIONS
Aharoni, Yohanan, in collaboration with Joseph N a v e h . Arad Inscrip tions. Translated by Judith Ben-Or. Jerusalem, 1 9 8 1 . Aharoni, Yohanan. "Arad: Identification and History." In The New En cyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p . 7 5 . Jerusalem and N e w York, 1993. Herzog, Ze'ev, et al. " T h e Israelite Fortress at A r a d . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 2 5 4 (1984): 1-34. Herzog, Ze'ev. " T h e Bcer-Sheba Valley: F r o m N o m a d i s m to M o n archy." In From Nomadism to Monarchy: Archaeological and Historical Aspects of Early Israel, edited by Israel Finkelstein and N a d a v N a ' a m a n , p p . 1 2 2 - 1 4 9 . Jerusalem a n d Washington, D . C . , 1994. Mazar, Benjamin. " T h e Sanctuary of Arad and the Family of H o b a b the Kenite." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 24 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 2 9 7 - 3 0 3 . N a ' a m a n , Nadav. " A r a d in the Topographical List of Shishak." Tel Aviv 1 2 (198s): 9 1 - 9 2 . Nylander, Carl. " A N o t e on the Stonecutting and M a s o n r y of T e l Arad." Israel Exploration Journal 17 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 5 6 - 5 9 . Yadin, Yigael. " A N o t e on the Stratigraphy of A r a d . " Israel Exploration Joumalis ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 180. Zimhoni, Orna. " T h e Iron Age Pottery of Tell 'Eton and Its Relation to the Lachish, Tell Beit Mirsim, and Arad Assemblages." Tel Aviv 12 (1985): 63-90.
J a n u a r y 597 BCE, w h e n N e b u c h a d r e z z a r w a s either o n his w a y to attack Jerusalem o r was already besieging it. T h e m o n t h was p r o b a b l y t h e last in t h e fortress's existence.
ZE'EV HERZOG
3. Name lists. M a n y ostraca from v a r i o u s strata are lists of n a m e s (nos. 22, 23, 27, 30?, 31, 35, 36, 38, 39, 41?, 42?, 49, 58, 59, 64?, 67, 69?, 72, 74, 76?, 80, 110), w i t h or w i t h o u t symbols (of capacity?) a n d ciphers. It is very difficult t o d e t e r m i n e t h e precise p u r p o s e of tiiese lists, a l t h o u g h s o m e m a y have b e e n c o n n e c t e d witii t h e distribution of rations (cf. htm, " w h e a t , " in n o . 31). I n t h e latest ostraca, m o s t of t h e n a m e s are Yahwistic, witii t h e t h e o p h o r i c e l e m e n t yhw.
ARAD INSCRIPTIONS.
T h e excavation of t h e cit adel of Arad in d i e J u d e a n N e g e v (about 32 k m [20 mi.] south of H e b r o n ) , carried o u t b e t w e e n 1962 a n d 1967 b y Y o h a n a n A h a r o n i , w a s m a d e famous b y t h e discovery t h e r e of n u m e r o u s inscriptions, m o s t of t h e m written o n sherds in carbon black ink. T h e i r preservation was m a d e possible b y t h e N e g e v ' s dry climate a n d t h e care with w h i c h t h e y w e r e excavated. T h i s small site ( a b o u t 50 sq m ) p r o d u c e d 131 H e b r e w , 85 A r a m a i c , 2 Greek, a n d 5 Arabic inscriptions. H e b r e w I n s c r i p t i o n s . All of t h e H e b r e w inscriptions are from the I r o n A g e II a n d are written in P a l e o - H e b r e w . T h o s e f o u n d in stratified contexts are said to c o m e from strata V I - X I (c. 600 B C E - t e n t h century BCE). Inscriptions from earlier strata ( X I - X ) are rare a n d almost illegible; in addition, t h e stratigraphy of Iron Age II A r a d is d i s p u t e d . T h e final publication has n o t yet a p p e a r e d , a n d d i e p r o p o s e d dating, particularly for t h e earlier inscriptions, should b e considered tentative. I n any case, various g r o u p s of in scriptions can be discerned b a s e d o n their date a n d content: 1. Elyashib archives. Ostraca 1-18 are short messages sent to t h e c o m m a n d e r of t h e fortress, Elyashib son of E s h i y a h u (cf. item 10, below, o n seals), or to his lieutenant, N a h u m (no. 17 in t h e c o r p u s ) . Several are complete a n d m o s t are orders to give f o o d (flour/bread, oil, a n d wine) to p e o p l e designated as K i t t i m (ktyrn)—probably C y p r i o t or G r e e k mercenaries in t h e J u d e a n army. A c c o r d i n g to t h e quantity of food, there w e r e p r o b a b l y a b o u t twenty-five K i t t i m w h o generally received their food every four or six days. T h e s e inscriptions offer clues a b o u t t h e bookkeeping d o n e for t h e s t o r e r o o m in t h e fortress. A p p a r e n t l y , these ostraca w e r e k e p t for one m o n t h a n d , at t h e beginning of t h e n e x t m o n t h , w e r e registered o n a p a p y r u s scroll. T h e Elyashib ostraca seem to date to t h e t e n t h m o n t h — T e b e t — s t a r t i n g o n 16
2. Two probable royal ostraca. O s t r a c a 24 a n d 88 m a y b e from t h e royal c o u r t in J e r u s a l e m . B o t h are b r o k e n , b u t n u m b e r 24, with a t least n i n e c o m p l e t e lines, is e v i d e n c e of t h e E d o m i t e t h r e a t against R a m a t N e g e v , t h e capital of t h e Judean Negev (probably Khirbet Ghara/Tel 'Ira). This os t r a c o n contains a n order t o send soldiers from t h e small for tresses of A r a d a n d Q i n a h ( p r o b a b l y K h i r b e t G h a z z a / H o r v a t U z a ) to t h e t h r e a t e n e d t o w n . O s t r a c o n 88 is a royal declaration, p r o b a b l y of a n e w ldng of J u d a h ("I h a v e c o m e to reign/'ny mlkty") m e n t i o n i n g also t h e " k i n g of Egypt/w?& msrym." If it is n o t a schoolboy's exercise, it m a y b e attrib u t a b l e to t h e n e w king J e h o a h a z son of Josiah (2 Kgs. 23:31-32) or, m o r e likely, to Jehoiachin son of Jehoiakim (2 Kgs. 24:8) a n d b e dated t o D e c e m b e r 598 or J a n u a r y 597 BCE. I n t h a t case, b o t h ostraca m a y also date f r o m t h e last m o n t h ( s ) of t h e J u d e a n fortress. c
4. Military reports with a formulaic greeting. A few ostraca contain s o m e k i n d of a formulaic greeting: " Y o u r s o n ( s ) " or " y o u r b r o t h e r " N . . . a n d " I bless y o u b y YHWHIbrktk lyhwh" (nos. 21, 40; cf. n o s . 16 a n d 1 1 1 ? ) . 5. Single personal names. E i g h t ostraca ( n o s . 50-57) a r e small sherds with a single p e r s o n a l n a m e (occasionally in cluding t h e p a t r o n y m ) . T h e s e ostraca m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d as lots cast for priestly duties in t h e A r a d s a n c t u a r y . 6. Hieratic symbols. A few ostraca are a c c o u n t notes w i t h (hieratic?) symbols t h a t are difficult t o i n t e r p r e t (nos. 34, 112). T h e ostraca m a y b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e collection of grain (cf. htm i n n o . 33) from various t o w n s (cf. n o . 25: 'Anim and Ma'on). 7. Inscriptions on whole jars. T h r e e inscriptions o n w h o l e jars m e n t i o n a d a t e , a p e r s o n a l n a m e , a n d a p l a c e n a m e ( n o s .
19, 20, 32?). 8. Incised inscriptions. O t h e r inscriptions, o n w h o l e vessels usually, indicate t h e n a m e of t h e o w n e r (nos. 89,91-98,100, 101?). T w o incised inscriptions o n small plates ( n o s . 102-103, p r o b a b l y to b e r e a d qf) a n d o n e p r e s e r v e d o n a b o d y sherd ( n o , 104, qds, " h o l y " ) a p p a r e n t l y c o n n e c t t h e s e vessels with a sanctuary. 9. Writing exercises. T w o inscriptions m a y h a v e b e e n a writing exercise: a plate incised several times w i t h t h e n a m e A r a d (no. 99) a n d a small f r a g m e n t of a n incised a b e c e d a r y (no. 90). 10. Seals. T h e r e are five H e b r e w seals ( n o s . 105-109), a m o n g t h e m t h r e e (nos. 105-107) with t h e n a m e of t h e c o m -
'ARA'IR m a n d e r of d i e fortress, E l y a s h i b son of Eshiyahu/7ys& bn 'syhw, a n d o n e (no. 108) w i t h t h r e e lines ( n a m e + p a t r o n y m + n a m e of t h e g r a n d f a t h e r ) . T h e y are all aniconic, c o n f o r m ing t h e r e b y t o the general p a t t e r n of seals in J u d a h in a b o u t 600 BCE. 11. Royal seals. N i n e royal seal i m p r e s s i o n s ilmlk hbrn; Imlk swkh) from d i e e n d of the eighth c e n t u r y BCE w e r e dis covered, all on b r o k e n jar h a n d l e s . 12. Inscribed weights. T h i r t e e n inscribed weights from t h e seventh c e n t u r y BCE were r e c o v e r e d : t w o pym weights, a one-shekel weight, t h r e e t w o - s h e k e l weights, a n d four eightshekel weights. All of t h e H e b r e w inscriptions shed vivid light o n t h e or ganization a n d life of a small J u d e a n fortress in t h e late sev e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. T h e y are e v i d e n c e t h a t writing w a s in c o m m o n u s e in a small fortress of t h e N e g e v before t h e first Nebudchadrezzar campaign. A r a m a i c I n s c r i p t i o n s . Eighty-five A r a m a i c ostraca w e r e f o u n d at T e l A r a d . M o s t are v e r y p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d a n d half are practically illegible. E x c e p t for n u m b e r s 38?, 44, a n d 45, t h e y are p r o b a b l y t o b e d a t e d paleographically to t h e fourth c e n t u r y BCE a n d m a y b e witnesses to d i e Persian political reorganization of t h e N e g e v at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h a t c e n t u r y (cf. A n d r e L e m a i r e , " P o p u l a t i o n s et territoires de la P a l e s tine a l ' e p o q u e p e r s e , " Transeuphratene 3 (1990): 3 1 - 7 4 , esp. 5 1 - 5 3 ; a n d L e m a i r e , in La Palestine a l'epoque perse, edited b y E . M . L a p e r r o o s a z a n d A . L e m a i r e , Paris, 1992, p p . 29-30). T h e ostraca frequently m e n t i o n h o r s e s (swsh) or donkeys (hmr), barley, m e a s u r e s (in a n abbreviated f o r m ) , p e r s o n a l n a m e s , a n d s o m e t i m e s a d a t e (b + n u m b e r ) . O s t r a c o n 12 specifies t h a t " d o n k e y d r i v e r s ? " c a m e " f r o m the p r o v i n c e of . . . (mdni)" a n d " b e l o n g t o t h e r e g i m e n t of A b d n a n a y (Idgl 'bdnny)." It is t h u s clear t h a t s o m e of these inscriptions at least are c o n n e c t e d w i t h military organization; j u d g i n g f r o m t h e n u m e r o u s o c c u r r e n c e s of t h e n a m e on other o s t r a c a , the local c o m m a n d e r m a y h a v e b e e n Y a d d u a (ydw ). I n addition to t h e s e ostraca t h e r e is an inscription o n a b o n e (no. 33) a n d a n o t h e r on a jar (no. 43). T h e o n o m a s t i c e v i d e n c e f r o m t h e s e inscriptions gives s o m e h i n t of t h e e t h n i c c o m p o s i t i o n of the s e t t l e m e n t at A r a d in the fourth c e n t u r y BCE: H e b r e w n a m e s are i n t h e majority, b u t t h e r e are also several E d o m i t e ( w h h t h e t h e o p h o r i c e l e m e n t qws) a n d A r a b i c (with the e n d i n g -w) n a m e s , as well as a B a b y l o n i a n name. c
G r e e k a n d A r a b i c I n s c r i p t i o n s . F r o m later p e r i o d s , t h e r e are inscriptions in G r e e k a n d Arabic. T w o f r a g m e n tary G r e e k ostraca w e r e d i s c o v e r e d t h a t are difficult t o r e a d a n d interpret. T h e y are p r o b a b l y from t h e R o m a n p e r i o d . F o u r of t h e fragmentary A r a b i c ostraca are p r o b a b l y to b e d a t e d to t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y CE. A fifth s h e r d is incised twice w i t h t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e formula: " I n t h e n a m e of Al lah. . . . " [See also A r a d ; O s t r a c o n ; Seals.]
177
BIBLIOGRAPHY Aharoni, Y o h a n a n , in collaboration with Joseph N a v e h . Arad Inscrip tions. T r a n s l a t e d by Judith B e n - O r . Jerusalem, 1 9 8 1 . Editio princeps of all the inscriptions discussed here. Ahituv, Shmuel. Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions (in H e b r e w ) . Biblical Encyclopedia L i b r a r y , 7. Jerusalem, 1 9 9 2 . See pages 5 4 - 9 6 . Illustrated. Davies, G r a h a m I. Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions: Corpus and Concordance. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 9 1 . See pages 1 1 - 3 8 . D i o n , P. E. " L e s K T Y M de T e l Arad: Grecs ou Pheniciens?" Revue Biblique 99 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 7 0 - 9 7 . L e m a i r e , Andre. Inscriptions hebraiques, vol. 1, Les ostraca. Litteratures Anciennes du Proche-Orient, 9. Paris, 1 9 7 7 . See pages 1 4 5 - 2 3 5 . M i t t m a n n , Siegfried. " 'Gib den Kittiiern 3 b(at) Weill.' M e n g e n u n d Gtiter in den Arad-Briefen." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 109 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 3 9 - 4 8 . N a v e h , Joseph. " T h e N u m b e r s of Bat in the A r a d Ostraca." Israel Ex ploration Journal 42 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 5 2 - 5 4 . Pardee, D e n n i s , et al. Handbook of Ancient Hebrew Letters. Society of Biblical Literature, Sources for Biblical Study, vol. 15. C h i c o , Calif., 1982. See pages 2 8 - 6 7 . ANDRE LEMAIRE
' A R A ' I R (Khirbet, ' A r a ' i r ) , biblical A r o e r ( n o t t o b e c o n fused w i t h A r o e r in J u d e a ) , site situated t o the east of D i b o n ( D h i b a n ) , 4 k m (2.5 mi.) from the M a d a b a - K e r a k r o a d , fol lowing d i e p a t h t h a t b o r d e r s t h e n o r t h e r n slope of W a d i elM u j i b (the biblical A r n o n River), Its p r e s e n t location coin cides w i t h the references in t h e H e b r e w Bible (Dt. 2:36,3:12, 4:48; Jos. 12:2; 2 Kgs. 10:33; Jer. 48:19) a n d in the M e s h a inscription (1. 26). [See M o a b i t e Stone.] F r o m the site's rel atively small size (50 X 50 m ) a n d the durability of its s t r u c tural r e m a i n s , it a p p e a r s t h a t Aroer was built as a solid for tress to control the K i n g ' s H i g h w a y crossing die A r n o n . A c c o r d i n g to 1 Chronicles 5:8, it w a s assigned to the tribe of R e u b e n after t h e Israelite c o n q u e s t , r e m a i n i n g in possession of the Israelites until the reign of S o l o m o n (Jgs. 11:26). K i n g M e s h a c o n q u e r e d a n d rebuilt it in a b o u t 850 BCE, a n n e x i n g it to the k i n g d o m of M o a b ( M e s h a inscription, 1.26). Shortly thereafter, A r o e r passes on t o t h e kings of D a m a s c u s (2 Kgs. 10:33), until t h e c o n q u e s t of Tiglath-Pileser III (732 BCE). J o s e p h u s (Antiq. 10.181) attributes its definitive destruction t o the armies of the ldng of B a b y l o n , N e b u c h a d r e z z a r (c. 582 BCE). Afterward, ' A r a ' i r is inhabited only occasionally, d u r i n g die Hellenistic a n d N a b a t e a n periods. Excavation at 'Ara'ir w e r e u n d e r t a k e n b y Emilio Olavarri for t h e C a s a Santiago of J e r u s a l e m from 1964 to 1966. Six archaeological levels w e r e u n c o v e r e d , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to as m a n y periods of o c c u p a t i o n . L e v e l V I , t h e earliest, has two p h a s e s : VLB ( I n t e r m e d i a t e B r o n z e A g e I, c. 2250-2050 BCE), w i t h r e m a i n s of s e m i n o m a d i c o c c u p a t i o n in w h i c h agricul t u r e is practiced; a n d V I A (Intermediate B r o n z e Age II, c. 2050-1900 BCE), widi very r u d i m e n t a r y stone houses. After a long p e r i o d of a b a n d o n m e n t , c o r r e s p o n d i n g to t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e (c. 1900-1250 BCE), 'Ara'ir was again o c c u p i e d at the e n d of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e a n d the b e g i n -
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ARAMAIC L A N G U A G E A N D L I T E R A T U R E
rung of the Iron Age I (level V, c. 1250 BCE), as a well-built fortress belonging to t h e Israelite settlement. K i n g M e s h a of M o a b (c. 850 BCE) rebuilt the by t h e n ancient structure as a solid n e w fortress, using m o n u m e n t a l stones for the outers walls. T h e square building (50 X 50 m ) was p r o t e c t e d by three parallel walls: a n interior wall t h a t served as a buttress for the fortress's central area, an exterior wall 2 m w i d e , a n d an intermediate wall 1.5 m wide. T h e inner corridors r u n ning between each of these three walls were filled with t h e debris of earlier buildings. O n the n o r t h w e s t side, w h i c h faces the s u r r o u n d i n g plain a n d is therefore m o r e v u l n e r a ble, was a double defensive wall a n d in front of it a reservoir to collect a n d store water from rainfall. Following a n o t h e r p e r i o d of a b a n d o n m e n t , 'Ara'ir was reoccupied, in t h e s e c o n d and third centuries BCE (level III). A few h o u s e s w e r e built inside the ancient fortress; they do n o t a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n constructed for p e r m a n e n c e , suggesting t h a t their in habitants w e r e s e m i n o m a d i c . T h e N a b a t e a n o c c u p a t i o n (level II) in the first c e n t u r y BCE and first c e n t u r y CE has little m o r e consistency. T o this period b e l o n g four h o u s e s exca vated witiiin d i e ancient fortress a n d several pits in the sur r o u n d i n g plain, some of t h e m still in use. By this t i m e , 'Ara'ir h a d already lost its strategic a n d military character. After t h e R o m a n c o n q u e s t of the N a b a t e a n k i n g d o m by C o r n e l i u s P a l m a (106 CE), several m o r e h o u s e s were built (level I ) , in t h e second a n d third centuries CE. T h e y w e r e scattered over t h e site a n d also do n o t a p p e a r to have b e e n built for p e r manence. [See also D i b o n ; M o a b . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Olavarri, Emilio. " S o n d a g e s a ' A R O ' E R sur l'Arnon." Revue Biblique 72 ( 1 9 6 5 ) 1 7 7 - 9 4 , pis. 1-4. Olavarri, Emilio. "Fouilles a ' A R O ' E R sur l'Arnon: Les N i v e a u x d u Bronze Intermediaire." Revue Biblique 76 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 2 3 0 - 2 5 9 , pis. 1 - 4 . EMILIO OLAVARRI
ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE. O n e of the two b r a n c h e s of the later N o r t h w e s t g r o u p of Semitic languages, the other being Canaanite (Phoenician a n d H e b r e w ) , " A r a m a i c " actually e n c o m p a s s e s a n u m b e r of closely related dialects. T h e y p r o b a b l y e m e r g e d in Syria at t h e end of the L a t e B r o n z e A g e ; the first written traces date from the tenth century BCE. T h e A r a m a i c dialects h a v e b e e n in continual u s e since t h a t time in s o m e f o r m . T h e i m p o r t a n c e of A r a m a i c lies in its long history a n d t h e g e o graphic extent of its influence. M a n y of the cultures of t h e region employed A r a m a i c for civil, literary, or religious u s e even w h e n the vernacular w a s another language. T h e for mative periods of Christianity a n d J u d a i s m o c c u r r e d w h e n A r a m a i c was in w i d e u s e , a n d it has left its m a r k on m u c h of their literature. T h e r e is n o consensus o n the periodization of A r a m a i c , b u t the categories developed by J o s e p h A.
F i t z m y e r (1979) are widely used: O l d A r a m a i c , t h e dialects of t h e Iron A g e inscriptions from Syria, Palestine, a n d M e s o p o t a m i a ( t e n t h - s e v e n t h centuries BCE), I m p e r i a l A r a m a i c (sixth-third centuries BCE), M i d d l e A r a m a i c ( s e c o n d c e n tury B C E - s e c o n d c e n t u r y C E ) , L a t e A r a m a i c ( t h i r d - e i g h t h centuries CE), a n d M o d e r n A r a m a i c ( p r e s e n t d a y ) . G r a m m a r . A r a m a i c g r a m m a r , t h e description of its p h o nology (meaningful s o u n d s ) , m o r p h o l o g y (formation a n d inflection of w o r d s ) , a n d syntax (meaningful a r r a n g e m e n t of w o r d s in clauses a n d s e n t e n c e s ) , shares m a n y features with t h e other Semitic languages. Alphabet. T h e A r a m e a n s b o r r o w e d t h e twenty-two-letter P h o e n i c i a n a l p h a b e t s o m e t i m e in the eleventh or t e n t h c e n tury BCE. T h e letter forms of the earliest inscriptions are t h e s a m e as c o n t e m p o r a r y P h o e n i c i a n ones. A r a m a i c forms of t h e letters b e g a n t o develop in the eighth c e n t u r y BCE. T h e intensive u s e of A r a m a i c in the P e r s i a n E m p i r e (539-332 BCE) resulted in a widely u s e d A r a m i a c cursive. T h e g e o graphic extent of A r a m a i c writing t r i g g e r e d — b y b o r r o w i n g or imitation—the d e v e l o p m e n t of alphabetic writing in n o n A r a m a i c languages s u c h as B r a h m i (in n o r t h w e s t e r n I n d i a ) , Armenian, and Georgian. L o c a l varieties of the script e m e r g e d i n t h e Hellenistic p e riod for writing t h e i n d i g e n o u s dialects, s u c h as Palestinian, N a b a t e a n , a n d P a l m y r e n e . Jewish scribes modified each let ter to fit within a n imaginary s q u a r e frame; this " s q u a r e script" was eventually u s e d for H e b r e w as well as A r a m a i c , a n d m u c h later w a s a d a p t e d for Y i d d i s h . T h e N a b a t e a n script eventually evolved into the Arabic cursive. Orthography. W h e n the Arameans adopted the alpha bet, t h e y h a d t w e n t y - s e v e n p h o n e m e s t o fit t o t h e t w e n t y t w o P h o e n i c i a n letters. Several of t h e letters h a d to r e p r e s e n t t w o p h o n e m e s (see table 1 ) . T h i s b r e a c h of t h e one-letter/ o n e - p h o n e m e principle m a y h a v e e x p e d i t e d a n i m p o r t a n t A r a m a i c innovation: u s i n g the letters /'/, /h/, /w/, a n d /y/ to r e p r e s e n t t h e long vowels /a/, /e/, /u/, a n d /T/, respectively. A t first u s e d mostly for final vowels, these m a t r e s lectionis ( " m o t h e r s of r e a d i n g " ) could also be u s e d within a w o r d , a n d conceivably for short as well as long vowels. S o m e later dialects fully exploit these possibilities; for e x a m p l e , M a n daic indicates every vowel by a mater. [See M a n d a i c ] H o w ever, the ambiguity i n h e r e n t in a primarily c o n s o n a n t a l sys t e m was n o t resolved until Syriac g r a m m a r i a n s in the fourth c e n t u r y CE i n v e n t e d symbols written a b o v e a n d b e l o w t h e c o n s o n a n t s to express t h e vowels. [See S y r i a c ] Jewish scribes a d o p t e d t h e principle (and s o m e of t h e diacritics) for t h e various vocalization systems developed for t h e s q u a r e script. T h e T i b e r i a n M a s o r e t i c system is still in u s e . Phonology. T h e c o n s o n a n t s a n d vowels of A r a m a i c h a v e u n d e r g o n e a n u m b e r of i m p o r t a n t c h a n g e s t h r o u g h o u t h i s tory. Consonants, T h e oldest A r a m a i c texts h a v e a c o n s o n a n t a l inventory little c h a n g e d f r o m P r o t o - S e m i t i c . O n e peculiarity is the indication of etymological d b y /q/; for e x a m p l e s , t h e
ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE T A B L E 1.
Aramaic Phonemes.
T h e Aramaic p h o n e m e s are given,
b y p o i n t of articulation, in s t a n d a r d t r a n s c r i p t i o n . T h e
TABLE 2a.
Inflection of Nouns
squareMasculine
Feminine
Singular N o u n s Absolute Construct Emphatic
— — -a
-a
Plural N o u n s Absolute Construct Emphatic
-in -? -ayycf
-ait -at -ata
s c r i p t e q u i v a l e n t is also given, as well as t h e p h o n e m i c c h a n g e s t h a t b e c o m e s t a n d a r d in later dialects. Old Aramaic Laryngeals Glottal stop Voiceless s p i r a n t
', w r i t t e n s h, w r i t t e n n
Pharyngeals Voiceless s p i r a n t Voiced spirant
h, w r i t t e n n ', w r i t t e n s
Later Dialects
2
Postvelars Voiceless s p i r a n t Voiced spirant
179
-at -ta 1
3
'Old Aramaic also -dt. Syriac -ay. Syriac, JBA, Mandaic -e. h, w r i t t e n n g, w r i t t e n i>
Palatovelars Emphatic stop Voiced stop Voiceless s t o p
q, w r i t t e n p g, w r i t t e n 1 k, w r i t t e n 3
Prepalatals Voiceless sibilant L a t e r a l ( ? ) sibilant
s, w r i t t e n to i w r i t t e n to
Alveolars E m p h a t i c sibilant V o i c e d sibilant Voiceless sibilant
s, w r i t t e n a z, w r i t t e n l s, w r i t t e n o
Interdentals E m p h a t i c spirant Voiced spirant Voiceless s p i r a n t Voiced emphatic stop
f, d, t, d
Dentals E m p h a t i c stop Voiced stop Voiceless s t o p
t, w r i t t e n D d, w r i t t e n i t, w r i t t e n n
Bilabials Voiced stop Voiceless s t o p
b, w r i t t e n 3 p, w r i t t e n Q
Sonorants Lateral Flap(?) D e n t a l nasal Bilabial nasal
I, written"? r, w r i t t e n ~t M, w r i t t e n 3 m, w r i t t e n D
s
written o written i w r i t t e n o/to (?), written p
h(n)
8(0)
1(D) d(t) t(n)
'(»)
original *'ard, " e a r t l i , " is spelled /'rq/ (later dialects V ) . T h e articulation is n o t k n o w n , b u t in later p e r i o d s t h e c o n s o n a n t is written with ayin (/'/). I n I m p e r i a l A r a m a i c , t h e original interdentals (d, |, t) b e c o m e t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g dentals (d, t„ t). All later dialects reflect this c h a n g e . T h e m e r g e r of h w i t h t a n d of i with j o c c u r r e d in t h e M i d d l e A r a m a i c period. (See table I . ) Vowels. By t h e time Old A r a m a i c e m e r g e d , all final s h o r t vowels h a d d i s a p p e a r e d . T h e o t h e r vowels, only partially indicated orthographically, s h o w s o m e d e v e l o p m e n t a w a y f r o m the P r o t o - S e m i t i c system of six vowels (long a n d s h o r t i a «); for e x a m p l e , u n s t r e s s e d final i b e c o m e s e (written
/h/). T h e position of w o r d stress affected the vowels: D u r i n g t h e M i d d l e A r a m a i c p e r i o d a n d after, short vowels in u n stressed o p e n syllables w e r e eliminated or r e d u c e d to the semivowel shewa (a). In s o m e late dialects, unstressed final long vowels were d r o p p e d . Morphology. M o r p h o l o g y is the analysis of w o r d s t r u c t u r e . A r a m a i c w o r d s can b e analyzed according to their for m a t i o n (the p r o d u c t i o n of lexical items) or their inflection (elements a d d e d to w o r d s t o indicate various nonlexical r e lations, s u c h as n u m b e r , g e n d e r , p e r s o n , a n d so o n ) . Nouns: Inflection and formation. N o u n s are inflected for three " s t a t e s " : absolute, c o n s t r u c t , a n d e m p h a t i c (or deter m i n e d ) . T h e absolute state is the u n m a r k e d state, while the e m p h a t i c state (indicated by final -a) signifies definiteness, similar to a definite article. ( T h e Old A r a m a i c inscriptions from Zincirli, T u r k e y , a n d t h e D e i r 'Alia plaster text do n o t u s e the e m p h a t i c state; it m a y h a v e b e e n a later innovation t h a t s p r e a d t o all the dialects.) [See D e i r 'Alia Inscriptions.] In Syriac a n d L a t e E a s t e r n A r a m a i c , the e m p h a t i c state is the n o r m a l state, while t h e absolute is u s e d only in certain contexts. (See table 2a-b.) N o u n s i n the c o n s t r u c t state are t h e h e a d words of genitive c o n s t r u c t i o n s (see b e l o w ) . I n addition to the states, m o s t n o u n s are m a r k e d for n u m b e r (singular, plural, a n d s o m e times dual) a n d g e n d e r ( m a s c u l i n e , feminine). M o s t n o u n s are f o r m e d by c o m b i n i n g a triconsonantal r o o t a n d a vocalic or vocalic-consonantal p a t t e r n , as in other Semitic lan guages. S o m e of t h e n o m i n a l p a t t e r n s h a v e a regular f u n c -
TABLE 2 b .
Example Showing Inflection of tab, "good" Masculine
Feminine
Singular Absolute Construct Emphatic
tab tab taba
taba tabat tdb'ta
Plural Absolute Construct Emphatic
tabin tabe tdbayyd
t&b&n tabat labdta
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ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
TABLE 3.
The Aramaic Verb.
A g o o d i m p r e s s i o n of t h e similarities a n d differences b e t w e e n t h e dialects c a n b e g a i n e d f r o m a s y n o p t i c
table of v e r b conjugations. T h i s table p r e s e n t s t h e c o n j u g a t i o n of t h e r o o t ktb, " t o w r i t e , " in t h e G - s t e m (basic s t e m ) , p e r f e c t a n d i m p e r f e c t tenses. T h e s a m p l e dialects are those for w h i c h d e p e n d a b l e traditions of vocalization exist. " P r o t o - A r a m a i c , " t h e p u t a t i v e a n c e s t o r l a n g u a g e , is purely h y p o t h e t i c a l . S u p e r s c r i p t letters r e p r e s e n t c o n s o n a n t s w r i t t e n b u t n o t p r o n o u n c e d . ProtoAramaic
Targum Onkelos
JPA
Samaritan
Syriac
Mandaic
kataba katabat katabtd katabti katabt(u)
katab katabat katabta katabt katabit
katab katabat katabt katabt katabet
katab katabat katabt katabt katbat
ktav katvat ktavt ktav? kitvet
ktab kitbat ktabt ktabt kitbit
katabu katabd katabtuma katabtina katabna
katabti kataba katabton katablen katabna
katabu katben katabton katabten katabnan
kdtdbu katabi kdtabton kdtabfn kdtabnan
ktav™ ktav', ktaven ktavtun ktavten ktavn
ktab, ktabyun ktab, ktabyan ktabtun ktabtin ktabnin
yaktubu taklubu taktubu taktubina 'aktubu
yiktob tiktob tiktob tiktabin 'ektob
yektob tektob tektob tektabin 'ektob, nektob
yiktab tiktab tiktab tiktdbi iktab
nektuv tektuv tektuv tektvin ektuv
niktub tiktub tiktub tiktub iktub
yaktubuna yaktubna laktubuna taktubnd naktubu
yiktabun yiktaban tiktabun tiktaban niktob
yektabun yektaban tektabun tektaban nektob
yiktdbon yiktdban tihtdbon tiktaban niktab
nekwun nektvan tektvun tektvdn nektuv
nikitbun nikitban tikitbun tikitbun niktub
katab kattdb; haktdb?
miktab kattabd 'aktabd
mektob makattaba maktaba
maktab amkattaba miktaba
mektav mkattavu maktavu
miktab katobi aktobi
Perfect, Singular
3d masc. 3d fern. 2d masc. 2d fern. 1st (com.) Perfect, P l u r a l
3 d masc. 3d fem. 2d masc. 2d fem. 1st (com.) I m p e r f e c t (indicative), Singular
3d masc. 3d fem. 2d masc. 2d fem. 1st (com.) I m p e r f e c t (indicative), Plural
3d masc. 3d fem. 2d m a s c . 2d fem. 1st (com.) Infinitives
G-stem D-stem C-stem
tion, such as the adjectival p a t t e r n kattib (e.g., qaddis, " h o l y , " from qds"; rassf, " w i c k e d , " from rf), or t h e kdtob agentive (z.g.,pardq, " s a v i o r , " from prq), b u t m a n y p a t t e r n s have no systematic function. C o m p o u n d w o r d s are very rare. Verbs: Inflection and formation. V e r b s h a v e two conjuga tions, one with suffixes (the "perfect") a n d o n e with prefixes a n d sometimes suffixes (the " i m p e r f e c t " ) . ' T h e conjugational affixes indicate p e r s o n , n u m b e r , a n d gender. I n O l d a n d Imperial A r a m a i c , the imperfect distinguished b e t w e e n the indicative a n d jussive m o o d s , b u t the later dialects m a d e their paradigms uniform, leveling t h r o u g h the indicative type (Western A r a m a i c ) or t h e jussive type (Syriac, E a s t ern). Infinitives a n d active/passive participles c o m p l e t e t h e system. (See table 3.) Like n o u n s , r o o t / p a t t e r n combinations form verbal " s t e m s . " Unlike n o u n s , the stems form a limited b u t p r o ductive system a n d differentiate certain kinds of action. T h e three principal stems are t h e simple, or G stem for simple
or u n m a r k e d action; t h e D - s t e m (with a d o u b l e d m i d d l e r o o t letter) for repetitive, factitive, or pluritive action; a n d t h e C stem for causative action. E a c h stem h a s a c o r r e s p o n d i n g s t e m with prefixed 'it- ( G t , D t , C t ) , usually indicating d i e passive voice. Early A r a m a i c u s e d a n internal causative p a s sive instead of t h e C t - s t e m ; it also h a d a n internal G - s t e m passive. T h e verb stems in die perfect conjugation with t h e r o o t ktb are as follows (using Biblical A r a m a i c ) : G-stem
katab
Gt-stem
'itkstib
D-stem
katteb
Dt-stem
Htkattab
C-stem
hakteb
C-passive
huktab
I n later dialects, t h e C-passive huktab w a s r e p l a c e d b y 'ittaktab. Syntax.
S y n t a x examines t h e c o m b i n a t i o n of w o r d s into
p h r a s e s , clauses, a n d sentences. Only a few i m p o r t a n t syn tactic features are discussed here. Genitive phrase. T h e oldest t y p e is t h e c o n s t r u c t chain, in
ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE w h i c h a n o u n in the c o n s t r u c t state is prosodically b o u n d t o a following n o u n t o p r o d u c e a genitive construction: bayt, " h o u s e " + malka, " t h e l u n g " > bet malka, " t h e h o u s e of the k i n g . " In O l d A r a m a i c t h e c o n s t r u c t p h r a s e begins t o b e r e p l a c e d , u n d e r A k k a d i a n influence, by n o u n s joined b y t h e particle di (later d-): bUa di malka ( s a m e m e a n i n g ) . S u c h c o n s t t u c t i o n s b e c o m e the rule i n t h e later dialects. A c o m m o n s u b t y p e has a suffix o n t h e h e a d - w o r d : beteh di malka, " h i s h o u s e of the k i n g , " or " t h e king's h o u s e . " Verbal function. T h e perfect conjugation is c o m m o n l y u s e d for t h e historical p a s t or t h e perfect. T h e imperfect h a s a m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d d e v e l o p m e n t . In t h e older texts, it h a s an iterative, durative, future, o r precative reference. W h e n u s e d as a p r e c a t i v e , s o m e dialects u s e d a preformative linstead of t h e u s u a l y-. In E a s t e r n A r a m a i c a n d Syriac, t h e precative c a m e to replace die indicative (with die prefor mative I- b e c o m i n g n- in Syriac a n d M a n d a i c ) . A t the s a m e time, the active participle c a m e t o b e u s e d as a p r e s e n t t e n s e a n d , with t h e r o o t hwy, " t o b e , " to d e n o t e p a s t or future c o n t i n u o u s action. I n Syriac a n d L a t e E a s t e r n A r a m a i c , t h e participle often d e n o t e s futurity, a n d t h e imperfect, m o d a l ity, while in the W e s t a t h r e e - t e n s e system formed: p a s t ( p e r fect), p r e s e n t (participle), a n d future (imperfect). Word order. T h e oldest w o r d o r d e r in t h e verbal clause is verb-subject-object ( V S O ) , w i t h a subject-verb-object ( S V O ) as a c o m m o n variant; b o t h o r d e r s are c o m m o n in t h e later dialects. S o m e I m p e r i a l A r a m a i c texts, as well as Biblical A r a m a i c , also use a n S O V o r d e r , a p p a r e n t l y u n d e r A k k a d i a n or Persian influence. Vocabulary. D e s p i t e significant dialect differences, a pervasive u n i t y is seen in c o m m o n A r a m a i c vocabulary. T h e m o s t frequentiy u s e d verbal r o o t s are s h a r e d b y all dialects: slg, " t o go u p " ; nht, " t o go d o w n " ; '11, " t o e n t e r " ; npq, " t o exit"; bd, " t o d o , m a k e " ; mil; " t o s p e a k " ; 'zl, " t o g o " ; yhb, " t o give"; ntl, " t o lift u p " ; a n d so on. T h e s a m e is t r u e of n o u n s , n u m e r a l s , a n d adjectives—for e x a m p l e , had, " o n e " ; rab, " g r e a t " ; 'orah, " w a y " ; 'atar, " p l a c e " ; saggi, " m a n y . " S u c h unity m u s t derive f r o m a c o m m o n divergence from a single ancestor dialect, or f r o m a c o n v e r g e n c e of dialects fostered by c o n s t a n t contact. P r o b a b l y b o t h elements c o n tributed to A r a m a i c uniformity. Contact with other languages. A r a m a i c was u s e d alongside o t h e r languages t h r o u g h o u t its history, a n d it b o t h a b s o r b e d features from t h e m a n d influenced t h e m . A k k a dian h a d great influence, particularly o n t h e shape of I m perial a n d E a s t e r n A r a m a i c (see a b o v e ) , a n d it b o r r o w e d freely from A r a m a i c as well. P e r s i a n also c o n t r i b u t e d m a n y lexemes a n d s o m e g r a m m a t i c a l features. G r e e k l o a n w o r d s a n d constructions b e c a m e increasingly c o m m o n in the B y z antine p e r i o d , especially in Syriac. [See Greek.] I n Jewish circles, A r a m a i c greatly altered H e b r e w ; postbiblical H e b r e w owes m a n y of its characteristic features t o A r a m a i c , a n d A r a m a i c in t u r n b o r r o w e d various religious w o r d s f r o m H e b r e w . Finally, A r a b i c owes its a l p h a b e t a n d a significant c
181
n u m b e r of l o a n w o r d s to A r a m a i c . [See H e b r e w L a n g u a g e and Literature; Arabic] Aramaic dialects. N o texts in t h e hypothetical ancestor language of the A r a m a i c dialects ( " P r o t o - A r a m a i c " ) have survived. F r o m its earliest written a p p e a r a n c e s , A r a m a i c is characterized by dialect divisions. Old Aramaic. T h e earliest O l d A r a m a i c text is a one-line inscription on a n altar f o u n d at Tell Halaf on t h e u p p e r K h a b u r River (KAI 231), possibly f r o m t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. [See Halaf, T e l l ] F r o m a n e a r b y site a n d from a slightly later time is the T e l l F a k h a r i y a h bilingual, a statue bearing inscriptions in Akkadian a n d Old A r a m a i c . [See F a k h a r i y a h A r a m a i c Inscription.] T h e oldest text from Syria is the M e l q a r t stela (KAI 201), a votive inscription to M e l q a r t from " B a r - H a d a d , king of A r a m , " probably from t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE. A l t h o u g h f o u n d n o r t h of A l e p p o , it p r o b a b l y originated in die k i n g d o m of D a m a s c u s . T h e longest texts, t h e Sefire treaty inscriptions (KAI222-224), a p p e a r on three stelae discovered at Sefire, s o u t h of A l e p p o . T h e y contain d i e t e x t of a treaty m a d e b e t w e e n M a t i " e l of A r p a d a n d a certain B a r - G a y a h of K T K (the Assyrian Shamshi-Ilu, a c c o r d i n g to A n d r e L e m a i r e a n d J . - M . D u r a n d , Les inscrip tions arameennes de Sfire et I'Assyrie de Shamshi-ilu, Geneva, Paris, 1984). T h e texts date from the m i d - e i g h t h century BCE. [See Sefire A r a m a i c Inscriptions.] c
T w o eighth-century BCE inscriptions, the H a d a d a n d P a n a m m u inscriptions (KAI 214,215) w e r e discovered at Z i n cirli (ancient S a m ' a l ) . T h e first is on a statue of H a d a d d e d icated by P a n a m m u I of S a m ' a l ; the s e c o n d is on a broken statue, dedicated to P a n a m m u II by his son B a r - R a k k a b (c. 730 BCE). T h e inscriptions are t h e only evidence for die S a m ' a l i a n dialect of A r a m a i c , w h i c h evinces a n u m b e r of archaisms a n d u n u s u a l features, leading s o m e to d o u b t its classification as A r a m a i c . B a r - R a k k a b also left six other texts, n o t written in S a m ' alian, of w h i c h t h e so-called Bauinschrift (KAI 216), detailing his building activities, is the long est a n d best preserved. F r o m t h e ancient k i n g d o m of H a m a t i i c o m e s t h e Z a k k u r stela (KAI 202), a fragmentary inscription from Afis south of A l e p p o . [See Z a k k u r Inscription.] It narrates the rise to kingship of Z a k k u r , " a h u m b l e m a n " (I.2), a n d h o w , having fought off a coalition of foreign kings, h e e m b a r k e d on build ing projects to the glory of his god Iluwer. It probably dates from die early eighth c e n t u r y BCE. T W O funerary inscriptions from N e r a b p r o b a b l y date from t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e seventh c e n t u r y BCE: the Sin-zer-ibni inscription (KAI 225) a n d die S i - g a b b a r inscription (KAI 226), c o m m e m o r a t i n g two priests of t h e g o d Sahr. [See N e r a b Inscriptions.] M o d e r n J o r d a n a n d Israel are t h e sites of two i m p o r t a n t r e c e n t discoveries. T h e m o s t interesting ( a n d perplexing) is t h e D e i r 'Alia plaster text, an inscription in ink p a i n t e d on plaster discovered in 1967 a t T e l l D e i r Alla in J o r d a n . Only fragments are p r e s e r v e d , a n d the r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the text as a w h o l e is provisional. It is certain, however, t h a t it tells c
182
ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
of a vision seen by B a l a a m son of Beor, k n o w n from Num bers 22-24. T h e connections with the biblical text are in triguing. Equally as controversial is the classification of t h e language: despite s o m e features t h a t link it to t h e local C a naanite languages ( H e b r e w or M o a b i t e ) , d i e language of t h e text should b e considered A r a m a i c . T h e newest A r a m a i c discovery is d i e T e l D a n stela, a stone fragment containing 13 incomplete lines discovered in n o r t h e r n Israel in 1993. T h e fragments tell of t h e victory of an A r a m e a n king, p r o b ably Hazael (eighth c e n t u r y BCE), over d i e "king of Israel" a n d t h e "king of t h e h o u s e of D a v i d " — t h a t is, J u d a h — i n w h a t , a p p a r e n d y , is d i e first reference to D a v i d outside t h e H e b r e w Bible. Additional fragments were discovered in I994-
Impend Aramaic. Assyria d o m i n a t e d t h e N e a r E a s t in t h e 8th a n d 7th centuries BCE, a n d t h e texts from this p e r i o d reflect a growing standardization of A r a m a i c — t h e b e g i n n i n g of "Imperial A r a m a i c , " an A r a m a i c koine t h a t left its m a r k on all s u b s e q u e n t dialects. T h e w i d e s p r e a d u s e a n d influence of A r a m a i c dates to the period of Assyrian h e g e m o n y . A narrative from d i e H e b r e w Bible depicts t h e knowl edge of A r a m a i c at this t i m e as a possession of t h e Israelite scribes b u t n o t of t h e c o m m o n people. T h e emissary of S e n nacherib of Assyria c a m e t o Jerusalem in 710 BCE t o d e m a n d surrender. D u r i n g t h e parley, t h e J u d e a n s said, " P l e a s e speak to y o u r servants in A r a m a i c , for we u n d e r s t a n d it. B u t d o n o t speak with us in J u d e a n in t h e hearing of t h e p e o p l e " (2 Kgs. 18:26). W r i t t e n a n d pictorial remains testify to t h e p r e s e n c e of A r a m e a n s a n d A r a m a i c scribes in official ca pacities t h r o u g h o u t t h e region. T h e extant A r a m a i c texts from t h e Assyrian period, h o w ever, are brief. T h e y include 14 inscribed weights from N i n eveh (CIS 1-14), dockets, labels, a n d brief records written or scratched into clay tablets from Assur, N i m r u d , T e l l Halaf, a n d elsewhere. T h e Assur ostracon (KAI 233) is a fragmentary letter s e n t from Babylonia and dated to a b o u t 650 BCE. [See N i n e v e h ; Assur; N i m r u d . ] Aramaic texts from t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d (612-539 BCE) are also few a n d brief, c o m p r i s i n g a few dockets, a n d one fragmentary p a p y r u s , t h e 6th-century A d o n letter (KAI 266), from t h e ruler of E k r o n ( T e l M i q n e ) in Palestine to the P h a r a o h . [See M i q n e , Tel.] T h e original of t h e U r u k incantation m a y date to t h e same period. Its magical text contains an archaic form of E a s t e r n A r a m a i c written in syl labic cuneiform o n a tablet dating to d i e third century BCE. T h e high p o i n t of Imperial A r a m a i c is in the P e r s i a n p e riod (539-332 BCE). T h e A c h a e m e n i d dynasty c o n t i n u e d t h e practice of u s i n g A r a m a i c as a lingua franca, a n d textual r e m a i n s from every p o i n t of t h e far-flung Persian E m p i r e attest to its u s e in law, administration, a n d literature. T h e largest a n d m o s t significant remains have c o m e from E g y p t , w h e r e t h e climate is ideal for preserving writings o n leather a n d p a p y r u s . O n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t m a n u s c r i p t finds of t h e century was t h e discovery in 1906 of t h e archives of
t h e Jewish colony at E l e p h a n t i n e , c o m p r i s i n g m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d relatively intact p a p y r i . D a t i n g from t h e fifth c e n tury BCE, t h e y i n c l u d e t e n official letters t o a n d f r o m t h e h e a d of the c o m m u n i t y , several family archives, a n d n u m e r o u s administrative, legal, epistolary, a n d literary d o c u m e n t s . [See P a p y r u s ; Elephantine.] T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t literary t e x t is a c o p y of t h e W o r d s of Ahiqar, later versions of w h i c h are k n o w n f r o m other l a n guages. It is the story of h o w t h e sage A h i q a r , advisor to Assyrian royalty, w a s b e t r a y e d b y his n e p h e w N a d a n a n d later restored to favor. T h e " p r o v e r b s " of A h i q a r c o n t a i n e d in t h e d o c u m e n t are a significant e x a m p l e of N e a r E a s t e r n w i s d o m literature. Also f o u n d at E l e p h a n t i n e w a s an ancient translation of t h e Bisitun inscription of D a r i u s . [See Bisitun.] O t h e r significant d o c u m e n t s from E g y p t are t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e of A r s h a m , t h e P e r s i a n satrap of E g y p t ; t h e H e r m o polis letters, private letters written in a n o n s t a n d a r d dialect; p a p y r i a n d inscriptions from M e m p h i s S a q q a r a , A b y d o s , Giza, L u x o r , E d f u , a n d elsewhere. [See M e m p h i s ; S a q q a r a ; A b y d o s ; Giza.] O n e of t h e m o s t r e m a r k a b l e d o c u m e n t s is t h e A m h e r s t d e m o t i c p a p y r u s , a long, f r a g m e n t a r y scroll of religious a n d narrative texts in A r a m a i c written in E g y p t i a n d e m o t i c script. Still only partially p u b l i s h e d , t h e often id iosyncratic use of d e m o t i c characters m a k e s t h e p a p y r u s dif ficult to u n d e r s t a n d . O t h e r Imperial A r a m a i c d o c u m e n t s from Syria-Palestine, M e s o p o t a m i a , Asia M i n o r , I r a n (es pecially P e r s e p o l i s ) , Afghanistan, a n d Arabia ( T a y m a ' ) , s h o w its w i d e s p r e a d use. [See Persepolis; T a y m a ' . ] T h e A r amaic sections of t h e Book of Ezra in t h e H e b r e w Bible, putatively dating f r o m t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d , are written in I m perial Aramaic. Middle Aramaic. W h e n t h e G r e e k s c a m e to p o w e r in t h e N e a r East in the f o u r t h c e n t u r y BCE, A r a m a i c lost its official status. H o w e v e r , its long career as a lingua franca left its m a r k on every dialect, a n d t h e local v e r n a c u l a r s c o n t i n u e d to play major roles. T h e " p o s t - I m p e r i a l " p e r i o d , d u r i n g which t h e local dialects d e v e l o p e d as literary s t a n d a r d s in their o w n right, is called M i d d l e A r a m a i c . N a b a t e a n was u s e d in N o r t h Arabia, Sinai, a n d P e t r a in J o r d a n . Archaeologists h a v e f o u n d t h o u s a n d s of N a b a t e a n graffiti a n d burial inscriptions d a t i n g f r o m t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE t o t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y CE. Several N a b a t e a n legal texts have b e e n discovered in caves in t h e J u d e a n wilderness. I n general. N a b a t e a n is conservative, b e i n g m u c h influenced b y Imperial A r a m a i c . It contains a n u m b e r of loans from Arabic, t h e region's principal vernacular. T h e N a b a t e a n s developed a highly individual cursive script t h a t was t h e di rect ancestor of t h e A r a b i c script. [See N a b a t e a n I n s c r i p tions; Sinai; Petra.] T o t h e west, Jewish Palestinian A r a m a i c is attested f r o m t h e finds from t h e D e a d Sea wilderness, principally W a d i Q u m r a n . [See Q u m r a n . ] A b o u t 25 p e r c e n t of t h e D e a d Sea Scrolls w e r e written in A r a m a i c , i n c l u d i n g t h e o l d e s t t a r g u m (Aramaic Bible t r a n s l a t i o n ) , t h e T a r g u m of J o b . O t h e r i m -
ARAMAIC LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE p o r t a n t texts i n c l u d e t h e Genesis Apocryphon (a retelling of d i e patriarchal narratives), t h e Book of Tobit, t h e Book of Enoch, a n d t h e Testament of Levi. O t h e r texts, i n c l u d i n g apocalypses, stories, a n d legal texts, h a v e recently b e e n p u b lished, a n d testify t o a rich A r a m a i c literary culture in t h e centuries f r o m a b o u t 200 BCE t o t h e mid-first c e n t u r y CE. T h e A r a m a i c sections of t h e Book of Daniel p r o b a b l y b e l o n g to this p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h in s o m e respects its l a n g u a g e is m o r e archaic t h a n t h a t in t h e Q u m r a n d o c u m e n t s . Inscriptional material is sparse, b u t t h e r e a r e s o m e burial texts a n d graffiti o n ossuaries. L e t t e r s a n d legal d o c u m e n t s from t h e S e c o n d Jewish Revolt against R o m e (132-35 CE) f o u n d in other cave sites n e a r t h e D e a d Sea i n c l u d e letters ( s o m e in A r a m a i c ) written b y t h e revolt's leader, S h i m ' o n b a r K o s e b a / B a r K o k h b a . [See J u d e a n D e s e r t C a v e s ; D e a d Sea Scrolls; B a r K o k h b a Revolt.] T h e Q u m r a n dialect itself is conservative, b u t less so t h a n N a b a t e a n . B y t h e time of t h e S e c o n d Revolt, t h e v e r n a c u l a r was b e g i n n i n g t o shake off t h e influence of t h e old I m p e r i a l dialect, particularly in t h e B a r K o k h b a let ters. T h e legal texts often p r e s e r v e t h e formularies of earlier centuries. F r o m the same period, the Greek N e w T e s t a m e n t pre serves a few w o r d s a n d brief s e n t e n c e s in A r a m a i c ; this, c o m b i n e d w i t h o t h e r e v i d e n c e , h a s given A r a m a i c a r e p u tation as t h e " l a n g u a g e of J e s u s . " A l t h o u g h A r a m a i c w a s c o m m o n l y u s e d , it is n o t certain t h a t Jesus a n d t h e early Palestinian c h u r c h u s e d it exclusively b e c a u s e H e b r e w a n d G r e e k w e r e also widely s p o k e n at t h e time. T h e oasis of P a l m y r a ( T a d m o r ) in t h e Syrian desert yielded t h o u s a n d s of inscriptions in its n a t i o n a l script dating f r o m 44 BCE to 272 CE, i n c l u d i n g t h e longest A r a m a i c i n scription k n o w n , t h e Tariff Bilingual in G r e e k a n d P a l m y r e n e (137 CE). [See P a l m y r e n e Inscriptions.] P a l m y r e n e is a transitional dialect sharing b o t h W e s t e r n a n d E a s t e r n fea t u r e s . F a r t h e r n o r t h , a b o u t seventy votive a n d funerary i n scriptions in E d e s s e n e ( O l d Syriac) survive from the first a n d s e c o n d centuries CE. A s its n a m e indicates, this literary dialect originated i n E d e s s a ( m o d e r n U r f a ) . T h e oldest i n scription is d a t e d to 6 CE. Finally, t h e A r a m a i c of t h e P a r t h i a n E m p i r e is f o u n d o n h u n d r e d s of votive inscriptions from H a t r a , a n oasis o n t h e u p p e r T i g r i s River, from A s s u r a n d a few o t h e r sites. T h e y date from t h e first-third c e n t u r i e s CE. T h e m o r p h o l o g y of H a t r a n already displays t h e traits of t h e later E a s t e r n dia lects. [See H a t r a Inscriptions.] • Late Aramaic. T h e late dialects ( 2 0 0 CE-700 CE) are g e n erally associated w i t h t h e n a t i o n a l or religious g r o u p s t h a t u s e d t h e m . T h e y a r e typically divided geographically into E a s t e r n ( M e s o p o t a m i a n ) a n d W e s t e r n (Palestinian) dia lects. T h i s division is simplistic a n d s h o u l d b e revised t o i n c l u d e C e n t r a l A r a m a i c (see b e l o w ) , w h i c h is c o m p r i s e d of classical Syriac a n d other dialects n o t clearly falling into t h e E a s t - W e s t categories. W e s t e r n A r a m a i c includes t h e dialects-used b y t h e t h r e e
183
principal religious g r o u p s of Palestine in the Byzantine p e riod: Jewish Palestinian A r a m a i c , Christian Palestinian A r a m a i c , a n d S a m a r i t a n A r a m a i c . Jewish Palestinian A r a m a i c (JPA) is u s e d in t h e Palestinian t a r g u m , a translation of t h e P e n t a t e u c h p r e s e r v e d in v a r i o u s r e c e n s i o n s , including texts from t h e C a i r o geniza, liturgical selections k n o w n as t h e F r a g m e n t - T a r g u m , a n d t h e virtually c o m p l e t e T a r g u m Neoffti. A s o m e w h a t different (later?) dialect is u s e d in t h e Palestinian T a l m u d a n d d i e Palestinian rabbinic c o m m e n taries ( m i d r a s h i m ) . A l t h o u g h J P A developed from dialects s p o k e n in an earlier p e r i o d , occasional efforts to study it simply as t h e first-century CE vernacular ( a n d therefore t h e l a n g u a g e of Jesus) h a v e n o t b e e n successful. Christian P a l estinian A r a m a i c ( C P A ) is preserved in inscriptions a n d m a n u s c r i p t s of t h e Melkite Christians, primarily from t h e t l i i r d - n i n t h centuries CE. A l m o s t all of t h e literature is t r a n s lated from G r e e k a n d includes biblical texts, liturgies, ser m o n s , a n d biographies. C P A is written in a form of t h e Syr iac script, a n d i n d e e d Syriac was an i m p o r t a n t influence o n it. S a m a r i t a n A r a m a i c w a s u s e d by t h e S a m a r i t a n sect of J u d a i s m . T h e S a m a r i t a n s h a d their o w n t a r g u m (in two r e censions) a n d religious literature, including chronicles, ser m o n s , a n d liturgical p o e t r y . [See Samaritans.] E a s t e r n A r a m a i c is c o m p r i s e d of Jewish Babylonian A r a m a i c (JBA) a n d M a n d a i c . JBA was t h e language of t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n Jewish c o m m u n i t y . T h e A r a m a i c p o r t i o n s of t h e B a b y l o n i a n T a l m u d are t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t witness to this dialect. H u n d r e d s of bowls b e a r i n g magical incantations in JBA f r o m excavations at N i p p u r a n d other sites in L o w e r M e s o p o t a m i a constitute crucial nonliterary evidence for JBA. M a n d a i c was u s e d b y t h e M a n d a e a n s , a G n o s t i c sect living in p a r t s of I r a n a n d I r a q since L a t e Antiquity. M a n daic, u s e d in their v o l u m i n o u s religious literature (also in cluding incantation bowls a n d other magical texts), is very close to JBA in its g r a m m a r a n d v o c a b u l a r y b u t has its o w n distinctive script and o r t h o g r a p h y . C e n t r a l A r a m a i c is virtually equivalent to Syriac, t h e writ t e n variety of t h e s t a n d a r d A r a m a i c of S y r i a - U p p e r M e s o p o t a m i a d u r i n g t h e B y z a n t i n e period. T h e r e is m o r e surviv ing literature in Syriac t h a n in a n y other A r a m a i c dialect b e c a u s e it was u s e d b y a v a s t p o r t i o n of E a s t e r n Christianity for liturgy, translations of secular works, a n d religious lit e r a t u r e , i n c l u d i n g o n e of t h e oldest Bible translations, t h e Peshitta. Syriac Christianity, divided b y doctrinal controversies, split into t w o g r o u p s d u r i n g t h e fifth a n d sixth centuries CE. T h e W e s t e r n (Jacobite) b r a n c h , centered on Edessa in the B y z a n t i n e E m p i r e , a n d t h e E a s t e r n (Nestorian) b r a n c h , centered at Nisibis in t h e P e r s i a n s p h e r e , evolved their o w n scripts, p r o n u n c i a t i o n , a n d literary traditions. I n b o t h f o r m s , Syriac c o n t i n u e d t o b e a creative m e d i u m of literature until a r o u n d d i e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y CE. It still survives in its clas sical f o r m as a liturgical a n d scholarly language. T h e lan g u a g e of T a r g u m O n k e l o s a n d T a r g u m J o n a t h a n , t h e m o s t
184
ARAMEANS
widely u s e d t a r g u m s in J u d a i s m , h a s p r o v e d difficult t o clas sify. A l t h o u g h m a n y c o n s i d e r it t o b e l o n g t o M i d d l e P a l e s tinian
A r a m a i c , it m a y b e a Jewish variety of early C e n t r a l
Aramaic. Late literary
dialects.
A r a m a i c declined as a s p o k e n l a n
g u a g e after t h e rise of A r a b p o w e r a n d prestige u n d e r I s l a m , b u t t h e literary dialects c o n t i n u e d in u s e . Syriac, as n o t e d , e n d u r e d as a literary m e d i u m to m o d e r n times. A n u m b e r of Jewish Bible translations w e r e written in late J e w i s h L i t e r a r y A r a m a i c , a dialect c o m b i n i n g E a s t e r n , W e s t e r n , a n d Syriac features. C P A ' s s e c o n d p r i n c i p a l literary p e r i o d o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e e l e v e n t h - t h i r t e e n t h centuries CE. Modern
Aramaic.
S o m e f o r m s of A r a m a i c are still s p o k e n
in various e t h n i c enclaves of t h e N e a r E a s t . W e s t e r n A r a m a i c is r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e l a n g u a g e of t h e S y r i a n t o w n of M a ' l u l a a n d o t h e r n e a r b y villages a n d E a s t e r n A r a m a i c b y a n u m b e r of dialects s p o k e n i n p a r t s of T u r k e y , I r a q , a n d I r a n . T h e p h o n o l o g y a n d v o c a b u l a r y of t h e m o d e r n dialects are heavily i n f l u e n c e d b y A r a b i c , T u r k i s h , a n d P e r s i a n . [See also A r a m e a n s ; I m p erial A r a m a i c ; and P a l e s t i n i a n A r amaic] BIBLIOGRAPHY Beyer, Klaus. Die aramaischen Texts vom Toten Meer. Gottingen, 1 9 8 4 . Collection of D e a d Sea documents as well as other texts from t h e period, along with a general description and history of Aramaic, an outline grammar, a n d lexicon. A n ambitious b u t idiosyncratic study. A n Ergdnzungsband a p p e a r e d in 1994. Brockelmann, Carl. lexicon Syriacum, zd ed. Halle, 1928. D e g e n , Rainer. Altaramaische Grammatik der Inschriften des 10.-18. Jh. v. Chr. Wiesbaden, 1 9 6 9 . Complete text a n d grammatical descrip tion of Old Aramaic texts known to 1969. D o n n e r , Herbert, and Wolfgang Rollig. Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften (KAI). 3 vols. 2d ed. Wiesbaden, 1969. Useful collection of most of the major Aramaic inscriptions, including bibliography, commentary, and glossary.
sive s u m m a r y of research a n d suggests directions for inquiry into t h e earlier dialects. M a c u c h , Rudolf. Handbook of Classical and Modern Mandate. Berlin, 1965. M a c u c h , Rudolf. Grammatik des samaritanischen Aram&isch. Berlin, 1982. Mtiller-Kessler, Christa. Grammatik des Chrisllich-Palastinisch-Aramdischen, vol. 1, Schriftlehre, Lautlehre, Formenlehre. Hildesheim, 1 9 9 1 . Comprehensive g r a m m a r based on a reexamination of t h e manuscripts a n d inscriptions. M u r a o k a , T a k a m i t s u , ed. Studies in Qumran Aramaic. A b r - N a h r a i n , S u p p l e m e n t Series, vol. 3. L e i d e n , 1 9 9 2 . Essays o n general a n d p a r ticular linguistic issues raised by the Aramaic dialect of the D e a d Sea Scrolls. Noldeke, T h e o d o r . Compendious Syriac Grammar. T r a n s l a t e d by James A. Crichton. Rev. e d . L o n d o n , 1904. T h i s research g r a m m a r has n o t been equaled for its grasp of detail, especially in syntax. Porten, Bezalel, a n d A d a Yardeni. Textbook of Ancient Aramaic Docu ments from Ancient Egypt, vol. 1, Letters; vol. 2 , Contracts; vol. 3 , Lit erature, Accounts, Lists. Jerusalem, 1 9 8 6 - 1 9 9 2 . N e w edition of all t h e Elephantine papyri a n d other important Imperial A r a m a i c texts, i n cluding excellent facsimiles b y Yardeni. Rosenthal, Franz. Die aramaistische Forschung seit Th. Noldekes Veroffentlichungen. Leiden, 1 9 3 9 . Classic study of early linguistic research on Aramaic. Rosenthal, Franz. A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic. Porta L i n g u a r u m Orientalium, n.s. 5. Wiesbaden, 1 9 7 4 . Segert, Stanislav. Altaramaische Grammatik mil Bibliographic, Chrestomathie und Glossar. Leipzig, 1 9 7 5 . Detailed structural study of Old, Imperial, a n d Biblical Aramaic. Sokoloff, Michael. A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Byz antine Period. R a m a t G a n , 1990. T h e first lexicon devoted solely t o J P A , compiled on the basis of die best m a n u s c r i p t evidence. Vogue, Melchior de. Corpus inscriptionum semilicamm, p a r t 2, Inscriptiones aramaicae. Paris, 1889. M o n u m e n t a l collection of m o r e than four thousand texts, sketchy for Old a n d Imperial Aramaic (both then little known) b u t admirably comprehensive for N a b a t e a n a n d Palmyrene inscriptions. EDWARD M . C O O K
Fitzmyer, Joseph A. " T h e Phases of the Aramaic L a n g u a g e . " In Fitzmyer's A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays, p p . 5 7 - 8 4 . Missoula, 1 9 7 9 . Description and defense of Fitzmyer's periodization of Aramaic.
ARAMEANS
Fitzmyer, Joseph A., a n d Stephen A. Kaufman. An Aramaic Bibliogra phy, part 1, Old, Official, and Biblical Aramaic. Baltimore a n d L o n don, 1992. Indispensable tool for studying the early dialects of A r amaic.
N e a r E a s t , p a r t i c u l a r l y Syria a n d M e s o p o t a m i a , in t h e first
Garr, W . Randall. Dialect Geography of Syria-Palestine, 1000-586 B.C.E. Philadelphia, 1985. Methodologically significant study of di alect relationships, including Old Aramaic.
d e s i g n a t e s a n u m b e r of linguistically r e
lated e t h n i c g r o u p s w h o s p o k e t h e W e s t S e m i t i c l a n g u a g e called A r a m a i c a n d w h o i n h a b i t e d a c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t of t h e
m i l l e n n i u m BCE. A n u m b e r of A r a m e a n n a t i o n - s t a t e s d e v e l o p e d i n Syria in t h e late e l e v e n t h a n d t h e t e n t h c e n t u r i e s BCE t h a t b e c a m e influential i n t h e political a n d c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e L e v a n t . A r a m e a n tribes also b e c a m e a m a j o r p o p u l a t i o n e l e m e n t in b o t h Assyria a n d B a b y l o n i a i n t h e first
Hoftijzer, Jacob, a n d Karel Jongeling. Dictionary of the North-West Se mitic Inscriptions. Leiden, 1995. An able and comprehensive t w o volume lexicon incorporating all the Old a n d Imperial Aramaic in scriptions (as well as Palmyrene, Hatran, and N a b a t e a n ) . Includes R. C. Steiner and A. M . Mashawi, " A Selective Glossary of N o r t h west Semitic T e x t s in Egyptian Script."
half of d i e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, SO t h a t e v e n t u a l l y A r a m a i c
K a u f m a n , Stephen A. The Akkadian Influences on Aramaic. Chicago, 1974. O n e of the few works to provide extensive treatment of t h e major linguistic influences on Aramaic.
t h e i r first certain a p p e a r a n c e in historical t e x t s only in t h e
Kutscher, E d u a r d Y. " A r a m a i c . " In Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 6, Linguistics in South West Asia and North Africa, edited by T h o m a s A. Sebeok, p p . 3 4 7 - 4 1 2 . T h e Hague, 1 9 7 0 . Presents a c o m p r e h e n
b e c a m e t h e p r i m a r y s p o k e n l a n g u a g e of t h e F e r t i l e C r e s c e n t , largely r e p l a c i n g A k k a d i a n i n t h e e a s t a n d t h e local W e s t S e m i t i c dialects, s u c h as H e b r e w , in t h e w e s t . T h e origins o f t h e A r a m e a n s a r e o b s c u r e . T h e y
make
early e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. S o m e s c h o l a r s believe t h a t t h e y w e r e pastoralist t r i b e s living o n t h e b o r d e r s of t h e S y r i a n d e s e r t w h o s w e p t n o r t h w a r d i n t o n o r t h e r n Syria a n d U p p e r M e s o p o t a m i a d u r i n g t h e last y e a r s of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n -
ARAMEANS
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ARAMEAN CITY STATES
n i u m . After establishing t h e m s e l v e s t h e r e , t h e tribes m i g r a t e d b o t h t o w a r d t h e s o u t h w e s t , into central a n d s o u t h e r n Syria, a n d s o u t h e a s t w a r d , into central a n d s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . T h o s e scholars w h o disagree w i t h this m o d e l s u g gest t h a t t h e A r a m e a n s w e r e simply t h e d e s c e n d a n t s of t h e W e s t Semitic p o p u l a t i o n of Syria, k n o w n from earlier sec o n d - m i l l e n n i u m s o u r c e s as A m o r i t e s a n d A h l a m u . A l t h o u g h political p o w e r in n o r t h e r n Syria h a d b e e n h e l d b y the H u r rians in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , t h e I r o n A g e saw a r e s u r g e n c e of Semitic aristocracies (i.e., A r a m e a n s ) in c o n t r o l of m a n y areas. T h e A r a m e a n s n e v e r d e v e l o p e d a unified culture or p o
litical entity. N u m e r o u s small states developed t h r o u g h o u t Syria a n d flourished b e t w e e n the eleventh a n d t h e late eighth centuries BCE, alongside o t h e r states w h o s e aristocracies b e l o n g e d t o L u w i a n - s p e a k i n g g r o u p s t h a t h a d m i g r a t e d into n o r t h e r n Syria after t h e collapse of t h e Hittite E m p i r e . T h e A r a m e a n states w e r e eventually demolished, b o t h e c o n o m ically a n d ethnically, b y t h e Assyrians, t h r o u g h brutal mili tary s u p p r e s s i o n a n d m a s s d e p o r t a t i o n of p o p u l a t i o n s . A l t h o u g h d o z e n s of A r a m e a n tribes a n d states existed t h r o u g h o u t Syria, only a few of t h e m b e c a m e politically sig nificant a n d played major roles in t h a t region's political h i s tory.
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1. Bit-Zamani, Bit-Bahiani, Bit-Halupe, and Laqu. F o u r A r a m e a n states developed quite early along t h e western b o r der with Assyria, b u t they c a m e u n d e r Assyrian d o m i n a t i o n by t h e ninth c e n t u r y BCE. T h e i m p o r t a n t city of G u z a n a (Tell Halaf) was t h e capital of one of these states, BitBahiani. T h e excavations there p r o v i d e d significant evi d e n c e of early A r a m e a n public art a n d architecture.
offer little or n o insight into t h e internal s t r u c t u r e of t h e A r a m e a n k i n g d o m s . I n addition, r e m a r k a b l y little a r c h a e o logical work has b e e n d o n e o n t h e i m p o r t a n t sites, a n d m o s t of t h e large-scale excavations t h a t h a v e t a k e n p l a c e , s u c h as at Arslan T a s h , T e l l A h m a r , T e l l Halaf, a n d Zincirli, w e r e in t h e late n i n e t e e n t h or early t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s , before reliable field a n d r e c o r d i n g t e c h n i q u e s w e r e d e v e l o p e d .
2 . Bit-Adini. L o c a t e d in the great b e n d of t h e E u p h r a t e s River, Bit-Adini was a formidable o p p o n e n t to Assyrian ex p a n s i o n d u r i n g t h e early ninth century BCE. E x c a v a t i o n s have taken place at two i m p o r t a n t cities of Bit-Adini—Til Barsip (Tell A h m a r ) , w h i c h m a y n o t actually have c o m e u n d e r A r a m e a n control until the reign of A h u n i , t h e last king of Bit-Adini, a n d H a d a t u (Arslan T a s h ) , which b e c a m e an i m p o r t a n t Assyrian o u t p o s t in the region after Bit-Adini was annexed.
N o t m u c h can b e said a b o u t A r a m e a n culture b e c a u s e so little archaeological a n d literary d a t a has b e e n r e c o v e r e d so far. T h e A r a m e a n s d o n o t a p p e a r t o h a v e m a d e major c o n tributions either to political or social practices in t h e L e v a n t ; a n d their styles of art a n d architecture a r e largely b a s e d o n those of others. I n n o r t h e r n Syria, t h e artistic a n d architec tural traditions of t h e A r a m e a n s w e r e heavily influenced first b y t h e N e o - H i t t i t e states, which p r e s e r v e d m a n y cultural elements of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e Hittite civilization, a n d later b y the Assyrians. T h e few artistic pieces from s o u t h e r n Syria show a strong cultural influence f r o m Phoenicia. T h e A r a m e a n s in Babylonia a p p e a r to h a v e a d a p t e d t o B a b y l o n i a n styles.
3. Bit-Agusi. In t h e region s u r r o u n d i n g A l e p p o , t h e state of Bit-Agusi was called Y a h a n early in the n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE, a n d , sometimes, A r p a d , after its capital city, in t h e eighth century. T h i s state, u n d e r vigorous kings, b e c a m e a p r i m a r y p o w e r in n o r t h e r n Syria in t h e ninth a n d eighth centuries BCE a n d was n o t fully s u b d u e d b y t h e Assyrians until 743 BCE, during the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III. L i m i t e d exca vations have b e e n u n d e r t a k e n at A r p a d (Tell Rifa'af), a n d an i m p o r t a n t A r a m a i c treaty b e t w e e n king M a t f ' e l of BitAgusi a n d o n e B a r - G a ' y a of t h e land of ktk, inscribed o n stone stelae, was f o u n d at t h e site of Sefire, in the s o u t h e r n p a r t of the k i n g d o m . 4. Aram Damascus. I n s o u t h e r n Syria, A r a m D a m a s c u s played a major role in the L e v a n t in the ninth a n d eight centuries BCE, with t h e p e a k of its p o w e r occurring in t h e m i d a n d late n i n t h century, u n d e r its kings H a d a d - i d r i a n d Hazael. N o excavations h a v e r e a c h e d I r o n A g e levels at D a mascus. 5. Sam'al (Zincirli). M e n t i o n should also b e m a d e of t h e small city-state of S a m ' a l (Zincirli). Excavations at this site p r o d u c e d considerable sculpture, architecture, a n d i n s c r i p tions that are an i m p o r t a n t source of study for n o r t h A r a m e a n culture. 6. Other states in Syria. T h e r e were certainly large p o p ulations of A r a m e a n s in other states in Syria, although t h e y were often ruled by m e m b e r s of t h e N e o - H i t t i t e aristocracy. S o m e states h a d b o t h a L u w i a n a n d an Aramaic n a m e , s u c h as P a m n a / U n q i . T h e i m p o r t a n t k i n g d o m of H a m a t h w a s ruled in t h e t e n t h a n d n i n t h centuries BCE b y dynasts with N e o - H i t t i t e n a m e s , b u t b y kings with A r a m a i c n a m e s in t h e eighth century BCE. Literary r e m a i n s of the I r o n A g e A r a m e a n states are very limited. A few A r a m a i c inscriptions o n stone are k n o w n , b u t m o s t of the historical information available a b o u t these king d o m s c o m e s from Assyrian texts a n d t h e H e b r e w Bible. T h e s e two sources, while helpful, are of limited value, h o w ever, because they deal almost exclusively with t h e conflicts b e t w e e n their own nations a n d t h e A r a m e a n states. T h e y
A r a m a i c inscriptions indicate t h a t A r a m e a n religion d e s c e n d e d from the W e s t Semitic religion of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m . T h e weatlier/fertility god, H a d a d , a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n t h e h e a d of t h e p a n t h e o n i n several of t h e A r a m e a n states, while the m o o n g o d Sin/Shahar, El, Rakib-el, S h a m a s h , a n d R e s h e p h seem t o h a v e played significant roles. T h e major legacy of t h e A r a m e a n s was their l a n g u a g e a n d script. B e c a u s e t h e y w e r e p r o b a b l y t h e largest p o p u l a t i o n g r o u p in Syria, their l a n g u a g e c a m e to d o m i n a t e t h a t area early in the first m i l l e n n i u m BCE. T h e m a s s d e p o r t a t i o n s of A r a m e a n s into Assyria in t h e n i n t h a n d eighth centuries r e sulted in t h e s p r e a d of t h e language into n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a ; b y the late eighth c e n t u r y it w a s b e i n g u s e d as a diplomatic l a n g u a g e b y t h e Assyrians t h e m s e l v e s . I n t h e Neo-Babylonian period, Aramaic became the most com m o n language in Babylonia as well. T h e P e r s i a n g o v e r n m e n t a d o p t e d A r a m a i c as its international l a n g u a g e , so t h a t it c a m e t o be u s e d c o m m o n l y across s o u t h w e s t Asia. T h u s , archives of A r a m a i c p a p y r i from E g y p t i n t h e P e r s i a n p e riod, A r a m a i c d o c u m e n t s from Palestine in t h e fourth c e n tury BCE, a n d inscriptions from T u r k e y , I r a n , a n d even Af ghanistan h a v e b e e n f o u n d . Eventually, Palestine's local W e s t Semitic dialects, including Flebrew, died a w a y a n d were replaced with A r a m a i c . By t h e last t w o centuries BCE, A r a m a i c h a d b e c o m e an i m p o r t a n t l a n g u a g e for Jewish lit e r a t u r e , a n d Syriac, an A r a m a i c dialect, p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t role in t h e E a s t e r n c h u r c h in t h e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e p e riods. T h e A r a m e a n s b o r r o w e d their script f r o m t h e P h o e n i cians, p r o b a b l y in t h e late eleventh or early t e n t h c e n t u r y . H o w e v e r , t h e y m a d e a significant a d a p t a t i o n t o P h o e n i c i a n writing customs: t h e y w e r e the first to u s e s o m e of t h e al p h a b e t i c letters to indicate vowel s o u n d s (the so-called ma tres lectionis). T h i s i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to o r t h o g r a p h y
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA was slowly a d o p t e d b y other c u l t u r e s , including Israel. E v e n tually, t h e A r a m a i c script itself c a m e t o replace t h e o t h e r national scripts of Syria-Palestine, i n c l u d i n g t h a t of H e b r e w . T h e s q u a r e script c o m m o n l y u s e d in J u d e a (Judah) b y t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, w h i c h is t h e a n c e s t o r of t h e H e b r e w b o o k script u s e d today, is actually a d e s c e n d a n t of A r a m a i c script. [See also A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d L i t e r a t u r e , D a m a s c u s ; Halaf, Tell; and Syria, article on Syria in t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n Ages.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Brinkman, J o h n A. A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1158-722 B.C. R o m e , 1968. See this and the following for infor mation about the A r a m e a n tribes in Babylonia. Brinkman, John A. Prelude to Empire: Babylonian Society and Politics, 747-626 B.C. Philadelphia, 1 9 8 4 . Fitzmyer, Joseph A., a n d S t e p h e n A. K a u f m a n . An Aramaic Bibliogra phy, p a r t 1, Old, Official, and Biblical Aramaic. Baltimore and L o n d o n , 1992. M o n u m e n t a l , comprehensive bibliography of all p u b lished Aramaic inscriptions a n d papyri. G i b s o n , John C . L . Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, vol. 2, Ara maic Inscriptions. Oxford, 1 9 7 5 . C o n v e n i e n t English translation of t h e major Aramaic inscriptions. Greenfield, Jonas C. "Aspects of A r a m e a n Religion." In Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross, edited by Patrick D , Miller, Jr., et al., p p . 6 7 - 7 8 . Philadelphia, 1 9 8 7 . Brief, helpful dis cussion of a topic that has barely b e e n examined in print. Hawkins, J. D . " T h e Neo-Hittite States in Syria a n d Anatolia." In The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 3 . 1 , edited b y J o h n B o a r d m a n et al., p p . 3 7 2 - 4 4 1 . C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 8 2 . T h o r o u g h , rather technical survey of t h e history a n d culture of I r o n Age Syrian states. L a y t o n , Scott C . " O l d Aramaic Inscriptions." Biblical Archaeologist s i (1988,): 1 7 2 - 1 8 9 . F i n e , recent survey of the earliest k n o w n Aramaic inscriptions. Pitard, W a y n e T . Ancient Damascus: A Historical Study of the Syrian City-State from Earliest Times until Its Fall to the Assyrians in 732 B.C.E. W i n o n a L a k e , I n d „ 1 9 8 7 . Detailed a c c o u n t of this important southern Syrian state. Pitard, W a y n e T . " T h e A r a m a e a n s . " I n Peoples of the Old Testament World, edited by Alfred J. H o e r t h , Gerald L . Mattingly a n d E d w i n Y a m a u c h i , p p . 2 0 7 - 2 3 0 . G r a n d R a p i d s , M i c h . , 1994. General intro duction to A r a m e a n history a n d culture. Sader, Helene. Les etats aramiens de Syrie depuis leur fondation jusqu'd leur transformation en provinces assyriennes. Beirut, 1987. Deals in d e tail with Bit-Bahiani, Bit-Adini, Bit-Agusi, Sam'al, H a m a t h , a n d Aram-Damascus. W A Y N E T . PITARD
A R A R A T . See U r a r t u .
A R C E . .See A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h C e n t e r in E g y p t .
ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF A M E R I C A . F o u n d e d in 1879 b y C h a r l e s Eliot N o r t o n , t h e Archaeological Institute of A m e r i c a (ALA) is a not-forprofit, scientific a n d e d u c a t i o n a l organization c h a r t e r e d
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t h r o u g h t h e S m i t h s o n i a n Institution b y t h e U . S . C o n g r e s s . T h e following act of i n c o r p o r a t i o n was a p p r o v e d b y P r e s i d e n t T h e o d o r e Roosevelt for t h e Archaelogical Institute of A m e r i c a o n 26 M a y 1906: " [ T h e Institute] shall have p e r petual succession for t h e p u r p o s e of p r o m o t i n g archaeolog ical studies b y investigation a n d research in the U n i t e d States a n d foreign countries . . . b y aiding t h e efforts of t h e i n d e p e n d e n t explorers, b y publication of archaeological p a p e r s , a n d reports of t h e results of t h e e x p e d i t i o n s . . . . " T h e institute is t h e oldest archaeological institution in N o r t h A m e r i c a , w h o s e g o v e r n i n g b o a r d was elected in 1929 to safeguard its e n d o w m e n t . T h e A I A administrative offices are located at B o s t o n University. T h e central mission of t h e A I A is t o e n c o u r a g e a n d p r o m o t e archaeological research a n d to increase public k n o w l e d g e a n d awareness t h r o u g h tire conservation, preservation, a n d publication of t h e w o r l d ' s p a t r i m o n y for t h e benefit of all. T h e institute r e m a i n s a p a r a d i g m for c o m b i n i n g b o t h a professional a n d p u b l i c focus o n archaeology. Its p r o g r a m s a n d activities are designed t o m e e t t h e n e e d s a n d interests of its m e m b e r s a n d t h e p u b l i c . T h e institute has initiated educational outreach in archaeology for schoolchildren t h r o u g h its Y o u t h E d u c a t i o n P r o g r a m , w h i c h has success fully i m p l e m e n t e d p r o g r a m s in St. L o u i s , M i n n e a p o l i s , L o s Angeles, a n d C h i c a g o . Since 1967, e x p e r t archaeologists h a v e g u i d e d travelers a r o u n d t h e world with the institutes p o n s o r e d tours. T h e institute i n a u g u r a t e d its scholarly journal, t h e Amer ican Journal of Archaeology (AJA), in 1882. D u r i n g W o r l d W a r II, t h e AJA p u b l i s h e d articles b y E u r o p e a n scholars, a n d t h e institute assisted in p r e p a r i n g m a p s of m o n u m e n t s it h o p e d w o u l d b e s p a r e d from b o m b i n g raids. P u b l i s h e d quarterly a n d with a circulation of four t h o u s a n d , it is d e v o t e d to t h e archaeology a n d art of ancient E u r o p e a n d the M e d i t e r r a n e a n world, i n c l u d i n g t h e N e a r East a n d E g y p t , from prehistory to late antiquity. T h e institute actively p r o m o t e s research a n d fieldwork a n d annually publishes t h e Fieldwork Opportunities Bulletin for s t u d e n t s and a m a t e u r s ; t h e publication lists o p p o r t u n i ties a n d p r o g r a m s s u p p l i e d b y excavation directors a n d in stitutions. T h e institute's other publications include a b stracts from its a n n u a l m e e t i n g (held, for ninety-three years, in conjunction with t h e A m e r i c a n Philological Association) a n d its Newsletter, f o u n d e d in 1989. Its a n n u a l report, t h e Bulletin, h a s b e e n p u b l i s h e d since 1910. B e t w e e n 1948 a n d 1973, t h e institute p u b l i s h e d m i r t e e n m o n o g r a p h s in the A I A M o n o g r a p h Series; since 1944 it has s u p p o r t e d t h e publication of t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e o n t h e Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum. T h e institute r e s p o n d e d t o t h e interests of nonspecialists b y publishing Archaeology m a g a z i n e (originally Art and Ar chaeology), b e g i n n i n g in 1914. Revitalized in 1948 (after t h e D e p r e s s i o n in t h e 1930s), it has followed a steady rate of g r o w t h to a p r e s e n t - d a y circulation of 150,000. Archaeology
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continues to inform the public a b o u t the latest discoveries in archaeology worldwide, with richly illustrated articles written by professionals. I n 1884, the institute established local societies in B o s t o n , N e w York, Baltimore, a n d Philadelphia; by 1890 t h e y were joined by societies in C h i c a g o , Detroit, M a d i s o n , a n d M i n neapolis. T o d a y , witii 11,400 m e m b e r s in 87 societies, the institute is o n e of the largest in the world. M e m b e r s of t h e AIA w h o belong to a local society enjoy lectures, field trips, tours, a n d m u s e u m visits, as well as serve on local c o m m i t tees.
distinction are n o m i n a t e d as F o r e i g n H o n o r a r y M e m b e r s to the governing b o a r d a n d council. T h e AIA is at t h e forefront in s h a p i n g s u c h national p u b l i c policy issues as artifact o w n e r s h i p , ethics, t h e e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d the future of archaeology. I n a p e r i o d of u n p r e c e d e n t e d looting of archaelogical sites a n d dealing in stolen a n t i q u i ties, the Professional Responsibilities C o m m i t t e e acts as t h e steward of t h e institute's mission. I n 1990, t h e institute a d o p t e d a Code of Ethics n o w followed b y m a n y o t h e r or ganizations.
T h e institute f o u n d e d the A m e r i c a n School of Classical Studies in A t h e n s in 1882. I n 1895 it founded w h a t b e c a m e the A m e r i c a n A c a d e m y in R o m e a n d in 1899-1900 was in strumental in establishing t h e A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research. I n 1907 the institute established t h e School of A m e r i c a n Archaeology in Santa F e , N e w M e x i c o , for the study of the N a t i v e A m e r i c a n past, a n d in 1921 joined with the American Anthropological Association to create t h e A m e r i c a n School of Prehistoric Research, devoted to Stone A g e studies.
MARTHA SHARP JOUKOWSKY
In 1951 the institute f o u n d e d the A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h C e n t e r in E g y p t a n d i n the mid-1960s s u p p o r t e d the f o u n d ing of the A m e r i c a n R e s e a r c h Institute in T u r k e y a n d d i e A m e r i c a n Institute of Iranian Studies. In 1974, it s u p p o r t e d the creation of the A m e r i c a n Institute of Nautical A r c h a e ology. A n annual Charles Eliot N o r t o n M e m o r i a l L e c t u r e s h i p was f o u n d e d in 1895 for presentations by a distinguished scholar. T h r e e additional lectureships were established in 1986: the A n n a M a r g u e r i t e M c C a n n a n d R o b e r t D . T a g g a r t Lectureship in U n d e r w a t e r Archaeology, the H o m e r A . a n d D o r o t h y B. T h o m p s o n L e c t u r e s h i p , and the G e o r g e M . A. H a n f m a n n L e c t u r e s h i p . I n 1990 the President's L e c t u r e s h i p was inaugurated. T h e s e special lectures are s u p p l e m e n t e d by p r o m i n e n t scholars w h o share their research results with the public by delivering a total of 250 lectures annually t h r o u g h o u t N o r t h America. T h e institute offers a p l a c e m e n t service for archaeologists a n d scholars in related fields as well as direct s u p p o r t for research and travel to five students per year; t h e p r o m o t i o n a n d s u p p o r t of g r a d u a t e fellowships b e g a n in 1961 with the Olivia James T r a v e l Fellowship, followed b y t h e H a r r i e t P o m e r a n c e Fellowship in 1971 a n d the A n n a C. a n d Oliver C. C o l b u r n Fellowship in 1990. I n addition, t h e institute also awards the Helen M . W o o d r u f f Fellowship a n d the K e n a n T . E r i m Aphrodisias Fellowship. T h e institute is c o m m i t t e d to recognizing distinguished scholars a n d archaeologists whose research has m a d e an outstanding contribution to t h e field. T o this e n d , t h e insti tute established the J a m e s R. W i s e m a n Book A w a r d , t h e G o l d M e d a l A w a r d for Distinguished Archaeological Achievement, a n d t h e P o m e r a n c e A w a r d for Scientific C o n tributions to Archaeology. I n addition, foreign scholars of
[See also A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research.]
ARCHES.
T h e a r c h is one of four b a s i c structural d e vices for bridging architectural spaces. T h e o t h e r t h r e e are the corbel, p o s t a n d lintel, a n d truss. B o t h corbeling a n d p o s t a n d lintel rely exlusively o n the vertical stacking of architec tural m e m b e r s . T r u s s i n g a n d arching o v e r c a m e this limita tion. T r u s s i n g uses t h e principle of triangular distribution of vertical force in a h o r i z o n t a l direction, to e n a b l e t h e b r i d g i n g of larger spans. T h o u g h this p r o v i d e d a solution for o p e n i n g spaces in p e d i m e n t e d G r e e k t e m p l e s a n d C h r i s t i a n a n d J e w ish basilicas, the c o m p l e x m a t h e m a t i c s involved in truss d e sign were n o t well u n d e r s t o o d until recently, a n d its u s e in antiquity r e m a i n e d tentative. [See Basilicas.] T h a t leaves t h e arch, which uses t h e principle of the w e d g e t o t r a n s p o s e vertical forces to h o r i z o n t a l planes. A r c h c o n s t r u c t i o n is m o r e c u m b e r s o m e t h a n p o s t a n d lintel b e c a u s e it requires centering—erecting supportive filler o n w h i c h to set the voussoirs until the keystone locks t h e m in place. N e v e r t h e less, it p r o v e d to b e the m o s t successful device of classical, L a t e A n t i q u e , a n d medieval architecture. T h e basic arch is a semicircle of m a s o n r y w i t h its center at t h e m i d p o i n t of d i e base line (see figure 1 ) . Its c o m p o n e n t blocks are voussoirs, each of w h i c h is c u t in a w e d g e s h a p e , so t h a t its joining side is aligned with t h e r a d i u s of t h e s e m i circle. T h e inner e d g e of a voussoir is usually d r e s s e d as a n arc of t h e interior circle of t h e a r c h (the i n t r a d o s or soffit). T h e u p p e r edge, t h e e x t r a d o s , m a y also receive circular dressing b u t m a y b e left r o u g h if d i e m a s o n r y a b o v e it is n o t smoothly dressed. T h e base stones of a n a r c h are called springers a n d are s o m e t i m e s set directiy into a wall or o n t o a projecting pier. H o w e v e r , the transition from vertical to circular is often defined b y placing the s p r i n g e r o n an i m post, a wall stone o r pier c a p with a m o l d i n g defining t h e setting of the arch. T h e keystone is set at t h e t o p , or c r o w n , of d i e arch a n d serves as t h e w e d g e t h a t holds all t h e o t h e r voussoirs in position. T o h a v e t h e c o m p o n e n t s of t h e a r c h stably locked in place, it n e e d s to b e l o a d e d , w h i c h m e a n s t h a t t h e w e i g h t of the wall above firmly w e d g e s t h e voussoirs into t h e arc of the circle. T h e t h r u s t created by this w e i g h t o n t o t h e c r o w n is deflected sideways t h r o u g h the lower c o m p o n e n t s of t h e
ARCHES
ARCHES.
Figure
I.
Arch for ceiling support in great room of house 35 at Umm el-Jimal.
189
( a ) load; (b)
k e y s t o n e ; (c) i n t r a d o s or soffit; (d) e x t r a d o s ; (e) h a u n c h ; (f) s p r i n g e r ; (g) i m p o s t ; ( h ) v o u s s o i r . (Drawing by T a n i a H o b b s ; courtesy B. de Vries)
arch. A t t h e h a u n c h , t h e area m i d w a y b e t w e e n tire k e y s t o n e a n d t h e springer, t h a t t h r u s t is d i r e c t e d a b o u t 45° d o w n w a r d a n d o u t w a r d — n a m e l y , o n t o d i e vertical wall or pier a n d into t h e adjacent m a s o n r y . T h i s is w h y an a r c h n e e d s n o t only a s t r o n g vertical b a s e , b u t also b u t t r e s s i n g . S u c h b u t t r e s s i n g m a y b e achieved variously b y t h i c k e n i n g t h e wall into w h i c h it is built, h a v i n g a b a l a n c i n g a r c h s p r i n g o u t of t h e o p p o s i t e wall face (as in an adjacent r o o m , or i n the rows of arches in R o m a n raised a q u e d u c t s a n d t h e side aisle partitions of basilical c h u r c h e s a n d s y n a g o g u e s ) , or h a v i n g a b u t t r e s s b r a c e t h e exterior wall face. I n R o m a n c o m m e m o r a t i v e arches (like tiiat of H a d r i a n at J e r a s h in J o r d a n ) d i e smaller flanking arches serve as b u t t r e s s e s for t h e h u g e central o n e . [See A q u e d u c t s . ] W h e n p r o p e r l y l o a d e d , an a r c h is s t r o n g e r t h a n a wall. H o w e v e r , w h e n it h a s lost its load, it b e c o m e s u n s t a b l e , a n d t h e voussoirs at t h e h a u n c h , w h e r e t h e t h r u s t is t h e greatest, h a v e a t e n d e n c y to p o p u p a n d
solid very side out.
T h e c r o w n t h e n flattens a n d b e c o m e s lower, t h e keystone looses its grip, a n d t h e a r c h collapses. T h e voussoirs of fallen arches are usually readily r e c o g nizable in collapse debris. T h e y will a p p e a r in a regular or der t h a t differs from an o r d i n a r y wall b e c a u s e t h e y form a single r o w of equal w i d t h " h e a d e r s " t h a t are n o t as neatiy aligned as in situ m a s o n r y . Individual pieces are readily identified b e c a u s e of tiieir w e d g e s h a p e a n d circularity on t h e n a r r o w side. T h i s is t r u e especially of R o m a n arches, w h i c h t e n d e d to b e of very high quality. In later c o n s t r u c tion, t h a t of the C r u s a d e r s , for e x a m p l e , s o m e arches were c o n s t r u c t e d of a c o m b i n a t i o n of u n d r e s s e d fieldstones, chink s t o n e s , a n d m o r t a r . If an arched partition was b o n d e d into t h e wall from w h i c h it w a s s p r u n g , collapse of t h e arch w o u l d result in a vertical d a m a g e line in t h a t wall. E v i d e n c e of its use c a n also b e s u r m i s e d f r o m t h e surviving piers from w h i c h a n arch w a s s p r u n g . T h e arch's b r i d g i n g function w a s u s e d in various ways.
190
ARCHITECTURAL
DECORATION
M o s t simply it created openings like doorways a n d w i n d o w s . T h e s t e p p e d arch, a series of arches with r e d u c e d heights (as in the vomitoria of the S o u t h T h e a t e r at Jerash) can b e a graceful transition from one type of space to a n other. Rows of arches could be u s e d t o s u p p o r t s u p e r s t r u c ture w h e n solid partitions were undesirable (curtain walls of R o m a n theaters, O t t o m a n railroad bridges). [See T h e a t e r s . ] T r a n s v e r s e arches set in a parallel r o w were u s e d to s u p p o r t t h e flat roofs over large auditoria (like t h e " h a l l " c h u r c h e s in L e v a n t i n e villages) or over u n d e r g r o u n d cisterns ( H u m e i m a , U m m el-Jimal, d i e N e g e v ) . [See Cisterns.] C o n tinuous arches in a linear direction form vaults, and t h o s e in a circular direction, d o m e s . Relieving arches w e r e c o m monly u s e d over lintels (the gate at Q a s r Bshir) to discharge their t h r u s t or in solid walls to bridge weak areas in t h e f o u n dation bedrock (north wall of t h e H e s b a n acropolis c h u r c h ) . A l t h o u g h the circular a r c h was k n o w n b u t u s e d only slightly in ancient E g y p t , M e s o p o t a m i a , and G r e e c e , it w a s basic to E t r u s c a n design a n d b e c a m e t h e basic structural c o m p o n e n t (alongside t h e Hellenistic post a n d lintel) of R o m a n architecture. It r e m a i n e d a c o m m o n feature of d o m e s tic h o u s e design from t h e B y z a n t i n e - U m a y y a d to t h e A y y u b i d - M a m l u k a n d L a t e O t t o m a n periods in the L e v a n t . Islamic architects p i o n e e r e d major innovations in various arch shapes, a m o n g t h e m variations o n the circular a r c h , b u t especially diverse forms of t h e p o i n t e d arch. T h o u g h t h e p o i n t e d arch m a y p r e d a t e Islam, it b e c a m e a regular feature of m o n u m e n t a l architecture s p o n s o r e d by U m a y y a d caliphs (like the D o m e of t h e R o c k in Jerusalem, w h e r e it occurs tentatively alongside t h e circular arch) and was tire t r a d e m a r k of classical M u s l i m design. T h u s , it m a y be c o n s i d e r e d a major technological b r e a k t h r o u g h of the L a t e A n t i q u e a n d Early Islamic cultural eras, contributing greatly to ease of construction, structural simplification, and elaboration of design aesthetics. [Many of the sites mentioned entries.]
are the subject of
independent
BIBLIOGRAPHY A d a m , Jean-Pierre. Roman Building: Materials and Techniques. Bloomington, Ind., 1994. Chapter 6, "Arches and Vaults," gives an ex cellent illustrated history. Fletcher, Banister, and John Musgrove, eds. History ofArchitecture. 19th ed. London and Boston; 1987. In a history such as this the historical uses of arches can easily be traced from die index. BEET DE VRIES
ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION.
In most regions of the N e a r E a s t t h e local limestone is of g o o d q u a l ity, especially o n Syria's limestone massif a n d in Baalbek, P a l m y r a , Palestine, a n d E g y p t , which allowed artisans t o w o r k in deep relief a n d witii "light a n d s h a d o w . " [See Baal bek; Palmyra.] In t h e case of h a r d stone, s u c h as basalt in t h e G o l a n a n d s o u t h e r n Syria a n d p o r p h y r y in t h e Sinai
desert, decorative motifs w e r e executed in bas-relief. [See G o l a n ; Sinai.] It was n o t until t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE t h a t t h e massive q u a r r y i n g , working, a n d t r a d i n g of m a r b l e a n d architectural elements in m a r b l e b e g a n . T h i s b e c a m e an i m p o r t a n t m e a n s for t h e distribution of a m o r e or less u n i f o r m imperial art a n d architecture. T h r o u g h o u t t h e R o m a n a n d the Byzantine p e r i o d s m a r b l e w a s i m p o r t e d into t h e N e a r East, mainly f r o m Aphrodisias in Caria a n d P r o c o n n e s u s in the Sea of M a r m a r a . [See Aphrodisias.] M a r b l e r e p l a c e d t h e local limestone, enabling m o r e impressive a n d finer achievements in architectural m o l d i n g a n d s c u l p t u r e . E v e n before the c o n q u e s t of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t in 333331 BCE decorations in a G r e e k style a p p e a r e d in a funerary context on t h e P h o e n i c i a n coast (the s a r c o p h a g i of t h e m o u r n i n g w o m e n , of t h e satraps, of A l e x a n d e r , a n d related finds in t h e necropolis at S i d o n ) . [See P h o e n i c i a ; S a r c o p h agus; N e c r o p o l i s ; Sidon.] W i t h t h e a d v e n t of t h e Hellenistic age, however, w h e n a G r e e k regime was established in d i e N e a r E a s t u n d e r t h e Ptolemies, tiiese territories w e r e o p e n to t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d s p r e a d of G r e e k styles in architec t u r e o n a large scale. [See Ptolemies.] T h e styles, all of t h e m trabeated, can b e differentiated a c c o r d i n g to t h e s h a p e of t h e base, c o l u m n , capital, a n d entablature. E a c h c o m p o n e n t h a d a systematic set of m o l d i n g s , a n d t h e r e w a s a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e b e t w e e n each m o l d i n g a n d t h e m o t i f carved o n it in relief. T h r e e w e r e t h e s e styles, w h i c h go b a c k to t h e Archaic a n d Classical G r e e k world: D o r i c , Ionic, a n d C o rinthian. T h e last o n e , recognized m a i n l y in t h e C o r i n t h i a n capital a n d cornice a n d b y t h e Attic base, b e c a m e i n c r e a s ingly p o p u l a r in t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s . A n o t h e r c o m m o n process in t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d was a b l e n d of orders: a D o r i c frieze a b o v e an I o n i c or C o r i n t h i a n capital was n o t u n u s u a l . In the Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n p e r i o d s , d e c o r a t e d edifices were m a i n l y t e m p l e s , t o m b s , palaces, a n d t h e m a n sions of the wealthy: t h e r o c k - c a r v e d facades in P e t r a a n d Jerusalem, t h e p a i n t e d t o m b s of Alexandria a n d M a r i s a / M a reshah, t h e palaces of t h e H a s m o n e a n s a n d H e r o d . [See T o m b s ; Palace; P e t r a ; Jerusalem; M a r e s h a h ; H a s m o n e a n s . ] L o c a l traditions a n d Oriental influences—Egyptian, S y r o Palestinian, M e s o p o t a m i a n , a n d I r a n i a n — w e r e always at work, forming u n d e r c u r r e n t s tiiat e m e r g e d periodically in o n e region or another. T h e y m o r e a n d m o r e t o o k t h e lead in t h e Byzantine p e r i o d , establishing t h e C o p t i c style in E g y p t a n d t h e G r e c o - S y r i a n style. T h e religio-nationalistic r e s p o n s e of t h e Jews a n d t h e N a b a t e a n s to foreign influences a n d their rejection of figurative art resulted in t h e e m e r g e n c e of t w o indigenous decorative a p p r o a c h e s ( A v i - Y o n a h , 1961; Hachlili, 1988; Patrich, 1990). [See N a b a t e a n s . ] E v e r y w h e r e in the region the city was m o r e hellenized a n d r o m a n i z e d t h a n t h e countryside. D u r i n g the A n t o n i n e a n d S e v e r a n p e r i o d s ( s e c o n d a n d t h i r d centuries), w i t h t h e large-scale s p r e a d of R o m a n u r -
ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION b a n i z a t i o n in t h e N e a r East, s t o n e - m o l d e d architectural d e c orations in d i e G r e c o - R o m a n spirit w e r e f o u n d in all t h e cities. T h e m a i n t h o r o u g h f a r e s in a typical R o m a n city w e r e c o l o n n a d e d streets (cf. G e r a s a j e r a s h , Scythopolis/BethS h e a n , A p a m e a , P a l m y r a ) . [See Jerash; B e t h - S h e a n ; A p a mea.] F o r a a n d o t h e r public piazzas at t h e intersections of streets were s u r r o u n d e d b y c o l o n n a d e s a n d a d o r n e d with tetrapyla ( G e r a s a , B o s r a ) , tetrakionia (four c o l u m n s o n a c o m m o n pedestal; G e r a s a , P a l m y r a , A n t i n o e ) , " t r i u m p h a l " arches with single or triple o p e n i n g s ( P a l m y r a , Scythopolis, Jerusalem, P e t r a ) , m e m o r i a l c o l u m n s (Jerusalem), or p e d estals with statues. E v e n city gates, i n c o r p o r a t e d in sober wall lines, w e r e m a d e to r e s e m b l e t r i u m p h a l arches. T h e steady visual rhytiim of t h e street c o l u m n s w a s b r o k e n b y facades of a larger o r d e r of m a g n i t u d e : t h e h u g e p r o p y l a e a of t e m p l e s , t h e r m a e , basilicae, a n d o t h e r p u b l i c buildings. [See Basilicas.] T h e e m p h a s i s w a s o n t h e exterior, o n t h e facades. T h e scenafrons, a n i n n e r wall in t h e R o m a n theater, inspired t h e d e c o r a t i o n s of t h e p u b l i c n y m p h e a : a decorative wall of t w o or t h r e e stories, a d o r n e d w i t h niches h o l d i n g statues a n d with a n a p s e ( P h i l a d e l p h i a / A m m a n , G e r a s a , B o s r a , Scythopolis, P e t r a ) . [See T h e a t e r s ; A m m a n ; Bosra.] T h i s b a r o q u e system of niches a r r a n g e d in several stories, inspired b y Hellenistic A l e x a n d r i a (see b e l o w ) , w a s carried e v e n to t h e interior a n d exterior of t e m p l e s (cf. t h e T e m p l e of B a c c h u s in Baalbek, t h e T e m p l e of Z e u s i n G e r a s a ) . T h e i n n e r courts of t e m p l e s a n d t h e palaestra of t h e r m a e , g y m nasia, a n d stadia w e r e s u r r o u n d e d b y a stoa witii o n e or t w o r o w s of c o l u m n s a n d b y e x e d r a e . T h e first m a r b l e capitals a p p e a r e d in t h e N e a r E a s t in t h e late first or early s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE. L a t e r , d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d a n d early third centuries, C o r i n t h i a n m a r b l e capitals of tire " n o r m a l " type became widespread throughout the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , f o r m i n g an i m p o r t a n t c o m m o n feature of i m p e rial art a n d reflecting a r e n a i s s a n c e of t h e G r e e k art. A b o v e t h e two regular r o w s of a c a n t h u s leaves o n the " n o r m a l " C o r i n t h i a n capital are c o r n e r volutes a n d inner helices springing f r o m a n a c a n t h u s calyx, set o n t o p of a fluted s h e a t h k n o w n as a caulicole. T h e a b a c u s is d e c o r a t e d with a central n e u r o n . C o r i n t h i a n " n o r m a l " capitals (either in m a r b l e or in local stone) h a v e b e e n f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r East: at G e r a s a , B o s r a , P a l m y r a , C a e s a r e a , B e t h S h e a n , a n d in E g y p t (Fischer, 1990; K a u t z s c h , 1936; P e n s a b e n e , 1993). [See Caesarea.] S u b t y p e s of m a r b l e capitals are defined b a s e d o n t h e e x t e n t to w h i c h t h e leaves of t h e lower r o w r e m a i n i n d e p e n d e n t , a p p r o a c h , or t o u c h e a c h o t h e r in a g e o m e t r i c p a t t e r n of r h o m b o i d s a n d o b l o n g s — c o n t r i b u t i n g to t h e l i g h t - a n d - s h a d o w effect. W i t h t h e i n creased t o u c h i n g z o n e b e t w e e n d i e leaves of t h e lower r o w , t h e calathus b e c a m e covered, m o r e a n d m o r e , b y a n e t of g e o m e t r i c p a t t e r n s , causing t h e capital to lose its plasticity; t h e w a y was t h u s p r e p a r e d t o t h e schematically d e c o r a t e d B y z a n t i n e capital (see b e l o w ) . I m p o r t a n t p r o d u c t i o n c e n t e r s for m a r b l e w e r e the w o r k
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s h o p s at E p h e s u s , P e r g a m o n (active since Hellenistic times), a n d A p h r o d i s i a s ; the latter was a n e w , a n d t h e m o s t active, center in the R o m a n e m p i r e . [See E p h e s u s ; P e r g a m o n . ] T h e i r p r o d u c t s were e x p o r t e d a n d served as m o d e l s for local w o r k s h o p s in tire N e a r E a s t e r n p r o v i n c e s , where t h e details w e r e t h e n w o r k e d o u t o n blocks of i m p o r t e d m a r b l e or i m itated in local limestones. T h e crisis of t h e third century b r o u g h t a b o u t a decline in m a r b l e architecture everywhere a n d a revival of local traditions expressed in local stone. In t h e cities of the B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , architectural m e m bers were c o m m o n l y t a k e n from R o m a n structures a n d r e u s e d . C h u r c h e s were d i e p r i m a r y n e w addition to the u r b a n l a n d s c a p e . As assembly halls, t h e r e is a clear t e n d e n c y in their architecture to a d o r n t h e interior at d i e expense of t h e exterior. [See C h u r c h e s . ] I n s t e a d of decorated, stonem o l d e d facades, t h e e m p h a s i s w a s placed o n floor a n d wall m o s a i c s , capitals in t h e c o l o n n a d e s or arcades of the basili cae, d i e t r i u m p h a l a r c h , a n d t h e string course. [SeeMosaics.] T h e liturgical furniture (e.g., t h e altar a n d its c y b o r i u m , t h e a m b o , a n d t h e chancel screen) also received attention from artists a n d sculptors. M a r b l e w a s t h e preferred material for t h e s e furnishings as well as for t h e plates u s e d for wall r e v e t m e n t a n d paving. Yet, o n Syria's limestone massif archi tectural stone m o l d i n g c o n t i n u e d , r e a c h i n g a floruit in m o n u m e n t s s u c h as Q a l ' a t S i m ' a n a n d t h e c h u r c h at Qalb L o u z e h ( S t r u b e , 1977; 1993). [See Q a l ' a t Sim'an.] T h e n o tion of a n architectural o r d e r in its G r e c o - R o m a n sense w a s lost, h o w e v e r , a n d d e c o r a t i o n w a s a d a p t e d to n e w architec tural forms. O n d i e exterior t h e e m p h a s i s was o n the frames of doors a n d w i n d o w s , r a t h e r t h a n o n t h e lintel alone. C o r nices r e a p p e a r e d u n d e r roofs, a n d m o l d i n g s u n d e r l i n e d d i e stories o n t h e facade a n d s u r r o u n d e d buildings. External apses w e r e d e c o r a t e d o n tiieir exterior b y attached c o l u m n s , as at Q a l ' a t S i m ' a n a n d associated c h u r c h e s , s u c h as at T u rin a n d F a s u q o n Jebel W a s t a n i (Biscop a n d Sodini, 1984). A G r e c o - S y r i a n style d e v e l o p e d a n d b e c a m e established in w h i c h h u m a n a n d animal figures are almost entirely a b s e n t a n d w h o s e vegetal motifs a r e n e v e r naturalistic. T h e a c a n t h u s in particular b e c a m e just a decorative motif. In the N e a r East in t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , the C o r i n t h i a n capital a p p e a r e d in a rich variety of types a n d subtypes ( K a u t z s c h , i 9 3 6 ; P e n s a b e n e , 1993, p p . 1 5 7 - 1 7 7 ) . T h e c o m p o n e n t s of d i e u p p e r z o n e (six helices a n d volutes) are r e d u c e d in size or d i s a p p e a r , at t h e e x p e n s e of the a c a n t h u s leaves. T h e leaves are variegated in t r e a t m e n t a n d shape. T h e fine dressing, d o n e w i t h a drill, of t h e so-called T h e o dosian capital is especially delicate. Tilted, or " w i n d b l o w n " leaves, first seen in t h e S e v e r a n p e r i o d , r e a p p e a r e d . T h e biz o n e capital h a d variants, i n c l u d i n g wild beasts in t h e u p p e r z o n e a n d a tendril or a b a s k e t in t h e lower zone. T h e Ionic capital w i t h a springstone (an i m p o s t block) attached at t h e t o p b e c a m e o n e u n i t — d i e Ionic i m p o s t capital. Its lower, Ionic m e m b e r w a s greatly simplified a n d gradually r e d u c e d i n size until it d i s a p p e a r e d entirely. T h e i m p o s t b e c a m e a
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capital on its o w n , in either a trapezoidal or folded form, whose surface was covered with rich foliage, finely c u t with a drill, or with ribbons a r r a n g e d in a zigzag pattern. E g y p t . Alexandria a n d a few other u r b a n centers were m o r e receptive to G r e e k culture t h a n t h e vast rural z o n e along t h e Nile River a n d in t h e Delta, where t h e p h a r a o n i c tradition h a d b e e n p r e s e r v e d for centuries. [See Alexandria; Delta.] A final blending of traditions is reflected in t h e C o p tic art a n d architecture of t h e Christian Byzantine period. Ptolemaic Alexandria b e c a m e a leading Hellenistic center of architectural decoration a n d painting. [See Wall P a i n t ings.] Although t h e r e m a i n s a r e very fragmentary a n d scat tered, their features have b e e n defined as b a r o q u e : they broke away from a post-and-lintel system, d e m o n s t r a t i n g a n o n t e c t o n i c use of structural m e m b e r s (Adriani, 1966; B r e c cia, 1926; M c K e n z i e , 1990; P e n s a b e n e , 1993). Alexandria's Hellenistic architectural finds are mainly from its various necropoleis (Shatby, M u s t a f a Pasha, t h e Alabaster T o m b , Sidi G a b e r , M i n e t el-Bassal, M a f r o u s a , G a b b a r i , A n f o u s h y , Ras e l - T i n e , A n t o n i d e s G a r d e n , S u q el-Wardian, K o m elShoqafa, H a d r a ) a n d from T u n a el-Gebel (the necropolis of H e r m o p o l i s M a g n a ) , a n d from t e m p l e remains (mainly the Serapea at Alexandria a n d C a n o p u s , t h e Ptolemaic-cult sanctuary of H e r m o p o l i s M a g n a , a n d t h e SerapeumJ?] there). [See Cult.] M a n y architectural fragments are p r e served in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n M u s e u m in Alexandria. T w o other i m p o r t a n t sources of data are Kallixeinos's description of t h e pavilion of P t o l e m y I I , raised in Alexandria b e t w e e n 274 a n d 270 BCE to h o u s e a s y m p o s i u m held in c o n n e c t i o n with a great religious p r o c e s s i o n in h o n o r of D i o n y s u s ( A t h enaeus 5.196-197), a n d A t h e n a e u s ' s description of t h e p a latial Nile barge (Gk., thalamegos) of P t o l e m y I V (Athenaeus 5.203-206). All diree G r e e k orders w e r e r e p r e s e n t e d in Hellenistic E g y p t (Pensabene, 1993). T h e I o n i c - C o r i n t h i a n cornice, with modillions u n d e r t h e c o r o n a , a p p e a r e d with b o t h D o r i c a n d Ionic trabeation. T h e Alexandrian examples of a " f r e e " (heterodox) C o r i n t h i a n capital differed from t h e " H e l l e n i s tic" type found in Asia M i n o r (inspired b y t h e capital of t h e tholos at E p i d a u r o s ) a n d t h e " n o r m a l " type found in Italy. T h e last type did n o t a p p e a r i n Alexandria until t h e s e c o n d century CE. M o s t capitals were h e t e r o d o x ; " n o r m a l " capitals were very rare; a n d a m i x e d G r e c o - E g y p t i a n g r o u p i n t r o d u c e d lotus flowers, p a l m e t t e s , a n d p a p y r u s b u d s over t h e calathos. Sometimes t h e leaves were left plain, en basse. G r e e k a n d Asiatic type m a r b l e capitals were i m p o r t e d only during t h e R o m a n period. T h e style of m o s t bases was sim ple Attic. Bases on a s q u a r e or a n octagonal pedestal a p p e a r e d only in t h e R o m a n period. T h e structural features of b a r o q u e architecture r e c o g nized in Alexandria, all a p p e a r i n g before 100 BCE, i n c l u d e segmented, hollow, a n d b r o k e n p e d i m e n t s ; t h e so-called Syrian p e d i m e n t ; entablatures b r o k e n forward, a r c h e d o r curved vertically, or horizontal a n d curved inward; p r o jected pedestals; e n g a g e d c o l u m n s , pilasters, a n d q u a r t e r
c o l u m n s ; coupled q u a r t e r c o l u m n s ; tholoi; a n d apsidal niches decorated with shells o r coffering ( M c K e n z i e , 1990). S c u l p t e d c o n c h s w e r e p o p u l a r in E g y p t d o w n t o t h e B y z antine period (Kitzinger, 1937; T o r o k , 1990). T h e r e were Hellenistic decorative elements o t h e r t h a n t h e C o r i n t h i a n capital: architraves of t w o fasciae a n d of even o n e fascia (unlike t h e three fasciae of later R o m a n architec t u r e ) ; n e w types of cornices w i t h dentils o r with flat m o d i l lions (without t h e consoles of R o m a n a r c h i t e c t u r e ) ; a c a n thus c o l u m n bases ( a n e x a m p l e from t h e R o m a n p e r i o d is p r e s e r v e d in t h e t e t r a p y l o n of A l e x a n d e r Severus at A n tinoe); floral o r animal acroteria t h a t slope t o t h e side, unlike t h e vertically positioned G r e e k a n d R o m a n acroteria. M o s t of t h e P t o l e m a i c features a n d elements m e n t i o n e d above were carried into t h e first, s e c o n d , a n d early third centuries, u n d e r t h e R o m a n s , even b e y o n d E g y p t . T h e y s h a p e d R o m a n b a r o q u e architecture, like t h a t seen at Baal b e k (Lyttelton, 1974). Besides canonical e n t a b l a t u r e — c o m p o s e d of architrave, frieze, a n d cornice variants existed w i t h o u t a n architrave or w i t h o u t a frieze especially i n t h e R o m a n b a r o q u e . Hellenistic p a i n t i n g w a s influenced b y t h e Alex a n d r i a n style ( B r o w n , 1957). S o m e surviving Hellenistic a n d R o m a n t e m p l e s i n U p p e r E g y p t were c o n s t r u c t e d a c c o r d i n g t o a n c i e n t p h a r a o n i c tra dition (e.g., D e n d e r a , Edfu, K o m O m b o , P h i l a e ) , e v i d e n d y a living practice. T h e influence of this i n d i g e n o u s architec t u r e is also expressed i n s o m e types of b e l l - s h a p e d capitals d e c o r a t e d with lotus flowers or p a p y r u s b u d s , p a p y r u s bases, a n d in t h e so-called E g y p t i a n c o r n i c e (a cavetto cor nice a b o v e a t o r u s ) , p r e v a l e n t also in t h e " O r i e n t a l " facade types at Petra, in s o m e of t h e m o n u m e n t a l t o m b s in J e r u salem ( T o m b of Z e c h a r i a h , A b s a l o m ' s T o m b ) , a n d i n s o m e L a t e P e r s i a n a n d Early Hellenistic s t r u c t u r e s in P h o e n i c i a . T h e p y r a m i d , f o u n d in s o m e m o n u m e n t a l t o m b s i n J e r u salem a n d in ' A m r i t ( P h o e n i c i a ) , is a n o t h e r m o t i f derived from ancient E g y p t i a n architecture. [See 'Amrit.] I s r a e l a n d J o r d a n . T h e p a l a c e k n o w n as Q a s r e l - ' A b d at ' I r a q el-Amir d e m o n s t r a t e s a b l e n d of G r e e k elements t h a t are decisively A l e x a n d r i a n i n origin a n d Oriental e l e m e n t s of M e s o p o t a m i a n o r I r a n i a n origin: a G r e e k i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a m o n u m e n t in t h e Oriental tradition. A l t h o u g h unfin ished, it is a well-preserved e x a m p l e of Hellenistic a r c h i t e c t u r e i n t h e Syro-Palestinian regime in t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE ( D e n t z e r - F e y d y , 1991). M o r e t h a n t e n archi tectural orders have b e e n c o u n t e d , of different t y p e s a n d sizes, s u p e r i m p o s e d o r set o n e n e x t t o d i e other. Y e t , t h e decoration exhibits a h o m o g e n o u s character. T h e o r d e r s a r e c o m p o s e d of freestanding c o l u m n s as well as q u a r t e r , half, a n d t h r e e - q u a r t e r e n g a g e d c o l u m n s a n d e n g a g e d pilasters. T h e half c o l u m n s m a y b e e n g a g e d t o a p o r t a l f r a m e , w i n d o w j a m b , o r wall face. T h e r e is a single m o d e l , i n several vari ations, of t h e C o r i n t h i a n capital a n d a single m o d e l of t h e I o n i a n capital. T h e C o r i n t h i a n capitals a r e " f r e e " ( h e t e r o d o x ) , related t o t h e A l e x a n d r i a n C o r i n t h i a n capital. Pilasters h a d capitals of their o w n , w i t h Attic bases; t h e col-
ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION u m n s of t h e u p p e r loggia h a d a n a c a n t h u s b a s e . T h e r e is a single m o d e l of D o r i c e n t a b l e m e n t a n d one of Ionic e n t a b l e m e n t . T h e Ionic o n e a p p e a r s , as is n o r m a l , o n t o p of a C o r i n t h i a n c o l u m n , while t h e D o r i c e x a m p l e exhibits a b l e n d of o r d e r s c o m m o n t o t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d a n d is p l a c e d o n t o p of C o r i n t h i a n as well as Ionic capitals. T h e i n n e r walls h a d c r o w n m o l d i n g s . Figural motifs—of p a n t h e r s , lions, a n d eagles—are s u p e r i m p o s e d o n t h e a r c h i t e c t u r a l o r d e r s , as decorative a c c e n t s , at the corners of t h e b u i l d i n g a n d its fountains. F r a g m e n t s of s t u c c o work w e r e f o u n d in t h e building as well. T h e influence of A l e x a n d r i a n architecture on t h e layout a n d d e c o r a t i o n s of t h e principal m o n u m e n t s a t P e t r a , in Jor d a n , can b e seen in t h e t e m p l e s — t h e Q a s r Bint F a r a u n a n d t h e T e m p l e of t h e W i n g e d L i o n s ( M c K e n z i e , 1990) a n d in t h e m o r e recently e x c a v a t e d S o u t h e r n T e m p l e . S o m e of P e t r a ' s m o n u m e n t a l t o m b facades reflect a decisive G r e c o - R o m a n architectural influence. H o w e v e r , m o s t of t h e m are Oriental in style, c r o w n e d b y o n e or t w o r o w s of crenellations (crowsteps) o r b y t w o sets of five c o r n e r steps t h a t face e a c h other. T h e crenellations, o r m e r l o n s , a r e an Oriental m o t i f of Assyrian origin, p o p u l a r in P h o e n i c i a in t h e L a t e P e r s i a n a n d Early Hellenistic p e r i o d s , t h a t survived in i n t e rior Syria u p t o t h e R o m a n p e r i o d (cf. t h e square altars o n M t . L e b a n o n , t h e T e m p l e of Bel in P a l m y r a ; t h e peribolos of t h e great t e m p l e in D a m a s c u s ; a n d t h e t e m p l e a t D m e i r , in s o u t h e r n Syria). [See Assyrians; Altars; D a m a s c u s . ] T h e N a b a t e a n plain-faced, b l o c k e d - o u t capital is derived f r o m t h e N a b a t e a n C o r i n t h i a n capital—a h e t e r o d o x floral capital (Patrich, 1984). S t u c c o w o r k a n d frescoes of the First a n d S e c o n d P o m p e i i a n styles d e c o r a t e d P e t r a ' s t e m p l e s a n d h o u s e s ( K o h l , 1910; Z a y a d i n e , 1987). T h e art of decorative s t u c c o w o r k is of I r a n i a n - C e n t r a l A s i a n origin; it s p r e a d to t h e w e s t a n d b e c a m e p o p u l a r t h e r e in t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d . T h e s t u c c o w o r k o n a m a n s i o n a t T e l Anafa in Israel d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e L a t e Hellenistic a c h i e v e m e n t s in this d o m a i n in Syria-Palestine u n d e r t h e Seleucids ( G o r d o n , 1977). S t u c c o f r a g m e n t s of a large, e n g a g e d C o r i n t h i a n o r d e r a n d of a n attic z o n e have b e e n r e trieved. T h e m a i n o r d e r includes pieces of white fluted shafts, s m o o t h r e d shafts, b a s e s , capitals, a n d fragments of s u c h e n t a b l a t u r e m e m b e r s as dentils, cornice, a n d c y m a . T h e c o m p o n e n t s of t h e attic z o n e i n c l u d e fragments of p i lasters, c o l o n n e t t e s , small capitals, a n d a lozenge p a t t e r n . A l i m e s t o n e capital w a s f o u n d as well. F o u r variants of t h e C o r i n t h i a n capital are of S y r i a n r a t h e r t h a n A l e x a n d r i a n Hellenistic stock, while t h e lozenges reflect a n E g y p t i a n i n fluence. T h e Hellenistic m a s o n r y style of t h e stucco w o r k reflected in t h e T e l Anafa finds survived o n M a s a d a in a b e t t e r state of preservation (Foerster, 1995). [See Anafa, T e l ; Masada.] T h e m a s o n r y style ( s o m e t i m e s referred to as incrustation, or structural style) is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y its u s e of stucco as a m e d i u m for stimulating ashlars a n d o t h e r architectural ele m e n t s b y m o l d i n g t h e m i n relief. A wall w a s divided into
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five horizontal zones: p l i n t h ( a b o u t 20—30 c m h i g h ) ; drafted orthostats ( a b o u t 1 m h i g h ) ; frieze (string c o u r s e ) ; isodomic courses of drafted r e c t a n g u l a r blocks—the largest p o r t i o n of t h e wall; a n d a t o p z o n e , or wall c r o w n . Generally, this stucco w o r k was s u b s e q u e n t l y c o v e r e d w i t h p o l y c h r o m e p a i n t , b u t at M a s a d a , H e r o d i u m , a n d in a large m a n s i o n e x c a v a t e d in the Jewish Q u a r t e r in J e r u s a l e m (decorated in t h e First P o m p e i i a n style, closely related t o , although dif ferent from, the m a s o n r y style), t h e wall, including t h e or thostats, w a s p a i n t e d white. [See H e r o d u i m . ] P a i n t e d s u r faces, or frescoes, o n flat, n o n s t u c c o e d walls have also b e e n f o u n d o n M a s a d a , h o w e v e r , as well as in other Flerodian palaces ( H e r o d i u m , J e r i c h o ) , s o m e t i m e s in conjunction with e n g a g e d c o l u m n s , or pilasters, a n d at T e l Anafa. [See Jeri cho.] Actually, t h e N o r t h e r n Palace o n M a s a d a is consid ered to b e an e x a m p l e of built architecture t h a t inspired t h e S e c o n d P o m p e i i a n style in p a i n t i n g . Its relationship to Al e x a n d r i a n palace a r c h i t e c t u r e , o n t h e o n e h a n d , a n d to A u g u s t a n architecture in R o m e , o n t h e other, h a s b e e n n o t e d (Foerster, 1995). It m a y h a v e b e e n i n t r o d u c e d into J u d e a (Judah) u n d e r t h e influence (if n o t b y t h e very h a n d s ) of an A u g u s t a n R o m a n imperial w o r k s h o p (Foerster, 1995). In addition t o these survivals of t h e Hellenistic m a s o n r y style, t h e S e c o n d P o m p e i i a n style in wall p a i n t i n g (fresco) is r e p r e s e n t e d a t t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d J u d e a n sites as well, w h e r e fragments of ceiling s t u c c o h a v e b e e n recovered. T h e M a s a d a c o l u m n s a r e built of separate d r u m s , covered b y a thick layer of stucco in a fluted p a t t e r n . C o l u m n s in other Flerodian palaces w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d similarly. It has also b e e n suggested t h a t t h e entablature w a s partially m a d e of w o o d a n d t h e n s t u c c o e d . T h e floors w e r e of plaster, m o saic, or o p u s sectile (colored stone tiles). O p u s sectile floors h a v e also b e e n f o u n d at J e r i c h o , C y p r o s , H e r o d i u m , a n d in t h e H e r o d i a n q u a r t e r in Jerusalem. T h e orchestra floor of t h e H e r o d i a n theater at C a e s a r e a was of p a i n t e d plaster, d e picting various g e o m e t r i c p a t t e r n s . T h e H e r o d i a n T e m p l e M o u n t in J e r u s a l e m is the m o s t prestigious H e r o d i a n project of m o n u m e n t a l architecture. T h e reliefs o n the shallow d o m e s of t h e H u l d a G a t e s , d e picting a n e t w o r k of g e o m e t r i c a n d vegetal p a t t e r n s , are ex ceptionally elegant. T h e " n o r m a l " types of C o r i n t h i a n capital, i n t r o d u c e d b y H e r o d u n d e r R o m a n influence, replaced the h e t e r o d o x c a p itals t h a t p r e d o m i n a t e d in t h e Hellenistic period. T h e H e r o d i a n C o r i n t h i a n capital is built of t w o blocks, like the A u g u s t a n one seen in R o m e (Fischer, 1990, p p . 12-20). T h e c o n t e m p o r a r y N a b a t e a n floral capital is similarly built of two blocks, b u t it shows affinities derived from Alexandria (Patrich, 1984). A t times, Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n C o rinthian capitals were plastered with a thin layer of stucco a n d t h e n p a i n t e d (e.g., at T e l Anafa, M a s a d a , C y p r o s , Alexandria, E d f u ) . A t M a s a d a t h e colors u s e d were white a n d p u r p l e , in addition t o gilding. A peculiar feature of the H e r o d i u m capitals is a central leaf below t h e calyx t h a t is w o r k e d as a detail en bosse. " N o r m a l " C o r i n t h i a n capitals,
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with plain, en bosse leaves, were c o m m o n in Jerusalem in tire first century CE (e.g., on the M o u n t T e m p l e , in the Jewish Q u a r t e r , in the T o m b s of t h e K i n g s ) . T h e b l o c k e d - o u t C o rinthian capitals f o u n d on M a s a d a are derived from the H e r odian Corinthian capital, w h i c h was a " n o r m a l " type. Plainfaced or blocked-out capitals have also b e e n f o u n d on C y p r u s a n d in Egypt.
use in the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin: a fondness for g e o m e t r i c a n d vegetal surfaces or b a n d covering, filled with fig u r e s , fruits, a n d flowers a n d a r r a n g e d in endless p a t t e r n i n g . I n addition to t h e three classical o r d e r s , a T u s c a n order, with a particular capital t y p e , was recognized. T h i s form of capital often has a s h a r p - p o i n t e d leaf b e n e a t h e a c h angle of the abacus a n d the astragal at the n e c k is often omitted.
Jewish art in the post-70 CE period is expressed mainly in funerary architecture (e.g., in the necropolis at B e t h She'arim) a n d in synagogues. [See Beth-She'arim; S y n a gogues.] It was influenced to a large extent by t h a t of n o n Jewish society: in the p a g a n L a t e R o m a n p e r i o d it is extroverted a n d stone carved (Foerster, 1987); in the C h r i s tian Byzantine period it is introverted, a p p e a r i n g as floor a n d wall mosaics a n d wall paintings (Tsafrir, 1987). C o m p o nents that were d e c o r a t e d w e r e facades, portals, a n d w i n dows; capitals a n d entablature; the T o r a h ark; floors ( m o saics); a n d walls (frescoes). T h r e e types of ornate portals, or entrance frames (Ionic, with moldings parallel to the o p e n i n g frame a n d with two consols flanking the lintel; Attic, with lintel moldings wider titan t h e opening; a n d a lintel s u p p o r t e d by pilasters), a n d nine types of o r n a m e n t a l lintels have b e e n d o c u m e n t e d (Hachlili, 1988). T h e C o r i n t h i a n capital, of local m a n u f a c t u r e , was t h e m o s t prevalent type. Jewish motifs—mainly the m e n o r a h a n d other liturgical o b jects—may a d o r n o n e of its faces. H e a r t - s h a p e d c o l u m n s were crowned by h e a r t - s h a p e d capitals. T h e b e s t - k n o w n synagogue paintings are t h e t h i r d - c e n t u r y frescoes at D u r a E u r o p o s in Syria. [See D u r a - E u r o p o s . ] F r a g m e n t a r y fres coes a n d drawings of lesser quality h a v e also b e e n f o u n d in s o m e Galilean synagogues (e.g., at R e h o v , Husifah, M a ' o z H a y y i m , H a m m a t h T i b e r i a s , Beth A l p h a ) . [See H a m m a t h Tiberias; Beth Alpha.]
Hellenistic period. R e m a i n s from the Hellenistic p e r i o d in Syria are p r e s e r v e d mainly in t h e M e s o p o t a m i a n z o n e — at D u r a - E u r o p o s (lintels, m o l d i n g s ; S h o e , 1948) a n d Seleu cia o n t h e T i g r i s — a n d in t h e P h o e n i c i a n z o n e . I n Seleucia, w h e r e g o o d b u i l d i n g stone is rare, Seleucid decorative ar chitecture in terra cotta ( c o m m o n in the G r e e k world since Archaic times), w a s r e p l a c e d u n d e r the P a r t h i a n s b y m o l d e d stucco, w h i c h was p o p u l a r in C e n t r a l Asia. T h e r e c o g n i z e d motifs are western (e.g., p a l m e t t e s , a c a n t h u s leaves), eastern (geometric surfaces), a n d h y b r i d ( h e t e r o d o x capitals w i t h h u m a n h e a d s and b u s t s ) .
S y r i a . In geographic a n d cultural t e r m s , Syria e n c o m passes three different regions: the Phoenician coast; t h e i n terior, or central, region, including the Biqa'; and the M e sopotamian region, a transition z o n e b e t w e e n the western regions and Iran and C e n t r a l Asia. Excellent surveys h a v e b e e n m a d e of decorative art t h r o u g h o u t Syria in t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods ( D e n t z e r - F e y d y , 1989) a n d for the Byzantine period ( N a c cache a n d Sodini, 1989). W h a t is k n o w n a b o u t the Seleucid period and the art of A n t i o c h a n d of Seleucia on the Tigris is m e a g e r because their Hellenistic infrastructure has en tirely d i s a p p e a r e d — p e r h a p s having b e e n replaced by R o m a n imperial structures (as in D a m a s c u s a n d A p a m e a ) . [See Seleucids; Antioch o n Orontes; Seleucia on the Tigris; D a mascus.] T h e process by which Syrian decorative art d e veloped can b e traced for the periods following P o m p e y ' s establishment of the R o m a n p r o v i n c e of Syria. H o w e v e r , it is only from the Flavian p e r i o d o n w a r d that it shows signs of homogeneity a n d a c o h e r e n t evolution, b o t h chronolog ical a n d regional. Architectural decoration at Baalbek a n d Palmyra is provincial; it d e m o n s t r a t e s a virtuous a n d profuse combination of the G r e c o - R o m a n decorative g r a m m a r in
Hellenistic r e m a i n s in Phoenicia are few a n d diverse, r e flecting a c o m p o s i t e character of foreign origins. T h e u s e of crenellations, or s t e p c r o w , t o c r o w n the M a ' a b e d at ' A m r i t , the square altars o n M t . L e b a n o n , the T e m p l e of Bel at Palmyra, a n d the T e m p l e of D m e i r in s o u t h e r n Syria is M e s o p o t a m i a n in origin a n d survived into t h e R o m a n period. A n Egyptian influence on t h e M a ' a b e d c a n b e seen in its cornice, while its dentils reflect a G r e e k influence. O n e of the aedicules at 'Ain al-Hayat has a u r a e u s frieze. A n " E g y p tian c o r n i c e " is f o u n d in t h e tliird-century BCE s a n c t u a r y at U m m e l - ' A m a d , along w i t h hellenized e l e m e n t s — D o r i c capitals, m e m b e r s of an Ionic order (including capitals with a collar decorated w i t h palmettes t h a t s e e m to b e inspired by t h e ones o n the n o r t h e r n portico of t h e E r e c h t h e i o n in A t h e n s ) , a n d an I o n i c cornice r e s e m b l i n g o n e at ' I r a q elAmir. Roman period (first-third centuries). A r c h a i c d e c o rated blocks f o u n d at P a l m y r a b e l o n g to t h e frames of niches in t h e T e m p l e s of Bel a n d of Ba'al S h a m i n . T h e blocks are covered with vegetal decorations a r r a n g e d in b a n d s of e n d less, repetitive p a t t e r n s , a style derived f r o m I r a n a n d C e n tral Asia (Seyrig, 1934; 1940). M o s t p o p u l a r is a sinusoidal vine tendril with individual leaves, tiny vine b u n c h e s , a n d various interlacings a n d b u n d l e s of leaves; t h e u p p e r b a n d s contain figural reliefs. Hellenized motifs w e r e a p p a r e n t i y less p o p u l a r — t h e y are distorted a n d set o n i m p r o p e r m o l d ings. T h e C o r i n d i i a n h e t e r o d o x capitals at P a l m y r a , w h i c h lack helices also b e l o n g t o this A r c h a i c P a l m y r e n e style (Schlumberger, 1933). T h e basalt h e t e r o d o x capitals of t h e H a u r a n (e.g., at Si, Q a n a w a t , a n d Suweida) h a v e busts above t h e a c a n t h u s leaves, a n d t h e s t r u c t u r e a n d motifs of the d o o r frames recall t h e A r c h a i c P a l m y r e n e style ( D e n t z e r - F e y d y , 1985; 1990; 1992). T h e c o l u m n bases in the Ba'al S h a m i n t e m p l e at Si h a v e a c o r o n a of a c a n t h u s leaves. T h e architectural decorations in t h e T e m p l e of Bel at P a l m y r a (erected u n d e r T i b e r i u s b e t w e e n 19 a n d 32 CE) w e r e
ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION cut in the local limestone. T h e t e m p l e is considered to reflect t h e magnificence of Seleucid a r c h i t e c t u r e at A n t i o c h (Will, 9 7 S ) - T h e h o m o g e n e o u s a n d c o h e r e n t P a l m y r e n e style is distinguished in t h e T e m p l e of Bel by a variety a n d a b u n d a n c e of decoration. Its motifs b e l o n g to d i e central Syrian tradition revealed in A r c h a i c P a l m y r e n e sculpture: rich g e o m e t r i c , vegetal, a n d figurative d e c o r a t i o n s , a r r a n g e d in b a n d s or as surface c o v e r — a s in the ceiling coffers of t h e peristyle, displaying an " e n d l e s s p a t t e r n . " T h e s e local m o tifs are a b l e n d of e l e m e n t s a n d motifs from t h e classical repertoire. T h e decorative e l e m e n t s include C o r i n t h i a n a n d I o n i c capitals a n d fluted shafts; walls with an Attic b a s e ; t h r e e plain fasciae o n the architrave, w h o s e frieze is d e c o r a t e d with garlands held b y p u t t i ; a n d a C o r i n t h i a n cornice. T h e motifs include egg a n d t o n g u e , L e s b i a n c y m a t i o n , i n terlaces, b e a d a n d reel, dentils, modillions, rosettes, p a l m e t t e s , laurel b u n c h e s , s t e m s w i t h leaves, b a n d s of dressed leaves, a n d of floral scrolls (mainly a c a n t h u s , b u t vine a n d ivy as well). T h e r e are also indications of paintings a n d of m e t a l decoration, i n c l u d i n g b r o n z e capitals. I
Baalbek/Heliopolis b e c a m e a R o m a n colony in a b o u t 15 BCE u n d e r A u g u s t u s , t h u s o p e n i n g it to direct influences from R o m e . T h e t e m p l e s of Baalbek r e p r e s e n t the g r a n d e u r of R o m a n architecture in Syria. T h e C o r i n t h i a n c o l u m n s of t h e great T e m p l e of Jupiter (first c e n t u r y CE) are m o n o l i t h i c a n d its C o r i n t h i a n entablature is densely covered with u n i f o r m vegetal decoration: b e a d s a n d reels o n the architrave, p a l m e t t e s o n its c r o w n i n g cavetto, a frieze with consoles a n d animal p r o t o m e s , a n d a c o r n i c e extravagantly covered w i t h o r n a m e n t a t i o n . A close look at its capitals, niches, a n d other decorative elements ( W e i g a n d , 1914, 1924; S c h l u m b e r g e r , 1933; Lyttelton, 1974) reveals a coexistence of western a n d eastern Syrian t y p e s : only s o m e of its " n o r m a l " C o r i n t h i a n capitals are derived from R o m e ; the others display affinities typical of t h e Oriental p r o d u c t i o n seen at o t h e r sites in Syria a n d Asia M i n o r d u r i n g t h e empire—affinities t h a t seem, r a t h e r , to b e derived f r o m L a t e Hellenistic examples. S i m i larly, in the T e m p l e of B a c c h u s at Baalbek ( s e c o n d c e n t u r y ) , several m o d e l s of capital c a n b e recognized: a R o m a n , p r e Flavian m o d e l , s o m e of t h e E p h e s o - P e r g a m e n e school, a n d others in t h e P a l m y r e n e style. A motif derived directly from R o m e is t h e shell or c o n c h s h a p e t h a t a d o r n s d i e t e m p l e ' s semicircular niches. In t h e f o r e c o u r t t h e shell is p l a c e d w i t h its b a s e u p w a r d (in die R o m a n style), while at other Syrian sites it is generally f o u n d w i t h t h e base at t h e b o t t o m . E x a m p l e s of R o m a n types at B a a l b e k w e r e isolated a n d do n o t a p p e a r to constitute a factor dictating t h e Syrian decorative style u n d e r the e m p i r e ( D e n t z e r - F e y d y , 1989). T h e coex istence of t h r e e decorative styles can also b e seen in t h e ceil i n g coffers of the g r e a t altar at Baalbek (Collart a n d C o u p e l , i95i). T h e Baalbek style is reflected at t e m p l e s in t h e Biqa', o n M t . L e b a n o n , in t h e A n t i - L e b a n o n r a n g e ( N i h a , H o s n N i h a , H o s n S o l e i m a n ) , a n d in s o u t h e r n Syria.(Sleim). Ionic c a p itals, " p e o p l e d " o r v a c a n t a c a n t h u s scrolls, a n d o t h e r stan
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d a r d motifs of imperial decorative art in Syria (including the " S y r i a n g a b l e " ) , also d e m o n s t r a t e similarities with motifs a n d types from Asia M i n o r r a t h e r t h a n with t h o s e from R o m e ( D e n t z e r - F e y d y , 1989, p p . 467-470; Lyttelton, 1974)T h e traits of t h e A n t o n i n e a n d Severan periods t h a t are peculiar to Syria include t h e m e a n d e r m o t i f placed in u n u s u a l locations, s u c h as o n the fasciae of t h e architraves; t h e vine motif that, in the s e c o n d c e n t u r y , c o n t i n u e d to cover— as a single or double t e n d r i l — p o r t a l frames, friezes, a n d p i lasters; the excessive density of s c u l p t u r e d decorations f r a m ing the niches a n d portals of cult edifices; figural reliefs on t h e soffits or on die vertical surface of lintels; a n d ceiling coffers d e c o r a t e d with b u s t s set in an intricate geometric p a t t e r n . T h i s c o m m o n cultural stock of interior Syria was already e n c o u n t e r e d at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e imperial p e r i o d b u t m a y have m u c h older origins. I n s o u t h e r n Syria, s e c o n d - c e n t u r y p o r t a l lintels retained their figural d e c o r a t i o n , w h i c h in the n o r t h h a d m o v e d t o t h e soffits, in order n o t to distort t h e G r e c o - R o m a n archi tectural order. T h e third c e n t u r y is r e p r e s e n t e d mainly by the imperial building activity at Shahba-Philippopolis a n d adjacent sites. T h e simplification of decorative forms a n d a d e p a r t u r e from the imperial m o d e l s t h a t were used in the other regions are evident. I o n i c capitals witii local traits b e c a m e m o r e p o p u l a r , a n d t h e r e was a r e s u r g e n c e of local art in a d o m e s t i c context. Byzantine period. T h e cross, in a rich variety of forms, b e c a m e a d o m i n a n t m o t i f in t h e Byzantine period. O t h e r wise, t h e decorative g r a m m a r a n d s c h e m e w e r e derived from t h e classical r e p e r t o i r e of t h e R o m a n period, c o m b i n e d w i t h i n d i g e n o u s originality. I n the basaltic region, sculpture u n d e r w e n t a process of s c h e m a t i z a t i o n a n d simplification, while t h e local Syrian, Oriental decorative art in limestone flourished. Ecclesiastical decorative art affected domestic e m b e l l i s h m e n t (doors, w i n d o w s , porticoes), resulting in r e gional architectural h o m o g e n e i t y for the limestone massif, in w h i c h two local schools are recognized: the A n t i o c h e n e in the n o r t h a n d the A p a m e n e in t h e south. In porticoes, for e x a m p l e , a s q u a r e m o n o l i t h i c p i e r was c o m m o n l y u s e d in t h e n o r t h , w h e r e a c o l u m n w o u l d be e m p l o y e d in the south. T w o architects—Julianus a n d M a r k i a n o s Kyris—were a c tive in a b o u t 390 in B r a d a n d at Jebel S i m ' a n a n d Jebel B a risha. T h e y influenced t h e Syrian decorative art of later g e n erations, creating n e w t y p e s of capitals decorated with r i b b o n s or divided into t w o zones. M a r k i a n o s Kyris built four c h u r c h e s in a b o u t thirty years (c. 390-420) a n d i n t r o d u c e d n e w plans a n d d e c o r a t i o n . H e revived the P a l m y r e n e Archaic architectural d e c o r a t i o n after 450 years. T h e imperial architectural project of Qal'at S i m ' a n was also very influential in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of Syrian decorative art in t h e sixth century. It is rich with moldings a n d motifs, including n e w forms of t h e a c a n t h u s leaf a n d a w i n d b l o w n C o r i n t h i a n capital, w h i c h r e a p p e a r e d two h u n d r e d years af ter it first e m e r g e d in Severan art. A m o n g its m o s t distin-
196
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g u i s h e d r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s are t h e basilica at Q a l b L o u z e h , a n d t h e capitals at Q a s r I b n W a r d a n ( S t r u b e , 1983). A l t o g e t h e r , t h e r e is a large variety of C o r i n t h i a n a n d S y r ian B y z a n t i n e capitals. T h e B y z a n t i n e C o r i n t h i a n capital is bell s h a p e d , b u t s h o r t e r t h a n t h e " n o r m a l " t y p e . A t t h e volutes are o m i t t e d ; i n o t h e r s , d e e p l y c a r v e d ,
times flowing
leaves are twisted into a w h o r l . T h e m o s t u s u a l f o r m is t h e u n c u t C o r i n t h i a n , in w h i c h t h e leaves are only b l o c k e d o u t . T h i s f o r m c o n t i n u e d t o b e u s e d in s i x t h - c e n t u r y c h u r c h e s a n d w a s the m o s t c o m m o n f o r m f o u n d in small c h u r c h e s of late d a t e in the r e g i o n . T h e m o s t p o p u l a r f o r m of m o l d i n g w a s d i e c y m a r e c t a , w i t h a fillet above a n d b e l o w . It w a s u s e d for d i e c o r n i c e s of all kinds of buildings t h r o u g h o u t t h e p e r i o d . T h e c y m a r e v ersa is rarely f o u n d in Syria a n d t h e n only in t h e early d a t e s . T h e m o l d i n g s of d o o r w a y s h a v e a classic profile c o n s i s t i n g of t w o or t h r e e n a r r o w fasciae, a n o v o l o , a c y m a r e c t a , a n d a flat b a n d ; t h e p o s i t i o n of t h e ovolo a n d t h e c y m a is fre q u e n t l y reversed. T h e a r c h i t r a v e s w e r e often perfectiy p l a i n a n d c o m p o s e d of t w o or t h r e e fasciae. B r o a d m o l d i n g s c a r ried vegetal b a n d s a n d disks a n d n a r r o w m o l d i n g s w e r e also often carved in p a t t e r n s . P u l v i n a t e d friezes w e r e usually o r n a m e n t e d with elaborate r i n c e a u x of highly c o n v e n t i o n a l a n d g e o m e t r i c a c a n t h u s leaves, i n t e r s p e r s e d w i t h s y m b o l i c disks. T h e d a t e d m o n u m e n t s of t h e fifth c e n t u r y n e a r l y all h a v e t h e s a m e profile in t h e i r m a i n c o r n i c e s : a c y m a r e c t a with a beveled fillet a t t h e t o p ; d a t e d b u i l d i n g s of d i e sixth c e n t u r y h a v e a m o r e S - s h a p e d profile in the c y m a t i u m . B e low this t h e r e are o n e , t w o , or e v e n t h r e e n a r r o w b a n d s , a f o r m also u s e d in t h e s t r i n g c o u r s e s . After r e a c h i n g a n a p ogee in d e c o r a t i o n u n d e r J u s t i n i a n , further g e o m e t r i z a t i o n a n d a lessening u s e of m o l d i n g s a n d m o t i v e s are seen. I n m a n y cases w h e r e a n o p e n i n g was r e c t a n g u l a r , t h e m o l d i n g s d e s c r i b e a semicircle o n t h e lintel a b o v e it, giving t h e effect of a r o u n d - h e a d e d w i n d o w . I n A n t i o c h e n e t h e w i n d o w m o l d i n g s w e r e c u r v e d u p w a r d a n d carried o v e r t h e n e x t o p e n i n g , p r e s e n t i n g a w a v y succession of c u r v e s , i n s t e a d of b e i n g r e t u r n e d at a r i g h t angle o n t h e s t r i n g c o u r s e
Breccia, Evaristo. Monuments de I'Egypte greco-romaine, vol. 1, Le rovine e i monumenti di Canopo. B e r g a m o , 1 9 2 6 . Brown, Blanche R. Ptolemaic Paintings and Mosaics and the Alexandrian Style. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1 9 5 7 . C r e m a , Luigi. " L a formazione del ' F r o n t o n e siriaco.' " In Scritti di storia dell'arte in onore di Mario Salmi, vol. 1, edited by Valentino Martinelli, p p . 1 - 1 3 . R o m e , 1 9 6 1 . D u t h u i t , Georges. La sculpture Copte. Paris, 1 9 3 1 . Effenberger, A r n e . Koptische Kunst. Vienna, 1 9 7 5 . Fakharani, Fawzi el-. " S e m i - D o m e Decoration in G r e c o - R o m a n E g y p t . " American Journal ofArchaeology 69 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 5 7 - 6 2 . G r i m m , G u n t e r , et al. Das romisch-byzantinische Agypten. Aegyptiaca Treverensia, 2 . M a i n z , 1983. Hesberg, H e n n e r von. " Z u r Entwicklung d e r griechischen Architektur im ptolemaischen R e i c h . " In Das ptolemaische Agypten: Akten des intemalionalen Symposions, 2 7 . - 2 9 . Sept. 1076 in Berlin, edited by H e r wig Maehler a n d Volker M . Strocka, p p . 1 3 7 - 1 4 5 . M a i n z a m Rhein, 1978. Kautzsch, Rudolf. Kapitellstudien: Beitrage zu einer Geschichte des spatanliken kapitells im Osten vom 4. bis ins 7. Jahrhundert. Berlin, 1 9 3 6 . Kitzinger, Ernst. " N o t e s on Early Coptic S c u l p t u r e . " Archaeologia 87 (1937): 181-215. Lyttelton, Margaret. Baroque Architecture in Classical Antiquity. L o n don, 1974. Makowiecka, Elzbieta. "Acanthus-Base: Alexandrian F o r m of Archi tectural Decoration at Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n P e r i o d . " titudes et Travauxs ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 1 1 5 - 1 3 1 . Michalowski, Kazmierz. The An of Ancient Egypt. L o n d o n , 1 9 6 9 . N o s h y , Ibrahim. The Arts in Ptolemaic Egypt. L o n d o n , 1 9 3 7 . P e n s a b e n e , Patrizio. Elementi architettonici di Alessandria e di altri siti egisiani. Repertorio d'Arte dell'Egitto G r e c o - R o m a n o , ser. C , vol. 3. Rome, 1993. Ronczewski, Konstantin. " L e s chapiteaux corinthiens et varies d u M u see G r e c o - R o m a i n d'Alexandrie." Acta Universitatis Latviensis 16 ( 1 9 2 7 ) : 3-32. Schmidt-Colinet, A n d r e a s . " D e r Ptolemaische Eckgiebel: U r s p r u n g u n d Wirkung eines ArchitekturmotWs." InArabiaAnliqua: Hellenistic Centers around Arabia, edited by Antonio Invernizzi a n d J e a n - F r a n cois Salles, p p . 1 - 1 4 . R o m e , 1 9 9 3 . TSrrik, Laszlo. " N o t e s o n t h e Chronology of L a t e A n t i q u e Stone Sculpture in E g y p t . " In Coptic Studies: Acts of the Third International Congress of Coptic Studies, Warsaw, 20-25 August 1984, edited by Wlodzimierz Godlewski, p p . 4 3 7 - 4 8 4 . W a r s a w , 1 9 9 0 . W a c e , A. J. B., et al. Hermopolis Magna, Ashmunein: The Ptolemaic Sanc tuary and the Basilica. Alexandria, 1 9 5 9 . Israel a n d Jordan
at t h e sill level. T h e s e c u r v e d m o l d i n g s w e r e often t e r m i n a t e d o n either side of a w i n d o w or at t h e e n d of a r o w of windows by two volutes. [See also A r c h e s ; A r c h i t e c t u r a l D r a f t i n g a n d D r a w i n g ; A r chitectural
Orders; Building Materials
and
Techniques;
P u b l i c Buildings; and T e m p l e s . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Egypt Adriani, Achille. Repertorio d'arte dell'Egiito greco-romano. Series C , vols. 1 - 2 . Palermo, 1966. Badawy, Alexander. Coptic Art and Archaeology: The Art of the
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Avigad, N a h m a n . " T h e R o c k - C a r v e d Facades of the Jerusalem N e cropolis," Israel Exploration Journal 1 ( 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 5 1 ) : 9 6 - 1 0 6 . Avigad, N a h m a n . Discovering Jerusalem. Nashville, 1980. Avi-Yonah, Michael. Oriental Art in Roman Palestine. R o m e , 1 9 6 1 . Avi-Yonah, Michael. Art in Ancient Palestine: Selected Studies. Jerusa lem, 1 9 8 1 . Crowfoot, J. W . Early Churches in Palestine. L o n d o n , 1 9 4 1 . See pages 146-156. Dentzer-Feydy, Jacqueline. " L e s linteaux a figures divines e n Syrie meridionale." Revue Archeologique 1 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 6 5 - 1 0 2 . Fischer, M o s h e L . Das korinthische Kapitell im Alten Israel in der hellenistischen und romischen Periode. M a i n z a m Rhein, 1990. Fischer, M o s h e L . "Figural Capitals in R o m a n Palestine, M a r b l e I m ports a n d Local Stones: S o m e Aspects o f ' I m p e r i a l ' a n d 'Provincial' A r t . " Archaologischer Anzeiger ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 1 9 - 1 4 4 . Foerster, Gideon. "Architectural F r a g m e n t s from Jason's T o m b R e considered." Israel Exploration Journal 28 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 5 2 - 1 5 6 . Foerster, G i d e o n . " T h e A r t a n d Architecture of t h e Synagogue in Its
ARCHITECTURAL DRAFTING AND DRAWING L a t e R o m a n Setting." In The Synagogue in Late Antiquity, edited by L e e I. Levine, p p . 1 3 9 - 1 4 6 . Philadelphia, 1 9 8 7 . Foerster, G i d e o n . Masada V: The Yigael Yadin Excavations, 1963-196$, Final Reports: Art and Architecture. Jerusalem, 1 9 9 5 . G o r d o n , R o b e r t L . " L a t e Hellenistic Wall Decoration of T e l Anafa." P h . D . diss., C o l u m b i a University, 1 9 7 7 . Hachlili, Rachel. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel. Leiden, 1988. Ismail, Z. " L e s chapiteaux de P e t r a . " Le Monde de la Bible 1 4 (1980): 27-29. K o h l , Heinrich. Kasr Firaun in Petra. Leipzig, 1 9 1 0 . M a ' o z , Zvi. " T h e Art a n d Architecture of the Synagogues of the G o l a n . " In Ancient Synagogues Revealed, edited by L e e I. Levine, p p . 9 8 - 1 1 5 . Jerusalem, 1 9 8 1 . M c K e n z i e , Judith. The Architecture of Petra. British A c a d e m y M o n o graphs in Archaeology, 1. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 0 . N e g e v , A v r a h a m . " N a b a t e a n Capitals in the T o w n s of the N e g e v . " Israel Exploration Journal 24 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 153—159. Ovadiah, Asher, and Yehudit T u r n h e i m . "Peopled" Scrolls in Roman Architectural Decoration in Israel. Rivista di Archeologia, Supplementi 12. Rome, 1994. Patrich, Joseph. " T h e D e v e l o p m e n t of the N a b a t e a n Capital" (in H e b r e w ) . Eretz-Israel 17 (1984): 2 9 1 - 3 0 4 . Patrich, Joseph. The Formation of Nabatean Art. L e i d e n , 1 9 9 0 . Peters, J o h n P . , a n d H e r m a n n T h i e r s c h . Painted Tombs in the Necropolis of Marissa. L o n d o n , 1 9 0 5 . Ronczewski, Konstantin. "Kapitelle des El H a z n e in P e t r a . " Archaologischer Anzeiger ( 1 9 3 2 ) : 3 7 - 9 0 . Schmidt-Colinet, A n d r e a s . " D o r i s i e r e n d e nabataische Kapitelle." Damaszener Mitteilungen 1 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 3 0 7 - 3 1 2 . Tsafrir, Y o r a m . " T h e Byzantine Setting a n d Its Influence o n Ancient Synagogues." In The Synagogue in Late Antiquity, edited by L e e I. Levine, p p . 1 4 7 - 1 5 7 . Philadelphia, 1 9 8 7 . T u r n h e i m , Yehudit. "Architectural D e c o r a t i o n in N o r t h e r n Eretz-Is rael in the R o m a n a n d Byzantine P e r i o d s " (in H e b r e w ) . P h . D . diss., T e l Aviv University, 1987. T u r n h e i m , Yehudit. " T h e Corinthian Cornice in N o r t h e r n Eretz-Israel in die R o m a n and Byzantine P e r i o d s . " In Plomenaje a Josi Maria Bldzquez, edited by Julio M a n g a s a n d Jamie Alvar. M a d r i d , 1 9 9 3 Watzinger, Carl. Denkmdler Palastinas. Vol. 2. Leipzig, 1 9 3 5 . W e i g a n d , E d m u n d . " D a s Theodosiuskloster: Z u r kunstgeschichtlichen Stellung Palastinas v o m 4 . - 7 . J a h r h u n d e r t . " Byzantinische Zeilschrift 23 ( 1 9 1 4 ) : 1 6 7 - 2 1 6 . Zayadine, Fawzi. "Decorative S t u c c o at Petra a n d O t h e r Hellenistic Sites." In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 3, edited by A d n a n H a d i d i , p p . 1 3 1 - 1 4 2 . A m m a n , 1 9 8 7 .
Syria Biscop, J e a n - L u c , and Jean-Pierre Sodini. " Q a l ' a t S e m ' a n e t l e s chevets a colonnes de Syrie d u N o r d . " Syria 61 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 2 6 7 - 3 3 0 . Butler, H o w a r d Crosby. Architecture and Other Arts. Publications of an A m e r i c a n Archaeological Expedition to Syria in 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 0 0 , P a r t 2. N e w York, 1903. Collart, Paul, et al. Sanctuaire de Baalshamin d. Palmyre. 6 vols. N e u chatel, 1 9 6 9 - 1 9 7 5 . Collart, Paul, a n d Pierre C o u p e l . L'autel monumental de Baalbek. Paris, 1951. Debevoise, Neilson C . " T h e Origin of Decorative S t u c c o . " American Journal of Archaeology 45 ( 1 9 4 1 ) : 4 5 - 6 1 . D e n t z e r - F e y d y , Jacqueline. " D e c o r architectural et developpement d u H a u r a n d u I e r siecle a v a n t J . - C . au V i l e siecle apres J . - C . " I n H a u r a n I, edited by Jean-Marie D e n t z e r , p p . 2 6 1 - 3 1 0 . Paris, 1 9 8 5 . D e n t z e r - F e y d y , Jacqueline. " L e decor architectural en Syrie aux epoques hellenistique et r o m a i n e . " I n Archiologie et histoire de la
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Syrie, vol. 2, La Syrie de I'&poque achemenide a Tavmement de Tlslam, edited by Jean-Marie D e n t z e r a n d Wmfried O r t h m a n n , p p . 4 5 7 - 4 7 6 . Saarbriicken, 1989. Dentzer-Feydy, Jacqueline. " L e s chapiteaux corinthiens n o r m a u x de Syrie meridionale." Syria 67 ( 1 9 9 0 a ) : 6 3 3 - 6 6 3 . Dentzer-Feydy, Jacqueline. " L e s chapiteaux ioniques de Syrie meri dionale." Syria 67 ( 1 9 9 0 b ) : 1 4 3 - 1 8 1 . D e n t z e r - F e y d y , Jacqueline. " L e decor architectural." In Iraq alAmir, le chateau du Tobiade Hyrcan, by Ernest Will et al., p p . 1 4 1 - 2 0 8 . Paris, 1 9 9 1 . Filarska, Barbara. " R e m a r q u e s sur le decor architectural de la voie p r e torienne au c a m p de Diocl6tien a Palmyre, et N o u v e a u x chapiteaux de P a l m y r e . " Etudes et Travaux 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) : io8ff., i24ff. Gawlikowski, Michal, a n d Michal Pietrzykowski. " L e s sculptures d u temple de Baalshamin a P a l m y r e . " Syria 57 (1980): 4 2 1 - 4 5 2 . N a c c a c h e , Alice, a n d Jean-Pierre Sodini. " L e decor architectural en Syrie b y z a n t i n e . " In Archeologie et histoire de la Syrie, vol. 2, La Syrie de l'epoque achimenide a I'avlnement de Tlslam, edited by Jean-Marie D e n t z e r a n d Winfried O r t h m a n n , p p . 4 7 7 - 4 9 0 . Saarbriicken, 1989. Rostovtzeff, Michael. Dura-Europos and Its Art. Oxford, 1938. Schlumberger, Daniel. " L e s formes anciennes du chapiteaux corinthien en Syrie, en Palestine et en A r a b i c " Syria 1 4 ( 1 9 3 3 ) : 2 8 3 - 3 1 7 . Schlumberger, Daniel. " N o t e sur le decor architectural des colonnades des m e s et d u c a m p de Diocletien." Berytus 2 ( 1 9 3 5 ) : 1 6 3 - 1 6 7 . Schlumberger, Daniel. " D e s c e n d a n t s non-mediterraneens de l'art grec." Syria 37 ( i 9 6 0 ) : 2 5 3 - 3 1 8 . Seyrig, Henri. "Bas relief m o n u m e n t a u x d u temple d u Bel a Palmyre." Syria 15 ( 1 9 3 4 ) : I55~l86. Seyrig, H e n r i . " O r n a m e n t a p a l m y r e n a antiquiora." Syria 21 ( 1 9 4 0 ) : 277-328. Shoe, L u c y T . "Architectural M o u l d i n g s of D u r a - E u r o p o s . " Berytus 9 (1948): I - 4 C Strube, Christine. " D i e F o r m g e b u n g der Apsisdekoration in Qalbloze u n d Qalat S i m a n . " Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christenlum 20 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 181-191. Strube, Christine. " D i e Kapitelle von Qasr Ibn W a r d a n . " Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 26 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 5 9 - 1 0 6 . Strube, Christine. Baudekoration im Nordsyrischen Kalksteinmassiv, vol. 1, Kapitell-, Tiir- und Gesimsformen der Kirchen des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. M a i n z am Rhein, 1 9 9 3 . T a n a b e , K a t s u m i , ed. Sculptures of Palmyra. T o k y o , 1 9 8 6 - . Weigand, E d m u n d . "Baalbek u n d R o m : Die rbmische Reichskunst in ihrer Entwickelung u n d Differenzierung." Jahrbuch des Deutschcn Archaologischen Instituts 29 ( 1 9 1 4 ) : 3 7 - 9 1 . Weigand, E d m u n d . "Baalbek: D a t i e r u n g u n d kunstgeschichtliche Stel lung seiner B a u t e n . " Jahrbuch fit Kunstwissenschaft ( 1 9 2 4 ) : 7 7 - 9 9 Will, Ernest. " I X congres international d'archeologie classique, D a m a s 1 9 6 9 . " Annates Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes 2 1 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 6 1 - 2 6 8 . Will, Ernest. " L e m o n u m e n t : S o n histoire, ses caracteres, son architecte." I n Le temple de Bel a Palmyre, vol. 2, by Henri Seyrig et al„ p p . 1 4 7 - 2 2 3 . Paris, 1 9 7 5 . JOSEPH PATRICH
ARCHITECTURAL DRAFTING AND DRAWING. By p r o v i d i n g scientifically m e a s u r e d g r a p h i c description a n d analysis to c o m p l e m e n t verbal a n d n u m e r i c r e c o r d i n g , architectural drafting a n d drawing play a n i m p o r t a n t role in t h e visual depiction of t h e h u m a n e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e archaeologist's n o t e b o o k usually includes lined a n d g r a p h p a p e r interleaved, a n d every field archae ologist m u s t b e skilled in b o t h verbal a n d graphic recording.
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In addition, well-staffed field projects include a t e a m of s p e cialists a d e p t a t using surveying i n s t r u m e n t s a n d trained in architecture and architectural drawing. Although p h o t o g r a p h y , like architectural drawing, p r o vides a three-dimensional visualization of a site or building, the roles are quite different, b u t c o m p l e m e n t a r y . P h o t o g r a p h y presents structures from a perspective; architectural drawing presents t h e m , n o t as seen, b u t as m e a s u r e d in h o r izontal (plan) a n d vertical (section, elevation) c o m p o n e n t s . As a result, these c o m p o n e n t s of three-dimensional s h a p e can b e r e p r o d u c e d accurately to a consistent scale o n t h e fiat plane of the d r a w i n g surface. A p h o t o g r a p h e r is forced to r e c o r d all the details within the image framed b y t h e lens; the architect selects only t h o s e features salient to u n d e r standing t h e shape b e i n g represented. F o r e x a m p l e , a ruin whose m a s o n r y is o v e r g r o w n with b r a m b l e s m a y show u p only as a wild thicket in a p h o t o g r a p h . In a drawing, h o w ever, t h e brambles can b e i g n o r e d and only t h e in situ m a sonry selected from a m o n g t h e r u b b l e , so that a viable build ing appears on p a p e r . H e n c e , the best visual depiction of an object or structure is achieved by publishing b o t h p h o t o g r a p h s a n d drawings: one gives a close a p p r o x i m a t i o n of w h a t is to b e seen, t h e other of what t h e original s h a p e was or was i n t e n d e d to b e . Artistic renderings a n d sketches, so p o p u l a r before p h o t o g r a p h y was c o m m o n l y u s e d , a r e , in a way, a middle g r o u n d , allowing the perspective of t h e c a m e r a a n d t h e selectivity of the drawing i n s t r u m e n t . G o o d artistic renderings can a d d valuable insights that m a y be missed b y the camera or ar chitectural drawing. [See P h o t o g r a p h y , article on P h o t o g r a p h y of Fieldwork a n d Artifacts.] Architectural d r a w i n g relies o n precise m e a s u r e m e n t a n d scale r e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e features a n d objects on a site. A p r i m a r y goal is to p r o v i d e a three-dimensional framework in w h i c h everything excavated can b e located, including b o t h t h e site's stratigraphic features a n d t h e artifacts f o u n d within its strata. I n this sense, architectural drawing is akin to m a p p i n g , and the various drawings are integral c o m p o nents of a master site m a p . Vertically, all features and objects are locatable o n sitewide sections related to their distance above sea level (a.s.L). S u c h a three-dimensional framework gives accurate locations for everything o n t h e site in question and makes it possible to d e t e r m i n e their comparative di mensional relationship t o features at other sites. In a b r o a d sense architecture suggests t h e adaptation of space for h u m a n habitation. A n entire site is therefore like a structure in which n a t u r a l a n d h a n d - w o r k e d elements function to form a cohesive settlement. C o n s i d e r e d in this way, t h e preparation of sitewide m a p s is an aspect of archi tectural drawing. In a n a r r o w sense architecture is t h e art of building, t h e creation of enclosed spaces in w h i c h h u m a n s live a n d function (barns, h o u s e s , t e m p l e s , palaces, forts). I n this sense architectural d r a w i n g b e c o m e s t h e c o m p r e h e n s i v e assembly o n p a p e r of fragmentary building r e m a i n s in order
to u n d e r s t a n d their s t r u c t u r e and function. T h i s requires careful m e a s u r e m e n t s a n d a k n o w l e d g e of a n c i e n t b u i l d i n g design a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n m e t h o d s . A s with p o t t e r y t y p o l o gies, building typologies m a k e it possible t o identify styles, d e t e r m i n e dates, a n d r e c o n s t r u c t t h e w h o l e f r o m f r a g m e n t s . As such, architectural d r a w i n g joins with o t h e r a r c h a e o l o g ical specializations t o c o n t r i b u t e to t h e overall interpretive process a n d to conservation. T a k i n g M e a s u r e m e n t s . Measuring techniques used on archaeological projects are identical to t h o s e u s e d b y sur veyors for m o d e r n platting of a subdivision. T h e y c a n b e learned from a s t a n d a r d textbook o n surveying o r from chapters o n surveying i n c l u d e d in archaeological field m a n uals. [See Site Survey.] T h e distance b e t w e e n two points is usually d e t e r m i n e d b y t a p i n g , for which 20-50-meter steel or vinyl tapes are u s e d for large areas a n d 3 - 5 - m e t e r steel t a p e s for small o n e s . All m e a s u r e m e n t s m u s t b e taken in horizontal a n d vertical c o m p o n e n t s in o r d e r to b e able t o r e c o r d t h e m to scale o n t h e drawing board. For horizontal measurements the tape m u s t b e held level a n d a p l u m b b o b u s e d at t h e lower p o i n t . F o r distances longer than 30-50 m (the limit of t h e t a p e l e n g t h ) , it is necessary t o establish a " c h a i n " of i n t e r m e d i a t e p o i n t s . S u c h chaining requires t h e u s e of a transit or theodolite to align t h e survey pins set o n t h e series of i n t e r m e d i a t e p o i n t s . A faster, b u t less a c c u r a t e , alternative to t a p i n g is to u s e t h e 1:100 ratio b e t w e e n t h e transit's stadia hair r e a d i n g s o n t h e leveling r o d a n d t h e distance along t h e line of sight. O n adequately funded projects b o t h t h e s e m e t h o d s h a v e b e e n obviated b y d i e electronic distance m e t e r ( E D M ) , a device that gauges distance b y m e a s u r i n g t h e time it takes to b o u n c e a laser b e a m shot f r o m p o i n t a off of a crystal target set at p o i n t b. R e a d i n g s are correct to a fraction of a milli m e t e r over distances of h u n d r e d s of m e t e r s . Vertical m e a s u r e m e n t , or leveling, is b e s t d o n e b y u s i n g a d u m p y level, transit, or theodolite with t h e telescope set level a n d a lev eling r o d (a 4-m pole with c e n t i m e t e r calibrations) held ver tically o n t h e points b e t w e e n w h i c h t h e difference in h e i g h t is desired. T h e final key e l e m e n t in m e a s u r e m e n t is triangulation, w h i c h allows t h e a c c u r a t e position of three or m o r e p o i n t s to be d e t e r m i n e d in relation to each other. T h i s process c o m b i n e s assessing linear distance (see above) with t h e m e a s u r e m e n t of angles b e t w e e n sets of p o i n t s . F o r e x a m p l e , once t h e distance b e t w e e n p o i n t s a a n d b a n d angles abc a n d bac is k n o w n , distances ac a n d be a n d angle acb c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d by g e o m e t r i c plotting or t r i g o n o m e t r i c solution. F o r long-distance m e a s u r e m e n t , h o r i z o n t a l angles are b e s t read with a transit or theodolite. H o w e v e r , for small spaces, astute u s e of a m e a s u r i n g t a p e will suffice. F o r e x a m p l e , to d e t e r m i n e t h e exact relationships a m o n g t h e four c o r n e r s of a r o o m , m e a s u r i n g t h e four sides a n d t h e t w o diagonal dis tances enables very precise plotting o n p a p e r . F o r survey w o r k i n a n excavation area, t a p i n g a n d trian-
ARCHITECTURAL DRAFTING AND DRAWING gulation can b e c o m b i n e d b y u s i n g a p l a n e table, a device t h a t enables t h e plotting of b o t h distances a n d angles directly o n t o a d r a w i n g as m e a s u r e m e n t s are b e i n g taken. T h i s t r a ditional e q u i p m e n t h a s b e e n r e p l a c e d , for t h o s e w h o can afford it, b y a c o m b i n a t i o n of t h e o d o l i t e , E D M , a n d d a t a r e c o r d e r , w h i c h allows t h e direct transfer of d a t a to a c o m p u t e r with c o m p u t e r - a i d e d d e s i g n ( C A D ) software. [See Computer Mapping.] A c t i v i t i e s i n t h e F i e l d . T h e architect's responsibilities d u r i n g fieldwork c a n b e d i v i d e d into sitewide a n d excava tion-related activities. Sitewide activities i n c l u d e p r o d u c i n g a c o n t o u r m a p with n a t u r a l features a n d m a p s with artificial features, i n c l u d i n g a n c i e n t s t r u c t u r e s visible a b o v e g r o u n d as well as m o d e r n b u i l d i n g s . I n m a n y cases, m u c h of this w o r k has already b e e n d o n e , a n d t h e i n f o r m a t i o n is available o n regional m a p s a n d aerial p h o t o g r a p h s f r o m national l a n d survey d e p a r t m e n t s or g e o g r a p h i c societies, m u n i c i p a l d e v e l o p m e n t m a p s from local m u n i c i p a l offices t h a t will s h o w existing h o u s e s a n d street s y s t e m s o n o r n e a r t h e site, m a p s d o n e b y earlier archaeological p r o j e c t s , a n d satellite p h o t o s from F r e n c h ( S p o t i m a g e ) a n d A m e r i c a n ( L a n d s a t ) sources. T h e g r o u n d survey c a n also b e greatly e n h a n c e d by l o w altitude aerial balloon p h o t o s , s u c h as t h o s e t a k e n b y W i l s o n M y e r s a n d Ellie M y e r s o v e r G r e e c e , C r e t e , J o r d a n , a n d Israel. E x c a v a t i o n - r e l a t e d activities b e g i n w i t h t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a p r e d e t e r m i n e d excavation grid a n d t h e layout of t h e u n i t s (squares) to b e excavated. I n c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e site c o n t o u r survey, b e n c h m a r k s w i t h k n o w n a.s.l. elevations, from w h i c h t h e excavators take their levels, are established in or n e a r excavation u n i t s . W i t h t h e grid a n d b e n c h m a r k s in place, it is possible to m a i n t a i n a t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l c o n trol for r e c o r d i n g all finds. T o e n s u r e o n g o i n g accuracy, this s y s t e m n e e d s regular m a i n t e n a n c e (strings a n d b e n c h m a r k s often get m o v e d or d i s a p p e a r ) , a n d excavators n e e d t o b e advised o n a n d c h e c k e d o n t h e c o r r e c t u s e of t h e survey information. As an excavation p r o c e e d s , t h e architect serves as a c o n sultant t o i n t e r p r e t b u i l d i n g features as t h e y surface, to p r e dict w h e r e still-unexcavated p o r t i o n s of a s t r u c t u r e m a y b e , a n d to develop excavation strategy accordingly. After suf ficient m a s o n r y a p p e a r s , detailed (stone-for-stone) field d r a w i n g s are p r o d u c e d in p l a n a n d elevations. As t h e c o m p o n e n t s of a b u i l d i n g e x t e n d i n g over several excavation u n i t s c o m e t o g e t h e r in a single d r a w i n g , t h e integral n a t u r e of t h e s t r u c t u r e will usually e m e r g e . It is t h e n possible for t h e architect to advise t h e e x c a v a t o r o n w h e r e other c o m p o n e n t s of t h e s t r u c t u r e m a y b e located. Field d r a w i n g r e quires a p o r t a b l e d r a w i n g b o a r d a n d theodolite, or a p l a n e table, a n d is m o s t efficiently p e r f o r m e d w i t h a t e a m of t h r e e p e o p l e , with o n e d r a w i n g a n d t w o involved in t a p i n g a n d sighting. [See E x c a v a t i o n Strategy.] G i v e n t h e complexity of this set of field a s s i g n m e n t s , it is essential t o h a v e in place a well-organized a n d archivable
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r e c o r d i n g a n d filing system t o be a d a p t e d a n d followed for t h e d u r a t i o n of t h e field project. If a project goes o n for a n u m b e r of seasons, with possible c h a n g e s in t h e staff of ar chitects, these records are especially essential in reestablish ing t h e grid a n d t h e b e n c h m a r k s at t h e inception of each n e w season. Also, over m u l t i p l e seasons t h e array of d r a w ings will b e c o m e c u m b e r s o m e a n d confusing unless t h e d r a w i n g s are carefully n u m b e r e d a n d cataloged. It is even i m p o r t a n t to a d o p t a s t a n d a r d p a p e r size for ease of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , storage, a n d future access. All t h e data p r o d u c e d in t h e field—survey n o t e s , layouts of excavation units, b e n c h m a r k s , calculations of levels preliminary sketches, ar chitectural d r a w i n g s — w i n d b l o w n and soiled t h o u g h t h e y m a y b e , are c o n s i d e r e d p r i m a r y information and should b e cataloged a n d s t o r e d for s u b s e q u e n t interpretive work. I n t e r p r e t a t i n g D a t a . T o enable t h e p r e p a r a t i o n of p u b lication d r a w i n g s , the goal is to c o m e o u t of the field with a set of sufficiently c o m p l e t e d a t a a n d drawings. T h i s is a job t h a t often c o n t i n u e s b e y o n d the field season, possibly an ocean's distance from a site, so t h a t it is impossible to retake a missing m e a s u r e m e n t . T o avoid s u c h frustration it is r e c o m m e n d e d t h a t at least t h e p u b l i c a t i o n drawings to b e u s e d in preliminary r e p o r t s b e c o m p l e t e d at t h e excavation c a m p d u r i n g t h e field season. T h i s a d d s a quality-control factor to t h e fieldwork b e c a u s e t h e p r o c e s s of tracing a n d assembling p o r t i o n s of different field d r a w i n g s will lead readily to t h e discovery of missing d a t a — w h i c h can t h e n b e easily s u p plied, especially if t h e c a m p is at t h e excavation site. T h i s also p u t s t h e final p r o d u c t i n t o t h e h a n d s of t h e a u t h o r of t h e p r e l i m i n a r y r e p o r t i m m e d i a t e l y . D o i n g t h e s a m e work after t h e r e t u r n h o m e c a n stretch over m o n t h s . It is therefore necessary to h a v e an a d e q u a t e , dust-free w o r k s p a c e e q u i p p e d w i t h tables a n d tools with which h i g h quality i n k d r a w i n g s a n d illustrations can be p r o d u c e d . W i t h C A D a n d G I S ( G e o g r a p h i c I n f o r m a t i o n Systems) software, t h e c o m p u t e r drafting of m a p s a n d buildings can also be d o n e o n location. T h e u s e of C A D enables t h e instant p r o d u c t i o n of publication-quality d r a w i n g s a n d t h e r e c o n s t r u c tion a n d m a n i p u l a t i o n of field drawings to create simula tions, from a n y selected p o i n t of view, of buildings a n d sites as they m a y h a v e looked in antiquity. G I S allows the u s e of a base m a p to store various layers (categories) of data that c a n b e retrieved b y u s i n g a m o u s e to "click o n " a p o i n t of t h e m a p w i t h w h i c h t h e d a t a are associated. [See C o m p u t e r R e c o r d i n g , Analysis, a n d Interpretation.] T h e a f t e r m a t h of t h e field season involves an array of fol l o w - u p research before t h e final publication of drawings a n d analyses of material culture: from analyzing construction t e c h n i q u e s , finding parallels for t h e site's building designs a n d settlement p l a n s , a n d d e t e r m i n i n g t h e u s e and function of t h e buildings to p r e p a r i n g plans for site restoration. D r a w i n g s for final p u b l i c a t i o n will i n c l u d e , a m o n g others, t h o s e of t h e actual r e m a i n s (already c o m p l e t e d d u r i n g t h e field s e a s o n ) , r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s s h o w i n g t h e c o m p l e t e s t r u c -
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ture as it was in t h e various phases of its u s e , artistic r e n derings, a n d studies of construction m e t h o d s , design t e c h niques, and architectural details. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allen, Kathleen M . S., S. W . Green, and E. B. W . Z u b r o w , eds. Inter preting Space: GIS and Archaeology. N e w York, 1990. Detweiler, A. Henry. Manual of Archaeological Surveying. N e w H a v e n , 1948. This A S O R manual applies the regular principles of surveying to archaeology, and is still a good beginning point, especially for those working with a manual theodolite or transit. F o r greater detail and use of electronic and computerized equipment, up to date m a n uals on standard a n d electronic surveying, available in libraries of universities with engineering departments, should be consulted. Dillon, Brain, ed. The Student's Guide to Archaeological Illustrating. Vol. 1, Archaeological Research Tools. 2d rev. ed. Los Angeles, 1985. A useful introduction that includes chapters on m a p s , plans, sections and reconstruction drawings. Harris, Edward C. Principles of archaeological stratigraphy. 2d ed. L o n don and N e w York, 1989. Chapter 9, "Archaeological P l a n s , " gives a good theoretical discussion of the role of precise excavation plans and their difference from sections. H o b b s , A. H. A. Surveying for Archaeologists and Other Pieldworkers. N e w York, 1980. Includes an excellent section on m a p p i n g from oblique aerial photographs. BEET DE VRIES
ARCHITECTURAL ORDERS.
T h e two types of G r e e k t r a b e a t i o n — D o r i c a n d Ionic—apparently w e r e t h e m selves created as adaptations of N e a r E a s t e r n architectural o r n a m e n t s in a b o u t 600 a n d 560 BCE, respectively ( D o r i c as an adaptive imitation of t h e so-called P r o t o - D o r i c c o l u m n s of type at D e i r el-Bahari, Ionic as assemblage of M e s o p o tamian and L e v a n t i n e motifs). A l t h o u g h they d o exercise s o m e influence o n N e a r Eastern architecture after t h e sixth century BCE (especially A c h a e m e n i d a n d C y p r i o t ) , o n t h e whole they do n o t a p p e a r in d i e N e a r East before t h e c o n quests of Alexander. T h e Greek colonies (e.g., N a u k r a t i s ) a n d the Anatolian coastlands, which r e m a i n p a r t of t h e G r e e k h o m e l a n d s p r o p e r t h r o u g h o u t the Hellenistic period, are the exceptions. [See Naukratis.] T h e principal conservative tradition of m o n u m e n t a l ar chitecture in the Anatolian c o a s d a n d s is t h e Ionic tradition of temple design codified by P y t h e o s ( T e m p l e of A t h e n a at Priene, c. 340 BCE) a n d later by H e r m o g e n e s ( T e m p l e of Artemis L e u k o p h r y n e at M a g n e s i a ad M a e a n d r u m , c. 220/ 200 BCE). T h i s consisted of a refined system of p r o p o r t i o n s (Vitravius 3.3.1-13) based on a regular spacing of c o l u m n s o n a grid often d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e plinth m o d u l e . T h e p r i n cipal m o n u m e n t s of this tradition are a n u m b e r of peripteral a n d pseudodipteral temples (at M a g n e s i a , C h r y s e , T e o s , Ala b a n d a , and L a g i n a , t h i r d - s e c o n d centuries BCE). T h e other major m o n u m e n t s are d i e " I o n i a n " agoras and t e m p l e t e m e n e s u r r o u n d e d o n all four sides b y regularly s p a c e d col o n n a d e s , usually o n e story with D o r i c o n t h e exterior a n d Ionic o n the interior a n d with the passage t h r o u g h t h e agora
placed along o n e side ratiier t h a n axially ( M i l e t u s , M a g n e sia, a n d P r i e n e ) . [See M i l e t u s ; Priene.] T h e other tradition in Anatolia centers a r o u n d P e r g a m o n in t h e second c e n t u r y BCE a n d involves t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of earlier innovations in t h e syntax of t h e o r d e r s , w i t h t h e u s e of e n g a g e d pier c o l u m n s for corners of c o l o n n a d e s a n d u p p e r stories ( P e r g a m e n e stoas at A t h e n s a n d Aigai). T h e r e is also some use of screens of e n g a g e d o r d e r s as articulation for wall surfaces (tire bouleuteria at M i l e t u s a n d T e r m e s s o s ) a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of buildings with real (the M a u s s o l e i o n [ M a u s o l e u m ] at Halikarnassos a n d Belevi) or e n g a g e d (the L i o n M o n u m e n t at K n i d o s ) o r d e r s o n a p o d i u m in t h e G r e e k a n d n o n - G r e e k lands of t h e s o u t h w e s t A n a t o l i a n coast. T h e earliest u s e of the e n g a g e d c o l u m n o n a project ing pedestal seems to b e t h e G y m n a s i u m at Stratonikeia ( m i d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE). [See P e r g a m o n ; Halikarnassos.] T h e extent to w h i c h Hellenic types of c o l u m n s s u p p l a n t e d native architectural forms in t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d in t h e N e a r East, a n d t h e n a t u r e of their d e v e l o p m e n t , is very u n certain. T h e r e a r e a l m o s t n o p r e s e r v e d interpretable a r c h i tectural remains until t h e early imperial p e r i o d , even in t h e principal centers, s u c h as A n t i o c h . [See A n t i o c h o n O r o n tes.] It has b e e n s p e c u l a t e d that t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e of t h e Syr ian coastlands was d o m i n a t e d b y t h e E a s t G r e e k (Anatolian) Ionic tradition b e c a u s e in the R o m a n p e r i o d d i e I o n i c r a t h e r t h a n t h e C o r i n t h i a n o r d e r p r e d o m i n a t e s . It is clear t h a t D o r i c a n d Ionic buildings were built b y G r e e k colonists as far east as Ai K h a n u m . H o w e v e r , r e c e n t scholarship has largely settled t h e p o i n t tiiat Hellenistic Alexandria was t h e major creative center in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of so-called b a r o q u e aedicular screen ar chitecture a n d t h a t this is t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e d e p i c t e d i n S e c o n d Style P o m p e i i a n wall p a i n t i n g ( M c K e n z i e , 1 9 9 0 ) . T h i s architecture m u s t therefore h a v e d e v e l o p e d in A l e x a n d r i a n palace architecture in t h e third a n d s e c o n d centuries BCE. Individual features are noticeable in f r a g m e n t s in t o m b s in Alexandria a n d a t d i e Alexandria M u s e u m : p i e r c o l u m n s (from Shatby, M u s t a f a P a s h a , t h i r d c e n t u r y BCE) ; segmental p e d i m e n t s (from A n f o u s h y , H y p o g e u m 2, t h i r d c e n t u r y BCE); modillion cornices a n d coffered c o n c h e s (Alexandria M u s e u m ) . T o s o m e extent, t h e creativity of this architecture was clearly a p r o d u c t of t h e m i x i n g of Hellenic a n d native forms (e.g., segmental p e d i m e n t s a n d foliate b a s e s , t h e latter attestable for t h e E g y p t i a n s e v e n t e e n t h d y n a s t y ) . [See A l exandria.] T h i s architecture begins to a p p e a r in t h e evidence of p r e served buildings at t h e e n d of t h e first c e n t u r y BCE a n d s p r e a d s rapidly across t h e entire M e d i t e r r a n e a n in t h e c o u r s e of t h e first c e n t u r y CE. T h e earliest p r e s e r v e d b u i l d ings with a c o m p l e t e repertoire of b a r o q u e aedicular screen facades (broken a n d hollow p e d i m e n t s , c o l u m n s o n p e d e s tals, foliate bases, b r o k e n forward a n d c u r v e d e n t a b l a t u r e s , framed tholoi, coffered c o n c h niches) a r e t h e t e m p l e t o m b s at Petra (e.g., t h e K h a s n e , n o w d a t e d t o late first c e n t u r y
ARCHITECTURAL ORDERS BCE) a n d t h e P a l a z z o delle C o l o n n e in P t o l e m a i s , C y r e n a i c a (first c e n t u r y BCE or first c e n t u r y CE). By t h e s e c o n d half of t h e first c e n t u r y a n d t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE in Anatolia, this is established as t h e basic formal v o c a b u l a r y of t h e a t e r s c e n e buildings (e.g., t h e D o m i t i a n i c s c e n e at E p h e s u s ) ; of screen walls in t h e imperial c u l t c h a m b e r s of g y m n a s i a (at E p h e s u s , Sardis, a n d M i l e t u s ) ; of n y m p h a e a (the T r a j a n i c n y m p h a e u m at M i l e t u s ) ; a n d of o t h e r p u b l i c buildings (the Celsus library at E p h e s u s , c. 1 1 7 CE). T h e conservative t r a dition of t e m p l e design d e r i v e d f r o m H e r m o g e n e s does p e r sist in Asia M i n o r into t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y (at Aizanoi) b u t seems to e n d b y t h e t i m e of t h e peripteral c o l o n n a d e at Sardis (in A n t o n i n e b a r o q u e ) . [See P e t r a ; P t o l e m a i s ; E p h e sus; Sardis.]
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T h e c o l o n n a d e d street seems to originate in t h e Syrian coastlands in A u g u s t a n t i m e s (first attested in H e r o d ' s p r o ject at A n t i o c h ) , as does t h e a r c u a t e d or " S y r i a n " p e d i m e n t b e t w e e n twin t o w e r s (the A u g u s t a n T e m p l e of D u s h a r a at Si). A r c a d e s (archivolts o n c o l u m n s ) m a y exist in t h e Al e x a n d r i a n - i n s p i r e d r e p e r t o i r e before tire imperial era. Relatively little further c h a n g e occurs in t h e u s e of t h e orders i n Anatolia a n d t h e N e a r E a s t in t h e s e c o n d a n d third centuries CE. I n the s e c o n d century, t h e so-called m a r b l e style d o m i n a t e s t h e p r o d u c t i o n of o r n a m e n t in Anatolia, Syria, a n d N o r t h Africa, b a s e d o n p r o d u c t i o n from t h e P r o c o n n e s u s quarries. By S e v e r a n times, t h e p r o d u c t i o n of or n a m e n t is d o m i n a t e d b y a t y p e of brittle carving with simple faceted surfaces t h a t create a b r u p t contrasts of light a n d
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s h a d e ; this aesthetic forms t h e basis of L a t e A n t i q u e a n d Byzantine o r n a m e n t . T h e h y b r i d u s e of Hellenic types of c o l u m n s a n d N e a r E a s t e r n elements c o n t i n u e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e R o m a n p e r i o d . T h e T r a j a n i c kiosk at Philae is in a fully traditional E g y p t i a n form, w h e r e a s t h e t e m p l e t o m b s at P e t r a a n d t h e T e m p l e of Bel at P a l m y r a c o m b i n e canonical o r d e r s w i t h " A s s y r i a n " crowstep m e r l o n s a n d E g y p t i a n cavetto c o r n i c e s . A t a n u m ber of centers, buildings with partially or fully native p l a n s a d a p t t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e of t h e edicular s c r e e n or a r c a d e as e n g a g e d or low-relief surface p a t t e r n i n g , b u t w i t h o u t t h e fixed relative p r o p o r t i o n s or syntactical rules of Hellenic types (e.g., t h e T e m p l e of G a r e u s at U r u k ; t h e " p e r i p t e r o s " and t h e " F r e i t r e p p e n b a u " at A s s u r ) . [See also Architectural D e c o r a t i o n . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Boethius, Axel, and J. B . Ward-Perkins. Etruscan and Roman Architec ture. H a r m o n d s w o r t h , 1 9 7 0 . T h e section by W a r d - P e r k i n s (re printed as Roman Imperial Architecture [ 1 9 S 1 ] ) is still the s t a n d a r d survey of all imperial age R o m a n architecture. Browning, Iain. Petra. 2d ed. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 3 . 3 d ed. L o n d o n , 1989. G e n eral survey of Petra, Dentzer-Feydy, Jacqueline. " D e c o r architectural et d e v e l o p p e m e n t d u H a u r a n d u Ier siecle avant J . - C . au V i l e siecle apres J . - C . " In Hauran I, edited b y Jean-Marie D e n t z e r , vol. 1, p p . 2 6 1 - 3 1 0 . Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 1 2 4 . Paris, 1 9 8 5 . Survey for the specialist.
Shaft
Column
D o w n e y , Susan. Mesopotamian Religious Architecture: Alexander through the Parthians. Princeton, 1988. Focuses on the continuation of M e sopotamian tradition b u t with some consideration a n d illustration of Hellenic hybrid elements, particularly at D u r a a n d Assur. Lauter, H a n s . Die Architektur des Hellenismus. D a r m s t a d t , 1986. T h e only recent attempt at a general history of Hellenistic architecture, limited largely to Greek cultural areas but with some consideration of the N e a r East. Well illustrated in a c o m p a c t format. Lyttelton, Margaret. Baroque Architecture in Classical Antiquity. L o n don, 1 9 7 4 . Well-illustrated, c o m p e n d i o u s a t t e m p t t o chronicle t h e development of b a r o q u e aedicular screen architecture. M c K e n z i e , Juditii. The Architecture of Petra. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 0 . Well-illus trated study of one site, which establishes that so-called b a r o q u e ae dicular architecture developed in Alexandria in the third and second centuries BCE a n d is essentially that which is represented in P o m peiian second style painting. THOMAS NOBLE HOWE
ARCHIVES. ARMENIA. Base : Plinth ARCHITECTURAL ORDERS.
Diagram of various architectural features
of public buildings, (Courtesy T . N . Howe)
See Libraries a n d Archives.
A n y s t u d y of A r m e n i a n a r c h a e o l o g y is h a m p e r e d from die start b y f u n d a m e n t a l h a n d i c a p s : t h e c h r o nology r e m a i n s insufficiently precise a n d n o t yet universally a c c e p t e d , so t h a t terminologies u s e d b y local a n d foreign scholars vary. D e s p i t e t h e extensive w o r k d o n e in eastern Anatolia a n d n o r t h w e s t e r n I r a n , t h e majority of t h e e v i d e n c e c o m e s f r o m t h e p r e s e n t R e p u b l i c of A r m e n i a , c o m p r i s i n g , at best, one-fifth of historic A r m e n i a , w h i c h c o v e r e d all of
ARMENIA t h e A r m e n i a n plateau. C o n s e q u e n t l y , serious g e o g r a p h i c a n d chronological l a c u n a e r e m a i n , distorting o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the existing m a t e r i a l . T h i s is especially so b e c a u s e t h e A r m e n i a n p l a t e a u at times entered into larger cul tural units. M o s t c o n c l u s i o n s are therefore r e n d e r e d tentative a n d possibly i n a c c u r a t e . Archaeological evidence o n t h e A r m e n i a n plateau begins w i t h t h e Early Paleolithic p e r i o d . T h e earliest finds in A r m e n i a , a n d i n d e e d in all of t h e f o r m e r U S S R to date, w e r e m a d e in 1946-1948 b y S. A . S a r d a r y a n a n d M . Z . P a n ichkina ( M o n g a i t , i 9 6 i , p p . 56-57; P a n i c h k i n a , 1950) a t S a t a n i d a r o n t h e s o u t h w e s t e r n slopes of M t . A r a g a c , n e a r t h e A r m e n o - T u r k i s h b o r d e r . T h e s e consisted of typical C h e l lean a n d Early A c h u l e a n artifacts, m a d e of obsidian, w h i c h is plentiful in this volcanic region. S o m e w h a t later, m o r e developed M i d d l e a n d L a t e Paleolithic sites also o c c u r in t h e g o r g e of t h e H r a z d a n River, just n o r t h of t h e p r e s e n t A r m e n i a n capita] of E r e v a n o n t h e M i d d l e A r a x e s River. A n u m b e r of p e t r o g l y p h s r e p r e s e n t i n g l o n g - h o r n e d animals a n d h u n t i n g scenes, f o u n d o n M t . A r a g a c a n d elsewhere in A r m e n i a a n d n e i g h b o r i n g Azerbaijan, m a y also go b a c k to t h e Paleolithic p e r i o d , a l t h o u g h their c h r o n o l o g y r e m a i n s uncertain. T h e stratigraphy of m o r e p e r m a n e n t s e t t l e m e n t s — r a t h e r than mere encampments—found on the southwestern slopes of M t . A r a g a c d e m o n s t r a t e s a direct succession from food-gathering t o f o o d - p r o d u c i n g levels n o t yet attested elsewhere in T r a n s c a u c a s i a . A local evolution derived f r o m t h e n e i g h b o r i n g hills ( a n d leading t o Neolithic settlements in t h e plain of E r e v a n as early as 6000 BCE) has c o n s e q u e n t l y
b e e n p o s t u l a t e d ( B u r n e y a n d L a n g , 1971, p . 34). T h e ag ricultural basis of t h e e c o n o m y in t h e earliest level of these n e w settlements is clearly attested b y t h e p r e s e n c e of q u e r n s , m o r t a r s , obsidian sickle b l a d e s , a n d storage jars; stock rais ing is reflected in rock reliefs of d o m e s t i c a t e d animals. V a r ious f o r m s of r o u n d - b o t t o m e d vessels a n d c u p s m a d e of sand a n d s t r a w - t e m p e r e d clay, occasionally decorated with an incised motif, m a r k t h e a p p e a r a n c e of pottery. T h e s e early settlements a p p a r e n t l y shared a c o m m o n tradition with t h o s e of m i d - s i x m - f i f t h - m i l l e n n i u m Georgia: a small, cir cular h o u s e plan occurs b o t h t h e r e a n d at T e l u t , west of Erevan. T h e transition from stone to metal late in t h e fourth mil l e n n i u m is still o b s c u r e , b u t t h e p e r i o d from a b o u t 3250 to a b o u t 1750 BCE is of particular n o t e in A r m e n i a . Called K u r o - A r a x e s b y local scholars, b u t also k n o w n u n d e r a va riety of other n a m e s (e.g.. Early T r a n s c a u c a s i a n ) , it s p a n n e d b o t h tire Chalcolithic (Soviet Eneolithic) and Early B r o n z e Ages. Geographically, its culture r e a c h e d from t h e C a u c a s u s to eastern Anatolia, n o r t h w e s t e r n Iran, a n d b e y o n d t o SyriaPalestine. Its r e m a r k a b l e stability a n d uniformity, despite a g r a d u a l evolution a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of local particular ism in its last p h a s e , led Charles B u r n e y to c o n c l u d e t h a t " N e v e r again w a s t h e r e a culture in t h e highland z o n e b o t h so far-flung a n d so long-lived" ( B u r n e y and L a n g , 1971, p. 85). T h e h a l l m a r k u s e d t o identify t h e K u r o - A r a x e s culture is a distinctive, high-quality, d a r k - m o n o c h r o m e (usually black or red) b u r n i s h e d p o t t e r y in various shapes that is decorated with g r o o v e d , or occasionally raised, h a t c h e d triangles, sin-
ARMENIA. F i g u r e ! . Round house at Sengawit' displaying the base of a central post. T h i r d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. (Courtesy N . G. Garsoi'an)
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gle o r double spirals, zigzags, or incipient floral o r bird m o tifs. T h e superior technical level a n d sophistication r e a c h e d b y this style in the Araxes valley d u r i n g d i e third m i l l e n n i u m has lent credence to the hypotiiesis t h a t this m a y well h a v e b e e n its center. Variations of t h e type can b e t r a c e d t h r o u g h out t h e cultural area—particularly in t h e slightly later K h i r bet K e r a k ware of Syro-Palestine, w h o s e style seemingly originated in T r a n s c a u c a s i a . With some t e n d e n c y t o w a r d m o r e elongated forms, t h e K u r o - A r a x e s tradition lasted t h r o u g h t h e Early B r o n z e A g e a n d even b e y o n d t h e m i d second millennium BCE in some areas. Sengawit', a s o u t h e r n s u b u r b of E r e v a n o n t h e high left b a n k of t h e H r a z d a n , h a s often b e e n selected, a m o n g m a n y others, as a typical K u r o - A r a x e s site, although it was p r o b ably f o u n d e d even earlier. It was a p e r m a n e n t settlement, s u r r o u n d e d b y a protective wall of large, u n d r e s s e d stones, with an u n d e r g r o u n d p a s s a g e t o t h e river. Witiiin it w e r e g r o u p e d n u m e r o u s , usually single-room, r o u n d h o u s e s s o m e 7-8 m in diameter. T h e y are similar t o ones f o u n d i n Georgia, in K a r a b a g h , a n d n e a r N a x c a w a n o n t h e lower A r axes. C o m p o s e d of several stone courses s u r m o u n t e d b y thin wattle a n d clay walls, their inward curvature suggests a beehive shape. A c c o r d i n g to Afak'elyan (1976, p . 14), t h e interiors w e r e usually p a i n t e d blue. Rectangular annexes of t e n flanked t h e central r o o m , a n d t h e larger h o u s e s h a d a central w o o d e n p o s t (see figure 1). All examples i n c l u d e d a storage b i n for grain a n d a n elaborate a n d highly o r n a m e n t e d clay h e a r t h ( s o m e r a m shaped or with r a m h e a d s a n d movable parts) that m a y have served religious as well as practical p u r p o s e s . T h e growing i m p o r t a n c e of animal h u s b a n d r y is reflected b y petroglyphs and multiple figurines or amulets of tiny bulls, probably also with a religious sig nificance. Burials from tiiis p e r i o d are rare, b u t Sengawit' h a d a largely i n t r a m u r a l cemetery, with early c o m m u n a l burials in rectangular graves containing u p t o t e n bodies. G r a v e goods included stone a n d c o p p e r w e a p o n s , a m u l e t s , personal o r n a m e n t s , b o n e i m p l e m e n t s , a n d fragments of textiles. [See Burial Sites; G r a v e G o o d s ; W e a p o n s ; andTzxtiles, article on Textiles of t h e Neolithic t h r o u g h I r o n Ages.] Certain regions display signs of stagnation in t h e last, E B p h a s e of this culture, b e g i n n i n g in a b o u t 2300 BCE. H o w e v e r , t h e activity i n n o r t h e r n a n d central A r m e n i a did n o t abate. M a n y n e w settlements developed i n the hill c o u n t r y ( G a r n i , Elar, a n d L c a s e n in t h e north, Hafic i n t h e west) as t h e p r e d o m i n a n c e of animal h u s b a n d r y a n d p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e b e g a n to require additional space. O f particular i m p o r t a n c e is t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a major metallurgical center a t M e c a m o r , west of E r e v a n . E v e n t h o u g h t h e t e c h n i q u e u s e d h a d p r o b a b l y b e e n b r o u g h t from M e s o p o t a m i a , a n d M e c a m o r did n o t reach its a p o g e e before t h e second half of t h e s e c o n d millennium BCE, it m a y b e t h e earliest such center in T r a n s caucasia. B r o n z e slag, together witii casserite ore a n d ani m a l - m a t t e r briquettes containing t h e p h o s p h o r u s r e q u i r e d t o extract tin from this ore, were found in M e c a m o r ' s earliest p h a s e , together with K u r o - A r a x e s pottery.
Considerable continuity from this c u l t u r e c a n b e t r a c e d in t h e s u b s e q u e n t M i d d l e B r o n z e ( t w e n t i e t h - f o u r t e e n t h centuries BCE) a n d L a t e B r o n z e ( t h i r t e e n t h - t e n t h centuries BCE) p e r i o d s , t h o u g h s o m e sites w e r e t e m p o r a r i l y a b a n d o n e d . E v e n so, A r m e n i a in the s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE p r e sents a c o m p l e x p i c t u r e , continually s u p p l e m e n t e d b y o n going excavations a n d t h e identification of n e w w e s t e r n sites t h r o u g h r e c e n t air surveys a n d t h e w o r k b y Philip K o h l a n d H e r m a n n G a s c h e u n d e r t h e auspices of t h e Institutes of A r chaeology of t h e A c a d e m i e s of Sciences of t h e A r m e n i a n a n d G e o r g i a n R e p u b l i c s . M o s t of t h e material for this p e r i o d derives from burials a n d shows a fairly unified culture, i n cluding b o t h T r a n s c a u c a s i a a n d n o r t h w e s t e r n I r a n b y t h e e n d of the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. N u m e r o u s b a r r o w s of t h e n o r t h e r n s t e p p e t y p e , similar t o t h o s e f r o m Trialeti in s o u t h ern Georgia, h a v e c o m e t o light in t h e A r m e n i a n R e p u b l i c : at Kirovakan (c. 1500 BCE) a n d T a z e k e n d in t h e n o r t h , as well as at K a r a b a g h i n Azerbaijan, I n 1950, at L c a s e n , t h e lowering of the w a t e r level of L a k e S e v a n revealed a m a j o r cemetery i n u s e f r o m t h e third m i l l e n n i u m to a b o u t 1200 BCE. Its richest t o m b s , h o w e v e r , a p p r o a c h e d b y d r o m i a n d lined as well as r o o f e d w i t h massive s t o n e slabs, h a v e b e e n attributed t o t h e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. [See T o m b s . ] N e a r Artik, on t h e w e s t e r n slopes of M t . A r a g a c , a vast c o m p l e x of s o m e 640 c a t a c o m b t o m b s with vertical shafts a n d oval burial c h a m b e r s filled with stones a n d e a r t h w a s u n c o v e r e d b e g i n n i n g i n 1959 b y T . S. X a c a t r y a n ( K h a c h a t r i a n , 1963). These have been dated to between die fourteenth and the t e n t h centuries BCE, witii t h e majority of burials b e l o n g i n g to t h e middle p h a s e (twelfth-eleventh c e n t u r i e s ) . I n b o t h types of cemeteries, single burials (the c o n t r a c t e d b o d y lies o n its side with n o particular orientation) are t h e n o r m , al t h o u g h twin a n d even s o m e c o m m u n a l burials occasionally a p p e a r in t h e last p h a s e . T h e great d e v e l o p m e n t of metallurgy, e v i d e n c e d b y t h e p r e s e n c e of s o m e twenty-four smelting furnaces at M e c a m o r dating to before 1000 BCE, is also reflected i n t h e diver sity a n d wealth of t h e grave furnishings. T h e richest a n d b e s t k n o w n are those from K i r o v a k a n : a g o l d b o w l d e c o r a t e d with pairs of r e p o u s s e lions, silver c u p s similar t o t h o s e f o u n d in t h e Trialeti b a r r o w s , a w o o d e n c o u c h witii silverp l a t e d e n d s , b r o n z e bowls a n d w e a p o n s , a n d a gold a n d carnelian necklace a d o r n i n g t h e c o r p s e . Similar b r o n z e tools, weapons, a n d ornaments—daggers with openwork p o m mels, s p e a r h e a d s , axes, swords w i t h d e c o r a t e d b l a d e s ( s o m e w i t h a c o p p e r - s n a k e inlay), b r o n z e a n d obsidian a r r o w h e a d s , h o r s e bits a n d w h e e l e d cheek pieces, d e c o r a t e d belts, bracelets w i t h spirals a n d granulation, earrings, hairpins with decorated h e a d s , a n d p e n d a n t s w i t h o p e n w o r k bells a n d birds w e r e f o u n d with b r o n z e , glass p a s t e , a n d carnelian b e a d s at Artik, L c a s e n a n d elsewhere. All testify t o t h e m a s tery of A r m e n i a n m e t a l w o r k i n this p e r i o d . [See M e t a l s , ar ticle on Artifacts of t h e Neolithic, B r o n z e , a n d I r o n Ages; Jewelry.] F o r e i g n influences o n A r m e n i a h a v e b e e n a r g u e d for t h e
ARMENIA late secoiid m i l l e n n i u m BCE. Parallels are manifest in t h e n o r t h e r n b a r r o w - t y p e burials, in t h e c e r a m i c s with c o r d e d d e c o r a t i o n (similar to t h o s e of t h e later s t e p p e k u r g a n s f o u n d in t h e earlier M B burials at L c a s e n ) , a n d p e r h a p s in t h e r e m a r k a b l e g r o u p of o p e n a n d c o v e r e d w o o d e n vehicles w i t h disk a n d s p o k e d wheels also r e c o v e r e d from L c a s e n . T h e s e c o r r e s p o n d t o e x a m p l e s in Trialeti, t h o u g h M i t a n n i a n influence from t h e s o u t h h a s also b e e n p o s t u l a t e d . [See M i t a n n i . ] T h e profusion of p o l y c h r o m e ceramics o c c u r r i n g at n u m e r o u s s i t e s — T a z e k e n d (with w h i c h a r e d - o n - b l a c k t y p e has b e e n identified), G a r n i , M e c a m o r , a n d L c a s e n , a m o n g o t h e r s — p o i n t s s o u t h w a r d , to n o r t h w e s t e r n I r a n . T h e s a m e holds for t h e M i t a n n i - t y p e cylinder seals discov ered in t h e earlier Artik t o m b s . E v e n s o , m o s t artifacts are of local origin, as is t h e gold. T h e earlier L c a s e n t o m b s a r e characterized b y tiieir o w n m o n o c h r o m e p o t t e r y with a p u n c t u a t e d d e c o r a t i o n . Similarly, all levels at Artik c o n t a i n only b l a c k - d e c o r a t e d c e r a m i c s , at times c r u d e , at times b u r n i s h e d to a nearly mirrorlike luster. T h e b u l k of t h e M B a n d L B e v i d e n c e is, t h e n , derived from cemeteries. H o w e v e r , c y c l o p e a n fortresses, k n o w n as herdsen, d a t i n g to t h e m i l l e n n i u m p r e c e d i n g t h e e i g h t h - c e n t u r y BCE a p p e a r a n c e of d i e U r a r t i a n s in t h e region, h a v e increasingly been d e t e c t e d t h r o u g h o u t d i e A r m e n i a n R e p u b l i c a n d in n e i g h b o r i n g K a r a b a g h (four in t h e i m m e d i a t e vicinity of G a r n i ) . [See U r a r t u . ] L a r g e g r o u p s of L B m e g a lithic m o n u m e n t s h a v e also b e e n r e c o r d e d near Sisian, in t h e eastern region of Z a n g e z u r . O f special interest are t h o s e k n o w n as visaps, " m o n s t e r s , o r d r a g o n s . " U p to 2-3 m long, w i t h large fish m o u t h s a n d eyes, as well as c r u d e indications of scales a n d gills, a n d e r e c t e d u p r i g h t in t h e m o u n t a i n s at t h e h e a d of springs, visaps m a y well indicate w i d e s p r e a d w a ter w o r s h i p , just as t h e p r e s e n c e of small amulets p o i n t to t h e probability of fertility cults. [See Cult.] Shrines with c u rious clay altars w i t h h e a r t h s a n d multiple c u p s , p r e s u m a b l y for libations a n d sacrifices, f o u n d n e a r t h e metalworks of late s e c o n d - m i l l e n n i u m BCE M e c a m o r , m u s t h a v e s o m e religious significance. A n artificial o p e n - a i r p l a t f o r m at M e c a m o r is m a r k e d w i t h hieroglyphic signs, for w h i c h an astral signifi c a n c e h a s b e e n suggested. W i t h t h e o p e n i n g of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, iron objects begin to a p p e a r in graves. T h e n e w t e c h n o l o g y m a y h a v e c a u s e d d i e g r a d u a l decline of M e c a m o r , even t h o u g h evi d e n c e d e m o n s t r a t e s d i e survival of s e c o n d - m i l l e n n i u m BCE T r a n s c a u c a s i a n culture t o t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE at least. E l e g a n t b r o n z e belts with r u n n i n g spiral b o r d e r s framing lively a n i m a l figures, chariots, a n d h u n t i n g scenes h a v e b e e n at t r i b u t e d to t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e - U r a r t i a n p e r i o d (c. 1 1 0 0 900 BCE) . H e n c e , for millennia, a n d d o w n to d i e U r a r t i a n c o n q u e s t in t h e early eighth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e A r a x e s valley a n d m u c h of n o r t h - c e n t r a l A r m e n i a h a d already e x p e r i e n c e d a c o n t i n u o u s , a n d at times brilliant, evolution—of w h i c h it m a y even h a v e b e e n t h e center d u r i n g t h e l o n g K u r o - A r a x e s period. I n s h a r p c o n t r a s t to t h e g r o w i n g wealth of evidence from
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earlier p e r i o d s , m a t e r i a l securely datable t o the m i l l e n n i u m from t h e sixtii c e n t u r y BCE to t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y CE is p u z zlingly meager. Its scarcity p r e s e n t s o n e of the major u n solved p r o b l e m s in A r m e n i a n archaeology. S o m e U r a r t i a n survivals occur at Armawir/Argistihinili a n d at E r e b u n i , witiiin t h e limits of m o d e r n E r e v a n ; e x c e p t for a few silver rhyta, a hypostyle hall a n d a fire altar at E r e b u n i , a n d t h e unfinished inscription of K i n g X e r x e s at V a n , h o w e v e r , t h e p e r i o d of A c h a e m e n i d d o m i n a t i o n of A r m e n i a ( s i x t h - f o u r t h centuries BCE) m u s t still b e r e c o n s t r u c t e d from literary sources, primarily X e n o p h o n . A l e x a n d e r tire G r e a t himself never visited A r m e n i a , a n d t h e Seleucid h o l d o n t h e plateau ruled b y a native d y n a s t y w a s precarious. [See Seleucids.] By t h e late t h i r d - e a r l y s e c o n d centuries BCE, e p o n y m o u s cities a p p e a r e d , p r e s u m a b l y m o d e l e d o n t h e u b i q u i t o u s Alexandrias: Artaxata/Artasat, t h e n o r t h e r n capital o n t h e m i d d l e A r a x e s f o u n d e d b y A r taxias/Artases; Zarisat; Z a r e h a w a n ; a n d A r s a m o s a t a in s o u t h w e s t e r n S o p h e n e ; eventually the n e w capital of T i granakert. O n l y A r t a s a t a n d A r m a w i r h a v e b e e n excavated t o d a t e , a n d even t h e site of T i g r a n a k e r t remains d i s p u t e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , p r e l i m i n a r y w o r k shows generally Hellenistic u r b a n plans with an acropolis, a t e m p l e at A r m a w i r , h y p o caust b a t h s , s h o p s , a n d dwellings. [See Baths.] G r e e k in scriptions, or r a t h e r graffiti, from A r m a w i r s h o w a familiar ity with G r e e k classical literature. [See Greek.] A small statuette of die Praxitelean A p h r o d i t e t y p e was f o u n d in the excavations at A r t a s a t (Afakelyan, 1976, pi. xxii-xxiii), b u t t h e dating of t h e material from this city destroyed b y t h e R o m a n s in 59 CE a n d r e c o n s t r u c t e d w i t h the permission of t h e e m p e r o r N e r o (whose n a m e it briefly took after 66) is n o t clear. T h e a p o g e e of G r e e k influence c a m e d u r i n g the reign of T i g r a n II (95-55 BCE). Literary sources describe t h e Helle nistic character of his capital, T i g r a n a k e r t , and of his court. H a n d s o m e silver t e t r a d r a c h m s celebrating his taking of A n tioch o n the O r o n t e s R i v e r in 84 BCE follow t h e Hellenistic m o d e l : t h e y r e p r e s e n t t h e profile of t h e king o n the coin's obverse a n d d i e city's T y c h e as a c r o w n e d w o m a n en t h r o n e d above d i e O r o n t e s River o n its reverse, a n d they display G r e e k legends. [See A n t i o c h o n Orontes.] Similar coins of lesser quality c o n t i n u e d this t y p e in S o p h e n e until t h e first years of t h e C h r i s t i a n period. U n d e r t h e R o m a n s , a few inscriptions of T r a j a n a n d particularly from t h e reign of M a r c u s Aurelius at V a l a r s a p a t / K a i n e Polis ( " n e w city") west of E r e v a n , attest t h e p r e s e n c e of R o m a n t r o o p s . T h e major classical m o n u m e n t in A r m e n i a is t h e c o m p l e x at G a r n i . Its fortress w a s b e g u n in t h e t h i r d / s e c o n d century BCE. I t w a s rebuilt in t h e eleventit year of K i n g T r d a t (c. 77), a c c o r d i n g to a G r e e k inscription discovered there in 1945. W i t h i n it t h e ruins of a palace a n d of a small Ionic peripteros o n a h i g h p o d i u m w e r e f o u n d . T h e y are n o w r e c o n s t r u c t e d as a t e m p l e , t h o u g h this identification has b e e n challenged. D e s p i t e s o m e attributions to t h e t h i r d century, derived from later literature, this s t r u c t u r e is usually d a t e d to d i e first c e n -
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t u r y o n t h e basis of its style a n d u s e of a d r y - m a s o n r y tech nique with swallowtail c l a m p s , rather t h a n t h e later m o r t a r binder. A h y p o c a u s t b a t h n e a r b y p r o d u c e d a floor m o s a i c of classical sea gods a n d creatures in a s o m e w h a t c r u d e o p u s v e r m i c u l a t u m a n d sectile (Afak'elyan, 1976, pi. xxiii-xxvii). [See Mosaics.] Iranian aspects c o n t i n u e d to manifest themselves b e y o n d the fourth c e n t u r y BCE in clay plaques r e p r e s e n t i n g a M i t h raic heroic rider found at Artasat a n d in t h e pearl d i a d e m w o r n b y T i g r a n II o n his coinage. T h e m i x e d G r e c o - I r a n i a n type of this coinage similarly characterizes t h e classical b r o n z e h e a d of t h e Iranian goddess Anahita n o w in t h e Brit ish M u s e u m a n d in small statuettes of birds a n d stags o n a s t e p p e d pedestal discovered at Sisian. M o s t interesting of all are b o u n d a r y stones of Artases I (189-c. 160 BCE), w h o s e A r a m a i c inscriptions confirm the continuation of t h e local Orontid dynasty in this period, and the h u n t i n g scenes that decorate the h y p o g e u m of the Christian Arsacid kings at Alck', n o r t h w e s t of E r e v a n . [See Aramaic L a n g u a g e a n d L i t -
erature; H u n t i n g . ] T h e p r e s e n c e of Iranian fire altars u n d e r t h e m a i n altar of t h e patriarchal cathedral of E j m i a c i n a n d at K a s a x , farther n o r t h , m a r k t h e S a s a n i a n o c c u p a t i o n of A r m e n i a in t h e late fourth century. [See Sasanians,] T h e long hiatus of t h e A r m e n i a n archaeological d a r k ages c a m e t o a close with the a p p e a r a n c e of C h r i s t i a n m o n u m e n t s , p r o b a b l y in t h e fifth c e n t u r y . N u m e r o u s single- a n d three-aisled basilicas, seemingly related t o Syrian or A n a tolian types, w e r e built t h r o u g h o u t A r m e n i a a n d in G e o r g i a . [See Basilicas.] S o m e of these were m o n u m e n t a l a n d of r e m a r k a b l e quality, s u c h as t h e o n e at E r e r u k , o n t h e w e s t e r n b o r d e r of t h e A r m e n i a n R e p u b l i c , w h i c h h a s b e e n c o m p a r e d to the o n e at Q a l b L o u z e h in n o r t h e r n Syria. By t h e early seventh century, a m u l t i t u d e of d o m e d basilicas, a n d e s p e cially cruciform c h u r c h e s with a central d o m e o n s q u i n c h e s , a p p e a r e d in b o t h A r m e n i a a n d G e o r g i a , t o g e t h e r with a few circular a n d p o l y g o n a l t y p e s , of w h i c h t h e b e s t k n o w n is t h e o n e at Z u a r t n o c ' , n e a r Ejmiacin. [See C h u r c h e s . ] H i s t o riated stelae, often depicting figures in P a r t h i a n dress, w e r e erected—alone or within d o u b l e - a r c h e d m o n u m e n t s , s u c h as d i e o n e at O j u n , in t h e n o r t h , a n d possibly at Aludi in t h e east (see figure 2). [See Parthians.] S o m e of t h e c h u r c h e s (e.g., at Ptini, M r e n , O j u n , a n d At'eni in G e o r g i a ) h a v e fig u r e d relief d e c o r a t i o n s , b u t m o s t rely on t h e h a r m o n y of their p r o p o r t i o n s a n d t h e perfection of their d r e s s e d - s t o n e surfaces enclosing a m o r t a r i n n e r core a n d m i n i m a l a r c h i tectural d e c o r a t i o n a r o u n d w i n d o w s a n d cornices for their effect. T h e y r a n g e in size from t h e m i n u t e princely chapels at Astarak, T alin, a n d B j n i (belonging to t h e parafeudal ar istocracy of t h e p e r i o d ) to t h e vast d o m e d basilicas of St. G a y a n e at Ejmiacin, A r u c , T a l i n , a n d O j u n to t h e m o n u m e n t a l cruciform c h u r c h e s of Gafnahovit, St. Hfip'sime, a n d Sisian. T h e endless variety a n d sophistication of their types a n d p r o p o r t i o n s , as well as t h e subtlety of their d e c oration, testify t o the m a s t e r y of t h e artists a n d t h e wealth of their p a t r o n s , t h e ruins of w h o s e palaces are still visible in the countryside. T h e earlier cities, u n s u i t e d to c o n t e m p o r a r y military a n d aristocratic society, did n o t revive, ex c e p t for t h e administrative center of D u i n n e a r Artasat. R e cent excavations tiiere h a v e u n c o v e r e d a patriarchal residence a n d cathedral from t h e seventh c e n t u r y built over earlier structures. S t e a d y architectural activity c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h m o s t of t h e seventh c e n t u r y , despite t h e A r a b c o n q u e s t of t h e A r m e n i a n plateau. It w a s h a l t e d for nearly t w o h u n d r e d years, h o w e v e r , along with m o s t cultural activity, w h e n t h e o c c u p a t i o n b e c a m e m o r e o p p r e s s i v e later in t h e eighth century. [See also A r m e n i a n . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Figure
2. Kars stele showing a male figure in Parthian
dress. (Courtesy N . G. Garsoi'an)
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A l t h o u g h s h a r i n g m a n y of t h e linguistic features a n d characteristics of t h e c o n t i g u o u s I n d o - E u r o p e a n dialects t h a t o n c e s p r e a d b e t w e e n G r e e k in t h e s o u t h a n d Balto-Slavic in t h e n o r t h , t h e p o s i t i o n of A r m e n i a n a m o n g t h e I n d o - E u r o p e a n l a n g u a g e s a p p e a r s to b e highly archaic, j u d g i n g from t h e p h o n e t i c system of stops. T h e p r e history of A r m e n i a n is invariably c o n n e c t e d with t h e spatial linguistic interrelationships of t h e a n c i e n t I n d o - E u r o p e a n dialects a n d t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l origin of t h e A r m e n i a n s a n d their m i g r a t i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e r e is n o scholarly c o n s e n s u s o n this subject. S o m e favor t h e traditional view t h a t A r m e n i a n s r e a c h e d Asia M i n o r from E u r o p e , a view b a s e d o n t h e testimonies of t h e classical G r e e k historians a n d t h e linguis tic affinities with t h e P o n t i c b r a n c h of I n d o - E u r o p e a n , t h a t is, G r e e k a n d t h e P a l e o - B a l k a n g r o u p ( T h r a c o - P h r y g i a n in
207
p a r t i c u l a r ) . Otiiers hold t h a t t h e very cradle of P r o t o - I n d o E u r o p e a n is to b e f o u n d in e a s t e r n Anatolia a n d t h e s o u t h e r n C a u c a s u s in or n e a r A r m e n i a . W h e t h e r or n o t P r o t o - A r m e n i a n originated in t h e area w h e r e w e find it later, t h e lan g u a g e retains s o m e one t h o u s a n d w o r d s of I n d o - E u r o p e a n origin, m a k i n g it a n i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e for t h e s t u d y of I n d o E u r o p e a n roots. T h e early d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e l a n g u a g e s e e m s to have in c l u d e d considerable b o r r o w i n g s from n e i g h b o r i n g lan guages: f r o m H i t t o - L u w i a n a n d H u r r o - U r a r t i a n p r o p e r n a m e s ( t h e o n y m s , a n t h r o p o n y m s , a n d t o p o n y m s ) to I n d o I r a n i a n w o r d s of everyday life. T h e a r c h a i c contacts a m o n g t h e various p e o p l e s of t h e A r m e n i a n highlands a c c o u n t for a rich stock of c o m m o n t e r m s , a n d this d e v e l o p m e n t h a s given rise to passionate d e b a t e s over etymologies a n d loan w o r d s f r o m o n e or a n o t h e r of t h e languages of t h e r e g i o n — from t h e K a r t v e l i a n family a n d o t h e r C a u c a s i a n languages farther n o r t h to t h e various I r a n i a n languages. T h e r e is also s o m e lexical evidence s u g g e s t i n g possible early contacts with Semitic languages. T h e c o m p l e x i t y of t h e question of influ ences a n d counterinfluences n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , t h e early i m p a c t of A r m e n i a n o n n e i g h b o r i n g l a n d s , s u c h as Georgia a n d Albania, h a s long b e e n r e c o g n i z e d . M a n y Iranian l o a n w o r d s also m a d e their w a y into t h e s e regions t h r o u g h A r m e n i a n , Y e t A r m e n i a n possesses w i t h Kartvelian a n d Albanian c o m p o n e n t s s u c h as c o n s o n a n t shifts that go b a c k to o n e or a n o t h e r of t h e ancient dialects f o u n d in t h e Balkan languages as substrata. T h e s u b s e q u e n t history of t h e language can b e divided into four major p e r i o d s : (1) preliterate, t h a t is, prior to t h e formulation of t h e A r m e n i a n a l p h a b e t early in t h e fifth c e n tury; (2) O l d A r m e n i a n , w h i c h is k n o w n t h r o u g h t h e clas sical sources of early A r m e n i a n literature in the fifth-tenth centuries; (3) M i d d l e A r m e n i a n , as developed primarily in t h e Cilician k i n g d o m in t h e eleventh-fifteenth centuries, a p e r i o d to w h i c h m o s t of d i e c u r r e n t dialectal p h o n e t i c splits c a n b e traced; a n d (4) M o d e r n A r m e n i a n , w h i c h is divided into E a s t e r n a n d W e s t e r n A r m e n i a n following t w o major dialectal g r o u p i n g s . O n e has flourished in a n d a r o u n d Ar m e n i a a n d I r a n with substantial literary d e v e l o p m e n t in T b i lisi since t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century a n d in E r evan since t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e t w e n t i e t h century. T h e other has flourished simultaneously a m o n g A r m e n i a n c o m m u n i ties in Anatolia, t h e rest of t h e M i d d l e East, a n d d i e W e s t e r n w o r l d w i t h its literary capital at I s t a n b u l in t h e last c e n t u r y a n d Beirut in t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y . T h e E a s t e r n dialect r e tains t h e p r o n u n c i a t i o n of O l d A r m e n i a n , a n d the W e s t e r n dialect its o r t h o g r a p h y . T h e g r a m m a r s differ t h r o u g h o u t . Before t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e A r m e n i a n script b y b r o a d modifications of t h e G r e e k a l p h a b e t a n d t o a lesser e x t e n t of t h e Syriac a l p h a b e t , A r m e n i a n s u s e d G r e e k and A r a m a i c for coinage a n d inscriptions. T h e coins of t h e i n d e p e n d e n t A r m e n i a n k i n g d o m of S o p h e n e , f o u n d e d b y A r s a m (26 c— 228), a n d those of t h e A r t a x i a d s , w i d e s p r e a d after t h e c o n -
208
ARMENIAN
quests of T i g r a n II ( 9 5 - 5 5 ) , h a v e G r e e k legends. H o w e v e r , the l a n d m a r k inscriptions from the reign of Artases I ( 1 9 0 1 5 9 ) , t h e f o u n d e r of t h e Artaxiad dynasty, are in a n u n u s u a l form of A r a m a i c script. A royal dedicatory inscription at G a r n i , from t h e eleventh year of T r d a t I ( 6 6 B C E - C . 1 0 0 C E ) , the founder of t h e Arsacid dynasty in A r m e n i a , is in Greek. T h e r e are few L a t i n inscriptions from t h e R o m a n o c c u p a tion of the s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE. T h e earliest C h r i s t i a n texts u s e d in A r m e n i a were in Syriac, a n d t h e ecclesiastical cor r e s p o n d e n c e in t h e early decades of t h e A r m e n i a n C h u r c h was primarily in G r e e k . Very little of this c o r r e s p o n d e n c e survives in later translation. Unfortunately, in their zeal for Christianity a n d as t h e native historians of t h e fifth c e n t u r y attest, A r m e n i a n s m a d e a conscious effort to eradicate every relic of their p a g a n past. T h i s was a c c o m p l i s h e d u n d e r t h e leadership of G r i g o r t h e Illuminator, t h e saint largely r e sponsible for t h e conversion of t h e n a t i o n to Christianity in 3 1 4 . U n d e r his d e s c e n d a n t s t h e n a s c e n t c h u r c h took a n i n creasingly p r o - B y z a n t i n e stance a n d did away with m u c h of the early Syriac elements in A r m e n i a n Christianity. M o r e over, natural conditions a n d c o n s t a n t ravages b y hostile i n vaders also h a d a devastating effect. C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e r e are n o d o c u m e n t a r y r e m a i n s from this period; a few lines of epic songs survived orally a n d were c o m m i t t e d t o writing b y later generations, t h e last b e i n g in t h e eleventh century. F r o m t h e first four centuries of scribal activity e m p l o y i n g t h e A r m e n i a n script t h e r e are only fragments t h a t are p r e served for the m o s t p a r t as e n d gatherings u s e d t o reinforce t h e b i n d i n g of later codices. T h e oldest surviving A r m e n i a n
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Avi-Yonah, Michael. " M o s a i c P a v e m e n t s in Palestine." Quarterly of the Department
of Antiquities
of Palestine
2 (1932): 1 3 6 - 1 8 1 ; 3 (1933):
2 6 - 4 7 , 4 9 - 7 3 ; 4 ( 1 9 3 5 ) : I87-I93Avi-Yonah, Michael. " M a p of R o m a n Palestine." Quarterly of the De partment of Antiquities of Palestine 5 ( 1 9 3 6 ) : 1 3 9 - 1 9 3 . Revised as a book 0erusalem, 1940). Avi-Yonah, Michael. Abbreviations in Greek Inscriptions (the Near East, zoo BC-AD nooj. Quarterly of t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of Palestine, S u p p l e m e n t to vol. 9. Jerusalem, 1940. Avi-Yonah, Michael. "Oriental Elements in the A r t of Palestine in the R o m a n a n d Byzantine P e r i o d s . " Quarterly of the Department of An tiquities of Palestine 1 0 ( 1 9 4 2 ) : 1 0 5 - 1 5 1 ; 13 ( 1 9 4 8 ) : 1 2 8 - 1 6 5 ; 1 4 ( 1 9 5 0 ) : 49-80. Avi-Yonah, Michael. The Holy Ijand from the Persian to the Arab Con quests, 536 B.C.-A.D, 640: A Historical Geography. G r a n d Rapids, M i c h . , 1966. Avi-Yonah, Michael. Gazetteer of Roman Palestine. Q e d e m , vol. 5. Je rusalem, 1 9 7 6 . Avi-Yonah, Michael. The Jews of Palestine: A Political History from the Bar Kokhba War to the Arab Conquest. Oxford, 1 9 7 6 . "Bibliography of M . A v i - Y o n a h " (in H e b r e w ) . Bulletin of the Israel Ex ploration Society 18 ( 1 9 5 4 ) ; 1 1 3 - 1 2 0 .
Salzmann, Milka C . "Bibliography of M . Avi-Yonah." Israel tion Journal 24 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 2 8 7 - 3 1 5 ; 34 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 1 8 4 - 1 8 6 .
239 Explora
RONNY REICH
A X U M , ancient capital a n d i m p o r t a n t t r a d i n g center in E t h i o p i a ( 1 4 ° 1 0 ' N , 3 8 ° 4 5 ' E ) . L o c a t e d i n t h e highland p l a t e a u of n o r t h e r n Etiriopia, A x u m w a s a large u r b a n center a n d t h e e p o n y m o u s capital of a political state t h a t flourished f r o m t h e first t h r o u g h the seventh o r eighth c e n t u r y CE. D u r i n g t h e p e r i o d of its greatest e x p a n s i o n , it controlled t h e h i g h l a n d plateau a n d coast of n o r t h e r n E t h i o p i a , s o u t h e r n Y e m e n , a n d p a r t of t h e e a s t e r n S u d a n . A x u m w a s t h e s o u t h e r n m o s t o u t p o s t of t h e hellenized N e a r East. Its e c o n o m i c s t r e n g d i d e p e n d e d u p o n its role in t h e international t r a d e t h a t p a s s e d t h r o u g h d i e R e d Sea. T h i s t r a d e w a s d i m i n i s h e d b y Persia's c o n q u e s t of S o u t h Arabia in t h e late sixth c e n t u r y ; its decline c o n t i n u e d with s u b s e q u e n t Islamic d o m i n a t i o n of t h e area. B y d i e e n d of t h e seventh c e n t u r y t h e A x u m i t e state h a d lost its i n t e r n a tional e c o n o m i c standing. Internally, deforestation a n d soil d e g r a d a t i o n a r o u n d die u r b a n center took their toll; b e t w e e n t h e eighth a n d t e n t h centuries A x u m h a d ceased t o b e t h e capital of t h e Christian k i n g d o m of h i g h l a n d Ethiopia. Archaeological investigations h a v e revealed t h e outlines of A x u m ' s relative chronology, b u t its absolute chronology r e m a i n s m o r e p r o b l e m a t i c . K i n g E z a n a converted t o C h r i s tianity a b o u t 333 a n d still r e i g n e d a r o u n d t h e year 356. K a l e b r e i g n e d in 520 b u t h a d given u p t h e t h r o n e before 543 w h e n t h e B y z a n t i n e a u t h o r P r o c o p i u s in his History of the Wars (1.20.8) referred t o K a l e b ' s successor. A m e r c h a n t ' s h a n d b o o k k n o w n as t h e Periplus of the Erythraean [Red] Sea, writ t e n in 40-70 CE, describes t h e R e d Sea p o r t of Adulis a n d n a m e s A x u m as t h e m e t r o p o l i s . T h e clearest indicator of A x u m ' s position in the e c o n o m y of t h e graecized N e a r E a s t is its issue of gold coinage, b e g i n n i n g a b o u t 270 witii t h e coins of K i n g E n d u b i s . Silver a n d b r o n z e coins were i s s u e d for local use, a n d t h e gold coin issues were tied t o t h e R o m a n s t a n d a r d . All coin issues, r e flecting t h e design of R o m a n coinage, s h o w a b u s t o r halflength p o r t r a i t of t h e ruler i n profile, framed by stalks of barley or w h e a t (cereals b e i n g t h e basis of A x u m i t e agricul t u r e ) . C o i n s issued prior t o t h e conversion of E z a n a s h o w a disc a n d crescent, a n d t h o s e issued after show t h e cross. M o s t coins are inscribed i n G r e e k , b u t issues of t h e s e c o n d half of t h e sixth a n d seventh centuries m a y b e inscribed i n G e ' e z , a n E t h i o p i a n Semitic l a n g u a g e of t h e Afro-Asiatic linguistic family. M o n u m e n t a l lapidary inscriptions offer royal p r o p a g a n d a in G r e e k language a n d script a n d in G e ' e z , written either in E p i g r a p h i c S o u t h A r a b i a n o r G e ' e z script. A l t h o u g h G e ' e z letter f o r m s are related t o t h o s e of t h e S o u t h Arabian scripts, a system of vocalization was invented, w h e r e b y vowel m a r k ers are joined t o c o n s o n a n t letter forms. T h e first fully v o -
240
AXUM
calized G e ' e z a p p e a r s in a royal inscription of K i n g E z a n a . Royal victories were also c o m m e m o r a t e d b y votive stone t h r o n e s . R e m a i n s of square t h r o n e bases, slotted o n three sides, are visible at A x u m . T h e stability of t h e centralized state (at least until t h e e n d of t h e sixth century) is reflected by the lack of defensive walls at A x u m a n d other A x u m i t e u r b a n centers. Little is k n o w n of A x u m i t e religion prior to E z a n a ' s c o n version. His trilingual inscription m e n t i o n s the deities A s h tar (Ishtar), Beher, a n d M e d e r , u n d e r w h o s e p r o t e c t i o n h e placed himself; it n a m e s h i m as t h e son of M a h r e m , i d e n tified in the G r e e k A x u m i t e inscriptions as Ares, g o d of war. Excavations at A x u m have revealed r e m a i n s of several large elite m a n s i o n s ; foundations of the largest (in t h e D u n g u r area) m e a s u r e 57 X 56.5 m (187 X 185 f t ) . T h e s e m a n sions, dating from t h e late third to t h e late sixth century, incorporated distinctive features of A x u m i t e architecture. T h e i r central pavilions w e r e built u p o n s t e p p e d p o d i a (plat forms) with m o n u m e n t a l e n t t a n c e stairs. Walls were c o n structed of stones laid in m u d m o r t a r , a n d corners of walls a n d podia were reinforced with dressed stone blocks. Walls a n d stepped p o d i a were built with projecting a n d r e - e n t r a n t sections, a design element that i m p a r t s greater strength. D r e s s e d m a s o n r y was u s e d for d o o r w a y s , stairways, pillars, d o o r jambs, a n d lintels. W o o d e n b e a m s , r o u n d a n d s q u a r e in cross-section, w e r e u s e d as roof s u p p o r t s . T h e s e characteristic features of A x u m i t e a r c h i t e c t u r e —
AXUM. F i g u r e 1. Stelae at Axum.
projecting w o o d e n roof s u p p o r t s (so-called m o n k e y h e a d s ) , framed w i n d o w s a n d d o o r w a y s , a n d r e c e s s e d f a c a d e s — o r n a m e n t t h e faces of six giant stelae at A x u m ' s central n e cropolis. T h e s e m o n u m e n t s are d a t a b l e to t h e f o u r t h c e n tury. T h e great o r n a m e n t e d stela t h a t still s t a n d s is 21 m (68 ft.) high (see figure 1). C o n t r a r y to legend, t h e giant stelae fell b e c a u s e of their i n a d e q u a t e f o u n d a t i o n s . T h e i r s u g g e s tion of multiple stories (ten or m o r e ) is t h e sole fantastic element of an otherwise a u t h e n t i c facsimile of a m o n u m e n tal A x u m i t e facade. P o t t e r y h o u s e m o d e l s , datable to t h e later third century, s h o w rectangular h o u s e s with t h a t c h roofs, w h i c h r e p r e s e n t t h e o r d i n a r y dwellings of private i n dividuals. Earlier stelae at A x u m were simple u p r i g h t stones. After t h e fourth c e n t u r y , stelae were n o l o n g e r erected. All w e r e funerary. T h o s e of t h e central necropolis are associated w i t h platforms, terraces, a n d t o m b s t h a t w e r e either d u g into r o c k or built in pits. A r c h e s a n d vaults of b a k e d brick w e r e f o u n d in t o m b s datable to t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y . E x c a v a t i o n s in this area b y t h e British Institute in E a s t Africa, led b y Neville Chittick, were h a l t e d in 1974 b e c a u s e of t h e local political situation. T o m b c o n t e n t s i n c l u d e d a r a n g e of objects, i m p o r t e d M e d i t e r r a n e a n l u x u r y g o o d s , a n d s o m e glass f r a g m e n t s t h a t suggest a local glass industry. W e l l - m a d e A x u m i t e p o t t e r y was p r o d u c e d b y a local craft industry. M a j o r c e r a m i c t y p e s are t h e b u r n i s h e d R e d A x u m i t e w a r e , d a t a b l e t o t h e first or s e c o n d tirrough t h e fifth c e n t u r y , a n d B r o w n A x u m i t e w a r e
(Werner Forman/Art Resource, N Y )
AYYUBID-MAMLUK DYNASTIES t h a t r e p l a c e d R e d A x u m i t e w a r e d u r i n g t h e sixth century. A x u m i t e p o t t e r y is h a n d m a d e , a n d glaze is r a r e . T h e earliest R e d A x u m i t e w a r e shares sufficient elements with p r e - A x u m i t e p o t t e r y to s u g g e s t n o discontinuity in lo cal p o p u l a t i o n s . A x u m itself d o e s n o t overlay earlier c o n struction, a l t h o u g h p r e - A x u m i t e sites, s u c h as Y e h a , are n o t far f r o m A x u m . T h e p r e - A x u m i t e p e r i o d , d a t i n g to t h e sec o n d half of the first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, is n o t well u n d e r s t o o d . I n s c r i p t i o n s d e m o n s t r a t e c o n n e c t i o n s with S o u t h Arabia. I n !993J p r o g r a m s of archaeological research at A x u m a n d its environs r e s u m e d , i n c l u d i n g t h e w o r k of t h e British I n stitute in E a s t Africa led by D a v i d W . Phillipson a n d that of the Instituto Universitario Orientale a n d B o s t o n University Archaeological M i s s i o n , led b y R o d o l f o F a t t o v i c h a n d K a t h r y n A . Bard. [See also Ethiopia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY M u n r o - H a y , Stuart, et al. Excavations at Aksum: An Account of Research at the Ancient Ethiopian Capital Directed in 1972-4 by the Late Dr. Neville Chittick. M e m o i r s of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, no. 10. L o n d o n , 1989. Authoritative m o n o g r a p h on the site of A x u m , with extensive bibliography. MARILYN E . HELDMAN
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e r a n c e figure p r o m i n e n t l y in c o n t e m p o r a r y W e s t e r n sources. Islamic sources place h i m n e x t to a few o t h e r o u t s t a n d i n g rulers in Islam, primarily b e c a u s e of his military a c h i e v e m e n t s . H e m u s t h a v e b e e n a n efficient ruler as well, b u t his political vision did n o t e n c o m p a s s a centralized state. Before his death in 1193, h e divided his r e a l m a m o n g m e m b e r s of his family, w h o r u l e d after h i m as ldngs in E g y p t , D a m a s c u s , A l e p p o , a n d elsewhere. T h e A y y u b i d "federa tion" survived with s o m e success into the m i d d l e of t h e thir t e e n t h century. Following a lengthy p e r i o d of internal struggles for su p r e m a c y within t h e A y y u b i d family, in E g y p t a slave-soldier (mamlukj of T u r k i s h origin n a m e d A y b a k took p o w e r in 1250. H e b e c a m e the f o u n d e r of the M a m l u k dynasty, w h o s e m o r e t h a n fifty sultans b e c a m e the lords of E g y p t a n d Syria for t h e n e x t m o r e t h a n 250 years. I n Syria the A y y u b i d k i n g d o m s w e r e o v e r r u n by t h e M o n g o l s of Htilegu in 1259, w h o in t u r n w e r e defeated b y t h e M a m l u k s in Palestine in the same year. T h i s victory o p e n e d Syria to the M a m l u k s . T h e leader of this M a m l u k a r m y , B a y b a r s , b e c a m e t h e M a m l u k sultan in 1260. I t w a s d u r i n g his long reign (for a M a m l u k ) of seventeen years t h a t t h e foundations of t h e M a m l u k state w e r e established. A n administrative system was laid o u t t h a t u s e d t h e p r e - M a m l u k structure in Syria. In it even a n A y y u b i d p r i n c e , the historian A b u al-Fida of H a m a , was retained. Baybars c o n t i n u e d Salah a d - D i n ' s pol icy of p u s h i n g b a c k the C r u s a d e r s b y military a n d political m e a n s a n d as a result, h o l d s t h e same e s t e e m e d place in Islamic history as his p r e d e c e s s o r . H i s quasi-successor, K a l a u n (1279-1290), e n d e d t h e C r u s a d e r p r e s e n c e in the H o l y L a n d a n d built, o n B a y b a r s ' f o u n d a t i o n s , the basic elements of t h e M a m l u k state. T h e long reign of K a l a u n ' s s o n N a s i r M u h a m m a d (1310-1341) benefited b o t h t h e arts a n d polit ical stability. B a y b a r s , K a l a u n , a n d N a s i r are die m o s t p r o m i n e n t M a m l u k sultans of t h e so-called mainly T u r k i s h Bahri dynasty, w h i c h in 1382 w a s o v e r t h r o w n b y another M a m l u k g r o u p , the mainly Circassian Burji dynasty. T h e Burjis r e m a i n e d in p o w e r until 1 5 1 7 , w h e n a n e w a n d militarily a d v a n c e d p o w e r die O t t o m a n s , w h o i n t r o d u c e d g u n p o w d e r to warfare in the N e a r East, c o n q u e r e d Syria a n d Egypt. c
A Y Y U B I D - M A M L U K D Y N A S T I E S . TheAyyubids (1169-1250) a n d the M a m l u k s (1250-1517) ruled w i t h g r e a t i m p a c t over E g y p t a n d Syria (i.e.. G r e a t e r Syria: P a l estine ( m o d e r n Israel), J o r d a n , L e b a n o n , a n d m o d e r n Syria) for almost t h r e e h u n d r e d a n d fifty years. T o w a r d t h e e n d of t h e F a t i m i d p e r i o d (909-1169), E g y p t w a s in chaos. Internal p o w e r struggles led t o i n t e r v e n t i o n b y t h e C r u s a d e r s , w h o even controlled C a i r o for a s h o r t t i m e , a n d by t h e n e w rulers of Syria a n d n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , t h e Z a n g i d s (1127/ 1 1 4 6 - 1 1 8 1 ) . O n e of t h e Z a n g i d generals, Salah a d - D i n (die Saladin of W e s t e r n s o u r c e s ) , b r o u g h t a n e n d t o d i e deteri orating situation in C a i r o a n d to t h e F a t i m i d s ; c a m e in c o n trol of E g y p t (1169) a n d d i e holy cities of Islam ( M e c c a a n d M e d i n a ) a n d Y e m e n (1173); t o o k T r i p o l i , in m o d e r n L e b a n o n , from t h e N o r m a n s ( 1 1 7 2 ) ; a n d c o n q u e r e d D a m a s c u s (1174), A l e p p o (1178)3 a n d , s o o n after, n o r t h e r n M e s o p o tamia. T h u s , Salah a d - D i n , a ruler of K u r d i s h origin, w a s the k i n g (sultan) of a state t h a t s t r e t c h e d from t h e western b o r ders of E g y p t to the western b o r d e r s of Iran. T h e only r e m a i n i n g e n e m y in t h e territory w a s t h e C r u s a d e r s , w h o c o n trolled p a r t s of the coastal regions of Syria a n d Jerusalem. I n 1187 h e t o o k Jerusalem a n d c o n q u e r e d other C r u s a d e r states t h e following year. T h i s led to d i e T h i r d C r u s a d e (1190-1192), w h i c h left t h e C r u s a d e r s with only a few sites a n d the right (if u n a r m e d ) t o visit Jerusalem. [See C r u s a d e r Period.] Salah a d - D i n ' s political a n d military s t r e n g t h a n d his tol
F e w of t h e sultans w h o followed Baybars a n d K a l a u n c o m p a r e to t h e m . M a n y r u l e d only for a short period a n d m a n y suffered a violent d e a t h . It was the internal political s t r u c t u r e of the M a m l u k state t h a t created instability. W h e r e a s after Salah a d - D i n m e m b e r s of t h e A y y u b i d family ruled over small k i n g d o m s in Syria a n d E g y p t — E g y p t b e i n g t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t — i n w h i c h t h e ruler of E g y p t , as a rule, w a s the overlord, p a t r o n , o r " k i n g of k i n g s , " the M a m l u k s h a d their o w n u n i q u e system of g o v e r n m e n t a n d practice for choosing their sultan or king. T h e i r system was oligar chic, even t h o u g h t h e r e are a few exceptions w h e r e a s o n followed his father as sultan. I n principle, only a slave-sol dier w h o , as a boy or y o u n g m a n , h a d b e e n b r o u g h t as a slave from the T u r k i s h areas n o r t h of the Black Sea a n d t h e
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C a s p i a n Sea—in general, a K i p c h a k T u r k — o r a Circassian slave-soldier w h o h a d b e e n b r o u g h t from t h e C a u c a s u s w e r e eligible to b e c o m e sultan. After these y o u n g m e n w e r e b r o u g h t from t h e northeast, they w e n t tirrough t h o r o u g h military and administrative training that sorted t h e weak from t h e strong. T h e strongest, within a very well-organized system, advanced themselves as military leaders a n d g o v ernors of the provinces in the M a m l u k state. T h e strongest, m o s t successful, m o s t c u n n i n g , or m o s t brutal a d v a n c e d higher and higher in rank until they c o m p e t e d for sultanship. T h i s system, for all its brutality, h a d one advantage: a weak s o n rarely followed a strong father. T h e sons of t h e M a m l u k s were n o t permitted to serve in the military, a n d were t h u s excluded from direct political p o w e r . T h e y served in t h e lower ranks of g o v e r n m e n t , w h e r e i m p o r t a n t (handling fi nances) posts were held b y Christians, or in different trades. In this way a u n i q u e interrelated system developed b e t w e e n g o v e r n m e n t a n d business t h a t m a y have b e e n t h e b a s e of t h e longevity a n d relative e c o n o m i c prosperity of t h e M a m luk state. T h e material evidence—remains of buildings a n d sherds classified as A y y u b i d / M a m l u k — d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t in t h e Ayyubid a n d M a m l u k periods in Syria large areas of l a n d were recultivated t h a t h a d n o t b e e n u s e d since L a t e A n t i q uity. D o c u m e n t s s h o w t h a t a rather efficient feudal system of land administration a n d land ownership existed in Egypt. T h u s , e n o u g h surplus was p r o d u c e d to allow p a t r o n a g e in t h e arts a n d in building construction. Salah a d - D i n built t h e citadel of Cairo, b u t n o n o t e w o r t h y architecture from his reign is left. Literary sources as well as inscriptions b e a r wit ness, however, that this sultan, w h o spent m o s t of his time at war, was a p a t r o n of extensive construction projects. T h e r e were n o innovations in style in Islamic art a n d archi tecture d u r i n g his r e i g n — n o r is t h e r e an Ayyubid style in Islamic art a n d architecture. I n C a i r o , the few m o n u m e n t s remaining from t h e A y y u b i d period are m a t u r e c o n t i n u a tions of a L a t e F a t i m i d architecture. [See Fatimid D y n a s t y . ] T h e best e x a m p l e is t h e M a d r a s a h of N a j m a d d i n (12401249). Like m o s t buildings in Cairo, it was s q u e e z e d into a preexisting u r b a n fabric. T h e style of t h e facade a n d t h e m i n a r e t in its (quasi) center have little to do with t h e archi tectural style of tire building. T h e forms u s e d are those of L a t e Fatimid buildings like t h e M o s q u e al-Akmar or t h e M o s q u e as-Salih T a l a i . T h e building's g r o u n d p l a n , h o w ever, determined t h e layout of future m a d r a s a h s in C a i r o . T w o large iwans (vaulted r o o m s o p e n to t h e c o u r t y a r d ) , elements taken from Iranian architecture via Z a n g i d Syrian buildings, flank t h e courtyard. T h i s future e l e m e n t in I s lamic architecture in t h e w e s t c a m e from the east, w i t h Syria t h e transmitter. F r o m p r e - A y y u b i d times, one of t h e finest examples of i m p o r t e d Iranian architecture is the M a r i s t a n a n - N u r i , built b y the Z a n g i d N u r a d - D i n , in D a m a s c u s , Syria. N u r a d D i n , the building's p a t r o n , c a m e from the east a n d c h a n g e d
architectural forms in Syria. T h e m o s t "classical" b u i l d i n g in M e d i t e r r a n e a n Islamic architecture is p r e s e r v e d in A l e p p o , Syria: t h e M a d r a s a h al-Firdaws. It w a s built in 1237 (?), t o w a r d t h e e n d of A y y u b i d rule in Syria. A clear language of forms a n d a m a t u r e floor p l a n characterize it. T h e c o u r t y a r d is framed b y w e l l - p r o p o r t i o n e d a r c a d e s a n d , in t h e nortit, a large iwan d o m i n a t e s . T h e integrated s t o n e w o r k of t h e mihrab hints at forms later t a k e n u p in M a m l u k architecture in Syria a n d E g y p t . Its p o l y c h r o m e execution (black a n d white stone) b e c a m e a characteristic e l e m e n t of M a m l u k a n d p o s t - M a m l u k architecture in Syria a n d E g y p t , k n o w n as t h e ablak t e c h n i q u e . T h e Z a n g i d - A y y u b i d " c l a s sical revival"—die t e n d e n c y to r e t u r n t o p r e - I s l a m i c M e d i t e r r a n e a n forms a n d c o n c e p t s of p r o p o r t i o n — w a s c o n t i n u e d in B a y b a r s ' buildings in D a m a s c u s a n d C a i r o . I n D a m a s c u s , the M a d r a s a h az-Zahiriya is a c o p y of t h e A y y u b i d M a d r a s a h al-Adiliya across t h e street. Imitations of t h e mosaics in t h e U m a y y a d m o s q u e in D a m a s c u s (which B a y bars o r d e r e d restored) reflect t h e t e n d e n c y to link his sov ereignty with the pre-Islamic p a s t (the U m a y y a d s i n this case). In C a i r o , B a y b a r s built his G r e a t M o s q u e following F a t i m i d e x a m p l e s — t h e m o s q u e of a l - H a k i m a n d t h e m o s q u e in M a h d i y a h , in T u n i s i a , t h e first F a t i m i d capital. Older forms tiiere w e r e c o m b i n e d with a large d o m e in front of t h e m i h r a b , a n eastern element, h o w e v e r . M o r e t h a n t h r e e h u n d r e d years of s h a r e d history u n d e r t h e A y y u b i d s a n d t h e M a m l u k s m i n g l e d aesthetic c o n c e p t s a n d practices in E g y p t a n d Syria into a fruitful m a r r i a g e of t h e "flat" E g y p t i a n form a n d t h e use of space in Syrian forms. E x a m p l e s a r e f o u n d in C a i r o as well as in D a m a s c u s , A l e p p o , a n d Jerusalem. T h e fragile s t r u c t u r e s f o u n d in C a i r o a n d J e r u s a l e m are in contrast to t h e m o n u m e n t a l f o r m of t h e M o s q u e of Sultan H a s a n in C a i r o (1356-1363) a n d t h e p l u m p forms of t h e G r e a t M o s q u e i n A l e p p o rebuilt b y die Mamluks. Characteristic elements of M a m l u k a r c h i t e c t u r e are t h e d o m e , the iwan, a n d p o l y c h r o m y in t h e facades a n d o t h e r parts of buildings. It is botih a synthesis a n d d e v e l o p m e n t of earlier forms—a synthesis of pseudoclassical f o r m s , of east ern, C r u s a d e r , a n d Z a n g i d / A y y u b i d traditions. It led (along with t h e d o m i n a n t O t t o m a n d o m e ) to w h a t is u n d e r s t o o d to b e " I s l a m i c " architecture. [See also C r u s a d e r P e r i o d ; and M o s q u e . In addition, many of the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.} BIBLIOGRAPHY Ayalon, David. Studies on the Mamluks Ayalon, David. The Mamluk
Military
of Egypt. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 7 . Society. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 9 .
Burgoyne, M . H. Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study. Buckhurst Hill, 1987. Creswell, K. A. C. Muslim Architecture of Egypt. Vol. 2, Ayyubids and Early Bahri Mamluks. Oxford, 1 9 5 9 . Herzfeld, Ernst. " D a m a s c u s : Studies in Architecture III: T h e Ayyubid M a d r a s a . " Ars Islamica 1 1 - 1 2 ( 1 9 4 6 ) : 1 - 7 1 .
AZRAQ L a p i d u s , Ira M . Muslim Mass., 1967.
Cities of the Later Middle Ages. C a m b r i d g e ,
Meinecke, Michael. Die mamlukische Architektur Gluckstadt, 1992.
in Agypten und
Syrien.
HEINZ GAUBE
C
A Z E K A H , a small o n e - a c r e site, situated on a h i g h ridge of d i e J u d e a n foothills overlooking t h e E l a h Valley, ' A z e k a h (Tell Zakariya) is located 8 k m (5 mi.) n o r t h e a s t of Beit Jibrin, 3.5 k m (2 mi.) s o u t h w e s t of T e l Y a r m u t , a n d 6 k m (4 mi.) s o u t h w e s t of T e l B e t h - S h e m e s h (3i°42' N , 34°54' E ; m a p reference 1440 X 1230). Its strategic location, at 400 m a b o v e sea level, explains its description in Assyrian s o u r c e s from t h e time of S a r g o n II as a " s t r o n g h o l d , w h i c h is situated in t h e m i d [ s t of t h e m o u n t a i n s . . .] located o n a m o u n t a i n ridge like a p o i n t e d d a g g e r " (British M u s e u m 1 3 1 - 3 - 2 3 ; see T a d m o r , 1958). T e l l Zakariya was first identified as biblical 'Azekah of t h e D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h narrative ( r Sm. 17) b y J o z e p h S c h w a r t z , in t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. T h e site's excavator, F r e d e r i c k J. Bliss, favored a n identification w i t h ' A z e k a h ' s sister city, S o coh. H o w e v e r , t h a t site is n o w located at K h i r b e t A b a d ( n e a r K h i r b e t S o c o h ) , 5 k m (3 mi.) t o t h e southwest, a n d Z a k a riya's identification w i t h Israelite ' A z e k a h is generally a c c e p t e d . T h e later, R o m a n - p e r i o d A z e k a h , m e n t i o n e d b y E u s e b i u s (Onomasticon 18:10), is p r o b a b l y to b e located at K h i r b e t el-'Almi, to t h e east. F o r m a l excavations at T e l l Zakariya w e r e c o n d u c t e d for only t h r e e seasons in 1898 a n d 1899, i n w o r k directed by Bliss, assisted b y R. A. S. M a c a l i s t e r a n d s p o n s o r e d by t h e Palestine E x p l o r a t i o n F u n d . O n t h e s o u t h w e s t side of the site t h e y explored f o u n d a t i o n s of t h r e e individual towers t h e y initially d a t e d t o t h e R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e era. O n t h e el evated southeast section, t h e y u n c o v e r e d the walls of a r e c t a n g u l a r fortress ( a b o u t 40 X 60 m ) w i t h towers at t h e cor ners a n d at m i d p o i n t s along t h e n o r t h e r n a n d eastern sides. T h e y s u b s e q u e n t l y e x c a v a t e d half of t h e fortress area to b e d r o c k a n d d u g a n o t h e r trial p i t outside it, in the center of the m o u n d to the north. I n t h e Bible ' A z e k a h is m e n t i o n e d in Joshua 10:10-11 in c o n n e c t i o n with J o s h u a ' s defeat of t h e A m o r i t e ldngs; in t h e J u d e a n t o w n lists in Joshua 15:35; a n d , s u b s e q u e n t l y , in t h e D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h story in 1 Samuel 17. I n 2 Chronicles 1 1 : 9 , it is identified as o n e of t h e cities involved in K i n g R e h o b o a m ' s refortification efforts, a n d in Jeremiah 34:7 it is cited, along with L a c h i s h , as a m o n g t h e last fortresses to hold o u t against invading B a b y l o n i a n forces in t h e early sixth c e n t u r y BCE. T h i s last reference seems to b e c o r r o b o r a t e d by t h e m e n t i o n of ' A z e k a h in L a c h i s h letter 4. T h e city is also m e n tioned in Nehemiah 11:30 as o n e of t h e h o m e s of r e t u r n i n g exiles. c
B a s e d o n their excavations, Bliss a n d Macalister c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e site h a d b e e n o c c u p i e d a l m o s t continuously
243
from before 1500 BCE until t h e B y z a n t i n e period; they at tributed t h e construction of t h e southeast fortress to R e h o b o a m (922-915 BCE). E x c a v a t i n g t o b e d r o c k inside t h e for tress, they distinguished four m a i n o c c u p a t i o n periods: p e r i o d A, early pre-Israelite ( ? - i s o o BCE); p e r i o d B , late p r e Israelite (1500-800 BCE); p e r i o d C , Jewish (800-300 BCE); a n d p e r i o d D , Seleucid (300-? CE). A l t h o u g h in b r o a d outline this s e q u e n c e agrees with the m e n t i o n of 'Azekah in the literary sources, t h e stratigraphic p i c t u r e is very u n c e r t a i n . T h e existence of s o m e " p r e Israelite" c o m p o n e n t is attested b y scarabs of T h u t m o s e III a n d A m e n h o t e p II assigned to p e r i o d A . H o w e v e r , royal s t a m p e d jar handles were f o u n d o n surfaces of b o t h periods B a n d C within t h e fortress. T h i s requires t h e ascription of b o t h of t h e s e phases to t h e late eighth c e n t u r y BCE a n d a d mits the possibility t h a t t h e fortress was c o n s t r u c t e d just b e fore t h a t t i m e . Similar n i n t h - a n d eighth-century fortresses n o w excavated elsewhere in t h e region, as well as at Q a d e s h B a r n e a a n d A r a d , s u p p o r t this conclusion. Alternatively, S h m u e l Yeivin ( A v i - Y o n a h a n d Yeivin, 1955) has suggested t h a t t h e fortress was initially c o n s t r u c t e d in t h e p e r i o d of the J u d g e s a n d t h e additional t o w e r s in the s o u t h w e s t r e p r e s e n t Rehoboam's work. [See also the biographies of Bliss and
Macalister.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. The Archaeology of Palestine. H a r m o n d s worth, 1 9 4 9 . Avi-Yonah, Michael, and S h m u e l Yeivin. The Antiquities of Israel (in H e b r e w ) . T e l Aviv, 1 9 5 5 . Bliss, Frederick Jones, and R. A. S. Macalister. Excavations in Palestine during the Years 1898-1900. L o n d o n , 1902. Horowitz, Gabriel. " T o w n P l a n n i n g of Hellenistic Marisa: A R e a p praisal of Excavations after Eighty Y e a r s . " Palestine Exploration Quarterly 1 1 2 ( 1 9 S 0 ) : 9 3 - 1 1 1 . M a z a r , Amihai. " I r o n Age Fortresses in the J u d e a n Hills." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 1 1 4 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 8 7 - 1 0 9 . T a d m o r , H a y i m . " T h e C a m p a i g n s of Sargon II of Assur." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12 ( 1 9 5 8 ) : 80-84. JOE D . SEGER
A Z R A Q . T h e A z r a q oases lie at t h e center of an internal drainage basin (12,000 sq k m [7,440 sq.mi.]) in n o r t h central J o r d a n (3i°5o' N , 36°5o' E ) . T h e basin f o r m e d within a geosyncline a n d contains L a t e Cretaceous a n d Early T e r t i a r y limestones, m a r l s , a n d cherts. T h e n o r t h e r n sector is overlain b y a c a n o p y of L a t e T e r t i a r y a n d Q u a t e r n a r y basalts. Rainfall t o d a y varies from just over 200 m m along t h e b a s i n ' s n o r t h e r n a n d western m a r g i n s to less t h a n 50 m m in t h e southeast. F o r this r e a s o n m o s t of t h e region is dry s t e p p e or s u b d e s e r t a n d is only suited for seasonal pastoralism. Irrigation cultivation is, h o w e v e r , p r a c t i c e d at A z r a q w h e r e c o p i o u s springs e m e r g e f r o m b e n e a t h the basalt. T h e s e formerly fed extensive tracts of m a r s h l a n d which at-
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tracted large n u m b e r s of m i g r a t o r y birds in spring a n d a u t u m n (Nelson, 1973). D u r i n g the last twenty years, water has been p u m p e d from these springs to serve t h e p o p u l a t i o n centers of A m m a n a n d Irbid, a n d t h e wetlands have largely dried out. I n addition to t h e springs, there is also a large sabkha, or playa, at A z r a q which serves as a central s u m p for runoff in t h e depression. T h i s fills with water in t h e win ter a n d dries o u t in t h e s u m m e r . T h e subsurface aquifer is highly saline and die villagers exploit this for salt p r o d u c t i o n . T h e r e presently are two villages in t h e oases, b o t h of w h i c h were established by refugees in the early p a r t of t h e century: N o r t h Azraq, which was settled b y D r u z e from s o u t h e r n Syria, a n d S o u t h A z r a q , w h i c h was f o u n d e d b y C h e c h e n from the C a u c a s u s (Nelson, 1973). T h e springs at A z r a q h a v e p r o v i d e d a focus for settlement since the Stone Age. In t h e 1950s, mechanical e q u i p m e n t u n c o v e r e d t w o very rich late A c h e u l e a n ( L o w e r Paleolithic) sites close to S o u t h A z r a q w h i c h are likely to b e m o r e t h a n 200,000 years old. B o t h were reinvestigated in t h e 1980s: L i o n Spring ('Ain el-Assad) b y G a r y 0 . Rollefson (1983) a n d C Spring by A n d r e w N . G a r r a r d ( C o p e l a n d a n d H o u r s , 1989). T h e latter contained b o n e s of an extinct rhinoceros and of camel, onager, wild ass, hartebeest, and cattle, in c o n junction with h a n d a x e s , cleavers, a n d other flint tools. D u r i n g the 1980s, G a r r a r d u n d e r t o o k an extensive survey of Epipaleolithic a n d Neolithic sites in tire A z r a q region a n d excavated at six of t h e localities ( G a r r a r d et a l , 1994). T w o of t h e m o s t interesting were t h e Natufian o c c u p a t i o n a t A z r a q 18 and the Neolithic settlement at A z r a q 31, b o t h lying close to S o u t h A z r a q . A z r a q 18 probably dates to b e tween 10,000-9,000 BCE a n d is notable for containing a shal low burial pit with t h e disarticulated remains of a t least eleven individuals. T h e s e r e p r e s e n t t h e only N a t u f i a n b u r ials k n o w n from east of t h e J o r d a n Valley. T h e burial pit was overlain by rich o c c u p a t i o n a l levels containing the b o n e s of wild cattle, ass, a n d gazelle a n d m a n y stone tools ( G a r r a r d , 1991). Azraq 31 is t h o u g h t to date to b e t w e e n 6300 a n d 5500 BCE. R e m n a n t s of s e m i s u b t e r r a n e a n circular or oval dwell ings were found in t h e sixth-millennium levels. T h e s e were similar in design to t h o s e excavated in W a d i el-Jilat, 55 k m (34 min.) to t h e soutiiwest [See Jilat, W a d i el-.] T h e site d o c u m e n t s a shift from t h e exploitation of t h e local wild fauna to i m p o r t e d s h e e p a n d goat (Baird et al., 1992). T r a c e s of cultivated w h e a t a n d barley were also found. Little research has b e e n d o n e on t h e later prehistoric sites of d i e Azraq region, b u t Alison Betts (1988) has u n d e r t a k e n extensive surveys in t h e lava country to the n o r t h a n d east, finding prehistoric h u n t i n g traps (desert " k i t e s " ) , animal corrals, a n d settlement sites of various kinds. T h e classical p e r i o d is better k n o w n as a result of t h e surveys of D a v i d L . K e n n e d y (1982) a n d others. A n inscription indicates t h a t A z r a q m a y have b e e n called Dasianis in R o m a n times ( D a vid L . K e n n e d y , personal c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . D u r i n g t h e clas
sical a n d Islamic p e r i o d s t h e oases, w h i c h lie at t h e n o r t h western end of W a d i es-Sirhan, are likely to h a v e b e e n an i m p o r t a n t watering p o i n t o n t h e caravan r o u t e s b e t w e e n t h e L e v a n t a n d central Arabia. T w o forts g u a r d t h e a p p r o a c h e s to t h e oases a n d a third stands close to t h e pools in N o r t h Azraq. T h e o n e lying 13 Ion (8 mi.) to t h e soutiiwest, Q a s r el-'Uweinid, stands o n a basalt bluff overlooking W a d i el' U w e y n i d . Its p l a n is trapezoidal with a projecting b a s t i o n containing a tower i n its s o u t h e r n corner. I t contains inscrip tions indicating t h a t it was built d u r i n g t h e reign of S e p t i m ius Severus, p r o b a b l y in 201 CE. N a m e s are given for t h e imperial governor of Arabia, L . M a r i u s P e r p e t u u s , a n d t w o consuls, M . N o n n i u s Arrius M u c i a n u s a n d L . A n n i u s F a b i a n u s . Pottery indicates t h a t the fort c o n t i n u e d in u s e until the late third or early fourth centuries. T h e fort lying 13 k m (8 mi.) n o r t h e a s t of t h e oases, Q a s r Aseikhin, is situated o n a c o m m a n d i n g hilltop. It is square in p l a n a n d contains L a t e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e pottery. T h e m o s t impressive of t h e forts is that located in N o r t h A z r a q , Q a s r el-Azraq. It h a s b e e n modified a n u m b e r of times in its history: early aerial p h o t o g r a p h s show tiiat it w a s erected within a m u c h larger enclosure. T h e p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r e (79 X 72 m ) h a s angle t o w ers at t h e corners a n d interval towers along t h e walls. R o o m s w e r e a t t a c h e d a r o u n d t h e inside of t h e walls a n d t h e r e is a large central c o u r t y a r d . Inscriptions have b e e n f o u n d dating to t h e late 3rd a n d 4th centuries. T h e overall p l a n is c o m parable with other L a t e R o m a n forts. Modifications did o c cur in later p e r i o d s however. A n A r a b i c inscription a b o v e t h e m a i n e n t r a n c e indicates major b u i l d i n g w o r k s b y t h e A y y u b i d governor A z z e d d i n A y b a k in 1237. T h e m o s q u e in t h e central c o u r t y a r d m a y b e l o n g to this p e r i o d . E v i d e n c e for classical or Early Islamic b u i l d i n g activity h a s also b e e n found a r o u n d t h e pools a n d m a r s h e s at S o u t h Azraq. A well-constructed a n d b u t t r e s s e d wall w a s erected a r o u n d die m a i n spring outlets, creating a large reservoir. A platform was erected at its eastern side a n d a n u m b e r of animal sculptures w e r e f o u n d in association witii collapsed arches ( G h a z i Bisheh, p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . A n a d d i tional buttressed wall e x t e n d e d a r o u n d t h e m a r s h l a n d to t h e s o u t h a n d east. N o traces h a v e b e e n f o u n d o n t h e n o r t h , b u t if t h e wall formed a c o m p l e t e circuit it w o u l d h a v e enclosed an area of several s q u a r e kilometers. A n U m a y y a d f a r m h o u s e , Q a s r 'Ain es-Sol, located 2 k m n o r t h e a s t of t h e fort at A z r a q . R o u g h l y s q u a r e in p l a n , its r o o m s are a r r a n g e d a r o u n d a central c o u r t y a r d . E x c a v a t i o n h a s revealed ovens, olive presses, a n d a n external b a t h h o u s e . BIBLIOGRAPHY Baird, Douglas, et al. "Prehistoric E n v i r o n m e n t a n d Settlement in the Azraq Basin: An Interim R e p o r t on the 1989, Excavation S e a s o n . " Levant 24 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 - 3 1 . Description of a Neolithic site at Azraq. Betts, Alison V. G. " T h e Black Desert Survey: Prehistoric Sites and Subsistence Strategies in Eastern J o r d a n . " In The Prehistory ofjor-
AZRAQ dan: The Stale of Research in 1986, edited by A n d r e w N . G a r r a r d a n d H a n s G . Gebel, p p . 3 6 9 - 3 9 1 . British Archaeological Reports, Inter nationa] Series, no. 396. Oxford, 1988. S u m m a r y of prehistoric structures found in the lava country n o r t h and east of Azraq. Bowersock, Glen W . Roman Arabia. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1983. Brief discussion of classical sites at Azraq. C o p e l a n d , Lorraine, and F r a n c i s H o u r s . The Hammer on the Rock: Stud ies in the Early Palaeolithic of Azraq, Jordan. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 540, Oxford, 1 9 8 9 . Detailed d e scription of L o w e r a n d Middle Palaeolithic sites at Azraq, G a r r a r d , A n d r e w N . "Natufian Settlement in the Azraq Basin, Eastern J o r d a n . " In The Natufian Culture in the Levant, edited by Ofer BarYosef a n d Francois R. Valla, p p . 2 3 5 - 2 4 4 . A n n Arbor, 1 9 9 1 . D e scription of a Natufian site at Azraq. G a r r a r d , A n d r e w N . , et al. " T h e Chronological Basis a n d Significance
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of the Late Palaeolithic a n d Neolithic Sequence in the Azraq Basin, J o r d a n . " In Late Quaternary Chronology and Paleoclimales of the East ern Mediterranean, edited by Ofer Bar-Yosef a n d Renee S. K r a , p p . 1 7 7 - 1 9 9 . Radiocarbon, T u c s o n , 1994. S u m m a r y of work on E p i paleolithic a n d Neolithic sites in the Azraq region. K e n n e d y , D a v i d L. Archaeological Explorations on the Roman Frontier in North-East Jordan. British Archaeological R e p o r t s , International Se ries, no. 1 3 4 . Oxford, 1982. Detailed descriptions of Classical sites in the Azraq region. Nelson, Bryan. Azraq, Desert Oasis. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 3 . Description of the environment a n d recent history of the Azraq region. Rollefson, Gary. " T w o Seasons of Excavations at 'Ain el-Assad near Azraq, Eastern J o r d a n . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 252 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 2 5 - 3 4 . ANDREW N .
GARRARD
HI D
c
B A A L B E K , site located in d i e B i q a (Bekaa) Valley, 85 k m (53 mi.) from Beirut, L e b a n o n , at a n elevation of a b o u t 12,540 m . T h e Biqa' Valley, k n o w n as Coele-Syria in clas sical times, is b o r d e r e d o n t h e w e s t b y t h e L e b a n o n m o u n tain r a n g e a n d to t h e east b y t h e A n t i - L e b a n o n r a n g e . [.See Coele-Syria.] T w o springs, R a s al-'Ain a n d ' A i n Lejouj, a s h o r t distance away, p r o v i d e d c a r a v a n s w i t h water in antiq uity. Baalbek is strategically p l a c e d at t h e highest p o i n t o n a well-established t r a d e r o u t e f r o m T r i p o l i t h a t led into t h e B i q a before p r o c e e d i n g t o D a m a s c u s or to P a l m y r a in Syria. Baalbek's n a m e in H e b r e w , Ba'al bi ki, m e a n s " B a a l of t e a r s " ; its G r e e k n a m e , Heliopolis, m e a n s "city of t h e sun." c
c
T h e first survey a n d r e s t o r a t i o n w o r k at t h e site w a s b e g u n b y t h e G e r m a n Archaeological M i s s i o n in 1898 u n d e r t h e direction of B r u n o S c h u l z a n d t h e supervision of O t t o P u c h stein. L a t e r , in 1922, F r e n c h scholars ( R e n e D u s s a u d , S e bastien Rouzevalle, H e n r i Seyrig, a n d D a n i e l S c h l u m b e r ger) u n d e r t o o k extensive r e s e a r c h a n d restoration w o r k o n the site's t e m p l e s . T h e L e b a n e s e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities s u b s e q u e n t l y c o n t i n u e d excavation a n d restoration u n d e r the supervision of E m i r M a u r i c e C h e h a b , director general of Antiquities, a n d H a r o u t u n e K a l a y a n . [See the biographies of Dussaud, Seyrig, and Schlumberger.] H i s t o r y . T e s t excavations at Baalbek in 1964-1965 r e vealed t h e B r o n z e A g e tell b e n e a t h t h e G r e a t C o u r t of t h e Jupiter t e m p l e . T r a c e s of settlements d a t i n g t o t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e (c. 1700 BCE) w e r e f o u n d . O t h e r m i n o r r e m a i n s w e r e d a t e d t o t h e Early B r o n z e A g e . I n t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, w h e n Syria b e c a m e a possession of d i e L a g i d successors of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t w h o ruled from Alexandria, Baalbek w a s given t h e G r e e k n a m e Heli opolis. T h e M a c e d o n i a n s m u s t h a v e e q u a t e d d i e Baal of t h e Bekaa with t h e E g y p t i a n g o d R e a n d the G r e e k Helios, w i t h t h e p u r p o s e of establishing closer religious ties b e t w e e n their n e w dynasty in E g y p t a n d t h e e a s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n world. I n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE, t h e Seleucids, successors of Alex a n d e r w h o r u l e d f r o m A n t i o c h , i n v a d e d C o e l e Syria a n d d r o v e t h e L a g i d s b a c k to E g y p t . T h e p o d i u m of t h e Jupiter t e m p l e p r o b a b l y dates to this p e r i o d . [See Seleucids.] B e t w e e n 100 a n d 75 BCE, B a a l b e k w a s r u l e d b y a hellenized A r a b dynasty, t h e I t u r e a n s . I n 63 BCE, t h e R o m a n e m p e r o r
P o m p e y p a s s e d t h r o u g h Baalbek o n his w a y to c o n q u e r Syria. H e was s u c c e e d e d b y his s o n , w h o w a s p u t to d e a t h b y M a r c A n t o n y . M a r c A n t o n y t h e n gave all t h e Syrian ter ritories, including Baalbek, t o C l e o p a t r a . I n a b o u t 16 BCE, A u g u s t u s settled veterans of t h e s a m e R o m a n legions in Bei r u t (Berytus) a n d Baalbek. It w a s t h e n t h a t building was b e g u n o n great T e m p l e of Jupiter. I n t h e second c e n t u r y CE, t h e G r e a t C o u r t , witii its p o r ticoes, two altars, a n d t w o vast lustral basins, was a d d e d to die t e m p l e . A t t h e s a m e time consteuction of t h e B a c c h u s t e m p l e b e g a n . It was c o m p l e t e d in t h e third century, at t h e s a m e time tiiat t h e P r o p y l a e a w e r e erected a n d t h e H e x a g onal C o u r t a d d e d . I n a b o u t 330, Christianity b e c a m e t h e official religion of the region a n d t h e Byzantine E m p e r o r C o n s t a n t i n e closed the t e m p l e s . E m p e r o r T h e o d o s i u s destroyed t h e m a n d tore d o w n t h e Altar of Sacrifice a n d t h e T o w e r in d i e G r e a t C o u r t , replacing d i e m w i t h a Christian c h u r c h in a p p r o x i mately 440. By this time t h e T e m p l e of Jupiter was p r o b a b l y already in ruins as t h e result of a n earthquake. N u m e r o u s architectural elements t a k e n from t h e Heliopolitan Jupiter t e m p l e w e r e r e u s e d in b u i l d i n g t h e c h u r c h . I n 636, after t h e battle of t h e Y a r m u k River, t h e entire p r o v i n c e of Syria fell to t h e A r a b s . M u ' a w i y a h f o u n d e d t h e U m a y y a d d y n a s t y in 661 a n d took possession of the Byz antine m i n t at Baalbek, s h o w i n g the n a m e Baalbek inscribed in Arabic letters o n t h e coins. T h u s , t h e n a m e Heliopolis, w h i c h h a d b e e n in u s e for a b o u t a t h o u s a n d years, was r e p l a c e d w i t h its original Semitic n a m e . T h e t e m p l e area was t r a n s f o r m e d into a citadel a n d Baalbek fell successively into t h e h a n d s of t h e ' A b b a s i d s , t h e T u l u n i d s , a n d the F a t i m i d s . [See U m a y y a d Caliphate; ' A b b a s i d Caliphate; F a t i m i d D y nasty.] D u r i n g t h e eleventli-twelfth centuries, Baalbek suffered from floods a n d e a r t h q u a k e s a n d t h e p a s s a g e of several p l u n d e r i n g armies. T h e city fell to Salah a d - D i n (Saladin), f o u n d e r of t h e A y y u b i d d y n a s t y , in 1175, T h e M o n g o l s a r rived in Baalbek in a b o u t 1260, sacking it a n d destroying its mosques; they were soon overdirown by the Mamluks, how ever. ( T h e M a m l u k s w e r e enfranchised slaves p u r c h a s e d b y t h e last A y y u b i d ruler for his army. T h e y constituted t h e bulk of his a r m y in general a n d of his c o u r t in particular).
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U n d e r the M a m l u k s ( a n d until the O t t o m a n o c c u p a t i o n in t h e sixteenth century) Baalbek enjoyed a period of calm. T h e fine architecture of the city's Fortress m u s t b e attrib u t e d to this period. [See A y y u b i d - M a m l u k Dynasties.] M o n u m e n t s . T h e temples of Baalbek have an e a s t - w e s t orientation. A m o n u m e n t a l stairway provides access to t h e platform of the Acropolis. W h e n the A r a b s t u r n e d this t e m ple area into a fortress, t h e y filled in the spaces b e t w e e n t h e c o l u m n s of t h e portico, which is flanked by two towers. T h r e e doors lead to t h e H e x a g o n a l C o u r t (see a b o v e ) , w h i c h m a y have b e e n u s e d for i n t r o d u c t o r y rites for the pilgrims. T h i s space was covered b y a d o m e at the e n d of t h e third century, transforming it into the C h u r c h of t h e Virgin. T h r e e gates lead o n t o the G r e a t C o u r t (1,452 X 1,221 m ) , built in the second c e n t u r y CE. I m p o r t a n t ceremonies a n d sacrifices were held in front of the facade of the Jupiter t e m ple. T h e court is an artificial platform built over a h u g e area (6,600 m ) of vaulted substructures m a t were u s e d for stables a n d storage. T h e c o u r t contained two altars a n d t w o pools a n d was enclosed b y a succession of rectangular a n d s e m i circular exedras d e c o r a t e d with niches t h a t m u s t h a v e c o n tained statues. Temple of Jupiter Heliopolitan. All t h e temples of Baalbek are R o m a n in construction b u t show considerable Oriental influence in b o t h their art a n d architecture. T h e h u g e T e m p l e of Jupiter (950 X 495 m ) was c o n s t r u c t e d d u r ing the A u g u s t a n era (first century CE), built as a high p o d i u m with m a m m o t h blocks. It was reached by a m o n u m e n t a l stairway 86 m above the courtyard. U n t i l t h e earthquake of 1759, the t e m p l e h a d nine gigantic exterior C o r i n t h i a n c o l u m n s , only six r e m a i n . T h e s e c o l u m n s a n d t h e entablature s u r m o u n t i n g t h e m , which consist of a frieze of bulls' and Hons' h e a d s connected by garlands, give s o m e idea of the vast scale of t h e original temple. [See T e m p l e s , article on Syro-Palestinian T e m p l e s . ] Temple of Bacchus. T h e best-preserved R o m a n t e m p l e in the N e a r East, t h e T e m p l e of B a c c h u s w a s built in t h e s e c o n d century CE. T h e r e is n o evidence for its attribution to B a c c h u s , e x c e p t for s o m e motifs in the gateway carvings (grapes a n d wine leaves) a n d of t h e a d y t u m (dancing b a c chanti). It was built o n a high p o d i u m (746 X 386 m ) . A stairway with thirty-three steps divided into three stages leads to its p r o n a o s . Its exterior portico is m a d e of contrast ing plain a n d fluted c o l u m n s with Corinthian capitals. L a r g e slabs form the ceiling, w h i c h is richly d e c o r a t e d with carved geometric patterns of triangles a n d h e x a g o n s . T h e latter are filled with busts or portraits. T h e e n t r a n c e t o t h e cella t h r o u g h t h e m o n u m e n t a l gate ( m o r e t h a n 139 m high) is o n e of Baalbek's major beauties. T h e u n d e r s i d e of t h e lintel depicts an eagle with a c a d u c e u s , t h e symbol of M e r c u r y , in its claws. T h e interior of t h e cella is richly decorated w i t h engaged fluted c o l u m n s t h a t divide t h e walls into c o m p a r t m e n t s , each with two tiers of n i c h e s — t h e lower with a r c h e d p e d i m e n t s a n d the u p p e r w i t h t r i a n
gular ones. T o t h e rear of t h e cella is t h e a d y t u m , or holy of holies, w h i c h is o n a h i g h e r level, following the Oriental S e mitic tradition. Temple of Venus. L o c a t e d southeast of the Acropolis, the T e m p l e of V e n u s has a u n i q u e circular design. Built in t h e third c e n t u r y CE, its p o d i u m a n d e n t a b l a t u r e are c o m p o s e d of five concave sections c o n n e c t e d by C o r i n t h i a n col umns. Byzantine modifications and remains. T o w a r d the e n d of the third c e n t u r y , w h e n Christianity w a s officially a d o p t e d , t h e o p e n H e x a g o n a l C o u r t w a s c o v e r e d with a d o m e a n d c o n v e r t e d into the C h u r c h of t h e Virgin. At a b o u t t h e s a m e t i m e , u n d e r the rule of T h e o d o s i u s (379-395), t h e two altars of the G r e a t C o u r t were r e m o v e d to m a k e r o o m for the construction of a Christian basilica d e d i c a t e d t o St. Peter. Originally, t h e e n t r a n c e was o n t h e east a n d the apses w e r e placed on t h e stairway of t h e J u p i t e r t e m p l e , b u t this o r d e r was later reversed in c o m p l i a n c e with C h r i s t i a n t r a dition. [See C h u r c h e s ; Basilicas.] Arab period remains. W i t h i n t h e Acropolis, t h e r e m a i n s from the A r a b p e r i o d consist mainly of fortifications, i n cluding curtain walls, towers, a n d b a t t l e m e n t s t h a t can b e seen to the west of t h e T e m p l e of B a c c h u s . B e t w e e n the t e m p l e a n d the curtain walls are the r e m a i n s of a m o s q u e , living quarters, a n d storage r o o m s , all d a t i n g t o t h e twelfth a n d thirteenth centuries. O n t h e s o u t h e a s t of t h e t e m p l e stairway is a fortification tower of t h e M a m l u k p e r i o d (fif t e e n t h century) w i t h typical Islamic corbeled vaulting over t h e door. E a s t of t h e Acropolis t h e G r e a t M o s q u e is o n t h e original location of the R o m a n F o r u m . Built d u r i n g t h e U m a y y a d period, it consists of t h r e e rows of c o l u m n s ( p r o b a b l y r e u s e d ) t h a t s u p p o r t arches on w h i c h the w o o d e n roof m u s t h a v e rested. R e m a i n s of a n octogonal m i n a r e t w e r e f o u n d in the n o r t h w e s t angle of t h e courtyard. BIBLIOGRAPHY Jidejian, Nina. Baalbek: Heliopolis "City of the Sun." Beirut, 1975. Kalayan, Haroutine. "Baalbek: U n ensemble r e c e m m e n t decouvert (Les fouilles archeologiques en dehors de la q a l ' a ) . " Les Dossiers de I'Archeologie 12 ( S e p t e m b e r - O c t o b e r 1975): 2S-35. Krencker, Daniel M . , and Willy Zschietzschmann. Rbmische Tempelin Syrien. Vol. 1. Berlin, 1938. Ragette, Friedrich. Baalbek. L o n d o n , 1980. N e w p a n o r a m i c guide with a detailed, step-by-step description, complete reconstruction, a bird's-eye-view of t h e city, a n d a comprehensive evaluation of the antiquities. LEILA BADEE
C
B A B E D H - D H R A , Early B r o n z e A g e (3300-2000 BCE) site o n the p l a i n southeast of t h e D e a d Sea in J o r d a n ( m a p reference 2006 X 0734). B e c a u s e of its early time r a n g e , its size, a n d its location, s o m e scholars h a v e identified B a b e d h - D h r a w i t h t h e biblical traditions c o n c e r n i n g c
BAB EDH-DHRA' S o d o m , t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t t o w n of t h e Cities of t h e P l a i n (Gn.
1 9 : 2 5 , 2 9 , Dt. 2 9 : 2 3 ) . A m o n g all of t h e ancient sites
r e c o r d e d o n t h e s o u t h e a s t D e a d Sea plain before t h e H e l lenistic p e r i o d , B a b e d h - D h r a ' is t h e largest (the walled t o w n is 12 acres: see figure 1) a n d h a s t h e l o n g e s t o c c u p a t i o n a l history ( 1 , 1 0 0 years). I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e t o w n area t h e site includes an o p e n s e t t l e m e n t t o t h e s o u t h a n d east a n d a large c e m e t e r y farther t o t h e s o u t h . A l t h o u g h t h e biblical tradition locating t h e Cities of t h e P l a i n c a n also b e i n t e r p r e t e d as referring t o a n o r t h e r n location (Gn. 1 3 : 1 0 - 1 3 , Dt. 3 4 : 1 - 3 ) , m o s t of t h e biblical texts s u p p o r t a s o u t h e r n o p t i o n (cf. e.g., Gn. 10:19, 1 4 : 1 - 1 2 , 1 9 : 2 4 - 2 8 ; Ez. 1 6 : 4 6 ) . Early G r e e k writers ( D i o d o r u s a n d Strabo) vividly d e scribed t h e desolate n a t u r e of t h e region a r o u n d d i e D e a d Sea, a n d ever since a succession of historians, g e o g r a p h e r s , a n d travelers h a s n o t e d its r u i n s , w i t h widely varying degrees of detail. A 1 9 2 4 survey, l e d b y William Foxwell Albright, M . G . Kyle, a n d Alexis M a l l o n , w a s tire first t o describe with clarity a n d date t h e walled area of B a b e d h - D h r a ' , i n t e r p r e t e d b y Albright as a s a n c t u a r y c o m p l e x . Excavations u n d e r t h e direction of P a u l W . L a p p ( 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 6 7 ) c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e c e m e t e r y b u t also i n c l u d e d s o m e s o u n d i n g s i n t h e area of t h e walled t o w n . Following a survey i n 1 9 7 3 b y W a l t e r E . R a s t a n d R . T h o m a s S c h a u b t h a t identified sev eral other E B settlements a n d cemeteries farther t o t h e south, t h e S o u t h e a s t D e a d Sea P l a i n E x p e d i t i o n w a s f o r m e d to explore t h e relationship b e t w e e n t h e various t o w n s a n d cemeteries ( S c h a u b a n d R a s t , 1989). A t B a b e d h - D h r a ' , t h e
expedition's interdisciplinary t e a m e x p l o r e d b o t h t h e t o w n site a n d c e m e t e r y in four field seasons ( 1 9 7 5 - 1 9 8 1 ) . Excavations o n h i g h p e r i p h e r a l areas of t h e site a n d care fully c h o s e n areas of t h e interior h a v e d e t e r m i n e d t h e history of o c c u p a t i o n a n d major activity areas. T h e earliest o c c u p a t i o n within t h e t o w n is associated w i t h a village d a t e d to E B I B ( 3 1 5 0 - 3 0 0 0 BCE). R e m n a n t s of m u d - b r i c k a n d stone structures above b e d gravel a n d marl a n d associated w i t h t h e distinctive l i n e - g r o u p p o t t e r y of this p e r i o d w e r e f o u n d in all of t h e lowest areas of t h e site excavated. E v i d e n c e of t h e thriving E B LT—III ( 3 0 0 0 - 2 3 0 0 BCE) u r b a n culture of B a b e d h - D h r a ' is p r o v i d e d b y a massive 7 - m e t e r - w i d e stone wall, built o n t h e site's n a t o r a l m a r l ridges; a s a n c t u a r y area with a b r o a d r o o m building; a c o u r t y a r d with a circular stone al tar; a n d d o m e s t i c a n d industrial areas within t h e walls. T h e wall a n d gate area o n t h e site's w e s t e r n edge u n d e r w e n t a major d e s t r u c t i o n near t h e e n d of E B III. S u b s e q u e n t o c c u p a t i o n in limited areas within t h e walls, including a s a n c t u a r y o n t h e n o r t h e r n ridge, a n d t o t h e s o u t h a n d east reflect a brief r e t u r n t o village life d u r i n g E B I V A ( 2 3 0 0 - 2 2 0 0 BCE) . T h e site w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y a b a n d o n e d . T h e u s e of t h e large c e m e t e r y area t o t h e south basically parallels t h a t of tire t o w n site. T h e area's soft marl a n d clay w e r e c u t into for d e e p shaft t o m b s in E B I A ( 3 3 0 0 - 3 1 5 0 B C E ) , a p p a r e n t l y b y seasonal pastoralists. Shafts 2 - 3 m d e e p lead to d o m e d c h a m b e r t o m b s , varying in n u m b e r from o n e to five, c u t horizontally f r o m t h e b o t t o m of t h e shaft. T h e burial p a t t e r n in these c h a m b e r s usually included a line of skulls t o flie left of a central disarticulated b o n e pile, s u r -
B AB EDH-DHRA' . F i g u r e I . Aerial view of the site. T h e view looks s o u t h a t d i e t o w e r i n t h e n o r t h e a s t c o r n e r of t h e w a l l e d t o w n . ' (Courtesy R. T . Schaub)
249
250
BAB EDH-DHRA'
J BAB EDH-DHRA' . F i g u r e z.
Aiw
North,
an EB IA shaft tomb chamber of the Bab edh-Dhra'
cemetery.
T h e typical p l a c i n g of skulls in a line is s h o w n to t h e left of t h e central d i s a r t i c u l a t e d b o n e g r o u p . (Courtesy R. T . Schaub)
r o u n d e d b y distinctive p o t t e r y g r o u p s of bowls, jars, a n d juglets (see figure 2). T h e s e c o n d p h a s e of t h e cemetery is signaled by t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of r o u n d m u d - b r i c k funerary buildings u s e d for successive burials in E B I B . D u r i n g t h e zenith of the t o w n site ( E B II—III), t h e funerary b u i l d i n g s b e c a m e rectangular a n d increasingly larger, with several a p parently in u s e simultaneously. Several of these m u d - b r i c k structures show signs of d e s t r u c t i o n a n d b u r n i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y with the e n d of t h e t o w n site. T h e last t o m b s exca vated in t h e cemetery, d a t e d to E B IV, were also shaft t o m b s , b u t usually stone-lined with single or double c h a m b e r s , a n d c o n t a i n e d b o t h disarticulated a n d articulated skeletal m a t e rial. [See Shaft T o m b s ; Burial Sites; G r a v e G o o d s . ] c
T h e cultural r e m a i n s u n c o v e r e d at B a b e d h - D h r a reflect t h e full d e v e l o p m e n t of ancient Palestine's E B culture. M a n y items suggest extensive t r a d e with other u r b a n centers, in cluding M e s o p o t a m i a a n d E g y p t . A m o n g t h e m o r e u n u s u a l finds are well-preserved textiles; c o p p e r a n d b r o n z e w e a p ons a n d tools, including s o m e early tin/bronze w e a p o n s ; slate palettes a n d c o m b s ; a n extensive collection of cylinderseal impressions, along with t h r e e cylinder seals; a n d a w i d e r a n g e of jewelry, i n c l u d i n g gold items. [See Textiles; W e a p ons; Seals; Jewelry.] Botanical samples reveal t h e p r e d o m i n a n t u s e of barley a n d include wheat, grapes, olives, figs, lentils, pistachios, a n d a l m o n d s . [See Cereals; Olives.] F a u nal finds include t h e usually d o m i n a n t sheep a n d g o a t a n d d o n k e y a n d cow. [See S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Cattle a n d O x e n . ] Overall, t h e finds from t h e t o w n site a n d cemetery at B a b
e d h - D h r a ' allow for a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e basic life a n d burial p a t t e r n s of a thriving t h i r d - m i l l e n n i u m u r b a n c u l t u r e t h a t w a s n o t m a t c h e d in t h e region until t h e B y z a n t i n e p e riod, m o r e t h a n t w o t h o u s a n d years later. [See also S o u t h e a s t D e a d Sea Plain.] BIBLIOGRAPHY H o w a r d , David M . , Jr. " S o d o m a n d G o m o r r a h Revisited." Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 27 (1984): 3 8 5 - 4 0 0 . C o m m e n t a r y on all of t h e pertinent biblical texts concerning the Cities of the Plains, with a discussion of t h e various theories about their location. T h e assessment of archaeological evidence needs to b e supple m e n t e d with die article by Rast (1987a) below. Rast, Walter E. "Bab e d h - D h r a a n d the Origin of die S o d o m S a g a . " I n Archaeology and Biblical Interpretation: Essays in Memory of D. Glenn Rose, edited by Leo G. P e r d u e et al., p p . 1 8 5 - 2 0 1 . Atlanta, 1987a. Examines t h e S o d o m tradition, integrating research on its origins with recent archaeological evidence. Excellent bibliography. Rast, Walter E. " B r o n z e Age Cities along the D e a d S e a . " Archaeology 40.1 ( 1 9 8 7 b ) : 4 2 - 4 9 . Excellent popular s u m m a r y a n d discussion of the results of the excavations at Bab e d h - D h r a ' , with a comparison with the neighboring town of N u m e i r a . Schaub, R. T h o m a s , a n d Walter E. Rast. Bab edh-Dhra : Excavations in the Cemetery Directed by Paul W. Lapp, 1965-67. Reports of the Expedition t o the D e a d Sea Plain, Jordan, vol. 1. W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1989. Final report of L a p p ' s cemetery excavations, with analytical a n d synthetic studies of its artifacts a n d interpretation of its cultural a n d historical significance. C h a p t e r 1 contains a s u m m a r y of previ ous work in the southeast D e a d Sea region. Includes a complete bibliography on t h e Early B r o n z e Age of t h e southeast D e a d Sea plain. 1
S c h a u b , R. T h o m a s . " B a b e d h - D h r a ' . " I n The New Encyclopedia
ofAr-
BABYLON chaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. I, p p . 1 3 0 - 1 3 6 . Jeru salem and N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . Detailed, u p - t o - d a t e s u m m a r y of the archaeological results for the site and cemetery. R . THOMAS SCHAUB
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t o w e r (probably ' A q a r Quf) a n d its construction (see R. H a k l u y t , The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, L o n d o n , 1589). T h e earliest detailed investigation w a s carried o u t b y t h e Italian noble Pietro della Valle, w h o w e n t t o B a b y l o n in 1616 while trav eling in t h e N e a r East (Viaggi, B r i g h t o n , 1843). H e consid ered t h e ruins of Babel t o b e t h e tower a n d p r o v i d e d m e a s u r e m e n t s a n d a description. Della Valle b r o u g h t t h e first bricks inscribed with c u n e i f o r m writing from Babylon a n d U r to E u r o p e , b u t they p r o v o k e d n o interest. W h e n the fa m o u s traveler C a r s t e n N i e b u h r visited B a b y l o n in 1765, h e was p r e p a r e d for t h e city b y t h e r e p o r t s of H e r o d o t u s , a n d e x p e c t e d t h a t t h e city covered a h u g e area. H e therefore believed t h a t the ruins in B o r s i p p a were t h e Babylonian tower ( N i e b u h r , Reisebeschreibungen nachArabienundandern umliegenden Ldndem, C o p e n h a g e n , 1774).
B A B Y L O N , site located o n d i e b a n k of o n e of the b r a n c h e s of t h e E u p h r a t e s R i v e r , 90 Ion (59 mi.) s o u t h w e s t of B a g h d a d , in m o d e r n I r a q (32°33' N , 44°26' E ) . Babylon, as the n a m e of a city a n d as a cultural c o n c e p t , was t r a n s m i t t e d to E u r o p e a n culture t h r o u g h the H e b r e w Bible a n d G r e e k a n d R o m a n a u t h o r s . C h r i s t i a n cultures h a v e u s e d the c o n c e p t of t h e T o w e r of Babel a n d t h e story of its d e s t r u c tion as s y n o n y m s for h u m a n a r r o g a n c e a n d t h e p u n i s h i n g h a n d of G o d . I n t e r e s t in r e d i s c o v e r i n g B a b y l o n was p r i marily a w a k e n e d by t h e biblical stories, o n w h i c h n u m e r o u s artistic r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of t h e T o w e r of Babel were b a s e d . T h e n a m e Babel was associated w i t h a large hill in the n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e r u i n e d city of B a b y l o n . T h e hill always linked t h e site with biblical B a b y l o n , a l t h o u g h t h e identification of the t o w e r was strongly c o n t e s t e d . T h e n a m e Babylon is t r a c e d t o babil(a), a p r e - E u p h r a t e s n a m e (i.e., neither S u m e r i a n n o r A k k a d i a n ) a n d is inter p r e t e d as a place n a m e . T h e designation w a s u n d e r s t o o d in t h e S u m e r i a n p e r i o d as kd-dingirra, first attested for the A k k a d i a n ldng Sharkalisharri (2217-2193 BCE), w h o m e n t i o n s two t e m p l e s in the city. P r e s u m a b l y , this S u m e r i a n spelling was u s e d as a folk etymology, just as t h e Semitic Bab-ili has b e e n translated as " g a t e of G o d . " B e g i n n i n g with the old B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , t h e spelling tintirki w a s also u s e d . T h i s p r o b a b l y h a d the s a m e m e a n i n g as t h e o t h e r spellings or w a s a s y n o n y m . T h e spelling Babylon, still c u s t o m a r y , w a s t a k e n from the G r e e k n a m e for t h e city. H i s t o r y of R e s e a r c h . S o m e Islamic a u t h o r s p r e s e r v e d t h e m e m o r y of Babylon; h o w e v e r , t h e y k n e w little m o r e t h a n t h e n a m e a n d a few a l m o s t l e g e n d a r y events. T h e scholar I b n H a w q a l , w h o p r o b a b l y visited B a b y l o n in t h e t e n t h c e n tury, d e s c r i b e d it as a small village. I n Jewish tradition, B a b ylon was t h e city hostile to G o d in w h i c h the Jews h a d b e e n held captive. T h e s e m e m o r i e s as well as an interest in t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s still living t h e r e b r o u g h t R a b b i Benja m i n of T u d e l a to B a b y l o n twice, b e t w e e n 1160 a n d 1173 ( M . N . Adler, ed., The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, L o n d o n , 1907). H e , like m o s t later travelers, w a s primarily i n terested in tlie site of t h e t o w e r d e s c r i b e d in d i e Bible. H e m e n t i o n s d i e ruins of the p a l a c e of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r a n d identified t h e t o w e r ruins at Birs N i m r u d / B o r s i p p a as t h e biblical t o w e r . B e t w e e n 1573 a n d 1576, d i e G e r m a n p h y s i cian L e o n a r d Rauwolff visited B a b y l o n a n d described c o n ditions t h e r e (Rauwolff, Itinerarium oder Raysbuchlein, L a u i n g e n , 1583); r u i n s in ' A q a r Q u f (actually ancient D u r Kurigalzu) w e r e t h e r e m a i n s of t h e tower. [See ' A q a r Quf.]
C l a u d i u s J a m e s Rich, w h o k n e w N e a r Eastern languages a n d was interested in the cultures of antiquity, was in B a g h d a d as a resident of the E a s t I n d i a C o m p a n y . Beginning in 1811, h e u n d e r t o o k d i e first systematic investigation of t h e area of t h e ruins, took m e a s u r e m e n t s , a n d presented die r e sults of his investigations in Memoir on the Ruins of Babylon (3d ed., L o n d o n , 1818), w h i c h also c o n t a i n e d drawings a n d p l a n s . I n this work, h e describes t h e still visible walls of the city as well as the ruins o n t h e individual hills, w h i c h h e calls b y their A r a b i c n a m e s . I n his search for t h e Babylonian tower, h e investigated t h e ruins of Babel, w h i c h w a s also called M u d s h e l i b e b y t h e inhabitants. T h e r e h e discovered burials witii small objects. N o t e w o r t h y a m o n g the objects h e took b a c k to E n g l a n d w e r e s o m e cylinder seals, n o w in t h e British M u s e u m .
T o w a r d d i e e n d of the sixteenth c e n t u r y , J o h n E l d r e d , a m e r c h a n t , w h o h a d a similar i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , described t h e
T h e English painter R o b e r t K e r P o r t e r w e n t to B a b y l o n in 1818 a n d was quite e n c h a n t e d with its ruins. I n a b o o k
O f later travelers, only a few will be m e n t i o n e d here. A b b e de B e a u c h a m p , the p a p a l vicar general w h o w e n t t o B a b y l o n in 1780 a n d 1790, r e p o r t e d o n t h e wholesale looting of b a k e d bricks b y t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of the s u r r o u n d i n g areas (J. de B e a u c h a m p , " V o y a g e d e B a g d a d a Bassora le long d e l ' E u p h r a t e , " Journal des Scavans, Paris, 1785; " M e m o i r e sur les Antiquites B a b y l o n i e n n e s qui se t r o u v e n t aux environs de B a g d a d , " Journal des Scavans, Paris, 1790). Local i n h a b itants described h o w walls with pictures m a d e from glazed bricks as well as statues h a d b e e n discovered d u r i n g the loot ing. B e a u c h a m p n o t e d t h e existence of massive inscribed cylinders b u t was u n a b l e to o b t a i n one. H e dated the coins f o u n d in B a b y l o n a c c o r d i n g to c o m p a r i s o n s with examples from the P a r t h i a n period. W i t h respect to identifying the B a b y l o n i a n t o w e r , h e d e b a t e d b e t w e e n t h e ruins of Babel a n d B o r s i p p a . A resident of the East India C o m p a n y , H a r t ford Jones Bridge, w h o visited B a b y l o n briefly, succeeded in obtaining several bricks a n d t h e large stone inscription of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r II d i a t b e c a m e k n o w n as the E a s t India H o u s e inscription.
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BABYLON
t h a t was very well received by the British public, h e w r o t e a b o u t his impressions a n d illustrated t h e m with r o m a n t i c views of t h e ruins. H e too was searching for t h e Babylonian tower, which h e identified with Birs N i m r u d . Like m a n y of his predecessors, P o r t e r a d o p t e d H e r o d o t u s ' s estimate of the city's size. I n an area of t h e ruins at K a s r t h a t c o n t a i n e d pillars, scientist J. S. B u c k i n g h a m believed t h a t h e h a d f o u n d t h e remains of t h e h a n g i n g gardens described b y G r e e k authors. I n t h e following years there was a c o n s i d erable increase in k n o w l e d g e c o n c e r n i n g t h e ruins of B a b ylon. A n officer e m p l o y e d b y t h e East India C o m p a n y , R o b ert M i g n a n , carried o u t s o m e small excavations in B a b y l o n , in t h e course of which h e was able, a m o n g other things, t o find an inscribed clay cylinder in situ. T h e English geologist William K e n n e t t L o f t u s , w h o later b e c a m e k n o w n for his excavations at U r u k / W a r k a a n d Kutalla/Tell Sifr, b e g a n his work in Babylon in 1849. H o w e v e r , h e soon c a m e to c o n sider the work futile, rejecting t h e identification of individual m o u n d s with buildings m e n t i o n e d b y H e r o d o t u s . After Paul Emile Botta a n d A u s t e n H e n r y L a y a r d h a d initiated the first g e n u i n e excavations in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o tamia, t h e latter w e n t t o Babylon, in 1850, to begin a r c h a e ological investigations there. H e b e g a n digging t h e m o u n d of Babel w h e r e he found m a n y , probably late, burials. H e was unable to establish a clear picture of t h e construction in t h e h u g e ruins a n d u n c o v e r e d only insignificant small o b jects. T h e situation was similar at t h e hill of Kasr, w h i c h t h e inhabitants of t h e villages h a d already thoroughly s e a r c h e d for b a k e d bricks. L a y a r d described t h e fragments of glazed bricks h e discovered w i t h o u t recognizing their significance, a n d h e m e n t i o n e d t h e m o n u m e n t a l basalt lion that h a d al r e a d y b e e n noted b y other visitors. In the course of his in vestigations on the m o u n d of A m r a n ibn Ali, h e discovered s o m e clay bowls with A r a m a i c inscriptions t h a t h e c o n s i d ered to be t h e work of t h e Jews taken to Babylon. B e c a u s e of t h e paucity of t h e results, L a y a r d soon decided t o e n d his investigations. A collection of antiquities, mostly seals a n d inscriptions, found its way into the British M u s e u m t h r o u g h L a y a r d . [See the biography of Layard.] A larger expedition u n d e r t h e leadership of t h e F r e n c h m a n Fulgence Fresnel, together with the Assyriologist Jules O p p e r t , arrived in Babylon in 1852. T h e y found n u m e r o u s inscriptions, especially o n bricks. T h e y w e r e ' i n t e r e s t e d in t h e glazed a n d relief-bearing fragments of bricks in K a s r a n d tried to explain t h e m . Fresnel a n d O p p e r t believed t h a t t h e remains of the " h a n g i n g g a r d e n s " w e r e h i d d e n in t h e hill of A m r a n ibn Ali a n d t h a t t h e m o u n d of Babel was t h e grave of Belus (Bel, " L o r d , " w a s a title u s e d for t h e highest g o d , M a r d u k ) . O p p e r t also busied himself with t h e m o u n d of H o m e r a , without, h o w e v e r , recognizing its significance (i.e., t h a t t h e remains of ancient buildings m i g h t b e from t h e T o w e r of Babel). H i s excavations of t h e ancient pier o n t h e E u p h r a t e s , which h e identified t h r o u g h t h e inscriptions of N a b o n i d u s , were i m p o r t a n t . I n 1853, using t r i g o n o m e t r i c
m e a s u r e m e n t s a n d observations, O p p e r t p u b l i s h e d t h e first relatively detailed m a p of Babylon. F o r t h e m o s t part, t h e small objects the e x p e d i t i o n discovered w e r e lost while b e i n g t r a n s p o r t e d o n the E u p h r a t e s . Following a brief excavation in 1854 b y tire d i p l o m a t a n d orientalist H e n r y C r e s w i c k R a w l i n s o n a n d his assistant G e o r g e S m i t h , t h e British M u s e u m c o m m i s s i o n e d H o r m u z d R a s s a m , a s o m e t i m e British vice-consul f r o m M o s u l , w h o served as an assistant t o L a y a r d , to r e o p e n excavations in Babylon in 1876. T h e a g r e e m e n t i n c l u d e d t h e transfer of the finds to E n g l a n d . R a s s a m a r r a n g e d w i t h t h e A r a b s w h o were digging for bricks a n d antiquities in t h e r u i n s t h a t h e w o u l d pay t h e m for all significant finds. I n t h e c o u r s e of his excavations, n u m e r o u s clay tablets c a m e to light, i n c l u d i n g business contracts of t h e h o u s e of Egibi a n d a clay cylinder c o n c e r n i n g t h e c a p t u r e of B a b y l o n b y C y r u s of Persia. R a s s a m also investigated t h e p o r t i o n of B a b y l o n lying o n t h e left b a n k of the E u p h r a t e s w h e r e h e f o u n d a series of c u n e i f o r m tablets. T h e p l u n d e r i n g of t h e r u i n s of B a b y l o n c o n t i n u e d to increase, in addition to t h e b a k e d bricks, t h e locals also took stone m o n u m e n t s , w h i c h they b u r n e d for g y p s u m . I n 1887 t h e British M u s e u m sent Wallis B u d g e , w h o later was keeper of E g y p t i a n a n d W e s t e r n Asiatic Antiquities at t h e m u s e u m , to Babylon to seek a n e n d to this p r a c t i c e . H e r e a c h e d an a g r e e m e n t with s o m e of t h e native dealers, a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h all t h e clay tablets, seals, a n d significant small objects f o u n d were t o b e sold to t h e British M u s e u m (the extraction of bricks w o u l d b e t o l e r a t e d ) . T h e d e s t r u c tion of t h e ruins did n o t e n d , h o w e v e r , a n d m a n y i m p o r t a n t buildings were so t h o r o u g h l y destroyed it w a s later i m p o s sible to identify their g r o u n d plans. E x c a v a t i o n s . I n 1897-1898 a g r o u p of G e r m a n r e s e a r c h ers was sent to M e s o p o t a m i a to find a r u i n e d site suitable for excavation. O n e of the m e m b e r s of t h e g r o u p w a s R o b e r t K o l d e w e y , t o w h o m t h e direction of t h e excavation in B a b ylon was finally e n t r u s t e d . F r o m 1899 to 1914, t h e G e r m a n excavations were carried o u t y e a r - r o u n d with a small t e a m , among whose members were Walter Andrae, Friedrich W e t z e l , O s c a r R e u t h e r , a n d G e o r g B u d d e n s i e g . S o m e of t h e excavations goals w e r e to u n c o v e r t h e city p l a n , t o investi gate Babylonian arcMtecture, a n d t o identify definitively t h e Babylonian tower (the T o w e r of B a b e l ) . [See the biographies of Koldewey and Andrae] O n e p r i m a r y result of t h e excavation w a s t h e e x p o s u r e of t h e layers of t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , w h i c h d o c u m e n t t h e time of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r a n d his dynasty. B e c a u s e of t h e high level of t h e g r o u n d w a t e r , t h e d e e p e r layers of t h e O l d Babylonian p e r i o d could b e r e a c h e d only rarely. T h e p e r i ods of A c h a e m e n i d , Seleucid, a n d P a r t h i a n settlement w e r e verified partially t h r o u g h excavation a n d b y m e a n s of n u m e r o u s surface finds. T h e plan in t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e riod reveals h o w strongly fortified t h e city w a s , w i t h an o u t e r r i n g of walls altogether 18 k m (11 mi.) long. T h e fortifica tions consisted of a n inner a n d an outer circuit of walls m a d e
BABYLON
253
of b a k e d bricks a n d s u p p l e m e n t e d b y a s t r o n g e m b a n k m e n t and a m o a t . H e r o d o t u s h a d m e n t i o n e d t h e u n u s u a l thickness of t h e walls a n d their c i r c u m f e r e n c e , w h i c h h e gave as 120 stadia long ( a b o u t 95 k m or 59 m i . ) — t h i s c o n t r i b u t e d to m a n y later errors in i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . T h e o u t e r wall includes N e b u c h a d r e z z a r ' s s u m m e r p a l a c e , w h i c h covers d i e n o r t h ern p a r t of t h e m o u n d of Babel. T h e i n n e r circuit of walls forms a w i d e rectangle w h o s e p e r i m e t e r is 8,150 m ; t h e E u p h r a t e s divides it into u n e q u a l halves.
d e m o n s t r a t e d , all of w h i c h p r o b a b l y belong t o t h e N e o - B a b ylonian p e r i o d . T h e y are distinguished b y t h e techniques u s e d to d e c o r a t e the walls. T h e first p h a s e is decorated with figures of animals m o l d e d in relief in u n g l a z e d brick; t h e s e c o n d has figures f o r m e d b y glazed brick t h a t are n o t in relief. T h e third c o n s t r u c t i o n p h a s e , raised 15 m a b o v e t h e s u r r o u n d i n g area o n a n e m b a n k m e n t , is d e c o r a t e d with glazed figures of snakelike d r a g o n s (mushussu) a n d bulls m o l d e d in relief (see figure 2).
It has b e e n s h o w n from inscriptions t h a t t h e construction of t h e city walls dates b a c k a t least to the N e o - A s s y r i a n p e riod. E i g h t of its gates w e r e located a n d partially excavated. M o s t of t h e m are k n o w n b y n a m e o n t h e basis of d e s c r i p tions of t h e city t r a n s m i t t e d in c u n e i f o r m . T h e n e t w o r k of streets was laid o u t in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e w i n d directions (northeast, n o r t h w e s t , s o u t h e a s t , s o u t h w e s t ) . T h e m o s t fa m o u s of t h e city's gates, b e c a u s e of its relief decoration in brick, is t h e Ishtar G a t e , w h i c h has b e e n partially r e c o n structed in t h e Vorderasiatisches M u s e u m in Berlin (see figure 1). I n this powerful d o u b l e gate, reinforced with bastions, a n u m b e r of c o n s t r u c t i o n p h a s e s could b e
A processional a v e n u e a b o u t 250 m l o n g a n d 20-24 m w i d e , c o m i n g from t h e n o r t h , led to the Ishtar G a t e . T h e street was s u r r o u n d e d o n b o t h sides b y high walls t h a t d e limited an outlying fortress o n t h e east a n d t h e so-called citadel of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r o n t h e west. T h e lower p o r t i o n of t h e wall is d e c o r a t e d w i t h glazed brick m o l d e d in relief t h a t depicts lions s u r r o u n d e d b y rosettes. A c c o r d i n g t o an inscription, the citadel situated n o r t h of t h e city wall was c o n s t r u c t e d d u r i n g t h e reign of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r . T h e cit adel c o m p l e x a n d tire processional a v e n u e w e r e b o t h set o n a 15-meter e m b a n k m e n t . A series of older sculptures t h a t d i d n o t originate in B a b y l o n w a s f o u n d in t h e citadel, along
BABYLON. F i g u r e 1.
Reconstruction
of the Ishtar
Berlin. (Foto M a r b u r g / A r t Resource, N Y )
Gate of Nebuchadrezzar
II. P e r g a m o n M u s e u m ,
254
BABYLON emonial p a r a d e d u r i n g t h e n e w year's celebration, r a n t o t h e s o u t h e r n c o r n e r of E t e m e n a n k i a n d t h e n c u r v e d in t h e d i rection of t h e E u p h r a t e s , w h e r e a b r i d g e (123 m long) crossed the river. Seven of its walled piers w e r e d o c u m e n t e d . A few t e m p l e s , i n c l u d i n g t h e N i n m a h T e m p l e a n d t h e Ishtar T e m p l e , were located i n t h e city area a n d e x c a v a t e d . I n t h e course of t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of the r u i n s of B a b y l o n b y t h e Iraqi Antiquities A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e t e m p l e of N a b u sa h a r e , which b o r d e r s o n t h e E t e m e n a n k i p r e c i n c t a n d c o n tained a large library, w a s u n c o v e r e d in 1978.
BABYLON.
F i g u r e 2. Detail of an enameled tile and ceramic brick bull
from the hhtargate.
P e r i o d of N e b u c h a d r e z z a r I I , 6 0 5 - 5 6 2 BCE. (Er
ich Lessing/Art Resource, N Y )
with other artifacts, leading to..the suggestion ( n o w consid ered doubtful) t h a t t h e r o o m s were a m u s e u m . T h e s o u t h e r n citadel lying inside t h e fortification walls dates back in p a r t to t h e time of t h e Assyrian domination. It consisted of five large courtyard complexes t h a t h a d served official a n d res idential p u r p o s e s . T h e t h r o n e r o o m in t h e third c o u r t y a r d h a d a 56-meter-long frontage decorated with stylized trees of life, rosettes, a n d a lion frieze of glazed bricks. T h e center of B a b y l o n was formed b y t h e t e m p l e p r e c i n c t Esagila, which c o n t a i n e d t h e cult r o o m s of t h e chief g o d M a r d u k , of his wife, of E a (god of water, w i s d o m ) and N a b u (god of t h e scribal craft), a n d of other gods a n d goddesses. T h i s precinct, which lies u n d e r t h e m o u n d of A m r a n i b n Ali, was covered by m o r e t h a n 15 m of s a n d a n d r u b b l e , so that only portions of it could b e o p e n e d t h r o u g h tunneling. T h e t e m p l e p r e c i n c t E t e m e n a n k i , lying t o t h e n o r d i a n d sur r o u n d e d by a t e m e n o s , h o u s e s t h e remains of t h e B a b y l o nian tower, w h i c h h a d b e e n s o u g h t for centuries. I t w a s n o t until 1913 that d i e excavators, thanks t o t h e low g r o u n d water level at t h e time, succeeded in finding t h e building's m u d - b r i c k core, w h i c h w a s preserved t o a, h e i g h t of only a few meters. T h e entire 15-meter-thick baked-brick facing h a d been looted. T h e tower itself, as t h e literary sources testify, h a d b e e n t o r n d o w n in t h e time of Alexander t h e G r e a t with t h e intention of rebuilding it. I t could b e s h o w n t h a t t h e tower h a d covered a surface area of 91.48 X 91.66 m , it h a d consisted of six steps, each o n e set b a c k from t h e one below it, o n t h e t o p , as t h e seventh step, stood a high temple t o t h e cult of M a r d u k . A m o n u m e n t a l o p e n staircase (51.61 m high a n d 9.35 m wide) a n d t w o side stairways led u p t h e south side. T h e processional avenue c o m i n g from t h e Ishtar G a t e , w h i c h w a s specially decorated for t h e cer
A r c h i t e c t u r a l H i s t o r y . A d e s c r i p t i o n of t h e city of B a b ylon w a s c o m p i l e d t o w a r d t h e e n d of t h e twelfdi c e n t u r y BCE. T r a n s m i t t e d o n n u m e r o u s clay tablets it gives t h e n a m e s of ten city districts, eight gates, a n d at least fifty-three t e m p l e s , as well as of n u m e r o u s shrines a n d o t h e r buildings. O n l y a small n u m b e r of t h e s e c o u l d b e located a n d e x c a vated. T h e history of t h e earlier settlements at B a b y l o n is largely o b s c u r e a n d c a n almost only b e r e c o n s t r u c t e d from literary sources. S a r g o n of Akkad is said t o h a v e d e s t r o y e d B a b y l o n in a b o u t 2340 BCE; t w o of its t e m p l e s are k n o w n from t h e time of Sharkalisharri (c. 2270 BCE). Sulgi of U r (2094-2047 BCE) carried off b o o t y f r o m Esagila d u r i n g t h e course of a c o n q u e s t of Babylon, w h i c h is so far t h e earliest m e n t i o n of this t e m p l e . T h e rise of B a b y l o n , w h i c h also b r o u g h t great architec tural changes, b e g a n w i t h t h e A m o r i t e d y n a s t y at t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. E x c a v a t i o n s in t h e r u i n s of t h e M e r k e s (inner city) u n c o v e r e d several residential buildings, from w h i c h O l d B a b y l o n i a n d o c u m e n t s w e r e r e covered. T h e year n a m e s of t h e ldngs of B a b y l o n give evi d e n c e of t h e existence of city walls, gates, a cloister district, a n d n u m e r o u s t e m p l e s , a m o n g t h e m Esagila, as well as t e m ples for Ishtar, A d a d , S h a m a s h , N a n n a , Enlil, M a r d u k , a n d other g o d s a n d goddesses. T h e center of O l d B a b y l o n i a n Babylon was s u r r o u n d e d b y walls a n d w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d in t h e i n n e r city; additional districts, a m o n g t h e m t h e so-called eastern n e w city, w e r e a n n e x e d . Very little is k n o w n a b o u t t h e a p p e a r a n c e of t h e city of Babylon d u r i n g t h e time of t h e Kassite d o m i n a t i o n . A r chaeological investigations w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d o n s o m e p r i vate h o u s e s a n d graves. T h e description in t h e texts of T i n t i r gives t h e impression t h a t t h e general l a y o u t of t h e city seems to h a v e b e e n similar t o tiiat of later p e r i o d s . T h e statue of M a r d u k t h a t s t o o d in t h e t e m p l e of Esagila w a s r e m o v e d from Babylon as w a r b o o t y a n d r e c a p t u r e d several times, first going t o H a n a in Syria, t h e n t o A s s u r , a n d later t o Susa. O p i n i o n s vary as t o w h e t h e r t h e r e w a s already a t e m p l e tower ( o r ziggurat) in t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d . Its earliest m e n t i o n in a historical inscription, t h a t of S e n n a c h e r i b , w h o c o n q u e r e d B a b y l o n in 689 BCE, says t h a t h e d e s t r o y e d E s a gila a n d t h e t e m p l e tower. T h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e h o l y structures followed u n d e r E s a r h a d d o n (680-669 BCE) a n d A s h u r b a n i p a l (668-626 BCE). P r e s u m a b l y , t h e m u d - b r i c k core of t h e ziggurat dates f r o m this p e r i o d . N a b o p o l a s s a r
BABYLON
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(625-605 BCE) a n d N e b u c h a d r e z z a r (605-562 BCE) c o m p l e t e d t h e work. After t h e c o n q u e s t of B a b y l o n b y d i e P e r s i a n king C y r u s II in 539 BCE, t h e city was elevated t o a royal residence; t h e royal fortresses were rebuilt as citadels, a n d u n d e r A r t a x e r xes II (404-359 BCE) an a p a d a n a l i k e pillared b u i l d i n g with colorful decorative b r i c k w o r k w a s c o n s t r u c t e d t h e r e in a d dition t o a palace for t h e c r o w n p r i n c e . E v e n t h e s u m m e r p a l a c e c o n t i n u e d to b e u s e d u p until t h e time of A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t . After a n u m b e r of revolts, t h e city walls were r a z e d a n d various buildings d e s t r o y e d . I n scientific research it w a s a s s u m e d over t h e years t h a t X e r x e s (485-465 BCE) h a d t o r n d o w n t h e m a i n staircase of t h e t o w e r a n d destroyed t h e statue of M a r d u k ; p r o b a b l y t h e E u p h r a t e s also c h a n g e d its c o u r s e at t h a t t i m e a n d flowed t h r o u g h t h e residential section of the city in a large c u r v e . T h e s e a s s u m p t i o n s w e r e b a s e d o n t h e descriptions of H e r o d o t u s . R e c e n t l y , h o w e v e r , scholars have p u b l i s h e d m a n y a r g u m e n t s against this thesis a n d it is doubtful t h a t H e r o d o t u s really did visit B a b y l o n a n d described his o w n i m p r e s s i o n s . H e r o d o t u s h a d written a b o u t t h e h a n g i n g g a r d e n s , w h i c h R o b e r t K o l d e w e y located o n t h e n o r t h e a s t c o r n e r of t h e g r e a t s o u t h e r n palace (this identification also seems d o u b t f u l ; t o d a y scholars p r o p o s e t h a t t h e g a r d e n s w e r e located n o t in B a b y l o n b u t in N i n e v e h ) . As n o t e d a b o v e , H e r o d o t u s also gave a n exaggerated depiction of t h e length a n d b r e a d t h of t h e city walls, w h i c h a r e also doubtful.
provincial capital a n d tiiat t h e administrative district b o r e t h e n a m e Babel. F i n d s . Significant large s c u l p t u r e s f r o m B a b y l o n are at tested only in fragments. I n addition to m o n u m e n t s from M a r i (statues of p r i n c e s ) , f r o m H a l a b / A l e p p o (weather g o d stela), a n d S u h i (reliefs), w h i c h c a m e to light in the so-called m u s e u m in the citadel, is t h e m o n u m e n t a l statue of a lion standing over a m a n ( r e d i s c o v e r e d b y de B e a u c h a m p in 1784; see a b o v e ) , w h o s e d a t e a n d origin are d e b a t e d . V a l u able small finds c a m e f r o m graves from all settlement p e r i ods. C e r a m i c s and pottery m a k e u p t h e largest b o d y of finds, a n d these serve primarily to illustrate daily life. I n addition to building inscriptions o n bricks a n d cylinders, t h o u s a n d s of c o m m e r c i a l a n d legal inscriptions h a v e b e e n f o u n d , as well as all sorts of historical, cultural, a n d astronomical i n scriptions t h a t date all t h e w a y into Babylon's late period (early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE t o third/fourth century CE). M u c h a b o u t Babylon c a n b e g l e a m e d from cuneiform in scriptions f r o m other r e g i o n s , as well as from texts written in A r a m a i c , P e r s i a n , G r e e k , H e b r e w , a n d L a t i n . B a b y l o n w a s m o r e t h a n a city or a state; it was a cultural center of t h e a n c i e n t N e a r East, a religious center, a n d a scientific center w h o s e influence r e a c h e d E u r o p e .
I n 3 3 1 , A l e x a n d e r t h e G r e a t e n t e r e d B a b y l o n as c o n q u e r o r a n d w a n t e d t o m a k e it t h e capital of his w o r l d e m p i r e . H e p r o v i d e d for t h e care of t h e traditional holy sites a n d p l a n n e d t o rebuild t h e dilapidated t o w e r . T h e entire u p p e r p a r t of t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n w a s p u l l e d d o w n a n d t h e r u b b l e t r a n s p o r t e d to the n o r t h e a s t of E t e m e n a n k i , w h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n was b e g u n o n a G r e e k t h e a t e r m a d e from d e c o r a t e d bricks; this construction w a s c o n t i n u e d in t h e Seleucid p e riod. T h e holy area, Esagila, w a s c a r e d for as t h e s t r o n g h o l d of t h e tradition; t h e s u m m e r p a l a c e a n d tire citadel c o n t i n u e d to b e inhabited. T o j u d g e f r o m t h e small objects f o u n d , p a r t s of d i e city r e m a i n e d thickly settled a n d k e p t their N e a r E a s t e r n character.
Andrae, Waiter. Babylon: Die Versunkene Weltstadt und ihr Ausgraber Robert Koldewey. Berlin, 1 9 5 2 . Bergamini, Giovanni. "Levels of Babylon Reconsidered." Mesopotamia 12 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 1 1 1 - 1 5 2 . Dalley, Stephanie. "Babylon a n d the Hanging Gardens: Cuneiform and Classical Sources Reconciled." Iraq 56 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 45ff. Fischer, Rudolf. Babylon: Entdeckungsreisen in die Vergangenheit. Stutt gart, 1 9 8 5 . George, A n d r e w R. " T h e T o p o g r a p h y of Babylon Reconsidered." Su mer 44 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 7 - 2 4 . George, Andrew R. Babylonian Topographical Texts. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 40. L o u v a i n , 1992. George, Andrew R. "Babylon Revisited: Archaeology and Philology in H a r n e s s . " Antiquity 67 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 7 3 4 - 7 4 6 .
T h e c o n q u e s t b y M i t h r i d a t e s I ( 1 7 1 - 1 3 8 BCE) was t h e start of t h e t h r e e - h u n d r e d - y e a r P a r t h i a n d o m i n a t i o n of B a b y l o n , d u r i n g w h i c h t h e city gradually declined. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e Greek theater was remodeled, Nebuchadrezzar's s u m m e r p a l a c e was t r a n s f o r m e d into a fortress c o m p l e x , and resi dential h o u s e s w e r e built o n t h e citadel. W i t h t h e f o u n d i n g of Seleucia, B a b y l o n lost s o m e of its i m p o r t a n c e ; buildings in t h e residential sector w e r e s i m p l e a n d p o o r . D u r i n g t h e visits of t h e R o m a n e m p e r o r s T r a j a n ( 1 1 5 CE) a n d S e p t i m i u s Severus (199 C E ) , B a b y l o n s e e m s to h a v e b e e n deserted. D u r i n g t h e time of t h e S a s a n i a n d o m i n a t i o n , B a b y l o n is said t o h a v e still b e e n a r e s i d e n c e a n d to h a v e h a d a city wall, s o m e t h i n g yet to b e p r o v e n . F r o m written r e c o r d s from t h e n i n t h a n d t e n t h centuries it is k n o w n t h a t B a b y l o n was a
[See also Babylonians; and M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n cient M e s o p o t a m i a . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Kienast, Burkhart. " T h e N a m e of the City of Babylon." Sumer 35 (1979): 246-248. Klengel, Horst. "Babylon zur Zeit der Perser, Griechen u n d Farther." Eorschungen und Berichte 5 ( 1 9 6 2 ) : 4 0 - 5 3 . Klengel, Horst. " D i e osdiche N e u s t a d t Babylons in T e x t e n altbabylonischer Zeit." In Societies and Languages of the Ancient Near East: Stud ies in Honour of I. M, Diakonoff, p p . 1 6 9 - 1 7 3 , Warminster, 1982. Klengel, Horst. Konig Hamnutrapi und der Alltag Babylons. Rev. ed. Zurich, 1 9 9 1 . Klengel-Brandt, Evelyn. Der Turin von Babylon. 2d rev. ed. Berlin, 1992. Kohlmeyer, Kay. Wiederevstehendes Babylon: Eine antike Weltstadt itn Blick der Forschung. Berlin, 1 9 9 1 . Koldewey, Robert. Das Ischtar-Tor in Babylon. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen der D e u t s c h e n Orientgesellschaft ( W V D O G ) , 32. Leipzig, 1 9 1 8 . Koldewey, Robert. Die Kdnigsburgen von Babylon, vol. I, Die Sildburg; vol, 2, Die Hauptburg und der Sommerpahsle Nebukadnezars bn Hiigel
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Babil. Edited by Friedrich Wetzel. W V D O G , 5 4 - 5 5 . Leipzig, 1931-1932. Koldewey, Robert. Das Wieder erstehende Babylon. 5th ed., rev. and e x p . Munich, 1990. Contains an up-to-date bibliography. Kuhrt, Amelie, and Susan Sherwin-White. "Xerxes' Destruction of Babylonian T e m p l e s . " In Achaemenid History, vol. 2, The Greek Sources, edited by Heleen Sancisi-Weerdenburg a n d Amelie K u h r t , p p . 6 9 - 7 8 . Leiden, 1987. Kuhrt, Amelie, and Susan Sherwin-White, eds. Hellenism in the East. Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1987. Oates, Joan. Babylon. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 9 . Rev. ed. L o n d o n , 1986. Reuther, Oscar. Die Innenstadt von Babylon (Merkes). W V D O G , 4 7 . Leipzig, 1926. Rollinger, Robert. Herodots Babylonischer Logos: Bine kritische Untersuchung der Glaubwiirdigkeitsdiskussion. Innsbrucker Beitrage z u r K u l turwissenschaft Sonderhaft 84. Innsbruck, 1993. Schmid, Georg. " D e r T e m p e l t u r m Etemenanki zu Babylon." BaghdaderForschungen 17 ( 1 9 9 5 ) . Unger, Eckhard. "Babylon." I n Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 1, p p . 330-369. Leipzig, 1 9 2 8 - . Unger, Eckhard. Babylon, die heiligc Stadt nach der Beschreibung der Babylonier ( 1 9 3 1 ) . 2d ed. Berlin, 1 9 7 0 . Wetzel, Friedrich. Die Stadlmauern von Babylon. W V D O G , 48. L e i p zig, 1930. Wetzel, Friedrich, and F . H . Weissbach. Das Hauptheiligtum des Mar duk in Babylon: Esagila und Etemenanki. W V D O G , 5 9 . Leipzig, 1938. Wetzel, Friedrich. "Babylon z u r Zeit Herodots." In Zeilschrift fur As syriologie und Vorderasiatische Archaologie48 (1944): 4 5 - 6 8 . Wetzel, Friedrich. Das Babylon
der Spdtzeit.
W V D O G , 62. Leipzig,
I957EVELYN
KLENGEL-BRANDT
Translated from German by Susan I. Schiedel
BABYLONIANS. T h e inhabitants of ancient s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a — t h a t is, of t h e region extending a p p r o x i mately from m o d e r n - d a y B a g h d a d in Iraq, t o t h e shore of die Persian Gulf—are designated Babylonians. T h e n a m e is derived from the place n a m e transmitted in cuneiform script as Babili (already misinterpreted in t h e late third m i l l e n n i u m as "gate of G o d " ) , t h e G r e e k form of the n a m e is Babylon. F r o m t h e early second millennium BCE until into t h e Helle nistic period, this city southeast of m o d e r n B a g h d a d w a s a royal residence a n d o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t u r b a n centers in M e s o p o t a m i a . O r i g i n a n d C h r o n o l o g y . T h e region of Babylonia b e longs to the oldest, highly civilized areas in t h e world. A l t h o u g h Babylonia is p a r t of t h e O l d W o r l d desert belt, a n u r b a n culture based o n irrigation systems c o n s t t u c t e d there h a d already developed in t h e fourth millennium. Beginning in t h e early tliird millennium, tiiere is archaeological as well as written evidence for t h e existence of city-states in t h e area, which were developed b y a population t h a t spoke S u m e r i a n (i.e., n o t Semitic, S u m e r is t h e n a m e for the s o u t h e r n p o r t i o n of Babylonia). Semitic-speaking g r o u p s from m i d dle M e s o p o t a m i a (Akkadians, after t h e source-language n a m e for n o r t h e r n Babylonia) were increasingly a d d e d t o this population. T h e origin of t h e Sumerians is u n k n o w n .
T h e r e is p r o o f of Semitic-speaking g r o u p s as early as t h e so-called Early D y n a s t i c p e r i o d (c. 2800-2400 BCE); t o w a r d t h e e n d of this p e r i o d they attained greater significance b e cause of an i n c r e a s e d rate of i m m i g r a t i o n from t h e p e r i p h eral areas of t h e Syrian desert s t e p p e (possibly as t h e result of t h e onset of a d r y p e r i o d ) . A t t h e t i m e of S a r g o n (c. 2340-2284 BCE) t h e Akkadians b e c a m e t h e political b e a r e r s of t h e earliest M e s o p o t a m i a n territorial state (c. 2340-2100 BCE), which w a s simultaneously striving t o gain c o n t r o l of t h e t r a d e routes leading to t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n a n d t o A n a tolia. Following a p e r i o d of d o m i n a t i o n b y t h e m o u n t a i n dwelling G u t i over p a r t s of Babylonia, t h e ( N e o - ) S u m e r i a n state of t h e third dynasty of U r (2111-2003 BCE) w a s able t o exercise control over almost all of M e s o p o t a m i a . D u r i n g the third d y n a s t y of U r , t h e r e w a s a r e n e w e d influx of Semitic-speaking g r o u p s from t h e n o r t h w e s t ; t h e y w e r e called Amorites ( S u m e r i a n , mar-tu, " p e o p l e of t h e w e s t , " from a Babylonian p e r s p e c t i v e ) . T h e y achieved a ruling p o sition i n m a n y places in Babylonia a n d f o u n d e d dynasties t h a t played a role i n t h e O l d Babylonian p e r i o d ( d u r i n g t h e first half of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE), for e x a m p l e i n Isin a n d L a r s a , Babylon, E s h n u n n a , a n d M a r i . [See A m o r i t e s . ] After struggles for h e g e m o n y b y Isin a n d L a r s a , B a b y l o n u n d e r H a m m u r a b i (1792-1750 BCE, t h e " m i d d l e " c h r o n o l ogy) w a s able t o c o n q u e r all of Babylonia as well as p a r t s of n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a in a b o u t 1760 BCE. N e v e r t h e l e s s , u n der H a m m u r a b i ' s successors B a b y l o n o n c e again declined in i m p o r t a n c e ; in a b o u t 1594 BCE t h e city w a s c o n q u e r e d b y t h e Hittites, w h o w e r e a d v a n c i n g from Asia M i n o r . After their d e p a r t u r e B a b y l o n b e c a m e t h e r e s i d e n c e of a d y n a s t y of n o n - S e m i t i c i m m i g r a n t s , t h e Kassites (sixteenth-twelfth centuries BCE) w h o , h o w e v e r , b o t h linguistically a n d c u l t u r ally rapidly a t t a c h e d themselves t o t h e B a b y l o n i a n tradition. [See Kassites.] I n t h e t h i r t e e n t h a n d twelfth centuries BCE, t h e r e were struggles b e t w e e n B a b y l o n a n d t h e e x p a n d i n g M i d d l e Assyrian k i n g d o m , as well as r e n e w e d conflicts with E l a m ( d i e state b o r d e r i n g Babylonia o n t h e s o u t h e a s t ) , d u r ing t h e c o u r s e of w h i c h B a b y l o n t e m p o r a r i l y c a m e u n d e r Assyrian rule. I n t h e late second m i l l e n n i u m BCE, d i e regional political systems collapsed. I n conjunction with this, t h e r e w a s a n increased i m m i g r a t i o n of n e w Semitic-speaking p o p u l a t i o n g r o u p s , the A r a m e a n s , from t h e n o r t h w e s t . T h e y i n t e r m i n gled with t h e existing p o p u l a t i o n of Babylonia, w h o i n c r e a s ingly u s e d A r a m a i c as their everyday l a n g u a g e , while B a b ylonian r e m a i n e d t h e l a n g u a g e of official c u n e i f o r m inscriptions a n d t h e learned tradition. B e g i n n i n g in t h e n i n t h century BCE, Babylonia was repeatedly t h e object of Assyrian military c a m p a i g n s ; after t h e m i d d l e of t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE it b e c a m e a p a r t of t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n E m p i r e u n d e r its o w n kings; nevertheless, it r e p e a t e d l y rebelled against its A s syrian overlords, Babylon b e c a m e t h e d o m i n a n t p o w e r in t h e N e a r E a s t u n d e r N e b u c h a d r e z z a r II (604-562 BCE), w h o w a s of A r a -
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BABYLONIANS
m e a n ( C h a l d e a n ) origin. By c o n q u e r i n g all of M e s o p o t a
E x c a v a t i o n s . T h e c o r p u s of archaeological i n f o r m a t i o n
m i a , Syria, a n d Palestine, h e b e c a m e t h e f o u n d e r of t h e N e o -
a b o u t Babylonia a n d B a b y l o n i a n s essentially c o m e s from t h e
Babylonian E m p i r e ; d u r i n g his reign there was a large-scale
excavations that h a v e b e e n carried o u t in s o u t h e r n M e s o
e x p a n s i o n of his residence city, Babylon. In 539 BCE t h e
p o t a m i a since the m i d d l e of the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y . E s p e
t r o o p s of the Persian A c h a e m e n i d king C y r u s II c o n q u e r e d
cially in Babylon, S i p p a r , Isin, L a r s a , U m m a , U r , U r u k ,
the city and all of Babylonia. Babylon r e m a i n e d a p a r t of t h e
N i p p u r , a n d G i r s u / L a g a s h , excavation h a s led to t h e d i s
Persian E m p i r e until A l e x a n d e r the G r e a t c o n q u e r e d B a b
covery of textual materials, w h i c h h a v e b e e n s u p p l e m e n t e d
ylonia in 331. In 323, A l e x a n d e r died in Babylon, w h i c h h e
by e p i g r a p h i c finds from outside of B a b y l o n i a — f r o m M a r i
h a d w a n t e d to make o n e of t h e capital cities of his e m p i r e .
on t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s a n d f r o m Assyrian residences.
E v e n during t h e Seleucid a n d P a r t h i a n periods (third c e n
Since t h e b e g i n n i n g of fieldwork, t h e m e t h o d s of excava
t u r y B C E - s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE) Babylonia was still able to p r e
tion—which
serve its own traditions, i n c l u d i n g t h e use of Babylonian a n d
taining interesting objects a n d often p a i d a l m o s t n o a t t e n t i o n
cuneiform writing (especially in m a t h e m a t i c s a n d a s t r o n
to archaeological c o n t e x t — h a v e b e e n c o n s i d e r a b l y refined.
o m y ) . T h r o u g h t h e G r e e k s , R o m a n s , a n d Byzantines, as
T h i s is true n o t only for t h e exact scientific d o c u m e n t a t i o n
well as t h r o u g h E u r o p e ' s e n c o u n t e r s with t h e Arab-Islamic
b u t also with r e g a r d to t h e inclusion of r e s e a r c h p e r t a i n i n g
world, t h e substance of Babylonian tradition even m a d e its
to t h e ancient e n v i r o n m e n t , u s i n g m e t h o d s f r o m t h e n a t u r a l
way into E u r o p e a n culture.
sciences.
originally w e r e primarily c o n c e r n e d with o b
L a n g u a g e a n d W r i t i n g . T h e history a n d culture of B a b
E c o n o m i c F o u n d a t i o n s . Archaeological discoveries a n d
ylonia were t r a n s m i t t e d in a variety of languages a n d m e t h
the t e s t i m o n y of t h e texts p r o v i d e a n insight n o t only into
ods of writing. S u m e r i a n a n d Semitic Akkadian ( B a b y l o
historical ttadition, literature, a n d religion, b u t also into t h e
nian-Assyrian) are t h e essential source languages. W h e r e a s
m e a n s of subsistence. I n c o n t r a s t to t h e Assyrian n o r t h , B a b
S u m e r i a n began to die o u t as a colloquial l a n g u a g e at t h e
ylonia is an alluvial plain, in w h i c h t h e small a m o u n t of r a i n
b e g i n n i n g of the second millennium, Akkadian c o n t i n u e d to
fall ( u n d e r 250-300 m m p e r year) m a k e s agriculture p o s s i
u n d e r g o further d e v e l o p m e n t t h r o u g h a series of stages: O l d
ble only t h r o u g h t h e u s e of river w a t e r . I n o r d e r to enlarge
Babylonian (first half of t h e second m i l l e n n i u m ) ; M i d d l e
t h e a m o u n t of u s a b l e area, canals w e r e d u g l e a d i n g away
Babylonian (approximately t h e s e c o n d half of the s e c o n d
from t h e c o u r s e of t h e river. E v e n kings c o n s i d e r e d e x t e n d
m i l l e n n i u m ) ; Y o u n g e r Babylonian (the literary language of
ing t h e land t h r o u g h canals to b e o n e of their m o s t i m p o r t a n t
the first half of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m ) ; N e w Babylonian (the
functions. T h e lack of d e p e n d e n c e o n rainfall a n d t h e fer
language of t h e d o c u m e n t s a n d letters in the first m i l l e n n i u m
tility of t h e soil favored large, regular harvests; nevertheless,
u p to a b o u t 625 BCE); a n d L a t e Babylonian (the l a n g u a g e of
from a n early date t h e increasing salinity of t h e soil as a result
learned texts d u r i n g t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n , Persian, Seleucid,
of a n i n a d e q u a t e flushing o u t of t h e w a t e r - b o r n m i n e r a l s a n d
a n d Arsacid/Parthian p e r i o d s ) . Nevertheless, already in t h e
the h i g h level of g r o u n d w a t e r p r o v e d to b e a p r o b l e m . D e
early first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, even in Babylonia, ( W e s t ) S e
clining harvests a n d t h e a b a n d o n m e n t of c r o p s r e q u i r i n g
mitic A r a m e a n b e g a n m o r e a n d m o r e to establish itself as
high levels of care, s u c h as w h e a t , in favor of t h e m o r e r e
the colloquial language; in t h e western Persian E m p i r e it was
sistant barley w e r e often t h e result. T h e acquisition of n e w
u s e d even for administrative p u r p o s e s (Imperial A r a m a i c ) .
f a r m l a n d was therefore also a n a t t e m p t at solving this p r o b
B o t h S u m e r i a n a n d A k k a d i a n u s e d cuneiform writing
lem, w h i c h often led to military conflict.
(syllabic signs, w o r d signs, a n d d e t e r m i n e r s ) . T h e t h r e e - d i
I n addition to h o e s , c a t t l e - d r a w n plows w e r e also u s e d for
mensional cuneiform writing was p r e s s e d into wet clay with
tilling t h e soil, leading to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of b r e a k i n g plows
a stylus or chiseled into s t o n e a n d metal. A r a m a i c , in c o n
a n d plows with seed guides (the latter e n a b l e d a s p a r i n g a n d
trast, u s e d a linear system with an " a l p h a b e t i c " ) script t h a t
regular application of t h e s e e d ) . T h e d a t e p a l m w a s a d d e d
h a d developed in Syria-Palestine. I t w a s , t h u s , suitable for
to grains (wheat, e m m e r , a n d barley) a n d vegetables (es
writing on other materials as well, s u c h as s l d n s / p a r c h m e n t
pecially onions a n d leeks) a n d b e c a m e a n i m p o r t a n t c r o p ;
a n d p a p y r u s . I n f o r m a t i o n , a b o u t Babylonia also c o m e s from
s o u t h e r n I r a q is still o n e of t h e largest d a t e - g r o w i n g r e g i o n s
t h e Hittite tradition in Asia M i n o r , from E g y p t i a n i n s c r i p
in t h e world. Vegetables a n d other useful p l a n t s w e r e often
tions, from t h e b o o k s of H e b r e w Bible, a n d from ancient
g r o w n in the area u n d e r n e a t h t h e d a t e trees. Fertilization of
a u t h o r s writing in G r e e k or L a t i n . T h e majority of t h e c u
the soil c o u l d o c c u r in c o n j u n c t i o n with t h e g r a z i n g of t h e
neiform texts from Babylonia were u-ansmitted in archives
h a r v e s t e d areas b y h e r d s of livestock b e l o n g i n g to t h e l a n d
or libraries as well as o n m o n u m e n t s a n d archaeological
o w n e r s or to s e m i n o m a d i c g r o u p s .
finds. A r a m a i c texts w e r e only p r e s e r v e d w h e n they w e r e
I n t h e raising of livestock, s h e e p a n d cattle p l a y e d t h e m o s t
written o n clay, stone, or other materials d u r a b l e e n o u g h t o
i m p o r t a n t role. T h e sheep w e r e primarily k e p t t o p r o v i d e
withstand the climate of M e s o p o t a m i a . [See S u m e r i a n ; A k
wool. T h e u s e of camels as w o r k i n g animals is first attested
kadian; A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d Literature; C u n e i f o r m . ]
in t h e late s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE; at t h a t t i m e t h e y p l a y e d
BABYLONIANS an especially i m p o r t a n t role i n t r a n s p o r t b e c a u s e they c a n carry quite large loads a n d cover great distances w i t h o u t water. C a m e l b r e e d i n g w a s primarily carried o u t b y s e m i n o m a d i c g r o u p s . I n d i e final analysis, it w a s t h e c a m e l t h a t p r o v i d e d t h e s e g r o u p s w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e i n d e p e n d e n c e from t h e settled p o p u l a t i o n a n d m a d e t h e m d e s e r t dwellers ( b e d o u i n ) . B e g i n n i n g in t h e m i d d l e of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m , horses w e r e u s e d i n Babylonia for d r a w i n g w a r chariots; it was only later t h a t they w e r e r i d d e n . M o s t i y , h o w e v e r , tiiey w e r e raised i n t h e cooler m o u n t a i n regions of the N e a r East. I n t h e third m i l l e n n i u m , t h e B a b y l o n i a n s w e r e already specializing in crafts, w h i c h c a n b e d e m o n s t r a t e d from t h e textual evidence; t h e y w e r e w o r k i n g i n d i g e n o u s materials (clay, r e e d s , leather) a n d , increasingly, i m p o r t e d material. Special m e n t i o n s h o u l d b e m a d e of their textile a n d leather p r o d u c t i o n , p o t t e r y , m e t a l w o r k i n g , a n d stoneworking. B e cause Babylonia w a s p o o r i n r a w materials, metals a n d s t o n e — i n c l u d i n g g e m s t o n e s — h a d t o b e b r o u g h t into t h e c o u n t r y either t h r o u g h t r a d e o r as w a r booty. W o o d was also i m p o r t e d b e c a u s e t h e i n d i g e n o u s species (especially p a l m s a n d tamarisk) did n o t p r o v i d e suitable c o n s t r u c t i o n material for large b u i l d i n g s , s u c h as p a l a c e s a n d t e m p l e s . T h e B a b y l o n i a n s e x c h a n g e d p r o d u c t s locally a n d r e g i o n ally, w i t h o u t special m a r k e t s , b u t a n e x c h a n g e system e x t e n d i n g b e y o n d t h e regional area was already in place i n t h e p r e s t a t e p e r i o d (before t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m ) . O n c e t h e B a b y l o n i a n s w e r e organized i n a city-state, or territorial state, this e x c h a n g e b e c a m e a w i d e - r e a c h i n g foreign t r a d e d o c u m e n t e d in t e m p l e , p a l a c e , a n d private archives. A l t h o u g h Babylonia's t r a d e w a s originally oriented t o w a r d t h e e a s t — t o w a r d t h e m o u n t a i n c o u n t r i e s t h a t w e r e rich in r a w materials o r t o w a r d t h e c o u n t r i e s o n t h e P e r s i a n Gulf—in t h e early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE t h e r e was a d e m o n s t r a b l e shift of e m p h a s i s t o w a r d d i e M e d i t e r r a n e a n . N e w p a r t n e r s h a d e m e r g e d t h e r e in t h e p a l a c e e c o n o m i e s of C r e t e a n d t h r o u g h t h e exploitation of t h e c o p p e r deposits o n C y p r u s . A s early as t h e f o u r t h m i l l e n n i u m , a n i m p o r t a n t t r a d e r o u t e f r o m t h e E u p h r a t e s t o Syria a n d Asia M i n o r i n c l u d e d s p u r s That b r a n c h e d off t o t h e w e s t t h r o u g h t h e Syrian desert s t e p p e t o Syria a n d t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n . B e g i n n i n g in t h e late s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m , t h e u s e o f t h e c a m e l as a t r a n s p o r t a n imal even m a d e it possible t o cross t h e desert s t e p p e s o u t h of P a l m y r a a n d t o r e a c h t h e P h o e n i c i a n coastal cities via a direct r o u t e f r o m B a b y l o n . T h e direction a n d intensity of this t r a d e c o n t r i b u t e d significantly t o cultural contacts for t h e Babylonians w i t h t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n area. O r g a n i z a t i o n o f S o c i e t y . I n t h e c o u r s e of t h e a p p r o x i m a t e l y t h r e e millennia d o c u m e n t e d b y t h e t e x t u a l evidence, B a b y l o n i a n society w e n t t h r o u g h a considerable c h a n g e , while preserving certain b a s i c traits. T h e Early D y n a s t i c p e riod ( c . 2800-2400 BCE) s h o w s a city-state structure (a city with settlements o n city territory) a n d a socially stratified p o p u l a t i o n . R e m n a n t s of earlier political organizations, s u c h
259
as councils of elders, w e r e s u b o r d i n a t e d to a n d m a d e t o serve t h e g r o w i n g m o n a r c h i c a l p o w e r . T h e t e m p l e s lost their role as t h e central e c o n o m i c a n d political institutions to t h e palace. A t t h e t i m e of t h e territorial states of Akkad a n d U r (c. 2400-2000 BCE), t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e ruler s u c c e e d e d in establishing itself even against t h e aristocracies of the former city-states t h a t h a d b e e n i n c o r p o r a t e d . T h e deification of t h e ldngs, attested from N a r a m - S i n of A k k a d (2259-2223 BCE) until the O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d (early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m ) , served firmly t o establish m o n a r c h i c a l rule—the king joined t h e local divinities as t h e g o d of t h e c o u n t r y . R o y a l legisla tion points t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of n e w e r , state-regulated a n d controlled n o r m s for c o m m u n i t y life, b u t a t t h e s a m e time hints a t social t e n s i o n s . T h e p r o d u c t i o n of t h e m e a n s of e a r n i n g a living was o r g a n i z e d in t h e f o r m of institutional (i.e., t e m p l e o r palace) h o u s e h o l d s , t o w h i c h t h e individual " h o u s e s " w e r e functionally a n d hierarchically assigned. T h e royal d o m a i n s w e r e a t t h e s a m e time centers for t h e distri b u t i o n of g o o d s in t h e f o r m of rations (barley, oil, a n d other commodities). T h e early O l d B a b y l o n i a n period (early second millen n i u m ) w a s characterized b y t h e individualization of social relationships. F r o m this t i m e o n , t h e palace economies r e p r e s e n t e d themselves primarily as a s u m total of smaller h o u s e h o l d s , w h i c h w o r k e d parcels of l a n d they h a d received subject t o various c o n d i t i o n s . I n e x c h a n g e they h a d t o p r o vide services in t h e f o r m of w o r k o r p r o d u c e . P a y m e n t s in t h e f o r m of p r o d u c e c o u l d b e excused for p e r s o n s w h o p a i d c o r r e s p o n d i n g s u m s of m o n e y t o t h e palace as a d v a n c e l u m p - s u m p a y m e n t s . A t t h e s a m e time, t h e role of leasing land increased i n t h e O l d Babylonian period; family p o s s e s sion of l a n d also seems t o h a v e e x p a n d e d d u r i n g then. T h e " e d i c t s " (misarii) p u b l i s h e d b y t h e O l d Babylonian kings (generally at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f their reigns) primarily signi fied d e b t relief, as well as t h e collection of laws into codices (especially t h e so-called c o d e of H a m m u r a b i ) . T h e y should certainly also b e u n d e r s t o o d as reactions to t h e e c o n o m i c a n d social p r o b l e m s t h a t arose t h r o u g h t h e t h r e a t to t h e i n dividual family as t h e f o u n d a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n a n d t h e army. In t h e Kassite p e r i o d (c, s e c o n d half of the second m i l l e n n i u m ) , stone p r o c l a m a t i o n s of gifts of land (kudurrus) p o i n t to t h e e m e r g e n c e of a larger private possession of land; nevertheless, this d e v e l o p m e n t does n o t seem to have a d v a n c e d consistently. A t any rate, in t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e riod (6th-5th centuries BCE) private possession o f land d i d n o t play a d o m i n a n t role. T h e t e m p l e a n d t h e palace c o n trolled d i e possession of land a n d all i m p o r t a n t e c o n o m i c activities; b u t they left r o o m for private involvement, as is expressed, for e x a m p l e , i n t h e institution of general leasing, in w h i c h t e n a n t s of large estates (e.g., of temples) f a r m e d o u t smaller areas t o o t h e r t e n a n t s . S o m e of t h e Jews from J e r u s a l e m w h o h a d b e e n d e p o r t e d t o Babylonia b y N e b u -
260
BABYLONIANS
chadrezzar II integrated themselves into this system at tiiat time. A r t a n d C t d t u r e . T h e Babylonians' m e t h o d s of earning a living, r e c o r d i n g history, a n d cultivating imagination found expression in tiieir artistic a n d literary legacy. T h e late fourth and early third millennia were a m o n g the m o s t c r e ative periods. M a n y of t h e artistic m e a n s of expression a n d stylistic devices t h a t e m e r g e d t h e n r e m a i n e d basic over t h e centuries t h a t followed. T h e m o s t lasting a c h i e v e m e n t was u n d o u b t e d l y t h e d e v e l o p m e n t b y t h e Babylonians of a sys t e m of writing, which enabled t h e transmission of entire bodies of knowledge. T h e i r architecture reflects t h e e m e r gence of large c o m m u n i t i e s with central cult sites, s u c h as h a v e been excavated especially in U b a i d , U r u k , a n d T u t u b (Khafajeh), w h e r e strong city walls suggest an increase in hostile attacks. T h e m e t h o d of construction was d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e s u n - d r i e d m u d brick, which, in the Early D y n a s t i c periods, a p p e a r e d in the so-called p l a n o - c o n v e x variety. T h e walls in religious buildings consisted of projections a n d indentations ( U b a i d period, fourth m i l l e n n i u m ) . T o stabilize a n d decorate walls, t h e Babylonians p r e s s e d p a t terns of colored clay pegs into die plaster on t h e walls ( U r u k period, early third m i l l e n n i u m ) . T h e i r temples d e v e l o p e d from small, single-roomed structures to m o n u m e n t a l b u i l d ings, in which the central cult r o o m was s u r r o u n d e d b y s y m metrically arranged subsidiary r o o m s ( U r u k p e r i o d ) . B e g i n n i n g in the Early D y n a s t i c p e r i o d (first quarter of t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m ) , the cult r o o m s b e c a m e separate spaces, often situated at the end of a ratiier large series of r o o m s ; cult practice for t h e masses t o o k place entirely in t h e c o u r t y a r d s , however. T h e Early D y n a s t i c buildings in Kish, E s h n u n n a , a n d Eridu that c o n t a i n e d reception r o o m s can be described as palaces. I n the U r u k period a rich artistic tradition developed t h a t is attested by realistically f o r m e d small figurines of h u m a n s a n d animals as well as reliefs o n stone vessels a n d o t h e r items. In the Early D y n a s t i c period a c h a n g e in stylistic d e vices took place. B a b y l o n i a n artists began t o depict h u m a n figures in a m o r e strongly stylized way. T h e y p r o v i d e d their cult statuettes of p r a y i n g figures with a cuneiform d e d i c a tion; they created dedicatory plaques with scenes of b a n queting or supplication; a n d they carved t h e earliest histor ical depictions (of w a r s , victories, festivals) in relief o n s t o n e slabs (the vulture stela of E a n a t u m , ruler of L a g a s h ) . T h e burials of m e m b e r s of t h e ruling h o u s e s , especially t h e royal graves from U r , b e a r witness t o sophisticated craftsmanship in metalworking, w h i c h already h a d a long tradition. Crafts m e n fashioned c o p p e r , often alloyed with arsenic or tin, as well as gold a n d silver, into jewelry, vessels, w e a p o n s , a n d o t h e r objects by m e a n s of a casting process (sometimes t h e lost-wax m e t h o d ) ; t h e y frequently c o m b i n e d metals w i t h semiprecious stones, especially lapis lazuli. L a r g e sculptures w e r e partially m o d e l e d over a b i t u m e n or w o o d core a n d thinly plated with c o p p e r , b r o n z e , or gold (Ur, U b a i d ) . Sol
d e r i n g t e c h n i q u e s were k n o w n a n d g r a n u l a t i o n t e c h n i q u e s were developed. D u r i n g t h e U r u k p e r i o d t h e B a b y l o n i a n s gradually r e placed the s t a m p seal, w h i c h h a d b e e n u s e d since prehistoric times, witii t h e cylinder seal, w h o s e u s e s p r e a d into n u m e r ous regions of t h e N e a r E a s t until t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e riod. T h e cylinder seal m a d e it possible t o r e p r e s e n t m a n y figured scenes tiirough a succession of pictures o n a " r o l l i n g " seal. Sealing witii clay allowed r o o m s a n d objects to be secured. L a t e r , rolling a seal o n a clay t a b l e t b e c a m e a t e c h n i q u e of legal certification of one's p e r s o n a l p r e s e n c e or of o n e ' s office. T h e Babylonians t o o k t h e design motifs of these seals, w h i c h c h a n g e d t h r o u g h o u t different p e r i o d s of u s e , primarily from m y t h i c a n d cultic r e a l m s . Archaeologists u s e t h e m as "type-fossils" to date stratigraphic levels. [See Seals.] Babylonian religious conceptualizations are m i r r o r e d in their visual arts a n d in inscriptions a n d m y t h i c a l texts t h a t w e r e later c o m m i t t e d to writing. A b o v e all, t o t h e B a b y l o nians t h e g o d s i n c o r p o r a t e d whatever w a s n e c e s s a r y for t h e c o m m u n i t y ' s c o n t i n u e d existence. T h e B a b y l o n i a n s c o n ceived a n d d e p i c t e d t h e m a n t h r o p o m o r p h i c a l l y — a s beings acting in h u m a n fashion. T h e epic tradition already told s t o ries of h e r o s w h o w e r e , a t t h e s a m e t i m e , or e v e n p r e d o m inantly, h u m a n beings ( G i l g a m e s h stories). T h e contacts of t h e city-states with each o t h e r furthered t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of a p a n t h e o n , in w h i c h t h e local gods a n d g o d d e s s e s w e r e ar r a n g e d according t o r a n k a n d relationship; Enlil, son of t h e father of t h e g o d s ; A n u m , or g o d , rose t o t h e t o p a n d r u l e d t h e universe witii d i e h e l p of " s p e c i a l i z e d " divinities. T h e Babylonians served their g o d s , p r o v i d i n g t h e m with food a n d drink a n d h o n o r e d t h e m in religious p r o c e s s i o n s or tiirough prayer; for this t h e y e x p e c t e d a service in r e t u r n . A t t h e s a m e time, h o w e v e r , t h e y also s o u g h t to u n d e r s t a n d tiieir natural e n v i r o n m e n t a n d to a r r a n g e it in lists a c c o r d i n g to c o n c e p t u a l g r o u p s . T h e Babylonians o b s e r v e d t h e h e a v enly bodies in r e s p e c t to d i e calendar. I n laying o u t a n d m e a s u r i n g their fields for agriculture t h e y u s e d a n d devel o p e d their a s t r o n o m i c a l a n d m a t h e m a t i c a l k n o w l e d g e . I n Babylonia t h e late t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m w a s m a r k e d b y t h e territorial states of A k k a d a n d U r . W h i l e t h e residence of t h e ruler of Akkad h a s n o t yet b e e n discovered, U r h a s p r o v i d e d p r o o f of extensive building activity. T h e s t e p p e d t e m p l e (ziggurat) d e v e l o p e d from temples o n terraces a n d c o n t i n u e d to be built until into t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d . T h e transition to a b r o a d - r o o m cella with a n altar a n d a cult statue in a niche w a s an innovation. I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e t e m ple, t h e palaces a p p e a r e d to b e i n d e p e n d e n t architectural c o m p l e x e s . Essentially t h e y r e p r e s e n t e n l a r g e d residential h o u s e s i n a s m u c h as they, like t h e c o u r t y a r d h o u s e , w e r e ori e n t e d t o w a r d t h e inside w i t h closed, w i n d o w l e s s exteriors. S u n - d r i e d clay r e m a i n e d t h e p r e d o m i n a n t b u i l d i n g material, b u t f o r m e d into r e c t a n g u l a r bricks. F i g u r i n e s (terra cottas) of h u m a n s a n d animals w e r e less a n d less frequentiy f o r m e d
BABYLONIANS b y h a n d , b u t were p r e s s e d in m o l d s . L a r g e - s c a l e s c u l p t u r e c o n c e n t r a t e d o n r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of rulers; these s h o w e x cellent k n o w l e d g e of a n a t o m y a n d a g o o d m a s t e r y of s t o n e w o r k i n g t e c h n i q u e s in s u c h h a r d s t o n e as diorite. Battle scenes p r e d o m i n a t e in B a b y l o n i a n relief carvings (cf. t h e N a r a m - S i n stela) i n w h i c h t h e h e r o i c ruler is s h o w n s u b j u gating defeated p e o p l e s . I n t h e U r III p e r i o d (late third m i l l e n n i u m B C E ) , scenes of s u p p l i c a t i o n o n c e m o r e c a m e to t h e fore in increased n u m b e r s — a d e v e l o p m e n t also f o u n d in t h e glyptic arts. F r e q u e n t l y , a n "initiation s c e n e " is depicted, in w h i c h the w o r s h i p e r is p o r t r a y e d h o l d i n g t h e h a n d of a n i n t e r m e d i a r y p r o t e c t o r g o d b e f o r e t h e t h r o n e of t h e chief god. I n literature, in addition t o h y m n s to t h e gods, h y m n s to t h e kings a p p e a r as a n e w g e n r e . F r o m t h e time of N a r a m Sin of A k k a d until t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d , t h e deification of s o m e rulers is also k n o w n . T h e y a p p e a r e d as t h e g o d s of t h e state in c o n t r a s t to t h e local g o d s of t h e subjugated for m e r city-states. Eventually, t h r o u g h tire p r o c e s s of integra tion a n d m e r g i n g , t h e n u m b e r of g o d s in t h e B a b y l o n i a n p a n t h e o n w a s gradually r e d u c e d . T h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d (first half of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m ) is still relatively p o o r in architectural r e m a i n s . I n B a b y l o n itself, t h e h i g h level of t h e g r o u n d w a t e r has p r e v e n t e d t h e excavation of t h e a r c h i t e c t u r e of H a m m u r a b i ' s dynasty. C o n t e m p o r a r y M a r i , o n t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s , m a y b e t h e b e s t - r e s e a r c h e d e x a m p l e for t h a t p e r i o d . R e m a i n s of palace buildings h a v e b e e n f o u n d in O l d B a b y l o n i a n L a r s a , U r u k , a n d possibly also in E s h n u n n a . T e m p l e buildings are d e m o n s t r a t e d in m a n y places, a n d at Sadupp u m (Tell H a r m a l ) , n e a r B a g h d a d , a n O l d B a b y l o n i a n city, a n d at U r , residential q u a r t e r s are recognizable. T h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l s c u l p t u r e a n d reliefs are still scantily r e p r e s e n t e d ; t h e b e s t k n o w n is t h e stela of H a m m u r a b i with t h e laws, w h i c h s h o w s t h e k i n g in a gesture of supplication before t h e s u n g o d S h a m a s h , a m o n u m e n t actually f o u n d in t h e E l a m i t e city of Susa. T h e terra-cotta reliefs typical of t h e O l d B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d o c c u r in great n u m b e r s , h o w e v e r , offering a n i m p r e s s i o n of t h e t r e a s u r e trove of motifs from this p e r i o d a n d reflecting t h e literary transmissions. In t h e glyptic arts, it is interesting t h a t initiation scenes m o r e often s h o w t h e w o r s h i p e r directly before t h e e n t h r o n e d g o d h e a d , suggesting p e r h a p s a greater sense of self-worth o n t h e p a r t of t h e h u m a n b e i n g . T h i s c o n c e p t m a y also b e reflected in t h e literature of this p e r i o d , a b o v e all in t h e G i l g a m e s h epic, in w h i c h t h e search for eternal y o u t h is a leitmotif. T h a t h u m a n b e i n g s , in c o n trast to t h e g o d s , g r o w old a n d die c o n t r i b u t e d t o existential d o u b t s a n d t o t h e search for explanations in other c o m p o sitions as well, leading t o a fully d e v e l o p e d o m e n literature as well as to d o u b t s a b o u t t h e righteousness of t h e w o r l d o r d e r established b y t h e g o d s . T h e city g o d of B a b y l o n , M a r d u k , b e g a n t o play a n i m p o r t a n t role a m o n g t h e divin ities of t h e B a b y l o n i a n p a n t h e o n d u r i n g t h e Old B a b y l o n i a n period.
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W i t h r e s p e c t to its a r c h i t e c t u r e , t h e Kassite p e r i o d in B a b ylonia (c. s e c o n d half of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE) is b e s t k n o w n t h r o u g h t h e excavations a t D u r K u r i g a l z u ( m o d e r n ' A q a r Q u f ) , w h o s e ziggurat is still an impressive ruin. F r o m K a s s i t e U r u k c o m e s t h e t e m p l e facade of bricks t h a t depicts t h e w a t e r divinities in h i g h relief. I n s c u l p t u r e t h e so-called kudurrus are n o t e w o r t h y ; in addition to t h e text of a l a n d transfer, these stone p r o c l a m a t i o n s r e p r o d u c e t h e symbols of the divine witnesses a n d also c o n t i n u e to be m a n u f a c t u r e d in file following period. I n t h e literary tradition, t h e Kassite p e r i o d primarily p r e s e r v e d a n d refined w h a t h a d b e e n h a n d e d d o w n ; the G i l g a m e s h stories, for e x a m p l e , were for m a t t e d into a c o h e r e n t e p i c . T h e city g o d of B a b y l o n , M a r d u k , rose t o the t o p of t h e p a n t h e o n . W h i l e there w a s already a recognizable separation b e t w e e n t h e literary l a n g u a g e a n d t h e p o p u l a r language of t h e B a b y l o n i a n s , in t h e K a s s i t e p e r i o d this d e v e l o p m e n t contin u e d in t h e p e r i o d of Assyrian d o m i n a n c e , as A r a m a i c p r o b ably m o r e a n d m o r e b e c a m e t h e B a b y l o n i a n s ' colloquial lan g u a g e . I n their official inscriptions a n d learned tradition, h o w e v e r , t h e Babylonians c o n t i n u e d to u s e the Babylonian l a n g u a g e a n d c u n e i f o r m writing, t h e tradition, essentially, b y w h i c h t h e y are k n o w n t o d a y . It is n o t until t h e N e o B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d (604-539 BCE) t h a t t h e architecture a n d art of t h e Babylonians a r e again better attested. At t h a t time N e b u c h a d r e z z a r II h a d t h e city of B a b y l o n rebuilt as his s p l e n d i d residence city. I n t h e p r o c e s s , large colored glazed bricks w e r e u s e d to cover t h e walls. I n his official inscrip tions, N e b u c h a d r e z z a r consciously affiliated himself with t h e Old Babylonian p e r i o d , w h e n a fairly sizable e m p i r e h a d similarly b e e n ruled f r o m B a b y l o n . [See also Akkade; ' A q a r Quf; Babylon; E r i d u ; E s h n u n n a ; G i r s u a n d L a g a s h ; Isin; Kassites; Khafajeh; K i s h ; Larsa; M a r i ; N i p p u r ; S u m e r i a n s ; U b a i d ; U r ; U r u k - W a r k a ; and Ziggurat. In addition, see M e s o p o t a m i a , article on Ancient Mesopotamia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bottero, Jean. Mesopotamia: 1992.
Writing, Reasoning, and the Gods. Chicago,
Collon, D o m i n i q u e . First Impressions: East. Chicago, 1988.
Cylinder Seals in the Ancient
Dalley, Stephanie. Myths from Mesopotamia: gamesh, and Others. Oxford, 1989. F r a m e , G r a n t . Babylonia 1992.
689-627
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the Flood, Gil
B. C: A Political History.
Frayne, Douglas R. Old Babylonian Period (2003-1595 1990.
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B. C.j. T o r o n t o ,
H r o u d a , Barthel, ed. Der Alte Orient: Geschichte und Kultur des alten Vorderasiens. M u n i c h , 1991. Klengel, H o r s t , ed. Kullurgeschichte Klengel, Horst. Konig Hammurapi
des alten Vorderasien. Berlin, 1989. und der Alltag Babylons. Zurich,
1991. Oates, J o a n . Babylon. Rev. ed. L o n d o n , 1986. O r t h m a n n , Winfried, ed. Der Alte Orient. Propylaen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 14. Berlin, 1975.
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BADE, WILLIAM FREDERIC
Postgate, J. N . Early Mesopotamia: Society and Economy at the Dawn of History. L o n d o n , 1994. Roaf, Michael. Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. N e w York, 1990. Westbrook, Raymond. " C u n e i f o r m Law Codes and the Origins of Leg islation." Zeitschrifl fur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archdologie 79 (1989): 2 0 1 - 2 2 2 . EVELYN KLENGBL-BKANDT
Translated from German by Susan I. Schiedel
M c C o w n , Chester C . Tell en-Nasbeh, vol. 1, Archaeological and Histor ical Residts. Berkeley, 1947. W a m p l e r , Joseph C. Tell en-Nasbeh, vol. 2, The Pottery. Berkeley, 1 9 4 7 . Zorn, Jeffrey R. " T h e Bade Institute of Biblical Archaeology." Biblical Archaeologist 5 1 . 1 ( 1 9 8 8 ) : 3 6 - 4 5 . Reviews the Institute's history, p u r pose, a n d displays, with m a n y excellent illustrations. Zorn, Jeffrey R. "William Frederic B a d e . " Biblical Archaeologist 5 1 . 1 (1988): 2 8 - 3 5 . T h e latest a n d most comprehensive account of Bade's work, with a bibliography of his scholarly contributions. JEFFREY R . ZORN
BADE, WILLIAM FREDERIC
(1871-1936), p r o fessor of O l d T e s t a m e n t literature a n d Semitic languages a n d excavator of t h e site of Tell e n - N a s b e h n o r t h w e s t of Jerusalem (1926, 1927,1929, 1932, a n d 1935). B a d e t a u g h t at t h e Pacific School of Religion in Berkeley, California, from 1902 until his death. A l t h o u g h n o t teamed as a n a r chaeologist, B a d e carried o u t his excavation at T e l l e n N a s b e h based o n t h e highest s t a n d a r d s of his d a y . H e cleared a b o u t two thirds of t h e site, i n t e n d i n g t o test its iden tification with biblical M i z p a h of Benjamin, w h i c h is n o w generally accepted. T h e m e t h o d h e e m p l o y e d w a s t h e s o called Reisner-Fisher m e t h o d , dividing t h e tell into 10-meter squares and excavating in strips. Following t h e excavation, the strips were filled in. B a d e kept meticulous r e c o r d s , i n cluding p l a n s , p h o t o g r a p h s , a n d descriptions of a b o u t t w e n t y - t h r e e - t h o u s a n d artifacts, all of t h e m d r a w n to scale, Bade's fieldwork ranks above t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y excavations at B e t h - S h e m e s h a n d B e t h - S h e a n , a n d below those a t M e giddo a n d Tell Beit M i r s i m . Bade died after t h e final season at T e l l e n - N a s b e h so t h a t the excavation's final r e p o r t w a s p r e p a r e d b y his colleague, Chester C . M c C o w n , a n d chief recorder, J o s e p h C . W a m pler (1947). B a d e ' s publication o f t h e s i t e i s generally limited to preliminary reports of the early c a m p a i g n s a n d short a r ticles o n specific finds. Although m a n y excavators before h i m h a d written brief s u m m a r i e s of tiieir methodologies as prefaces o r a p p e n d i c e s to their r e p o r t s , B a d e ' s A Manual of Excavation in the Near East was t h e first v o l u m e written as a n i n d e p e n d e n t a c c o u n t of t h e work of an excavation a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of its methodology. T o d a y , t h e B a d e Institute of Biblical A r c h a e ology in Berkeley h o u s e s a m u s e u m whose displays of Tell e n - N a s b e h materials illuminate daily life in t h e ancient I s rael. [See also N a s b e h , Tell en-.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. "William Frederic Bade, Jan. 2 2 , 1 8 7 1 - M a r c h 4 , 1 9 3 6 . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 62 ( 1 9 3 6 ) : 4 - 5 . Short critical review of Bade's life. Bade, William Frederic. A Manual of Excavation in the Near East. Berke ley, 1934. A must for those interested in the development of archae ological methodology in Syria-Palestine, describing t h e state of the art in the 1930s.
BADIAT ASH-SHAM,
t h e s t e p p e lands of s o u t h eastern Syria, eastern J o r d a n , a n d w e s t e r n Iraq. Rainfall i n this region is insufficient for agriculture, as a result, t h e lands were, a n d still are, primarily u s e d b y n o m a d i c h e r d e r s , vis ited b y h u n t e r s , a n d crossed b y traders. T h e region is divided into t w o distinct e n v i r o n m e n t a l zones, t h e harm, a r o u g h , r o c k - s t r e w n basaltic region, a n d the hamad, o p e n , gravel-covered l i m e s t o n e plains. W a t e r is scarce b u t t h e r e a r e three major oases, a n u m b e r of wells, and also areas w h e r e water is held in pools for s o m e m o n t h s after t h e winter rains. T h e m a i n oases are a t a l - K o w m i n t h e n o r t h , P a l m y r a in central Syria, a n d a l - A z r a q in eastern J o r dan. T h e Badiat a s h - S h a m w a s u s e d sporadically t h r o u g h o u t t h e prehistoric p e r i o d s . Paleolithic sites h a v e b e e n f o u n d a r o u n d t h e oases, b u r i e d u n d e r several m e t e r s of later d e position. K e b a r a n c a m p sites (c. 15,000-10,000 BCE) are also f o u n d near major water sources. I n t h e N a t u f i a n p e r i o d (c. 10,000-9,500 BCE), w h e n settlements in t h e v e r d a n t areas w e r e b e c o m i n g larger a n d m o r e p e r m a n e n t , sites w i t h stone h u t s a n d heavy grinding tools w e r e established o n t h e edges of t h e region, in areas w h e r e t h e rainfall w a s highest. I n t h e early Neolithic p e r i o d (c. 8500-6000 BCE), t h e area was u s e d b y h u n t e r - g a t h e r e r s . T o w a r d t h e e n d of tiiat p e riod, t h e g r o u p s d e v e l o p e d sophisticated h u n t i n g t e c h n i q u e s , u s i n g stone o r b r u s h w o o d enclosures t o t r a p large h e r d s of g a m e . I n t h e late N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d (c. 6000-5000 BCE) sheep a n d goat h e r d i n g were i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e region. S h e e p a n d goat w e r e already b e i n g k e p t as d o m e s t i c a t e d animals in villages of t h e v e r d a n t z o n e , b u t this e x p a n s i o n into t h e steppe m a r k e d t h e b e g i n n i n g of a pastoral n o m a d i c way of life t h a t h a s always b e e n t h e e c o n o m i c m a i n s t a y of the peoples of t h e badia. [See S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Pastoral N o m a d i s m . ] I n t h e Chalcolithic a n d Early B r o n z e p e r i o d s (fourth-third millennia B C E ) , villages were established o n t h e western margins of d i e s t e p p e , specifically in t h e H a u r a n region. B y t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE, a series of fortified settlements a n d stations g r e w u p o n t h e m o r e v e r d a n t fringes of t h e badia. A l t h o u g h t h e a r c h a e o l o g ical r e c o r d for t h e early historic p e r i o d s is still limited, these sites f o r m a b a c k g r o u n d t o m o r e extensive evidence from textual sources, particularly t h e archives of t h e R o y a l Palace at M a r i o n t h e M i d d l e E u p h r a t e s River. I n t h e early s e c o n d
B A G A T T I , BELLARMLNO m i l l e n n i u m BCE, t h e kings of M a r i r u l e d over lands u s e d b y s e m i n o m a d i c s h e p h e r d - f a r m e r s w h o g r a z e d their flocks of s h e e p a n d g o a t s in t h e badia
d o w n as far as P a l m y r a a n d t h e
s t e p p e to t h e east of D a m a s c u s a n d also r a i d e d P a l m y r a a n d n o r t h to Q a t n a . F a r t h e r s o u t h a t this t i m e , t h e badia w a s u s e d in w i n t e r a n d s p r i n g b y h u n t e r - h e r d e r s . By d i e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, camel h e r d i n g w a s i n t r o d u c e d , a n d t h e badia b e c a m e n o t only p a s t u r e l a n d for camel b r e e d e r s , b u t also t h e c r o s s r o a d s of several major t r a d e r o u t e s b e t w e e n u r b a n centers in M e s o p o t a m i a , Syria-Pal estine, a n d Arabia. [See C a m e l s . ] B y t h e time of t h e R o m a n c o n q u e s t of w e s t e r n Asia, d i e n o m a d s of t h e badia w e r e e c o nomically sophisticated a n d m a n y w e r e literate, as is attested b y n u m e r o u s inscriptions a n d graffiti carved o n rocks t h r o u g h o u t t h e region. R e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e R o m a n s a n d t h e A r a b s involved b o t h conflict a n d c o o p e r a t i o n . T h e R o m a n s c o n s t r u c t e d frontier p o s t s (limes Arabians), fort at a l - A z r a q , o n t h e m a r g i n s of t h e badia,
s u c h as t h e
to monitor the
activities of t h e A r a b s . [See L i m e s Arabicus.] By t h e sixth c e n t u r y CE, m a n y of t h e t r i b e s of t h e badia
had converted to
Christianity; s o m e h a d e n t e r e d i n t o a client relationship w i t h t h e B y z a n t i n e g o v e r n m e n t , a s s u m i n g c o n t r o l over t h e s t e p pic b o r d e r l a n d s w i t h t h e P e r s i a n s . T h e s e client " k i n g s " (Ghassanids) began an ambitious building program t h r o u g h o u t t h e area. D u r i n g this time, m o n a s t e r i e s a n d h e r m i t s ' retreats were f o u n d e d in t h e s t e p p e . T h e r e m a y h a v e b e e n o n e s u c h religious e s t a b l i s h m e n t at Q a s r B u r q u ' , d e e p in t h e s t e p p e o n t h e eastern e d g e of t h e harra.
T h e coming
of Islam saw further b u i l d i n g activity in t h e badia, w h i c h p r o d u c e d t h e m u l t i p u r p o s e d e s e r t castles, s u c h as Q a s r alH a y r (East a n d W e s t ) , Jebel Seys, d i e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n at Q a s r B u r q u ' , a n d Q a s r ' A m r a , a m o n g m a n y others. After t h e early ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d , archaeological r e c o r d s are restricted t o inscriptions, mostly of a religious n a t u r e , a n d sherd scat ters at various sites. [See also A z r a q ; M a r i ; P a l m y r a ; Q a s r al-Hayr a l - G h a r b i ; Q a s r a l - H a y r a s h - S h a r q i ; and Q a s r B u r q u ' . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Dentzer, Jean-Marie, ed. Hauran I: Recherches archeologiques sur la Syrie du Sud a l'epoque hellinistique et romaine. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 124. Paris, 1985. Study of the H a u r a n in the R o m a n period, including historical geography a n d data from surveys a n d excavations. G r a b a r , Oleg, et al. City in the Desert: Qasr al-Hayr East. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1978. Detailed architectural report o n one of the major m o n u m e n t s of the later historical periods in the Badiat ash-Sham. H e l m s , S. W . Early Islamic Architecture of the Desert: A Bedouin Station in Eastern Jordan. E d i n b u r g h , 1990. Study of an early Islamic station in the badia, with a useful a c c o u n t of t h e history of n o m a d i c peoples in the Badiat a s h - S h a m . M a t t h e w s , Victor H . Pastoral Nomadism in the Mari Kingdom, ca. 1830-1760 B.C. A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental Research, Disserta tion Series, 3. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1978. Detailed discussion of the evidence for pastoral n o m a d s in t h e M a r i archives. Parker, S. T h o m a s . Romans and Saracens: A History of the Arabian Fron
263
tier. American Schools of Oriental Research, Dissertation Series, 6. W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1986. Intensive a n d detailed survey of the limes Arabicus. Poidebard, Antoine. La trace de Rome dans le desert de Syrie. Paris, 1934. Early aerial photographs of R o m a n a n d other sites in a n d a r o u n d the Badiat ash-Sham. M a n y of the sites have n o w disappeared. Sartre, M a u r i c e , Trois etudes sur I'Arable romaine at byzantine. Collection L a t o m u s , vol. 178. Brussels, 1982. Detailed study of epigraphic and textual evidence for the pre-Islamic periods in Arabia. ALISON V . G . BETTS
B A G A T T I , B E L L A R M L N O (1905-1990), F r a n c i s c a n p r i e s t w h o s e research a n d discoveries sparked a lively interest in Judaeo-Christianity a n d p r o v i d e d evidence for t h e Christian p r e s e n c e in t h e H o l y L a n d before t h e era of C o n stantine. After obtaining a d e g r e e in Christian archaeology in R o m e , Bagatti t a u g h t at t h e S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m in Jerusalem for a l m o s t fifty years. H e excavated at C o m m o d i l l a ' s c e m e t e r y in R o m e a n d in different p a r t s of the H o l y L a n d : t h e Beatitudes S h r i n e , t h e Visitation at ' E i n K e r e m , E m m a u s / Q u b e i b e h , B e t h l e h e m , t h e M t . of Olives, Nazareth, M t . Carmel, and Khirbet el-Mukhayyat (Mt. N e b o ) . H i s essays o n t h e C h u r c h e s of t h e C i r c u m c i s i o n a n d of Gentility a n d o n a n c i e n t Christian villages in Galilee, Sa maria, J u d e a ( J u d a h ) , a n d t h e N e g e v are indispensable for a n y o n e interested in t h e history of Christianity in t h e Holy L a n d . Bagatti's m e t h o d o l o g i c a l principle, ever p r e s e n t in his research, w a s a n a p p r o a c h u s i n g b o t h m o n u m e n t s a n d d o c u m e n t s . T h i s a c c o u n t s for t h e n u m e r o u s references to his torical a n d literary sources in his work. [See also B e t h l e h e m ; E m m a u s ; F r a n c i s c a n C u s t o d y of t h e
H o l y L a n d ; Jerusalem; N a z a r e t h ; and N e b o , M o u n t . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bagatti, Bellarmino, a n d J. T . Milik. Gli scavi del "Dominus Flevit" (Monte Oliveto). S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m (SBF), Collectio Maior, 13. Jerusalem, 1958. See Part 1, " L a necropoli del pcriodo romano." Bagatti, Bellarmino. Excavations in Nazareth, vol. 1, From the Beginning till the XII Century. S B F , Collectio Maior, 17. Jerusalem, 1969. Bagatti, Bellarmino. Ancient Christian Villages of Galilee (1971). S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 13. Jerusalem, in press. Bagatti, Bellarmino. The Church from the Circumcision: History and Ar chaeology of Judaeo-Christians. T r a n s l a t e d by Eugene H o a d e . S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 2. Jerusalem, 1971. Bagatti, Bellarmino. The Church from the Gentiles in Palestine: History and Archaeology. T r a n s l a t e d by E u g e n e H o a d e . S B F , Collectio M i nor, 4. Jerusalem, 1971. Bagatti, Bellarmino, et al. New Discoveries at the Tomb of Virgin Mary in Gethsemane. S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 17. Jerusalem, 1975. Bagatti, Bellarmino, a n d A. Battista. Edizione critica del testo arabo "Historia Iosephi Fabri Lignarii" e ricerche sulla sua origine. S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 20. Jerusalem, 1978. Bagatti, Bellarmino, a n d E m m a n u e l e Testa. / / Golgota e la Croce: Ri cerche storico-archeologiche. S B F , Collectio Minor, 21. Jerusalem, 1978. Bagatti, Bellarmino, Ancient Christian Villages of Samaria (1979). S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 19. Jerusalem, in press.
264
BAGHDAD
Bagatti, Bellarmino, and D o n a t o Baldi. Saint Jean-Baptiste dans les sou venirs de sa Patrie. S B F , Collectio M i n o r , 27. Jerusalem, 1980. Bagatti, Bellarmino. Ancient Christian Villages of Judah and the Negeb (1983). SBF, Collectio Minor, 24. Jerusalem, in press. Bagatti, Bellarmino, and Eugenio Alliata. Gli scavi di Nasaret, vol. 2, Dal secolo XII ad oggi. SBF, Collectio Maior, 17. Jerusalem, 1984. Bottini, Giovanni Claudio. "Bibliografia di Padre Bellarmino Bagatti, ofm." Studium Biblicum FranciscanumlLiber Annutts 40 (1990): 3 9 7 442. Bottini, Giovanni Claudio. " I n memoriam: Bellarmino Bagatti, ofm." Studium Biblicum FranciscanumlLiber Annum 40 (1990): 538-540. Padre Bellarmino Bagatti: Francescano, saccrdote, archeologo, SBF, M u seum 9. Florence and Jerusalem, 1 9 9 1 . Includes a bibliography of Bagatti's work. T e s t a , Emmanuele, et al., eds. Studia Hierosolymitana in onore del P. Bellarmino Bagatti, vol. I , Studi archeologici; vol. 2, Studi esegetici. SBF, Collectio Maior, 22-23. Jerusalem, 976. J
a series of p o n t o o n bridges t h a t could b e c u t f r o m their m o o r i n g s , d e n y i n g potential enemies access t o t h e caliph's flank. T h e built waterways similarly served as n a t u r a l b a r riers in time of attack. T h e first major s t r u c t u r e to b e erected w a s t h e R o u n d City, called M a d i n a t al-Salam. It was built on t h e site of an old h a m l e t on t h e w e s t side of the river t h a t w a s called B a g h d a d . T h a t n a m e was s u b s e q u e n t l y applied t o t h e entire u r b a n area. Before the f o u n d i n g of the ' A b b a s i d city, t h e r e w e r e a n u m b e r of villages in the general area. T h e s e w e r e divided a m o n g four administrative districts o n b o t h sides of t h e Tigris: Q a t r a b b u l , B a d u r a y a , N a h r B u q , a n d K a l w a d h a . A small m a r k e t area k n o w n as t h e T u e s d a y M a r k e t w a s sit-. u a t e d on b o t h sides of t h e river, t o service t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e four districts.
GIOVANNI CLAUDIO BOTTINI
B A G H D A D , t h e major administrative center of the ' A b basid caliphate (750-1258 CE) a n d the capital of t h e m o d e r n state of Iraq (33°26'i8" N , 44°23'9" E ) . T h e city was founded in 762 CE by t h e second 'Abbasid caliph A b u Ja'far al-Mansur. Previously, the ' A b b a s i d rulers h a d established the center of their administration at a n u m b e r of sites in Iraq, each of w h i c h w a s called al-Hashimiyyah. It w o u l d a p p e a r t h a t the 'Abbasids preferred to build their administrative complexes in the vicinity of established u r b a n centers, b u t they always left a discreet distance between an area reserved for the g o v e r n m e n t a n d military a n d the u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n . In this way they h o p e d t o p r o v i d e for security while availing themselves of nearby g o o d s a n d services. T h e p a t t e r n seems to have b e e n e m p l o y e d at B a g h d a d as well. T h e caliph's decision t o seek a new location at w h i c h to build still a n o t h e r administrative center was conditioned by security needs. A l - M a n s u r ' s c u r r e n t administrative center was situated in the general vicinity of K u f a h , a city k n o w n for its residual s u p p o r t of Shi'i causes. After a lengthy search, in which h e followed the course of the Tigris River as far as M o s u l , the caliph decided to c o n s t r u c t a palace complex at tire junction of the Tigris a n d the Sarat Canal, the latter a c o n s t r u c t e d w a t e r w a y t h a t bifurcated from the E u p h r a t e s River. T h i s particular location offered certain strategic a n d geographic advantages. T h e Sarat, w h i c h was d e e p e n o u g h to allow for commercial traffic, e n a b l e d the caliph to utilize I r a q ' s t w o major river systems: t h e Tigris a n d t h e E u p h r a t e s . M o r e o v e r , the city was astride t h e major overland highways a n d pilgrimage routes. B a g h d a d thus b e c a m e the commercial as well as geographic epicenter of t h e newly established ' A b b a s i d regime. T h e palace c o m p l e x itself was s u r r o u n d e d by t h r e e bodies of water: t h e Tigris a n d t h e u p p e r and lower a r m s of t h e Sarat. T h e T i g r i s , a wide, u n d u l a t i n g river, could n o t b e forded at the site of the city. T h r o u g h o u t the history of B a g h d a d , m o v e m e n t across the Tigris was funneled t h r o u g h
T h e construction of a major edifice o n a sparsely settled site r e q u i r e d an organized a n d highly efficient set of w o r k p r o c e d u r e s . It w a s n o t until a large labor force h a d b e e n a s s e m b l e d that c o n s t r u c t i o n was actually b e g u n , a n d it t o o k four years to c o m p l e t e all the major elements of t h e R o u n d City, thus allowing the caliph time to transfer his old capital from near K u f a h . W i t h tens of t h o u s a n d s of workers a s s e m bling from the outlying districts a n d f r o m areas even farther r e m o v e d , t h e skilled a n d unskilled laborers, the artisans, a n d t h e military w h o k e p t o r d e r all r e q u i r e d h o u s i n g a n d access t o established m a r k e t s for services. A l - M a n s u r ' s capital therefore a s s u m e d a quality of p e r m a n e n c e in places b e y o n d the walls, even before t h e R o u n d City w a s c o m p l e t e d . T h e u r b a n area a r o u n d its original walls eventually d e v e l o p e d into a sprawling c o m p l e x of i n t e r d e p e n d e n t e l e m e n t s with m a r k e t s , m o s q u e s , a n d cemeteries. T h e area b e l o w t h e S a r a t C a n a l , w h i c h c o n t a i n e d t h e T u e s d a y M a r k e t , developed into the great c o m m e r c i a l s u b u r b called a l - K a r k h a n d w a s inhabited by t h e general p o p u l a c e . T h e area n o r t h of t h e S a r a t a n d b e y o n d the R o u n d City w a s originally set aside for billeting the a r m y . T h e R o u n d C i t y w a s n o t a c o n v e n t i o n a l city. It c o n t a i n e d n o e c o n o m i c infrastructure whatsoever, a n d strict p r e c a u tions were taken to limit access b y t h e general p o p u l a c e . It w a s m o r e correctly an e n o r m o u s p a l a c e c o m p l e x t h a t h o u s e d t h e residence a n d m o s q u e of t h e caliph, the resi dences of his y o u n g e r children, t h e agencies of g o v e r n m e n t , a n d residences for the g o v e r n m e n t b u r e a u c r a c y t h a t staffed t h e agencies of g o v e r n m e n t as well as a skeleton force of security p e r s o n n e l . T h e size of t h e c o m p l e x , 450 ha (1,132 acres) w a s u n p r e c e d e n t e d . T h o u g h only a p a l a c e c o m p l e x , it was, in fact, larger t h a n any u r b a n settlement in the Diyala plains, the area t h a t was the vast h i n t e r l a n d of B a g h d a d . T h e R o u n d City consisted of four architectural elements: o u t e r fortifications, an i n n e r residential area of s y m m e t r i cally arranged streets, a second i n n e r area of g o v e r n m e n t agencies, a n d , m o v i n g t o w a r d t h e center of t h e circle, a n i n n e r courtyard in w h i c h t h e caliph's p a l a c e a n d t h e adjoin ing F r i d a y m o s q u e w e r e situated. T h e o u t e r fortifications
BAGHDAD w e r e two c o n c e n t r i c walls s e p a r a t e d b y a n intenallum. The i n n e r wall, d i e city's major protective wall, w a s flanked b y r o u n d e l s . Access t o t h e residential area a n d t h e central c o u r t was gained t h r o u g h four e l a b o r a t e gateways a n d arcades b e g i n n i n g at t h e o u t e r wall a n d e x t e n d i n g t o t h e circular c o u r t . T h e four gate c o m p l e x e s w e r e situated along t h e central axis of t h e caliph's residence a n d t h u s f o r m e d t h e city's n o r t h east, n o r t h w e s t , s o u t h e a s t , a n d s o u t h w e s t q u a d r a n t s . T h e y originally c o n t a i n e d security forces p r o t e c t i n g t h e a p p r o a c h e s t o t h e central c o u r t . T h e a r c a d e system w a s s y m bolically, as well as functionally, a n extension of t h e caliph's d o m a i n . T h e p u r p o s e of t h e R o u n d C i t y w a s t o c o m b i n e t h e caliph's r e s i d e n c e a n d m o s q u e w i t h t h e agencies of g o v e r n m e n t , t h e residences of t h e r e g i m e ' s p u b l i c servants, a n d security forces. Access to t h e general p u b l i c was restricted a n d m o v e m e n t to t h e central c o u r t carefully m o n i t o r e d . T h e very size of t h e p a l a c e c o m p l e x , a n d t h e large a n d exclusive p o p u l a t i o n it c o n t a i n e d , m a d e it difficult to service a n d supply. A s a result, v a r i o u s distributive outlets w e r e p e r m i t t e d within t h e walls, b u t following a b r e a c h of security, t h e m e r c h a n t s w h o h a d b e e n p e r m i t t e d entry into t h e city w e r e r e m o v e d . T h e caliph, a w a r e t h a t his original p l a n for discrete g o v e r n m e n t a n d p r i v a t e sectors h a d b e e n c o m p r o m i s e d , m o v e d to a m o r e m o d e s t r e s i d e n c e outside t h e R o u n d City, along t h e T i g r i s . T h e caliph h a d previously b e g u n c o n s t r u c t i o n of a s e c o n d palace c o m p l e x across t h e river. T h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n o n t h e east side of t h e T i g r i s w a s c o m p l e t e d b y his son a n d successor, a l - M a h d i in 776 CE. T h e n e w area, called a r - R u s a f a h , or A s k a r a l - M a h d i , c o n t a i n e d a magnificent p a l a c e a n d F r i d a y m o s q u e t h a t w a s to serve as t h e residence of t h e heir a p p a r e n t . W h e n a l - M a h d i c a m e to p o w e r , h e took u p r e s i d e n c e in t h e palace built e x pressly for h i m . U n l i k e t h e R o u n d City, w h i c h h a d b e e n partiy c h o s e n for its a d v a n t a g e o u s location n e a r t h e T u e s d a y M a r k e t , t h e situating of a r - R u s a f a h was d e t e r m i n e d p r i marily b y its strategic location o p p o s i t e t h e g o v e r n m e n t sec tor o n t h e u p p e r west side of d i e river. T h i s created t w o p r o b l e m s : a lack of water a n d a lack of services in t h e a b sence of a major n e a r b y m a r k e t area. A l - M a h d i therefore e x t e n d e d feeder c h a n n e l s f r o m a canal n o r t h of t h e city a n d established a major m a r k e t n e a r t h e M a i n Bridge. It w a s called t h e T h i r s t M a r k e t a n d w a s likened t o t h e m a r k e t s of al-Karkh. I n t i m e , two large private n e i g h b o r h o o d s were d e v e l o p e d nearby: B a b a t - T a q , n e a r t h e m a i n b r i d g e c o n n e c t i n g arR u s a f a h with w e s t B a g h d a d , a n d a l - M u k h a r r i m , w h i c h ex t e n d e d s o u t h e a s t along t h e river, S u b s e q u e n t caliphs, alH a d i (d. 786 CE) a n d H a r u n al-Rashid (d. 809 C E ) , lived in individual palaces r a t h e r t h a n large c o m p l e x e s . T h e reign of al-Rashid is generally c o n s i d e r e d t h e zenith of g r o w t h in B a g h d a d . T h e city t h e n r e a c h e d its greatest limits in surface area a n d p o p u l a t i o n . T h e caliph's u n t i m e l y d e a t h in 809 b r o u g h t his s o n al~ A m i n t o p o w e r a n d p l u n g e d t h e Islamic state into a debili
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tating civil war. A s e c o n d son, t h e heir a p p a r e n t , a l - M a ' m u n , d i s p a t c h e d an a r m y against t h e capital a n d laid siege t o it. T h e chronicles d e s c r i b e w i d e s p r e a d devastation a n d suffering in graphic t e r m s , b u t closer e x a m i n a t i o n of these texts reveals t h a t t h e d a m a g e is grossly overestimated: all die major structures t h a t h a d b e e n d a m a g e d w e r e r e p a i r e d a n d functioning s h o r d y after d i e conflict e n d e d . D e s p i t e w i n n i n g t h e battle for B a g h d a d , a l - M a ' m u n r e m a i n e d at his stronghold in t h e eastern p r o v i n c e of K h u r a san. W h e n h e finally d i d settle in t h e city, it was in a m o d e s t p a l a c e o n t h e east side of t h e river. E v e n t h e n , d i e caliph, w h o never felt c o m f o r t a b l e in B a g h d a d , preferred to s p e n d his time in K h u r a s a n . W h e n a l - M a ' m u n died in 833, h e w a s s u c c e e d e d b y a third b r o t h e r , Caliph a l - M u ' t a s i m , w h o also resided in a m o d e s t r e s i d e n c e . T h e latter relied heavily o n military contingents r e c r u i t e d from a m o n g T u r k i s h c a p tives. T h e u n r u l y behavior of t h e T u r k s resulted in several altercations w i t h t h e local p o p u l a c e , causing a l - M u ' t a s i m t o leave t h e city altogether. T h e caliph t h e n f o u n d e d a rival administrative center at S a m a r r a , a b o u t 96 k m (60 mi.) u p stream, along t h e T i g r i s . W h e n t h e C a l i p h a l - M u ' t a d i d r e t u r n e d t o B a g h d a d in 892, h e built t h e first of a series of n e w caliphal palaces, collectively called t h e D a r al-Khilafah. T h e n e w caliphal enceinte, which w a s siatated in t h e s o u t h e a s t section of t h e u r b a n area, is described in t h e sources in great detail. M a g n i f i c e n t residences, exquisitely a p p o i n t e d , a n d featuring u n u s u a l elements are m e n t i o n e d t h a t i n c l u d e a zoological g a r d e n a n d fantastic mechanical devices. T h i s i m p r e s s i v e architectural a c h i e v e m e n t w a s to b e t h e last major caliphal c o n s t r u c t i o n effort. Witii t h e cal iphate's declining f o r t u n e s , t h e city b e g a n to shrink in size a n d p o p u l a t i o n . B e g i n n i n g w i t h t h e Buyid h e g e m o n y in 945, d i e caliphs were increasingly r e d u c e d t o t h e role of figure h e a d s . T h e B u y i d s , i n d e e d , w e n t so far as to build a major series of palaces in t h e n o r t h e a s t section of t h e city a b o v e ar-Rusafah t h a t was i n t e n d e d to rival t h e splendid residence of their d e jure p a t r o n s . T h i s c o n s t r u c t i o n was m o r e t h a n offset, h o w e v e r , b y t h e b r e a k d o w n of o r d e r a n d d i e decline of local n e i g h b o r h o o d s . T h e chronicles describing the events of t h e t e n t h a n d eleventh centuries indicate a p a t t e r n of religious conflict, e c o n o m i c dislocation, a n d w i d e s p r e a d decay. W h e n ITulegii, t h e M o n g o l , c o n q u e r e d B a g h d a d in 1258, effectively e n d i n g t h e ' A b b a s i d r e g i m e , h e c o n q u e r e d a hollow shell of a o n c e - p r o u d city. W r i t i n g a b o u t B a g h d a d , t h e great g e o g r a p h e r Y a q u t (d. 1225 CE) describes a series of t r u n c a t e d n e i g h b o r h o o d s at s o m e distance from o n e an other, w h e r e t h e r e h a d a t o n e t i m e b e e n a c o n t i n u o u s line of o c c u p a t i o n . T h i s p a t t e r n c o n t i n u e d until t h e twentieth century, T h e dimensions of t h e m e d i e v a l city and t h e extent of its p o p u l a t i o n are difficult to g a u g e . T h e sources give exact figures for t h e surface area in varying meteorological sys t e m s . If these figures a r e a c c u r a t e , t h e city w o u l d have cov ered m o r e t h a n 7,000 h a (17,290 acres). T h i s w o u l d m a k e
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B a g h d a d five time larger t h a n t e n t h - c e n t u r y C o n s t a n t i n o p l e a n d thirteen times larger t h a n Sasanian C t e s i p h o n , hitherto the largest city k n o w n in t h e Diyala plains. A l t h o u g h this figure reflects B a g h d a d ' s s u b u r b a n districts as well, there is reason to believe t h a t t h e greater metropolitan area w a s heavily occupied. T h e r e is n o hint of a n y census in t h e sources, b u t various c r u d e efforts were a t t e m p t e d t o calcu late the population, usually b y t h e use of multipliers (i.e., the n u m b e r of d o c t o r s , attendants at b a t h h o u s e s , foods c o n s u m e d , a n d so forth). T h e figures obtained from this m e t h o d are, however, unreliable. I n m o d e r n B a g h d a d , t h e density of o c c u p a t i o n i n t h e oldest n e i g h b o r h o o d s is a b o u t 200 people p e r hectare, w h i c h agrees with the m o s t conser vative estimates for t h e p o p u l a t i o n of medieval C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . T h e physical a n d h u m a n dimensions of medieval B a g h d a d m u s t have b e e n vast b y a n y s t a n d a r d of m e a s u r e m e n t , however, b e c a u s e t h e greater u r b a n area did n o t r e p resent a single city b u t a series of u r b a n settlements collec tively known as B a g h d a d . BIBLIOGRAPHY Creswell, K. A. C . Early Muslim Architecture, vol. r, Umayyads, A.D. 622-750 (1940). 2 d e d . Oxford, 1969. Herzfeld, Ernst, a n d Friedrich P . T . Sarre, ArcMologische Reise irn Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet. Vol. 2. Berlin, 1940. Lassner, Jacob. The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages: Text and Studies, Detroit, 1 9 7 0 . L e Strange, Guy. Baghdad during the 'Abbasid Caliphate. Oxford, 1900. Salmon, Georges. L'introduction topographique a I'histoire de Baghdad. Paris, 1904. JACOB LASSNER
B A H R A I N . T h e State of Bahrain is a n archipelago of thirty-three islands located in the Arabian Gulf, a b o u t 24 k m (15 mi.) from t h e east coast of Saudi Arabia at r o u g h l y 26 N , 5o°5o' E. Estimates of Bahrain's surface area vary c o n siderably, b u t t h e Bahraini Central Statistics Organisation p u t t h e figure a t 677.90 sq Ion (4,021 sq.mi.) in 1983. A l t h o u g h t h e climate of Bahrain is arid a n d rainfall is insuffi cient t o s u p p o r t d r y farming, t h e islands are underlain b y one of the richest aquifer systems in the world, w h i c h e n dowed Bahrain with a p e r m a n e n t water supply t h r o u g h o u t its history. 0
G e o m o r p h o l o g i c a l research a n d t h e study of sea-level changes in the Arabian Gulf have shown that the m a i n island of Bahrain did n o t b e c o m e separated from t h e A r a b i a n m a i n l a n d until a b o u t 5000-4000 BCE, w h e n t h e t r o u g h b e t w e e n Bahrain, S a u d i Arabia, a n d t h e Q a t a r peninsula b e c a m e i n u n d a t e d a t t h e p r e s u m e d climax of the w o r l d w i d e rise i n sea level k n o w n as d i e Flandrian transgression. T h i s accounts for t h e fact t h a t t h e earliest occupants of B a h r a i n w e r e t h e s a m e late prehistoric, stone-tool using p o p u l a t i o n as that found o n t h e m a i n l a n d in t h e fifth millennium. A l t h o u g h n o t a b u n d a n t , lithic sites have been n o t e d o n B a h r a i n
since the first D a n i s h r e c o n n a i s s a n c e in 1953 directed b y P . V. G l o b of the University of A a r h u s . T h e i n d u s t r y is c h a r acterized b y t h e u s e of pressure-flaked, t a n g e d , a n d / o r b a r b e d a r r o w h e a d s . A small e n c a m p m e n t excavated a t alM a r k h h a s yielded evidence of intensive fishing, as well as 143 sherds of T e r m i n a l o r P o s t - U b a i d 4 p o t t e r y , datable o n stylistic g r o u n d s t o a b o u t 3800 BCE. Interestingly, a later, aceramic p h a s e a t t h e site s h o w e d a substantial increase in sheep a n d goats ( a b o u t 33 p e r c e n t of t h e faunal collection), in h u n t e d m a m m a l s s u c h as d u g o n g a n d h a r e , a n d nearly six times as m u c h flint as f o u n d i n d i e early deposit. W i t h t h e exception of a single s h e r d of p a i n t e d J e m d e t N a s r p o l y c h r o m e p o t t e r y from a c o n t e x t o u t s i d e of t h e m u c h later B a r b a r t e m p l e (see b e l o w ) , n o e v i d e n c e has b e e n f o u n d of later f o u r t h m i l l e n n i u m o c c u p a t i o n o n B a h r a i n . I n d e e d , t h e r e is a g a p in t h e o c c u p a t i o n a l s e q u e n c e of B a h rain until t h e m i d d l e of d i e third m i l l e n n i u m , w h e n Early D y n a s t i c and/or Akkadian-related p o t t e r y a p p e a r s in d i e b a sal levels of the m a j o r settlement Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain. D a t i n g to t h e s a m e p e r i o d is a serie ancienne, o r Intercultural Style, soft-stone vessel, of M e s o p o t a m i a n or I r a n i a n origin, f r o m a grave in t h e burial c o m p l e x a t Saar ( u n p u b l i s h e d b u t il lustrated i n the Bahraini M i n i s t r y of I n f o r m a t i o n ' s c a l e n d a r for 1993). By t h e late t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , pottery, H a r a p p a n weights, a n d glyptic evidence s h o w t h a t B a h r a i n w a s b e c o m i n g i n t e g r a t e d into an international n e t w o r k of t r a d e linking M e s o p o t a m i a , t h e Gulf, Iran, Bactria, a n d t h e I n d u s Valley. It h a s b e e n difficult t o discover settlements of this period, b u t it a p p e a r s t h a t Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain w a s t h e p r i m a r y p o p u l a t i o n center o n B a h r a i n , while t h e t e m p l e s a t B a r b a r a n d D i r a z , t o t h e west, were i m p o r t a n t cult centers. I t w a s a t this t i m e t h a t t h e practice of b u r y i n g t h e d e a d in a b o v e - g r o u n d m o u n d s first b e c a m e c o m m o n . S o m e o f t h e earliest graves at Rifa a a n d H a m a d T o w n contain i m p o r t e d p a i n t e d U m m a n - N a r pottery a n d soft-stone f r o m t h e O m a n peninsula. c
Bahrain's i m p o r t a n c e grew d u r i n g t h e early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE, w h e n it a s s u m e d t h e role of t r a d e e n t r e p o t for w h i c h it is so justly f a m o u s . C o p p e r from M a g a n ( O m a n ) , a n d w o o d a n d ivory from M e l u h h a ( I n d u s Valley?), c h a n g e d h a n d s for silver, textiles, a n d s e s a m e oil from M e s o p o t a m i a . T h o u s a n d s of burial m o u n d s b e a r witness t o t h e thriving p o p u l a t i o n inhabiting the island a t this time. Several h u n d r e d years later, however, B a h r a i n fell p r e y t o t h e K a s site state in Babylonia, a t w h i c h t i m e a g o v e r n e r (Akk., sakkanakku) w a s installed o n the island. A n i m p o r t a n t , b u t only partially excavated building c o m p l e x a t Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain a n d m a n y graves, particularly at al-Hajjar, are t h e m a i n a r chaeological r e m a i n s from this p e r i o d . T h e p r e s e n c e of M i tanni C o m m o n Style cylinder seals a n d a h a n d f u l of c u n e iform tablets p r o v e t h a t B a h r a i n p a r t o o k of t h e s a m e p a n - W e s t Asian cultural t r e n d s a t this t i m e as its n o r t h e r n neighbors. P o t t e r y with post-Kassite a n d Isin II parallels w a s discovered b y a F r e n c h t e a m u n d e r t h e direction of M o -
BAHRAIN n i q u e K e r v r a n ( C N R S , Paris) in n e w s o u n d i n g s on Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain b e t w e e n 1979 a n d 1982, b u t little is as yet k n o w n of t h e late s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE on B a h r a i n . I n d e e d , t h e r e is n o substantial b o d y of data for B a h r a i n until t h e seventh or early sixth c e n t u r y BCE. A large r e s i d e n tial c o m p l e x o n t h e Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain, s o m e t i m e s incorrectly d u b b e d t h e palace of U p e r i (the king of D i l m u n attested in c u n e i f o r m sources from t h e r e i g n of S a r g o n I I ) , shows a g r o u n d p l a n t h a t recalls N e o - A s s y r i a n a n d N e o - B a b y l o n i a n palatial a n d d o m e s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r e . N e o - B a b y l o n i a n a n d / o r early A c h a e m e n i d glazed c e r a m i c b a t h t u b coffins, o n e of w h i c h c o n t a i n e d a n A c h a e m e n i d - t y p e b r o n z e wine set, w e r e d u g into t h e b u i l d i n g after it w e n t o u t of u s e . A h o a r d of scrap silver f o u n d b u r i e d in t h e r u i n s of t h e Kassite-era building described above c o n t a i n e d a p s e u d o - E g y p t i a n scaraboid seal ring, p r o b a b l y of P h o e n i c i a n m a n u f a c t u r e ; t h e h o a r d belongs to a category of silver h o a r d n o w well k n o w n at I r o n A g e sites in ancient Palestine, M e s o p o t a m i a , a n d I r a n d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d just p r i o r t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of c o i n age.
267
T h e fate of B a h r a i n u n d e r t h e A c h a e m e n i d s is a m a t t e r for speculation, a n d in spite of t h e large n u m b e r of burials dating to the Hellenistic p e r i o d , as well as building levels at Q a l ' a t al-Bahrain from t h a t era, little is k n o w n of t h e political status of t h e island, k n o w n as T y l o s (while the smaller M u h a r r a q was called A r a d o s ) , at t h e t i m e . T h e r e are, h o w e v e r , a c c o u n t s b y writers s u c h as T h e o p h r a s t u s t h a t describe B a h r a i n ' s flora a n d w a t e r r e s o u r c e s in great detail (Historia Plantarum 4.7.7-8, 5.4.7-8; De Causis Plantarum 2.5.5). S t r a b o (Geog. 16.3.4) a n d Pliny (Nat. Hist. 6.28.147; 12.21.38-23.40; 16.80.221) cover o t h e r topics, such as t h e origin of t h e P h o e n i c i a n s o n B a h r a i n a n d t h e location of t h e islands. I n t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE, B a h r a i n w a s briefly ruled b y a s a t r a p of M e r e d a t , t h e king of C h a r a c e n e , w h o m a y h a v e b e e n installed in a fortress located at Qal'at al-Bahrain t h a t was reused d u r i n g t h e medieval era. B a h r a i n , identified b y t h e n a m e M e s m a h i k or M a s m a h i g (cf. S a m a h i g , t h e m o d e r n n a m e of a t o w n o n M u h a r r a q I s l a n d ) , later b e c a m e a p a r t of t h e Sasanian E m p i r e a n d was d i e seat of a N e s t o r i a n C h r i s t i a n bishopric (attested for t h e first time in 410 CE) t h a t b e c a m e involved in 676 CE in a revolt against t h e a u t h o r i t y of t h e h e a d of t h e N e s t o r i a n c h u r c h (catholicos) I s o ' y a h b III. B a h r a i n w a s k n o w n in Early A r a b i c sources as Awal, a n d it w a s n o t until t h e early elev e n t h c e n t u r y CE t h a t t h e celebrated P e r s i a n traveler N a s r - i K h u s r a u called t h e island B a h r a i n . Little remains of t h e Early Islamic era o n B a h r a i n , b u t t h e p r e s e n c e of C h i n e s e coins a n d porcelain in t h e fortress attest to links with S o u t h east Asia a n d lively c o m m e r c e prior to t h e c o m i n g of t h e P o r t u g u e s e in t h e early sixteenth century. [See also Qal'at al-Bahrain.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibby, Geoffrey, Looking for Dilmun. N e w York, 1969. Popular account of the D a n i s h Gulf expedition, with primary reference to the work carried out on Bahrain and the search for D i l m u n . Hojlund, H e m m i n g , and H . H e l l m u t h Andersen. Qala'at al-Bahrain I. The Northern City Wall and the Islamic Fortress. Aarhus, 1994. First volume of the final publication of the work of the Danish expedition. Khalifa, Shaikha Haya A. al-, and Michael Rice, eds. Bahrain through the Ages: The Archaeology. L o n d o n , 1986. Proceedings of a confer ence held in 1983; touches on most aspects of Bahraini archae ology. L o m b a r d , Pierre, and M o n i k Kervran, eds. Bahrain National Museum Archaeological Collections, vol. I, A Selection of Pre-IslamicAntiquities from Excavations, 1954-1975. Bahrain, 1989. Catalog of objects in the Bahrain National M u s e u m . Potts, Daniel T . "Reflections on the History and Archaeology of Bah rain." Journal of the American Oriental Society 105 (1985): 675-710. Critical review of a n u m b e r of studies in Bahraini archaeology that appeared in the early 1980s; contains a great deal of environmental and demographic information on Bahrain and extensive discussions of questions connected with D i l m u n .
BAHRAIN.
Barbar Temple. V i e w of t h e ashlar m a s o n r y of t h e t e m
p l e . (Courtesy D . Potts)
Potts, Daniel T . The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. 2 vols. Oxford, 1990. General survey of die archaeology of the Gulf region, with reference to the occupation of Bahrain in all periods. Sanlaville, Paul, et al. "Modification du trace littoral sur la cote arabe
268
BALAWAT
du Golfe Persique en relation avec l'archeologie." In Deplacements des lignes de rivage en Mediterranee, p p . 2 1 1 - 2 2 2 . Paris, 1987. DANIEL T . POTTS
[See also Assyrians; Libraries a n d Archives; M e s o p o t a m i a , article on A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a ; N i n e v e h ; and the biography of Mallowan.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
B A L A W A T (Balawat), site of the ancient t o w n of I m g u r Enlil ( " T h e god Enlil was favourably i n c l i n e d " ) , located a b o u t 15 k m (9 mi.) n o r t h e a s t of N i m r u d (ancient K a l h u ) in n o r t h e r n Iraq (36°09' N , 43°3o' E ) . T h e t o w n walls e n close an area nearly s q u a r e in p l a n a n d approximately 52 h a (130 acres) in size. T h e m a i n m o u n d , where a palace a n d a t e m p l e dating to the N e o - A s s y r i a n p e r i o d have b e e n u n c o v ered, measures a b o u t 230 X 160 m . T h e p r i m a r y o c c u p a t i o n at t h e site dates to the n i n t h - s e v e n t h centuries BCE, a l t h o u g h evidence of earlier settlement in the U b a i d , U r u k , a n d M i d dle Assyrian periods has b e e n found on the m a i n m o u n d . Because the site was n o t a provincial capital in the N e o Assyrian period, its stibstantial size a n d impressive r e m a i n s at that time suggest that it functioned as a station on t h e r o a d from N i n e v e h to K i r k u k (ancient A r r a p h a ) , possibly situated near junctions with two other routes. T h e site w a s apparently a b a n d o n e d in t h e late seventh century BCE, w h e n the m o s t i m p o r t a n t Assyrian cities w e r e destroyed. E v i d e n c e of later Hellenistic o c c u p a t i o n has also b e e n found on t h e s u m m i t of the m a i n m o u n d . T h e site was first excavated in 1878 by the Iraqi H o r m u z d R a s s a m , acting on behalf of the British M u s e u m a n d p r o m p t e d by t h e accidental discovery at the site of b r o n z e relief fragments by a local gravedigger. R a s s a m u n c o v e r e d parts of a palace a n d discovered sets of b r o n z e b a n d s t h a t h a d b e e n used to decorate two of its m o n u m e n t a l d o o r s . T h e b a n d s depict military a n d h u n t i n g scenes a n d b e a r i n s c r i p tions indicating t h a t one set dates to t h e reign to A s h u r n a sirpal II (883-859 BCE) a n d the other, m o r e impressive set (currently on display in the British M u s e u m ) to the t i m e of his son, Shalmaneser III (858-824 BCE). R a s s a m also exca vated part of a t e m p l e , w h e r e stone foundation inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal w e r e found. T h e king states t h a t h e r e f o u n d e d the t o w n , gave it t h e n a m e Imgur-Enlil, a n d built a palace a n d a t e m p l e dedicated to M a m u (the g o d of d r e a m s ) . At t h e time, d o u b t s were cast on R a s s a m ' s claim that the b r o n z e b a n d s c a m e from this obscure site, b u t w h e n the site was reexcavated for the British School of A r c h a e ology in Iraq by M . E. L . M a l l o w a n in 1956-1957, a t h i r d set of b r o n z e d o o r b a n d s was found in the d o o r w a y leading into the a n t e r o o m of tire t e m p l e of M a m u . T h i s set bears a n inscription dating it to t h e t i m e of Ashurnasirpal II. A n ar chive of forty legal a n d e c o n o m i c d o c u m e n t s dating t o t h e late eighth and the seventh centuries BCE, with the majority c o m i n g from 697-671 BCE, was f o u n d in one r o o m of t h e temple. W o r k o n t h e site was briefly r e s u m e d in 1989 b y a British M u s e u m t e a m , with a surface survey of the area b e ing carried o u t by D . J. T u c k e r .
Curtis, John E. "Balawat." In Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discoveiy: The Work of the British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1932-1082, ed ited by John E. Curtis, p p . 1 1 3 - 1 1 9 . L o n d o n , 1982. Oates, David. "Balawat (Imgur Enlil): T h e Site a n d Its Buildings." Iraq 36 ( 1 9 7 4 ) : 1 7 3 - 1 7 8 , pis. 2 4 - 2 7 . R e p o r t of the 1 9 5 6 - 1 9 5 7 excavations. Postgate, J. N . "Imgur-Enlil." In Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vor derasiatischen Archaologie, edited by Dietz O. E d z a r d , vol. 5, p p . 6 6 67. Berlin and N e w York, 1 9 7 6 . Concise overview (with a good bib liography) by a noted English scholar, published in the standard reference work for M e s o p o t a m i a n studies. Rassam, H o r m u z d . Asshur and the Land ofNimrod ( 1 8 9 7 ) . Rpt., W e s t m e a d , Eng., 1 9 7 1 . See pages 200-220. T u c k e r , D . J. "Representations of Imgur-Enlil on the Balawat G a t e s . " Iraq 56 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 1 0 7 - 1 1 6 . GRANT FRAME
B A L K . T h e vertical e a r t h wall b o r d e r i n g a n d facing a n area from w h i c h soil has b e e n r e m o v e d d u r i n g an excavation is k n o w n as a balk. Its w i d t h b e t w e e n t w o excavated areas is usually o n e m e t e r ; its height increases as excavation p r o ceeds d o w n w a r d . O n c e excavation has d e t e c t e d , defined, a n d r e m o v e d the archaeological soils a n d their related fea tures from a particular area, the adjacent balk contains a n d preserves a r e c o r d of t h e m — o f their c o n t e n t , context, a n d sequence. Balks initially help to u n d e r s t a n d a n d c o n t r o l t h e area u n der excavation. I n addition, the t o p of t h e balk facilitates the m o v e m e n t of workers a n d the r e m o v a l of excavated m a t e rial. Balks are also a significant p a r t of t h e survey grid, w h i c h enables the archaeologist t o i n t e r c o n n e c t t h e various p a r t s of the site u n d e r excavation. M o s t i m p o r t a n t is the r e c o r d of h u m a n and geological activity t h a t is p r e s e r v e d in tire balk. T h e face of t h e balk is thus typically closely e x a m i n e d d u r i n g the process of excavation. I n order for t h a t r e c o r d of activity to b e o b s e r v e d a c c u rately, interpreted, d r a w n , a n d p h o t o g r a p h e d for future analysis, the balk face m u s t b e k e p t horizontally level a n d vertically p l u m b (this assures t h a t the r e c o r d is u n i f o r m ) . F r e q u e n t scraping with a trowel, p u t t y knife, or even a b r o a d , flat s p a d e k e e p s it as s m o o t h a n d even as possible. B e c a u s e lighting direction a n d angle p l a y o n t h e level a n d t h e p l u m b (or p e r p e n d i c u l a r ) balk face, t h e y are critical t o t h e successful observation a n d a c c u r a t e r e a d i n g of a balk. O n c e it is d r a w n t o scale a n d p h o t o g r a p h e d u n d e r o p t i m a l lighting conditions, the balk face, or often an e x t e n d e d se q u e n c e of faces r e p r e s e n t i n g t h e side of a long t r e n c h or the cross-section of a building or succession of buildings, enters t h e archaeological r e c o r d as a p e r m a n e n t key to i n t e r p r e t i n g a site. T h i s visual recapitulation b e c o m e s the basis for a n
BALU'
101.00
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i
S«rf.tnjab
BALK.
Record of a balk face, A s a m p l e balk face s h o w i n g t h e spatial a n d c h r o n o l o g i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s
b e t w e e n v a r i o u s a r c h a e o l o g i c a l features of a site, i n c l u d i n g walls, debris layers, p i t s , h a r d surfaces or floors,
a n d v a r i o u s o t h e r artifacts. F r o m T e l M i q n e , field I I I , N E u , east s e c t i o n , 1993. (Courtesy
T e l M i q n e - E k r o n Excavation and Publication Project)
i n f o r m e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e c o n t e x t a n d associations of a n y archaeological feature in t h e stratigraphic r e c o r d . [See also E x c a v a t i o n Strategy; E x c a v a t i o n Tools.]
B ALU' (el-Balu'), site l o c a t e d s o u t h of W a d i el-Mujib a n d a b o u t 5 k m (3 mi.) east of Jebel Shihan (elevation 1,063 a b o v e sea level), in d i e district of K e r a k , in central J o r d a n , ancient M o a b . B a l u is t h e largest I r o n A g e ruin in the area, in w h i c h all periods of o c c u p a t i o n are r e p r e s e n t e d , from t h e Early B r o n z e A g e t o M a m l u k t i m e s . T h e classical periods are n o t well r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e site's soutiiwestern quarter, w h e r e there are r e m a i n s only of a large M a m l u k village m e dieval A r a b travelers called S h i h a n . Interest in Balu' w a s sparked with d i e discovery m a d e b y R. H e a d in 1930 of t h e Stela of B a l u ' ( a b o u t 1.7 m h i g h ) , w h i c h shows a M o a b i t e " k i n g " b e t w e e n two E g y p t i a n g o d s . F o r iconographic r e a sons, t h e stela h a s b e e n d a t e d to t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. After t h e stela was found, t h r e e s o u n d i n g s b y J. W . Crowfoot were carried o u t a t t h e site (in 1933) b u t b o r e n o specific results. I n 1986, an intensive surface survey of Balu' revealed tiiat m
c
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dever, William G., a n d H . D . L a n c e eds. A Manual of Field Excavation: Handbook For Field Archaeologists. Cincinnati, 1978. G o o d advice and still in print, this valuable resource offers die m o s t complete treatment of the care and b r e e d i n g of balks. M c i n t o s h , J. The Practical Archaeologist. N e w York, 1986. A n extremely well illustrated a n d readable introduction to the m e t h o d s and p r a c tice of archaeology. Renfrew, Colin, a n d Paul B a h n . Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice. N e w York, 1991. In an otherwise useful work which makes extensive u s e of section drawings, Renfrew and Bahn offer a limited and ill-considered view of t h e utility of balks (cf. p p . 92-93). BARRY M .
GITTLEN
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BANIAS
the older part of t h e city (Late B r o n z e a n d Early Iron Ages) is the area immediately east a n d west of the impressive qasr (Ar., " c a s t l e " ) , w h i c h m a y date to t h e I r o n A g e a n d h a s u n d e r g o n e s o m e rebuilding in t h e N a b a t e a n or Early R o m a n period. T h e city h a d a defensive wall of the c a s e m a t e type, with a small gate t h a t faced east. D u r i n g t h e Iron I I A - B period the city limits were e x t e n d e d eastward a n d a n o t h e r defense wall w a s built, enlarging the city by a b o u t 200 m . Soundings in this area b r o u g h t to light a n inscription (. . .]tmlk[. . .) o n a basalt mortarium, or bowl. I n t h e Iron II period t h e city e x p a n d e d east-west for a b o u t 450-500 m. T h e casemate wall r u n s u p to a c o u r t y a r d h o u s e that, based o n its plan, t h e pottery found within it (including A s syrian-type carinated bowls), a n d a scaraboid E g y p t i a n bulla (dated t o c. 725 BCE a n d bearing t h e n a m e mn-k3r'j, c a n b e dated to an Assyrian or Babylonian p r e s e n c e in ancient Pal estine in the eighth-sixth centuries BCE. T h e excavated r o o m s h a d b e e n u s e d as a kitchen, reception hall, a n d a p o s sible chapel, w h i c h w a s concluded from their finds (pilgrim flask, female figurine, small masseba>). Because t h e walls of the h o u s e are still standing (to a height of a b o u t 1.70 m ) , almost all the doors h a v e their lintels in situ. A t t h e w e s t e r n wall of t h e h o u s e in a temenos-like area, t w o s t a n d i n g stones (massebot) still in situ h a v e been discovered. W e d g i n g stones at the foot of each h o l d t h e stones in a n u p r i g h t position. Broken animal figurines, b u r n t ashes a n d b o n e s from t h e immediate area suggest a religious m e a n i n g for these s t a n d ing stones. In t h e partially excavated casemate wall west of the h o u s e , large storage jars a n d kraters were found, as well as several rims of collared-rim jars (of t h e late t y p e ) — t h e first found south of W a d i el-Mujib, b u t in a n I r o n II context. W e s t of t h e qasr, a f a r m h o u s e was partially excavated. O n e r o o m a n d a courtyard represent the m o s t r e c e n t o c cupational s t r a t u m . I n t h e courtyard area a V - s h a p e d enclo sure apparently held goats a n d sheep d u r i n g t h e night. A tabun was located in t h e yard w h e r e t w o additional u n r o o f e d cell-like units h a d b e e n built adjacent to t h e n o r t h wall of the house. T h e c h a m b e r to t h e east contained m a n y r o u n d stones, a grinder, a n d a t r o u g h . D u r i n g a brief s o u n d i n g in 1994 three figurines (two female, o n e male) w e r e u n e a r t h e d u n d e r a n d close to the threshold leading from t h e c o u r t y a r d into the r o o m . T h e m o s t remarkable, almost c o m p l e t e , fig urine is the "pillar-type figurine" holding'a disk. T h e c h a m ber to t h e west was e m p t y , b u t it m a y have b e e n u s e d for storage. T h e areas u n e a r t h e d revealed the latest r e m a i n s of the city of Balu', which b e l o n g to t h e I r o n I I B - C period. T h e y in dicate a flourishing city during M o a b ' s vassalship u n d e r t h e Assyrians a n d Babylonians. [See also M o a b . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Crowfoot, J. W . " A n Expedition to Balu'ah." Palestine Exploration Quarterly Statement ( 1 9 3 4 ) : 7 6 - 8 4 , pis. 1 - 3 .
Fund
Horsfield, G e o r g e , and L . - H . Vincent. " C h r o n i q u e : U n e stele egyptomoabite au B a l o u ' a . " Revue Biblique 41 ( 1 9 3 2 ) : 4 1 7 - 4 4 4 , pis. 9 - 1 2 . Ward,William A,, and M . F . Martin. " T h e Balu'a Stele: A N e w T r a n scription with Palaeographic a n d Historical N o t e s . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of'Jordan 8-9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : 5 - 2 9 . W e i p p e r t , Helga. Palastina in vorhellenistiseher Zeit. H a n d b u c h der A r chaologie, Vorderasien, 2 . 1 . M u n i c h , 1988. See pages 6 6 5 - 6 6 7 . Worschech, U d o F . Ch., et al. " T h e F o u r t h Survey Season in the N o r t h - W e s t A r d el-Kerak, a n d Soundings at Balu', 1 9 8 6 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 30 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 2 8 5 - 3 1 0 , pis. 57-65. Worschech, U d o F . C h . "Preliminary R e p o r t o n the S e c o n d C a m p a i g n at the Ancient Site of el-Balu' in 1 9 8 7 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 33 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : m - 1 2 1 , pis. 7 - 8 . Worschech, U d o F . C h . Die Beziehungen Moabs zu Israel undAgypten in der Eisenzeit. Agypten u n d Altes T e s t a m e n t , vol. 1 8 . W i e s b a d e n , 1990. See pages 7 1 - 9 0 , 9 4 - 1 2 0 . Worschech, U d o F . Ch. "Ergebnisse der G r a b u n g von el-Balu', 1987: Ein Vorbericht." ZeitschriftdesDeutschenPalaslina-Vereins 106 ( 1 9 9 0 [ 1 9 9 1 ] ) : 8 6 - 1 1 3 , pis. 1 - 6 . Worschech, U d o F . C h . "Eine keilalphabetische Inschrift von elBalff~i" Ugarit-Forschungen 23 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 3 9 5 - 3 9 9 . Worschech, U d o F . C h . "Collared-Rim Jars aus M o a b : A n m e r k u n g e n zur Entwicklung u n d Verbreitung der Kriige mit 'Halswulst.' " Zeit schrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins 107 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 4 9 - 1 7 0 . Worschech, U d o F . C h . "Figurinen aus el-Balu' (Jordanien)." schrift des Deutschen Palaslina-Vereins (forthcoming). Worschech, U d o F . Ch. " A r M o a b . " Zeitschrift fiir die Wissenschaft (forthcoming).
Zeit
alttestamentliche
U D O WORSCHECH
B A N I A S , site of ancient C a e s a r e a Philippi, located at t h e s o u t h e r n extremity of M t . H e r m o n , b e t w e e n t h e n o r t h e r n H u l a Valley a n d t h e w e s t e r n slope of t h e G o l a n H e i g h t s , in a region blessed with a n a b u n d a n c e of w a t e r ( m a p reference 2948 X 2150). T h e c o p i o u s a m o u n t s of precipitation t h a t fall in this rocky region of soluble chalk p e n e t r a t e deeply a n d b u r s t forth in springs at t h e m o u n t a i n ' s base. W h e r e t h e H e r m o n , t h e G o l a n , a n d t h e n o r t h e r n H u l a m e e t at C a e s a r e a Philippi, springs g u s h forth from below a steep wall a t t h e foot of a large cave t h a t , a c c o r d i n g to J o s e p h u s , is t h e w a t e r ' s s o u r c e (War 1.21.3). As early as t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, t h e cave was c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e g o d P a n a n d , as s u c h , w a s called P a n e i o n , m e a n i n g " c a v e d e d i c a t e d to P a n " (Polybius, Historiae 14.18.19:1-19). H e r o d the G r e a t , in 18 BCE, received t h e entire territory of the s o u t h e r n H e r m o n from t h e R o m a n s a n d built a m a g nificent t e m p l e t h e r e t h a t h e d e d i c a t e d to A u g u s t u s (Josephus, Antiq. 15.360). Following t h e division of H e r o d ' s king d o m , P a n e i o n p a s s e d to his s o n Philip t h e T e t r a r c h (4 B C E 34 CE) w h o , b e c a u s e of t h e area's n a t u r a l b e a u t y a n d strategic i m p o r t a n c e , m a d e it his capital city, c h a n g i n g t h e n a m e t o C a e s a r e a Philippi, i n h o n o r of A u g u s t u s (Josephus, War 1.168). Philip's capital w a s also k n o w n as P a n e a s ( " t h e city of P a n " ) , as t h e s a n c t u a r y of P a n c o n t i n u e d to play a p r i m a r y role in t h e city's cult rituals. D u r i n g t h e reign of A g r i p p a s II (53-93 C E ) , t h e city w a s r e n a m e d N e r o n i a s , in
BAPTISTERIES h o n o r of t h e e m p e r o r N e r o , A g r i p p a s ITs benefactor. U p o n N e r o ' s d e a t h , t h e city again w a s k n o w n b o t h as C a e s a r e a Philippi or P a n i a s . B o t h n a m e s w e r e r e t a i n e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d s a n d u p t o t h e seventh c e n tury. I n 638 CE, following t h e A r a b c o n q u e s t , P a n i a s p a s s e d f r o m B y z a n t i n e into M u s l i m h a n d s . T h e city's n a m e b e c a m e B a n i a s , a distortion of t h e original G r e e k Panias. D u r i n g t h e relatively s h o r t p e r i o d of C r u s a d e r o c c u p a t i o n ( 1 1 2 9 - 1 1 6 3 ) , t h e city was r e d u c e d in size a n d fortified b y massive citadels. Its n a m e b e c a m e t h e Bellina Citadel. W h e n t h e last r e m n a n t of C r u s a d e r rule collapsed, t h e formerly magnificent R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e capital city P a n i a s , or C a e s a r e a Philippi, a n d t h e impressive fortified C r u s a d e r Bellina Citadel declined into a small a n d insignificant h a m l e t n a m e d Banias. Archaeological a n d historical r e s e a r c h at Banias received a powerful b o o s t after t h e Arab-Israeli S i x - D a y W a r in 1967, w h e n access t o t h e area w a s r e n e w e d . S u r v e y s , small r e s c u e o p e r a t i o n s , a n d large-scale excavations w e r e initiated. I n p r o g r e s s are excavations d i r e c t e d b y Zvi U r i M a ' o z at t h e cave s a n c t u a r y of P a n a n d at t h e center of t h e ancient city, w h e r e t h e p u b l i c institutions a n d m o n u m e n t a l buildings of C a e s a r e a Philippi stood. BIBLIOGRAPHY Benvenisti, M e r o n . The Crusaders in the Holy-Land. Jerusalem, 1970. See pages 147-157. C o n d e r , Claude R., a n d H . H. Kitchener. The Survey of Western Pal estine: Memoirs of the Topography, Orography, Hydrography, and Ar chaeology, vol. i , Galilee. L o n d o n , 1881. See pages 95-113. L e Bas, Philippe, and W . H . W a d d i n g t o n . Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. Paris, 1870. See volume 3, part V I I - 3 . Meshorer, Ya'acov. " T h e Coins of Caesarea P a n e a s . " Israel Numis matic Journal 8 (1984-1985): 37-58. Tzaferis, Vassilios. "Banias, la Ville d e P a n . " Le Monde de la Bible 64 ( M a y - J u n e 1990): 50-53. Tzaferis, Vassilios, and Avner R a b a n . "Excavations at B a n i a s " (in H e brew). Qadmoniot 23.3-4 ( i 9 9 ° ) : 110-114. VASSILIOS TZAFERIS
BAPTISTERIES.
T h e t e r m baptistery (Gk., baptisterion) d e n o t e s either a b u i l d i n g o r a p o o l (also called a font: G k , , kolumbethra; L a t , fans or piscina) for t h e p e r f o r m a n c e of t h e Christian ritual of b a p t i s m . B e c a u s e t h e practice of b a p t i s m a m o n g t h e earliest Christians has a n t e c e d e n t s i n b o t h Jewish a n d p a g a n p a t t e r n s of ritual w a s h i n g , p a r a d i g m s h a v e often b e e n suggested, s u c h as in t h e Jewish miqveh (a p o o l for ritual ablutions k n o w n chiefly from T a l m u d i c sources) or in t h e pools of t h e settlement at Q u m r a n . [See Ritual B a t h s ; Q u m r a n . ] N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e b u l k of t h e ar chaeological e v i d e n c e for f o r m a l Jewish ablution installa tions in clearly religious or ritual contexts is later. P a r a d i g m s from ritual w a s h i n g s c o n n e c t e d with t h e initiatory rites of t h e so-called p a g a n m y s t e r y cults also face difficulties b e cause t h e w a s h i n g w a s a p r e p a r a t o r y purification rather t h a n
271
t h e initiation p r o p e r . T h e b e g i n n i n g s of Christian b a p t i s m are, therefore, s o m e w h a t c l o u d e d . N o n e t h e l e s s , it a p p e a r s t h a t t h e practice w a s already in use at least in some Christian g r o u p s b y t h e m i d d l e of t h e first c e n t u r y CE, as reflected clearly in t h e letters of P a u l (cf. Rom. 6 : 1 - 1 2 ; Gal. 3:27-28; Col. 2:10-12). G o i n g b a c k to t h e tradition of J o h n the Baptizer, w h o r e portedly w o r k e d in t h e areas a r o u n d t h e J o r d a n River (where, t h e Gospels say, Jesus c a m e to h i m t o b e b a p t i z e d ) , t h e earliest evidence seems to suggest t h a t b a p t i s m was p e r f o r m e d in streams or n a t u r a l p o o l s . By early in d i e s e c o n d c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , s o m e alternative a r r a n g e m e n t s were al lowed, as indicated in Didache 7, an early c h u r c h o r d e r d o c u m e n t (c. 100-140 CE) f r o m Syria. By t h e m i d d l e of t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y , it a p p e a r s t h a t Christians u s e d other regular sources of water, s u c h as b a t h s or fountains, at least in R o m e (see Justin M a r t y r , Apology 1.61-66; cf. T e r t u l l i a n , OnBaptism 4), b u t t h e r e was n o regularly designated place. [See Baths.] T h e earliest evidence t h a t t h e ritual of b a p t i s m w a s b e i n g b r o u g h t into t h e physical context of a c h u r c h building c o m e s only in t h e third c e n t u r y (cf. Tertullian, On Baptism 8-9; H i p p o l y t u s , Apostolic Tradition 21). P r i o r to this t i m e t h e r e was little or n o regularly identified c h u r c h architecture b e c a u s e m o s t Christians c o n t i n u e d t h e earlier practice of m e e t i n g in u n r e n o v a t e d p r i v a t e buildings, s u c h as h o u s e s . [See H o u s e C h u r c h e s . ] B y t h e fourth-fifth centuries, an elaborate liturgical tradition h a d developed a r o u n d d i e p r a c tice of b a p t i s m , a n d with it a regular architectural form. T h e earliest archaeological evidence for a formal b a p t i s tery c o m e s from t h e C h r i s t i a n building at D u r a - E u r o p o s (c. 241-256 C E ) . [See D u r a - E u r o p o s . ] In t h e renovation of a typical h o u s e to f o r m a domus ecclesiae, o n e r o o m was set aside for b a p t i s m a n d a small font basin (0.955 m high, 2,57 m wide a n d 1.58-1.83 m d e e p ) was installed in it. T h e basin w a s recessed slightly into t h e floor, t h e basin's interior w a s sealed w i t h hydraulic plaster, a n d brick side walls were erected. T h e r o o m ' s c o n s t r u c t i o n r e s e m b l e d t h a t of d i e p u b lic b a t h s at D u r a - E u r o p o s . T h e formality of t h e ceremonies p l a n n e d for this installation are further attested by t h e n a t u r e of t h e o t h e r decorations: a n a r c h e d c a n o p y over t h e font p r o p e r a n d a n elaborate p r o g r a m of representational scenes a r o u n d t h e walls. [See Wall Paintings.] T h e painted p r o g r a m contains a n u m b e r of scenes d r a w n from d i e G o s p e l s in w h i c h d e a t h or water s y m b o l i s m is p r o m i n e n t . Analysis s u g gests also t h a t t h e r e m a y h a v e b e e n a regular processual p a t t e r n a t t a c h e d t o t h e p e r f o r m a n c e of t h e ritual at D u r a - E u r o p o s . A liturgical t r a d i t i o n like t h e o n e f o u n d in d i e Syriac Didascalia (a c h u r c h o r d e r from c. 270) m a y be similar to t h a t u s e d at D u r a , given its location in R o m a n Syria. N o o t h e r p r e - C o n s t a n t i n i a n b a p t i s m a l installations are k n o w n archaeologically, w i t h t h e possible exception of the domus ecclesiae at P a r e n t i u m , Istria. A t least one other early c h u r c h edifice in R o m e (Ss. G i o v n a n i e Paolo) was built a r o u n d a building with a b a t h t h a t m i g h t have b e e n acces-
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sible to the Christians prior to t h e t i m e of C o n s t a n t i n e . At Aquileia, Istria, t h e first aula ecclesiae of B i s h o p T h e o d o r e (c. 317-319) seems t o have b e e n built over a h o u s e c o m p l e x that continued t o be u s e d as t h e episcopal residence. T h e s e quarters included a b a d i , which a p p e a r s to h a v e served in some capacity related to the baptistery of t h e double-hall church. O f the t w o halls, t h e s o u t h e r n m o s t m i g h t h a v e b e e n especially designed with b a p t i s m in m i n d — a s reflected in the elaborate m o s a i c p a v e m e n t depicting t h e J o n a h story and scenes of fishing a n d m a n y forms of o c e a n life. [See Mosaics.] E v e n so, a n elaborate baptismal font w a s n o t a p a r t of the architectural form. A t Philippi, G r e e c e ( M a c e d o n i a ) , the early f o u r t h - c e n t u r y c h u r c h edifice, t h e c h u r c h of St. P a u l b e n e a t h a n octagonal c o m p l e x , was built i m mediately adjacent to a Hellenistic hero cult t o m b a n d an earlier R o m a n b a t h i n g establishment. I n its later renovation (fifth century) to an octagonal form, o n e of d i e wings of t h e b a t h was a n n e x e d to t h e c h u r c h and was u s e d formally as its baptistery. A later basilica in R o m e (S. Anastasia) was built over a public b a t h near t h e Circus M a x i m u s , b u t there is no direct archaeological evidence t h a t t h e b a t h i n g estab lishment was u s e d by the Christiians prior to t h e c o n s t r u c tion of the basilica. [See Basilicas.] Altogether, t h e r e are m o r e t h a n four h u n d r e d k n o w n sites for baptisteries from t h e third to die seventh centuries CE; m o s t c o m e from t h e later p a r t of this span. T h e r e is a con siderable diversity of architectural forms associated with baptism, ranging from small areas set aside within larger c h u r c h buildings to elaborate freestanding buildings dedi cated just to this act. T h e architectural i c o n o g r a p h y of these buildings was equally diverse. In a n u m b e r of t h e Syrian churches of t h e fifth-seventh centuries, t h e baptistery in a separate building or c o m p l e x of buildings in t h e f o r m of a small basilica (e.g., at D a r Qita a n d Sergilla). [See Sergilla.] At A m w a s / E m m a u s in Israel, tire baptistery was a slightly smaller basilical building beside and oriented o n d i e same axis as t h e m a i n basilical hall of the c h u r c h (dating t o the fifth c e n t u r y ) . [See E m m a u s . ] T h e baptismal font p r o p e r , a recessed pool c u t into t h e floor in t h e shape of a cross, was set into tire c h u r c h ' s small apse. In titese cases, t h e liturgical u s e of t h e architecture would seem to have b e e n p a t t e r n e d directiy o n t h a t of t h e m a i n basilica. I n other cases, t h e ar chitecture developed o n a central plan using either octagonal or d o m e d construction. T h e octagonal plan has strong af finities with R o m a n funerary architecture; the c h u r c h of Sta. C o s t a n z a in R o m e w a s originally built as a m a u s o l e u m b u t was later converted into a c h u r c h a n d u s e d as a baptistery. [See M a u s o l e u m . ] T h e m o s t elaborate baptisteries built o n this octagonal p l a n are t h e O r t h o d o x Baptistery in R a v e n n a , Italy (c. 450)3 a n d t h e baptistery of St. J o h n L a t e r a n in R o m e . T h e latter also contains t h e largest font, a circular pool m o r e t h a n 8.5 m in diameter. Finally, t h e font basin itself t e n d e d , in later periods, to take o n e of t w o basic forms: either circular (or octagonal) or cruciform. A l t h o u g h they range in size, t h e average d e p t h is just u n d e r o n e meter. It
has been suggested t h a t t h e s e f o r m s w e r e e a c h associated with o n e of t h e d o m i n a n t symbolizations of t h e b a p t i s m a l ritual: t h e circle as a s y m b o l of t h e w o m b a n d rebirth; t h e cross as a s y m b o l of d e a t h a n d r e s u r r e c t i o n . I n s o m e cases, a c o m b i n a t i o n of t h e s e architectural a n d artistic symbols was e m p l o y e d w i t h conscious design t o e n h a n c e t h e liturgical experience. F o r e x a m p l e , t h e p l a n of t h e O r t h o d o x B a p t i s tery in R a v e n n a was d e s i g n e d in s u c h a w a y t h a t t h e initiate was led t h r o u g h t h e a n t e c h a m b e r s a n d into t h e great d o m e d r o o m in o r d e r to a p p r o a c h t h e steps d o w n into the font. T h e design placed t h e initiate so t h a t h e or she w a s looking d i rectly u p ( a n d from t h e p r o p e r angle) at t h e magnificent ceiling m o s a i c of t h e b a p t i s m of Jesus in w h i c h h e is sur r o u n d e d b y a procession of t h e twelve apostles. [See also C h u r c h e s ; M a r t y r i o n . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bedard, Walter M . The Symbolism of the Baptismal Font in Early tian Thought. W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , 1 9 5 1 .
Chris
Davies, J o h n G o r d o n . The Architectural Setting of Baptism. L o n d o n , 1962. D e i c h m a n n , F . W . "Baptisterium." In Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, vol. 1, p p . 1 1 5 7 - 1 1 6 7 . Stuttgart, 1 9 5 0 - . Khatchatrian, A r m e n . Les baptisteres paleochr&tiens. Paris, 1 9 6 2 . Khatchatrian, A r m e n . Origine et typologie des baptisteres paleochretiens. Mulhouse, 1 9 8 2 . Kostof, Spiro. The Orthodox Baptistery of Ravenna. N e w H a v e n , 1 9 6 5 . Kraeling, Carl H . The Christian Building. T h e Excavations at D u r a E u r o p o s , Final R e p o r t 8, part 2. N e w H a v e n , 1 9 6 7 . Krautheimer, Richard. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. 3d ed. H a r m o n d s w o r t h , 1 9 8 1 . Lassus, Jean. Sanctuaires Chretiens de Syrie. Paris, 1 9 4 7 . L . MICHAEL WHITE
BAQ'AH VALLEY,
area located 15 k m (9 mi.) n o r t h west of A m m a n , J o r d a n , at 625 m a b o v e sea level o n tire T r a n s j o r d a n i a n p l a t e a u (32°5'io" N , 35°4o'2o" E; m a p ref erence 168 X 228). T h e region's earliest survey w a s c o n d u c t e d b y N e l s o n G l u e c k in 1939. Since 1977 t h e B a q ' a h has b e e n the focus of o n g o i n g excavations c o n d u c t e d b y t h e University M u s e u m of t h e University of P e n n s y l v a n i a . T h e project is directed b y Patrick E . M c G o v e r n a n d f u n d e d b y t h e m u s e u m , its A p p l i e d Science C e n t e r for A r c h a e o l o g y ( M A S C A ) , t h e N a t i o n a l G e o g r a p h i c Society, d i e J o r d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities, a n d private s o u r c e s . T h e valley's central location, c o m b i n e d w i t h its rich, ar able soil, m o d e r a t e climate, plentiful springs, a n d o t h e r n a t ural r e s o u r c e s , explain w h y t h e B a q ' a h h a s b e e n i n h a b i t e d virtually w i t h o u t a g a p for t h e last fifty t h o u s a n d y e a r s — since t h e late M i d d l e Paleolithic. G l u e c k stated t h a t t h e B a q ' a h was o c c u p i e d only b y n o m a d i c p e o p l e s d u r i n g t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , b u t m o r e r e c e n t e v i d e n c e shows t h a t t h e r e were n u m e r o u s L B settlements in t h e region. Archaeological evidence p o i n t s as well t o o c c u p a t i o n in t h e Early B r o n z e A g e , t h e Early a n d L a t e I r o n A g e (into t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d ) , a n d t h e Early R o m a n period.
C
B A Q A H VALLEY M o s t of t h e excavated s i t e s — a n d e x p o s e d r e m a i n s — a r e in t h e n o r d r w e s t e r n ( U m m a d - D a n a n i r ) region of t h e B a q ' a h , w h e r e there are m o r e s p r i n g s t h a n in a n y other s e c tor of t h e valley. U r b a n s e t t l e m e n t is e v i d e n c e d b y t h e 3.5hectare (g-acre) fortified hilltop site of al-Qasir ( " t h e for t r e s s " ) . P o t t e r y vessels a n d g r i n d i n g stones f o u n d c r u s h e d b e n e a t h a large, circular s t o n e " h i l l o c k " d a t e t o E B II—III (c. 2900-2300 B C E ) , w h e n o c c u p a t i o n w a s m o s t extensive. M a n y b r o a d r o o m h o u s e s d a t i n g t o this p e r i o d also w e r e f o u n d o n t h e surface. B y E B I V (c. 2300-1900 BCE), h o w ever, settlement h a d declined, a n d after 1900 BCE h a d ceased. A n overlapping s e q u e n c e of L B (c. 1550-1200BCE) burial caves o n Jebel al-Qasir a n d J e b e l a l - H a w a y a h attest to t h e u r b a n c h a r a c t e r of t h e U m m a d - D a n a n i r culture, as well as to its international t r a d e . A m o n g t h e i m p o r t s f o u n d i n t h e caves w e r e M i t a n n i a n C o m m o n Style cylinder seals; E g y p tian scarabs a n d a ring; M y c e n a e a n stirrup jars; C y p r i o t base-ring II a n d white-slip I I w a r e s ; a n d n u m e r o u s M e d i t e r r a n e a n a n d R e d S e a mollusk shells. I n addition, pieces of w h e e l - m a d e p o t t e r y u n c o v e r e d a t t h e site are c o m p a r a b l e t o dtose f o u n d a t u r b a n c o m m u n i t i e s west o f t h e J o r d a n River. A n o t h e r i m p o r t a n t L B s e t t l e m e n t is situated o n a series of terraces a t K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r . C o m p r i s i n g a b o u t 2.5 h a (6 a c r e s ) , t h e site overlooks W a d i U m m a d - D a n a n i r . T h e earliest s t r u c t u r e u n c o v e r e d t h e r e is similar i n p l a n t o a n o t h e r L B s t r u c t u r e , t h e A m m a n A i r p o r t building, located 15 k m (9 m i . ) t o t h e southeast. [See A m m a n A i r p o r t T e m ple.] O f t h e Quadratbau t y p e , b o t h are laid o u t in a s q u a r e with a central c o u r t y a r d s u r r o u n d e d b y o u t e r r o o m s , a n d m a y h a v e served a cultic p u r p o s e . A t U m m a d - D a n a n i r , for e x a m p l e , pottery, silicate jewelry i t e m s , a n d b u r n e d a n d u n b u r n e d a n i m a l b o n e s of c a t d e , d o n k e y s , s h e e p a n d g o a t s , m o u n t a i n lions, a n d gazelles w e r e f o u n d i n a fill u n d e r t h e structure's plastered floor a n d i n its f o u n d a t i o n t r e n c h e s . A freestanding altar (60 X 60 X 60 c m ) with a limestone c a p stone w a s f o u n d n e a r t h e c e n t e r of t h e building, as w a s a fireplace t h a t p r e d a t e s t h e b u i l d i n g a n d tiiat a p p a r e n t l y w a s u s e d in "sacrificing" t h e animals d e p o s i t e d in d i e fill. T h e destruction of t h e b u i l d i n g h a s b e e n d a t e d t o L B I I , b a s e d o n t h e p o t t e r y a n d a n i m a l b o n e s (like t h o s e in t h e fill) f o u n d in pits d u g into t h e d e s t r u c t i o n debris. C a r b o n i z e d r o o f b e a m s o n t h e building's p l a s t e r e d floor indicate t h a t t h e building w a s d e s t r o y e d in a conflagration. O n e of t h e largest Early I r o n A g e ( c . 1200-1050 BCE) t o m b s yet discovered in t h e region is a circular burial cave o n Jebel a l - H a w a y a h . T h e b o n e s of 227 m e n a n d w o m e n of various ages w e r e f o u n d i n t h e cave (4.5 m in d i a m e t e r ) . T h e burial g o o d s w e r e p o o r e r t h a n in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e a n d of local m a n u f a c t u r e , suggesting t h a t t h e s t a n d a r d o f living w a s lower a n d t h a t in t h e I r o n A g e t r a d e was less w i d e s p r e a d . [See T o m b s ; G r a v e G o o d s . ] T h e few n e w p o t tery forms i n t r o d u c e d in this p e r i o d p r o b a b l y reflect a c o n tinuation of t h e coil-building t e c h n o l o g y b e g u n i n L B I I .
273
A m o n g t h e eleven c o m p l e t e pieces of mild-steel jewelry f o u n d i n t h e t o m b w a s a n i r o n anklet or bracelet t y p e ; its similarity t o o n e f o u n d in a n e a r b y L B II burial cave suggests t h a t iron metallurgy h a d already b e e n developed. A large n u m b e r of s t r u c t u r e s dating t o t h e L a t e I r o n / P e r sian (c. 650-400 BCE) p e r i o d h a v e b e e n found in central T r a n s j o r d a n . A m o n g t h e m , a building o n t h e site of R u j m a l - H e n u (West) in t h e B a q ' a h h a s b e e n investigated. P r o b ably a single-phase fortress with c o m p l e m e n t a r y d o m e s t i c a n d agricultural functions, t h e building w a s c o n s t r u c t e d o u t of dry-laid, u n h e w n b o u l d e r s . Its towers w e r e circular a n d rectangular, a n d a n i n n e r c o u r t y a r d w a s s u r r o u n d e d b y c a s e m e n t r o o m s . T h e u p p e r walls ( s o m e p r e s e r v e d as high as 2.5-3 ) collapsed o n t o d i e clay floor (over b e d r o c k ) s o m e t i m e d u r i n g this p e r i o d . A c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s level at K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r yielded a n A m m o n i t e inscription o n a storage jar sidewalk T h e inscription reads shema ( " t o h e a r " ) , t h e first w o r d in t h e traditional H e b r e w declaration of faith (Dr. 6:4), b u t w a s m o r e likely p a r t of a n a m e h e r e . It w a s deeply incised in t h e clay before d i e jar was fired. m
Also at K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r a large, Early R o m a n III (c. 4 B C E - 7 3 CE) s t r u c t u r e w a s excavated. T h e building w a s discovered just below t h e surface. I t s central r o o m w a s characterized b y a n o r t h e r n wall with seven orthostats s p a c e d a b o u t a half-meter a p a r t , several with their overlying sn-etchers in place, a n d a b e a t e n - e a r t h floor. A collection of Early R o m a n III p o t t e r y a n d artifacts (including glass vessel a n d bracelet fragments, a n intact iron sickle blade, a n d H e r o d i a n - t y p e limestone vessels) help t o date t h e structure, as does a coin of A n t o n i u s Felix (52-62 CE) recovered from u n d e r t h e building's floor. c
T h e ancient identities of sites in t h e B a q a h r e m a i n u n certain. I n t h e list of P h a r a o h T h u t m o s i s Ill's Asiatic t o p o n y m s (c. 1450 BCE) t h a t ostensibly lists sites a n d areas along the King's Highway (which probably r a n through the mid dle of d i e B a q ' a h ) , t h e B a q ' a h Valley h a s b e e n identified with mkrpvjt ("fertile d e p r e s s i o n " ) . T h e Quadratbau-type building a t K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r h a s affinities with late M B - e a r l y L B structures a t S h e c h e m . L a t e r biblical tradi tion, as reflected in t h e J a c o b - L a b a n cycle, t h e Israelite set t l e m e n t narratives, a n d t h e story of t h e sacrifice of J e plifhah's d a u g h t e r , p o i n t t o close ties b e t w e e n Gilead, w h e r e K h i r b e t U m m a d - D a n a n i r ( M i z p a h Gilead?) is located, a n d Israel, w h e r e S h e c h e m is located. [See S h e c h e m ; Gilead.] BIBLIOGRAPHY M c G o v e r n , Patrick E. " T e s t Soundings of Archaeological and Resis tivity Survey Results at R u j m a l - H e n u . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 27 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 0 5 - 1 4 1 . Preliminary reports on Late Iron buildings surveyed b y geophysical prospecting instruments a n d excavated by test soundings. M c G o v e r n , Patrick E . The Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages of Central Transjordan: The Baq'ah Valley Project, 1977-1981. University M u seum, M o n o g r a p h y 65. Philadelphia, 1986. Detailed archaeological and technological study of the L B a n d Early Iron Age cemetery, widi preliminary findings on associated setdement sites.
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BAR'AM
M c G o v e r n , Patrick E. "Central Transjordan in the Late Bronze a n d Early Iron Ages: An Alternative Hypothesis of Socio-Economic Transformation and Collapse." In Studies in the History and Archae ology of Jordan, vol. 3, edited by A d n a n Hadidi, p p . 2 6 7 - 2 7 3 . A m man, 1987. Cultural a n d technological continuity evidenced from the LB into the Early Iron Age in central Transjordan. M c G o v e r n , Patrick E. "Settlement Patterns of the Late Bronze and Iron Ages in the Greater A m m a n Area." In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 4, edited by Ghazi Bisheh, p p . 1 7 9 - 1 8 3 . A m m a n , 1992. Overview of die area's archaeological a n d architec tural traditions. PATRICK E . M C G O V E R N
R e m a i n s of t h e so-called small s y n a g o g u e w e r e still visible d u r i n g t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. Little is k n o w n of this build ing, although t w o d o o r w a y s w e r e a p p a r e n t i y still in place in the sixteenth c e n t u r y . O n e of these m o n u m e n t a l portals w a s still standing in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w h e n it was d e scribed b y explorers a n d d o c u m e n t e d b y p h o t o g r a p h e r s . T h e s e ruins w e r e d i s m a n t l e d s o m e t i m e before 1905. A p o r tion of t h e lintel b e a r i n g a dedicatory inscription is p r e s e r v e d in t h e L o u v r e m u s e u m . T h i s H e b r e w inscription is p a r t i c ularly i m p o r t a n t for t h e history of s y n a g o g u e s in this region: M a y t h e r e b e p e a c e in this p l a c e a n d in all of t h e places of Israel. Y o s e t h e L e v i t e s o n of L e v i m a d e (or d o n a t e d ) this lintel. M a y
B A R ' A M , a Jewish settlement in t h e U p p e r Galilee in Late Antiquity, located approximately 11 Ion (7 mi.) n o r t h west of Safed a n d 0.5 Ion south of Israel's m o d e r n b o r d e r with L e b a n o n ( m a p reference 1891 X 2701). T h i s locale is n o t m e n t i o n e d in ancient sources, b u t it a p p e a r s as Kefar B a r ' a m in the itineraries of Jewish pilgrims, b e g i n n i n g in t h e fourteenth century. N u m e r o u s n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y explor ers described t h e site, including E d w a r d R o b i n s o n , E r n e s t R e n a n , Victor G u e r i n , a n d m e m b e r s of t h e British Survey of W e s t e r n Palestine. B a r ' a m is o n e of only two settlements in this region (together with G u s h Halav) t h a t is k n o w n t o have had t w o synagogues, which u n d e r s c o r e s its size a n d a p p a r e n t i m p o r t a n c e . T h e larger of the t w o synagogues ser vicing this c o m m u n i t y was excavated by H e i n r i c h K o h l a n d Carl Watzinger o n behalf of the D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesells c h a f t i n 1905. O t h e r areas of t h e village have n o t b e e n ex cavated. T h e large s y n a g o g u e is the b e s t preserved of all extant Galilean-type basilical synagogues. [See Synagogues.] A l t h o u g h M i c h a e l A v i - Y o n a h dated the Galilean type t o t h e second century, it is n o w generally accepted t h a t Galileantype basilical synagogues date to t h e t h i r d - s i x t h centuries. [See Basilicas.] T h e building is constructed of local white limestone ashlars w i t h o u t mortar. T h e facade (15.2 X 20 m ) , which is aligned t o w a r d t h e south, is p r e s e r v e d to t h e u p p e r cornice of t h e lower story. A n exedra (5.35 m wide) s u p p o r t e d by eight columns was constructed along t h e length of t h e facade. T h e building h a d three entrances: a large central portal t h a t led into t h e n a v e a n d t w o smaller portals t h a t led into t h e side aisles. T h e central e n t r a n c e has m o l d e d j a m b s a n d a lintel bearing a w r e a t h flanked b y winged Victories t h a t w e r e intentionally mutilated. It is sur m o u n t e d by a large Syrian arch. O n t h e sill of a w i n d o w above t h e eastern p o r t a l is a H e b r e w dedicatory inscription t h a t reads "Built by Eleazar son of Y u d a n . " T h e central nave is s u r r o u n d e d b y c o l u m n s on three sides. A balcony m a y have b e e n c o n s t r u c t e d above die n a v e o n d i e n o r t h e r n , western, a n d eastern sides of t h e hall. T h e architecture of this building has m u c h in c o m m o n with c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s Syrian c h u r c h architecture. [See Churches.] D u r i n g t h e late 1960s t h e site w a s cleared a n d partially restored.
blessings c o m e u p o n his d e e d s . A m e n .
T h e artisan (or d o n o r ) of t h e lintel a p p e a r s in a similar dedicatory inscription in A r a m a i c in t h e n e a r b y A l m a syn agogue. [See also Basilicas; D e u t s c h e Orient-Gesellschaft; Galilee, article on Galilee in t h e Hellenistic t h r o u g h B y z a n t i n e P e r i ods; S y n a g o g u e Inscriptions; and the biographies of AviYonah, Guerin, Renan, Robinson, and Watzinger.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Avigad, N a h m a n . " B a r ' a m . " In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, p p . 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 . Jerusalem a n d N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . Survey of t h e architectural history of B a r ' a m . Chiat, Marilyn Joyce Segal. Handbook of Synagogue Literature. Chico, Calif., 1982. Surveys t h e architectural history of the B a r ' a m syna gogues. Hachlili, Rachel. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel. Leiden, 1988. T h e art a n d architecture of the synagogue in t h e c o n text of Jewish and non-Jewish art in L a t e Antiquity (see the index under Baram). Jacoby, Ruth. The Synagogues of Baram: Jerusalem Ossuaries. Jerusalem, 1987. Systematic and comprehensive presentation of the remains of the B a r ' a m synagogues, with a particularly useful bibliography. STEVEN FINE
B A R A M K I , D I M I T R I C O N S T A N T I N E (19091984), archaeologist a n d teacher. B o r n in Jerusalem, B a ramki developed a k e e n interest in t h e cultural heritage of his h o m e l a n d a n d city. After attending St. G e o r g e ' s S c h o o l in Jerusalem a n d t h e A m e r i c a n University of Beirut, h e r e ceived b o t h his B.A. w i t h h o n o r s a n d P h . D . degrees from t h e University of L o n d o n . I n his dissertation, " T h e C u l t u r e a n d Architecture of t h e U m a y y a d P e r i o d , " h e d r e w u p o n t h e results of his excavation a t C a l i p h H i s h a m ' s palace at K h i r b a t al-Mafjar n e a r Jericho (1935-1948). His career in t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of Palestine b e g a n in 1927, a n d in 1945 h e b e c a m e senior archaeological officer. H e served as acting c u r a t o r of t h e Palestine A r c h a e ological M u s e u m (today t h e Rockefeller M u s e u m ) in J e r u salem (1948-1949), H e was t h e n a p p o i n t e d archaeological advisor and librarian at t h e A m e r i c a n S c h o o l of Oriental R e s e a r c h in J e r u s a l e m . F r o m 1951 until his r e t i r e m e n t in
BAR K O K H B A R E V O L T 1975 h e w a s c u r a t o r of t h e Archaeological M u s e u m of t h e A m e r i c a n University in Beirut, w h e r e h e also t a u g h t u s i n g m e substantial collections for t r a i n i n g in t h e study of arti facts. B a r a m k i ' s e x p e r i e n c e m a d e h i m sensitive to t h e n e e d t o m a k e k n o w l e d g e of t h e p a s t available t o t h e p u b l i c at large a n d to establish a r c h a e o l o g y as a n a c a d e m i c discipline in o r d e r to train local archaeologists. In 1952, t h e y o u n g J o r d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities c o u l d only find o n e s t u d e n t of archaeology to s e n d t o t h e A m e r i c a n University of Beirut. S u b s e q u e n t l y , B a r a m k i t r a i n e d n u m e r o u s A r a b a n d foreign s t u d e n t s in t h e p r o g r a m . As a n archaeologist a n d teacher B a r a m k i c o m m u n i c a t e d with astonishing i m m e d i acy w h a t h e k n e w f r o m direct c o n t a c t w i t h t h e archaeology of his h o m e l a n d . I n 1956 h e i n t r o d u c e d t h e vital aspect of fieldwork into t h e a r c h a e o l o g y c u r r i c u l u m of t h e university b y o p e n i n g its first excavation site, t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e settlement of T e l l el-Ghassil o n t h e r o a d to Baalbek. T h e excavations at U m a y y a d K h i r b a t al-Mafjar m a d e B a r a m k i t h e first A r a b archaeologist t o deal with Islamic m a terials, at a t i m e w h e n t h e subject w a s t h e d o m a i n of a r t historians. H i s c o n t r i b u t i o n s t o m a k i n g t h e Islamic cultural heritage accessible to t h e p u b l i c involved m u s e u m exhibits a n d activities a n d publications g e a r e d t o a general a u d i e n c e . [See also Mafjar, K h i r b a t al-.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Baramki contributed a series of articles to the Quarterly of the De partment of Antiquities in Palestine beginning in 1 9 3 5 , as well as t h e Dictionaty of Biblical Archaeology a n d t h e Wycliffe Bible Encyclopaedia. His popular publications have p e r h a p s been m o r e influential in s p r e a d ing archaeological a n d heritage awareness t h a n m a n y scientific publi cations to which the general public h a s n o or only difficult access. See, for example, The Coins Exhibited in the Archaeological Museum of the American University of Beirut (Beirut, 1 9 6 8 ) ; Phoenicia and the Phoeni cians (Beirut, 1 9 6 1 ) ; The Road to Petra: A Short Illustrated Guide to East Jordan ( A m m a n , 1 9 4 7 ) ; and The Art and Architecture of Ancient Pales tine: A Survey of the Archaeology of Palestine from the Earliest Times to the Ottoman Conquest (Beirut, 1 9 6 9 ) . HELGA SEEDEN
BAR KOKHBA REVOLT.
T h e h a r d s h i p s t h e Jews in Palestine e n d u r e d at t h e h a n d s of t h e R o m a n authorities after 70 CE w e r e e m p h a s i z e d b y t h e favorable attitude of t h e s a m e authorities t o t h e n o n - J e w s there, T h i s behavior s h a r p e n e d even m o r e t h e d i c h o t o m y existing b e t w e e n t h e t w o s e g m e n t s of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . T h e n o n - J e w s w e r e in fact t h e major beneficiaries of t h e F i r s t R e v o l t against R o m e (66-70 CE). [See First Jewish Revolt.] W h e n E m p e r o r H a d r i a n r e m o v e d t h e h a t e d g o v e r n o r Q u i e t u s a n d p e r h a p s — i f a late Jewish tradition is t o b e b e l i e v e d — e v e n t o y e d with t h e idea of rebuilding t h e T e m p l e a n d J e r u s a l e m , t h e Jews felt m o r e hopeful, as t h e y r e g a r d e d t h e e m p e r o r as " C y r u s R e d i v i v u s . " W h e n t h e e m p e r o r later d e c i d e d n o t to go t h r o u g h
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with his plans ( a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s a m e l e g e n d ) , their frustra tion was d e e p a n d s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e resolve of radical Jews t o go t o w a r . I n a u t u m n 129, H a d r i a n arrived in Palestine as p a r t of his visit to t h e provinces of t h e East, w h i c h h e h o p e d w o u l d p r o m o t e t h e p r o c e s s of hellenization t h e r e . T h i s b r o u g h t h i m into conflict with t h e Jews of Palestine. A l t h o u g h s o m e specific reasons for t h e revolt c a n b e f o u n d , they should b e c o n s i d e r e d with caution. I t is claimed t h a t d u r i n g H a d r i a n ' s visit it b e c a m e clear t h a t h e h a d d e c i d e d n o t to e x e m p t t h e Jewish p e o p l e from t h e law against castration, w h i c h for the Jews m e a n t a b a n o n circumcision. I t also b e c a m e clear, p r o b a b l y at this j u n c t u r e , t h a t t h e e m p e r o r w i s h e d to rebuild J e r u s a l e m as Aelia Capitolina, a p a g a n city. H o w e v e r , t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e b a n o n circumcision c o m e s from a n unreliable s o u r c e ( t h e Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Life of Hadrian, 14.2). Cassius D i o , w h o does n o t m e n t i o n t h e b a n o n circumcision b u t does m e n t i o n H a d r i a n ' s s c h e m e t o build Aelia Capitolina o n t h e T e m p l e M o u n t , is also u n r e liable as a result of t h e a b r i d g e m e n t of this source m a d e b y Xiphilinus in t h e eleventh c e n t u r y . T h e coinage of Aelia Capitolina does n o t h e l p m u c h b e c a u s e t h e series of Aelia Capitolina c a n only b e d a t e d to t h e s p a n of t i m e 1 3 1 - 1 3 5 CE. T h u s , it is possible t h a t b o t h t h e a b o v e literary source retrojected H a d r i a n ' s p u n i t i v e actions f r o m t h e quelling of t h e revolt in 135 to its start. T h i s w o u l d s u p p o r t t h e s u g gestion t h a t the cause of B a r K o k h b a ' s revolt was t h e revival of zealotism r a t h e r t h a n initial R o m a n suppression. B e t h a t as it m a y , s o m e sort of p r o v o c a t i o n i n d u c e d m a n y Jews t o start a rebellion u n d e r t h e leadership of S h i m ' o n ( S i m e o n ) B a r K o k h b a in spring 132 CE. T h e w a r lasted t h r e e a n d a half years, b u t n o historical survey is available a n a l o g o u s t o t h e ones for t h e M a c c a b e a n Revolt a n d t h e F i r s t Jewish Revolt. T h e rabbinical sources c o n t a i n s o m e information a b o u t t h e events, b u t their reli ability as historical sources is questionable. G r e e k a n d L a t i n sources are helpful b u t brief. T h e w a r started in 132 CE after p r e p a r a t i o n s w e r e m a d e b y t h e rebels ( K l o n e r a n d T e p p e r , 1987). T h e Bar K o k h b a letters reveal t h a t h e h a d a well-organized, disciplined Jewish a r m y , a p p a r e n t l y o r g a n i z e d hierarchically, with different ranks of c o m m a n d e r s — a " h e a d of t h e c a m p " is k n o w n , a n d even t h e n a m e s of s o m e of t h e c o m m a n d e r s . J u d a h b a r M a n a s s e h w a s the c o m m a n d e r at Kiryatli A r a b a y a , a n d J o n a t h a n b a r B e ' a y a n a n d M a s a b a l a b a r S h i m ' o n were t h e c o m m a n d e r s at ' E i n - G e d i . F r o m t h e letters it a p p e a r s that Bar K o k h b a ' s soldiers were G o d - f e a r i n g Jews. ( T h e r e is o n e ref e r e n c e to non-Jews w h o participated alongside t h e Jews.) B a r K o k h b a ' s official title was nasi', w h i c h h a d already b e e n associated with t h e king in t h e H e b r e w Bible (Ez. 12:10) (Yadin, 1971; L e w i s , 1989). I n r a b b i n i c literature t h e r e is a d e b a t e as t o w h e t h e r B a r K o k h b a w a s a king-messiah ( R a b b i Akiba was positive t h a t h e w a s , b u t R a b b i Y o h a n a n b e n T o r t a h said h e w a s n o t of t h e D a v i d i c line; J. T . , Tot an. 4.8.
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68d). Eusebius as well as other c h u r c h fathers denigrated Bar K o k h b a b e c a u s e , according to him (Hist. Eccl. 4.6.2), Bar Kokhba p e r s e c u t e d Christians w h o refused to join h i m in die war against R o m e . [See E i n - G e d i ; J u d e a n D e s e r t Caves.] T h e R o m a n s w e r e c a u g h t by surprise a n d h a d t o send auxiliary forces to J u d e a (Judah) in addition to the two standing legions already there. T w o legions constituted a substantial force for the R o m a n a r m y of the period: t w o legions were stationed only in problematic areas s u c h as U p per G e r m a n y , L o w e r G e r m a n y , a n d Dacia. Because J u d e a was considered a p r o b l e m a t i c place by the R o m a n s long b e fore the Bar K o k h b a war, roads h a d b e e n built in strategic places during H a d r i a n ' s reign as e m p e r o r . T h e intensity of the revolt can b e d e d u c e d by the n u m b e r of t r o o p s t h e R o m a n s used to s u b d u e the rebels ( m o r e t h a n fifty t h o u s a n d ) , as well as from Cassius D i o ' s c o n d e n s e d history: h e claims that during the w a r t h e R o m a n s destroyed 50 of t h e Jewish strongholds a n d 985 of their villages (69.14.1). T h e available sources do n o t say w h e t h e r the rebels c o n q u e r e d Jerusalem before or d u r i n g the w a r , whether they r e n e w e d the sacri fices on the T e m p l e M o u n t , or whether the revolt e x t e n d e d b e y o n d Judea p r o p e r . It is, however, clear from t h e coins that the m a i n aims of t h e rebels were t o rebuild the T e m p l e a n d renew its rituals. S o m e of t h e symbols on the coins are associated with d i e T e m p l e cult a n d with its facade. O t h e r coins m i n t e d by the rebels refer t o " t h e Priest E l e a z a r , " w h o was apparently an i m p o r t a n t figure in those s t o r m y days, a n d w h o m a y h a v e b e e n considered a candidate for t h e high priesthood in the eventual T h i r d T e m p l e ( M e s h o r e r , 1982). Eleazar is sometimes identified with the u n c l e of Bar K o k h b a w h o fought with h i m at Betar a n d was t h e n p u t to death because of accusations t h a t he wished to m a k e p e a c e with the R o m a n s (J. T . , Ta'an. 4.8.68d-69a). c
F r o m the little information available, in particular from the epitomized version of Cassius D i o , it a p p e a r s t h a t the e m p e r o r himself c a m e to Palestine d u r i n g t h e revolt, a n d that troops from R o m a n legions all over the East w e r e sent there. T h e rebels' coinage a n d various legal d o c u m e n t s re veal that a n e w " c a l e n d a r " was created for the e m e r g i n g Jewish state, and tiiat t h e years of the revolt w e r e c o u n t e d according to the "liberation of Israel," or the years of Bar K o k h b a ' s rule ( " T h i r d year of Simeon the son of K o s i b a the nasi' of Israel"), a n d the years of " t h e liberation of Je r u s a l e m . " T h e r e is, however, very little evidence of exactiy which territories the rebels succeeded in liberating d u r i n g t h e revolt. Conflicting evidence m a y indicate t h a t t h e revolt e n c o m p a s s e d , along with Judea, parts of the coastal plain, t h e Galilee, a n d even the G o l a n (Kloner a n d T e p p e r , 1987). O n the n i n t h of A b 135 CE, the last stronghold of the J e w ish rebels, called Betar, near Jerusalem, fell. S h i m ' o n B a r K o k h b a was a m o n g t h e victims.'According to Cassius D i o 580,000 Jews fell in the battle, a n d m a n y others w e r e sold as slaves in die aftermath of the war. If later Jewish traditions
are to be believed, the R o m a n s also enforced restrictive laws o n t h e Jews in Palestine, s u c h as the b a n o n circumcision a n d a prohibition against r e a d i n g the T o r a h in public. T h e m e m o r i e s of t h e s e terrible days are d e p i c t e d in t h e r a b b i n i c literature in a v e r y vivid m a n n e r . T h e story a b o u t t h e t e n m a r t y r s , a m o n g w h o m w a s R a b b i Akiba, is p e r h a p s t h e m o s t f a m o u s (Schafer, 1981). Provincia J u d a e a b e c a m e Syria Palaestina, a n d Aelia C a pitolina was f o u n d e d w i t h a p a g a n t e m p l e in its m i d s t . N o n Jews were settled in t h e n e w colony in place of Jews, a n d Jews w e r e f o r b i d d e n to enter d i e city. M o r e o v e r , any Jew f o u n d there w a s p u t to death. P a g a n cults of B a c c h u s , A s tarte, a n d A p h r o d i t e w e r e established in Jerusalem, a n d on the T e m p l e M o u n t a p a g a n t e m p l e w a s built t h a t c o n t a i n e d a statue of H a d r i a n . [See also Jerusalem.] BIBLIOGRAPHY A p p l e b a u m , S h i m o n . Prolegomena to the Study of the Second Jewish Re volt, A.D. 132-13$. Oxford, 1 9 7 6 . Hachlili, Rachel. Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Land of Israel. Leiden, 1 9 8 8 . Kloner, A m o s , and Yigal T e p p e r , eds. The Hiding Complexes in the Judean Shephelah (in H e b r e w ) . T e l Aviv, 1 9 8 7 . K u h n e n , Hans-Peter. Palastina in griechisch-romischer Zeit. M u n i c h , 1990.
Lewis, Naphtali, et al. The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters: Greek Papyri, Aramaic and Nabatean Signatures and Subscriptions. Jerusalem, 1 9 8 9 . Mendels, D o r o n . The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism. N e w York, 1992.
Meshorer, Ya'acov. Ancient Jewish
Coinage. 2 vols, Dix Hills, N . Y . ,
1982.
Meshorer, Ya'acov. The Coinage of Aelia Capitolina. Jerusalem, 1 9 8 9 . Schafer, Peter. DerBar-Kokhba-Anfstand: Studien zum zweitenjudischen Krieg gegen Rom. T u b i n g e n , 1 9 8 1 . Schiirer, Emil. The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ, ITS B.C.-A.D. 13$. 4 vols. Revised and edited by Geza Vermes et al. Edinburgh, 1 9 7 3 - 1 9 8 7 . Stern, M e n a c h e m , ed. and trans. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 3 vols. Jerusalem, 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 8 4 . Yadin, Yigael. Bar-Kokhba: The Rediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Last Jewish Revolt against Imperial Rome. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 1 . D O R O N MENDELS
BARROIS, AUGUSTIN GEORGES, (18981987), theologian a n d archaeologist. B o r n in Charleville, F r a n c e , Barrois studied in L o u v a i n . H e w a s o r d a i n e d a priest a n d joined the D o m i n i c a n O r d e r in 1924. T h e follow ing year h e was sent to t h e Ecole Biblique et A r c h e o l o g i q u e F r a n c a i s e in Jerusalem, w h e r e h e s p e n t a d e c a d e . H e r e t u r n e d t o F r a n c e in 1935 to b e c o m e professor of O l d T e s t a m e n t studies at die D o m i n i c a n F a c u l t y of Saulchoir. I n 1939 h e m o v e d t o t h e U n i t e d States, w h e r e h e t a u g h t t h e ology in W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , at P r i n c e t o n University, a n d at St. Vladimir's O r t h o d o x T h e o l o g i c a l S e m i n a r y in C r e s t w o o d , N e w York.
BASILICAS I n 1926-1927, Barrois c o d i r e c t e d (with P . Carriere a n d F . M . Abel) t h e excavations at N e r a b , 7 k m (4 mi.) s o u t h e a s t of A l e p p o , Syria, w h e r e t w o A r a m e a n stelae h a d b e e n dis covered in 1891. T h e major discovery of the 1920s h a d b e e n an i m p o r t a n t N e o - B a b y l o n i a n a n d A c h a e m e n i d necropolis. A g r o u p of twenty-five c u n e i f o r m tablets ( D h o r m e , 1928) was also f o u n d . [See N e r a b Inscriptions.] I n 1929 h e took p a r t , u n d e r F r a n c o i s T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , in the excavations at Arslan T a s h (ancient Hadatffju) in n o r t h e r n Syria. T h e fol lowing year, h e joined a H a r v a r d University expedition t o Serabit e l - K h a d e m in Sinai. Barrois is responsible for h a v i n g discovered or s t u d i e d several i m p o r t a n t m o n u m e n t s : a fu n e r a r y chapel in t h e c o n v e n t of St. E u t h y m e in t h e J u d e a n D e s e r t ; s y n a g o g u e s at B e t h A l p h a , east of t h e Jezreel Valley, a n d in Jerash, in J o r d a n ; a n d t o m b s in J e r u s a l e m a n d its vicinity. I n addition, he p u b l i s h e d studies o n biblical m e trology, a n d o n t h e excavations at B e t h - S h e a n , C a e s a r e a , M e g i d d o , a n d H e l b o n ( m o d . K h a l b u n , 25 k m n o r t h of D a m a s c u s ) . M o s t of his p u b l i c a t i o n s a p p e a r e d in t h e Revue Biblique a n d in t h e journal Syria b e t w e e n 1927 a n d 1939. Barrois's m o s t significant p u b l i c a t i o n is his t w o - v o l u m e Ma nuel d'archeologie biblique, a n a m b i t i o u s enterprise covering t h e entire field of traditional biblical archaeology. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barrois, Augustin Georges. Precis d'archeologie biblique. Paris, 1 9 3 5 . Barrois, Augustin Georges. Manuel d'archeologie biblique. 2 vols. Paris, I939-I953-
D h o r m e , Paul. "Les tablettes babyloniennes de N e i r a b . " Revue d'Assyriologie 25.2 ( 1 9 2 8 ) : 5 3 - 8 2 . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n , Franipois, a n d A u g u s t i n Georges Barrois, et al. Arslan-Tash. 2 vols. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 1 6 . Paris, 1 9 3 1 . PIERRE DE MIROSCHEDJI
B A S I L I C A S . D e r i v e d f r o m t h e G r e e k w o r d banlike, "royal h o u s e , " the basilica is " a roofed hall, usually r e c t a n gular or apsidal, a n d often w i t h inner c o l u m n s , serving . . . general social a n d c o m m e r c i a l i n t e r c o u r s e a n d t h e h e a r i n g of lawsuits, for w h i c h it b e c a m e d i e p r i m a r y l o c a t i o n " ( R o b ertson, 1969, p . 268). A t r i b u n a l (or dais) for die presiding magistrate w a s often a feature. Its p l a n m a y b e simple or h a v e two to four aisles f o r m e d b y pillars alongside t h e cenn-al n a v e . S o m e m a k e u s e of t h e clerestory system for illumi nation. Its apse(s) or r e c t a n g u l a r dais(es) m a y b e o n t h e s h o r t or t h e long side, witii o n e or t h r e e e n t r a n c e s facing t h e tribunal. M o d e l s of t h e f o r m are t h e G r e e k hypostyle hall (ibid., p . 180), the Stoa Basilike in the agora in A t h e n s , a n d t h e a u d i e n c e hall i n i m p e r i a l palaces. E a r l y B a s i l i c a s . T h e basilica first a p p e a r s in Italy in r e p u b l i c a n times. T h e oldest k n o w n s t r u c t u r e is t h e Basilica P o r c i a (c. 175 BCE) in R o m e . F r a n k E. B r o w n (1976) p o i n t s to s e c o n d - c e n t u r y BCE basilicas at C o s a a n d A r d u a . T h e b a silica at P o m p e i i (c. 100 B C E ) , d e s t r o y e d in 79 CE, h a d a
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rectangular central space (possibly unroofed) s u r r o u n d e d b y a c o l o n n a d e t h a t c r e a t e d a corridor. Its raised dais was at its w e s t e r n e n d . T h e civil basilica b e c a m e a s t a n d a r d feature of R o m a n cities in t h e early e m p i r e , at A u g u s t a R a u r i c a (Augst, Switzerland), T h a u m a g u s t a ( T i m g a d ) , L e p t i s M a g n a in N o r t h Africa, a n d at T r i e r in G e r m a n y ( n o w a L u t h e r a n c h u r c h ) . L a t e r R o m a n basilicas include t h e Basil ica Aemilia (first c e n t u r y B C E ) , t h e Basilica Julia (first C e n t u r y CE, rebuilt in third c e n t u r y ) , a n d t h e great Basilica of M a x e n t i u s ( c o m p l e t e d b y C o n s t a n t i n e after 313 CE). E a s t e r n B a s i l i c a s . T h e civil basilica first a p p e a r s in the early R o m a n E m p i r e , t h o u g h primarily i n w h a t w e r e essen tially R o m a n cities in t h e east: t h r e e in Corintii (all first c e n t u r y CE), in S h a q q a in Syria, n o r t h of t h e Sea of Galilee (c. 280 CE), a n d in S a m a r i a / S e b a s t e in Israel. T h e so-called Royal Stoa at the s o u t h e r n e n d of tire H e r o d i a n T e m p l e platform in Jerusalem p r e s e n t s s o m e p r o b l e m s . A c c o r d i n g t o B e n j a m i n M a z a r (The Mountain of the Lord, G a r d e n City, N . Y . 1975, p p . 124-125), t h e center of this stoa was " i n the s h a p e of a basilica. " J o s e p h u s (Antiq. 15.411-416) describes t h r e e r o w s of m o n o l i t h i c C o r i n t h i a n c o l u m n s a n d o n e r o w of e n g a g e d c o l u m n s f o r m i n g a tiiree-aisled structure w h o s e central n a v e w a s half as h i g h as t h e t w o aisles. S u c h a stoa w o u l d b e u n i q u e . D i d J o s e p h u s confuse a building like the t w o - s t o r y Stoa of Attalos (with its interior colonnade) in t h e A t h e n s agora with the basilicas h e saw in R o m e ? Its function is u n c l e a r as well, M e i r B e n - D o v (1982, p p . 124-127) h y pothesizes an eastern apse d e c o r a t e d w i t h a m e n o r a h . R i c h a r d M a c k o w s k i (Jerusalem City of Jesus, G r a n d R a p i d s , 1980, p . 125), however, a r g u e s t h a t the T e m p l e functioned as a place w h e r e e v e r y b o d y m i x e d , " e i t h e r for business or t o e x c h a n g e religious a n d political n e w s a n d v i e w s , " like t h e basilicas in R o m e a n d at S e b a s t e a n d t h e Stoa of Attalus. B a s i l i c a l S y n a g o g u e s . T h e basilical p l a n in synagogues a p p e a r s in t h e third or f o u r t h c e n t u r y CE. T h e location of the T o r a h shrine distinguishes t h e l o n g h o u s e plan ( B a r ' a m , Beth Alpha, C a p e r n a u m , Chorazin, Gush Halav, H a m m a t i i - G a d e r , K h i r b e t S h e m a ' , M e i r o n , a n d T i b e r i a s in Israel; o n D e l o s ; a n d in Ostia a n d Stobi in Italy) from t h e b r o a d h o u s e p l a n ( E s h t e m o a a n d K h i r b e t Susiya in Israel a n d D u r a - E u r o p o s in Syria). T h e l o n g h o u s e type s o m e times h a s a n apse for t h e T o r a h shrine, as at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m a n d Betii Alpha in Israel a n d at Sardis in Asia M i n o r . C h r i s t i a n B a s i l i c a s . C o n s t a n t i n e b e g a n building great basilical c h u r c h e s in t h e fourth century. T h e i r typological origins h a v e b e e n a t t r i b u t e d to die a t r i u m h o u s e , secular basilicas or halls, a n d to t h e synagogue. Ecclesiastical basil icas use colonnades t h a t divide the structure into aisles a n d a nave (as at P o m p e i i ) , with a n eastern apse. T h e y have axial e n t r a n c e s on t h e west, often w i t h a n a t r i u m in front of t h e m . C o n s t a n t i n e erected t h e C h u r c h of t h e R e s u r r e c t i o n in J e r u s a l e m , the C h u r c h of t h e Nativity in Betiilehem, a n d St. P e t e r ' s Basilica in R o m e t o set a s t a n d a r d . After C o n s t a n t i n e , t h e b u i l d i n g of ecclesiastical basilicas
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spread rapidly t h r o u g h o u t t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n , e s pecially in Syria-Palestine, which presents a b r o a d s p e c t r u m of basilicas, m a n y of w h i c h are from the fourth to t h e sixth centuries CE. S o m e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t are in N o r t h Syria (Antioch a n d inland regions). T h e y r a n g e f r o m simple tiiree-aisled basilicas w i t h o u t an apse (Behyo, N o r t h Syria) or with a single apse ( K h a r e m S h e m s , D e r T u r m a n i n , a n d Q a l b L o u z e h in Syria; U m m er-Rasas a n d t h e series of c h u r c h e s a t G e r a s a — S t . T h e o d o r e , t h e cathedral, a n d Bishop G e n e s i u s — i n J o r d a n ) , to triple-apsed c h u r c h e s ( d e signed b y t h e architect Julianus at Brad; b y a series by M a r cianus Cyris in t h e m o u n t a i n s from A n t i o c h to A l e p p o ; at Rusafa (Sergiopolis), in the desert s o u t h of t h e E u p h r a t e s River; and at Petra, in J o r d a n ) . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t r a n septs, c o u p l e d with t h e d o m e a n d squinch, led to d i e g r a d u a l a b a n d o n m e n t of t h e basilica p l a n a n d t h e a d o p t i o n of t h e Byzantine cross-in-square plan. T h e great basilicas at Santa M a r i a M a g g i o r e , Santa S a b i n a , a n d St. P a u l outside t h e walls of R o m e w e r e built in t h e fifth century. I n tire sixth century, Justinian rebuilt t h e C h u r c h of t h e Nativity a n d erected t h e N e a C h u r c h in J e rusalem. T h e addition t o Sancta Sophia of a d o m e a n d side apses t o t h e basilical p l a n influenced s u b s e q u e n t G r e e k e c clesiastical style. Basilical c h u r c h e s are n u m e r o u s , a n d t h e basilica f o r m clearly b e c a m e t h e s t a n d a r d in b o t h the east a n d w e s t (Milb u r n , 1988, p p . 83-201). Basilical c h u r c h e s have b e e n ex cavated in Israel at A v d a t ( O b o d a ) , T a b g h a ( H e p t a p e g o n ) , H e r o d i u m , K h i r b e t el-Kursi (Gergesa?), L a t r u n , M a m r e , K u r n u b ( M a m p s i s ) , N e s s a n a , a n d Shivtah. T h e basilica w a s also a d a p t e d for martyria. T h e cruciform M a r t y r i o n of St. Babylas at Antioch/Kaoussie has four a r m s without apses. T h e m o s t grandiose is t h e cruciform m a r t y r ion of St. S i m e o n Stylites at Q a l ' a t S i m ' a n in n o r t h e r n Syria, with four basilicas radiating from t h e octagon built a r o u n d t h e saint's pillar. T h e eastern three-aisled basilica t e r m i n a t e d in an apse. [See also C h u r c h e s ; Synagogues; and T e m p l e s . In addition many of the Near Eastern sites mentioned are the subject of in dependent entries] BIBLIOGRAPHY Ben-Dov, Meir. In the Shadow of the Temple, Translated by Ina Fried man. N e w York, 1 9 8 5 . Useful popular report on recent excavations in Jerusalem. Brown, Frank E. Roman Architecture. N e w York, 1976. Very clear, brief account of factors influencing R o m a n architects in planning build ings and cities. Grimal, Pierre. Roman Cities, Translated a n d edited with a descriptive catalog of R o m a n cities by G. Michael Woloch. M a d i s o n , Wis., 1983. Covers R o m a n cities in t h e W e s t only, Hachlili, Rachel. " T h e N i c h e and the Ark in Ancient Synagogues." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 223 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 4 3 - 5 3 . Includes useful synagogue plans. Krautheimer, Richard, a n d Slobodan Curcic. Early Christian and Byz antine Architecture. 4th ed. N e w Haven, 1986.
Milburn, R o b e r t L . P . Early Christian Art and Architecture. Berkeley, 1988. T h e most accessible recent discussion of early church archi tecture. Robertson, D . S. Greek and Roman Architecture. 2 d ed., corrected. L o n d o n , 1 9 4 5 . Classic descriptions, easily accessible to any reader. Shanks, Hershel. Judaism in Stone: The Archaeology of Ancient Syna gogues. N e w York, 1 9 7 9 . T r u s t w o r d i y p o p u l a r r e p o r t o n excavated ancient synagogues. Strange, James F . , and Hershel Shanks. " S y n a g o g u e W h e r e Jesus P r e a c h e d F o u n d at C a p e r n a u m . " Biblical Archaeology Review 9 ( N o v e m b e r - D e c e m b e r 1983): 2 4 - 3 1 . W h i t e , L . Michael. Building God's House in the Roman World: Architec tural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews, and Christians. Baltimore, 1990. Fascinating a t t e m p t to describe the development of worship centers from modifications of houses to the construction of special buildings for Mithraism, Judaism, a n d Christianity. EDGAR KRENTZ
B A S S I T , site located o n t h e Syrian coast, as t h e crow flies a b o u t 40 k m (25 mi.) n o r t h of Latakia, 50 k m (31 mi.) from A n t i o c h , a n d 137 k m (85 mi.) f r o m C a p e St. J e a n o n C y p r u s (35°5i'38" N , 35°49'i5" E ) . T h e site h a s b e e n visited b y , a m o n g others, C . L e o n a r d W o o l l e y , C l a u d e Schaeffer, H e n r i Seyrig, P . J. Riis ( w h o identified it w i t h a n c i e n t P o s ideion; see b e l o w ) , G e o r g e S a a d e , a n d J o h n W . H a y e s ( w h o studied t h e site's c o r p u s of s t a m p e d clay basins (Fr., pelves). H e r o d o t u s (3.91.1-3) a n d t h e n various other a u t h o r s ( D i o dorus, Strabo, Ptolemaeus) mention Posideion. T h e name a p p e a r s , m o r e a n d m o r e distorted, o n p o r t o l a n o s , medieval ( f o u r t e e n t h - s i x t e e n t h centuries CE) navigation m a n u a l s ; o n a 1692 m a p (Michelet edition, Paris) t h a t r e a d s Possidie a n d places it o n t h e coast; o n a n 1859 British A d m i r a l t y c h a r t t h a t calls it A n c i e n t Posideion; a n d as el Bouseit, m e n t i o n e d at t h e e n d of t h e n i n e t e e n t h century. Following a 1969 survey, excavations t o o k place from 1971 to 1984 u n d e r t h e direction of P a u l C o u r b i n , a n d w e r e at first limited t o t h e site's ancient t e r r a c e ( n o w called M e i d a n ) , t h e t o m b s in t h e I r o n A g e necropolis, a n d t h e Helle nistic a n d R o m a n acropolis. I n 1973, t h e w e s t e r n valley w a s partly excavated a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y t h e tell ( L a t e B r o n z e A g e I - e n d of t h e R o m a n p e r i o d ) itself w a s excavated. T h e first evidence of settlement dates to a b o u t 1600 BCE. T h e s u r r o u n d i n g w o o d l a n d was cleared to cultivate cereals. [See Cereals.] T h e n a m e of t h e site in t h a t p e r i o d is u n k n o w n , b u t it a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n a n a d v a n c e d o u t p o s t of Ugarit. T w o i m p o r t a n t buildings s u c c e e d e d e a c h other t h a t h a d been a b a n d o n e d before t h e arrival of t h e Sea P e o p l e s i n a b o u t 1200 BCE. T h e site w a s i m m e d i a t e l y r e o c c u p i e d , b u t only partially. I t a p p e a r s t h e n t o b e l o n g t o t h e A r a m e a n k i n g d o m of H a m a . M a n y architectural levels follow w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n d u r i n g t h e Early I r o n A g e . A s a small L e v a n t i n e h a r b o r related b y t r a d e t o central P h o e n i c i a a n d C y p r u s , a n d possibly receiving colonists from t h o s e areas, Bassit devel o p e d contacts w i t h G r e e c e in t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE t h a t c o n tinued into t h e n i n t h a n d eighth centuries BCE; h o w e v e r , t h e r e is n o evidence of a G r e e k p r e s e n c e at Bassit before t h e
BASTA first half of t h e seventh c e n t u r y BCE. T h e site received its n a m e , Posideion, t h e n . M a n y objects f o u n d in t h e e i g h t h s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE necropolis confirm relations with P h o e nicia a n d C y p r u s . T h e s e t t l e m e n t a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n small a n d its i n h a b i t a n t s p o o r . S o m e s i x t h - c e n t u r y BCE child burials w e r e d u g intra muros. T h e society a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n b o t h exclusive a n d egalitarian. Following the e n d of t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, relations grew steadily with eastern G r e e c e : Aeolis, Ionia, S a m o s , M i letus (630-520 BCE); m a i n l a n d G r e e c e : C o r i n t h a n d S p a r t a ; a n d even ( a l t h o u g h d o u b t l e s s , indirectly) E t r u r i a a n d t h e n A t h e n s (575-480 B C E ) . T h e P e r s i a n c o n q u e s t (539 BCE) b r o u g h t n o c h a n g e to t h e s e relations. T h e M e d i a n wars seem to h a v e slowed t r a d e d u r i n g m o s t of t h e fifth c e n t u r y BCE, b u t it w a s later r e s u m e d . T h e city m a y eventually h a v e m i n t e d its o w n coinage, before A l e x a n d e r ' s death, as a local coin of A l e x a n d e r ' s is k n o w n . I n t h a t p e r i o d the acropolis was fortified. Following A l e x a n d e r ' s d e a t h , t h e site b e c a m e p a r t of t h e Seleucid k i n g d o m a n d later u s e d t h e Hellenistic koine. E v e n after t h e R o m a n c o n q u e s t (64 BCE), t h e G r e e k l a n g u a g e r e m a i n e d in u s e . F r o m t h e third c e n t u r y CE o n w a r d , t h e t o w n witnessed considerable c o n s t r u c t i o n activity: a n e w pier a n d h a r b o r facilities, a n e w t o w n wall m a d e of m o d u l a r blocks, large h o u s e s , n e w r a m p a r t s , a basilica, c h a m b e r t o m b s t h a t e v e n tually held s a r c o p h a g i , a n d a s y n a g o g u e . It b e c a m e a C h r i s tian cult place. I n a d d i t i o n , pelves (see a b o v e ) w e r e p r o d u c e d a n d e x p o r t e d . T h e site w a s i n h a b i t e d until t h e A r a b c o n q u e s t at d i e b e g i n n i n g of d i e s e v e n t h century. [See also the biographies of Schaeffer, Seyrig, and
Woolley.}
BIBLIOGRAPHY C o u r b i n , Paul. "Bassit." Syria 63 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 1 7 5 - 2 2 0 . Includes fifty-five illustrations. C o u r b i n , Paul. "Bassit-Posidaion in d i e Early I r o n A g e . " In Greek Col onists and Native Populations: Proceedings of the First Australian Con gress of Classical Archaeology Held in Honour of Emeritus Professor A. D. Trendall, Sydney, 9-14 Jidy 198s, edited by Jean-Paul D e s c o e u dres, p p . 5 0 3 - 5 0 9 . Oxford, 1 9 9 0 . Courbin, Paul. Les tombes du Ferll a Bassit. Paris, 1 9 9 3 . C o u r b i n , Paul. " F r a g m e n t s d ' a m p h o r e s protogeometriques grecques a Bassit (Syrie)." Hesperia 62 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 9 5 - 1 1 3 . L e Rider, G e o r g e s . "L'atelier de Posideion et les monnaies de la fouille de Bassit en Syrie." Bulletin de ConespondanceHellenique 110 (1986): 393-408. Perreault, Jacques Y. " C e r a m i q u e et echanges: Les importations attiques au P r o c h e - O r i e n t du Vie au milieu d u Ve siecle avant J. C , les donnees archeologiques." Bulletin de Conespondance Hellinique 1 1 0 (1986): 1 4 5 - 1 7 5 . Perreault, Jacques Y. " L e s emporias grecs du Levant: mythe ou realite," In L'Emporion, edited by Alain B r e s s o n and Pierre Rouillard, p p . 5 9 83. Paris, 1 9 9 3 . PAUL COURBIN
B A S T A , site located a b o u t 20 k m (12 mi.) s o u t h of W a d i M u s a / P e t r a , in s o u t h e r n J o r d a n , 1,460-1,420 m a b o v e sea
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level, at t h e b o r d e r b e t w e e n arable land with rich springs a n d t h e steppic Artemisia (Artemisia h e r b a alba) regions of t h e w e s t e r n Arabian p l a t e a u , w h e r e the m e a n a n n u a l p r e cipitation is 200 m m (3o°i3'47" N , 35°32'o6" E ) . A N e o lithic o c c u p a t i o n was first r e c o r d e d in a survey carried o u t b y the D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities of J o r d a n in 1972. H a n s G e o r g G e b e l did a s o u n d i n g in 1984 t h a t revealed a d e e p L a t e P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c B ( P P N B ) o c c u p a t i o n that was excavated from 1986 t o 1989 a n d again in 1992 b y the Basta Joint Archaeological Project, directed by H a n s J. N i s s e n a n d M u j a h e d M u h e i s e n . G e b e l w a s t h e project's assistant direc tor. T h e settlement was l o c a t e d n e x t to t h e rich spring of Basta, o n a steep wadi slope. T h e surface distribution of P P N B artifacts w a s a l m o s t 14 ha (36 acres). T h e area ex cavated covered a b o u t 900 s q m . T h e evidence at Basta w a s of a shifting site o c c u p a t i o n , w i t h m a r g i n a l refuse d u m p s , activity areas for p r o c e s s i n g food, materials u s e d for c o n struction, a n d possible cultivated areas. T h e L a t e P P N B c h i p p e d lithics a n d architectural p h a s e s excavated h a d r a d i o c a r b o n dates of t h e s e c o n d half of t h e seventh millen n i u m , w i t h parallels at ' A i n G h a z a l , W a d i S h u ' e i b , 'Ain G a m a m , a n d N a h a l Issaron. [See 'Ain G h a z a l ; S h u ' e i b , W a d i . ] T h e cultural layers a n d deposits a b o v e the P P N B architec t u r e revealed a P P N C - a n d Y a r m u k i a n - r e l a t e d c h i p p e d stone i n d u s t r y a n d artifacts. T h e layers w e r e m o r e t h a n 6 m d e e p . B e l o w t h e surface, p r e d o m i n a n d y sixth-millennium colluvials w e r e i n t e r b e d d e d with cultural layers ( Y a r m u kian-related a r r o w h e a d types a n d a few P o t t e r y Neolithic sherds as well as flimsy installations of a p h a s e b e t w e e n t h e L a t e P P N B a n d t h e P N ) covering an u p p e r L a t e P P N B architectural p h a s e . B e c a u s e of t e r r a c e d h o u s i n g o n the slopes a n d rebuilding activities, it is difficult t o s e p a r a t e the m a i n architectural p h a s e from even o n e s u b p h a s e . T h e architectural units are a s s u m e d to h a v e b e e n u s e d for long periods of time. Built o n terraces created b y channel-like grids of d r y - s t o n e m a sonry, t h e y w e r e well p r e s e r v e d ( u p t o 4 m h i g h ) , p r e p l a n n e d , a n d m u l t i r o o m e d . T h e s u b s t r u c t u r e s h a v e parallels at C a y o n i i a n d N e v a h C o r i in T u r k e y . [See Cayonii; N e v a h Cori.] T h e s e s u b s t r u c t u r e s , possibly related t o subfloor cli m a t i c n e e d s (i.e., air circulation), were covered b y stone slabs, a stone fill, a n d t h e b e d s of the first-floor r o o m s , a n d s o m e t i m e s with a finish of b u r n i s h e d plaster stained in a r e d o r c r e a m color. M o s t of t h e " c h a n n e l s " w e r e f o u n d e m p t y ; s o m e h a d b e e n u s e d as a burial g r o u n d a n d a few at least w e r e accessible. (An e n t r a n c e into o n e channel could b e t r a c e d for m o r e t h a n 12 m . ) S o m e of t h e well-built walls on t h e terraces ( d o u b l e r o w s of dressed stones set in m o r t a r , w i t h smaller stones w e d g e d into t h e courses) show traces of m u d plaster, rarely b e a r i n g b u r n i s h e d a n d p a i n t e d plaster. I n o n e case a painting a p p e a r s to r e p r e s e n t twigs with ber ries. T h e g r o u n d p l a n s of t h e larger units a n d r o o m s s e e m e d t o follow the c o n t o u r lines of the slope of t h e terrace. T h e
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central building unit of area B (10 X 15 m ) , h o w e v e r , was constructed o n o n e level, with two single a n d d o u b l e r o w s of small r o o m s (1.3-2 sq m ) a r o u n d a central o p e n space. I n m a n y cases t h e r e was n o evidence of h o w the r o o m s were connected, a n d their function r e m a i n s unclear. T r u e e n trances and stairs w e r e rare, b u t windowlike wall o p e n i n g s (for air circulation, light, a n d accessibility) are attested. T h e evidence is of a long-time use of t h e m a i n walls, a n d two stories c a n n o t be ruled out. Less well-built structures in t h e u p p e r architectural p h a s e were related to an early sixthmillennium occupation. U n m i x e d debitage d u m p s of w o r k s h o p s indicated s p e cialized craftsmanship in naviform core technologies (with exclusive u s e of t a b u l a r flint) that gave place to p r e d o m i nantly flake technologies in t h e P o s t - P P N B layers. A r r o w h e a d types in t h e L a t e P P N B layers are related to t h e Byblos a n d ' A m u q shapes; the ' A m u q - r e l a t e d m o r p h o l o g y d o m i nates. [See Byblos; ' A m u q . ] T h e tool kit comprises all i m p l e m e n t classes k n o w n from p e r m a n e n t P P N B village sites, witii additional types. A rich g r o u n d stone industry is r e p resented b y m a r b l e a n d limestone vessels, standardized m a n o s a n d grinding slabs, as well as items with u n k n o w n functions. T h e b o n e industry is of a L a t e P P N B s t a n d a r d type, including needles a n d t u b u l a r b o n e b e a d s . L a r g e m a r ble plates a n d oval vessels, as well as limestone a n d tiny chlorite vessels, exist at Basta. Vessels m a d e of t e m p e r e d sun-dried or low-fired clay are also well attested in die L a t e P P N B contexts. All sorts of b e a d s m a d e of greenstones, R e d Sea corals a n d mollusks, local a n d exotic minerals, pailletts of m o t h e r of-pearl, a n d tokenlike objects were found. H u m a n faces are represented by t w o Basta " h e a d s " (green m a r b l e , lime stone), a stone carving a n d a m a s k fragment (limestone). F r o m t h e P o s t - P P N B layers (possibly mid-sixth m i l l e n n i u m BCE), a h o a r d of t w o animal figurines a n d two p e n d a n t s carved in different styles a n d raw materials was found; o n e represents a r a m t h a t resembles a phallus w h e n t u r n e d (see figure 1). P r i m a r y burials of complete a n d incomplete corpses as well as secondary deposits of skulls from disturbed burials were found together with dispersed h u m a n r e m a i n s in ar chitectural contexts. It is likely t h a t u n i n h a b i t e d p a r t s of t h e settlement (ruins) were used as a burial g r o u n d . M u l t i individual burials w e r e c o m m o n . Infant mortality is r e p r e sented b y 38 p e r c e n t for z e r o - t w o years a n d 38 p e r c e n t for five-seven years. Well-attested diseases a n d pathological al terations are dental caries, periodontal diseases, stomatitis, scurvy, transversal e n a m e l hypoplasia, possible a n e m i a and/ or A-hypervitaminosis, cribra oribitalia, meningitis, osteo myelitis of t h e skull vault, arthrosis of the large joints, a n d r h e u m a t i c arthritis. In the L a t e P P N B , subsistence' appears to have b e e n 76 p e r c e n t domestic sheep/goats, 1-3 p e r c e n t morphologically wild sheep/goats, 10 p e r c e n t goitered a n d m o u n t a i n gazelle
BASTA. F i g u r e 1. Limestone
ram amulet.
F r o m a Yarmukian-re-
lated c o n t e x t . L e n g t h , 7 . 8 c m . (Courtesy H . G. Gebel)
(possibly also G. dorcas), 4 p e r c e n t morphologically wild a n d possibly d o m e s t i c cattle, very few wild a n d possibly d o mestic pigs, fallow deer, onager, a n d African wild asses. [See S h e e p a n d G o a t s ; Cattle a n d O x e n ; Pigs.] L a t e P P N B ar boreal cover a n d subsistence are r e p r e s e n t e d b y juniper, 7 4 percent; pistachio, 25 p e r c e n t ( m o s t likely P. atlanticd); a n d a few p o p l a r a n d willow trees. T h e i n h a b i t a n t s of Basta col lected a l m o n d s a n d wild figs a n d cultivated t w o - r o w hulled barley a n d e m m e r w h e a t a n d filed p e a s . [See Cereals; A g riculture.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Becker, Cornelia. " T h e Analysis of M a m m a l i a n Bones from Basta, a Pre-Pottery Neolithic Site in Jordan: Problems and Potential." Paleorient 1 7 . 1 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 5 9 - 7 5 .
Gebel, H a n s G., et al. "Preliminary R e p o r t o n the First Season of E x cavations at Basta." In The Prehistory of Jordan, vol. 1, edited by Andrew N . G a r r a r d and H a n s G. Gebel, p p . 1 0 1 - 1 3 4 . British Ar chaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 3 9 6 . Oxford, 1 9 8 8 . Nissen, H a n s J., et al. " R e p o r t on the First T w o Seasons of Excavations at Basta, 1 9 8 6 - 8 7 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 31 (1987): 79-II9-
Nissen, H a n s J., et al, " R e p o r t on t h e Excavations at Basta, 1 9 8 8 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 3 5 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 3 - 4 0 . HANS GEORG GEBEL a n d MUJAHED MUHEISEN
BATASH, TEL B A T A S H , T E L (Ar., T e l l el-Batashi), site located in t h e Sorek Valley, 7 k m (4 mi.) w e s t of B e t h - S h e m e s h a n d 5 k m (3 mi.) n o r t h w e s t of T e l M i q n e ( E k r o n ) . T h e site ( m a p reference 141 X 132) can b e safely identified with T i m n a h , a t o w n m e n t i o n e d in the biblical description of the n o r t h e r n b o r d e r of J u d a h as located in t h e Sorek Valley, b e t w e e n B e t h - S h e m e s h a n d E k r o n / M i q n e (Jos. 1 5 : 1 0 - 1 1 ) . T e l B a tash is the only m o u n d b e t w e e n these t w o p o i n t s . T i m n a h is m e n t i o n e d in several additional biblical texts, t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of w h i c h is the S a m s o n narrative in Judges 1 4 - 1 5 , w h e r e it is d e s c r i b e d as a Philistine t o w n close to the D a n i t e b o r d e r . T i m n a h in Genesis 38:13-14 p r o b a b l y also refers t o this site. T h e t o w n is m e n t i o n e d in tire t o w n lists of D a n (Jos. 19:43), attributed by m a n y scholars to the t i m e of t h e U n i t e d M o n a r c h y . It t h u s a p p e a r s t h a t d u r i n g t h e t i m e of David and Solomon T i m n a h changed hands and became an Israelite t o w n . A c c o r d i n g t o 1 Chronicles 28:18, t h e Philis tines, p r o b a b l y the Ekronites, t o o k the city b a c k from t h e Israelites d u r i n g t h e t i m e of K i n g A h a z . A few decades later, d u r i n g S e n n a c h e r i b ' s invasion of J u d a h , the Assyrians c a p t u r e d T i m n a h , just before E k r o n , w h i c h d u r i n g t h a t t i m e w a s also u n d e r J u d e a n subjugation. T e l B a t a s h covers 6 acres of a flat alluvial plain s o u t h of t h e Sorek b r o o k . T h e m o u n d , rising a b o u t 15 m a b o v e t h e plain, is s q u a r e a n d its sides are o r i e n t e d t o t h e points of t h e compass. E x c a v a t i o n s w e r e carried o u t o n t h e m o u n d in twelve sea sons (1977-1989), s p o n s o r e d b y the S o u t h w e s t e r n Baptist T h e o l o g i c a l S e m i n a r y , in collaboration with t h e Institute of A r c h a e o l o g y of t h e H e b r e w U n i v e r s i t y of Jerusalem. T h e expedition director was G e o r g e L . K e l m , a n d the a r c h a e o logical director w a s A m i h a i M a z a r . A s e q u e n c e of twelve major strata was identified, s o m e w i t h several s u b p h a s e s , covering a s p a n of 1,300 years, f r o m M i d d l e B r o n z e II until the Persian Period. M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e ( S t r a t a X I I - X ) . T h e town was f o u n d e d s o m e t i m e d u r i n g M i d d l e B r o n z e II, p e r h a p s in a b o u t 1700 BCE. Its f o u n d e r s c o n s t r u c t e d a s q u a r e e a r t h e n r a m p a r t , 200 m l o n g on e a c h side, w h i c h s u b s e q u e n t l y c r e ated t h e m o u n d ' s g e o m e t r i c configuration. T h e t o w n d e veloped inside t h e c r a t e r - s h a p e d area. I n area B , in t h e m o u n d ' s n o r t h e a s t e r n corner, t h e r a m p a r t w a s u n c o v e r e d for a length of m o r e t h a n 30 m . It w a s p r e s e r v e d t o a height of a b o u t 6 m , leaning on t h e massive m u d - b r i c k wall of a large s t r u c t u r e , p e r h a p s a citadel. Only t w o r o o m s of this citadel w e r e excavated, in w h i c h t w o c o n s t r u c t i o n p h a s e s ( d e n o t e d strata X I I - X I ) w e r e o b s e r v e d . T h e citadel a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n d e s t r o y e d before t h e final p h a s e of M B III: o c c u p a t i o n was r e s u m e d o n its ruins following its d e s t r u c tion in s t r a t u m X . Only f r a g m e n t a r y b u i l d i n g r e m a i n s w e r e p r e s e r v e d from this level, a n d it a p p e a r s t h a t t h e fortifica tions (or at least t h e citadel) w e n t o u t of u s e t h e n . T h e p o t tery suggests a d a t e late in t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e . S t r a t u m X w a s heavily destroyed b y fire.
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L a t e B r o n z e A g e ( S t r a t a I X - V I ) . F o u r o c c u p a t i o n lev els from the L a t e B r o n z e A g e w e r e identified in area B. E a c h of the lower t h r e e ( I X - V I I , dated t o t h e fifteenth-fourteenth centuries BCE) was d e s t r o y e d violently by fire, indicating a period of unrest a n d instability. It a p p e a r s t h a t d u r i n g this p e r i o d T e l Batash was a t o w n in the k i n g d o m of G e z e r , w h i c h d o m i n a t e d the fertile l a n d of t h e Sorek Valley. As at m a n y o t h e r L B sites in Israel, n o t r a c e of a city wall was f o u n d ; t h e outer walls of h o u s e s served as a defense line, a n d w h e r e streets r e a c h e d t h e e n d of the m o u n d t h e y were b l o c k e d b y walls t h a t closed t h e g a p s b e t w e e n h o u s e s . In each of the three strata t h e r e m a i n s of substantial build ings w e r e found, including t h o s e of large pillared halls with staircases leading to a s e c o n d floor. T h e architecture of these h o u s e s is unparalleled elsewhere; they p r o b a b l y b e l o n g e d t o u p p e r - c l a s s landlords or m e r c h a n t s . R i c h assemblages of pottery a n d other finds w e r e r e c o v e r e d in the d e s t r u c t i o n layers: considerable a m o u n t s of C y p r i o t pottery (mainly in s t r a t u m V I I ) a n d cylinder seals, scarabs from E g y p t , clay figurines, a n d m e t a l objects. It seems t h a t after t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of the p r o s p e r o u s stra t u m VII t o w n (fourteenth c e n t u r y BCE), the site declined. O n l y p o o r structural r e m a i n s a n d a few finds could be at t r i b u t e d t o s t r a t u m VI (thirteenth c e n t u r y BCE). I r o n A g e ( S t r a t a V - I I ) . It is s t r a t u m V at T e l Batash t h a t is to be identified with t h e Philistine t o w n of T i m n a h in the biblical texts, p r o b a b l y built b y t h e Philistines as a b o r d e r t o w n in the territory of the city-state of E k r o n / M i q n e . It was f o u n d e d s o m e t i m e in t h e s e c o n d half of the twelfth century BCE, w h e n Philistine b i c h r o m e p o t t e r y w a s already in use. Unlike n e a r b y E k r o n / M i q n e , T e l B a t a s h p r o d u c e d n o M y c e n a e a n I I I C pottery. T h e B a t a s h w a s destroyed in a b o u t 1000 BCE or slightly later, p e r h a p s w h e n K i n g D a v i d c o n q u e r e d t h e region. T h e Philistine t o w n w a s well built, with m u d - b r i c k structures o n s t o n e foundations. E v i d e n c e for a shallow defensive wall was f o u n d in area C . In the residential areas several phases of c o n s t r u c t i o n were observed, evi d e n c e of t h e longevity of this s t r a t u m . A m o n g the finds were typical Iron I p o t t e r y a s s e m b l a g e s , including Philistine p o t tery a n d s o m e figurines; h o w e v e r , the area of this s t r a t u m excavated t h u s far is t o o limited to allow an i n - d e p t h eval u a t i o n of the material culture. S t r a t u m I V (tenth c e n t u r y BCE) follows the total d e s t r u c tion or a b a n d o n m e n t of t h e previous t o w n . Its n e w struc t u r e s w e r e built on a different p l a n a n d are mainly domestic, p r o b a b l y belonging to a c o m m u n i t y of farmers. N o city wall w a s discovered, b u t t w o t o w e r s a n d a n L - s h a p e d wall are p r o b a b l y t h e r e m a i n s of its city gate. It a p p e a r s that the stra t u m I V p o p u l a t i o n was Israelite, a n d the t o w n w a s p a r t of the k i n g d o m of D a v i d a n d S o l o m o n . T h e pottery is very similar to t h a t f o u n d at o t h e r J u d e a n sites of the period a n d includes vessels covered w i t h a thick, h a n d - b u r n i s h e d r e d slip. T h e s t r a t u m I V t o w n c a m e to an e n d in the late t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, p e r h a p s d u r i n g t h e invasion of P h a r a o h S h i -
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shak. A m o n g t h e finds w a s an incised inscription o n a b o w l fragment t h a t m e n t i o n s " [ s o ] n of H a n a n . " T h e n a m e H a n a n in this context is interesting b e c a u s e E l o n B e t h - H a n a n is m e n t i o n e d as o n e of the cities in this region d u r i n g t h e reign of S o l o m o n ( i Kgs. 4:9). S t r a t u m III represents t h e rebuilding of the t o w n o n a large scale. T h i s t o w n w a s destroyed in 701 BCE d u r i n g S e n nacherib's invasion; h o w e v e r , the date of its f o u n d a t i o n is n o t clear, a n d it is still n o t k n o w n whether t h e r e was an occupation g a p in t h e n i n t h century BCE. T h e r e clearly is n o m o r e t h a n o n e major s t r a t u m b e t w e e n t h e t e n t h century (stratum IV) a n d t h e seventh c e n t u r y ( s t r a t u m I I ) . T h e stratum III city w a s well fortified b y a stone wall o n the crest of t h e m o u n d a n d a lower wall on its slope. A m a g nificent city gate led into t h e t o w n (see figure 1). T h e n a r r o w a p p r o a c h to t h e t o w n was defended b y an outer gate with a large bastion (8 X 24 m ) . A bent-axis a p p r o a c h in t h e outer gate a n d a small piazza led to an inner four-entryway or sixc h a m b e r e d gate structure. S o u t h of t h e gate c o m p l e x , o n t h e crest of the m o u n d , t h e foundation courses of a large public building w e r e discov ered. It appears to have b e e n an administrative s t r u c t u r e , just inside t h e city gate. I n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e t o w n , a building w a s f o u n d with large storage spaces in w h i c h d o z ens of s m a s h e d storejars, J u d e a n in type, s t a m p e d with royal J u d e a n seal impressions (Jmlk), were found. O n e jar bears t h e seal impression of an official, " T s a f a n (son of) A b i -
BATASH, TEL. F i g u r e Expedition)
m a a s . " T h e building w a s destroyed d u r i n g S e n n a c h e r i b ' s invasion of T i m n a h in 701 BCE, r e c o r d e d in his annals. T h i s fits t h e historical s o u r c e s , w h i c h relate t h a t K i n g H e z e k i a h took control of t h e city-state of E k r o n / M i q n e , exiled its king t o Jerusalem, a n d forced its elders to join h i m against A s syria. T i m n a h , w h i c h t h e Philistines h a d t a k e n from, J u d a h several decades earlier ( a c c o r d i n g t o 2 Chr. 28), was t h u s u n d e r J u d e a n control, a n d t h e jars with royal seal i m p r e s sions m a y have b e l o n g e d to a J u d e a n garrison stationed there. In S t r a t u m II (seventh c e n t u r y BCE), T i m n a h p r o s p e r e d , as did its m u c h larger n e i g h b o r , E k r o n / M i q n e . T h e fortifi cations of the p r e v i o u s city of s t r a t u m III w e r e r e c o n structed, t h e city wall thickened, a n d t h e gate rebuilt. T h e building r e m a i n s indicate t h a t t h e s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y t o w n w a s well p l a n n e d a n d densely built u p . T h e p u b l i c b u i l d i n g soutii of t h e gate was r e p l a c e d b y an industrial a n d c o m m e r c i a l c o m p l e x , w h i c h i n c l u d e d a finely built oil-pressing installa tion. I n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e t o w n , a large area w a s ex p o s e d t h a t revealed a series of dwellings a n d a p u b l i c b u i l d ing. T h e dwellings are typical I r o n A g e pillared buildings, or f o u r - r o o m h o u s e , featuring a s p a c e o n t h e g r o u n d floor t h a t is divided b y a r o w of m o n o l i t h i c pillars. [See F o u r - r o o m H o u s e . ] A street s e p a r a t e d the h o u s e s f r o m t h e n o r t i i e r n city wall. O u t of t h e four h o u s e s e x p o s e d , t h r e e h a d industrial installations: o n e h a d an oil p r e s s a n d t h e t w o others a n i n -
1. View of the outer gate at Tel Batash, looking northeast.
(Courtesy T e l Batash
BATHS stallation of u n d e f i n e d f u n c t i o n , k n o w n also from n e a r b y Ekron/Miqne. E v e r y h o u s e c o n t a i n e d large quantities of pottery a n d other finds. M a n y of the forms of p o t t e r y vessels are typical of the region of Philistia a n d m a i n l y of E k r o n / M i q n e , t h e others are J u d e a n . E v i d e n c e for l o n g - d i s t a n c e c o n n e c t i o n s is f o u n d in the f o r m of P h o e n i c i a n , T r a n s j o r d a n i a n , a n d E a s t G r e e k pottery. C o n n e c t i o n s w i t h J u d a h are also illus trated b y inscribed s t o n e shekel weights a n d rosette seal i m pressions. S t r a t u m II at T i m n a h w a s p r o b a b l y a t o w n in t h e state of E k r o n / M i q n e t h a t m a i n t a i n e d strong ties with J u d a h a n d c o n d u c t e d extensive industrial a n d c o m m e r c i a l activity. It a p p e a r s t h a t , as at E k r o n / M i q n e , the p r o d u c t i o n a n d e x p o r t of olive oil, p a r t of a " c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y , " was a major factor in d i e t o w n ' s prosperity. I t w a s severely destroyed b y fire d u r i n g t h e B a b y l o n i a n c o n q u e s t of t h e region, p r o b a b l y in 603 BCE. T h e city s u b s e q u e n t l y fell into r u i n s a n d w a s briefly o c c u p i e d b y few squatters. D u r i n g t h e Persian p e r i o d t h e r e was a small s e t t l e m e n t on t h e m o u n d , b u t only a few walls a n d pits c a n b e attributed t o this p e r i o d . [See also M i q n e , Tel.] BIBLIOGRAPHY K e l m , George L . , and Amihai M a z a r . " T h r e e Seasons of Excavations at Tel Batash ( T i m n a h ) : Preliminary R e p o r t . " Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 2 4 8 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 1 - 3 6 . K e l m , George L., and Amihai M a z a r . " T e l Batash ( T i m n a h ) E x c a vations: S e c o n d Preliminary R e p o r t ( 1 9 8 1 - 1 9 8 3 ) . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, S u p p l e m e n t , no, 2 3 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 93-120.
Kelm, George L., and Amihai M a z a r . "Excavating in S a m s o n Country: Philistines a n d Israelites at T e l B a t a s h . " Biblical Archaeology Review 15.1 (1989): 36-49-
Kelm, George L . , and Amihai M a z a r . " T e l Batash ( T i m n a h ) E x c a vations: T h i r d Preliminary R e p o r t , 1 9 8 4 - 1 9 8 9 . " Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, S u p p l e m e n t , n o . 2 7 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 4 7 - 6 7 . M a z a r , Amihai, and George L. K e l m . "Batash, T e l . " In The New En cyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, edited b y E p h r a i m Stern, vol. 1, p p . 1 5 2 - 1 5 7 . Jerusalem a n d N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . Mazar, Amihai. " T h e N o r t h e r n Shephelah in the Iron Age: Some issues in Biblical History a n d Archaeology." In Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, edited by Michael C o o g a n , J. C. E x u m , and L a u r e n c e E. Stager, p p . 2 4 7 - 2 6 7 . Louisville, 1 9 9 4 .
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p h r a t e s River, terra-cotta b a t h t u b s w e r e recovered in t h e palace. [See M a r i ; Palace.] B r o n z e b a t h t u b s have occasion ally b e e n u n c o v e r e d from t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE in M e s o p o t a m i a . It seems, h o w e v e r , t h a t in ancient M e s o p o t a m i a t u b s w e r e reserved for the wealthy; t h e p o o r b a t h e d on t h e b a n k s of canals a n d rivers a n d in cisterns or p o u r e d water over a b a t h e r on a plastered or p a v e d surface. [See Cisterns.] In N e b u c h a d r e z z a r ' s B a b y l o n , residences typically included a b a t h r o o m located b e h i n d t h e m a i n r o o m of t h e h o u s e . T h e b a t h r o o m consisted of a fired-brick floor, lined with b i t u m e n a n d p o w d e r e d limestone. T h e waste w a t e r from the b a t h flowed i n t o a s u m p located b e n e a t h the lowest section of t h e floor. N o traces of b a t h t u b s h a v e b e e n recovered, indicating t h a t s h o w e r w a t e r was p o u r e d over t h e bather. Batiitubs a p p e a r o n C y p r u s in the L a t e C y p r i o t II period ( f o u r t e e n t h - t h i r t e e n t h c e n m r i e s BCE) a n d b e c a m e increas ingly p o p u l a r in t h e L a t e C y p r i o t IIIA p e r i o d (twelfth c e n t u r y BCE). [See C y p r u s . ] B o t h limestone a n d terra-cotta e x amples are k n o w n from Ayios Iakovos, Kalavasos Ayios D h i m i t r i o s , E n k o m i , a n d M a a - P a l a e o k a s t r o . [See Kalavasos; E n k o m L ] T h e c u s t o m of b a t h i n g in t u b s is well k n o w n in M y c e n a e a n G r e e c e . It is described in t h e Iliad a n d Odyssey (cf. Odyssey 10.165) a n d can b e associated with the increas ing influence of L a t e B r o n z e A g e G r e e c e o n C y p r u s in t h e L a t e C y p r i o t EC—III. I n d o o r b a t h i n g installations in residences were c o m m o n in Egypt. F r o m M i d d l e a n d N e w K i n g d o m Egypt, excava tions at the royal palace of A m e n o p h i s III in T h e b e s a n d in residences at L a h u n a n d e l - A m a m a h a v e u n c o v e r e d n u m e r o u s e x a m p l e s of b a t h r o o m s . [See A m a r n a , Tell el-.] T h e typical b a t h r o o m was located near the b e d r o o m , in close p r o x i m i t y to a latrine a n d d r e s s i n g r o o m . T h e b a t h r o o m consisted of a slightly s l o p e d stone-slab floor a n d wall-lined with stone slabs. T h e b a t h w a t e r d r a i n e d t h r o u g h a s p o u t located at the lower e n d of t h e stone slab or t h r o u g h a d r a i n age c h a n n e l that r a n t h r o u g h t h e outer wall into a vessel or t o t h e o u t d o o r s . A low wall separated tire b a t h r o o m from the latrine. Similar b a t h r o o m s h a v e b e e n excavated on M i n o a n C r e t e . [See Crete.]
B A T H S . D u r i n g pre-Hellenistic times in t h e N e a r East, the private b a t h , consisted either of a b a t h t u b or b a t h i n g platform. F r o m t h e Hellenistic t h r o u g h B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d s , p u b l i c b a t h h o u s e s b e c a m e t h e p o p u l a r f o r m of bathing. T h e sources for b a t h s in antiquity are archaeological evidence, ancient depictions, a n d w r i t t e n s o u r c e s .
In addition to t h e archaeological evidence, a wall painting f r o m a N e w K i n g d o m t o m b at T h e b e s depicts a w o m a n b a t h i n g in a b a t h installation t h a t resembles those excavated at e l - A m a r n a . [See W a l l Paintings.] T h e w o m a n is shown with four slaves waiting on her. O n e r e m o v e s her jewelry a n d clothing, a s e c o n d p o u r s water over h e r head, t h e third r u b s her a r m s a n d b o d y , a n d a fourth holds a flower to her n o s e as she is b a t h e d . T h e G r e e k historian H e r o d o t u s a n d the R o m a n author Diodorus mention Egyptian bathing cus t o m s , n o t i n g t h a t w a r m a n d cold b a t h s w e r e u s e d by the E g y p t i a n s ; for ordinary ablutions, however, cold water was preferred.
S o m e of t h e earliest archaeological e v i d e n c e c o m e s f r o m M e s o p o t a m i a , from the first half of t h e s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. F r o m e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE M a r i , located o n the E u
T h o u g h rare, b a t h i n g installations similar to those f o u n d in E g y p t are k n o w n f r o m C a n a a n . A t T e l l el-'Ajjul a n d B e t h S h e a n , b o t h sites with a strong E g y p t i a n influence, plas-
AMIHAI MAZAR
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BATHS. Hasmonean
ritual bath at Jericho.
tered, pebbled, or shell floors have b e e n interpreted b y die excavators as b a t h r o o m s in which water was p o u r e d over t h e bather. [See 'Ajjul, T e l l el-; Beth-Shean.] B a t h t u b s in ancient Philistia a n d Israel are found only occasionally. T e r r a - c o t t a b a t h s or fragments from t h e m have b e e n ex cavated at several sites, including Tell Qasile, A s h d o d , T e l M i q n e / E k r o n , Tell A b u H a w a m , a n d T e l D a n . [See Qasile, Tell; A s h d o d ; M i q n e , T e l ; A b u H a w a m , Tell; D a n . ] It is n o t e w o r t h y t h a t the first three are Philistine sites, p e r h a p s reflecting an A e g e a n origin for t h e c u s t o m of b a t h i n g . T h e nearly complete t e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE rub from T e l D a n was discovered in t h e sacred precinct a n d it p r e s u m a b l y served a cultic function. [See Cult.] Bathing in t h e m o d e r n , nonreligious sense is s e l d o m m e n tioned in t h e Bible. In Exodus 2:5, P h a r a o h ' s d a u g h t e r bathes in the river; in 2 Samuel 11:2, Bathsheba is observed b y D a vid bathing o n t h e roof. H o w e v e r , washing of t h e face, h a n d s , a n d feet are m e n t i o n e d frequently in t h e H e b r e w Bi ble a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t (cf. Gn. 4 3 : 3 1 , 5 : 3 ; J » . 13). Oval pottery footbaths h a v e b e e n f o u n d at I r o n A g e II Israelite levels at Samaria, T e l l e n - N a s b e h , and M e g i d d o . [See Sa maria; N a s b e h , T e l l en-; M e g i d d o . ]
(Courtesy A S O R Archives)
Private b a t h r o o m s in d o m e s t i c a r c h i t e c t u r e , located in p r o x i m i t y to lavatories, often i n c l u d i n g b a t h t u b s , b e c a m e c o m m o n a m o n g t h e aristocracy in t h e eastern Hellenistic a n d R o m a n world. B a t h t u b s , h e w n f r o m s t o n e , a p p e a r in s u b t e r r a n e a n r o c k - c u t c h a m b e r s b e l o w h o u s e s dating t o t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d from M a r e s h a h , Israel. Several e x a m p l e s of b a t h r o o m s , located o n t h e g r o u n d floor of t h e h o u s e a n d separate from ritual-bath installations, are k n o w n from J u dea (Judah) d u r i n g t h e H e r o d i a n p e r i o d (first c e n t u r y BCE— first century CE). [See Ritual Baths.] T h e c u s t o m of b a t h i n g in p u b l i c b a t h s originated in d i e classical G r e e k w o r l d w i t h t h e rise of t h e p u b l i c g y m n a s i a a n d h o t baths i n d i e f o u r t h c e n t u r y BCE. T h e g y m n a s i u m p r o v i d e d the inspiration for later b a t h i n g c o m p l e x e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e R o m a n E m p i r e t h a t c o m b i n e d physical ex ercise with p u b l i c b a t h i n g . T h e r a p i d s p r e a d a n d p o p u l a r i t y of R o m a n b a t h s are in a large p a r t t h e result of t h e devel o p m e n t of h y p o c a u s t h e a t i n g a n d t h e ability to t r a n s p o r t large quantities of water into cities via an a q u e d u c t . [See Aqueducts.] N u m e r o u s contemporary R o m a n and Byzan tine authors c o m m e n t o n t h e c u s t o m of p u b l i c b a t h i n g . B a t h i n g in R o m a n society was a daily habit, a n d s p e n d i n g
BE'ER RESISIM the afternoon in t h e p u b l i c b a t h s w a s a well-accepted c u s t o m , e x c e p t a m o n g certain g r o u p s — p h i l o s o p h e r s , Jews, a n d C h r i s t i a n s — w h o frowned u p o n t h e d e c a d e n c e of public bathing. T h e major features of R o m a n b a t h s i n c l u d e a n exercise c o u r t y a r d (peristylum) or larger g y m n a s i u m (palaestra), a dressing r o o m ( a p o d y t e r i u m ) , a cold r o o m (frigidarium), often with a p l u n g e b a t h , a n d a w a r m r o o m ( t e p e d a r i u m ) that led to a h o t r o o m (caldarium). B e c a u s e of t h e great v a riety in b u i l d i n g p l a n s , it h a s p r o v e n difficult to devise a typology for-'bathing c o m p l e x e s . P u b l i c b a t h i n g establish m e n t s c a n b e divided into t w o m a i n g r o u p s : thermae a n d balneae. Publicly f u n d e d t h e r m a e were exceptionally large b a t h s t h a t i n c o r p o r a t e d hygienic, athletic, recreational, e d ucational, a n d social activities. P u b l i c b a t h s could also b e located n e a r n a t u r a l h o t springs t h a t also served medicinal p u r p o s e s . O n e of t h e largest of t h e s e t h e r m o m i n e r a l c o m plexes in t h e R o m a n world w a s H a m m a t h - G a d e r , located in t h e s o u t h e r n G o l a n along t h e Y a r m u k River in R o m a n Syria. [See H a m m a t h - G a d e r . ] Balnaea w e r e smaller b a t h s , either publicly or privately o w n e d . I n addition t o p u b l i c b a t h s , b a t h i n g c o m p l e x e s are f o u n d in military c a m p s , s a n c tuaries, a n d private a n d imperial residences. In Asia M i n o r , t h e G r e e k g y m n a s i u m heavily influenced the p l a n a n d function of p u b l i c b a t h buildings. A t P e r g a m o n , R o m a n b a t h s w e r e a d d e d o n to tire Hellenistic g y m n a s i u m ; at Salamis a n d S a m o s , R o m a n b a t h s w e r e built over the Hellenistic g y m n a s i u m ; a n d a t M i l e t u s R o m a n baths o p erated separately from t h e g y m n a s i u m . [See P e r g a m o n ; S a lamis; Miletus.] In t h e larger c e n t e r s t h e y w e r e symmetrical a n d well p l a n n e d . Smaller b a t h s in t o w n s a n d villages w e r e m o r e varied in plan. M o s t of t h e b a t h s in N o r t h Africa date to t h e m i d - s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE a n d later. A l m o s t every major center h a d m o r e t h a n o n e p u b l i c b a t h . Fikret Y e g u l (1992) divides t h e N o r t h African b a t h s into t h r e e m a i n categories: imperial (e.g., t h e H a d r i a n i c b a t h s at L e p t i s M a g n a in L i b y a ) , half-axial (e.g., the Julia M e m m i a b a t h s a t Bulla Regia in T u n i s i a ) , a n d small, asymmetrical establishments (e.g., t h e Baths of G a l lienus at Vollubilis in M o r o c c o ) . [See L e p t i s M a g n a . ] I n J u d e a a n d R o m a n Syria, p u b l i c b a t h s w e r e i n t r o d u c e d by K i n g H e r o d a n d t h e R o m a n legions in t h e late first c e n tury BCE-first c e n t u r y CE. H o w e v e r , t h e majority of t h e p u b lic b a t h s in Syria-Palestine d a t e t o t h e L a t e A n t i q u e a n d Byzantine periods a n d b e l o n g to t h e s m a l l - b a t h category. I n the B y z a n t i n e period, t h e palaestra a n d associated athletic events d i s a p p e a r e d f r o m t h e b a t h . T h i s t r e n d is associated with t h e rise of Christianity in t h e fourth c e n t u r y , w h i c h frowned u p o n t h e g y m n a s i u m , a n institution associated w i t h p a g a n culture. Following t h e Islamic c o n q u e s t of Syria-Pal estine in t h e seventh c e n t u r y , t h e b a t h h o u s e c o n t i n u e d in use, b o t h as p u b l i c b a t h s i n t o w n s (e.g., tire b a t h s at Q a s r al-Hayr E a s t in R o m a n Syria) a n d as private b a t h s in palaces (e.g., K h i r b a t al-Mafjar in t h e J o r d a n Valley in R o m a n
285
Syria) a n d in desert castles (e.g., Q u s a y r ' A n t r a in t h e east ern desert of R o m a n Syria). [See Q a s r al-Hayr a l - G h a r b i ; Mafjar, K h i r b a t al-; Q u s a y r 'Amra.] [See also M e d i c i n e ; and P e r s o n a l Hygiene.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Badawy, Alexander. A History of Egyptian Architecture, vol. 2 , The First Intermediate Period, the Middle Kingdom, and the Second Intermediate Period; vol. 3, The Empire (The New Kingdom). Berkeley, 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 8 . Excellent general s u m m a r y of all aspects of Egyptian architecture, including bathing installations. Courtois, Jacques-Claude. " U n e baignoire monolithe en calcaire d u Bronze recent a E n k o m i . " I n Studies in Honour of Vassos Kara georghis, edited by G. C. Ioannides, p p . 1 5 1 - 1 5 4 . Nicosia, 1 9 9 2 . D e scription of bathtubs at E n k o m i ( C y p r u s ) . Delaine, J. " R o m a n Baths a n d B a t h i n g . " Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 348-358. Critique of recent major publications o n R o m a n b a t h s a n d bathing. G r a h a m , J. Walter. " B a t h r o o m s a n d Lustral C h a m b e r s . " In Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient Histoiy and Prehistory; Studies Presented to Fritz Schachermeyr on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birth day, edited by K . H . Kinzl, p p . 1 1 0 - 1 2 5 , Berlin, 1 9 7 7 . Describes M i n o a n b a t h r o o m s and bathing practices; one of the few articles on pre-Hellenistic battling installations. Nielsen, Inge. Thermae et Balnea: The Architecture and Cultural History of Roman Public Baths. A a r h u s , 1 9 9 0 . Catalog of 387 baths in the R o m a n Empire a n d an a c c o u n t of the development of R o m a n public baths. Saggs, H . W . F . Everyday Life in Babylonia and Assyria. L o n d o n , 1965. S u m m a r y of literary, pictorial, a n d archaeological evidence for daily life in ancient M e s o p o t a m i a . Wilkinson, J. Gardner. The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyp tians. Vol. 3. N e w ed. L o n d o n , 1 8 7 8 . S u m m a r y of literary, pictorial, a n d archaeological evidence for daily life in Egypt. Yegiil, Fikret IC Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity. N e w York, 1992. T h e m a t i c treatment of R o m a n baths in Italy, N o r t h Africa, a n d the eastern provinces, including a detailed description of the development of public b a t h s from classical G r e e c e through Byzan tine times. A N N KILLEBREW
B E ' E R R E S I S I M (Ar., Bir er-Resisiyeh, "well of t h e m o r n i n g - d e w " ) is a small hilltop site in t h e western N e g e v highlands, near t h e N a h a l N e s s a n a (30°49' N , 34°34' E; m a p reference 109 X 026). It is o n e of t h e largest of t h e dozens of Early B r o n z e IV pastoral n o m a d i c e n c a m p m e n t s (c. 2300-2000 BCE) k n o w n in this area of scant rainfall. It w a s excavated in 1978-1980 b y William G . D e v e r a n d R u d o l p h C o h e n , s p o n s o r e d jointly b y t h e University of Arizona a n d t h e Israel Antiquities A u t h o r i t y . T h e ridge above t h e w a d i a n d m o d e r n well below revealed s o m e eighty circular or elliptical stone h u t s , averaging 2.004.50 m in diameter, with walls well preserved u p to 1.50 m (see figure 1 ) , D o o r j a m b s a n d lintels were often intact. T h e roofs were m a d e of chalk slabs, s u p p o r t e d b y w o o d e n b e a m s a n d central stone pillars. F e w furnishings w e r e n o t e d , a p a r t from sporadic stone b e n c h e s , b i n s , h e a r t h s , a n d saddle q u e r n s for grinding grain.
286
BE'ER RESISIM
BE'ER RESISIM. F i g u r e i,
Eliptical
stone hut. A p o r t i o n of the u p p e r walls a n d slab r o o f are r e c o n
s t r u c t e d f r o m original materials. (Photograph by Jonathan Kline; courtesy A S O R Archives)
T h e scant pottery, n o n e of it restorable, consisted of a scattering of Early B r o n z e I V A r e d - b u r n i s h e d wares of T r a n s Jordanian t y p e , dated a b o u t 2300 BCE, b u t m o s d y quantities of Early B r o n z e I V C wares typical of D e v e r ' s " S o u t h e r n / S e d e n t a r y " family, about2ioo-2000BCE. Several c o p p e r awls and daggers were found, as well as a h o a r d consisting of a b r o k e n dagger a n d two triangular-section b a r ingots. Miscellaneous domestic items included stone a n d shell o r n a m e n t s ; m a n y ad hoc flint tools; two small chalk c u p s ; a piece of leather; a n d several fragments of R e d Sea c o n c h shells a n d polished pierced bars m a d e from t h e m , p e r h a p s remains of pectorals. M o s t of the animal b o n e s recovered c a m e from a few large, unroofed stone circles. T h e y were m o r e t h a n 90 p e r cent sheep a n d goat, with a few small b i r d s , desert gazelle, and hares also r e p r e s e n t e d . T h e p r e s e n c e of i m m a t u r e caprids (sheep-goat) indicates winter o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site since titat is w h e n they are slaughtered, b u t t h a t does n o t , of course, rule o u t o c c u p a t i o n in t h e s u m m e r as well. Several off-site structures were investigated or excavated, including isolated stone circles, burial cairns with b o t h ar ticulated a n d disarticulated i n h u m a t i o n s , two large r e c t a n gular hilltop buildings of enigmatic character, a few r e m a i n s of run-off irrigation systems, a n d even a small "satellite vil lage" on a n e a r b y alluvial fan. T h e p l a n of t h e m a i n hilltop settlement, with m a n y nearly
identical r o u n d sleeping h u t s clustering a r o u n d central c o u r t y a r d s , suggests a relatively egalitarian, p o l y g a m o u s s o ciety, with a total p o p u l a t i o n of eighty to o n e h u n d r e d in dividuals at any o n e t i m e . T h e y were certainly pastoral n o m a d s , b u t the c o p p e r ingots a n d a few " e x o t i c " items like t h e c o n c h shells suggest l o n g - d i s t a n c e t r a d e ; t h e g r i n d i n g stones are evidence of s o m e primitive irrigation m e a n s t h a t agriculture was also an e l e m e n t in a m i x e d subsistence sys t e m . T h e s t r o n g similarities of t h e p o t t e r y t o t h a t of t h e m a n y H e b r o n hills s h a f t - t o m b cemeteries (as at Jebel Qa'aqir) p r o b a b l y indicate a p a t t e r n of seasonal t r a n s h u m a n c e over a circuit of roughly 60 k m (100 m i ) . BIBLIOGRAPHY Cohen, Rudolph, a n d William G. Dever. "Preliminary Report of the Pilot Season of the 'Central N e g e v Highlands Project.'" Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o , 232 ( 1 9 7 8 ) : 2 9 - 4 5 . Cohen, Rudolph, and William G. Dever. "Preliminary Report of the Second Season of die 'Central N e g e v Highlands Project. " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 236 (1980): 4 1 - 6 0 . C o h e n , Rudolph, and William G. Dever. "Preliminary R e p o r t of the T h i r d and Final Season of the 'Central N e g e v Highlands Project.'" Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 243 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 57-77Dever, William G . " N e w Vistas on the E B IV ( ' M B I') Horizon in Syria-Palestine." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 237 (1980): 3 5 - 6 4 . Dever, William G . "Village Planning at Be'er Resisim a n d Socio-Eco1
BEERSHEBA n o m i c Structure in Early Bronze Age IV Palestine." Eretz-Israel
18
(1984): i8*-28*. H o r w i t z , Liora K. " S e d e n t i s m in Early B r o n z e IV: A Faunal P e r s p e c tive." Bulletin of the American
Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 275
(1989): 1 5 - 2 5 . WILLIAM G . DEVER
BEERSHEBA
c
(Ar., T e l l e s - S a b a ) , a small m o u n d
a b o u t 1 h a (2.5 acres) in area, l o c a t e d in t h e B e e r s h e b a val ley, east of t h e m o d e r n city of B e e r s h e b a in Israel's N e g e v d e s e r t ( m a p reference 135 X 073). T h e settlement w a s built o n a hill at the fork of the B e e r s h e b a a n d H e b r o n riverbeds, w h i c h p r o v i d e d t h e site w i t h n a t u r a l p r o t e c t i o n a n d close p r o x i m i t y t o cultivable alluvial soil, as well as to t h e m a i n crossroad.
287
B i b l i c a l R e f e r e n c e s . T h e m a i n biblical references to B e e r s h e b a c o m e from t h e p a t r i a r c h a l narratives. T h e p a t r i archs a p p e a r as pastoral n o m a d s a n d occasional cultivators in t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t of t h e l a n d . G o d revealed himself t o t h e m (Gn. 26:24-25, 46:1-2) a n d they struggled at Beer sheba with A b i m e l e c h over t h e wells (Gn. 21:22-34, 26:1533). T h e n a m e of the site s t e m s from t h e H e b r e w shebu'a ( " o a t h " ) or shiby'a ( " s e v e n " ) (Gn. 21:31,26:33). I n the late p r e m o n a r c h i c a l p e r i o d , Joel a n d Abijah, tire sons of S a m u e l , w e r e stationed in B e e r s h e b a as " j u d g e s over Israel" (r Sm. 8:1-2). B e e r s h e b a a p p e a r s o n t h e list of cities of S i m e o n a n d J u d a h (Jos. 15:28, 19:2, 1 Chr. 4:28). It d e m a r c a t e s t h e s o u t h e r n e n d of t h e l a n d of Israel t h a t stretched " f r o m D a n to B e e r s h e b a " (Jgs. 20:1, 1 Sm. 3:20; 2 Sm. 3:10, 1 7 : 1 1 , 24:15, i Kgs. 5:5). [See Judah.] Elijah passed t h r o u g h Beer sheba o n his j o u r n e y to M t . H o r e b ( 7 Kgs. 19:3), a n d A m o s
BEERSHEBA. Plan of the city. (Courtesy A S O R Archives)
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BEERSHEBA
c o n d e m n e d the p a g a n rites held at Beersheba along with those at D a n , Bethel, a n d Gilgal (Am. 5:5, 8:14). I d e n t i f i c a t i o n a n d E x c a v a t i o n s . Although t h e identifi cation of Tell es-Saba' with biblical Beersheba seems t o b e confirmed by excavation (Aharoni, 1973; Rainey, 1984), s o m e scholars see a contradiction between t h e biblical a c counts and the finds. M e r v y n D . Fowler claims that t h e a b sence of Bronze A g e a n d Late Iron Age remains discredits T e l Beersheba as a patriarchal period site a n d as a city d u r ing Josiah's reign, respectively (Fowler, 1982). N a d a v N a ' a m a n believes that t h e location of ancient B e e r s h e b a m u s t be sought at Bir es-Saba , while locating biblical S h e b a at T e l Beersheba (Jos. i 9 : 2 ; N a ' a m a n , 1980). Patriarchal Beer sheba is well r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e remains d a t e d to t h e twelfth a n d eleventh centuries BCE. A n s o n F . R a i n e y suggests t h a t t w o settlements—one at T e l Beersheba a n d o n e at Bir e s S a b a ' — b o r e the s a m e n a m e (Rainey, 1984). Y o h a n a n A h a roni also suggested identifying T e l Beersheba with t h e " H a gar of A b r a ( h a ) m " of Shishak's list (Aharoni, 1973, p p . 1 1 1 c
"3). Extensive excavations w e r e c o n d u c t e d at T e l B e e r s h e b a by an expedition from t h e Institute of Archaeology at T e l Aviv University. T h e project was directed b y Y o h a n a n A h a r o n i from 1969 to 1975 a n d in 1976, following A h a r o n i ' s death, b y Z e ' e v H e r z o g . Methodologically, a wide h o r i z o n tal-exposure a p p r o a c h was applied, a i m e d at u n c o v e r i n g b r o a d a n d c o n t i n u o u s o c c u p a t i o n levels. Indeed, a c o m p r e hensive picture of t h e city p l a n n i n g in s t r a t u m II was r e vealed. Additional seasons, directed b y H e r z o g , h a v e b e e n carried o u t at the site since 1990 in conjunction with t h e National Parks Authority's preservation of the site. Chalcolithic Period. Scattered sherds from t h e C h a l colithic p e r i o d were found in t h e site's debris. It seems drat any structures from this stage were r e m o v e d b y later c o n struction operations. T h e first I r o n A g e settlers (Iron I, stra t u m I X ) cleaned a n d r e u s e d depressions, or pits, they n o ticed on t h e m o u n d that m a y have belonged originally to d i e Chalcolithic settlement (see below). Iron Age I. T h e best s e q u e n c e of Iron A g e r e m a i n s w a s detected o n t h e southeastern slope of t h e m o u n d , u n d e r t h e o u t e r gate of s t r a t u m V. T h e remains include four strata ( I X - V I ) dating from t h e mid-twelfth to die early t e n t h c e n turies BCE. T h e first settlement (stratum IX) consisted of a series of pits h e w n into t h e hill's natural bedrock. T h e pits range from 5 to 10 m in diameter, a n d from 2 t o 3 m in d e p t h . T h e excavated area yielded parts of seven pits, m o s t of t h e m used for storage, apparentiy of grain. O n e pit, e x cavated almost in its entirety, h a d clearly b e e n utilized for habitation. It was h e w n into t h e b e d r o c k at a n angle, so t h a t the rock provided n a t u r a l protection from above. Its floor was p a v e d with pebbles, a n d storage jars stood in a h e w n niche. A cooking oven, s u r r o u n d e d -by layers of ash, i n d i cates domestic use of the pit. A c o m m u n i t y of a b o u t twenty families could h a v e lived
in this settlement in tents o r huts alongside t h e pits. T h e lack of s t o n e architecture m a y p o i n t to a s e m i n o m a d i c c o m m u nity experiencing t h e first stage of s e d e n t a r y life, a shift g e n erated b y slightiy i m p r o v e d climatic conditions t h a t e n a b l e d t h e m t o g r o w yields. D r y farming is indicated from t h e p r e s ence of cattle b o n e s (12 p e r c e n t ) , b u t m o s t of their subsis tence was still b a s e d o n animal h u s b a n d r y (sheep a n d goats, 74 p e r c e n t ) . [See Cattle a n d O x e n ; S h e e p a n d Goats.] T w o E g y p t i a n scarabs f r o m d i e N e w K i n g d o m , f r a g m e n t s of P h i listine pottery, a n d local w a r e date s t r a t u m I X t o t h e s e c o n d half of tire twelfth a n d the first half of t h e eleventh centuries BCE.
T h e first houses at t h e site w e r e erected in s t r a t u m VIII, although t h e pits w e r e still utilized. T h e single large u n i t erected near d i e well (see below) consists of a b r o a d r o o m a n d a forecourt—a h o u s e t h a t m i g h t b e c o n s i d e r e d d i e p r o totype of die f o u r - r o o m h o u s e . [See F o u r - r o o m H o u s e . ] T h e m e a g e r n u m b e r of objects f o u n d in this s t r a t u m include d i e earliest iron a r r o w h e a d s f o u n d at t h e site. S t o n e - b u i l t h o u s e s indicate a m o r e p e r m a n e n t type of settlement. S t r a t u m VIII is d a t e d to t h e third q u a r t e r of t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE. T h e s t r a t u m V I I settlement w a s built over tire a b a n d o n e d pits a n d houses of s t r a t u m VIII. H o u s e s with solid s t o n e foundations were erected in a belt covering t h e eastern s l o p e — a b o u t half of t h e hilltop. T h e h o u s e s , w h i c h c a n b e r e c o n s t r u c t e d as f o u r - r o o m - h o u s e t y p e s , encircled t h e set tlement, their b a c k walls facing o u t w a r d , f o r m i n g a n e n closed settlement ( H e r z o g , 1984). T h e large o p e n space in the center of the settlement was p r o b a b l y utilized for t h e c o m m u n i t y ' s flocks of s h e e p a n d goats. H o w e v e r , large quantities of cattle b o n e s discovered at T e l B e e r s h e b a , T e l M a s o s , a n d other sites in t h e area m a y p o i n t to t h e g r o w i n g role of agriculture in t h e region's e c o n o m y , m o s t p r o b a b l y from f u r t h e r - i m p r o v e d climatic conditions. [See Agricul ture; M a s o s , Tel.] I n t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE, t h e B e e r sheba valley witnessed t h e m o s t d e n s e o c c u p a t i o n in its p r e m o d e r n history. S t r a t u m V I I yielded rich finds, i n c l u d i n g pottery vessels, jewelry, i r o n tools, a n d fragments of figu rines, t h a t date to t h e late eleventh a n d early t e n t h centuries BCE.
T h e settlement of s t r a t u m VII w a s a b a n d o n e d a n d p a r t s of t h e houses were dismantled. T h e n e x t stage, s t r a t u m V I , is characterized b y a partial reuse of t h e earlier units, o n c e interior partition walls w e r e a d d e d . A single n e w " t h r e e r o o m " h o u s e was c o n s t r u c t e d in this stage. T h e finds from this s t r a t u m are very similar to t h o s e from s t r a t u m VII a n d m u s t date t o die first half of t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. T h e r e m a i n s in s t r a t u m V I are interpreted as b e l o n g i n g t o a n interim stage, d u r i n g w h i c h t h e n e w city (of s t r a t u m V) w a s built. T h e single h o u s e o n t h e slope of t h e hill m a y h a v e served the c o m m a n d e r of t h e project. T h e c o m p a r t m e n t s n e a r it could b e u s e d as stores for e q u i p m e n t a n d shelters for w o r k supervisors. T h e s e r e m a i n s w e r e eventually r a z e d t o w a r d the final stage of t h e construction of t h e n e w city.
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The well. A well 69 m d e e p w a s f o u n d in the center of d i e r e m a i n s of d i e I r o n I settlement. D u r i n g I r o n II, this well was left outside t h e city fortifications b u t c o n t i n u e d to serve b o t h t h e city's inhabitants a n d p a s s e r s b y . A l t h o u g h t h e well was r e u s e d for several c e n t u r i e s , it seems t h a t it was first d u g in o n e of t h e Early I r o n p h a s e s . A h a r o n i (1973) identified this well with t h e o n e m e n t i o n e d in t h e patriarchal narratives (Gn. 21:26). Stratigraphically, t h e well d o e s n o t destroy a n y I r o n I s t r u c t u r e , a n d d i e b u i l d e r s of t h e o u t e r gate of s t r a t u m V clearly took it into c o n s i d e r a t i o n w h e n erecting t h e gate's f o u n d a t i o n s . D u r i n g I r o n II, t h e city's d r a i n a g e system d i r e c t e d r a i n w a t e r into t h e well. T h e finds from t h e fill indicate t h a t t h e well was d e s t r o y e d ( a p p a r e n d y in an e a r t h q u a k e ) a n d filled in d u r i n g t h e L a t e Hellenistic period.
c a s e m a t e city wall a n d a n o t h e r f o u r - c h a m b e r e d gate built in s t r a t u m III a n d reutilized in s t r a t u m II. E a c h of these strata suffered destruction, b u t t h e destruction of strata V a n d II w a s clearly caused b y a m o r e violent a n d w i d e s p r e a d c o n flagration. T h e s e d e s t r u c t i o n s should b e d a t e d , based on t h e rich p o t t e r y finds, to c a m p a i g n s of P h a r a o h Shishak ( S h e s h o n q ) in 926 BCE a n d K i n g S e n n a c h e r i b in 701 BCE, r e spectively. S o m e scholars h a v e , h o w e v e r , challenged d i e date of s t r a t u m II. K a t h l e e n M . K e n y o n (1976) dated Beer sheba II earlier t h a n L a c h i s h III, w h e r e a s Yigael Y a d i n (1976a) correlated it w i t h s t r a t u m II a t L a c h i s h . [See L a chish.] N a ' a m a n (1979) suggests, o n historical g r o u n d s , p u s h i n g t h e c o n q u e s t of B e e r s h e b a b a c k to t h e t i m e of S argon.
Iron Age II. T h e four strata of t h e I r o n II city i n c l u d e r e m a i n s of a small fortified city (2.8 acres) built o n t h e t o p of t h e m o u n d (strata V - I I ) . T h e last occupational p h a s e ( s t r a t u m I) w a s an a t t e m p t to rebuild t h e city t h a t was e v e n tually halted. T w o systems of fortifications w e r e erected at B e e r s h e b a in I r o n II. T h e earlier o n e consisted of a solid city wall with a f o u r - c h a m b e r e d gate built in s t r a t u m V a n d r e u s e d in s t r a t u m I V . T h e later fortifications consisted of a
Israelite city. T h e city of s t r a t u m n at B e e r s h e b a presents a valuable p i c t u r e of an administrative center in a m a r g i n a l region. T h e oval city is small b u t carefully p l a n n e d , with d i e encircling city wall following t h e t o p o g r a p h y of the hill. O n l y o n t h e eastern side of t h e m o u n d does t h e plan e x t e n d to a lower level. T h e w a t e r - s u p p l y system was erected there, a n d in o r d e r to i n c o r p o r a t e it into t h e city, a colossal e a r t h e n r a m p a r t w a s built. A belt of t w o circular streets, parallel to
BEERSHEBA.
View of the Beersheba Gate. (Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
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t h e outer c o n t o u r of the m o u n d , divided t h e city's interior. A n additional street w a s c u t t h r o u g h its center. All t h e streets converged o n the o p e n gate s q u a r e , t h e city's only piazza, w h i c h could serve as a m e e t i n g place a n d market. T h e gate itself consisted of c h a m b e r s with b e n c h e s u s e d b y t h e city's functionaries in c o n d u c t i n g their business. A n elaborate system of drainage channels was u n c o v e r e d beneath the streets a n d p a v e m e n t s t h a t c o n d u c t e d rainwater outside t h e city quickly. T h i s p r e v e n t e d t h e collapse of t h e walls, which were m a d e of stones p a c k e d with a m u d m o r t a r t o p p e d by s u n - d r i e d m u d bricks. T h e m a i n c h a n n e l , w h i c h r a n u n d e r the gate, c o n d u c t e d t h e water into the d e e p well outside the gate. Water system. A h a r o n i (1973) interpreted a wide flight of stairs he exposed in t h e 1970s as p a r t of a water system. I n 1994, the entire area was excavated a n d a m o n u m e n t a l w a ter-supply system u n e a r t h e d . T h e system was a p p r o a c h e d t h r o u g h a square, vertical shaft, a b o u t 15 m deep. Stairs with a low p a r a p e t led to a s t e p p e d t u n n e l for a n additional 5 m , at t h e b o t t o m of w h i c h a series of u n d e r g r o u n d cisterns is entered. [See W a t e r T u n n e l s ; Cisterns.] Five cisterns, e a c h a b o u t 3 x 6 m a n d a b o u t 6 m high, were h e w n into t h e limestone b e d r o c k a n d covered with thick layers of w a t e r resistant plaster. T h e total capacity of the system w a s a b o u t 500 cu m . W a t e r was directed into t h e system t h r o u g h a tunnel from a n e a r b y riverbed. Because t h e rivers in t h e N e gev flow only for brief periods in t h e winter, the p l a n n e r s h a d to build a d a m t h a t directed floodwater into t h e t u n n e l . In this respect, t h e system at Beersheba differs from its counterparts at H a z o r a n d M e g i d d o — w h i c h offer an a p p r o a c h to the u n d e r g r o u n d water level or cistern. [See M e giddo; Hazor.] T h e systems in b o t h regions w e r e a d a p t e d to the availability of their water resources. Because t h e sys t e m could b e filled only d u r i n g a limited p e r i o d of t i m e (when it rained in w i n t e r ) , water was probably s p a r e d for e m e r g e n c y u s e , w h e n t h e city was u n d e r siege. A s s u m i n g a p o p u l a t i o n of three h u n d r e d in t h e city a n d a n a n n u a l c o n s u m p t i o n rate of a b o u t 1,000 1 p e r person, the city could withstand a siege for as long as o n e year. T h e well outside t h e city gate p r o v i d e d t h e daily n e e d s of the city's i n h a b i t a n t s as well as of m e r c h a n t s , caravans, a n d military units passing b y a n d of the livestock. Pillared buildings. A large (600 sq m ) typical pillared b u i l d ing was exposed n e a r t h e city gate. It consisted of t h r e e u n i t s , each with three long halls separated b y limestone c o l u m n s t h a t are square in section. H u n d r e d s of pottery vessels f o u n d in the building's destruction layer indicate t h a t it was t h e city's m a i n storehouse. T h e goods w o u l d have b e e n col lected as taxes from neighboring villages like byt 'mm a n d tld m e n t i o n e d in an o s t r a c o n found in one of t h e s t o r e r o o m s (see Aharoni, 1973, p p . 7 1 - 7 2 ) . I n addition to storejars for cereals, oil, and wine, the inventory also included objects for food p r e p a r a t i o n a n d serving, evidence t h a t t h e s t o r e h o u s e also was used for cooking a n d serving food to t h e city's a d
ministrative or military p e r s o n n e l (functions h i n t e d at in s o m e of the A r a d ostraca). [See A r a d Inscriptions.] D e s p i t e s u c h clear-cut i n f o r m a t i o n , s o m e scholars are of t h e o p i n i o n t h a t t h e pillared buildings at B e e r s h e b a w e r e h o r s e stables (Yadin, 1976b; H o l l a d a y , 1986). Horned altar. I n t h e fifth season of excavation, unusually well-dressed stones were u n c o v e r e d t h a t w e r e i n c o r p o r a t e d into a wall of t h e s t o r e r o o m s . Peculiar r o u n d e d projections at the t o p of t h r e e of t h e stones (a f o u r t h was c u t off) i d e n tified t h e m as p a r t of a large h o r n e d altar. A d d i t i o n a l stones were f o u n d in t h e eighth season t h a t t o g e t h e r r e c o n s t r u c t a n altar t h a t is a c u b e of 1.6 X 1.6 X 1.6 m . A h a r o n i (1973) suggested t h a t t h e alter h a d originally s t o o d in t h e c o u r t y a r d of a t e m p l e , a p p a r e n t l y in t h e place of t h e later b a s e m e n t building (see b e l o w ) . T h e dismantling of t h e t e m p l e a n d demolishing of t h e alter at b o t h B e e r s h e b a a n d A r a d are viewed as p a r t of t h e cultic reform carried o u t b y H e z e k i a h , ldng of J u d a h . [See A r a d , article on I r o n A g e P e r i o d . ] Y a d i n (1976a) suggested locating t h e altar in a bamd n e a r t h e city gate. Governor's palace. A large u n i t (no. 416) in s t r a t u m II t h a t controlled t h e gate s q u a r e is i n t e r p r e t e d as t h e residence of t h e city's g o v e r n o r ( H e b . , sar hd'ir). T h e b u i l d i n g is c o m p o s e d of ceremonial, residential, a n d service wings. T w o large halls p a v e d w i t h stone p e b b l e s , located o n either side of t h e entry corridor, served as r e c e p t i o n r o o m s . T h e d o o r j a m b s in t h e rear of t h e r o o m s w e r e a d o r n e d w i t h ashlar stones, the only e x a m p l e of s u c h m a s o n r y f o u n d in I r o n A g e Beersheba. A t t h e far e n d of t h e palace, w i t h a s e p a r a t e w i d e e n t r a n c e , w a s a small k i t c h e n a n d a storage r o o m . T h e w e s t e r n wing of the b u i l d i n g consisted of t w o residential units. A n a r r o w stair area offered passage to t h e u p p e r floor from t h e entry corridor. Basement house. T h e s e c o n d large s t r u c t u r e in s t r a t u m II was f o u n d o n t h e w e s t e r n side of t h e city. Its o d d wall f o u n dations were s u n k 4 m d e e p into t h e g r o u n d (all others w e r e only a b o u t .5 m d e e p ) . W h i l e in s o m e r o o m s t h e space was filled with h o m o g e n o u s earth, t w o r o o m s w e r e left e m p t y a n d served as b a s e m e n t s . T h e b u i l d i n g ' s exceptional wall structure a n d e a s t - w e s t orientation led A h a r o n i t o c o n c l u d e t h a t Beersheba's t e m p l e h a d stood there: t h a t in s t r a t u m II, after t h e t e m p l e w a s destroyed d o w n t o its oldest f o u n d a tions, t h e b a s e m e n t h o u s e replaced it. T h e u n d e r g r o u n d r o o m s w e r e c o n n e c t e d b y a d o o r a n d a p p a r e n t l y served as a wine cellar o w n e d b y o n e of t h e city's chief functionaries. Residential dwellings and population. A p a r t f r o m t h e units listed above, t h e city's space was allocated for residential buildings. T h e sections of t h e city e x p o s e d attest t h a t t h e d o m e s t i c units w e r e n o t u n i f o r m , h o w e v e r . A l t h o u g h t h e y resemble t h e f o u r - r o o m - h o u s e t y p e ( m o s t h o u s e s possessed a wall m a d e of s t o n e pillars to s u p p o r t t h e roof), their sizes differ a n d their internal division varies. T h e kitchens a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n located in t h e front r o o m , w h i c h w a s u n r o o f e d . T h e central space, divided b y pillars, m a y h a v e b e e n roofed
BEIDHA a n d u s e d as a storage area a n d as a stable for t h e h o u s e h o l d ' s livestock. T h e rear b r o a d r o o m w a s t h e family's b e d r o o m . I n h o u s e s located at t h e o u t e r b e l t of t h e city, this r o o m was also p a r t of t h e defensive c a s e m a t e wall. A n estimated 300350 p e o p l e could live in t h e seventy-five dwellings at T e l Beersheba. Its h i g h s t a n d a r d of city p l a n n i n g as well as the vast r e sources a n d effort invested in its u r b a n structures—its for tifications, street n e t w o r k , w a t e r system, a n d s t o r e h o u s e s — clearly p o i n t t o an administrative role for it. S u c h efforts w e r e m a d e for t h e k i n g d o m ' s civil service elite; ordinary cit izens lived in villages a n d f a r m s a n d w e r e e n g a g e d in agri culture. T h e i n h a b i t a n t s of Israelite cities w e r e the region's g o v e r n o r ; regional t a x collectors w h o w e r e also responsible also for redistributing taxes in k i n d ; military c o m m a n d e r s a n d local g u a r d s ; officials r e s p o n s i b l e for international t r a d e ; a n d t h e priests w h o controlled religious rites. Late periods. After t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of s t r a t u m II, T e l B e e r s h e b a w a s n e v e r rebuilt as a city. F o l l o w i n g a n u n s u c cessful a t t e m p t to rebuild t h e fortifications ( s t r a t u m I ) , t h e site w a s d e s e r t e d for nearly t h r e e h u n d r e d years. T h e m a jority of d i e finds f r o m t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d are from pits a r o u n d t h e m o u n d ' s p e r i m e t e r . F o r t y A r a m a i c ostraca f o u n d in t h e pits list p e r s o n a l n a m e s of Jews, E d o m i t e s , a n d A r a b s a n d m e n t i o n quantities of w h e a t a n d barley. T h e pits w e r e u s e d , as elsewhere, t o store grain, w h i c h was t h e n s u p plied to t h e Persian army. R e m a i n s of a large Hellenistic fortress with a t e m p l e n e a r b y w e r e f o u n d o n t h e m o u n d . N u m e r o u s objects w e r e u n c o v e r e d infavissae, or pits, d u g in t h e t e m p l e ' s c o u r t y a r d : a clay figurine ( m a d e in a m o l d ) of a p a i r of goddesses; a Babylonian-style cylinder seal; female figurines in b r o n z e a n d b o n e ; a b r o n z e bull figurine; a n d a falcon-shaped fa ience p e n d a n t . I n t h e H e r o d i a n p e r i o d a large palace, i n cluding a b a t h h o u s e , was b u i l t o n t h e m o u n d . T h e latest s t r u c t u r e w a s a fortress f r o m t h e R o m a n p e r i o d ( s e c o n d a n d third centuries C E ) , built as a p a r t of t h e limes Palaestinae. Following a n o t h e r g a p of a b o u t five h u n d r e d years, t h e for tress was r e u s e d as a w a y station in t h e Early A r a b p e r i o d ( e i g h t h - n i n t h centuries C E ) . I n t h e last few centuries t h e m o u n d has served as burial p l a c e for local b e d o u i n . BIBLIOGRAPHY Aharoni, Y o h a n a n , ed. Beer-Sheba I: Excavations at Tel Beer-Sheba, 1969-1971 Seasons. T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 3 . Aharoni, Y o h a n a n . Investigations at Lachish: The Sanctuary and the Res idency (Lachish V). T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 5 . Fowler, M e r v y n D . " T h e Excavation at Tell Beer-Sheba a n d the B i b lical R e c o r d . " Palestine Exploration Quarterly 1 1 4 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 7 - 1 1 . H e r z o g , Ze'ev, et al. " T h e Stratigraphy of Beer-Sheba a n d t h e Location of the Sanctuary." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re search, n o . 225 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 4 9 - 5 8 . H e r z o g , Ze'ev. Beer-Sheba II: The Early Iron Age Settlements. T e l Aviv, 1984Holladay, J o h n S. " T h e Stables of Israel: F u n c t i o n a l Determinants of Stable Construction and t h e Interpretation of Pillared Building R e
291
m a i n s of the Palestinian I r o n A g e . " In The Archaeology of Jordan and Other Studies Presented to Siegfried H. Horn, edited by Lawrence T . Geraty and Larry G. H e r r , p p . 1 0 3 - 1 6 5 . Berrien Springs, M i c h . , 1986. K e n y o n , Kathleen M . " T h e D a t e of the Destruction of Iron Age BeerS h e b a . " Palestine Exploration Quarterly 108 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 6 3 - 6 4 . N a ' a m a n , N a d a v . " T h e Brook of E g y p t and Assyrian Policy on t h e Border of Egypt." Tel Aviv 6 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 68-90. N a ' a m a n , N a d a v . " T h e Inheritance of t h e Sons of S i m e o n . " Zeitschrift des DeutschenPaldstina-Vereins 96 (1980): 1 3 6 - 1 5 2 . Rainey, A n s o n F . "Early Historical G e o g r a p h y of the N e g e b . " In BeerSheba II: The Early Iron Age Settlements, edited by Ze'ev Herzog, p p . 8 8 - 1 0 4 . T e l Aviv, 1984. Yadin, Yigael. "Beer-Sheba: T h e H i g h Place Destroyed b y King Josiah." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 2 2 2 (1976a): 5 - 1 7 . Yadin, Yigael. " T h e M e g i d d o Stables." In Magnolia Dei: The Mighty Acts of God; Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Memory of G. Ernest Wright, edited by Frank M o o r e Cross et al., p p . 2 4 9 - 2 5 2 . G a r d e n City,N.Y„ 1976b. ZE'EV HERZOG
BEHISTUN.
See Bisitun.
BEIDHA, site located 4.5 k m (2.8 mi.) n o r t h of P e t r a , 33 k m (20 mi.) from M a ' i n , 101 k m (63 mi.) from ' A q a b a , a n d 180 Ion ( 1 1 2 mi.) from A m m a n in s o u t h e r n J o r d a n . It lies along a 4-kilometer-wide shelf c o m p r i s e d of alluvial valleys i n t e r s p e r s e d b e t w e e n steeply faced C a m b r i a n s a n d s t o n e o u t c r o p s . T h i s n o r t h - s o u t h shelf i n t e r r u p t s a n a b r u p t west erly descent from t h e J o r d a n i a n plateau to t h e lowlands of t h e W a d i ' A r a b a h , w h e r e elevations d r o p from 1,600 m to fewer t h a n 200 m within a distance of 16 k m (10 m i . ) . T h e site's elevation is 1,020 m , o n a n d within a r e m n a n t terrace f o r m e d b y alluviation of d i e W a d i e l - G h u r a b . A thick se q u e n c e of cultural a n d n o n c u l t u r a l deposits, u p to 6 m d e e p , a c c u m u l a t e d . T h r e e p e r i o d s of h u m a n o c c u p a t i o n w e r e identified; a N a t u f i a n e n c a m p m e n t (primarily d u r i n g the eleventh m i l l e n n i u m B C E ) , a P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic B ( P P N B ) village (during t h e seventh m i l l e n n i u m ) , a n d ter r a c e d N a b a t e a n agricultural fields ( s e c o n d c e n t u r y BCE—first c e n t u r y CE) . Beidha, initially called Seyl Aqlat, w a s discovered b y D i a n a K i r k b r i d e with t h e aid of B ' d u l b e d o u i n d u r i n g a 1956 r e c o n n a i s s a n c e survey for sites p r e d a t i n g t h e ceramic N e olithic in t h e P e t r a area. S t o n e walls a n d early Neolithic flints e r o d i n g o u t of t h e u p p e r talus slope of a seasonal drainage, a n d white-patinated N a t u f i a n artifacts farther d o w n s l o p e r e vealed t h e site's r e s e a r c h potential. K i r k b r i d e excavated t h e site for eight seasons; seven b e t w e e n 1958 a n d 1967 a n d a final o n e in 1983. S h e supervised t h e excavations, a n d a s e ries of assistants directly supervised local workers, starting i n 1963. T h e digging w a s c o n d u c t e d primarily b y trained Jericho m e n u s i n g a h a n d pick a n d a trowel. E x c a v a t i o n s e x p o s e d 54 sq m of t h e N a t u f i a n o c c u p a t i o n .
292
BEIRUT
revealing a m a x i m u m thickness of 0.6 m of cultural deposits t h a t thinned along the margins. T h e Natufian o c c u p a t i o n , consisting primarily of small lithics, faunal r e m a i n s , a n d small heardis a n d large roasting pits, appears to h a v e b e e n a short-term or seasonal campsite t h a t was occupied r e peatedly over a considerable period of time. M i n i m a l evi dence of plant processing w a s discovered, there w a s a n a b sence of features s u c h as buildings, storage facilities, a n d burials. T h e P P N B settlement lies o n t o p of t h e alluvial terrace. It consists of a small, low tell m o r e t h a n 3 m thick, along with a shallower deposit of associated cultural material b e y o n d the limits of die village. Excavations exposed 1,425 sq m of Neolitiiic deposits a n d sixty-five buildings (1,050 s q m a n d sixty-one buildings within the limits of t h e tell, a n d 375 sq m of i n d e t e r m i n a t e Neolithic deposits outside t h e tell, including four buildings and a series of related features 40 m farther east). Final Neolithic stratigraphic m o d e l i n g dis tinguished three m a i n phases associated with well-preserved buildings a n d a b u n d a n t artifacts o n their floors (including b o n e tools, flaked s t o n e tools, g r o u n d - s t o n e axes, pestles, stone grinders, stone b e a d s , r a w materials, a n d subsistence remains, including gazelle, goat, cattle, cereals, l e g u m e s , a n d pistachios). T h e s e d a t a allowed for considerable insight into the spatial organization of a n Early Neolithic village. T h e Neolithic village appears to have b e e n continuously occupied, during w h i c h time a u n i q u e , indigenous architec tural progression took place from clusters of oval p o s t houses, t h r o u g h individual oval a n d subrectangular build ings, and ultimately t o full rectangular buildings c o m p l e t e widi t w o stories (with a n o p e n u p p e r story a n d a b a s e m e n t consisting of a long corridor a n d u p to seven very small rooms). Initially, the Early Neolithic village consisted of o p e n courtyard spaces a n d small aggregates of buildings. T h e dis tribution of buildings b e c a m e m o r e c o m p a c t e d over t i m e , a n d open space w a s limited to a central courtyard. T h e ear liest buildings were simply organized, interior structural fea tures were absent, a n d storage a n d p r o d u c t i o n shared a n undifferentiated space u s e d for eating, receiving guests, a n d sleeping. P r o d u c t i o n and storage b e c a m e m o r e spatially seg regated within domestic dwellings over time. Interior archi tectural features increased in frequency a n d diversity, fo cusing activities a n d storage in particular locations within domestic buildings. Storage a n d p r o d u c t i o n areas were u l timately restricted t o t h e b a s e m e n t s of t h e two-story d o mestic buildings. Larger, distinct, n o n d o m e s t i c structures were centrally situated tiiroughout t h e village's history. T h e y were inferred to have b e e n d i e v e n u e of s u p r a h o u s e h o l d decision m a k i n g a n d related ceremonial activities. Five uniquely c o n s t r u c t e d m e d i u m - s i z e d buildings off-site were also interpreted as n o n d o m e s t i c , possibly associated with aspects of t h e rich
ideological a n d ritual tradition t h a t flourished d u r i n g t h e PPNB. R e s e a r c h at this Early Neolithic village has p r o v i d e d c o n siderable insights into h o w o n e small c o m m u n i t y a t t e m p t e d t o e m b r a c e die social a n d e c o n o m i c c h a n g e s initiated b y sedentarism a n d food p r o d u c t i o n . BIBLIOGRAPHY Bar-Yosef, Ofer, and Francois R. Valla, eds. The Natufian Culture in the Levant. A n n A r b o r , M i c h . , 1 9 9 1 . Bar-Yosef, Ofer, a n d A n n a Belfer-Cohen. " F r o m Foraging to F a r m i n g in the Mediterranean L e v a n t . " In Transitions to Agriculture in Pre history, edited by A n n e Birgitte G e b a u e r a n d T . Douglas Price, p p . 2 1 - 4 8 . Madison, W i s . , 1 9 9 2 . Byrd, Brian F . The Natufian Encampment at Beidha: Late Pleistocene Adaptation in the Southern Levant. Jutland Archaeological Society Publications, vol. 2 3 . 1 . A a r h u s , 1989. Byrd, Brian F . "Public and Private, D o m e s t i c a n d Corporate: T h e Emergence of the Southwest Indian Village." American Antiquity 59.4 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 6 3 6 - 6 6 6 . K e n t , Susan. Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisci plinary Cross-Cultural Study. C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 9 0 . Kirkbride, Diana. "Five Seasons at the Prepottery Neolithic Village of Beidha in J o r d a n . " Palestine Exploration Quarterly 98 ( 1 9 6 6 ) : 5 - 6 1 . Kirkbride, Diana. "Beidha 1 9 6 5 : An Interim R e p o r t . " Palestine Explo ration Quarterly 99 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 5 - 1 3 . Kirkbride, Diana. "Beidha: Early Neolithic Village Life South of the D e a d Sea." Antiquity 42 ( 1 9 6 8 a ) : 2 6 3 - 2 7 4 . Kirkbride, Diana. "Beidha 1 9 6 7 : An Interim R e p o r t . " Palestine Explo ration Quarterly 100 ( 1 9 6 8 b ) : 90-96. Rollefson, G a r y O., Alan H . S i m m o n s , a n d Z e i d a n A. Kafafi. " N e o lithic Cultures at Ain Ghazal, J o r d a n . " Journal of Field Archaeology 19 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 4 4 3 - 4 7 0 . Wilson, Peter. The Domestication of the Human Species. N e w H a v e n , 1988. =
BRIAN F . BYRD
B E I R U T , capital of L e b a n o n , located o n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast (33°54' N , 35°3o' E ) . T h e city's ancient n a m e was Biruta and, in t h e classical period, B e r y t u s . T h e n a m e is generally t h o u g h t to b e derived from t h e c o m m o n Semitic w o r d for " w e l l " or " p i t " — i n Akkadian, burtu; H e b r e w , be'er; A r a b i c , bir. Biruta is a plural form. Berytus was r e n o w n e d in t h e R o m a n world as a c o m mercial center b u t m o s t especially for its school of law, w h i c h flourished from t h e third to t h e sixth centuries CE. T h e e a r t h q u a k e of 551 CE devastated t h e city. I n t u r n d i e m e d i eval city fell into ruins, b u t its scattered granite c o l u m n s i m p r e s s e d t h e Persian traveler N a s r - i - K h u s r a w , w h o visited t h e city in 1047. T h e early western visitors, H e n r y M o u n drell (1697), R i c h a r d P o c o c k e (early e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) , F . B . Spilsbury (1799), a n d William T h o m s o n (1870), all r e alized that t h e scattered r e m a i n s w e r e t h e ruins of R o m a n p u b l i c buildings. E a r l y I n v e s t i g a t i o n s . Beiruit provides only t h e barest a r chaeological evidence of a p r e - R o m a n city. T h e R o m a n city
BEIRUT itself lies b e n e a t h the p o r t area, m a k i n g regular excavations impossible. Prehistoric period. Early investigations a n d limited ar chaeological activity w e r e b e g u n i n 1914 b y a g r o u p of Jesuit scholars at St. J o s e p h University, Beirut. In 1946 H e n r y Fleisch a n d L o u i s D u b e r t r e t , also from St. J o s e p h , m a d e a careful study of d i e m a r i n e t e r r a c e s of R a s Beirut, the p r o m ontory, identifying different levels. D u r i n g this survey of open-air, unstratified sites, F l e i s c h p i c k e d u p a n A c h e u l e a n biface, a w a t e r - w o r n h a n d ax believed to b e the oldest stone tool f o u n d in R a s Beirut. In 1972-1973, Fleisch extracted fifteen L o w e r a n d M i d d l e A c h e u l e a n bifaces, t h e oldest s t o n e bifaces f o u n d in Beirut in a stratified deposit. R a o u l D e s r i b e s f o u n d similar tools at F u r n e c h - C h e b b a k n e a r N a h r (the River) Beirut in a b o u t 1914. Fleisch a n d P a u l San-Laville identified t h e M i d d l e P a leolithic a n d t h e L e v a l l o i s - M o u s t e r i a n cultures by their core a n d flake industries, m a k i n g R a s Beirut t h e earliest M o u s terian site in d i e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n b a s i n (see Saidah, 1970). Fleisch f o u n d evidence of t h e U p p e r Palaeolithic at t w o kinds of sites in the vicinity of R a s Beirut: o p e n - a i r c a m p sites a n d caves a n d shelters. L o r r a i n e C o p e l a n d ' s survey in
BEIRUT. F i g u r e 1.
Nahr
el-Kalb
rock-cat
the early 1960s recognized t w e n t y o p e n - a i r campsites in tire s a n d a r o u n d Beirut (see S a i d a h , 1970). T h e caves a n d shel ter sites b e l o n g mainly t o U p p e r Paleolithic Beirut, a n d diey are r e p r e s e n t e d in the W a d i A m e l i a s area, s o m e 6 k m (4 mi.) n o r t h of Beirut. K s a r 'Akil is a key site for this period a n d for the prehistory of L e b a n o n . [See K s a r 'Akil.] I n 1930 A u g u s t e Bergy identified the earliest k n o w n N e olithic village site, called T e l l Arslan, n e a r t h e Beirut airport. Fleisch r e s c u e d a large n u m b e r of N e o l i t h i c flint tools as well as p o t s h e r d s there t h a t are n o w p a r t of t h e collection at St. J o s e p h ' s M u s e u m of L e b a n e s e Prehistory. I n 1969 R o g e r Saidah located another N e o l i t h i c settlement in the center of t h e city, at t h e ancient tell of Beirut. In 1914, Desribes u n covered a Chalcolithic site called M i n e t e d - D h a l i e h on t h e s e c o n d h e a d l a n d s o u t h of P i g e o n R o c k . T h e site was partly excavated. A b u n d a n t r e m a i n s of flints, blades, a n d flakes litter its surface. Historical periods. Little is k n o w n a b o u t Beirut in h i s torical p e r i o d s before G r e c o - R o m a n times. A l t h o u g h ldngs from E g y p t a n d M e s o p o t a m i a h a d stelae carved in the rock cliffs of N a h r el-Kalb n o r t h of t h e city, r e c o u n t i n g tiieir mil itary exploits in the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n (see figure 1 ) , written d o c u m e n t s p e r t a i n i n g to the history of Beirut are
stelae. A t left is A s s y r i a n stela n o . 13; a t right, E g y p t i a n
stela n o . 14 of R a m e s e s II. (Courtesy I. Khalifeh)
293
294
BEIRUT
rare. T h e city is n o t m e n t i o n e d b y H e r o d o t u s a n d it does n o t a p p e a r in t h e H e b r e w Bible. Second millennium. In 1926, n e a r the p o r t area, an E g y p tian sphinx with a royal inscription of A m e n e m h e t I V (eigh teenth century BCE), was u n c o v e r e d that found its w a y to t h e British M u s e u m . I n 1954, a b o u t 100 m n o r t h e a s t of w h e r e t h e s p h i n x was f o u n d , t h r e e t o m b s were discovered containing burials r a n g i n g from t h e seventeenth t o sixteenth centuries BCE. In addition to pottery a n d metal tools, t h e scarabs and alabaster vases found are evidence of t r a d e with E g y p t a n d Palestine. A n o t h e r M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e t o m b w a s discovered at Sin el-Fil, a b o u t 2 k m east of t h e ancient tell. At the tell itself, a L a t e B r o n z e A g e t o m b was f o u n d c o n taining a stone vase fragment b e a r i n g the n a m e of R a m e s e s II. T h e p r e s e n c e of M y c e n a e a n pottery in this t o m b indi cates that Beirut w a s also involved in trade witii t h e A e g e a n . First millennium. W r i t t e n a n d archaeological r e c o r d s for Beirut from the first millenium BCE are scarce. A small ivory perfume vase in t h e form of a standing w o m a n , n o w in t h e A s h m o l e a n M u s e u m in L o n d o n , is said to have c o m e from Beirut. It m a y d a t e as early as t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE. I n 1930, just east of t h e G r a n d Serail, a quantity of baked-clay figurine fragments of h o r s e m e n a n d a small terra-cotta stat uette of a w o m a n , p e r h a p s a g o d d e s s , with an E g y p t i a n hair style were discovered t h a t b e l o n g t o the Persian period. Several of tiiese fragments are p a r t of t h e collection of t h e M u s e u m of the A m e r i c a n University of Beirut. Classical period. F r o m 1907 to t h e late 1950s, n o major
BEIRUT. F i g u r e 2.
archaeological excavations w e r e c o n d u c t e d in Beirut. M a i n l y r e s c u e o p e r a t i o n s a t t e m p t e d t o salvage certain H e l lenistic, R o m a n , or Byzantine architectural e l e m e n t s . I m p o r t a n t s u b u r b s d e v e l o p e d o n t h e s a n d y b e a c h e s s o u t h of Beirut d u r i n g t h e R o m a n period. B e t w e e n J n a h a n d O u z a i several m o s a i c floors w e r e u n c o v e r e d b e l o n g i n g to t h o s e seaside villas. H i g h o n a m o u n t a i n overlooking Beirut, at Beit M e r y , s t a n d t h e r e m a i n s of a R o m a n settlement a n d a t e m p l e . D u r i n g t h e 1960s, t h e D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities excavated t h e area, w h o s e rich finds of R o m a n Beirut a n d its environs are n o w in t h e B e i r u t N a t i o n a l M u s e u m . Beirut's u r b a n p l a n followed t h e p r a c t i c e of all R o m a n city planning: it has t w o major crossroads, a Decumanus Maximus a n d a Cardo Maximus. T h e i n f o r m a t i o n available a b o u t this city w a s a s s e m b l e d into a p l a n f r o m various u n r e l a t e d sources b y Jean Lauffray in 1914. It is still a useful d o c u m e n t (see Saidah, 1969). R e c e n t E x c a v a t i o n s . I n 1968, t h e D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q uities c o m m i s s i o n e d H a r o u t i n e K a l a y a n to excavate certain m o n u m e n t s in Beirut. 1. A n extensive R o m a n b a t h n e a r t h e G r a n d Serail, w i t h a large cistern a n d r o o m s d e c o r a t e d w i t h frescoes w e r e u n covered and p a r t l y restored 2. A R o m a n defensive t o w e r t h a t h a d b e e n r e u s e d in t h e medieval p e r i o d 3. A stretch of a R o m a n street c o m p l e t e with its p a v e m e n t , c o l u m n s , capitals, a n d an architrave in t h e c e n t e r of P a r liament S q u a r e
Detail of the Roman
baths. (Courtesy I. Khalifeh)
BEIT MIRSIM, TELL 4. A s e c o n d R o m a n b a t h a n d p a r t of a n i m p o r t a n t m u n i c ipal b u i l d i n g (a basilica?) t h a t p r o b a b l y covers t h e Decumanus Maximus I n 1969, t h e D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q u i t i e s , r e p r e s e n t e d b y R o g e r Saidah, b e g a n t o clear a n area o n t h e ancient tell, n e a r the p o r t area, w h e r e in 1954, M B a n d L B t o m b s h a d b e e n f o u n d (see a b o v e ) . Surface finds i n c l u d e d a N e o l i t h i c h a m m e r s t o n e , s o m e E B c o m b e d w a r e , a n d M B a n d L B sherds. N o Early I r o n A g e material w a s r e c o v e r e d , b u t s o m e sixthc e n t u r y BCE jar h a n d l e s w e r e f o u n d . T h i s excavation was t h e last o p p o r t u n i t y to w o r k o n t h e a n c i e n t tell. Saidah's results r e m a i n u n p u b l i s h e d , as h e died s o o n thereafter. I n 1977, w h e n t h e possibility of r e c o n s t r u c t i n g the m o d e r n city was b e i n g studied, I b r a h i m K a w k a b a n i , u n d e r auspices of t h e L e b a n e s e D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q u i t i e s , a n d J. D . F o r e s t , from t h e Institut F r a n c a i s d ' A r c h e o l o g i e d u P r o c h e O r i e n t , u n d e r t o o k a series of s o u n d i n g s to look for t h e city's a n c i e n t law school (see a b o v e ) . T h e w o r k s t o p p e d w i t h t h e o n s e t of L e b a n o n ' s civil w a r . T w e n t y s o u n d i n g s w e r e m a d e , p r o d u c i n g finds f r o m t h e Hellenistic, R o m a n , B y z a n t i n e , a n d M a m l u k p e r i o d s . T h e material c u l t u r e u n e a r t h e d i n c l u d e d pottery jars, l a m p s , a n d figurines, s t a m p e d R h o d i a n a n d other jar h a n d l e s , c a r v e d b o n e objects; m e t a l weights, rings, a n d h a n d l e s ; s c u l p t u r e d a n d inscribed reliefs, m o r t a r s , a n d capitals; a n d w e a v i n g utensils. G l a s s , coins, a n d gold jew elry, mainly from t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , w e r e also r e c o v e r e d but remain unpublished. a n
I n 1977 d 1982, several a t t e m p t s to r e c o n s t r u c t a n d r e store m o d e r n Beirut's central b u s i n e s s district w e r e stalled by security considerations. I n 1983 a n d 1984, r e c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d restoration w e n t f o r w a r d at a considerable p a c e . A s y m p o s i u m called B e i r u t of T o m o r r o w , h e l d at t h e A m e r i c a n University of Beirut in 1983, called for t h e p r o t e c t i o n of h i s toric m o n u m e n t s a n d for a t t e m p t s t o explore t h e ancient tell of Beirut. U N E S C O experts E r n s t Will a n d Rolf H a c h m a n n w e r e invited t o t h e city in 1983 as c o n s u l t a n t s . Early in 1993, U N E S C O c o n s u l t a n t s P h i l i p p e M a r q u i s , J o h n Schofield, a n d J e a n P a u l T h a l m a n n w e r e c o n t r a c t e d t o w o r k with t h e C o u n c i l for D e v e l o p m e n t a n d R e s t o r a t i o n a n d t h e D e p a r t m e n t of A n t i q u i t i e s . O n 10 S e p t e m b e r 1993, w o r k w a s b e g u n in d o w n t o w n B e i r u t in collaboration w i t h t e a m s from t h e L e b a n e s e U n i v e r s i t y , t h e A m e r i c a n U n i v e r sity of Beirut, Britain, F r a n c e , t h e N e t h e r l a n d s , a n d Italy, a n d t h e R o y a l M u s e u m of B e l g i u m . Five s o u n d i n g s w e r e d u g in a t h r e e - m o n t h p e r i o d in tire d o w n t o w n area, with t h e objective of exploring t h e limits of t h e a n c i e n t t o w n . T h e t e a m s w o r k e d d u r i n g 1994 a n d 1995 in a n d a r o u n d t h e a n cient t o w n in a n area of a b o u t 500,000 s q m , e x p a n d i n g t h e n u m b e r of s o u n d i n g s to find t h e Prehistoric, C a n a a n i t e , P h o e n i c i a n , R o m a n , a n d m e d i e v a l cities. Archaeological r e s c u e operations a c c o m p a n i e d t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n in t h e d o w n t o w n area a n d will c o n t i n u e t o d o so.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Badre, Leila. " T h e Historic F a b r i c of Beirut." I n Beirut of Tomorroio, edited b y Friedrich Ragette, p p . 6 5 - 7 6 . Beirut, 1 9 8 3 . Historical out line a n d review of archaeological remains u n e a r t h e d to the date of publication. Forest, J. D . "Fouilles a municipalite de B e y r o u t h , 1 9 7 7 . " Syria 59 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 1 - 2 6 . Primarily the results of soundings that p r o d u c e d R o m a n , Byzantine, and later material. Jidejian, N i n a . Beirut through the Ages. Beirut, 1 9 7 3 . Useful history of Beirut. M o u t e r d e , R e n e , a n d Jean Lauffray. Beyrouth ville romaine: Histoire et monuments. Beirut, 1 9 5 2 . Helpful study of the history a n d archae ology of Beirut in t h e R o m a n period. M o u t e r d e , R e n e . Regards sur Beyrouth; Phinicienne, hellenislique et ro maine. Beirut, 1 9 6 6 . G o o d review of Beirut's historical a n d archae ological m o n u m e n t s a n d remains. Saidah, Roger. "Archaeology in the L e b a n o n , 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 6 9 . " Berytus 18 ( 1 9 6 9 ) : 1 1 9 - 1 4 2 . Useful information on archaeological activities in the late 1960s. Saidah, Roger. " T h e Prehistory of Beirut." In Beirut: Crossroads of Cul tures, p p . 1 - 1 3 . Beirut, 1 9 7 0 . G o o d review of archaeological evidence for the prehistoric periods. T u r q u e t y - P a r i s e t , Francoise. "Fouille de la municipalite de Beyrouth, 1 9 7 7 : L e s objects." Syria 59 ( 1 9 8 2 ) : 2 7 - 7 6 . G o o d catalog of objects from the R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d later periods. W a r d , William A. "Ancient Beirut." In Beirut: Crossroads of Cultures, p p . 1 4 - 4 2 . Beirut, 1 9 7 0 . Uses t h e scant archaeological remains to reconstruct the history of Beirut, with some freewheeling interpre tations. ISSAM A L I KHALIFEH
B E I T M I R S I M , T E L L , site located in t h e chalk foot hills of t h e eastern S h e p h e l a h , a b o u t 201cm (12 mi.) s o u t h w e s t of H e b r o n a n d 13.5 k m (8 m i . ) southeast of T e l l L a chish (3i°27' N , 34°54' E ; m a p reference 1415 X 0960). I n 1924 William Foxwell A l b r i g h t identified t h e 3-ha (8-acre) site as biblical D e b i r (Jos. 1 5 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; Jgs. 1 : 1 1 - 1 5 ) . T h i s identification, h o w e v e r , h a s b e e n contested, m o s t c o n v i n c ingly, b y M o s h e K o c h a v i , w h o identified D e b i r with K h i r b e t R a b u d . [See R a b u d , Khirbet.] T e l l Beit M i r s i m t h u s r e m a i n s w i t h o u t a k n o w n biblical identification. T h e site w a s first e x c a v a t e d in four seasons (1926-1932) b y a joint expedition f r o m X e n i a T h e o l o g i c a l Seminary a n d t h e A m e r i c a n Schools of Oriental R e s e a r c h , with Albright serving as field director. E x c a v a t i o n s w e r e devoted mainly t o a b r o a d e x p o s u r e in t h e m o u n d ' s southeast q u a d r a n t , r e a c h i n g b e d r o c k in s o m e p a r t s . In t h e n o r t h w e s t sector a large, c o n t i g u o u s area of t h e u p p e r m o s t s t r a t u m (A) w a s cleared. F o r m a n y years Albright's excavation at T e l l Beit M i r s i m was considered a m o d e l of scientific accuracy, a n d his four v o l u m e s of final r e p o r t s (1932, 1933, 1938, 1943) b e c a m e a c o r n e r s t o n e for t h e ceramic typology a n d c h r o nology of biblical Palestine. I n t h e 1970s extensive looting led to t h e discovery of t h e necropolis of T e l l Beit M i r s i m , a n d s o m e thirty t o m b s w e r e investigated b e t w e e n 1978 a n d 1982 b y t h e Israel Antiquities A u t h o r i t y ; as of 1995 t h e s e h a v e y e t to b e published.
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The Mound: Stratification a n d Principal Finds. T e n major strata ( A - J ) , s o m e of t h e m subdivided into p h a s e s , w e r e identified o n the site, representing nearly c o n t i n u o u s settlement from t h e Early B r o n z e A g e to the I r o n A g e II. Albright's excavation m e t h o d a n d s o m e w h a t sketchy strati graphic analyses, w h i c h consist mainly of identifying major b u r n layers a n d h o m o g e n e o u s pottery assemblages, have at t r a c t e d several a t t e m p t s a t a reassessment of the major sttata a n d finds (see bibliography). T h e following description of t h e excavations, while based on Albright's m o s t r e c e n t s u m m a r y (1975), incorporates t h e results of tiiese m o r e r e c e n t reevaluations. Stratum J: Early Bronze Age. N o architectural remains w e r e recovered in s t r a t u m J, which consisted of pottery d e posits in pockets in t h e bedrock. T h e bulk of this p o t t e r y is E B LTI in date—large, p a t t e r n - b u r n i s h e d platters, c o m b e d w a r e jars a n d pithoi; a n d s p o u t e d vats—with possible frag m e n t s of earlier E B forms. Strata I-H; Early Bronze IV. F r a g m e n t a r y p a v e m e n t s a n d m a s o n r y were attributed to strata I - H , w h i c h are sep arated by ash deposits. T h e pottery of the t w o strata is sim ilar a n d consists of typical southern E B TV forms: r i b b e d a n d inverted r i m bowls, ovoid jars, jugs, a n d c u p s with c o m b e d a n d applied decoration, s o m e forms with vestigial lug a n d ledge handles. Strata G-F: Middle Bronze Age I. Strata G - F r e p r e s e n t t h e beginning of intensive occupation o n t h e m o u n d . W h i l e s t r a t u m G a p p e a r s t o b e an unwalled settlement, with gen erously p r o p o r t i o n e d h o u s e s , s t t a t u m F reveals elements of u r b a n p l a n n i n g — a city wall and adjacent structures built at right angles to it. T h e city wall, with massive stone foun dations some 3.3 m wide, is polygonal in plan, with towers placed at each angle. T h e h o u s e s a b u t t h e fortification b y m e a n s of a c o m m o n rear wall r u n n i n g along its i n n e r face. D e s p i t e evidence of considerable building activity i n t h e two strata, their pottery assemblages were indistinguishable, consisting of forms typical of b o t h earlier a n d later phases within the M B I . Strata E-D: Middle Bronze Age II-III. Strata E - D , e a c h subdivided into t w o phases, represent the zenith of C a naanite U r b a n civilization at Tell Beit M i r s i m . I n s t r a t u m E , the fortification wall w a s buttressed b y a massive b e a t e n earth glacis, partiy faced with stone. T r a c e s of w h a t m a y h a v e b e e n a t h r e e - e n t r y w a y gate w e r e u n e a r t h e d b e n e a t h the east gate of the I r o n A g e t o w n . W i t h i n t h e wall a n d parallel t o it, a street furnished with a stone-lined drain was revealed, lined on b o t h sides b y several well-built structures. T h e stra t u m was characterized by a rich, well-made ceramic r e p e r toire. S t r a t u m D c o n t i n u e d the s t r a t u m E layout, w i t h t w o p e rimeter streets a n d connecting radial alleys clearly defined. A large (200 s q m ) , thick-walled c o u r t y a r d building, t h e " p a l a c e , " w a s cleared in t h e west. Finds in this b u i l d i n g in
c l u d e d m a n y storejars, as well as stone, m e t a l , a n d ivory objects—including a g a m e b o a r d w i t h a die a n d g a m i n g p i e c e s — a n d , m o s t i m p o r t a n t , t h e lower p a r t of a cultic stela, interpreted by A l b r i g h t as a " s e r p e n t g o d d e s s " b u t n o w r e c ognized as a r e p r e s e n t a t i o n of a C a n a a n i t e dignitary. A d ditional n o t e w o r t h y finds in this s t r a t u m a r e royal H y k s o s scarabs ( o n e of yqb[hr?]) a n d fine S y r i a n - t y p e cylinder seals. Stratum C: Late Bronze Age. Following t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of t h e M B t o w n in t h e m i d - s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, t h e r e w a s a considerable hiatus in settlement. T h e s u b s e q u e n t a r c h i tectural p h a s e s , C i a n d C 2 , b o t h date to L a t e B r o n z e A g e II a n d r e p r e s e n t a decline in t h e site's u r b a n character. T h e thin, fragmentary p e r i m e t e r wall ascribed to t h e latter p h a s e ( C 2 ) , suggests t h a t t h e t o w n relied o n t h e M B defenses for p r o t e c t i o n , a n d m a n y o p e n spaces b e t w e e n t h e h o u s e s a r e occupied by grain silos. T h e L B settlement w a s d e s t r o y e d in a fierce conflagration, d a t e d b y t h e c e r a m i c assemblage t o a b o u t 1225 BCE. Strata B~A: Iron Age. T h e s t r a t u m C d e s t r u c t i o n w a s followed closely b y a partial rebuilding. Strata B i - B 2 ( I r o n I) are characterized b y fragmentary architectural r e m a i n s a n d a large n u m b e r of stone-lined silos, m a n y of t h e m s u p e r i m p o s e d . T h e p o t t e r y r e c o v e r e d from t h e silos c o n t i n u e s C a n a a n i t e traditions, witii a small a m o u n t of Philistine w a r e , p r o b a b l y i m p o r t e d from t h e coast, a p p e a r i n g i n B2. A major c h a n g e c a m e a b o u t in s t r a t u m B 3 , d a t e d to t h e p e r i o d of the U n i t e d M o n a r c h y . A 4-4.5-meter-wide c a s e m a t e wall w a s built, following t h e line of the M B fortifications. O f t h e few structures f o u n d within the walls, a series of s t o r e r o o m s abutting t h e wall is t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t . Following t h e d e s t r u c t i o n of s t r a t u m B3 at t h e close of the t e n t h century, possibly b y Shishak, a n e x t e n d e d p e r i o d of relative prosperity set in. T h e fortifications w e r e rebuilt a n d repaired along B3 lines, a n d a n e w t w o - e n t r y w a y gate w a s built in t h e east. T h e gate w a s later rebuilt as a n indirecte n t r y gate, p r o t e c t e d b y towers. T h e t o w n itself w a s densely built u p , with p e r i m e t e r streets a n d radial alleys r e m i n i s c e n t of t h e B r o n g e A g e t o w n plan. H o u s e s w e r e mainly of t h e pillared t h r e e - a n d f o u r - r o o m t y p e , w i t h t h o s e a t t h e p e r i m eter utilizing t h e wall c a s e m a t e s . P u b l i c c o n s t r u c t i o n i n c l u d e d a large b u i l d i n g near t h e center of t h e t o w n a n d a large tower (originally identified b y Albright as a city gate) built over t h e c a s e m a t e fortifications a t t h e w e s t e r n e n d of t h e site. R o c k - c u t cisterns a n d oil presses (Albright's d y e plants) a r e u b i q u i t o u s . Albright attributed t h e destruction of this city t o t h e B a b ylonians, mainly o n t h e basis of a private seal attributed to a servant of Jehoiachin, t h e p e n u l t i m a t e king of J u d a h . L a t e r studies of the p o t t e r y b y Y o h a n a n A h a r o n i ( " T h e Stratifi cation of J u d a h i t e S i t e s , " BASOR 224 [1976]: 73-90) a n d of s t a m p e d jar h a n d l e s b y D a v i d Ussishkin ( " R o y a l J u d e a n Storage Jars a n d Private Seal I m p r e s s i o n s , " BASOR 223 1976: 6 - 1 1 ) h a v e established t h a t t h e d e s t r u c t i o n s h o u l d b e
BEIT RAS attributed to S e n n a c h e r i b ' s 701 BCE c a m p a i g n . T h e r e is slight ceramic a n d stratigraphic e v i d e n c e for a partial r e o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site in t h e s e v e n t h or early sixth c e n t u r y BCE. T h e C e m e t e r y . T e l l Beit M i r s i m ' s c e m e t e r y includes h u n d r e d s of t o m b s — m o s t of t h e m recently r o b b e d — e x t e n d i n g in an arc on t h e s o u t h w e s t a n d n o r t h w e s t slopes of the m o u n d . Salvage excavations by D a v i d Alon a n d Eliot B r a u n w e r e c o n d u c t e d on t h e s o u t h w e s t slope. I n t a c t t o m b s i n c l u d e d E B I V shaft t o m b s ; several M B t o m b s , exceedingly rich in finds; L B t o m b s with m a n y i m p o r t e d goods (and, possibly, evidence of an L B I o c c u p a t i o n ) ; a n d rectangular Iron II loculus a n d shelf t o m b s . T h o u s a n d s of vessels a n d other finds looted f r o m the T e l l Beit M i r s i m c e m e t e r y ( a n d from t h e m o u n d itself) h a v e m a d e their w a y to the antiq uities m a r k e t a n d t h e n c e to p r i v a t e a n d p u b l i c collections all over the world. [See also the biography of Albright.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Excavation Reports Albright, William Foxwell. The Excavation of Tell Beit Mirsim, vol. 1, The Pottery of the First Three Campaigns; vol. i A , The Bronze Age Pottery of the Fourth Campaign', vol. 2 , The Bronze Age; vol. 3, The Iron Age. Annual of t h e American Schools of Oriental Research, 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 7 , 2 1 / 2 2 . N e w H a v e n , 1 9 3 2 - 1 9 4 3 . T h e s e four volumes of the final excavation report remain the m o s t comprehensive source for information on the site. Albright, William Foxwell. "Beit M i r s i m , Tell." In Encyclopedia of Ar chaeological Excavation in the Holy Ixmd, vol. 1, p p . 1 7 1 - 1 7 8 . Jeru salem, 1 9 7 5 . Albright's latest synthesis of the Tell Beit Mirsim finds. C r i t i c a l R e v i s i o n of S t r a t i g r a p h y a n d M a j o r F i n d s (in o r d e r of strata) Dever, William G., and Suzanne Richard. " A Reevaluation of Tell Beit Mirsim Strattim J." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re search, n o . 2 2 6 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 1 - 1 4 . Eitan, A. "Tell Beit Mirsim G - F : T h e M i d d l e Bronze IIA Settlement." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 208 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 1 9 - 2 4 . Reassigns the stratum G fortifications to stratum F . Yadin, Yigael. " T h e Tell Beit M i r s i m G - F Alleged Fortifications." Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 2 1 2 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 2 3 - 2 5 . Rejoinder to Eitan (above), suggesting a stratum E date for t h e fortifications. Merhav, Rivkah. " T h e Stele of t h e ' S e r p e n t G o d d e s s ' from Tell Beit M i r s i m and the Plaque from S h e c h e m Reconsidered." Israel Mu seum Journal 4 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 7 - 4 2 . Convincing reidentification of one of the m o s t important M B finds at Tell Beit Mirsim. Greenberg, Raphael, " N e w Light on the Early Iron Age at Tell Beit Mirsim." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 2 6 5 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 5 5 - 8 0 . Stratigraphic discussion and presentation of previ ously unpublished material. RAPHAEL GREENBERG
B E I T R A S , site located in n o r t h w e s t e r n T r a n s j o r d a n , 5 k m (3 mi.) n o r t h of Irbid ( m a p reference 680 X 105). Beit R a s w a s k n o w n as Capitolias f r o m the first t h r o u g h the sev
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e n t h centuries CE a n d was a m e m b e r of the Decapolis con federation. Following Islamic h e g e m o n y over the region (c. 636 C E ) , t h e original A r a m a i c n a m e , Beit R a s , was reinstituted. T o date, n o stratified deposits earlier t h a n the first century CE have b e e n e x c a v a t e d , a l t h o u g h survey has p r o vided s o m e data earlier t h a n the R o m a n period. T h e s e data, primarily pottery, w e r e f o u n d o n t h e ras, t h e highest p o i n t ( a b o u t 600 m ) in t h e i m m e d i a t e vicinity of t h e site, w h i c h m a y indicate t h e use of t h e ras as a lookout p o s t prior t o t h e formation of t h e city. F . K r u s e a n d H . L . Fleischer (1859), c o m m e n t i n g o n U l rich J. Seetzen's travels a n d explorations (1806) were the first to identify Beit R a s with Capitolias. J. S. B u c k i n g h a m (1816), Selah Merrill (1881), Gottlieb S c h u m a c h e r (1890), N e l s o n G l u e c k (1951) a n d Siegfried M i t t m a n n (1970) all visited the site and r e c o r d e d certain of it's elements. G . L a n kester H a r d i n g , director of antiquities for t h e area d u r i n g the British M a n d a t e , n o t e d t h e site's i m p o r t a n c e . T h e Jor d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities h a s c o n d u c t e d salvage ex cavations t h e r e , particularly in t h e necropolis, during the last thirty years. Systematic archaeological research was b e g u n in 1983 w i t h an intensive survey of t h e site a n d its i m m e d i a t e vicinity; excavation, b e g u n in 1985, c o n t i n u e s . Because the village is inhabited, r e s e a r c h c o m b i n e s archaeological strat egies with ethnohistorical r e s e a r c h , oral history, a n d text interpretation, w i t h the a i m of elucidating all of the site's past. I n antiquity, t h e site was walled. T h e excavated portion of t h e wall, built in the s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE of local limestone ashlar blocks, consists of t h r e e gates t h a t face north. T h e gates w e r e altered in the following five centuries, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e of seismiturbation. I n t h e early eighth century CE, o n e gate w a s t u r n e d into a t o w e r . A walled acropolis h a s b e e n excavated on t h e ras, evidencing the s a m e c o n s t r u c tional t e c h n i q u e s a n d alterations t h r o u g h o u t the site's o c c u p a t i o n a l periods as the city wall. T w o levels of a three-tiered m a r k e t p l a c e , k n o w n from lit erary sources, h a s b e e n excavated n o r t h of the m a i n decumanus, k n o w n from t h e city's oral history. T h e u p p e r level consists of n i n e vaults t h a t face n o r t h , b o u n d e d by vaults t h a t face east a n d west. T h e region's n a t u r a l b e d r o c k was u s e d to c o n s t r u c t the m a r k e t p l a c e . T h e rear wall of t h e vaults is c o n t i n u o u s . O n e vault is a R o m a n barrel vault; t h e others w e r e periodically r e c o n s t r u c t e d throughottt Beit R a s ' s history. T h e v a u l t s ' interior a n d exterior are covered b y utilitarian tesselated p a v e m e n t s . M a r b l e facing found in side t h e vaults suggests t h a t the u p p e r level of the m a r ketplace w a s u s e d for selling finished p r o d u c t s . T h i s second story evidences t h e s a m e construction. T h e vaults were altered considerably in t h e thirteenth/fourteentli century. T h e city's m a i n c h u r c h h a s b e e n excavated across from t h e first level of the vaults. Built on t h e r e m a i n s of an earlier
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R o m a n structure, this construction dates to the mid-fifth century. It is likely t h a t it was t u r n e d into a m o s q u e in the early eighth century. A three-tiered water installation ( a b lution pool?) was built against the j u n c t u r e of t h e c h u r c h ' s central a n d s o u t h e r n apses. T h e entire area of the vaults a n d c h u r c h r e m a i n e d p u b l i c space until the t e n t h c e n t u r y CE, w h e n the space was u s e d for domestic a n d m i n o r industrial activities.
BENNETT, CRYSTAL-MARGARET (19181987), first director of t h e British Institute at A m m a n for Archaeology a n d H i s t o r y a n d t h e excavator of t h o s e E d o m ite sites t h a t h a v e b e e n m o s t extensively investigated. B e n n e t t b e g a n her archaeological career relatively late, in 1954, at the Institute of Archaeology in L o n d o n . A t first she p a r ticipated in excavations in E n g l a n d , later joining K a t h l e e n M . K e n y o n ' s final season at Jericho.
A n intricate water system served the city from its i n c e p tion in 97/98 CE a n d subsequentiy. T h e absence of springs in the vicinity m a d e t h e city d e p e n d e n t on rainwater a n d water b r o u g h t from a distance. P a r t of a low a q u e d u c t sys t e m was surveyed west of t h e city, outside t h e city wall. I n side the city, a well-engineered channel run-off system c u t into the b e d r o c k d e b o u c h e d into large cisterns. A reservoir was built on the south side of the city a n d periodically r e furbished d i r o u g h o u t t h e city's history.
In 1958, while taking p a r t in P e t e r P a r r ' s excavations at P e t r a , in J o r d a n , B e n n e t t b e c a m e interested in t h e I r o n A g e " E d o m i t e " site of U m m el-Biyara in t h e center of P e t r a . S h e excavated there (1960-1965), at t h e E d o m i t e site of T a w i l a n (1968-1970, 1982), a n d at Buseirah, t h e p r o b a b l e capital of E d o m (1971-1974, 1980). A l t h o u g h s h e did n o t p r o d u c e a final r e p o r t for a n y of these sites, h e r preliminary r e p o r t s w e r e regular a n d c o m p r e h e n s i v e . H e r results m a d e t h e E d o m i t e s archaeologically visible for t h e first t i m e a n d considerably revised t h e t h e n generally a c c e p t e d c h r o n o logical p i c t u r e of E d o m . T h e three B e n n e t t excavations clearly d a t e d E d o m i t e p o t t e r y t o the s e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, r a t h e r t h a n to t h e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE, as was p r e viously t h o u g h t . H e r excavations also revealed s t r o n g evidence for E d o m i t e settlement continuity into the P e r s i a n period.
T h e archaeological research to date indicates t h a t Beit Ras/Capitolias was a p l a n n e d R o m a n city, p r o b a b l y estab lished for military r e a s o n s , a n d t h a t it flourished in t h e p e riod b e t w e e n the first a n d t e n t h centuries. Excavation has yielded quantities of pottery c o m p a r a b l e to t h a t at o t h e r D e capolis cities. N o hiatus in o c c u p a t i o n at the site h a s yet b e e n found, b u t a gradual decrease in size a n d c h a n g e in u s e from public space to private space seems to begin as early as t h e t e n t h century. [See also Decapolis.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Works by the nineteenth-century explorers and travelers mentioned in this entry are not listed below. T h e s e works are available only in university or other specialized libraries. Glueck, Nelson. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, Vol. 4. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 25/28. N e w H a v e n , 1951. L e n z e n , C. J., et al. "Excavations at Tell Irbid and Beit Ras, 1985." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 29 (1985): 151—159. L e n z e n , C. J. "Tall Irbid and Bait R a s . " Archivfur Orientforschung 33 (1986): 164-166. Lenzen, C. J., and E. Axel Knauf. "Tell Irbid and Beit Ras, 19831986." Liber Annuus/StudiiBibliciFranciscani 36 (1986): 361-363. Lenzen, C. J., and E. Axel Knauf. "Beit Ras-Capitolias: A Preliminary Evaluation of the Archaeological and T e x t u a l Evidence." Syria 64 (1987): 21-46. L e n z e n , C. J., and Alison M . M c Q u i t t y . " T h e 1984 Survey of the Irbid/ Beit Ras Region." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 32 (1988): 265-274.
B e n n e t t ' s o t h e r major c o n t r i b u t i o n s w e r e organizational a n d diplomatic. She w a s assistant director of the British School of A r c h a e o l o g y in Jerusalem f r o m 1963 t o 1965, a n d director from 1970 to 1980, overseeing the greater p a r t of t h e m a m m o t h survey of M a m l u k J e r u s a l e m t h a t r e c o r d e d the Islamic buildings in t h e O l d City ( M i c h a e l H . B u r g o y n e , Mamluk Jerusalem, L o n d o n , 1987). By 1970 B e n n e t t h a d r e n t e d space i n A m m a n at h e r o w n e x p e n s e to p r o v i d e an office a n d base for British excavations in J o r d a n . She w a s the p r i m e m o v e r , w i t h K e n y o n , in f o u n d ing the British Institute at A m m a n for A r c h a e o l o g y a n d H i s tory a n d w a s its first director (1980-1983). D u r i n g t h a t time she established t h e institute as a viable b o d y a n d d e v e l o p e d close links with t h e J o r d a n i a n D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities a n d particularly the J o r d a n i a n royal family. [See also British I n s t i m t e at A m m a n for A r c h a e o l o g y a n d History, British School of A r c h a e o l o g y in Jerusalem, Buseirah; E d o m ; T a w i l a n ; and U m m el-Biyara.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
L e n z e n , C.J. "Beit Ras Excavations, 1988 and 1989." Syria 67 (1990): 474-476. L e n z e n , C. J. " T h e Integration of the D a t a Bases—Archaeology and History: A Case in Point, Bayt R a s . " In Bilad al-Sham during the Abbasid Period; Proceedings of the Fifth Bilad al-Sham Conference, vol. 2, edited by M u h a m m a d A d n a n al-Bakhit and Robert Schick, p p . 160-178. A m m a n , 1992. L e n z e n , C. J. "Irbid and Beit Ras: Interconnected Settlements between c. A.D. 100-900." I n Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 4, edited by Ghazi Bisheh, p p . 299-307, A m m a n , 1992.
Bienkowski, Piotr. " U m m el-Biyara, T a w i l a n , and Buseirah in R e t r o spect." Levant22 (1990): 91-109. Appraisal of B e n n e t t ' s three major excavations, including a bibliography of h e r principal preliminary reports.
C . J. LENZEN
PIOTR BIENKOWSKI
Homes-Fredericq, D e n y s e , a n d J. Basil H e n n e s s y , eds. Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 1, Bibliography. Louvain, 1986. See pages 32-33 for a comprehensive bibliography of Bennett's work. T a l b o t , Geraldine. " C r y s t a l - M . Bennett, O.B.E., D . Lift., F.S.A.: A n Appreciation." Levant detail.
19 (1987): 1-2. T r a c e s B e n n e t t ' s career in
BETH ALPHA B E N Z I N G E R , I M M A N U E L , (1865-1935), G e r m a n P r o t e s t a n t theologian, b o r n in Stuttgart. I n 1894 B e n zinger w o r k e d as an assistant at T u b i n g e n , a n d in 1895 as a p a s t o r in N e u e n s t a d t . F r o m 1897 t o 1902 h e edited d i e Zeitschrift of t h e D e u t s c h e r P a l a s t i n a - V e r e i n a n d served o n its executive b o a r d until 1912. F r o m 1898 to 1902 h e was a lecturer (privatdozent) at t h e U n i v e r s i t y of Berlin. H e s p e n t the n e x t t e n years in J e r u s a l e m . I n fall 1903 he replaced Gottlieb S c h u m a c h e r , w h o h a d b e e n called away o n a s p e cial assignment, as director of t h e excavations for the D e u t s c h e r Palastina-Verein at T e l l e l - M u t e s e l l i m / M e g i d d o a n d p u b l i s h e d a preliminary r e p o r t of his work. Benzinger was a professor at t h e University of T o r o n t o from 1912 t o 1915, at Meadville, P e n n s y l v a n i a , from 191510 1918; a n d at the University of R i g a in L a t v i a f r o m 1921 until his death. H e p u b l i s h e d his scholarship o n t h e H e b r e w Bible as well as Bilderatlas zur Bibelkunde (Stuttgart, 1905, 2d ed., 1912) a n d revised K a r l B a e d e k e r ' s travel g u i d e b o o k Palastina und Syrien (Leipzig, from t h e 3d ed., 1890, t o t h e 7th ed., 1910). H i s principal w o r k , h o w e v e r , is Hebraische Archdologie. I n its first edition (1894) u s i n g " a r c h a e o l o g y " as a s o u r c e m e a n t describing a n c i e n t Israel's p r i v a t e , p u b l i c , a n d sacred insti tutions, b a s e d chiefly o n t h e biblical texts. H o w e v e r , in its s e c o n d edition (1907), w h i c h h e w r o t e in Jerusalem, B e n zinger b e g a n to e m p h a s i z e t h e i m p o r t a n c e of excavations a n d their discoveries in o r d e r to r e c o n s t r u c t a history of t h e civilization of Israel. T h i s is e v i d e n t in a n e w discussion o n ceramics a n d n e w a n d m o r e illustrations of archaeological artifacts. I n its third edition (1927), B e n z i n g e r i n c l u d e d m a n y of t h e i m p o r t a n t results of excavations t h a t h a d b e e n m a d e since 1907. B e n z i n g e r w a s a p i o n e e r in p u b l i s h i n g t h e discipline of biblical archaeology. [See also D e u t s c h e r Palastina-Verein; M e g i d d o . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adamovics, Ludvigs. Latvijas Unwersildtes: Teologijas Fakultate, 1919-1939. 2 d ed, Lincoln, N e b . , 1 9 8 1 , Information about Benzinger's activities at Riga and his place in the international c o m m u n i t y . Avi-Yonah, Michael. " B e n z i n g e r , I m m a n u e l . " In Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. 4, p . 574, Jerusalem, 1 9 7 1 . Benzinger's professional activ ities in Jerusalem a n d a list of his m a i n works. Miueilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Vereins zur Erforschung Palastinas. Leipzig, 1 8 9 5 - 1 9 1 2 , P r i m a r y source for t h e little biograph ical data available for Benzinger. DIETHELM CONRAD
B E T H A L P H A , also k n o w n as Beit Ufa or Alfa, site located in t h e eastern p a r t of t h e Jezreel Valley, at the foot of M t . Gilboa. B e t h A l p h a w a s settled b y P t o l e m a i c G r e e k s a n d was p a r t of Scythopolis, o n e of t h e cities of t h e R o m a n Decapolis. T h e city is n a m e d after t h e n e a r b y r u i n s of K h i r b e t Beit Ufa; it shows no o c c u p a t i o n before t h e R o m a n p e riod. T h e f o u n d a t i o n r e m a i n s a n d m o s a i c floor of a s y n a g o g u e w e r e accidentally d i s c o v e r e d t h e r e i n 1928 a n d w e r e
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excavated in 1929 by Eleazar L i p a Sukenik of the H e b r e w University of Jerusalem. T h e s y n a g o g u e , built of u n t r i m m e d local limestone, is basilical, with two longitudinal r o w s of c o l u m n s a n d stone b e n c h e s . It includes a c o u r t y a r d witii c o l u m n s on t h e s o u t h a n d enclosing walls o n t h e o t h e r sides. T h e c o u r t y a r d ' s col u m n s also f o r m e d t h e n o r t h side of the n a r t h e x . O n t h e n o r t h , a large central d o o r is flanked b y t w o smaller e n trances. A side d o o r o n t h e w e s t leads into an a n n e x . It is c o n j e c t u r e d t h a t t h e r e w a s an u p p e r gallery over t h e two aisles a n d t h e n a r t h e x . Stairs leading to the gallery are b e lieved to h a v e b e e n located in t h e w e s t e r n a n n e x . It is n o t clear, however, w h a t t h e function of s u c h a gallery w o u l d have been. A semicircular external a p s e at t h e s o u t h e r n e n d of the basilica faced Jerusalem a n d w a s r e a c h e d via three n a r r o w steps. T w o holes on t h e s e c o n d step m a y h a v e held posts for a curtain to close off the T o r a h shrine. E v i d e n c e of an earlier m o s a i c p a v e m e n t w a s discovered below the p r e s e n t m o s a i c floor. I n its p r e s e n t state the entire building c o m p l e x h a s m o s a i c floors. T h e n a v e m o s a i c has t h r e e panels, w h o s e interpretation h a s f o u n d n o scholarly c o n s e n s u s . All t h e panels are sur r o u n d e d b y a w i d e decorative b o r d e r . T h e n o r t h e r n , or low est, p a n e l features the B i n d i n g of Isaac a n d is to b e r e a d from left t o right. A b r a h a m ' s t w o servants are d e p i c t e d with t h e d o n k e y . O n e leads d i e d o n k e y b y its reins, a n d die other s t a n d s b e h i n d it, b u t his legs are n o t visible. A h a n d e m e r g e s from above, symbolic of t h e h a n d of G o d , with the H e b r e w inscription from Genesis 22:12: " D o n ' t stretch forth [your h a n d ] . " A r a m is s h o w n t e t h e r e d to a tree with the H e b r e w inscription from Genesis 22:13: " H e r e is t h e r a m . " N e i t h e r t h e h a n d of G o d n o r the r a m tied to the tree follow the biblical narrative, b u t t h e y are in k e e p i n g with later Jewish a n d non-Jewish sources (see b e l o w ) . A b e a r d e d a n d haloed A b r a h a m b r a n d i s h e s a l o n g knife in his right h a n d ; h e seems to b e grasping Isaac, w h o is s u s p e n d e d in midair, with his left h a n d . B o t h A b r a h a m a n d Isaac have H e b r e w labels. A flaming altar is also depicted, Isaac floating in m i d a i r is f o u n d in early Christian d e p i c tions, b u t in t h e m A b r a h a m is s h o w n g r a s p i n g t h e e n d s of a blindfold. A p p a r e n t l y , t h e provincial B e t h A l p h a artists, M a r i a n o s a n d his s o n H a n i n a , m i s u n d e r s t o o d their C h r i s tian m o d e l , leaving only t h e a n o m a l o u s projections attached t o the b o y ' s neck. T h e m i d d l e p a n e l depicts t h e zodiac w i t h the p a g a n g o d Flelios r i d i n g his chariot. Personifications of the four seasons are s h o w n in t h e four c o r n e r s , b u t they do n o t c o r r e s p o n d t o t h e twelve signs of t h e m o n t h s , w h i c h r u n counterclock wise. B o t h the seasons a n d t h e m o n t h s carry labels witii their H e b r e w n a m e s o n t h e m . T h e practice of placing the zodiac in synagogues finds striking analogies in c o n t e m p o r a r y li turgical p o e m s . T h e s o u t h e r n , or u p p e r m o s t , panel shows t h e T o r a h
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shrine flanked by two three-footed, s e v e n - b r a n c h e d rnenorahs, lions, and s u c h ceremonial objects as t h e shofar, lulav and etrog, incense shovel, and T o r a h shrine curtains. W h e t h e r the objects are symbolic of c o n t e m p o r a r y synagogal celebrations or relate to the destroyed Jerusalem T e m ple cult has n o t b e e n resolved. T h e T o r a h shrine also has a l a m p s u s p e n d e d from it. A l t h o u g h the l a m p is frequendy called ner tdmid, its symbolism is uncertain, as the "eternal light" is n o t k n o w n in synagogue furnishings until the sev enteenth century CE. T h e synagogue is usually dated to the early sixth c e n t u r y CE on the basis of thirty-six coins—the latest dating from t h e reign of the Byzantine e m p e r o r Justinian I — a n d a n A r a m a i c inscription referring to E m p e r o r Justinian. R e c e n t research places tire synagogue in t h e third quarter of the sixth centry, on b o t h stylistic a n d iconographic g r o u n d s . A n e a r t h q u a k e probably destroyed the synagogue shortly after its c o n s t r u c tion. [See also Decapolis; M o s a i c s ; Synagogues; and the biog raphy of Sukenik.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Chiat, Marilyn Joyce Segal. Handbook of Synagogue Literature. Chico, Calif., 1982. Includes a good descriptive summation of research on the Beth Alpha synagogue. Goldman, Bernard. The Sacred Portal: A Primary Symbol in Ancient Judaic Art. Detroit, 1966. Suggestive interpretation of the u p p e r m o saic panel. G u t m a n n , Joseph. "Revisiting the 'Binding of Isaac' Mosaic in the Beth-Alpha Synagogue." Bulletin of the Asia Institute 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 7 9 85. Critical study of die mosaic, with an up-to-date bibliography. Sukenik, Eleazar L. The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha. Jerusalem, 1932. Archaeological report of the excavation. JOSEPH GUTMANN
B E T H E L ( H e b . , " H o u s e of [the god] E l " ) , site located 16 k m ( 1 0 mi.) n o r t h of Jerusalem, on the b o r d e r of ancient Israel a n d J u d a h (3i°56' N , 3 5 ° I 4 ' E; m a p reference 172 X 148), at the j u n c t u r e of the t r u n k road from the central hills d o w n to the J o r d a n Valley. Bethel is m e n t i o n e d in the H e brew Bible m o r e times t h a n any site except Jerusalem. It figures prominentiy n o t only as a b o r d e r fortress, b u t in the patriarchal narratives, in the stories of the' p e r i o d of the Judges, a n d as an i m p o r t a n t sanctuary in a c c o u n t s of the Monarchy. T h e site was first identified with the m o d e r n A r a b village of Beitin by E d w a r d R o b i n s o n , die A m e r i c a n explorer, in 1838. Excavations w e r e carried o u t at the site in 1934 b y William Foxwell Albright a n d James L . Kelso for t h e A m e r ican Schools of Oriental Research, and again b y Kelso in 1954,1957, a n d i960. Kelso published these excavations in 1968 as The Excavation of Bethel, 1934-1960. T h e r e p o r t lacks s t r a t u m designations a n d information on p r o v e n i e n c e
a n d mixes factual description with imaginative i n t e r p r e t a tions (usually biblically i n s p i r e d ) , m a k i n g historical r e c o n struction almost impossible, e x c e p t in t h e b r o a d e s t sense. T h e following p o i n t s h a v e b e e n extracted from t h a t r e p o r t , however. T h e site was first o c c u p i e d briefly in t h e L a t e Chalcolithic p e r i o d (c. 3200 BCE) a n d t h e n again in t h e Early B r o n z e A g e I I I - I V (c. 2400-2000 B C E ) — n o d o u b t b e c a u s e of its hilltop location a n d n e a r b y springs. K e l s o ' s claim for an E B I V " t e m p l e " is fanciful, b a s e d as it w a s m o r e o n biblical traditions r e g a r d i n g the Patriarchs t h a n o n the evidence; t h e walls in question are n o m o r e t h a n t h e f o u n d a t i o n s of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e city gate. T h e Middle Bronze Age occupation witnessed a gradual u r b a n b u i l d u p . T h e M B I (c. 2000-1800 BCE) is attested only by sherds a n d tatters of walls. S o m e w h e r e in d i e M B II (c. 1800-1650 BCE), t h e t o w n was d e f e n d e d b y a c y c l o p e a n city wall a n d e a r t h e n glacis. T h e d e a r t h of detail in the r e p o r t precludes saying a n y m o r e . Kelso's description of a n o r t h eastern " g a t e " in this wall suggests t h a t this particular s t r u c ture is R o m a n , o r at least was d e s t r o y e d in t h e R o m a n p e riod. A n o r t h w e s t gate m a y well b e M B II, b u t its p l a n , as published, is enigmatic. T h e m a s o n r y of the t o w n ' s M B II domestic structures was excellent. T h e M B III p e r i o d (c. 1650-1500 BCE) a p p a r e n t l y c o n t i n u e d w i t h o u t i n t e r r u p t i o n , with the building of m o r e houses a n d additions to t h e d e fenses. A n o t h e r " s a c r e d a r e a " (or Ar., haram) claimed for this p h a s e is largely imaginative. T h e r e p o r t is ambivalent a b o u t a d e s t r u c t i o n at t h e e n d of t h e M B III, b u t t h e r e does a p p e a r to b e a g a p in o c c u p a t i o n in the L a t e B r o n z e I A - B (c. 1500-1400 BCE). T h e L B II p e r i o d (c. 1400-1200 BCE), w i t h t w o p h a s e s , seems particularly well attested. D o m e s t i c structures are very well laid out, with c o u r t y a r d s a n d d r a i n s , a n d t h e m a sonry is excellent. A destruction by e a r t h q u a k e is claimed b e t w e e n t h e t w o p h a s e s , w h i c h m i g h t b e C l a u d e F . A. Schaeffer's n o t o r i o u s 1365 BCE e a r t h q u a k e , if it h a s any c r e d e n c e . Kelso m a k e s m u c h of t h e final "Israelite d e s t r u c t i o n " of t h e C a n a a n i t e s (as Albright h a d ) , b u t the little evidence p r e s e n t e d is neither well d a t e d n o r conclusive. T h e b e s t in dication of c h a n g e m a y b e the n e w t o w n p l a n in t h e I r o n A g e I, p r e s u m a b l y in t h e early twelfth c e n t u r y BCE. W h e n K e l s o published, o u r knowledge of this transitional B r o n z e / I r o n A g e h o r i z o n was limited, b u t t o d a y it is possible t o s h o w t h a t the Bethel p o t t e r y is i n d e e d typical of t h e Early I r o n A g e , " p r o t o - I s r a e l i t e " c e r a m i c r e p e r t o i r e in the hill c o u n t r y . T h e four Iron I phases (not n u m b e r e d in t h e r e p o r t ) a p parently extend f r o m t h e early twelfth t o late eleventh/early t e n t h centuries BCE. N O fortifications are m e n t i o n e d . T h e I r o n II p e r i o d (c. 900-600 BCE) is said t o h a v e h a d t h r e e phases (also n o t n u m b e r e d ) . T h e r e p o r t offers s c a n t material for the entire p e r i o d , leaving t h e biblical a c c o u n t s of Bethel's i m p o r t a n c e in t h e D i v i d e d M o n a r c h y w i t h o u t a
BETH-GAN context. P r e s u m a b l y , o c c u p a t i o n at t h e site e n d s with the B a b y l o n i a n destructions in t h e early sixth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e r e p o r t discusses a c o r p u s of s i x t h - c e n t u r y BCE p o t t e r y b u t w i t h o u t a context. T h e r e is s o m e Persian o c c u p a t i o n , a n d t h e t o w n recovered s o m e of its i m p o r t a n c e b y the Hellenis t i c - R o m a n p e r i o d (the p o t t e r y t r e a t e d b y P a u l W . L a p p ) . T r a v e l e r s m e n t i o n Bethel in t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , from w h i c h t h e r e are s o m e r e m a i n s . BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William F . " T h e Kyle M e m o r i a l Excavation at Bethel." Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 56 ( D e c e m b e r 1934): 2 - 1 5 . Dever, William G. "Archaeological M e t h o d s and Results: A Review of T w o Recent Publications." Orientalia 40 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 4 5 9 - 4 7 1 . Kelso, James L . The Excavation of Bethel, 7934-1060. C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , 1968. WILLIAM G . DEVER
B E T H - G A N (also Beit G a n ) , site located at t h e edge of a subdivision of M o s h a v a h Y a v n e ' e l (Jabneel), in t h e eastern L o w e r Galilee, astride t h e D a r b e l - H a w a r n e h , a n a n c i e n t r o a d c o n n e c t i n g A k k o with t h e H a u r a n (32°43' N , 35°3o' E , m a p reference 197 X 235). T h e site is situated o n a n alluvial fan n e a r the w e s t e r n e d g e of t h e Y a v n e ' e l Valley, w h i c h h a s 20 sq k m (12 sq. mi.) of p o t e n t i a l arable land. T h e site's rich soil a n d a m p l e w a t e r s u p p l y are o w e d to its adjacent location to W a d i S a r u n e h a n d n u m e r o u s n e a r b y springs. T h e site is listed in the Survey of Western Palestine as a " r u i n e d A r a b village built of basaltic s t o n e " ( C o n d e r a n d K i t c h e n e r , 1881, p . 382) a n d w a s s u b s e q u e n t l y e x p l o r e d b y Aapeli Saarisalo (Saarisalo, 1927, p p . 37-39), w h o r e p o r t e d finding L a t e B r o n z e , Early I r o n , R o m a n - B y z a n t i n e , B y z a n t i n e , a n d "Early a n d L a t e A r a b i c " s h e r d s , a n d b y Zvi G a l , w h o r e p o r t e d finding I r o n II p o t t e r y (Gal, 1992, p . 33). H a r o l d Liebowitz c o n d u c t e d s o u n d i n g s in 1988 a n d 1989 o n behalf of the University of T e x a s at A u s t i n , a n d f o u n d I r o n I, L a t e B y z a n t i n e , a n d M a m l u k s h e r d s . T h e first small-scale season of excavation was c o n d u c t e d b y L i e b o w i t z in 1992 a n d w a s followed b y excavations in 1994 a n d 1995, w h i c h yielded tire following r e m a i n s . L B II s h e r d s in association w i t h a wall w e r e f o u n d in a p r o b e in s q u a r e F O 2 at t h e close of t h e 1995 season of e x cavation, confirming Saarisalo's r e p o r t of discovery of L a t e B r o n z e A g e s h e r d s a n d c o n f i r m i n g t h a t the L a t e C y p r i o t A g e milk-bowl s h e r d f o u n d o n t h e surface of t h e tell in 1992 was n o t a simple c h a n c e discovery. I r o n I p o t t e r y a s s e m blages w e r e f o u n d i n association with t w o s u p e r i m p o s e d d o m e s t i c structures in the s a m e s q u a r e . I r o n IIA sherds w e r e f o u n d in squares E O 2 a n d E O 3 in association w i t h poorly p r e s e r v e d architectural r e m a i n s , t h e result of M a m l u k dis t u r b a n c e , a n d in a limited p r o b e in s q u a r e B O 3 , w h e r e d e bris adjacent to a d i s t u r b e d 1.9-meter-long a n d 1.30-meter-
301
wide wall t h a t r o d e u n d e r t h e R o m a n p e r i o d east-west wall yielded I r o n II p o t t e r y a n d a b r o n z e fibula. T h e Persian p e r i o d is r e p r e s e n t e d by a single restored storage jar f o u n d at t h e base of a R o m a n - p e r i o d locus in square B O 3 and b y large thicked-walled b o w l sherds with external thickening a n d p r o m i n e n t everted ring base ( m o r atoria), found in a s o u n d i n g . T h e R o m a n period w a s r e a c h e d only in a n a r r o w p r o b e , w h e r e p a r t of a wall with a n associated surface with s e c o n d - c e n t u r y CE cooking pots, bowls, storage jars, a n d casserole sherds w e r e found. H o w ever, R o m a n - p e r i o d architectural fragments s u c h as a hearts h a p e d c o l u m n s e g m e n t ( r e u s e d in t h e s u b s e q u e n t L a t e Byzantine p h a s e ) , suggest t h a t t h e r e w a s a synagogue or c h u r c h in the R o m a n p e r i o d i n a s m u c h as h e a r t - s h a p e d col u m n s are generally associated with synagogues or c h u r c h e s . T h e L a t e Byzantine p e r i o d is r e p r e s e n t e d by a large s t r u c t u r e in Area A w h o s e walls contained r e u s e d architectural fragments (door jams, ashlar blocks, c o l u m n bases, a n d a s e g m e n t of a h e a r t - s h a p e d c o l u m n in B O 1 a n d two hearts h a p e d c o l u m n s in s q u a r e A O i ) . T h e p o t t e r y includes terra sigillata bowls, cooking bowls w i t h horizontal handles, a n d storage jars w i t h w h i t e - p a i n t e d decorations. C o i n s f o u n d on the surface s p a n a possible t w e n t y - t h r e e year period, from the reign of Justinian II a n d S o p h i a (565-587 CE) to Tiberias (582-602 CE), A flat b r o n z e cross t h a t resembles examples from Pella, in J o r d a n , suggests a Christian p r e s e n c e or a m i x e d p o p u l a t i o n at the site in this p e r i o d t h a t m a y have h a d c o n n e c t i o n s with t h e p o p u l a t i o n east of t h e J o r d a n River. P a r t s of a Byzantine b u i l d i n g w i t h large flagstones a n d wellcut limestone blocks w e r e f o u n d b e l o w t h e M a m l u k terrace wall in A r e a B . P a r t s of t h r e e M a m l u k s t r u c t u r e s , o n e of which yielded evidence of architectural p h a s e s , were excavated in Area A. P o t t e r y from t h e p e r i o d is c o m p a r a b l e to assemblages of vessels from Y o q n e ' a m a n d Afula. T h e single coin found confirms a f o u r t e e n t h - c e n t u r y CE date for the s t t a t u m . In Area B , L i e b o w i t z f o u n d a M a m l u k terrace wall that was traced for a b o u t 18 m , a n d p a r t s of walls t h a t a b u t t e d the terrace o n the west. Adjacent to the wadi, at the western e d g e of the m o u n d , L i e b o w i t z a n d his t e a m excavated a check p o i n t of a d a m u s e d for w a t e r m a n a g e m e n t datable to t h e L a t e R o m a n / B y z antine period. B e t h - G a n is significant b e c a u s e of its L B o c c u p a t i o n , w h i c h s u p p o r t s t h e idea of a significant presence in the east ern L o w e r Galilee in t h a t period. Unlike the neighboring T e l Y i n ' a m , w h i c h was a b a n d o n e d before t h e Byzantine period, this site w a s o c c u p i e d d u r i n g the L a t e Byzantine and M a m luk p e r i o d s , enabling a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e regional m a terial culture for these p e r i o d s in t h e Yavne'el Valley. F i nally, B e t h - G a n ' s location along t h e D a r b e l - H a w a r n e h furthers efforts t o r e c o n s t r u c t a picture of intercity a n d in ternational t r a d e in the eastern L o w e r Galilee in antiquity. c
302
BETHLEHEM BIBLIOGRAPHY
Conder, Claude R., and H , H. Kitchener. The Survey of Western Pal estine: Memoirs of the Topography, Orography, Hydrography, and Ar chaeology, vol. I, Galilee. L o n d o n , 1 8 8 1 . Gal, Zvi. Lower Galilee during the Iron Age. Winona Lake, Ind., 1992. Liebowitz, Harold. "Beit Gan, 1 9 8 8 " (in H e b r e w ) . Hadashot Arkheologiot 93 (1989): 96; 94 (1990): 7Liebowitz, Harold. "Beit Gan, 1 9 9 2 . " Israel Exploration Journal
43.4
(1993): 2 5 9 - 2 6 3 . Saarisalo, Aapeli. The Boundary between Issachar and Naphtali: An Ar chaeological and Literary Study of Israel's Settlement in Canaan. Hel sinki, 1927. HAROLD A . LIEBOWITZ
B E T H L E H E M , m o d e m t o w n occupying t h e site of the ancient town, located 9 k m (5.5 mi.) s o u t h - s o u d i w e s t of Jerusalem, 21.5 k m (13.5 mi.) n o r t h - n o r t h e a s t of H e b r o n , 23.5 k m (15 mi.) w e s t of the D e a d Sea, a n d just east of the main n o r t h - s o u t h ridge r o a d of the central hill c o u n t r y of J u d a h (3i°42' N , 35°i2' E; m a p reference 169 X 123). Bethlehem m a y a p p e a r in the A m a r n a tablets (fourteenth century BCE) as " B i t - L a h m u " Q. A. K n u d t z o n , ed., Die ElAmarna Tafeln, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1915, n o . 290), a p p a r e n d y m e a n i n g " h o u s e of L a h m u , " a n Assyrian god. T h e n a m e m a y have b e e n distorted later to beth-lehem, m e a n i n g " h o u s e of b r e a d . " While Bethlehem is m e n t i o n e d in d i e H e b r e w Bible (cf. Ru. 1 : 1 % Jgs. 12:8) a n d is the city w h e r e Jesus was b o r n (Ml. 2; Lk. 2), it is also identified as E p h r a t h ( a h ) (cf. Gn. 35:19; Ru. 4:11; Mi. 5:1 [Eng. 5:2]). Extrabiblically, B e t h l e h e m is m e n t i o n e d by Justin (Dial. Trypho 78.5-6), in the Protoevangelium of James (18.1), a n d by Origin (Contra Celsum 1.51) refering to a cave in w h i c h Jesus was b o r n . J e r o m e (Epis. ad Paul 58:3) r e c o r d s t h a t H a d r i a n d e s t t o y e d t h e Christian site a n d built a shrine to Adonis in its place. J e r o m e ' s remarks are largely the basis u p o n which t h e c u r r e n t identification of the C h u r c h of the Nativity rests. F e w excavations have b e e n c o n d u c t e d in the t o w n , e x c e p t in the vicinity of t h e C h u r c h of the Nativity. H o w e v e r , as a result of investigations in the caves b e n e a t h t h e c h u r c h a n d in the process of building a new school in Bethlehem, r e m a i n s from the Iron A g e t o w n t e n t h - e i g h t h centuries BCE have c o m e to light. T h e data are insufficient, h o w e v e r , to relate to descriptions in the H e b r e w Bible indicating the presence of a well a n d fortifications at Bethlehem (cf. 2 Sm. 23:15; 2 Chr. 11:5-6). Constantine initiated construction of the C h u r c h of the Nativity in B e t h l e h e m in 326 CE over the traditional cave of Jesus' birth, a n d Q u e e n H e l e n a dedicated it thirteen years later. T h e building was partially destroyed in a S a m a r i t a n revolt in 529, b u t Justinian quickly ordered its r e c o n s t r u c tion. T h e c u r r e n t building reflects' that r e c o n s t r u c t i o n with m i n o r modifications. William H a r v e y ' s excavations in 1934 u n d e r the auspices
of the M a n d a t o r y D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities p r o v e d t h a t the c u r r e n t s t r u c t u r e dates from the time of Justinian a n d n o t C o n s t a n t i n e , a l t h o u g h the Justinian s t r u c t u r e follows m a n y of the C o n s t a n t i n i a n foundations. T h e C o n s t a n t i n i a n c h u r c h consisted of a s q u a r e basilica ( a b o u t 26.5 m to a side), divided b y four r o w s of n i n e c o l u m n s into a 9-meterwide n a v e with two aisles on e a c h side. T h e excavations revealed a p a t t e r n e d m o s a i c floor a b o v e t h e original c o l u m n bases b u t 50-60 c m b e l o w t h e m o d e r n floor. H e n c e , t h e C o n s t a n t i n i a n s t r u c t u r e a p p e a r s to h a v e u n d e r g o n e s o m e modification before its destruction at t h e h a n d s of t h e S a m a r i t a n s . A n octagonal apse stood over t h e traditional grotto. T h e o c t a g o n m e a s u r e d 7.9 m on e a c h side. L a t e r alterations to t h e b e d r o c k in die grotto d e s t r o y e d the original entrance. Justinian a d d e d an a t r i u m to the w e s t e r n e n d of t h e b a silica, e x t e n d i n g its length by 6.5 m , a n d s t r e n g t h e n e d the walls to p r o t e c t the b u i l d i n g from attackers. T h e central n a v e was w i d e n e d to 10.5 m , n a r r o w i n g die adjacent aisles accordingly. U n d e r Justinian's auspices the o c t a g o n a l apse was replaced w i t h a triapsal a r r a n g e m e n t , a n d t h e n o r t h a n d south entrances to t h e grotto w e r e i n t r o d u c e d . All s u b s e q u e n t modifications t o t h e building h a v e b e e n m i n o r . BIBLIOGRAPHY Bagatti, Bellarmino. " B e t h l e e m . " Revue Biblique 7 2 ( 1 9 6 5 ) : 2 7 0 - 2 7 2 . G u t m a n , S., and A. B e r m a n . " B e t h l e e m , " Revue Biblique 7 7 ( 1 9 7 0 ) :
583-585. Harvey, William. Structural Survey of the Church of the Nativity, Beth lehem. L o n d o n , 1 9 3 5 . Sailer, Sylvester J. " I r o n Age Remains from the Site of a N e w School at Bethlehem." Studium Biblicum Franciscanum/Liber Annuus 18 (1968): 1 5 3 - 1 8 0 . Schultz, Robert W . , et al. The Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem. L o n don, 1 9 1 0 . Stockman, Eugene. " T h e Stone Age of B e d t l e h e m . " Studium Biblicum Franciscanum/Liber Annuus 17 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 1 2 9 - 1 4 8 . Vincent, L . - H . , a n d Felix-Marie Abel. BethUem, le sanctuaire de la nativite. Paris, 1 9 1 4 . DALE W . MANOR
B E T H - P E L E T . See F a r ' a h , T e l l el- ( S o u t h ) .
B E T H S A I D A , site located 2.5 Ion (12 mi.) n o r t h of t h e Sea of Galilee a n d a few h u n d r e d m e t e r s f r o m the J o r d a n River ( m a p reference 209 X 257). F o l l o w i n g the d e a t h of H e r o d t h e G r e a t in 4 BCE, the region of Bethsaida b e c a m e a p a r t of t h e tetrarchy of his s o n Philip (Josephus, Antiq. 17.189; LA. 3:1). S o m e t i m e d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d d e c a d e of t h e first c e n t u r y CE, Jesus w i t h d r e w to Bethsaida u p o n h e a r i n g of J o h n t h e Baptist's d e a t h (Lk. 9:10) a n d p e r f o r m e d s o m e of his " m i g h t y w o r k s " there. T o w a r d t h e e n d of Jesus' m i n istry in t h e area, w h e n h e realized t h a t n o t m a n y w o u l d fol low h i m , h e c o n d e m n e d Bethsaida to humiliation, along with
BETHSAIDA C a p e r n a u m a n d C h o r a z i n (Mt. p e r n a u m ; Chorazin.]
1 1 : 2 1 ; Lk. 10:13). [See C a
I n 30 CE, Bethsaida w a s elevated t o t h e status of a G r e e k polis b y Philip H e r o d a n d r e n a m e d Julias, after Livia-Julia, A u g u s t u s ' s wife a n d T i b e r i u s ' s m o t h e r , w h o h a d died a few m o n t h s earlier (Josephus, Antiq. 18.28; War 2.9.1). Josep h u s ' s s t a t e m e n t t h a t t h e r e n a m i n g w a s after Julia, A u g u s tus's d a u g h t e r , s h o u l d b e c o r r e c t e d b a s e d u p o n n u m i s m a t i c evidence. Philip died in 34 CE in B e t h s a i d a a n d was b u r i e d in a magnificent funeral (Antiq. 18.108). I n 65-66, t h e R o m a n armies of A g r i p p a II clashed with rebels in a series of battles t h a t failed t o result in a clear victory for either side Q o s e p h u s , Life 7 1 - 7 3 ) . T h e a r c h a e o logical evidence is t h a t t h e city w a s d e s t r o y e d a n d never r e built. Bethsaida is m e n t i o n e d b y biblical interpreters a n d in pil g r i m s ' a c c o u n t s b e g i n n i n g in t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y . M o s t of t h e s e descriptions p o i n t to a few locations a t t h e n o r t h of t h e Sea of Galilee, p e r h a p s n e i t h e r to t h e correct site, A schol arly c o n t r o v e r s y over its identification b e g a n at t h e e n d of t h e sixteenth c e n t u r y . B a s e d o n John 12:21, w h i c h places Bethsaida in Galilee, a n d J o s e p h u s (Antiq. 18.28) a n d o t h e r G o s p e l citations, w h i c h place it i n t h e G o l a n , scholars d e d u c e d m a t t h e r e were t w o s u c h places: one n a m e d Bethsaida in Galilee—namely, o n t h e w e s t side of t h e J o r d a n R i v e r — a n d t h e other, Julias—on t h e east side. T h e q u e s t for t h e p r o p e r site r e e m e r g e d with t h e rise of m o d e r n biblical r e search. I n t h e first half of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , a few scholars p r o p o s e d identifying B e t h s a i d a w i t h a large m o u n d n a m e d et-Tell at t h e n o r t h e r n c o r n e r of t h e B t e h a plain, 2.5 k m (1.5 mi.) from t h e Sea of Galilee. I n t h e 1880s Gottlieb S c h u m a c h e r m a i n t a i n e d t h a t it w a s implausible for a fish e r m e n ' s village t o h a v e b e e n l o c a t e d so far f r o m water. H e p r o p o s e d t w o sites located o n t h e shore: el-Araj, a few h u n d r e d m e t e r s f r o m t h e m o u t h of t h e J o r d a n , a n d e l - M e s a d i yeh, a small r u i n father to t h e southeast. [See the biography of Schumacher] I n 1987 t h e archaeological investigation of t h e site of B e t h saida b e g a n o n behalf of t h e University of Haifa. P r o b e s w e r e carried o u t at T e l l Araj a n d et-Tell. As et-Tell alone yielded levels dating to t h e p e r i o d in question, excavations h a v e c o n t i n u e d exclusively t h e r e . I n 1991 a c o n s o r t i u m of university scholars for t h e excavations of Bethsaida w a s f o r m e d , h e a d e d b y t h e U n i v e r s i t y of N e b r a s k a at O m a h a . Et-Tell/Bethsaida is t h e largest m o u n d n e a r t h e n o r t h e r n Sea of Galilee. Its a n c i e n t r u i n s lie o n a basalt hill, an exten sion of t h e lava plains t h a t f o r m t h e G o l a n H e i g h t s . T h e m o u n d (450 X 200 m ) rises 25 m a b o v e its s u r r o u n d i n g s . T w o p e a k s a n d a saddle f o r m its s u m m i t , a n d steep slopes d e s c e n d f r o m all sides, e x c e p t a t its n o r t h e r n corner. A spring, n o w h i d d e n b y b u s h e s , flows d o w n its w e s t e r n slope t o w a r d t h e J o r d a n , P r o b e s o p e n e d o n t h e s u m m i t revealed four p e r i o d s of o c c u p a t i o n . T h e first settlement dates t o t h e Early B r o n z e I p e r i o d
(3100-2850 BCE) a n d c o n t i n u e d E B II (2850-2650 BCE), w h e n t h e b y a very thick wall built of h u g e h a v e survived t o a height of 1.30
303
uninterrupted through the settlement w a s s u r r o u n d e d b o u l d e r s . P a r t s of this wall m.
T h e n e x t p e r i o d of o c c u p a t i o n a t t h e site of Bethsaida o c c u r r e d d u r i n g t h e e n d of I r o n A g e I a n d t h e b e g i n n i n g of I r o n A g e II (eleventh c e n t u r y B C E ) . T h i s w a s a v e i y intensive p e r i o d of o c c u p a t i o n a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n s . A l t h o u g h segments of t h e Early B r o n z e A g e city walls w e r e p u t b a c k into u s e , particularly as r e v e t m e n t walls, a n e w city wall was c o n structed. It w a s built as a series of offsets a n d insets o n t h e exterior a n d t h e interior faces of t h e wall. I n addition t o this, towers were constructed. T h e w i d t h of t h e city wall varies b e t w e e n 6 a n d 7 m . T h e t o w e r t h a t was discovered at t h e east a d d e d 2 m t o t h e city wall. T h e n o r t h e a s t area of t h e m o u n d f o r m s t h e s u m m i t of t h e site a n d t h e u p p e r city. N e w r e v e t m e n t walls w e r e built t h e r e t o loop large basalt b e d r o c k b o u l d e r s t h a t c o u l d n o t b e r e m o v e d . T h i s area was filled w i t h r e d clay material a n d f o r m e d t h e p l a t f o r m of t h e u p p e r city, w h e r e n e w c o n s t r u c tions w e r e a d d e d . A t o w e r t h a t w a s excavated at t h e s o u t h e r n r e v e t m e n t wall m a y indicate t h a t few other towers were c o n s t r u c t e d astride this wall. T h u s far, excavations at t h e s u m m i t reveal t w o m a i n s t r u c t u r e s : o n e in t h e n o r t h a n d the o t h e r in t h e s o u t h of a large plaza, adjacent to t h e city wall a n d tower. T h e massive s t r u c t u r e s w e r e of large a n d heavy basalt b o u l d e r s t h a t m e a s u r e 1.4 m in w i d t h a n d indicate t h a t they w e r e built for p u b l i c p u r p o s e s . T h e b u i l d i n g at t h e n o r t h w a s a r e c t a n g u l a r structure of 20 X 30 m in t h e form of t h e A r a m e a n - A s s y r i a n palaces k n o w n as bit-hilani. Architectural elements, s u c h as a p o r c h , t h a t p r e c e d e d t h e facade w e r e t h o r o u g h l y destroyed b y later c o n s t r u c t i o n s a n d a m o d e r n Syrian military t r e n c h . A t t h e facade a rectangular vestibule r o o m with t w o antae a n d a single large pillar o u t of p r e s u m a b l y t w o , h a v e survived. B e h i n d t h e vestibule a large r e c t a n g u l a r r o o m w a s discovered t h a t is i n t e r p r e t e d to b e a t h r o n e r o o m . W e s t of t h e vestibule a rectangular service r o o m h a s b e e n discovered a n d at the east, a n o t h e r r o o m w a s f o u n d . T h i s r o o m contained an E g y p t i a n statuette k n o w n as P a t a e k o s , highly c o m p e t e n t ar tistically (see figure 1). A r o w of four smaller storage r o o m s w e r e u n e a r t h e d at t h e n o r t h e r n side of t h e palace. O n e o f t h e s e r o o m s c o n t a i n e d m o r e t h a n t w e n t y c o m p l e t e vessels; s o m e of t h e m are C y p r o - P h o e n i c i a n a n d S a m a r i a n ware. I n addition, a n Israelite bulla in P h o e n i c i a n style testifies cor r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h S a m a r i a a n d an existence of an archive w e r e also discovered. I n t h e eighth c e n t u r y t h e p a l a c e m a y h a v e g o n e o u t of u s e as t h e modification a n d alternation of its r o o m s m a y imply. T h e t h r o n e r o o m w a s divided into two halls b y a relatively t h i n n e r p a r t i t i o n wall. L a r g e n u m b e r s of l o o m weights and spindle w h o r l s suggest t h a t s o m e sections of t h e palace w e r e utilized for a g a r m e n t i n d u s t r y . O t h e r changes i n c l u d e d blocking t h e e n t r a n c e s to t h e b a c k storage r o o m s , installa-
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BETHSAIDA t r a n c e 1.7 m wide built in a n impressive wall. A large, b r o a d r o o m , divided in a later p e r i o d into two sections, is b e h i n d the entrance. A column base and a column d r u m that were f o u n d in a later d e p o s i t m a y originate f r o m t h e area of t h e e n t t a n c e or b e l o n g t o t h e missing p o r c h of t h e bit-hilani. A large cavity w a s excavated in front of t h e e n t r a n c e d u r i n g t h e last p e r i o d of t h e I r o n A g e a n d t h e entire floor a n d w h a t ever w a s in front of it w e r e r e m o v e d .
BETHSAIDA. F i g u r e I . Faience statuette Pataekos.
of the Egyptian
dwarf
god
I r o n A g e II p e r i o d . (Courtesy R. Arav)
tions a t t h e vestibule, a n d two brick benches in t h e n o r t h e r n of these a f o r e m e n t i o n e d halls. In front of this building tiiere was a large, well-paved p i azza. T h e plaza contained a canal tiiat led to a r o w of three standing stones in t h e f o r m of stelae. A t t h e east t h e piazza reached the city wall a n d at t h e south t h e r e w a s a n o t h e r public building. T h e city wall was constructed b y large b o u l ders at the exterior a n d t h e interior faces. T h e core of t h e wall was m a d e of large field stones. T h e w i d t h of t h e wall varies from 5.5 to 6.5 m . A strong t o w e r w a s a d d e d t o t h e wall east of t h e piazza a n d created a majestic w i d t h of 8 m to t h e wall. T h e building at t h e s o u t h was built b y large b o u l d e r s a n d was preserved at o n e p o i n t to an elevation of 2 m . T h e f u n c tion of this building is y e t unclear. T h u s far t h e facade of t h e structure has b e e n entirely excavated. It contains an en
Bethsaida w a s n o t a b a n d o n e d at t h e e n d o n t h e I r o n A g e . A small b u t distinctive layer of o c c u p a t i o n d u r i n g t h e P e r sian p e r i o d w a s discerned d u r i n g t h e dig. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , this layer was t o o p o o r a n d its r e m a i n s too f r a g m e n t a r y t o r e trieve a c o m p r e h e n s i v e g r o u n d p l a n . H o w e v e r , t h e settle m e n t r e s u m e d to a r e m a r k a b l e e x t e n t w h e n d i e n e x t p e r i o d , d i e Hellenistic, e m e r g e d . T h e a n c i e n t city walls m o s t p r o b ably r e m a i n e d at a fairly h i g h level a n d t h e r e f o r e w e r e r e u s e d , as w e r e other sections a n d walls of t h e old I r o n A g e public buildings. T h e overall view of t h e s e t t l e m e n t d u r i n g d i e Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n p e r i o d s s e e m s t o b e t h o r oughly different f r o m t h e I r o n A g e . S i m p l e private h o m e s o c c u p y the s u m m i t , t h e f o r m e r I r o n A g e u p p e r city r e m a i n s w e r e o b s e r v e d a n d r e u s e d . T h e i m p r e s s i o n w a s of a peculiar c o m b i n a t i o n of a fishing village within city walls. A few p r i vate h o u s e s w e r e excavated t h u s far. T w o of t h e m w e r e p r e served fairly well a n d p r e s e n t a similar g r o u n d p l a n . T h e y were built in t h e typical c o u r t y a r d p a t t e r n . T h e m a i n core of t h e building is a central c o u r t y a r d w h e r e m o s t of t h e h o m e activities, p e r h a p s , w e r e carried out. T h e k i t c h e n is d i e n e x t largest r o o m , o c c u p y i n g t h e eastern section of t h e h o u s e . T h e residential q u a r t e r is located at t h e n o r t h . T h e s o u t h e r n c o u r t y a r d h o u s e c o n t a i n s m a n y fishing i m p l e m e n t s , i n c l u d ing lead n e t weights a n d o t h e r i m p l e m e n t s indicative t h a t t h e o w n e r of t h e h o u s e was a fisherman. T h e n o r t h e r n m o s t of the h o u s e s was p r e s e r v e d to a b e t t e r state. It c o n t a i n e d four iron sickles for h a r v e s t i n g g r a p e s a n d a wine cellar (see figure 2). T h e s e finds imply t h a t t h e o w n e r of t h e h o u s e was a wine dresser. A n interesting discovery at this h o u s e w a s a cross incised o n a s h e r d of p o t t e r y , discovered n e x t to t h e e n t r a n c e to t h e residential q u a r t e r . I n a d d i t i o n , architectural elements a n d r e m a i n s of a m o n u m e n t a l b u i l d i n g w e r e dis covered scattered o n t h e surface. T h e location a n d t h e f u n c tion of this b u i l d i n g are still u n k n o w n . T h e later history of B e t h s a i d a is a history of d e s t r u c t i o n a n d ruin. T h r o u g h o u t t h e f o u r t e e n t h a n d fifteenth centuries CE, t h e site suffered severely from intensive stone looting. L i m e s t o n e blocks, c o l u m n s , capitals, architectural elements a n d decorations, a n d p e r h a p s statues a n d sculptures t h a t once a d o r n e d t h e t o w n w e r e t a k e n away. I n addition t o this, h u n d r e d s of b e d o u i n t o m b s w e r e d u g in t h e m o u n d in t h e last few centuries. T h e excavations h a v e u n c o v e r e d over o n e h u n d r e d t o m b s d u g into t h e walls a n d floors of t h e I r o n A g e a n d Hellenistic buildings. H o w e v e r , t h e m o s t destructive p e riod for the site o c c u r r e d r a t h e r recently, w h e n t h e m o u n d served as a Syrian military s t r o n g h o l d until 1967. Military
BETH-SHEAN
305
Fourth R 4.1 (January 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 - 4 . Short s u m m a r y of Bethsaida re search, including a survey of excavation results. Arav, R a m i , a n d John J. Rousseau. "Bethsaida, ville p e r d u e et retrouv e e . " Revue Biblique ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 4 1 5 - 4 2 8 . Kindler, Arieh. " T h e Coins of the T e t r a r c h Philippus, Son of H e r o d I, and the R e n a m i n g of Bethsaida/Julias." Cathedra 53 (1989): 2 4 26 (in H e b r e w ) . Presents n u m i s m a t i c evidence for the renaming of Bethsaida after Livia-Julia in 30 CE. K u h n , H . - W . , and R a m i Arav. " T h e Bethsaida Excavations: Historical and Archaeological A p p r o a c h e s . " In The Future of Early Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, edited by Birger A. Pearson, p p . 7 7 - 1 0 6 . Minneapolis, 1 9 9 1 . Detailed survey of research, including a preliminary report on the first three seasons. M c C o w n , Chester C. " T h e P r o b l e m of the Site of Bethsaida. "Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 10 ( 1 9 3 0 ) : 3 2 - 5 8 . Pixner, Bargil. "Searching for the N e w T e s t a m e n t Site of Bethsaida." Biblical Archaeologist 48 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 0 7 - 2 1 6 . T h e last study prior to t h e excavations, Robinson, E d w a r d , et al. Biblical Researches in Palestine and the Adjacent Regions: A Journal of Travels in the Years 1838 and 1852, 3 vols. 2 d ed. L o n d o n , 1856. F o r et-Tell, see volume 2, pages 4 1 2 - 4 1 4 ; for T a b q a as Bedisaida, see v o l u m e 2, pages 404-406, and volume 3, p a g e 358. Rousseau, J o h n J., a n d R a m i Arav. Jesus and His World. Minneapolis, 1995RAMI ARAV
BETHSAIDA. F i g u r e 2 .
Cellar with wmejars.
F o u n d adjacent t o a
H e l l e n i s t i c - E a r l y R o m a n c o u r t y a r d h o u s e in a r e a C . (Courtesy R. Arav)
trenches, b u n k e r s , a n d positions of all kinds crisscross t h e site, leaving u p h e a v a l a n d d e s t r u c t i o n . I n antiquity t h e B e t h s a i d a plain w a s a b a y of the Sea of Galilee. Geological investigations reveal t h a t landslides in the u p p e r J o r d a n River gorge b l o c k e d t h e river a n d formed catastrophic floods. T o r r e n t s of gravel a n d m u d filled t h e bay a n d isolated t h e fishing t o w n of Bethsaida, leaving only a small lagoon b e t w e e n t h e t o w n a n d t h e S e a of Galilee. A n o t h e r flood d u r i n g t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE filled d i e lagoon almost entirely a n d shifted t h e seashore away from t h e city. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arav, R a m i . " E t - T e l l a n d el-Araj." Israel Exploration Journal 38 (1988): 1 8 7 - 1 8 8 ; 39 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 9 9 - 1 0 0 ; "Bethsaida, 1 9 8 9 " Israel Exploration Journal 41 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 8 4 - 1 8 6 ; "Bethsaida, 1 9 9 2 " Israel Exploration Journals (1992): 252-254. Arav, R a m i . " A M a m l u k D r u m from Bethsaida." Israel Journal^ (1993): 241-245,
Exploration
Arav, R a m i , a n d R i c h a r d F r e u n d . Bethsaida, A City by the Shore of the Sea of Galilee, Kirksville, M o . , 1 9 9 5 . Arav, R a m i , a n d J o h n J. Rousseau. "Elusive Bethsaida Recovered." The
B E T H - S H E A N (also B e t h - S h a n ; Ar., Tell e l - H u s n ) , site located at tine intersection of t w o major roads t h a t cross the land of Israel from west t o east ( t h r o u g h t h e Jezreel a n d B e t h - S h e a n Valleys t o w a r d T r a n s j o r d a n ) a n d from n o r t h t o south (along t h e J o r d a n Valley). T h e m o u n d , a b o u t 4 h a (10 acres) in area, is located o n a steep natural hill o n t h e s o u t h e r n b a n k of t h e H a r o d River, in t h e m i d s t of a fertile, wellw a t e r e d valley. T h e site w a s settled intermittently from t h e L a t e N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d until t h e M i d d l e Ages. [See J o r d a n Valley.] A l t h o u g h t h e a p p e a r a n c e of t h e n a m e Beth-Shean in t h e E g y p t i a n E x e c r a t i o n texts of t h e M i d d l e K i n g d o m is q u e s tionable, it does a p p e a r in various E g y p t i a n N e w K i n g d o m sources: t h e t o p o g r a p h i c lists of T h u t m o s e III, Seti I, a n d R a m e s e s II; t h e A m a r n a tablets (in w h i c h it is m e n t i o n e d only o n c e ) ; a n d P a p y r u s Anastasi I also f r o m tire reign of R a m e s e s II. D u r i n g this p e r i o d (sixteenth-thirteenth c e n turies BCE) B e t h - S h e a n w a s a n E g y p t i a n administrative c e n ter, s e c o n d in i m p o r t a n c e only t o G a z a . I n t h e Bible, B e t h S h e a n is o n e of the cities f r o m which t h e Israelites, at tire time of t h e c o n q u e s t , d i d n o t r o u t Canaanites (Jos. 1 7 : 1 1 ; Jgs. 1:27), a n d t h e city o n t o w h o s e walls t h e Philistines "fas t e n e d " t h e b o d y of Saul a n d those of his sons (r Sm. 31:10). L a t e r , it is a city in the fifth district of S o l o m o n (r Kgs. 4:12) a n d is o n t h e list of cities Shishak c o n q u e r e d d u r i n g his c a m p a i g n in t h e l a n d of Israel (c. 918 BCE) shortly after t h e m o n archy was divided. I n t h e Hellenistic, R o m a n , a n d Byzantine p e r i o d s , t h e city w a s k n o w n as N y s a or Scythopolis, d u r i n g w h i c h time it is attested in t h e written record. I t was r e c o r d e d as well b y T h e o d o r i c h of W t i r z b u r g , w h o visited t h e
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t o w n in 1172. D u r i n g the Early Islamic p e r i o d , it w a s o n c e again called by its ancient Semitic n a m e , in t h e f o r m of Beisan; a n e a r b y A r a b t o w n preserved t h e n a m e , m a k i n g t h e identification of t h e site certain. T h e University M u s e u m of t h e University of P e n n s y l v a nia carried o u t excavations at B e t h - S h e a n from 1921 t o 1933, u n d e r t h e direction variously of C l a r e n c e S. Fisher, Alan R o w e , a n d G e r a l d M . FitzGerald. T h e y e x p o s e d t h e site's u p p e r m o s t strata (Early Islamic a n d B y z a n t i n e peri ods) across t h e m o u n d , their w o r k o n t h e u p p e r p a r t of t h e m o u n d was m o r e limited, b u t they cleared a n extensive c e m etery to t h e n o r t h of it. As t h e first large-scale stratigraphic excavations c o n d u c t e d in Palestine after W o r l d W a r I, t h e w o r k contributed significantly t o the archaeology of t h e b i b lical period despite deficiencies in excavation m e t h o d s a n d publication. I n 1983, Yigael Y a d i n a n d S h u l a m i t G e v a of t h e Institute of Archaeology of t h e H e b r e w University in Jerusalem excavated briefly o n t h e s u m m i t . Since 1989, Amihai M a z a r h a s b e e n working tiiere, u n d e r t h e auspices of the university a n d t h e t o u r i s m authority a t B e t h - S h e a n ; his on-going excavations have r e e x a m i n e d a l m o s t all t h e site's o c c u p a t i o n layers, refining its stratigraphic s e q u e n c e s . Neolithic-Early Bronze Age: Strata X V I I I - X I . A n 8.5-meter-deep layer of o c c u p a t i o n debris dating f r o m t h e Neolithic p e r i o d to t h e Early B r o n z e A g e attests to t h e i m p o r t a n c e of these periods at B e t h - S h e a n . H o w e v e r , very lit tle is k n o w n a b o u t t h e m . I n s t r a t u m XVTII, t h e P o t t e r y Neolithic p e r i o d (fifth millennium) is r e p r e s e n t e d b y pits d u g into t h e b e d r o c k . I n s t r a t u m X V I I , t h e Chalcolithic p e riod (fourth m i l l e n n i u m ) is r e p r e s e n t e d b y pottery. Strata XVI-XrV, t h e Early B r o n z e I (thirty-fifth to thiity-first c e n turies BCE), p r o d u c e d a n oval dwelling, g r a y - b u r n i s h e d p o t tery, a n d b r o n z e axes, all typical of t h e period. Strata X I I I - X I a p p e a r to b e E B II—HI o c c u p a t i o n layers (thirtieth t o twenty-fourth centuries BCE). A rich assemblage of K h i r b e t K e r a k w a r e , reflecting Anatolian influences, character izes its last p h a s e . T h e latest excavations u n c o v e r e d a very shallow o c c u p a t i o n level, p e r h a p s evidence of a seasonal set tlement of t h e E B TV/Middle B r o n z e I transitional p e r i o d (2300-2000 BCE). P o t t e r y typical of t h e Jezreel a n d B e t h S h e a n Valleys h a s b e e n recovered from m a n y M B I burial caves in t h e N o r t h e r n C e m e t e r y . Middle and Late Bronze Ages: Strata X - V I I . A gap existed in t h e o c c u p a t i o n of t h e tell d u r i n g die first p h a s e of t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e (William Foxwell Albright's M B IIA, or M B I, c. 2000-1800 BCE), although t h e t o m b of a warrior from this p e r i o d was discovered in t h e N o r t h e r n C e m e t e r y . T h r e e settlement layers belong t o t h e M B I I B - C periods ( M B II—III; mainly seventeenth-sixteenth centuries BCE) were discerned in t h e recent excavations ( s t r a t u m X in t h e n o m e n c l a t u r e of t h e earlier excavations). Dwellings of this p e r i o d yielded high-quality domestic p o t t e r y a n d l u x u r y objects, indicating a n a d v a n c e d s t a n d a r d of living. N o for tifications were discovered. T h e period's last o c c u p a t i o n
p h a s e is characterized b y p o t t e r y of t h e so-called c h o c o l a t e on-white ware. S e t d e m e n t i n t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e generally reflects E g y p t i a n h e g e m o n y a n d is divided i n t o five p h a s e s . T h e first settlement p h a s e , in L B I, o c c u r s b e f o r e t h e E g y p t i a n o c c u p a t i o n . O f t h e four p h a s e s t h a t followed, strata I X B - A date to t h e fifteenth a n d fourteenth c e n t u r i e s BCE a n d strata Vni-VII to t h e thirteenth c e n t u r y BCE. Five successive t e m p l e s of t h e L a t e B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e I p e r i o d s w e r e f o u n d o n t h e s u m m i t of t h e tell. M a z a r ' s excavations revealed t h e earliest t e m p l e in a n o c c u p a t i o n level later t h a n M B s t r a t u m X a n d earlier t h a n L B I I A stra t u m I X , w h i c h s h o u l d b e d a t e d t o L B I. T h i s m o d e s t (11.7 X 14.6 m ) building's p l a n is u n i q u e : it is tripartite a n d i n cludes a n e n t r a n c e hall, a central hall w i t h b e n c h e s a n d raised platforms, a n d a n i n n e r r o o m ( s a n c t u a r y ) w h o s e walls w e r e lined w i t h b e n c h e s . T h e e n t r a n c e s , h o w e v e r , are n o t o n t h e same axis. I n s t r a t u m I X (divided into t w o s u b phases) a large sacred area w a s established in w h i c h various structures s u r r o u n d e d a central c o u r t y a r d . O n t h e east, t h e m a i n p a r t of t h e c o m p l e x i n c l u d e d a m o n u m e n t a l hall a n d an additional cultic r o o m . T h e p l a n of this holy p r e c i n c t is u n i q u e a n d h a s n o parallel at a n y k n o w n t e m p l e s in C a n a a n . O u t s t a n d i n g a m o n g t h e m a n y finds attesting t o a n E g y p t i a n p r e s e n c e is t h e M e k a l stela, a small s t o n e m o n u m e n t c a r v e d with a cultic scene t h a t is E g y p t i a n in style a n d t h a t w a s dedicated b y a n E g y p t i a n official to t h e m e m o r y of his fa ther. T h e i c o n o g r a p h y in t h e scene includes a seated g o d w h o s e dress a n d attributes are C a n a a n i t e . A large b u i l d i n g partially p r e s e r v e d at t h e e d g e of t h e tell s o u t h of t h e s a n c t u a r y yielded o n e of t h e m o s t o u t s t a n d i n g relics of C a n a a n i t e m o n u m e n t a l art: a basalt o r t h o s t a t c a r v e d w i t h t w o scenes, each of w h i c h depicts a struggle b e t w e e n a lion a n d a d o g (or a lioness). T h e s t r a t u m I X t o w n w a s d e s t r o y e d b y a m a s s i v e confla gration b u t w a s s o o n rebuilt o n a n e w p l a n (strata VHI-VTI, thirteenth c e n t u r y BCE), p e r h a p s d u r i n g t h e reign of Seti I. A n e w t e m p l e , w i t h a n e n t r a n c e vestibule, w a s erected o n a n o r t h - s o u t h axis. T h e ceiling of its m a i n hall w a s s u p p o r t e d b y two pillars, a n d its holy of holies w a s raised a b o u t 1.5 m above t h e floor in d i e m a i n hall. A f o u n d a t i o n deposit, f o u n d u n d e r n e a t h t h e steps leading t o t h e holy of holies, yielded a rich assemblage of p r e c i o u s objects, i n c l u d i n g d o z e n s of cyl inder seals a n d n u m e r o u s p e n d a n t s . I n a residential q u a r t e r east of t h e t e m p l e , h o u s e s lined t h e street. R o w e called a massive building s o u t h w e s t of t h e t e m p l e a migdol, a " t o w e r " or i n n e r " c i t a d e l , " w h i c h w o u l d h a v e b e e n t h e seat of the representative of t h e E g y p t i a n g o v e r n m e n t at B e t h S h e a n ; h o w e v e r , b o t h its r e c o n s t r u c t e d p l a n a n d its s u p p o s e d function are suspect. A large r o u n d silo f o u n d n e a r b y m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d b y t h e E g y p t i a n s t o garrison their sol diers, T h r e e locally m a d e basalt E g y p t i a n royal ( n i n e t e e n t h d y nasty) stelae f o u n d in later contexts b e l o n g t o this s t r a t u m ,
BETH-SHEAN evidence of B e t h - S h e a n ' s prestige as an E g y p t i a n a d m i n i s trative center in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e . T h e t e x t o n o n e of t h e t h r e e stelae relates t h a t d u r i n g t h e reign of Seti I, E g y p tian u n i t s p u t d o w n a rebellion i n t h e n o r t h e r n J o r d a n Valley at H a m a t h (Tell e l - H a m m e h ) a n d P e h a l (Pella). T h e t e x t also m e n t i o n s t h e cities of R e h o b , Y a n o ' a m , a n d B e t h S h e a n . A s e c o n d stela f r o m t h e reign of Seti I preserves t h e r e c o r d of military action in t h e hill c o u n t r y against raiding ' A p i r u a n d T h e r u . T h e s e actions w e r e m e a n t t o shore u p E g y p t ' s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of C a n a a n , which, at t h e e n d of t h e eighteenth dynasty, h a d b e e n w e a k e n e d . T h e third stela bears a s t a n d a r d l a u d a t o r y i n s c r i p t i o n of R a m e s e s EL I r o n A g e I : U p p e r a n d L o w e r S t r a t u m V I . T w o strata (lower V I a n d u p p e r V I ; " l o w e r " a n d " u p p e r " are t h e t e r m s u s e d b y t h e University of P e n n s y l v a n i a excavators) are at tributable to I r o n I. L o w e r s t r a t u m V I is d a t e d to t h e t i m e of t h e t w e n t i e t h d y n a s t y (twelfth c e n t u r y B C E ) , n a m e l y to t h e final stage of E g y p t i a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n in C a n a a n . I n this s t r a t u m t h e buildings of s t r a t u m VTI w e r e rebuilt, retaining t h e earlier t o w n plan. T h e t e m p l e of t h e s t r a t u m VLT city was rebuilt, b u t c h a n g e s w e r e m a d e in its e n t r a n c e vestibule a n d holy of holies. T o its n o r t h w e r e f o u n d administrative buildings w h o s e architectural details a r e E g y p t i a n in style. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t of t h e s e b u i l d i n g s is t h e G o v e r n o r ' s R e s i d e n c e (building 1500), a s q u a r e s t r u c t u r e w i t h a central hall s u r r o u n d e d b y r o o m s (see figure 1). T w o m o n u m e n t a l pillars s u p p o r t e d t h e ceiling in t h e hall; d o o r sills a n d i n scribed d o o r j a m b s , a n d t w o l o t u s - s h a p e d c o l u m n capitals f o u n d n e a r b y t h a t m a y b e l o n g to it, are all distinctly E g y p tian. A d d i t i o n a l E g y p t i a n friezes, reliefs, a n d inscribed d o o r jambs w e r e r e c o v e r e d from adjacent buildings. T h e i n s c r i p -
u
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.a
a—•.—i"m
BETH-SHEAN. F i g u r e I . Plan of building 1500, the Governor's Res idence. (Courtesy University of Pennsylvania M u s e u m , Philadelphia)
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tions are d e d i c a t i o n s , p r a y e r s , v o w s , p e r s o n a l n a m e s , a n d titles. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t is a d e d i c a t o r y inscription of a n official n a m e d R a m e s e s W e s e r K h e p e s h . H e m a y h a v e b e e n t h e g o v e r n o r of B e t h - S h e a n d u r i n g t h e reign of R a m e s e s i n , w h o s e life-sized statue, f o u n d i n t h e following level, p r o b a bly originated in this s t r a t u m . T h e s e finds, as well as locally m a d e E g y p t i a n pottery, attest to t h e intensive E g y p t i a n p r e s e n c e in t h e city d u r i n g t h e t w e n t i e t h d y n a s t y . D u r i n g t h e reign of R a m e s e s VI or R a m e s e s VLTI, as E g y p t ' s c o n t r o l over C a n a a n was w a n i n g , lower s t r a t u m V I w a s destroyed in a violent conflagration. A m o n g t h e finds i n t h e d e s t r u c t i o n level w e r e b r o n z e stands similar to ones k n o w n f r o m C y p r u s a n d t h e M y c e n a e a n LTIC sherds of ves sels t h a t m o s t p r o b a b l y w e r e i m p o r t e d from C y p r u s . I n t h e N o r t h e r n C e m e t e r y m a n y strata VII a n d VI t o m b s w e r e f o u n d t h a t held f r a g m e n t s from m o r e t h a n fifty a n t h r o p o i d clay coffins (see figure 2). T h e lids of m o s t r e p r e s e n t h u m a n faces, five of t h e m in w h a t is k n o w n as t h e g r o t e s q u e style r e m i n i s c e n t of t h e a n t h r o p o i d coffins from D e i r el-Balah in t h e Sinai D e s e r t . [See D e i r el-Balah.] A n E g y p t i a n funerary influence a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y E g y p t i a n fu n e r a r y c u s t o m s a r e clear. O n t h e forehead of three of the lids is a h e a d d r e s s t h a t r e s e m b l e s t h e one w o r n b y t h e Sea P e o p l e s in t h e wall reliefs a t M e d i n e t H a b u in E g y p t . T h e finds from these t o m b s i n c l u d e b r o n z e vessels, E g y p t i a n style U s h a b t i figurines, jewelry, ivories, a n d w e a p o n s . T h e coffins w e r e p r o b a b l y u s e d t o b u r y E g y p t i a n officials a n d military p e r s o n n e l , a l t h o u g h s o m e of t h e coffins w i t h g r o t e s q u e lids m a y h a v e b e e n for m e r c e n a r i e s w h o originated a m o n g t h e Sea P e o p l e s . T h e r e are n o burials in this c e m e tery later t h a n t h e e n d of t h e p e r i o d of E g y p t i a n d o m i n a t i o n i n C a n a a n (mid-twelfth c e n t u r y BCE). I n u p p e r s t r a t u m V I t h e t o w n w a s rebuilt following t h e violent destruction of lower s t r a t u m VI. S o m e of the streets a n d r u i n e d buildings of t h e p r e v i o u s city w e r e reutilized, while m a n y others w e n t o u t of u s e . T h e material culture is typical of t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE. D u r i n g this period, B e t h S h e a n was p r o b a b l y settled b y C a n a a n i t e s a n d p e r h a p s b y s o m e of t h e Sea P e o p l e s . T h e A m e r i c a n excavators identi fied a p a i r of p u b l i c buildings t h e y u n c o v e r e d a b o v e t h e t e m ples of t h e previous strata as t w i n t e m p l e s : " t h e H o u s e of A s h t o r e t h " (1 Sm. 31:10) a n d " t h e H o u s e of D a g o n " ( i Chr. 10:10) m e n t i o n e d in a c c o u n t s of t h e Philistines r e m o v i n g Saul's a r m o r a n d impaling his h e a d o n t h e wall of B e t h S h e a n . A l t h o u g h a t t r i b u t e d b y t h e excavators to s t r a t u m V , t h e buildings m a y b e l o n g t o u p p e r s t r a t u m V I . T h e s e build ings w e r e d a m a g e d b y later c o n s t r u c t i o n w o r k , so t h a t m a n y details of their plans are lost. Access to t h e s o u t h e r n t e m p l e , a l o n g building, was indirect, t h r o u g h its large e n t r a n c e hall in t h e front. T h e building's m a i n r o o m is a large rectangular hall with auxiliary r o o m s o n its t w o l o n g sides. T h e ceiling of this central hall r e s t e d o n t w o r o w s of three c o l u m n s each. A c c e s s t o t h e n o r t h e r n t e m p l e , w h i c h could b e r e a c h e d from t h e s o u t h e r n t e m p l e t h r o u g h a n a r r o w corridor, was also
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indirect a n d led to a central hall in which four c o l u m n s s u p ported t h e ceiling. T h e rich assemblage of cultic vessels f o u n d in the temples includes a n a s s o r t m e n t of c e r a m i c cult stands. M a n y are multitiered, possibly to suggest m u l t i s t o ried t e m p l e s , a n d are d e c o r a t e d with h u m a n a n d animal fig ures. Others are cylindrical with applied d e c o r a t i o n of snakes in relief. Several of t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d E g y p t i a n m o n u m e n t s of the nineteenth a n d twentieth dynasties were f o u n d in t h e large courtyard in front of t h e n o r t h e r n t e m p l e . A n E g y p t i a n stela dedicated to Antit was discovered in the n o r t h e r n t e m ple. T h e s e Egyptian m o n u m e n t s p r e d a t e t h e c o n t e x t in which they were f o u n d , suggesting that t h e y c a m e to b e v e n erated in local tradition a n d were passed from s t r a t u m to stratum in a cultic context. T h e recent excavations s h o w e d that this t o w n was also destroyed by fire, p e r h a p s d u r i n g t h e c o n q u e s t of B e t h - S h e a n b y K i n g D a v i d in t h e early t e n t h century BCE. I r o n A g e I I : S t r a t a V a n d I V . It is difficult to i n t e r p r e t B e t h - S h e a n ' s d e v e l o p m e n t in d i e t e n t h - e i g h t h centuries BCE because of t h e c o m p l i c a t e d r e m a i n s in s t r a t u m V. T h e orig inal excavators subdivided t h e s t r a t u m into t w o phases: lower V a n d u p p e r V. H o w e v e r , t h e temples attributed to lower V should p r o b a b l y b e d a t e d to t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE ( u p p e r VT). A large, well-planned architectural c o m p l e x n o r t h of t h e t e m p l e s , apparentiy an administrative center, m a y belong to t h e t e n t h century BCE, along with a partially
BETH-SHEAN. F i g u r e 2. Anthropoid Philadelphia)
p r e s e r v e d p u b l i c building t h e r e c e n t e x c a v a t i o n s u n c o v e r e d . T h e latter was severely b u r n e d , p e r h a p s as a result of S h i shak's invasion in a b o u t 918 BCE. It m a y b e t h a t the buildings in t h e n o r t h w e s t section of t h e e x c a v a t e d area, w h o s e c o n struction witii ashlars a n d s t o n e pillars is characteristically Israelite, were also built in t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE. O n e of t h e buildings a p p e a r s to h a v e b e e n u s e d as a city gate t h r o u g h w h i c h t h e administrative c o m p l e x o n t h e acropolis c o u l d b e r e a c h e d . A large hall to t h e east of this gate w a s either a royal storehouse or a stable. T h e u p p e r p h a s e of s t r a t u m V, as well as a few p o o r l y p r e s e r v e d buildings a t t r i b u t e d t o s t r a t u m I V ( n i n t h - e i g h t h centuries BCE), indicates a later date for t h e t o w n . T h e n e w excavations revealed a well-preserved large b u i l d i n g t h a t was destroyed b y h e a v y fire, p r o b a b l y d u r i n g T i g l a t h - P i l e s e r I l l ' s c o n q u e s t of t h e region in 732 BCE. A few s t r u c t u r e s m a y r e p r e s e n t a partial r e s e t t l e m e n t following t h e c o n q u e s t . P e r s i a n - R o m a n P e r i o d s : S t r a t u m III. I n t h e P e r s i a n period, t h e tradition of B e t h - S h e a n as a cultic place m a y have b e e n p e r p e t u a t e d in t h e vicinity of t h e t e m p l e s , w h i c h is indicated b y t h e discovery f r o m t h a t p e r i o d of several c e r a m i c figurines o n t h e tell itself. T h e Hellenistic p e r i o d is r e p r e s e n t e d b y a h o a r d of t e t r a d r a c h m a s , as well as b y a n o c c u p a t i o n layer from t h e s e c o n d a n d first centuries BCE identified b y t h e r e c e n t excavations. It a p p e a r s t h a t t h e tell w a s o c c u p i e d after d i e H a s m o n e a n s d e s t r o y e d t h e n e a r b y large s e t t l e m e n t at T e l Istaba. T h e Early R o m a n p e r i o d
sarcophagus in situ. (Courtesy University of Pennsylvania M u s e u m ,
C
BETH-SHE ARIM ( s t r a t u m III) is r e p r e s e n t e d b y w h a t a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n an isolated s t r u c t u r e o n d i e s u m m i t . I n t e r p r e t e d as t h e r e m a i n s of a m o n u m e n t a l t e m p l e , it t o w e r e d over t h e civic center t h a t h a d g r o w n u p a r o u n d t h e foot of t h e m o u n d . Several of its architectural e l e m e n t s w e r e a r e c t a n g u l a r stone p o d i u m , c o l u m n fragments, a n d C o r i n t h i a n capitals. L a t e Hellenistic a n d Early R o m a n t o m b s w e r e u n c o v e r e d in t h e site's N o r t h e r n C e m e t e r y . Byzantine, Islamic, and C r u s a d e r Periods: Strata II—I. T h e entire tell w a s resettled in t h e Byzantine p e r i o d (stratum I I ) . A r o u n d c h u r c h , typical of t h e fifth c e n t u r y CE, was c o n s t r u c t e d o n t h e s u m m i t a n d embellished witii a m o saic floor a n d carved capitals. I n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e tell a residential q u a r t e r filled w i t h g r a n d h o u s e s w a s clustered on a ledge t o t h e east. O n t h e tell itself, a n o t h e r well-pro tected n e i g h b o r h o o d of large, well-built h o u s e s existed, a s u b u r b of t h e large B y z a n t i n e city to t h e s o u t h a n d west. D u r i n g t h e Early Islamic p e r i o d ( s t r a t u m I) a residential q u a r t e r a p p e a r e d h e r e as well. A t t h e n o r t h w e s t e r n c o r n e r of the tell a t h i n c i r c u m f e r e n c e wall a n d a city gate h a v e b e e n identified t h a t p r o b a b l y date to t h e C r u s a d e r period. BIBLIOGRAPHY With the exception of M a z a r ( 1 9 9 3 ) , all of the items below are U n i versity of Pennsylvania reports of t h e excavations. FitzGerald, Gerald M . The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-Shan: Pottery. B e t h - S h a n 11,2. Philadelphia, 1930. FitzGerald, Gerald M . Beth-Shan Excavations 1921-23: Byzantine Levels. B e t h - S h a n III. Philadelphia, 1 9 3 1 .
The
The Arab and
FitzGerald, Gerald M . " T h e Earliest Pottery of B e t h - S h a n . " The Mu seum Journal24 (1935): 5-22. James, Frances. The Iron Age at Beth Shan: A Study of Levels VI-IV. Philadelphia, 1 9 6 6 . M a z a r , Amihai. " T h e Excavations at T e l B e t h - S h e a n in 1 9 8 9 - 1 9 9 0 . " In Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, edited by A v r a h a m Biran et al., p p . 6 0 6 - 6 1 9 . Jerusalem, 1 9 9 3 . R e p o r t of the excavations of the Flebrew University. Mazar, Amihai. "Beth Shean in t h e Iron Age: Preliminary R e p o r t a n d Conclusions of the 1 9 9 0 - 1 9 9 1 Excavations." Israel Exploration Jour nal 43 ( 1 9 9 3 ) : 2 0 1 - 2 2 9 . Oren, Eliezer D . The Northern Cemetery of Beth-Shan. Leiden, 1 9 7 3 . Rowe, Alan. The Topography and History of Beth-shan. B e t h - S h a n I. Philadelphia, 1930. Rowe, Alan. The Fourth Canaanite Philadelphia, 1940.
Temple of Beth-Shan.
Beth-Shan II. 1. AMIHAI MAZAR
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B E T H - S H E A R I M (Ar., Sheikh Abreik; m a p refer ence 2344 X 1624), site located in s o u t h w e s t e r n Galilee n e a r m o d e r n T i v ' o n , s o m e 20 k m (12 mi.) east of Haifa, facing the w e s t e r n extremity of t h e Jezreel Valley. T h e identifica tion of this site with t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m of r a b b i n i c literature is c o n f i r m e d b y t h e correlation b e t w e e n t h e archaeological finds from t h e e n o r m o u s n e c r o p o l i s discovered there, sev
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eral literary sources, a n d a n inscription f o u n d at t h e site that m e n t i o n s t h e t o w n ' s G r e e k n a m e , Besa[ra] (see below). Referred t o b y J o s e p h u s as Besara (Life 24. 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 ) a n d in t h e r a b b i n i c literature as B e t h - S h a r e i a n d B e t h - S h a r e i n , the site is first m e n t i o n e d in c o n n e c t i o n with Berenice, the wife of A g r i p p a II, w h o o w n e d p r o p e r t y in t h e Jezreel Valley (Life 24. 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 ) . F r o m t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE o n w a r d s , at least o n e sage, Y o h a n a n b e n N u r i , was associated specifically with B e t h - S h e ' a r i m (cf., Tosefta, Suk. 2:2). B e t h - S h e 'arim, h o w e v e r , achieved its p r o m i n e n c e owing to the e x t e n d e d residence tiiere of t h e editor of t h e M i s h n a h , R a b b i J u d a h I ( B . T . , San. 32b). A l t h o u g h h e s p e n t t h e last p a r t of his ministry in n e a r b y S e p p h o r i s , R a b b i J u d a h n e v ertheless left explicit instructions t h a t h e wished to be b u r i e d at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m . T h e J e r u s a l e m T a l m u d describes his fu neral cortege in detail (Kil. 9.4.32b), for t h e next century a n d a half, B e t h - S h e ' a r i m served as d i e centtal necropolis for Jews t h r o u g h o u t Palestine a n d t h e D i a s p o r a (cf., J. T . , Mo'ed Q. 3.5.82c). T h e principal excavations at t h e site were carried out in t h e 1930s a n d 1950s. B e t w e e n 1936 a n d 1940, four seasons of excavation were c o n d u c t e d b y Benjamin M a z a r of the H e b r e w University of J e r u s a l e m . Eleven burial complexes w e r e discovered, in addition t o t h e r e m a i n s of a city wall a n d a s y n a g o g u e a n d its various a n n e x e s . B e t w e e n 1953 a n d 1958, N a h m a n Avigad, also of t h e H e b r e w University, dis covered a n additional twelve c a t a c o m b s (nos. 12-23, a n d 30) during his four seasons of excavation at t h e site. I n s u m m e r 1956, M a z a r r e t u r n e d t o B e t i i - S h e ' a r i m for o n e season a n d u n c o v e r e d t h r e e additional c a t a c o m b s (nos. 24-26), as well as a large basilica. Five m a i n building p h a s e s h a v e b e e n identified at B e t h S h e ' a r i m : P e r i o d I (first a n d early s e c o n d centuries CE), sev eral walls a n d isolated burials; P e r i o d II (late second a n d early third centuries CE, t h e p e r i o d of R a b b i J u d a h I ) , exten sive e x p a n s i o n of t h e n e c r o p o l i s a n d t h e erection of otlier p u b l i c buildings; P e r i o d III ( m i d - d i i r d t o m i d - f o u r t h c e n turies CE, w h o s e terminus ad quern is a b o u t 352 CE, evidenced by a d e s t r u c t i o n layer p r o b a b l y from t h e aftermath of t h e Gallus R e v o l t ) , c o n s t r u c t i o n of the majority of c a t a c o m b s a n d a s y n a g o g u e (only sketchily r e p o r t e d ) ; Period I V (Byz antine e r a ) , a small, m o d e s t settlement; a n d P e r i o d V (Arab p e r i o d ) , a very brief s p a n of settlement. T h e various c a t a c o m b s at t h e site differ from o n e a n o t h e r in size a n d style. M o s t consist of a series of c o n n e c t e d caves (or halls), w i t h burial p l a c e s ( t r o u g h - s h a p e d kokhim, or arcosolia) c u t into t h e walls. R e m a i n s of sarcophagi were f o u n d in a n u m b e r of c a t a c o m b s ; t h e largest concentration w a s in c a t a c o m b 20, w h i c h c o n t a i n e d t h e r e m a i n s of 130 sarcophagi. Several c a t a c o m b s (nos. 14,20, a n d possibly 23) w e r e especially m o n u m e n t a l a n d consisted of a spacious outer c o u r t y a r d a n d facade, t h e latter consisting of four e n g a g e d pillars, a large central a r c h , a n d t w o side arches (see figure 1). W i t h i n these arches doors are often decorated with
310
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panels a n d studs a n d c r o w n e d b y a decorated lintel. A b o v e these burial c h a m b e r s a n d carved into t h e side of t h e m o u n tain are semicircular b e n c h e s , probably an e l e m e n t of a n assembly place for those w h o c a m e to memorialize d i e dead. C a t a c o m b s 14 a n d 20, t h e focal points of t h e necropolis, were t h e m o s t elaborate burial sites. C a t a c o m b 20 w a s d i e densest of all t h e c a t a c o m b s , representing t h e entire r a n g e of burial styles, b u t particularly t h e u s e of t h e s a r c o p h a g u s : s o m e 65 p e r c e n t of t h e t w o - h u n d r e d burials in c a t a c o m b 20 were in sarcophagi, of which a third were d e c o r a t e d . T h e s e sarcophagi w e r e m a d e primarily of stone, b u t e x a m p l e s i n marble, lead, a n d w o o d were also found. R a b b i s w e r e b u r i e d in this c a t a c o m b , a n d it is therefore n o t surprising t h a t H e b r e w d o m i n a t e s t h e inscriptions. C a t a c o m b 14 a p p e a r s t o have b e e n a private burial site, as it held far fewer inter m e n t s . T h e n a m e s R a b b a n Gamaliel, R a b b a n S i m e o n , a n d R a b b i Aniana ( H a n i n a ? ) discovered in this c a t a c o m b p o i n t to it as t h e burial site of t h e i m m e d i a t e family a n d circle of R a b b i J u d a h I ( B . T . , Ket. I03a-b). I n d e e d , t h e i n n e r m o s t d o u b l e - t r o u g h burial is very likely t h e resting place of this patriarch a n d his wife. T h e s e c a t a c o m b s are rich b o t h in their o r n a m e n t a t i o n a n d epigraphic r e m a i n s . M a n y reliefs a n d carvings, as well as pictures p a i n t e d a n d incised o n stone, w e r e f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e necropolis; they reflect o n e of the richest depositories of p o p u l a r Jewish art in late antiquity. Floral a n d geometric designs are u b i q u i t o u s , as a r e representations of animals (li ons, oxen, eagles, b i r d s , horses) a n d a n occasional h u m a n figure. Depictions of cuetic objects a b o u n d a n d i n c l u d e t h e T o r a h shrine, lulav, ethrog, shofar, a n d incense shovel. A
BETH-SHE'ARIM.
p r e d o m i n a n t m o t i f is t h e m e n o r a h , w h i c h a p p e a r s scores of times in a variety of shapes a n d styles. T h e a p p r o x i m a t e l y 2 8 0 inscriptions f o u n d a t B e t h S h e ' a r i m give t h e n a m e s a n d titles of t h e Jews interred, as well as their professions a n d places of origin. M o r e o v e r , t h e distribution of t h e languages i n tiiese inscriptions is m o s t revealing: almost 80 p e r c e n t a r e in G r e e k , 16 p e r c e n t i n H e b r e w , a n d t h e r e m a i n d e r in A r a m a i c o r P a l m y r e n e . T h e m o n u m e n t a l c a t a c o m b 1 1 , w i t h its m a n y a n d lavish fragments, indicates t h a t a large building, p r o b a b l y a m a u soleum, was located t h e r e . I n t h e d e b r i s n e a r t h e m a u s o leum, a seven-line inscription written in G r e e k o n white marble was found: H e r e I lie, d e a d , J u s t u s t h e s o n of L e o n t i s a n d S a p p h o After I have p i c k e d ( t h e fruits) of all w i s d o m I left t h e light, m y u n h a p p y p a r e n t s w h o m o u r n continuously, A n d m y brothers, W o e to m e in m y Besara, A n d after I h a v e d e s c e n d e d t o H a d e s , I, J u s t u s , lie h e r e W i t h m a n y o f m y relatives, f o r so d e t e r m i n e d t h e p o w e r f u l Fate Be c o m f o r t e d , J u s t u s , for n o o n e is i m m o r t a l .
T h e r e is n o question t h a t t h e i m p o r t a n c e a n d centrality of B e t h - S h e ' a r i m t o Jewish Palestine i n late antiquity w e r e inextricably linked t o t h e p r e s e n c e of t h e patriarchal family there; Jews f r o m all p a r t s of Israel a n d t h e D i a s p o r a w i s h e d to be i n t e r r e d t h e r e precisely b e c a u s e t h e necropolis w a s associated w i t h t h e patriarch. T h e centrality of t h e office in late antiquity h a s b e e n , h o w e v e r , a controversial subject in m o d e r n historiography. O n t h e o n e h a n d , r a b b i n i c literature
F i g u r e 1. Entrance to catacomb 20. ( C o u r t e s y E . M . M e y e r s )
BETH-SHEMESH following t h e ministry of R a b b i J u d a h I takes a n increasingly d i m view of t h e p a t r i a r c h a t e , a n d b y t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y ei t h e r ignores t h e office or h a s only negative things to say a b o u t it. O n t h e other h a n d , n o n - J e w i s h s o u r c e s , s u c h as t h e T h e o d o s i a n C o d e a n d L i b a n i u s , d e p i c t t h e office as the m o s t i m p o r t a n t o n e within t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y . E v e n the c h u r c h fathers, w h o s e theological motivations led t h e m to b e critical of t h e p a t r i a r c h a t e , nevertheless attest to its centrality. Archaeological finds at o t h e r sites h a v e c o r r o b o rated t h e results of t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m excavations. F o r e x a m p l e , b o t h a s y n a g o g u e inscription f r o m S t o b i (Yugosla via) dating t o 280 CE a n d a m o s a i c floor in t h e H a m m a t h Tiberias s y n a g o g u e attest to t h e i m p o r t a n c e of this office in the Jewish world. (In t h e f o r m e r , t h e p a t r i a r c h was desig nated as the recipient of a sizable fine o w e d b y t h e p a r t y breaking t h e a g r e e m e n t outlined in t h e inscription; in t h e latter, o n e Severus associated w i t h t h e p a t r i a r c h w a s t h e principal d o n o r to t h e s y n a g o g u e . ) T h e finds at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m , a l o n g with t h o s e from a n c i e n t synagogues in general, have revolutionized o u r c o n c e p t of Jewish art in antiquity. Previously, it h a d b e e n a s s u m e d , o n the basis of very explicit sources f r o m t h e late S e c o n d T e m ple p e r i o d , t h a t Jews t h r o u g h o u t antiquity shied away from all figural r e p r e s e n t a t i o n . T h e archaeological finds h e r e , however, d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t Jews u s e d figural r e p r e s e n t a t i o n from t h e biblical p e r i o d until t h e H a s m o n e a n era, a n d t h a t d u r i n g t h e centuries of t h e L a t e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e p e riods t h e y o n c e again d e p i c t e d h u m a n s a n d animals figurally to d e c o r a t e their p u b l i c a n d private buildings. B e t h S h e ' a r i m w a s o n e of t h e first a n d certainly m o s t d r a m a t i c expressions of this m o r e liberal p o s t u r e , p a v i n g t h e w a y for a reevaluation of t h e historical a t t i t u d e of the Jews a n d J u daism t o w a r d figural art. T h e necropolis at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m p r o v i d e s evidence of t h e extent to w h i c h Jewish burial c u s t o m s in late antiquity dif fered from t h o s e of t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e p e r i o d . S e c o n d a r y burials, especially in ossuaries, are a l m o s t entirely a b s e n t at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m . T h e u s e of ossuaries was s u p e r c e d e d by t h e t r o u g h - s h a p e d burials a n d s a r c o p h a g i , w h i c h h a d b e e n rare in earlier Jewish funerary c o n t e x t s . M a n y of t h e c u s t o m s evidenced at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m indicate t h e a d o p t i o n b y t h e Jews of t h e forms of burial r e g n a n t in late antiquity in g e n eral. Finally, B e t h - S h e ' a r i m is a d r a m a t i c e x a m p l e of t h e extent of Hellenization within t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y in L a t e R o m a n Palestine. Its art, a r c h i t e c t u r e , a n d inscriptions attest to the far-reaching influence of c o n t e m p o r a r y forms a n d styles. [See also Architectural D e c o r a t i o n ; Burial Sites; Burial Techniques; Catacombs; Sarcophagus.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Avi-Yonah, Michael. " T h e L e d a Coffin from B e t h - S h e ' a r i m " (in H e b r e w ) . Eretz-Israel 8 ( 1 9 6 7 ) : 1 4 3 - 1 4 8 . Detailed description and anal ysis of a marble coffin with blatantly p a g a n motifs. G o o d e n o u g h , Erwin R. Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period. Vol.
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1. N e w York, 1 9 5 3 . Contains an overview of the Beth-She'arim finds ( p p . 8 9 - 1 0 2 ) from the author's particular perspective—the search for mystical, nonrabbinic J u d a i s m in archaeological remains. Levine, L e e I. " T h e Finds from Beth-She'arim a n d T h e i r I m p o r t a n c e for the Study of the T a l m u d i c P e r i o d " (in H e b r e w ) . Eretz-Israel 18 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 2 7 7 - 2 8 1 . A n attempt to relate t h e Beth-She'arim finds to a n u m b e r of larger issues in Jewish history of late antiquity. M a z a r , Benjamin, et al. Beth She'arim. 3 vols. N e w Brunswick, N.J., 1 9 7 3 - 1 9 7 6 . Authoritative report of the excavations a n d findings from Beth-She'arim. Volume 1 describes M a z a r ' s excavations; volume 2, the Greek inscriptions; a n d volume 3, the results of N a h m a n Avigad's work there. Weiss, Zeev. "Social Aspects of Burial in Beth She'arim: Archeological F i n d s a n d T a l m u d i c S o u r c e s . " I n The Galilee in Ijxle Antiqinly, ed ited b y L e e I. Levine, p p . 3 5 7 - 3 7 1 . N e w York, 1 9 9 2 . An a t t e m p t to relate the Beth-She'arim finds with T a l m u d i c literature, elucidating the customs and practices s u r r o u n d i n g Jewish burial procedures. LEE I. LEVINE
B E T H - S H E M E S H ( H e b . " h o u s e / t e m p l e of t h e s u n " ) , site located in t h e n o r t h e a s t e r n S h e p h e l a h , along t h e inner r e a c h e s of t h e Sorek valley t h a t g u a r d e d t h e major ascent t o J e r u s a l e m in antiquity ( m a p reference 1477 X 1286). It is a p r o m i n e n t m o u n d , a b o u t 7 acres in size. T h e H e b r e w n a m e a p p a r e n t l y preserves t h e tradition of a n older C a n a a n i t e t e m p l e (cf. I r - s h e m a s h , " c i t y of t h e s u n " in Jos. 19:41). T h e site's A r a b i c n a m e is Tell e r - R u m e i l a h ; t h e n e a r b y village of ' A i n S h e m s ( " s p r i n g of t h e s u n " ) preserves t h e ancient name. E d w a r d R o b i n s o n identified t h e m o u n d in 1838 a n d D u n c a n M a c k e n z i e excavated it in 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 1 2 u n d e r t h e auspices of t h e Palestine E x p l o r a t i o n F u n d . H a v e r f o r d College (Pennsylvania) excavated f r o m 1923 to 1928, u n d e r t h e di rection of Elihu G r a n t , w h o w a s assisted by G. E r n e s t W r i g h t in p u b l i s h i n g t h e final v o l u m e of t h e excavation r e p o r t . Bar-Han University r e s u m e d excavations in 1990, u n der t h e direction of S h l o m o B u n i m o v i t z a n d Zvi L e d e r m a n . S t r a t u m V I consists only of Early B r o n z e I V - M i d d l e B r o n z e I s h e r d s n e a r b e d r o c k . S t r a t u m V represents t h e well-fortified M B II-ILI city w i t h a few patrician houses a n d several t o m b s ( t o m b s 9, 12, 13, 17). M a c k e n z i e h a d identi fied its " s t r o n g w a l l " a n d triple-entry gate. S t r a t u m I V a - b denotes t h e p r o s p e r o u s L a t e B r o n z e t o w n , w h i c h p r o d u c e d s o m e fine domestic s t r u c t u r e s , m a n y cisterns, a smelting furnace, a P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e ostracon, a jewelry h o a r d , a n d several t o m b s ( t o m b s 10, 1 1 ) . Its destruction m a y date to a b o u t 1200 BCE, b u t t h e causes are u n k n o w n . B e t h - S h e m e s h in t h e I r o n A g e I w a s a large b u t relatively u n p l a n n e d village, still s o m e w h a t in t h e L B tradition, b u t with Philistine B i c h r o m e w a r e , (It is M a c k e n z i e ' s " s e c o n d city," s t r a t u m III.) W r i g h t ( G r a n t a n d W r i g h t , 1938-1939) ascribed its destruction to t h e Philistines (c. 1050 BCE). T h e r e c e n t excavations have confirmed t h a t it w a s i n d e e d a m a s sive d e s t r u c t i o n ( M a c k e n z i e ' s R e d B u r n t s t r a t u m ) , b u t it dates s o m e w h a t earlier, t o t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e eleventh c e n t u r y BCE.
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BETH-YERAH
S t r a t u m II, with phases I l a - c , spans the t e n t h - e i g h t h c e n turies BCE. In s t r a t u m Ha (c. 1000-950 BCE) a c a s e m a t e wall was constructed a r o u n d t h e entire site, and pillared c o u r t y a r d houses characterized the well laid-out city within it. T h e structures i n c l u d e d industrial installations, a fine " r e s i d e n c y , " a large silo, a n d a typical tripartite s t o r e h o u s e (sometimes called stables), which m a y indicate t h a t B e t h S h e m e s h was a regional administrative center d u r i n g t h e U n i t e d M o n a r c h y . H o w m u c h of s t r a t u m Ila is D a v i d i c , if any, is debated. T h e earlier excavations h a d p u b l i s h e d a g o o d deal of pottery slipped with an u n b u r n i s h e d , streaky r e d slip. T h i s pottery also occurs in a b u n d a n c e at n e a r b y sites such as Tell Qasile X I a n d G e z e r X - I X , w h e r e it char acterizes the period from a b o u t 1050 to 950 BCE, p o s t d a t i n g Philistine b i c h r o m e w a r e a n d immediately p r e c e d i n g typical Solomonic r e d - b u r n i s h e d wares. [See Qasile, Tell; Gezer.] T h i s evidence does suggest a D a v i d i c date for s t r a t u m Ila. S t r a t u m l i b (c. 950-700 BCE) and s t r a t u m l i e (700-586 BCE) follow s t r a t u m Ila rather closely. M a n y of the h o u s e s were r e c o n s t r u c t e d several times, a n d some were even built over the s t r a t u m Ila casemate wall. T h e r e c e n t excavations have shown, c o n t r a r y t o M a c k e n z i e ' s a n d W r i g h t ' s view, t h a t the city was scarcely fortified in I r o n II; there was a massive rebuild of the city wall in this period, including a n o r t h e r n gate c o m p l e x . L a r g e olive-crushing installations a n d m a n y Royal s t a m p e d jar handles attest to t h e city's c o n tinued i m p o r t a n c e . Several t o m b s (tombs 14-16) b e l o n g to this horizon. T h e final destruction of s t r a t u m l i e was t h o u g h t by the earlier excavators to h a v e b e e n carried o u t by the Babylonians (c. 586 BCE), b u t the latest excavations have n o t revealed any seventh-century BCE r e m a i n s . T h e d e struction is better related to the well-known J u d e a n c a m paigns of S e n n a c h e r i b in 701 BCE. T h e site's later periods are represented by Hellenistic, R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d medieval materials ( s t r a t u m I ) . A large Byzantine m o n a s t e r y o n the southeast slopes is still visible. [See also the biography of
Mackenzie.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Grant, Elihu. Beth Shemesh (Palestine): Progress of the Haverford ological Expedition. Haverford, 1929.
Archae
Grant, Elihu. Ain Shems Excavations (Palestine, 1928-1929-1930-1031). Parts 1 and 2. Haverford, 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 3 2 . Grant, Elihu. Rumeileh, Being Ain Shems Excavations (Palestine). Part 3. Haverford, 1934. Grant, Elihu, and G. Ernest Wright. Ain Shems Excavations Parts 4 (pottery) and 5. Haverford, 1938—1939.
(Palestine).
Mackenzie, D u n c a n L. "Excavations at 'Ain S h e m s . " Palestine ration Fund Annual 1 ( i 9 i i ) ; 2 ( 1 9 1 2 - 1 9 1 3 ) .
Explo
WILLIAM G . DEVER
B E T H - Y E R A H (Ar., K h i r b e t Kerak, " t h e r u i n s of the castle"), a low, flat tell (25 h a , or 62 acres) located at t h e southwestern e n d of t h e Sea of Galilee, w h i c h h a s e r o d e d
s o m e portion of the site (32°43' N , 35°34' E ; m a p reference 204 X 236). T h e p r e s e n t outlet of t h e J o r d a n River lies to the south, b u t in antiquity it w a s to t h e n o r t h a n d t h e river flowed along t h e site's w e s t e r n edge. Fortifications o n t h e south a n d west, a n d a R o m a n b r i d g e o n t h e n o r t h , suggest that the river's s o u t h e r n outlet was d u g in t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d or later. F o u r identifications h a v e b e e n suggested for B e t h - Y e r a h / K h i r b e t K e r a k (Maisler [Mazar] et al., 1952, p . 165, n . 1.; A v i - Y o n a h , 1976, p p . 88,95; Esse, 1991, p p . 34-35; H e s t r i n , 1993, p . 255). Pliny a n d J o s e p h u s indicated t h a t t h e site of T a r i c h e a , Vespasian's c a m p s i t e d u r i n g his c a m p a i g n s in t h e Galilee in 67 CE, w a s located at t h e s o u t h e r n e n d of t h e Sea of Galilee (War 3.447; 4.455). M o s t scholars reject this, while s o m e others e q u a t e K h i r b e t K e r a k w i t h Philoteria, w h i c h Polybius said w a s built by P t o l e m y II P h i l a d e l p h u s (Polybius 5.70.3-4). O t h e r s suggest R o m a n S e n n a b r i s or neighboring B e t h - Y e r a h . T h e J e r u s a l e m T a l m u d indicates t h a t B e t h - Y e r a h a n d S e n n a b r i s w e r e walled sites at t h e s o u t h e r n end of the Sea of Galilee (Meg. 70a), while t h e Babylonian T a l m u d notes t h a t die J o r d a n R i v e r b e g a n at B e t h - Y e r a h (Bekh. 51a; Bik. 55a), w h i c h favors t h e identi fication with K h i r b e t K e r a k . T h e n a m e of Khirbet. Kerak in d i e B r o n z e A g e is u n k n o w n . Beth-Yerah is n o t m e n t i o n e d in t h e H e b r e w Bible or in other B r o n z e or I r o n A g e s o u r c e s , b u t die t e r m btyrh, " h o u s e of t h e m o o n , " p l a c e s t h e n a m e within C a n a a n i t e l u n a r traditions. Major excavations at B e t h - Y e r a h i n c l u d e t h o s e of B e n j a m i n M a z a r for the Jewish Palestine E x p l o r a t i o n Society in 1944-1946 (Maisler [ M a z a r ] , 1952) a n d Pierre D e l o u g a z for t h e Oriental Institute of the University of C h i c a g o in 1 9 5 2 1953, 1963, a n d 1964. T h e u n p u b l i s h e d excavations of P e s sah B a r - A d o n (1951-1955) w e r e t h e m o s t extensive. W i l liam Foxwell Albright's surveys of t h e site a n d tire J o r d a n Valley d u r i n g t h e 1920s revealed distinctive Early B r o n z e III r e d - o n - b l a c k b u r n i s h e d pottery k n o w n as " K h i r b e t K e r a k w a r e " (Albright, 1926), t h e s o u t h e r n m o s t manifestation of t h e Early T r a n s c a u c a s i a n or K u r a - A r a x e s tradition, origi nating in the C a u c a s u s region ( B u r n e y , 1989). [See J o r d a n Valley; and the biographies of Mazar and Albright] T h e site was densely settled d u r i n g the Early B r o n z e A g e a n d also reveals Hellenistic, R o m a n , B y z a n t i n e , a n d Early Islamic r e m a i n s . Stratified E B material was r e c o v e r e d in all parts of the site. T h e M a z a r excavation d i s c e r n e d four phases: B e t h - Y e r a h I: Pit dwellings c o n t a i n i n g ashes a n d animal b o n e s . G r a y - B u r n i s h e d W a r e , called L a t e Chalcolithic by t h e excavators, dates t o t h e early E B I. B e t h - Y e r a h II: R e c t a n g u l a r m u d - b r i c k h o u s e s . G r a i n W a s h or B a n d - S l i p p e d w a r e s d a t e to d i e late E B I. B e t h - Y e r a h III: R e c t a n g u l a r m u d - b r i c k buildings witii b a salt foundations a n d possibly a m u d - b r i c k city wall in t h r e e sections (8 m w i d e ) . T h e p h a s e dates to E B II.
BETH-YERAH B e t h - Y e r a h IV: T h e thickest p h a s e , with u p to 2 m of a c c u m u l a t i o n a n d four b u i l d i n g stages. L a r g e stone buildings w e r e f o u n d along w i t h K h i r b e t K e r a k W a r e a n d a n i m a l figurines. W h e t h e r t h e m u d - b r i c k fortifica tion wall w a s u s e d d u r i n g this p h a s e ( E B III) is unclear. L a t e r excavations revealed E B stratification, in k e e p i n g with t h e strata I - I V s e q u e n c e , v a r y i n g in d e p t h a n d n u m b e r of structural p h a s e s (Esse, 1991, p p . 40-41). B a r - A d o n also excavated an E B IV o c c u p a t i o n level, i n c l u d i n g a p o t t e r ' s w o r k s h o p , h o u s e s with c o u r t y a r d s , a n d a p a v e d street. T h e Tell e l - Y a h u d i y e h w a r e f o u n d in a grave is t h e only M B material k n o w n at t h e site. [See Y a h u d i y e h , T e l l el-.] T h e t h r e e - e l e m e n t m u d - b r i c k wall was f o u n d e d o n virgin soil a n d m a y d a t e to E B I b u t is m o r e characteristic of E B II. B a r - A d o n ' s excavation r e v e a l e d t w o s u p e r i m p o s e d gate structures p a v e d with basalt s t o n e s , w i t h steps leading d o w n into t h e city. T h e latter p h a s e h a d flanking g u a r d r o o m s . T h e early p h a s e w a s flanked on its exterior b y several tall basalt stones, p r o b a b l y massebot. T h e s e gates r e m a i n u n p u b l i s h e d (but see p h o t o g r a p h s in Yeivin, 1955, pi. VI: 1; 1955b, pi. 50, fig. 8; a n d t h e p l a n in E p h ' a l , 1964, p p . 365-366). M a z a r also f o u n d a poorly built s t o n e wall 4 m w i d e . B a r - A d o n cleared a p p r o x i m a t e l y 1,600 m of it along t h e s o u t h e r n a n d western e d g e of t h e site. T h e wall w a s c o n s t r u c t e d o n m a s sive stone f o u n d a t i o n s u p to 7 m w i d e a n d 3 m high. T h e f o u n d a t i o n s u p p o r t e d a poorly p r e s e r v e d m u d - b r i c k s u p e r structure c o n t a i n i n g alternating r o u n d a n d s q u a r e t o w e r s . B a r - A d o n d a t e d this wall to E B I V , b u t it is Hellenistic. T h e m o s t n o t a b l e s t r u c t u r e e x c a v a t e d w a s t h e Building with Circles, d a t e d to E B III. It is a r e c t a n g u l a r stone s t r u c ture (30 X 40 m ) s u r r o u n d e d o n t h r e e sides b y p a v e d streets. C o m p r i s e d of a single wall 10 m thick, it s u r r o u n d s a s q u a r e c o u r t y a r d a n d has a r e c t a n g u l a r e n t r a n c e passage. I n t h e wall are eight o r t e n circles 7-9 m in d i a m e t e r , each s u b d i vided b y partition walls. T h e partitions d o n o t r e a c h t h e center of t h e circles. T h e s t r u c t u r e was e n t e r e d t h r o u g h a 7-meter-wide passageway. N a r r o w p a v e d passages led into two of t h e circles. T h e others w e r e e n t e r e d f r o m a higher level. L a r g e a m o u n t s of p o t t e r y , i n c l u d i n g K h i r b e t K e r a k W a r e , b u r n t animal b o n e s , soot, a n d c a r b o n i z e d olive pits were f o u n d . T h e s h a p e of t h e circles' m u d - b r i c k s u p e r s t r u c ture is u n k n o w n . T h e Building w i t h Circles is o n e of t h e largest E B structures k n o w n . T h e excavators suggested four possible functions for it: fortress, g r a n a r y , palace, or s a n c tuary. T h e building r e s e m b l e s t h e m o d e l of a Helladic g r a n a r y f o u n d o n M e l o s , t h e m o d e l of an Old K i n g d o m g r a n a r y from e l - K a b , a n d depictions of granaries from E g y p t i a n t o m b paintings of t h e f o u r t h a n d fifth dynasties.
313
s o u t h e r n p a r t of t h e site, i n c l u d i n g a large residence with a c o u r t y a r d dating to t h e P t o l e m a i c period, and h o u s e s , d e c o r a t e d with colored plaster, p r e s e r v e d to their w i n d o w s . T h e R o m a n materials w e r e f o u n d o n t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e site a n d include a b a t h h o u s e . [See Baths.] Its frigidarium w a s p a v e d w i t h m a r b l e slabs a n d c o n t a i n e d a r o u n d pool lined with m a r b l e situated in t h e center of t h e r o o m a n d s u r r o u n d e d b y a r o u n d b e n c h . B e y o n d the b e n c h were pil lars a n d i m p r e s s i o n s of smaller pillars, indicating t h a t there h a d b e e n a d o m e or pavilion a b o v e t h e p o o l . T h e walls w e r e d e c o r a t e d with colored a n d gilt mosaics. [See Mosaics.] A d joining t h e frigidarium w a s a h y p o c a u s t cellar below a cald a r i u m a n d t e p i d a r i u m . T h e h y p o c a u s t h a d thick walls a n d a c e m e n t floor; its b u r n t - b r i c k a n d ashlar pillars in t h e walls h a d s u p p o r t e d floors of u p p e r r o o m s . Walls containing ver tical square ceramic pipes v e n t e d t h e h o t air u p into t h e c a l d a r i u m . T h e c o m p l e x w a s fed b y a clay p i p e t h a t cut across p a r t of t h e Building w i t h Circles a n d c o n n e c t e d to an a q u e d u c t from N a h a l Y a v n e ' e l to T i b e r i a s . T h e t h e r m a l es t a b l i s h m e n t was c o n s t r u c t e d in t h e fourth or fifth c e n t u r y CE, repaired in t h e sixth c e n t u r y , a n d destroyed in t h e sev e n t h . It was partially built a b o v e a square R o m a n foru-ess (60 sq m ) with corner a n d gate towers c o n s t r u c t e d of d r e s s e d stones and witii a r u b b l e core a n d d a t e d to t h e sec o n d or third centuries CE. W i t h i n t h e fortress were f o u n d a t i o n s of a synagogue, in w h i c h t w o rows of c o l u m n s created a nave a n d aisles. T h e n a v e w a s d e c o r a t e d with a m o s a i c depicting plants a n d animals a n d a c o l u m n b a s e was d e c o r a t e d with carved motifs of a m e n o r a h , lulav, etrog, and in cense shovel. T h e a p s e in t h e s o u t h e r n wall was oriented t o w a r d Jerusalem. A large c h u r c h was excavated o n t h e n o r t h of t h e site b y D e l o u g a z a n d R i c h a r d C. H a i n e s . T h i s was a basilica (11.5 X 12.5 m ) with t h r e e apses a n d a r o w of pillars along its l o n g axis, creating a nave a n d aisles. T o m b s , possibly reli quaries, w e r e f o u n d u n d e r t h e floor of t h e nave. T h e n a r t h e x led to a large r e c t a n g u l a r a t r i u m a n d n a r r o w loggia, all later additions. A small diaconicon was a d d e d to o n e side of the basilica a n d d e c o r a t e d with floral a n d geometric mosaics. T h e diaconicon was d e c o r a t e d with a m o s a i c containing a s h o r t G r e e k dedicatory inscription. T h e basilica was c o n s t r u c t e d in the early fifth century; t h e diaconicon was c o m p l e t e d in 528; a n d t h e c o m p l e x was a b a n d o n e d d u r ing the late sixth or early seventh centuries. A building f r o m t h e Early A r a b p e r i o d was partially excavated above t h e c h u r c h t h a t consists of well-built small r o o m s a r o u n d a courtyard.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
P e r s i a n r e m a i n s a r e r e p o r t e d b y excavators b u t are u n published. H o w e v e r , considerable Hellenistic material was excavated at K h i r b e t K e r a k . T h e largest feature is t h e stone fortification wall w i t h t o w e r s . O t h e r materials r e m a i n u n p u b l i s h e d . B a r - A d o n f o u n d several Hellenistic h o u s e s o n t h e
Albright, William Foxwell. " T h e Jordan Valley in the Bronze Age." Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, vol, 6, p p . 1 3 74. N e w Haven, 1 9 2 6 . Avi-Yonah, Michael. Gazeteer of Roman Palestine. Q e d e m 5. Jerusalem, 1976.
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Bar-Adon, Pessah. " B e t h Ycrah." Israel Exploration Journal 2 ( 1 9 5 2 ) : 142; 3 ( 1 9 5 3 ) : 1 3 2 ; 4 ( 1 9 5 4 ) : 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 ; 5 [o] (the so-called
CANAANITES C a n a a n i t e shift), a n d t h e n dissimilates to *'anokT. C o r r e s p o n d i n g to this n e w f o r m c o m e s t h e c h a n g e from *-tff to *-din t h e suffix-conjugation e n d i n g for t h e first-person sin gular. 3. P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e leveled *-nii for all first-person plural suffixes (on suffix-conjugation v e r b s , o n n o u n s , a n d in t h e objective verbal suffixes), f r o m a n earlier m i x t u r e of *-nU a n d *-na. ( P r o t o - A r a m a i c , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , leveled *-na.) Obviously, evidence for all t h e s e features is n o t to be found in t h e traditions that exist only in unvocalized form (e.g., M o a b i t e , E d o m i t e , A m m o n i t e ) ; w h e r e tiiere is evidence, h o w e v e r , it s u p p o r t s t h e s e s u g g e s t e d divisions. R e l i g i o n a n d C u l t . T h e p i c t u r e of C a n a a n i t e religion is often d r a w n from t h e texts f o u n d at a n c i e n t U g a r i t (in spheres outside religion, h o w e v e r , m o s t scholars do n o t i n clude U g a r i t within t h e s c o p e of C a n a a n ) . W h i l e the U g a r itians distinguished t h e m s e l v e s f r o m C a n a a n i t e s , Ugaritic religious literature h a s e n o u g h links with later biblical liter a t u r e to place U g a r i t o n a cultural c o n t i n u u m with C a n a a n . T h e c o p i o u s a m o u n t s of m a t e r i a l from U g a r i t m a y , t h e n , suggest w h a t L B C a n a a n i t e religion was like. B e c a u s e t h e later political entities of Israel, M o a b , A m m o n , E d o m , a n d t h e P h o e n i c i a n cities were also C a n a a n i t e , their religious traditions also constitute " C a n a a n i t e religion," a l t h o u g h m a n y biblical texts, for instance, distinguish b e t w e e n Isra elite religion a n d t h e religion of " t h e C a n a a n i t e s , " with t h e latter seen as t h e pre-Israelite i n h a b i t a n t s of t h e land. C a n a a n i t e religion w a s a religion of b l o o d sacrifice, as c a n b e seen n o t only in t h e Bible b u t also o n t h e lists of sacrifices to various deities f o u n d at U g a r i t a n d in t h e n u m b e r of altars f o u n d in t h e vicinity of a n i m a l r e m a i n s at archaeological sites t h r o u g h o u t t h e region. [See Altars.] T h e harvest festi vals k n o w n from t h e Bible are t h o u g h t to b e general C a n a a n i t e , a n d n o t specific H e b r e w , festivals. Several other r e ligious features k n o w n especially from t h e Bible are also confirmed b y t h e archaeology a n d historical g e o g r a p h y of d i e area: outside w o r s h i p at installations called bamot; t h e erection of s t a n d i n g stones; a n d t h e v e n e r a t i o n of m o u n t a i n s a n d hills. [See Cult.] A large n u m b e r of m a l e a n d female deities w a s w o r s h i p e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e area, k n o w n f r o m U g a r i t , t h e Bible, various C a n a a n i t e p e r s o n a l n a m e s , a n d inscriptions. T h e h i g h g o d 'El, t h e father-god, h e a d of t h e council of g o d s , lived o n t o p of a m o u n t a i n at t h e foot of w h i c h was t h e source of fresh water. Of t h e s a m e " g e n e r a t i o n " w a s A s h e r a h , a m a r i n e goddess ('atiratu yammi at U g a r i t ) ; t h e gods at U g a r i t a r e called h e r children a n d s h e is called c r e a t o r of c r e a t u r e s . A s h e r a h was also k n o w n as Q u d s h u , " h o l i n e s s " (in E g y p t as well as at U g a r i t ) , a n d as 'Elat, " g o d d e s s " (e.g., o n a e w e r from L a c h i s h ; see C r o s s , 1954, p p . 19-22). T h e s t o r m g o d , Ba'al H a d a d , a w a r r i o r - g o d , fights battles w i t h b o t h die Sea ( Y a m m ) a n d D e a t h ( M o t ) . ' A n a t , a warrior g o d d e s s , is also typical of t h e N e a r E a s t e r n g o d d e s s r e p r e s e n t e d as an a d o l e s c e n t — n o longer a child b u t n o t yet a w o m a n (like s o m e
413
descriptions of M e s o p o t a m i a n I s h t a r ) . S h e is described in a m a n n e r r e m i n i s c e n t of s o m e i c o n o g r a p h i c representations of t h e I n d i a n g o d d e s s Kali, a d o r n e d w i t h skulls a n d h a n d s (KTU 1.3.2.9-11), T h e g o d d e s s ' A s h t a r t is n o t very well d e v e l o p e d at U g a r i t or in t h e Bible, b u t she is t h e h e a d deity at S i d o n in t h e sixth a n d fifth centuries BCE, w h e r e her cult is p r e s i d e d over by the royal family. D a g o n , god of grain ( k n o w n also from U g a r i t ) , is said in t h e Bible to b e w o r s h i p e d b y t h e Philistines (e.g., 1 Sm. 4), a n d so m a y h a v e b e e n m o r e i m p o r t a n t i n s e c o n d - m i l l e n n i u m BCE C a n a a n t h a n t h e texts suggest. T h e s e deities d e m o n s t r a t e continuity with t h o s e of t h e n a tional religions of t h e I r o n A g e : Y a h w e h in Israel, for in s t a n c e , is a storm god as well as a n 'El figure (patriarch, h e a d of the council). T h e r e is n o evidence t h a t C h e m o s h in M o a b , M i l k o m in A m m o n , a n d Q a w s in E d o m were any different. I n fact, there is s o m e slight evidence tiiat t h e y were similar; t h e y w e r e also n a t i o n a l gods from t h e s a m e time p e r i o d , a n d t h e o n o m a s t i c a are similar; a n d t h e M e s h a stela shows C h e m o s h leading M e s h a in w a r a n d requiring a kind of " h o l y w a r " destruction. T h e P h o e n i c i a n gods vary in n a m e a n d / o r function from city to city. Ba'al S h a m e m ("lord of h e a v e n , " p r o b a b l y a local n a m e for Ba'al H a d a d ) is t h e g o d w h o legitimizes a n d blesses the ruling families of several P h o e n i c i a n ( a n d A r a m e a n ) cities; t h e L a d y of Byblos seems t o h a v e t h e s a m e function at Byblos. [See A r a m e a n s . ] 'Ashtart, m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , was also one of t h e g o d s , along with M e l q a r t , E s h m u n , Bethel, ' A n a t - B e t h e l , a n d various Ba'al figures, w h o served as T y r i a n g u a r a n t o r s of T y r e ' s s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE treaty with t h e Assyrian k i n g E s a r h a d d o n . [See Assyrians.] E s h m u n is t h e P h o e n i c i a n g o d of healing, a n d M e l q a r t ("king of t h e city") a p p e a r s largely in T y r i a n or T y r i a n c o lonial settings. T a n i t (or T i n n i t ) , p r e s u m a b l y a local n a m e for A s h e r a h , is at h o m e in s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y BCE Sarepta in Phoenicia a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n , especially in N o r t h Africa in die d i i r d - s e c o n d centuries BCE. [See P h o e nicia; N o r t h Africa.] N o local evidence presently exists for d i e kind of sexual m a g i c o - s y m p a t h e t i c religion so often asserted for t h e C a n a a n i t e s — e v e n t h o u g h t h e fertility of h u m a n s , animals, a n d crops was of course a c o n c e r n of ancient N e a r E a s t e r n r e ligions (including t h a t of t h e Israelites a n d Ugaritians). A t Ugarit, Ba'al H a d a d was t h e p r o v i d e r of rain as well as t h e god of fertility for crops; a n d 'El w a s t h e deity a p p e a l e d to for h u m a n fertility, just as Y a h w e h w a s t h e god of fertility in Israel. I n a d d i t i o n to t h e cults of d i e national or city gods of C a n a a n , o t h e r forms of religious activity existed t l i r o u g h o u t t l i e area. B o t h t h e goddess figurines excavated b y archaeologists in Israel a n d the inscriptions from Kuntillet 'Ajrud in Sinai offer evidence of goddess w o r s h i p officially or unofficially alongside t h e w o r s h i p of Y a h w e h . [See Kuntillet 'Ajrud.] F r o m t h e coastal areas tiiere is s o m e evidence, mostly i c o n -
414
CAORC
ographic a n d architectural, of a religion peculiar to seafarers: anchors included in t e m p l e architecture, temples o n isolated p r o m o n t o r i e s , and w h a t a p p e a r to b e divinized ships p o r trayed o n coins. [See Seafaring; Anchors.] M o r e o v e r , there appears to b e a f o r m of ancestor religion attested in texts a n d in burials from Israel (e.g., Ps. 1 0 6 : 2 8 ) a n d U g a r i t (es pecially KTU1.161 a n d die D u t i e s of the Ideal S o n repeated several times in KTU 1.17), as well as farther afield in Syria and M e s o p o t a m i a . [See Burial T e c h n i q u e s . ] (Ancestor r e ligion, which exists primarily in patrilineal societies, gener ally includes b l o o d sacrifice; it functions to tie males to a n cestors in t h e genealogy, while seeking blessings as a reward for keeping u p the cultic ties.) T h e g r u e s o m e practice of child sacrifice was also a p a r t of Canaanite religion. It is best k n o w n from t h e P u n i c col onies in N o r t h Africa, b u t inscriptions related t o P h o e n i c i a n child sacrifice have also t u r n e d u p on M a l t a , Sicily, a n d Sar dinia. [See M a l t a ; Sardinia.] T h e r e are m a n y biblical refer ences t o the practice in Israel and its environs (e.g., Dt. 12:31, 1 8 : 9 - 1 0 ; 2 Kgs.
3 : 2 6 - 2 7 , 16:3; Jer.
7 : 3 1 ; Ps.
106:37-
38).
H e b r e w B i b l e . I n t h e H e b r e w Bible, t h e w o r d Canaanite(s) is sometimes u s e d as a general t e r m for t h e pre-Israelite inhabitants of t h e land (Ex. 1 3 : 1 1 ; t h r o u g h o u t Jgs. 1 ) ; the t e r m Amorite(s) is also u s e d (Gn. 15:16; Jgs. 6 : 1 0 ) . M o r e of ten, several p e o p l e s are said to have lived in d i e land before the Israelites, a n d t h e Canaanites are m e n t i o n e d as one a m o n g t h e m (e.g., Gn. 15:19-21; Ex. 3:S;Jos. 3 : i o ) . I n a f e w of diese cases, t h e C a n a a n i t e s are specifically located along t h e c o a s t — p e r h a p s a reflection of the position of Phoenicia in the first half of t h e first millennium BCE (Nm. 1 3 : 2 9 ; J o s . 5:1, cf. 7 : 7 - 9 ) . I n t h e genealogy of Genesis 1 0 : 6 , C a n a a n is
the s o n of N o a h ' s son H a m a n d the b r o t h e r of Ethiopia ( C u s h ) , Egypt, a n d Libya ( P u t ) ; and in 10:15-18 it is the father of Sidon, t h e Hittites ( H e t h ) , a n d t h e Jebusites a n d Amorites ( w h o are elsewhere listed as pre-Israelite peoples in the l a n d ) , as well as die father of the Arkites, Sinites, Arvadites, Z e m a r i t e s , and Hamafhites. T h e t e r m Canaanite fell o u t of use for t h e m o s t p a r t in about 1 0 0 0 BCE, w h e n it was replaced b y the gentilics of the various Iron A g e nations that grew o u t of C a n a a n . T r a d e in the coastal cities continued to b e active, however, a n d the Phoenicians (see above) eventually set u p a long-distance trade network in the M e d i t e r r a n e a n world. C a r t h a g e , ini tially a P h o e n i c i a n colony, b e c a m e the h e a d of a commercial empire of its o w n in the late first m i l l e n n i u m BCE. [See C a r thage.] In t h e fourth century CE its people, a c c o r d i n g to A u gustine, still called themselves Canaanites ( M i g n e 3 5 , 2 0 9 6 ) . BIBLIOGRAPHY Clifford, Richard J. "Phoenician Religion." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 279 (1990): 55-64. Brief b u t excellent presentation of current thinking about the religion and gods of the Phoenicians.
Coogan, Michael D . Stories from Ancient Canaan. Westminster, 1978. T h e best English translation of die three major mythic narratives from Ugarit. Cross, Frank M o o r e . " T h e Evolution of die P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e A l p h a bet." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 134 (1954): 15-24. Cross, Frank M o o r e . Conversations with a Bible Scholar, edited by H e r shel Shanks. Washington, 1994. A recent a n d informal exposition of Canaanite a n d biblical religion by t h e scholar w h o defined the p a rameters of the discussion in the U n i t e d States. Dever, William G. " T h e M i d d l e Bronze Age: T h e Zenith of the U r b a n Canaanite E r a . " Biblical Archaeologist 50.3 (1987): 148-77. C o m p r e hensive presentation of the era, plus a discussion of the N e w A r chaeology. Halpern, Baruch. The Emergence of Israel in Canaan. Chico, Calif., 1983. Painstaking exposition of the beginnings of Israel in C a n a a n , as r e vealed in Israel's earliest literature. H u e h n e r g a r d , John. " L a n g u a g e s ( I n t r o d u c t o r y ) . " Anchor Bible Dictio nary. Vol. 4, p p . 155-170. N e w York, 1992. Extensive overview of the languages of die biblical world, d i e time periods in which they are attested, and the kinds of texts written in each. M a z a r , Amihai. Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, ca. 10,000-586 B.c.E. N e w York, 1990. Readable and t h o r o u g h introduction to the ar chaeology of Israel a n d its environs. Miller, Patrick D „ Jr. "Ugarit a n d the History of Religions." Journalof Northwest Semitic Languages 9 (1981): 119-28. T h e best short treat m e n t of the subject of Ugaritic religion. Miller, Patrick D . , Jr., Paul D . H a n s o n , a n d S. D e a n M c B r i d e , eds. Ancient Israelite Religion: Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross. Phil adelphia, 1987. M o r e t h a n thirty scholars address Israel's religion in the context of the ancient N e a r East. M o r a n , William L. The Amarna Letters, Baltimore, 1992. T h e definitive translation, with introduction a n d notes, of the fourteenth-century BCE diplomatic letters, found at el-Amarna in Egypt, between the p h a r o a h a n d his vassals in Syria-Palestine. T h e correspondence is the source of m u c h of what is known of L B C a n a a n . N a ' a m a n , N a d a v . " E c o n o m i c aspects of the Egyptian occupation of C a n a a n . " Israel Exploration Journal 31.3-4 (1981): 172-185. D i s c u s sion of the logic of t h e administration of C a n a a n during the A m a r n a age. N a v e h , Joseph. Early History of the Alphabet. Jerusalem, 1987. Readable survey of the earliest known West Semitic inscriptions a n d the later first-millennium BCE evolution of the script traditions. Jo A N N HACKETT
C A O R C . See C o u n c i l of A m e r i c a n Overseas R e s e a r c h Centers,
C A P E G E L I D O N Y A , s o m e t i m e s also K h e l i d o n y a , or Silidonya B u r n u , a n d m o r e recently k n o w n as T a s h k B u r u n or A n a d o l u B u r n u , the C h e l i d o n i a n p r o m o n t o r y of Pliny (Natural History 5 . 2 7 . 9 7 ) in Lycia. T h e c a p e m a r k s t h e w e s t e r n extremity of t h e B a y of Antalya. R u n n i n g s o u t h from t h e c a p e is a string of five small islands, t h e C h e l i d o n i a e of antiquity, called Celidoni b y Italian sailors, a n d later Selidonlar by t h e T u r k s , b u t t o d a y k n o w n simply as Besadalar ( T k . , "five i s l a n d s " ) . S t r a b o ( 1 4 . 2 . 1 , 1 4 , 3 . 8 ) n o t e d only
three of t h e m a n d Pliny (Natural four.
History
5 . 3 5 . 1 3 1 ) only
CAPE GELIDONYA
415
I n a b o u t 1200 BCE, a m e r c h a n t vessel a p p a r e n t l y r i p p e d its b o t t o m o p e n o n a p i n n a c l e of rock t h a t nears the surface of t h e sea just off t h e n o r t h e a s t side of Devecitasi Adasi, t h e largest of t h e islands ( 3 6 ° n ' 4 o " N , 30°24'27" E ) . Spilling artifacts in a line as s h e sank, tire ship eventually settled with h e r stern resting o n a large b o u l d e r 50 m or so away to t h e n o r t h ; t h e b o w l a n d e d o n a flat sea floor of rock. A t s o m e p o i n t d u r i n g t h e hull's disintegration, t h e stern slipped off t h e b o u l d e r into a n a t u r a l gully f o r m e d b y t h e b o u l d e r a n d t h e b a s e of t h e island. I n 1954, a s p o n g e diver from B o d r u m , K e m a l Aras, s t u m bled on t h e wreck's m a i n c o n c e n t r a t i o n of cargo, b e t w e e n 26 a n d 28 m d e e p . F o u r years later, h e d e s c r i b e d it t o A m e r ican journalist a n d a m a t e u r archaeologist P e t e r T h r o c k m o r t o n , w h o w a s cataloging a n c i e n t wrecks along t h e s o u t h w e s t T u r k i s h coast. T h r o c k m o r t o n w a s able to locate t h e site in 1959 a n d , r e c o g n i z i n g its great a g e , asked t h e U n i versity M u s e u m of d i e University of P e n n s y l v a n i a if it w o u l d organize its excavation. T h e s u b s e q u e n t excavation b y t h e m u s e u m of this L a t e B r o n z e A g e site ( J u n e - S e p t e m b e r i960) w a s t h e first s h i p w r e c k excavation carried t o c o m p l e t i o n o n t h e seabed, t h e first directed by a diving archaeologist, a n d t h e first c o n d u c t e d following t h e s t a n d a r d s of terrestrial excavation. V i s its t o t h e site i n t h e late 1980s b y a t e a m from t h e Institute of N a u t i c a l A r c h a e o l o g y ( I N A ) at T e x a s A & M University, led b y t h e original excavation director, G e o r g e F . B a s s , s h o w e d , after m o r e artifacts w e r e r e c o v e r e d , h o w t h e ship h a d sunk. T h e sinking h a s b e e n d a t e d t o t h e late t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE b y t w o nearly i n t a c t M y c e n a e a n IIIB stirrup jars discovered o n these visits a n d b y a r a d i o c a r b o n date of 1200 BCE ± fifty years f r o m b r u s h w o o d o n t h e wreck. B e c a u s e of a lack of p r o t e c t i v e s e d i m e n t , m o s t of t h e ship's hull h a d b e e n d e v o u r e d b y m a r i n e b o r e r s , especially t e r e d o s . H o w e v e r , its b r u s h w o o d d u n n a g e gave, for d i e first time, m e a n i n g to t h e b r u s h w o o d O d y s s e u s placed i n a vessel h e h a d built (Odyssey 5.257). T h e distribution of cargo orig inally led t o a p u b l i s h e d e s t i m a t e of n o t m u c h longer t h a n 10 m for t h e hull, b u t r e c e n t discoveries suggest t h a t this estimate w a s low. T h e b u l k of t h e cargo c o n s i s t e d of t h e ingredients for m a k i n g b r o n z e i m p l e m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g b o t h scrap b r o n z e tools from C y p r u s , i n t e n d e d to b e recycled, a n d ingots of b o t h c o p p e r a n d tin, m e a n t to b e m i x e d t o f o r m n e w b r o n z e . T h e s c r a p , a t least partly c a r r i e d in wicker baskets, i n c l u d e d b r o k e n p l o w s h a r e s , axes, a d z e s , chisels, p r u n i n g h o o k s , a s p a d e , knives, a n d casting w a s t e . T h e c o p p e r , m i n e d o n C y p r u s , was s h i p p e d as thirty-four flat, f o u r - h a n d l e d ingots, w e i g h i n g o n average 25 k g apiece, of d i e t y p e o n c e d r o u g h t t o imitate dried o x hides i n a p r e m o n e t a r y f o r m of c u r r e n c y (see figure 1 ) ; discoid " b u n i n g o t s , " averaging only a b o u t 3 k g each; a n d fragments chiseled from e a c h t y p e . T h e tin ingots w e r e t o o badly c o r r o d e d to reveal their original s h a p e s , b u t s e a b e d evidence suggests t h a t a t least o n e w a s a
CAPE GELIDONYA. F i g u r e 1. Three oxhide copper ingots. (Copyright Frey/INA)
r e c t a n g u l a r b a r . I n a d d i t i o n , t h e r e w e r e eighteen m u c h smaller, flat, ovoid ingots, at least o n e of t h e m b r o n z e , t h a t s e e m t o h a v e b e e n cast in multiples of 0.5 kg. T h e discovery o n t h e w r e c k of a b r o n z e swage, stone h a m m e r h e a d s of the k i n d s o m e t i m e s u s e d for metalworking, m a n y stone polishers a n d a w h e t s t o n e , a n d a large, flat, close-grained stone t h a t c o u l d h a v e served as a n anvil sug gest t h a t a tinker m a y h a v e b e e n o n t h e voyage. T h e wreck's i m p o r t a n c e derives from d i e historical c o n clusions d r a w n from it. A t t h e time of its excavation, it w a s generally a c c e p t e d tiiat M y c e n a e a n G r e e k s h a d a m o n o p o l y o n m a r i t i m e c o m m e r c e in t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n d u r i n g t h e latter p a r t of t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e , a n d t h a t P h o e n i c i a n sailors d i d n o t b e g i n their great tradition of seafaring until t h e following I r o n Age. I n d e e d , t h e m a i n r e a s o n tiiat H o m e r has b e e n c o m m o n l y d a t e d to t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE b y t w e n tieth-century classicists is his frequent m e n t i o n of P h o e n i cian sailors a n d b r o n z e s m i t h s .
416
CAPERNAUM
T h e C a p e Gelidonya shipwreck suggests new possibili ties. T h e southeast e n d of the wreck, m o s t p r o b a b l y its stern, held what m a y b e c o n s i d e r e d personal possessions of t h e crew or passengers, as o p p o s e d to the mostly C y p r i o t cargo a n d the shipboard m i x t u r e of M y c e n a e a n , C y p r i o t , a n d Syr ian pottery. T h e s e possessions included four scarabs a n d a scarab-shaped p l a q u e , an oil l a m p , stone m o r t a r s , m o r e t h a n sixty stone p a n - b a l a n c e weights (including E g y p t i a n gedets, a n d Syrian nesefs a n d shekels), a n d a m e r c h a n t ' s cylinder seal (see figure 2), all a p p a r e n t l y of Syrian, or C a n a a n i t e , origin; a razor is of E g y p t i a n r a t h e r t h a n M y c e n a e a n t y p e . T h e excavator c o n c l u d e d that t h e ship was p r o b a b l y C a naanite, or early P h o e n i c i a n (the C a n a a n i t e s being simply B r o n z e Age P h o e n i c i a n s ) , a l t h o u g h b e c a u s e so m a n y N e a r Eastern artifacts are f o u n d o n C y p r u s from t h e s a m e p e r i o d , tiiere was the possibility that t h e ship was Cypriot. L i b r a r y research revealed that, with a single exception, c o n t e m p o rary Egyptian artists associated t h e trade in f o u r - h a n d l e d c o p p e r ingots, a n d tin ingots, solely with Syrian m e r c h a n t s (the only k n o w n m o l d for casting four-handled c o p p e r in gots was f o u n d after t h e C a p e Gelidonya excavation, in a palace at R a s I b n H a n i , t h e p o r t of Ras S h a m r a / U g a r i t , t h e greatest of L a t e B r o n z e A g e Syrian p o r t cities). [See R a s I b n
H a n i ; Ugarit.] F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e only foreign m e r c h a n t ships d e p i c t e d in E g y p t i a n art of t h e time are Syrian. All this s u g gested that H o m e r ' s P h o e n i c i a n s are n o t a n a c h r o n i s t i c in t h e L a t e B r o n z e Age of t h e T r o j a n W a r . T h e discovery in 1994 of t h e C a p e G e l i d o n y a ship's S y r o - C a n a a n i t e or C y p r i o t stone a n c h o r bolstered t h e excavator's c o n t e n t i o n t h a t t h e ship was of N e a r E a s t e r n origin. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bass, George F. Cape Gelidonya: A Bronze Age Shipwreck. Transacti ons of the American Philosophical Society, 57.8. Philadelphia, 1967. T h e full excavation report. Bass, George F. " C a p e Gelidonya a n d Bronze Age Maritime T r a d e . " In Orient and Occident: Essays Presented to Cyrus H. Gordon, edited by Harry A. Hoffner, Jr., p p . 2 9 - 3 8 . Kevelaer, 1 9 7 3 . Additions to the excavation report. Bass, George F. Archaeology Beneath the Sea. N e w York, 197s. See pages 1-59. A popular account of the excavation. Bass, George F . " R e t u r n to C a p e Gelidonya." INA Newsletter 1 5 . 2 (June 1988): 2 - 5 . Discoveries m a d e on site decades after its exca vation. Bass, George F. "Evidence of T r a d e from Bronze Age Shipwrecks." In Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, edited by N . H . Gale, p p . 69-82. Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology, vol. 90. Goteborg, 1 9 9 1 . T h e wreck in light of discoveries m a d e at U l u b u r u n . M u h l y , James D . , et al. " T h e C a p e Gelidonya Shipwreck a n d the Bronze Age Metals T r a d e in the Eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . " Journal of Field Archaeology 4.3 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 3 5 3 - 3 6 2 . Pulak, Cemal, and E d w a r d Rogers. " T h e 1 9 9 3 - 1 9 9 4 T u r k i s h S h i p wreck Survey." The INA Quarterly 21.4 (Winter 1994) 1 7 - 2 1 . T h e discovery of the ship's anchor. T h r o c k m o r t o n , Peter. " T h i r t y - T h r e e Centuries u n d e r the Sea." Na tional Geographic 1 1 7 ( M a y i 9 6 0 ) : 6 8 2 - 7 0 3 . A p o p u l a r account of die discovery of the wreck. T h r o c k m o r t o n , Peter. " O l d e s t K n o w n Shipwreck Yields Bronze Age C a r g o . " National Geographic izi (May 1 9 6 2 ) : 6 9 6 - 7 1 1 . A p o p u l a r account of the excavation. T h r o c k m o r t o n , Peter. Lost Ships: An Adventure in Undersea Archaeology. N e w York, 1964. A popular account of the discovery a n d excavation of the site. GEORGE F . BASS
CAPERNAUM ( H e b . , Kefar N a h u m ) , site located o n t h e n o r t h w e s t s h o r e of t h e Sea of Galilee ( m a p reference 255 X 204), 16 k m (9 m i . ) n o r t h e a s t of m o d e r n T i b e r i a s , 3 k m (2 mi.) n o r t h e a s t of a n c i e n t H e p t a p e g o n ( m o d e r n T a b g h a ) , 3 k m s o u t h e a s t of ancient K h o r a z i n , a n d 5 k m (3 mi.) west of t h e u p p e r J o r d a n River. T h e site is called T a l h u m by local A r a b s .
CAPE GELIDONYA. F i g u r e 2 . A Syrian sion in clay, (Copyright Frey/TNA)
cylinder seal and its
impres
T h e location of t h e site m a t c h e s d a t a p r o v i d e d b y t h e ancient literary sources. E u s e b i u s (fourth c e n t u r y CE) sets C a p e r n a u m 3 k m from K h o r a z i n (Enchiridion Locontm Sanctorum [ELS], p . 305, n. 459), w h e r e a s , a c c o r d i n g to T h e o d o s i u s (530 C E ) , it w a s b e t w e e n H e p t a p e g o n a n d t h e J o r d a n R i v e r — m o r e precisely, 3 k m f r o m H e p t a p e g o n a n d 10 k m (6 mi.) f r o m Bethsaida across t h e river (ELS, p . 267, n. 381). T h e archaeological r e m a i n s st r et ch for a co n si der -
CAPERNAUM able distance along d i e lake s h o r e , w i t h t h e Sea of Galilee t o t h e s o u t h side a n d t h e hills to t h e nortii, 'precisely as d e scribed b y A r c u l p h u s in 670 CE (ELS, p . 176, n. 404). Archaeological excavation at t h e site h a s n o t only p r o v i d e d full confirmation of all t h e p e r i o d s of o c c u p a t i o n r e c o r d e d by d i e literary sources, b u t b r o u g h t to light specific buildings. T h e m o n u m e n t a l s y n a g o g u e a n d t h e c h u r c h e s built u p o n t h e traditional h o u s e of S i m o n P e t e r attracted, in t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , t h e a t t e n t i o n of s u c h pilgrims as E g e ria, in 384 CE, a n d the A n o n y m u s P l a c e n t i n u s , in 570 CE (ELS, p . 299, n. 443, a n d p . 297, n. 436). T h e identification of t h e r u i n s of T a l h u m with a n c i e n t Kefar N a h u m is also indirectiy s t r e n g t h e n e d b y die fact t h a t n o other ancient settlement exists in this area of t h e lake t o vie with T a l h u m : in fact, K h i r b e t a l - M i n y e h , in t h e G i n n o s a r valley, w h i c h several scholars o n c e t o o k for a n c i e n t C a p e r n a u m , t u r n e d o u t to b e a n U m a y y a d castle, with n o r e m a i n s earlier t h a n the s e v e n t h c e n t u r y CE. I n addition, n o o t h e r ancient settlements h a v e so far b e e n r e c o r d e d along t h e lake s h o r e b e t w e e n t h e J o r d a n a n d H e p t a p e g o n , e x c e p t for t h e evidence of s o m e isolated p o t s h e r d s from t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m BCE collected in surveys. T h e original Semitic n a m e K e f a r N a h u m ( m e a n i n g "vil lage of N a h u m " ) is k n o w n f r o m a B y z a n t i n e inscription f o u n d in t h e s y n a g o g u e at H a m m a t h - G a d e r ; in s o m e p a s sages in t h e M i s h n a h (Midrash Qoh Rabba 1:8 a n d 7:26); a n d , as late as t h e year 1333, w h e n R a b b i I s h a k C h e l o visited t h e site (ELS, p . 301, n. 451). I n n o n - S e m i t i c languages t h e c o m p o s i t e n a m e K e f a r N a h u m is always r e n d e r e d as a single n a m e , a n d t h e g u t t u r a l h is d r o p p e d altogether. I n t h e G r e e k m a n u s c r i p t s of t h e G o s p e l s two spellings occur: C a p h a r n a u m a n d C a p e r n a u m . T h e G r e e k spelling C a p h a r n a u m , closely following d i e H e b r e w p r o n u n c i a t i o n a n d a t t e s t e d also b y Flavius J o s e p h u s (War 3.519), is to b e preferred; t h e spelling C a p e r n a u m (fol l o w e d in m o d e r n E n g l i s h ) w a s p r o b a b l y i n t r o d u c e d as a n i d i o m in t h e district of A n t i o c h in Syria. It is difficult t o tell w h e n , if ever, this old n a m e w e n t o u t of u s e a m o n g the local A r a b p o p u l a t i o n t o indicate t h e r e m a i n s t o d a y called again K e f a r N a h u m . Significantly, as late as t h e year 1668, M i c h e l N a u , a scholar w h o asked t h e local b e d o u i n s to a c c o m p a n y h i m to t h e site of ancient C a p e r n a u m , was i n d e e d led to T a l h u m , a n d could write: " C a p e r n a u m is called at p r e s e n t T e l h o u m " (ELS, p . 304, n . 458). It is equally difficult to k n o w w h e n t h e n e w n a m e T a l h u m was applied to t h e r u i n s of C a p e r n a u m , a l t h o u g h its first o c c u r r e n c e is so far n o t earlier t h a n 1537, t h e year U r i of Biel w r o t e : " T a n h u m . H e r e R a b b i T a n h u m is b u r i e d . " P r o b a b l y , t h e p r e s u m e d t o m b of R. T a n h u m gave t h e n e w n a m e t o t h e ruins. (In a parallel way, t h e village of B e t h a n y , n e a r Jerusalem, w a s r e n a m e d el-Azariyeh in Arabic b e c a u s e of t h e L a z a r i u m — t h e t o m b of L a z a r u s . ) T h e local b e d o u i n s s u b s e q u e n t l y softened t h e p r o n u n c i a t i o n of T a n h u m t o
417
T a l h u m . Finally, several m o d e r n scholars, beginning with N a u , u n d e r s t o o d t h e A r a b p r o n u n c i a t i o n of T a l h u m as T e l l H u m , a n d s o m e o n e w e n t so far as to c o n c l u d e that Tel] H u m could m e a n " t h e ruins (tell) of ( N a ) h u m . " Certainly t h e very preservation of t h e original n a m e Kefar N a h u m , even u n d e r t h e n a m e T a l h u m is additional s u p p o r t for t h e identification of t h e r u i n s . T h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of T a l h u m as T e l l ( N a ) h u m seems r a t h e r weak, a l t h o u g h etymologically possible. S u r v e y s a n d E x c a v a t i o n s . In 1816 J. S. B u c l d n g h a m published a sketch of T a l h u m , showing w h a t seems t o b e t h e r e m a i n s of t h e B y z a n t i n e octagonal c h u r c h . T h e A m e r ican clergyman E d w a r d R o b i n s o n visited T a l h u m in 1838 a n d correctly identified " t h e p r o s t r a t e ruins of an edifice w h i c h , for e x p e n s e , l a b o u r , a n d o r n a m e n t , surpasses any t h i n g we have yet seen in P a l e s t i n e " as t h e r e m a i n s of a s y n a g o g u e . I n 1864 Sir C h a r l e s W . W i l s o n described two m o n u m e n t a l t o m b s , one of w h i c h is a R o m a n m a u s o l e u m . H i s limited s o u n d i n g s in t h e synagogue yielded n o signifi cant results, b u t they w e r e significant to t h e local b e d o u i n s , w h o started pillaging t h e r e m a i n s , looldng for treasure. T h e site r o b b i n g e n d e d in 1894, w h e n t w o - t h i r d s of die ruins, i n c l u d i n g t h e r e m a i n s of t h e m o n u m e n t a l synagogue, were acquired b y the F r a n c i s c a n C u s t o d i a n s of the Holy L a n d ; t h e r e m a i n d e r of the site, o n t h e east side, b e c a m e t h e p r o p erty of t h e G r e e k O r t h o d o x P a t r i a r c h a t e of Jerusalem. I n 1905, H . K o h l a n d C a r l W a t z i n g e r b e g a n an excavation of t h e s y n a g o g u e that W e n d e l i n v o n M e n d e n e x p a n d e d b e tween 1906 and 1915. G a u d e n z i o Orfali w o r k e d o n an oc tagonal s t r u c t u r e in 1921 t h a t h e tentatively interpreted as a B y z a n t i n e baptistery. H e partially r e s t o r e d the synagogue, w h i c h William F o x w e l l Albright considered " o n e of the m o s t satisfying places t o visit in all Palestine," F r o m 1968 t o 1986, Virgilio C o r b o a n d Stanislao Loffreda c o n d u c t e d n i n e t e e n seasons of excavation o n the F r a n c i s c a n p r o p e r t y , a t t e m p t i n g to u n d e r s t a n d b o t h d i e synagogue a n d t h e o c t a g o n a l c h u r c h in stratigraphic context a n d in t h e context of t h e ancient settlement, w h i c h h a d b e e n extensively exca vated. Finally Vassilios Tzaferis directed four seasons of ex cavation (1978-1982) o n t h e G r e e k p r o p e r t y . [See the biog raphies of Watzinger and Corbo.] P e r i o d s o f O c c u p a t i o n . C a p e r n a u m is m e n t i o n e d for t h e first time in first-century CE sources, namely in Flavius J o s e p h u s , a n d particularly in t h e Gospels. Excavation has, h o w e v e r , p u s h e d b a c k t h e settlement's origins b y t h r e e t h o u s a n d years b y recovering sporadic sherds (band-slip ware) from t h e t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m BCE. S o m e walls, p a v e m e n t s , a n d a considerable a m o u n t of p o t t e r y from t h e s e c o n d millen n i u m BCE ( M i d d l e a n d L a t e B r o n z e ) h a v e also b e e n re c o r d e d . After a c o m p l e t e b r e a k d u r i n g d i e Israelite period (1200-587 BCE), t h e site was resettled in the fifth-century BCE a n d e x p a n d e d progressively in t h e following centuries, r e a c h i n g its p e a k in t h e L a t e R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e periods
418
CAPERNAUM
f o u r t h - s e v e n t h centuries CE. T h e t o w n began to decline in t h e eighth century. S o m e structures were built as late as t h e twelfth a n d tiiirteenth centuries, a n d even later, b u t t h e t o w n as such was already in r u i n s . Material Culture. T h e ruins cover an area of a p p r o x i mately 6 ha (13 acres) suggesting a p o p u l a t i o n of a b o u t 1,500 d u r i n g the t o w n ' s m a x i m u m expansion in t h e B y z antine period. T h e settlement's center, which reveals t o w n p l a n n i n g d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d of great prosperity, is m a r k e d b y t h e m o n u m e n t a l s y n a g o g u e , a n d only 30 m to t h e s o u t h , b y t h e octagonal c h u r c h . B o t h structures share t h e m a i n n o r t h - s o u t h street, intersected at right angles b y several al leys that form small quarters. A l t h o u g h the two public b u i l d ings were c o n s t r u c t e d of white limestone blocks b r o u g h t from s o m e distance, t h e private structures w e r e b o t h u n pretentious a n d of local basalt. C a p e r n a u m was crossed b y an imperial h i g h w a y leading to D a m a s c u s . It was also a b o r d e r t o w n t h a t received r e v e n u e from collecting c u s t o m s . Its additional e c o n o m i c r e sources were fishing, agriculture, industry, a n d t r a d e . It w a s commercially linked with the n o r t h e r n regions in particular a n d , beginning in t h e fourth century CE, was flooded with elegant wares from Africa, G r e e c e , a n d C y p r u s . It w a s also a p r o m i n e n t center of Christian pilgrimage, b e i n g consid e r e d " t h e t o w n of J e s u s " (Mt. 9:1). Excavation p r o v i d e d archaeologists with sealed a n d su p e r i m p o s e d strata, t h r o u g h which it is was possible, for t h e first time, to classify a n d date t h e regional ware.
north
^ 2
CAPERNAUM.
General plan of the fourth-century
L o f f r e d a , 1985, p , 34)
CE synagogue.
(After
T h e i n - d e p t h e x c a v a t i o n s , b o t h in t h e s y n a g o g u e a n d in t h e octagonal c h u r c h , clarified several p r o b l e m s b u t raised m a n y questions. It is indisputable t h a t t h e s y n a g o g u e a n d t h e c h u r c h were n o t built o n virgin soil, b u t o n p r e v i o u s strata dating b a c k at least to t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d ( u n d e r t h e octagon) a n d t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e ( u n d e r t h e s y n a g o g u e ) . Scholars agree t h a t t h e late fifth-century o c t a g o n a l c h u r c h was p r e c e d e d b y a f o u r t h - c e n t u r y domus ecclesia (a h o u s e u s e d for religious gatherings b y a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u nity). T h e excavators suggest t h a t this c h a n g e h a d already t a k e n place in t h e late first c e n t u r y CE. A t t h e s a m e time, several structures a n d p a v e m e n t s a p p e a r u n d e r t h e m o n u m e n t a l s y n a g o g u e t h a t m a y b e l o n g to earlier s y n a g o g u e s . Finally, t h e two p u b l i c buildings w e r e certainly in u s e for t h e s p a n of t h e B y z a n t i n e period: t h e earliest clear evidence of s o m e stones f r o m t h e s y n a g o g u e b e i n g r e u s e d in p r i v a t e buildings in the village is well after the eighth c e n t u r y . I n s u m , t h e s y n a g o g u e a n d t h e C h r i s t i a n shrines built o n t h e traditional h o u s e of P e t e r w e r e n o t only close t o o n e a n o t h e r , sharing t h e s a m e street, b u t w e r e in u s e side b y side for several centuries. It is true t h a t in t h e late fifth-early seventh centuries t h e s y n a g o g u e was c o m p l e t e l y encircled b y private h o u s e s , in w h i c h a considerable n u m b e r of terra sigillata bowls w i t h s t a m p e d crosses w e r e f o u n d , b u t n o di rect evidence w h a t s o e v e r exists t o indicate t h a t t h e s y n a g o g u e was u s e d as a c h u r c h . W h a t is still highly d e b a t e d is t h e original d a t i n g of t h e m o n u m e n t a l s y n a g o g u e . O n t h e basis of architectural, stylistic, a n d historical c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , several archaeologists consider t h e s y n a g o g u e at C a p e r n a u m to b e the b e s t e x a m p l e of t h e basilica-style synagogues t h a t flourished in Galilee in d i e s e c o n d - t h i r d centuries CE. O n the c o n t r a r y , h o w e v e r , t h e excavators, o n t h e basis of stratigraphic material, c o n c l u d e t h a t t h e s y n a g o g u e ' s p r a y e r hall was built in t h e late f o u r t h c e n t u r y CE a n d t h a t t h e east c o u r t y a r d was a d d e d a c e n t u r y later. A l t h o u g h t h e y a d m i t t h a t several decorative elements from t h e s y n a g o g u e c a n b e d a t e d to t h e t h i r d c e n t u r y , they reject t h e idea t h a t t h e late material f o u n d in sealed levels is to b e e x p l a i n e d as t h e result of m i n o r repairs in t h e building. T h e fifth-century octagonal c h u r c h a n d t h e f o u r t h - c e n tury domus ecclesia are Christian shrines. T h e excavators suggest t h a t s o m e of t h e f r a g m e n t a r y , b u t n u m e r o u s , graffiti (in Greek, A r a m a i c , a n d Syriac) p r e d a t e t h e fourtii-century domus ecclesia, t h e s t r u c t u r e described b y t h e pilgrim Egeria in 384, w h e n she wrote: " T h e h o u s e of t h e P r i n c e of t h e Apostles w a s c h a n g e d into c h u r c h . T h e walls h o w e v e r , are still standing as t h e y w e r e " (ELS, p . 299, n. 443), T h e y also suggest t h a t t h e octagonal c h u r c h is t h e s t r u c t u r e visited b y t h e A n o n y m u s P l a c e n t i n u s in 570, w h o w r o t e : " W e c a m e t o C a p e r n a u m in t h e h o u s e of St. Peter, w h i c h is n o w a basil i c a " (ELS, p . 297, n. 436). T o d a t e , t h e assertion t h a t t h e r e c e n t excavations have identified t h e traditional h o u s e of St. Peter r e m a i n s u n c o n t e s e d . Is t h e traditional h o u s e of St. P e t e r the t r u e h o u s e of Peter? H o w reliable is t h e tradition
CAPPADOCIA
419
CAPERNAUM. General plan of the Insula Sacra. P r i v a t e h o u s e s of t h e H e l l e n i s t i c - R o m a n p e r i o d . H H : T h e f o u r t h - c e n t u r y CE D o m u s - E c c l e s i a . •' : T h e m i d - f i f t h - c e n t u r y CE O c t a g o n a l C h u r c h . (After Loffreda, 1985, p p . 50-51)
concerning the house of Peter, where Jesus lived? The ex cavators are certain of the identification, based on the con siderable body of circumstantial evidence. BIBLIOGRAPHY C o r b o , Virgilio. The House of St. Peter al Capharnaum: A Preliminary Report of the First Two Campaigns of Excavations, April 16-fune 19I September 12-November 26, 1968. S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m , Collectio M i n o r , 5. Jerusalem, 1972. C o r b o , Virgilio. Cafamao, vol. 1, Gli edif'tci della citta. S t u d i u m Bibli c u m F r a n c i s c a n u m , n o . 19. Jerusalem, 1975. Enchiridion Locomm Sanctorum: Documenta S. Evangelii Loca Respicientia (1955). Edited b y D o n a t o Baldi. Jerusalem, 1982. Loffreda, Stanislao. Cafamao, vol. 2, La ceramica. S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m , no. 19. Jerusalem, 1974, Loffreda, Stanislao. Recovering Capharnaum. S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n ciscanum G u i d e s , 1. Jerusalem, 1985. Orfali, Gaudenzio. Capharnaum et ses mines d'apres les fouilles accomplies it Tell-Houm par la Custodie Franciscaine de Tern Sainte, 1905-1921. Paris, 1922. Spijkerman, Augusto. Cafamao, vol. 3, Catalogo delle monete della citta. S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m , n o . 19. Jerusalem, 1975. Testa, Emrnanuele. Cafamao, vol. 4, / graffiti della casa di S. Pietro. S t u d i u m Biblicum F r a n c i s c a n u m , n o . 19. Jerusalem, 1972. Tzaferis, Vassilios, et al. Excavations at Capernaum, vol, 1 , 1 9 7 8 - 1 9 8 2 . W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1989. STANISLAO LOFFREDA
C A P I T O L I A S . See Beit Ras.
C A P P A D O C I A . A land dominated by volcanic tuffs in what is central Turkey, the region of Cappadocia was home to Hittite, Greek, Roman, Christian, Seljuk, and Islamic civ ilizations in that order. Evidence for occupation in the area extends back to the Stone Age. Small settlements developed later into trading posts that increasingly served as places of exchange as traffic headed east-west and north-south. At one point the region covered a large area that extended from Lake Tatta to the Euphrates River and from the Black Sea to Cilicia. [See Euphrates; Cilicia.] The northern section came to be known as Pontus and the middle and southern part, Greater Cappadocia. Often, the passes, which are the principal access to the area, were closed by snow in the win ter. The region is almost in die center of ancient Anatolia, The Assyrians understood the area as part of the kingdom of Kanes. The Persians called it Katpatuka. In the classical period it came to be called Cappadocia. Its boundaries var ied through history, but basically the region includes an area bounded by volcanic formations on the south and east (with Mt. Argaeus at the northeast corner and Hasan dag on the
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s o u t h ) , a middle valley formed b y t h e Kizil I r m a k ( R e d River), a n d a depression created in t h e T u z golii (Salt Lake) on d i e southwest. F e w of its areas b e c a m e urbanized. T h e site of K a n e s , located on t h e Hittite t o w n of K u l t e p e near Kayseri, t r a d e d with the region of p r e s e n t - d a y Iran a n d Syria, primarily e x changing copper a n d lead for cloth a n d skins. [See K a n e s . ] A L a t e Hittite text refers t o a n early coalition (c. 2300 BCE) that included seventeen local kings from this region w h o organized t h e " G r e a t R e v o l t " against t h e Assyrian king N a r a m - S i n , S a r g o n ' s successor, a n d offers t h e earliest evi d e n c e of u r b a n d e v e l o p m e n t in d i e region (Frayne, 1991). [See Hittites.] Bogazkoy (ancient H a t t u s a ) t h e Hittite capi tal, indicates t h e i m p o r t a n c e this central region held for t h e Hittite E m p i r e until t h e latter's demise in 1200 BCE. [See B o gazkoy.] In t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE t h e region was i n c o r p o rated into t h e k i n g d o m of Lydia a n d shortly thereafter into the Persian E m p i r e , b u t few n e w settlements are f o u n d until 350 BCE u n d e r Persians h e g e m o n y . [See Persians.] T h e r e gion's rich pastures are a p p a r e n t in t h e Persian kings' d e m a n d of fifteen h u n d r e d horses, fifty t h o u s a n d s h e e p , a n d two t h o u s a n d m u l e s a n d t h e fact t h a t R o m a n e m p e r o r s k e p t stud racehorses t h e r e . I t also h a d quartz, salt, a n d silver m i n e s (Strabo 12.533-540). I n t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods large estates controlled m u c h of the good land; s o m e of t h e estates w e r e t e m p l e territories (e.g., M a of C o m a n a [modern G u m e n e k ] a n d Z e u s of V e n a s a ) . T h e strategic i m p o r t a n c e of t h e region for t h e R o m a n s is evidenced b y t h e continual beneficence of the R o m a n s t o w a r d building p r o j ects, beginning with P o m p e y . H e p r o v i d e d significant funds
CAPPADOCIA. torial Archive)
Northwest
to help r e c o n s t r u c t several u r b a n centers after t h e d e s t r u c tive Mithridatic W a r s (88-63 B C E ) . K i n g s ruled t h e area for a time in t h e Hellenistic period, i n c l u d i n g A r c h e l a u s , p u t into p o w e r b y M a r k A n t o n y , w h o r e n a m e d M a z a c a C a e sarea ( m o d e r n Kayseri) a n d f o u n d e d Archelais, formerly G a r s a u r a ( m o d e r n A k s a r a y ) . I n 17 CE C a p p a d o c i a w a s a n n e x e d as a procuratorial p r o v i n c e . V e s p a s i a n b r o u g h t G a latia a n d C a p p a d o c i a together as a n administrative unit, w h i c h lasted until T r a j a n c o m b i n e d it w i t h P o n t u s , a situa tion t h a t lasted until Diocletian's reign. D u r i n g t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s , t h e m a i n t o w n s a n d cities i n t h e region t h a t o c c u p i e d a n c i e n t sites included t h e capital, Caesarea ( M a z a c a - E u s e b e i a ) , T y a n a (Hittite T u w a n u w a ) , a n d S o a n d o s ( b e t w e e n G a r s a u r a a n d Mazaca). T w o main roads running north-south through the region c o n n e c t e d t h e m a i n s o u t h e r n ( e a s t - w e s t ) coastal r o a d with t h e r o a d linking Assyria a n d t h e w e s t e r n coast of Asia M i n o r in d i e eighth c e n t u r y BCE. Little remains f r o m t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s b y w a y of architecture, even in t h e t o w n s directiy u n d e r G r e e k or R o m a n control. A few cult buildings a n d t o m b s h a v e b e e n discovered in s o m e outiying areas (e.g., Sivasa, w h e r e t h e octagonal m a r t y r i u m described b y G r e g o r y of N y s a w a s built; a n d M a v r u c a n , m o d e r n Giizeloz, t h e site of t h e C h u r c h of t h e Stratilates)—notably r e m n a n t s of a t o m b at Avcilar. [See M a r t y r i o n ; T o m b s . ] M a r c u s Aurelius built a t e m p l e for his wife, F a u s t i n a , a t t h e t o w n in C a p p a d o c i a w h e r e she died, r e n a m e d Faustinopolis. I n addition, a t e m ple established u n d e r S e p t i m i u s Severus was built a t C a e sarea, as i n d i c a t e d b y a coin dated t o t h e year 206 CE. A
interior wall and arcade of the main church at Tokali Kilise.
(Courtesy Pic
CAPPADOCIA
CAPPADOCIA.
Earlier style section of church decor at Takali Kilise,
421
exposed by the collapse of the rock
face. (Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
s e c o n d neocorate (a provincial imperial cult c o m p l e x ) was established u n d e r G o r d i a n (Price, 1984, p . 269). U n f o r t u nately, m o s t of t h e early p e r i o d s h a v e b e e n obliterated b y C h r i s t i a n building activities e x t e n d i n g t h r o u g h t h e B y z a n tine period (roughly from t h e f o u r t h t h r o u g h t h e t h i r t e e n t h centuries). T h e n u m e r o u s B y z a n t i n e c h u r c h e s carved i n t o t h e r o c k follow t h e architectural p a t t e r n s established in t h e east a n d a p p a r e n t l y d o n o t r e p r e s e n t any u n i q u e local traditions. [See C h u r c h e s . ] I n t h e B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d d i e p r i m a r y cities—Andaval, N a zianzus ( D i o c a e s a r e a ) , G a r s a u r i t i s ( C o l o n i a Archealis), S o a n d o s (Hittite H u p i s p a , m o d e r n Eregli), Cybistra, a n d C a e s a r e a ( M a z a c a ) — p l a y e d critical roles as p a r t of t h e mil itary a n d t r a d i n g r o a d n e t w o r k t h a t linked t h e p l a t e a u region with t h e larger e m p i r e , a n d especially t h e city of B y z a n t i u m , [See R o a d s . ] A key r o a d p r o t e c t e d b y a series of fortresses r a n along the s o u t h e r n slope of H a s a n d a g . B e y o n d t h e m a i n traffic p a t t e r n s a series of villages w e r e c u t o u t of r o c k a n d linked b y local r o a d s . N u m e r o u s wells, g a r d e n s , vineyards, olive presses, a n d o t h e r r e m n a n t s of small agricultural c o m m u n i t i e s h a v e b e e n located. M o n a s t i c centers of t h e eastern c h u r c h a n d p a r t of t h e diocese of Caesarea in C a p p a d o c i a (which i n c l u d e d Sogani, H a s a n , G o r e m e , a n d d i e chief t o w n of t h e diocese, C a e s a r e a C a p p a d o c i a e ) h a v e also b e e n d i s covered. T w o B y z a n t i n e e m p e r o r s ( Z e n o t h e Isaurian a n d M i c h a e l II) c a m e f r o m t h e region, as did several f a m o u s theologians, i n c l u d i n g G r e g o r y of N y s a , Basil of C a e s a r e a , a n d G r e g o r y of N a z i a n z u s . H o m e to C h r i s t i a n a n d later M u s l i m mystics, t h e area is
d o t t e d w i t h c h u r c h e s , m o n a s t e r i e s , a n d chapels carved in d i e soft s t o n e . [See M o n a s t e r i e s . ] S o m e structures lent t h e m selves t o u s e b y ascetics ( b o t h Christian a n d M u s l i m ) , n o tably t h e sites at " M o n k ' s V a l l e y " along t h e Zilve r o a d , in t h e P e r i s t r e m a valley (the m o n a s t e r y of K a r a n h k Kale, t h e " D a r k F o r t " ) , a n d G o r e m e , n e a r t h e village of Avcilar (the location of s u c h c h u r c h e s as T o k a l i Kilise (the " B o s s C h u r c h " ) a n d K a r a n h k Kilise (the " D a r k C h u r c h " ) . D u r i n g t h e M u s l i m p e r i o d , a series of caravanserais, or wellfortified way stations t h a t often h a d b a t h s , stables, and l o d g ing, w e r e created for t r a d e r s w h o helped maintain t h e links b e t w e e n t h e east a n d t h e west. [See Baths.] K e y m a r k e t t o w n s s u c h as tire citadel of K a y serf served as the foundation for s u c h i m p o r t a n t t r a d e n e t w o r k s . S e t t l e m e n t in t h e region t e n d e d t o follow a fairly set p a t tern from a n early p e r i o d . T h e accessible a n d flat region of t h e p l a t e a u saw d i e d e v e l o p m e n t of the larger settlements, w h i c h w e r e often d e v o t e d to t r a d e a n d generally were t h e place of r e s i d e n c e for t h e elite classes. In t h e m o r e r u g g e d m o u n t a i n o u s areas, smaller villages built of stone or carved o u t of t h e r o c k p r e d o m i n a t e d . T e m p l e s to local deities have b e e n f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the region, especially in t h e rural areas. N u m e r o u s C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s developed in these r u g g e d areas, often in isolation from t h e m o r e official s t r u c t u r e s f o u n d in t h e larger t o w n s , s u c h as t h e capital, C a e s a rea. T h e r e m o t e n e s s of t h e area often p r o v i d e d a refuge from political authority as well as religious persecution. S o m e of t h e earliest Christian art from t h e iconoclastic p e riod survives b e c a u s e of this isolation.
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P e r h a p s best k n o w n are t h e spectacular u n d e r g r o u n d complexes of i n t e r c o n n e c t i n g r o o m s a n d c h a m b e r s h e w n o u t of t h e tuffaceous rock (e.g., at K a y m a k l t a n d at O r t a hisar, site of C a m b a z l i Kilise, t h e " C h u r c h of t h e A c r o b a t " ) . S o m e u n d e r g r o u n d t o w n s extend for m o r e than ten floors in d e p t h and cover m a n y kilometers. R o u n d stone slabs of ten blocked off passages, indicating the n e e d for security in tire region. X e n o p h o n , in his Anabasis (4.5.25-26) shows that such u n d e r g r o u n d complexes were i m p o r t a n t in this area as early as the fifth c e n t u r y BCE: " T h e dwellings in these villages are u n d e r g r o u n d : they have an entrance like t h e m o u t h of a well, b u t t h e r o o m s are spacious. T h e livestock lives in separate a p a r t m e n t s hollowed out of t h e g r o u n d ; t h e m e n go down into t h e m with ladders. H e r e they r e a r goats, sheep, cows, and h e n s , together with tiieir p r o g e n y ; a n d all these beasts are fed solely o n hay. T h e y keep stores of c o r n , rice, vegetables, a n d barley wine in large jars. . . . " T h e c o m i n g of t h e Seljuk T u r k s in t h e eleventh a n d twelfth centuries altered t h e landscape in C a p p a d o c i a . P r i vate houses h a d few of t h e embellishments sometimes f o u n d in their Byzantine c o u n t e r p a r t s . T h e y did develop elaborate water systems (cisterns, a q u e d u c t s , canals) to irrigate or chards, parks, a n d g a r d e n s a n d to provide plentiful water to b a t h complexes. [See Cisterns; A q u e d u c t s ; Irrigation.] C a e sarea r e m a i n e d t h e leading city a n d capital of C a p p a d o c i a a n d continued its significant military a n d t r a d i n g role. N i g d e a n d Bor took on increasing i m p o r t a n c e as well b e c a u s e they conttolled a critical crossing o n t h e main r o a d to t h e Cilician gates a n d t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n Sea. [See also Anatolia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Arts of Cappadocia. Geneva, 1 9 7 1 . Series of essays that collectively p r o vide one of the best discussions in English on this region. Frayne, Douglas R. "Historical Texts in Haifa: Notes on R. Kutscher's 'Brockman T a b l e t s . ' " Biblioteca Oiientalis 48 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 3 7 8 - 4 0 9 . Gwatkin, William E m m e t t , Jr. Cappadocia as a Roman Procuratorial Province. University of Missouri Studies, vol. 5.4. Columbia, 1930. Kostof, Spiro. Caves of God: Cappadocia and Its Churches. Oxford, 1989. Mitford, T e r e n c e B . " C a p p a d o c i a and Armenia M i n o r : Historical Set ting of the L i m e s . " In Anfstieg und Niedergang der romischen Well, vol. II.7.2, edited by Wolfgang Haase, p p . 1 1 6 9 - 1 2 2 8 . Berlin and N e w York, 1980. Orlin, Louis L . Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia. T h e H a g u e , 1970. Price, S. R. F. Rituals of Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge, 1984. Sullivan, Richard D . " T h e Dynasty of C a p p a d o c i a . " In Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Well, vol. II.7.2, edited by Wolfgang Haase, p p . 1 1 2 5 - 1 1 6 8 . Berlin and N e w York, 1980. Teja, Ramon. "Die romische Provinz Kappadokien in der Prinzipatszeit," In Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, vol. II.7.2, edited by Wolfgang Haase, p p . 1 0 8 3 - 1 1 2 4 . Berlin and N e w York, 1980. DOUGLAS R. EDWARDS
CAPPADOCIAN TEXTS.
See Kiiltepe T e x t s .
CARAVANSERAIS.
D e n o t i n g a variety of c o m m e r cial, residential, a n d pilgrimage structures in t h e Islamic w o r l d , caravanserais reflect t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t r a d e r o u t e s in d i e history of t h e Islamic lands of t h e N e a r East. C a r a vanserais served as staging posts o n major r o a d s b e t w e e n t o w n s , or as secure c o m m e r c i a l storage w i t h residential fa cilities within t o w n s . T e r m i n o l o g y varies in different c o n texts a n d related buildings include khans, wakalas, fundugs, a n d ribats. T h e i n v o l v e m e n t of central g o v e r n m e n t s in t h e construction of m a n y of t h e s e caravanserais has led to a d e gree of stylistic u n i f o r m i t y in their design. T h e c o m m e r c i a l r o u t e s of t h e pre-Islamic w o r l d m a y h a v e given rise t o caravanserailike a r c h i t e c t u r e , b u t it is in t h e Islamic p e r i o d t h a t the provision of facilities for travelers led to a significant b o d y of architecture. T h e early Islamic g e ographers often refer to w a y stations as manzil, w h i c h m a y b e p r e s u m e d to h a v e b e e n buildings. Khans h a v e also b e e n identified at the U m a y y a d sites of Q a s r a l - H a y r a l - G h a r b i (724-727 CE) a n d Q a s r al-Hayr a s h - S h a r q i (728-729) in Syria a n d t h e location of other U m a y y a d desert sites s u g gests t h a t s o m e m a y h a v e e n c o m p a s s e d a caravanserai role. In t h e late eighth century, t h e ' A b b a s i d caliphs developed t h e D a r b Z u b a y d a h , t h e r o a d from I r a q to M e c c a , building qusur (enclosures, palaces), a n d mazil at staging p o s t s . T h e r e are n u m e r o u s settlements o n t h e r o a d , a n d excava tions at a r - R a b a d h a east of M e d i n a s h o w a m a j o r e i g h t h n i n t h century s e t t l e m e n t with several secure c o u r t y a r d buildings with storage facilities. T h e p r e s e n c e of lusterware a n d other early ' A b b a s i d glazed p o t t e r y p o i n t s t o a luxurious level of provisioning of t h e way stations. T h e Seljuks w e r e munificent builders of caravanserais, r e flecting their interest in m a i n t a i n i n g c o m m e r c e a n d security along d i e extensive r o a d system u n d e r their control. T h e Ribat-i Malik (c. 1068-1080), s o u t h e a s t of B u k h a r a in c e n tral Asia is the earliest e x t a n t Seljuk caravanserai. It has a c o u r t y a r d enclosure p r e c e d e d b y a g r e a t p o r t a l of a t y p e f o u n d in c o n t e m p o r a r y m o s q u e s , a n d its lavish brick d e c o ration is in k e e p i n g with t h e finest architectural d e c o r a t i o n of t h e period. A n o t h e r early Seljuk caravanserai is t h e twelfth-century Ribat-i Sharaf in n o r t h e a s t e r n I r a n t h a t also has m o n u m e n t a l portals, iwans a n d c h a m b e r s a r o u n d t h e c o u r t y a r d s , in a m a n n e r r e m i n i s c e n t of Seljuk m o s q u e s . T h e tradition of t h e caravanserai is c o n t i n u e d in later times in I r a n , C e n t r a l Asia, a n d t h e N e a r East. T h e T i m u rids, O t t o m a n s , a n d Safavids w e r e all involved in m a i n t a i n ing a n d i m p r o v i n g c o m m e r c i a l facilities along t h e r o a d s . E x amples of royal or aristocratic f o u n d a t i o n s o n major r o a d s include t h e series of t w e l f t h - t h i r t e e n t h - c e n m r y Seljuk khans along die A n a t o l i a n r o a d system; a g r o u p of fifteenth-cen tury caravanserais associated with a T i m u r i d official, 'Ali Shir N a v a i , c o n c e n t r a t e d in n o r t h e a s t e r n I r a n ; a n d t h e sev e n t e e n t h - c e n t u r y M a d e r - i S h a h caravanserai n e a r Isfahan, built by S h a h ' A b b a s II. Related to s u c h caravanserais are u r b a n khans or
wakalas,
CARCHEMISH w h i c h constituted t h e distribution p o i n t s for g o o d s , as well as the collection p o i n t for c u s t o m s duties. I n m a n y cases, these u r b a n d e p o t s specialized in particular c o m m o d i t i e s , s u c h as oil or soap. T h i s situation is well d e m o n s t r a t e d in D a m a s c u s a n d A l e p p o , w h e r e a n u m b e r of khans still s u r vive within t h e extensive m a r k e t areas. A t Jerusalem, c o m m e r c i a l caravanserais were established to s u p p o r t religious f o u n d a t i o n s in t h e M a m l u k period. T h e Khan as-Sultan, or al-Wakala at J e r u s a l e m , built u n d e r S u l t a n B a r q u q (i386-1387) h a s a covered m a r k e t hall: in a n e i g h b o r i n g t w o - s t o r y c o u r t y a r d s t r u c t u r e , t h e lower floors w e r e for storage a n d t h e selling of g o o d s t o local m e r c h a n t s , t h e c o u r t y a r d w a s for animals, a n d the u p p e r r o o m s a c c o m m o d a t e d visiting m e r c h a n t s . S u c h u r b a n wakalas h a v e p a r allels in Asia M i n o r , Syria, E g y p t , t h e Hijaz, a n d N o r t h Af rica. A quite different t y p e of caravanserai o c c u r s in M a m l u k a n d O t t o m a n times, t o g u a r d pilgrim r o a d s in desert regions. O n t h e R e d Sea coast of A r a b i a , fortications at ' A q a b a , alM u w a y l i h , al-Azlam, a n d a l - Z u r a y b reflect a t t e m p t s to p r o tect t h e coastal r o u t e from E g y p t to the Hijaz. In t h e six t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the O t t o m a n s also built a series of fortified caravanserais t h r o u g h Syria t o t h e Hijaz to garrison the pil g r i m r o a d a n d disperse p a y m e n t s to tribal leaders d u r i n g t h e hajj m a r c h . S u c h structures are m o r e m o r e closely related to t h e caravanserai's security role t h a n its c o m m e r c i a l p u r pose. [See also C a m e l s ; T r a n s p o r t a t i o n . In addition, many of the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Aslanapa, Oktay. Turkish Art and Architecture. N e w York, 1 9 7 1 . Burgoyne, Michael Hamilton, and D . S. Richards. Mamluk Jerusalem: An Architectural Study. L o n d o n , 1 9 8 7 . Elisseeff, Nikita. " K h a n . " In Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., vol. 4, p p . 1 0 1 0 - 1 0 1 7 , Leiden, i 9 6 0 - . E r d m a n n , K u r t . Das anatolische Karavansaray
des 13. Jahrhunderts.
Is-
tanbuler F o r s h u n g e n , 2 1 . Berlin, 1 9 6 1 . G o l o m b e k , Lisa, and D o n a l d Wilber. The Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan. Princeton, 1988. P o p e , A r t h u r U p h a m . A Suwey of Persian Art. L o n d o n , 1938. Sauvaget, Jean. " L e s caravanserails syriens du Hadjdj de C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . " Ars Islamica4 ( 1 9 3 7 ) : 9 8 - 1 2 1 . Sauvaget, Jean. "Caravanserails syriens d u m o y e n - a g e . " Ars Islamica 6 (1939): 48-55; 7 (1940): i - i 9 Siroux, M a x i m e . Caravanserails d'lran, et petites constructions routieres. M e m o i r e s de l'lnstitut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, vol. 8 1 . Cairo, 1 9 4 9 . G . R. D . KING
C A R C H E M I S H , a n c i e n t Hittite city a n d its territory located o n t h e w e s t b a n k of t h e u p p e r E u p h r a t e s River (37°io' N , 38°oi' E ) . T o t h e s o u t h of t h e site circles t h e A l e p p o - M o s u l railway, w h i c h also defines the m o d e r n T u r l d s h - S y r i a n frontier. T h e Syrian village of Jerablus a d
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joins the site t o d i e s o u t h w e s t , a n d a m o r e recent T u r k i s h village n a m e d K a r g a m i s has g r o w n u p t o the northwest. T h e site, u n d e r t h e n a m e of Jerablus (or Jerabis), attracted the notice of travelers from t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y o n w a r d b e c a u s e of its citadel m o u n d , walls, a n d surface m o n u m e n t s . It was identified in 1876 b y the f a m o u s Assyriologist G e o r g e S m i t h as t h e K a r k a m i s k n o w n f r o m Assyrian, E g y p t i a n , a n d H e b r e w s o u r c e s . T h e spelling " C a r c h e m i s h " represents t h e anglicization of krkmys in t h e H e b r e w Bible. C a r c h e m i s h is k n o w n from limited archaeological inves tigations; its history is m u c h m o r e fully d o c u m e n t e d b y the historical sources. T h e British M u s e u m h a s s p o n s o r e d t h r e e archaeological expeditions there: (1) P . H e n d e r s o n , a British c o n s u l in A l e p p o , d u g intermittently from D e c e m b e r 1878 to July 1881 to recover s c u l p t u r e and inscriptions for t h e m u s e u m ; (2) regular excavations w e r e c o n d u c t e d b e t w e e n M a r c h 1911 a n d spring 1914 u n d e r the direction first of D . G . H o g a r t h , t h e n C a m p b e l l T h o m p s o n , a n d t h e n C. L e o n a r d Woolley, b u t these w e r e b r o k e n off by the outbreak of W o r l d W a r I; (3) Woolley's a t t e m p t to r e s u m e operations in spring 1920 w a s again i n t e r r u p t e d by the T u r k i s h o c c u p a t i o n of t h e area in the a u t u m n . T h e s u b s e q u e n t peace settlement established d i e T u r k i s h - S y r i a n frontier, as al ready n o t e d . T h e site's strategically sensitive position has p r e c l u d e d a n y r e s u m p t i o n of excavations u p t o a n d includ ing t h e p r e s e n t time (1995). O n l y t h e operations of 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 1 4 resulted in any signifi c a n t e x p o s u r e of p a r t s of t h e site, w h i c h include three m a i n areas: (1) t h e citadel m o u n d , (2) t h e o u t e r t o w n a n d its for tifications, a n d (3) the i n n e r t o w n a n d its fortifications. O n die citadel m o u n d , little c o h e r e n t architecture was r e covered, e x c e p t for a poorly preserved building first i d e n tified, incorrectly, as Assyrian ( " S a r g o n ' s F o r t " ) a n d s u b sequently identified, w i t h o u t s u p p o r t i n g evidence, as the T e m p l e of K u b a b a . T h e r u b b l e foundations of t h e outer city wall were located at certain p o i n t s b y s o n d a g e , p e r m i t t i n g a reconstruction of its course. W i t h i n this wall, a n u m b e r of private houses des ignated A - H were excavated, a n d a w e s t gate was e x a m i n e d . T h e i n n e r city wall, a h i g h e a r t h e n r a m p a r t , was surveyed a n d its west a n d s o u t h gates excavated. W i t h i n this wall lay t h e m a i n area of die site t o b e exposed, which e x t e n d e d w e s t w a r d from t h e W a t e r G a t e along the southwest foot of t h e citadel. E v e n here few c o m p l e t e buildings w e r e recov ered: t h e S t o r m G o d T e m p l e c o m p l e x , including its exterior facade (the L o n g Wall of S c u l p t u r e ) , the G r e a t Staircase with its G a t e h o u s e a s c e n d i n g to t h e citadel, and t h e poorly p r e s e r v e d hilani (as buildings with c o l u m n e d porticoes are designated by archaeologists, u s i n g the Assyrian t e r m ) . B e sides these, only facades faced witii s c u l p t u r e d a n d inscribed orthostats w e r e revealed: t h e H e r a l d ' s Wall, t h e Processional E n t r y (later r e m o d e l e d by die addition of the Royal B u t tress), a n d the K i n g ' s G a t e . All excavated m o n u m e n t s at the site b e l o n g t o its N e o -
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Hittite floruit (c. 1000-717 BCE). T h e excavation reports of t e n mention d a m a g e d o n e to these by R o m a n foundations, although they were neither r e c o r d e d nor published. T h e sculpture a n d inscriptions found in situ a n d other pieces found out of context give information on t w o d y n a s ties, t h e houses of Suhi and of Astiruwa, dating apparently to the tenth a n d eighth centuries BCE, respectively. T h e for m e r seems to h a v e built m o s t of t h e excavated m o n u m e n t s , to which the latter a d d e d the Royal Buttress a n d , also a c cording to a n inscription, rebuilt t h e T e m p l e of K u b a b a . T h e s e excavated remains represent only a small p e r i o d in t h e site's recorded history. C a r c h e m i s h is already attested in t h e Ebla archives of t h e m i d - t h i r d millennium as a p a r t of t h e trading n e t w o r k of t h e period, a n d in the M a r i archives of the early second millennium as an i n d e p e n d e n t k i n g d o m enjoying g o o d relations w i t h M a r i . I n the m i d - s e c o n d mil l e n n i u m , t h e site was a n i m p o r t a n t outpost of t h e u p p e r M e s o p o t a m i a n k i n g d o m of M i t a n n i . M o s t i m p o r t a n t , however, is its position u n d e r t h e Hittite E m p i r e , w h e n S u p p i l u l i u m a I, after his c o n q u e s t of Syria, c a p t u r e d C a r c h e m i s h a n d in stalled his s o n Piyassili as king. T h i s dynasty lasted for at leastflve generations, surviving t h e fall of the Hittite E m p i r e . Its kings acted as Hittite viceroys of Syria, a n d in t h e absence of any remains of this p e r i o d from the site itself, their activ ities are d o c u m e n t e d in t h e archives of U g a r i t a n d E m a r . T h i s i m p o r t a n t position in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e m a d e C a r c h e m i s h t h e m o s t p r o m i n e n t of t h e N e o - H i t t i t e states. T h e Assyrians t e r m i n a t e d t h e power of C a r c h e m i s h . In 717 BCE they c o n q u e r e d a n d a n n e x e d t h e city, constituting it a province of their e m p i r e , w h i c h it r e m a i n e d until t h e fall of Assyria in 612 BCE a n d b e y o n d . C a r c h e m i s h w a s t h e site of the final battle b e t w e e n t h e Babylonian a n d E g y p t i a n ar mies in 605 BCE, a t w h i c h t h e r e m n a n t of Assyria was oblit erated. T h i s was the city's last a p p e a r a n c e in history. [See also Anatolia, article on Ancient Anatolia; Hittites; Neo-Hittites; and Syria, articles on Syria in the B r o n z e A g e and Syria in t h e Iron Age.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Hawkins, J. D . " K a r k a m i s . " In Realkxikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archdologie, vol. 5, p p . 426-446. Berlin a n d N e w York, 1980. Comprehensive encyclopedia entry with full bibliography to date of publication. Hawkins, J. D . " K u z i - T e s u b and the 'Great Kings' of K a r k a m i s . " An atolian Studies 38 (1988): 9 9 - 1 0 8 . Important new evidence for polit ical and cultural continuity at Carchemish beyond the fall of the Hittite empire. Hawkins, J. D . "Karkamii,," In Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscrip tions. Berlin and N e w York, forthcoming. Translation of all the hi eroglyphic inscriptions from Carchemish, with historical a n d philo logical commentary. Hogarth, David G. Carchemish: Report on the Excavations at Djerabis, part 1, Introductory. L o n d o n , 1 9 1 4 . T h e first excavation report, con taining background information on the site and its n a m e and a p r e liminary section o n the excavated inscriptions and sculpture. O r t h m a n n , Winfried. Untersuchungen zur spdthethitischen Kunst. B o n n ,
1 9 7 1 . Detailed analysis of neo-Hittite sculpture, including p r o m i nently that of C a r c h e m i s h , g r o u p e d according to style for the p u r pose of dating. Winter, Irene J. " C a r c h e m i s h sa kiSad puratli."
Anatolian
Studies
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(1983): I 7 7 - I 9 7 -
Woolley, C. L e o n a r d . Carchemish: Report on the Excavations at Djerabis, part 2, The Town Defences. L o n d o n , 1 9 2 1 . T h e second excavation report, concentrating on the fortifications b u t including a further selection of excavated inscriptions a n d sculpture. Woolley, C . L e o n a r d . " T h e Iron-Age Graves of C a r c h e m i s h . " Liver pool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology 26 ( 1 9 3 9 ) : 1 1 - 3 7 . P u b lication of the C a r c h e m i s h cemetery excavated at Y u n u s , northwest of the m o u n d . Woolley, C. L e o n a r d , and R. D . Barnett. Carchemish: Report on the Excavations at Djerabis, p a r t 3, The Excavations in the Inner Town; The Hittite Inscriptions. L o n d o n , 1 9 5 2 . T h e final excavation report, published many years after the work ended. J. D . HAWKINS
C A R M E L C A V E S . M o u n t C a r m e l is a limestone m o u n t a i n o u s block that stretches as a triangular m a s s over a b o u t 350 sq k m . I t w a s surveyed intensively a n d all visible prehistoric sites w e r e r e c o r d e d ( O l a m i , 1984). A series of prehistoric caves is located in t h e w e s t e r n e s c a r p m e n t of M o u n t C a r m e l , facing t h e n a r r o w coastal plain (1-3 k m w i d e ) , w h i c h even d u r i n g glacial regression p e r i o d s did n o t exceed 10 k m in width. E x c a v a t e d sites i n c l u d e N a h a l M e ' a r o t ( W a d i M u g h a r a ) , es-Skhul, E l - W a d , J a m a l , a n d etT a b u n a n d K e b a r a caves. I n t h e wadis t h a t d e s c e n d west w a r d , Sefunim, N a h a l O r e n , a n d A b u U s b a caves w e r e ex cavated as well as Rakefet cave, w h i c h is located in N a h a l Y o q n e ' a m , w h i c h flows eastward into t h e Jezrel Valley. Excavations a t M o u n t C a r m e l w e r e first u n d e r t a k e n b y D o r o t h y A. E . G a r r o d in a project t h a t lasted from 1929 to 1934. S u b s e q u e n t excavators i n c l u d e d F r a n c i s T u r v i l l e - P e tre ( K e b a r a ) , M o s h e Stekelis ( K e b a r a , Sefunim, N a h a l O r e n ) , A r t h u r Jelinek ( T a b u n ) , A v r a h a m R o n e n (Sefunim a n d T a b u n ) , T a m a r N o y a n d Eric H i g g s (Rakefet), Ofer Bar-Yosef a n d B e r n a r d V a n d e r m e e r s c h ( K e b a r a ) , M i n a W e i n s t e i n - E v r o n ( E l - W a d a n d J a m a l ) . T h e s e excavations u n c o v e r e d r e m a i n s from t h e L o w e r , M i d d l e , U p p e r a n d Epi-Paleolithic, as well a few N e o l i t h i c assemblages d e scribed in the following pages. T a b u n C a v e . Originally excavated b y D o r o t h y G a r r o d (1929-1934) in a joint expedition of t h e British School of Archaeology in J e r u s a l e m a n d t h e A m e r i c a n S c h o o l of P r e historic R e s e a r c h a n d later by A r t h u r J. Jelinek (1967-1972) for t h e University of Arizona, T a b u n C a v e is still u n d e r ex cavation by A v r a h a m R o n e n of t h e University of Haifa. T h e cave lies 45 m a b o v e sea level; t h e lower p a r t of its s e q u e n c e of layers ( G , F , half of E ) is filled b y fine-grained, wellsorted sand, r e s e m b l i n g a m o d e r n d u n e . T h e u p p e r p a r t of layer E is increasingly siltier, a n d t h e layer D d e p o s i t r e s e m bles loess. L a y e r C contains t h e r e m a i n s of b r u s h fires in t h e form of ash lenses. T h e sediments are mainly clays t h a t w e r e
CARMEL CAVES w a s h e d in t h r o u g h t h e " c h i m n e y " t h a t w a s f o r m e d b y t h e dissolution of t h e limestone f r o m t h e M t . C a r m e l plateau. L a y e r B a n d t h e " c h i m n e y " w e r e filled i n w i t h similar d e posits with n u m e r o u s limestone cobbles a n d blocks. T h e old shoreline n e x t to t h e cave, 39 m a b o v e sea level, w a s p r o b ably t h e s o u r c e of t h e sand. I t h a s b e e n suggested, b u t n o t confirmed, t h a t t h e cave w a s hfted t o its p r e s e n t location b y t h e tectonic m o v e m e n t s t h a t c h a r a c t e r i z e d t h e Pleistocene era. T h e chronological p l a c e m e n t of T a b u n ' s various layers is an u n r e s o l v e d d e b a t e . Pollen e v i d e n c e is rather scanty b u t i n d i c a t e d fluctuations from w a r m e r t o wetter conditions. T h e r m o l u m i n e s c e n t ( T L ) dates suggest a n average a g e of 170,000 years old for layer C ; 270,000 years old for layer D ; a n d 300,000 years old for t h e u p p e r p a r t o f layer E. E l e c t r o n s p i n r e s o n a n c e ( E S R ) indicates s o m e w h a t later dates, s u c h as a b o u t 80,000-100,000 years old for layer B ; a b o u t 100,000 years old for layer C ; 130,000-150,000 years old for layer D ; a n d m o r e t h a n 200,000 years o l d for layer E . T h e r e are n o dates y e t for layers F a n d G . T h e previously held c h r o n o logical s c h e m e t h a t viewed m o s t of t h e s e q u e n c e in T a b u n as lasting from t h e last interglacial (c. 130,000 years ago) to a b o u t 45,000 years a g o is t h e r e f o r e n o t a c c e p t e d , a l t h o u g h d i s a g r e e m e n t still exists a b o u t t h e ages of t h e older layers. It h a s also b e c o m e evident t h a t t h e kurkar ridge a b o u t 2 k m w e s t of T a b u n , w h e r e t h e r e d l o a m soil is k n o w n as M o u s terian hamra, is m u c h older—150,000-175,000 years old. L i t h i c industries b e g a n i n layer G with w h a t was defined as T a y a c i a n b y G a r r o d a n d later as T a b u n i a n b y F . C . H o w ell (1959). It is a c o r e - c h o p p e r a s s e m b l a g e with a few r e t o u c h e d pieces. L a y e r F c o n t a i n s a n U p p e r A c h e u l e a n i n d u s t r y with ovate a n d c o r d i f o r m bifaces, side scrapers, a n d o t h e r stone tools. L a y e r E w a s originally called M i c o q u i a n b y G a r r o d a n d later A c h e u l o - Y a b r u d i a n o r t h e M u g h a r a n b y Jelinek. T h e A c h e u l o - Y a b r u d i a n is limited t o t h e n o r t h e r n a n d central L e v a n t . I t contains t h r e e industrial facies, o n c e c o n s i d e r e d i n d e p e n d e n t archaeological entities, defined o n t h e basis o f quantitative a n d qualitative studies: T h e Y a b r u d i a n facies contains n u m e r o u s side s c r a p e r s , often m a d e o n thick flakes, w h i c h results in relatively high frequencies of Q u i n a a n d s e m i - Q u i n a r e t o u c h ; a few U p p e r Palaeolithic tools; rare b l a d e s ; a n d few or n o Levallois p r o d u c t s . T h e A c h e u l e a n facies h a s u p t o 15 p e r c e n t bifaces, w i t h n u m e r o u s scrapers fashioned i n t h e s a m e w a y as t h e Yabrudians. T h e A m u d i a n facies—including e n d scrapers, b u r i n s , b a c k e d knives, a n d r a r e b i f a c e s — s e e m s , as t h e result of t h e T a b u n excavations, to b e closer t o t h e A c h e u l e a n t h a n t h e Y a b r u d i a n a n d contains e v i d e n c e for limited practice of the Levallois t e c h n i q u e . T h e M o u s t e r i a n s e q u e n c e b e g i n s with layer D a n d c o n
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tains blades a n d elongated p o i n t s p r e d o m i n a n t l y r e m o v e d from Levallois u n i p o l a r c o n v e r g e n t cores a n d p e r h a p s s o m e blade cores with minimal p r e p a r a t i o n s of t h e striking plat f o r m s . E l o n g a t e d r e t o u c h e d p o i n t s , n u m e r o u s blades, r a cloirs, a n d b u r i n s a r e a m o n g t h e c o m m o n tool types. L a y e r C is characterized b y large, oval flakes t h a t w e r e r e m o v e d from Levallois cores t h r o u g h radial or b i p o l a r p r e p a r a t i o n . Levallois points a p p e a r in small n u m b e r s . I n layer B , blanks w e r e mainly r e m o v e d from u n i p o l a r c o n v e r g e n t Levallois cores with a minority of radial p r e p a r a t i o n . B r o a d - b a s e d Levallois p o i n t s a n d , often, short, thin flakes a n d s o m e blades w e r e all m a d e b y t h e s a m e Levallois r e c u r r e n t m e t h o d . T h e c h i m n e y seems t o h a v e c o n t a i n e d a similar i n d u s t r y a n d n u m e r o u s b o n e s . Jelinek (1973) h a s suggested at t h a t t i m e t h e hole of the c h i m n e y served for t r a p p i n g deer. H u m a n r e m a i n s include a b r o k e n f e m u r in layer E a n d t h e burial o f a w o m a n , t h e e x a c t p r o v e n i e n c e of w h i c h r e m a i n s u n c e r t a i n . I t is traditionally attributed t o layer C b u t could have originated in layer B . A n isolated jaw resembles m o d e r n h u m a n s in t h e Q a f z e h cave, while t h e w o m a n is c o n s i d e r e d to h a v e m o r e r o b u s t features. J a m a l C a v e . G a r r o d believed t h a t t h e Jamal cave w a s e m p t y , b u t in r e c e n t y e a r s , i n t h e course of conservation activities, t h e cave was f o u n d t o c o n t a i n A c h e u l o - Y a b r u d i a n industry in brecciated deposits. It is currently b e i n g exca vated b y M i n a W e i n s t e i n - E v r o n for t h e University of Haifa. S k h u l C a v e . T h e ceiling of Skhul cave, which is located o n t h e n o r t h e r n face of t h e s a m e e s c a r p m e n t in which T a b u n a n d e l - W a d a r e f o u n d , collapsed in prehistoric times, a n d t h e archaeological r e m a i n s are mostly t h e residues of t w o M o u s t e r i a n layers. L a y e r C was f o u n d i n small pockets in t h e b e d r o c k with a small lithic assemblage, mostly a b r a d e d . L a y e r B w a s a b o u t 2 m thick a n d contained t h e r e m a i n s of several M o u s t e r i a n burials. T h e remains of t e n individuals w e r e u n c o v e r e d . T h e best k n o w n are t h e burial of Skhul V , w i t h a pig's m a n d i b l e i n c o r p o r a t e d in t h e grave; Skhul I, t h e skeleton of a n infant; Skhul I V , a semiflexed burial; a n d Skhul I X . T h e skeletal r e m a i n s of this g r o u p served as t h e basis for t h e identification of early m o d e r n h u m a n anatomical characteristics. Stratigraphically, t h e r e m a i n s of t h e Skhul II a n d V s e e m t o b e later t h a n t h e others. T h e lithic i n d u s t r y essentially resembles t h a t of T a b u n C . E S R a n d T L dates indicate a n age in t h e r a n g e of 80,000117,000 years old. L a y e r A c o n t a i n e d s o m e U p p e r P a l e o litliic artifacts. E l - W a d C a v e . A n elongated karstic c o r r i d o r t h a t lies 44.5 m above sea level, t h e E l - W a d cave a n d its terrace were first excavated b y G a r r o d from 1929 t o 1933. I n 1981 t h e terrace was r e e x a m i n e d b y F r a n c o i s R . Valla a n d Ofer Bar-Yosef, a n d from 1988 to 1990 salvage excavations w e r e carried o u t in t h e interior c h a m b e r b y W e i n s t e i n - E v r o n . T h e earlier lay ers w e r e f o u n d only i n t h e cave. L a y e r G contained a late M o u s t e r i a n industry t h a t r e s e m b l e s t h e u p p e r p a r t of t h e T a b u n s e q u e n c e . L a y e r F w a s in p a r t m i x e d , a n d s o m e of
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the artifacts were a b r a d e d b y water. T h e m i x t u r e of tool types, together with E m i r e h points, is related to t h e earliest p h a s e of t h e U p p e r Paleolithic. Layer E contained a L e v antine Aurignacian assemblage with scrapers, carinated a n d n o s e d scrapers, b u r i n s , a n d e l - W a d points. I n addition, seven b o n e a n d antler points were recovered. L a y e r D c o n tained a L e v a n t i n e Aurignacian assemblage ( D 2 a n d D i ) . Carinated a n d n o s e d scrapers, together with ordinary s c r a p ers, are m o s t frequent, with a small n u m b e r of e l - W a d points. L a y e r C w a s characterized b y n u m e r o u s b u r i n s a n d scrapers, originally called t h e A t l i t i a n culture. I n this i n d u s try, the p r o d u c t i o n of flakes is m o r e d o m i n a n t t h a n blades, while n u m e r o u s bladelets were r e m o v e d from carinated cores. L a y e r B c o n t a i n e d t h e remains of a Natufian (c. 1 0 , 0 0 0 8 , 0 0 0 BCE) settlement a n d cemetery a n d covered b o t h t h e frontal c h a m b e r of t h e cave as well as the entire terrace. T h e remains of m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d skeletons w e r e mostly recovered o n t h e terrace, b u t also in the cave. G a r r o d i d e n tified t h e collective burials as typical of t h e Early N a t u f i a n a n d t h e isolated, often flexed burials as L a t e Natufian. I n a few cases, b o d y decorations were found attached t o t h e r e m a i n s (remains of h e a d g e a r , necklaces, belts). M o s t of t h e decorations were m a d e of d e n t a l i u m shells b u t also of b o n e . I n the b e d r o c k of t h e terrace, four m o r t a r s w e r e recovered; n e x t to t h e m G a r r o d identified t h e remains of a terrace wall constructed of large cobbles. T h e lithic industry included n u m e r o u s microliths, a m o n g which lunates w e r e d o m i n a n t . T h e high frequencies of bifacially r e t o u c h e d I i e l w a n lunates is representative of t h e Early Natufian, while subsequently t h e backed lunates are m o r e c o m m o n . O t h e r tool types in clude scrapers, b u r i n s , b o r e r s , a n d awls, as well as m a n y sickle blades. T h e b o n e industry includes points, a few h a r p o o n s and fishhooks, spatulas, a n d sickle hafts, o n e of which was preserved with two blades still adhering. G r o u n d - s t o n e artifacts include pestles, often of basalt, w h i c h w e r e b r o u g h t from t h e Galilee or t h e G o l a n , a n d fragments of bowls a n d portable m o r t a r s . W i t h regard to artistic expression, t h e site is k n o w n for a sickle blade with a carving of a y o u n g u n gulate, a small m o d e l of a h u m a n h e a d in limestone, a n d some schematic h u m a n figurines. Information c o n c e r n i n g subsistence activities was obtained from animal b o n e s , which indicate t h e h u n t i n g of gazelle a n d fallow a n d r o e dear, the t r a p p i n g of b i r d s , and fishing; reptiles w e r e also collected. Pollen spores indicate the importation of b r a n c h e s with flowers of olive and tamarisk; firewood was identified, indicating t h a t t h e cave was occupied d u r i n g spring a n d s u m m e r . C e m e n t u m i n c r e m e n t s of gazelle t e e t h reflect h u n t i n g d u r i n g b o t h w i n t e r a n d s u m m e r , a n d it therefore seems t h a t e l - W a d was a sedentary to semisedentary c a m p site. L a y e r A c o n t a i n e d remains from t h e Neolithic to his torical periods. Also w o r t h n o t i n g is a Hellenistic clay statue of Aphrodite. Since Medieval times, t h e cave h a s b e e n o c cupied mainly b y s h e p h e r d s .
K e b a r a C a v e . L o c a t e d at t h e w e s t e r n e s c a r p m e n t of M t . C a r m e l , t h e K e b a r a cave is a b o u t 13 k m ( 8 mi.) s o u t h of N a h a l M e ' a r o t , at a b o u t 6 0 - 6 5 m a b o v e sea level ( m a p ref erence 1 4 4 2 X 2 1 8 2 ) . T h e first s o u n d i n g n e a r t h e cave e n t r a n c e was m a d e b y M o s h e Stekelis i n 1 9 2 7 (Schick a n d Stekelis, 1 9 7 7 ) . W h i l e excavating t h e caves in W a d i e l - M u g h a r a in 1 9 3 0 , G a r r o d , u n a w a r e of Stekelis's test pit, d u g a small t r e n c h in K e b a r a , w h e r e , below t h e historical deposits, she e n c o u n t e r e d r e m a i n s of t h e N a t u f i a n culture. I n 1 9 3 1 , together with C . A. B a y n e s , F r a n c i s T u r v i l l e - P e t r e exca v a t e d at K e b a r a , revealing a b o u t 3 0 0 sq m of surface area t o a d e p t h of 3 m . Stekelis carried o u t additional excavations from 1 9 5 1 to 1 9 6 5 , a n d a joint project c o o r d i n a t e d b y B a r Yosef a n d B e r n a r d V a n d e r m e e r s c h w a s c o n d u c t e d from 1 9 8 2 to 1 9 9 0 u n d e r t h e auspices of t h e H e b r e w University a n d the F r e n c h M i s s i o n in Jerusalem. T h e c o m b i n e d stra tigraphy, from w h i c h t h e first t h r e e layers w e r e r e m o v e d in their entirety b y T u r v i l l e - P e t r e , follows: Layer A: F r o m t h e B r o n z e A g e t o t h e m o d e r n p e r i o d , layer A w a s a m i x e d s t o n y layer, quite variable in its thickness. Layer B: A b o u t o n e m e t e r thick, layer B c o n t a i n e d a n Early Natufian a s s e m b l a g e with n u m e r o u s b o n e tools, p e n d a n t s , o r n a m e n t s , a n d d e c o r a t e d sickle hafts. T h e lithic a s s e m b l a g e , collected w i t h o u t sieving, i n c l u d e d a p p r o x i m a t e l y five h u n d r e d lunates a n d one t h o u s a n d sickle blades. T u r ville-Petre ( 1 9 3 2 ) also listed a few m o r t a r s a n d pestles a n d a variety of other stone tools, s u c h as shaft straighteners a n d w h e t s t o n e s . A p i t with several b a d l y d a m a g e d N a t u f i a n skel etons was u n c o v e r e d close to t h e cave's e n t r a n c e . Layer C: A microlithic assemblage in layer C ( 2 0 - 4 0 c m thick) serves as t h e type-site for t h e definition of t h e K e b a r a n . T h e d o m i n a n t tool types were t h e obliquely t r u n c a ted b a c k e d bladelet a n d s o m e c u r v e d b a c k e d bladelets. A t t h e rear of t h e cave, s o m e f r a g m e n t a r y c h a r r e d h u m a n r e m a i n s w e r e f o u n d , b u t r e c e n t r a d i o c a r b o n dates o n t h e b o n e s relate t h e m t o t h e Early N a t u f i a n . Layer Di: A L e v a n t i n e A u r i g n a c i a n a s s e m b l a g e d o m i n a t e d by e n d s c r a p e r s , steep (carinated) s c r a p e r s , a n d s o m e b u r i n s , mostly m a d e of flakes, was f o u n d in layer D i . Layer D2: C u r r e n t l y units I—II, layer D 2 w a s similar in its contents t o layer D i ; it h a d a L e v a n t i n e A u r i g n a c i a n a s s e m blage with mainly flake e n d scrapers, steep scrapers ( b o t h n o s e d a n d c a r i n a t e d ) , a few b u r i n s , a n d E l - W a d p o i n t s . T w o b o n e tools w e r e r e c o v e r e d in this layer, o n e a p o i n t w i t h t h e tibia articulation still intact a n d t h e o t h e r a b r o k e n p o i n t w i t h parallel incisions encircling its width. T h e n e w excavations f o u n d a typically A u r i g n a c i a n split b a s e p o i n t a n d p r o v i d e d several r a d i o c a r b o n dates indicating a time s p a n of 3 6 , 0 0 0 2 8 , 0 0 0 years ago. Layer E: C u r r e n t l y units I I - I V , layer E c o n t a i n e d a few M o u s t e r i a n elements, m o s t of w h i c h differ i n their p a t i n a tion from the typical U p p e r Palaeolithic elements. T h e i n dustry is d o m i n a t e d b y blade p r o d u c t i o n ; t h e m a i n tool types are end s c r a p e r s , s o m e steep (carinated) scrapers w i t h
CARMEL CAVES a few b u r i n s , a n d e l - W a d p o i n t s . A series of r a d i o c a r b o n dates ranges f r o m 43,000-36,000 years a g o . Layer F: Originally t e r m e d L e v a l l o i s o - M o u s t e r i a n , layer F r e m a i n e d largely u n t o u c h e d until t h e 1951-1965 Stekelis excavations. T h e U p p e r Palaeolithic layers ( D - E ) contained several h e a r t h s a n d a series of peculiar installations built of limestone slabs laid over small s t o n e s near t h e n o r t h e r n cave wall. T h e M o u s t e r i a n layers w e r e excavated t o varying d e p t h s a n d c o n t a i n e d large quantities of debitage a n d b o n e s . T h e major discovery w a s t h e skeletal r e m a i n s of a b a b y ( e i g h t - n i n e m o n t h s old) f o u n d close t o t h e n o r t h e r n wall a t a level of 6.83-6.90 m . B e d r o c k was r e a c h e d n e a r t h e n o r t h e r n wall in t h e 1 9 8 2 1990 excavations a n d in Stekelis's original s o u n d i n g . U p p e r Paleolithic levels still in place w e r e in t h e s o u t h e r n p o r t i o n of t h e dig a n d were radiometrically d a t e d t o 43,000-28,000 years a g o . I n 1983, t h e excavation in t h e Stekelis d e e p s o u n d i n g u n covered a h u m a n burial. T h e skull is missing, b u t t h e p o s t cranial skeleton is c o m p l e t e . T h i s r o b u s t individual, T L d a t e d t o a b o u t 60,000 years a g o , is i n c l u d e d with t h e other so-called N e a r E a s t e r n N e a n d e r t h a l s . T h e central area w a s c h o s e n for " h o r i z o n t a l " e x c a v a t i o n (exposing everything, leaving it in place for m a p p i n g a n d p h o t o g r a p h y ) . P l o t t e d artifacts a n d b o n e s indicate t h a t t h e h e a r t h s w e r e located t o w a r d t h e e n t r a n c e a n d tire d u m p i n g zones t o w a r d t h e rear of t h e cave. D i a g e n e t i c processes c a u s e d b y intensive water percolation d e s t r o y e d all b o n e s i n t h e s o u t h e r n sector of t h e cave. T h e l o w e r m o s t u n i t is a n a c c u m u l a t i o n of sterile, s a n d y silty deposits (units X V - X I V ) a b o v e t h e u n e v e n b e d r o c k . S u b s i d e n c e into a sinkhole a n d s u b s e q u e n t erosion w e r e fol l o w e d b y s e d i m e n t a t i o n of a depositional a d m i x t u r e created b y intervening activities of b i o g e n i c a n d n a t u r a l agencies. U n i t XIII was t h e first t o a c c u m u l a t e t h e a d m i x t u r e . It c o n tains n u m e r o u s well-delineated h e a r t h s a n d rare artifacts, b u t n o b o n e s . Following a n u n c o n f o r m i t y , u n i t s X I I - V I I a c c u m u l a t e d as a c o n t i n u u m , c o n t a i n i n g ashy deposits, h e a r t h s , b o n e a c c u m u l a t i o n s , isolated h u m a n b o n e s , a h u m a n burial, a n d rich M o u s t e r i a n lithic assemblages. A n a d ditional major event of s u b s i d e n c e in tire sinkhole led t o s l u m p i n g a n d microfaulting of t h e M o u s t e r i a n layers at t h e r e a r of t h e cave, followed b y e r o s i o n a n d b u r r o w i n g . T h u s , t h e cave floor d u r i n g t h e early U p p e r Palaeolithic f o r m e d a basin slanting steeply t o w a r d t h e cave's r e a r wall. C o n t i n u o u s erosion a n d b u r r o w i n g l e d t o t h e m i x e d a c c u m u l a t i o n of U p p e r Paleolithic a n d M o u s t e r i a n artifacts in t h e lower p a r t of this basin. S o m e U p p e r Palaeolithic lithics infiltrated into units V a n d V I , w h i c h primarily c o n t a i n M o u s t e r i a n artifacts, a n d s o m e M o u s t e r i a n e l e m e n t s f o u n d their w a y into u n i t III, primarily U p p e r Palaeolithic. U n i t I V is a t h i n lense; together with u n i t I I , it m a y b e similar t o w h a t T u r ville-Petre (1932) called layer E . L i t h i c studies of t h e M o u s t e r i a n p e r i o d d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t
427
b l a n k p r o d u c t i o n was frequentiy d o n e b y t h e convergent re c u r r e n t Levallois m e t h o d . S h o r t a n d b r o a d - b a s e d Levallois p o i n t s a n d triangular flakes w e r e often t h e e n d p r o d u c t s . D e s p i t e t h e site's proximity t o sources of r a w materials, t h e s e q u e n c e of flake removals was r e p e a t e d until t h e cores were e x h a u s t e d . T h e u p p e r units ( V I I - V I I I ) exhibit a prolifera t i o n of Levallois flakes o b t a i n e d b y unidirectional o r radial r e m o v a l s . R e t o u c h e d pieces in K e b a r a a r e quite rare a n d i n c l u d e a few side scrapers a n d U p p e r Palaeolithic tool types. Levallois points a n d t r i a n g u l a r flakes are rarely r e t o u c h e d b u t bear traces of hafting a n d i m p a c t fractures c a u s e d b y their u s e as projectiles. O t h e r stone tools d e m o n s t r a t e signs of use for w o o d w o r k i n g a n d b u t c h e r y . B o n e a c c u m u l a t i o n s in K e b a r a cave reflect t h e h u n t i n g of gazelle a n d fallow a n d r o e deer a n d t h e gathering of reptiles. C a r b o n i z e d p l a n t remains w e r e mainly of vetch—indicating g a t h e r i n g activities in late spring. F i r e w o o d from the T a b o r oak a n d c o m m o n oak w e r e collected from t h e cave's i m mediate environment. [See also British School of A r c h a e o l o g y in Jerusalem; P a leobotany; Paleozoology; T a b u n ; and the biographies of Garrod, Stekelis, and Turville-Petre.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Arensburg, Baruch. " T h e Hyoid B o n e from the Kebara 2 H o m i n i d . " In Investigations in South I^evantine Prehistory, edited by Ofer BarYosef a n d Bernard Vandermeersch, p p . 3 3 7 - 3 4 2 . British Archaeo logical Reports, International Series, n o . 497. Oxford, 1989. A r e n s b u r g , Baruch, L . A. Schepartz, A. M . Tillier, Bernard Vander meersch, a n d Yoel Rak. " A Reappraisal of the Anatomical Basis for Speech in Middle Palaeolithic H o m i n d s . " American Journal of Phys ical Anthropology S3 (1990): 1 3 7 - 1 4 6 . Bar-Yosef, Ofer, et al. " T h e Excavations in Kebara Cave, M t . C a r m e l . " Currant Anthropology 33,5 ( r 9 9 2 ) : 4 9 7 - 5 5 0 . Bar-Yosef, Ofer. "Middle Paleolithic H u m a n Adaptations in the M e d iterranean Levant." In The Evolution and Dispersal of Modern Hu mans in Asia, edited by T a k e r u Akazawa et al., p p . 1 8 9 - 2 1 6 . T o k y o , 1992. Bar-Yosef, Ofer. " T h e Role of Western Asia in M o d e m H u m a n O r igins." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Series B 3 3 7 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 193-200. Bar-Yosef, Ofer, and Bernard Vandermeersch. Le Squellete Mousterien de Kebara 2. Paris, 1 9 9 1 . Bar-Yosef, Ofer, a n d Bernard Vandermeersch, eds. Le Squelette Mous terien de Kebara 2. Paris, 1 9 9 2 . F a r r a n d , William R. " C h r o n o l o g y and Palaeoenvironment of Levantine Prehistoric Sites as Seen from Sediment Studies." Journal of Ar chaeological Science 6 ( 1 9 7 9 ) : 3 6 9 - 3 9 2 . F a r r a n d , William R. "Confrontation of Geological Stratigraphy a n d Radiometric Dates from U p p e r Pleistocene Sites in the L e v a n t . " In Late Quaternary Chronology and Paleoclimates of the Eastern Mediter ranean, edited by Ofer Bar-Yosef a n d R. K r a , p p . 2 1 - 3 1 . T u c s o n a n d Cambridge, 1994. G a r r o d , D o r o t h y A. E., a n d D o r o t h e a M . A. Bate. The Stone Age of Mount Carmel: Excavations at the Wady al-Mugluira. Oxford, 1937. G a r r o d , D o r o t h y A. E. "Excavations at the M u g h a r e t Kebara, M o u n t Carmel, 1 9 3 1 : T h e Aurignacian Industries." Proceedings of the Pre historic Society 20 ( 1 9 5 4 ) : 1 5 5 - 1 9 2 .
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Meignen, L., a n d Ofer Bar-Yosef. "Variabilite technologique au Proche Orient: L'exemple d e K e b a r a . " In L'homme de Neandertal, edited by Marcel Otte, p p . 8 1 - 9 5 . Etudes et Recherches Archeologiques de l'Universite de Liege, n o . 34. Liege, 1988. Meignen, L . , et al. " L e s structures de combustion mousteriennes d e la grotte de Kebara ( M o n t Carmel, Israel)." In Nature et fonction des foyers prehistoriques: Actes du colloque international de Nemours, 1213-14 mai 1987, edited by M o n i q u e Olive and Yvette T a b o r i n , p p . 1 4 1 - 1 4 6 . Memoires d u M u s e e de Prehistoire d'Ue-de-France, n o . 2. N e m o u r s , 1989. Mercier, N „ H . Valladas, G . Valladas, J.-L. Reyss, Arthur Jelinek, L . Meignen, a n d J.-L. Joron. " T L Dates of Burnt Flints from Jelinek's Excavations at T a b u n a n d T h e i r Implications." Journal of Archaeo logical Science 22 ( 1 9 9 5 ) : 4 9 5 - 5 1 0 . Rak, Yoel, and Baruch Arensburg. " K e b a r a 2 Neanderthal Pelvis: First Look at a Complete Inlet." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 73 (1987): 2 2 7 - 2 3 1 . R o n e n , Avraham. Sefunim Prehistoric Sites, Mount Carmel, Israel. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 230. Oxford, 1984. Schick, T a m a r , a n d M o s h e Stekelis. "Mousterian Assemblages in K e bara Cave, M o u n t C a r m e l . " In Moshe Stekelis Memorial Volume, ed ited by Baruch Arensburg a n d Ofer Bar-Yosef, p p . 9 7 - 1 5 0 . EretzIsrael, vol. 13. Jerusalem, 1 9 7 7 . Smith, Patricia a n d Baruch Arensburg. " A Mousterian Skeleton from Kebara C a v e . " I n Moshe Stekelis Memorial Volume, edited by Baruch Arensburg a n d Ofer Bar-Yosef, p p . 1 6 4 - 1 7 6 . Eretz Israel, vol. 1 3 . Jerusalem, 1 9 7 7 . Smith, Patricia, a n d A. M . Tillier. "Additional Infant Remains from the Mousterian Strate, Kebara Cave (Israel)." I n Investigations in South Levantine Prehistory, edited b y Ofer Bar-Yosef a n d Bernard Vandermeersch, p p . 3 2 3 - 3 3 5 . British Archaeological Reports, Inter national Series, vol. 497. Oxford, 1989.
OFER BAR-YOSEF
CARTER, HOWARD
(1873-1939), English Egyptol
ogist, discover of T u t a n k h a m u n ' s t o m b . T r a i n e d in d r a w i n g a n d p a i n t i n g b y his father, C a r t e r w a s i n t r o d u c e d to E g y p tology b y a c o i n c i d e n c e . I n 1891, while visiting t h e r e n o w n e d collections of p a i n t i n g s a n d E g y p t i a n a n t i q u i t i e s of L o r d a n d L a d y A m h e r s t a t D i d l i n g t o n H a l l , t h e i r h o m e in B r a n d o n , N o r f o l k , n o t far f r o m t h e C a r t e r r e s i d e n c e in
Swaffham,
b o t h father a n d s o n w e r e i n t r o d u c e d t o t h e E g y p t o l o g i s t Percy Edward Newberry. Subsequently Lady Amherst rec o m m e n d e d y o u n g H o w a r d to the E g y p t Exploration F u n d i n L o n d o n , w h i c h s p o n s o r e d a r c h a e o l o g i c a l w o r k in E g y p t . T h u s , at t h e y o u n g age of s e v e n t e e n , C a r t e r f o u n d h i m s e l f i n E g y p t e m p l o y e d as a d r a f t s m a n for N e w b e r r y ' s w o r k in d i e d e c o r a t e d t o m b s a n d Beni H a s a n . F o l l o w i n g N e w b e r r y ' s m e t h o d of facsimile r e c o r d i n g , C a r t e r h u n g s h e e t s of t r a c i n g p a p e r o n t h e walls directiy over t h e d e c o r a t e d surfaces in o r d e r to t r a c e i n p e n c i l w h a t w a s visible. I n time C a r t e r d e v i s e d his o w n t e c h n i q u e , w h i c h in his o w n w o r d s " c r e a t e d scientifically e x a c t i n g facsimile(s) f r o m t h e originals w i t h a free a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g h a n d " ( q u o t e d in J a m e s , 1992, p . 22). C a r t e r ' s later w a t e r c o l o r s , w h i c h w e r e m a d e for t h e tourist trade, c o m m a n d respectable prices w h e n occasion ally offered o n t h e a r t m a r k e t . C a r t e r l e a r n e d as m u c h a b o u t all a s p e c t s of E g y p t o l o g y
T c h e r n o v , Eitan. " T h e Biostratigraphy of the L e v a n t . " I n Prehistoire du Levant: Chranologie et organisation de I'espace depuis les origines jusqu'au Vie millenaire, edited by Jacques Cauvin and P a u l Sanlaville, pp. 6 7 - 9 7 . Paris, 1 9 8 1 .
h e w a s a p p o i n t e d chief i n s p e c t o r of a n t i q u i t i e s (or a r c h a e
T c h e r n o v , Eitan. "Biochronology of the Middle Paleolithic a n d D i s persal Events of H o m i n i d s in the Levant." In L'homme de Neandertal, edited by Marcel Otte, p p . 1 5 3 - 1 6 8 . Etudes et Recherches A r c h e o logiques de l'Universite de Liege, n o . 34. Liege, 1988.
near-fatal a u t o m o b i l e a c c i d e n t , p e r h a p s b y G a s t o n M a s -
T c h e r n o v , Eitan. "Biological Evidence for H u m a n Sedentism in S o u t h west Asia during t h e Natufian." I n The Natufian Culture in the Le
as p o s s i b l e . H i s p e r s e v e r a n c e w a s r e w a r d e d i n 1900 w h e n
ologist) for U p p e r E g y p t . I n time h e w a s i n t r o d u c e d t o L o r d C a r n a r v o n , w h o h a d c o m e t o E g y p t t o c o n v a l e s c e after a
p e r o , t h e t h e n h e a d of t h e E g y p t i a n A n t i q u i t i e s O r g a n i z a tion.
From
that
moment
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1908
on
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a
p a r t n e r s h i p , e x c a v a t i n g sites i n T h e b e s u n t i l t h a t fateful d a y ,
CARTHAGE 26 N o v e m b e r 1922, w h e n C a r t e r p e e r e d t h r o u g h a small hole in w h a t p r o v e d t o b e K i n g T u t a n k h a m u n ' s t r e a s u r e l a d e n t o m b , a n d replied t o C a r n a r v o n ' s q u e r y a b o u t w h e t h e r h e could see a n y t h i n g with, " Y e s , wonderful tilings." S u b sequently political m a n e u v e r i n g a n d d i s p u t e s b e t w e e n C a r ter a n d various officials c a u s e d h i m p e r s o n a l p a i n t h a t m i t igated t h e success h e n o w enjoyed. I n fact, his life as a n Egyptologist h a s b e e n c h a r a c t e r i z e d as a " s a d s u c c e s s . " BIBLIOGRAPHY James, T . G. H . Howard Carter: The Path to Tutankhamun. London, 1 9 9 2 . Sober account with copious notes. Reeves, Nicholas. The Complete Tutankhamun: The King, The Tomb, The Royal Treasure. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 0 . Brief discussion of Carter's ca reer. Profusely illustrated narrative a b o u t the discovery of the t o m b . Reeves, Nicholas, and J o h n H . T a y l o r . Howard Carter before Tutank hamun. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 2 . T h o r o u g h account of Carter's early career. Contains m a n y illustrations. ROBERT STEVEN BIANCHI
C A R T H A G E , city o n t h e N o r t h African coast, n o w a s u b u r b of T u n i s (36°5i' N , io°2o' E ) , f o u n d e d a r o u n d t h e e n d of t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE b y settlers from T y r e , w h o called it Q a r t H a d a s h t ( " n e w t o w n " ) . C e n t u r i e s later, T y r e in P h o e n i c i a w a s still h o n o r e d as t h e m o t h e r city, its gods receiving from C a r t h a g e a n a n n u a l offering of t h e first fruits (Polybius, 31.12). T h e P h o e n i c i a n ancestry of Cartilage is reflected i n t h e L a t i n t e r m Punicus, w h i c h is a n adjectival derivation from t h e G r e e k for " P h o e n i c i a n . " T h e designa tion Punic describes a n y t h i n g p e r t a i n i n g t o C a r t h a g e . T h e traditional date for t h e f o u n d a t i o n , 814/13 BCE, thirtyeight years before t h e first O l y m p i c g a m e s , goes b a c k at least to T i m a e u s , a Sicilian G r e e k w h o w r o t e in t h e tiiird c e n t u r y BCE. I n t h e n e x t c e n t u r y M e n a n d e r of E p h e s u s , w h o h a d access t o P h o e n i c i a n s o u r c e s , gives a similar date. Cicero a n d other L a t i n writers follow d i e s a m e tradition, w h i c h r e c e n t excavations t e n d t o confirm. A variant t h a t sets t h e f o u n d a t i o n before t h e T r o j a n W a r m u s t b e rejected. S o u r c e s a n d E a r l y H i s t o r y . N o P u n i c literature sur vives, t h e city's libraries h a v i n g b e e n d i s p e r s e d w h e n C a r t h a g e w a s taken b y t h e R o m a n s (Pliny, Natural History 18.22). T h e r e is material i n t h e works of m o r e t h a n forty G r e e k o r L a t i n writers, b u t t h e s e sources m u s t b e t r e a t e d with skepticism. Polybius, o n e of o u r fullest sources, w h o h a d traveled i n Africa a n d w a s p r e s e n t at t h e sack of C a r t h a g e in 146, is overtiy p r o - R o m a n a n d m e n t i o n s G r e e k h i s torians w h o w r o t e f r o m a C a r t h a g i n i a n s t a n d p o i n t only to dismiss t h e m as worthless (Polybius, 3.20). T h e C a r t h a g i n ians, h e says, a r e a s h a m e d of n o t h i n g if it makes m o n e y (6.56), a n d P l u t a r c h calls t h e m h a r s h a n d gloomy, caring n o t h i n g for p l e a s u r e o r t h e arts (Moralia 799D). S u c h n e g ative stereotypes h a v e b e e n a c c e p t e d uncritically all t o o of ten. Classical writers a r e also often negative a n d ill-informed
429
a b o u t t h e Jews or Syrians as well. F o r t h e Greeks a n d R o m a n s , p e o p l e s of Semitic c u l t u r e were " t h e o t h e r . " P u n i c inscriptions, however, survive in s o m e quantity. C a r t h a g e itself has yielded m o r e t h a n six t h o u s a n d , a n d o n e t h o u s a n d m o r e c o m e from o t h e r sites in Africa or elsewhere in t h e w e s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n . M o s t are merely s t a n d a r d formulae, s u c h as votive o r funerary inscriptions a n d d o c u m e n t s r e g a r d i n g sacrifice a n d religious cult, b u t t h e y give u s m o r e t h a n five h u n d r e d p e r s o n a l n a m e s , plus n a m e s of magistracies, t r a d e s , a n d professions. Otherwise little his torical information can b e g l e a n e d from t h e m , a n d w h e n it c o m e s t o t h e longer texts, t h e r e is often considerable dispute a m o n g experts as t o t h e m e a n i n g , b e c a u s e t h e P u n i c lan g u a g e is n o t perfectly u n d e r s t o o d . T e x t s in P u n i c or in t h e later script k n o w n as " n e o - P u n i c " c o n t i n u e into t h e R o m a n period. A t t e m p t s to r e c o n s t r u c t t h e f o r m of g o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e internal politics of C a r t h a g e f r o m this literary a n d epigraphic material a r e very h a z a r d o u s , especially for t h e early c e n t u ries. W h e t h e r t h e r e w e r e ldngs in C a r t h a g e ' s early years is hotly d i s p u t e d . Oligarchic factions subsequently disputed t h e p o w e r , a n d the literary t r a d i t i o n suggests t h a t the leading families w e r e successively t h e M a g o n i d s , t h e H a n n o n i d s , a n d t h e B a r c i d s , f o u n d e d b y H a m i l c a r Barca, father of t h e great H a n n i b a l , b u t again t h e family n a m e s a n d die dynastic c o n c e p t m a y o w e s o m e t h i n g t o t h e G r e e k historiographic tradition. C a r t h a g e h a d extensive t r a d i n g interests in t h e w e s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n a n d b e y o n d a n d fought t o d e f e n d t h e m . W e t h u s find C a r t h a g e in t h e early sixth c e n t u r y unsuccessfully contesting t h e f o u n d a t i o n of a P h o c a e a n colony at w h a t is n o w Marseilles ( T h u c y d i d e s , 1.13), b u t s u c c e e d i n g a r o u n d 535 in alliance with t h e E t r u s c a n s i n driving d i e P h o c a e a n s from their C o r s i c a n base at Alalia ( H e r o d o t u s , 1.166). B y the fourth c e n t u r y C a r t h a g e w a s a major p o w e r , striking gold a n d silver coinage, i m p o r t i n g pottery a n d luxury goods from G r e e c e , a n d e x p o r t i n g h e r o w n m a n u f a c t u r e d goods a n d agricultural surpluses ( h e r agricultural expertise was fa m o u s ) . P u n i c a m p h o r a e of t h e fourth a n d still m o r e the third c e n t u r y a r e particularly c o m m o n in S p a i n a n d southern It aly. P u n i c vessels sailed d o w n t h e w e s t coast of Africa, t h o u g h h o w far they r e a c h e d is m u c h d i s p u t e d , as well as n o r t h w a r d , p e r h a p s as far as Britain. T r e a t i e s b e t w e e n C a r t h a g e a n d R o m e i n 509/08 (Polybius, 3.22) a n d o n subse q u e n t occasions recognized t h e two cities' respective spheres of interest, b u t R o m e ' s e x p a n s i o n eventually b r o u g h t t h e m into conflict over Sicily a n d t h e t h r e e P u n i c W a r s (264-241, 21.8-202,149-146), so n a m e d from t h e R o m a n s t a n d p o i n t , e n d e d w i t h t h e total destruction of C a r t h a g e , w h o s e site thereafter lay a b a n d o n e d for over a century. Archaeological Evidence a n d Topography. T h e urban d e v e l o p m e n t of Cartilage d o w n t o 146 c a n b e traced f r o m well over a century of archaeological excavation, c u l m i n a t -
430
CARTHAGE
ing since 1972 in t h e UNESCO-sponsored Save C a r t h a g e c a m paign, described below. Excavations have n o w s h o w n t h a t t h e earliest city lay b e t w e e n t h e Byrsa hill a n d t h e sea, w h e r e t h e o c c u p a t i o n s e q u e n c e goes b a c k to at least the first q u a r ter of t h e eighth century, dated by i m p o r t e d E u b o e a n p o t tery. T h e Byrsa a n d adjacent hills were first u s e d as c e m e teries, b u t in fourth century the Byrsa b e c a m e a n industrial z o n e with extensive metal-working operations, a n d from t h e e n d of the third c e n t u r y it was a residential area. E x c a v a t i o n corroborates A p p i a n ' s a c c o u n t (Punka 96,128) of t h e steep streets d e s c e n d i n g from t h e Byrsa t o w a r d t h e p o r t s , w h i c h comprised a circular inner h a r b o r for warships with a n is l a n d in t h e center a n d ship sheds all a r o u n d , a n d an outer, rectangular, c o m m e r c i a l harbor. T h e latest r e p o r t s ascribe t h e construction of t h e h a r b o r s to the s e c o n d c e n t u r y , in flagrant violation of the p e a c e treaty at t h e e n d of t h e S e c o n d P u n i c W a r . T h e original p o r t of C a r t h a g e m u s t p r e s u m a b l y have been within w h a t is n o w the L a k e of T u n i s , t h e n m u c h m o r e extensive. R e l i g i o n . Alongside t h e commercial h a r b o r lay t h e reli gious precinct k n o w n t o d a y as the tophet, b y analogy with t h e Old T e s t a m e n t site in t h e valley of H i n n o m (Jer. 7 3 1 32). H e r e were f o u n d u r n s dating from the seventh c e n t u r y o n w a r d , containing t h e c r e m a t e d r e m a i n s of b a b i e s , small children, a n d animals, a n d steles referring to sacrifice (molk) a n d dedicated to t h e g o d d e s s T a n n i t ("face of B a a l " ) a n d h e r consort, Baal H a m m o n . M o s t scholars see this material as corroborating w h a t t h e literary sources attest—that t h e Carthaginians p r a c t i c e d infant sacrifice, which a c c o r d i n g t o Tertullian (Apology 9.2) c o n t i n u e d clandestinely even into the R o m a n p e r i o d . Child sacrifice was certainly p r a c t i c e d by t h e P h o e n i c i a n s , as t h e H e b r e w Bible makes clear (e.g., Jer. 19:5, references assembled b y B r o w n , 1991, p p . 27-29), a n d a t t e m p t s t o explain away t h e evidence a n d t o i n t e r p r e t the tophet as a c e m e t e r y for children w h o died naturally d o n o t carry conviction. T h i s aspect of P u n i c culture s h o c k e d Greeks a n d R o m a n writers, w h o m a y b e s u s p e c t e d of piling o n t h e h o r r o r , a l t h o u g h t h e s a m e writers accepted c o m p l a cently the G r e c o - R o m a n practice of exposing u n w a n t e d i n fants to die o n d u n g h e a p s . Baal H a m m o n is frequently celebrated in t h e o p h o r i c p e r sonal n a m e s like H a n n i b a l a n d H a s d r u b a l ; h e w a s identified in t h e R o m a n p e r i o d with S a t u r n , as was T a n n i t w i t h J u n o , a n d his cult is widely attested. O t h e r divinities of P u n i c C a r thage include A s h t a r t (Astarte), h e r e s u b o r d i n a t e to T a n i t , a n d E s h m u n , identified with t h e G r e e k Asclepius, g o d of healing, whose t e m p l e c r o w n e d t h e Byrsa a n d w a s t h e site of t h e final P u n i c s t a n d in 146; b o t h a p p e a r i n t h e o p h o r i c n a m e s , as in a dedication from t h e tophet b y B o d a s h t a r t , son of A b d e s b m o u n . Inscriptions m e n t i o n M e l q a r t , t h e p a t r o n deity of T y r e , S h a d r a p a , Sid, Sakon, a n d R a s a p ( R e s h e p h ) a n d attest t h e p r e p o n d e r a n t role of sacrifice in w o r s h i p . T h e terminology often recalls drat of t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t , b u t p a r allels m u s t n o t b e p u s h e d t o o far. [See Cult.]
A r t . P u n i c a r t h a s generally b e e n d i s m i s s e d as u n i m a g inative, unoriginal, a n d just plain b a d . N o t h i n g could b e m o r e totally d a m n i n g t h a n M . P . C h a r l e s w o r t h ' s a c c o u n t in t h e original Cambridge Ancient History (vol. 8, 1930, p p . 484-494) c o n c l u d i n g , " I t is h a r d to n a m e a n y t h i n g w h i c h m a n k i n d can b e said t o o w e to C a r t h a g e . " A reappraisal, however, is long o v e r d u e . T w o magnificent statues of a s o called priest a n d priestess o n s a r c o p h a g u s lids in t h e C a r t h a g e M u s e u m reveal a synthesis of E g y p t i a n , Hellenistic, a n d local elements t h a t c a n n o t b e dismissed as merely i m i tative. T y p i c a l l y a n d w i t h o u t evidence, earlier scholars p r o n o u n c e d t h e m as t h e w o r k of G r e e k i m m i g r a n t s ! S o m e ste lae are very fine, t h o u g h m o s t are r o u g h w o r k , t h e local s a n d s t o n e did n o t l e n d itself t o s c u l p t u r e . A p o t r o p a i c ( p r o tective) m a s k s a n d p e n d a n t s of h u m a n h e a d s s h o w great vigour. B o n e a n d ivory, glass, a n d m e t a l w a r e r e a c h e d a h i g h s t a n d a r d , a n d P u n i c furniture was r e n o w n e d . T h e s w a n necked, so-called razors f o u n d in t o m b s are m o s t elegantly engraved, a n d P u n i c jewelry is magnificent. C a r t h a g e a d a p t e d G r e e k a n d E g y p t i a n m o d e l s t o serve h e r o w n n e e d s a n d values, as d i d R o m e later. F o u n d a t i o n o f t h e R o m a n C o l o n y . F o r a c e n t u r y after t h e destruction of C a r t h a g e in 146, BCE, n e i g h b o r i n g U t i c a served as capital of t h e n e w R o m a n p r o v i n c e of Africa. C a r thage w a s a b a n d o n e d , a l t h o u g h the story t h a t t h e site w a s s o w n with salt w a s a p p a r e n t l y i n v e n t e d for t h e Cambridge Ancient History (vol. 8, 1930, p . 484). L i t e r a r y sources a s cribe to G a i u s G r a c c h u s t h e project of f o u n d i n g a c o l o n y in 122, b u t there is n o evidence of u r b a n settlement, t h o u g h G r a c c h u s is p r o b a b l y responsible for t h e R o m a n division of t h e C a r t h a g e p e n i n s u l a into u n i t s of t w o h u n d r e d iugera, which survives in t h e m o d e r n field b o u n d a r i e s . C a e s a r r e vived t h e idea of a colony, b u t it w a s p r o b a b l y A u g u s t u s w h o realized it, laying o u t a street grid parallel to t h e coast a n d leveling t h e s u m m i t of t h e Byrsa t o create a r e c t a n g u l a r esplanade, b u i l d i n g massive retaining walls a r o u n d it, a n d covering the late P u n i c h o u s e s o n its slopes b e n e a t h m a n y meters of fill. A peculiarity of t h e grid w a s t h a t t h e blocks were four times as l o n g from n o r t h t o s o u t h as from east to west. I n the fiat g r o u n d b e t w e e n t h e Byrsa a n d t h e coast, t h e orientation was t h a t of t h e late P u n i c city, a n d elements of this, s u c h as t h e cisterns, w e r e r e u s e d in R o m a n s t r u c tures. Public buildings. O f t h e city u n d e r A u g u s t u s a n d in t h e first c e n m r y CE archaeology tells us little. N o n e of t h e great public buildings in its p r e s e n t f o r m goes b a c k t h a t far, t h o u g h a n earlier p h a s e is n o t e x c l u d e d . T h e a m p h i t h e a t e r has b e e n ascribed to t h e late first or early s e c o n d c e n t u r y , t h e circus was given m o n u m e n t a l f o r m in t h e A n t o n i n e p e riod, a n d t h e t o p of t h e Byrsa w a s also r e b u i l t u n d e r A n t o n i n u s P i u s . B o t h t h e A n t o n i n e basilica o n t h e Byrsa a n d t h e circus are the largest of their k i n d o u t s i d e R o m e . T h e t h e a t e r goes b a c k to t h e early s e c o n d c e n t u r y a n d m a y b e earlier,
CARTHAGE a n d t h e n e i g h b o r i n g O d e o n , t h e largest i n t h e w h o l e R o m a n world, is d e s c r i b e d as n e w in t h e early t h i r d c e n t u r y ( T e r tullian, On the Resurrection of the Dead, 42.8). I n P u n i c times, t h e w h o l e O d e o n hill h a d b e e n a c e m e t e r y . T h e vast A n t o n ine B a t h s o n t h e seashore take their n a m e from a n inscrip tion t h a t p r o b a b l y r e c o r d s A n t o n i n u s ' s c o m p l e t i o n or refur bishing of b a t h s started b y H a d r i a n . T o s u p p l y these b a t h s H a d r i a n h a d c o m m i s s i o n e d t h e a q u e d u c t t h a t b r o u g h t to C a r t h a g e t h e waters f r o m Jebel Z a g h o u a n . T h i s a q u e d u c t is o n e of t h e greatest works of R o m a n e n gineering. I t is over 90 k m (56 m i . ) i n l e n g t h f r o m its s o u r c e at Z a g h o u a n a n d falls almost 265 m (870 ft.) to t h e cisterns o n t h e hill of Bordj D j e d i d i n C a r t h a g e , w h i c h supply t h e A n t o n i n e B a t h s . I t loses nearly half this height, however, i n t h e first 6 Ion (3.7 m i . ) as it d e s c e n d s rapidly to t h e plain of d i e O u e d M i l i a n e at M o g h r a n e , w h e r e it is joined by a n o t h e r b r a n c h , possibly of S e v e r a n d a t e , c o m i n g from Ain D j o u k a r m o r e t h a n 33 Ion (20.5 mi.) away. T h e r e a f t e r from M o g h r a n e t o Bordj D j e d i d t h e a q u e d u c t c h a n n e l falls only 127.93 m (419.7 ft.) in 84.418 k m (52.34 m i . ) , a g r a d i e n t of .15 p e r c e n t , a n d its capacity h a s b e e n calculated at 370 1 (98 gal.) p e r s e c o n d . W h e r e it enters t h e city, t h e a q u e d u c t b i furcates, o n e b r a n c h feeding eighteen cisterns at Bordj D j e d i d , t h e o t h e r t w e n t y - f o u r a t L a M a l g a , e a c h s o m e 102 (335 ft-) l ° g d 7 4 0 m (24.3 ft.) wide. m
n
a n
Christianity and culture. B y t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE, only Alexandria rivaled C a r t h a g e as t h e e m p i r e ' s largest a n d wealthiest city after R o m e . I t w a s b e g i n n i n g to b e a center of Christianity a n d p r o d u c e d s o m e notable m a r t y r s . W h e n t h e serious p e r s e c u t i o n s of t h e third c e n t u r y b e g a n , t h e whole of Africa was divided o n h o w to r e s p o n d . O n e result w a s t h e D o n a t i s t m o v e m e n t , rigorist a n d intransigent on doctrinal m a t t e r s , a n d at d i e s a m e time a m o v e m e n t of social p r o t e s t , p o o r against rich a n d c o u n t r y against t o w n ( F r e n d , 1952). C a r t h a g e lay a t t h e h e a r t of t h e controversy, a n d w a s split b e t w e e n t h e t w o parties. W h e n t h e e m p e r o r C o n s t a n tine himself a d o p t e d Christianity in 312, b o t h D o n a t i s t s a n d Catholics b e g a n to build, a n d Cartilage a c q u i r e d its first b a silicas a n d o t h e r Christian b u i l d i n g s , s u c h as t h e late fourth c e n t u r y m a r t y r i u m o n t h e O d e o n hill. A t t h e s a m e time, Cartilage w a s a n intellectual center, sec o n d only to R o m e i n t h e L a t i n - s p e a k i n g W e s t , T h e works of T e r t u l l i a n a n d A p u l e i u s i n t h e late s e c o n d c e n t u r y give s o m e of t h e flavor. I n t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y , A u g u s t i n e n a t u rally gravitates t h e r e from a small t o w n i n the interior a n d finds his intellectual milieu. H e also finds it a city of l u x u r y a n d pleasure: " t h e r e seethed a b o u t m e a c a u l d r o n of u n h o l y l u s t s " (Confessions 3.1). H i s s u b s e q u e n t career led h i m t o Italy, w h e r e h e c o n v e r t e d t o Christianity, t h e n r e t u r n i n g t o Africa to find himself b i s h o p of H i p p o ( A n n a b a ) f r o m 395 until his d e a t h i n 430. A u g u s t i n e s p e n t half t h e year in C a r t h a g e battling for t h e faith, t h e o u t s t a n d i n g personality, a n d intellect of t h e Catholic c h u r c h i n Africa. .
431
V a n d a l a n d B y z a n t i n e C a r t h a g e . B y t h e e n d of t h e fourth c e n t u r y , t h e R o m a n E m p i r e i n t h e W e s t w a s falling apart. I n 410 t h e G o t h s sacked R o m e . Africa, p r o t e c t e d by the M e d i t e r r a n e a n , received refugees, b u t t h e remission was short-lived. T h e V a n d a l s c r o s s e d t h e Straits of Gibraltar in 429, s w e p t along t h e coast, besieged H i p p o as A u g u s t i n e lay d y i n g within t h e walls, a n d finally t o o k C a r t h a g e in 439, d e spite t h e so-called T h e o d o s i a n Wall, w h i c h h a d b e e n built a r o u n d t h e city a b o u t 425 in anticipation of t h e attack. T h e V a n d a l king o c c u p i e d t h e p r o c o n s u l ' s palace o n t h e Byrsa hill, a n d V a n d a l notables took over t h e g r a n d h o u s e s on t h e s e a w a r d slope of t h e O d e o n hill. S o m e p u b l i c buildings were allegedly d e s t r o y e d (Victor Vitensis in J.-P. M i g n e , Patrologia Latina, Paris, 1862, vol. 58, col. 184), a n d archaeology suggests t h a t , a l t h o u g h t h e r e was n o s u d d e n d r a m a t i c c h a n g e in t h e city's c o n d i t i o n , within a generation its t r a d e a n d prosperity h a d fallen off a n d soon t h e outlying p a r t s of t h e city w e r e being a b a n d o n e d . T h e T h e o d o s i a n Wall was also allowed t o fall into disre pair, a n d in 533 t h e B y z a n t i n e general Belisarius c a p t u r e d t h e city with n o great difficulty, repairing t h e wall thereafter. E c o n o m i c r e c o v e r y a n d n e w b u i l d i n g e n s u e d u n d e r Byz antine rule, b u t little less t h a n a c e n t u r y later t h e first A r a b invasions culminated in t h e b a t t l e of Sbeitla (647), in w h i c h the g o v e r n o r G r e g o r y fell, T h e A r a b s d e p a r t e d for a time, b u t their f o u n d a t i o n of K a i r o u a n ( Q a y r a w a n ) in 670 s y m bolized their intention to stay, a n d a r o u n d this time t h e r e o c c u p a t i o n of areas of C a r t h a g e t h a t h a d earlier b e e n a b a n d o n e d m a y b e t o k e n t h e arrival of refugees seeking t h e security of t h e city. If so, it was in vain, b e c a u s e C a r t h a g e fell to t h e A r a b s in 695, a n d after a rebellion it was r e t a k e n a n d d e s t r o y e d in 698. T h e site m a y n o t h a v e b e e n c o m pletely a b a n d o n e d , b u t o r g a n i z e d u r b a n life ceased, a n d T u nis r e p l a c e d C a r t h a g e , s u b s e q u e n d y b e c o m i n g the capital of Ifriqiya, t h e former R o m a n Africa, m o d e r n T u n i s i a . Destruction of C a r t h a g e in Middle Ages a n d History i n M o d e r n T i m e s . C a r t h a g e b e c a m e a stone quarry. B e cause t h e r e is n o g o o d b u i l d i n g s t o n e o n t h e peninsula, m u c h of t h e R o m a n stone w a s either limestone from t h e Jebel Z a g h o u a n region or s a n d s t o n e b r o u g h t b y sea from t h e quarries at El H a o u a r i a o n t h e tip of C a p B o n . It w a s easier to " r e c y c l e " R o m a n stone t h a n to b r i n g in m o r e , C a r t h a g e s u p p l i e d d i e c o l u m n s a n d capitals for t h e Z a y t o u n a M o s q u e in T u n i s a n d t h e g r e a t blocks of t h e fort of Charles V at L a G o u l e t t e g u a r d i n g t h e e n t r a n c e to t h e L a k e of T u n i s . S t o n e w a s also e x p o r t e d : al-Idrisi in t h e twelfth c e n t u r y says t h a t n o b o a t left Cartilage w i t h o u t a cargo of s t o n e , a n d m a r b l e s were s h i p p e d from C a r t h a g e to b u i l d t h e cathedrals of Pisa a n d G e n o a . M e m o i r s a n d archaeological a c c o u n t s right u p to W o r l d W a r II speak of s t o n e - r o b b i n g as a n h o n o r a b l e local profession n o r is it y e t totally extinct. It is t o b e h o p e d t h a t r e c e n t legislation a n d t h e establishment of a national archaeological p a r k will save w h a t r e m a i n s .
432
CARTHAGE
T h e U N E S C O " S a v e C a r t h a g e " C a m p a i g n . T h e site of C a r t h a g e was virtually u n i n h a b i t e d in the nineteenth c e n t u r y , b u t construction of a s u b u r b a n railway along t h e coast from T u n i s to L a M a r s a in 1907 o p e n e d it u p for develop m e n t , which increased after i n d e p e n d e n c e in 1956. By 1972 t h e danger that t h e site m i g h t b e c o m e totally built over led t h e T u n i s i a n authorities t o launch a n international c a m p a i g n of excavation a n d conservation u n d e r the p a t r o n a g e of UNESCO before it was t o o late. A b o u t a dozen countries took p a r t , a n d t h e results have b e e n s u m m a r i z e d in a v o l u m e of articles (see E n n a b l i , 1992). T h e c a m p a i g n officially closed in 1992, a n d a l t h o u g h excavation continues, the e m p h a s i s is n o w m o r e o n conservation a n d t h e creation of an archaeo logical park. T h e c a m p a i g n a d d e d m o r e to o u r knowledge of P u n i c C a r t h a g e a n d of late R o m a n , V a n d a l , a n d Byzantine C a r thage t h a n to tiiat of t h e early empire. F o r t h e P u n i c period, t h e G e r m a n excavations at a n u m b e r of points b e t w e e n the Byrsa hill a n d t h e sea revealed the original P u n i c settlement, going b a c k at least to t h e first quarter of t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE; the F r e n c h laid b a r e several blocks of late P u n i c h o u s i n g o n t h e Byrsa itself, overlying an earlier industrial quarter, a n d preserved u n d e r later R o m a n fill; a n d British a n d A m e r ican teams excavated in the area of the P u n i c p o r t s , b a c k e d u p by geophysical prospection and u n d e r w a t e r exploration along the coast, while t h e A m e r i c a n s also excavated in t h e tophet. T h e British a n d G e r m a n excavations also cast light o n t h e early R o m a n period, a n d a s e c o n d F r e n c h t e a m w o r k e d o u t t h e t o p o g r a p h y of t h e m o n u m e n t a l first- a n d s e c o n d - c e n t u r y forum o n the s u m m i t of d i e Byrsa. T h e A m e r i c a n s helped clarify t h e history of t h e circus, following geophysical prospection by a Polish t e a m , a n d t h e Italians in t h e n o r t h west a n d C a n a d i a n s in t h e n o r t h e a s t of t h e city a d d e d to o u r knowledge of t h e u r b a n t o p o g r a p h y . A second British t e a m carried out a n u m b e r of rescue excavations a n d m a d e o b servations d u r i n g t h e construction of a n e w sewage system. M o s t of t h e great m o n u m e n t s of t h e early e m p i r e , however, h a d been excavated long ago, like the a m p h i t h e a t e r , t h e tiieater, the O d e o n , t h e vast cisterns at L a M a l g a a n d Bordj Djedid, a n d the A n t o n i n e b a t h s , along witii t h e h o u s e s o n the east slope of t h e O d e o n hill, a n d m u c h of t h e information that they m i g h t h a v e yielded to m o d e r n excavation t e c h niques is lost forever. F r o m later periods a n u m b e r of Christian basilicas a n d their adjacent cemeteries, previously excavated at least in part, were reinvestigated, a n d d i e A m e r i c a n s also d u g a m a jor Byzantine cemetery b e h i n d t h e circus a n d one of t h e Vandal p e r i o d just outside t h e city to t h e northwest. G e r m a n s studied t h e enigmatic u n d e r g r o u n d structure k n o w n only as die K o b b a t B e n t el R e y , dating from t h e early fourth century, a n d a C a n a d i a n t e a m showed the " C i r c u l a r M o n u m e n t " west of t h e theater to b e a Christian memoria of t h e later fourth century. A University of M i c h i g a n t e a m exca
vated an ecclesiastical c o m p l e x linked to a basilica in t h e southeast sector of the city a n d built a n e x e m p l a r y site m u s e u m to display tiieir results. T h e S w e d e s excavated a h o u s e w i t h a b a t h c o m p l e x at t h e foot of t h e Byrsa a n d t h e D a n e s a late R o m a n villa on t h e coast in t h e e x t r e m e n o r t h e a s t of t h e city. T h e British, A m e r i c a n s , Italians, a n d C a n a d i a n s all excavated stretches of t h e T h e o d o s i a n Wall, built a r o u n d 425 in anticipation of t h e V a n d a l invasion, a n d t h e C a n a dians a n d D a n e s in d i e n o r t h e a s t , like t h e M i c h i g a n t e a m in t h e southeast, f o u n d evidence of s q u a t t e r o c c u p a t i o n in t h e final years before t h e A r a b c a p t u r e of t h e city in 695. T h i s s u m m a r y necessarily omits m u c h , a n d particularly t h e T u n i s i a n c o n t r i b u t i o n in n u m e r o u s r e s c u e excavations, b u t it indicates h o w i m p o r t a n t t h e UNESCO c a m p a i g n has b e e n , utterly t r a n s f o r m i n g o u r k n o w l e d g e of t h e city, al t h o u g h a d d i n g little to its history in t h e A r a b p e r i o d , w h e n pottery suggests t h a t it w a s largely b u t n o t completely a b a n doned. [See also P h o e n i c i a n - P u n i c ; and Phoenicians.] BIBLIOGRAPHY T h e best known Greek a n d Latin writers are available in die L o e b series, published b y H a r v a r d University Press, with the original text and translation on facing pages. F o r inscriptions, see die following: Corpus inscriptionum semiticamm (Paris, 1 8 8 1 - ) ; Repertoire d'dpigraphie simitique (Paris, 1 9 9 0 - ) ; Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, vol. 8 (Berlin, 1 9 8 1 - ) ; Maria Giulia Amadasi G u z z o , Le iscrizionifenicieepunichedelle colonic in Occidente ( R o m e , 1 9 6 7 ) ; and Alfred Merlin, Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie (Paris, 1944). Secondary sources include the following: Bartoloni, Piero, et al., eds. Atti del I congresso internazionale di studi fenici e punici, Roma, 5-10 novembre 1979. 3 vols. R o m e , 1 9 8 3 . In ternational collection of essays covering a variety of topics in P u n i c Phoenician material culture, history, and language. Useful resource on recent scholarly interests and controversies and primary and sec ondary sources; state-of-the-field summaries. Benichou, Helene. Les tures, inscriptions et valuable account of yses of t o m b types,
tombes puniques de Carthage: Topographic, struc rites funeraires. Paris, 1 9 8 2 . Painstaking and in over a century of excavation reports, with anal inscriptions, and funerary rites.
Bomgardner, D a v i d L. " T h e Cartilage Amphitheater: A Reappraisal." American Journal of Archaeology 93 ( 1 9 8 9 ) : 8 5 - 1 0 3 . Study of the a m phitheater as currendy visible, listed here because this is one of the few major m o n u m e n t s of the city not touched in the UNESCO c a m paign. Brouillet, M o n i q u e Seefried, ed. From Hannibal to Saint Augustine; An cient Art of North Africa from the Musee du Louvre. Atianta, 1 9 9 4 . Exhibition catalog with eighteen specialist articles o n Cartilage and N o r d i Africa, about half translated from F r e n c h a n d often conveying ideas a n d information otherwise inaccessible in English. Brown, Susanna Shelby. Late Carthaginian Child Sacrifice and Sacrifi cial Monuments in Tiieir Mediterranean Context. Sheffield, 1 9 9 1 . Sur vey of literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence for child sac rifice, with typological a n d iconographic study of stelae from die Carthage tophet. Cintas, Pierre. Manuel d'archeologie punique. 2 vols. Paris, 1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 6 . Historical and archaeological evidence for western Phoenician, es pecially Carthaginian, civilization. V o l u m e 1 contains a useful over view of classical and Christian sources, focusing o n the foundation of Carthage and other sites, but generally taking ancient sources too
CARTS literally. Volume 2 deals with the archaeology of Carthage. Both vol u m e s are now largely out of date as far as the archaeology is con cerned, a n d Cintas is just plain w r o n g about the ports. G o o d bibli ography t h r o u g h 1 9 7 5 . Ennabli, Abdelmajid, ed. Pour sauver Carthage: Exploration et conser vation de la cite punique, romaine et byzantine. Paris a n d T u n i s , 1992. T w e n t y - f o u r articles summarizing the results of the UNESCO team, mostly by the directors of the excavations themselves, with complete bibliography to date, which in m o s t cases will lead the reader t o m o r e detailed reports o n which summaries are based. F a n t a r , M ' h a m e d Hassine. Carthage: Approche d'une civilisation. 2 vols. T u n i s , 1 9 9 3 . Detailed discussion of t h e history a n d civilization of P u n i c Carthage; u p to date, full of excellent information, b u t lacks a decent index. T h e r e is nothing remotely comparable in English. O n the tophet and infant sacrifice, see volume 2 , pages 302-306. F r e n d , W . H . C . The Donatist Church: A Movement of Protest in Roman North Africa. Oxford, 1 9 5 2 . Still the fundamental account, although F r e n d ' s views o n the social basis of D o n a t i s m have b e e n challenged by m o r e recent scholarship. Gsell, Stephane. Histoire ancienne de I'Afiique du Nord. 8 vols. Paris, 1 9 2 1 - 1 9 2 8 . Still the basic survey of evidence for Phoenicians a n d natives, Stone Age to R o m a n conquest. Often methodologically a n d archaeologically out of date, b u t never superseded by equally c o m prehensive work, a n d nothing c o m p a r a b l e exists in English. Lancel, Serge. Carthage. Paris, 1 9 9 2 . A c c o u n t of P u n i c Cartilage, p a r ticularly strong on the history of F r e n c h research, with g o o d bibli ography. A n English translation is in preparation (Oxford: Blackwell). M o s c a t i , Sabatino. "II sacrificio p u n i c o dei fanciulli: Realta o invenz i o n e ? " Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 3 - 1 5 . T h e fullest statement to date of the case for supposing that infant sacrifice is a myth. Pedley, J o h n G., ed. New Light on Ancient Carthage. A n n Arbor, 1980. Series of articles by UNESCO participants reporting o n early stages of the campaign. See especially Stager o n the tophet, W i g h t m a n on the layout of the city, a n d H u m p h r e y o n Vandal and Byzantine C a r thage. R a k o b , Friedrich. " D i e romische Wasserleitung von Karttiago." In Joumees d'etudes sur les aqueducs romainslTagung ilber romische Wasserversorgungsanlagen, Lyon, 26-28 mai 1977, edited by Jean-Paul Boucher, p p . 3 0 9 - 3 3 2 . Paris, 1 9 8 3 . T h e definitive account of the Z a g h o u a n aqueduct. R a v e n , Susan. Rome in Africa. 3d ed. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 3 . T h e only book o n N o r t h Africa in English that is both readable a n d reliable, with C a r tilage playing a p r o m i n e n t role. Soren, David, et al. Carthage: Uncovering the Mysteries and Splendors of Ancient Tunisia. N e w York, 1 9 9 0 . C h a t t y a n d popular in a p p r o a c h , a n d occasionally already out of date, b u t very useful in the absence of any recent scholarly account in English. Sznycer, M a u r i c e . "Cartilage et la civilisation p u n i q u e . " In Rome el la conquete du monde mediterraneen, 264-27 avantJ.-C, vol. 2 , Genese d'un empire, edited b y C l a u d e Nicolet, p p . 5 4 5 - 5 9 3 . Paris, 1 9 7 8 . In valuable survey by a Semitic linguist, covering evidence (especially epigraphic) a n d the m a i n controversies, with a s u m m a r y of m o d e r n bibliography. C O L I N M . WELLS
C A R T S . W h e e l e d vehicles a p p a r e n t l y d e v e l o p e d in S u m e r d u r i n g t h e U r u k p e r i o d , p e r h a p s as early as 3000 BCE. T h e earliest t y p e w a s a h e a v y , four-wheeled, o x - d r a w n w a g o n featuring a boxlike b o d y a n d four solid wheels. E x cavated r e m a i n s reveal t h a t t h e s e early w a g o n s w e r e rela
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tively small, with bodies less t h a n half a m e t e r wide a n d wheels 50-100 c m in diameter. C o v e r e d w a g o n s , with leather or linen covers, are r e p r e s e n t e d in S u m e r i a n m o d e l s as early as 2500 BCE, as well as at C a r c h e m i s h a n d Assur. E x a m p l e s of s o m e of t h e earliest r e m a i n s a n d m o d e l s of var ious types of w a g o n s a n d carts are p r e s e n t e d b y A r m a s S a l o n e n in his Die Landfahrzeuge des alten Mesopotamien (Hel sinki, 1951, p p . 157-158, with a c c o m p a n y i n g plates). F r o m this c u m b e r s o m e w a g o n d e v e l o p e d t h e s o m e w h a t lighter t w o - w h e e l e d cart, w h i c h w a s still a p o n d e r o u s affair, also b o r n e o n solid wheels. S u c h w a g o n s a n d carts a p p e a r t o have b e e n extensively u s e d in t h e ancient N e a r East. I n t h e code of H a m m u r a b i , for e x a m p l e , t w o laws (nos. 271, 272, ANET, p . 177) deal w i t h t h e rental of a w a g o n with or w i t h o u t a driver a n d oxen, a n d at Alalakh, in Syria, " t w e n t y w a g o n s " are m e n t i o n e d in a H u r r i a n list of objects. S h a m s h i - A d a d s e n t instructions t h a t t h e inhabitants of Q a t t u n a n w e r e to t r a n s p o r t s o m e g o o d s from Q a t t u n a n to Shubat-Enlil in w a g o n s . T h e Ak k a d i a n t e r m for w a g o n , eriqqu, o c c u r s frequently in M e s o p o t a m i a n literature a n d i n r e c o r d s f r o m t h e earliest times t h r o u g h t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d (626-539 BCE). W a g o n s a n d carts are also frequentiy r e p r e s e n t e d in the art of the region, particularly d u r i n g t h e N e o - A s s y r i a n period (900-612 BCE). F o r e x a m p l e , a relief from N i m r u d , depict ing a city u n d e r attack, shows several two-wheeled, o x d r a w n carts carrying away w o m e n a n d children prisoners (cf. ANEP, n o . 367, a n d t h e similar relief of S e n n a c h e r i b ' s siege of L a c h i s h , w h i c h s h o w s a two-wheeled cart t r a n s p o r t i n g w o m e n a n d children w h o a r e sitting o n t o p of s o m e b u n d l e s ) . A closed, four-wheeled, covered w a g o n is d e picted o n Ashurnasirpal's obelisk. ( F o r other M e s o p o t a m i a n e x a m p l e s , see ANEP, n o s . 167, 169, a n d 303). Carts a n d w a g o n s w e r e u s e d especially t o t r a n s p o r t heavy loads, s u c h as large quantities of metal, timber, or military supplies (see A n n a l s of S e n n a c h e r i b 1.25). After t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e h o r s e as a draft animal in a b o u t 2300 BCE, a lighter t y p e of two-wheeled cart was n e e d e d . T h i s lighter vehicle, t h e p r e c u r s o r to t h e chariot, eventually evolved, t h a n k s to a n e w technological develop m e n t : b y a b o u t 1500 BCE, M e s o p o t a m i a n craftsmen h a d learned t h e t e c h n i q u e of b e n d i n g w o o d with heat, which e n abled d i e m t o replace h e a v y disc wheels witii m u c h lighter spoked wheels. T h e s e wheels c o m p r i s e d four or six spokes c o n n e c t e d to a r i m of c u r v e d , joined felloes. T h e cart's c u m b e r s o m e all-wood b o d y w a s r e d e s i g n e d with a curved w o o d e n frame overlaid w i t h a hide or wicker covering. T h e n e w , light conveyance b e c a m e highly p o p u l a r , a n d within t w o or t h r e e centuries it h a d n o t only b e c o m e a s t a n d a r d m e a n s of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n in t h e N e a r East, b u t also p e n e t r a t e d as far away as G r e e c e , n o r t h e r n E u r o p e , India, a n d even C h i n a . T h e t y p e of h a r n e s s u s e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e ancient world was d i e yoke, originally d e s i g n e d for hitching a t e a m of oxen.
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It comprised a draft pole extending from the center of die vehicle's front side, witii a horizontal crossbar near the outer end. O n e ox w o u l d b e positioned o n either side of t h e pole, a n d the crossbar (the yoke) w o u l d sit o n the oxen's p r o t r u d i n g shoulders. W h e n horses b e c a m e draft animals, the same yoke was used. Because the horse lacks p r o m i n e n t shoulders, t h e yoke w a s secured by a b a n d that passed over t h e animal's breast, w h i c h unfortunately pressed against the w i n d p i p e a n d p r e v e n t e d it from using its full strength. T h i s design flaw was never rectified in antiquity. D u r i n g t h e R o m a n period t h e m o s t c o m m o n m e a n s of transportation was the o x - d r a w n wagon, normally d r a w n by eight oxen or horses in t h e s u m m e r , ten in t h e winter. H e a v y g o o d s , s u c h as a r m y supplies, were t r a n s p o r t e d by heavy clabulariae, a large, o p e n w a g o n t h a t could carry as m u c h as 1,500 R o m a n p o u n d s . Lighter vehicles included t h e rheda, a m u l e - d r a w n , four-wheeled cart using eight to t e n m u l e s , w h i c h could bear a m a x i m u m load of 450 kg; t h e carrus, a four-wheeled cart, w h i c h carried 270 kg; t h e verreda, d r a w n b y four mules, which carried t w o to three p e r s o n s a n d u p t o 135 kg of g o o d s ; a n d die two-wheeled birota, d r a w n b y three mules, w h i c h carried o n e to t w o passengers a n d a m a x i m u m of 90 kg. [See also R o a d s ; T r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; Wheel.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Casson, Lionel. Travel in the Ancient World. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 4 . N e w ed. Baltimore, 1994. Carts a n d wagons are discussed t h r o u g h o u t , b u t especially on pages 23ff. Casson, Lionel. Ancient Trade and Society. Detroit, 1984. G o o d , u p - t o date overview of trade a n d transportation in the ancient world. Childe, V. G o r d o n . "Wheeled Vehicles." In A History of Technology, vol. 1, From Early Times to the Fall of Ancient Empires, edited by Charles Singer et a l , p p . 7 1 6 - 7 2 9 . L o n d o n , 1954. G o o d survey of the technological development of the cart, wagon, and chariot. Jope, E. M . "Vehicles and H a r n e s s . " In A History of Technology, vol. 2 , The Mediterranean Civilizations and the Middle Ages, c. 700 B.C. to c. 1500 A.D., edited by Charles Singer et al., p p . 5 3 7 - 5 6 2 . L o n d o n , 1956. Well-documented study of the ancient technology of vehicles drawn by draft animals. Littauer, M . A., and J. H . Crouwel. Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, 1 9 7 9 . Relatively up-to-date study of the technology of carts and wagons in the ancient Fertile Crescent. Piggott, Stuart. The Earliest Wheeled Transport: From the Atlantic Coast to the Caspian Sea. L o n d o n , 1983. U p to date and especially valuable for the p r e - R o m a n periods. Pritchard, James B., ed. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (ANBP). Princeton, 1 9 5 4 . Pritchard, James B . , ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (ANET). Princeton, 1 9 6 9 . Salonen, Armas I. Notes on Wagons and Chariots in Ancient Mesopota mia. Helsinki, 1 9 5 0 . D a t e d , b u t still of some value. Salonen, Armas I. Die Landfahrzeuge
des alten Mesopotamien.
Helsinki,
I95I. DAVID A. DORSEY
C A T A C O M B S . L a r g e u n d e r g r o u n d cemeteries, cata c o m b s typically consist of a n e t w o r k of long, s u b t e r r a n e a n
galleries w h o s e walls h a v e b e e n cut as graves. S o m e t i m e s galleries o p e n into rectangular or q u a d r a n g u l a r r o o m s (cubicula). S u c h r o o m s usually contain r o c k - c u t graves; o c c a sionally, t h e y also contain sarcophagi (stone containers u s e d as coffins). [See S a r c o p h a g u s . ] I n t h e a n c i e n t N e a r East, cat a c o m b s normally consisted of galleries situated o n o n e level. I n the early Christian c a t a c o m b s in R o m e , b y contrast, it is n o t u n u s u a l to find as m a n y as four galleries o n e o n t o p of t h e other. T h e t e r m catacomb derives from t h e G r e e k kata kumben, a t o p o n y m t h a t m e a n s " n e a r the h o l l o w . " I n t h e R o m a n p e r i o d it was u s e d to d e n o t e a particular s p o t o n t h e Via A p p i a , n e a r t h e C a t a c o m b of S e b a s t i a n o a n d t h e C i r c u s of M a x e n t i u s , w h e r e t h e terrain s u d d e n l y d r o p s tangibly. I n exceptional cases, as in Hellenistic a n d R o m a n E g y p t , cat a c o m b s w e r e u s e d to deposit t h e r e m a i n s of m u m m i f i e d a n imals. N o r m a l l y , however, c a t a c o m b s served in t h e burial or reburial of t h e m o r t a l r e m a i n s of h u m a n b e i n g s . D i s c o v eries in R o m a n Palestine a n d in R o m e itself s h o w t h a t b o t h the Jewish a n d t h e early Christian c o m m u n i t i e s u s e d cata c o m b s . I t is n o t clear, h o w e v e r , w h e t h e r t h e idea of burial in c a t a c o m b s first originated in Jewish or in early Christian circles. Burial in c a t a c o m b s was c u s t o m a r y from t h e late s e c o n d to t h e early sixth centuries CE. Extensive r e m a i n s of cata c o m b s h a v e b e e n f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n area, including the N e a r East. Yet, in L a t e A n t i q u i t y , burial in c a t a c o m b s seems to h a v e b e e n particularly p o p u l a r in Italy (e.g., at R o m e , N a p l e s , V e n o s a ) a n d o n t h e islands adjoining it (particularly Sicily a n d M a l t a ) . C a t a c o m b s differ f r o m other types of u n d e r g r o u n d t o m b s in size, formal a p p e a r a n c e , a n d , c o n s e q u e n t l y , in function. I n t h e ancient N e a r E a s t , s u b t e r r a n e a n t o m b s w e r e usually m e r e u n d e r g r o u n d structures ( h y p o g e a ) . T h e y offered a fi nal resting place to a restricted g r o u p of p e o p l e o n l y — t h e m e m b e r s of a n e x t e n d e d family. C o m p a r e d to burial in s u c h family t o m b s , b u r i a l in c a t a c o m b s always r e m a i n e d e x c e p tional in the eastern provinces of t h e R o m a n E m p i r e . O c curring d u r i n g a relatively short p e r i o d of time only, t h e u s e of c a t a c o m b s m u s t b e taken to reflect a particular attitude toward b u r y i n g t h e d e a d . W i t h their l o n g u n d e r g r o u n d gal leries, c a t a c o m b s were designed f r o m t h e o u t s e t to a c c o m m o d a t e d i e r e m a i n s of large g r o u p s of p e o p l e t h a t either h a d to b e or w a n t e d to b e b u r i e d or r e b u r i e d t o g e t h e r in a given locality. I n contrast t o R o m e , w h e r e m o r e t h a n sixty c a t a c o m b s are k n o w n , only a few c a t a c o m b s h a v e b e e n discovered in t h e N e a r East. A m o n g t h e sparse finds, t h e d o z e n or so J e w ish catacombs at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m ( L o w e r Galilee) are cer tainly t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e of t h e a b u n d a n c e of ar chaeological a n d epigraphic r e m a i n s p r e s e r v e d t h e r e . [See B e t h - S h e ' a r i m . ] N o less significantly, B e t h - S h e ' a r i m is t h e only c a t a c o m b c o m p l e x in t h e region t h a t w a s studied sys tematically b y its excavators (Avigad, 1971; M a z a r , 1973).
CATACOMBS
In the Near East a few early catacombs believed to be Christian, but that may be Jewish-Christian, have also been discovered. One such catacomb came to light in the late nineteenth century CE on the Mt. of Olives in Jerusalem at a site known as Viri Galilei (Schick, 1889). The so-called Tomb of the Prophets, also located on the Mt. of Olives, has also been known since the nineteenth century and is still accessible (Vincent, 1901). It consists of several short, semicircularly shaped galleries. Despite its unusual plan, it too must be considered a catacomb. An early Christian cata comb was discovered and partially excavated in the late 1960s, at Emesa/Homs in Syria (Bounni, 1970). In Alex andria (Egypt), many subterranean Christian tombs, often referred to as early Christian catacombs, were discovered from 1820 to 1890; most of them are now destroyed (Leclercq, 1924). Although adequate documentation on the for mal appearance of these Alexandrinian tombs is often lack ing, the use of the term catacomb to describe them is incorrect. Characteristic of Alexandria's early Christian fu nerary architecture is tire hypogeum—in this case a collec tion of subterranean rooms arranged around a central court yard. Such hypogea were dug in proximity to one another. Not unusually, they were interconnected to form large un derground complexes. Yet, they lack a catacomb's most dis tinguishing feature: galleries dug specifically for the depo sition of the deceased members of an entire community. Because ancient tombs have often been robbed, it is usu ally difficult to establish when precisely a given catacomb came into use or when burial ceased there. Archaeological small finds can, however, point to the approximate period of its use. Thus, it was ascertained that the Jewish catacombs at Beth-She'arim were in use mainly from the late second to the middle of the fourth centuries CE. The precise dating of the catacomb on the Mt. of Olives has not been achieved. It is not unlikely though that burials took place there in the
CATACOMBS.
Cross-section
435
third-fifth centuries CE. The Tomb of the Prophets is dated to the fourth and fifth centuries. The Christian catacomb at Emesa Horns has been dated by its excavator to the thirdseventh centuries (Bounni, 1970). The size and layout of a catacomb's complex network of underground galleries and cubicula are determined by sev eral factors: the workability of the rock, the amount of space needed, and the degree of planning involved. In Rome, for example, the earliest catacombs frequendy consist of a net work of irregular galleries (curvilinear galleries that seem to go into every direction). Galleries in later Roman cata combs, on the other hand, display a much more systematic layout (Brandenburg, 1984). Such developments in plan ning testify to a rise in the popularity of burial in catacombs, as well as to the need to dispose of the ever-increasing num ber of dead in die most rational way. This explains why in many of the catacombs at Beth-She'arim, too, a tendency toward symmetry and tire economic use of space is discern ible. Rock-Cut Graves. In catacombs, different types of rockcut graves were used. Some graves are long, rectangular slots tiiat were cut parallel to the wall. These loculi take up little wall space, and so it is not unusual to find rows of up to seven or eight loculi, one on top of the other. Another rectangular grave, the kokh, is cut at right angles to the wall and goes right into it. The term kokh has a clear association with the practice of secondary burial in the Near East and is borrowed from the East Semitic language groups (Mey ers, 1971). Despite a clear difference in formal appearance, the terms loculus and kokh are often used interchangeably in scholarly literature, which may lead to confusion. A third type of wall-cut grave, known as an acrcosolium, consists of one or more rectangular containers that are dug into the rock and overarched by a vault. The fourth and by far the sim plest type of rock-cut grave is also rectangular: dug into the
of catacomb 13 at Beth-She'arim.
(After Avigad, 1 9 7 1 ; courtesy M a s s a d a Press, Ltd.)
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CATACOMBS ilar in b o t h s h a p e a n d selection of t o m b types to t h o s e f o u n d in c o n t e m p o r a r y h y p o g e a , s u c h as t h e c h a m b e r t o m b s of t h e D o m i n u s Flevit cemetery in Jerusalem. E v i d e n c e from these c a t a c o m b s a n d h y p o g e a shows cumulatively t h a t in second—fourth-century Palestine, t h e a r c o s o l i u m slowly b u t steadily replaced t h e kokh as t h e m o s t p o p u l a r grave f o r m . Similarly, archaeological materials from t h e c a t a c o m b s at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m a n d from h y p o g e a a t M e i r o n , K h i r b e t S h e m a ' , G e z e r , R a m a t R a h e l , a n d H o r v a t T h a l a in R o m a n Palestine d o c u m e n t t h a t in t h e p e r i o d u n d e r discussion t h e s a m e t r e n d s in burial c u s t o m s affected t h e funerary c u s t o m s in c a t a c o m b s a n d h y p o g e a . It is n o w k n o w n , for e x a m p l e , t h a t secondary burial c o n t i n u e d to b e p r a c t i c e d in different p a r t s of R o m a n Palestine t h r o u g h o u t antiquity, b u t t h a t it lost m u c h of t h e p o p u l a r i t y it h a d enjoyed in first-century CE Jerusalem.
CATACOMBS. She'arim.
Plan of Mugharet
el-Jehennem,
a catacomb at
Beth-
(After Mazar, 1 9 7 3 ; courtesy Massada Press, Ltd.)
floor of a gallery or burial r o o m , it is k n o w n as a pit grave, or forma. R o c k - c u t graves of t h e kind listed above normally offered e n o u g h space for one p e r s o n only, t h o u g h in s o m e instances t h e y were u s e d for multiple reburials. T h e y were sealed in various ways: with stones, bricks, rubble, or with a m a r b l e plate that sometimes carried a funerary inscription. I n cat a c o m b s , burial in sarcophagi (coffins m a d e of either stone, terra cotta, w o o d , or lead) is n o t very c o m m o n . U n e x p e c t edly, t h e u n d e r g r o u n d galleries of c a t a c o m b 20 at B e t h S h e ' a r i m were f o u n d filled with 125 well-preserved speci m e n s of large sarcophagi, the great majority of w h i c h are of local limestone (Avigad, 1976). A n o t h e r peculiarity c o n fined to t h e catacombs at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m is the u s e of ossu aries—small stone or w o o d e n containers u s e d for s e c o n d a r y burial. [See Ossuary.] T o g e t h e r with sarcophagi a n d loculi, t h e vast majority of burials at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m w e r e reburials, testifying to the Jewish idea of the i m p o r t a n c e of burial or reburial in t h e land of Eretz-Israel, where resurrection w o u l d occur and where d i e l a n d h a d atoning p o w e r s (Zlotnick, 1966). W i t h t h e exception of ossuaries, which reflect a typically Jewish funerary philosophy (at least in R o m a n Palestine), t h e grave forms listed a b o v e occur in Jewish a n d Christian catacombs alike. I n fact, in t h e s e c o n d - f o u r t h centuries CE, t h e r e are n o major differences b e t w e e n c a t a c o m b s a n d h y p o g e a , either in t e r m s of grave types or burial c u s t o m s . T h e t o m b s in the Jewish c a t a c o m b s at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m a n d in the early Christian c a t a c o m b s at Viri Galilei are r e m a r k a b l y sim
T h e single m o s t i m p o r t a n t factor leading to t h e genesis a n d s u b s e q u e n t evolution of burial in c a t a c o m b s was t h a t large n u m b e r s of p e o p l e could b e b u r i e d t o g e t h e r w i t h o u t taking u p too m u c h space. T h e various stages of this p r o c e s s can best b e seen in R o m e . T h e r e , t h e earliest C h r i s t i a n cat a c o m b s are n o t h i n g b u t a collection of irregularly s h a p e d galleries. Originating in deserted quarries, cisterns, a n d w a ter channels, t h e s e s u b t e r r a n e a n galleries m a i n t a i n e d t h e character of privately o w n e d t o m b s until m o r e space a n d m o r e systematic p l a n n i n g were n e e d e d . I n t h e third a n d fourth centuries, R o m e ' s Christian c o m m u n i t y — a l l p e o p l e w h o h a d t o be b u r i e d — r a p i d l y increased in size, a n d m a n y Christians w a n t e d to b e b u r i e d near t h e r e m a i n s of their m a r t y r s . B e g i n n i n g in t h e p e r i o d of P o p e Z e p h y r i n u s ( 1 9 9 2 1 7 ) 3 w h o a p p o i n t e d o n e Callistus as overseer of a cata c o m b , t h e Christian c o m m u n i t y was e n a b l e d t o fulfill a n obligation it h a d taken u p o n itself—to b u r y t h e Christian p o o r . P l a n n e d c a t a c o m b s w e r e d u g t h a t w e r e n o longer p r i vately o w n e d a n d offered r o o m for all m e m b e r s of t h e Early Christian c o m m u n i t y ( B r a n d e n b u r g , 1984). It is n o t clear w h e t h e r similar factors s h a p e d t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y d e v e l o p m e n t of c a t a c o m b architecture in t h e N e a r East. It is clear, h o w e v e r , t h a t in t h e eastern p a r t of t h e M e d iterranean, c a t a c o m b s w e r e c o n s t r u c t e d b e c a u s e this form of burial offered the s a m e a d v a n t a g e s t h e i n h a b i t a n t s of R o m e h a d c o m e to appreciate. B e g i n n i n g in t h e s e c o n d c e n t u r y CE, B e t h - S h e ' a r i m replaced J e r u s a l e m as t h e m o s t p r e s tigious Jewish n e c r o p o l i s . T h i s h a p p e n e d , in p a r t , b e c a u s e m a n y Palestinian a n d D i a s p o r a Jews alike believed t h a t b u r ial in t h e l a n d of Israel w a s to b e preferred over burial in t h e D i a s p o r a (cf. T o s e f t a , A.Z. 4:3: " H e w h o is b u r i e d in t h e L a n d of Israel is as t h o u g h h e w e r e b u r i e d u n d e r t h e a l t a r " ) . T h e p r e s e n c e , in t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m c a t a c o m b s , of t h e earthly remains of i m p o r t a n t Jewish religious a n d political leaders of the t i m e m u s t h a v e b e e n a major attraction as well. I n t h e historical d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e C h r i s t i a n c a t a c o m b s of Jerusalem, other, c o m p a r a b l e factors are likely t o h a v e p l a y e d a role. Inscriptions indicate t h a t t h e p e o p l e b u r i e d in
CATACOMBS t h e T o m b of t h e P r o p h e t s w e r e pilgrims w h o h a d either died accidentally in J e r u s a l e m or w h o h a d traveled t h e r e with t h e i n t e n t i o n of s e c u r i n g their last r e s t i n g place in p r o x i m i t y t o t h e H o l y City. Little is k n o w n a b o u t those r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e exploita tion a n d a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of c a t a c o m b s . I n f o u r t h - a n d early fifth-century R o m e , specialized gravediggers (fossores) c a n b e s h o w n to h a v e w o r k e d b y o r d e r of t h e c h u r c h . A t t h e s a m e time, h o w e v e r , s o m e of t h e s e fossores are k n o w n to h a v e o p e r a t e d as i n d e p e n d e n t e n t r e p r e n e u r s . W h e t h e r in dividual R o m a n p a r i s h c h u r c h e s e a c h a d m i n i s t e r e d their o w n c a t a c o m b is a h y p o t h e s i s t h a t has frequentiy b e e n a d v a n c e d b u t n e v e r b e e n p r o v e d conclusively ( G u y o n , 1987). T h e inscriptional evidence f r o m B e t h - S h e ' a r i m a n d A c m o n i a (Asia M i n o r ) as well as r a b b i n i c literature suggest t h e existence of Jewish burial societies, b u t it is impossible to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r s u c h colleges w e r e also responsible for excavating a n d supervising c a t a c o m b s ( S c h w a b e a n d Lifschitz, 1974). T h e s a m e factors t h a t led to t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of cata c o m b s also c a u s e d its a b a n d o n m e n t in L a t e Antiquity. W i t h t h e d r a m a t i c d r o p in p o p u l a t i o n in s i x t h - c e n t u r y R o m e , b u r ial shifted from c a t a c o m b s t o t h e exterior of c h u r c h e s within t h e A u r e l i a n city wall. B e t h - S h e ' a r i m , p e r h a p s d e s t r o y e d d u r i n g t h e Gallus Revolt of 351-352, h a d already ceased t o b e a center of i m p o r t a n c e . A d e c r e a s e in t h e n u m b e r of Christian pilgrims t o J e r u s a l e m m u s t h a v e b e e n t h e deter m i n i n g factor t h a t led to t h e d i s c o n t i n u a t i o n of burial in cat a c o m b s there. F r o m t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n N e a r East, several u n d e r g r o u n d c o m p l e x e s are k n o w n w h o s e walls are d o t t e d w i t h small niches, k n o w n as c o l u m b a r i a , m e a s u r i n g , o n av erage, 20 X 20 X 15 c m . E x a m p l e s of t h e s e c o l u m b a r i a are p r e s e r v e d in, a m o n g other p l a c e s , R o m a n Palestine ( B e t h Guvrin, D o r , Gezer, Masada, R a m a t Rahel, Samaria); R o m a n Arabia ( P e t r a ) ; a n d Asia M i n o r (Sebaste in Cilicia). S u c h c o m p l e x e s are n o r m a l l y located in t h e s a m e general areas as t o m b s . F o r t h a t r e a s o n a n d b e c a u s e t h e niches t h e y c o n t a i n r e s e m b l e s o m e w h a t t h e niches of s u b t e r r a n e a n c o n structions in R o m e w h o s e funerary function is b e y o n d d o u b t , scholars h a v e suggested t h a t c r e m a t e d h u m a n r e m a i n s w e r e placed i n these N e a r E a s t e r n c o u n t e r p a r t s . I n a s m u c h as tiiere is n o archaeological e v i d e n c e to show t h a t t h e niches in t h e c o l u m b a r i a ever c o n t a i n e d ashes, t h e c o n clusion is p r o b l e m a t i c . O t h e r scholars h a v e suggested t h a t these c o m p l e x e s m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d t o raise a n d keep p i geons. Burial of h u n d r e d s or e v e n t h o u s a n d s of animals in cat a c o m b s is a n exclusively E g y p t i a n p h e n o m e n o n . S u c h a n i mals w e r e first m u m m i f i e d , w r a p p e d in e m b r o i d e r e d cloth, a n d t h e n d e p o s i t e d in either l i m e s t o n e s a r c o p h a g i or p o t t e r y jars. T h e y w e r e layed to r e s t in w i n d i n g u n d e r g r o u n d gal leries t h a t c o u l d b e h u n d r e d s of m e t e r s long. I n Alexandria (Rhacotis), such "animal catacombs" were found to contain
437
t h e m u m m i f i e d r e m a i n s of d o g s . I n M e m p h i s they c o n t a i n e d t h e cadavers of bulls, while c a t a c o m b s in S a q q a r a , Baklija (near H e r m o p o l i s ) , a n d T u n a el-Gebel testify to t h e cultic veneration of the ibis a n d , at t h e latter sites, also to t h a t of t h e b a b o o n . T h e p r a c t i c e of b u r y i n g m u m m i f i e d a n imals in c a t a c o m b s seems t o h a v e b e g u n as early as t h e thir tieth dynasty (380-342 BCE) b u t d i d n o t g a i n w i d e s p r e a d p o p u l a r i t y until t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n p e r i o d s (Kessler, 1983). I c o n o g r a p h y a n d I n s c r i p t i o n s . T h e artistic r e m a i n s f r o m c a t a c o m b s r e p r e s e n t n o t only t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of art in antiquity b u t also burial c u s t o m s , ideas a b o u t death a n d afterlife, social relations, t h e e c o n o m y , a n d g e n d e r ( P e s k o witz, 1993). F o r e x a m p l e , t h e discovery a n d scientific study of t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m c a t a c o m b s p r o f o u n d l y c h a n g e d t h e w a y s in w h i c h scholars view t h e genesis of rabbinic J u d a i s m a n d t h e interaction of Jewish a n d non-Jewish cultures in a n tiquity. Little is k n o w n a b o u t t h e aesthetics of t h e few c a t a c o m b s discovered so far in t h e N e a r East, e x c e p t at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m , w h e r e d i e i c o n o g r a p h y r e p r e s e n t e d o n t h e walls includes m e n o r a h s , t h e A r k of t h e L a w , h u m a n figures, animals, ships, a n d g e o m e t r i c designs. I m p r e s s i v e portals witii elab orately r e n d e r e d stone d o o r s a n d c o u r t y a r d s witii m o s a i c floors lend m o n u m e n t a l i t y t o t h e e n t t a n c e s to its c a t a c o m b s . [See Mosaics.] Inside, m a n y of t h e sarcophagi, mostly of local p r o d u c t i o n , s h o w a r i c h i c o n o g r a p h i c repertoire c o n sisting of crudely c a r v e d h u m a n figures a n d animals, A c o m bination of t h r e e elements characterizes B e t h - S h e ' a r i m ' s ar tistic c o r p u s : a lack of narrative t h e m e s , t h e absence of scenes taken f r o m t h e H e b r e w Bible, a n d a preference for motifs t h a t are n o t only often religiously neutral, b u t that s o m e t i m e s (especially o n s a r c o p h a g i ) are of clear p a g a n der ivation. T h a t the users of these c a t a c o m b s were i n d e e d viv idly aware of the artistic a c h i e v e m e n t s of non-Jewish work s h o p s located o n t h e P h o e n i c i a n coast, or in G r e e c e a n d Asia M i n o r , c a n also b e inferred from t h e remains of i m p o r t e d m a r b l e a n d lead s a r c o p h a g i (Avigad, 1976). A n o t h e r n o ticeable feature a b o u t t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m c a t a c o m b s is t h a t elaborate cycles of wall p a i n t i n g s are absent; this contrasts m a r k e d l y witii the evidence preserved in t h e Jewish a n d Early C h r i s t i a n c a t a c o m b s in t h e w e s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n , w h e r e s u c h wall paintings d o d e c o r a t e m o s t c a t a c o m b s . At Betii-She'arim, m a n y small finds—lamps, pottery, glass vessels, b r o n z e a n d i r o n artifacts, a n d items of p e r s o n a l a d o r n m e n t — f u r t h e r e n r i c h w h a t is k n o w n of ancient art, m a n u f a c t u r i n g t e c h n i q u e s , a n d Jewish burial c u s t o m s a n d h a v e e n a b l e d t h e dating of individual c a t a c o m b s . Often characterized b y great conciseness, p a i n t e d a n d in cised funerary inscriptions as well as graffiti inform a b o u t a wide variety of issues, i n c l u d i n g t h e deceased's social, e c o n o m i c , a n d religious s t a t u s , p l a c e of origin, o n o m a s t i c p r a c tices, l a n g u a g e , a n d religious beliefs a n d practices. T h u s , it is k n o w n t h a t the p e o p l e b u r i e d in t h e T o m b of t h e P r o p h e t s
438
CATAL HOYUK
a n d in die c a t a c o m b of Viri Galilei s p o k e G r e e k , a n d t h a t s o m e of t h e m h a i l e d f r o m s u c h cities as H a r p a g i a (Asia M i n o r ) , Bostra, P a l m y r a , a n d B a t a n e a (Schick, 1989; V i n c e n t , 1901). T h e inscriptions f r o m t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m c a t a c o m b s d o c u m e n t the e x t e n t t o w h i c h t h e G r e e k l a n g u a g e , G r e e k lit erary form, a n d G r e e k ideas a b o u t d e a t h a n d afterlife h a d m a d e i n r o a d s into a c o m m u n i t y in w h i c h t h e r a b b i n i c ele m e n t was u n m i s t a k a b l e , if n o t d o m i n a n t . E i g h t y p e r c e n t of t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m i n s c r i p t i o n s are in G r e e k , o n e of t h e m a m e t r i c inscription c o m p o s e d in H o m e r i c h e x a m e t e r s . O t h e r inscriptions f o u n d at B e t h - S h e ' a r i m are in H e b r e w , p a r t i c ularly in c a t a c o m b 14, w h i c h m a y c o n t a i n t h e grave of J u d a h I t h e P a t r i a r c h , a w e l l - k n o w n r a b b i n i c figure traditionally r e g a r d e d as t h e r e d a c t o r of t h e M i s h n a h . Still o t h e r i n s c r i p tions
are in P a l m y r e n e . [See P a l m y r e n e I n s c r i p t i o n s . ] T o
g e t h e r with t h e G r e e k i n s c r i p t i o n s , t h e P a l m y r e n e e p i t a p h s i n d i c a t e t h a t B e t h - S h e ' a r i m r a p i d l y evolved into a f u n e r a r y c e n t e r of s u p r a r e g i o n a l i m p o r t a n c e : leaders of Jewish D i a s p o r a c o m m u n i t i e s as far a p a r t as B y b l o s , S i d o n , T y r e , B e i rut,
Antioch,
Palmyra,
Nehardea
(Mesopotamia),
and
s o u t h e r n A r a b i a all h a d their m o r t a l r e m a i n s b r o u g h t to B e t h - S h e ' a r i m for final i n t e r m e n t ( S c h w a b e a n d Lifschitz, 1974; N a g a k u b o , 1974). [See also Burial Sites; B u r i a l T e c h n i q u e s ; G r a v e G o o d s ; N e c r o p o l i s ; S a r c o p h a g u s ; and T o m b s . In addition, the sites mentioned
are the subject of independent
many
of
entries]
BIBLIOGRAPHY Avigad, N a h m a n , Beth She'aritn: Report on the Excavations during 19531958, vol. 3, Catacombs 12-23, Jerusalem, 1 9 7 1 . Standard treatment on the second part of t h e excavations in the catacombs of BethShe'arim. Bounni, Adnan. " L e s catacombes d ' E m e s e (Homs) en Syrie." Archeologia 37 ( 1 9 7 0 ) : 4 2 - 4 9 . T h e only preliminary report presently avail able on the excavations. Brandenburg, H u g o . "Uberlegungen zu U r s p r u n g u n d E n t s t e h u n g der Katakomben R o m s . " Jahrbuch JurAntike und Christentum 1 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 1 1 - 4 9 . Standard review essay on the origin a n d development of the Christian catacombs in R o m e . Buhagiar, Mario. Late Roman and Byzantine Catacombs and Related Burial Places in the Maltese Islands, British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 302. Oxford, 1986. Comprehensive study of u n d e r g r o u n d cemeteries o n Malta a n d of their inscriptions; richly illustrated a n d with references to earlier studies on the subject. Fasola, U m b e r t o M . La catacombe di San Gennaro a Capodimonte. R o m e , 1 9 7 5 . M o n o g r a p h i c study of the building history of the largest Early Christian catacomb in Naples.
vation report on t h e ibis catacombs in T u n a el-Gebel; richly illus trated a n d with references t o earlier literature on t h e subject. Leclercq, Henri, "Alexandrie: Archeologie." I n Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie, vol. 1 . 1 , cols. 1 0 9 8 - 1 1 8 2 . Paris, 1 9 2 4 . Comprehensive survey of otherwise difficult-to-locate excavation r e ports on d i e early Christian funerary architecture of Alexandria. M a r i n o n e , M , , et al. "Cimetieres inconnus d'ltalie." Les Dossiers de I'Archcologie 19 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 6 8 - 8 1 . Brief a c c o u n t of Early Christian h y pogea a n d catacombs discovered in T u s c a n y , A b b r u z z o , and L a t i u m and on Sardinia. M a z a r , Benjamin, et al. Beth She'aritn: Report on the Excavations during 1936-1940, vol. 1, Catacombs 1-4. Jerusalem, 1 9 7 3 . S t a n d a r d treat m e n t on t h e first part of t h e excavations. M e y e r s , Eric M . Jewish Ossuaries: Reburial and Rebirth. R o m e , 1 9 7 1 . Major study of Jewish reburial into containers a n d various cavities and its theological significance. M e y e r s , Eric M . " R e p o r t o n the Venosa C a t a c o m b s , 1 9 8 1 . " Vetera Christianorum 20 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 4 5 5 - 4 5 9 . English s u m m a r y of the discovery of a hitherto u n k n o w n c a t a c o m b complex in southern Italy. N a g a k u b o , Senzo. "Investigation into Jewish C o n c e p t s of Afterlife in the Beth-She'arim Greek Inscriptions." P h . D . diss., D u k e U n i v e r sity, 1974. Detailed review of the extent to which G r e e k concepts of afterlife entered Jewish epigraphic formulae at Beth-She'arim. Peskowitz, Miriam. " T h e W o r k of Pier H a n d s : G e n d e r i n g Everyday Life in R o m a n - P e r i o d Judaism in Palestine ( 7 0 - 2 5 0 CE), Using T e x tile Production as a Case S t u d y . " P h . D . diss., D u k e University, 1 9 9 3 . Methodologically interesting study (esp. p p . 2 4 4 - 2 9 4 ) o n h o w grave gifts can b e used for writing social history. Rutgers, L e o n a r d V . "Uberlegungen z u d e n jiidischen K a t a k o m b e n R o m s . " Jahrbuch fur Antike und Christentum 33 ( 1 9 9 0 ) : 1 4 0 - 1 5 7 . Critical review of the origin a n d chronology of the Jewish catacombs in R o m e , Schick, C o n r a d . " K a t a k o m b e n auf d e m O l b e r g . " Zeitschrift des deutschen Paldstina-Vereins 1 2 ( 1 8 8 9 ) : 1 9 3 - 1 9 9 . T h e only available report o n an Early Christian catacomb in Jerusalem that h a s since disappeared. Schwabe, M o s h e , a n d B a r u c h Lifshitz. Beth She'arim, vol. 2, The Greek Inscriptions. N e w Brunswick, N.J., 1974^,Standard c o r p u s that should be consulted in conjunction with Avigad (above). Vincent, L . - H . " L e t o m b e a u des p r o p h e t e s . " Revue Biblique 10 ( 1 9 0 1 ) : 7 2 - 8 8 . T h e only substantial study o n this Early Christian c a t a c o m b in Jerusalem. •Zilliu, G. "Antichita paleocristiane di Sulcis," Nuovo Bidlettino Archeologico Sardo 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 283-300. Description of Early Christian h y pogea a n d wall paintings o n Sardinia. —. .. Zlotnick, D o v . The Tractate "Mourning" (Semahotj. Yale Judaica Series, vol. 1 7 . N e w H a v e n , 1 9 6 6 . Critical edition of a treatise that is basic to any u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Jewish burial customs. LEONARD V . RUTGERS a n d ERIC M . MEYERS
CATAL HOYUK,
ancient n a m e u n k n o w n , a double
m o u n d l o c a t e d a t 37°o6' N , 32°o8' E , o n t h e K o n y a P l a i n i n s o u t h - c e n t r a l T u r k e y , a b o u t 260 k m (156 m i . ) s o u t h of
G a r a n a , Ottavio. Le catacombe siciliane e i loro martin. Palermo, 1 9 6 1 . Somewhat outdated account of catacomb burial on Sicily; useful for its comprehensiveness a n d illustrations.
A n k a r a a n d a b o u t 40 k m (24 m i . ) s o u t h e a s t of t h e t o w n of
G u y o n , Jean. Le cimetiire aux deux lauriers: Recherches sur les catacombes romaines. R o m e , 1 9 8 7 . Authoritative work on t h e building history of the catacomb of Sts, Marcellinus a n d Peter in R o m e ; especially i m portant for its general methodological observations.
British I n s t i t u t e of A r c h a e o l o g y a t A n k a r a a n d his colleagues
Kessler, Dieter. " D i e Galerie C von T u n a el-Gebel." Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, Kairo 39 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 0 7 - 1 2 4 . Exca
a g a i n in 1965, r e v e a l e d e x t e n s i v e e v i d e n c e of a large N e o
K o n y a . C a t a l H o y u k , t h e largest N e o l i t h i c site k n o w n o n t h e A n a t o l i a n p l a t e a u , was d i s c o v e r e d b y J a m e s M e l l a a r t of t h e
during
a field
survey in
1958.
Subsequent
excavations,
m a i n l y d i r e c t e d b y M e l l a a r t b e t w e e n 1961 a n d 1963
and
lithic s e t d e m e n t o n t h e east m o u n d ; s m a l l - s c a l e e x c a v a t i o n
CATAL HOYUK
439
other, with a b a n d o n e d h o u s e s a n d o p e n areas serving as courtyards a n d d u m p s . A general tendency toward a more o p e n p l a n is visible after level V I . T h e buildings are c o n s t r u c t e d of s u n - d r i e d , m o l d - m a d e m u d bricks; extensive u s e w a s m a d e of a w o o d e n f r a m e w o r k , especially in t h e earlier levels. F l o o r s a n d walls w e r e plastered, a n d t h e flat roof was c o n s t r u c t e d of b e a m s , lighter t i m b e r , a n d a thick m u d coat ing. M o s t of t h e buildings w e r e e n t e r e d f r o m t h e roof b y m e a n s of a ladder; there are n o d o o r w a y s , e x c e p t b e t w e e n a h o u s e a n d its associated s t o r e r o o m . A d e g r e e of s t a n d a r d ization is visible in m a n y s t r u c t u r e s : t h e ladder is p l a c e d against t h e s o u t h wall, in association with h e a r t h s a n d ovens, b e n c h e s a n d lower platforms a p p e a r in all h o u s e s . O n e of t h e site's m o s t n o t a b l e features, in addition to t h e excellent state of p r e s e r v a t i o n of s o m e of t h e architecture CATAL HOYUK.
Figure i.
Plan of a building,
level VIB.
(After M e l
laart, 1967, fig. 9)
a n d artifacts, is t h e elaborate d e c o r a t i o n evidenced in a c o n siderable n u m b e r of buildings Mellaart classified as shrines (see figure 2 ) . D e c o r a t i o n takes t h e f o r m of wall paintings,
o n t h e west m o u n d i n d i c a t e d t h e p r e s e n c e of a sizable Early Chalcolithic village, b u t t h e full s e q u e n c e of o c c u p a t i o n of t h e site as a w h o l e r e m a i n s t o b e established. N o evidence h a s b e e n f o u n d for o c c u p a t i o n of tire i m m e d i a t e area in t h e A c e r a m i c N e o l i t h i c , b u t m o r e extensive excavation m a y r e veal its p r e s e n c e . F i e l d w o r k o n t h e site w a s r e s u m e d b y a n o t h e r British t e a m u n d e r t h e a u s p i c e s of C a m b r i d g e U n i versity in 1 9 9 3 . T h e oval east m o u n d ( 5 0 0 X 3 0 0 m ) rises t o a h e i g h t of 1 7 . 5 m a b o v e t h e plain. It is s i t u a t e d 2 8 k m ( 1 7 mi.) f r o m t h e n e a r e s t e d g e of t h e plain, in a n agriculturally rich region,
plaster reliefs, c u t - o u t figures, a n d other features that, in s o m e cases, c o m b i n e several t e c h n i q u e s . T h e subjects of t h e wall paintings are g e o m e t r i c designs, s o m e t i m e s r e m i n i s c e n t of textile p a t t e r n s ; animal a n d h u m a n figures, sometimes in c o m b i n a t i o n ; and, in o n e c a s e , a possible l a n d s c a p e with t h e settlement s h o w n with a m o u n t a i n in t h e b a c k g r o u n d . Sev eral h u n t i n g scenes d e p i c t various species of birds a n d a n i m a l s , especially a large r e d bull, in association with n u m e r ous h u m a n
figures,
e a c h d r e s s e d in a k i n d of s p o t t e d
loincloth. S o m e of t h e figures m a y b e d a n c i n g , a n d a general a t m o s p h e r e of levity is i n d i c a t e d . M o r e m a c a b r e are scenes
at a n elevation of a b o u t r o o o m . T h e n a t u r e of t h e soils u p o n
s h o w i n g large r e d b i r d s ( p e r h a p s vultures) h o v e r i n g over
w h i c h t h e s e t t l e m e n t was established is u n c e r t a i n ; it is likely
headless h u m a n figures, n o d o u b t alluding to t h e e x c a r n a -
t h a t a b r a n c h of t h e Carsamba Cay river flowed n e a r b y in
t i o n of b o d i e s before burial.
t h e N e o l i t h i c p e r i o d , p e r h a p s in t h e area n o w b e t w e e n t h e
T h e m a i n subjects d e p i c t e d in plaster relief are animal
east a n d west m o u n d s ; t h e village m a y h a v e b e e n f o u n d e d o n t h e alluvial fan delta of t h a t river. P r o x i m i t y to a p e r e n n i a l river or s t r e a m m a y h a v e m a d e s e t t l e m e n t feasible in this area of low average a n n u a l rainfall ( 2 4 9 m m ) . E x c a v a t i o n o n t h e east m o u n d was principally c o n c e n t r a t e d o n a o n e - a c r e area o n its west side. Virgin soil w a s n o t r e a c h e d in the d e e p e s t e x c a v a t i o n area; a p p r o x i m a t e l y fifteen b u i l d i n g levels w e r e e n c o u n t e r e d ( 0 - X L I I , in d e s c e n d i n g o r d e r , with t w o p h a s e s in level V I ) . A s o u n d i n g i n 1 9 6 3 , close t o the e d g e of t h e m o u n d , is stated to h a v e r e vealed o c c u p a t i o n deposits t o a d e p t h of 5 m b e l o w t h e p r e s e n t plain level; if this is c o r r e c t , a total d e p t h of o c c u p a t i o n of 2 2 . 5 m o r m o r e is to b e f o u n d o n t h e site. Information about the settlement's architecture was p r e d o m i n a n t l y o b t a i n e d f r o m levels V I I I - I I . D e s p i t e t h e p a u city of e v i d e n c e for t h e earliest a n d latest p h a s e s , n o radical architectural c h a n g e s c o u l d b e d i s c e r n e d , a n d m a n y a s p e c t s of t h e site indicate c o n t i n u i t y . I n all levels, t h e building p l a n s are rectilinear (see figure 1 ) . I n t h e b e s t - r e p r e s e n t e d levels,
CATAL HOYUK.
h o u s e s a n d associated s t o r e r o o m s w e r e built against e a c h
1967, fig. 38)
F i g u r e 2. Shrine
VLB. 10, restored. (After Mellaart,
440
CATON-THOMPSON, GERTRUDE
headsj h u m a n figures (sometimes in association w i t h animal h e a d s ) , complete animal figures, a n d rows of w h a t s e e m to b e h u m a n breasts, often m o l d e d over the jawbones or skulls of animals. T h e face, h a n d s , a n d feet of t h e h u m a n figures are always d a m a g e d a n d a p p e a r to have b e e n intentionally mutilated. T h e bodies are a r r a n g e d parallel-sided with their arms and legs b r a n c h i n g out at right angles to the b o d y a n d t u r n i n g u p at the e n d s . O n e figure bears extensive linear painted decoration, p e r h a p s representing a netlike dress. T h e figures m a y b e goddesses, in a birthing position. In s o m e cases a figure is s h o w n immediately above a plaster bull's head. Pairs of leopardlike animals in relief a n d p a i n t e d with spots or rosettes a p p e a r o n t h e walls of several build ings. A representation of a stag looking b e h i n d h i m was found, as were silhouettes of animal h e a d s a n d c o m p l e t e animal figures, also cut into the plaster o n walls w h e r e t h e plaster was thick e n o u g h . T h e features in s o m e buildings are complex: pairs of bull's h o r n s were sometimes set into the sides of benches or into t h e t o p of small, rectangular, free standing m u d - b r i c k pillars. Burial c u s t o m s are well evidenced b y t h e 480 or so c o m plete or partial burials found within t h e settlement below t h e floors of houses. T h e d e a d were usually placed u n d e r t h e platforms, in a c o n t r a c t e d position, on their left side, with t h e head t o w a r d t h e center of the r o o m and the feet n e a r t h e wall. S o m e , if n o t all, of d i e bodies were w r a p p e d in sldns or textiles, placed in baskets, or laid on m a t s . T h e skeletons w e r e sometimes found in rather chaotic h e a p s ; later burials disturbed earlier i n t e r m e n t s . Clear evidence for s e c o n d a r y burial (burial after t h e flesh h a d at least partially d e c o m p o s e d ) was found, a n d s o m e skeletons ( b o t h m a l e a n d fe male) were decorated with ocher or paint. A wall painting t h a t may p o r t r a y a lightly built structure with schematic h u m a n skulls s h o w n below it has b e e n interpreted as a charnel h o u s e , where t h e d e a d were laid o u t for excarnation. G r a v e goods of various types were buried with t h e d e a d , including w o o d e n vessels t h a t w e r e preserved in carbonized form b y t h e fire t h a t destroyed t h e overlying building. H a n d m a d e p o t t e r y in simple shapes was f o u n d in all levels at the site; t h e m o s t characteristic p r o d u c t is a h o l e - m o u t h jar with a dark, streakily b u r n i s h e d surface. Baked clay was also u s e d in t h e m a n u f a c t u r e of s t a m p seals. M a l e a n d fe male figurines m a d e of clay a n d stone were sometimes found in association with animal figurines. O t h e r artifacts include quantities of finely fashioned tools, w e a p o n s , a n d s o m e m i r rors m a d e of obsidian; g r o u n d stone tools; a n d objects m a d e of animal b o n e . D e s p i t e the application of the t e r m Neolithic t o the site, c o p p e r a n d lead h a d b e e n u s e d to m a n u f a c t u r e small items such as b e a d s , p e n d a n t s , a n d rings; a l u m p of c o p p e r slag in level V I suggests t h a t t h e initial steps t o w a r d t r u e metallurgy h a d already b e e n taken. According to a series of twenty-seven uncalibrated r a d i o carbon dates, t h e earlier excavated levels are to b e d a t e d t o t h e late seventh m i l l e n n i u m , whereas level VT a n d t h e later
levels fall after 6,000 BCE. T h e latest levels at C a t a l H o y u k East m a y just overlap w i t h die b e g i n n i n g of t h e L a t e N e o lithic o c c u p a t i o n of Hacilar in t h e Anatolian L a k e District to t h e west of t h e K o n y a Plain. T h e excavations at Catal H o y i i k E a s t cast a completely n e w light o n Neolithic civilization o n t h e A n a t o l i a n p l a t e a u a n d in the N e a r E a s t as a whole. S u b s e q u e n t excavations in T u r k e y a n d elsewhere h a v e still n o t revealed a c o n t e m p o r a r y site with m o r e a d v a n c e d art f o r m s , religious ideology, or general level of sophistication t h a n w e r e f o u n d at Catal H o yiik. [See also Hacilar.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Mellaart, James. "Excavations at Catal Huytik, 1 9 6 5 : F o u r t h Prelimi nary R e p o r t . " Anatolian Studies 1 6 ( 1 9 6 6 ) : 1 6 5 - 1 9 1 . T h e finds of this season are n o t covered in Mellaart ( 1 9 6 7 ) . Mellaart, James. Catal Hiiyuk: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia. L o n d o n , 1967. Well-illustrated account of the first three seasons of excavation. T o d d , Ian A. CotalHiiyuk in Perspective. M e n l o Park, Calif., 1976. Brief s u m m a r y of the site, including environmental and odier aspects to die extent that they were k n o w n at t h e time of writing. T o d d , Ian A. The Prehistory of Central Anatolia, vol. 1, The Neolithic Period. Studies in M e d i t e r r a n e a n Archaeology, vol. 60, G o t e b o r g , 1980. Publication of sites with c o n t e m p o r a r y material in central A n atolia, nordi of the K o n y a Plain. Contains a s u m m a r y of the A n a tolian Neolithic, including Qatal Hoyiik, a n d a useful bibliography as of 1 9 7 5 . Yakar, Jak. Prehistoric Anatolia: The Neolithic Transformation and the Early Chalcolithic Period. T e l Aviv, 1 9 9 1 . Valuable, u p - t o - d a t e s u m mary of sites in all areas of T u r k e y , against which t h e excavations at Catal Hoyiik m u s t now be viewed. See also s u p p l e m e n t n o . 1 (1994) by the same autiior. IAN A . T O D D
CATON-THOMPSON,
GERTRUDE
(1888-
t985), p i o n e e r i n g British archaeologist in E g y p t i a n a n d E a s t African prehistory. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n w a s b o r n in L o n d o n a n d in 1921 b e g a n to study archaeology t h e r e w i t h F l i n d e r s Petrie at University College. F r o m 1921 to 1926, she at t e n d e d t h e British School of A r c h a e o l o g y in E g y p t , w h e r e she c o n t i n u e d t o w o r k w i t h Petrie. F r o m 1934 to 1951, she w a s a fellow at N e w n h a m College, C a m b r i d g e . C a t o n T h o m p s o n also did r e s e a r c h o n M a l t a (1921-1924) a n d in Y e m e n , h e r w o r k established for t h e first time s o m e of t h e prehistoric sequences in E g y p t , a n d h e r t h o r o u g h a r c h a e o logical publications usually i n c l u d e d excellent geological studies as well. I n E g y p t , she excavated at A b y d o s (1921-1922) a n d at Q a u and Badari (1923-1925). S h e also c o n d u c t e d a r c h a e ological a n d geological surveys in t h e F a i y u m (1924-1928), F r o m 1930 to 1933, s h e excavated at t h e K h a r g a h oasis. I n 1928-1929 she excavated at Z i m b a b w e , d e m o n s t r a t i n g tiiat t h e culture was n o t as a n c i e n t as h a d b e e n p r o p o s e d . H e r archaeological a n d geological w o r k in t h e H a d h r a m a u t ( n o w
CATS in Y e m e n ) w a s i m p o r t a n t : she e x c a v a t e d a pre-Islamic t e m ple a n d t o m b site at H u r e i d h a (1937-1938). C a t o n - T h o m p s o n received a n u m b e r of a w a r d s a n d h o n ors, including t h e C u t h b e r t P e e k A w a r d f r o m the Royal G e o g r a p h i c a l Society in 1932, d i e Rivers M e d a l from t h e Royal A n t h r o p o l o g i c a l Institute i n 1934, a n d t h e B u r t o n M e d a l from t h e Royal Asiatic Society in 1954. In 1944 s h e b e c a m e a fellow of t h e British A c a d e m y a n d in 1954 was a w a r d e d a n h o n o r a r y d o c t o r a t e f r o m C a m b r i d g e University. [See also A b y d o s ; F a i y u m ; H a d h r a m a u t ; H u r e i d h a ; M a l t a ; Y e m e n ; and the biography of Petrie.] BIBLIOGRAPHY C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e , and G u y B r u n t o n . The Badarian Civil isation andPredynastic Remains near Badari. L o n d o n , 1928. Excellent final report dealing primarily with the predynastic villages and t o m b s at Badari, Q a u , and H e m a m i e h . C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e . The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reac tions. Oxford, 1 9 3 1 . Based on careful excavations and artifact par allels; correctly dates the Z i m b a b w e culture. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e , and E. W . G a r d n e r . The Desert Payum. 2 vols. L o n d o n , 1934. Major final reports combining geological and archaeological history. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e , et al. Lake Moeris: Re-Investigations and Some Comments. Cairo, 1937. A small study of the F a y u m that ar gued against a high L a k e Moeris in t h e area. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , Gertrude. The Tombs and Moon Temple of Hureidha (Hadhramaut). Oxford, 1944. I m p o r t a n t early archaeological exca vation of a S o u t h Arabian temple a n d t o m b site, together with early geological observations about the area. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e . The Aterian Industry: Its Place and Sig nificance in the Palaeolithic World. L o n d o n , 1946. Small study assign ing die Aterian to the U p p e r Paleolithic period. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e . Kharga Oasis in Prehistory. L o n d o n , 1 9 5 2 . Major final report describing the site's Paleolithic-Neolithic remains. C a t o n - T h o m p s o n , G e r t r u d e . The Zimbabwe Culture: Ruins and Reac tions. 2 d ed. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 1 . U p d a t e d publication of her results, t o gether with radiocarbon data s u p p o r t i n g the later date for the Z i m b a b w e culture. JAMES A. SAUER
C A T S . T h e principal a n c e s t o r of t h e d o m e s t i c cat, t h e wild cat Felis silvestris, is a single species w i t h a w o r l d w i d e distribution t h a t varies in a p p e a r a n c e a n d behavior across t h e n o r t h e r n a n d s o u t h e r n extensions of its r a n g e . B e h a v ioral studies suggest t h a t t h e African/Arabian f o r m of wild cat, F. s. libyca, is t h e m o s t a m e n a b l e to f o r m i n g c o m m e n s a l relationships with h u m a n s a n d habiting their settlements. T h i s behavioral trait, as well as alloenzyme analyses a n d philological a n d archaeological evidence, strongly suggests t h a t t h e libyca f o r m w a s t h e d i r e c t a n c e s t o r of t h e d o m e s t i c cat, formally designated F. s. catus. C a t d o m e s t i c a t i o n p r o b a b l y b e g a n in E g y p t , b u t b e c a u s e t h e skeleton of libyca differs litde from the d o m e s t i c f o r m , it is difficult t o d o c u m e n t t h e earliest stages of t h e p r o c e s s . T h e first p u r p o s e f u l i n t e r m e n t s of F. s. libyca are f o u n d w i t h
441
E g y p t i a n h u m a n burials f r o m t h e early fourth millennium. A l t h o u g h t h e r e is n o evidence to indicate t h a t these cats were d o m e s t i c , die burials m a y signal the b e g i n n i n g of the d o mestication p r o c e s s . O t h e r wild cats from t h e region, n o t a bly t h e larger jungle or m a r s h cat F. chaus, h a v e b e e n iden tified in early burials as well, b u t in smaller n u m b e r s . T h i s led s o m e authorities to suggest tiiat chaus m a y also h a v e c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e d o m e s t i c cat g e n o m e , b u t recent genetic studies s h o w t h a t any significant contribution is unlikely. T h e ancient Egyptians k e p t wild animals in captivity w i t h o u t d o m e s t i c a t i n g t h e m , a n d this w a s p r o b a b l y t h e case with the jungle cat. A fifth-dynasty (c. 2494-2345 BCE) t o m b painting from S a q q a r a depicts a cat w i t h a b a n d t h a t m a y b e a collar a r o u n d its neck. T h i s m a y d e m o n s t r a t e h u m a n control of the animal b u t is n o t p r o o f of domestication. H o w e v e r , by t h e early M i d d l e K i n g d o m p e r i o d (c. 2050-1785 BCE), p i c torial a n d textual evidence p o i n t t o t h e cat as a domesticate. B o t h functional a n d religious r e a s o n s are a d v a n c e d to a c c o u n t for its domestication. A s witii m o s t domestic animals, however, a p r i m a r y s t i m u l u s , a s s u m i n g there w a s o n e , eludes archaeological detection. A n i m a l s played a p r o m i n e n t role in E g y p t i a n religion from t h e p r e d y n a s t i c p e r i o d or even earlier. M o s t deities w e r e associated w i t h one o r m o r e animals t h a t were intrinsic to t h e p e r f o r m a n c e of their cult. C a t s , large a n d small, were s a c r e d to a n u m b e r of E g y p t i a n g o d s . T h e goddess S e k h m e t w a s usually r e p r e s e n t e d b y a lioness, t h e g o d d e s s P a k h e t b y lions a n d cats. T h e m o s t p o p u l a r cat deity, t h e fertility g o d dess Bast w a s p o r t r a y e d as a lioness from t h e protodynastic p e r i o d (c. 3100-1700 BCE) until t h e S e c o n d I n t e r m e d i a t e p e riod (c. 1800-1570 BCE) a n d thereafter mostly as a female cat. In the N e w K i n g d o m (sixteenth-twelfth centuries BCE), t h e solar deity R e is associated with m a l e cats. C a t s , a n d other animals, w e r e kept a n d raised within the confines of t h e t e m p l e s of their special deities. W h e n Bubastis, a center for the w o r s h i p of Bast, a s s u m e d leadership of the c o u n t r y is t h e early first millennium BCE, t h e cat g a i n e d n e w p r o m i n e n c e . Prior to this time, cats a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n pets of t h e elite. As the symbol of a n a tional p r o t e c t r e s s , h o w e v e r , the cat as a p e t b e c a m e e x tremely p o p u l a r across all classes. By t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d (c. 332-200 BCE), cats h a d b e c o m e big business. Priests raised t h e m by the t h o u s a n d s in a n d a r o u n d t e m p l e p r e c i n c t s , to b e u s e d as votive offerings b y pilgrims. H e r o d o t u s (2.65-68) described at length t h e affection of t h e E g y p t i a n p o p u l a c e for their p e t cats a n d t h e sacred burial g r o u n d s t h a t received their m u m m i f i e d r e m a i n s . Archaeologists h a v e discovered e n o r m o u s n u m b e r s of cats in cemeteries at A b y d o s , Giza, Bubastis, a n d S a q qara, t o n a m e a few e x a m p l e s . N o w h e r e in t h e ancient w o r l d w e r e cats as beloved or i m p o r t a n t t o religion as in E g y p t . I n d e e d , their religious role m a y h a v e h i n d e r e d their e x p o r t , as it g r e a d y o v e r s h a d o w e d
442
CATTLE AND OXEN
the utilitarian role they played in v e r m i n control. E x c e p t for Egypt, the d o m e s t i c cat is n o t m e n t i o n e d in t h e region's ancient texts, a n d there is n o evidence for it b e y o n d E g y p t ' s b o r d e r s until t h e first millennium BCE. Its popularity a p p e a r s to have spread rather slowly, reaching C r e t e in t h e n i n t h century, m a i n l a n d G r e e c e d u r i n g t h e sixth century, a n d C h i n a only in t h e second century BCE. I n neighboring Syria-Palestine, there is little early evi d e n c e for t h e domestic cat. A n ivory statuette from L a c h i s h , d a t e d to a b o u t 1700 BCE, m a y b e of a wild or domestic cat. Osteological evidence for cats of all forms is sparse. Several b o n e s of a small wild cat (probably t h e sand cat, F. margarita) were found in M i d d l e B r o n z e II levels (c. 1900-1600 BCE) at Tell J e m m e h in Israel's n o r t h e r n N e g e v desert. C u t marks consistent with skinning reveal t h a t t h e animals were h u n t e d for their pelts. A small n u m b e r of bones referred to F. chaus h a s b e e n recovered at t h e coastal site of Ashkelon in Israel from various p e r i o d s , some with c u t m a r k s . N o t until the Persian p e r i o d (c. 538/39-332 BCE) d o several b o n e s of domestic cat appear. I n t h e ensuing Hellenistic p e r i o d t h e n u m b e r s b e g a n t o rise, a n d a b o u t o n e h u n d r e d specimens of domestic cat h a v e b e e n identified t o date from Hellenistic t o Islamic deposits at Ashkelon. D o m e s t i c cat b o n e s , a n d t h e occasional skeleton, have b e e n r e p o r t e d from historicperiod sites t h r o u g h o u t t h e ancient N e a r East. T h e n u m b e r s are always small, h o w e v e r , p e r h a p s a n indication t h a t dogs, w h o s e bones are m u c h m o r e c o m m o n , were preferred as pets. BIBLIOGRAPHY Armitage, P. L . , a n d Juliet Clutton-Brock. " A Radiological a n d His tological Investigation into the Mummification of Cats from Ancient Egypt," Journal of Archaeological Science 8 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 8 5 - 1 9 6 . I m p o r tant modern evaluation of domestic cat mummies from nineteenthand early twentieth-century excavations. Baldwin, James A. " N o t e s and Speculations on the Domestication of the C a t in Egypt." Anthropos 7 0 ( 1 9 7 5 ) : 4 2 8 - 4 4 8 . A useful survey of the relevant evidence a n d offers a cogent, if not always demonstrable, timetable of cat domestication. Bradshaw, John W . S. The Behaviour of the Domestic Cat. Wallingford, 1992. Malek, Jaromir. The Cat in Ancient Egypt. L o n d o n , 1 9 9 3 . A h a n d s o m e book with a comprehensive study of cats, domestic a n d wild. Morrison-Scott, T . C . S, " T h e Mummified Cats of Ancient E g y p t . " Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 1 2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) : 8 6 1 - 8 6 7 . Comprehensive discussion of cat m u m m i e s , although some of the conclusions have b e e n superseded b y later findings. Randi, Ettore, and Bernardino Ragni. "Genetic Variability and Bio chemical Systematics of Domestic and Wild C a t Populations (Felis silvestris: Felidae)." Journal of Mammology 7 2 . 1 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 7 9 - 8 8 . T h e most up-to-date genetic study of wild and domestic cats. Robinson, R. " C a t . " In Evolution of Domestic Animals, edited by I a n L . Mason, pp. 2 1 7 - 2 2 5 . London, 1984. PAULA WAPNISH
CATTLE AND OXEN.
D u r i n g t h e L a t e Pleistocene a n d Early H o l o c e n e , t h e aurochs (Bos primigenius), t h e wild
ancestor of d o m e s t i c cattle, r a n g e d over diverse e n v i r o n m e n t s across t h e N e a r East. A u r o c h s r e m a i n s a r e c o m m o n in U p p e r Paleolithic levels at sites i n t h e s o u t h e r n a n d east e r n L e v a n t . A c c o r d i n g t o artistic evidence, t h e a u r o c h s w a s still p r e s e n t in this region d u r i n g historic times. I t is unclear just w h e n t h e a n i m a l finally b e c a m e extinct. W i t h few exceptions, t h e n u m b e r of identified large bovid b o n e s in N e o l i t h i c sites is small. T h e r e f o r e , criteria b a s e d o n mortality are rarely available a n d t h e e v i d e n c e for d o mestic cattle is primarily osteometric. [See A n i m a l H u s bandry.] D o m e s t i c stock are c o n s i d e r a b l y smaller titan their a u r o c h s ancestors. H o w e v e r , t h e application of this criterion is complicated b y sexual d i m o r p h i s m a n d tire resulting d a n ger of identifying a b o n e from a wild female as o n e f r o m a domestic bull. F u r t h e r m o r e , d e p e n d e n c e o n m o r p h o l o g i c a l signs m e a n s t h a t t h e earliest phases of d o m e s t i c a t i o n will n o t b e recognized. I t is n o t clear h o w t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n of s u c h a large a n d powerful animal as a n a u r o c h s into h u m a n set tlements w a s m a n a g e d . P e r h a p s t h e provision of salt t o wild h e r d s w a s a strategy for conditioning t h e animals to h u m a n p r e s e n c e a n d initiating t h e process of t a m i n g . H o w e v e r it w a s a c c o m p l i s h e d , t h e first claim for " p r e d o m e s t i c a t i o n , " o n t h e basis of mortality data, c o m e s from P r e - p o t t e r y Neolithic A ( P P N A ) T e l l M u r e y b e t in Syria. O s t e o m e t r i c evidence h a s b e e n cited t o assert t h a t t h e cattle from sixtli-millennium deposits from Catal H o y i i k a n d Hacilar, Neolithic sites i n central Anatolia, w e r e d o m e s t i c , b u t this h a s b e e n challenged. D o m e s t i c or wild, t h e cattle at Catal Hoyiik a r e particularly interesting b e c a u s e t h e site also yielded extensive evidence for t h e animal in a ritual context. N o t only a r e a u r o c h s i n c l u d e d in t h e s p e c t a c u l a r m u r a l art, b u t h o r n s were m o u n t e d o n a b e n c h a n d associated with h u m a n figurines a n d w h a t m a y b e fertility symbols. O n t h e basis of size d i m i n u t i o n , d o m e s t i c cattle a r e certainly p r e s e n t in central Anatolia, n o r t h e r n Syria, a n d t h e L e v a n t b y 5000 BCE, t h o u g h t h e process m u s t h a v e started earlier. T h e sex ratio of morphologically wild P P N B (late seventh millen n i u m BCE) cattle favors females, w h i c h m a y b e evidence for t h e onset of h u s b a n d r y . T h e r e is insufficient evidence t o p i n p o i n t t h e a p p e a r a n c e of d o m e s t i c cattle i n I r a n a n d I r a q p r i o r to t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m . [See M u r e y b e t ; Catal Hoytik; Hacilar.] B e c a u s e cattle a r e extremely a d a p t a b l e t o diverse h a b i t a t s , a degree of isolation b e t w e e n regional p o p u l a t i o n s arose. T h i s resulted i n stock of varied a p p e a r a n c e b y t h e e n d of t h e second m i l l e n n i u m BCE. T h e z e b u , or h u m p e d cattle (Bos indicus), is p r e s e n t in J o r d a n in t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e o n t h e basis of osteological evidence. F i g u r i n e s f o u n d at T e l l J e m m e h i n Israel's n o r t h e r n N e g e v , as well as t h e v e r t e b r a e distinctive of this b o v i d , place it t h e r e i n this p e r i o d as well. Because z e b u c a n n o t always b e reliably distinguished from their taurine cousins, t h e r e is a possibility t h a t t h e y w e r e b o t h earlier a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n is currently r e c o g nized. [See J e m m e h , Tell.] A u r o c h s w e r e h u n t e d for their m e a t a n d hides. I t is n o t
CAVE TOMBS k n o w n h o w l o n g it took before d o m e s t i c catde p r o d u c e d sufficient quantities of milk or b e c a m e sufficiently tractable t o m a r k a significant c h a n g e in h o w they w e r e used. T h e earliest reliable e v i d e n c e for d a i r y i n g is from fourth-millen n i u m sites in E g y p t a n d M e s o p o t a m i a . Similarly from the fourth m i l l e n n i u m c o m e s t h e earliest (artistic) evidence for t h e p l o w in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . Osteological evidence for cattle as p l o w or draft a n i m a l s at tiiis time is n o t e d in collections from the L e v a n t a n d Anatolia. T h e a d v e n t of p l o w agriculture utilizing cattle as m o t i v e p o w e r was a m a j o r threshold. B e c a u s e cattle a s s u m e d m u c h of the w o r k p r e viously s u p p l i e d by h u m a n s , s u r p l u s labor could b e redi r e c t e d to o t h e r p u r s u i t s in t h e c o m m u n i t y , t h e r e b y e n h a n c ing t h e potential for i n c r e a s e d s o c i o e c o n o m i c complexity. I n historic periods cattle w e r e usually t h e third m o s t c o m m o n domesticate at a site, after s h e e p a n d goats. H o w e v e r , their larger size a n d utility for draft m a d e t h e m m u c h m o r e valuable, animal for animal, t h a n either of t h e "small cattle." O x e n ( n e u t e r e d bulls) b e g a n t o b e e m p l o y e d in the fourth m i l l e n n i u m BCE, b a s e d on o s t e o m e t r i c data. H o w e v e r , t e x tual evidence from M e s o p o t a m i a a n d t h e H e b r e w Bible is equivocal a b o u t w h e t h e r t h e t e c h n i q u e w a s actually p r a c ticed in all periods. [See also Agriculture; A n i m a l H u s b a n d r y ; E t h n o z o o l o g y ; L e a t h e r ; and Paleozoology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Clutton-Brock, Juliet. Domesticated Animals from Early Times. Austin, 1 9 8 1 . Excellent discussion of domestic bovids.
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b o d i e s w e r e later m o v e d to the sides to clear a space in the center for additional burials. E x t r a m u r a l cemeteries first a p p e a r e d in t h e Chalcolithic p e r i o d (4300-3300 BCE). I n d i v i d u a l r e m a i n s b u r i e d in caves were frequently collected a n d d e p o s i t e d in a ceramic r e c e p tacle s h a p e d like a jar or a h o u s e , called an ossuary (Azor, H a d e r a , Jerusalem, P a l m a h i m , near S h e c h e m ) . [See O s s u ary.] Objects a n d vessels f o u n d in the caves a c c o m p a n y i n g the d e a d include V - s h a p e d bowls, pedestaled bowls, h o l e m o u t h jars, a n d flint tools, m a n y characteristic of the G h a s s u l i a n culture. Ossuaries w e r e n o t u s e d in the t h r e e cave t o m b s at t h e J u d e a n D e s e r t site of N a h a l M i s h m a r : the cave z m a n , w o m a n , a n d four children, a g e d 2-6 years old, w e r e w r a p p e d in b l o o d - s t a i n e d linen cloth and covered with m a t s . T h e d e c e a s e d are t h o u g h t to h a v e b e e n family m e m bers w h o m e t with violence. H i g h l a n d settlers in t h e Early B r o n z e I (3300-3050 BCE) b u r i e d from five to u p to two h u n d r e d " k i n " together in caves (Ai, T e l l e l - F a r a h [ N o r t h ] ) , G e z e r , Jericho, Tell T a ' a n a c h ) , along w i t h p o t t e r y vessels, jewelry, w e a p o n s , a n d o t h e r p e r s o n a l items. A t several sites (Bab e d h - D h r a ' , G e z e r , Jericho, Tell T a ' a n a c h ) skulls w e r e separated from tire o t h e r b o n e s , c o n t i n u i n g a Neolithic practice interpreted as an e l e m e n t in a n a n c e s t o r cult. It is c o m m o n l y a s s u m e d t h a t multiple burial in caves w a s t h e practice of e x t e n d e d families in sedentary agrarian societies, yet n o settlement has b e e n located in the vicinity of the T e l l el-Far'ah ( N o r t h ) cemetery. e
BRIAN HESSE
After a p a u c i t y of burials in E B II—III, a n d divergent p r a c tices d u r i n g E B I V - M i d d l e B r o n z e I, cave burial r e s u m e s in M B II (2000-1550 BCE) with the r e u s e of earlier burial caves at sites including T e l l e l - F a r ' a h ( N o r t h ) , Jericho, a n d M e giddo. By the L a t e B r o n z e A g e (1550-1200 BCE), t h e distri b u t i o n of cave t o m b s w a s c o n c e n t r a t e d in the hill c o u n t r y (Tell e l - F a r ' a h [ N o r t h ] ) , G e z e r , H e b r o n , Jericho, Jerusalem, L a c h i s h ) . A s in the p r e c e d i n g p e r i o d s , n e w or u s e d caves a c c o m m o d a t e d multiple burials with a m o d e s t assemblage of d o m e s t i c pottery a n d few i m p o r t s or metals. G i b e o n a n d H e b r o n p r o v i d e further e x a m p l e s of cemeteries with n o n e a r b y settlements.
C A V E T O M B S . Burial in cave t o m b s w a s practiced from the Chalcolithic p e r i o d o n w a r d , primarily in the hill c o u n t r y of C a n a a n , w h e r e caves o c c u r r e d naturally. B o t h n a t u r a l a n d h e w n caves a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n conceived of as a n ancestral dwelling for families a n d generations, b a s e d o n t h e selection of m o r t u a r y provisions: c o m m o n h o u s e h o l d c e r a m i c vessels a n d a s s o r t e d items u s e d for food p r o d u c t i o n , clothing, h u n t i n g a n d warfare, f a r m i n g , fishing, a m u s e m e n t , p e r s o n a l g r o o m i n g , symbolic p r o t e c t i o n ( a m u l e t s ) , a n d p e r sonal identification (seals). I n u n d i s t u r b e d e x a m p l e s , i n d i viduals lay e x t e n d e d o n their b a c k , w i t h objects positioned a r o u n d their b o d y , n e a r t h e c e n t e r of t h e cave. B o n e s a n d objects scattered a r o u n d t h e cave's p e r i p h e r y suggest t h a t
T h r o u g h all the social a n d political upheavals of the I r o n A g e , the p a t t e r n of burial practices c h a n g e d little from t h a t in the B r o n z e A g e . C a v e t o m b burials c o n t i n u e d as before, a n d i n several t o m b s ( T e l Aitun, Jericho, L a c h i s h ) skulls were s e p a r a t e d f r o m t h e r e m a i n i n g b o n e s , recalling t h e ear lier practice. A c o m m e n s u r a t e n u m b e r of gifts a c c o m p a n i e d t h e large n u m b e r s of individuals b u r i e d in cave t o m b s . L o cally m a d e bowls, l a m p s , jars, jugs, a n d juglets p r e d o m i n a t e , with a w i d e a s s o r t m e n t of o t h e r ceramic f o r m s , h o u s e h o l d items, a n d personal possessions. T h r o u g h t h e course of the I r o n A g e , as t h e n u m b e r of sites e m p l o y i n g t h e b e n c h t o m b increased, a decreasing n u m b e r of sites b u r i e d their dead in cave t o m b s . T h e r e are t w o likely explanations for the d e creasing u s e of the cave t o m b . O n e possibility is t h a t a d h e r ents of L B highland culture, t h e A m o r i t e s a n d others, lived
Grigson, Caroline. "Size and Sex: Evidence for the Domestication of C a t d e in the N e a r E a s t . " In The Beginnings of Agriculture, edited by Annie Milles et al., p p . 7 7 - 1 0 9 . British Archaeological Reports, In ternational Series, no. 496. Oxford, 1989. T h e most critical, u p - t o date review of the problems of catde domestication in the N e a r East. Mellaart, James. Catal Hiiyuk: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia. L o n d o n , 1 9 6 7 . T h e m o s t comprehensive p o p u l a r book on die site, including m a n y excellent illustrations. U e r p m a n n , Hans-Peter. The Ancient Distribution of Ungulate Mammals in the Middle East. W i e s b a d e n , 1 9 8 7 . Clear a n d comprehensive re view of ancient faunal distributions.
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a m o n g the b e n c h - t o m b - b u r y i n g population (later the J u dahites) a n d c o n t i n u e d t o b u r y their dead in caves. A second possibility is t h a t highland settlers, regardless of ethnic or religious affiliation, c o n t i n u e d to b u r y their d e a d in caves b e c a u s e caves required less of an investment of t i m e a n d labor t h a n did hewing a b e n c h t o m b . [See also Burial Sites; Burial T e c h n i q u e s ; C a t a c o m b s ; and G r a v e G o o d s . In addition, most of the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Avi-Yonah, Michael, and Ephraim Stern, eds. Encyclopedia of Archae ological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1 9 7 5 - 1 9 7 8 . S u m m a r y of excavations, including results of all earlier expeditions to the sites. B e n - T o r , A m n o n , ed. The Archaeology of Ancient Israel. T r a n s l a t e d by R. Greenberg. N e w Haven, 1992. Essays with differing emphases on the Neolithic through the Iron Age II—III periods. Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth. Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the Dead. Journal for the Study of the Old T e s t a m e n t , S u p p l e m e n t 1 2 3 . Sheffield, 1 9 9 2 . S u m m a r y and comprehensive catalog of the Iron Age burials. Mazar, Amihai. Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 10,000-586 B.C.E. N e w York, 1990. Comprehensive, detailed, well-illustrated survey of biblical archaeology, limited only by the traditionalist biblical inter pretation. S t e m , E p h r a i m , ed. The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. Jerusalem and N e w York, 1 9 9 3 . Supple ments Avi-Yonah and Stern (above), witii results of m o r e recent excavations and revised interpretations. ELIZABETH BLOCH-SMITH
C A Y O N U , type-site of a Neolithic culture in southeast ern T u r k e y (38°i6' N , 39°43' E ) , with a long a n d u n i n t e r r u p t e d s e q u e n c e from 8250 to 5000 BCE (in uncalibrated years), located along t h e foothills of the E a s t T a u r u s r a n g e , in the plain of E r g a n i , 60 k m (37 mi.) n o r t h of t h e district center of Diyarbakir. T h e site is a low, flat m o u n d (300 X 150 m ) along a small tributary of t h e Tigris River. Evidently, the p a l e o t o p o g r a p h y of the terrain was significantly different in antiquity. A s e c o n d stream, forming a brook or a p o n d , encircled the site o n t h e north, a n d the settlement d e v e l o p e d o n two natural hills, separated by a shallow depression. Cay onii was recovered in 1963 during an extensive surface sur vey of the region. It w a s excavated for sixteen field seasons from 1964 to 1991, within the framework of the Joint P r e historic Project, initially f o u n d e d b y the Prehistory D e p a r t m e n t of die University of Istanbul a n d the Oriental Institute of the University of C h i c a g o , a n d later joined b y K a r l s r u h e a n d R o m e Universities. T h e project was r u n initially b y Halet Carnbel a n d R o b e r t J. B r a i d w o o d (1963-1985) a n d later by M e h m e t O z d o g a n . Culturally, earlier p a r t s of the Cayonii s e q u e n c e r e p r e s e n t the era of Incipient F o o d P r o d u c i n g , m o r e c o m m o n l y k n o w n as the P r e - P o t t e r y Neolithic A ( P P N A ) , w h i c h in time gradually develops into Effective F o o d P r o d u c i n g
( P P N B ) a n d into D e v e l o p e d Village C o m m u n i t i e s (Early P o t t e r y Neolithic). T h i s represents a l m o s t t h e entire r a n g e of t h e transition from a food-collecting to a f o o d - p r o d u c i n g way of life a n d to the f o r m a t i o n of a village e c o n o m y . W i t h an e x p o s u r e exceeding 7,000 sq m , C a y o n t i is t h e m o s t e x tensively excavated Neolithic site in t h e N e a r East. T h e wellpreserved a n d stratified architectural r e m a i n s evince every stage in t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of village a r c h i t e c t u r e , from sim ple, r o u n d huts in wattle a n d d a u b , to very c o m p l e x r e c t a n gular structures in m u d brick. T h e site is also u n i q u e in r e vealing s o m e r e m a r k a b l e aspects of this transitional period; strict rules in t h e plans a n d m e a s u r e m e n t s of buildings; p r e p l a n n e d functional a n d status areas; sophisticated b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s , s u c h as " t e r r a z z o " flooring (see b e l o w ) ; a n d m o n u m e n t a l buildings with special functions, all of w h i c h are indicative of a rigid b u t c o m p l e x social system. Also sig nificant at Cayonti is t h e earliest k n o w n practice of m e t a l lurgy, mainly native c o p p e r a n d malachite. A r c h a e o l o g i c a l S e q u e n c e s . T h e C a y o n t i s e q u e n c e is di vided into t h r e e m a i n phases: t h e P r e - P o t t e r y N e o l i t h i c ( P P N ) , or M a i n C a y o n t i P h a s e (I); t h e P o t t e r y Neolithic (II); a n d later o c c u p a t i o n s of m i n o r i m p o r t a n c e , r a n g i n g from L a t e Chalcolithic t o medieval (III). D u r i n g the later p a r t of t h e Early B r o n z e Age, the settlement shifts t o the other side of t h e river, a n d t h e site w a s u s e d as a burial ground. Phase I. C a y o n t i p h a s e I is s u b d i v i d e d into six s u b p h a s e s . E a c h s u b p h a s e is n a m e d after its prevailing b u i l d i n g t y p e . Round building subphase. T h e earliest structures at C a y o n t i are r a d i o c a r b o n d a t e d t o 10,230 BP a n d are r o u n d or oval h u t s , of wattle a n d d a u b construction, with s e m i s u b t e r r a n e a n floors. I n t h e c o u r s e of this long-lasting period, cov ering at least a t h o u s a n d years, t h e r e is a g r a d u a l d e v e l o p m e n t in c o n s t r u c t i o n t e c h n i q u e s t o structures with stone-lined f o u n d a t i o n s . Grill plan subphase. A s a further d e v e l o p m e n t of r o u n d huts with stone foundations, living floors w e r e raised o n multiple rows of stones laid parallel t o e a c h other, almost resembling a large grill (see figure 1 ) . T w i g s a n d b r a n c h e s w e r e laid over t h e grill-like foundations a n d t h e n coated w i t h a thick layer c o m p o s e d of a m i x t u r e of lime a n d clay. T h i s insulation from g r o u n d w a t e r increased t h e a m o u n t of living area available. T h e grill t e c h n i q u e w a s a revolutionary ar chitectural c o n c e p t in t h e transition f r o m r o u n d to r e c t a n gular plans. T h e grill p l a n at Cayonii developed gradually. T h e stan d a r d m o d e l h a d a tripartite layout, a large living area raised on low-lying grill f o u n d a t i o n s , a closed i n n e r court, a n d a small binlike storage area. W a t t l e a n d d a u b were still t h e m a i n materials u s e d to c o n s t r u c t the b u i l d i n g s ' vaulted u p p e r structures. T h e grill p l a n s u b p h a s e constitutes n u m e r ous building layers, e a c h layer manifesting further elabora tion of t h e building p l a n . H o w e v e r , at any given layer, all buildings are a r r a n g e d in a c h e c k e r b o a r d p a t t e r n , w e r e all
CAYONU
CAYONt). Figure i .
Cell and grill buildings.
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E x c a v a t e d f o u n d a t i o n s of grill b u i l d i n g s a p p e a r at t h e
u p p e r right, cell b u i l d i n g s t o t h e left. (Courtesy M . O z d o g a n )
alike in size, plan, a n d orientation, suggesting a c o m m u n a l c o n s t r u c t i o n effort a c c o r d i n g to a p r e s e t plan. Channeled building subphase. G r a d u a l l y , t h e o p e n i n g s b e t w e e n t h e grill-like f o u n d a t i o n s b e c a m e n a r r o w e r , m e r g i n g into subfloor drainage c h a n n e l s . M u d , as a p r o t o t y p e of m u d brick, was u s e d o n walls for t h e first time. T h e r e w a s also a substantial c h a n g e in settlement p a t t e r n : t h e h o u s e s b e c a m e m o r e sparsely scattered a n d t h e area of t h e settlement ex p a n d e d considerably. Cobble-paved building subphase. A d d i t i o n a l innovation in b u i l d i n g t e c h n i q u e s i n c l u d e d h i g h s t o n e walls, small b u t tresses, a n d possibly a flat roof. D r a i n a g e channels d i s a p p e a r e d a n d insulation from g r o u n d w a t e r was e n s u r e d b y a c o b b l e fill. Cell building subphase. Cell-like small c o m p a r t m e n t s with living floors raised o n stone b a s e m e n t s w e r e u s e d for burials a n d storage (see figure i ) . T h e b u i l d i n g s are considerably larger t h a n in t h e previous p h a s e , with h i g h s t a n d i n g - s t o n e a n d m u d - b r i c k walls. H o u s e s w e r e a r r a n g e d a r o u n d large c o u r t y a r d s in w h i c h all d o m e s t i c a n d industrial activity took place. T h e r e w a s considerable diversity i n p l a n , size, a n d in the artifactual yield of these b u i l d i n g s , i m p l y i n g social a n d functional differentiation. Large-room building subphase. T h e last s u b p h a s e of t h e P P N settlement is p o o r l y d o c u m e n t e d . T h e buildings c o n sisted of o n e or t w o large r o o m s w i t h claylike floors a n d t h e settlement itself b e c a m e smaller. Phase II. Pottery a p p e a r s s u d d e n l y at C a y o n t i (c. 8,020 B P ) , indicating t h a t t h e c o n c e p t was b o r r o w e d from else w h e r e . T h e r e are n o indications of a b r e a k in t h e s e q u e n c e ,
as m o s t e l e m e n t s in t h e material assemblage continue. T h e settlement, t h e n restricted to t h e eastern p a r t of the old P P N m o u n d , s e e m s to have d e v e l o p e d as a c o n g l o m e r a t e of h o u s e s a n d n a r r o w p a s s a g e s w i t h n u m e r o u s annexes a n d alterations. T h r e e distinct h o r i z o n s are a p p a r e n t within this p h a s e . S e t t l e m e n t seems to cease completely d u r i n g t h e H a l afian p e r i o d , just before 7,000 BP. C o m m u n a l B u i l d i n g s a n d A r e a s . Only t h e L a r g e - r o o m Building s u b p h a s e a n d t h e P o t t e r y Neolithic o c c u p a t i o n lacked c o m m u n a l buildings. T h e earliest o n e , a large r o u n d s t r u c t u r e , w a s followed b y a large rectangular building, n a m e d t h e F l a g s t o n e Building b e c a u s e of t h e large polished slabs u s e d for its flooring. M e g a l i t h i c stones were set u p r i g h t into its floor. T h e n e x t p u b l i c b u i l d i n g is t h e so-called Skull Building, n a m e d for t h e r e c o v e r y of seventy h u m a n skulls d u r i n g t h e first e x p o s u r e of t h e building (see figure 2). T h e building was rebuilt at least six t i m e s , with considerable changes in p l a n — b u t it held n u m e r o u s h u m a n skeletons or skeletal fragments in e a c h p h a s e . B o n e s of 295 individuals w e r e collected from t h e building, s o m e p l a c e d carefully a n d others tossed in. T h e last of t h e public buildings is the T e r razzo Building, a large single r o o m with i n n e r buttresses; its floor is of pinkish limestone, elegantly b u r n i s h e d a n d set into a thick lime m o r t a r . D u r i n g t h e c h a n n e l e d building s u b p h a s e a large p a r t of t h e eastern area of t h e s e t t l e m e n t was reserved as a n open area for special functions t h a t are n o t yet u n d e r s t o o d . T w o rows of h u g e s t a n d i n g stones w e r e set into its meticulously leveled a n d p r e p a r e d clayey floor, w h i c h w a s was kept very clean. D u r i n g the cells s u b p h a s e , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t build-
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CAYONU this assemblage. T h e p r e s e n c e of seashells also indicates long-distance t r a d e . B e a d s , n u m b e r i n g in t h e t h o u s a n d s , m u s t have b e e n a specialized craft a t Cayonii. N a t i v e c o p p e r a n d malachite, available in t h e vicinity of t h e site, were u s e d in t h e grill building s u b p h a s e , b u t t h e r e w a s a n u p s u r g e in metallurgy in t h e p e r i o d of t h e c h a n n e l e d buildings. M e t a l w a s s h a p e d b y heating a n d u s e d in m a k i n g either simple tools or b e a d s a n d inlays. P y r o t e c h n o l o g y i n c l u d e d b u r n i n g lime, w h i c h w a s u s e d b o t h in p r o d u c i n g primitive vessels a n d constructing t h e terrazzo floor. T h e earliest k n o w n " l i m e vessels" a r e from Cayonii. A m o n g specialized crafts, weaving is significantiy d o c u m e n t e d a t Cayonii b y t h e r e covery of a cloth impression m a d e of d o m e s t i c linen, b e i n g t h e earliest k n o w n cloth.
CAYONU. F i g u r e 2. "Skull
building."
(Courtesy M . O z d o g a n )
ings in t h e settlement encircled this o p e n area, w h i c h h a d b e e n e m p t y of buildings. Later, d u r i n g the l a r g e - r o o m b u i l d ing subphase, it w a s t u r n e d into a refuse area. S u b s i s t e n c e a n d S o c i a l S t r u c t u r e . W h e n settlement b e g a n o n C a y o n i i it w a s a sedentary village hosting a c o n siderable p o p u l a t i o n . U p t o t h e e n d of t h e cell s u b p h a s e , however, subsistence d e p e n d e d mainly o n h u n t i n g wild a n imals a n d gatiiering wild fruit—though cultivation of s o m e cereals, including w h e a t a n d lentils, h a d b e e n k n o w n b y t h e latter part of t h e r o u n d - h o u s e subphase. By t h e e n d of t h e cell s u b p h a s e , h e r d s of domestic sheep a n d goat w e r e s u d denly i n t r o d u c e d to t h e site from elsewhere, resulting n o t only in a sharp decline in h u n t i n g activities, b u t also i n t h e collapse of t h e traditional social structure. D u r i n g t h e h u n t ing stage t h e site m u s t h a v e b e e n tightly controlled b y a s o cially stratified society. Status objects, as weE as public buildings a n d t h e a p p e a r a n c e of a n organized settlement, disappear almost completely b y t h e t i m e of t h e l a r g e - r o o m building s u b p h a s e . T e c h n o l o g y , A s s e m b l a g e s , a n d T r a d e . T h e artifactual assemblage includes b o n e a n d g r o u n d , polished, or c h i p p e d stone (mainly basalt, flint, a n d obsidian) objects. T h e latter were traded f r o m a distance of at least 150 k m ( 9 3 m i . ) . L o n g obsidian blades with r e t o u c h e d steep sides, also k n o w n as t h e Cayonii blade, a r e t h e m o s t significant i m p l e m e n t s in
D a t i n g . Cayonii is d a t e d b y a series of radioactive dates. A s n o t e d above, t h e earliest dates for t h e r o u n d h o u s e s u b p h a s e a r e a r o u n d 10,230 B P a n d 8,020 B P f o r t h e p o t t e r y p h a s e . I t is clear t h a t t h e "Cayonii c u l t u r e " is a p a r t of t h e " N e a r E a s t e r n " Neolithic tradition, d e v e l o p i n g along t h e s a m e lines, a n d sharing n u m e r o u s cultural i n n o v a t i o n s . H o w e v e r , in contrast t o t h e other N e a r E a s t e r n cultures of t h e s o u t h e r n semiarid z o n e s , a n almost completely different m o d e l of subsistence seems t o have d e v e l o p e d in t h e envi ronmentally rich areas of t h e E a s t T a u r u s r a n g e . R e c e n t e x cavations of sites s u c h as Hallan Cemi, 150 k m east of Ca yonii, h a s clearly indicated t h e a u t o c h t h o n o u s character, as well as t h e antiquity of this culture, going as early as t h e P r o t o - N e o l i t h i c P e r i o d . T h e earliest s u b p h a s e of Cayonii, being a direct d e s c e n d a n t of H a l l a n Qemi culture, also shares typical e l e m e n t s of N e a r E a s t e r n P P N A h o r i z o n , such as t h e r o u n d buildings, t h e s o called " N e m r i k p o i n t s , " a n d so forth. O f t h e other excavated N e o l i t h i c sites in t h e region, N e v a h Qori revealed architectural layers parallel with the "channeled building" and "cobble-paved building" subphases of Cayonii, while Cafer H o y i i k layers parallel t h e " c e l l " s u b p h a s e a n d t h o s e at Gritille t h e t e r m i n a l p a r t of t h e pre-pottery sequence. [See also
Catal Hoyiik; Hacilar; and N e v a h Cori.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Braidwood, L i n d a S., a n d R o b e r t J. Braidwood, eds. Prehistoric Village Archaeology in South-Eastern Turkey. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 138. Oxford, 1 9 8 2 . Browman Morales, Vivian. Figurines and Other Clay Objects from Sarab and Cayonii. Oriental Institute C o m m u n i c a t i o n s , 2 5 . Chicago, 1990. Cambel, Halet, a n d R o b e r t J. Braidwood, e d s . Prehistoric Research in Southeastern Anatolia. Istanbul, 1980. Muhly, James D . " C a y o n i i Tepesi a n d t h e Beginnings of Metallurgy in the Ancient W o r l d . " I n Old World Archaeometallurgy, edited by Andreas H a u p t m a n n et al., p p . 1 - 1 1 . B o c h u m , 1 9 8 9 . Ozdogan, M e h m e t , a n d Ash Ozdogan. "Cayonii: A C o n s p e c t u s of R e cent W o r k . " I n Prehistoire du Levant: Processus du changements culturels, edited b y Olivier A u r e n c h e et al., p p . 3 8 7 - 3 9 6 , Paris, 1 9 9 0 . Ozdogan, M e h m e t , a n d Asli Ozdogan. "Pre-Halafian Pottery of S o u t h eastern Anatolia, with Special Reference t o t h e Cayonii S e q u e n c e , " In Between the Rivers and Over the Mountains: Festschrift for Alba
CENTRAL MOAB Palmieri, edited by Marcella F r a n g i p a n e et al., p p . 8 7 - 1 0 3 . R o m e , 1993. MEHMET OZDOGAN
C E N T R A L M O A B . T h e region immediately east of t h e D e a d Sea, k n o w n as M o a b in a n c i e n t times, consists of a n a r r o w strip of cultivable l a n d b e t w e e n the r u g g e d D e a d Sea e s c a r p m e n t a n d d i e Syrian (or N o r t h Arabian) desert. T h i s is rolling plateau for t h e m o s t part, b u t it is i n t e r r u p t e d by t h e d e e p W a d i el-Mujib c a n y o n t h a t separates n o r t h e r n M o a b from central M o a b , a n d t h e less steep b u t equally formidable W a d i el-Hasa c a n y o n t h a t b o u n d s M o a b on t h e s o u t h . N o r t h e r n M o a b is m u c h better k n o w n from epig r a p h i c sources, the H e b r e w Bible, a n d archaeological e x ploration, b u t p r e s u m a b l y central M o a b , t h e region b e t w e e n t h e M u j i b a n d t h e H a s a , w o u l d h a v e b e e n the heartland of a n c i e n t M o a b i t e settlement. L a t e r , central M o a b was p a r t of die N a b a t e a n realm, until 106 CE, w h e n T r a j a n joined N a b a t e a witii Perea a n d t h e D e c a p o l i s to f o r m the R o m a n p r o v i n c e of Arabia P e t r a e a . W r i t t e n sources from t h e R o m a n period indicate t h a t R a b b a t h m o b a ( p r e s e n t - d a y erRabbah) and Charachmoba (present-day Kerak) were im p o r t a n t cities at the time. B e c a u s e central M o a b is situated b e t w e e n M e c c a a n d D a m a s c u s , it w o u l d h a v e b e e n central t o t h e U m a y y a d caliphate. T h e C r u s a d e r s built a major cas tle at K e r a k to p r o t e c t the s o u t h e a s t e r n flank of t h e L a t i n k i n g d o m of Jerusalem. T h e M a m l u k s e x p a n d e d t h e castle a n d K e r a k flourished d u r i n g the t h i r t e e n t h a n d early four t e e n t h centuries CE, w h e n it served as a favored city of p o litical exiles from the M a m l u k c o u r t in C a i r o . C e n t r a l M o a b e x p e r i e n c e d increasing u r b a n decline thereafter, especially d u r i n g the O t t o m a n period, w h e n it w a s d o m i n a t e d b y fiercely i n d e p e n d e n t b e d o u i n tribes. All t o w n s a n d villages h a d b e e n a b a n d o n e d b y the b e g i n n i n g of t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y CE, e x c e p t for four straggling settlements (Kerak, I r a q , K a t h r a b b a , a n d K h a n z i r a ) , a n d outsiders e n t e r e d t h e region at risk. [See K e r a k ; ' I r a q el-Amir.] T h i s situation c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ; t h e results w e r e t h a t while o t h e r p a r t s of Palestine w e r e b e i n g m a p p e d a n d explored for archaeological r e m a i n s , c e n tral M o a b w a s largely b y p a s s e d . A m o n g t h e ttavelers w h o did enter the region a n d n o t e d in their travel a c c o u n t s its m a n y a b a n d o n e d r u i n s w e r e U l r i c h J. Seetzen (1805), J o h a n n L u d w i g B u r c k h a r d t (1812), C h a r l e s L . I r b y a n d J a m e s M a n g l e s (1818), Felicien d e Saulcy (1851), C . M a u s s a n d H e n r i Sauvaire (1866), H e n r y B a k e r T r i s t r a m (1872), C h a r l e s M . D o u g h t y (1875), a n d G r e y Hill (1890, 1895). A s the c e n t u r y d r e w t o a close, h o w e v e r , even the t o p o g r a p h y of central M o a b r e m a i n e d p o o r l y u n d e r s t o o d , a n d n o n e of its ruins h a d b e e n e x a m i n e d in a n y detail. T h e n , b e t w e e n 1894 a n d 1910, the O t t o m a n g o v e r n m e n t reasserted its a u thority in s o u t h e r n T r a n s j o r d a n , r e n d e r i n g central M o a b a n d its archaeological r u i n s m o r e accessible for investiga
447
tion. D u r i n g t h a t brief p e r i o d R u d o l f - E r n s t B r i i n n o w a n d Alfred v o n D o m a s z e w s k i c o n d u c t e d a systematic study of t h e R o m a n r o a d system a n d associated fortifications, while Alois M u s i l explored the g e o g r a p h y of s o u t h e r n T r a n s j o r d a n a n d p r e p a r e d a 1:300,000 scale m a p that included t h e n a m e s a n d a p p r o x i m a t e locations of m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d r u i n s b e t w e e n t h e M u j i b a n d the H a s a . T h e r e a f t e r , e x c e p t for a brief excursion b y William F o x well Albright in 1924, t h e archaeological r e m a i n s of central M o a b received n o further attention of c o n s e q u e n c e until 1930, w h e n R e g i n a l d H e a d discovered t h e B a l u ' stela [See Balu'.] T h i s discovery p r o m p t e d J o h n W i n t e r Crowfoot a n d Albright t o m o u n t a t w o - w e e k e x p e d i t i o n in 1933, at w h i c h time C r o w f o o t m a d e s o u n d i n g s at K h i r b e t el-Balu' a n d Al bright c o n d u c t e d s o u n d i n g s at A d e r . T h a t s a m e year N e l s o n G l u e c k b e g a n his i m p o r t a n t survey of T r a n s j o r d a n . P a u l W . L a p p excavated B a b e d h - D h r a ' in 1965-1967 a n d Fawzi Z a y a d i n e cleared a first-century, BCE N a b a t e a n t o m b n e a r D h a t R a s in 1968. [See B a b e d h - D h r a ' . ] O t h e r w i s e , Glueck's survey r e p o r t , p u b l i s h e d in t h e Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research (1934,1935, 1939), stood as the final w o r d on the archaeology of central M o a b until the late 1970s. Specifically, in 1976 ( a n d r e t u r n i n g in 1982), Emilio Olavarri (1983) c o n d u c t e d s o u n d i n g s at M e d e i n e t elM u ' a r r a j e h (i.e., K h i r b e t e l - M e d e i n e h n o r t h overlooking W a d i L e j j u n ) , w h i c h p r o v e d t o b e an Early I r o n Age for tress. [See M e d e i n e h , K h i r b e t el-.] T h a t s a m e year S. T h o m a s Parker (1987) b e g a n a study of the R o m a n limes Arabicus in T r a n s j o r d a n ; t h e project has involved, b e g i n n i n g in 1980, excavations at t h e L a t e R o m a n legionary fortress of Lejjun a n d a survey (led by F r a n k K o u c k y ) of a r c h a e o logical features in the i m m e d i a t e vicinity. [See L i m e s A r a bicus.] M e a n w h i l e , from 1978 to 1983, J. M a x w e l l Miller (1991) c o n d u c t e d a general survey of the w h o l e plateau b e tween the Mujib a n d the H a s a , c o m p l e m e n t e d by less e x tensive surveys along t h e wadis leading from the plateau to t h e D e a d Sea. Siegfried M i t t m a n n a n d L i n d a K. Jacobs e x p l o r e d W a d i 'Isal in 1979 a n d 1981, respectively ( M i t t m a n n , 1982; J a c o b s , 1983). U d o W o r s c h e c h e x a m i n e d sites in W a d i I b n H a m m a d a n d t h e n o r t h w e s t q u a d r a n t of the pla teau in 1983-1985. W o r s c h e c h also (1986) b e g a n n e w e x cavations at K h i r b e t el-Balu' in 1985 that p r o d u c e d p r i m a r ily Iron A g e r e m a i n s . R o b i n M . B r o w n (1989) c o n d u c t e d a s o u n d i n g in d i e Palace R e c e p t i o n Hall in t h e K e r a k citadel in 1987 a n d distinguished M a m l u k a n d O t t o m a n phases. J e r e m y J o h n s a n d Alison M . M c Q u i t t y (1989) e x a m i n e d several medieval Islamic sites o n the p l a t e a u in 1986 a n d h a v e excavated K h i r b e t F a r i s [See Faris, Khirbet.] Altiiough attention f r o m archaeologists to central M o a b increased, its archaeological features r e m a i n poorly k n o w n . M u c h of w h a t is k n o w n is derived from surface surveys c o n d u c t e d with benefit of very little stratified pottery from die
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region itself to provide control. It does seem clear, however, t h a t central M o a b w a s o c c u p i e d to s o m e degree t h r o u g h o u t historical times. M o r e o v e r , to the extent that the relative density of sites with surface pottery from a given p e r i o d cor r e s p o n d s to the density of sedentary p o p u l a t i o n d u r i n g t h a t p e r i o d (which m a y n o t b e t h e case), s o m e t r e n d s are n o ticeable. Central M o a b seems to h a v e h a d significant sed entary occupation d u r i n g the Early Bronze Age, for e x a m ple, with the strongest s h o w i n g during E B II—III a n d slightiy less during E B IV. F e w e r sites p r e s e n t surface p o t t e r y for t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e , a t r e n d that seems to have c o n t i n u e d well into the L a t e B r o n z e Age. At that time, a n u p w a r d t r e n d in sedentary p o p u l a t i o n seems to have b e g u n , p r o b ably n e a r the end of the L a t e B r o n z e Age, t h a t c o n t i n u e d until Iron II. T h e transition from I r o n II to t h e Hellenistic/ N a b a t e a n period is unclear, b u t the latter period is strongly represented, especially with N a b a t e a n pottery, t h r o u g h o u t central M o a b . N u m e r o u s sites with R o m a n a n d B y z a n t i n e pottery indicate a c o n t i n u a t i o n of relatively dense sedentary p o p u l a t i o n until early Islamic times. Relatively few sites p r o d u c e d surface p o t t e r y clearly attributable to t h e early Islamic periods, in contrast to t h e A y y u b i d / M a m l u k , w h i c h is well represented. T w o intriguing basalt stelae have b e e n discovered in c e n tral M o a b , t h e Balu stela m e n t i o n e d above a n d the so-called S h i h a n stela, w h i c h actually was discovered at R u j m el' A b d / F a q u ' by de Saulcy in 1851. T h e Balu' stela b e a r s a n illegible inscription a n d depicts three figures, apparently a local ruler flanked b y a g o d a n d a goddess. T h e script a n d language are u n c e r t a i n , b u t t h e scene reflects E g y p t i a n in fluence suggestive of t h e N e w K i n g d o m period—for ex ample, t h e central figure wears a headdress of the sort u s u ally w o r n by Shasu in E g y p t i a n scenes, while the g o d wears t h e d o u b l e c r o w n of u p p e r a n d lower E g y p t a n d t h e g o d d e s s wears a crown similar to t h a t of Osiris. T h e S h i h a n stela presents in bas-relief a m a n in h e l m e t a n d short skirt, h o l d ing a spear, with an animal, possibly a lion, at his left. Sty listic similarities with m o n u m e n t a l art of t h e " N e o - H i t t i t e " cities in n o r t h e r n Syria suggest a n I r o n A g e date. A n in scription fragment, reportedly discovered at Kerak, exhibits parts of four lines in C a n a a n i t e ( M o a b i t e ) script similar to tiiat of the famous M e s h a inscription discovered at D i b o n . In one of the b r o k e n lines it is possible to r e a d "Kfmsyt king of M o a b . " [See D i b o n ; M o a b i t e Stone.] Finally, a large proto-Ionic pilaster capital was found at M e d e i b i t h a t r e sembles those f o u n d at several I r o n Age sites west of t h e J o r d a n River ( H a z o r , Jerusalem, M e g i d d o , R a m a t R a h e l ) . 1
[See also M o a b . ]
1 9 0 4 - 1 9 0 9 . Surveys all published materials relevant to the archae ology of M o a b , up to and including their own study of the R o m a n road and fortification system. Glueck, Nelson. Explorations in Eastern Palestine, Vols. 1 - 3 . Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 8 / 1 9 . N e w H a ven,
I934-I939-
Miller, J. Maxwell, ed. Archaeological Survey of the Kerak Plateau. A m e r ican Schools of Oriental Research, Archaeological Reports, 1. At lanta, 1991. A comprehensive gazetteer of archaeological sites on the central Moabite plateau, widi full bibliography for each site t h r o u g h 1990.
Recent Field Reports Brown, Robin M . "Excavations in the F o u r t e e n t h C e n t u r y A . D . M a m luk Palace at Kerak." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 33 (1989): 2 8 7 - 3 0 4 . Jacobs, Linda K. " S u r v e y of the South Ridge of W a d i 'Isal, 1 9 8 1 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 27 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 2 4 5 - 2 7 4 , figs. 1 - 1 5 . Johns, Jeremy, and Alison M . M c Q u i t t y . " T h e Paris Project: Prelimi nary Report u p o n the 1986 and 1988 S e a s o n s . " Levant 21 (1989): 63-95M i t t m a n n , Siegfried. " T h e Ascent of L u h i t h . " I n Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 1, edited b y A d n a n Hadidi, p p . 1 7 5 - 1 8 0 . A m m a n , 1982. Reports M i t t m a n n ' s survey of W a d i 'Isal. Olavarri, Emilio. " S o n d e o arqueologico en Khirbet M e d e i n e h junto a Smakieh (Jordania)." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 22 ( 1 9 7 7 - 1 9 7 8 ) : 1 3 6 - 1 4 9 . Olavarri, Emilio. " L a c a m p a g n e de fouilles 1982 a K h i r b e t M e d e i n e t al-Mu'arradjeh pres de Smakieh ( K e r a k ) . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of'Jordan 27 ( 1 9 8 3 ) : 1 6 5 - 1 7 8 . Parker, S. T h o m a s , ed. The Roman Frontier in Central Jordan: Interim Report on the Limes Arabicus Project, 1080-1085. 2 vols. British Ar chaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 340. Oxford, 1987. Parker, S. T h o m a s . "Preliminary R e p o r t on t h e 1987 Season of the Limes Arabicus Project." In Preliminary Reports of ASOR-Sponsored Excavations, 1983-87, edited by Walter E. Rast, p p . 8 9 - 1 3 6 . Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, S u p p l e m e n t n o . 26. Baltimore, 1990. Worschech, U d o F . Ch., et al. " T h e F o u r d i Survey Season in the N o r t h - W e s t Ard el-Kerak, a n d Soundings at Balu', 1 9 8 6 . " Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 30 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 2 8 5 - 3 1 0 ,
Inscriptions and Artistic Representations Reed, William L., a n d F r e d V. Winnett. " A F r a g m e n t of a n Early M o abite Inscription from K e r a k . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori ental Research, no. 1 7 2 ( 1 9 6 3 ) : 1 - 9 . W a r d , William A., a n d M . F . Martin. " T h e Balu'a Stele: A N e w T r a n scription with Palaeographic and Historical N o t e s . " Annual of the Department of Antiqidties of Jordan 8-9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) : 5 - 2 9 . W a r m e n b o l , Eugene. " L a stele de R u f m el-'Abd (Louvre A O 5 0 5 5 ) : U n e image de divinite moabite du IXeme-VIIIeme siecle av. N . E . " Levant is (1983): 6 3 - 7 5 . J. MAXWELL MILLER
CERAMIC ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Briinnow, Rudolf-Ernst, a n d Alfred von Domaszewski. Die Provincia Arabia auf Grund zweier in denjahre 1897 und 1808 unlemammenen Reisen und der Berichte friiherer Reisender, 3 vols. Strassburg,
Archae ologists w h o s t u d y living peoples a n d their p o t t e r y for t h e p u r p o s e of addressing p r o b l e m s e n c o u n t e r e d w i t h ancient p o t t e r y engage in c e r a m i c e t h n o a r c h a e o l o g y . I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e social a n d political topics e t h n o g r a p h e r s investigate
CERAMIC ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY a m o n g extant c o m m u n i t i e s , ethnoarchaeologists e x a m i n e material culture to d o c u m e n t s o u r c e s of variation in c o n t e m p o r a r y artifacts. T h i s enables t h e m to m a k e inferences a b o u t t h e diversity detected in e x c a v a t e d artifacts. O n e goal is to u n d e r s t a n d b e t t e r t h e h u m a n b e h a v i o r responsible for t h e artifacts. All material culture is suitable for e x a m i n a t i o n . C e r a m i c e t h n o a r c h a e o l o g y a m o n g potters practicing tradi tional technologies (i.e., w i t h o u t t h e u s e of electrical o r other m o d e r n conveniences) a n d w h o s e finished p r o d u c t s (cook ing p o t s , jugs, jars, l a m p s ) a r e for u s e b y local clientele r a t h e r t h a n tourists, is especially relevant given t h e a b u n d a n c e of p o t t e r y archaeologists find in excavations. I n t h e a n c i e n t N e a r East a n d M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin, tire material u s e d m o s t c o m m o n l y t o p r o d u c e containers of all sizes a n d s h a p e s w a s clay. P o t t e r y was inexpensive a n d highly breakable. B e c a u s e fired clay b e c o m e s r o c k - h a r d , s h e r d s of b r o k e n p o t s , w h i c h litter a n c i e n t sites, are virtually indestructible. A n c i e n t p o t t e r y is i m p o r t a n t t o archaeologists b o t h b e c a u s e of its h i g h rate of survival a n d t h e rapidity with w h i c h changes in s h a p e a n d d e c o r a t i o n occur. I t h a s b e e n u s e d to establish relative chronologies; t o establish t h e function of buildings; t o t r a c e t h e social a n d e c o n o m i c implications of t h e repertoire of f o r m s ; a n d t o m a k e inferences a b o u t cultic practices. C e r a m i c e t h n o a r c h a e o l o g y e n h a n c e s these studies b e c a u s e it can explain sources of diversity in f o r m a n d finish t h a t m a y h a v e little t o do w i t h c h r o n o l o g y b u t , r a t h e r , reflect cultural preference: archaeologists w a n t to k n o w w h e t h e r t w o jugs w i t h similar b u t distinct p a i n t e d p a t t e r n s reflect different, yet coexisting, s o u r c e s o r t w o consecutive t i m e periods. T h e goal of e t h n o a r c h a e o l o g y is n o t only to observe a n d r e c o r d p o t t e r s a n d their society, b u t t o d o so with t h e i n t e n tion of a d d r e s s i n g t h e specific q u e s t i o n s ancient c e r a m i c s p o s e . E t h n o a r c h a e o l o g i s t s initially state t h e questions u n d e r investigation a n d t h e n select a n a p p r o p r i a t e c o m m u n i t y for a l o n g - t e r m field project. D u r i n g t h e project, wares of a r e p resentative s a m p l e of p o t t e r s are r e c o r d e d u s i n g quantitative m e a n s w h e n e v e r possible. A s a m p l e ideally includes p e o p l e of different g e n e r a t i o n s , g e n d e r , a n d families a n d those b o r n in t h e c o m m u n i t y as well as n e w c o m e r s . It is essential to learn if a n d h o w t h e m a n u f a c t u r i n g t e c h n i q u e , division of labor, family association, a n d p o t t e r ' s age a n d g e n d e r i m p a c t o n t h e finished p r o d u c t . Interviews w i t h p o t t e r s a n d o t h e r m e m b e r s of t h e c o m m u n i t y are p a r t of t h e field research. R a t h e r t h a n rely o n verbal a c c o u n t s alone, e t h n o a r c h a e o l ogists systematically o b s e r v e w h a t e v e r occurs relating t o pottery. O n t h e n e x t level, t h e ethnoarchaeologist m i g h t c o n d u c t a similar s t u d y at a n e a r b y c o m m u n i t y , a c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s p r o d u c t i o n location, t o c o m p a r e w a r e s a n d d y n a m i c s of p r o d u c t i o n , W i t h o u t l o n g - t e r m field w o r k a n d a representative s a m p l e , t h e result m a y b e a d i s t o r t e d a n d i n c o m p l e t e p i c t u r e .
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R e p r e s e n t a t i v e samples ideally include as m a n y variables as possible—a difficult task b e c a u s e t h e n u m b e r of p o t t e r s is d e c r e a s i n g steadily in m a n y parts of t h e world. U n l e s s an a p p r o p r i a t e c o m m u n i t y is selected, t h e results m a y n o t b e suitable for addressing t h e issues archaeological materials raise. A n i n d u s t r y of w h e e l - t h r o w n tourist wares is n o t suit able for c o m p a r i s o n s w i t h a n c i e n t h a n d m a d e wares p r o d u c e d a n d u s e d b y h o u s e h o l d potters a n d sold or b a r t e r e d with a n e i g h b o r i n g c o m m u n i t y . E t h n o a r c h a e o l o g i s t s e x a m i n e topics related to clay p r o c u r e m e n t a n d processing; m a n u f a c t u r i n g t e c h n i q u e s ; sur face t r e a t m e n t s ; firing t e c h n i q u e s ; breakage rates; sales a n d distribution; seasonality; o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e industry; dis card a n d r e u s e of newly m a d e a n d u s e d w a r e s ; the artifacts, layout, a n d r e m a i n s (material correlates) associated with p o t t e r y p r o d u c t i o n locations; a n d t h e sources of variation in all aspects of t h e industry. A t t e n t i o n is focused o n issues s u c h as vessel longevity, u s e , a n d reuse; t h e relationship b e t w e e n wealth and t h e n u m b e r of p o t s in individual h o m e s ; the n u m b e r of p e o p l e a n d p o t s in a h o m e ; t h e p r e s e n c e a n d u s e of n o n c e r a m i c containers; t h e p o t t e r s ' social status; a n d local n a m e s a n d pottery classification systems. E t h n o a r chaeologists c a n test t h e validity of t e r m s (such as full-time or part-time craft specialists) archaeologists u s e in describing ancient p o t t e r s . T h e considerable a m b i g u i t y in these t e r m s , in light of t h e data from ethnoarchaeological studies, sug gests t h a t t h e t e r m s are t o o rigid a n d divisive. O n e o u t c o m e of r e c e n t r e s e a r c h suggests t h a t at any given time in antiquity t h e c e r a m i c s i n d u s t r y was never a m o n o lithic, static, h o m o g e n e o u s e n t e r p r i s e characterized b y p o t ters w o r k i n g at a single level of p r o d u c t i o n ; it is m o r e a c curately r e p r e s e n t e d as different traditions coexisting. O n C y p r u s t o d a y , for e x a m p l e , p o t t e r s in a secluded rural vil lage c o n t i n u e t o m a k e goat-milking p o t s a n d jars to store cheese a n d water; at t h e s a m e time these old-fashioned ves sels h a v e d i s a p p e a r e d from t h e repertoire of rural village potters w h o live a n d w o r k close to an u r b a n center, yet t h e t w o villages coexist ( L o n d o n , 1989, p . 227). In J o r d a n , vil lage w o m e n c o n t i n u e t o build pots b y h a n d from locally available clays, while m a l e potters n e a r b y t h r o w p o t s m a d e of i m p o r t e d clays a n d surface t r e a t m e n t s ( L o n d o n a n d Sin clair, 1992), Diversity characterizes t h e i n d u s t r y r a t h e r t h a n uniformity. B r o k e n p o t t e r y was recycled t h r o u g h o u t antiquity: sherds w e r e suitable surfaces for writing transactions a n d notes with ink. [See Ostracon.] Ethnoarchaeological research o n C y p r u s ( L o n d o n , 1989) d e m o n s t r a t e s t h a t sherds are also suitable b u i l d i n g materials; animal feeders; protection for seedlings; carriers (of charcoal from t h e kitchen t o t h e lain); w i n d p r o t e c t i o n for candles in cemeteries; a n d for separating p o t s f r o m kiln walls d u r i n g firing. Potters in traditional societies are able t o identify t h e work of individual potters b y considering a vessel's overall p r o -
450
CERAMICS: Typology and Technology
portions, its surface t r e a t m e n t , a n d its finish. T h e s e s a m e criteria can help archaeologists identify the work of individ ual potters in antiquity in order t o address the issues t h a t concern h o w society a n d die industry were organized. [See also Ethnoarchaeology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Kramer, Carol. " C e r a m i c Ethnoarchaeology." Annual Review of An thropology 1 4 (1989): 7 7 - 1 0 2 . Overview of the subject. L o n d o n , Gloria A n n e . " P a s t a n d Present: T h e Village Potters of C y p r u s . " Biblical Archaeologist 52 (1989): 2 1 9 - 2 2 9 . L o n d o n , Gloria A n n e , et al. Traditional Pottery in Cyprus. M a i n z am Rhein, 1990. Account of one of the few remaining countries in the region with rural potters practicing a traditional technology to p r o duce wares for local use. L o n d o n , Gloria A n n e , and Marlene Sinclair. " A n Ethnoarchaeological Survey of Potters in J o r d a n . " In Madaba Plains Project 2: The 1987 Season at Tell el-' Umeiri and Vicinity and Subsequent Studies, edited by Larry G . Herr et al., p p . 420-428. Berrien Springs, Mich., 1 9 9 2 . Brief report on two groups of Jordanian potters. Longacre, William A „ ed. Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology. T u c s o n , 1 9 9 1 . T h e most recent collection of articles dealing with ceramic ethnoar chaeology worldwide. Nicholson, Paul, a n d Helen Patterson. "Pottery Making in U p p e r Egypt: An Ethnoarchaeological S t u d y . " World Archaeology 17 (1985): 2 2 2 - 2 3 9 . Unlike other places in the N e a r East, pottery p r o duction in Egypt remains a viable livelihood. GLORIA A N N E LONDON
C E R A M I C S . [This entry surveys the history of ceramic artifacts with reference to the technologies used to create them, the uses to which they were put, and their overall role in the cultures and societies in which they figure. It comprises seven articles: Typology and Technology M e s o p o t a m i a n Ceramics of t h e Neolithic t h r o u g h N e o Babylonian P e r i o d s Syro-Palestinian C e r a m i c s of t h e Neolithic, B r o n z e , a n d Iron Ages Ceramics of t h e Persian P e r i o d Ceramics of t h e Hellenistic a n d R o m a n P e r i o d s Ceramics of t h e Byzantine P e r i o d Ceramics of t h e Islamic Period The first serves as an overview, providing a discussion of the importance of typology for dating purposes and the development of specific typologies. The remaining articles treat the artifacts of specific periods and regions]
Typology and Technology Archaeologists excavating ancient sites find t h o u s a n d s of ar tifacts that m u s t b e described, defined, a n d interpreted in order to reconstruct t h e societies responsible for t h e m . C e ramic wares, or pottery, represent o n e of t h e m o s t a b u n d a n t finds t h r o u g h o u t t h e ancient N e a r E a s t a n d t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . Given t h e plastic n a t u r e of clay, t h e raw m a
terial of pottery, a r a n g e of basic shapes c a n b e f o r m e d , a n d w h e n die clay is fired it b e c o m e s virtually indestructible. T o describe t h e pots a n d sherds ( b r o k e n pieces of p o t t e r y ) t h e y find, archaeologists have created typologies, or classifica tions, that g r o u p pieces b a s e d o n stylistic similarities. T o d a y , n e w technological considerations ( h o w a n d of w h a t a p o t was m a d e ) are c o n t r i b u t i n g to t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h o s e ty pologies. T h e first goal of a typological o r d e r i n g is t o g e n erate types defined b y specific attributes a n d t h e n to discern the m e a n i n g or significance of t h e t y p e s . T h e c o n c e p t of " t y p e " refers to a g r o u p of artifacts t h a t r e s e m b l e each o t h e r a n d that c a n b e differentiated from o t h e r g r o u p s . D i s t i n guishing attributes include aspects of form: m o r p h o l o g y , or s h a p e , a n d size; style: surface t r e a t m e n t a n d d e c o r a t i o n ; a n d technology: a p o t ' s materials a n d m e t h o d of m a n u f a c t u r e . E a c h typology addresses specific q u e s t i o n s a n d serves a dif ferent, specific p u r p o s e . C e r a m i c T y p o l o g i e s . Initially, c e r a m i c typologies w e r e devised to a d d r e s s chronology. B e c a u s e c e r a m i c w a r e s are fragile, the rate of b r e a k a g e is high; t h u s , t h e r e is a c o n s t a n t n e e d to replace w h a t breaks. A s forms are r e p l a c e d over time, the t e n d e n c y is to c h a n g e their s h a p e a n d surface treat m e n t . It is t h e p e r i o d i c changes d u r i n g r e p l a c e m e n t t h a t m a k e pottery a chronological marker: s e q u e n c e s c a n b e dis c e r n e d for the local culture or for t h e history of a region. C o m p a r a t i v e chronological studies focus o n t h e superficial modifications in vessel m o r p h o l o g y a n d surface t r e a t m e n t ( d e c o r a t i o n ) — t h e m o s t obvious changes over time. B e c a u s e s h a p e and decoration c a n c h a n g e relatively quickly, a r c h a e ologists c a n assign a relative date to each p o t t e r y style. O n c e t h e p o t t e r y is d a t e d , archaeologists c a n date t h e deposit in w h i c h it is f o u n d . B a s e d on ethnoarchaeological studies in C y p r u s , t h e life s p a n of p o r t a b l e jugs u s e d for drinking w a t e r is n o m o r e t h a n six m o n t h s to t w o years before t h e walls b e c o m e clogged with r o c k a n d m i n e r a l deposits ( G . L o n d o n , F . E g o u m e n d i o u , a n d V. K a r a g e o r g h i s in Traditional Pottery in Cyprus, M a i n z , 1989, p . 33). I n contrast, i m m o b i l e w a t e r storejars could last for m o r e t h a n a c e n t u r y . As a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e differences in their daily u s e , t h e f o r m e r c h a n g e m o r e rapidly t h a n t h e latter. H o w e v e r , finding sim ilar pots at t w o different sites does n o t m e a n t h a t t h e sites w e r e either c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s or similar. T h e p o t t e r y m a y h a v e b e e n c u r a t e d or saved from o n e g e n e r a t i o n t o t h e next, or types m a y h a v e r e a c h e d o n e site a d e c a d e o r m o r e later. S u c h relative c e r a m i c chronologies are i m p o r t a n t , b u t t h e y c a n n o t address t h e c o m p l e x issues of w h e r e , h o w , a n d b y w h o m pottery w a s m a d e . A n s w e r s to those q u e s t i o n s h a v e i m p o r t a n t implications for u n d e r s t a n d i n g h o w ancient s o cieties a n d e c o n o m i e s functioned. T h e earliest typologies focused o n style—on b o t h f o r m a n d finish ( m o r p h o l o g y a n d d e c o r a t i o n ) — r a t h e r t h a n o n m a n u f a c t u r i n g technology. A s p e c t s related t o f o r m are b o d y shape a n d function (bowl, jug, etc.) a n d t h e s h a p e of t h e r i m , base, h a n d l e s , a n d other accessory e l e m e n t s , s u c h as a
CERAMICS: Typology and Technology s p o u t or a lid. Surface finish involves d e c o r a t i o n a n d various t r e a t m e n t s s u c h as a d d i n g p a i n t , slip, or clay a p p l i q u e ; r e m o v i n g clay b y incising a n d carving; t e x t u r i n g b y scoring, s t a m p i n g , i m p r e s s i n g , a n d rouletting; r u b b i n g , polishing, a n d b u r n i s h i n g with a tool; a n d t r e a t m e n t s created b y t h e firing p r o c e s s , s u c h as m o t t l i n g . W h i l e m o s t stylistic attri b u t e s a n d c h a n g e s a r e a p p a r e n t t o t h e eye, subtleties exist t h a t are s o m e t i m e s u n d e r s t o o d subjectively, with e x p e r i e n c e . I n contrast, t h e technological aspects of m a n u f a c t u r e r e q u i r e sophisticated l a b o r a t o r y t e c h n i q u e s (mineralogical a n d chemical analysis, r a d i o g r a p h y ) a n d an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of h o w p o t t e r y is m a d e . A c e r a m i c technologist investigating w h y a p o t looks t h e w a y it d o e s (its f o r m a n d finish) c o n siders its stylistic and technological features. T h e resulting analysis is therefore m o r e objective t h a n a reliance only o n f o r m a n d finish. F o r a typology to b e useful for m a k i n g c o m p a r i s o n s , e a c h t y p e of p o t m u s t b e accurately a n d concisely defined a n d described, b a s e d o n objective criteria: t h e steps t h a t led to its final f o r m a n d surface finish. C e r a m i c T e c h n o l o g y . A technological s t u d y involves discovering t h e p o t t e r ' s choice of clay a n d n o n p l a s t i c i n clusions; m a n u f a c t u r i n g t e c h n i q u e ; surface t r e a t m e n t ; a n d d r y i n g a n d firing. I n creating a c e r a m i c typology, t h e r a w materials m u s t b e c h a r a c t e r i z e d — i n c l u d i n g t h e t y p e , fre q u e n c y , a n d c o n d i t i o n of t h e n o n p l a s t i c e l e m e n t s , r a t h e r t h a n tire clay particles ( w h e n fired, plastic clay particles shrink, while aplastic, or n o n p l a s t i c , r o c k a n d m i n e r a l t e m p e r i n g materials r e m a i n virtually u n c h a n g e d at low t e m p e r atures) . R e c o n s t r u c t i n g a n a n c i e n t c e r a m i c t e c h n o l o g y reveals h o w each stage of p o t creation influences s u b s e q u e n t stages. T h u s , t h e factors t h a t c o m b i n e d to p r o d u c e t h e final p o t — as well as its r a n g e of potential v a r i a t i o n s — e m e r g e . In p a r ticular, clay t y p e influences e a c h of t h e p o t t e r ' s successive decisions. T h e clay's t e x t u r e d e t e r m i n e s m a n u f a c t u r i n g t e c h n i q u e , surface t r e a t m e n t , d r y i n g , a n d firing. F o r e x a m p l e , certain clays are best s u i t e d for c o n s t r u c t i n g p o t s u s i n g t h e coiling p r o c e s s . T h e s e are k n o w n as lean clays, a n d they contain relatively large quantities ( m o r e titan 30 p e r c e n t ) of aplastic material ( t e m p e r i n g material or i n c l u sions) in t h e f o r m of rocks, m i n e r a l s , a n d organic materials. W h e n a p o t t e r works w i t h l e a n clay, t h e n a t u r e of t h e surface t r e a t m e n t h a s already b e e n d e t e r m i n e d : any tool u s e d to i n cise p a t t e r n s into t h e surface will pull u p a n d drag with it s o m e of t h e aplastic material p r o t r u d i n g f r o m t h e surface, unless a slip layer is first applied. A slip is a t h i n coating of very watery clay (with or w i t h o u t t h e a d d i t i o n of a coloring agent) t h a t covers either all or p a r t of a p o t ' s surface. A slip layer allows t h e p o t t e r greater d e c o r a t i n g choices w i t h a p o t m a d e of heavily t e m p e r e d clay t h a n w o u l d otherwise b e fea sible. P a i n t (slip to w h i c h a p i g m e n t h a s b e e n a d d e d ) is a p plied in a p a t t e r n r a t h e r t h a n over an entire surface b e c a u s e p a i n t does n o t a d h e r e well t o a surface f r o m w h i c h inclusions p r o t r u d e . Surfaces t o b e b u r n i s h e d similarly benefit from a n
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initial application of a slip t o coat a n d cover t h e inclusions a n d alleviate " d r a g " lines. F o r this r e a s o n , intentionally b u r n i s h e d p o t s are usually slipped. H o w e v e r , p r i m a r y m a n u facturing c a n p r o d u c e b u r n i s h i n g as well. W h e n p o t s are m a d e in t h e p r o c e s s k n o w n as t u r n i n g , t h e p o t t e r first s h a p e s a thick-walled vessel a n d allows it t o dry slightly. W h e n t h e p o t t e r j u d g e s t h e p o t ready, it is r e t u r n e d to t h e t u r n t a b l e a n d t h i n n e d , or " t u r n e d d o w n , " t o t h e desired thinness. T h i s p r o c e s s will p r o d u c e a b u r n i s h only if t h e clay has r e a c h e d a particular stage of drying a n d if the p o t is fired at a certain t e m p e r a t u r e . If t h e clay is too w e t w h e n it is t u r n e d , b u r n i s h i n g is less likely t o o c c u r . It is t h e clay t h a t largely d e t e r m i n e s t h e two final stages of t h e work, drying a n d firing. H e a v i l y t e m p e r e d pots r e q u i r e shorter a n d less carefully controlled d r y i n g a n d firing. C e r t a i n aplastic inclusions, e s pecially of t h e limestone g r o u p , d o n o t tolerate a high t e m p e r a t u r e unless t h e y have b e e n finely g r o u n d before being a d d e d to t h e clay. B y assessing technological features, questions c a n b e a d d r e s s e d a b o u t w h e r e certain p o t t e r y was m a d e a n d w h o m a d e it ( w h e t h e r it w a s local, regional, o r arrived at a site via international t r a d e ) , t h e continuity a n d breaks in ceramic traditions, a n d t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e ceramics industry. T h e s e issues a n d o t h e r s are relevant to u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n cient societies. T y p o l o g i e s b a s e d o n style a n d technology n o t only a d d r e s s issues a b o u t relative c h r o n o l o g y , b u t can also explain w h y a n d h o w s o m e s h a p e s c h a n g e d t h r o u g h t i m e — s o m e quickly a n d others barely at all. N u m e r o u s revisions are necessary d u r i n g t h e initial stages of creating a typology, w h i c h can b e e x p a n d e d a t a n y t i m e to include n e w infor m a t i o n . It is, h o w e v e r , difficult to u s e typologies to address issues for w h i c h t h e y w e r e n o t initially designed. F o r ex a m p l e , b y a r r a n g i n g p o t t e r y in t e r m s of w h a t is earlier or later b a s e d o n s h a p e a n d d e c o r a t i o n , it c a n b e difficult to identify o t h e r potential causes for differences in a p p e a r a n c e . P o t t e r y t h a t looks different c a n be t h e w o r k of two w o r k s h o p s o p e r a t i n g at t h e s a m e time, b u t in different c o m m u nities. Differences in t h e s h a p e of rims o r bases, or other diagnostic parts m i g h t reflect t w o distinct p o t t e r y p r o d u c tion locations r a t h e r t h a n chronological differences. By clas sifying p o t t e r y with c h r o n o l o g y as t h e p r i m e consideration, o n e can overlook e v i d e n c e of t h e organization of t h e p o t t e r y i n d u s t r y , o r t h e signatures of individual p o t t e r s w h o w o r k e d at t h e s a m e time, b u t in different villages. O n c e t h e functional p o t t e r y (bowls, jars, jugs, etc.) b e longing t o a single p e r i o d at a site are collected, typologies c a n b e d e s i g n e d t o p r o v i d e relative chronologies. T w o q u e s tions are traditionally p o s e d : h o w does t h e collection differ or coincide with t h e assemblages from t h e p e r i o d s t h a t p r e cede a n d follow it; a n d h o w similar or different is t h e col lection t o c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s material from n e a r b y sites? T h e results a r e chronological/functional typologies. S u c h typol ogies allow archaeologists t o establish relative dating s c h e m e s , w h i c h are critical for sites a n d deposits t h a t lack
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o t h e r internal dating evidence, such as inscriptional remains ( n a m e s or references to kings) a n d organic material. D e v e l o p m e n t of C e r a m i c T y p o l o g i e s . T h e first ce ramic typology w a s designed by William Flinders Petrie in 1890, based on pottery h e h a d excavated from T e l l el-Hesi in southern Israel. T h e r e , stream action h a d cut a vertical section into the tell, p r o v i d i n g a roughly stratified c h r o n o logical s e q u e n c e at t h e site. By recognizing pottery similar to the wares he h a d excavated in Egypt, Petrie could a c c o m m o d a t e t h e Hesi material into the system of s e q u e n c e dating h e h a d developed for E g y p t i a n funerary ceramics a n d epigraphic data. Pottery at Tell el-Hesi p r o v i d e d a stratified sequence of b o t h plain a n d decorated wares t h a t enabled Petrie to d r a w attention to the chronological value of d o mestic u n d e c o r a t e d pottery. Until this d e v e l o p m e n t , classi cal archaeologists h a d relied exclusively o n decorated wares. Nevertheless, u n d e c o r a t e d a n d coarser wares c o n t i n u e d to receive far less attention t h a n decorated wares in s u b s e q u e n t pottery studies a n d typologies. [See H e s i , Tell el-; and the biography of Petrie.] As m o r e sites w e r e excavated a n d n e w pottery forms were discovered, an e m p h a s i s w a s placed on i m p r o v i n g a n d c o m pleting Petrie's initial chronological typology. J. G a r r o w D u n c a n compiled the Corpus of Dated Palestinian Pottery ( L o n d o n , 1930) to p r o v i d e a system for identifying wellk n o w n pottery types a n d to alleviate the repetitious p u b l i cation of such p o t s in future reports. In later excavation r e ports, pottery was sometimes listed according to D u n c a n ' s Corpus identifications, b u t it soon b e c a m e outdated. Its e m phasis was o n whole vessels (sherds belonged only if t h e y bore a special surface t r e a t m e n t ) . H o w e v e r , increasing r e liance on stratigraphic m e t h o d s of excavation a n d r e c o r d i n g the precise location of sherds a n d p o t s , as exemplified b y the work at Samaria of G e o r g e Reisner (see Reisner et a l , 1924), resulted in an increased appreciation a n d u s e of sherds in the N e a r East a n d in t h e N e w W o r l d . Reisner later influenced his students at H a r v a r d to study sherds. [See the biography of Reisner.] Chronological typologies enabled archaeologists to c o m p a r e and cross-date assemblages from different sites, e s p e cially in the early days of archaeological research. A crosscultural s m d y by H e n r i Frankfort ( L o n d o n , 1924) dealt with pottery from M e s o p o t a m i a to Egypt. H o w e v e r , it e m p h a sized chronological questions, ignoring variation within a n d a m o n g local a n d regional wares. L o c a l cultural uniformity (ceramic similarity) characterized the basis for research with few exceptions. C e r a m i c typologies c o n t i n u e d to revise t h e functional/chronological typologies over the years. G . E. W r i g h t ' s i m p o r t a n t study The Pottery of Palestine from the Earliest Times to the End of the Early Bronze Age ( N e w H a ven, 1937) dealt with chronological issues of Early B r o n z e Age material while n o t i n g ceramic analysis's potential t o deal with other issues. A n u n u s u a l typology, based o n g e o m e t r i c shape analysis, by Pinhas Delougaz (1952) for M e s o p o t a
m i a n pottery, a n d analyses of clays b y o t h e r researchers, unfortunately h a s a m i n i m a l i m p a c t on h o w a n c i e n t p o t t e r y w a s studied a n d published. [See the biographies of Frankfort and Wright] I n 1963 Rutii A m i r a n a n d her associates p u b l i s h e d Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land, first in H e b r e w a n d t h e n in an English translation Qerusalem, 1970). I n it, t h e y collected examples of w h o l e pots a n d s o m e s h e r d s typical of different regions in Israel from t h e Neolithic p e r i o d to t h e L a t e I r o n A g e . Little was k n o w n t h e n a b o u t the p o t t e r y of m o r e r e c e n t p e r i o d s , a l t h o u g h publications since h a v e h e l p e d to c o n s t t u c t typologies for d i e m : E p h r a i m S t e r n ' s Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period, 532-332 B.C. ( W a r m i n s t e r , 1982); a n d P a u l W . L a p p ' s Palestinian Ce ramic Chronology, 200 B.C.-A.D. 70. ( N e w H a v e n , 1961). A m i r a n ' s widely u s e d typology w a s t h e guide for all s u b s e q u e n t studies, as local heterogeneity b e c a m e r e c o g n i z e d with the ever-increasing n u m b e r of sites excavated. Studies of specific types of d e c o r a t e d pottery, from C y p r u s to M e s o p o t a m i a , are t o o n u m e r o u s to m e n t i o n . M o s t , b u t n o t all, concentrate o n stylistic features, w i t h little or n o reference to the w a r e s ' technological aspects. T e c h n o l o g i c a l S t u d i e s . A n exceptional s t u d y for its day is t h e I r o n Age pottery from T e l l Beit M i r s i m excavated b y William Foxwell Albright. J a m e s L . K e l s o a n d J. Palin T h o r ley (1943) studied it, addressing various aspects of its m a n ufacturing t e c h n i q u e s . T h e i r technological analysis w a s s e p arate from the functional/chronological t y p o l o g y Albright devised for the assemblage. William F . B a d e developed a n a p p r o a c h for s t u d y i n g pottery t h a t d r o v e t h e m e t h o d o l o g y a n d t e c h n i q u e s h e u s e d in his excavation at T e l l e n - N a s b e h (A Manual of Excavation in the Near East, Berkeley, Calif., 1934). H e a d v a n c e d t h e idea of p o t t e r y ' s local a n d regional heterogeneity, rather t h a n follow t h e established view of cultural h o m o g e n e i t y in ancient Israel. [See Beit M i r s i m , Tell; N a s b e h , T e l l en-; and the biographies of Albright and Bade.] W i t h the first edition of A n n a O . S h e p a r d ' s Ceramics for the Archaeologist ( W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , 1956) a text to explain ceramic technology b e c a m e available. It h a d considerable i m p a c t in N e w W o r l d archaeology b u t less elsewhere. F r e d erick R. M a t s o n w o r k e d in the N e a r E a s t w i t h b o t h a n c i e n t pots a n d with c o n t e m p o r a r y potters u s i n g traditional t e c h niques. As the editor of R o b e r t E h r i c h ' s Ceramics and Man (Chicago, 1965), a m o n g m a n y o t h e r publications, M a t s o n focused on t h e technology available t o the p e o p l e r e s p o n sible for m a k i n g a n d u s i n g c e r a m i c w a r e s . D e s p i t e t h e n u m ber of studies t h a t c o n c e n t r a t e on n o n c h r o n o l o g i c a l issues, m o s t ceramic typologies c o n t i n u e to p r e s e n t catalog f o r m a t s of pottery, u s e d for chronological p u r p o s e s , t h a t are classi fied according to stylistic criteria alone. A n i m p o r t a n t exception a c c o m p a n i e d t h e p u b l i c a t i o n of t h e excavations at T e l l D e i r 'Alia in J o r d a n . T h e archaeol ogist H . J. F r a n k e n a n d the p o t t e r J a n K a l s b e e k (1969)
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics i n t r o d u c e d an a p p r o a c h to c e r a m i c analysis t h a t avoids clas sification b a s e d o n stylistic criteria. It considers p o t t e r y m a k i n g t e c h n i q u e s to b e critical t o t h e p r e s e n t a t i o n of t h e material. After e x a m i n i n g t h e clays at D e i r 'Alia from t h e perspectives of a p o t t e r a n d a geologist, K a l s b e e k s y s t e m atically described a n d defined t h e a n c i e n t p o t t e r y a n d m a n ufacturing t e c h n i q u e s in p o t t e r s ' t e r m i n o l o g y . T h e result is a typology b a s e d o n f o r m a n d function. It begins b y explain ing h o w each f o r m w a s created. T h u s , p o t s t h a t m a y a p p e a r to b e different c a n b e u n d e r s t o o d to r e p r e s e n t a single t e c h n i q u e . K n o w i n g h o w vessel b o d i e s , r i m s , bases, a n d h a n d l e s are m a d e enables an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of tire a n c i e n t p o t t e r s decisions a n d t h e variations in e x c a v a t e d p o t t e r y : if t h e r i m is t h e last p a r t of t h e b o d y to b e m a d e , its length m a y simply b e t h e result of h o w m u c h clay r e m a i n e d b y t h e t i m e t h e p o t t e r r e a c h e d t h e r i m . Variations in r i m f o r m s , t h u s , d o n o t always n e e d to r e p r e s e n t chronological differences, a n d this applies to virtually all of a p o t ' s features, i n c l u d i n g surface t r e a t m e n t a n d decoration. [See D e i r 'Alia, Tell.] I n addition, F r a n k e n a n d K a l s b e e k redefined t h e t e r m s archaeologists c o m m o n l y u s e to describe pottery: wheel t h r o w n , well levigated, a n d self-slip, to n a m e a few. T h e vast majority of ancient w a r e s p u b l i s h e d as " w h e e l m a d e " w e r e m a d e o n a t u r n t a b l e c a p a b l e of m o v e m e n t b u t lacking m o m e n t u m — c o n s e q u e n t l y , t h e p o t s technically w e r e n o t wheel t h r o w n . I m p r e c i s e u s e of t e r m i n o l o g y in archaeological r e p o r t s generally characterizes descriptions of t h e firing p r o cess, as well. Archaeologists t e n d to describe wares as p o o r or well fired d e p e n d i n g o n clay color: if t h e entire piece has fired o n e color, t h e p o t is well fired, b u t if m o r e t h a n o n e color is p r e s e n t in t h e cross section t h e w a r e is said to b e poorly fired. N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e e n d result w a s a usable p o t , m a d e a n d fired b y a potter w h o m a y h a v e b e e n c o n s c i e n tious a b o u t n o t wasting p r e c i o u s fuel. P o t t e r s could h a v e learned from e x p e r i e n c e t h a t b u r n i s h e d wares fired t o o h i g h lost their sheen. As a result, m a n y b u r n i s h e d vessels are n o t fired r e d t h r o u g h o u t — o f little significance to a p o t ' s u s e life—but h a v e a d a r k e n e d core visible only in t h e profile of a sherd. T h e goal is to create a m o r e objective typology b a s e d o n style a n d t e c h n o l o g y , w h i c h are inseparable. T h e ultimate objectives are to find t h e p o t t e r b e h i n d tire p o t , t h e p e o p l e w h o u s e d it, a n d tire society in w h i c h t h e y lived. O n e a c h i e v e m e n t of technological analyses, w h i c h h a s b e e n d e m onstrated repeatedly in r e c e n t ethnoarchaeological studies of traditional p o t t e r s , is t h a t m o r e t h a n one tradition a n d tech nology c a n a n d will coexist; t h e y are n o t always replaced by a n e w t e c h n i q u e . T h i s discovery has considerable implica tions for every chronological typology. BIBLIOGRAPHY Delougaz, Pinhas. Pottery from the Diyala Region. Chicago, 1 9 5 2 . U n usual ceramic typology arranged according to geometric-shape anal ysis.
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Franken, H. J. "Analysis of M e t h o d s of Potmaking in Archaeology." Harvard Theological Review 6 4 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 2 7 - 2 5 5 . General statement on ceramic technology a n d its application to ancient pottery. Franken, H. J., with contributions by Jan Kalsbeek. Excavations at Tell Deir 'Alia, vol. 1, A Stratigraphical and Analytical Study of the Early Iron Age Pottery. Leiden, 1 9 6 9 . Pioneering excavation report using ceramic technology to construct typologies; offers a new way to an alyze, describe, and present ancient pottery. Franken, H. J„ and Jan Kalsbeek. Pollers of the Medieval Village in the Jordan Valley: Excavations at Tell Deir'Alia, a Medieval Tell, Tell Abu Gourdan, Jordan. N e w York, 1 9 7 5 . Application of ceramic analysis to medieval pottery with an explanation of m a n y ceramic terms for archaeologists. Frankfort, Henri. Studies in the Early Pottery of the Near East, vol. 1, Mesopotamia, Syria, and Egypt and Their Earliest Interrelations. L o n don, 1 9 2 4 . Early cross-cultural analysis. Kelso, James L . , a n d J. Palin Thorley. " T h e Potter's T e c h n i q u e at Tell Beit Mirsim, Particularly in S t r a t u m A . " In The Excavations of Tell Beit Mirsim, vol. 3 , 77;e Iron Age, edited by William Foxwell Albright, p p . 8 6 - 1 4 2 . Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 2 1 / 2 2 . N e w Haven, 1 9 4 3 . Albright's typological study of Iron Age pottery; separate chapter on technology by Kelso and Thorley. L o n d o n , Gloria A . " D e c o d i n g Designs: T h e Late T h i r d Millennium B.C. Pottery from Jebel Q a ' a q i r . " P h . D . diss., University of Arizona, 1 9 8 5 . History of ceramic analysis in the ancient N e a r East, with an emphasis o n Israel. Available from A n n Arbor: University M i c r o films. Petrie, W . M . Flinders. Tell el Hesy (Lachish). L o n d o n , 1 8 9 1 . Pioneering study in ceramic typology t h a t influenced archaeological research worldwide. Reisner, George A., et al. Harvard Excavations at Samaria, 1008-1910. 2 vols. Cambridge, Mass., 1 9 2 4 . Oversized format, difficult to ob tain. Rice, P r u d e n c e M . Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. Chicago, 1 9 8 7 . M o s t recent and comprehensive text describing techniques available for ceramic analysis. GLORIA A N N E LONDON
M e s o p o t a m i a n C e r a m i c s of the Neolithic through Neo-Babylonian Periods A g r o u p of c r u d e , low-fired clay containers found at t h e Syrian site of M u r e y b e t a n d d a t i n g to a b o u t 8 0 0 0 BCE is t h e earliest k n o w n in t h e N e a r East, [See M u r e y b e t ] D u r i n g t h e latter half of t h e eighth m i l l e n n i u m , t h e inhabitants of Ganj D a r e h in west-central Iran also b e g a n m a k i n g vessels of fired clay, b u t a n o t h e r half-millennium w o u l d pass before p o t t e r y c a m e into m o r e general u s e across t h e N e a r East. P r o t o - H a s s u n a t h r o u g h H a l a f P e r i o d s . I n lowland n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , t h e first ceramics were p r o d u c e d early in t h e seventh m i l l e n n i u m . T h e y represent the earliest p h a s e of t h e H a s s u n a s e q u e n c e , k n o w n as t h e p r o t o - H a s suna, Like t h e type-site of H a s s u n a , located near t h e Tigris River s o u t h of M o s u l , sites w i t h p r o t o - H a s s u n a and/or H a s s u n a levels h a v e , for t h e m o s t p a r t , b e e n f o u n d within t h e dry-farming r e g i o n of n o r t h e r n Iraq. T h e b e s t - k n o w n p r o t o H a s s u n a site, U m m D a b a g h i y e h , was located well b e y o n d t h e s o u t h e r n edge of t h e rainfall z o n e , however. [See H a s suna; Tigris.] T h e characteristic p r o t o - H a s s u n a pottery, consisting of
454
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics
low-fired vessels formed by h a n d from heavily vegetablet e m p e r e d clay, belongs to w h a t is k n o w n as t h e C o a r s e g r o u p . Jars in this g r o u p typically h a d a low carination s e p arating a convex u p p e r b o d y profile from a lower b o d y that frequentiy h a d a concave profile. Small l u m p s of clay, s o m e times shaped to r e p r e s e n t animal h e a d s or h u m a n faces, w e r e often a d d e d to a vessel's surface. A m o n g t h e m o s t elab orate of tiiese applied designs were whole animals (onagers) a n d t h e u p p e r bodies of w o m e n . Simple painted d e s i g n s — d o t s , circles, lines, a n d squiggles—appeared in early levels at U m m D a b a g h i y e h . Pottery from t h e small site of Ginnig in n o r t h w e s t e r n I r a q m a y represent t h e earliest stage in t h e evolution of M e s o p o t a m i a n ceramics b e c a u s e typologically a n d technologi cally it is t h e simplest assemblage of Coarse ceramics. C o n firmation of this, however, m u s t await further excavation ( C a m p b e l l and Baird, 1990). S h e r d s of a thin, well-fired shell- or s a n d - t e m p e r e d w a r e with a b u r n i s h e d r e d or gray slip have b e e n f o u n d alongside typical p r o t o - H a s s u n a ce ramics. T h i s pottery, w h i c h represents a separate, m o r e a d v a n c e d ceramic tradition, m a y have b e e n i m p o r t e d from Syrian a n d Anatolian sites to t h e west. T h e pottery of d i e S t a n d a r d H a s s u n a g r o u p , t h e principal assemblage for t h e H a s s u n a p e r i o d p r o p e r , r e p r e s e n t s a technological a d v a n c e over t h e C o a r s e ceramics of t h e p r o t o - H a s s u n a . D o m e d , t w o - c h a m b e r e d kilns, e x a m p l e s of which have been excavated in H a s s u n a levels at Y a r i m T e p e I, permitted h i g h e r firing t e m p e r a t u r e s , which p r o d u c e d less p o r o u s , m o r e d u r a b l e vessels ( M e r p e r t a n d M u n c h a e v , 1973). T h e u s e of s u c h relatively sophisticated kilns i n d i cates that pottery m a k i n g was b e c o m i n g a specialized craft at a very early date. T h e S t a n d a r d H a s s u n a assemblage has been divided into incised, painted, and p a i n t e d - a n d - i n c i s e d groups. T h e m o s t c o m m o n was t h e incised g r o u p , with ves sels typically coated w i t h a thick, light-colored slip a n d in cised with simple geometric designs like cross-hatching, chevrons, a n d sprigs.
CERAMICS: M e s o p o t a m i a n .
Painted
Samarra
bowl from
Tell
Has
suna. (After S. L l o y d and F . Safar, " T e l l H a s s u n a : Excavations by the Iraq G o v e r n m e n t Directorate General of Antiquities in 1943 and 1 9 4 4 , with Prefatory R e m a r k s by Robert J. B r a i d w o o d , " Journal of Near Eastem Studies 4 [1945]: fig. 1 )
Archaic P a i n t e d W a r e , a separate pottery g r o u p , c h a r a c terized by highly b u r n i s h e d surfaces a n d glossy r e d - p a i n t e d decoration, was first p r o d u c e d in later p r o t o - H a s s u n a levels a n d continued into t h e H a s s u n a , thus linking t h e ceramic assemblages for t h e t w o periods. T h e distinctive " h u s k i n g t r a y , " an oval basin with a corrugated b o t t o m , chronologi cally overlapped t h e p r o t o - H a s s u n a a n d H a s s u n a as well.
t e r n s , s o m e of w h i c h m a y h a v e been t a k e n f r o m textiles. [See Textiles, article on Textiles of t h e N e o l i t h i c t h r o u g h I r o n Ages.] A m o n g other typical motifs is t h e centrifugal a r r a n g e m e n t of h o r n e d animals a r o u n d t h e b o t t o m of large, shallow bowls. T h e latest S a m a r r a p o t t e r y from C h o g h a M a m i s h o w e d technological i m p r o v e m e n t s b o t h in t e r m s of its firing a n d in t h e quality of its paint. H o w e v e r , it was still similar t o t h e classic S a m a r r a in s h a p e a n d d e c o r a t i o n , altiiough n a t u r a l istic designs h a d largely d i s a p p e a r e d , D u b b e d C h o g h a M a m i T r a n s i t i o n a l , this last stage in t h e evolution of t h e S a m a r r a h a d close affinities with p o t t e r y f r o m b o t h C h o g h a Sefid in I r a n i a n K h u z i s t a n a n d T e l l el-'Oueili in s o u t h e r n Iraq. [See 'Oueili, T e l l el-.]
P a i n t e d S a m a r r a W a r e a p p e a r e d in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a mia toward t h e e n d of t h e seventh millennium. A l t h o u g h it has b e e n f o u n d t o g e t h e r with S t a n d a r d H a s s u n a pottery o n sites in the H a s s u n a heartland, the S a m a r r a , w i t h its g e o metric a n d naturalistic designs in fugitive b r o w n or gray paint, s t e m m e d from a ceramic tradition t h a t originated in t h e region to t h e south a n d southeast, at sites like S a m a r r a , T e l l es-Sawwan, a n d C h o g h a M a m i . [See S a m a r r a , article on Chalcolithic Period.] Characteristic of S a m a r r a designs w e r e horizontal b a n d s filled with a variety of g e o m e t r i c p a t -
T h e Halaf culture, n a m e d for t h e site in n o r t h e a s t e r n Syria w h e r e its distinctive p o t t e r y w a s first discovered, s u c ceeded t h e H a s s u n a in t h e n o r t h e r n rainfall z o n e . [See Halaf, T e l l ] It has frequentiy b e e n i n t e r p r e t e d as intrusive, b u t work in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d Syria suggests t h a t it m a y h a v e developed indigenously o u t of local cultures, in cluding tlie H a s s u n a , d u r i n g t h e early p a r t of t h e sixth m i l l e n n i u m ( C a m p b e l l , 1992). T h e l u s t r o u s p a i n t e d p o t t e r y of t h e Halaf p e r i o d represents a high p o i n t in the history of M e s o p o t a m i a n p o t t e r y in t e r m s of b o t h technical a n d aes-
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics thetic a c h i e v e m e n t . A s t h e p o t t e r s achieved mastery over their m e d i u m of expression, dieir g e o m e t r i c designs b e c a m e increasingly elaborate. A n i m a l s occasionally a p p e a r o n early H a l a f vessels, while stylized b u c r a n i a are a c o m m o n e l e m e n t in later designs. T h e s u r p a s s i n g skill of d i e H a l a f potters is b e s t r e p r e s e n t e d b y a g r o u p of intricately d e c o r a t e d poly c h r o m e plates f r o m t h e latest H a l a f level at T e l l A r p a c h i y a h , a site n e a r M o s u l . T h i s was clearly a l u x u r y w a r e p r o d u c e d for t r a d e a n d e x p o r t b y highly skilled a r d s a n s . N e u t r o n a c tivation analysis of p o t s h e r d s has identified major regional centers of p r o d u c t i o n at A r p a c h i y a h a n d a t C h a g h a r B a z a r in n o r t h e a s t e r n Syria. T h e s e centers d o m i n a t e d t h e local p o t t e r y t r a d e a n d a p p a r e n t l y e x p o r t e d ceramics t o locations as far as 200 k m (124 mi.) a w a y ( D a v i d s o n a n d M c K e r r e l l , 1976, 1980). I n the latter p a r t of t h e sixth m i l l e n n i u m , locally m a d e p o t t e r y b e a r i n g designs characteristic of t h e U b a i d 3 culture of s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a b e g a n t o a p p e a r alongside t h e H a l a f in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . After a transitional p e r i o d d u r i n g w h i c h ceramics of b o t h t y p e s w e r e p r o d u c e d , t h e H a l a f w a s finally completely s u p p l a n t e d b y d i e U b a i d . U b a i d . T h e U b a i d culture, w h i c h has b e e n t r a c e d b a c k as far as the early sixth m i l l e n n i u m , takes its n a m e from d i e small site n e a r U r w h e r e its distinctive ceramics (belonging t o t h e p h a s e s n o w called U b a i d 3 a n d 4 ) w e r e originally r e c o g n i z e d . [See U b a i d . ] U b a i d p o t t e r y w a s characterized generally b y g e o m e t r i c d e c o r a t i o n in d a r k p a i n t (black, b r o w n , r e d ) o n a light-colored surface. C h a n g e s over time in t h e designs o n t h e p o t t e r y h a v e b e e n u s e d t o divide t h e p e r i o d variously into five or six p h a s e s . T e l l el-'Oueili, n e a r t h e a n c i e n t city of L a r s a in s o u t h e r n Iraq, h a s yielded t h e earliest k n o w n p h a s e of t h e U b a i d se q u e n c e , s o m e t i m e s referred to as t h e 'Oueili p h a s e of t h e U b a i d . M o r e frequently, h o w e v e r , it is called U b a i d 0 , b e cause t h e p o t t e r y assemblage f o u n d at 'Oueili w a s b o t h ear lier t h a n a n d developmentally related to d i e U b a i d 1. Until t h e mid-1980s, U b a i d 1 h a d b e e n believed to b e t h e earliest p o t t e r y in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e lowest levels at 'Oueili have n o t yet b e e n r e a c h e d , a n d t h e p r e s e n c e of N e olithic-looking sherds o u t of c o n t e x t in h i g h e r levels m a k e it a l m o s t certain t h a t still-earlier p h a s e s will h a v e to b e a d d e d
CERAMICS: M e s o p o t a m i a n .
Polychrome
455
to t h e s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n c e r a m i c s e q u e n c e ( H u o t , 1992). U b a i d 0 vessels w e r e d e c o r a t e d with simple g e o m e t r i c d e signs—zigzags, crosses, a n d parallel vertical lines—in a dull, p o w d e r y black paint. S h e r d s belonging to this p h a s e h a v e t h u s far b e e n identified at only a few sites in a relatively small area in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . H o w e v e r , affinities with c e ramics from C h o g h a M a m i east of B a g h d a d a n d C h o g h a Sefid in K h u z i s t a n (see a b o v e ) indicate t h a t t h e geographic r a n g e of U b a i d 0 c e r a m i c s m u s t h a v e been significantly larger. U b a i d 1 ( E r i d u p h a s e ) p o t t e r y w a s first identified in t h e lowest levels at the site of E r i d u , w h e r e archaeologists were able to excavate a stratigraphic s e q u e n c e containing all d i e p o s t - U b a i d 0 phases. [See E r i d u . ] U b a i d 1 decoration in c l u d e d elaborate geometric designs (particularly o n t h e in teriors of o p e n forms) delicately r e n d e r e d with a shiny, strongly a d h e r i n g d a r k - b r o w n paint. By this p h a s e , U b a i d material culture h a d definitely s p r e a d across s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d into t h e w e s t e r n foothills of t h e s o u t h e r n Z a g ros Mountains. U b a i d 2 (Hajji M o h a m m e d p h a s e ) ceramics were discov e r e d at Hajji M o h a m m e d , a small site n e a r ancient U r u k . T h e site h a d b e e n completely b u r i e d b y several meters of alluvial deposits b u t h a d b e e n c u t tiirough b y an a r m of t h e E u p h r a t e s River, so t h a t it w a s visible in t h e riverbank only w h e n t h e w a t e r w a s low. [See E u p h r a t e s . ] B e c a u s e of heavy alluviation, only a fraction of t h e earliest sites in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a have b e e n located. I n U b a i d 2 there was a m a r k e d c h a n g e in p o t t e r y d e c o r a t i o n . I n c o n t r a s t to t h e del icate designs of U b a i d 1, surfaces w e r e typically almost c o m pletely covered b y p u r p l i s h - b l a c k paint, creating a reserve p a t t e r n of n u m e r o u s small, pale areas. U b a i d 2 vessels m a n u f a c t u r e d in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a h a v e b e e n f o u n d along t h e eastern coast of die A r a b i a n Peninsula, p e r h a p s indicat ing d i e activities of U b a i d t r a d e r s or fishermen. I n d i e latter phases of t h e p e r i o d ( U b a i d 3-4, T e r m i n a l U b a i d ) the U b a i d cultural n a d i t i o n e x t e n d e d across b o t h s o u t h e r n a n d n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a a n d into nortiiern Syria. T h o u g h t h e y display s o m e regional differences, n o r t h e r n a n d s o u t h e r n ceramics w e r e closely related d u r i n g
Halaf plate from Arpachiyah.
(After M . E . L , Mallowan and
J. Cruikshank R o s e , "Excavations at Tall Arpachiyah, 1 9 3 3 , " Iraq 2 [1935]: pi. 13)
456
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics of b o t h political a n d technological d e v e l o p m e n t . T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e fast wheel d u r i n g t h e latter half of t h e fifth m i l l e n n i u m vastiy increased t h e speed a n d scale of p o t t e r y p r o d u c t i o n in t h e s o u t h in o r d e r to m e e t t h e g r o w i n g d e m a n d s of a newly u r b a n i z e d p o p u l a t i o n . T h e w i d e s p r e a d a d o p t i o n of t h e fast wheel, together w i t h t h e n o t - u n r e l a t e d demise of p a i n t e d d e c o r a t i o n , h e r a l d e d t h e a d v e n t of t h e U r u k period. T h e p e r i o d is n a m e d for t h e a n c i e n t S u m e r i a n city w h e r e the t r e n d t o w a r d u r b a n i z e d life m a n i f e s t e d itself m o s t spectacularly. [See U r u k - W a r k a . ] It is t h e only site w h e r e t h e entire Early, M i d d l e , a n d L a t e U r u k s e q u e n c e has b e e n excavated stratigraphically. Paradoxically, t h e m o s t frequently e n c o u n t e r e d a n d m o s t readily recognizable c o m p o n e n t of the U r u k ceramic r e p e r t o r y w a s n o t t h r o w n o n a potter's wheel; it was s h a p e d b y p r e s s i n g coarsely m i x e d , chaff-tempered clay into a m o l d . T h i s was t h e b e v e l e d - r i m bowl, tens of t h o u s a n d s of w h i c h h a v e b e e n f o u n d across t h e N e a r East f r o m s o u t h e r n I r a n to s o u t h e a s t e r n Anatolia. Its discovery attests to t h e e c o n o m i c p e n e t r a t i o n of n e i g h b o r i n g regions b y t h e n e w cities of s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a .
CERAMICS: M e s o p o t a m i a n .
Late Ubaid bowl from Eridu. (After F .
Safar, M . A. Mustafa, and S. Lloyd, Eridu, Baghdad, 1 9 8 1 , fig. 84)
t h e later phases of t h e U b a i d . F o r e x a m p l e , a vessel of u n u s u a l s h a p e , t h e so-called tortoise jar, w a s a p a r t of b o t h t h e s o u t h e r n a n d n o r t h e r n assemblages. T h e designs o n t h e later U b a i d pottery—lines, scallops, chevrons, a n d triangles—be c a m e simpler a n d m o r e horizontally oriented. T h e u s e of m o r e intricate decoration was a b a n d o n e d in t h e face of an evolving technology for the mass p r o d u c t i o n of pottery. I n stead of b e i n g painstakingly applied stroke b y stroke, later U b a i d designs w e r e frequentiy created simply b y holding t h e brush to t h e surface of a vessel t h a t w a s t u r n e d slowly in front of t h e potter. T o w a r d t h e e n d of t h e U b a i d p e r i o d in the south, t h e quality of t h e painted designs deteriorated markedly as vessel p a i n t i n g in general b e c a m e increasingly rare. U b a i d p o t t e r y from M e s o p o t a m i a c o n t i n u e d to b e u s e d at sites along t h e A r a b i a n coast, t h o u g h n o other elements of U b a i d material culture have b e e n f o u n d t h e r e . Affinities in ceramic d e c o r a t i o n indicate that t h e r e w e r e links with K h u z i s t a n as well ( O a t e s , 1983, 1987). U r u k - E a r l y D y n a s t i c I. T h e similarity of material cul t u r e that characterized s o u t h e r n a n d n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a during t h e latter p a r t of t h e U b a i d p e r i o d did n o t e n d u r e as southern M e s o p o t a m i a began to o u t p a c e t h e n o r t h in t e r m s
T h e r e a p p e a r a n c e of m o n o c h r o m e a n d p o l y c h r o m e c e r a m i c d e c o r a t i o n t o w a r d t h e e n d of t h e f o u r t h m i l l e n n i u m m a r k e d die transition to t h e J e m d e t N a s r p e r i o d , itself a short-lived transitional p e r i o d b e t w e e n t h e L a t e U r u k a n d Early D y n a s t i c p e r i o d s (Wilson, 1986). T h e s e a n d o t h e r J e m d e t N a s r characteristics d i s a p p e a r e d early in t h e third millennium with t h e e m e r g e n c e of n e w c e r a m i c features t h a t are diagnostic for t h e Early D y n a s t i c I: fenestrated s t a n d s , solid-footed goblets, a n d , in t h e Diyala River valley a n d ar eas to t h e east, Scarlet W a r e , w i t h its g e o m e t r i c a n d n a t u ralistic designs (plants, fish, b i r d s , q u a d r u p e d s , h u m a n s ) in r e d a n d black p a i n t ( D e l o u g a z , 1952). [See J e m d e t N a s r ; Diyala.] P o s t - U b a i d D e v e l o p m e n t s . In the north, the period that followed the e n d of t h e U b a i d is s o m e t i m e s referred t o as t h e G a w r a p e r i o d . It is n a m e d for t h e site w i t h t h e longest excavated s e q u e n c e of U b a i d a n d p o s t - U b a i d levels, T e p e G a w r a . [See T e p e G a w r a . ] H o w e v e r , t h e G a w r a assemblage is n o t typical for t h e n o r t h as a whole; i n d e e d , each site e x cavated thus far a p p e a r s to h a v e u n i q u e c e r a m i c c h a r a c t e r istics (Roaf a n d Killick, 1987). A d d i n g t o a n already c o m plicated situation, tiiere is a m p l e c e r a m i c evidence f r o m sites along rivers a n d otiier t r a d e r o u t e s attesting t o t h e p r e s e n c e of p e o p l e from s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a in t h e n o r t h t o w a r d t h e e n d of t h e G a w r a p e r i o d (the L a t e U r u k in s o u t h e r n t e r m s ) . T h e p r e s e n c e of L a t e U r u k p o t t e r y influenced c e r a m i c d e v e l o p m e n t in t h e n o r t h , b u t t h e p o s t - U b a i d n o r t h ern tradition r e m a i n e d distinct from t h a t of t h e s o u t h a n d followed its o w n evolutionary trajectory. T h e fast w h e e l b e g a n to b e u s e d in t h e n o r t h m u c h later t h a n it h a d b e e n in t h e south. W h e e l m a d e pots first a p p e a r e d at T e p e G a w r a a n d elsewhere d u r i n g t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m , c o n t e m p o r a r y with t h e L a t e U r u k p e r i o d in the s o u t h , w h e n c o n n e c t i o n s b e t w e e n s o u t h a n d n o r t h w e r e at their closest.
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics
457
p r e s e n t state of affairs will persist until additional multiperi o d stratigraphic s e q u e n c e s are excavated a n d published. S e c o n d , t h e historical p e r i o d s , in c o n t r a s t t o the p r e h i s toric p e r i o d s s u r v e y e d h e r e , a r e n o t defined b y their ceramic assemblages b u t b y political events. C e r a m i c s were, of c o u r s e , s o m e t i m e s indirectly affected b y s u c h events—as, for e x a m p l e , w h e n t h e unification of a region resulted in an increasing h o m o g e n i z a t i o n of its pottery. H o w e v e r , even w h e n certain ceramic features h a p p e n e d to b e characteristic for a particular historical p e r i o d , t h e t e m p o r a l range of such features w a s only coincidentally c o t e r m i n o u s with t h e events tiiat defined t h a t period.
CERAMICS: M e s o p o t a m i a n . from
Tell Agrab
in the Diyala.
Scarlet-ware
Dynastic
I)
( F r o m P . Delougaz, Pottery from
jar
(Early
the
Diyala Region, Chicago, 1 9 5 2 , pi. 1 1 ; courtesy Oriental Institute, U n i versity of Chicago)
T h e n e x t n o r t h e r n cultural a s s e m b l a g e , Ninevite 5, w a s n a m e d for s t r a t u m 5 of t h e P r e h i s t o r i c P i t at N i n e v e h , in w h i c h several styles of d e c o r a t e d p o t t e r y w e r e identified— a l t h o u g h their chronological relationships c o u l d n o t be e s tablished. [See N i n e v e h . ] M o r e r e c e n t w o r k has s h o w n t h a t t h e p a i n t e d style was t h e earliest, a p p a r e n d y h a v i n g devel o p e d from a p a i n t e d n o r t h e r n variant of L a t e U r u k p o t t e r y a t a b o u t d i e b e g i n n i n g of t h e d i i r d m i l l e n n i u m (Roaf a n d Killick, 1987). P a i n t e d N i n e v i t e 5 vessels w e r e d e c o r a t e d w i t h all-over g e o m e t t i c designs, as well as birds a n d h o r n e d animals, in r e d or b r o w n paint. C e r a m i c s w i t h incised a n d excised decoration, divided into early a n d late s u b g r o u p s , a p p e a r e d only later in t h e s e q u e n c e . T h e y c o n t i n u e d to b e p r o d u c e d until t h e m i d d l e of the t h i r d m i l l e n n i u m , after d i e p a i n t e d p o t t e r y h a d g o n e o u t of u s e . H i s t o r i c a l P e r i o d s . Several factors c o m b i n e to m a k e it m o r e difficult to p r e s e n t a p e r i o d - b y - p e r i o d ceramic survey for t h e historical p e r i o d s t h a n it is for t h e prehistoric. First, t h e later c e r a m i c s e q u e n c e s — p o s t - E a r l y D y n a s t i c I in t h e s o u t h a n d p o s t - N i n e v i t e 5 in t h e n o r t h — a r e i n a d e q u a t e l y d o c u m e n t e d a n d poorly u n d e r s t o o d , especially in t h e case of n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . O n e of t h e m o s t crucial tasks confronting d i e field of M e s o p o t a m i a n archaeology is t o r e m e d y this situation. A h h o u g h p r o g r e s s is b e i n g m a d e , t h e
Finally, t h e p o t t e r y of t h e historical p e r i o d s , with several notable exceptions, consisted of u n d e c o r a t e d , m a s s - p r o d u c e d vessels in plain w a r e s . T h e i r shapes evolved only gradually, creating, a t least in d i e s o u t h , w h a t a p p e a r s to b e a c o n t i n u o u s s e q u e n c e t h a t e x t e n d e d well b e y o n d t h e final political eclipse of Babylonia in t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE. Aes thetically, t h e n a d i r in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a n pottery p r o d u c t i o n was r e a c h e d in t h e K a s s i t e p e r i o d , d u r i n g the four t e e n t h a n d t h i r t e e n t h centuries BCE. [See Kassites.] A t this time t h e c e r a m i c c o r p u s was r e d u c e d to a regionwide h o m o g e n i z e d a s s e m b l a g e of only six principal forms, n o n e of t h e m d e c o r a t e d and all of t h e m indifferendy, a n d sometimes even crudely, m a n u f a c t u r e d ( A y o u b , 1982; A r m s t r o n g , 1993). A l t h o u g h a t h o r o u g h p r e s e n t a t i o n of d i e ceramic se q u e n c e for t h e historical p e r i o d s is b e y o n d t h e scope of tiiis discussion, d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e o n g o i n g evolution of c e r a m i c t e c h n o l o g y can b e highlighted. F r o m finds at N u z i , a H u r r i a n city in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a , it is clear that, b y d i e f o u r t e e n t h century BCE, at t h e s a m e t i m e t h e p o t t e r ' s craft in s o u u i e r n M e s o p o t a m i a w a s r e a c h i n g its low point, n o r t h e r n p o t t e r s h a d m a s t e r e d t h e ability to throw vessels w i t h walls of near-eggshell thinness. [See N u z i ; H u r r i a n s . ] H a v i n g s u c h thin walls, t h e s e vessels could n o t be r e m o v e d from t h e w h e e l w i t h o u t b e i n g d i m p l e d , so d i e potter w o u l d a d d m o r e indentations to create a p a t t e r n . I n the early first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, elegant d i m p l e d c u p s c o n t i n u e d to b e p r o d u c e d for use b y t h e wealthy classes of d i e L a t e Assyrian E m p i r e ; e x a m p l e s of these c u p s h a v e b e e n f o u n d a t sites stretching from d i e b o r d e r of E g y p t to s o u t h e r n M e s o p o tamia ( O a t e s , 1959). [See Assyrians.] Glazed ceramic objects b e g a n t o a p p e a r at N u z i in the f o u r t e e n d i century BCE, c o n c u r r e n t l y witii t h e e m e r g e n c e of a substantial glass i n d u s t r y in n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . [See Glass.] Glaze technology at tiiat t i m e seems t o have b e e n at an early e x p e r i m e n t a l stage, n o t fully u n d e r t h e potter's c o n trol. M o r e o v e r , t h e pale b l u e - g r e e n glaze developed was u s e d a t N u z i only o n items associated with t h e religious cult, i n c l u d i n g n u m e r o u s c e r a m i c wall decorations (nails, p l a q u e s ) , several small statues, otiier sculptural items, a n d a n offering table, b u t surprisingly few vessels (Vandiver,
1982.
458
CERAMICS: Mesopotamian Ceramics
CERAMICS:
Mesopotamian.
Glazed bottles from Nippur (c. 600 BCE). (Courtesy J. A r m s t r o n g )
H o w e v e r , it w a s s o o n r e c o g n i z e d t h a t glazed p o t t e r y v e s sels, b e c a u s e t h e i r walls w e r e c o m p l e t e l y sealed a g a i n s t t r a n spiration, w e r e a relatively i n e x p e n s i v e alternative t o s t o n e or glass vessels for storing v a l u a b l e liquids like p e r f u m e s a n d oils. B y t h e early first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, b o t h A s s y r i a n a n d B a b y l o n i a n p o t t e r s w e r e p r o d u c i n g large n u m b e r s of glazed vessels, especially small bottles a n d jars. [See B a b y l o n i a n s . ] D e c o r a t i o n in b o t h t h e n o r t h a n d t h e s o u t h consisted m a i n l y of g e o m e t r i c d e s i g n s in w h i t e , yellow, b l u e , g r e e n ,
and
b r o w n . O n larger A s s y r i a n vessels, stylized flowers a n d even animals s o m e t i m e s a p p e a r e d . After t h e e n d of t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n p e r i o d in t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE, t h e p o l y c h r o m e g e o m e t r i c designs in B a b y l o n i a w e r e r e p l a c e d b y solid-color glazes of b l u e - g r e e n , g r e e n , a n d g r a y d u r i n g t h e A c h a e menid (Persian) period. [See also M e s o p o t a m i a , articles on P r e h i s t o r i c M e s o p o t a m i a and A n c i e n t M e s o p o t a m i a . ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Armstrong, James L . " P o t t e r y . " In Nippur III: Kassite Buildings in Area WC-i, edited by Richard L. Zettler, p p . 6 7 - 8 0 . Oriental Institute Publications, 1 1 1 . Chicago, 1 9 3 3 . Offers a ceramic chronology for southern Mesopotamia in t h e late second millennium BCE. Ayoub, Sa'ad. Die Keramik in Mesopotamien und in den Nachbargebieten: Von der Ur III-Zeit bis zum Ende der kassitischen Periode. Mittenwald, 1982. Pottery typology for the late third-late second millennium BCE; problematic because the excavations on which it is based frequently lacked sufficient stratigraphic control a n d because t h e excavators' attributions of ceramic types to specific periods are adopted uncrit ically. Campbell, Stuart, a n d Douglas Baird. "Excavations at Ginnig: T h e Aceramic to Early Ceramic Neolithic Sequence in N o r t h Iraq." Pa leorient 16.2 (1990): 6 5 - 7 8 .
Campbell, Smart. " T h e Halaf Period in Iraq: O l d Sites a n d N e w . " Biblical Archaeologist 55 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 8 2 - 1 8 7 . Davidson, T . E., a n d H . McKerrell. " P o t t e r y Analysis a n d Halaf Period T r a d e in the K h a b u r Headwaters R e g i o n . " Iraq 38 ( 1 9 7 6 ) : 4 5 - 5 6 . Davidson, T . E., a n d H . McKerrell. " T h e N e u t r o n Activation Analysis of Halaf a n d ' U b a i d Pottery from T e l l Arpachiyah a n d T e p e G a w r a . " Iraq 4 2 ( 1 9 8 0 ) : 1 5 5 - 1 6 7 . Delougaz, Pinhas. Pottery from the Diyala Region. Oriental Institute Publications, 63. Chicago, 1 9 5 2 . Provides the framework for t h e third millennium BCE ceramic chronology of southern M e s o p o t a m i a , u p d a t e d a n d corrected in detail b y m o r e recent studies. H u o t , Jean-Louis. " T h e First F a r m e r s at 'Oueili." Biblical Archaeologist 55 ( 1 9 9 2 ) : 1 8 8 - 1 9 5 . P o p u l a r account of the recent discoveries at 'Oeuili, which has yielded the earliest ceramics in southern M e s o potamia. M e r p e r t , N . , a n d R. M u n c h a e v . "Early Agricultural Settlements in the Sinjar Plain, N o r t h e r n Iraq." Iraq 3 5 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 9 3 - 1 1 3 . Oates, Joan. " L a t e Assyrian Pottery from F o r t Shalmaneser." Iraq 21 (1959): 130-146. Oates, Joan. " U b a i d M e s o p o t a m i a R e c o n s i d e r e d . " I n The Hilly Flanks and Beyond: Essays on the Prehistory of Southwestern Asia, edited by T . Cuyler Y o u n g , Jr., et a l , p p . 2 5 1 - 2 8 1 . Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, n o . 36. Chicago, 1 9 8 3 . Oates, Joan. " U b a i d C h r o n o l o g y . " I n Chronologies in the Near East, edited by Olivier A u r e n c h e et al., p p . 4 7 3 - 4 8 2 . British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 3 7 9 . Oxford, 1 9 8 7 . T h i s a n d t h e article above represent recent analyses of t h e U b a i d by o n e of t h e foremost scholars of t h e prehistoric p e r i o d s in M e s o p o t a m i a . Porada, Edith, et al. " T h e Chronology of M e s o p o t a m i a , ca. 7 0 0 0 - 1 6 0 0 B . C . " In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, vol. 1, edited b y R o b e r t W. Ehrich, p p . 7 7 - 1 2 1 . 3 d ed. Chicago, 1 9 9 2 . Essential ref erence for M e s o p o t a m i a n archaeology, providing t h o r o u g h discus sions of the ceramic evidence a n d an extensive bibliography. Roaf, Michael, a n d R. G . Killick. " A Mysterious Affair of Styles: T h e Ninevite 5 Pottery of N o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . " Iraq 49 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 1 9 9 230. Convincing n e w analysis of the relative chronology of Ninevite 5 pottery,
CERAMICS: Syro-Palestinian Ceramics Vandiver, Pamela B . " M i d - S e c o n d M i l l e n n i u m B . C . Soda-Lime-Sili cate T e c h n o l o g y at N u z i ( I r a q ) . " In Early Pyrotechnology: The Evo lution of the First Fire-Using Industries, edited by T h e o d o r e A. W e r time and Steven F. W e r t i m e , p p . 7 3 - 9 2 . Washington, D . C . , 1982. Presentation of the evidence for glass technology at N u z i , including the early glazed ceramics. Wilson, K a r e n L . " N i p p u r : T h e Definition of a M e s o p o t a m i a n G a m dat N a s r Assemblage." In Gamdat Nasr: Period or Regional Style?, edited by U w e Finkbeiner and W o l f g a n g Rollig, p p . 5 7 - 8 9 . Beihefte z u m Tiibinger Adas des V o r d e r e n Orients, Reihe B , vol. 62. Wies b a d e n , 1986. JAMES A . ARMSTRONG
S y r o - P a l e s t i n i a n C e r a m i c s of the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages T h i s article will treat t h e p o t t e r y of ancient Syria-Palestine with specific reference to t h e history of its analysis; tech nology, form, d e c o r a t i o n , a n d typology; a n d t h e distinguish ing characteristics of archaeological p h a s e s from t h e N e o lithic to t h e I r o n A g e . U s e s of P o t t e r y i n A r c h a e o l o g y . Archaeologists in m a n y fields, n o t just Syro-Palestinian archaeologists, s e e m a l m o s t obsessed with pottery, for g o o d r e a s o n s . P o t t e r y , o n c e it is invented, is relatively a b u n d a n t o n all archaeolog ical sites; w h e n fired it is virtually indestructible; even b r o k e n sherds are diagnostic e n o u g h for analysis; a n d its plastic qualities a n d almost limitless possibilities for f o r m a n d d e c oration are particularly expressive of h u m a n ideas, behavior, a n d even s o c i o e c o n o m i c organization. A s t h e well-known archaeologist R o b e r t E h r i c h h a s p u t it: " P o t t e r y is o u r m o s t sensitive m e d i u m for perceiving s h a r e d aesthetic traditions—in t h e sense that t h e y define e t h n i c g r o u p s — f o r recognizing culture c o n t a c t a n d c u l t u r e c h a n g e , a n d for fol lowing migration a n d t r a d e p a t t e r n s " (1965, p p . vii, viii). B r i e f H i s t o r y of C e r a m i c A n a l y s i s . A l t h o u g h scattered over t h e surface of i n n u m e r a b l e m o u n d s in w h a t w a s ancient Palestine, p o t t e r y w a s n o t a p p r e c i a t e d at first b y early e x plorers. E v e n E d w a r d R o b i n s o n , d i e father of Palestinology, w h o visited a n d correctiy identified d o z e n s of long-lost b i b lical sites in 1838, failed to r e c o g n i z e p o t t e r y as a clue to t h e antiquity of places. T h e great British S u r v e y of W e s t e r n P a l estine (1871-1878) p a i d n o a t t e n t i o n to p o t t e r y ( a n d did n o t , in fact, recognize tells, or m o u n d s , for w h a t t h e y w e r e ) . N o t until t h e brief field trip to Palestine m a d e b y t h e legendary Sir William Flinders Petrie in 1890 did p o t t e r y analysis begin to play a role in archaeology. Petrie h a d already applied his o w n inituitive typological instincts to a large c o r p u s of p o t t e r y from p r e d y n a s t i c t o m b s in E g y p t . H e h a d w o r k e d o u t t h e f u n d a m e n t a l principles of w h a t is n o w k n o w n as seriation (his s e q u e n c e d a t i n g ) , to yield a reasonably a c c u r a t e relative c e r a m i c chronology. N o t i n g t h e a b u n d a n c e of local, u n d e c o r a t e d p o t t e r y on t h e multilayered m o u n d s of Palestine, h e a r g u e d t h a t t h e sys t e m a t i c a n d detailed classification of t h e c o m m o n pottery
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c o u l d yield a suitable c h r o n o l o g y . H e argued, f u r t h e r m o r e , t h a t such a c e r a m i c typology w o u l d b e a useful guide in excavating m o u n d s stratigraphically (creating t h e twin prin ciples of all s u b s e q u e n t archaeological m e t h o d : typology a n d s t r a t i g r a p h y ) . As Petrie p u t it witii characteristic verve: " P o t t e r y is t h e essential a l p h a b e t of archaeology." T o a p p r e c i a t e Petrie's a c h i e v e m e n t , it m u s t b e recalled t h a t before h e laid t h e f o u n d a t i o n s for c e r a m i c typology, almost n o t h i n g f r o m archaeological sites in Palestine could b e dated, even within centuries. N e v e r t h e l e s s , Petrie, w h o did n o t r e t u r n to Palestine t o excavate until t h e 1920s, did n o t follow tiirough o n his o w n original insights. [See the biography of Petrie.] In tiieir excavations in d i e J u d e a n S h e p h e l a h (1898-1900), F r e d e r i c k J. Bliss a n d R, A. S. M a c a l i s t e r developed t h e first ceramically b a s e d s c h e m e of absolute chronology, d e p a r t i n g f r o m Petrie's suggested d a t e s , b u t their idiosyncratic dates w e r e several centuries off. M a c a l i s t e r ' s o w n w o r k at G e z e r (1902-1909), b a s e d o n v e r y faulty stratigraphy, r e p r e s e n t e d s o m e t h i n g of a retrogression. [See the biographies of Bliss and Macalister] Little p r o g r e s s in c e r a m i c analysis was m a d e until t h e w o r k of William Foxwell Albright, w h o in his excavations at Tell Beit M i r s i m (1926-1932) h a d w o r k e d o u t a ceramic s e q u e n c e , with suggested t e r m i n o l o g y a n d a range of dates. W i t h m i n o r modifications, it still serves as t h e basic c h r o n ological f r a m e w o r k for Palestine in t h e B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e s . T h i s brilliant a c h i e v e m e n t alone w o u l d qualify Al b r i g h t to b e r e g a r d e d as t h e father of m o d e r n Palestinian archaeology. [See the biography of Albright] Albright also e n c o u r a g e d o t h e r s in ceramic analysis. D u r ing Albright's t e n u r e as director of t h e A m e r i c a n School of Oriental R e s e a r c h in J e r u s a l e m in the 1920s a n d 1930s, Clar e n c e S. F i s h e r followed u p P e t r i e ' s typical n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y n o t i o n of developing a c o m p l e t e catalog, or c o r p u s , of pottery. T h i s h a d b e e n a t t e m p t e d in Petrie's own two cor p o r a of E g y p t i a n pottery a n d in J. G a r r o w D u n c a n ' s c o r p u s , (1930), b a s e d on Petrie's later excavations at Tell J e m m e h . A l t h o u g h Fisher's work, " A C o r p u s of Palestinian P o t t e r y , " w a s never finished (the m a n u s c r i p t exists at t h e S m i t h s o n i a n Institution, h o w e v e r ) , it h a d s o m e valuable features, s u c h as classification a c c o r d i n g to function, a n d it gave i m p e t u s to t h e ideal of a c o r p u s . [See the biography of Fisher.] Albright's o w n p r o t e g e , G . E . W r i g h t , w o r k e d o u t t h e N e olithic, Chalcolithic, a n d Early B r o n z e A g e pottery, as it was t h e n k n o w n , in his doctoral dissertation (1937). L a t e r , sev eral of W r i g h t ' s students at H a r v a r d a n d elsewhere s o u g h t to c o m p l e t e this enterprise witii dissertations o n t h e Early B r o n z e IV, M i d d l e B r o n z e , I r o n A g e , a n d Hellenistic p e r i o d s (based largely o n W r i g h t ' s excavations at S h e c h e m ) . O n l y P a u l W . L a p p (1961) a n d D a n P . Cole (1984) ever p u b l i s h e d , however. [See the biographies of Wright and Lapp.] M e a n w h i l e , Israeli archaeologists, particularly after t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of t h e State of Israel in 1948 a n d t h e flowering of t h e Israeli national school, w e r e m a s t e r i n g the pottery of
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ancient Palestine, also in t h e Albrightian tradition. T h i s re search culminated in t h e only published effort at a c o m p l e t e c o r p u s , R u t h A m i r a n ' s h a n d b o o k Ancient Pottery of the Holy Land (1970), b u t it stops short of the Persian period. A m i r a n ' s work r e m a i n s , h o w e v e r , t h e indispensable h a n d b o o k a n d basis for all future studies. B e y o n d this general c o m p e n d i u m , there are n o w detailed studies of individual peri ods and p r o b l e m s , as well as m a n y exhaustive c o m p a r a t i v e studies t h a t are p u b l i s h e d in the course of preliminary a n d final field r e p o r t s . T h e r e also are newer m e t h o d s s u p p l e m e n t i n g traditional typological a p p r o a c h e s , to which we now turn.
sel is m a d e a n d finished reveals its technological typology. I t is an a t t e m p t to d e t e r m i n e ways in w h i c h a vessel can b e distinguished from o t h e r vessels: is t h e vessel coil m a d e , w h e e l t h r o w n , o r h a n d b u r n i s h e d ? It includes t h e s t u d y of clay types a n d s o u r c e s , t e m p e r i n g agents (degraissant), f o r m ing m e t h o d s , kiln usage, a n d finishing or decorative t e c h n i q u e s . C e r a m i c technology is a relatively n e w specializa tion, aided substantially by sedimentological and petrological studies; kiln retiring e x p e r i m e n t s ; u s e - w e a r analysis u n d e r a h i g h - p o w e r e d electron m i c r o s c o p e ; a n d es pecially b y n e u t r o n activation analysis to " f i n g e r p r i n t " clays a n d p i n p o i n t their sources.
C e r a m i c T y p o l o g y a n d Its A p p l i c a t i o n . Typological principles in general can be applied to pottery, m e t a l s , h o u s e forms, t o m b s , a n d even ideas. " T y p e " refers t o a cluster of essential attributes t h a t occur frequentiy e n o u g h that t h e y serve to characterize an object, enable it to b e r e c o g n i z e d in other examples, a n d distinguish it from objects of a n o t h e r class. T h e a t t e m p t t o isolate t h o s e attributes that c a p t u r e t h e " e s s e n c e " of a t h i n g or category of things often involves the postulation of a n ideal " p r o t o t y p e , " either real or imagined, from which all t h e actual variations can have derived—a kind of t h e m e , o n w h i c h there are m a n y possible variations. S u c h a p r o c e d u r e , however, is m u c h d e b a t e d a m o n g ar chaeologists, w h o t e n d to divide themselves on t h e question of " d i s c o v e r e d , " or empirical, types t h a t actually exist; a n d " d e s i g n e d " t y p e s , invented for t h e convenience of t h e cat aloged, that do n o t necessarily c o r r e s p o n d to actual reality. Archaeologists w h o hold to t h e latter view are often skeptical a b o u t t h e value of typological analyses of any sort. T h e y are usually reacting, however, to t h e excesses of typology, which is always s o m e w h a t subjective a n d can indeed go to a b s u r d extremes. Nevertiieless, typology, reasonably utilized a n d with presuppositions that are clearly spelled o u t a n d tested against a d e q u a t e stratified data, can be a useful tool.
3. Temporal typology. M o r e familiar in Syro-Palestinian archaeology, t e m p o r a l typology is an analysis of t h e evolving shape of ceramic vessels over time, c h a r t i n g t h e c h a n g e s along a time line a n d a s s u m i n g t h a t t h e o b s e r v e d evolution of f o r m ( a n d often of decoration) c o r r e s p o n d s , m o r e or less, to historical-cultural d e v e l o p m e n t s a n d c a n help t o date tiiese. I n practice, t h e relative c h r o n o l o g y t h a t is first e s t a b lished is c o n c e r n e d only with d e t e r m i n i n g w h i c h are t h e ear lier a n d w h i c h are t h e later d e v e l o p m e n t s . W i t h multiple t o m b g r o u p s or other m i x e d deposits (such as Petrie started w i t h ) , intuition a n d / o r theoretical principles m a y be t h e only recourse. H o w e v e r , stratified materials—preferably from large a n d representative samples o n short-lived living s u r faces—yield t h e only reliable s e q u e n c e s . T h e n , at s o m e stage of research, an absolute c h r o n o l o g y m u s t b e d e v e l o p e d b y fixing as m a n y pegs as possible o n w h i c h to h a n g t h e entire framework. T h i s can b e d o n e only b y correlating ar chaeological assemblages (or g r o u p s of stratigraphically r e lated a n d c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s materials) to events k n o w n in history t h r o u g h datable texts. I n t h e case of ancient P a l e s tine, t h e biblical texts are of s o m e value chronologically. T h e s e d e p e n d in t u r n o n M e s o p o t a m i a n a n d E g y p t i a n ldng lists a n d t h e like, w h i c h are often d a t e d precisely t h r o u g h ancient astronomical observations. T h u s , gradually t h e r e is built u p an elaborate n e t w o r k of s y n c h r o n i s m s t h a t date p o t tery g r o u p s ; a n d t h e basic types of t h e repertoire k n o w n in these fixed contexts c a n t h e n yield relatively accurate h i s torical (i.e., calendrical) dates w h e n t h e s a m e ceramic f o r m s are e n c o u n t e r e d in different a n d otherwise u n d a t a b l e c o n texts. If i m p o r t e d pottery or other artifacts are f o u n d t h a t are datable i n their c o u n t r y of origin, t h e s e can b e i n c o r p o r a t e d into t h e s y n c h r o n i s m . Best of all are written r e m a i n s f o u n d in situ, w h i c h c a n b e i n d e p e n d e n t l y o r epigraphically dated, b u t these are exceedingly r a r e for a n c i e n t Palestine. R a d i o c a r b o n - 1 4 dates p r o m i s e scientific precision, b u t their r a n g e is too b r o a d t o i m p r o v e m u c h o n historically deter m i n e d dates. F o r m o s t p e r i o d s , t h e c o m m o n p o t t e r y of a n cient Palestine can n o w b e d a t e d t o t h e c e n t u r y , a n d often t o one half or t h e other.
Typological analysis of pottery in Syro-Palestinian ar chaeology has from t h e beginning b e e n largely p r e o c c u p i e d with questions of chronology. T h i s is u n d o u b t e d l y because of the d o m i n a n c e of biblical archaeology, with its overriding interest in "political history," a n d die c o n c o m i t a n t p r o b l e m of fixing dates for great public events t h a t could b e corre lated with biblical history. T h e r e are, however, other, m o r e sophisticated aspects of typology that are typical of general archaeology a n d are increasingly appreciated in d i e disci pline. Following D a v i d H . T h o m a s ' s Predicting the Past (1974), several uses of typology can b e distinguished, d e p e n d i n g o n the questions being asked. 1. Morphological typology. W h a t is i n d e e d m o s t funda mental in Palestinian pottery is form. M o r p h o l o g i c a l typol ogy is therefore largely descriptive; it is an a t t e m p t to define what a thing is, in t e r m s of s u c h basic attributes as s h a p e : an ovoid storejar, flat-based cooking p o t , a n d piriform juglet, for e x a m p l e . 2.
Technological typology. T h e investigation of h o w a ves
4. Functional typology. T h e a t t e m p t t o d e t e r m i n e h o w an artifact is u s e d defines functional typology. I n t h e case of pottery vessels, t h e objective is to catalog s e p a r a t e g r o u p s of
CERAMICS: Syro-Palestinian Ceramics vessels o n t h e basis of s u p p o s e d function. D i s t i n g u i s h i n g s o m e types is largely a m a t t e r of observation a n d c o m m o n s e n s e — s e p a r a t i n g cooking p o t s , storejars, a n d d i p p e r j u g lets, for e x a m p l e . T h e u s e of s o m e vessels, m a y r e m a i n e n igmatic, h o w e v e r , unless they a r e subjected t o laboratory analysis t h a t c a n identify food o r o t h e r r e m a i n s in skims or t h e y a r e d u p l i c a t e d a n d actually u s e d experimentally. O f c o u r s e , m a n y vessels m a y h a v e h a d m u l t i p l e uses. Finally, it s h o u l d b e c a u t i o n e d t h a t s o m e functional t e r m s are either whimsical (Early B r o n z e I V " t e a p o t s " ) or b a s e d largely o n guesswork. N o t e t h a t t h e C y p r i o t L a t e B r o n z e A g e bilbil carries a n a d h o c o n o m a t o p o e i c n a m e t h a t duplicates t h e s o u n d of p o u r i n g f r o m t h e restricted neck o f the juglet (al t h o u g h it m a y i n fact have b e e n for o p i u m u s e ) . Vessels t h o u g h t t o h a v e b e e n designed for cultic u s a g e are s o m e times so designated; b u t a p a r t f r o m obvious vessels like kernoi ("trick vessels" w i t h deceptive p o u r i n g spouts) o r c e n sers, cult vessels m a y b e difficult t o identify positively. F u n c t i o n a l typology is surprisingly u n d e v e l o p e d in S y r o Palestinian archaeology. T h e r e is, h o w e v e r , t h e p i o n e e r i n g effort of J a m e s L . K e l s o (1948), a biblical scholar, w h o , u n der Albright's influence, w o r k e d w i t h a professional p o t t e r in a n a t t e m p t t o identify e x c a v a t e d I r o n A g e vessels with t e r m i n o l o g y in t h e H e b r e w Bible. 5. Cognitive typology. D e v e l o p i n g a cognitive typology (getting at t h e a n c i e n t artisan's " m e n t a l t e m p l a t e " ) is t h e m o s t difficult of t h e typological challenges. I t is usually achieved b y extrapolating from all t h e k n o w n individual e x a m p l e s of a p r e s u m e d t y p e , t o arrive a t a theoretical p r o t o t y p e o n t h e basis o f which all t h e variations c a n b e e x plained. T h i s effort, m o v i n g b e y o n d description t o w a r d explanation, reaches t h e o u t e r limits of t h e archaeological inquiry. It asks: W h y is a particular vessel m a d e t h e way it is? W h a t w a s t h e i n t e n t of t h e m a k e r ? W h a t cultural a n d aesthetic values does t h e vessel e m b o d y ? Ultimately, a n swers are n e e d e d to s u c h q u e s t i o n s as: W h y was the p o t t e r y of I r o n A g e Palestine " u t i l i t a r i a n , " while t h a t of C y p r u s was " e x o t i c " ? D o t h e p r e s e n c e of m a n y vestigial features, as in t h e p o t t e r y of t h e Early B r o n z e I V p e r i o d , suggest t h a t t h e p e r i o d in general was o n e of d e c l i n e — t h a t is, does c e r a m i c degeneration signal cultural d e g e n e r a t i o n ? As has b e e n seen, s o m e m o r e functionalist investigators a r e skeptical at this p o i n t — p e r h a p s mindful of L e w i s R . Binford's oft-stated o b servation t h a t "archaeologists a r e p o o r l y e q u i p p e d to b e p a leopsychologists." Clearly, h o w e v e r , artifacts d o express h u m a n b e h a v i o r a n d t h e t h o u g h t b e h i n d it; a n d t h e r e w e r e cultural n o r m s in a n c i e n t Palestine, as in all societies, t h a t g o v e r n e d b o t h . F o r m i d a b l e as t h e task m a y seem, t h e ulti m a t e goal of c e r a m i c typology is precisely t o discover w h a t cultural values did lie b e h i n d c e r a m i c p r o d u c t i o n , n o t just t o fix t h e dates of p o t t e r y f o r m s . T h i s leads t o a c o n c l u d i n g observation o n c e r a m i c t y p o l ogy. A t t e m p t i n g t o " r e a d " p o t t e r y m a y b e c o m p a r e d t o m a s t e r i n g t h e g r a m m a r of a l a n g u a g e . C h i l d r e n a n d native
461
speakers m a y use t h e l a n g u a g e properly w i t h o u t any formal knowledge of t h e principles of g r a m m a r . T h e latter are w o r k e d o u t inductively b y linguists, for their o w n p u r p o s e s , in o r d e r to analyze the l a n g u a g e a n d c o m p a r e it with others, as well as t o enable n o n - n a t i v e speakers to learn it. T h u s , even t h o u g h t h e a n c i e n t p o t t e r s w o u l d h a v e b e e n p u z z l e d by m o d e r n attempts to impose order o n what appears to be c h a o s , t h e effort is legitimate, i n d e e d essential, for a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of ceramics. A t its best, typology m a y actually enable t h e grasping of s o m e t h i n g of t h e reality of an extinct social system, its technology, its aesthetic values, a n d its c o n tacts with o t h e r cultures. S o m e practical advances in fieldwork, analysis, a n d p u b lication h a v e b e e n m a d e i n r e c e n t years, m a n y of t h e m largely m e c h a n i c a l : t h i n - s e c t i o n m i c r o s c o p i c observation of t e m p e r s , o r ingredients, in t h e clay, a n d t h e n e u t r o n acti vation analysis of clays. I m p r o v e m e n t s in processing p o t t e r y include simple sectioning a n d profile d r a w i n g t e c h n i q u e s t h a t s p e e d u p p r e p a r a t i o n for p u b l i c a t i o n , even in tire field; m o r e sophisticated descriptive m e t h o d s , s u c h as t h e u s e of the Munsell Soil Color Charts t o describe clay a n d p a i n t col ors, a n d the M o h ' s H a r d n e s s Scale t o d e t e r m i n e h o w brittle t h e w a r e is; kiln retiring t o establish t h e original t e m p e r a t u r e at w h i c h t h e vessel w a s fired; m i c r o s c o p i c e x a m i n a t i o n t o d e t e r m i n e b o t h h o w a vessel w a s m a d e a n d h o w it m a y h a v e b e e n u s e d o r r e u s e d ( u s e - w e a r analysis); a n d t h e u s e of s c a n n i n g c o m p u t e r s a n d sophisticated multivariate statisti cal analyses to p r o d u c e c o m p l e t e c o m p a r a t i v e corpora of certain classes of vessels ( s u c h as all t h e M y c e n a e a n wares f o u n d i n Palestine a n d their p r o t o t y p e s ) . S o m e of these r e c e n t a t t e m p t s t o m a k e c e r a m i c s t u d y m o r e precise a n d o b jective, m o r e "scientific," actually g o b a c k m a n y years, t o t h e simple " p u n c h - c a r d " h a n d sorting o f t h e 1960s, w h i c h anticipated c o m p u t e r i z a t i o n . N o t a b l e a t t e m p t s were m a d e to r e d u c e analysis of form, always s o m e w h a t subjective, t o m a t h e m a t i c a l principles as early as 1952 b y P i n h a s D e l o u g a z i n I r a n (Pottery from the Diyala Region, C h i c a g o , 1952). A n n a O . S h e p a r d (1956) h a s a t t e m p t e d t o w o r k o u t a c o m p r e h e n s i v e catalog of virtually all possible ceramic s h a p e s , b a s e d o n easily recognizable g e o m e t r i c f o r m s . P o t t e r y f r o m t h e N e o l i t h i c t o t h e I r o n A g e . T h e major c e r a m i c d e v e l o p m e n t s for each p e r i o d i n t h e long a r c h a e o logical history of Palestine are highlighted here. Neolithic period (c. 6000-4000 BCE). Pottery a p p e a r s almost simultaneously t h r o u g h o u t the L e v a n t i n a b o u t 6000 BCE, a t t h e beginning of w h a t w a s called b y K a t h l e e n M . K e n y o n tire Pottery Neolithic A ( P N A ) a n d b y others N e olithic 3 or D e v e l o p e d N e o l i t h i c . T h i s is s o m e two t o t h r e e millennia after t h e early N e o l i t h i c domestication of plants a n d animals, t h e beginnings of village life, a n d the transition from h u n t i n g a n d g a t h e r i n g t o a f o o d - p r o d u c i n g society a n d e c o n o m y . T h e long delay is surprising, considering t h e u n i q u e utility of ceramic vessels for so m a n y d o m e s t i c f u n c tions, as well as for artistic p u r p o s e s , cultic a n d other s y m -
462
CERAMICS: Syro-Palestinian Ceramics bolic u s e s , a n d t r a d e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , o n c e i n t r o d u c e d , pottery s e e m s t o h a v e c a u g h t o n very quicldy t h r o u g h o u t the ancient N e a r East, C y p r u s , a n d E g y p t (for the latter t w o , in c. 5000 BCE); a n d it developed rapidly, i n t e c h n o l o g y , form, a n d d e c oration. T h u s , t h e delicate p o l y c h r o m e wares of t h e H a s s u n a , S a m a r r a , a n d H a l a f N e o l i t h i c p h a s e s in M e s o p o t a m i a are astonishingly sophisticated. T h e origins of p o t t e r y p r o d u c t i o n p r o b a b l y lie in t h e highly developed p y r o t e c h n i c capabilities of the earlier N e olithic, w h i c h h a d already e x p e r i m e n t e d w i t h minerals a n d clays, as well as w i t h a d v a n c e d kiln-firing t e c h n i q u e s , t o p r o d u c e t h e p e r i o d ' s u b i q u i t o u s fine plaster. I t w a s only a step farther t o apply this t e c h n o l o g y of clays t o p r o d u c e c e r a m i c vessels. T h e actual stages in t h e e x p e r i m e n t a l process are p r o b a b l y reflected i n t h e vaitsah blanches, o r " w h i t e w a r e s " — u n f i r e d plasterlike c o n t a i n e r s of t h e P r e p o t t e r y N e olithic ( P P N ) — f o u n d a t several sites in Syria. T h e N e o l i t h i c p o t t e r y of Palestine is relatively c r u d e : h a n d m a d e , w i t h coarse, low-fired clays; with straw or h e a v y grit t e m p e r ; limited t o a simple, utilitarian repertoire of s h a p e s ; a n d h a v i n g d e c o r a t i o n t h a t consists of heavy slip a p p l i e d like p a i n t in g e o m e t r i c p a t t e r n s , s o m e t i m e s with i n cised c h e v r o n p a t t e r n s . Little i m p r o v e m e n t distinguishes t h e P o t t e r y Neolithic B ( P N B ) p o t t e r y from t h a t of P N A , e x c e p t for a slight i m p r o v e m e n t in w a r e s a n d d i e addition of some new forms. Chalcolithic period (c. 4000-3300 BCE). T h e C h a l c o litiiic p e r i o d in Palestine—the transition b e t w e e n t h e S t o n e A g e a n d the fully d e v e l o p e d u r b a n Early B r o n z e A g e (over l a p p i n g with K e n y o n ' s P r o t o - U r b a n p h a s e ) — w i t n e s s e s t h e flourishing of t h e c e r a m i c i n d u s t r y . A w h o l e n e w repertoire of forms is i n t r o d u c e d , m o s t of t h e m innovative a n d n o t directly related t o t h e Neolithic tradition. T h e s e i n c l u d e a large r a n g e of pithoi (storejars), w i t h a variety of ledge a n d loop h a n d l e s ; large kraters of several l a n d s ; h o l e m o u t h jars, s o m e of t h e m cooking p o t s ; a family of globular a n d flaring bowls; cornets a n d o t h e r globular chalices; pedestal chalices; c h u r n s m o d e l e d after goatskins; a n d even crucibles for c o p p e r w o r l d n g . D e c o r a t i o n i n c l u d e s incision, scalloping, t h u m b m o l d i n g , a n d other plastic devices, as well as quite
A CERAMICS: S y r o - P a l e s t i n i a n . Examples the Chalcolithic,
Bronze,
of Palestinian
pottery of
and Iron Ages, ( i ) L a t e C h a l c o l i t h i c c o r n e t ;
(2) E B I p a i n t e d j u g ; (3) E B I I A b y d o s - s t y l e p i t c h e r ; (4) E B I I I b u r n i s h e d p l a t t e r b o w l ; (5) E B I V " t e a p o t " ; (6) E B I V c o r r u g a t e d c u p ; (7) M B I - I I " T e l l e l - Y e h u d i y e h " juglet; (8) M B III t r u m p e t footed chalice; (9) L B I b i c h r o m e j u g ; (10) L B I I " C a n a a n i t e " storejar (half-scale); ( n ) L B I I c o o k i n g p o t ; (12) L B I I l a m p ; (13) E a r l y I r o n I " c o l l a r - r i m " storejar; (14) t w e l f t h - c e n t u r y BCE Philis t i n e b i c h r o m e k r a t e r ; (15) I r o n I I n e c k l e s s jar; (16) I r o n II d e c a n t e r ; (17) I r o n I I b u r n i s h e d juglet; (18) I r o n I I " b e e r j u g " ; (19) I r o n I I P h o e n i c i a n flask. (After Amiran, 1970)
463
exotic g e o m e t r i c p a t t e r n s in r e d a n d / o r black paint over a c r e a m - c o l o r e d g r o u n d . Clays are well levigated, especially the kaolin-rich " c r e a m w a r e " of the B e e r s h e b a region; a n d high kiln t e m p e r a m r e s p r o d u c e d s o m e titin, quite metallic w a r e s . S o m e vessels, like d i e small flaring bowls with a tilinned rim, a r e finished, if n o t actually f o r m e d , on a rota tion device, p r o b a b l y a simple w o o d e n platform or m a t that could b e rotated. R e e d i m p r e s s i o n s o n t h e bases of some vessels give e v i d e n c e of the latter. A striking p h e n o m e n o n of t h e L a t e Chalcolithic period (c. 3600-3300 BCE) is t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of several regional assemblages that, a l t h o u g h t h e y overlap s o m e w h a t , have distinctive diagnostic features. T h e s e assemblages include, at a m i n i m u m (1) t h e original G h a s s u l i a n culture of t h e D e a d Sea area, together with t h e related c o m p l e x from t h e B e e r s h e b a valley; (2) a central coastal culture a r o u n d m o d e r n T e l Aviv a n d s o m e w h a t inland; (3) the central hill-coun try sites, still poorly k n o w n ; a n d (4) t h e G o l a n H e i g h t s g r o u p , only recently discerned. Early Bronze I—III period (c. 3300-2400 BCE). T h e Early B r o n z e A g e is conveniently divided into an initial p r o t o - u r b a n E B I p h a s e a n d t h e n t h e u r b a n E B II—III phases t h a t are followed b y a decline a n d transition in E B I V (treated separately b e l o w ) . T h e p o t t e r y of E B I (c. 33003200/3100 BCE) follows s o m e w h a t in t h e L a t e Chalcolithic tradition, indicating a basic cultural continuity. T h e r e a r e , h o w e v e r , m a n y n e w forms t h a t herald t h e full-fledged E B II—III era, as well as a decorative tradition t h a t signifies sev eral regional c u l t u r e s — n o t p e o p l e s , a n d certainly n o t n e w c o m e r s , as K e n y o n m a i n t a i n e d . (1) R e d - p a i n t e d wares with parallel b a n d s of decoration (line-group or multiple-brush techniques) are largely confined to t h e s o u t h and parts of t h e J o r d a n Valley, while streaky g r a i n - w a s h wares d o m i n a t e in t h e n o r t h ; (2) a g r a y - b u r n i s h e d class of k n o b b e d bowls a n d footed chalices, possibly a d e s c e n d a n t of d i e earlier w i d e s p r e a d dark f a c e - b u r n i s h e d w a r e , is found at sites a r o u n d t h e Jezreel Valley (giving it t h e n a m e Esdraelon w a r e , first t h o u g h t t o b e L a t e Chalcolithic); a n d (3) r e d b u r n i s h e d wares occur t h r o u g h o u t t h e c o u n t r y , n o w w i d e s p r e a d for t h e first time. A m o n g t h e diagnostic E B I forms are storejars with simple t h u m b - i n d e n t e d ledge h a n d l e s ; h i g h l o o p - h a n d l e d m u g s o r juglets; o m p h a l o s - b a s e d bowls; a n d ear-handled juglets. W h i l e wares are less well m a d e t h a n t h o s e of t h e Chalcolithic, t h e earliest k n o w n potter's wheel (i.e., t h e basalt bearing stone) belongs to this period, f o u n d at B e t h - Y e r a h (Khirbet K e r a k ) o n t h e Sea of Galilee. [See Beth-Yerah.] T h e p o t t e r y of E B II—III, w h i c h c a n b e considered t o gether, develops o u t of t h e E B I repertoire in basic form. H o w e v e r , t h e gray b u r n i s h a n d m o s t of t h e ' r e d geometric p a i n t disappear, while a h e a v y r e d b u r n i s h p r e d o m i n a t e s o n m a n y forms. T h e latter i n c l u d e , in particular, storejars with wavy a n d p u s h e d - u p / s c a l l o p e d ledge h a n d l e s ; large shallow
464
CERAMICS: Syro-Palestinian Ceramics
platters; small carinated bowls in metallic w a r e ; large holem o u t h storejars a n d cooking pots; t w o - h a n d l e d a m p h o r a e ; a n d footed chalices. Particular m e n t i o n should be m a d e of a class of graceful h a n d l e d pitchers a n d jugs in fine r e d b u r n i s h e d w a r e (sometimes a painted geometric decoration) called A b y d o s w a r e because it was first f o u n d by Petrie as i m p o r t e d w a r e in royal t o m b s of the first dynasty at A b y d o s in Egypt. It t h u s gives a valuable synchronism: the first dy nasty (c. 3 2 0 0 / 3 1 0 0 BCE o n w a r d ) equals the floruit of E B II in ancient Palestine. A complete potter's w o r k s h o p f o u n d at Tell el-Far'ah ( N o r t h ) includes a wheel, b u r n i s h i n g tools, clays a n d coloring agents, a n d a kiln. T h e E B III p h a s e (c. 2 6 5 0 - 2 4 0 0 BCE) is m a r k e d princi pally b y the further d e v e l o p m e n t of m a n y f o r m s , s u c h as platters; a few new forms, like s p o u t e d jars a n d flaring g o b lets; and especially by t h e brief a p p e a r a n c e in the n o r t h of exotic r e d - a n d black-burnished vessels of A n a t o l i a n - C a u casian inspiration a n d tire distinctive K h i r b e t K e r a k w a r e ( n a m e d after t h e site on the Sea of Galilee w h e r e it was first distinguished). Early Bronze IV (c. 2400-2000 BCE). T h e pottery of Early B r o n z e IV (Albright's M i d d l e B r o n z e I a n d K e n y o n ' s Intermediate Early B r o n z e - M i d d l e B r o n z e ) , a transitional n o n u r b a n interlude t h a t represents a major socioeconomic decline, is of interest chiefly b e c a u s e of its m a n y distinctive features. T h e s e include a c o m b i n a t i o n of h a n d forming a n d wheel finishing; m a n y u n i q u e vestigial features, s u c h as n o n functional h a n d l e s a n d spouts; very strong a n d consistent regional "families"; a n d a clear influence from the calciform repertoire (cuplike shapes) of central a n d s o u t h e r n Syria. R e d burnish a n d p a i n t are rare, except in the n o r t h ; a n d m a n y wares are incised and/or b a n d c o m b e d , especially in the south. Distinctive E B I V forms include ovoid storejars with vestigial handles; " t e a p o t s " a n d other s p o u t e d jars; m a n y kinds of c u p s , goblets, a n d chalices; flasks; o n e - h a n dled flask-pitchers; offset-shoulder bowls; a n d f o u r - s p o u t e d l a m p s . It has b e e n argued t h a t E B IV pottery has s o m e links with t h a t of t h e first phase of the M i d d l e B r o n z e Age; b u t in fact it represents the last, dying gasp of the long Early B r o n z e A g e tradition.
Middle
Bronze
I-III period
(c. 2000-isoo BCE). Al
bright's M B IIA, B , and C are t e r m e d h e r e , as increasingly by others, M B I - I I I (his M B I having b e c o m e t h e E B I V here). T h i s is the second u r b a n period in ancient Palestine a n d represents t h e zenith of t h e Canaanite culture. T h e p o t tery, w h i c h is entirely n e w in every r e g a r d , clearly reflects the wealth, sophistication, a n d international connections of the c o u n t r y in this period. Although there are recognizable inner divisions (thus t h e M B I - I I I p h a s i n g ) , the strong c o n tinuity t h r o u g h o u t allows t h e M i d d l e B r o n z e A g e pottery t o be treated as a w h o l e . I t begins in M B I with a n e w repertoire of exquisite w h e e l m a d e forms (the first u s e of the fast wheel), m a n y of t h e m related to Syrian styles, as well as fine r e d - b u r n i s h e d a n d p a i n t e d wares. T h e basic repertoire,
CERAMICS:
Syro-Palestinian.
Typical
development
of cooking
pots.
(1) M B III; (2) L B I; (3) L B II; (4) t w e l f t h - e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y BCE; ( 5 ) n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE; ( 6 ) e i g h t h c e n t u r y BCE. (After A m i r a n , 1 9 7 0 )
w h i c h continues until the e n d of M B III ( a n d even into t h e L a t e B r o n z e A g e ) , consists mainly of large, t a p e r i n g ovoid storejars; globular cooking pots; large kraters; m a n y styles of graceful jugs a n d juglets (e.g., d i p p e r , piriform, cylindri cal, a n d T e l l el-Yahudiyeh w a r e ) , m a n y of t h e m slipped a n d burnished; platter bowls; globular bowls; sharply carinated bowls (with a shoulder or c y m a profile), s o m e footed; a n d single-spouted saucer l a m p s . Syrian styles of p a i n t are evi dent (the N o r t h Syrian simple w a r e s ) ; a n d the first i m p o r t s from the M e d i t e r r a n e a n n o w o c c u r , principally in C y p r i o t W h i t e - P a i n t e d I V - V I styles. T h e M B II—III p h a s e s are m a r k e d b y general continuity, b u t also b y a certain d e g e n e r a t i o n in f o r m a n d finish. I m p o r t s from C y p r u s increase, h o w e v e r , a n d in t h e late M B III a n u m b e r of n e w Syrian i m p o r t s a p p e a r , s u c h as G r a y L u s t r o u s w a r e . C y p r i o t B i c h r o m e (and its local versions), M o n o c h r o m e , B a s e - R i n g I, a n d W h i t e - S l i p I wares a c c o m p a n y the transition to L B I (below), as does a local C h o c olate-on-WMte w a r e t h a t m a y b e of C y p r i o t inspiration. Late Bronze Age (c. 1500-1200 BCE). T h e L a t e B r o n z e Age represents a final revival of u r b a n C a n a a n i t e culture, b y t h e n in decline. It extends from t h e E g y p t i a n destructions in a b o u t 1 5 3 0 - 1 4 6 0 BCE until the e n d of t h e B r o n z e A g e (c. t20O BCE). T h e pottery, as e x p e c t e d , c o n t i n u e s t h e M B t r a dition, b u t it is e x h a u s t e d by t h e e n d of t h e period. Virtually n o n e w forms a p p e a r , e x c e p t for flasks, kraters, a n d chalices; b u t there are i m p o r t s . T h e i m p o r t s are surprisingly n u m e r ous, a n d t h e y include m o r e f r o m C y p r u s : W h i t e - P a i n t e d I V - V I , W h i t e - S l i p I-LT, W h i t e - S h a v e d , a n d B a s e - R i n g I - I I wares; a few from Syria: r e d - b u r n i s h e d flasks; M y c e n a e a n I I I A - B w a r e s , a n d even a few L a t e M i n o a n vessels; a n d an
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Persian Period occasional vessel from E g y p t . T h e local w a r e s , while r a t h e r poorly m a d e , n o w feature relatively c o m m o n p a i n t e d d e c oration, w i t h b o t h g e o m e t r i c a n d naturalistic a n d a n i m a l motifs (e.g., a pair of ibexes a n d t h e sacred tree; a p a l m t r e e and panel). Iron Age (c. 1200-600 BCE). T h e I r o n A g e witnesses a succession of n e w , local p e o p l e s a n d cultures, replacing t h e B r o n z e A g e C a n a a n i t e c u l t u r e , including " S e a P e o p l e s , " or Philistines, a n d t h e biblical Israelites. T h e c o m m o n I r o n I p o t t e r y of t h e twelfth-eleventh centuries BCE is, however, still strongly in the L B tradition. Philistine b i c h r o m e w a r e , a locally m a d e offshoot of L a t e M y c e n a e a n I I I C : i b w a r e , with beautiful geometric a n d b i r d designs, a p p e a r s in a b o u t 1150, principally along t h e coast. D i a g n o s t i c ceramic f o r m s for t h e I r o n I proto-Israelite settlements n o w increasingly b e i n g b r o u g h t to light include collar-rim storejars, as well as certain types of flanged-rim cooking p o t s (neither exclu sively Israelite, h o w e v e r ) . By the t e n t h c e n t u r y BCE (styled either I r o n I C or I r o n I I A ) , t h e Israelite state e m e r g e s , a n d with it a s t a n d a r d i z e d c e r a m i c repertoire t h a t has few L B reminiscences a n d r e p resents t h e fully d e v e l o p e d local I r o n A g e cultures. I m p o r t e d w a r e s are n o w extremely r a r e , e x c e p t for several C y p r i o t fabrics of the t e n t h c e n t u r y (e.g., Black on R e d II, W h i t e P a i n t e d , B i c h r o m e , R e d Slip) a n d occasional G r e e k i m p o r t s , w h i c h begin sporadically in t h e late eighth c e n t u r y . S o m e P h o e n i c i a n w a r e a p p e a r s along t h e coast, as early as t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y t h a t has locally m a d e derivatives in s u c h l u x u r y wares as d i e nintli-eightii-century BCE S a m a r i a W a r e . A p a r t from i m p o r t s , p a i n t e d d e c o r a t i o n is r a r e in t h e t e n t h seventh centuries BCE. R e d slip a n d b u r n i s h , however, c h a r acterize m u c h of t h e r e p e r t o i r e , particularly on bowls; in t h e t e n t h c e n t u r y it is d o n e b y h a n d , b u t in the n i n t h c e n t u r y wheel b u r n i s h takes over, gradually dying o u t t o w a r d t h e e n d of the period. T h e s o m e w h a t different repertoires of the I r o n II coastal or " N e o - P h i l i s t i n e " culture along the s o u t h e r n coast, as well as the repertoires of the T r a n s j o r d a n i a n states of A m m o n , M o a b , a n d E d o m , are n o w b e g i n n i n g t o b e better k n o w n t o researchers. All in all, the utilitarian p o t t e r y of t h e I r o n II p e r i o d r e p resents the culture of a series of relatively isolated, p e t t y r e gional states. W h e n die N e o - A s s y r i a n s a d v a n c e in die late eighth c e n t u r y , their p r e s e n c e is felt in Assyrian P a l a c e W a r e . By a n d large, the local p o t t e r y c o n t i n u e s , even after t h e B a b y l o n i a n d e s t r u c t i o n s in 586 BCE (in w h a t m i g h t b e called an I r o n III p h a s e ) , t h r o u g h o u t t h e 6th c e n t u r y ) . Later periods. T h e P e r s i a n , Hellenistic, a n d R o m a n B y z a n t i n e periods see Palestine b e c o m i n g p a r t of a larger international, imperial w o r l d . T h u s , t h e p o t t e r y of these p e riods is b o t h p a r t of the classical tradition in t h e eastern Mediterranean and a separate study beyond the purview here. For the subsequent Arabic and Turkish periods, from t h e seventh to the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y CE, Palestine is p a r t of the Islamic world, a n d t h e local p o t t e r y reflects t h a t reality.
465
BIBLIOGRAPHY A m i r a n , Ruth. Ancient Pottery ojthe Holy Land ( 1 9 6 3 ) . N e w Brunswick, N.J., 1 9 7 0 . Cole, D a n P. Shechem I: The Middle Bronze IIB Pottery. W i n o n a Lake, I n d , 1984. Dever, William G. "Vestigial Features in M B I: An Illustration of S o m e Principles of C e r a m i c T y p o l o g y . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 2 0 0 ( D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 0 ) : 1 9 - 3 0 . Dever, William G. " N e w Vistas on the E B IV ('MB I') Horizon in Syria-Palestine." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 2 3 7 (Winter 1980): 3 5 - 6 4 . Dever, William G., and H . Darrell L a n c e , eds. A Manual of Field Ex cavation: Handbook for Field Archaeologists. Cincinnati, 1 9 7 8 . D u n c a n , J. Garrow. Corpus of Dated Palestinian Pottery. L o n d o n , 1 9 3 0 . Based on Petrie's excavations at Tell J e m m e h . Ehrich, Robert W . , ed. Chronologies in Old World Archaeology. Chicago, 1965.
Homes-Fredericq, D . , and FI. J. F r a n k e n , eds. Pottery and Pollers, Past and Present: 7000 Years of Ceramic An in Jordan. T u b i n g e n , 1 9 8 6 . Kelso, James L. The Ceramic Vocabulary of the Old Testament. N e w Haven, 1 9 4 8 . L a p p , P a u l W . Palestinian Ceramic Chronology, 200 B.C.-A.D. 70. N e w Haven, 1 9 6 1 . M a g n e s s , Jodi. Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology, circa 200-800 CE. Shef field, 1 9 9 3 . O r t o n , Clive, Paul T y e r s , and Alan Vince, Pottery in Archaeology. C a m bridge, 1 9 9 3 . Sauer, James A. Heshbon Pottery, 1971: A Preliminary Report on the Pot tery from the 1971 Excavations at Tell Hesban. Berrien Springs, Mich., 1973-
Shepard, A n n a O. Ceramics far the Archaeologist. Washington, D . C . , 1956.
Stern, E p h r a i m . Material Culture of the Ijand of the Bible in the Persian Period, 538-332 B.C. W a r m i n s t e r , 1 9 8 2 . T h o m a s , David H. Predicting the Past: An Introduction to Anthropological Archaeology. N e w York, 1 9 7 4 . W o o d , Bryant G. The Sociology of Pottery in Ancient Palestine. Sheffield, 1990.
Wright, G. Ernest. The Pottery of Palestine from the Earliest Times to the End of the Early Bronze Age. N e w H a v e n , 1 9 3 7 . WILLIAM G . DEVER
Ceramics of the Persian Period L o c a l Palestinian p o t t e r y in t h e Persian p e r i o d was m a d e of t h r e e different clay c o m p o s i t i o n s , t w o of w h i c h were c h a r acteristic of the coastal region, while t h e third was found mainly in the m o u n t a i n regions of J u d a h a n d Samaria. O n the coastal plain die p o t t e r y was c o m p o s e d m o s t frequently of a yellowish-green or a r e d d i s h clay. T h e visible differ ences in t h e clay (used for p o t t e r y in o t h e r periods as well) m a y h a v e b e e n created d u r i n g firing. T h i s pottery is for the m o s t p a r t crudely m a d e , a n d t h e clay is n o t finely levigated; its m o s t distinctive feature is its very p o o r firing, w h i c h left t h e clay extremely p o r o u s . M o s t of the pottery from J u d a h a n d Samaria, b y contrast, is m a d e of a b r o w n - g r a y clay (a c o n t i n u a t i o n of the material u s e d earlier, in the Iron A g e ) , is well fired, a n d is pleasing i n its shapes. T h e pottery types of d i e Persian p e r i o d can be divided into t h r e e major g r o u p s : (1) local pottery t h a t continues the
466
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Persian Period
ceramic tradition of t h e end of tire I r o n Age; (2) local imi tations of i m p o r t e d p o t t e r y of " e a s t e r n " origin; a n d ( 3 ) local imitations of " w e s t e r n " prototypes. T h e first g r o u p comprises m o s t of the bowls, cooking p o t s , h o l e - m o u t h jars (an i m p o r t a n t jar family, especially those jars that c o n t i n u e t h e tradition of t h e lamelekh t y p e ) , flasks, certain types of jugs a n d juglets, l a m p s , twin vases, funnels, a n d s t a n d s . B e c a u s e t h e p r o d u c t i o n a n d u s e of these vessels were generally confined to t h e areas of J u d a h a n d Samaria, the Israelite ceramic traditions persisted longer t h e r e t h a n in t h e o t h e r parts of Palestine. Vessels belonging t o t h e s e c o n d g r o u p , imitations of " e a s t e r n " p r o t o t y p e s , exhibit Assyrian, Persian, P h o e n i c i a n , and Egyptian influences. T h e Assyrian p o t t e r y , especially the Palace W a r e from t h e close of the seventh c e n t u r y BCE, is now well k n o w n from the excavations at N i m r u d . T h e original vessels a n d t h e Palestinian copies a p p e a r almost si multaneously at t h e e n d of t h e Israelite period; b y t h e P e r sian period they are already a constant feature in t h e local pottery repertoire. A n Assyrian influence is evident mainly in the carinated bowls, in botit pottery a n d metal, as well as in m o s t of t h e bottles. H o w e v e r , in their c r u d e shapes a n d especially in their lack of typical p a i n t e d decoration, t h e ves sels of t h e Persian p e r i o d are inferior to b o t h t h e Assyrian originals and their I r o n Age imitations. N o a t t e m p t s were
m a d e in Palestine to duplicate t h e A c h a e m e n i d p o t t e r y , for its quality was generally very p o o r a n d it w a s n o t c o m m o n l y f o u n d outside t h e b o r d e r s of Persia. A m o n g all t h e p o t t e r y finds in Palestine, only two or t h r e e vessels c a n b e designated with any certainty as direct P e r s i a n i m p o r t s . T h e magnifi cent A c h a e m e n i d m e t a l w a r e , o n t h e other h a n d , w a s a sig nificant source of inspiration for Palestinian p o t t e r s , w h o imitated it in clay. T h e m o s t o u t s t a n d i n g imitations are t h e r h y t o n s . It is also possible t h a t t h e i m p r e s s e d w e d g e a n d r e e d decoration, w h i c h a p p e a r s o n a ramified class of Palestinian pottery in t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d , is m o d e l e d after t h e d e c o r a t i o n o n this metalware. O t h e r Palestinian vessels can b e attrib u t e d to a P h o e n i c i a n origin b y analogy with d i e earlier P h o e nician vessels (from t h e e n d of t h e I r o n Age) discovered at P h o e n i c i a n sites a n d in t o m b s . T h e P h o e n i c i a n influence is particularly m a r k e d in t h e jugs a n d juglets, in t h e face a n d Bes vases, in several types of jars, a n d in t h e l a m p s . E g y p t i a n influence, o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , can b e o b s e r v e d only in t h e alabastra, w h i c h seem to b e copies of a n alabaster original. T h e i m p o r t e d p o t t e r y of t h e p e r i o d w a s mainly G r e e k . T h e earliest G r e e k vases f o u n d in Palestine are L a t e P r o t o G e o m e t r i c , w h i c h dates to t h e end of t h e eighth c e n t u r y BCE. L a t e r G r e e k vessels c a m e from a variety of regions. I n t h e Babylonian a n d Early Persian p e r i o d s , m o s t c a m e from C o r inth, w h i c h t h e n possessed m a s t e r y of t h e seas. T h o s e v e s -
^9
CERAMICS: P e r s i a n P e r i o d . Pottery types from Qadum.
93 (a) c o o k i n g p o t ; (b) krater; (c) jug; ( d ) d i p p e r
juglet; (e) five e x a m p l e s of b o w l s . (Courtesy A S O R Archives)
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Persian Period
CERAMICS: P e r s i a n P e r i o d .
Pottery
types from
Qadum.
467
(a) t o r p e d o jars; (b) jugs; (c) storage jar.
(Courtesy A S O R Archives)
sels w e r e still rare in Palestine, a n d only a few h a v e b e e n f o u n d . It is only from t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE o n w a r d t h a t i m p o r t s from t h e eastern G r e e k islands increased: f r o m Rhodes, Kos, Cnidus (Knidos), Chios, Samos, and Lesbos, for e x a m p l e , as well as from t h e G r e e k settlements along t h e n o r t h e a s t e r n M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast, s u c h as A l - M i n a . T h e s e E a s t G r e e k vases i n c l u d e d bowls w i t h p a i n t e d b a n d s a n d horizontal h a n d l e s , jugs w i t h b l a c k - p a i n t e d d e c o r a t i o n or g e o m e t r i c designs o n their u p p e r p a r t , a n d vessels in t h e W i l d G o a t style. D u r i n g t h e sixth c e n t u r y BCE, especially t o w a r d its close, G r e e k vessels from A t h e n s b e g a n to arrive. A l t h o u g h initially they only r e a c h e d Palestine in small n u m b e r s , they w e r e quickly i n t e g r a t e d w i t h t h e vessels in c o m m o n use.
t h e w e s t e r n p a r t of t h e m o u n d ; o n t h e basis of this find, t h e excavator, M o s h e D o t h a n , p r o p o s e d t h a t t h e m o u n d ' s n o r t h w e s t section h a d , in t h e P e r s i a n period, c o n t a i n e d a q u a r t e r of rich m e r c h a n t s , m o s t of t h e m G r e e k , a n d t h a t it h a d b e e n t h e finest section of t h e t o w n . I n excavations at Jaffa, a large w a r e h o u s e f r o m t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d w a s f o u n d t o have close affinities w i t h t h e p l a n of t h e recently published w a r e h o u s e s at A l - M i n a . A sizable a m o u n t of p o t t e r y w a s f o u n d o n t h e floor of o n e of t h e r o o m s . All t h e vessels were of a single type a n d all b o r e similar red-figured decoration. It is v e r y likely that, as at t h e n o r t h e r n P h o e n i c i a n p o r t city of A l - M i n a , a g r o u p of G r e e k m e r c h a n t s resided in Jaffa d u r i n g t h e Persian p e r i o d a n d e n g a g e d in t h e wholesale t r a d e of t h e p r o d u c t s of A t h e n i a n potteries.
T h e first G r e e k vessels to arrive w e r e p a i n t e d in black o n a r e d b a c k g r o u n d (black figured). L a t e r , t h e colors w e r e r e versed: figures p a i n t e d in r e d o n a black b a c k g r o u n d (red figured). L a s t to arrive w e r e plain black-glazed t y p e s . T h e c h a n g e s in t h e s o u r c e of tire i m p o r t e d G r e e k w a r e a n d t h e absolute d o m i n a n c e of t h e A t t i c p o t t e r y t h r o u g h o u t tire P e r sian p e r i o d in Palestine is conclusively p r o v e n b y c o m p a rable finds in n e i g h b o r i n g l a n d s a n d t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n area, as well as o n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n islands.
A t h e n i a n pottery a p p a r e n t l y was also b r o u g h t t o Tell J e m m e h . T h e discoveries t h e r e i n c l u d e d a b o u t a d o z e n of t h e red-figured c u p s t h a t w e r e evidently p a i n t e d by t h e Pithos Painter; although n o t f o u n d o n t h e s a m e site, t h e y m a y h a v e b e e n p u r c h a s e d at t h e s a m e t i m e in A t h e n s and carried over o n t h e s a m e vessel t o t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast, w h e n c e they w e r e distributed to several m e r c h a n t s . T h e best e x a m p l e s to date of t h e p h e n o m e n o n of G r e e k settlers are p e r h a p s t h e finds from T e l D o r , M e s a d H a s h a v y a h u , a n d M i g d o l . A t m a n y other s i t e s — T e l M i c h a l , Tell el-Hesi, a n d Ashkelon, a m o n g t h e m — a l s o p r o d u c e d rich assemblages of i m p o r t e d G r e e k p o t t e r y , h a v e b e e n u n e a r t h e d , however.
T h e influx of G r e e k g o o d s to coastal sites in t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n b r o u g h t w i t h it G r e e k colonization o n t h e coasts of P h o e n i c i a a n d Palestine. Clear evidence for this p r o c e s s w a s recently r e c o v e r e d at A l - M i n a , T e l l S u k a s , T a b a t e l - H a m m a m , a n d elsewhere along t h e P h o e n i c i a n coast. T h e r e also is evidence for t h e s e t t l e m e n t of G r e e k m e r c h a n t s in Israel. A t T e l A k k o , a rich assemblage of AtticG r e e k p o t t e r y w a s discovered in a w e l l - p l a n n e d q u a r t e r o n
U n d e c o r a t e d e v e r y d a y w a r e from G r e e c e also b e g a n to a p p e a r in Palestine d u r i n g t h e Persian period. It included h e a v y bowls, cooking p o t s , a n d , p r o m i n e n t l y , wine a m p h o r a e f r o m t h e eastern G r e e k islands. It seems t h a t even t h o u g h Palestine p r o d u c e d large quantities of excellent w i n e ,
468
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Persian Period ^8
a n d t h e Palestinian imitations can be readily distinguished. I t is also possible to d e t e c t d i e s o u r c e of t h e copies. T h e r e is a large g r o u p of vessels w h o s e form is nearly identical t o t h e above-three i m p o r t e d w e s t e r n g r o u p s ; h o w e v e r , b e c a u s e they lack distinctive d e c o r a t i o n , it is impossible t o d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r they a r e i m p o r t s or local p r o d u c t s . T h i s g r o u p in cludes d i e " P e r s i a n " bowls with a flat b a s e , a large g r o u p of straight-shouldered jars, jars w i t h b a s k e t h a n d l e s , a n d a m p h o r a e t h a t w e r e t h e p r o t o t y p e of the R h o d i a n a m p h o r a e of t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d . T h e s e vessels w e r e all u s e d in t r a n s p o r t i n g goods b y sea a n d are f o u n d widely d i s p e r s e d along t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n coast. O n l y mineralogical a n d p e t r o g r a p h i c analyses c a n p r o v i d e m o r e exact conclusions as t o their place of origin. N e v e r t h e l e s s , even if t h e majority of these jars, b o w l s , a n d a m p h o r a e w e r e i n d e e d locally m a n ufactured, their origins are to b e s o u g h t o n t h e E a s t G r e e k islands a n d o n C y p r u s . T h e i r a p p e a r a n c e in tire eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n is certainly c o n n e c t e d with t h e early G r e e k t r a d i n g colonies: A l - M i n a a n d T e l l S u k a s in Syria; M e s a d H a s h a v y a h u in Palestine; a n d M i g d o l , D a p h n a e , a n d N a u kratis in E g y p t . C y p r i o t p o t t e r y , of w h i c h only a small p a r t h a s b e e n s t u d ied, is a m o n g d i e p o t t e r y i m p o r t e d f r o m t h e west. T h e fol lowing survey is b a s e d o n E i n a r G j e r s t a d ' s s u m m a r y . It i n cludes only e x a m p l e s t h a t are clearly C y p r i o t t y p e s , w i t h p a i n t e d decoration. C y p r i o t vessels w e r e often also f o u n d in context with local w a r e of t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d , b u t their dates are as yet unverified. S o m e h a v e b e e n a t t r i b u t e d , a p p a r e n t l y incorrectly, to earlier p e r i o d s . It s e e m s , h o w e v e r , t h a t m o s t b e l o n g e d to t h e W h i t e - P a i n t e d V g r o u p .
CERAMICS: P e r s i a n P e r i o d .
Imported
Attic
vases from
Tel
Dor.
D a t e d from fifth t o f o u r t h c e n t u r y BCE. (Courtesy E. Stern)
a considerable a m o u n t still h a d to be i m p o r t e d from a b r o a d , u n d o u b t e d l y for c o n s u m p t i o n b y the increasing n u m b e r s of Greeks w h o h a d settled there. In the Babylonian-Persian periods, a n d even before, G r e e k pottery was plentiful in Palestine, exerting a s t r o n g influence o n local ceramics. H o w e v e r , while tire eastern v e s sels were for t h e m o s t p a r t merely imitations, a n d often very late ones, t h e western p o t t e r y c o m p r i s e d b o t h i m p o r t e d w a r e a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y local copies. T h i s p o t t e r y was widely i m itated, especially tire types of vessels, t h o u g h t h e Palestinian potters did n o t succeed in duplicating t h e excellent quality and exquisite decoration. T h e E a s t Greek bowls p r o b a b l y were the original m o d e l s for t h e small bowls a n d kraters with horizontal handles t h a t w e r e widespread in Palestine. T h e locally p r o d u c e d closed l a m p s , m a d e of coarse clay w i t h o u t t h e typical b u r n i s h , w e r e certainly p a t t e r n e d after Attic lamps. Juglets f o u n d at T e l M e g a d i m b e a r a close r e s e m blance to the Attic lekythos, a n d o n e from T e l M e v o r a k h imitates t h e laginos. In m o s t cases, t h e difference b e t w e e n t h e i m p o r t e d w a r e
Only o n e vessel a m o n g all of t h e p o t t e r y f r o m t h e P e r s i a n p e r i o d has b e e n i n t e r p r e t e d as an A c h a e m e n i d i m p o r t : it is a c u p m a d e of a light-greenish clay with h i g h , very t h i n ribbed sides. F r a g m e n t s of a n o t h e r c u p w e r e f o u n d lying n e x t to it in an unstratified c o n t e x t at S a m a r i a . E v e n t h o u g h direct i m p o r t s of A c h a e m e n i d w a r e w e r e n o n e x i s t e n t in tire Persian p e r i o d — t h e w a r e was n o t o u t s t a n d i n g either for its quality or b e a u t y — A c h a e m e n i a n m e t a l vases specifically h a d an indirect influence o n r h y t a a n d several types of local Palestinian p o t t e r y (see a b o v e ) . B e c a u s e A c h a e m e n i d p o t tery was almost uniformly dull, a n d b e c a u s e t h e A c h a e m e n ids were n o t colonizers, t h e a d v e n t of t h e P e r s i a n s did n o t change t h e local styles o f p o t t e r y in u s e in t h e N e a r East. [Many entries.]
of the sites mentioned
are the subject of
independent
BIBLIOGRAPHY B o a r d m a n , John. The Greeks Overseas. H a r m o n d s w o r t h , 1 9 7 3 . Study of die Greek expansion toward the eastern Mediterranean. L a p p , Paul W . " T h e Pottery of Palestine in the Persian P e r i o d . " In Archaeology und Altes Testament, p p . 1 7 9 - 1 9 2 . T u b i n g e n , 1 9 7 0 . Stern, Ephraim. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period, $38-332 B.C. Warminster, 1982. Study of local Palestinian pottery in the Persian period. See pages 9 3 - 1 4 2 .
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
469
Stern, Ephraim. " T h e Beginning of t h e Greek Settlement in Palestine in the Light of the Recent Excavations at T e l D o r . " In Recent Ex cavations in Israel: Studies in Iron Age Archaeology, edited by Seymour Gitin and William G. Dever, p p . 1 0 7 - 1 2 4 . Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 4 9 . W i n o n a Lake, Ind., 1 9 8 9 . EPHRAIM STERN
Ceramics of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods V a s t a m o u n t s of p o t t e r y for t h e p e r i o d from a b o u t 300 BCE to 300/400 CE (the p e r i o d s c o v e r e d in this survey) h a v e b e e n f o u n d in Israel/Palestine, b u t m a n y questions r e m a i n u n a n s w e r e d . N u m e r o u s p r e l i m i n a r y r e p o r t s , illustrating a few select items, often assigned to unrealistically precise, h i s t o r ically b a s e d p e r i o d s , have b e e n t h e n o r m . Synthetic studies of t h e regional w a r e s b y w a r e a n d / o r s h a p e are few. F i n d s from J o r d a n h a v e generally b e e n h a n d l e d similarly. In other regions (e.g., Syria a n d E g y p t ) , detailed p o t t e r y r e p o r t s exist o n t h e finds from a few widely s e p a r a t e d sites; t h e r e p o r t s in local journals are generally of p o o r quality. A g o o d u n d e r s t a n d i n g of t h e wares in t h e s e countries is n o t close at h a n d . T h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r East, t h e care lavished o n B r o n z e a n d I r o n A g e wares h a s n o t generally b e e n e x t e n d e d to t h e w a r e s of t h e later p e r i o d s . Statistics of frequency a r e available for relatively few sites, a n d m a n y excavators h a v e n o t r e c o r d e d t h e bulk of their finds before discard. A lack of excavations on kiln sites i m p e d e s o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of sources a n d of p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n i q u e s . I n general, t h e p o t t e r y of t h e region mixes local traditions (seen in coarse a n d cooldng w a r e s a n d t h e storage jar series) w i t h M e d i t e r r a n e a n Hellenistic a n d R o m a n - t y p e fine t a b l e wares a n d a m p h o r a e ( t r a n s p o r t c o n t a i n e r s ) , b o t h locally m a d e a n d i m p o r t e d from farther west. E a s t e r n (Seleucid, P a r t h i a n ) wares a r e generally a b s e n t , e x c e p t o n sites o n t h e R o m a n frontier o n t h e E u p h r a t e s River, a n d at P a l m y r a , in Syria. T h e N a b a t e a n r e g i o n h a s its o w n distinctive local w a r e s , generally thin-walled: a series of r o u n d - b o t t o m e d p a i n t e d vessels n o t m a t c h e d elsewhere, m a d e alongside a series of close copies of Italian R o m a n vessels ( a n d clay l a m p s ) , o w i n g little to L e v a n t i n e m o d e l s . A similar coexis t e n c e of " n a t i v e " p a i n t e d w a r e s a n d imitation R o m a n p r o d u c t s — i n thin, whitish w a r e s — i s e v i d e n c e d in M e r o i t i c N u bia. E g y p t , commercially largely isolated d u r i n g t h e R o m a n p e r i o d , is a special case: t h e r e , traditional wares a n d P t o l e m a i c derivatives w e r e s u p p l i e d t o a large local m a r k e t . D u r i n g t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, G r e e k - d e r i v e d fmeware types a p p e a r t h r o u g h o u t t h e region. T r u e G r e e k black-gloss w a r e s a p p e a r as i m p o r t s (from A t h e n s a n d , a l t h o u g h rarely, f r o m s o u t h e r n Italy, early in t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, a n d t h e r e after from various ill-defined A e g e a n a n d Asia M i n o r s o u r c e s ) . T h e n u m e r o u s local copies from t h e L e v a n t , i n cluding C y p r u s — J e r u s a l e m w a r e s are a notable e x c e p t i o n —generally h a v e a dull, d a r k i s h slip coating over a buff f a b ric. S u b s e q u e n t l y , t h e m a j o r regional tableware is t h e r e d - s l i p p e d (red-gloss) E a s t e r n Sigillata A w a r e ( o n c e
CERAMICS: Hellenistic
and
Roman
Periods.
Hellenistic
bottles.
S t a n d a r d bottle is s h o w n at left, spindle b o t t l e is s h o w n at right. D a t e d c. 100 BCE. (Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
t e r m e d P e r g a m e n e ) , f r o m u n l o c a t e d sources ( L e b a n o n ? , s o u t h e r n Syria?), c u r r e n t f r o m a b o u t 150 BCE t o a b o u t 150 CE. T h i s is well studied: a L a t e Hellenistic p h a s e is typified b y platters with very h e a v y feet a n d small floral s t a m p s a r o u n d t h e center (not u n r e l a t e d t o t h e black-gloss C a m p a n a B platters of T u s c a n y i n Italy). T h e s e probably were f o r m e d w i t h t h e aid of m o l d s . Small hemispherical footed cups (not modeled on imports) accompany them. T h e red gloss surface here a p p e a r s earlier t h a n o n other M e d i t e r r a n e a n w a r e s ; it is applied b y a d o u b l e d i p p i n g process, leaving a darker stripe across t h e m i d d l e of t h e vessel (seen later o n s o m e o t h e r eastern fine w a r e s ) . A C y p r i o t ( ? ) c o u n t e r p a r t ( C y p r i o t sigillata) has a m o r e pinldsh- or purplish-red clay a n d slip coloration; t h e slip t e n d s t o w a r d a metallic luster. E a s t e r n Sigillata A is a b u n d a n t t h r o u g h o u t the N e a r East, w h e r e a s t h e C y p r i o t w a r e is s p o r a d i c outside C y p r u s (ex c e p t in t h e lower Nile D e l t a a n d in Israel's N e g e v desert— w h e r e , dubiously, local p r o d u c t i o n has b e e n claimed). B e t w e e n a b o u t 10 a n d 80 CE, t h e classic Eastern Sigillata A w a r e shapes are replaced b y ones m o d e l e d o n those of Italian red-gloss terra sigillata ware, p e r h a p s indirectly t h r o u g h d i e p r o d u c t s of Asia M i n o r (Eastern Sigillata B a n d P e r g a m o n - r e g i o n w a r e s ) . T h e Asia M i n o r wares also b e a r
470
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
CERAMICS: Hellenistic a n d R o m a n P e r i o d s .
s t a m p s inscribed in G r e e k — a rather short-lived fashion. C y p r i o t sigillata shows similar changes. T h e r e a f t e r , n e w shapes (mainly flat-based, with decoratives m o l d i n g s o n the interior) s e e m to owe m o r e t o R o m a n metalware. S o m e late Eastern Sigillata A ware vessels with a s p o n g e d m o t t l e d slip t r e a t m e n t ( c u r r e n t from a b o u t 70 to 120 CE) also attest to these new influences. Similar t r e n d s are p r e s e n t t h r o u g h o u t Eastern Sigillata B w a r e (which can b e fired black or d a r k brown). Red-gloss (sigillata) tablewares and thin-walled ware i m ports, mainly from Italian a n d A e g e a n sources, are quite c o m m o n d u r i n g t h e first century CE, particularly at coastal sites, b u t also as far afield as P e t r a , in Jordan. S o m e serve to m a r k the early R e d Sea trade links with India (where a few specimens h a v e been f o u n d ) , m a n y are p r e s e n t at Quseir e l - Q a d i m , one of t h e Egyptian d e p a r t u r e p o i n t s . A d aptations of these i m p o r t e d shapes are seen in other local p r o d u c t s , from Cilicia a n d Syria to E g y p t ( b u t rarely, if at all, in M e s o p o t a m i a ) . S o m e lead-glazed c u p s , mimicking decorated silverware, were m a d e at T a r s u s from a b o u t 1 to 100 CE. T h e s e m a t c h types m a d e in western Asia M i n o r a n d are quite distinct from the essentially P a r t h i a n alkaline-glazed wares m a d e in M e s o p o t a m i a , of w h i c h s o m e forerunners are seen in later Hellenistic Antioch. F i n d s from D u r a - E u r o p o s in Syria show that the P a r t h i a n series, typically rather heavy a m p h o r a jars with p e a k e d handles a n d g o u g e d o r n a m e n t , lasted b e y o n d 250 CE. O t h e r fine wares include a series of buff-ware bowls w i t h partial t w o - t o n e (red/black) slip a n d double-bulge h o r i z o n tal handles below the rim, c o m m o n in s e c o n d - c e n t u r y BCE
Terra sigillata juglets.
(Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
deposits a t P a p h o s a n d at S h i q m o n a in Israel a n d elsewhere. M a n y versions of t h e Hellenistic lagynos s h a p e (an a n g u l a r b o d i e d , n a r r o w - n e c k e d jug with silhouetted floral p a t t e r n s a n d horizontal b a n d s p a i n t e d in b r o w n o n a c r e a m slip or surface) a p p e a r from a b o u t 175 to 50 BCE o n C y p r u s ( p r o b ably a major s o u r c e ) ; E g y p t i a n a n d o t h e r versions are also k n o w n . Small figured vessels a n d l a m p s m a d e in m o l d s ( s o m e depicting heads) w e r e p r o d u c e d in t h e N i l e D e l t a region (e.g., at M e m p h i s ) from a b o u t 100 BCE t o 100 CE; also f o u n d at this t i m e are r e d - w a r e p a i n t e d jars w i t h erotic m o tifs a n d busts of favored y o u t h s half-hidden 011 t h e interiors. L a t e r Egyptian wares b e a r floral p a t t e r n s in p a i n t or a d d e d raised slip ( b a r b o t i n e ) ; a particular g r o u p of shallow b e i g e w a r e c u p s depicts silhouetted pygmylike figures in black. C o r r e s p o n d i n g t r e a t m e n t s o c c u r o n t h e M e r o i t i c w a r e s of Nubia. R e c o r d e d Hellenistic to R o m a n i m p o r t s i n c l u d e thin car inated bowls f r o m K n i d o s , later relief-ware bowls from C o r inth, a n d m o l d m a d e relief-ware " n o v e l t y " figured vases from K n i d o s (notably a cache in t h e form of p a r t s of t h e h u m a n b o d y , possibly for m e d i c a l u s e , discovered o n P a p h o s ) . I n contrast to t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n - t y p e w a r e s , J e r u salem p r o d u c t s s h o w a r a n g e of thin, well-fired plain w a r e s in t h e tradition of the p r e c e d i n g P e r s i a n p e r i o d . T h i n - w a l l e d Greek-influenced cooking vessels i n s a n d y wares a p p e a r i n Hellenistic t i m e s . A large C y p r i o t series a n d those from t h e N i l e D e l t a s h o w typically G r e e k features s u c h as internally ledged rims (to s u p p o r t lids) a n d , o n t h e shallower " c a s s e r o l e s , " striplike h a n d l e s along t h e exteriors of rims. T h e typical Palestinian version is fairly shallow, w i t h a sagging b o t t o m a n d a short n e c k flanked b y small h a n d l e s ;
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Byzantine Period Early R o m a n e x a m p l e s are particularly thin. H o r i z o n t a l r i b b i n g is a feature of these a n d of related r o u n d - b o t t o m e d jugs a n d flasks, as from d i e later s e c o n d century BCE; t h e treat m e n t is c o p i e d in E g y p t , a n d , m u c h later, in t h e A e g e a n region, a n d is w i d e s p r e a d o n later R o m a n / B y z a n t i n e wares from t h e L e v a n t . I n a b o u t 170-50 BCE, p o r t a b l e braziers set o n tall s t a n d s , with diree internal k n o b s set obliquely t o s u p p o r t a p o t , w e r e m a d e in q u a n t i t y in t h e Alexandria r e g i o n a n d also in t h e A e g e a n ; s o m e copies of t h e m a p p e a r o n C y p r u s a n d elsewhere. T h e i r m o s t distinctive feature, t h e i n ternal k n o b s , is regularly m o l d e d in t h e f o r m of p l a q u e s ( s o m e t i m e s inscribed) b e a r i n g Greek-style Silenos masks or bulls' h e a d s . T h e traditional Palestinian storage jars w i t h ringlike h a n dles at t h e s h o u l d e r c o n t i n u e u n a b a t e d , b e i n g c o m m o n l y a c c o m p a n i e d b y i m p o r t e d w i n e a n d oil a m p h o r a e — i n H e l lenistic times m o s t l y from R h o d e s a n d in R o m a n times f r o m Italy ( C a m p a n i a , Istria, a n d elsewhere) a n d even S p a i n . E n o r m o u s n u m b e r s of Hellenistic w i n e a m p h o r a e from A e g e a n sources (identified b y t h e s t a m p s 011 their h a n d l e s ) are d o c u m e n t e d at Alexandria. T h e s e s p a w n e d local imitations, at first along L a k e M a r e o t i s a n d t h e n t h r o u g h o u t E g y p t . Similar copies a p p e a r o n C y p r u s a n d elsewhere. T h e s e n o r mally h a v e ovoid or long cylindrical b o d i e s a n d distinctive necks flanked b y t w o long, u p r i g h t h a n d l e s ; t h e y t a p e r at t h e b a s e to a solid t o e of variable length. A distinctive version of this s h a p e , with r i b b i n g a d d e d a n d t h e h a n d l e s r e d u c e d t o m e r e loops u n d e r t h e r i m , is seen in E g y p t in R o m a n times. Elsewhere, t h e m o s t c o m m o n local a m p h o r a t y p e s in Early R o m a n times are m o d e l e d o n t h e Italian " p s e u d o K o a n " t y p e (copied from an A e g e a n Plellenistic p r o d u c t ) , witii tall handles f o r m e d of t w o rolls of clay set side b y side. I n Cilicia, a bulging v e r s i o n of t h e Palestinian t o r p e d o s h a p e d jar is supplied w i t h h a n d l e s of this t y p e . L a t e r R o m a n t y p e s , a p p a r e n t l y m o r e diverse, are still i n a d e q u a t e l y studied. P a i n t e d c o m m e r c i a l " l a b e l s " (tituli picti) are seen o n b o t h i m p o r t s a n d copies; t h o s e f r o m M a s a d a in Israel i n c l u d e s o m e labels in L a t i n , i n d i c a t i n g t h e arrival of Italian wines tiiere b y a b o u t 20 BCE. Clay mixing bowls witii gritted interiors (mortaria) are p r e s e n t only sporadically: s o m e w i d e - r i m m e d Italian i m p o r t s b e a r i n g p o t t e r s ' s t a m p s (first-second centuries CE) are k n o w n from C a e s a r e a a n d P a p h o s . In t h e t h i r d - f o u r t h c e n turies, versions of t h e Italian t y p e , in a distinctive d e e p b r o w n w a r e with volcanic grits, w e r e m a d e o n t h e n o r t h e r n Syrian coast (in t h e area of R a s el-Bassit). T h e s e b e a r m u l tiple n a m e s t a m p s in G r e e k ( a n d occasionally in L a t i n ) . T h e y , a n d later u n s t a m p e d n a r r o w - r i m m e d versions, cir culated widely a r o u n d t h e L e v a n t i n e coastlands. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adan-Bayewitz, David. Common Pottery in Roman Galilee: A Study of Local Trade. R a m a t G a n , 1 9 9 3 . Fine all-around study of a regional cooking ware, with clay analyses a n d ancient textual references.
471
' A m r , Khairieh. The Pottery from Petra: A Neutron Activation Analysis Study. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, n o . 324. Oxford, 1987. Provides a selection of wares found at Petra and a review of the existing literature. Blakely, Jeffrey A., et al. " R o m a n Mortaria and Basins from a Sequence at Caesarea: Fabrics a n d S o u r c e s . " In Caesarea Papers: Straton's Tower, Herod's Harbour, and Roman and Byzantine Caesarea, edited b y R. Lindley V a n n , p p . 1 9 4 - 2 1 3 . Journal of R o m a n Archaeology, Supplementary Series, n o . 5. A n n Arbor, Mich., 1992. Discusses mortaria (Syrian and Italian imports). Cahiers de la Ceramique Egyptienne. Cairo, 1 9 8 7 - . Series issued by the Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale du Cairo, which includes studies of Ptolemaic a n d R o m a n - p e r i o d wares. Supplemented by Bulletin de Liaison du Groupe International d'Etude de la Ceramique Egyptienne, which contains brief reports on current excavation finds. C o t t o n , H a n n a h M . , and Joseph Geiger. Masada. vol. 2, The Latin and Greek Documents. Jerusalem, 1989. Greek and Latin dipinti. G u n n e w e g , Jan, et al. The Provenience, Typology, and Chronology of Eastern Terra Sigillata. Q e d e m , vol. 17. Jerusalem, 1983. Study based on selected clay analyses. Hayes, John W . "Sigillate orientali." In Enciclopedia dell'arte antica: At lanta delle forme ceramiche romane, vol. 2, p p . 1 - 9 6 , pis. 1 - 2 3 . R o m e , 1986. Typology of the eastern sigillata wares. Hayes, John W . Paphos, vol. 3, The Hellenistic and Roman Pottery. N i c osia, C y p r u s , 1 9 9 1 . Presents a wide range of ware found throughout the region. Herbert, Sharon, et al. Tel Anafa. 2 vols. Ann Arbor, 1994 Covers ce ramics from an important L a t e Hellenistic site in Israel. Negev, Avraham. The Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Pottery of Na batean Oboda: Final Report. Q e d e m , vol. 2 2 . Jerusalem, 1986. Dis cusses local a n d imported products. Toll, N . P . The Excavations at Dura-Europos, vol. 4 . 1 , fasc. 1, The Green Glazed Pottery. N e w H a v e n , 1 9 4 3 . Covers Parthian-style glazed wares. T u s h i n g h a m , A, D . , et al. Excavations in Jerusalem, 1961-1967. Vol. I. T o r o n t o , 1985. F o r fine wares, see the contribution by J o h n W. Hayes (pp. 1 8 3 - 1 9 4 ) . Vanderhoeven, Michel. Fouilles d'Apamee de Syrie, vol. 9 . 1 , Les terras sigillces, 1066-1972. Brussels, 1989. Covers Eastern Sigillata A and more, with color photos. Vitro, F a n n y . "Potters and Pottery Manufacture in R o m a n Palestine." Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology (University College, L o n d o n ) , no. 23 (1986): 4 7 - 6 4 . Discusses Jewish ceramic use (and some later R o m a n use?). W h i t c o m b , Donald S., and Janet H. Johnson. Quseir al-Qadim, 1978: Preliminary Report. Cairo, 1 9 7 9 . See W , R. Johnson on R o m a n pot tery (pp. 6 7 - 1 0 3 ) . F o r more general works o n the categories mentioned, not restricted to the region, see the following titles: Ettlinger, Elisabeth, et al. Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae Italico modo confectae. Bonn, 1990. N e w typology. Magness, Jodi. Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology, circa 200-800 CE. Shef field, 1993. Peacock, D . P. S., and D . F . Williams. Amphorae and the Roman Econ omy. L o n d o n a n d N e w York, 1986. Contains a partial typology. JOHN W .
HAYES
Ceramics of the Byzantine Period P o t t e r y of the f o u r t h t o s e v e n t h c e n t u r y found in t h e L e v a n t is generally labeled B y z a n t i n e ; elsewhere in t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n t h e s a m e wares a r e n o r m a l l y designated L a t e R o m a n (the t e r m Byzantine b e i n g reserved for later, typically lead-
472
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Byzantine Period
glazed wares). T h e m o d e r n L e v a n t i n e u s a g e implies close links with political history. Actual fashions in pottery t e n d to lag behind political c h a n g e s , relying o n t h e creation or extinction of markets (which are, in part, affected b y major natural disasters s u c h as plagues a n d earthquakes). T h u s , R o m a n - d e r i v e d wares continued to b e p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h t h e U m a y y a d period; t h e major break in tradition o c c u r r e d in a r o u n d 800 CE. Similarly, in E g y p t , the religious t e r m Cop tic is used to designate pottery of this period, although, in N u b i a at least, the same tradition can be traced d o w n to t h e fourteenth century. Late Roman as a designation should b e viewed here in cultural rather t h a n political terms—for m u c h of the period R o m e (or its successor, C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ) d i d n o t directly rule all t h e areas u n d e r consideration. T h e in fluence of ( R o m a n ) Christianity was generally strong, h o w ever, a n d this influenced pottery decoration.
jor u r b a n centers s u c h as C o n s t a n t i n o p l e . Eventually, t h e m o n e t a r y e c o n o m y of imperial R o m e s h r a n k , a n d o r g a n i zations s u c h as t h e c h u r c h a n d local m a g n a t e s s e e m to h a v e a s s u m e d m o r e control over t h e circulation of t h e s e c h e a p everyday p r o d u c t s .
T h e universal fine c e r a m i c wares of the period are fine textured a n d red bodied, with a reddish slip finish (not a glazed t r e a t m e n t ) . A few major centers of p r o d u c t i o n in N o r t h Africa, western T u r k e y , a n d (probably) C y p r u s led the way, in d u e course providing models for other, m o r e local wares. T h i s concentration of p r o d u c t i o n in a few major centers may reflect t h e t e n d e n c y t o centralized control a n d specialization f o u n d in t h e age of Diocletian a n d C o n s t a n tine. While the potters themselves r e m a i n e d free agents, t h e marketing of their p r o d u c t s seems to have b e c o m e m o r e regulated, with a view to maintaining steady supplies t o m a
F i n e R e d W a r e s . T h e fine red-gloss (terra sigillata) wares of earlier R o m a n times, r e p r e s e n t e d in t h e L e v a n t chiefly b y E a s t e r n Sigillata A a n d C y p r i o t ( ? ) p r o d u c t s , died o u t d u r i n g the late s e c o n d century. A general scarcity of well-dated deposits for t h e period from 150 to a b o u t 300 or so containing fine wares m a y signal r e d u c e d u s e of s u c h i m p o r t s . W i t h t h e fourth c e n t u r y , n e w t r a d e p a t t e r n s emerged: African R e d - S l i p W a r e , a m e d i u m - t o fine-grade tableware with a r e d slip, m a d e in d i e r e g i o n of m o d e r n T u n i s i a , circulated widely in t h e L e v a n t a n d also in E g y p t (a region previously partly closed to i m p o r t s , o w i n g t o its
CERAMICS: B y z a n t i n e P e r i o d . (Courtesy J. W . Hayes)
F i g u r e 1. African
T h e various fine wares h a v e attracted t h e b u l k of scholarly attention, mainly from t h e s t a n d p o i n t s of t y p o l o g y a n d art history. T r a d e a m p h o r a e h a v e also b e c o m e well k n o w n in r e c e n t years. T h e coarser wares are generally m o r e p o o r l y served b y t h e scholarly literature. Statistics of frequency are available for relatively few sites; m a n y e x c a v a t o r s have n o t t r o u b l e d to r e c o r d t h e b u l k of their finds before discard. A lack of excavations o n kiln sites i m p e d e s o u r k n o w l e d g e of sources a n d of p r o d u c t i o n t e c h n i q u e s . C h e m i c a l a n d p e t rological t e c h n i q u e s of analysis h a v e n o t yet b e e n widely u s e d o n t h e wares in question.
Red-Slip
Ware types. F o u r t h - s e v e n t h c e n t u r i e s .
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Byzantine Period
JUL
; ii
CERAMICS: B y z a n t i n e P e r i o d .
M i i M i i i 1i
F i g u r e 2 . Examples
of Cypriot
ys~
Red-
R7are. (Courtesy J. W . Hayes)
p r e - D i o c l e t i a n i c m o n e t a r y isolation; see figure 1). S o m e Af rican wares h a d already a p p e a r e d at D u r a - E u r o p o s (before 256), b u t their m a i n influx w a s later. T h e f o u r t h - c e n t u r y African p r o d u c t s ( T e r r a Sigillata africana C a n d D ) a r e mostly b l a t a n t copies of m e t a l w a r e s h a p e s , with a n a l o g o u s d e c o r a t i o n , either applied or s t a m p e d ; these " m e t a l l i c " types (flat-based dishes a n d small bowls with wide r i m s , for e x a m p l e ) m a y generally h a v e b e e n w h e e l - t h r o w n within m o l d s . T h r o u g h o u t t h e f o u r t h c e n t u r y floral s t a m p e d p a t t e r n s , mostly b a s e d o n r a d i a t i n g p a l m - b r a n c h m o t i f s — n o t derived f r o m m e t a l w a r e — p e r s i s t e d . T h e s t a m p e d p a t t e r n s of t h e fifth a n d sixth centuries, largely Christian in c o n t e n t , m o r e closely m a t c h t h e d e c o r of c o n t e m p o r a r y silverware. T h e p r i m a c y of t h e African w a r e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n region is p r o v e d b y n u m e r o u s imitations; in t h e East, these a r e n o t e d t h r o u g h o u t E g y p t , in J o r d a n , a n d i n A t h e n s . T w o major fine-ware c o m p e t i t o r s , widely t r a d e d , a p p e a r e d in a r o u n d t h e 360s: P h o c e a n R e d - S l i p W a r e (for m e r n a m e : L a t e R o m a n C ) f r o m w e s t e r n Asia M i n o r , a n d C y p r i o t R e d - S l i p W a r e (a revival of t h e earlier C y p r i o t Sig illata, w h o s e s o u r c e r e m a i n s u n l o c a t e d ; see figure 2 ) . T h e latter w a r e — c u r r e n t in C y p r u s , w e s t e r n Cilicia, t h e A l e x a n d r i a region, a n d parts of Palestine—is first attested in d e posits from 365 CE(?) at K o u r i o n o n C y p r u s a n d o n a c o n t e m p o r a r y w r e c k at Y a s s i a d a i n s o u t h w e s t T u r k e y . Its principal fifth-century s h a p e m i m i c s a n African t y p e . P h o c e a n R e d - S l i p W a r e , at first influenced b y t h e earlier r e gional (Candarh) w a r e a n d b y t h e s t a m p e d African p r o d u c t s , s o o n d e v e l o p e d a characteristic s h a p e — a shallow b o w l with a n o v e r h a n g i n g (often rouletted) r i m — a l o n g with dis tinctive s t a m p s (see figure 3 ) . T h e classic version (c. 450-550) is c o m m o n o n L e v a n t i n e sites (e.g., at A n t i o c h , in deposits associated with t h e e a r t h q u a k e in 526, b u t n o t in E g y p t , w h e r e local s t a m p e d copies of t h e African w a r e s p r e d o m i n a t e d . T h e p r i n c i p a l d a t e d contexts for this p e r i o d a r e t h o s e at A n t i o c h ( T u r k e y ) , K o u r i o n ( C y p r u s ) , T e l l K e i s a n
473
(Israel), L e j j u n ( J o r d a n ) , Kellia a n d K a r a n i s ( E g y p t ) , a n d Ballana ( N u b i a ) ; their d a t e s are c o n f i r m e d b y finds from m o r e distant sites s u c h as A t h e n s ( t h e A g o r a ) , C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , a n d Cartilage. A n alternative d a t i n g s c h e m e (for t h e 3 5 0 S - 3 8 0 S ) h a s b e e n p r o p o s e d for J a l a m e ( n o r t h e r n Israel), a l t h o u g h exact contexts for t h e p o t t e r y finds t h e r e are u n specified. A suspicious a b s e n c e at Jalame of t h e African types elsewhere c u r r e n t b e t w e e n 360 a n d 390, a n d t h e fre q u e n c y of P h o c e a n a n d o t h e r p r o d u c t s elsewhere assigned to t h e early/mid-fifth c e n t u r y , m a y here p o i n t to a n e e d for reassessment. C y p r i o t R e d - S l i p W a r e of u n u s u a l types is c o m m o n o n this site. R e d u c e d i m p o r t s of t h e P h o c e a n w a r e a n d a revival of t h e C y p r i o t w a r e (after fifty or m o r e years of decline), a c c o m p a n i e d b y changes in their vessel f o r m s , o c c u r in t h e m i d sixth c e n t u r y . T h e n e w p a t t e r n , already just evident at Lejjun (a p r o b a b l e victim of t h e 551 e a r t h q u a k e ) , could b e a c o n s e q u e n c e of t h e p l a g u e of 540-542. I m p o r t s of t h e Af rican w a r e , at a l o w e b b for a c e n t u r y , n o w r e s u m e in q u a n tity. All t h r e e w a r e s a r e w i d e s p r e a d o n n u m e r o u s Palestinian c h u r c h sites for t h e p e r i o d f r o m a b o u t 550 t o 625 (cf. also t h e B e t h - S h e ' a r i m c a t a c o m b s ) . T h e later C y p r i o t p r o d u c t s , typified b y fiat-based dishes b e a r i n g single cross s t a m p s , are particularly c o m m o n in a n d a r o u n d Alexandria. R e n e w e d imitation of, chiefly, t h e African wares is seen in v a r i o u s places. I n n o r t h e r n J o r d a n (at Jerash a n d Pella), dishes in a local thin-walled red-slipped fabric b e a r painted figures or floral o r n a m e n t s in t w o tones (purple a n d yellowc r e a m ) ; s o m e early e x a m p l e s h a v e t h e traditional s t a m p s . I n E g y p t , t h e A s w a n fine-ware factories c o n t i n u e d t o p r o d u c e derivatives of late fifth-/early s i x t h - c e n t u r y African p r o d u c t s (the latest t o b e i m p o r t e d there) for t w o centuries or m o r e (see figure 4 ) . T h e s e exhibit a flaky p i n k fabric a n d a b u r n i s h e d r e d slip (often o b s c u r i n g t h e s t a m p s ) . E x a m p l e s w e r e e x p o r t e d t o C y p r u s a n d elsewhere in t h e late seventh c e n tury, w h e n t h e other fine r e d wares w e r e disappearing. I n d u e c o u r s e , painted c r e a m - b o d i e d wares s u p p l a n t e d t h e m , particularly in N u b i a .
Si--
CERAMICS: B y z a n t i n e P e r i o d . Red-Slip
Figure
Ware. (Courtesy J. W . Hayes)
3.
Examples
of
Phocean
474
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Byzantine Period a n d schematic; t h e Palestinian Syrian series survive into ' A b b a s i d times.
CERAMICS: B y z a n t i n e P e r i o d .
F i g u r e 4.
Egyptian
Red-Slip
A (As
wan Ware). (Courtesy J. W . Hayes)
L e a d - G l a z e d W a r e s . U n t i l t h e seventh c e n t u r y leadglazed wares are absent from the eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n . It is then that utilitarian lead-glazed vessels b e g a n to be p r o d u c e d in t h e n e i g h b o r h o o d of Constantinople. T h i s f u n c tional lead glazing, of u n c e r t a i n origins (various short-lived wares are noted in T h r a c e , the Balkans, a n d t h e Alpine regions from the fourth c e n t u r y ) , seems quite distinct from t h e o r n a m e n t a l tradition of Islamic glazed wares in t h e p e riod after 775/800, A m i d - s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y deposit in I s t a n bul proves m e d i u m - s c a l e p r o d u c t i o n (chiefly of internally glazed jars); t h e earliest closely d a t e d examples of t h e series c o m e from t h e Yassiada wreck (c. 625). [See Yassiada Wrecks.] P r o d u c t i o n en masse, chiefly of w h i t e - b o d i e d ta blewares, s u c h as dishes, followed in a b o u t 700, initiating a conservative tradition of plain or minimally decorated wares t h a t persisted for some four centuries. A few early e x a m p l e s of the C o n s t a n t i n o p l e w a r e s , along with occasional deriva tives, are noted from C y p r u s a n d elsewhere o n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n littoral in t h e s e v e n t h - e i g h t h - c e n t u r y contexts. N o c o m p a r a b l e wares are yet k n o w n from Anatolia. P l a i n W a r e s . M a r k e d differences b e t w e e n regional traditions blur t h e p i c t u r e for plain wares. P a i n t e d d e c o r a tion is n o t c o m m o n in t h e late R o m a n / B y z a n t i n e p e r i o d , except in parts of E g y p t , where lively figural scenes in two colors are k n o w n . A ribbed t r e a t m e n t is m o r e c o m m o n . In E g y p t and Palestine, flasks a n d jugs often feature internal strainers (to keep o u t flies?), a n d small spouts o n t h e shoul der; a few h a v e lids attached by a loop set o n t h e h a n d l e (a feature later copied in C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ) . C o m b e d grooving (mostly wavy lines) a p p e a r s o n s i x t h - s e v e n t h - c e n t u r y A e gean wares. By t h e sixth century, declining s t a n d a r d s are evident in m a n y provincial p r o d u c t s ; simple s q u a t jugs a n d jars, lacking any decoration, b e c o m e frequent. T h e i r bases m a y b e hollowed, with a central k n o b . O n t h e m o l d - m a d e clay lamps of t h e period, t h e o r n a m e n t b e c o m e s m o r e linear
C o o k i n g W a r e s . T h i n - w a l l e d cooking vessels, normally with small h a n d l e s , reflect R o m a n traditions. T h e r i b b e d t r e a t m e n t originating o n Palestinian p r o d u c t s n o w b e c o m e s universal. A r a n g e of typical fifth-sixth-century s h a p e s a p pears on t h e D h i o r i o s kiln site o n C y p r u s . D e e p e r vessel types a p p e a r in w e s t e r n Asia M i n o r a n d t h e A e g e a n . Jewish culinary practices are evident in a class of s t e e p - s i d e d cas seroles with close-fining lids—actually t h r o w n b y t h e p o t t e r in a single piece a n d t h e n partly sliced o p e n . T h e a b r u p t knife-cut separation of t h e two elements, f o u n d first in R o m a n times, is seen o n " B y z a n t i n e " e x a m p l e s f r o m Palestine, C y p r u s , a n d t h e N i l e D e l t a region until t h e eighth c e n t u r y . It is possible t h a t Jewish c o n c e r n s for p u r i t y influenced Christian u s a g e also. S p e c i a l T y p e s . Small m o l d - m a d e clay flasks, " s o u v e n i r s " from Christian pilgrim shrines, p r e s u m a b l y m e a n t to h o l d sanctified oil or water, w e r e c u r r e n t from a b o u t 450 t o 650. T h e s e imitate p r e c i o u s versions in silver a n d o t h e r materials a n d bear c r u d e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s of saints or simple Christian symbols in relief, s o m e t i m e s with a n identifying inscription. B e s t k n o w n are t h e St. M e n a s flasks f r o m E g y p t , b u t o t h e r E g y p t i a n a n d Palestinian series exist w h o s e s o u r c e s are u n k n o w n ; a series w i t h string holes replacing small h a n d l e s is native to w e s t e r n Asia M i n o r . R e l a t e d in function are s o m e spindly flasks with signet-impressed s t a m p s (origin u n k n o w n ) . Like t h e M e n a s flasks, they w e r e widely t r a n s p o r t e d . T h e i r s t a m p s e m b r a c e m o n o g r a m s t h a t are C h r i s tian a n d also Gnostic/magical s y m b o l s . C o m m e r c i a l A m p h o r a e . W i t h i n t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n or bit, large t w o - h a n d l e d clay jars r e m a i n e d t h e preferred t r a n s p o r t containers for wine, olive oil, a n d certain dry g o o d s (often indicated b y m a r k i n g s , m o s t l y u n d e c i p h e r e d , m a d e in r e d p a i n t ) . T h e Byzantine e x a m p l e s t e n d to b e rather smaller a n d m o r e r o u n d b o d i e d t h a n their p r e d e c e s sors. Cylindrical storage jars bearing t w o small r i n g h a n d l e s o n t h e shoulder r e m a i n t h e s t a n d a r d Palestinian t y p e ; t h e e x a m p l e s from this p e r i o d are n o r m a l l y finely r i b b e d . A m o n g t h e Palestinian storage jars, buff t o o r a n g e - b r o w n w a r e s p r e d o m i n a t e , b u t o n e widely e x p o r t e d t y p e , from t h e B e t h - S h e a n region in Galilee, h a s a h a r d gray fabric b e a r i n g multiple loops p a i n t e d in white. B o t h buff- a n d g r a y - w a r e t y p e s survived t h r o u g h t h e U m a y y a d period. I n E g y p t , t h e s t a n d a r d local t y p e is a slender c a r r o t - s h a p e d vessel with irregular r i b b i n g a n d c r u d e h a n d l e s , m a d e of coarse darkb r o w n Nile silt. D u r i n g the p e r i o d f r o m a b o u t 380 t o 650, a small n u m b e r of distinctive a m p h o r a t y p e s of L e v a n t i n e a n d A e g e a n origin circulated widely t h r o u g h o u t t h e eastern M e d i t e r r a n e a n a n d b e y o n d (e.g., t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , N u b i a , a n d even distant Britain). T h e p r i m e t y p e s are, in Riley's (1979) B e n g h a z i classification: L a t e R o m a n T y p e 1 (cylindrical, with a s a n d y
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Islamic Period buff w a r e , u n e v e n ridging, a n d u n e v e n l y g r o o v e d h a n d l e s ) , m a d e in Cilicia a n d C y p r u s ; L a t e R o m a n 2 (nearly globular, w i t h a c u p p e d m o u t h , slanted h a n d l e s , a n d straight or w a v y close-set grooving covering t h e u p p e r p a r t ) , from various A e g e a n s o u r c e s ; t h e G a z a t y p e ( L a t e R o m a n 3 ) , a long, b u l let-shaped variant of t h e c o m m o n Palestinian r i n g - h a n d l e d s h a p e , in a d u l l - b r o w n w a r e ; a n d L a t e R o m a n 10 (small, spindly, a n d r i b b e d , in a silky, m i c a c e o u s b r o w n w a r e ) , f r o m western Asia M i n o r . I n a d d i t i o n , s o m e large cylindrical oil a m p h o r a e f r o m N o r d i Africa (in b r i c k - r e d wares, often fired buff o n t h e o u t e r surface) a p p e a r everywhere. T h e s u c c e s sors of these a m p h o r a e in t h e s e v e n t h a n d eighth centuries are less widely distributed, d o c u m e n t i n g a general decline in Mediterranean trade during that period. BIBLIOGRAPHY A d a m s , William Y. Ceramic Industries of Medieval Nubia. 2 vols. L e x ington, Ky., 1986. C o n s p e c t u s of fifth-to fourteenth-century wares. Cading, Ft. W . " A n Early Byzantine Pottery Factory at Dhiorios in C y p r u s . " Levant 4 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 1 - 8 2 . Dhiorios kiln site. Egloff, Michel. Kellia: Lapoterie copte. 2 vols. Geneva, 1 9 7 7 . I m p o r t a n t for L o w e r Egypt; datable groups. Emery, Walter B., a n d L . P . Kirwan. The Royal Tombs of Ballana and Qustul. 2 vols. Cairo, 1938. Classic study for fourth- to sixth-century N u b i a (see, especially, vol. 1, p p . 3 8 6 - 4 0 5 ) . Hayes, John W . Late Roman Pottery a n d A Supplement to Late Roman Pottery. L o n d o n , 1 9 7 2 - 1 9 8 0 . Basic classification of fine Red-Slip Wares. H a y e s , John W . Excavations at Sarachane in Istanbul, vol. 2, The Pottery. Princeton, 1 9 9 2 . T h e Constantinople sequence. Johnson, Barbara. Pottery from Karanis. A n n Arbor, 1 9 8 1 . Egyptian wares to about 500 CE. Johnson, Barbara. " T h e Pottery." In Excavations at. Jalame: Site of a Glass Factory in iMe Roman Palestine, edited by Gladys D a v i d s o n Weinberg, p p . 1 3 7 - 2 2 6 . C o l u m b i a , M o , , 1988. Alternative dates for fourth- to fifth-century wares. Landgraf, J. "Keisan's Byzantine P o t t e r y . " In TellKeisan, 1971-1076, edited b y Jacques Briend a n d Jean-Baptiste H u m b e r t , p p . 5 1 - 9 9 . Fribourg, 1980. Study of fifth- t o sixdi-century wares in northern Israel. Metzger, Catherine. Les ampoules a eulogie du Musee du Louvre. Paris, 1 9 8 1 . R e c e n t survey of pilgrim flasks. Riley, John A, "Pottery from the First Season of Excavation in t h e Caesarea H i p p o d r o m e . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 218 (April 1 9 7 5 ) : 2 5 - 6 3 . Statistical treatment of finds at Caesarea. Riley, John A. " T h e Coarse Pottery from Berenice." In Excavations at Sidi Khrebish, Benghazi (Berenice), edited b y J. A. Lloyd, vol. 2, p p . 9 1 - 4 6 7 . Libya Antiqua, S u p p l e m e n t 5. Tripoli, 1 9 7 9 . Classification of standard a m p h o r a types (see especially p p . 1 1 2 - 2 3 6 and a p p e n dices, p p . 4 1 9 - 4 4 9 ) . Smitii, R o b e r t H . , a n d Leslie P . D a y . Final Report on the College cf Wooster Excavations in Area IX, the Civic Complex, 1979-1985, Pella of the Decapolis, vol. 2. W o o s t e r , Ohio, 1 9 8 9 . Useful for sixth- to eightii-century regional wares in J o r d a n (especially p p . 1 0 0 - 1 1 7 ) . Vitto, F a n n y . "Potters and Pottery M a n u f a c t u r e in R o m a n Palestine." Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology, London, n o . 23 ( 1 9 8 6 ) : 4 7 - 6 4 . Covers Jewish usages in t h e L a t e R o m a n period. W a a g e , Frederick O . , ed, Antioch-on-the-Orontes, vol. 4 . 1 , Ceramics and Islamic Coins. Princeton, 1 9 4 8 . T h e type site for Syria (especially p p . 4.43-59)-
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Watson, P . M . "Jerash Bowls: Study of a Provincial G r o u p of Byzantine Fine W a r e , " In Jerash Archaeological Project, vol. 2, Fouilles de Jerash, 1984-1988, edited by Fawzi Zayadine, p p . 2 2 3 - 2 6 1 . Paris, 1989. Covers late regional painted wares. JOHN W .
HAYES
Ceramics of the Islamic Period T h e s e v e n t h to eleventh centuries in t h e N e a r E a s t is n o t a m o n o l i t h i c p e r i o d in either historical or ceramic t e r m s . In Palestine, these centuries cover t h e e n d of Byzantine rule ( u p to 640), t h e U m a y y a d p e r i o d (c. 640-750), t h e 'Abbasid p e r i o d (c. 750-969, d u r i n g t h e latter p a r t of which t h e c o u n try was r u l e d b y t h e T u l u n i d s a n d Ikhshidids), a n d t h e F a timid p e r i o d (c. 969-1099). T o date neither c o m p r e h e n s i v e c e r a m i c s e q u e n c e s covering these centuries in all p a r t s of t h e N e a r East n o r definitive regional typological distinctions h a v e b e e n established. T h e s t u d y of Islamic p o t t e r y has b e e n p l a g u e d b y p r o b lems of terminology a n d historical biases. Historically b a s e d typological divisions (e.g., U m a y y a d , ' A b b a s i d , F a t i m i d ) are i n a c c u r a t e b e c a u s e c h a n g e s in p o t t e r y rarely coincide w i t h political events. T h o u g h excavations in Israel h a v e d e m o n strated t h a t the M u s l i m c o n q u e s t was n o t a c c o m p a n i e d b y w i d e s p r e a d destructions, it is still generally held tiiat t h e transition from U m a y y a d t o ' A b b a s i d rule in t h e m i d - e i g h t h c e n m r y m a r k e d the b e g i n n i n g of a d r a m a t i c decline in P a lestine's p r o s p e r i t y b e c a u s e t h e capital was transferred from D a m a s c u s to B a g h d a d . I n archaeological t e r m s , however, this has b e e n a self-fulfilling p r o p h e c y : p o s t - U m a y y a d r e m a i n s h a v e n o t b e e n f o u n d b e c a u s e it w a s a s s u m e d t h a t t h e y do n o t exist. P a r t of t h e failure t o identify these r e m a i n s in t h e archaeological r e c o r d in Israel has b e e n the m i s d a t i n g of Islamic c e r a m i c types b y archaeologists, m a n y of w h o m h a v e i g n o r e d t h e clearer s e q u e n c e in J o r d a n (e.g., Pella, A m man, Hesban, 'Aqaba). Islamic p o t t e r y has traditionally b e e n studied from an art historical perspective, witii an e m p h a s i s o n whole glazed vessels, a t d i e e x p e n s e of t h e fragmentary a n d often unglaz e d material recovered o n excavations. Palestinian sites from w h i c h i m p o r t a n t Islamic c e r a m i c material is published in clude H e s b a n , Pella, ' A q a b a , t h e A m m a n Citadel, K h i r b a t al-Mafjar, A b u G h o s h , C a p e r n a u m , R a m l a , Caesarea, T i berias, K h i r b e t K e r a k , a n d N e s s a n a . K e y sites outside Palestine include Usais in Syria, S a m a r r a a n d Susa in Iraq, F u s t a t i n E g y p t , I s t a n b u l / C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in T u r k e y , a n d Siraf in I r a n . T h i s article focuses on t h e Islamic types c h a r acteristic of Palestine. T h e lack of well-excavated and p u b lished material leaves o p e n t h e question of w h e t h e r s o m e of t h e eighth- a n d n i n t h - c e n t u r y types described here contin u e d i n t o t h e t e n t h a n d eleventh centuries. S e v e n t h - C e n t u r y T y p e s . Byzantine ceramic types con tinued w i t h o u t significant c h a n g e s until t h e e n d of t h e sev e n t h century: L a t e R o m a n R e d W a r e s ; F i n e Byzantine W a r e
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CERAMICS: Islamic P e r i o d .
F i g u r e I. Islamic pottery
types. Black s t o n e b o w l ( n o . 8 ) ; r e d - p a i n t e d
b a s i n fragments ( n o . 4 ) ; a n d a c h a n n e l - n o z z l e oil l a m p ( n o . 1 1 ) . (After P . V. C o r b o , GK scavi di Kh. siyar el-Ghanam
(campo dei Pastori) e I Monasteri dei Dintomi, Jerusalem, 1 9 9 5 , fig. 40)
bowls (see below) with incised wavy lines a n d jars, jugs, a n d juglets with incised gashes; " G a z a " a m p h o r a s , t h e latest of which have a very s h o r t neck a n d pointed base; a n d large candlestick l a m p s , " P e r s i a n " (wheelmade) l a m p s , a n d Jer ash lamps. Painted decoration was rare, except i n t h e case of dark-surfaced, white-painted b a g - s h a p e d storejars from Palestine a n d p a i n t e d C o p t i c wares from E g y p t a n d their imitations (e.g., Jerash bowls). Aside from t h e p a i n t e d wares, all of these types disappeared s o m e t i m e b e t w e e n t h e late seventh and m i d - e i g h t h centuries. Fine B y z a n t i n e W a r e . A g r o u p of vessels of t h e m i d sixth-tenth centuries, distinguished in form, fabric, a n d sur face treatment, are k n o w n as F i n e Byzantine W a r e . I n t h e early eighth century, t h e repertoire of o p e n vessels was e x p a n d e d to include a wide variety of shallow dishes a n d plates. T h e b u r n i s h i n g characteristic of t h e Byzantine p e r i o d continued, b u t p a i n t e d black, white, and/or r e d designs w e r e sometimes a d d e d , p e r h a p s reflecting C o p t i c ceramic influ ence. T h e walls of t h e vessels t e n d t o b e t h i n n e r a n d m o r e delicate t h a n w a s usual in t h e sixth a n d seventh centuries. Islamic small bowls a n d c u p s also differ from Byzantine e x amples in having r o u n d e d , flat, or disk bases, a n d i n lacking t h e incised wavy-line decoration. S o m e h a v e d e e p , h e m i spherical bodies a n d eggshell-thin walls. Local variants of these deep c u p s , with thicker walls a n d c o m b e d b a n d s , are c o m m o n at Islamic sites i n Israel's N e g e v desert.
B l a c k S t o n e a n d C e r a m i c B o w l s . O n e of t h e c h a r a c teristic b o w l types of t h e eighth a n d n i n t h centuries is t h e black bowl with a b r o a d , flat b a s e a n d straight walls (see figure 1). M a n y h a v e ledge h a n d l e s a n d a r e d e c o r a t e d o n t h e exterior with incised linear designs. T h e material is either a h a r d , dark-colored s t o n e described as steatite, or s o a p stone, or a dark, b u r n i s h e d , h a n d m a d e c e r a m i c . A related a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y g r o u p of bowls t h a t seems t o h a v e b e e n u s e d as cooking vessels is distinguished b y its lack of d e c o ration, large size, a n d blackened exterior. T h e t y p e m a y h a v e its origins in t h e n o r t h w e s t Flijaz, w h e r e similar unfinished bowls have b e e n f o u n d in association w i t h ' A b b a s i d p o t t e r y at steatite m i n e s . K e r b s c h n i t t B o w l s . Kerbschnitt, which means "cutw a r e , " describes a g r o u p of thick-walled, h a n d m a d e bowls decorated with deeply c u t p a t t e r n s (see figure 2). T h e d e c orative t e c h n i q u e seems t o b e i n s p i r e d b y w o o d c a r v i n g , while t h e form is clearly related t o t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y black bowls described above. T h e c u t p a t t e r n s b e c a m e c r u d e r d u r i n g t h e course of t h e ' A b b a s i d period. R e d - P a i n t e d W a r e . R e d - p a i n t e d jars a n d basins m a d e of a thick, buff fabric w e r e c o m m o n i n n o r t h e r n Israel, Jor d a n , a n d Syria d u r i n g t h e eighth a n d n i n t h centuries (see figure 1). T h e i r p a i n t e d designs often consist of spirals, w a v y lines, a n d b r a n c h or tree motifs. Bowls a r e also f o u n d decorated with r e d - p a i n t e d designs, t h o u g h t h e y usually
CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Islamic Period
477
by t h e U m m a y a d s in t h e first half of t h e eighth c e n t u r y . H o w e v e r , these "earliest levels" at R a m l a p r o b a b l y r e p r e sent an e x p a n s i o n of t h e site in t h e ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d b e c a u s e neither Mefjer ware n o r glazed p o t t e r y h a s b e e n f o u n d in U m a y y a d levels at sites in J o r d a n , s u c h as Pella, A m m a n , a n d H e s b a n . E v e n at K h i r b a t al-Mafjar, t h e earliest glazed pottery a n d Mefjer w a r e w e r e assigned b y B a r a m k i to t h e ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d (Baramki, 1 9 9 4 ) . T h i s t y p e of buff ware was p r o b a b l y i n t r o d u c e d into P a l estine from ancient M e s o p o t a m i a (areas of m o d e r n I r a n a n d I r a q ) , w h e r e it is f o u n d in s e v e n t h - e i g h t l i - c e n t u r y contexts. It c o n t i n u e d to b e p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h t h e M a m l u k period, as indicated b y its p r e s e n c e a t S a m a r r a in t h e ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d a n d at H a m a in contexts d a t i n g to t h e twelftli-fourteentli centuries. T h o u g h n o typology of Mefjer w a r e exists, c h a n g e s c a n b e distinguished over time. T h e carinated shapes of t h e ' A b b a s i d jars a n d jugs are clearly inspired b y metallic p r o t o t y p e s , as are t h e p r o t r u d i n g k n o b s o n t h e t o p s
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F i g u r e 2 . Islamic
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types.
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a m p l e s of p a i n t e d I s l a m i c v a r i a n t s of F i n e B y z a n t i n e w a r e b o w l s (nos. 8 - 1 6 , 1 9 ) ; red-painted bowls ( 1 - 3 ) ; a n d Kerbschnitt bowls ( n o s . 2 0 - 2 5 ) . (After Baramki, 1 9 4 4 , fig. 6 )
h a v e t h i n n e r , hard-fired walls a n d m o r e elaborate p a i n t e d motifs. S o m e h a v e t h e s a m e flat-based, straight-walled f o r m as t h e black bowls a n d kerbschnitt bowls described a b o v e (see figure 2 ) . T h e designs o n this g r o u p also recall t h e latt e r ' s cut p a t t e r n s a n d t h e incisions o n t h e former. B u f f W a r e . S o m e t i m e in t h e s e c o n d half of d i e eighth c e n t u r y , a n e w g r o u p of vessels m a d e of a p o r o u s buff, c r e a m , or greenish-white fabric a p p e a r e d in Palestine. A r chaeologists in Israel u s e t h e t e r m Mefjer ware to describe jars a n d jugs m a d e of this fabric, w h i c h often h a v e m o l d e d , i m p r e s s e d , incised, a n d / o r a p p l i e d d e c o r a t i o n (see figure 3 ) . T h e w a r e takes its n a m e f r o m t h e site K h i r b a t al-Mafjar, w h e r e it w a s f o u n d b y D . C . B a r a m k i ( w h o did n o t u s e t h e term). According to M y r i a m Rosen-Ayalon and Avraham E i t a n ( 1 9 6 9 ) , b o t h glazed p o t t e r y a n d Mefjer w a r e w e r e p r e s e n t in t h e earliest levels a t R a m l a , w h i c h w a s f o u n d e d
CERAMICS: I s l a m i c P e r i o d . Vaux a n d Steve, 1 9 5 0 , pi. C )
F i g u r e 3.
"Mefjer
Ware."
(After de
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CERAMICS: Ceramics of the Islamic Period
of their handles a n d their incised or i m p r e s s e d decoration. T h e jars a n d jugs of t h e twelfth-fourteenth centuries h a v e r o u n d e d bodies a n d elaborate, b a r b o t i n e decoration t h a t c o m b i n e s incised a n d m o l d e d designs a n d applied a n d i m pressed clay strips. T h o u g h the t e r m Mefjer ware is sometimes u s e d b y ar chaeologists in Israel to describe a n y Islamic vessel m a d e of a light-colored fabric, it p r o p e r l y refers only to t h e d e c o r a t e d jars a n d jugs described above. M a h e s h ware, w h i c h w a s identified by D o n a l d S. W h i t c o m b at 'Aqaba, represents a n other g r o u p of light-colored Islamic vessels ( W h i t c o m b , 1989b). Like Mefjer ware, M a h e s h ware is characterized b y its light-colored fabric. H o w e v e r , it includes s u c h o p e n shapes as c u p s , bowls, a n d basins a n d has simple d e c o r a t i o n consisting of occasional comb-incised b a n d s . M a h e s h w a r e dates to the ' A b b a s i d p e r i o d a n d has b e e n found at m a n y of the e i g h t h - n i n t h - c e n t u r y settlements in the s o u t h e r n N e g e v . G l a z e d P o t t e r y . Aside from an occasional piece of P a r thian glazed ware a n d t h e seventh-century lead-glazed wares from die area of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , glazed pottery is rarely found outside I r a n a n d I r a q before t h e eighth century. G l a z ing is usually applied to t h e interiors of bowls, t h o u g h it also occurs on d i e exteriors of jars, jugs, a n d oil l a m p s . [See L a m p s . ] In the eightii a n d early nintii centuries, C o p t i c glazed ware was p r o d u c e d in Egypt. It is decorated witii b r o w n and black p a i n t e d designs on a white slip, with or w i t h o u t a t r a n s p a r e n t glaze, a n d covered witii a g r e e n or b r o w n glaze. T h e earliest locally p r o d u c e d glazed pottery in Palestine has a m o n o c h r o m e green or yellow glaze or is d e c orated with p o l y c h r o m e splash glaze (including any c o m bination of b r o w n , yellow, white, green, p u r p l e , a n d black), M o n o c h r o m e a n d splash glazes m a d e their first a p p e a r a n c e in Palestine d u r i n g d i e ' A b b a s i d period, p e r h a p s in t h e early ninth century. W h i t c o m b (1989a) has n o t e d t h a t sim ilar p o l y c h r o m e splash-glazed wares w e r e p r o d u c e d else w h e r e d u r i n g the n i n t h a n d t e n t h centuries, O n e of these is Egyptian F a i y u m i w a r e , which is characterized b y its bold, radiating stripes of color (see figure 4 ) . A n o t h e r is Hijazi ware, which, as its n a m e suggests, seems to have b e e n p r o d u c e d in Arabia. Its dark, r e d - o r a n g e fabric is d e c o r a t e d witii bold p o l y c h r o m e spirals a n d cross-hatched designs. T h e R e d Splash wares c o m m o n at 'Aqaba, w h i c h also fall into this category, i n c l u d e examples decorated with incised (sgraffito) designs. T h e ceramic types characteristic of Sa m a r r a in this period i n c l u d e white-glazed wares, a n d b l u e green glazed b a r b o t i n e storage jars, which m a y h a v e served as specialized containers for dibs, or " d a t e h o n e y . " T h e Sam a r r a n wares, w h i c h are c o m m o n at sites like Siraf, m a y derive from Sasanian p r o t o t y p e s . [See Sasanians.] D u r i n g d i e F a t i m i d period, luster ware (glazed) was a p o p u l a r lux ury item, with local variants p r o d u c e d in E g y p t a n d a r o u n d d i e N e a r East. It derives its n a m e from its shiny metallic gold designs o n a white b a c k g r o u n d . D u r i n g t h e n i n t h a n d t e n t h centuries, glazed cooking wares a p p e a r e d in Palestine.
CERAMICS: Islamic P e r i o d .
F i g u r e 4. Polychrome
splash-glased
ware. (After de V a u x and Steve, 1 9 5 0 , pi. A)
T h e y are r e p r e s e n t e d b y globular cooking p o t s a n d o p e n casseroles m a d e of a b r i t d e , dark, r e d - b r o w n ware with a d a r k - b r o w n or d a r k - p u r p l e glaze o n t h e interior. O i l L a m p s . M o l d - m a d e " c h a n n e l - n o z z l e " oil l a m p s w e r e c o m m o n in Palestine d u r i n g t h e Islamic p e r i o d (see figure 1). T h e n a m e refers to a c h a n n e l t h a t c o n n e c t s t h e filling hole and t h e wick hole. T h o u g h these l a m p s vary from r e gion to region within Palestine, general m o r p h o l o g i c a l changes can be distinguished d u r i n g t h e c o u r s e of t h e p e riod. T h e l a m p s of t h e seventii a n d early e i g h t h centuries still have t h e low circular ring b a s e a n d elongated, oval b o d y of their B y z a n t i n e p r e d e c e s s o r s . T h e y h a v e a small k n o b h a n d l e a n d are s o m e t i m e s d e c o r a t e d with a G r e e k or an A r a b i c inscription, in tire B y z a n t i n e tradition. D u r i n g t h e course of t h e e i g h t h - t e n t i i centuries, d i e b o d y b e c a m e taller a n d shorter, a n d t h e nozzle b e c a m e m o r e p o i n t e d . T h e h a n dle grew larger a n d b e c a m e t o n g u e s h a p e d . T h e low ring b a s e , w h i c h often contains delicate relief p a t t e r n s , m i r r o r e d t h e outiine of t h e p o i n t e d oval b o d y . T h e relief d e c o r a t i o n o n t h e u p p e r half of t h e b o d y usually consists of floral or geometric motifs, s u c h as t h e g r a p e v i n e ( A r n d t , 1987). By
CEREALS the ninth and tenth centuries, these lamps were sometimes covered with a monochrome green glaze. Conclusion. Many of the changes that occurred in the ceramic repertoires of the seventh-eleventh centuries should be understood in light of the reorientation of trade away from the Mediterranean world to the Near and Far East. The fine red-slipped pottery of the Roman world was su perceded by Egyptian-inspired painted wares and glazed pottery influenced by Sasanian wares and Chinese imports. By the eleventh century, the subtle interplay of these changes had transformed the pottery of the Near East, es pecially in die western areas, where contacts with the Med iterranean world had formerly been strongest. [Many entries.]
of the sites mentioned are the subject of independent
BIBLIOGRAPHY A r n d t , M . B. " L u c e r n e arabe con decorazione 'a vite' dallo scavo della P r o b a t i c a . " Studium Biblicum Franciscanum/Liber Annuus 37 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 2 4 1 - 2 8 9 . Survey of Islamic channel-nozzle oil l a m p s decorated with the grapevine motif. Baramki, Dimitri C. " T h e Pottery from K h . el Mefjer." Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities in Palestine 10 ( 1 9 4 4 ) : 6 5 - 1 0 3 . T h i s site provides the most important published corpus of Islamic pottery in Palestine. H o d g e s , Richard, and David W h i t e h o u s e . Mohammed, Charlemagne, and the Origins of Europe: Archaeology and the Pirenne Thesis. Ithaca, N . Y . , 1 9 8 3 . Reevaluation of the evidence for contacts between the M e d i t e r r a n e a n world a n d the N e a r East after the M u s l i m conquest, with a description of the excavations at Siraf. M a g n e s s , Jodi. Jerusalem Ceramic Chronology, circa 200-800 CE. Shef field, 1993. T y p o l o g y of the late R o m a n , Byzantine, a n d Islamic p o t tery of Jerusalem. M a g n e s s , Jodi. " T h e D a t i n g of t h e Black C e r a m i c Bowl with a D e p i c tion of the T o r a h Shrine from N a b r a t e i n . " Levant 26 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 1 9 9 206. T h e starting point for a reevaluation of the dating of Islamic pottery. Rosen-Ayalon, M y r i a m , a n d A v r a h a m Eitan. Ramla Excavations: Finds from the Vlllth Century CE. Jerusalem, 1 9 6 9 . Catalog of an exhibi tion at the Israel M u s e u m in Jerusalem; the only publication to date of the finds from the Ramla excavations. Sarre, Friedrich P. T . Ausgrabungen von Samarra, vol. 2, Die Keramik von Samarra. Berlin, 1925. T h e capital of t h e 'Abbasid E m p i r e from 836-882 CE, Samarra thus provides a fixed p o i n t for the pottery (es pecially the glazed wares) f o u n d there. Still the basic publication. Sauer, James A. " T h e Pottery of J o r d a n in t h e Early Islamic P e r i o d . " In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. I , edited by A d n a n Hadidi, p p . 3 2 9 - 3 3 7 . A m m a n , 1982. Synthetic overview of the pottery types of Jordan from t h e U m a y y a d to Fatimid periods. Vaux, Roland de, a n d A . - M . Steve. Fouilles a Qaryet el-Enab, Abu Gosh, Palestine. Paris, 1950. A b u G h o s h is still t h e type-site for ' A b basid pottery in Israel. Walmsley, Alan. " T h e U m a y y a d Pottery and Its A n t e c e d e n t s . " In Pella in Jordan 1 : An Interim Report on the Joint University of Sydney and the College of Wooster Excavations at Pella, 1979-1981, edited by A n thony W . McNicoll et al., p p . 1 4 3 - 1 5 7 . C a n b e r r a , 1982. T h e exca vations at Pella provide one of the m o s t accurately dated corpora of U m a y y a d pottery. Walmsley, Alan. "Architecture a n d Artefacts from 'Abbasid Fihl." I n Bilad al-Sham during the Abbasid Period: Proceedings of the Fifth Bilad al-Sham Conference, vol. 2, edited b y M u h a m m a d A d n a n al-Bakhit
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a n d Robert Schick, p p . 1 - 1 9 . A m m a n , 1 9 9 1 . U p - t o - d a t e discussion of eighth- and ninth-century ceramic types, based on the evidence from Pella. W a t s o n , P . M . " C e r a m i c Evidence for Egyptian Links with N o r t h e r n Jordan in the Sixdi-Eighth Centuries AD." In Trade, Contact, and the Movement of Peoples in the Eastern Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of J. Basil Hennessy, edited by Stephen Bourke a n d Jean-Paul D e s coeudres, p p . 303-320. Sydney, 1 9 9 5 . A t t e m p t to define a n d date some of the Early Islamic ceramic types of Egypt and Palestine, in cluding Egyptian R e d Slip A, B , a n d C Wares; C o p t i c Painted W a r e ; a n d bag-shaped storejars. W h i t c o m b , D o n a l d S. " K h i r b e t al-Mafjar Reconsidered: T h e C e r a m i c E v i d e n c e . " Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, n o . 2 7 1 (1988): 5 1 - 6 7 . Reevaluation of the dating of the site's pottery. W h i t c o m b , D o n a l d S. " C o p t i c G l a z e d Ceramics from die Excavations at A q a b a , J o r d a n . " Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 26 ( 1 9 8 9 a ) : 1 6 7 - 1 8 2 . Discussion of Coptic glazed ware and related wares. W h i t c o m b , D o n a l d S. " M a h e s h W a r e : Evidence of Early Abbasid O c cupation from Southern J o r d a n . " Annual of the Department of Antiq uities of Jordan 33 ( 1 9 8 9 b ) : 2 6 9 - 2 8 5 . Defines this category of Islamic pottery o n the basis of evidence from his excavations at 'Aqaba. JAMES A. SAUER a n d JODI MAGNESS
C E R E A L S . The greatest proportion of the diet of the ancient Near East, as today, was supplied by cereals. These annual grasses were likely the first plants cultivated for food: the signs of domestication appear earliest for wheat and bar ley. Rye may also have been domesticated in the Near East (probably in Anatolia), though, like oats (whose origin is uncertain), it did not become a substantial crop. Millet cul tivation appeared only in the first millennium BCE. T W O other cereals, rice and sorghum, were transplanted from Asia and Africa, respectively, during the Hellenistic and Ro man centuries. Cereals were initially gathered from bounteous naturally occurring stands during the Epipaleolithic period for thousands of years prior to domestication. Gathering un consciously selected for ears that resisted shattering, a cru cial characteristic for the seed's dissemination among wild grains. Some carbonized seed remains from Pre-Pottery Ne olithic (PPN) villages show fracture patterns produced by human threshing rather than natural shattering—unambi guous proof of cultivation. What motivated the transition from cereal gathering in the wild to deliberate cultivation remains an open question. Nevertheless, human sowing, harvesting, and tiireshing cemented the shift to nonshattering (nonbrittle) ears and brought about other changes in growth habit (abandonment of germination inhibition so tiiat seeds sprout upon planting at any time) and morphol ogy (increased size of grains and decreased attachment of grains in their spikelets). Morphological changes permit paleoethnobotanists to differentiate between wild and domes ticated types in the archaeological record. [See Ethnobotany; Paleobotany.] Because wheat and barley are self-pollinating, the changes wrought by domestication were more readily secured from one generation to the next.
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CEREALS
Morphologically distinct cereals a p p e a r at a b o u t 9000 BCE: N e t i v h a - G e d u d a n d Gilgal in Israel's J o r d a n Valley h a v e p r o d u c e d domesticated barley, as has Ganj D a r e h in west ern Iran. [See J o r d a n Valley.] D o m e s t i c a t e d w h e a t (einkorn a n d e m m e r , see below) occurs at t h e Syrian s t e p p e region sites of A s w a d a n d A b u H u r e y r a , as well as at C a y o n i i T u r k e y . [See Cayonii.] Prior to this P P N e m e r g e n c e of farming, wild grain seeds are k n o w n from t h e Epipaleolithic p e r i o d in J o r d a n at A b u H u r e y r a , t o its n o r t h at M u r e y b e t , a n d at N a h a l O r e n o n Israel's M t . C a r m e l spur. [See M u reybet; N a h a l Oren.] Paleoethnobotanists can trace t h e s u b s e q u e n t spread of agriculture t h r o u g h o u t t h e N e a r East a n d b e y o n d . Before t h e e n d of the Neolithic period, villages cul tivated grain o n C y p r u s a n d in G r e e c e . [See C y p r u s . ] By t h e e n d of t h e third m i l l e n n i u m , barley a n d w h e a t h a d s p r e a d t h r o u g h o u t d i e western M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin, t h e Nile Val ley, a n d central E u r o p e . m
Seeds a n d floral p a r t s are preserved p r e d o m i n a n t l y in car bonized form, accidentally (over)heated b u t n o t b u r n e d . Occasionally, seed impressions are f o u n d in b a k e d clay. M o r e rarely, fully desiccated kernels a r e recovered. Vegetal remains are routinely retrieved t h r o u g h simple flotation, i n which water is u s e d t o separate carbonized material from soil samples. M o r p h o l o g y . A t t h e h e a d of t h e cereal stalk stands t h e ear: an a r r a n g e m e n t of flowers in a c o m p o u n d spike. T h e ear consists of spikelets arranged o n a central axis o r rachis. If brittle (shattering as i n wild species), t h e ear breaks u p into its c o m p o n e n t spikelets. If t o u g h (nonshattering, as in m o s t domesticated f o r m s ) , t h e rachis remains intact until threshing, which p r o d u c e s r a n d o m fractures. T h u s , rachis fragments can be diagnostic of domestication. T h e spikelet contains t h e flower enfolded by t h e glumes, which c a n b e strong and hold t h e grain tightly in t h e spikelet (glume wheats), or weak, p e r m i t t i n g t h e grain t o separate readily from t h e spikelet (free-threshing wheats). T h e floral parts themselves are s u r r o u n d e d by t w o protective layers (lemma a n d palea), w h i c h are either fused t o t h e grain as it develops (hulled barley) or fail t o a d h e r e (naked barley). T h e grain itself is a layered s t r u c t u r e in w h i c h the active seed is encased by a n u m b e r of coats, tire o u t e r m o s t of which is called t h e bran. W h e a t (Triticum L . ) . Archaeological literature catalogs an assortment of wheats by a variety of n a m e s : t h e older literature possesses even m o r e terminology, as t h e botanical classification s c h e m e h a s b e e n recently simplified. T h r e e of the four chromosomally distinct species of w h e a t regularly a p p e a r in ancient N e a r Eastern contexts. W i t h i n e a c h s p e cies, subspecies differentiate themselves b y t h e characteris tics of tiieir g l u m e attachment. Einkorn (T, monococcum'L.) varieties, b o t h wild ( s u b s p e cies boeoticum) a n d cultivated (subspecies monococcum), are diploid g l u m e wheats. A crucial c o m p o n e n t of t h e earliest agriculture, einkorn's place in t h e village p a n t r y gave w a y to
m o r e productive species. Better suited t o p o o r e r soils, ein k o r n does n o t h a v e attractive rising qualities w h e n b a k e d as bread. E m m e r a n d d u r u m (T. turgidum L.) a p p e a r as wild e m m e r (subspecies dicoccides), cultivated e m m e r (subspecies dicoccum), a n d d u r u m (subspecies duruni). T h e s e are t e t raploid wheats t h a t include b o t h g l u m e ( e m m e r ) a n d freethreshing varieties ( d u r u m ) . E m m e r belongs t o t h e p r e a g ricultural a n d early agricultural c r o p m e d l e y a n d constitutes t h e principal w h e a t of the prehistorical p e r i o d . I t c o n t i n u e d to sustain E g y p t until Hellenistic times. D u r u m ( h a r d w h e a t , m a c a r o n i wheat) evolved from e m m e r early o n a n d b e c a m e t h e d o m i n a n t w h e a t of t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n basin, p r o b a b l y b e c a u s e of its free-threshing quality. B r e a d w h e a t a n d spelt (T. aestivum L.) a p p e a r in culti vated varieties only, likely derived f r o m a cross b e t w e e n a w h e a t of t h e species turgidum a n d a wild grass; b r e a d w h e a t (subspecies vulgare) a n d spelt (subspecies spelta) are h e x a ploid wheats. B r e a d ( c o m m o n , vulgar) w h e a t is free-thresh ing. Finds indicate its availability t o Neolithic farmers. A p parently, b r e a d w h e a t d i d n o t b e c o m e a n i m p o r t a n t c r o p in the N e a r East until m o d e r n times, p e r h a p s b e c a u s e of its susceptibility t o b i r d p r e d a t i o n or seed loss d u r i n g harvest. Spelt a p p e a r e d i n a b o u t 5000 BCE, b u t finds a r e n u m e r o u s only in E u r o p e . B a r l e y (Hordeum sativum v a r . o r Hordeum vulgare L . ) . A l t h o u g h terminological ambiguity exists, barley is t a x onomically m u c h simpler t h a n wheat: a single diploid s p e cies witii variants based o n t h e n u m b e r of grains t h a t d e velop at each site o n t h e rachis. A p a r t f r o m t h e wild variety (H. spantaneum), t h e barleys also differentiate themselves o n the basis of the fusion of t h e hull a n d t h e grain. In t w o - r o w barley (H. sativum var. distichum) only o n e grain develops a t each a t t a c h m e n t o n t h e rachis, resulting i n two rows of fruitful spikelets, like its wild p r o g e n i t o r . M o s t t w o - r o w barleys a r e hulled. T h e i r grains a p p e a r a m o n g t h e earliest cultivars a t t h e i n c e p t i o n of agriculture. Six-row b a r ley (H. sativum var. hexistichum) also a p p e a r e d early, y e t s u b s e q u e n t to t h e t w o - r o w variety at a n u m b e r of sites (e.g., Ali K o s h i n s o u t h w e s t I r a n ) . [See Ali K o s h . ] T h e six rows are p r o d u c e d b y t h r e e fertile spikelets at each a t t a c h m e n t of t h e rachis a n d m a y have arisen as a m u t a t i o n u n d e r irrigated conditions, w h i c h m e e t t h e water n e e d s of the extra flowers. B y t h e fourth m i l l e n n i u m , it h a d replaced t h e t w o - r o w v a riety as t h e d o m i n a n t cereal t h r o u g h o u t M e s o p o t a m i a , p r e s u m a b l y b e c a u s e of its h i g h e r yield. T h e occasional p r e s ervation of triplet spikelets a n d subtie differences i n seed s h a p e p e r m i t p a l e o e t h n o b o t a n i s t s t o differentiate b e t w e e n t h e t w o varieties. Six-row also occurs as a n a k e d grain (var. nudum) i n the prehistorical periods b u t declines inexplicably later on. P r o d u c t i o n . W h e a t d e m a n d s better soil conditions t h a n barley: well-drained clayey soils t h a t h o l d m o r e m o i s t u r e a n d possess greater n i t r o g e n content. Barley d o e s better t h a n
CHALCEDON w h e a t o n less fertile soils a n d t h o s e with higher salinity or alkalinity a n d u n d e r m o r e arid c o n d i t i o n s . B o t h cereals are b r o a d c a s t s o w n or d e p o s i t e d b y dibbling or seed plow, u s u ally after the tilling of t h e field in early w i n t e r (approximately N o v e m b e r - J a n u a r y ) . H a r r o w i n g covers t h e seed, if b r o a d cast. R e p e a t e d irrigations follow in M e s o p o t a m i a , while rain-fed agriculture h o p e s for a b u n d a n t a n d well-timed p r e cipitation. W e e d i n g heightens yields, r e d u c e s undesirable seeds in t h e harvest, a n d p r o v i d e s a f o d d e r resource. H a r v e s t takes place b y u p r o o t i n g or r e a p i n g with a sickle. Barley m a t u r e s m o r e rapidly t h a n w h e a t , a n d its harvest is first. T h u s , sowing b o t h barley a n d w h e a t c a n serve to stretch t h e harvest season in o r d e r b e t t e r t o a c c o m m o d a t e t h e labor supply. Sheaves a r e t r a n s p o r t e d to t h e t h r e s h i n g floor, a n d t h e stalks a r e b e a t e n , t r a m p l e d , or sledged to s e p a r a t e ears from straw a n d t o disarticulate t h e ears. R a k i n g a n d w i n n o w i n g e n s u e , successively refining t h e p r o d u c t , fol lowed by various grades of sieving. T h e grain is t h e n p a c k e d for t r a n s p o r t and storage. A r c h a e o l o g y can identify n u m e r o u s tools a n d installations e m p l o y e d in grain growing. T h e s e i n c l u d e p l o w p o i n t s , h o e s , sickles a n d sickle blades, t h r e s h i n g floors, a n d storage facil ities s u c h as pithoi, stone-lined o r plastered grain pits, silos, a n d granaries. [See G r a n a r i e s a n d Silos.] D e p e n d i n g u p o n t h e species of grain, a variable n u m b e r of additional steps i n t e r c e d e b e f o r e c o n s u m p t i o n . K e r n e l s of g l u m e w h e a t s m u s t b e r e m o v e d from t h e spikelets. T h i s p r o c e s s n o r m a l l y involves p a r c h i n g in a n o v e n . T h e brittle chaff is t h e n b r o k e n away b y p o u n d i n g in a m o r t a r . A d d i tional episodes of sieving a n d h a n d sorting result in clean grain r e a d y for food p r e p a r a t i o n . F r e e - t h r e s h i n g w h e a t a n d barley obviate p a r c h i n g a n d p o u n d i n g . T h e m o s t c o m m o n species of barley, h o w e v e r , r e q u i r e s dehulling for m o s t foods. T h e hull is r e m o v e d b y p o u n d i n g m o i s t e n e d kernels. Sieving cleans t h e grain f r o m t h e h u s k s . F r e e d of spikelets a n d hulls, cereals are p r o c e s s e d into a h u g e variety of f o o d stuffs, from b u l g u r to b r e a d a n d p o r r i d g e to beer. M o r t a r s a n d pestles, cooking p o t s , o v e n s , b r e a d m o l d s , b e e r strain ers, a n d saddle q u e r n s a r e n o t a b l e artifacts of grain p r o cessing. T h e ancient N e a r East's p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h cereals e x t e n d s b e y o n d their cultivation, of c o u r s e , t o their control. Its agrarian societies w e r e b a s e d chiefly o n t h e wealth of cereal fields. G r a i n s w e r e t h e f u n d a m e n t a l building block of t h e e c o n o m y a n d principal m e d i u m of t a x a t i o n as well. Cereal p r o d u c t i o n a n d distribution also u n d e r l i e an e n o r m o u s r a n g e of ideas a n d their literary a n d artistic expression, [See also Agriculture.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Charles, M . P. "Introductory R e m a r k s on the Cereals," Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture i ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 1 7 - 3 1 . C o m p a c t and lucid t r e a t m e n t of botanical terminology and characteristics of wheat and barley. Hillman, G o r d o n . "Traditional H u s b a n d r y a n d Processing of Archaic
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Cereals in R e c e n t T i m e s : T h e Operations, P r o d u c t s , and E q u i p m e n t which M i g h t Feature in S u m e r i a n T e x t s . Part I: T h e G l u m e W h e a t s , " a n d " P a r t II: T h e F r e e - T h r e s h i n g Cereals." Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) : 1 1 4 - 1 5 2 ; 2 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 1 - 3 1 . Meticulous and detailed presentation of cereal production and processing, from fieldwork t o food preparation, based on ethnographic work in T u r key. Miller, N a o m i F . " T h e Origins of Plant Cultivation in the N e a r East." In The Origin ojAgriculture: An International Perspective, edited by C . Wesley C o w a n and Patty Jo W a t s o n , p p . 3 9 - 5 8 . Smithsonian Scries in Archaeological Inquiry, 1 6 . Washington, D . C . , 1992. Review of the latest archaeobotanical finds, with an emphasis on the m e t h o d ological aspects of theories of agricultural origins. Renfrew, J a n e M . Palaeoelhnobotany: The Prehistoric Pood Plants of the Near East and Europe. N e w York, 1 9 7 3 . Classic text introduces its discipline a n d discusses with illustrations each of t h e major genera and species of domesticated a n d edible wild plants, their origins, identification (with detailed m o r p h o l o g y ) , cultivation, and use. Zohary, Daniel, and Maria Hopf. The Domestication of Plants in the Old World: The Origin and Spread of Cultivated Plants in West Asia, Eu rope, and the Nik Valley. 2 d ed. Oxford, 1 9 9 3 . Synthesis of c r o p plant evolution combining data from archaeology and the distribu tion of living plants. Covers cereals, pulses, oil and fiber crops, fruit trees and n u t s , vegetables a n d tubers, condiments and dyes, as well as wild fruits. DAVID C . HOPKINS
CHALCEDON ( m o d e r n K a d i k o y ) , site located o n a small peninsula o n t h e Asiatic side of t h e southern e n d of t h e B o s p o r u s , o n a strait 32 k m (20 mi.) long, b e t w e e n t h e Black Sea a n d t h e P r o p o n t i s , o r Sea of M a r m a r a . T h e city w a s f o u n d e d in 685 BCE b y colonists f r o m t h e D o r i a n city of M e g a r a , reportedly led by t h e colony's founder, Archias. C h a l c e d o n was only a s h o r t distance across the B o s p o r u s from B y z a n t i u m ( m o d e r n I s t a n b u l ) , w h i c h t h e M e g a r i a n s also f o u n d e d in a b o u t 668 BCE, o n t h e T h r a c i a n - E u r o p e a n side ( H e r o d o t u s , Hist. 4.144; S t r a b o , Geog. 12.4.2). T w o riv ers, t h e H i m e r o s a n d t h e C h a l c e d o n , flowed into t h e B o s p o r u s on t h e east a n d w e s t side of t h e peninsula, r e s p e c tively, f o r m i n g small n a t u r a l h a r b o r s t h a t h a v e since silted u p . T h e p e n i n s u l a a n d p a r t of t h e m a i n l a n d (where C h r y sopolis w a s located, farther n o r t h , across from B y z a n t i u m ) w e r e called C h a l c e d o n i a ( X e n o p h o n , Anabasis 6.6.38) a n d , later, Bithynia. B y z a n t i u m h a d a large n a t u r a l h a r b o r a n d was in an ideal position t o control t h e B o s p o r u s a n d i m p o s e tolls o n traffic e n t e r i n g a n d leaving t h e Black Sea. T h e ancients called C h a l c e d o n t h e "city of tire b l i n d " b e c a u s e its M e g a r i a n f o u n d e r s h a d n o t selected t h a t m o r e a d v a n t a g e o u s site ( H e r o d o t u s , 4.144; S t r a b o 7.6.2; T a c i t u s Ann. 12.63; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.149). H o w e v e r , it a p p e a r s likely t h a t C h a l c e d o n w a s settled as an agricultural r a t h e r t h a n a t r a d i n g colony. P r e historic remains suggest t h a t it m a y originally h a v e b e e n a T h r a c i a n settlement. C h a l c e d o n a n d h e r sister colony, B y z a n t i u m , controlled t h e Black Sea t r a d i n g traffic (Dionysius of B y z a n t i u m , Anaplus Bospori 19-20). C h a l c e d o n ' s p r o s perity was also b a s e d o n c o p p e r m i n e s a n d o n semiprecious
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stones from the island of Chalcitis. T h r o u g h o u t m u c h of their history, C h a l c e d o n a n d B y z a n t i u m were closely allied. Participation in t h e Ionic rebellion against Persia resulted in the sacking a n d b u r n i n g of C h a l c e d o n in 494 BCE b y t h e Phoenician fleet allied with Persia; the colonists t h e n t e m porarily a b a n d o n e d t h e city a n d , with t h e Byzantines, f o u n d e d M e s a m b r i a on t h e west coast of the Black Sea ( H e r o d o t u s 6.33). D u r i n g t h e ascendancy of A t h e n s following the Persian wars, C h a l c e d o n was a m e m b e r of A t h e n ' s D e lian L e a g u e ; it paid an extremely large tribute to A t h e n s derived from tolls exacted from Black Sea t r a d e . In 416, C h a l c e d o n ' s forces defeated t h e Bithynians ( D i o d o r u s 12.82.2). D u r i n g t h e late fifth century BCE, C h a l c e d o n was o n e of the Greek cities t h a t sided with Sparta. T h e city was again subjugated b y Persia in 387 BCE b u t was later liberated by Alexander (Arrian, Anabasis 3.24.5). L y s i m a c h o s , o n e of Alexander's successors, controlled C h a l c e d o n until his over t h r o w in 281 BCE. T h e fact t h a t B y z a n t i u m a n d C h a l c e d o n m i n t e d c o p p e r coins in c o m m o n during the third century BCE indicates t h a t t h e y h a d formed a sympoliteia (a "civic u n i o n " ) t h a t m a y h a v e b e e n in effect in t h e fourth century
T h e site of C h a l c e d o n - K a d i k o y has n e v e r b e e n s y s t e m atically excavated. T h e r e m a i n s of t h e a n c i e n t city still vis ible in the sixteenth c e n t u r y h a v e since d i s a p p e a r e d . G r e e k a n d L a t i n inscriptions f r o m C h a l c e d o n , n o w widely scat tered, have b e e n collected a n d edited b y R e i n h o l d M e r k e l b a c h (1980). F o u r inscriptions from t h e h i e r o n , or s a n c t u ary, of Z e u s O u r a n i o s a n d t h e T w e l v e G o d s h a v e survived, s o m e in t h e C h a l c i d i a n dialect ( M e r k e l b a c h , 1 9 8 0 , p p . 26-34), b u t it is a m a t t e r of dispute w h e t h e r this h i e r o n , which existed as early as t h e third c e n t u r y BCE, w a s located o n t h e Asiatic (Polybius 4.39.5-6) or E u r o p e a n side ( s c h o lion o n Apollonius R h o d i u s 2.531-533) of t h e B o s p o r u s ( L o n g , 1987, p p . 55-57, 1 5 3 - 1 5 5 ) . M a r b l e fragments from a n ancient t e m p l e w e r e i n c o r p o r a t e d into a castle built in a b o u t 1150 CE in a village called A n a d o l u Kavagli, b u t t h e site from w h i c h t h e fragments w e r e t a k e n h a s n e v e r b e e n identified. A n oracle of Apollo is also k n o w n to h a v e existed in C h a l c e d o n . T h e Byzantine r e m a i n s of C h a l c e d o n , in cluding a palace, a h i p p o d r o m e , a n d several c h u r c h e s , i n c l u d i n g St. E u p h e m i a , w e r e destroyed b y t h e Persians w h e n they c a p t u r e d C h a l c e d o n in 615 CE.
BCE.
C h a l c e d o n m a i n t a i n e d its freedom t h r o u g h m u c h of t h e fifth and fourth centuries BCE. It b e c a m e a free city in 74 BCE, w h e n N i c o m e d e s I V of Bithynia b e q u e a t h e d his king d o m to the R o m a n s . F r e e d o m did n o t m e a n i n d e p e n d e n c e , b u t rather t h e privilege of maintaining ancestral laws a n d c u s t o m s a n d i m m u n i t y from tribute and a military garrison. P o m p e y organized the R o m a n province of B i t h y n i a - P o n t u s in 65-64 BCE. B y z a n t i u m was also p a r t of it, although t e c h nically it was located o n t h e T h r a c i a n - E u r o p e a n side of t h e B o s p o r u s . T h e G o t h s sacked C h a l c e d o n d u r i n g t h e reigns of Valerian (c. 258 CE) a n d Gallienus (267 CE). W h e n , in 330 CE, the e m p e r o r C o n s t a n t i n e f o u n d e d C o n stantinople as t h e Roma Nova, " N e w R o m e , " o n t h e site of B y z a n t i u m C h a l c e d o n was relegated to little m o r e t h a n its s u b u r b . I n 365-366 CE, C h a l c e d o n s u p p o r t e d P r o c o p i u s , t h e imperial rival of Valens. After P r o c o p i u s was o v e r t h r o w n , E m p e r o r Valens h a d C h a l c e d o n ' s walls taken apart a n d u s e d t h e stone t o c o n s t r u c t R o m a n b a t h s , t h e Constantinianae thermae, at C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , as well as an a q u e d u c t ( A m m i a n u s Marcellinus, Historia Augusta 31.1.4; Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica 4.8). C h a l c e d o n is chiefly k n o w n from late an tiquity as t h e site of t h e F o u r t h E c u m e n i c a l C o u n c i l , t h e Council of C h a l c e d o n , c o n v e n e d o n 8 O c t o b e r 451 CE in the c h u r c h of St. E u p h e m i a (martyred u n d e r Diocletian in C h a l c e d o n in 303). M o r e t h a n five h u n d r e d b i s h o p s a n d imperial representatives a t t e n d e d . T h e C h a l c e d o n i a n creed was presented d u r i n g t h e fifth session o n 22 O c t o b e r . I n its final form it e m p h a s i z e d t h a t Jesus C h r i s t was fully h u m a n a n d fully divine a n d t h a t these t w o n a t u r e s should n o t b e confused. C h a l c e d o n w a s c a p t u r e d b y t h e Persians in 615 a n d in 626 was t a k e n b y t h e Arabs d u r i n g their siege of Constantinople.
BIBLIOGRAPHY G r a n t , Michael. A Guide to the Ancient World: A Dictionary of Classical Place Names, N e w York, 1986. See pages 1 3 7 - 1 3 8 . Jones, A. H . M . The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, 2 d ed. O x ford, 1 9 7 1 . Definitive study of the Greek cities of the eastern R o m a n Empire. See pages 1 4 8 - 1 5 2 , 1 5 9 , 1 6 4 - 1 6 5 . L o n g , Charlotte R. The Twelve Gods of Greece and Rome. E t u d e s P r e liminaires aux Religions Orientales dans I'Empire R o m a i n , vol. 1 0 7 . Leiden, 1987. Discusses the hieron, or sanctuary, to the T w e l v e G o d s , which m a y have b e e n located in or n e a r Chalcedon. See pages 5 5 - 5 7 . i53-!54> 186, 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 . Magie, David. Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century after Christ. 2 vols. Princeton, 1950. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t study of Asia M i n o r u n d e r the R o m a n s , with a brief, but i m p o r t a n t , discus sion of C h a l c e d o n (see vol. 1, p p . 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 ) , Merkelbach, Reinhold. Die Inschriften von Kalchedon. B o n n , 1980. T h e only complete collection of Greek and L a t i n inscriptions, papyri, coins, and literary notices associated with C h a l c e d o n . M e r l e , Heinrich. Die Geschichte der Stadte Byzantion und Kalchedon von ihrer Grundung bis zum Eingreifen der Romer in die Verhiiltnisse des Ostens. Kiel, 1 9 1 6 . T h e only extensive m o n o g r a p h o n Chalcedon. DAVID E . AUNE
CHALDEANS. T h e C h a l d e a n s w e r e a g r o u p of tribes first clearly attested in the n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE in s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e n a m e Chaldeans c o m e s f r o m d i e G r e e k chaldaioi (cf. H e b r e w kaidim) a n d goes b a c k to t h e t e r m kaldu in M e s o p o t a m i a n cuneiform sources. T h e M e s o p o t a m i a n s u s e d t h e latter t e r m to refer t o b o t h a p e o p l e a n d a land. O u t s i d e of a possible m e n t i o n in a n administrative d o c u m e n t from t h e reign of t h e Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser I (1114-1076 B C E ) , t h e C h a l d e a n s a p p e a r first in an i n s c r i p tion of t h e Assyrian king A s h u m a s i r p a l II (883-859 BCE)
CHALDEANS w h i c h refers to the l a n d of C h a l d e a in c o n n e c t i o n with t h e king's military c a m p a i g n into s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a in 878 BCE. T h e C h a l d e a n s are best attested from t h e s e c o n d half of tire n i n t h c e n t u r y t h r o u g h t o t h e m i d d l e of the seventh c e n t u r y BCE, b u t c o n t i n u e to b e m e n t i o n e d into the Persian p e r i o d . T h e latest reference t o a C h a l d e a n tribe in cuneiform s o u r c e s p r o b a b l y c o m e s from t h e time of t h e Persian ruler D a r i u s II (423-405 BCE) . I n biblical a n d classical sources the t e r m Chaldeans c a m e t o refer to Babylonians in general a n d priests, magicians, astrologers, diviners, a n d other s u c h scholars in particular. W h e n t h e C h a l d e a n s first a p p e a r in t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y BCE, t h e y are already well settled in s o u t h e r n Babylonia. T h e i r origin a n d t h e m a n n e r in w h i c h t h e y m o v e d into s o u t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a are n o t k n o w n , a l t h o u g h it has s o m e t i m e s b e e n p r o p o s e d t h a t t h e y c a m e f r o m eastern Arabia. N o t h i n g is k n o w n of their language b e y o n d a few n a m e s w h i c h a p p e a r t o b e W e s t Semitic in origin. All the C h a l d e a n kings of Babylonia b o r e traditional B a b y l o n i a n n a m e s , as did m o s t C h a l d e a n s w h o s e n a m e s are k n o w n . It h a s often b e e n stated t h a t t h e C h a l d e a n s w e r e a s u b g r o u p of t h e A r a m e a n s , b u t t h e r e is insufficient e v i d e n c e t o d e c i d e o n this m a t t e r . T h e M e s o p o t a m i a n sources clearly distinguished b e t w e e n t h e two g r o u p s , while frequentiy m e n t i o n i n g t h e m n e x t to o n e a n o t h e r . T h e A r a m e a n s first a p p e a r in s o u t h e r n Babylonia a b o u t a c e n t u r y after t h e C h a l d e a n s ; t h e y w e r e split into m a n y m o r e smaller tribes a n d w e r e less inclined t o a d o p t B a b y l o n i a n c u s t o m s a n d m a n n e r s t h a n C h a l d e a n s . A t times t h e t w o g r o u p s acted in alliance (generally against Assyria) a n d at other times w e r e at e n m i t y with o n e a n o t h e r . A r a m a i c w a s likely the p r e d o m i n a n t l a n g u a g e in M e s o p o t a m i a f r o m a b o u t the m i d d l e of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE a n d C h a l d e a n s a p p e a r to h a v e s p o k e n either this or a dialect of it. T h i s l a n g u a g e c a m e to b e associated w i t h t h e m a n d was e v e n o n occasion called C h a l d e e . T h e C h a l d e a n s s p o k e in A r a m a i c in Daniel 2:4, a n d Daniel 1:4 p r e s u m a b l y i n t e n d s to indicate A r a m a i c w h e n referring to t h e " w r i t i n g s a n d l a n g u a g e of t h e C h a l d e a n s . " [See A r a m e a n s ; A r a m a i c L a n g u a g e a n d L i t e r ature.] T h e C h a l d e a n s w e r e located primarily in s o u t h e r n a n d eastern Babylonia, a n d rarely a p p e a r o u t s i d e of Babylonia. T h e Sealand, a n area of s w a m p s a n d m a r s h e s a r o u n d t h e h e a d of t h e Persian Gulf, a n d likely c o r r e s p o n d i n g to t h e m o d e r n H o r e l - H a m m a r m a r s h e s , c a m e t o b e particularly identified w i t h t h e C h a l d e a n tribe of Bit-Yakin, a n d its rulers w e r e s o m e t i m e s called " k i n g of t h e S e a l a n d " in A s s y r i a n sources. B e c a u s e E l a m b o r d e r e d o n the S e a l a n d to the east, t h e Bit-Yakin w e r e i n f r e q u e n t c o n t a c t w i t h t h a t c o u n t r y a n d often t u r n e d to it for military s u p p o r t against t h e Assyrians a n d for refuge in time of flight f r o m A s s y r i a n p u n i s h m e n t . [See Assyrians.] M o s t C h a l d e a n s p r o b a b l y lived a n o m a d i c or s e m i n o m a d i c existence d e p e n d e n t u p o n a n i m a l h u s b a n d r y , h u n t ing, a n d small-scale agriculture. F r o m t h e earliest times, at
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least s o m e lived a settled existence. T h e y are found dwelling in d i e m a j o r u r b a n centers of Babylonia ( C u t h a , H u r s a g k a l a m a , Kish, N i p p u r , Sippar, U r u k ) , and are said to h a v e h a d n u m e r o u s settlements. S e n n a c h e r i b claims to h a v e c o n q u e r e d 88 walled t o w n s a n d 820 villages belonging t o t h e m , b u t s o m e of t h e s e m a y simply h a v e b e e n settle m e n t s located in the general areas inhabited by the individ ual C h a l d e a n tribes b e c a u s e several old Babylonian cult c e n ters are i n c l u d e d a m o n g t h e t o w n s n a m e d by Sennacherib. [See K i s h ; N i p p u r ; U r u k - W a r k a . ] Five C h a l d e a n tribes are k n o w n : B i t - A m u k a n i , BitD a k ( k ) u r i , Bit-Yakin(i), Bit-Sa'alli, a n d Bit-Silani. T h e lat ter t w o , h o w e v e r , are only attested from t h e reign of the Assyrian Icing Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727 BCE) t h r o u g h to t h a t of S e n n a c h e r i b (704-681 BCE). M a n y C h a l d e a n s s e e m t o h a v e b e c o m e " b a b y l o n i a n i z e d , " taldng traditional B a b y lonian n a m e s , b e c o m i n g involved in B a b y l o n i a n political life, a n d t u r n i n g t o agriculture for their livelihood. N e v e r theless, t h e y m a i n t a i n e d t h e i r tribal s t r u c t u r e a n d distinct identity. T r i b e s w e r e referred t o as the " H o u s e of P N , " with P N s t a n d i n g for the p e r s o n a l n a m e of t h e e p o n y m o u s a n cestor of t h e tribe (e.g., B i t - A m u k a n i , " h o u s e of A m u k a n i " ) . E a c h tribe w a s h e a d e d by o n e individual, w h o s e p o w e r a n d authority w a s such t h a t Assyrian royal inscriptions s o m e times referred to h i m as a " k i n g . " L e d b y their o w n sheikhs a n d less settled in particular locations t h a n m o s t Babyloni a n s , the C h a l d e a n tribes r e m a i n e d s e m i - i n d e p e n d e n t of t h e central g o v e r n m e n t . T h e y often play a disruptive role in events a n d frequently led t h e o p p o s i t i o n to Assyrian control of Babylonia. [See Babylon; Babylonians.] T h e first quarter of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE was a time of political instability a n d e c o n o m i c weakness in Babylonia a n d t h e C h a l d e a n s m a d e use of tliis situation. Several n i b a l lead ers gained control of tire t h r o n e a n d c a m e t o be included in t h e canonical lists of B a b y l o n i a n rulers. N o n e of these i n dividuals, however, s u c c e e d e d in establishing a lasting d y nasty. E a c h of the t h r e e m a j o r tribes p r o v i d e d at least o n e ruler w h o was recognized as lung of Babylonia: M a r d u k a p l a - u s u r (end of t h e n i n t h or early eighth century BCE); E r i b a - M a r d u k of Bit-Yakin (at least n i n e years, e n d i n g n o later t h a n 760 BCE); N a b u - s u m a - i s k u n of Bit-Dakkuri (c. 760-748 BCE); ( N a b u ) - m u k i n - z e r i of B i t - A m u k a n i (731-729 BCE); M a r d u k - a p l a - i d d i n a II of Bit-Yakin (721-710 a n d 703 BCE), t h e M e r o d a c h - B a l a d a n of d i e H e b r e w scriptures; a n d M u s e z i b - M a r d u k of B i t - D a k k u r i (692-689 BCE). I n addition to these individuals, t h e tribes p r o v i d e d several i m p o r t a n t rebel leaders in t h e fight against Assyria, in p a r ticular Nabu-zer-kitti-lisir (c. 680 BCE), N a b u - u s a l l i m (c. 680-675 BCE), a n d N a b u - b e l - s u m a t i ( d u r i n g the Samass u m a - u k i n Revolt, 652-648 BCE); all three w e r e descendents of M a r d u k - a p l a - i d d i n a II, w h o was himself a d e s c e n d e n t of t h e earlier ruler E r i b a - M a r d u k . A l t h o u g h the time of t h e N e o - B a b y l o n i a n E m p i r e (625-539 BCE) has often b e e n called t h e C h a l d e a n p e r i o d , t h e r e is in fact n o evidence t h a t
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the rulers of t h a t time were C h a l d e a n s or t h a t C h a l d e a n s played a major role in affairs of t h e period. It is unlikely, however, tiiat their influence just disappeared after t h e in stallation of t h e n e w ruling dynasty. T h e C h a l d e a n tribes are frequentiy f o u n d in opposition to the central Babylonian administration a n d in particular in opposition t o Assyrian forces w h o were trying either to gain or maintain control of Babylonia. T h e C h a l d e a n tribes w e r e t h u s targeted for p u n i s h m e n t b y Assyrian rulers. Assyrian royal inscriptions often m e n t i o n the destruction of C h a l d e a n settlements. T h e y claim t h a t almost a quarter of a million C h a l d e a n s were d e p o r t e d from Babylonia d u r i n g t h e reigns of Tiglath-Pileser III and Sargon II, and these d e p o r t a t i o n s are k n o w n to have c o n t i n u e d u n d e r S e n n a c h e r i b . T h e d e portees w e r e resettled in Assyria p r o p e r a n d in other parts of die Assyrian E m p i r e . T h e tribes of Bit-Sa'alli, Bit-Silani, a n d Bit-Yakin w e r e particularly h u r t b y deportations in the eighth century BCE. T h e various C h a l d e a n tribes did n o t as a rule act in u n i s o n with other g r o u p s in Babylonia against Assyria, a n d this facilitated Assyrian domination. T h e C h a l deans were n o t always in opposition to Assyria; at times s o m e served in t h e Assyrian army. N o archaeological r e m a i n s have b e e n discovered w h i c h can b e assigned to t h e C h a l d e a n s with any degree of cer tainty. Assyrian reliefs depict t h e m engaged in animal h u s b a n d r y (horses a n d c a t d e ) , a n d Assyrian inscriptions state t h a t C h a l d e a n leaders p r o v i d e d a wealth of g o o d s as tribute to die Assyrian rulers (e.g., gold, silver, tin, b r o n z e , precious stones, ivory, e l e p h a n t hides, valuable w o o d s , colored gar m e n t s , a n d aromatic plants). U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e tribal leaders h a d profited h a n d s o m e l y from d i e ttade routes w h i c h r a n tiirough t h e territories controlled b y t h e m , a n d in particular from the sea t r a d e u p t h e Persian Gulf. Very little is k n o w n of C h a l d e a n religious matters. T h o s e rulers of Babylonia w h o were of C h a l d e a n ancestry referred to t h e old, traditional gods of Babylonia in their inscriptions a n d built or restored temples for t h e m . A n u n u s u a l inscrip tion vilifying t h e C h a l d e a n ruler N a b u - s u m a - i § k u n states that he despoiled Esagila, t h e t e m p l e of M a r d u k , t h e h e a d of t h e Babylonian p a n t h e o n , at Babylon, a n d tiien installed in that temple t h e gods of t h e Sealand, t h e C h a l d e a n s , a n d the A r a m e a n s . N o t h i n g m o r e is k n o w n specifically as to w h o these C h a l d e a n gods were. C h a l d e a n s a p p e a r t o h a v e h o n ored their ancestors a n d were c o n c e r n e d for tiieir r e m a i n s . M a r d u k - a p l a - i d d i n a II, for example, took t h e b o n e s of his deceased ancestors w i t h h i m w h e n he fled t o E l a m from Assyrian forces in 700 BCE. ( T h e r e is n o evidence of a connection b e t w e e n t h e m o d ern p e o p l e in I r a q k n o w n as C h a l d e a n s , w h o speak a N e o A r a m a i c dialect sometimes referred to as " C h a l d e a n , " a n d their ancient n a m e s a k e s [see S o l o m o n I. Sara, A Description of Modem Chaldean, J a n u a L i n g u a r u m , Series Practica, vol. 213, T h e H a g u e , 1974]-)
BIBLIOGRAPHY Brinkman, John A. " M e r o d a c h - B a l a d a n I I . " In Studies Presented to A. Leo Oppenheim, June 7, 1964, edited by R o b e r t D . Biggs a n d John A. Brinkman, p p . 6 - 5 3 . Chicago, 1 9 6 4 . Detailed study of the career of the most fascinating of all Chaldean leaders. Brinkman, John A. A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia, 1 1 5 8 - 7 2 2 B.C. Analecta Orientalia, vol. 4 3 . R o m e , 1 9 6 8 . Definitive study of Babylonia during the twelfth tiirough eighth centuries which includes a discussion of the various tribal g r o u p s in that country. Brinkman, John A. "Babylonia, c. 1 0 0 0 - 7 6 4 B . C . " I n The Cambridge Ancient Plisiory, vol. 3 . 1 , edited by J o h n B o a r d m a n et al, p p . 2 8 2 - 3 1 3 . 2d ed. C a m b r i d g e , 1982. Brinkman, John A. Prelude to Empire: Babylonian Society and Politics, 747-626 B.C. Occasional Publications of t h e Babylonian F u n d , vol. 7. Philadelphia, 1984. Separately printed version of die a u t h o r ' s chapter "Babylonia in t h e S h a d o w of Assyria, 7 4 7 - 6 2 6 B . C . " in The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 3.2, p p . 1 - 7 0 , 2d ed. ( C a m b r i d g e , 1 9 9 1 ) , with e x p a n d e d notes and references. E d z a r d , D . O. " K a l d u . " In Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie, vol. 5, p p . 2 9 1 - 2 9 7 . Berlin a n d N e w York, 1 9 7 7 . Concise overview of the Chaldeans written by a noted G e r m a n scholar in the standard reference work for M e s o p o t a m i a n studies. F r a m e , G r a n t . Babylonia, 680-627 B.C.: A Political History. Uitgaven van het N e d e r l a n d s Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, vol. 69. Istanbul a n d L e i d e n , 1 9 9 2 . L e e m a n s , W . F . " M a r d u k - a p a l - i d d i n a II, zijn tijd en zijn geslacht." Jaarbericht van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap "Ex Oriente Lux" 1 0 ( 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 4 8 ) : 4 3 2 - 4 5 5 . Deals mainly with the C h a l d e a n leader M a r d u k - a p l a - i d d i n a II b u t also presents a useful s u m m a r y of the history of t h e Chaldeans a n d a bibliography of earlier studies. Zadok, Ran. " Z u r Geographie Babyloniens w a h r e n d des sargonidischen, chaldaischen, achamenidischen u n d hellenistischen Zeitalters." Die Welt des Orients 16 ( 1 9 8 5 ) : 1 9 - 7 9 . Presents details about the areas and settlements inhabited by t h e C h a l d e a n tribes ( p p . 49-63). GRANT FRAME
CHAMPOLLION, JEAN F R A N C O I S (17901832), first p e r s o n to r e c o n s t r u c t t h e a n c i e n t E g y p t i a n lan guage. H a v i n g b e e n a child p r o d i g y with a n insatiable a p petite for languages, C h a m p o l l i o n is generally credited w i t h deciphering a n c i e n t E g y p t i a n hieroglyphs (picture writing) in 1822 w h e n h e p r e s e n t e d his p a p e r Lettre a Monsieur Dacier relative & l'alphabet des hieroglyphes phonetiques t o t h e F r e n c h A c a d e m y . Previous a t t e m p t s at d e c i p h e r m e n t b y E u r o p e a n s were t h w a r t e d b y t h e widely held o p i n i o n t h a t hieroglyphs w e r e allegorical c r y p t o g r a m s with e n c o d e d a r c a n e infor m a t i o n , which h a d to b e " i n t e r p r e t e d " r a t h e r t h a n t r a n s lated. T h i s symbolic a p p r o a c h was so r o o t e d in a c a d e m i c circles t h a t C h a m p o l l i o n himself w a s its p r o p o n e n t as late as 1821. T h e discovery of a stela ( c o m m e m o r a t i v e stone) at R o setta, n e a r Alexandria, in July 1799 b y Pierre B o u c h a r d , a n engineer in N a p o l e o n ' s a r m y a n d its s u b s e q u e n t s u r r e n d e r to t h e British after their defeat of t h e F r e n c h forces in E g y p t in 1801 m a d e s u c h a n i m p r e s s i o n o n E u r o p e a n s t h a t this m o n u m e n t , n o w k n o w n as t h e R o s e t t a S t o n e , b e c a m e t h e focus of intense a c a d e m i c scrutiny.
CHARIOTS T h e Rosetta S t o n e contains a d e c r e e issued b y E g y p t i a n priests in h o n o r of the M a c e d o n i a n G r e e k p h a r a o h of E g y p t , P t o l e m y V E p i p h a n e s , in 196 BCE. T h e text is written in hieroglyphs, d e m o t i c (a cursive script), a n d ancient Greek. W o r k i n g o n t h e inscription f r o m 1814 t o 1818, T h o m a s Y o u n g , a British p o l y m a t h , identified a b o u t eighty w o r d s a p p e a r i n g in all three versions. H e c o m m u n i c a t e d his find ings t o C h a m p o l l i o n b y letter a n d p u b l i s h e d t h e m in a s u p p l e m e n t (1819) to t h e Encyclopedia Britannica. C h a m p o l l i o n n e v e r a d m i t t e d in p r i n t his i n d e b t e d n e s s to Y o u n g . H o w ever, C h a m p o l l i o n ' s k n o w l e d g e of C o p t i c (the latest form of t h e ancient E g y p t i a n l a n g u a g e ) a n d G r e e k enabled h i m t o surpass Y o u n g ' s w o r k a n d to lay t h e scientific f o u n d a t i o n s u p o n w h i c h the systematic s t u d y of ancient E g y p t i a n as a l a n g u a g e is b a s e d . T h e initial w o r k by Y o u n g a n d its p e r fection b y C h a m p o l l i o n are a s t o u n d i n g b e c a u s e of t h e g r e a t n u m b e r of h i e r o g l y p h s — m o r e t h a n seven t h o u s a n d — t h a t existed w h e n t h e R o s e t t a S t o n e w a s written. B y contrast, t h e earlier, classical p e r i o d s of t h e ancient E g y p t i a n l a n g u a g e u s e d seven h u n d r e d signs. [See also E g y p t i a n ; Hieroglyphs.] BIBLIOGRAPHY A n d r e w s , Carol. The Rosetta Stone. L o n d o n , 1 9 8 1 . Ziegler, Christiane. " C h a m p o l l i o n et le dechiffrement des hieroglyp h e s . " In Naissance de Fecriture: Cuneiformes et hieroglyphes, edited by Jean-Paul Boulanger, p p . 3 6 9 - 3 7 5 . 4th ed. Paris, 1982. ROBERT STEVEN BIANCHI
CHARIOTS. I n t h e N e a r E a s t t h e c h a r i o t was a light, o p e n vehicle with' t w o s p o k e d wheels, d r a w n b y h o r s e s yoked o n either side of a d r a u g h t pole. I t w a s u s e d primarily in warfare, b u t also in h u n t i n g a n d p r o c e s s i o n s . T h e first k n o w n e x a m p l e s with these features a p p e a r in A n a t o l i a n glyptics of t h e early s e c o n d m i l l e n n i u m BCE, followed b y t h o s e depicted o n Syrian seals of t h e eighteenth a n d sev e n t e e n t h centuries BCE.
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structed entirely of h e a t - b e n t w o o d a n d rawhide. T h e i r D s h a p e d floors ( a b o u t 1.00 m wide X 0.50 m deep) w e r e m a d e of i n t e r w o v e n t h o n g s t h a t n o t only h e l p e d to keep t h e b e n t - w o o d f r a m e in tension, b u t also p r o v i d e d s o m e s p r i n g iness. T h e a p p r o x i m a t e l y h i p - h i g h siding, in profile s h o w n as r o u n d e d or rectangular, e x t e n d e d a r o u n d t h e sides a n d front, leaving t h e r e a r o p e n for r a p i d m o u n t i n g or d i s m o u n t ing. T h e siding was solid or fenestrated. P a r a d e a n d royal chariots m i g h t h a v e gilded a n d d e c o r a t e d sidings. T h e light, fast vehicle w a s given stability b y a rear axle a n d a wide wheel b a s e (1.54-1.80 m ) . T h e long draft p o l e , w h i c h ran all t h e w a y u n d e r t h e b o d y a n d h e l p e d t o s u p p o r t it, w a s attached only at t h e front, b y b e i n g lashed t o t h e floor frame t h e r e . A pair of r o d s , d r o p p e d diagonally from the front railing to the draft p o l e , restricted t h e t e n d e n c y of t h e floor frame a n d pole to p u l l a p a r t in r o u g h going a n d b r a c e d t h e front of t h e chariot. T w o t h o n g s (so-called yoke b r a c e s ) e x t e n d e d from t h e pole to e a c h a r m of t h e yoke in order to keep t h e latter at r i g h t angles to t h e pole a n d to distribute tractive stress. T h e yoke, an e l e m e n t originally designed for b o v i d s , w a s a d a p t e d t o e q u i n e a n a t o m y b y m e a n s of yoke saddles. T h e s e w o o d e n Y - s h a p e d objects were fastened by their " h a n d l e s " to t h e yoke, while their " l e g s , " secured at either e n d b y a crescentic strap across t h e front of t h e neck, lay along t h e shoulders of t h e h o r s e a n d t o o k the pull in a m a n n e r similar to t h a t of t h e later horse collar. C h a r i o t r y was a n i m p o r t a n t military a r m in this period. T w o - m a n Asiatic a n d E g y p t i a n chariots carrying archers w e r e u s e d as mobile firing platforms t o r u n along t h e face of infantry t o soften it u p or t o play a flanking or p u r s u i n g role (figure 1). B o w cases a n d quivers of arrows attached outside t h e chariot b o d y p r o v i d e d reserve arms. T h e t h r e e m a n chariots of t h e Hittites a n d their allies at t h e battle of Q a d e s h , d e p i c t e d in E g y p t i a n t e m p l e reliefs, carry driver, shield b e a r e r , a n d s p e a r m a n (quivers are absent) a n d m u s t h a v e served essentially as t r a n s p o r t s . E v i d e n c e is scarce in t h e late s e c o n d a n d early first mil lennia BCE, b u t Assyrian p a l a c e reliefs of t h e n i n t h - s e v e n t h
I n M e s o p o t a m i a t h e chariot h a d b e e n p r e c e d e d b y diskw h e e l e d vehicles w i t h b o t h t w o a n d four wheels, p u l l e d b y asses or ass/hemione or ass/horse crosses. Five i n n o v a t i o n s gave the t r u e chariot its superiority: t h e s p o k e d wheel; t h e exclusive u s e of h o r s e draft (with a n a d a p t a t i o n of t h e y o k e for this p u r p o s e ) ; t h e r e p l a c e m e n t of t h e old n o s e - r i n g c o n trol b y a p r o p e r h o r s e bit; t h e u s e of tire b o w as a p r i m a r y chariot w e a p o n ; a n d p r o p o r t i o n s p e r m i t t i n g a crew of t w o to s t a n d abreast. Details of d i m e n s i o n s a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n before a b o u t 1000 BCE c o m e f r o m N e w K i n g d o m E g y p t , w h e r e t h e chariot h a d b e e n i n t r o d u c e d f r o m t h e L e v a n t at s o m e time d u r i n g t h e S e c o n d I n t e r m e d i a t e period. L a r g e n u m b e r s of E g y p t i a n a n d Asiatic chariots are illustrated in reliefs a n d p a i n t i n g s , a n d (all or p a r t s of) eight actual chariots h a v e survived, six of t h e m f r o m t h e t o m b of T u t a n k h a m u n . T h e s e w e r e c o n
CHARIOTS. Medina
F i g u r e 1. Detail
Habu.
of a stone relief of Rameses
(After Littauer a n d Crouwel, 1 9 7 9 , fig. 44)
III,
from
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centuries BCE furnish plentiful d o c u m e n t a t i o n . C y p r i o t chariot models a n d actual chariot remains of t h e eighth a n d seventh centuries BCE provide additional information. T h e y illustrate solid-sided bodies strengthened b y a central frontto-back partition. T h e partition was s u p p o r t e d at its rear by a standing loop that could serve as a h a n d h o l d for m o u n t i n g as well as a fixture o n which to h a n g a shield. E v i d e n c e p e r sists for t h e w o v e n - t h o n g flooring of t h e b o d y , w h i c h s o m e times was large e n o u g h to a c c o m m o d a t e a third o r even a fourth m a n at t h e rear. N i n t h - c e n t u r y BCE Assyrian chariots (figure 2) a p p e a r to have h a d draft poles in the Y form d o c u m e n t e d b y s o m e later models from C y p r u s a n d t h e L e v a n t : t w o poles, one from each side of the chariot, c o m e together in front t o b e c o m e a single pole to t h e yoke. T h e pole s u p p o r t / b r e a s t w o r k b r a c e of the previous period was e x c h a n g e d for a metal rod. A p e a p o d - s h a p e d , apparently rigid element, e x t e n d i n g from t h e breastwork t o p to t h e yoke, further s t r e n g t h e n e d t h e traction system. By, t h e ninth c e n t u r y BCE, draft t e a m s a p p e a r to consist of three or four horses. Only two horses were u n d e r yoke, t h e third a n d fourth being outriggers. T h e rear-axled chariot is still s h o w n as a fast, mobile firing platform for flanking, p u r s u i n g , and harnessing. B e c a u s e only two of t h e horses w e r e u n d e r yoke, the vehicle r e m a i n e d quite m a n e u v e r a b l e . Crossed quivers (containing b o w s a n d arrows a n d sometimes axes) w e r e fixed outside t h e b o d y , and a thrusting spear stood at t h e rear, t h e t w o last, b e i n g short-range w e a p o n s , were for use d i s m o u n t e d or from a standing vehicle. Protective a r m o r was s o m e t i m e s w o r n b y b o t h crew a n d horses.
Reliefs of Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 BCE) a n d later A s syrian kings d o c u m e n t a m a r k e d c h a n g e in t h e chariot. T h e b o d y evidently h a d a rectangular floor p l a n a n d w a s large e n o u g h to a c c o m m o d a t e four m e n (two a n d two a b r e a s t ) . T h e i c o n o g r a p h i c evidence shows only a single pole with t h e then-prevailing four-horse t e a m u n d e r o n e yoke; h o w ever, t h e fuller C y p r i o t d o c u m e n t a t i o n indicates t h a t two poles m i g h t go to a single four-horse yoke or, m o r e often, to two t w o - h o r s e o n e s . T h e yoke saddles w e r e t h e n a b a n d o n e d in favor of a s h a p e d yoke, w i t h bays for each h o r s e ' s neck. A b o w case w a s vertically a t t a c h e d a t t h e chariot's front corners a n d a s p e a r is still s h o w n at t h e rear. T h e solid siding is often d e p i c t e d as a r m o r e d w i t h small metal plates. Assyrian chariots of t h e late eighth a n d s e v e n t h centuries BCE continue t o b e s h o w n as firing platforms for a r c h e r s , although they w e r e less mobile, as a result of their greater size, heavier fabric, a n d the restrictions o n m a n e u v e r a b i l i t y i m p o s e d by four horses u n d e r yoke. U n d e r A s h u r b a n i p a l (668-627 BCE) a r c h e r s are, for t h e first time, s h o w n shooting from a stationary chariot. T h r o u g h o u t t h e first half of t h e first m i l l e n n i u m BCE, t h e chariots of o t h e r N e a r E a s t e r n states ( U r a r t i a n , N e o - H i t t i t e , a n d L e v a n t i n e ) are usually s h o w n r e s e m b l i n g , in a p p e a r a n c e a n d function, Assyrian m o d e l s . By late in t h e first millen n i u m B C E , military chariotry w a s largely replaced b y m o u n t e d t r o o p s w h o h a d greater mobility, t h e ability to function in m o r e r u g g e d terrain, a n d e c o n o m i e s of m a n - a n d animal p o w e r . T h e t u r r e t e d a n d s c y t h e d chariots of t h e A c h a e m e n i d s a n d others, m e n t i o n e d b y classical a u t h o r s , are n o w h e r e illustrated; it is k n o w n , h o w e v e r , t h a t at t h e
CHARIOTS. F i g u r e 2 . Detail of a stone relief of Ashurnasirpal Crouwel, 1 9 7 9 , fig. 53)
II from 3
Nimrud.
(After Littauer a n d
CHOGHA ZANBIL battles of C u n a x a (401 BCE) a n d G a u g a m e l a (331 BCE) t h e y p r o v e d useless against p r e p a r e d a n d disciplined G r e e k i n fantry. T h e chariots r e m a i n i n g in u s e w e r e eitiier p r o c e s sional ones or ones u s e d in t h e traditional h u n t , in w h i c h beaters d r o v e t h e g a m e from cover a n d across terrain suit able for the chariot t o negotiate. [See also C a r t s ; E q u i d s ; T r a n s p o r t a t i o n ; and W h e e l ] BIBLIOGRAPHY Crouwel, J. H . "Chariots in Iron Age C y p r u s . " Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus ( 1 9 S 7 ) : 1 0 1 - 1 1 8 . Littauer, M . A., and J. H. Crouwel. Wheeled Vehicles and Ridden Animals in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, 1979. Littauer, M . A., and J. H . Crouwel. Chariots and Related Equipment from the Tomb of Tut'ankhamun. T u t ' a n k h a m u n T o m b Series, 3. O x ford, 198s. N a g e l , Wolfram. Die mesopotamische Streitwagen und seine Entwickhing im ostmediterranen Bereich. Berlin, 1 9 6 6 . Piggott, Stuart. Wagon, Chariot, and Carriage: Symbol and Status in the History of Transport. N e w York, 1992. Includes a chapter on chariots and chariotry (pp. 337-368). Spruytte, J. Early Harness Systems. T r a n s l a t e d by M . A. Littauer. L o n d o n , 1983. Includes experiments with reconstructions of Egyptian N e w K i n g d o m chariots (pp. 2 3 - 5 1 ) . J. H . CROUWEL a n d M A R Y AIKEN LITTAUER
CHOGHA ZANBIL ( m o d . P e r s . , "hill of t h e b a s k e t " ; E l a m . , al U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a , " c i t y of U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a " ; Akk., D u r U n t a s h , "fortress of U n t a s h " ) , E l a m i t e royal city a n d religious center located o n t h e plain of K h u z i s t a n ( I r a n ) , s o m e 40 k m (25 mi.) southeast of Susa, o n t h e b a n k of t h e A b - e D i z River (32° N , 48°3o' E ) . T h e site covers a b o u t 100 h a (247 acres) a n d is c o m p o s e d of a central ziggurat (still s t a n d i n g at 25 m a b o v e t h e level of t h e plain) s u r r o u n d e d b y t h r e e c o n c e n t t i c walls (see figure 1). Built by K i n g U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a (c. 1340-1300 BCE) early in his reign, in a previously unsettled area, it w a s mostly a b a n d o n e d after t h e king's death. D i s c o v e r e d in 1935, R o l a n d d e M e c q u e n e m e x c a v a t e d it on a limited scale (1935-1939, 1946) a n d R o m a n G h i r s h m a n u n c o v e r e d m o s t of its r e m a i n s (1951-1962). Functionally, the site consists of t w o p a r t s : a nearly 16-ha (40 acres) central t e m e n o s , o r sacred precinct, enclosed by a wall a n d o c c u p i e d b y a ziggurat a n d several t e m p l e s , t h a t its incriptions (see b e l o w ) call Siyan-kuk ("holy p l a c e " ) — t h e h e a r t of die city a n d its raison d'etre; a n d a royal city of a b o u t 85 ha (210 acres) t h a t is p r o t e c t e d by a r a m p a r t 4 Ion (2.5 mi.) long. Z i g g u r a t C o m p o u n d . T h e center of t h e t e m e n o s is o c c u p i e d by a ziggurat t h a t is itself d e m a r c a t e d by a wall a n d s u r r o u n d e d b y several cultic b u i l d i n g s . Built in m u d b r i c k w i t h a b a k e d - b r i c k casing, t h e z i g g u r a t is a s q u a r e building m e a s u r i n g almost 100 m o n e a c h side, w i t h its angles ori e n t e d to t h e cardinal p o i n t s . I n s c r i p t i o n a l a n d archaeological evidence indicates t h a t its c o n s t r u c t i o n w e n t t h r o u g h differ
487
e n t phases, of w h i c h t w o h a v e b e e n clearly identified by Ghirshman. Initially, it w a s n o t a ziggurat, b u t a m o n u m e n t a l s q u a r e b u i l d i n g consisting of a large o p e n c o u r t s u r r o u n d e d by r o o m s (see figure 2a) .Access t o t h e c o u i t was t h r o u g h large d o o r s in t h e m i d d l e of e a c h side t h a t were g u a r d e d by bulls a n d w i n g e d griffons in glazed terra cotta. T h e r o o m s served as m a g a z i n e s , e x c e p t o n the southeast, w h e r e they c o m p o s e d t w o t e m p l e s , A a n d B , b o t h dedicated to d i e g o d I n s h u s h i n a k (originally the g o d of t h e city of S u s a ) . P r e s u m ably, different rituals w e r e p e r f o r m e d in each t e m p l e . T h i s s q u a r e building of the first p h a s e , as well as the entire t e m e n o s , w a s dedicated to I n s h u s h i n a k , distinguished b y t h e e p i t h e t " l o r d of the Siyan-kuk." L a t e r in t h e lung's reign, this u n u s u a l building was t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o a ziggurat in t h e strict sense of the t e r m (see figure 2 b ) . T h r e e c o n c e n t r i c blocks of brick w e r e erected in the central c o u r t to f o r m t h e second, third, a n d fourth stories of the ziggurat. As tire original s q u a r e building b e c a m e t h e first story, s o m e of its r o o m s a n d I n s h u s h i n a k ' s t e m p l e A w e r e filled u p a n d blocked; I n s h u s h i n a k ' s t e m p l e B , h o w ever, r e m a i n e d in activity b e c a u s e it was entered from t h e parvis (enclosed c o u r t ) . T h e d o o r s in the m i d d l e of each side of t h e original building were t r a n s f o r m e d i n t o i n n e r vaulted stairwells leading to t h e t o p of t h e first story—except o n d i e southwest, w h e r e t h e stairwell w e n t directly t o the t o p of t h e s e c o n d story; from t h e r e , a n o t h e r stairwell, possibly located o n t h e southeast, led to the s u m m i t of the ziggurat. T h e ziggurat's a p p e a r a n c e w a s t h u s quite different from its M e s o p o t a m i a n c o u n t e r p a r t s , w h i c h h a d external stairways applied against one side of t h e tower. T h e ziggurat w a s c r o w n e d by a h i g h t e m p l e , called t h e kukunum in its inscriptions (see b e l o w ) . C u l m i n a t i n g at a height of s o m e 50 m , it w a s lavishly d e c o r a t e d with silvera n d gold-colored glazed bricks. It was dedicated jointly t o t h e g o d s N a p i r i s h a (originally the g o d of the city of A n s h a n in F a r s ) a n d I n s h u s h i n a k , w h o b o t h received t h e epithet of " l o r d of the Siyan-kuk." T h u s , t h e dedication of the ziggurat a n d t h a t of the entire t e m e n o s h a d c h a n g e d b e t w e e n the first a n d d i e s e c o n d p h a s e of c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h e ziggurat c o m p o u n d c o n t a i n e d several shrines a n d cultic installations located at t h e foot of the m o n u m e n t . A l o n g t h e n o r t h w e s t facade a t e m p l e c o m p l e x with shrines was dedicated to I s h n i k a r a b (a g o d of S u s i a n a ) , N a b u (a g o d of Babylonian origin), a n d Kiririsha (Napirisha's c o n sort). T h e s e temples h a v e n o striking architectural c h a r a c teristics b u t r e s e m b l e o r d i n a r y dwellings with a n inner c o u r t y a r d , e x c e p t for N a b u ' s t e m p l e , w h i c h is T - s h a p e d . A large collection of votive objects, i n c l u d i n g several silver a n d b r o n z e axes a n d m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d m a c e h e a d s , w a s f o u n d in Kiririsha's t e m p l e . A l o n g its s o u t h w e s t e r n side a r o w of four r o o m s was i n t e r p r e t e d as " c h a p e l s " ; m o r e t h a n o n e h u n d r e d votive c y l i n d e r seals were discovered in t h e m . Several gates gave access to the ziggurat c o m p o u n d
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A
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. G
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N^-'
CHOGHA ZANBIL. F i g u r e I . Topographic plan of the site. (Courtesy P . de Miroschedji)
t h r o u g h t h e enclosure wall; p a v e m e n t r e m a i n s indicate t h a t drey were linked to d i e gates of t h e t e m e n o s wall b y large processional ways. Immediately outside t h r e e of d i e gates were square t e m p l e s of u n k n o w n designation, except for t h e nortiiern one, w h i c h w a s dedicated t o N a p i r i s h a ; it is larger t h a n the other a n d m a y have h a d a towerlike a p p e a r a n c e . Temenos. E x t e n d i n g a r o u n d t h e ziggurat c o m p o u n d , t h e t e m e n o s was enclosed b y a thick m u d - b r i c k wall with outer buttresses. It w a s occupied by a series of temples dedicated to divinities originating from all parts of t h e e m p i r e . Only some of these temples were preserved a n d cleared. A complex of four temples existed near t h e east corner. T h r e e were built side b y side witii an identical p l a n (a court yard s u r r o u n d i n g a small building c o m p o s e d of an antecella and a cella) a n d dedicated t o Pinikir ( a n Elamite goddess) a n d to two divine couples originating from Susiana ( A d a d a n d Shala, S h i m u t a n d N i n - a l i / M a n z a t ) . T h e fourth t e m p l e consisted of a r o w of four small chapels, each containing a
pair of altars, a n d w a s dedicated t o t h e N a p r a t e p (a g r o u p of local divinities). A l o n g the n o r t h e a s t e r n side of the t e m e n o s t w o o t h e r t e m ples were dedicated t o t h e goddess Ffishmitik a n d t o t h e g o d R u h u r a t i r (divinities from S h i m a s h k i i n t h e Z a g r o s h i g h l a n d ) ; o n e w a s c o m p a r a b l e t o t h e t h r e e t e m p l e s t o t h e east, while d i e o t h e r w a s a n enlarged version of N a p i r i s h a ' s square t e m p l e s . Royal city. T h e royal city e x t e n d e d a r o u n d t h e t e m e n o s . It m a y have b e e n entirely built u p , a l t h o u g h n o t necessarily densely. T h e major buildings w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d in t h e northeast, also t h e location of t h e m a i n city gate, called d i e Royal E n t r a n c e . T h e gate w a s a d o u b l e gate with a n i n n e r c o u r t y a r d (64 X 62 m ) b o r d e r e d o n t h r e e sides b y elongated r o o m s . It o p e n e d into a sort of "royal q u a r t e r " o c c u p i e d b y three large buildings, p r e s u m a b l y palaces. T h e m o s t elaborate is palace I (70 X 56 m ) also called t h e palace-hypogeum (see b e l o w ) . I t is c o m p o s e d of t h r e e parts:
GHOGHA ZANBIL
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an official section with a large c o u r t y a r d decorated with glazed p o l y c h r o m e bricks a n d s u r r o u n d e d b y long r o o m s ; a private section with a p a r t m e n t s a r o u n d t w o small c o u r t y a r d s ; a n d a (domestic?) section with a series of elongated r o o m s . T h e b u i l d i n g is e x c e p t i o n a l b e c a u s e there a r e several t o m b s u n d e r t h e private a n d d o m e s t i c r o o m s . Built in b a k e d brick set in b i t u m e n a n d plaster, t h e t o m b s were r e a c h e d by m e a n s of a steep staircase a n d consist of o n e or t w o vaulted r o o m s u p t o 4 m high a n d 5 - 6 m long. W i t h a single e x c e p tion, all t h e bodies in t h e t o m b s h a d b e e n c r e m a t e d with their funerary offerings, a u n i q u e e x a m p l e of cremation in Elam.
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CHOGHA ZANBIL.
F i g u r e 2a.
Plan of the ziggurat.
Initial p h a s e o f
c o n s t r u c t i o n . (After G h i r s h m a n , 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 8 , vol. 1 )
T h e t w o other palaces m a y h a v e served as quarters for t h e royal e n t o u r a g e . T h e y a r e quite different from t h e p a l ace-hypogeum b u t r e s e m b l e e a c h other in p l a n a n d organi zation. Botii consist of a series of s e p a r a t e a p a r t m e n t s ( i n cluding several b a t h r o o m s ) organized a r o u n d t w o or t h r e e s q u a r e c o u r t y a r d s placed, side b y side (palace III) or a t a right angle (palace I I ) ; t h e organization of each u n i t is orig inal a n d recalls t h a t of t h e first p h a s e of t h e ziggurat c o m plex. S o m e 100 m s o u t h w e s t of t h e palaces, t h e sanctuary of N u s k u is a n u n u s u a l b u i l d i n g , called ipillali instead of siyan ( " t e m p l e " ) b y t h e inscriptions (see b e l o w ) : it is T - s h a p e d , c o m p o s e d of a transversal a n t e r o o m a n d a large longitudinal hall w i t h a h i g h m u d - b r i c k p o d i u m in its center; considering its size (30 m X 13 m ) , t h e hall was probably unroofed. B e c a u s e of N u s k u ' s c o n n e c t i o n with fire a n d light, this s a n c t u a r y is s o m e t i m e s i n t e r p r e t e d as a sort of fire t e m p l e . A hydraulic installation w a s built o n b o t h sides of the city wall to t h e southwest of d i e royal city t o e n s u r e C h o g h a ZanbiPs water supply. L o c a t e d at t h e e n d of a canal, it is c o m p o s e d of t w o b a s i n s t h a t c o m m u n i c a t e t h r o u g h small c h a n n e l s — a large basin of d e c a n t a t i o n o n t h e outside a n d a smaller basin o n t h e inside. F i n d s . T h e vast majority of t h e t h o u s a n d s of inscriptions f o u n d i n t h e excavations a r e building inscriptions on b a k e d bricks; they consist of fifty-two different Elamite texts a n d only five A k k a d i a n texts a n d r e p r e s e n t an invaluable source of information o n E l a m i t e language a n d religion. T h e excavations h a v e yielded n u m e r o u s objects, b u t n o large m o n u m e n t s . A large collection of glazed objects in terra cotta or in frit w a s u n c o v e r e d . M a n y are decorative architectural elements i n t h e s h a p e of glazed plaques with k n o b s or large p e g s of t h e s a m e material; s o m e seven h u n d r e d w e r e f o u n d in o n e of t h e r o o m s in t h e first story of t h e ziggurat. G l a z e d sculptures (bulls a n d w i n g e d griffons), fig urines ( h u m a n a n d a n i m a l ) , a n d vessels of various kinds w e r e also found.
CHOGHA ZANBIL. F i g u r e 2 b . Plan of the ziggurat. c o n s t r u c t i o n . (After G h i r s h m a n , 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 8 , vol. 1 )
S e c o n d p h a s e of
A cache i n p a l a c e I I I h a s yielded a g r o u p of alabaster jugs of S y r o - E g y p t i a n t y p e . N o t e w o r t h y from palace I is a m o saic p a n e l of ivory s h o w i n g a w i n g e d goddess a n d a frieze
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of wild goats alternating with a sacred n e e . M e t a l objects are represented b y axes, daggers, a r r o w h e a d s , p l a q u e s , a n d p e r s o n a l o r n a m e n t s . A large collection of stone m a c e h e a d s , inscribed a n d plain, a n d a b o u t 160 cylinder seals, t h e m a jority in faience a n d in glass, w e r e found. T h e y illustrate t h e range of glyptic styles in use in f o u r t e e n m - c e n t u r y BCE S U siana. O t h e r e x a m p l e s of such seals were e x p o r t e d as far as Marlik in n o r t h e r n Iran. [See Marlik.]
Elamite kings r e a p p e a r o n t h e scene in t h e twelfth c e n t u r y BCE, diey have a b a n d o n e d C h o g h a Z a n b i l in favor of S u s a a n d again c h o s e n I n s h u s h i n a k as t h e major deity of t h e e m pire.
T h e r e are relatively few finds from C h o g h a Zanbil b e cause the site w a s generally a b a n d o n e d after U n t a s h - N a p i r isha's reign and cleared of its major m o n u m e n t s b y t h e twelfth-century Elamite kings. A n inscription of K i n g S h u t r u k - N a h h u n t e (c. 1 1 8 5 - 1 1 5 5 BCE) specifically m e n t i o n s t h e transfer of a stela from t h e Siyan-kuk (i.e., C h o g h a Z a n bil) to Susa. T h e r e f o r e , m o n u m e n t s f o u n d in Susa that, based o n inscriptional and/or stylistic a n d i c o n o g r a p h i c ev idence, originally stood in U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a ' s city should b e a d d e d to t h e finds from C h o g h a Zanbil. [See Susa.] A m o n g these are U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a ' s stela, a divine b u s t holding two d r a g o n snakes, t h e lower p a r t of a divine statue showing intertwined d r a g o n snakes, various fragments of sculptures a n d reliefs, a large b r o n z e sacrificial table, a n d , possibly, a b r o n z e statue of Q u e e n N a p i r - A s u .
Amiet, Pierre. Elam. Auvers-sur-Oise, 1 9 6 6 . Classical synthesis of Elamite archaeology, with illustrations of the m a i n m o n u m e n t s of Chogha Zanbil.
I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e F i n d s . C h o g h a Zanbil is b e s t u n derstood as a n e w capital city built a r o u n d a federal s a n c t u a r y in w h i c h t h e major divinities of t h e e m p i r e resided together u n d e r the aegis of t h e gods of A n s h a n a n d Susa. I t entails on t h e p a r t of its f o u n d e r a political vision of u n u s u a l m a g n i t u d e , aiming to achieve t h e unity of t h e Elamite E m pire.
[See also Elamites; Ziggurat; and the biography man.]
of
Ghirsh
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aynard, Jeanne-Marie. Le prisma du Louvre AO 19.939. Paris, 1 9 5 7 . Ghirshman, R o m a n . Tchogha Zanbil (Dur Untash), vol. 1, La ziggurat; vol. 2, Temenos, temples, palais, tombes. M e m o i r e s de la Mission Ar cheologique en Iran, vols. 3 9 - 4 0 . Paris, 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 8 . Final publication of G h i r s h m a n ' s excavations. Harper, P r u d e n c e , Oliver, et al., eds. The Royal City of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre. N e w York, 1 9 9 2 . Includes an up-to-date presentation of the Middle Elamite m o n u m e n t s . Konig, Friedrich W . Die elamischen Konigsinschriften. Archiv fur Orientforschung, vol. 1 6 . G r a z , 1 9 6 5 . Although m a n y translations b e come outdated, this book is not yet superseded. Luckenbill, Daniel D . Ancient Records of Assyria From Sargon to the End. Chicago, 1927.
and Babylonia,
vol. 2,
M e c q u e n e m , Roland de, and J. Michalon, Recherches a Tchogha Zembil. Memoires de la Mission Archeologique e n Iran, vol. 33. Paris, 1 9 5 3 . Publication of de M e c q u e n e m ' s pioneering work at C h o g h a Zanbil. Miroschedji, Pierre de. " L e dieu elamite N a p i r i s h a . " Revue d'Assyriologie 74 (1980): 1 2 9 - 1 4 3 . Study of the god Napirisha and his signif icance. Miroschedji, Pierre de. " L e dieu elamite au serpent et aux eaux jaillissantes." Iranica Antiqua 1 6 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 - 2 5 . Includes a study of U n t a s h Napirisha stela and the publication of fragmentary m o n u m e n t s orig inating from C h o g h a Zanbil and found in Susa.
T h e foundation of t h e n e w city marks a b r e a k f r o m tire past: built on n e w g r o u n d a n d w i t h o u t any direct relation ship to the old capital of Susa, all m e m b e r s of t h e e m p i r e could claim it equally as their capital. T h e t e m e n o s w a s t h e federal sanctuary t h a t u n i t e d t h e major gods of t h e e m p i r e ' s m a i n cities a n d provinces. W i t h its concentric p l a n (the zig g u r a t c o m p o u n d s u r r o u n d e d b y a religious city a n d it in t u r n b y a royal city) t h e site was an ideal image of E l a m .
Porada, Edith. Tchogha Zanbil (Dur-Untash), vol. 4, La glyptique. M e moires de la Delegation Archeologique en Iran, vol. 42. Paris, 1 9 7 0 . Masterly study of the Chogha Zanbil glyptic.
T h e fact that t h e center of this Elamite m i c r o c o s m was a ziggurat initially dedicated to I n s h u s h i n a k suggests t h a t at first Susiana was perceived as t h e center of t h e empire. Only later did U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a c h a n g e his plan a n d rededicate the ziggurat jointly to N a p i r i s h a a n d to Inshushinak. T h i s placed t h e n e w capital city (and b y die s a m e token t h e w h o l e empire) u n d e r t h e joint auspices of t h e god of A n s h a n a n d t h e god of Susa. T h e new scheme may imply t h a t t h e e m p i r e was thereafter conceived as t h e u n i o n of t h e h i g h l a n d a n d the lowland—a u n i o n further expressed b y U n t a s h - N a p i r isha's parallel tide " k i n g of A n s h a n a n d S u s a . "
Vallat, Francois. "L'inscription de la stele d ' U n t a s h - N a p i r i s h a . " Antiqua 16 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 2 7 - 3 3 .
T h i s grandiose enterprise seems to h a v e e n d e d in failure, however. T h e king died and t h e construction of C h o g h a Zanbil w a s never completed. I n t h e historic r e c o r d , t h e r e is a gap d u r i n g m o s t of t h e thirteenth c e n t u r y BCE. W h e n
Tosefta Menahot
Roche, Claude. " L e s ziggurats de T c h o g h a Zanbil." In Fragmenta historiae elamicae, edited b y L e o n D e Meyer et al., p p . 1 9 1 - 1 9 7 . Paris, 1986. Steve, M . J. Textes Alanines et accadiens de Tchogha Zanbil. M e m o i r e s de la Delegation Archeologique en Iran, vol. 4 1 . Paris, 1 9 6 7 . Editio princeps of the inscriptions found in C h o g h a Zanbil, with references to parallel inscriptions found earlier in Susa. Iranica
PIERRE DE MIROSCHEDJI
CHORAZIN
(also C h o r a z i m ) , a Jewish village in t h e
Galilee in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n p e r i o d identified with K h i r b e t K a r a z e h a n d located a p p r o x i m a t e l y 4 k m (2.5 mi.) n o r t h of t h e Sea of Galilee ( m a p reference 2031 X 2575). C h o r a z i n is first m e n t i o n e d in t h e N e w T e s t a m e n t (Mt. 11:21-24; Lk. 10:13-16) in r e g a r d t o Jesus' ministry. It is m e n t i o n e d in 9:2 ( a n d parallels), a text t h a t dates t o t h e
s e c o n d or p e r h a p s third c e n t u r y CE. E u s e b i u s (c. 260-340 CE) reports t h a t t h e site of C h o r a z i n is 2 R o m a n miles f r o m C a p e r n a u m a n d t h a t t h e t o w n was in ruins in his day
(On-
CHUERA, TELL omasticon 174.23). T h e first m o d e r n scholar t o identify t h e t o w n as C h o r a z i n w a s Charles W i l s o n in 1869. F r o m 1 9 0 5 1907 H e i n r i c h K o h l a n d C a r l W a t z i n g e r partially e x c a v a t e d t h e s y n a g o g u e o n behalf of t h e D e u t s c h e O r i e n t - G e s e l l schaft; it was completely cleared o n behalf of t h e M a n d a t o r y D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities i n 1926. F r o m 1962-1964 Z e e v Yeivin c o n d u c t e d a survey of t h e t o w n o n behalf of t h e Israel D e p a r t m e n t of Antiquities, a n d b e t w e e n 1980 a n d 1984 e x cavations w e r e carried o u t u n d e r his direction. T h e s y n a g o g u e a t C h o r a z i n is of t h e Galilean t y p e , w h i c h also includes t h e s y n a g o g u e s of C a p e r n a u m , B a r ' a m , M e i r o n , Arbel, a n d M e r o t . [See Synagogues.] A l t h o u g h M i c h a e l A v i - Y o n a h d a t e d this g r o u p t o t h e s e c o n d century, it is n o w generally a c c e p t e d tiiat G a l i l e a n - t y p e synagogues b e l o n g t o t h e t h i r d - s i x t h centuries CE. T h e building w a s c o n s t r u c t e d in d i e t o w n center of local basalt ashlars o n a b r o a d p o d i u m . A flight of steps led u p t o t h e p o d i u m . T h e facade, w h i c h is aligned t o w a r d t h e south, h a s b e e n partially r e c o n s t r u c t e d u n d e r Yeivin's supervision. I n antiquity a n exedra w a s c o n structed along t h e length of t h e facade. T h e building h a d t h r e e e n t r a n c e s : a large central p o r t a l t h a t led into t h e n a v e a n d t w o smaller portals t h a t l e d into t h e side aisles. A wolf, a M e d u s a , a n d o t h e r figures a p p e a r in bas-relief o n a r c h i tectural m e m b e r s of d i e s y n a g o g u e . R e m a i n s of t w o aediculae as well as a basalt chair b e a r i n g a d e d i c a t o r y i n s c r i p tion w e r e discovered n e a r t h e s o u t h e r n wall of t h e s y n a g o g u e . T h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of this inscription h a s b e e n t h e subject o f considerable d i s p u t e . A translation of this text, following t h e r e a d i n g of J o s e p h N a v e h (1978) is as follows: R e m e m b e r e d for g o o d Y u d a n s o n of I s h m a e l W h o m a d e (or, d o n a t e d ) this stoa a n d its s t e p s f r o m h i s ( o w n ) p r o p e r t y . M a y he have a portion with t h e righteous.
T h e extensive excavations of t h e B y z a n t i n e - p e r i o d t o w n of C h o r a z i n b e t w e e n 1964 a n d 1984 disclosed t h a t its s h a p e c o n f o r m e d t o t h e t o p o g r a p h y of t h e hill o n w h i c h it w a s built. Its h o u s i n g units are r e m i n i s c e n t of h o u s i n g e x c a v a t e d in t h e n e i g h b o r i n g G o l a n H e i g h t s . U n i t s A a n d B are c o n tiguous r o o m s c o n s t r u c t e d a r o u n d a central c o u r t y a r d , a n arrangement reminiscent of the c o m m u n a l courtyards m e n tioned in n u m e r o u s rabbinic s o u r c e s (e.g., M i s h n a h B. B,, ch. 1, a n d parallels) T h e t o w n is divided into h o u s i n g u n i t s b y streets t h a t join t h e m a i n street o n t h e east a n d west. T h e civic center, w h i c h i n c l u d e d t h e s y n a g o g u e , was built o n a b r o a d n a t u r a l platform in t h e center of t h e t o w n . T h e o u t e r walls of t h e buildings in t h e c e n t e r s e e m t o h a v e b e e n c o n tiguous a n d enclosed t h e civic c o m p l e x . A n elaborate ritual b a t h c o m p l e x was u n c o v e r e d i n b u i l d i n g E , o n t h e n o r t h e r n side of t h e t o w n . [See also B a r ' a m ; C a p e r n a u m ; D e u t s c h e O r i e n t - G e s e l l s chaft; Galilee, article on Galilee i n t h e Hellenistic t h r o u g h B y z a n t i n e P e r i o d s ; M e r i o n ; S y n a g o g u e Inscriptions; and the biographies of Avi-Yonah, Watzinger, and Wilson.}
491
BIBLIOGRAPHY Chiat, Marilyn Joyce Segal. Handbook of Synagogue Literature. Chico, Calif., 1982. Surveys the architectural history of the Chorazin syn agogue. Hirschfeld, Yizhar. Dwelling Houses in Roman and Byzantine Palestine (in H e b r e w ) . Jerusalem, 1 9 8 7 . Utilizes both archaeological a n d lit erary sources (see esp. p p . 3 5 - 3 6 , 1 6 7 ) . N a v e h , Joseph. On Mosaic and Stone: The Aramaic and Stone Inscriptions from Ancient Synagogues (in H e b r e w ) . T e l Aviv, 1 9 7 8 . Discusses the Chorazin inscription a n d t h e various scholarly attempts t o decipher it ( p p . 3 6 - 3 8 ) . Yeivin, Zeev. " C h o r a z i n . " I n The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. i , p p . 3 0 1 - 3 0 4 . Jerusalem a n d N e w York, 1993. Survey of the site's archaeological history, written by its principal excavator. STEVEN FINE
CHUERA, TELL, site located almost m i d w a y b e t w e e n t h e valleys of t h e Balikh a n d K h a b u r Rivers in t h e p r o v i n c e of R a q q a , Syria, (36°4o' N , 39°3o' E ) . T h e site belongs t o a special type of settlement n a m e d kranzhugel (Ger., " w r e a t h like m o u n d " ) b y M a x v o n O p p e n h e i m , w h o , d u r i n g his travels in U p p e r M e s o p o t a m i a b e t w e e n 1911 a n d 1913, was t h e first t o recognize t h e m . T h e settlements occur mainly o n t h e s t e p p e b e t w e e n t h e u p p e r courses of the Balikh a n d t h e K h a b u r a n d o n b o t h sides of t h e A b d al-Aziz M o u n t a i n s . T h e y are usually a l m o s t circular, with a line of low hills at their outer e d g e , i n d i c a t i n g t h e existence of a fortification wall, a n d with a flat lower city a n d a central elevated citadel mound. Tell C h u e r a is d i e largest of these settlements, covering a surface of a b o u t 650,000 sq m . E x c a v a t i o n b e g a n with a s o u n d i n g in 1955 carried o u t b y Jean Lauffray o n behalf of t h e Syrian Antiquities D e p a r t m e n t . I n 1958, t h e M a x v o n O p p e n h e i m F o u n d a t i o n b e g a n a l o n g - t e r m excavation p r o ject at Tell C h u e r a , first u n d e r t h e directorship of A n t o n M o o r t g a t (1958-1976), t h e n of U r s u l a M o o r t g a t - C o r r e n s (1982-1985), a n d since 1986, of Winfried O r t h m a n n . Settlement history at T e l l C h u e r a m a y b e divided into two m a i n phases. P e r i o d 1 e x t e n d s from a b o u t 2800 t o 2300 BCE, a n d , after a hiatus, p e r i o d 2 lasts from 1600 t o 1100. Settle m e n t r e a c h e d its largest e x p a n s e d u r i n g p e r i o d I C . T h e site w a s s u r r o u n d e d b y a m u d - b r i c k fortification wall a n d a ditch. T h e lower city, w h i c h covered an area of a b o u t 220,000 sq m , w a s a p p a r e n t l y completely built u p with pri vate h o u s e s . R e c e n t excavations h a v e s h o w n t h a t t h e citadel m o u n d w a s a t least p a r d y s u r r o u n d e d b y an inner fortifi cation. A n i m p o r t a n t s a n c t u a r y c o m p l e x h a s b e e n identified at t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n p a r t o f t h e citadel. It consists of a high ter race, built with rather large s t o n e b o u l d e r s , accessed from t h e east via a r a m p o r staircase; d i e t e m p l e , of w h i c h only a few remains are p r e s e r v e d , p r o b a b l y stood o n this terrace. Several side terraces w e r e a d d e d t o t h e building d u r i n g its
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CHUERA, TELL
existence. A s e c o n d stone building seems to h a v e b e e n a kind of gate to t h e sanctuary. A n o t h e r t e m p l e o n t h e n o r t h side of the citadel is t h e oldest k n o w n e x a m p l e of t h e tra ditional N o r t h Syrian type of sanctuary: t h e building, w h i c h w a s erected on a low terrace, consists of a rectangular cella, entered from an o p e n p o r c h on its east side. A small t e m p l e in the central p a r t of t h e citadel, s u r r o u n d e d b y private h o u s e s , is of the s a m e general type; in the cella a n d its i m m e d i a t e n e i g h b o r h o o d , several stone statuettes h a v e b e e n found tiiat r e s e m b l e figures from t h e Diyala region in M e s o p o t a m i a , dating from the Early Dynastic II p e r i o d . T h e y s h o w tiiat at the time n o r t h e r n M e s o p o t a m i a w a s already influenced b y t h e S u m e r i a n culture to the south. T h e remains of a large palace (about 70 X 60 m ) have b e e n identified in t h e western p a r t of the citadel. E x c a v a t i o n revealed several courtyards a n d a large hall with a dais built against its east wall (probably t h e t h r o n e r o o m ) . I n t h e s o u t h e r n p a r t of t h e citadel, a q u a r t e r with private h o u s e s was excavated. T h e h o u s e s were built one against t h e other along narrow streets. E a c h h o u s e h a d a courtyard, accessed from t h e street t h r o u g h a n a r r o w corridor, a n d a reception r o o m built b e t w e e n t h e courtyard and the street. A b o u t 200 m to t h e east of t h e settlement, a double r o w of irregularly s h a p e d large stelae resembles a megalithic structure. N e a r b y , a sanctuary with two N o r t h Syrian-style shrines has b e e n excavated. D u r i n g t h e p e r i o d of M i t a n n i b e g i n n i n g in p e r i o d 2, T e l l C h u e r a was resettled following a long hiatus. E x c e p t for a
small shrine, few building r e m a i n s h a v e b e e n r e c o v e r e d from this period. T h e M i d d l e Assyrian p e r i o d , w h i c h fol lowed, is r e p r e s e n t e d b y two m a i n b u i l d i n g levels in t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t of t h e citadel. T o the earlier of these levels belongs a well-fortified m a n o r h o u s e t h a t w a s t h e seat of t h e local Assyrian g o v e r n o r . A small archive of c u n e i f o r m t a b lets f o u n d in o n e of its r o o m s belongs t o t h e t h i r t e e n t h c e n t u r y BCE; it m a d e possible t h e identification of T e l l C h u e r a with the city of H a r b e (or H u r b e ) , m e n t i o n e d in M i d d l e Assyrian texts from D u r K a t i i m m u . BIBLIOGRAPHY Ktihne, H a r t m u t . Die Keramik vom Tell Chuera und Are Beziehimgen zu Funden aus Syrien-Palastina, der Turkei und dem Iraq. Berlin, 1 9 7 6 . Full account of t h e pottery found u p until 1 9 6 4 , with a useful s u m mary of the stratigraphy. M o o r t g a t - C o r r e n s , Ursula. Die Bildwerke vom Djebelet el Beda in Hirer raumlichen und zeitlichen Umwelt. Berlin a n d N e w York, 1 9 7 2 . G e n eral background information on die kranzhilgel type of settlements (see p p . 2 6 - 5 2 ) , M o o r t g a t - C o r r e n s , Ursula. Tell Chuera in Nordost-Syrien: Vorldufiger Bericht ilber die neunte und zehnte Grabungskampagne 1982 und 1983. Berlin, 1988. Preliminary report on the Tell C h u e r a excavations; see, as well, M o o r t g a t - C o r r e n s (1988) and O r t h m a n n et al. ( 1 9 8 6 ) . M o o r t g a t - C o r r e n s , Ursula. Tell Chuera in Nordost-Syrien: Vorldufiger Bericht ilber die elfte Grabungskampagne 1985. Berlin, 1988. O r t h m a n n , Winfried, et al. Tell Chuera in Nordost Syrien, 1982-1983. Berlin, 1986. O r t h m a n n , Winfried. Tell Chuera: Ausgrabungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung in Nordost-Syrien. D a m a s c u s , 1990. S u m m a r y of the excavations u p until 1989. WINFRIED ORTHMANN
THE OXFORD ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF
A R C H A E O L O G Y IN T H E NEAR EAST
EDITORS
William G. Dever
Carol L. Meyers
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James D . Muhly
James A. Sauer
CONSULTING
EDITOR
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Javier Teixidor
Giorgio Buccellati William W. Hallo P. R. S. Moorey
David Stronach
Richard L. Zettler
THE OXFORD ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
ARCHAEOLOGY IN THE NEAR EAST P R E P A R E D U N D E R T H E A U S P I C E S OF T H E
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data T h e Oxford encyclopedia of archaeology in the Near East / prepared under the auspices of the American Schools of Oriental Research; Eric M . Meyers, editor in chief, p.
cm.
Includes bibliographical references (p.
) and index.
1. Middle East—Antiquities—Encyclopedias. 2. Africa, North—Antiquities— Encyclopedias. I. Meyers, Eric M . II. American Schools of Oriental Research. DS56.09
1996
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ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
ACOR AD AH AIA ALAR
American Center of Oriental Research
BSAI
anno Domini, in the year of the (our) Lord
B.T.
anno Hegirae, in the year of the Hi j rah
CAARI
Archaeological Institute of America (W. F.) Albright Institute of Archaeological Research
c.
CAD CAORC
British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem Babylonian Talmud circa, about, approximately Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute
Akk.
Akkadian
cf.
confer, compare
ANET AOS APES Ar. 'Arakh.
chap., chaps.
chapter, chapters
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
fasc.
fascicle
cm CNRS
'Arakhin col., cols.
Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum centimeters Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique column, columns
Aramaic
1 Cor.
1 Corinthians
Assyrian
2 Cor.
2 Corinthians
Col.
CTA
bom
Colossians
A. Herdner, Corpus des tablettes en cuneiformes alphabiliques
B.A.
Bachelor of Arts
cu
cubic
Bab.
Babylonian
d.
died
BASOR B.B. BC BCE
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bava'Batra' before Christ before the common era
Bekh.
Bekhoroi
Ber.
Berakhol
Bik. BP BSAE BSAI
Bikkarim before the present British School of Archaeology in Egypt British School of Archaeology in Iraq
expanded Ezra
CIS
Zarah
exp.
Exodus
Ezr.
American Oriental Society
'Avodah
Ex.
Ediiopic el sequens, and the following
2 Chronicles
American Schools of Oriental Research
b.
et seq.
et cetera, and so forth
2 Chr.
Aram.
A.Z.
etc.
especially et alii, and others
Ez.
ASOR Assyr.
esp.
1 Chronicles
CIG
Arabic
enlarged
/ Chr.
J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts
American Palestine Exploration Society
enl.
Eth.
of the common era
Amos
Enoch English
Council of American Overseas Research Centers
CE
J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near East in Pictures
En. Eng.
computer-aided design/drafting
American Journal of Archaeology
Am.
Egyptian Elamite
et al.
AJA
ANEP
Egyp. Elam.
DAI
Dn. DOG D.Sc.
Deutsches Archaologisch.es dissertation Daniel Deutche Orient-Gesellschaft Doctor of Science
Dt.
Deuteronomy
EB
Early Bronze
Eccl, ed., eds. ED
ff. fig. ft ft. frag., frags, gal., gals, Geog.
Ecclesiastes Early Dynastic Egyptian Exploration Fund
e.g.
exempli gratia, for example V
figure floruit, flourished feet fragment, fragments gallon, gallons Ptolemy, Geographica German
GIS
Geographic Information Systems
Gk.
Greek Genesis
ha
hectares
Heb.
Hebrew
Hg.
Haggai
Hist.
Herodotus, Histoty
Hitt.
Hittite
Hos.
Hosea
Hur.
Hurrian
IAA
Israel Antiquities Authority
ibid,
ibidem, in the same place (as the one immediately preceding)
editor, editors; edition
EEF
feminine and following
Ger.
Gn.
Institut diss.
fern,
Ezekiel
IDA(M) i.e.
Israel Department of Antiquities (and Museums) id est, that is
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
w
Israel Exploration Journal
IES
Israel Exploration Society Institut Francais d'Archeologie du Proche-Orient
IFAPO Is. IsMEO
Isaiah Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente Job
3b.
Meg. mi.
miles
Mh.
Mark
mm
millimeter
mod.
modern
Mt.
Mount
Mt. n.
Jeremiah Jgs-
Judges
Jn. Jon.
John Jonah Joshua
Jos.
Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society
JPOS
NAA Nat. Hist. n.b.
Neutron Activation Analysis
nolo bene, note well
n.d.
no date
Nm.
Numbers
no., nos.
number, numbers
J.T.
Jerusalem Talmud
n.p.
no place
KAI
H. Donner and W, Rollig, Kanaanaische unci aramaische Inschriflen
n.s.
new series
O.P.
Ordo Praedicatorum, Order of Preachers (Dominicans)
Kelim
p., pp.
Ketubbol
kg
kilogram
PEF
Palestine Exploration Fund
Kgs.
I Kings
Pers.
Persian
2 Kgs.
2 Kings
Ph.D.
km
kilometers M. Dietrich and O. Lorentz, Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugaril
KTU
1 liter 1., 11. line, lines Lat. lb.
Latin pounds
LB
Late Bronze
lit.
literally
Lk.
Luke
LM Lv. m M.A.
meters Master of Arts
masc.
masculine Malachi
Mai. MB
Middle Bronze
Mc.
Maccabees
M.Div.
Phil. pi.
Master of Divinity
paragraph
Philosophiae Doctor, Doctor of Philosophy Philippians plate; plural
PN
Pottery Neolithic
ppm
parts per million
PPN
Pre-Pottery Neolithic
Pro. Ps. pt., pts.
Proverbs Psalms I Peter
2 Pt.
2 Peter
r. RCEA
Societas Jesu, Society of Jesus (Jesuits)
Sm.
i Samuel
2 Sm.
2 Samuel
i
sq St., Sts.
square Saint, Saints
Sum.
Sumerian
supp.
supplement Syriac
Tot an.
Ta'anit
Th.D.
Theologicae Doctor, Doctor of Theology
Ti. Tk.
Titus Turkish
Tm.
I Timothy
2 Tm.
2 Timothy
trans.
translated by
Ugar.
Ugaritic
v. viz. vol., vols. vs.
verse videlicet, namely volume, volumes versus Yadayim
Yad.
Zeilschrift des Detttschen Palastina- Vercins
ZDPV Zee.
Zechariah
* hypothetical; in bibliographic citations, English language pages in Hebrew journals
part, parts
i Pt.
Late Minoan Leviticus
Shabbalh
S.J.
J
Kct.
i
Shab.
page, pages
para.
series Song of Songs
Syr.
Journal of Roman Archaeology
?
uncertain; possibly; perhaps
o
degrees
reigned, ruled
minutes; feet " seconds; inches
Repertoire chronologique d'epigraphie arabe Revelations
•1-
plus
rev.
revised
-
minus
Ru.
Ruth
Rev.
SBF SBL
Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Society of Biblical Literature
Epigraphicum
singular
Pliny, Naturalis Hisloria (Natural History)
JRA
Kel.
ser.
Matthew note
Supplemenlum Graecum
SEG
Megillah
plus or minus
=
equals; is equivalent to
X
by yields
c CONTINUED
C H U R C H E S . T h e earliest Christians called their com munities ekkksiai, "gatherings," "congregations," "assem blies." Ecclesia was used throughout the period of Late An tiquity to denote both the local community of Christians gathered in a specific place and the worldwide Christian community, the church universal. T h e early fourth-century adoption of the Greek term kyriakon ("place" or "house" or "temple belonging to the Lord") to denote the place where Christians gathered to worship is a sign of the height ened awareness of physical place mat characterized Chris tianity at the end of the pre-Constantinian period. From the early fourth century onward, kyriakon and ecclesia came to be used interchangeably (and with some frequency) to de note Christian places of worship. Before Constantine. In the Acts of the Apostles, Christians are said to have gathered in private houses in Jerusalem, Caesarea, Jaffa, Damascus, Paphos, Ephesus, Colossae, Philippi, Thessalonike, Corinth and Kenchreai, Alexandria in the Troad, and Rome (Finney, 1984, pp. 208, 209). Dur ing the period of his missionary activity in western Turkey, Paul aimed his message at heads of households, and it is primarily on this basis that the existence is inferred of midfirst-century communities of Christians or ekklesiaigathered in private houses. Archaeology cannot identify the specific buildings used as meeting places within the Pauline mis sionary territory because they were left intact. As structural types, it would be impossible to distinguish them from the local residential vernacular. The oldest surviving house that can be given a positive identification as a building that served a small community of mid-tivird-century Christians is in Syria, at Dura-Europos, a Roman trading city on the west bank of the Middle Euphrates River. Shortly before the mid-third century, the Christian building at Dura was extensively remodeled on the ground-floor level. Thereafter it no longer served as a resi dence. Instead, the first-floor space was given over to com munity-related activities, although the arrangement and as signment of space on the second floor are not known. One of the first-floor rooms was converted into a baptistery; an other—a large, rectangular room created by the consolida tion of two previously small spaces—probably functioned as the worship room. A celebrating priest would have stood on
a raised platform (bema) at the east end and presided in the reading of Scripture and perhaps in a community eucharistic meal. As argued elsewhere (Finney, 1984, p. 224), once the sec ular functions of the Durene first-floor space were replaced, the community had to readjust its symbolic associations with its place of worship. T h e way was opened for a new set of symbolic associations centering on the sacral character of the place and its architectural embodiment. * There are other examples of pre-Constantinian structures (residential, commercial, and possibly municipal) remod eled and retrofitted to make way for an emerging ecclesia, but none is so clear or so dramatic as the Christian building at Dura. Most of the material parallels are found in the "West (Rome, Aquileia, Parentium-Porec, Lullingstone in Kent, England), but there is at least one relatively clear Near East ern example, the so-called Julianos basilica (cf. Piccirillo, 1981, pp. 54-55) at U m m el-Jimal (Butler, 1919,2.A.3; Corbett, 1957) 18 Ion ( 1 1 mi.) southwest of Bosra. [See Umm el-Jimal] Although surviving literary/documentary sources, to gether with bits and pieces of material evidence, favor the view that pre-Constantinian Christians gathered for worship mainly in residential buildings and over time adapted and converted those structures into church buildings, it is also true that this pattern alone does not exhaust the totality of the pre-Constantinian evidence. Other lands of spaces were needed from time to time, particularly where the size of Christian congregations exceeded imposed space limita tions. This became a pressing issue late in the tetrarchy (293-312 CE), as urban churches were increasing their num bers on a dramatic scale. It is in the time frame of the late third century that some Christian communities evidently turned to nonresidential architecture (warehouses and rec tangular municipal halls) to solve the problem. L. Michael White calls this a transitional phase, sandwiched between the so-called house church (domus ecclesiae) period of Chris tian worship and the basilical architectural settings that came in the wake of Constantine's building program (White, 1990s pp. 127-139). T w o examples of early fourth-century hall-like rectangular structures that fit White's typology were designed and constructed de novo as church buildings: the
1
2
CHURCHES
Roman Church of San Crisogono in Trastevere and the church at Qirk Bize, one of the so-called Dead Cities west of Aleppo (and west of Jebel 'Ala) in northern Syria (Tchalenko, 1953-1958, pp. 319-332.; Donceel-Voute, 1988, pp. 259-260; also Georges Tate, "Qirk Bizah," in Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology [hereafter EECAA]). Geographic Setting. The geographic extent of the evi dence in the Near East is impressive. Church buildings and church-related structures (e.g., baptisteries and martyria) that predate the seventh century survive either intact or in fragments over a broad area. [See Martyrion.] In the north and northwest, churches are found in the Caucasus Moun tains (e.g., Georgia [see Kleinbauer, no. 375] and Armenia [see R. Edwards, "Armenia," EECAA]) and in central and eastern Turkey, including the Pontic region (Kleinbauer, 1992, no. 207), Cappadocia (Restle, 1971-), and Cilicia (Hild et al., 1 9 7 1 - ) . At the other end of the Near East, in Africa to the far south, Early Christian architectural remains are attested in die Nile Delta and on both banks of the Nile River, south to Syene/Aswan (Grossmann, 1991, pp. 5 5 2 553; Grossmann, "Egypt," EECAA) In Nubian territory, from Aswan south to the confluence of the White and Blue Niles, there is little or no material that predates the seventh century and can be positively identified as Christian (Ad ams, 1991), but east of Khartoum, on Ethiopian soil (M. E. Heldman, "Ethiopia," EECAA), Early Christian architec tural remains of church buildings appear at several sites, the most important being Adulis, Axum, and Matara. Across the Gulf of Suez in the southern Sinai (Wadi Feiran and the region of Jebel Musa), there are monastic churches and chapels from Late Antiquity (Tsafrir, 1993, pp. 315-350). For the territories opposite Nubia and Ethiopia across the Red Sea—namely Saudi Arabia, Yemen (especially Najran), southern Yemen, and the island of Socotra (at the eastern end of the Gulf of Aden)—literary traditions and selected epigraphic evidence attest the presence of Christians from the late-fourth century onward but no church architecture (Trimingham, 1979). Within the central Near East—Cyprus, the Syro-Palestinian littoral (and the adjacent inland territories), Lebanon, Israel, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, and the western third of Iran— there is extensive evidence of Early church buildings. The evidence is greatest in roughly the western quarter, from the Mediterranean coastline east for approximately 300 km, or 186 mi.: in Lebanon (Donceel-Voute, 1988); Israel (Tsafrir, 1993); and Cyprus (Kleinbauer, 1992). There is consider able evidence of pre-seventh-century church buildings on Cyprus. From the late fifth century onward, Cypriot church architecture was substantially influenced by Constantinopolitan models; hence, for the period from about 450 to 650, Cyprus must be studied with particular attention to its Greek progenitors (Megaw, 1974; Papageorghiou, 1986). Inland from the Syro-Palestinian littoral, the western third of Jordan, from the Gulf of 'Aqaba north to the Jordanian/
Syrian border, also contains numerous early Christian church buildings (Piccirillo, 1981, 1993). This distribution pattern continues northward, also within roughly the west ern third of Syria (Butler, 1919-1920) from Bosra (Bostra; Butler, 1919, 2.A.4; Dentzer-Feydy 1985) at the southern end of the so-called lava lands (the Hauran; Dentzer-Feydy, 1985) to Jebal Arab (also known as Jebel Druze and Jebel Hauran) in the south to Halab (Aleppo) in the north and to the architecturally extraordinary territory west of Aleppo, the region of the so-called Dead Cities. The region is one of the richest centers of Early Christian architecture in the ancient world. It is there, for example, that the great mon astery-church of St. Simeon Stylites is located (at Qal'at Sim'an; J.-P. Sodini, "Qal'at Sema'an," EECAA). [See Qal'at Sim'an.] Across the Syrian/Turkish border, in south eastern Anatolia (Osrhoene, fourth-seventh centuries), stretching from Urfa/Edessa to Mardin, Nusaybin, and Cizre on the Tigris River, are remains of numerous church buildings from Late Antiquity (Wiessner, 1981-1993). There are also important Early Christian remains along the Syrian Euphrates River: at Membij/Hierapolis, Rusafa/Sergiopolis (T. Ulbert, "Rusafa," EECAA), Halabiyya/Zenobia, and, of course, at as-Salihiyeh/Dura-Europos (Kraeling, 1967). [See Rusafa; Dura-Europos.] Both Iraq and Iran, within roughly the western third of the Sasanian Empire (226-651), contained an extensive Early Christian ma terial culture—church buildings, chapels, baptisteries, mon asteries—but the surviving remains are meager (Lerner, 1982-). o n c e
The most important urban centers for church architecture in the Near East before the seventh century were Jerusalem and Syrian Antioch (now located in the province of Hatay, Turkey). Alexandria was also an important city for Early Christian culture (Epiphanius and Eusebius; Pearson, 1992) It housed numerous church buildings, but almost no ma terial evidence survives (for a twelfth-century list of Alex andrian churches, many of them alleged to be pre-seventh century, cf. Atiya, 1991). Jerusalem, more firmly rooted (titan Constantinople) in tradition, was arguably the most important center of church architecture from the fourth through sixth centuries. Constantine built two churches there, the Holy Sepulcher (now witliin the city's Christian Quarter; see "figure 1) and the Eleona Church on the Mt. of Olives. Each commemorates events in the life of Jesus, and hence both served martyrial purposes. At Antioch, Con stantine also became a church builder, of an eight-sided church with a gilded roof, of which nothing survives (Klein bauer, 1992, no. 2064). In general, direct material evidence of Early Christian church buildings in Syrian Antioch is slight (excluding the martyrion of St. Babylas outside the city in suburban Kaoussie; Kleinbauer, 1992, no. 1894a). F o u r t h Century. The fourth century was a watershed for church design and construction; it was a period of invention, innovation, diversity and creativity. T h e architectural legacy
CHURCHES of Constantine I the Great cast a long shadow beyond his death in 337 (Krautheimer, 1967). Beginning as early as 305, the emperor and his architects had set about creating a ttadition of Christian church architecture, in both halves of the empire, but especially in the Byzantine Levant. T h e degree to which the emperor was directly involved in design is a matter for debate (Krautheimer, 1967), but he provided fi nancial and logistical support and there can be no question about his commitment and determination to see church buildings in virtually all major urban centers: Bishop Paulinus's church in Tyre; the Holy Sepulcher (Church of the Anastasis) and the Eleona Church on the Mt. of Olives (over a cave associated by tradition with the Ascension of Jesus) in Jerusalem (Taylor, 1993, pp. 143-156); the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem (Taylor, 1993, p p . 86-95); die basil ica built at the sacred oak tree in Mamre/Ramat el-Khalil, where God spoke to Abraham; the Hagia Sophia and the Church (or Martyrium) of the Holy Apostles in Constan tinople; and the palace church, called the Golden Octagon, in Antioch. The growth of Christian communities in the fourth cen tury necessitated large interior spaces to accommodate the faithful. Architectural precedents were lacking within pagan tradition, so builders looked to secular spatial and architec tonic paradigms that could be adapted. The best solutions were the imperial halls (aulae) and assembly rooms spread throughout the empire that had been designed as indoor markets, law courts, and audience rooms—large interior spaces that served the interests of bureaucrats seeking to govern Rome's subjects. T h e Constantinian church building came to be known by
3
the epithet basilica, understood as the building belonging to the basileus, or "king." T h e formal architectural precedents of the rectangular building that came to typify it have long been debated (Ward-Perkins, 1954). It is now understood that the term denotes a rectangular building, with two long sides and two short sides, oriented on liturgical and symbolic grounds toward one of the short ends (usually on the east), with or without aisles, with a sanctuary and often an apse (or apses) at one end, and with a gabled roof (often faced with terra-cotta tiles) supported by wooden trusses (Orlandos, 1952-1956). However, for the Constantinian period there was no equivalency between the term basilica and these architectural elements. T h e Holy Sepulcher, the Church of the Nativity, the Hagia Sophia, the Church of the Holy Apostles, and the Golden Octagon are all centrally planned spaces, dominated both spatially and visually by large domes sitting on circular or polygonal perimeters; the domed spaces interrupt the longitudinal flow of space from nave to apse and instead proclaim a rather different symbolic hier archy. In short, the term basilica does not denote a fixed architectural form until the late fourth century—and even at that late date there is still considerable variation in architec tural detail. From the beginning of the Constantinian architectural program, there was a strong pull toward assimilating two distinct functions: community worship and other veneration and/or commemoration of a sacred person, place, thing or event. T h e Holy Sepulcher was constructed over places where Jesus was thought to have been crucified, buried, and risen, and the octagonal domed structure at the east end of the Church of the Nativity was constructed over a cave that
CHURCHES. Figure 1. Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem.
(Courtesy Pictorial Archive)
4
CHURCHES
came to be identified in one tradition as the place where Mary had given birth. In both, the church building func tioned at once as a place for liturgical worship and venera tion of the hero of the Christian story. In the second half of the fourth century, a church building was assimilated to a martyrium (begun perhaps early in the reign of Theodosius I, 379-395) and dedicated to St. Babylas at Kaoussie (Donceel-Voute, 1988, pp. 2 1 - 3 1 ) . Con structed on the model of a Greek cross, this building con tained the buried remains of the saint at the center of the cruciform plan; in the same emplacement aboveground was an altar for celebrating the Eucharist. Fifth-Sixth Centuries. Architecturally, the fifth century was a period of consolidation and standarization. The Con stantinian architectural types were replicated across the Near East. The two basic spatial concepts that animated Early Christian architecture—rectangular, longitudinally oriented, hall-like space and open, centrally planned, do mical vertical space—continued to dominate. Fifth-century remains are extensive. Within the Anatolian realm is the re markable cluster of churches called Bin Bir Kilisse ("the Thousand and One Churches") in southeastern Lycaonia, approximately 80 km (50 mi.) southeast of Konya/Iconium. The Anatolian churches include a few centrally planned structures, but the majority are longitudinally oriented on a rectagonal grid with an apse at one of the short ends. North east of Bin Bir Kilisse, across the Cappadocian highlands (Aksaray, Nevsehir, Kayseri) to the Anti-Taurus range, and then south toward the Cilician coast, and east again across Osrhoene, are numerous remains of church buildings from the late fifth and early sixth centuries. For centrally planned structures and a common architec tural matrix for eastern Anatolia (including Armenia) and the adjacent Levantine territories, especially northern Syria, a fifth-/sixth-century example is the octagonal building (now destroyed) at Sivasa, northeast of Aksaray (Rott, 1908, pp. 249-54). A roofless apse projected from the eastern perim eter of this octagon, reproducing the same plan found in the so-called Church of the House of Peter (Virgilio Corbo in Tsafrir, 1993, pp. 71-76; Taylor, 1993, pp. 268-288) at Ca pernaum in Galilee and the Church of Mary Theotokos (Yitzhak Magen in Tsafrir, 1993, pp. 83-89) on Mt. Gerizim in Samaria. As in the fourth century, the sixth was a period of inno vation dominated by a powerful patron, Emperor Justinian (482-565). Justinian was more directly involved in the de sign and execution of church buildings than was Constantine. The result was a building type (centrally planned, vaulted, and domed) that appears throughout the sixth cen tury, especially in the Near East. T h e paradigm is the cen trally planned Hagia Sophia built in 532-537 (Mainstone, 1988). Along with domed and centrally planned buildings, longitudinally planned churches continued to be built throughout the Near East in the sixth century.
[See also Baptisteries; Basilicas; House Churches; Martyr ion; and Monasteries. In addition to the sites individually cross-referenced above, many other sites mentioned are the sub ject of independent, entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, William Y. "Nubia." In The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 6, pp. 1800-1801. New York, 1991. Atiya, A. S. "Alexandria, Historic Churches." In The Coptic Encyclo pedia, vol. 1 , pp. 92-95. New York, 1991. Bell, Gertrude Lowthian. The Churches and Monasteries of the Tur 'Ab din. Edited by Marlia M. Mango. London, 1982. Buder, Howard Crosby. Publications of the Princeton University Archae ological Expeditions to Syria in 1904-190$ and 1909. Division II, Sec tion A (Southern Syria) Section B (Northern Syria). Leiden, 1 9 1 9 1920. Valuable for its maps, plans, photos, and line-drawn reconstructions. Corbett, G. U. S. "Investigations at the 'Julianos' Church' atUmm-elJemal." Papers of the British School at Rome 25 (1957): 39-65. Dentzer-Feydy, Jacqueline. "Decor architectural et developpement du Hauran du Ier siecle avant J.-C. au Vile siecle apresJ.-C." In Hauran I, edited by Jean-Marie Dentzer, pp. 2 6 1 - 3 1 0 . Bibliotheque Archeo logique et Historique, vol. 124. Paris, 1985. DSlger, Franz Joseph. "'Kirche' als Name fur den christlichen Kultbau." Antike und Christentum 6 (1950): 1 6 1 - 1 9 5 . Constructive re marks on the terminology of church buildings based on fourth-cen tury literary evidence. Donceel-Voute, Pauline. Les pavements des eglises byzanlines de Syrie el du Liban: Decor, archeologie el lilurgie. 2 vols. Louvain-la-Neuve, 1988. Mosaic inventory, useful also as a handbook of Early Christian churches in Syria and Lebanon, with important observations on the liturgical uses of church buildings. Encyclopedia of Early Christian Art and Archaeology (EECAA). Grand Rapids, forthcoming. Finney, Paul Corby, "TOPOS HIEROS und christlicher Sakralbau in vorkonstantinischer Uberlieferung." Boreas 7 (1984): 1 9 3 - 2 2 5 . Survey of pre-Constantinian literary evidence for Christian practices and attitudes toward sacred place and sacred space. Gerster, Georg. Churches in Rock: Early Christian Art. in Ethiopia. Lon don, 1970. Well-illustrated book of medieval Ethiopian monuments, with a brief but useful bibliography. Grossmann, Peter, "Church Architecture in Egypt." In The Coptic En cyclopedia, vol. 2, pp. 552-555. New York, 1991. Heldman, Marilyn E. African Zion. New Haven, 1993. Catalog of an exhibition on Ethiopian art, primarily concerned with the pictorial arts but including a brief discussion of architecture and a valuable bibliography. Hild, Friedrich, et al, "Kommagene-Kilikein-Isaurien." In Reallexikon zur byzanlinischen Kunst, vol. 4, cols. 1 8 2 - 3 5 5 . Stuttgart, 1 9 7 1 - . Hirschfeld, Yizhar. The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Pe riod. New Haven, 1992. Kleinbauer, W. Eugene. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture: An Annotated Bibliography and Historiography. Boston, 1992. Now the indispensable lexical tool for the study of Early Christian architec ture; immensely informative. Kraeling, Carl H. The Christian Building. The Excavations at DuraEuropos, Final Report 8, part 2. New Haven, 1967. Krautheimer, Richard. "The Constantinian Basilica." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 21 (1967): 1 1 5 - 1 4 0 . Krautheimer, Richard, and Slobodan Curcic. Early Christian and Byz antine Architecture. 4th ed. New Haven, 1986. Concise introduction to Early Christian architecture.
CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS Lerner, Judith. "Christianity in Pre-Islamic Persia: Material Remains." Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 5, pp. 528-530. London, 1 9 8 2 - . Mainstone, Rowland J. Hagia Sophia: Architecture, Structure, and Liturgy of Justinian's Great. Church. New York, 1988. Mathews, Thomas F. The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy. University Park, Pa., 1 9 7 1 . Description and interpre tation of nine churches (see Muller-Wiener, below, excluding the church of St. Menas), with a brief evaluation of St. John in Hebdomon, outside Istanbul. Megaw, A. H. S. "Byzantine Architecture and Decoration in Cyprus: Metropolitan or Provincial?" Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28 (1974): 5 7 88. An informative survey of church buildings dated before the midseventh century. Muller-Wiener, Wolfgang. "Kirchen." In Bildlexikon zur Topographic Istanbuls, pp. 7 2 - 2 x 5 . Tubingen, 1977. Description with photo graphs and bibliography of nine Constantinopolitan churches (un named buildings in Beyazit and Topkapt Sarayi, Theotokos in Chalkoprateia, St. Sophia, St. Eirene, St. Euphemia, St. John Studios, SS. Peter and Paul/Sergius and Bacchos, St. Polyeuktos), dating to Late Antiquity. A tenth church, by tradition attributed to St. Menas, is perhaps better identified with the lost church of SS. Karpos and Polykarp, a possible early (c. 400) copy of the Holy Sepulcher. Munro-Hay, Stuart. Aksum: An African Civilisation of Ixtte Antiquity. Edinburgh, 1991. Oriandos, Anastasios K. He xylostegos palaiochristianike Basilike tes mesogeiakes lekanes. 3 vols. Athens, 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 6 . Wooden-roofed Early Christian basilica in the Mediterranean basin. Papageorghiou, Auhanasios, "Foreign Influences on the Early Christian Architecture of Cyprus." In Acts of the International Archaeological Symposium, "Cypnts between the Orient and the Occident," 8-14 Sep tember igS$, edited by Vassos Karageorghis et al., pp. 489-504. Nic osia, 1986. Pearson, Birger A. "Alexandria." In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 1, p. 152. New York, 1992. Piccirillo, Michele. Chiese e mosaici delta giordania settentrionale. Jeru salem, 1981. Inventory of floor mosaics, also informative as a listing (and in parts a description) of Early Christian church buildings. Piccirillo, Michele. The Mosaics of Jordan. Amman, 1993. More tessel lated floors. An exemplary publication, with splendid photographs, plans of churches, an informative introduction with notes and de scriptions of individual monuments, and a good bibliography. Ponomarew, Wladimir. "Georgien." In Reallexikon zur byzanlinischen Kunst, vol. 2, cols. 662-734. Stuttgart, 1 9 7 1 - . Restle, Marcell. "HShlenkirchen." In Reallexikon zur byzanlinischen Kunst, vol. 3, cols. 247-252. Stuttgart, 1 9 7 1 - . Restle, Marcell. "Kappadokien." In Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, vol. 3, cols. 9 7 5 - 1 1 1 6 . Stuttgart, 1 9 7 1 - . Informative survey of Cappadocian churches, including selected cave churches. Rott, Hans. Kleinasiatische Denkmaler aus Pisidien, Pamphylien, Kapodokien und Lykien. Leipzig, 1908. Taylor, J. E. Christians and the Holy Places: The Myth of Jewish-Christian Origins. Oxford, 1993. Informative and careful study of the pre-Con stantinian cults and religious traditions associated widi the sites that came to be venerated as Christian in the fourth century. Highly crit ical of the theory that Christian material continuity can be traced from the apostolic to Constantinian periods. Tchalenko, Georges. Villages antiques de la Syrie dit Nord: Le massif du Belus a I'epoque romaine. 3 vols. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 50. Paris, 1 9 5 3 - 1 9 5 8 . Thierry, Jean-Michel. Les arts armeniens. Paris, 1987. Thierry, Michel. Repertoire des monasteres armemiens. Turnhout, 1993. List of Armenian monastic establishments (with churches), most of them medieval. Trimingham, J. Spencer. Christianity among the Arabs in Pre-Islamic
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Times. London, 1979. Brief, popular introduction based on literary and epigraphic sources, with a useful historical survey and bibliog raphy. Tsafrir, Yoram, ed. Ancient Churches Revealed. Jerusalem, 1993. Brief descriptions and interpretations with a bibliography of churches, most of them pre-Islamic and most (except monuments in southern Sinai) in Israel. Ward-Perkins, J. B. "Constantine and the Origins of the Christian Ba silica." Papers of the British School at Rome 22 (1954): 69-90. Intel ligent survey of putative architectural models. White, L. Michael. Building Gad's House in the Roman World: Architec tural Adaptation among Pagans, Jews, and Christians. Baltimore, 1990. Informative discussion of the pre-Constantinian period. Advances earlier scholarship by isolating several socioevolutionary stages that set the framework for the gradual development of architectural types. Wiessner, Gemot. Nordmespotainische Ruinenstalten. GSttinger Orientforsehungen, II. Rcihe: Studien zur spatantiken und frtihchristlichen Kunst, vol. 2. Wiesbaden, 1980. Environs of Diyarbakir/Mardin: two fortresses and two Early Christian churches. Wiessner, Gemot. Christliche Kultbauten im Tur 'Abdin. Gottinger Orientforschungen, II. Reihe: Studien zur spatantiken und frtih christlichen Kunst, vol. 4.1-4.8 vols. Wiesbaden, 1981—1993. Careful survey of churches with longitudinal and transverse naves (some of the latter are cave churches) within the region of Mardin Daglan/ Tur 'Abdin east to Dicle; includes a bibliography. PAUL CORBY FINNEY
CHURCH
INSCRIPTIONS.
Epigraphic sources
constitute a major contribution to what is known of the his torical development of a local or regional church, its specific organization, and its beliefs. Inscriptions from the early cen turies of Christianity have been discovered by the thousands and continue to be recovered and published. Only the char acter and contents of church inscriptions written in Greek, the language most commonly used by Christians in Byz antine lands, are considered here. Relevant epigraphy exists in other languages, such as Syriac, Armenian, Georgian and Coptic. [See Syriac; Armenian; Coptic] Although methodical studies on church epigraphy exist, there is no general corpus. However, besides those appear ing in the Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (4 vols., Berlin, 1828-1877), inscriptions are published as they are discov ered in the region: in Syria (Jalabert and Mouterde, 1 9 2 9 1959; Moab (Canova, 1954); the Negev desert (Alt, 1 9 2 1 ; Negev, 1981); Jordan (Gatier, 1986; Piccirillo, 1993); Israel (Meimaris, 1986); Madaba (Piccirillo, 1989); and others. Monographs may concentrate on a particular subject, such as magical formulas on the lintels of Christian homes in Syria (see William K. Prentice, American Journal ofArchaeogy 10 [1906]: 1 3 7 - 1 5 0 ) or on a heretical expression typical of Asia Minor (Gibson, 1978). Inscriptions are found in all areas of religious buildings, but especially on the floors of churches and chapels, on liturgic furniture, on column cap itals, and on chancel screens; tombstones; lintels of private houses; and objects of daily use. They may also differ from
6
CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS
one another in style and content. In general, however, they tend to be formulaic and do not deviate from the tradition. Dedicatory Inscriptions. The immediate aim of the dedicatory inscription is to keep a public record of the names and titles of those who contributed in one way or another to the construction, embellishement, or renewal of a religious place or a part of it. This material is of reliable historical value, as much as it records also some information about an inscription's date and circumstances. By way of example, recent excavations of churches in Israel have yielded infor mation about Byzantine emperors as promoters of church construction, such as Justinian I in Jerusalem, or merely as dating references, such as Mauritius Tiberius in Kursi and Tiberius Constantinus in Nessana. References to donors of rank, such as an ex-assessor of the city of Emesa/Homs in such a remote place as Nessana in the Negev (Meimaris, 1986, p. 227), are significant because they reflect the degree of involvement of secular authorities in church life. The names of numerous donors (lit., "fruit bearers" in Greek), however, remain anonymous, even though they are usually the relatives of the person "for whose salvation" a building or some small part of it had been offered. The main contribution of dedicatory inscriptions is in the field of church organization, as by their nature they refer to local clergy, recording their full titles and epithets, from the highest dignitaries to the lowest ecclesiastical orders. Meimaris's monograph on the church of Palestine lists the fol lowing tides: patriarch, metropolitan, archbishop, bishop, country bishop (chorepiscopus), archpresbyter (only two cases), presbyter, assistant presbyter, archdeacon, deacon, deaconess, subdeacon, lector, doorkeeper, periodeutes, oeconomus, and paramonarius (Meimaris, 1986, pp. 165-226). Epigraphic references to church officials, who often oth erwise would not be known to have existed, thus essentially
help in the drawing up of the episcopal lists of a given dio cese in periods for which no literary proofs exist. A case in point is the Madaba region in Transjordan, where a number of recently discovered inscriptions unexpectedly attest to the vitality and organization of that diocese during the 'Abbasid period (Piccirillo, 1989, pp. 322-324). An interesting feature of the dedicatory inscriptions appearing on mosaic floors is the occasional reference to the people who worked on the mosaic, suggesting art schools or mosaic workshops. The mosaists appear to add their own names to the list of dignataries and donors, almost as a prayer: "In the time of. . . this mosaic was completed . . . for the (eternal) rest of Basilides and the salvation of Elias son of Elias the mosaist." Other inscriptions start by mentioning the artisan: "This is the work of mosaists Nahum, Cyriakos, and Thomas. . . ." F u n e r a r y Inscriptions. Mortuary epigraphy is an indis pensable complement to the historic relevance of dedica tions. Inscriptions are found on funerary stelae in open cem eteries as well as on the floors of churches. T o m b slabs are often seen in the nave, aisles, presbytery, diaconicum, an nexed chapels, and baptisteries. Not all of these tombs have identifying inscriptions, but those that do attest to the pres ence of clergy, monks, and lay people—men and women— probably of a certain position and particularly related to that specific church or to its patron saint. [See Burial Techniques; Churches; Baptisteries.] The style and formulas of Christian funerary inscriptions may vary from one region to another, but they are always important inasmuch as they include historical data about the members of a specific community, its hierarchy, and its re ligious culture. Anthropomorphic funerary stelae found at Khueinat in North Sinai, although Christian in intention (they display crosses), include such pagan formulae as "Be courageous. . . . Nobody is immortal!" In other regions they
CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS. Dedicatory inscription from the Nea Church in Jerusalem. Dated to the reign of Justinian, sixth century CE. (Courtesy Israel Antiquities Authority)
CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS consist of a nicely planned text including the full names and titles of the deceased and the exact date of the death and/or the burial. An epitaph from Oboda/Avdat gives even the exact hours of the death and burial, as well as the day, ac cording to the two calendars, for better clarity (Negev, 1981, p. 33). So much precision is an exception, but it exemplifies the kind of historic contribution of such records. The name of the deceased in many cases may reveal eth nic origin (e.g., Arab). T h e frequency of certain Christian and biblical names helps in developing demographic and church statistics (e.g., the number and kind of clergy serving in a specific church) and in comparisons of the distinctive features of certain communities in different periods, such as before and after the Muslim conquest in the seventh cen tury. Unfortunately, this cannot be done for most regions. Where, however, later building activity has not disturbed a site, such as in the cemeteries in the Moab region in Transjordan (Canova, 1954) and the Negev towns (Alt, 1921; Ne gev, 1981), interesting results can be achieved. For example, statistics are available for the monastic element in towns of regions for which no literary records are available. Monastic functions as well as honorary titles and epitaphs have been gathered from the funerary epigraphy in Pales tine: superior (hegumenos), archimandrite, mother superior (hegumene), abbas, our father, monk (monachos, monazon), nun (monacha), recluse, old man (geron), cell dweller (kel-
7
liotes, only in inscriptions from Deir Koziba in Wadi Qelt, probably recent), brother, and sister. [See Monasteries.] A deaconess is described as "Christ's servant and bride" (Mei maris, 1986, p. 51), an expression certainly meaning "con secrated virgin," rather than the epithet parlhenos, "virgin," sometimes also occurring on tomb inscriptions. Actually, one of the most important contributions of such inscriptions concerns women's roles, responsibilities, and general in volvement in the life of the Christian communities in the East. The title of deaconess, often occurring in inscriptions, has not existed in the church since the Middle Ages. The deaconess was ordained by a bishop to perform full eccle siastical functions among women. In the sixth century, the mother superior (hegumene) of a monastery, who could also be a deaconess, became totally independent from an ap pointed father superior, as had been the norm (Meimaris, 1986, p. 240). Hundreds of names in inscriptions refer either to women considered deserving of burial inside the church premises, or to prominent women donors, benefactors, and even founders of churches and monasteries. A case in point is the reference to Lady Maria in a monastery at Scythopolis (Beth-Shean), and the names of two women represented as offering gifts in the mosaic inscription of a monastery church at Kissufim near Gaza (Tsafrir, 1993, p. 280). Devotional Inscriptions. Both dedicatory and funerary inscriptions expressed religious beliefs and theological cre dos. They were an appropriate means to proclaim faith and apologetics. There are also, however, thousands of purely devotional epigraphs in the form of spontaneous invocations and short personal prayers in graffito, rather than in inscrip tions, that recount popular faith and devotion. On the walls of shrines, martyria, and monastic cells, pilgrims and monks wrote or carved personal prayers and invocations addressing the local patron saints, otherwise unknown, that help to identify certain sites. Short invocations such as "Oh Lord, help!" are frequently found on religious structures alongpilgrim routes, such as those leading to Sinai, sometimes ac companied by the name of the patron saint of the place and/ or the name of the writer. Archaeological and epigraphic evidence for the presence of the early Jewish Christians, their veneration of the holy places, and their theology, has been claimed by some schol ars (see, in particular, Emmanuele Testa, II simbolismo dei giudeo-cristiani, Jerusalem, 1962), but there is so far no con sensus of scholarly opinion, as the risk inherent in misdating and interpreting devotional graffiti is great. On the other hand, recent epigraphic support for the presence of Jewish Christian groups in ancient villages in the Golan is claimed by Claudine Dauphin ("Encore des Judeo-Chretiens au Go lan?," in Early Christianity in Context: Monuments and Doc uments. Essays in Honour of Father E. Testa, edited by F. CHURCH INSCRIPTIONS. Tomb inscription from Byzantine BeerManns and E. Alliata, pp. 69-84, Jerusalem, 1993). sheba. T h e inscription contains the name "Stephan son of RegiOther interesting graffiti include a fourth-century ship mus." Dated to the sixth century CE. (Courtesy Israel Antiquities drawn in charcoal accompanied by the Latin words "Domine Authority)
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CILICIA
ivimus" (cf. Ps. 122:1) on a wall in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem (Figueras, 1989, p. 1 7 8 0 ) . There are
several instances of the acrostic ICHTHYS, known in in scriptions and graffiti since die late second century CB in Asia Minor and at Dura-Europos on the eastern border of the Roman Empire. [See Jerusalem; Dura-Europos.] From the Holy Land shrines, as well as from known martyr's tombs, such as St. Menas in Egypt, ancient pilgrims took home as eulogiae, or "blessed souvenirs," oil lamps and water or oil in small pottery, glass, or silver bottles decorated with de signs and inscriptions referring to the holy place of origin. Even a piece of the rock of Golgotha was identified by in scription (Bellarmino Bagatti, The Church from the Gentiles in Palestine, Jerusalem, 1971, p. 232,fig.130). Implicit references to the Old and the New Testaments are numerous in all kinds of inscriptions, though their tex tual importance is relative (Gabba, 1958). References to the House of the Lord and its holiness (Ps. 63:5; Meimaris, 1986, p. 3 1 ) and to the Gate of the Lord, where the "righ teous will enter" (Ps. 117:19-20), are found in churches. Biblical saints, and particularly the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, are mentioned, either as examples of virtue or of God's fulfilled promises. One tombstone recounts that the deceased has "completed his race in the Lord" (2 Tm. 4:7) and another that a deaconess is simply called the second Phoebe (Rom. 1 6 : 1 ; Meimaris, 1986, p. 1 7 7 ) . The fragmentary mosaic known as the Madaba map, al though replete with biblical references, is of greater value as a sixth-century geographic document for Palestine, with no fewer than 157 extant toponyms (Piccirillo, 1989, pp. 8286). On another church floor, at Umm er-Rasas in Jordan, Palestinian, Arabian, and Egyptian cities are illustrated and labeled. Although its geographic value is questionable, it is a witness to the life and organization of the local community in 785 CE, a late date (Piccirillo, 1989, pp. 2 9 2 - 3 0 1 ) .
[See also Inscriptions, article on Inscriptions of the Helle nistic and Roman Periods; and Synagogue Inscriptions. In addition, many of the sites mentioned are the subject of indepen dent entries.]
rael." In Actes du Xle congres international d'archeologie chretienne, Lyon, Vienne, Grenoble, Geneve etAoste, 21-28 septembre 1986, edited by Noel Duval et al., pp. 1 7 7 1 - 1 7 8 5 . Rome, 1989. Revision of all the Byzantine Palestinian epigraphy discovered from one of its most fruitful periods. Gabba, Emilto. hcrizioni greche latine per lo studio della Bibbia. Turin, 1958. The author endeavors to make the best use of ancient epig raphy to study the Bible; should be complemented by Denis Feissal, "La Bible dans les inscriptions grecques," in Bible de tous les temps, vol. 1, Le mondegrec ancien et alBible, pp. 2 2 3 - 2 3 1 (Paris, 1984). Gatier, Pierre-Louis. Inscriptions de la Jordanie, vol. 2, Region centrale (Amman, Hesban, Madaba, Ma'in, Dhiban). Paris, 1986. Promising collection to be completed by the results of more recent excavations by the Franciscan school (see Piccirillo, 1989). Gibson, Elsa. The "Christians for Christians" Inscriptions at Phyrgia. Missoula, 1978. Excellent example of die difficulty in correctly in terpreting certain epigraphic expressions. Gregoire, Henri. Recueil des inscriptions grecques chretiennes d'Asie Mineure. Paris, 1922. The best collection to date of Christian inscrip tions from Asia Minor. Jalabert, Louis, and Rene Mouterde. Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie. 5 vols. Paris, 1929-1959. This result of extended field research complements the better-known collections by W. H. Waddington (1870) and E. D. Littman et al. ( 1 9 0 7 - 1 9 2 1 ) . Lefebvre, Gustave. Recueil des inscriptions grecques chretiennes d'Egypte. Cairo, 1907. The only collection of Christian Greek epigraphy from Egypt published to date. Meimaris, Yiannis E. Sacred Names, Saints, Martyrs, and Church Offi cials in the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Pertaining to the Christian Church of Palestine. Athens, 1986. The best study to date on the subject; indispensable for further research on Palestinian epigraphy up to the Middle Ages. Negev, Avraham. The Greek Inscriptions from the Negev. Jerusalem, 1981. Systematic collection of all the inscriptions found in the Byz antine cities of Sobota (Subeita), Mampsis, and Avdat. Piccirillo, Michele. Chiese e mosaici di Madaba. Jerusalem, 1989. All the new inscriptions in the mosaic pavements in and around Madaba, including unpublished fragments of the map. Piccirillo, Michele. The Mosaics of Jordan. Amman, 1993. The most comprehensive treatment of Jordanian churches and their inscrip tions. Tsafrir, Yoram, ed. Ancient Churches Revealed. Jerusalem, 1993. Col lection of articles on recent Christian archaeology of the Holy Land, mostly translated from the Hebrew originals, including important epigraphic material. PAU FIGUERAS
BIBLIOGRAPHY The periodical publication Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum up dates epigraphy in general and epigraphy for the ancient Near East in particular. All texts appearing in scholarly publications are being re published and partly commented there by an excellent group of spe cialists. Alt, Albrecht. Die griechischen Inschriften der Palaestina Tenia westlich der 'Araba. Berlin and Leipzig, 1 9 2 1 . Includes materials from all for mer publications; complemented by later collections such as the one by Negev (below). Canova, Reginetta. Iscrizioni e manumenti protocrisliani del paese de Moab. The Vatican, 1954. The particular feature of these texts is their provenance from the simplest layers of the Christian population along the ancient limits of empire in Transjordan. Figueras, Pau. "Decouvertes recentes d'epigraphie chretienne en Is
C I L I C I A . A geographic region in southern Turkey, Cilicia is circumscribed by the Taurus Mountains on the north and west, by the Amanus Mountains on the east, and the Mediterranean on the south. [See Taurus Mountains.] Western Cilicia (Cilicia Aspera) occupies the rough, hilly country between Mersin and Silifke (Seleucia on the Calycadnos) at the mouth of the Goksu Valley. T h e fertile al luvial plains of eastern Cilicia (Cilicia Campestris) are bro ken by three major rivers that drain into the Mediterranean from their headwaters in the Taurus range: Ceyhan (Pyramus), Seyhan (Sams), and Tarsus (Cydnus). Although none is currently navigable, the rock relief of the Hittite king Muwatalli overlooking the Ceyhan River at Sirkili, and
CILICIA the report of Cleopatra arriving at Tarsus on a boat suggest that in antiquity the rivers served as north-south commu nication routes as well as water sources. The road from east to west follows the base of the foothills above the marshy and fertile plains but below the rocky ter rain of the Taurus Mountains. At the junction of river and road lay the major settlements of the region: Adana (the modern capital), Misis (Mopsuestia), and Tarsus. Tarsus sits at the juncture of the east-west road and the route north through the Gates of Cilicia and on to the Anatolian plateau. Four other major sites are near good harbors: Silifke, Mersin, Karatepe, and Iskanderun. The combination of Cilicia's fertile agricultural land and excellent harbors, roads, and passes made it an important crossroads throughout antiquity (Ramsay, 1903). Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods (6300-4500 B C E ) . No Aceramic Neolithic sites have been securely identified in Cilicia. Early Pottery Neolithic occurs at the water-table level at Mersin (Garstang, 1953) and at Tarsus (Goldman, 1956). [See the biographies of Garstang and Goldman.] M. V. Seton-Williams (1954) and others collected surface mate rials from a number of other sites. T h e few excavated re mains represent settled villages with a mixed agricultural economy and fairly simple level of social organization. In style and manufacture, the ceramic vessel and chippedstone industries have links with the 'Amuq plain and coastal Syria rather than the Anatolian plateau. [See 'Amuq.] Ob sidian, however, originated on the plateau and reveals some level of trade. For the Chalcolithic period, excavated re mains illustrate more complex forms of architecture and po litical structure. T h e level XVI settlement at Mersin is for tified by a double-wide common rear wall for the radiating ring of two-room houses (Garstang, 1953, fig. 79). T h e ar chitecture indicates both community cooperation and the need for security. Cilicia's local pottery and stone-tool tra dition continued to develop in form and technique through the Chalcolithic period. Machteld Mellink (1962) discusses the international connections visible in the pottery with Tell Halaf and Ubaid affinities at Mersin and Tarsus. Early Bronze Age (3400-2000 B C E ) . Early Bronze Age levels were excavated at Mersin and Tarsus. The survey noted above collected material from this period from a few sites. T h e EB I levels at Tarsus are contemporary with Amuq F in the North Syria sequence but show more evi dence of interaction in the ceramic repertoire with the south ern Anatolian plateau. This includes the first beak-spouted vessels. T h e small percentage of wheel-made wares is more in line with the north Syrian tradition of ceramic manufac ture. Evidence for architecture exists in wall fragments lining the EB I street, however full architectural units were not recovered until EB II levels. Two-room mud-brick houses with party walls were built, modified, destroyed by fire, and replaced with a town wall. Ceramics in the EB II levels shows increasing contact with northern Syria and Cyprus. c
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The sequence testifies both to internal community cooper ation and external regional conflict, probably the result of the rise of complex society during this period. In EB III, contact with western Anatolian is illustrated by the bellshaped two-handled drinking cup (Gk., depas), known from the site of Troy (Mellink, 1986). Middle Bronze Age (1900-1600 BCE). The early part of the Middle Bronze Age is documented only in the excava tions at Mersin and Tarsus and the survey material collected by Seton-Williams (1954). At the end of the Middle Bronze Age, texts from Bogazkoy, the Hittite capital in central An atolia, and from Alalakh, a town in northern Syria, testify to Cilicia's increasing importance on the international scene (Kummel, 1980). [See Bogazkoy; Hittites; Alalakh.] T h e ce ramic sequence for the early part of the Middle Bronze Age at Tarsus shows a general correspondence with level IV or levels III—lb in the Assyrian trading colony at Kultepe/ Kanes. [See Kanes.] Bowls, jugs and jars painted with par allel lines, triglyph and metope designs, and solid or hatched triangles called Syro-Cilician painted ware can also be found in the 'Amuq and at Ebla in central Syria. [See Ebla.] T h e architectural tradition at Tarsus also shows continuity from the Early Bronze through the middle of the Middle Bronze. Known as Kizzuwatna (Gotze, 1940), Cilicia was at various times an independent state and the vassal of the Mitanni Empire. [See Mitanni.] Cultural and linguistic ties to North Syria correspond to political alliance with the Mitanni (Beal, 1986). T h e break in architectural tradition at Tarsus is ac companied by some new ceramic forms and a cuneiform document that suggest a date in the Hittite Old Kingdom. The historical document is a land deed sealed with the seal of tabarna, a title taken by the Hittite rulers. The presence of a royal land deed suggests that Kizzuwatna had been brought under control of the Anatolian plateau. It is prob ably this level in which the local king, Ispuhtahsu, concluded a parity treaty found in the Hittite royal archives in Bogaz koy. Ispuhtahsu's title is known also from a seal impression found at Tarsus naming him "Great King" of Kizzuwatna. Late Bronze Age (1600-1200 BCE). T h e existence of Ci licia as a semi-independent state ended in the mid-thirteenth century BCE with Suppiluliuma I, who established his son as the high priest of Kizzuwatna and incorporated the territory into his empire. In the thirteenth century BCE the Hittite king Hattusili III married Puduhepa, a Kizzuwatnan princess. During her tenure as queen she gained considerable political power and took an unprecedented interest in foreign rela tions. T h e LB archaeology of Cilicia demonstrates the in corporation of Hittite material culture into a strong local tradition. This is particularly evident in the Hittite fortress at Mersin (Garstang, 1953, fig. 1 5 1 ) and the Hittite temple or administrative building at Tarsus (Goldman, 1956, plan 22). T h e ceramic assemblage contains some handmade items in the local tradition, although the most of the reper toire is inspired by the Hittite bowl and jar sequence. In the
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CILICIA
early part of the Late Bronze Age, the Hittites probably used Kizzuwatna as a staging area for military incursions into Syria. After the limits of the Hittite Empire had been se cured, Hittite interest in Kizzuwatna was as a source of tax able agricultural products and as an outlet to the profitable sea trade with the Levant, Egypt, and Cyprus. T h e mer chants of Ura, against whom the king of Ugarit protested in a letter to the Hittite king Hattusili III, are thought to come from this area. The disruption of the society and economy brought about by the collapse of the Hittite Empire and the movements of the Sea Peoples are reflected in the archae ological sequences at Tarsus and Mersin. A destruction level followed by a rebuilding and continuation of the local ce ramic sequence is followed by a level of pits and unstratified fill with Mycenaean Late Helladic IIIC pottery mixed with local wares at both sites (Mee, 1978). Iron Age (1200-312 B C E ) . The initial centuries of the Iron Age are documented only in the scanty and disturbed archaeological remains at Mersin and Tarsus. Physical re mains of the Late Iron Age exist at Tarsus (Goldman, 19501963), Domuztepe, andKaratepe (Bossertand Alkin, 1947). Like their Neo-Hittite counterparts at Carchemish and Malatya, Cilicia was broken into small territorial states with a capital city from which a local dynasty ruled the surrounding villages and towns. [See Carchemish.] Karatepe is the best documented example in Cilicia. Located in the eastern mountainous region, where the Amanus and the Taurus Mountains meet, a monumental gate sculpture and inscrip tion dated to the late eighth or early seventh century BCE provide some insight into local dynastic history (Winter, 1979)- The inscription is written in hieroglyphic Hittite (Luwian) and Phoenician, and also testifies to the continuity of the Luwian population base in the area. [See Luwians.] T h e agricultural wealth and proximity to mining regions in tire Taurus made Cilicia a target for Neo-Assyrian expansion in the seventh century BCE. During this time Cilicia was divided into two ldngdoms: Que (classical Cilicia Campestris) on the plain and Hilakku (classical Cilicia Aspera) in the western mountains. Greek colonization of Cilicia is attributed to this period, partly on the basis of the classical legend of Mopsos (Bing, 1968). The Neo-Babylonian Empire took over ad ministration directly from the Assyrians. [See Babylonians.] From the sixth century BCE until the conquest of Alexander, Cilicia was ruled from Tarsus by semi-independent rulers with the title syennesis. Hellenistic and Roman Periods (312 BCE-300 C E ) . For nearly six hundred years, a Greek presence, presumably a merchant class, is documented in Cilicia by the widespread use of imported Greek pottery, the foundation myths of a number of important Cilician cities, and Greek historians (Mutafian, 1988). With Alexander's conquest of the Cilician Gates in 312 BCE, hellenization intensified. Alexander estab lished the first imperial mint at Tarsus, the region's capital. Both Hellenistic and Roman levels are attested in the exca
vations at Gozlii Kule in Tarsus but appear to be outside the major settlement. The Seleucids acquired Cilicia in the aftermath of Alexander's death and established ports at Aegeae, Alexandretta (Iskanderun), and Seleuia on the Calycadnus (Silifke). [See Seleucids.] Royal estates and temple estates formed a major part of the agricultural economy. Sanctuaries included that of Zeus at Olba (Uzuncaburc) and Artemis Perasia at Castabalu (Musti, 1984). In the first century BCE, pirates based in Cilicia Aspera threatened the Roman sea trade. Pompey defeated the pi rates in 67 BCE and took over Cilicia Campestris as well. Recognizing the agricultural potential of the fertile plain, Pompey resettled the area and established new cities, among which was Soli (Pompeiopolis). The presence of citizens who were artisans (linen weavers, dyers, tanners, carpen ters) testifies to highly developed trade and craft (Musti, 1984). In 41 BCE, Antony stopped at Tarsus and summoned Cleopatra from Egypt. Her arrival by ship in the lagoon be low the town is memorialized by the Roman arch the mod ern population of Tarsus calls Cleopatra's Gate. In the fol lowing centuries the cities of Tarsus, Adana, Mopsuestia, and Anazarbus became wealthy through trade in grain, wine, flax, and linen. Given the region's agricultural basis, it is not surprising that St. Paul pursued the trade of tentmaker in his hometown of Tarsus. The prosperity of Cilicia came to an end when the emperor Valerian was defeated in the third century CE and the Sasanian armies overran Cili cian villages and towns on their way through the plain to the Taurus Mountains. BIBLIOGRAPHY Beal, Richard H. "The History of Kizzuwatna and the Date of die Sunassura Treaty." Orienlalia 55 (1986): 424—445. Beal, Richard H. "The Location of Cilician Ura." Anatolian Studies 42 (1992): 65-73. Bing, John D. "A History of Cilicia during the Assyrian Period." Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1968. The most comprehensive discussion of historical and archaeological sources for Assyrians in Cilicia. Bossert, Helmuth T., and U. Bahadir Alkim. Karatepe, Kadirli, and Environments. Istanbul, 1947. Desideri, Paolo, and Anna M. Jasink. Cilicia. Turin, 1990. Garstang, John. Prehistoric Mersin: Yihniik Tepe in Southern Turkey. Oxford, 1953. Gotze, Albrecht. Kizzuwatna and the Problem of Hittite Geography. New Haven, 1940. Goldman, Hetty, ed. Excavations at Gozlii Kule, Tarsus, vol. 1, The Hellenistic and Roman Periods; vol. 3, The Iron Age. Princeton, 1 9 5 0 1963. Goldman, Hetty. Excavations at Gozlii Kule, Tarsus, vol. 2, From the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Princeton, 1956. Kummel, H. M. "Kizzuwatna." In Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 5, pp. 627-631. Berlin, 1980. Collection and discussion of all historical references to Kizzuwatna in the Bronze Age. Mee, Christopher. "Aegean Trade and Settlement in Anatolia in the Second Millennium B.C." Anatolian Studies 28 (1978): 1 2 1 - 1 5 6 . Discusses and tries to account for Mycenaean pottery at Tarsus and Mersin.
CIMMERIANS Mellink, Machteld J. "The Prehistory of Syro-Cilicia." Bibliollieca Or ientals 19 (1962): 2 1 9 - 2 2 6 . Mellink, Machteld J. "The Early Bronze Age in West Anatolia." In The End of the Early Bronze Age in the Aegean, edited by Gerald Cadogan, pp. 1 3 9 - 1 5 2 . Leiden, 1986. Mellink, Machteld J. "Anatolian Chronology." In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, vol. 1, edited by Robert W. Enrich, pp. 207-220. 3d ed. Chicago, 1992. The most recent discussion of comparative chronology through the end of the Early Bronze Age. Musti, Domenico. "Syria and the East." In The Cambridge Ancient Histoiy, vol. 7 . 1 , The Hellenistic World, pp. 1 7 5 - 2 2 0 . 2d ed. Cambridge, 1984. Mutafian, Claude. Cilicie au Carrefour des Empires. Paris, 1988. Collec tion and translation (in French) of all the primary sources and bib liography referring to Cilicia during the Hellenistic and Roman pe riods. Ramsay, William M. "Cilicia, Tarsus, and the Great Tarsus Pass." Geographical Journal 22 (1903): 3 5 7 - 4 1 3 . Seton-Williams, M. V. "Cilician Survey." Anatolian Studies 4 (1954): 121-174. Winter, Irene J. "On the Problems of Karatepe: The Reliefs and Their Context." Anatolian Studies 29 (1979): 1 1 5 — 1 5 1 . BONNIE MAGNESS-GARDINER
C I M M E R I A N S . Since Classical Antiquity it has been believed that the Cimmerians were the early inhabitants of the Pontic steppes, preceding the Scythians there, although an attempt was made recently to use their name only for a small tribe that lived north of Urartu (see esp. A. I. Ivanchik, " K vopprosu o etnicheskoj prinadlezhnosti i archeologicleskoj kulture Kimmerijcev," Vestnik Drevnej Istorii [1994]: 148-168 and [1995]: 3-22). Archaeologically, their culture stems partly from the previous Belozerka culture of the Pon tic area, partly from the Oka-Kama area and Siberia, and partly from the Caucasian tradition of bronzeworking. More distant parallels are also known from other provinces of the eastern koine of the Early Iron Age Geometric styles in Transcaucasia, Iran (Luristan), and the Balkans. Their own archaeological culture in the Pontic area is called Chernogorovka (ninth-early eighth centuries BCE); its late stage— Novocherkassk (late eighth-early seventh centuries BCE)— may have belonged partly to the latest Cimmerians and partly to the earliest Scythians. Cimmerians were among the first mounted nomads to use real cavalry; the objects from their graves include personal ornaments, weapons, and horse harnesses: most importantly horse bits of Nortii Cau casian types (according to H. Potratz, 1966), bimetallic dag gers with an iron blade and bronze handle (the latter either in openwork or tanged, with a mushroom-shaped pommel), socketed arrowheads that are a rhomboid in section, and long spearheads. Natural stone whetstones with a hole for suspension were also part of the equipment of the Cimme rians; in addition to openwork bronze belt finials and "bird cage" rattles, cross-shaped ornaments are sometimes found decorated with spirals. Some of the decorated objects have parallels in Assyria. T h e belt and suspended weapons are
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depicted on so-called stag stones used as grave stelae, but not the human figure. Stag stones are known across the steppes from central Siberia (Tuva) to eastern Bulgaria (Belogradec, near Varna), while most of the characteristic ob jects in metalwork come from the Volga-Oka, Kuban, and North Pontic areas. Of more westerly distribution are re lated Thraco-Cimmerian bronzes from the eastern part of central Europe, evidence of Cimmerian western raids; the Cimmerian and Caucasian influence on the Thracian bronzes from Bulgaria, and Macedonian bronzes from the Axius valley and Chalcidice, may, at the same time, be con nected with Strabo's reports of a military alliance between the Cimmerians and Thracian Treres and Edoni (Strabo, C 61, C 627 and C 329 fragment 1 1 ) . Some Cimmerian dec orated bronzes were probably connected with shamanism (there are ethnographic parallels for this usage; see Bouzek, 1983, pp. 219-220), and were adapted as personal orna ments and jewelry even by the European Hallstatt and Villanovan cultures and in Greek Late Geometric art. There are two groups of written sources on the Cimme rians: Near Eastern and Greek. Most Cimmerians left their country in the Pontic steppes as the Scythians moved west ward under pressure from the Massagetes. Herodotus ( 4 . 1 1 - 1 3 and 6.20) expressively mentions Tyras (Dniestre) as the place where the Cimmerian kings fought a fratricidal battle and were buried, and from where the common people left their homes along the Black Sea, west of the Caucasus as far as the area of Sinope, followed by the Scythians. The first Assyrian references to Gumurru (the Assyrian equiv alent "Cimmerian") date to early in the reign of Sargon II, prior to 7 1 3 BCE; the Scythians are also mentioned within the region of Urartu. [See Urartu.] Some small groups of Cimmerians, however, remained on the shores of the Azov Sea even later, as recorded by Plutarch (Life of Metritis xi). The Cimmerian Bosporus, Cimmerian walls (an earthenwork across the East Crimean peninsula, constructed prior to the Greek colonization there), and Cimmerian peninsula are all in this area and the Araxes River (modern Syr Darya), according to Herodotus (4.11), originally formed die Cim merians' eastern frontier. The battle on the Dniestre apparendy marked the. last stage of the retreat of the Cimmerians, which lasted for a considerable time, just as happened later in Sarmato-Scytiiian relations. During the reign of Sen nacherib (705-681 BCE), the Cimmerians attacked large ar eas of Asia Minor and, according to tradition, destroyed the Phrygian Empire (the Phrygian king Midas committed sui cide). This probably took place in 696/95 BCE (Eusebius's date)—although a date twenty years later cannot be ex cluded. Excavations at Gordion revealed destructions, but no characteristic Cimmerian objects. [See Gordion.] Only the arrowheads are known from Anatolia, while a few weap ons finds and parts of horse harnesses from northeast An atolia can be ascribed either to Late Cimmerians or Early Scythians. A group of Cimmerians probably settied near
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CISTERNS
Sinope; Esarhaddon mentions an Assyrian victory over them in 679 BCE: their leader during the 679/78 military cam paign is called Tuspa in Assyrian records. Another group of Cimmerians may well have entered Anatolia from Thrace. This is suggested by Strabo, when he speaks about an alli ance between the Cimmerians and the Thracian Treres and Edoni (cf. above). The Lydian king Gyges sought an alli ance against them with Ashurbanipal. A second attack in 652 BCE was successful: Sardis (with the exception of the citadel) was sacked and Gyges killed. [See Sardis.] T h e leader of the Cimmerian troops in 652 BCE was called Lygdamis, and there is a parallel name, Tugdammu, in As syrian records. According to Strabo, Lygdamis was later killed in Cilicia. This happened between 637 and 626 BCE and, according to Herodotus (1.16), the last Cimmerians were driven from Asia Minor by Alyattes in about 600 BCE. There are no written records on Cimmerian military ac tivities in the eastern part of central Europe, but the nu merous destructions and so-called Thraco-Cimmerian bronzes recovered in the area make it probable that the mil itary activities there were Cimmerian because they resem bled those of the later Scythians. Because the Thraco-Cim merian bronzes show some development and appear in contexts from the ninth to seventh centuries BCE, the dom inant position of the Cimmerians (or nomads closely related to them) on the Great Hungarian plain must have lasted for more than a century. There were, however, other inhabi tants there, who seem finally to have absorbed the nomadic population.
able. For built cisterns large stones, sometimes with layers of smaller stones above, were used and then coated with a final layer of plaster. A cistern's depth would not normally exceed 6 m, so that water could be drawn with relative ease and the cistern could be cleaned by someone upright in it. Neither its width, length, or diameter, would exceed 6-10 m; consequently, a cistern's maximum capacity is a few dozen cubic meters at the most, and no more than 100 cu m. If its dimensions are greater it is properly designated a reservoir. T h e opening of the cistern was usually narrow in order to prevent falling into it, to prevent evaporation, and to enable convenient pumping. Canals carved into the earth channeled runoff to a small depression or basin at the side of the cistern, where the soil settled or was filtered. T h e water was drawn from the cistern by lowering a pail on a rope from the surface through a vertical opening shaped like the neck of a bottle. Sometimes, a pulleylike device made of wood was built above the open ing to facilitate drawing water. Pails were also of wood. Al-
[See also Anatolia, article on Ancient Anatolia; Cilicia; Per sia, article on Ancient Persia; and Scythians.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bouzek, Jan. Caucasus and Europe and the Cimmerian Problem. Sbornik National Museum, 37.4. Prague, 1983. In English with Czech sum mary. Diakonoff, IgorM. "The Cimmerians and the Scythians in the Ancient Near East" (in Russian). Sovelskaya Arkheologiya, no. 1 (1994): 1 0 8 1 1 6 . Includes an English summary. Potratz, H. Pferdetrensen des alien Orients. Vatican, 1966. Sulimirski, Tadeusz. "The Cimmerian Problem." Bulletin of the Insti tute of Archaeology, University of London 2 (1959): 45-64. Terenozhktn, A. I. Kimmeriity (in Russian). Kiev, 1976. JAN BOUZEK
C I S T E R N S . Designed to collect and store rainwater for drinking, washing, livestock, irrigation, and agricultural in stallations, a cistern was normally cut out of rock and its interior coated with a thick layer of impermeable plaster. When the rock itself was impermeable, only fissures were coated. Where no solid rock stratum was available, a cistern could be built in an excavated pit in the ground, or partially constructed, incorporating whatever natural rock was avail
CISTERNS. View from the bottom of a cistern. Sepphoris, cistern C1 2 5 . (Courtesy E. M. Meyers)
CIST GRAVES though perishable, some have been found in the excavations of the Agora in Athens. Bell-shaped cisterns are first evidenced at the end of the Chalcolithic period or the beginning of the Early Bronze Age at Mesar in Israel. Their form prevents the collapse of the ceiling, which could result if the top of the cistern were too broad. These cisterns are hewn in chalky rock, which allows them to store water without the use of plaster. Cisterns dat ing from the Middle Bronze Age, such as those discovered at Hazor, are bottle shaped. [See Hazor.] Although they are cut into chalky rock, these cisterns show evidence of plaster used to block up fissures. T h e Hazor remains, which are the earliest evidence of plaster in water cisterns, invalidate Wil liam Foxwell Albright's suggestion (1940, p. 212) that the Israelites invented plastered water cisterns after the Exodus and conquest. Bell-shaped cisterns from the Late Bronze period have been found at Tel Beth-Shemesh. [See BethShemesh.] During the tenth century BCE, "open" cisterns were in use in the Negev mountains, whose construction also makes them pools by definition. Hewn from the soft rock, they were designed and constructed to store runoff. The region's inhabitants lacked sufficient technical expertise to enable them to create underground cisterns. T h e depth of the cis terns is not great, and the high rate of evaporation in the region's dry climate suggests that the cisterns were covered with hides to reduce evaporation. Water cisterns are mentioned often in the Hebrew Bible, and indeed, in the Iron Age II period an increase in the number of cisterns is seen. Excavations at Tell en-Nasbeh, near Ramallah, have revealed fifty cisterns dating to this period. [See Nasbeh, Tell en-,] At the Urartian fortress Cavustepe in eastern Anatolia, square royal water cisterns from the eighth century BCE were discovered hewn into the rock, their fissures filled with plaster. In the Hellenistic period there appears to have been a great increase in the private use of cisterns, to the extent that each household had one. Many cisterns were found cut into the chalky rock at Mareshah in Israel. They are unplastered, except for the use made of clay to block cracks, and bell shaped, with a volume close to 100 cu m. [See Mareshah.] The private use of cisterns increased again in the Roman period, reaching its apex during the Byzantine period. Quar ried bell cisterns, constructed cisterns with barrel-shaped arches, and cisterns of indeterminate form all existed side by side. Every household had a cistern, with an average vol ume of 30-50 cu m, that supplied the family with water throughout the year. In the Negev mountain region, under ground cisterns (Ar., haraba) were used in the NabateanByzantine period. They are square, with supporting pillars that allow for increased volume. Water cisterns continue to be used throughout the Near East, in areas where a tradi tional way of life is preserved. [See also Hydraulics; Hydrology; Pools; and Reservoirs.]
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William Foxwell. From Stone Age to Christianity, Baltimore, 1940. Brinker, Werner. "Antike Zisternen: Stationen ihrer Entwicklungsgeschichte." Mitteilungen: Leichtweiss-Institut fur Wasserbau der Technischen Universildt Braunschweig 103 (1989): 247-279. Moran, Uri, and David Palmach. Cisterns in the Negev Mountains (in Hebrew). Jerusalem, 1985. Tsuk, Tsvika. "Survey and Research of Cisterns in the Village of Zikrin (Israel)." Mitteilungen: Leichtweiss-Institut fiir Wasserbau der Technischen Universitdt Braunschweig 103 (1989): 337-356. TSVIKA TSUK Translated from Hebrew by liana Goldberg
C I S T G R A V E S . T o construct a cist grave, a rectan gular space roughly 2 m long and 1 m wide was lined with stones or mud bricks; occasionally, the floor was paved with cobbles and a superstructure erected. T h e form remained the same whether constructed within settlements or in ex tramural cemeteries, for primary interments and secondary burials. T h e earliest Chalcolithic (4300-3300 BCE) examples were for secondary interments in extramural cemeteries. Early in the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1500 BCE), the intra mural cist burial was introduced into Canaan from SyroMesopotamia as an exclusive method of primary burial for wealthy or prominent individuals. Late Bronze (15001200 BCE) and Iron Age (1200—586 BCE) cist graves for pri mary interments in extramural cemeteries are attributed to Egyptian influence. T h e earliest extramural cemeteries are from the Chalco lithic period. In Palestine, in the cemeteries at Adeimah and Shiqmim, in addition to cist burials, contained secondary burials were found. At Shiqmim bones were also collected in ossuaries. During the Middle Bronze II, elaborate stone-lined and capped pits were constructed at Ugarit in Syria and at Megiddo and Aphek, in Palestine. In the Aphek cists, the bodies were flexed and oriented east-west, with their heads facing east. Secondary remains were interred in recesses in the side wall of one grave, and a second grave contained a ceramic vessel whose type shows a strong northern connection. The popularity of extramural cist-grave burial in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages has been attributed to Egyptian influ ence. Burials at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh provide the clearest Egyp tian or egyptianizing features: an east-west orientation, with the heads usually facing west; Egyptian-linen body wrap pings; bitumen-covered bodies; an unusually high incidence of metal artifacts; and an absence of bowls and lamps. Cist graves reached the height of their distribution in Palestine in the thirteenth-eleventh centuries BCE, through the low land regions of the coast, the Besor River valley, and the Jezreel, Beth-Shean, and Jordan River Valleys (Tell Abu Hawam, Afula, Tell el-'Ajjul, Tell el-Far'ah [South], Tell esSa'idiyeh). These were richly provisioned burials for the pri-
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CITIES: An Overview Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth, fudahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the Dead. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement 1 2 3 . Sheffield, 1992. Summary and comprehensive catalog of the Iron Age burials. Mazar, Amihai. Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, 10,000-586 B.C.E. New York, 1990. Comprehensive, detailed, well-illustrated survey of biblical archaeology, limited only by the traditionalist biblical inter pretation. Stern, Ephraim, ed. The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. Jerusalem and New York, 1993. Supple ments Avi-Yonah and Stern (above), with results of more recent excavations and revised interpretations. ELIZABETH BLOCH-SMITH
C I T I E S . [To survey the city as a form of human settlement in the ancient Near East, this entry comprises five articles: An Overview Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages Cities of the Persian Period Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods Cities of the Islamic Period The overview article treats the emergence of cities and the process of ubanization; the remainder treat the development of cities and urban life through time in specific regions.] A n Overview
CIST GRAVES. MB I burial in a stone-lined inner chamber. Cairn 160, from the central Negev highlands. (Courtesy ASOR Archives)
mary interment of one individual and, rarely, two or three. In the case of multiple interments, one of the individuals was frequently an infant or a child. The mortuary provisions were like those in contemporary pit graves, with bowls for serving food predominating along with jugs and accompa nying dipper juglets for liquids, plus luxury items such as jewelry, metal objects, and imported pottery. In some cases, pit graves may have sufficed as a simplified version of a cist grave. In the Tell es-Sa'idiyeh cemetery, the cist graves con tained aesthetically finer and more precious items than did the interspersed simpler interments. [See also Burial Techniques. In addition, the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Avi-Yonah, Michael, and Ephraim Stern, eds. Encyclopedia of Archae ological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1975-1978. Summary of excavations including results of all earlier expeditions to the sites. Ben-Tor, Arnnon, ed. The Archaeology of Ancient Israel. Translated by R. Greenberg. New Haven, 1992. Collection of essays with differing emphases on the Neolithic through the Iron Age II—III periods.
Cities were tire physical focus for the rise of civilization in the ancient Near East. While what constitutes a city in the modern world is fairly clear, there is no uncomplicated def inition of a city in the ancient Near East. In the archaeolog ical literature the terms village, town, and city are usually used interchangeably. A working definition of city is that it is a relatively permanent, compact form of human settle ment, having a particular kind of relationship to its sur roundings, and populated by a fairly large number of diverse individuals who are socially differentiated. Clarity of defi nition of the city, and the nature of its relationship to other forms of settlement, emerges only in surveys of the relation ships of settlement forms to their surroundings. Center and Periphery. T o understand what cities were in the ancient Near East, the ideas of center and periphery need to be examined. Cities, and other forms of permanent settlements, were parts of interdependent systems that in cluded a center and its surroundings. Thus, the modern idea of a rural-urban dichotomy is not helpful in understanding the city in the ancient Near East. Many modern rural-urban differences are typical only of industrial-urban, not of preindustrial societies. Because all ancient Near Eastern cities were part of an agriculturally based economic system, the city and its surroundings were interdependent. People living in the area around a city were dependent on the city, and urbanites depended on the sustaining area of the city's sur rounding region. People living in the area around a city were dependent on the city for many things—temples, storage
CITIES: An Overview facilities, security, specialists of various kinds, craftspeople who could process goods, and administration or social lead ership. Definitive urbanization involved the regulation of the agricultural surplus—that portion of agricultural produce not consumed by the primary producers. The capacity to extract and invest this surplus was a principal function of cities and their administrative officials. As payment for this administrative service, urban officials exacted tribute or taxes from the inhabitants of the surrounding area. Simi larly, a city's inhabitants required the agricultural produce of the city's hinterland for their sustenance. The interdependence between center and periphery be comes recognizable in the archaeological record when the people in the city's hinterland are also organized into settle ments, creating a two-level hierarchical system: a city (usu ally walled) and its villages (usually unwalled), as schemat ically pictured in figure i. This interdependence of the city and its surrounding settlements limited the size of such a system. A city and its villages had to be close enough to gether to make continuous exchange possible. If the system was in a geographic area where there were no physical bar riers, it was theoretically possible for it to expand as far as available means of transportation between the center and the most remote village would allow. [See Transportation.] T h e expansion of the system was also a function of the produc tive capacity of a city's surrounding area.
An Overview. Figure lages. (Courtesy F. S. Frick)
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I.
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As cities that were part of such a simple two-tier system expanded, their sustaining areas would begin to encroach on those of neighboring city-village systems. When this hap pened, a competitive situation developed between the cen ters of the two systems. Because of this, a new land of so ciopolitical organization was needed to channel human energy into production rather than destruction. From sev eral systems of two tiers, a new three-tier system was cre ated: a central city that administered an area consisting of several city-village systems (see figure 2). A city that was the center of a two-level system can be thought of as a local center, while the central city in a three-level system is a re gional center in a city-state. Urbanization Process. T h e process of urbanization is not a unitary, universally homogeneous process; it assumes different forms and meaning, depending on prevailing his toric, economic, and cultural conditions. How did urbaniza tion proceed in the ancient Near East and what technologies and forms of social and political organization were involved? The earliest traces of human existence in the Near East come from the Paleolithic period, where strata indicating short periods of occupation with long intervals between them and skeletal remains have been found in caves (e.g., at Shanidar in present-day Iraq and on Mt. Carmel in pres ent-day Israel). This situation changes with the beginning of the Neolithic period, when the first relatively permanent settlements based on a combination of hunting and gather ing and agriculture appear. It is clear, from the fact that archaeological evidence for both phenomena appears at about the same time, that there is a positive correlation be tween the beginnings of permanent settlements and of food production. Neolithic settlements were usually some distance from City , one another and were located in environments where there Village / was ready access to several different ecological niches (food production was still unreliable and had to be supplemented by hunting and food gathering). One of the best-known Ne olithic settlements, Beidha, located southeast of the Dead Sea in modern Jordan, is found in such a setting. Another important Neolithic site is Catal Hoytik in modern Turkey. In addition to being located in a differentiated ecological setting, Catal Hoytik is a settlement where a densely builtup area of about 440 sq m has been excavated, in which there were houses of equivalent size and plan, suggesting a socially undifferentiated community. Neolithic Jericho has often been called a city, mostly because of its massive walls and fortification system. While Jericho and other Neolithic settlements anticipate some developments in later cities, they differ from cities, as defined here, because they were not the center of a settlement system. These Neolithic sites should thus be regarded as protourban settlements. With increasing experience with agriculture came more A city in relationship to its vil dependable food production. T h e necessity of having to set tle at sites that offered the safety net of food gathering de-
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CITIES: An Overview
CITIES: An Overview. Figure 2. A central city in relationship (Courtesy F. S. Frick)
creased, and it became feasible to establish settlements in a wider range of environments and nearer one another. With higher agricultural yields, the cultivated area required to feed a person was also reduced. [See Demography.] With more intensive agriculture, settlements could be located closer to gether, a prerequisite for the creation of structured relation ships between them in the sense of the formation of settle ment systems, which was also a necessary precondition for urbanization. There is, however, no single identifiable cause in the nexus of social, economic, and political transforma tions that was a sufficient cause for the emergence of cities. Changes in social organization induced by commerce, war fare, or technological advances had to be validated by some instrument of authority if they were to achieve institutional permanence. This instrument of authority, rather than any particular form of activity, was the generating force for ur banization. Gideon Sjoberg (The Preindus trial City, Past and Present, Glencoe, i960, pp, 67-68) equates authority with social power. For him, the preindustrial city was a mecha
to its associated city-village
systems.
nism by which a society's rulers could consolidate and main tain their power. Urbanization in Mesopotamia. T h e first true cities emerged in Mesopotamia in tire Early Bronze Age, at the close of the fourth millennium. Habuba Kabira (South), a city on the Upper Euphrates River in present-day Syria, ap peared in this period. It had a rectangular layout, a defensive wall, and evidence of social differentiation in the form of a separate block of buildings for the upper class at the south ern end of the site. [See Habuba Kabira.] By 3600 BCE the development of urban centers was fo cused in southern Mesopotamia. Uruk (modern Warka in Iraq) offers an impressive example of urban development in this early period, when isolated settlements gave way to re gional centers. Uruk was a substantial ceremonial center and became the largest early city in southern Mesopotamia. Around it lay several small towns and villages. Near the be ginning of the third millennium it began to expand rapidly, reaching its greatest size by around 2700 BCE. At that time
CITIES: An Overview its population was forty thousand-fifty thousand and its de fensive walls enclosed an area of 400 ha (988 acres). [See Uruk-Warka.] Uruk has been excavated (intensively in those areas of the city that were temple sites) and is also known from the Gilgamesh epic, which reflects a much older pe riod, although in the form in which it now exists was written later. Gilgamesh, the hero of the epic, was probably the ruler of Uruk in the Early Dynastic I period (c. 2600 BCE), after the city had reached its largest size. At the beginning of the poem, Gilgamesh has oppressed the people of Uruk in order to build up the massive city wall, which has been identified in excavations as having a circumference of 9.5 km (6 mi.), with about nine hundred semicircular towers. Besides the walls of such early cities, evidence leads to the assumption that the highly developed economic organization of such set tlements required not only abstract methods of control, but other forms of social organization. While some early urban sites on the southern Mesopotamian plains had areas of 400 ha (988 acres) or more, those of Upper Mesopotamia appear to have had a maximum size of only about 100 ha (494 acres). This suggests a ceiling beyond which such sites could not or did not grow. Scholars routinely assume that the size of early cities was limited by the productive capacity of their immediate sustaining area. Fundamental to our understanding of early urban systems is the notion that the extraction of agricultural surpluses en abled early centers to expand and to accommodate special ized economic sectors. While some early centers (e.g., early Uruk) may have been self-sufficient for food, typically it was the outlying settlements that produced the surplus support ing the populations and institutions of urban centers. The latter case is illustrated by the Ugaritic texts that record the contributions of outlying settlements to the centralized economy. During roughly the first half of the third millennium, wide areas of the Mesopotamian countryside were significantly depopulated, as most of their inhabitants took up residence in politically organized city-states. In the general vicinity of Uruk, for example, the number of villages and towns fell precipitously from 146 at the beginning of the millennium, to only 24 by about 2700 BCE. Meanwhile, the number of cities (i.e., sites exceeding 50 ha, or 123.5 acres, in area) grew from two to eight. Structural changes occurred simul taneously in the newly emergent cities. Accompanying ur banization was increasing militarism, reflected in the con struction of massive urban fortifications and in a host of myths, epics, and historical inscriptions recounting the in ternecine struggles of these city-states. There was also in creasing social stratification and the decay of kin-based so cial units. T h e cities of southern Mesopotamia were conquered about 2340 BCE by an invasion of Semites from Babylonia to the north, under Sargon (Sharrukin) of Akkad, who is regarded as the first ruler to create an empire—that is, an
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expanded state based not solely on cities, but upon territorial control. Administratively, Sargon created a new capital rather than basing his power on an established city. He thus set a pattern of imperial rule in which the capital city became only an administtative center, not an essential political unit. The Akkadian Empire, however, lasted fewer than two cen turies. It was overthrown shortly after 2200 BCE by the Guti from the north, who exercised loose administrative control for about a century, allowing the reemergence of indepen dent cities. They were succeeded by the first Babylonian kingdom, whose best-known king was Hammurabi (c. 1792-1750 BCE). Paralleling these developments in the south was the ap pearance of a new power in northern Mesopotamia, the As syrians. T h e Assyrians marked the realization of a trend in urban development that had begun with Sargon of Akkad— the transition in the city's role from an independent center to the tool of territorial empire builders, a useful adminis trative unit but no longer an entity that was central to the mentality of ruler or subject. Under Hammurabi, city tem ples no longer managed land, reducing the city's pivotal role. [See Assyrians; Temples, article on Mesopotamian Tem ples.] Thus, "empire" began to be conceived of not as the extension of the control of a city and its ruler, but as the government of a territory by a king and his army. As a con sequence, the basis of power shifted from an urban-centered economic organization, with its exploitation of agriculture and trade, to military conquest of and exaction of tribute from subject peoples. The Assyrians thus represent the final shift from control by a city to control on a territorial basis, perhaps exercised through cities but not connected with any specific one. This was the pattern followed by the Persians, by Alexander, and to some extent by the Roman emperors. Urbanization in Palestine. Urbanization gained mo mentum in Palestine toward the end of EB I and the begin ning of EB II (c. 3000 BCE), as indicated by the sudden ap pearance of many cities, among them Ai, Beth-Yerah, Bab edh-Dhra', Jericho, Megiddo, Tell el-Far'ah (North), and Tel Yarmut. One feature of these early cities was the ap pearance of large public buildings, some of which may have been temples. Toward the end of the Early Bronze Age (EB III, 26502350 BCE), urbanization peaked in Palestine and a period of rival city-states emerged in Mesopotamia. In Mesopotamia, urban development was linked to changes in water supply, which not only affected agriculture, but influenced settle ment patterns. Because major cities in Mesopotamia were located on watercourses, the receding of water into fewer watercourses must have involved a gradual linkage between the settlements and the remaining watercourses. In addition, it led to the tendency for a few settlements to grow larger at the expense of others. In the area of Uruk, for example, the number of settlements decreased from sixty-two in the Early Dynastic I period to twenty-nine in this period.
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CITIES: An Overview
While urbanization in Palestine peaked in EB III, by the end of EB IV (2350-2000 BCE), there were no urban settle ments left. What caused this disappearance of urban cul ture? Three explanations have been offered. One is ecolog ical and parallels the Mesopotamian situation of scarce water resources. This explanation maintains that there was a decrease in rainfall and a consequent lowering of the water table, which made concentrated settlements impossible. A second explanation suggests that the urban centers were de stroyed or abandoned following incursions from either the north or the south. A third explanation sees the city-state system reaching the point of self-destruction as the result of city-states' raids on one another, as evidenced by the re peated strata of destruction and reconstruction at EB II—III sites. The second urban period in Palestine, the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1500 BCE), saw the reemergence of urban cen ters. MB city walls had towers built at intervals of 20-30 m and in MB II (1800-1650 BCE), a glacis at the base of the walls that formed a smooth, steep slope to protect the walls from attackers. While some MB cities were reestablished on EB sites, MB II also saw new, large cities established that were enclosed with earthen ramparts (e.g., Qatna [100 ha, or 247 acres] in Syria and Hazor [60 ha, or 148 acres] in Israel). [See Hazor.] LB cities in Palestine (1500-1200 BCE) showed continuity with MB cities, with few positive devel opments and a general decline in urban life. In Late Iron Age I and Iron II Palestine (c. 1000-587 BCE), urbanization flourished with the support of the monarchy, for which cities were an essential part of the administrative system. A hierarchical order of settlements developed, rang ing from the capital cities of Jerusalem and Samaria at the top to small fortified sites at the bottom. Between these were major and secondary administtative centers and fortified provincial towns. Most Israelite cities were about 3-7 ha (717 acres) in area, with only the central cities of Jerusalem and Samaria being larger, with an area of 30-50 ha (74123.5 acres). Unlike their Bronze Age predecessors, the Iron II Israelite cities did not accommodate a large number of farmers but were inhabited mostly by families belonging to the political, military, economic, and religious elite. Significance of the City. Although they are sometimes used interchangeably, there is a distinction between the terms city and urbanism. Urbanism implies those character istics that distinguish cities from simpler settlements, but it also refers to the organization of an urbanized society, which includes those settlements associated with cities. A city, on the other hand, is the physical center that manifests many important characteristics of the urban condition. Urbaniza tion refers not exclusively to the processes by which cities are formed and people are incorporated into an urban-cen tered sociopolitical system. It refers also to the acquisition of characteristics associated with city life and to the changes in the patterns of life that are apparent among city dwellers.
Cities become symbols, as well as things. Humans are not neuttal toward cities but surround them with values and be liefs. The city can be seen as the embodiment of good or evil, as representing progress or decline, and as being the site of human alienation or human salvation. Apart from the usefulness of cities for administration and defense, they appealed to those who felt their individuality was repressed by social organization based on kinship. On the positive side, cities offered these individuals a measure of freedom, anonymity, privilege, the opportunity to de velop their skills, and the stimulation of being part of a more heterogeneous sociopolitical unit than a kin-based one. However, the significance of cities in the ancient world was not limited to such opportunities. The status of women, for example, seems to have deteriorated substantially with ur banization. Although archaeologists have only recently be gun to examine such issues, inferences can be drawn from ethnographic studies. T h e advent of permanent settlements initiated changes that led to increased inequality in status between the sexes. The rise of cities also caused more un equal distribution of wealth. Most preurban societies were basically egalitarian with little specialization, except for that determined by age and sex. Urban societies, however, are characterized by specialization of tasks and serious inequal ities in the distribution of wealth. Cities in their physical form are long-lived. At the same time, urban societies change more than any other social grouping. Cities are thus amalgams of physical structures and people. They are settings for daily rituals—the sacred and the secular, the random and the established. Cities are the ultimate memorials of human struggles and achieve ments: they are where the pride of the past is put on display. BIBLIOGRAPHY Eisenstadt, Shmuel N., and Arie Shachar. Society, Culture, and Urban isation. Newbury Park, Calif., 1987. Frick, Frank S. The City in Ancient Israel. Society of Biblical Literature, Dissertation Series, no. 36. Missoula, 1977. Survey of urbanization and the significance of the city in ancient Israel. Nissen, Hans J. The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C. Translated by Elizabeth Lutzeier and Kenneth J. Northcott. Chicago, 1988. Revision and expansion of the author's 1983 work. Nissen uses a unique combination of die analysis of material culture and written data to trace the emergence of the earliest isolated set tlements, the growth of networks of towns, the emergence of citystates, and finally the appearance of territorial states. Redman, Charles L. The Rise of Civilization: From Early Farmers to Urban Society in the Ancient Near East. San Francisco, 1978. Al though a bit dated in parts, Redman's work provides a useful sum mary mainly for students of archaeology, anthropology, and ancient history. Organized according to developmental stages rather than regionally or chronologically. Rohrbaugh, Richard L. "The City in the Second Testament." Biblical Theology Bulletin 21 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 67-75. Bibliographic essay that includes discussions of works by both ancient historians and modern social scientists. Trigger, Bruce G., et al. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge,
CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages 1983. Trigger's chapter, "The Rise of Egyptian Civilization," is a valuable piece on urbanization. Ucko, Peter, ct al., eds. Man, Settlement, and Urbanism. Cambridge, Mass., 1972. Proceedings of the 1970 meeting of the Research Sem inar in Archaeology and Related Subjects. Although somewhat dated, it includes an impressive, wide-ranging, interdisciplinary col lection of essays dealing with settlement patterns and urbanization in various parts of the world. FRANK S. FRICK
Cities of the B r o n z e a n d Iron Ages In the Near East, the type of settlement known as a city, first developed in Mesopotamia during the second half of the fourth millennium and spread to other areas in the region by the beginning of the third millennium. Since that time, the city has embodied a way of life; in the ancient Near East, except in Egypt, "history" has meant the history of cities. A new level of human civilization began with the emergence of urban life, accompanied by other innovations that devel oped in the fourth millennium and came to fruition in the third: religions with personal gods and mythical tales that expressed people's beliefs and worldviews; mastery of metalworking (the smelting and working of copper and bronze), and the invention of writing as a means of preserving trans actions in all areas of society. This ttansitional period in hu man civilization was rooted in certain existing technological features: the building of fixed houses out of a variety of ma terials, the domestication of plants and animals, the use of the wheel, the production of ceramics from clay, and the manufacture of cloth from plant fibers. In spite of the other decisive changes that took place in economic life, in the an cient Near East agriculture remained the basis of the econ omy. T h e city did not supplant other forms of settlement, but coexisted with them. Early S e t t l e m e n t s . T h e founding of settlements begins with the round houses built in the Natufian period (10,000-8,000 BCE). The first round houses at 'Einan ('Ein Mallaha) on Lake Hulah in Israel were constructed of per ishable materials on a stone foundation. [See 'Einan.] In the Neolithic period, which followed (8000-4000 BCE), air-dried mud bricks became the main building material, combining the advantages of easy manufacture and use with the de mands of load-bearing capacity and durability. During this period some settlements already covered a large expanse: Qal'at Jarmo in the region of the Zagros Mountains was about 1 ha (approximately 2.5 acres), Tell Hassuna on the Upper Tigris River was 3 ha (about 7 acres), and Catal H o ytik in Anatolia was approximately 1 2 ha (30 acres). [See Jarmo; Catal Hoytik.] In addition, as the examples of Tell es-Sawwan on the Middle Euphrates River and Tell es-Sultan (Jericho) in the Jordan Valley show, settlements were surrounded by a wall even before it is possible to speak of the city proper. [See Jericho; Jordan Valley.] T o be sure, fortifications were an important, if not a compellingly nec
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essary criterion in laying out a city; in the Neolithic period, however, all the additional features that legitimate the des ignation "city" were lacking. In any event, the Neolithic set tlements that were fortified were the forerunners of the en suing urbanization. Elements of Urbanization. A number of factors inhere in the establishment of the city as a viable community, al though not all of them were present to the same degree. Certain natural prerequisites include land that could be cul tivated, a sufficient water supply to enable the self-suffi ciency of the inhabitants, and a strategic location favorable for commercial traffic. Community life required a stable so cial order as well as social differentiation. The ruler was at the head of a city and at the top of the social pyramid. The inhabitants in turn formed classes—priests, warriors, mer chants, artisans, free workers, peasants, and slaves—in a hi erarchy based on the respect accorded to their occupations and their economic strength. In terms of urbanism's economic foundations, the pro duction of a surplus and the division of labor, which in turn necessitated an exchange of goods and trading activity, is assumed. T h e invention of writing significantly facilitated the differentiated economic and social systems, as did other organizational mechanisms such as calendars, taxes, and le gal systems. In addition to the social, economic, and legal framework, the formal expression of the divine in the form of cult and mythology was a stabilizing element that legiti mated the unequal distribution of resources. T h e combi nation of characteristics in one place justifies speaking of a settlement as a city. T h e external appearance of a city de volved from elements of size and planning, fortification, and public buildings that reflect a high level of cultural devel opment. Earliest Cities. The cities that developed in Mesopota mia in the second half of the fourth millennium had a long history of settlement: the Sumerian settlements at Ur, Uruk, Eridu, and Nippur in southern Mesopotamia and Tepe Gawra on the Upper Tigris. [See Ur; Uruk-Warka; Eridu; Nip pur; Tepe Gawra.] In these sprawling city complexes the temple precincts, which stood on a raised terrace sur rounded by a separate wall, occupied an extraordinarily large area, surpassing the extent of the palace by several fold and reducing the residential quarter to a minimal area of the city. T h e dominant spatial position of the cult precinct, as well as its social, economic, and political role in urban life, also characterized cities founded later in the third and sec ond millennia (Assur, Eshnunna; Khafajeh; Hursagkalama, and many others), even when the residential quarters oc cupied a large area, as at Babylon. [See Assur; Eshnunna; Khafajeh; Babylon.] Only in the Assyrian residence cities like Nineveh, Nimrud, and Khorsabad did the palace of the ruler begin to assume a dominant position, while the space occupied by the temples sharply declined. [See Nineveh; Nimrud; Palace.] The division of cities into distinct regions
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CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages
and quarters makes it evident that their layout was planned, a fact also visible in other of its organizational elements, such as the positioning of gates and streets. The city form that was valid for thousands of years came to an end with the decline of the Neo-Assyrian (or Neo-Babylonian) Empire during the middle of the first millennium BCE. [See Assyri ans; Babylonians.] City-States. Even before the end of the fourth millen nium, elements of urbanization appeared in Syria. The city of Habuba Kabira on the Middle Euphrates River shows all die elements of conscious planning. The temple precinct lies in the southern part of the city, and with the "middle-room house" a well-developed house type was in use (although the city's palace has not yet been discovered). A network of streets divided the residential quarter into individual dis tricts, and the straight city wall displays projecting towers at regular intervals. During the third millennium, the construc tion of fortified cities spread throughout Syria, with public buildings, a temple, and a palace occupying a dominant po sition. All die large urban centers—Mari, Alalakh, Ebla, Hama, Ugarit, and Byblos—were founded after 3000 BCE; most of them continued to exist until the invasion of die Sea Peoples at the beginning of the twelfth century BCE. [See Habuba Kabira; Mari; Alalakh; Ebla; Hama; Ugarit; Byb los.] As the area controlled by die city expanded, die palace began proportionally to occupy die largest area. Archives found at sites such as Mari, Ebla, and Ugarit show how the adoption and development of cuneiform script were nec essary to facilitate the administrative and diplomatic corre spondence this expansion created. [See Cuneiform.] Each city was self-sufficient to the extent that its food supply was grown in the surrounding territory and most of its utensils and tools were manufactured within its walls. An extensive trade assured the procurement of necessary raw materials in exchange for certain agricultural products or finished wares. In Syria urbanization led to die establishment of numerouss city-states, whose individual power was reflected in die differing size of the areas under tiieir control. These city-states collapsed during die twelfth century BCE and were not revived until the beginning of the first millen nium by immigrant Arameans. [See Arameans.] In the cen ter of these new urban centers were extensive palace dis tricts grouped around a building of the hilani type, as can be seen at Tell Halaf, Tell Ta'yinat, and Zincirli. [See Halaf, Tell.] Bronze Age Palestine. For ancient Palestine tiiere is a lack of the continuity of urban centers found in Syria. In stead, three distinct periods of urbanization are separated from each other by a nonurban interval. The first urban period is identical with Early Bronze II and III (2950-2350 BCE), the second with Middle Bronze II (1950-1550 BCE) and Late Bronze I and II (1550-1200/1150 BCE). At the be ginning of the first millennium, during Iron II (1000-587
BCE), a reurbanization, representing a new cultural influx, occurred; this phase may be considered a third urban cul ture. Each of the three time periods has a distinct charac ter—they do not collectively represent a single culture. Early Bronze Age. In most places EB I (3150-2950 BCE) open settiements precede the fixed cities of EB II (29502650). This continuity of settlement can be firmly estab lished at Kinneret, Khirbet Kerak/Beth-Yerah, Megiddo, Betii-Shean, Tell el-Far'ah (North), Jericho, Tell eshSheikh Ahmed el-'Areini, and Arad, as well as at other locations. The transition to fortified cities was based on local development and was not die result of foreign influences. [See Betii-Yerah; Megiddo; Beth-Shean; Far'ah, Tell el(North); Arad.] Some cities, such as Hazor and Betii-Shemesh, were founded on previously unsettled territory. [See Hazor; Beth-Shemesh.] Others, such as Tell el-Far'ah (North) and Arad, were abandoned again by the end of the period. However, in EB III (2650-2350 BCE) new cities were also founded in some places, such as Ai, Khirbet Yarmuk, Tell el-Khuweilifeh, Tell el-Hesi, Tell Beit Mirsim, and Khirbet ez-Zeraqun. [See Ai; Hesi, Tell el-; Beit Mirsim, Tell; Zeraqun, Khirbet ez-.] None of the EB cities survived die collapse of urban life that took place during die second half of die tiiird millennium. The large size of some of the EB cities is striking: Kliirbet Kerak, Khirbet Yarmuk, and Tell esh-Sheikh Ahmed el'Areini covered an area of 25 ha (62 acres) or more. Some what smaller cities include Aphek (12 ha, or 30 acres); Ai (11 ha, or 27 acres); Arad (10 ha, or 25 acres); and Megiddo (6 ha, or 15 acres). [See Aphek.] Like the settlements tiiat preceded them, the cities generally lay in the vicinity of wa ter sources on the plains or on hilltops. However, even slop ing terrain could be settled, as at Kinneret, Ai, Khirbet ezZeraqun, and Arad. T h e fortifications varied considerably in tiieir means of construction. In some cases, mud-brick walls 2-6 m thick were erected on stone foundations, from which semicircular or quadrangular towers projected. In other cases, the walls were brought to a width of 8-10 m and more when parallel segments were joined; occasionally, the walls were also protected by a glacis. Openings in the city wall were secured by flanking towers, but a separate gate construction had not yet developed. Numerous posterns in the wall and in the towers provided additional entrances. [See Fortifications, article on Fortifications of the Bronze and Iron Ages.] In domestic construction the dominant model was the broadroom house, already widely disseminated in die fourth millennium. The single-room basic form could be expanded by extensions and additional rooms, which resulted in farm steadlike entities that were enclosed by a surrounding wall. The process of subdividing and joining rooms created multiroomed houses and shifted the entrance to die narrow side. Haphazard construction resulted in haphazard streets that occasionally broadened into small squares.
CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages
CITIES: Bronze and Iron Ages. Plan of Megiddo. V. Fritz)
T h e basic house form was also adopted for public con struction; the broadroom temple received an antechamber, however, as the excavated examples show at Megiddo, Ai, Khirbet Yarmuk, and Khirbet ez-Zeraqun. Temples with courtyard altars and subsidiary buildings usually formed a separate cult precinct, which at Ai and Khirbet ez-Zeraqun lay on the highest point of the city. The only EB III palace thus far discovered is at Megiddo, probably depending on foreign influence; like the temple precincts, it was separated from the rest of the city by an enclosure wall. In contrast to domestic construction, the palace was well laid out in groups of rooms accessible from corridors. T h e ground plan of the palace did not develop from the local types; rather, it is pre sumed to have been adopted from Mesopotamia. Still, al though EB temples and palaces occupied their own districts next to the residential areas, these buildings did not have the spatial dominance characteristic of cities in Mesopotamia. Overall, during EB II and III urbanization was at a very basic level of development. Only the very beginnings of or
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City of stratum IVB, ninth century BCE. (Courtesy
derly layout and construction are recognizable, and social differentiation is expressed only slightly in architecture, given the limitations of the broadroom house type; large buildings occur rarely. T h e defense systems show a great concentration of effort, even though gate construction was not developed. The palace at Megiddo implies the existence of centralized rule and political hierarchy, which can be as sumed for the other cities as well. In spite of tiieir predominantly agrarian character, EB cit ies did not exist in isolation. Agriculture certainly formed their economic foundation; nevertheless, assorted finds point to extensive interregional and intraregional connec tions. Copper weapons and tools presuppose an intensive trade with the deposit sites in Feinan on the eastern side of the 'Arabah. [See Feinan.] T h e presence of various pottery forms as well as die use of cylinder seals and stamps on vessels indicate connections witii Mesopotamia and Egypt. [See Seals.] In addition, pieces of imported Palestinian pot tery found in Old Kingdom graves prove the existence of
22
CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages
trade relations with Egypt. Although writing had not yet been invented in this region, the administration of the cities functioned. It is not known why the cities at the end of EB III were abandoned, but in the period that immediately fol lowed, urban culture was virtually nonexistent. Middle-Late Bronze Age. The reemergence of urban ization at the beginning of the second millennium bears die stamp of a new culture, witii no connection to that of EB II and III. Because this culture seems fully formed at its in ception in MB IIA (1950-1750 BCE), it may not have devel oped locally—it may have been introduced by outsiders, by new immigrants. The majority of the cities, most of which were extraordinarily large, were erected in two waves in die twentieth and die eighteendi centuries BCE. The Old EB hill top sites of Dan, Hazor, Megiddo, Shechem, Aphek, Gezer, and Jericho were newly fortified, and previously unoccupied sites were settied, as at Akko, Bethel, and Yavneh-Yam. [See Dan; Hazor; Shechem; Gezer; Akko; Yavneh-Yam.] Only occasionally did an unfortified settlement precede die for tified city, as at Shechem and Gezer. The M B - L B cities surpassed the EB cities in size. Megiddo reached 10 ha (25 acres), while Dan and Akko covered a surface of about 20 ha (49 acres). T h e largest cities, such as Ashkelon and Kabri, were built on about 60 ha (148 acres); Hazor was built on 80 ha (198 acres).
The hallmark of die M B - L B cities is their massive forti fications: in addition to the freestanding wall, which had al ready existed in EB II and III, innovative earthen ramparts were constructed that, including the defensive wall on top of diem, could reach heights of up to 12 m. At Hazor and Yavneh-Yam these wall systems are still visible in the land scape; at Dan, Akko, and many other places they were col lapsed and eroded into massive mounds of ruins. Parallel to new techniques to strengthen the city's fortifications was the development of the gate structure as an independent com ponent of die wall system. Various gate forms developed from the basic idea of towers flanking an entryway. Witiiin die city wall, temples and palaces generally oc cupied a considerable amount of space. In domestic consttuction a previously unknown form, the courtyard house, appeared (see above). Its hallmark is the arrangement of rooms around a centrally positioned open space that can be bordered on two, three, or four sides by rooms of different sizes. In the process, an attempt was frequently made to establish an approximately square ground plan. With die addition of more rows of rooms, the domestic unit could grow significantly. Because the courtyard provided lighting and ventilation for the rooms, several houses could be con tained in individual blocks (the so-called insulae). In each city there was at least one palace as a residence
CITIES: Bronze and Iron Ages. Plan of Tell es-Seba' (Beersheba). City of stratum II, eighth century BCE. (Courtesy V. Fritz)
CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages
for the local ruler. A common characteristic of all palaces is the central inner courtyard, around which the rooms were arranged as in the courtyard house. T o expand, two rows of rooms could be laid out one behind the other, or the num ber of inner courtyards could be increased. Akhough large palace complexes have been uncovered at Hazor, Shechem, Megiddo, Aphek, and Lachish, identifying the functions of tiieir spatial components has so far not been possible. [See Lachish.] In temple construction, a new form, the longroom temple, with its entrance on the narrow side, appeared in wide distribution. The type, adopted from a Syrian pro totype, was sometimes modified, as at Shechem and M e giddo, by the addition of flanking towers. Other temple forms were also used. In the course of the millennium, although virtually all the cities were destroyed several times and subsequently rebuilt, their essential elements were maintained. Their complex layout is evidence of a complex social organization: reflec tions of its defense, domestic life, religious practices, and political feattires are all visible. Because the city needed commodities from the surrounding countryside, it estab lished control over its hinterland, which presumably con sisted of farmsteads and villages. Most of the inhabitants of the city were peasant farmers. Its other inhabitants included
23
the ruling family and the political elite, artisans, merchants, and sacral personnel. In all respects, the MB II city repre sents a highly developed culture. Urban culture entered a decline during the Late Bronze Age: the size of cities as well as their number decreased, and the strength of their fortifications diminished. After 1200 BCE, numerous cities were destroyed and not rebuilt. Even at sites such as Megiddo, which were still inhabited in the twelfth and eleventh centuries BCE, there are signs of a clear break in the material culture, which no longer bears an urban stamp. Explanation for this gradual disappearance of the urban centers in the course of several decades of the twelfth century are still being debated by scholars. Among the pos sibilities are the invasion of the Sea Peoples, internal con flicts, the end of Egyptian hegemony under the later Ramessides, the collapse of trade with the Mycenaean world, and changes in the natural environment. Some combination of these factors is likely. Iron Age Palestine. In about 1150 BCE the urban culture that had existed since the beginning of the second millen nium disappeared from history. Subsequent occupation preserved isolated elements in some places, but the hallmark of the new nonurbanized period was the founding of nu merous small settlements, villagelike in character, outside
24
CITIES: Cities of the Bronze and Iron Ages
the territory of the former city-states. It was not until the Israelite kingdom was established in the tenth century BCE, that a reurbanization began within the boundaries of the ter ritorial state. For the royal period the city became the sole settlement form. In that period generally, new cities were founded on the sites of former Bronze Age cities, although occasionally, as at Beersheba, a city could be placed on top of a former settlement from Iron I. [See Beersheba.] The hill-country sites, however, offered the necessary prerequi sites for survival with respect to food supply, water sources, and defense. With this reoccupation of the old settlement sites, an urban tradition can be seen, despite differences in the size and layout of the newly founded cities compared to the Bronze Age cities. The most important element of the Iron Age city was its fortifications. Because all the cities were then under the aegis of a central government, large buildings such as temples and palaces generally declined in significance. Even with some local governance, the Israelite city was subject to the mon archy. The city was thus no longer an independent political entity but was part of a state. The city's agrarian economy meant that its inhabitants were peasants who worked the lands around it. The city's most important function became the protection of its inhabitants. Iron Age urbanization was the product of a new political situation, not the result of a developmental process. Presum ably the establishment of the city was related to the military and administrative demands of the emergent nation-state. Contemporaneous with the spread of the cities, an increase in the population can be seen: on the average, cities were relatively small, with an area of 3 - 5 ha ( 7 - 1 2 acres), the population varied from a few hundred up to two thousand adult inhabitants. On the basis of tiieir spatial organization, the cities excavated so far can be divided into three groups. 1. Residential cities. No form of planning is apparent in residential cities, and as a result their streets form a maze. As in the pre-nation-state villages, the houses are crowded ad hoc within the circuit of the walls. There are no public buildings and a single gate provides access, as, for example at Tell en-Nasbeh (Mispe) and Tell Beit Mirsim. [See Nasbeh, Tell en-.] 2. Cities with limited administrative or military functions. Unlike residential cities, cities with limited administrative or military functions are exemplified by careful planning throughout (e.g., stratum II at Kinneret, stratum II at Beer sheba, and stratum VA at Megiddo, even though it lacks an ordered pattern for its streets). A number of pillared houses that served as public buildings appear in the immediate vi cinity of the city gate. Residential houses were arranged in rows or in blocks, and the streets either ran parallel to the city wall or were laid out in straight lines and led into an open area in front of the gate. Although the largest portion of the city's total area was taken up by residential buildings.
the city presumably served a broader military or administtative function. 3. Administrative or military centers. T h e development of the city as an administrative or military center appears to have first taken place following the Divided Monarchy, when the demands on and possibilities of the kingdom in creased. Buildings with a public function predominated, al though a certain number of residential buildings have been excavated (e.g., Lachish strata IV-II, Megiddo stratum IVB). At Lachish a large palace and its subsidiary buildings occupy the center of the site. If this complex was indeed the official residence of a regional governor, Lachish could be described as the earliest provincial capital. At Megiddo sev eral complexes of pillared houses, which may be related to military provisioning, and a palace occupy the largest amount of space. Because troops may have been stationed there, Megiddo may have been a garrison city. Similar ar rangements can be assumed for the kingdom's capital cities, Jerusalem and Samaria. In Jerusalem Solomon's royal palace and the Temple and its subsidiary buildings were all in the northern part of the city. [See Jerusalem.] In Samaria the palace formed an independent complex with its own sur rounding wall in the center of the city. [See Samaria.] The early Israelite city was therefore not a uniform entity; its divisions were structured by function—by different eco nomic and political concepts. The three types of city appear in the ninth and eighth centuries BCE. It is not yet known whether they already existed in this form during the United Monarchy in the tenth century BCE. In spite of their differ ences, the three types of cities share characteristics: a more or less strongly pronounced oval configuration linked to their strategic siting on a tell or a hilltop (cities on a slope, such as Kinneret stratum V, are the exception); a strong circumvallation system, which included massive walls, case mate walls, inset/outset walls, towers projecting from a linear wall; egress and exit through a single gate, which, in the absence of other structures, served civil and defensive func tions and could be expanded to a massive building with up to six chambers; and predominating domestic construction (the Israelite pillared house, the three-room house, and the four-room house). [See Four-room House.] A number of cities, such as Jerusalem, Meggido, and Hazor, had their own water systems, which represent not only significant technical achievements but a strong social organization. [See Water Tunnels.] Many of the cities founded after the beginning of the mo narchic period show systematic planning. Only a state with the desire to expand must factor in the need for defense and take corresponding protective measures. Iron II urbaniza tion in Israel, in that it coincided with the formation of the state, was integrally related to political concerns. The settle ment was placed within a circumvallation expressly to pro vide security for its inhabitants in time of war. T h e technical
CITIES: Cities of the Persian Period execution of this arrangement was adapted to the country's construction traditions and topography. Almost all of these cities were destroyed either during the Assyrian conquest in the second half of the eighth century BCE or in the Neo-Babylonian campaigns at the beginning of the sixth century BCE; they were never rebuilt. The more than two-thousand-year-old continuity of urban construc tion in the hill country came to an end with the termination of monarchic rule. T h e few settlements assigned to the end of the Judean monarchy generally lie outside the area of old settlement sites. With the conquest by the Assyrians and the Babylonians, the development of cities in the southern Le vant was brought to an abrupt end. BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Robert McC. The Evolution of Urban Society: Early Mesopota mia and Prehistoric Mexico. Chicago, 1 9 7 1 . Amiran, Ruth. "The Beginning of Urbanization in Canaan." In Near Eastern Archaeology in the Twentieth Century: Essays in Honor of Nel son Glueck, edited by James A. Sanders, pp. 83-100. Garden City, N.Y., 1970. Barghouti, Asem N. "Urbanization of Palestine and Jordan in Helle nistic and Roman Times." In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 1, edited by Adnan Hadidi, pp. 209-229. Amman, 1982, Frick, Frank S. The City in Ancient. Israel. Missoula, 1977. Fritz, Volkmar. Die Stadl im alien Israel. Munich, 1990. Hammond, Mason. The City in the Ancient World. Cambridge, Mass., 1972Herzog, Ze'ev. "Israelite City Planning Seen in the Light of the BeerSheba and Arad Excavations." Expedition 20 (1978): 38-43. Kempinski, Aharon. The Rise of an Urban Culture: The Urbanization of Palestine in the Early Bronze Age. Jerusalem, 1978. Mellaart, James. The Neolithic of the Near East. London, 1975. Shiloh, Yigal. "Elements in the Development of Town Planning in die Israelite City." Israel Exploration Journal 28 (1978): 3 6 - 5 1 . Tcherikover, Avigdor. Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews. Philadel phia, 1966. Ucko, Peter, et al., eds. Man, Settlement, and Urbanism. Cambridge, Mass., 1972. VOLKMAR FRITZ Translated from German by Susan I. Schiedel
Cities of the P e r s i a n P e r i o d Although a large number of sites in Palestine were settled in the Persian period (538-332 BCE), too few remains have been uncovered and insufficient evidence preserved to allow us to reconstruct city plans. T h e poverty of architectural remains is surprising, for this is a relatively late period, in which, in Persia and Greece, a high standard of building was reached. The scarcity of finds is considered by some schol ars to be a result of the widespread destruction in Palestine at the end of the First Temple period. Carl Watzinger main tained that town life in Judah ceased entirely in the Persian period, a view William Foxwell Albright accepted, noting that the results of excavations indicated that the resettlement
25
of Judah was a slow process, and it was not until the third century BCE that the country recovered anything like its old density of population. Kathleen M. Kenyon, in her general discussion of this period, speaks of the decline in town life in Palestine and the concentration of the population in vil lages. As evidence, she cites both the Persian-period stratum at Tell en-Nasbeh, in which rich finds were discovered with out building remains, and the situation at Samaria, where a densely populated urban area was converted into a garden for the Persian governor. However, these theories reflect less the actual situation at that time than the fragmented re mains. Three characteristic features of Persian-period strata have contributed to the archaeological picture and the disappoint ing results from the excavations at the large mounds: (1) after the Persian period, numerous mounds were abandoned and never resettled (e.g., Megiddo, Tell el-Hesi, and Jericho, among others), and because the sttatum from this period was the topmost on the site, it was exposed to the dangers of denudation; (2) at those sites where settlement continued (at Samaria, Shechem, Ashdod, Ashkelon, and Ramat Rahel, for example), the Persian-period level of occupation was severely damaged by intensive building activities in the Hellenistic-Roman period; and (3) at most of the large sites excavated (such as Hazor, Megiddo, Tell Jemmeh, Tel Sera', Lachish, and Tell el-Far ah [South]), the mound was largely occupied by a palace-fort or other large building. City Planning. Surveys and excavations of Persian-pe riod settlements throughout Palestine reveal that the coastal plain and perhaps Galilee were very densely populated, while a full account of the cities in the mountain region is yet to be made. The contemporary Greek historian Herod otus describes Gaza as "not inferior to Sardis" ( 3 . 5 ) . Indeed, architectural remains in Gaza reveal several examples of well-planned settlements. Outside Palestine, most cities were built according to the Hippodamic plan (principles of town planning developed by Hippodamus of Miletus in Asia Minor, in the fifth cen tury BCE). T h e plan divides residential areas into symmet rical blocks, separated by streets that cross each other at right angles. Different functions were assigned to different parts of the town: residential, public, cultic, and recreational (for sport). A fine example of the classic Hippodamic plan is Olynthos, in Macedonia. There are also examples of well-planned towns along the coast of Palestine, such as at Akko. In the latest city at Tell Abu Hawam, the front of a building was uncovered facing a main road that ran roughly parallel to the city's longitu dinal axis. At Shiqmona, a residential quarter consisting of two streets set at right angles to one another contained houses built with considerable symmetry. A similar discov ery was made in the excavations at neighboring Tel Megadim, where a quarter was found to be intersected by a broad, c
26
CITIES: Cities of the Persian Period
straight thoroughfare. The large blocks of buildings flanking the road were separated by lanes that crossed the main road at right angles. T h e houses themselves were divided into a number of smaller units with a similar plan. Along the south ern coast, excavations at Jaffa and Tell el-Hesi have revealed a similar well-planned Persian-period sttatum. The recent large-scale excavations at Dor have uncovered another coastal town in which all the strata and remains from the Persian period were strictly laid out according to the Hippodamic plan. Dor's residential quarter is the finest and best-preserved example of Hippodamic planning yet found in Palestine. Its closest parallel is Olynthos. T h e picture emerging at Dor is that a row of stores and workshops stood along the length of the inner face of the Persian-period city wall. The doors of the shops opened onto a ruler-straight street running parallel to the north-south wall. On the op posite side of the street, whose width is about 2 m, is a fine facade belonging to a long, narrow residential block of build ings. The eastern door of each unit in the row opens onto the street opposite the row of shops. The building is about 20 m wide. Its western side, which faces a street that runs parallel to one on its east, was also uncovered. This elon gated block of buildings, preserved to a height of more than 2 m and traced for a length of dozens of meters, was prob ably crossed by passages leading from one street to the other, but these seem to fall outside the areas excavated so far. Another, identical, building or block of houses existed to the west of this second street. Partition walls divided the block by length and width into small units, or "apartments," whose doors opened, in each case, onto the closest street. In one or two places there are traces of basements. It seems also that tire easternmost street, between the residences and the stores, was originally roofed, to provide shelter for pe destrians. Based on the finds, the latter structures were in use throughout the Persian and Hellenistic periods. There is no indication of violent destruction, but rebuilding took place periodically. With each reconstruction the floor was raised, which resulted in as many as two Persian and three Helle nistic floor levels: the openings were blocked and the walls rebuilt on a higher level. Thus, from one phase to the next, the inner divisions of the building and the function of its rooms varied; for example, in one stage, two small plastered water reservoirs were added. However, none of the altera tions affected the external walls. Many coins were found on the different floors, as well as stamped handles from Greek wine amphorae, especially from Rhodes and Knidos, that yielded reliable dates for the building stages. T h e outer walls of the building were constructed in the style of the period, mostly of well-hewn, hard sandstone ashlars laid in headers. The inner walls and divisions, however, were built in typical Phoenician style: ashlar piers with a rubble fill. The surprising feature of these plans is that, while the town plan of Olynthos seems to belong to the fourth century
BCE—after the time of Hippodamus—Dor was probably laid out in its earliest form in the late sixth century BCE. Dor may thus have served as one of the models from which Hippo damus developed his theories. Domestic Architecture in Palestine. Remains of houses as well as fortresses and public buildings have been uncovered at Ayyelet ha-Shahar, Hazor, Megiddo, Akko, Gil'am, Tell Abu Hawam, Shiqmona, Tel Megadim, Dor, Tel Mevorakh, Tel Michal, Tell Qasile, Tell el-Ful, Lachish, Tell el-Hesi, Ashdod (fortress north of Ashdod), Tell Jemmeh, Tell el-Far ah (South), Tel Sera', 'Ein-Gedi, Tell esSa'idiyeh, and elsewhere. The plan of these structures in dicates that design and construction in the Persian period were surprisingly uniform, whether buildings were private or public. T h e plan, known as the open-court plan, features an open court surrounded by rooms on several or all sides. T h e one exception is the Residency at Lachish, which, in addition to an open court, also has two monumental en trances flanked by two columns, typical of the hilani type. There is no scholarly consensus on the origin of the two building types. 1
Open-Court Plan. W. F. Petrie sought parallels for tire fortress he discovered at Tell Jemmeh and in the two for tresses he had excavated earlier at Daphnae and Naukratis in Egypt. Unfortunately, the data were inadequate for dat ing. Carl Watzinger accepted Petrie's chronology but re jected his correlation with the Egyptian fortresses, maintain ing that fortress A at Tell Jemmeh derived from a Babylonian or an Assyrian source. When similar buildings were subsequently discovered at Megiddo, particularly the fortress and building 736, its excavators, Robert S. Lamon and Geoffrey M. Shipton, recognized the similarity between Building 736 and the earlier open-court buildings at the site, such as buildings 1052 and 1369. They made the compari son with the Residency at Lachish, but their conclusions were too general to be useful. Later assessments usually agree on a Mesopotamian source, either Babylonian or As syrian (Shmuel Yeivin; Amiran and Dunayevsky, 1958). Ruth Amiran and Immanuel Dunayevsky, after a compre hensive typological analysis of examples from Palestine, Syria, Assyria, and Babylonia, concluded that this type of open-court building was Assyrian and reached Palestine as Assyria's influence spread. Their distinction between an "Assyrian plan," which has rooms flanking the court on all sides, and a "Persian plan," which has rooms only on three sides, may be too fine. The excavators of Megiddo, for ex ample, stated that their fortress may very well have had a fourth row of rooms but that, built so close to the edge, it slid down the slope. This may also have been the case for their building 736, which lacked rooms on the fourth side, perhaps lost to a trench dug by Gottlieb Schumacher that damaged the building on that side. A survey of the plans of. the open-court buildings from the Persian period discussed by Amiran and Dunayevsky
CITIES: Cities of the Persian Period and those discovered later reveals that although the basic layout is retained, it is not always uniform. In the Persian period, as in the Iron Age, the arrangement of rooms around a court took on different forms. At Hazor, the rooms of the fortress and the farmhouse enclosed the four sides of the court, a layout also found at Tell el-Hesi in F. J. Bliss's city VII and in phase 5d of the recent excavations; at Tell Jem meh in building B; at Tell Sera' in area D , stratum V; in die fortress recendy discovered north of Ashdod; and in the for tresses at Tell es-Sa'idiyeh. T h e courts are surrounded on only diree sides in area A at Akko, at Tell Qasile, and in building A at Tell Jemmeh. In some instances, die grouping of rooms varies from place to place (Shiqmona, Tel M e vorakh, Lachish building G / 1 2 / 1 3 , and Ein-Gedi building 234); in others, it is impossible to ascertain (Ayyelet ha-Shahar, the stratum I buildings at Megiddo, Gil'am, Tell Abu Hawam, Tel Megadim, Ashdod, Tell el-Hesi, and Tell elFar'ah (South), although all the available evidence points to a central court enclosed by rooms. It seems reasonable, nonedieless, to conclude that the open-court plan was intro duced into Palestine at the end of the Assyrian period and continued without modification into die Babylonian and Persian periods. c
Lachish Residency. Of all the buildings in Palestine at tributed by their excavators to the Persian period, only die palace at Lachish deviates in construction from the rest. T h e main distinction is the two Mara'-type entrances, not found elsewhere in Palestine. Olga Tufnell (in her final report of Lachish) concurred witii Watzinger's earlier interpretation of die building as "Syro-Hittite." Like Watzinger, she en countered difficulties locating appropriate parallels. T h e closest she found is the palace of die Assyrian governor at Arslan Tash (whose plan it in no way resembles). Finding examples similar to the Lachish Residency led Albright to a strained comparison to early Parthian palaces, such as the small palace at Nippur in Babylon. Yohanan Aliaroni's as sessment of the plan of the Residency as a combination of a Syrian hilani building and an Assyrian open-court house accurately conveys its essence, which is a fusion of two dis tinct building styles. Moreover, architectural fusion is a characteristic of provincial Persian palaces. The Lachish Residency therefore clearly seems to have been constructed under Achaemenid influence. T h e reason for its unique ap pearance among the buildings of die Persian period in Pal estine may be tiiat it is die only building that can be inter preted with certainty as a palace; die others may have served different purposes. [See Lachish.] T h e Fortifications. Defensive walls assigned by their ex cavators to the Persian period have also been uncovered at Akko, Tell Abu Hawam, Megiddo, Gil'am, Tel Megadim, Tel Mevorakh, Jaffa, and Tell el-Hesi. These towns are on the coast and in the Shephelah, the region between the coast and the Judean hills. Remains of other walls have been cleared at Samaria, Jerusalem, Tell en-Nasbeh, and Lachish,
27
as well as at Rabbat Amnion and Heshbon in Transjordan. In the Late Persian period, many city walls were demolished and replaced by smaller fortresses: at Hazor, Megiddo, Dor, Tell Qasile, Tell Jemmeh, Tel Sera', Tell el-Hesi, Ashdod, and Tell es-Sa'idiyeh, for example. At Tell Abu Hawam, a wall was discovered surrounding phase B of stratum II on the south and east. It was built in small sections—each of which stood at a slightly different angle—of fieldstones, with ashlars added for reinforcement at each of its turns. Anotiier small segment of this wall was discovered on the west side of the site. A very similar multiangled wall was also found at Gil'am belonging to die site's second phase of the Persian-period settlement (fourth cen tury BCE). The wall, which enclosed a rectangular area 100 X 200 m, consisted of two faces of worked or otherwise welldressed stones taken from the preceding settlement. Be tween the two faces was a fill of fieldstones. Two segments of this wall, each about 30 m long, were uncovered, one on the east and the other on the north. T h e settiement at Tel Megadim was also defended by a wall that enclosed a rectangular area of about 15 dunams (approximately 4 acres). It was built of bricks on a stone foundation. Three sections of the wall have been uncovered so far: about 170 m on the west, about 100 m on die nortii, and 20 m on the south. This was a typical casemate wall, whose outer and inner walls were divided into rooms that served as dwellings and storerooms. It was apparendy erected in stratum III and may have been in use in stratum I. A similar casemate wall was uncovered at Tel Mevorakh in stratum IV (fourth century BCE). T h e Persian settiement at Tell Abu Zeitun was fortified with a brick wall only in its last phase, according to its excavator, Jacob Kaplan. Stratum II at Jaffa, which Kaplan assigned to the end of the fifth and beginning of the fourtii centuries BCE, was also enclosed by a city wall. One section, about 12 m long and 2.5 m wide, discovered on the east side of the city, was built of well-dressed local sandstone. The stones were shaped like bricks lying on tiieir sides and were set perpendicular to the wall, like headers. At set intervals titey were strengthened by piers of stretchers. At Tell el-Hesi, the remains of a wall that enclosed botii the early and the later phases of the city were found. According to Bliss, its excavator, the north sides of the buildings of city VII (500-400 BCE) leaned against the city wall. This wall continued in use in city VIII (400-332 BCE), during which time it was broadened and sttengthened. At Sheikh Zuweid, according to Petrie, city F, which he dated to 497-362 BCE, was enclosed by a thick wall on die west. It was a continuation and repair of the previous wall of city G. It is difficult, however, to establish die true date of the various strata from Bliss's excavation report, leaving the chronology in doubt. The second group of defense walls from the Persian pe riod in Palestine comes from the cities of Judah. In Jerusa lem, Kenyon in her excavations (1961-1967) on the crest of
28
CITIES: Cities of the Persian Period
the eastern hill, discovered a fragment of the city wall from the Persian period (which she called Nehemiah's wall) erected on high bedrock. She found settlement levels from the fifth-fourth centuries BCE against it (to which a large tower had been added in the Hasmonean period). Jerusalem in the Persian period had therefore been confined to a nar row strip on the summit of the eastern hill. In Kenyon's opinion, the "Valley Gate," or western gate, uncovered by J. W. Crowfoot, also belonged to the fortifications of that city. The walls were built of large, worked stones whose in terstices were filled with smaller stones, a method of con struction considered by the excavator to parallel that of the Valley Gate. At Tell en-Nasbeh, Joseph Wampler assigned a small wall erected outside the large Iron Age city wall to the later phase of stratum I. He interpreted this wall as a modification of the city's defenses which took place after the destruction of the large (previous) wall. Wampler dated this wall to 575-450 BCE. Clearer remains of Persian-period city fortifications were uncovered at Lachish, where their date parallels that of the Residency (450-350 BCE). Aside from the area of the city gate, which will be discussed subsequently, remains of a wall assigned to stratum I were discovered above the lower wall of the First Temple period. A section of wall investigated was constructed above a 2-m layer of collapsed debris that had piled up after the destruction of the last wall of the First Temple period (stratum II). The upper courses were of worked stones, most of them taken from earlier buildings. The spaces between the stones were filled with clay or small stones. One section of this wall cleared in square E-19 was constructed of fieldstones. The wall was built at a right angle to the road and blocked direct access to the outer gates. The main upper city wall (on the summit of the mound) was built above the course of the stratum II wall. Two sections of this wall were uncovered flanking the gate; in comparison with the previous wall, they were badly constructed. These meager data suggest that the towns in the Judean hills were also fortified, albeit poorly, in the Persian period. [See Ju dah.] Towns in Transjordan were also fortified at this time, as is evidenced by recent excavations at Heshbon. A stone wall, 1.10 m thick and preserved to a height of 3-5 m, has been assigned by its excavators to the Persian period. T h e wall defended the acropolis. Remains of a tower and perhaps also the beginning of a gate were discovered on the eastern side of the excavated area. It recently became clear that the for tresses encircling Rabbat Ammon definitely continue into the Persian period. Throughout most of the Persian period, Dor's fortifica tions were the last Iron Age city wall, actually the "Assyrian" wall, with insets and offsets and a two-chambered inner gate. The wall protected the city for the length of time it was a provincial capital: at first of an Assyrian, then of a Babylo nian, and finally of a Persian province. It seems that this was
also the case at Megiddo. T h e massive and sophisticated fortification system at Dor was destroyed under Ptolemy II, when the great Phoenician revolt against Persian rule was suppressed in the mid-fourth century BCE. Judging from the archaeological evidence revealed in the excavations, a new fortification system was built at Dor very shortly after, in the late Persian period. A significant feature of this fortification system is its method of construction: it is clear that the Phoenician build ing tradition was still alive in Palestine in the mid-fourth century BCE. T h e outer wall and all of the inner dividing walls were built in its characteristic style: ashlar piers built of headers and stretchers—one stone laid lengthwise and two widthwise across the pier, with a fieldstone fill. As far as we know, all the city walls of coastal Palestine and Phoe nicia were built in this way from the tenth to the ninth cen turies BCE, as seen at Megiddo and Tyre, down to the third century BCE, at Dor and Jaffa and elsewhere along the coast. T h e gate of the wall at Dor has not yet been cleaned. Some parts of this Phoenician wall have been preserved to a height of more than 2 m and are among the most impressive ex amples of their kind yet found in Palestine. In the third century BCE, when this last "Phoenician" wall from the fourth century, together with its adjacent buildings, was apparently still standing, the city received a new forti fication system. This time the wall was built in the Greek style previously encountered only rarely in Palestine (in par ticular at Samaria, Akko, and Mareshah [Marisa], which had become Greek settlements at the very beginning of the Mac edonian conquest). This new wall was built entirely of large, thick rectangular blocks of sandstone (about 1 m long), most of them laid in headers facing the exterior. T h e relative flexibility of sand stone and its ability to receive blows without breaking en abled the blocks to withstand the advanced siege machines of the period. It was a massive construction, about 2 m thick, whose foundations cut through all the preceding walls on its eastern side. Square towers, set about 30 m apart and built in the same style, projected beyond the wall. Two of these towers have been uncovered so far, the earliest examples of their type in Palestine. The new wall's distinctive style and towers are unmistakably Greek innovations. The change at Dor from fortifications built in the Phoe nician style to those in the Greek style represents the final stage in the transformation of the Palestinian city from a largely "oriental" city to a Hellenistic one—a process begun much earlier. With this change in the walls, the gates of the eastern tradition, such as those at Megiddo and Dor, were replaced by purely Greek-style gates. These changes were certainly the result of the introduction of the new Greek siege weapons, such as the ballista, as has recently been shown by Ilan Sharon (1991). The picture that emerges in Ilan Sharon's discussion of Dor's fortifications and tiieir resemblance to those at nearby
CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods Megiddo makes it necessary to reevaluate the latter's forti fications. Scholars have long accepted that the Assyrians es tablished stratum III at Megiddo, rebuilding the offset-inset wall and constructing the two-chambered gate. The findings at Dor will now enable the exact date of the destruction of that advanced system of fortifications at Megiddo to be fixed. Persian-period remains at Megiddo consisted of three complexes. T h e third complex, in area D , was interpreted by Ephraim Stern as the entrance gate of the city and dated to stratum I. It includes a building in the north, near the gates from the Israelite period. T h e building stands some what south of these Iron Age gates. Its two parallel rectan gular rooms (nos. 603 and 604) are constructed at a distance from each other and are oriented in a line with the Israelite gate. Two other structures near the "gate" are also attrib uted to the Persian period: a complex of three rooms (nos. 634-635, 576), which is joined by wall 1045 and with it con stitutes a separate fortified area; and another complex of rooms (nos. 1346-1348). These two complexes have been interpreted as the barrack of the garrison force. T h e wall, gate, and settlement at Megiddo were destroyed in about 350 BCE by the Persian army during the Phoenician revolt. Thus, at both Dor and Megiddo, a two-chambered gate and offset-inset wall existed from the time of the As syrian conquest to the mid-fourth century BCE. The fortress in area C at Megiddo was built above the offset-inset wall, replacing it, and was the only fortification on the site. Built after the rebellion, this fortification was in place until the city's final destruction by the Greek army and its abandon ment in 332 BCE. T h e phase at Dor contemporaneous with the fortress at Megiddo contains the "casemate wall," or more precisely, the row of houses that formed a wall around the periphery of the city. These too were built after the destruction of the offset-inset wall in approximately 350 BCE and were later replaced by a solid Hellenistic wall erected by Ptolemy II. It is possible that the Persians—after their bitter experience with the Phoenician rebellion—refused to permit strongly fortified settlements. This may be why so many fifth- and especially fourtii-century BCE Palestinian sites have no city walls and small fortresses. For example, at Hazor (strata I I I II), the date of fortress III could not be established because it yielded no datable remains. T h e date of fortress II was fixed by coins to the late fourth century BCE, specifically to the reign of Artaxerxes III (359/8-338/7 BCE). Destroyed during the conquest of Alexander the Great, that fortress also existed only during the last phase of the Persian period, exactly as at Megiddo and Dor. Fortresses with a similar plan, dating to the same period, have been found at other sites—at Tel Michal, Tell Qasile, Ashdod, Tell Jemmeh, Tell el-Hesi, Tel Sera , and Tell esSa'idiyeh among them. T h e poverty of the remains of Pal estinian fortifications from the Persian period provides us c
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with only the barest hint of the period's construction prac tices. What is clear is that the major towns of Palestine in the Persian period were either thoroughly fortified or de fended only by fortresses. This can be deduced both from the historical sources and from what is known of the siege techniques of the period, such as those described by the Greek historian Thucydides in the Peloponnesian War. [See also Dor; and Furniture and Furnishings, article on Furnishings of the Persian Period. In addition, many of the other sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries^ BIBLIOGRAPHY Amiran, Ruth, and Immanuel Dunayevsky. "The Assyrian OpenCourt Building and Its Derivations." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 144 (1958): 2 5 - 3 2 . Sharon, Ilan. "Phoenician and Greek Ashlar Construction Techniques at Tel Dor, Israel," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re search, no. 267 (August 1987): 2 1 - 4 2 . Sharon, Ilan. "The Fortifications of Dor and the Transition from the Israelite-Syrian Concept of Defense to the Greek Concept" (in He brew). Qadmoniot 24 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 1 0 5 - 1 1 3 . Stern, Ephraim. Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period, 538-332 B.C. Warminster, 1982. Covers the architecture of Palestine in the Persian period (pp. 1-67), Stern, Ephraim. "The Walls of Dor." Israel Exploration Journal 38.1 (1988): 6 - 1 4 . Stern, Ephraim. Dor, the Ruler of the Seas: Twelve Years of Excavations at the Israelite-Phoenician Harbor Town on the Carmel Coast. Jerusa lem, 1994. Discussion of the introduction of Hippodamic city plan ning in the Levant. EPHKAIM STERN
Cities of the Hellenistic and R o m a n Periods Unlike the Mesopotamian temple-cities that emerged in about 2700 BCE whose view of the world was sacral and which were controlled by a priestly caste, the earliest forms of the Greek cities show signs of competing forms of preurban social arrangements—aristocratic warlords, status, property, and kin groups. A radical reorganization in the emerging polis was called for, by which arete, or courage, as the supreme value, was transformed into loyalty to the city and its institutions. Religious commitment played an essential role in terms of devotion to the patron god or god dess, bequeather of the constitution which bound all to gether. From its very inception, therefore, the Greek city fostered a more independent character, furdier developed in the clas sical period as various forms of government—monarchic, aristocratic, oligarchic, and democratic—established them selves successively between 800 and 400 BCE. The political circumstances of Greece's wars with Persia had led to the formation of various intercity leagues in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE, while leaving intact those institutions that had developed, the hallmark of polis society—the demos, or peo ple, ekklesia, or "general assembly," and the boule, or coun-
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CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
cil. These and other institutions had received theoretical underpining through the writings of Plato and Aristotle and hence became a permanent legacy of the Greek city to West ern civilization. In addition, certain architectural features had also emerged, distinct visual expressions symbolic of the city's self-understanding. Alexander is reputed to have established seventy cities, as his all-conquering campaign took him to the heart of the Persian Empire and beyond. Even if Plutarch's numbers are exaggerated and not all foundations were of equal splendor, the city of Alexandria demonstrates that for Alexander the Greek city had a cultural as well as a defensive or adminis trative role to play in his grand scheme. Natives were invited to join with Greek settlers to wed east and west into one great cosmopolis. New cities were established and older, Oriental ones were transformed from their hieratic and ar istocratic character in accordance with the Greek ideals. T h e typical institutions of the polis spread the Greek way of life, as can be seen from the many architectural remains, inscrip tions, and other signs of the Greek presence in the East. Despite his best intentions, Alexander initiated a subtle change in the role of the city, which was accentuated in suc ceeding centuries, first under the Hellenistic monarchies and later by Rome (Jones, 1971). T h e city was to become the instrument of empire and those aspects of its character that impeded this had to be adapted to meet the new agenda. Thus, the Ptolemies and Seleucids continued the policy of establishing new cities, upgrading older ones, or bringing about a synoecism of smaller settlements in their various territories. Some, such as Alexandria, Antioch on the Orontes, and Palmyra were to continue to flourish because of their political and/or strategic locations on the main trade routes between East and West. [See Alexandria, Antioch on Orontes; Palmyra.] Thus the increase in the commercial life of the city in the Hellenistic age, as new trade routes were opened and travel between cities was greatly developed, led to an increase in the ethnic mix within cities and to the es tablishment of separate quarters in some instances—as, for example, the Jewish quarter in Alexandria. Because cities were no longer fully free and autonomous but subordinate to monarchical rule, the democratic style of government was considerably curtailed. New elites of wealth emerged, fa vored by central administrations in a patron/client relation ship. This in turn meant architectural development, as local wealthy people vied with each other in honoring their patron in the form of public buildings or, as in the case of Herod the Great and his sons, actually founding cities in their honor (Samaria/Sebaste, Caesarea Maritima, Caesarea Philippi, Tiberias). [See Samaria; Caesarea; Tiberias.] Even external appearances were modified as the classical Greek style was blended with more ornate Oriental ones or made to conform to Roman conservative taste, for example, regarding nudity. These developments continued under the Romans, as they gradually replaced the Hellenistic monarchies from the
second century BCE onward (Stambaugh, 1988). The role of the cities then had less to do with the spread of culture than being administrative centers within the provincial system or being rewards for veterans of various campaigns through the founding of colonies. Older cities Rome had destroyed (Carthage, Corinth, Philippi) were reestablished by Julius Caesar. [See Carthage.] These colonies were closely tied to Rome, both politically and culturally, imitating Rome's sen atorial form of government and even its architecture: aq ueducts, bathhouses, and amphitheaters. [See Aqueducts; Baths.] In some instances their citizens were allowed to vote in Rome itself. Gradually, the right of Roman citizenship was extended to some provincials, thus replacing the privi lege of being a citizen of an individual city with the rights of citizenship of the mother of all cities (Acts 21:39, 22:38). Despite these close bonds with Rome, the provincial ad ministration remained intact, acting as a kind of watchdog at the regional level, on behalf of Rome (Sherwin-White, 1963). Cities allowed to mint their own coins, a mark of some independence, had to ensure that the coins bore em blems of Roman imperial rule. Local magisttates were par ticularly concerned not to prevent anything that could be construed as civil disturbance because this could cause trou ble with Rome, as in the case of Paul's visit to Thessalonike (Acts 17:5-9). Yet, they were caught between the task of maintaining law and order and not offending Roman sen sibilities when a citizen was involved (Acts 16:37-39). In the Byzantine period, previous policy with regard to cities continued—namely, to develop them wherever pos sible, provided there were enough locals willing and able to take on the administrative burdens, particularly the collec tion of taxes. Throughout the third century CE, there was a serious decline in imperial rule, arrested militarily by Dio cletian (r. 284-305). A centralized bureaucracy developed which in time became unwieldy—one reason the Byzantine emperors sought to support local municipalities wherever possible. A network of loyal clients, they allowed local elites to reemerge, curtailing the power of the central civil service. Constantine's declared policy to found new cities and revive others resulted, by the sixth century, in almost all imperial territory being ruled by the cities, with the remnants of the old provincial system carved up among them. In the process, the cities were reduced in importance, their status almost wholly dependent on their performance as outposts of im perial rule. Increasingly, the number of men of substance who might fulfill the role of decurions or magistrates de clined, either because they were drawn into the imperial ad ministration or because they decided to withdraw from pub lic life entirely. T h e architectural trappings of grandeur were maintained, with the development of domed roofs and the free representation of classical motifs, but internally the life had been drained from the towns in supporting a tottering empire. Increasingly, the large villas in the countryside, and of course the Christian monasteries, were the places where
CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods the cultural role of the cities of a previous age were main tained and carried forward. [See Monasteries.] Architecture of Ancient Cities. Many handbooks on town planning and architecture are known from Hellenistic and Roman times (e.g., Vitruvius), as well as from the ac counts of travelers and geographers, such as Strabo and Pliny, which add to what is known of the visual aspects of ancient cities. T h e period eclectic styles and conceptions— Etruscan, Greek, Roman, and Semitic—influenced each other at different locations. (Pompeii's state of preservation by the lava from the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in 79 CE pro vides a unique example of that eclecticism.) Certain char acteristic features emerge with great regularity, however, confirming that it is possible to talk about the ancient city and about architecture playing a role in determining when a settlement was a city. There is ample evidence to suggest that proximity to a plentiful supply of water was the determining factor in set tling most ancient sites, and elaborate measures were taken to ensure one, as can be seen from the arrangements at Ha zor, Megiddo, and Jerusalem itself. [See Hazor; Megiddo; Jerusalem.] In addition to the supply from a local source, the numbers of cisterns, underground storage pools, chan nels and conduits which have been unearthed indicate that collection of rainwater was important, for both civic and domestic purposes. [See Cisterns; Reservoirs.] T h e aque duct, often carrying water from a considerable distance, is associated with Roman hydraulic engineering. It is estimated that in the first century CE Rome itself had as many as nine different ones drawing water from sources 19-80 km ( 1 2 50 mi.) away. The remains of aqueducts are scattered throughout the Roman territories, tire one at Caesarea Maritima being the most notable in ancient Palestine. The ab sence of such an amenity was noted and to be remedied at the citizens' expense. Despite the preponderance of Roman remains, however, there is evidence that the Greeks had mastered the technique earlier (Owens, 1991, p. 158). Sometimes water was transported through underground channels, such as at Sepphoris in Galilee, which is fed from two springs, 3 and 5 km (2 and 3 mi.) from the city and with an elaborate system of storage and pressure tanks at various levels along the way. A similar installation has been found at Gadara, Jordan, possibly designed by the same architect (Tsuk, 1995). Population increase meant an extra demand on the water supply, and this was further accentuated in Roman times with the introduction of the public baths, found at almost every significant site from the first century CE onward. Health needs also demanded sewer and drainage systems. The location of many cities on elevated ground was a natural aid, but the existence of the famous cloaka maxima, from the sixth century BCE, still in use in Rome, shows how early this feature had become a part of town planning. At Cae sarea there is evidence to suggest that Herod's architects
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designed the underground sewer chambers so that maxi mum advantage could be gained from the tides to wash the city's waste out to sea. This feature of Roman towns in par ticular has been attributed to Ettuscan influences on the ba sis of the evidence from Veii, where rock-cut and stone-built channels have been found. T h e literary evidence suggests that the sanitary conditions in many cities, especially in the poorer quarters, were virtually nonexistent, however. Thus, the building of public latrines, often ornately decorated on the outside, became a feature of many Roman towns. The acropolis/aw was the city's highest point and also its religious focal point. The temple of the city's chief patron deities (the Parthenon of the goddess Athena in Athens and the temples of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva in Rome) and their cultic personnel were located on it. It both symbolized the city's freedom and independence and served as a place of refuge, at least for the chief citizens in times of attack. Hence, the notion that walls were essential for the true city was prevalent, even when this was not always the case. Sometimes natural features, such as deep ravines, deter mined the siting of cities on jagged promontories or inac cessible hills (Pergamon in Asia Minor). [See Pergamon.] Josephus's description of Gamla, where Galilean Jews re sisted the Romans in 66 CE, also shows a consciousness of the value of natural terrain for defense (War 4.4-10). [See Gamla.] T h e Greeks seem to have developed walls as a sys tem of fortification independently of the street plan, so there were interior open spaces which could cause problems if the city came under attack. T h e Romans, on the other hand, integrated streets and walls to the point that casemate houses formed part of the wall and could function as further sup port in times of attack or siege. In the late Roman period walls made a symbolic state ment. City walls were poorly constructed in terms of de fense, yet functioned as clearly demarcating spatial distinc tions between insiders and outsiders: interior walls separated patrician from plebeian quarters and religious from secular ones, and provided toll boundaries and controls for the movement of goods both into and within the city. Walls could also function as status symbols similar to public mon uments. In particular, gates took on this feature of public adornment, becoming the focal point for commerce and meeting, sometimes rivaling the agora or forum, which was always located at the center of the settlement. In later times, the streets leading to the gate and from there to the forum were also suitably adorned and were occasionally inter rupted with smaller squares which provided for social inter action. Such places also provided welcome for the visitor on the approach to the forum, which otherwise might have ap peared forbidding and hostile. T h e agora, or forum, was thus the most important central place within the city, not merely for commercial transactions but also for legal, administrative, and religious functions. Their developing location within the overall city plan dem-
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CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
onstrates the ways in which the institution of the polis was itself transformed over time. As a human community, the polis institution portrayed an ordered way of life in which law was supreme. The idea of a town plan is associated as early as the fifth century BCE, with Hippodamos of Miletus, to whom the notion of the grid system of streets crossing each other in a regular pattern is attributed. [See Miletus.] This plan seems to have been almost universally accepted at a relatively early period. In Roman times cities were bissected by a main thoroughfare, running north-south, the cardo maximus, which usually led to, and sometimes through the forum. This was intersected by an east-west main street, the decumanus, or "tenth street." Shops and other public buildings were located along these two main axes, while the residential areas, the insulae, or blocks of apartments, were on narrower and sometimes unpaved streets. In some instances, the cardo formed a T junction with the decumanus and did not carry on beyond the forum, termi nating in a basilica, portico, or temple. [See Basilicas.] This represented a more conservative approach to spatial orga nization, suggesting a less open perspective to the visitor. The actual forum area itself seems to have developed from an open area in which everyone intermingled freely to being walled in from the Augustan Age onward, and therefore with controlled entry and egress, as can be seen in the various imperial fora in Rome itself. This development would seem to suggest a concern with policing crowds and the possibility of a more differentiated approach to public social relations between urban elites and ordinary people. Amphitheaters, as enclosed areas for the live animal shows, and bathhouses, both hallmarks of Roman architecture, even when the am phitheaters were not located centrally, indicate similar atti tudes: the desire of the imperial administration to offer en tertainment and leisure for the masses, while avoiding popular movements of unrest. Despite these developments, architectural evidence for ongoing and varied activity in the forum, essential to the life of the city as a political commu nity—temples, law courts, senate house, rostta, shops—is clear. The theater, which already was very much a feature of the Greek city, continued into Roman times. It was cen trally located, which indicates its continued importance to civic life. [See Theaters.] In an honor/shame culture, the endowment of buildings was seen as an act of piety and a demonstration of munifi cence or generosity, thereby gaining public esteem for the donor. Wealthy people vied with each other in honoring their political master, which from the first century CE onward was the emperor or some member of his family. The Herodian building program in Palestine is an outstanding ex ample, corresponding to the watershed in art and architec ture of the Augustan Age generally (Zanker, 1988). T h e aim was to celebrate Rome's victory in the new age of peace that had dawned. The buildings are larger, more majestic and ornamental; the decorative art was more elaborate, exploit
ing suitable themes from the classical period to express the new order symbolically—the ultimate political realization on a universal scale of classical ideals. T h e new artistic expres sion combined the best traditions of Greek aesthetics and Roman virtue. Statues and busts were not just used for pro paganda but to adorn the fora and main thoroughfares; fountains and water houses (nymphaea) were a constant feature, even in private houses. The adornment of buildings with marble facades and the erection of columns, commem orative niches, stairways, and stoas along main thorough fares all contributed to a splendor which celebrated Rome's glory. Mosaic pavements and frescoed walls were standard decorative elements of both public and private buildings, imposing a uniformity of style and taste throughout the vast territory, often at the expense of local traditions and native habits. [See Mosaics; Wall Paintings.] City as Social System. T h e Greek polis was first and foremost a community rather than a settlement (astu) and this involved political, economic, and cultural organization. These aspects were already well defined in the classical pe riod, and while modifications inevitably occurred under the Hellenistic monarchies, and to an even greater extent under Roman imperial administration, the essential function of its institutions nevertheless continued in place. Political life. Essential to the very notion of the city was the demos, or people, the body of free citizens who shared in all the rights and privileges associated with such mem bership and who felt obligated to the maintenance of the polis institutions through services of various kinds as cir cumstances demanded (Finley, 1983). Not everyone in the settlement was a citizen—slaves, foreigners, and other unpropertied inhabitants were not. In theory, women were equally capable of discharging the duties of the citizen, but in practice their role was restricted to that of the private sphere, except in exceptional circumstances of the wealthy. Thus, despite the evolution from oligarchy to democracy in both Greece and Rome, citizenship was a privilege, not a right. Regular assemblies (ekklesiai) of all the citizens were held, but the running of the city's affairs on an on-going basis was delegated to the bottle, or council, elected from the citizens with one of its members acting as chief (politarch or archon). There was in addition, a host of other city officials, such as the market manager (agoranomos), the chief of police, and tax collectors, among others. As well as the privileges of citizenship there were also responsibilities (leitourgiai)—to support a war effort, to sponsor a theatrical performance or religious ceremony, or, in Roman times, to pay for a temple, statue, or other public building. Under the empire the tendency was to revert more and more to the oligarchic style of government as the one which could best be trusted to maintain Roman interests (MacMullan, 1974). Some of the older cities of the east, such as Tyre, were al lowed to continue to mint their own coins, as well as Roman imperial ones. [See Tyre.] When the right was granted to
CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods other, newer foundations, such as Sepphoris (66 CE) and Tiberias (100 CE), Rome was always clearly acknowledged in the emblems and the legend. [See Tiberias.] Rome came to rely more and more on the towns to impose and maintain imperial rule, a policy already well exemplified in the first century through the increased urbanization of Palestine after the First Jewish Revolt (Jones, 1931). [See First Jewish Revolt.] Michael Avi-Yonah (1966) has at tempted to map the boundaries of the various cities on the basis of such archaeological remains as milestones and such literary sources as Eusebius's Onomasticon. More recent ar chaeological work based on central-place theory and relying on archaeological surveys has developed computer-aided models to understand the role of towns as centers within larger administrative and commercial configurations (Rihll and Wilson, 1991). These sttidies help to underline the fact that the institution of the city with its own territory was deemed to have on-going relevance in political terms, long after its independence had been drastically curtailed in the interests of empire. Polis as economic system. T h e preindustrial city was very dependent on resources available from the immediate hinterland. Scholars agree that the relationship was quite dif ferent from that obtaining since the industrial, public health, and transport revolutions. T h e relationship was symbiotic, but without both benefiting equally from the single most important resource, namely the land (Finley, 1985; Hopkins, 1978, 1980; Wallace-Hadrill, 1991). There is a need to dif ferentiate among the urban elites (a small minority of the total population), the retainer and merchant classes, and the poor, on the one hand, and the large landowners (who often resided in the city and formed an important segment of the urban elite), the small freeholders, the lessees, day laborers, and agricultural slaves, on the other. Thus, access to the basic resource was uneven, and the few at the top of the social pyramid that was the polis stood to gain much more from its successful exploitation than those farther down the social scale. Urban elites needed the peasantry in order to live the life of luxury, and those among the peasantry who had a disposable surplus of grain or other produce needed the cities as places of local demand or as depots and col lecting centers for the larger market. Scientific study of the pottery of Galilee shows that certain villages specialized in supplying the household wares for a wide region, including the urban center of Sepphoris (AdanBayewitz, 1993). [See Galilee, article on Galilee in the Hel lenistic through Byzantine Periods.] This is a sign of a de veloping economy, in which the notion of the village as remote hamlet where peasants lived in total isolation from the larger culture has to be considerably modified, at least beginning in the Hellenistic period, A similar pattern re peated itself in Egypt and Syria as well (Harper, 1928; Bagnail, 1993), so that the prevalent idea of the ancient city as being totally parasitic on the surrounding countryside, fol
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lowing the influential studies of Moses Finley (1977, 1983, 1985), is perhaps overstated (Whittaker, 1990). Neverthe less, it remained true that, as far as peasants were concerned, the countryside was not die city and different norms pre vailed. (The peasantry is said to have formed a subculture radier than an independent class.) It was only in the Late Roman and Byzantine periods that die signs of affluence associated with the city flowed into the countryside, as wealthy Romans abandoned crowded cities for their country villas. Within die confines of die city conceived in narrower terms of die urban center itself, financial considerations loomed large: the costs of building a city and maintaining its public space, even when forced labor and the freely ren dered tasks, or munera, of die citizens could be relied on to cover a wide range of services. According to a later version of a letter attributed to Hadrian (fl. 130 CE), philosophers, rhetoricians, schoolteachers, and doctors were exempted from the responsibilities of the gymnasium, marketplace, priesdioods, maintaining the supply of corn and oil, jury service, embassies, and obligations to local and provincial offices. However, these exceptions were rare and honor de manded undertaking diem with a display of munificence. The competition among die wealdiy for popular esteem had its own hazards, as tiiey were expected to make cash hand outs to all comers at weddings and other family celebrations. The financial pressures even on the elites were considerable, and the financing of the urban system, which on die whole was not economically productive, was ultimately draining. Littie wonder tiiat in some instances, especially at the lower end of the spectrum, people sought to avoid die duties of office. The situation varied enormously from one city to an other, especially in the case of older cities in the east that had their own constitutions and other wealtii-generating ac tivities, such as their location or a hinterland. By the end of the tiiird century CE, there were signs of increasing state compulsion with regard to the assumption of office, a clear indicator of how the old order had been eroded (Brown, I97U-
Cities as cultural systems. As mediums of culture, cit ies functioned in many different ways and at several differ ent levels. T h e spread of Greek as die lingua franca is widely attested from inscriptions, coins, and literary sources. Ini tially, this was partiy the by-product of the cities as admin istrative and commercial centers, a system in place since Alexander and his immediate successors settled veterans and otiier Greeks in the new cities. A policy of active hellenization was also part of die underlying philosophy of die new cities witiiin the "one world" vision tiiat inspired the encounter between Greece and the East. Thus, the gym nasium, or Greek school, became one of the essential fea tures of the city, where the epheboi, or "elite youth," were given a special education according to Greek ideals com prising both literary and physical aspects. T h e links between
34
CITIES: Cities of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods
epheboi training and citizenship were very strong, but not absolute: these youths could be disqualified from citizen sta tus on other grounds, such as not being freeborn (Tcherikover, 1964; Doran, 1990). The links between the educa tional system and citizenship remained very close, however. Religion, as well as education, was intimately bound up with the life of the city and life in the city, from the per spective of a worldview in which there was no separation between the sacred and the secular (Zaidman and SchmittPantel, 1992) T h e very act of foundation was itself associ ated with the religious rite of consulting an oracle or the auspices (auguries). Failure to do so might provoke the ire of the gods. The whole subsequent life of the citizens was surrounded by various rituals, private and public, enshrined in laws often inscribed in stone in public places. While cer tain officials were designated to carry out religious functions on behalf of the citizenry, essentially this was the responsi bility of the whole demos. The city's charter was a gift from the patron deity, and its due observance meant divine pro tection for all who dwelt within its walls. The temple in honor of the patron deity; other temples in the fora of the larger cities; shrines, including those in private houses, and sacred groves; and mosaics and frescoes with religious themes all indicate the pervasive role religion played in the life of the average inhabitant of the Greco-Roman city. It would be a mistake to see the official religious practice of the city as a purely formal affair, devoid of any devotional appeal for the individual. Nevertheless, the Hellenistic pe riod witnessed an amazing increase in the mystery religions, offering the experience of personal intimacy with the divine and mutual support of the members of the various cult groups (collegia), in addition to the public religious cere monies of the city (Cumont, 1956). The various mysteries— Isis, Magna Mater, Dionysus, and Mithras being the most popular and most widely diffused—became a feature of the cosmopolitanism of the age. Originating as local cults in Egypt, Phrygia, and Syria, they traveled widely, even to Rome itself, where they were treated with suspicion, if not downright hostility, at first. Gradually, however, their pop ularity grew, and the Roman army played a significant role in disseminating them in the West, especially the cult of Mithras. This phenomenon is highly significant to under standing the social situation within the cities and the need for social organizations other than those of the city itself and the extended family or tribe. In addition to the mystery cults, burial associations ensured a decent interment for their members, often consisting of the poor and slaves. [See Cat acombs.] The insight into urban social relations that can be gleaned from these developments of religion in the city sug gest a considerable amount of isolation, even alienation, es pecially as far as the lower orders were concerned. They also indicate a growing preoccupation with individual identity and uncertainty about life's meaning in an "age of anxiety" (Dodds, 1965). This was fertile soil in which Early Christian
groups could sprout. T h e evidence from the Pauline letters, Acts of the Apostles, and the correspondence between Pliny and the emperor Trajan make clear that within less than a century of its inception, the religious movement which had originated in rural Galilee had adapted well to the urban life of the empire (Meeks, 1983; MacMullan, 1984; Stambaugh and Balch, 1986). In this they were merely following patterns already established by Jews in the Diaspora synagogues (Kasher, 1990; Feldman, 1993). BIBLIOGRAPHY Adan-Bayewitz, David. Common Pottery in Roman Galilee: A Study of Local Trade. Ramat Gan, 1993. Avi-Yonah, Michael. The Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab Con quests, $36 B.C.-A.D. 640: A Historical Geography. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1966. Bagnall, Roger. Egypt in Late Antiquity. Princeton, 1993. Brown, Peter. The World of Late Antiquity. New York, 1 9 7 1 . Childe, V. Gordon. "The Urban Revolution." Town and Planning Re view 21 (1950): 3 - 1 7 . Cumont, Franz. The Oriental Religions of Roman Paganism. New York, 1956. Dodds, E. R. Pagan and Christian in an Age of Anxiety. Cambridge, 1965. Doran, Robert. "Jason's Gymnasion." In Of Scribes and Scrolls: Studies on the Hebrew Bible, Intertestamental Judaism, and Christian Origins, edited by Harold W. Attridge et al., pp. 99-109. New York, 1990. Feldman, Louis H. Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World. Princeton, 1993. Finley, Moses I. "The Ancient City: From Fustel de Coulanges to Max Weber and Beyond." Comparative Studies in Society and History 19 (1977): 305-327. Finley, Moses I. Politics in the Ancient World. Cambridge, 1983. Finley, Moses I. The Ancient Economy. 2d ed. Berkeley, 1985. Frick, Frank S. The City in Ancient Israel. Missoula, 1977. Harper, George McLean. "Village Administration in the Roman Prov ince of Syria." Yak Classical Studies 1 (1928): 1 0 5 - 1 6 8 . Hopkins, Keith. "Economic Growth and Towns in Classical Antiq uity." In Towns in Societies: Essays in Economic History and Historical Sociology, edited by Philip Abrams and E. K. Wrigley, pp. 35-77. Cambridge, 1978. Hopkins, Keith. "Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire, 200 BC-400 AD." Journal of Roman Studies 70 (1980): 1 0 1 - 1 2 5 . Jones, A. H. M. "The Urbanization of Palestine." Journal of Roman Studies 21 ( 1 9 3 1 ) : 78-85. Jones, A. H. M. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces. 2d ed. Ox ford, 1 9 7 1 . Kasher, Aryeh. Jews and Hellenistic Cities in Eretz Israel. Tubingen, 1990. Lapidus, Ira M. "Cities and Societies: A Comparative Study of the Emergence of Urban Civilization in Mesopotamia and Greece." Journal of Urban History 1 2 (1986): 257-292. MacMullen, Ramsay. Roman Social Relations, 50 B.C. toA.D. 2S<ji.New Haven, 1974. MacMullen, Ramsay. Christianizing the Roman Empire, A.D. 100-400. New Haven, 1984. Meeks, Wayne A. The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul. New Haven, 1983. Owens, E. J. The City in the Greek and Roman World. London, 1991. Perring, Dominic. "Spatial Organisation and Social Change in Roman Towns." In City and Country in the Ancient World, edited by John Rich and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, pp. 273-295. London, 1991.
CITIES: Cities of the Islamic Period Redfield, Robert, and Milton Singer. "The Cultural Role of Cities." Economic Development and Social Change 3 (1954): 5 7 - 7 3 . Rich, John, and Andrew Wallace-Hadrill, eds. City and Countiy in the Ancient World. London, 1991. Rihll, T. E., and A. G. Wilson. "Modelling Settlement Structures in Ancient Greece: New Approaches to the Polis." In City and Country in the Ancient World, edited by John Rich and Andrew Wallace-Had rill, pp. 59-96. London, 1991. Rohrbaugh, Richard L. "The City in the Second Testament." Biblical Theology Bulletin 21 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 67-75. Safrai, Zeev. The Economy of Roman Palestine. London, 1993. Sherwin-White, A. N. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Tes tament. Oxford, 1963. Sjoberg, Gideon. The Preindustrial City. Glencoe, 111., i960. Stambaugh, John E., and David Balch. The Social World of the First Christians. London, 1986. Stambaugh, John E. The Ancient Roman City. Baltimore, 1988. Tcherikover, Victor. "Was Jerusalem a Polis?" Israel Exploration Jour nal 14 (1964): 61-78. Tsuk, Tsvika. "The Aqueducts of Sepphoris." M. A. thesis, Tel Aviv University, 1985. Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew. "Elites and Trade in die Roman Town." In City and Country in the Ancient World, edited by John Rich and An drew Wallace-Hadrill, pp. 2 4 1 - 2 7 2 . London, 1991. Weber, Max. "Die Stadt." Archivfiir Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik 47 ( 1 9 2 1 ) : 6 2 1 - 7 7 2 . Translated by Don Martindale and Gertrud Neuwirrh in The City. Glencoe, 111., 1958. Whittaker, C. R. "The Consumer City Revisited: The vicns and the City." Journal of Roman Archaeology 3 (1990): 1 1 0 - 1 1 8 . Zaidman, Louise B., and Pauline Schmirt-Pantel. Religion in the Ancient Greek City. Translated by Paul Cartiedge. Cambridge, 1992. Zanker, Paul. The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1988. SEAN FREYNE
Cities of the Islamic P e r i o d Islamic urbanism maintained and built upon the traditions of die ancient cities and civilizations of die Near East, cre ating a vibrant urban culture, but one with numerous re gional variations in architecture and morphology. Most of what is known about cities in die Islamic period comes from written historical sources and analyses by art and architec tural historians of existing monuments published in journals and edited collections. Archaeological excavations of Islamic sites are the exception rather than the rule: many contem porary cities in Nortii Africa and Southwest Asia are built over core Islamic settlements and even earlier ancient sites, inhibiting major excavations. Islam began in the early sevendi century CE and was con fined principally to the region of Mecca and Medina until Muhammad's deatii in 632. Yet, witiiin the next several years most of the Arabian Peninsula was conquered, fol lowed quicldy by the Arab conquests to the north in which die weakened Sasanian Empire and the eastern parts of the Byzantine Empire were soon absorbed into the caliphate, the greater Islamic state. [See Sasanians; Arabian Peninsula, ar ticle on The Arabian Peninsula in Islamic Times.] Damascus fell in 636 and northern Syria by 641; Iraqi cities were taken
35
widiin the first years of the conquests; Hamadan/Ecbatana, Isfahan, and the main cities of western Iran fell by 644; Egypt was conquered by 642 and the rest of North Africa by 7 1 1 ; Spain was absorbed between 7 1 1 and 759; and Bu khara and Samarkand were taken in 712 and 713, respec tively. [See Damascus; Ecbatana; Isfahan.] Within a century after Muhammad's death, the Islamic state reached from Spain and Morocco to Transoxania. T h e Muslim conquerors usually established tiiemselves on the outskirts and suburbs of established cities, becoming the ruling and military elites. T h e local population was sub ject to taxation but otherwise left to continue its commerce, agriculture, and local customs, including religion. Conver sions to Islam for most of the conquered peoples did not, in fact, take place for several centuries (and fully developed Muslim urban societies emerged only by the eleventh and twelfdi centuries). Some new garrison towns were initially founded, and these amsar (sg., misr) housed many of the bedouin warriors from the Arabian Peninsula. Basra and Kufah in Iraq and Fustat in Egypt were the three most im portant amsar, being used as military bases for furthering the Arab conquests. Fustat, founded in 642 just nortii of the Byzantine fortress of Babylon on the Nile River, is the only early amsar that has been excavated. [See Fustat.] Damascus became the capital of the Umayyads (661750), the first major Islamic empire. T h e transformation of the Greco-Roman street grid of this city into a more irreg ular pattern under Islam (Jean Sauvaget, "Esquisse d'une histoire de la ville de Damas," Revue des Etudes Islamiques 8 [1934]: 421-480) became the classic case study that helped promote the erroneous view that all Islamic cities lacked form and order. Baghdad was the newly built capital of the second great Islamic empire, the 'Abbasids (750-1258), a round city possibly based on a Sasanian, Parthian, and/or Median city plan. Located on the southern, or right bank, of the Tigris River, in the center of contemporary Baghdad, there is no trace of the round city today. Continuing an an cient tradition, 'Abbasid caliphs often built new palaces, or even capitals, which sometimes lasted only the lifetime of the ruler. Samarra, located 100 km (62 mi.) north of Bagh dad, was such a nintii-century capital. Strung along the Ti gris River for many kilometers, the now long-abandoned capital has been the focus of considerable archaeological work, including the German excavations by Ernst Herzfeld in the early twentietii century and die more recent survey operations sponsored by the British School of Archaeology in Iraq. [See Baghdad; Samarra, article on Islamic Period.] Islamic cities in Spain often developed on the foundations of Roman towns that had deteriorated for several centuries under the Visigoths. Cordoba, Toledo, Seville, Valencia, and Zaragoza were revived as cities. They contributed to a brilliant Hispano-Arab civilization that, however, began to decline by the eleventii and twelfdi centuries and was finally
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CITIES: Cities of the Islamic Period
ended by the Christian reconquista and the fall of the last Islamic dynasty of Granada in 1492. There were several smaller and newly planned royal cities, including Medina alZahira and Medina al-Zahra, the latter on die outskirts of Cordoba and the focus of extensive archaeological excava tions by the Spanish. In Iran many of the Islamic cities were built on Sasanian foundations, which in some instanced represented even ear lier settlements. Hamadan, for example, was built on die Median and Achaemenid capital of Ecbatana. Siraf, one of the few excavated Iranian Islamic sites, was built pardy over the Sasanian port city of Gur. The Congregation, or Friday, Mosque in many of the first Islamic cities in Iran was often founded on existing Zoroastrian fire temples, providing an additional sacredness to die location and making a symbolic statement: an Islamic building was replacing die principal Zoroastrian place of worship (similar to the Dome of die Rock on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem). The importance of the religion of Islam in the lives of the inhabitants of the Near East led to die idea by Western Ori entalists that there was a unique Islamic city. This model, begun in particular by French scholars working in North Africa, is largely a myth. The cities of the Islamic period resembled their antecedents in morphology and character istics, except that many Islamic towns became considerably larger and were less likely to be located on a tell. The struc ture of die towns was often determined by settlements ex panding into adjacent agriculture fields; hence, as in many Iranian cities, irrigation systems could also influence mor phology. There were palaces, city walls, fortresses, principal places of worship and shrines, residential quarters, and ma jor commercial areas. Major streets were rather straight (only sometimes influenced by the Greco-Roman grid sys tem, as in Herat and Damascus), while residential areas of ten consisted of numerous dead-end alleyways. Courtyard houses were common in both die ancient and Islamic peri ods, and where tiiere are tall, multiple-stories buildings, as in Yemen, these types also existed in pre-Islamic times. [See Yemen.] The city continued to be a center for a local agri culture-based hinterland, with long-distance trade being characteristic of certain setdements as well. By at least the eleventh century, Islamic cities did begin to have some specific characteristics and institutions: reli gious schools (madrasah) for training clergy; mosques, shrines, and mausolea, which proliferated; great bazaar complexes; religiously endowed property (waqf); and mer chant guilds (serif). There also developed a ratiier distinctive separation of public and private space, encouraged by some local interpretations of Islam. How this division differs from the use of space by ancient cities of die Near East is still poorly understood. Significantly, however, there are considerable similarities in form and function between ancient and Islamic cities
within a region, while there are even greater differences in morphology among Islamic cities (and ancient cities) from one region to anotiier. Islamic urbanism, in the guise of a new religion, continued the traditions and patterns of the cities of die ancient Near East. [See also Mosque.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Abu-Lughod, Janet L. "The Islamic City: Historic Myth, Islamic Es sence, and Contemporary Relevance." International Journal of Mid dle East Studies 1 9 (1987): 1 5 5 - 1 7 6 . The historical evolution and problems of the concept of the Islamic City. Bonine, Michael E. "The Morphogenesis of Iranian Cities." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 69 (1979): 208-224. An anal ysis of the formation and evolution of Iranian settlements; shows how morphology often reflects traditional irrigation and agricultural sys tems. Bonine, Michael E., et al. The Middle Eastern City and Islamic Urbanism: An Annotated Bibliography of Western Literature. Bonn, 1994. More than seventy-five hundred entries; focuses particularly on the liter ature on Islamic urbanism in English, French, and German. Creswell, K.A.C. A Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts, and Crafts of Islam to 1st January i960. Cairo, 1 9 6 1 . Classic and indispensable reference work for studies of architecture and individual monu ments, although neither urban nor social studies are included. Sup plements appeared in 1973 and 1984. Creswell, K.A.C. A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture. Revised and supplemented by James W. Allan. Aldershot, 1989. Creswell's 1958 edition of this work was an abbreviated version of his monu mental Early Muslim Architecture, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1 9 3 2 - 1 9 4 0 ) . His meticulous plans, drawings, and photographs are still largely unri valed, although many of his dogmatic interpretations have been su perseded by subsequent studies and broader viewpoints. Grabar, Oleg. The Formation of Islamic Art. New Haven, 1973. The art and architecture of the Islamic city, including the symbolic signifi cance of the mosque, palace, and ouher elements. Hakim, Besim Selim. Arabic-Islamic Cities: Building and Planning Prin ciples. London, 1986. Using principally Tunis as an example, this work shows the influence of Maliki Islamic law in many architectural and urban structures, including street widths, use of joindy owned walls, and building heights. Hourani, Albert, and S. M. Stern, eds. The Islamic City. Oxford, 1970. One of the classic collections of papers on the Islamic city, resulting from a symposium at Oxford University in 1965. Lapidus, Ira M. "The Evolution of Muslim Urban Society." Compar ative Studies in Society and History 15 (1973): 2 1 - 5 0 . Analyzes the components and evolution of Muslim urban society, particularly the role of schools of Islamic law and religious institutions; demonstrates that a true Muslim urban society did not emerge until about the eleventh and twelfth centuries CE. Von Grunebaum, G. E. "The Structure of the Muslim Town." In Von Grunebaum's Islam: Essays in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition, pp. 1 4 1 - 1 5 8 . London, 1955. The characteristics of the Islamic city; helped perpetuate and popularize a simplified and mostly erroneous stereotypical model of the Islamic city. Wirth, Eugen. "Die orientalische Stadt: Ein Uberblick aufgrund jiingerer Forschungen zur materiellen Kultur." Saeculum 26 (1975): 4 5 94. The continuities of characteristics of the Islamic city derived from the ancient city of the Near East; emphasizes that many features attributed to the Islamic city are also found in many earlier cities. MICHAEL E. BONINE
CLIMATOLOGY C L E R M O N T - G A N N E A U , C H A R L E S (18461923), French epigrapher, archaeologist, Orientalist, and diplomat and pioneer in the study of ancient Palestinian in scriptions. Born in Paris, Clermont-Ganneau excelled as a student of Semitic languages and was sent to Jerusalem in 1867 as dragoman-chancellor for the French consulate. In 1869, he was the first to recognize the significance of the Mesha stela discovered at Dibon (Dhiban) in Moab. [See Moabite Stone; Dibon.] He subsequently facilitated its pur chase and transfer to the Louvre Museum in Paris. Among his later epigraphic discoveries in Jerusalem were the eighthcentury BCE Hebrew inscription in the Siloam Tunnel and the Greek inscription from the Herodian period prohibiting the entry of Gentiles into the Temple Court. [See Siloam Tunnel Inscription.] After a transfer to another diplomatic post in Constanti nople in 1871, Clermont-Ganneau returned to Palestine in 1873-1874 on special assignment for the British-sponsored Palestine Exploration Fund. His wide-ranging researches in cluded studies of the history of the Dome of the Rock and of ancient Jewish burial customs in Jerusalem and architec tural surveys of Gaza, Nablus (Shechem), and Jericho. In his discovery of bilingual Greek-Hebrew boundary inscrip tions in die vicinity of Tell Jezer, he was die first scholar to identify the site conclusively witii ancient Gezer. [See Shechem; Jericho; Gezer.] Clermont-Ganneau alternated for die next few years be tween diplomatic and scholarly careers: in 1874, he was ap pointed to the faculty of the Ecole des Hautes Etudes in Paris; in 1881, he served as French vice-consul in Jaffa; in 1882, he was chief translator for the foreign ministry in Paris; and in 1883 he was the French consul in London. Following his appointment in 1891 to a professorship in archaeology and epigraphy at the College de France, Clermont-Ganneau devoted himself entirely to antiquarian studies. He led an expedition to Crete and Cyrenaica in 1895 and undertook excavations at Elephantine Island in Egypt in 1901. [See Crete; Elephantine.] Clermont-Ganneau was an aggressive and outspoken critic of artifacts he considered forgeries. In 1873, he ex posed as modem fakes die so-called Moabite pottery pur chased by the Berlin Museum and succeeded in turning scholarly opinion against the Deuteronomy manuscript frag ments brought to London by a Jerusalem antiquities dealer, Moses Shapira, in 1882. BIBLIOGRAPHY Allegro, John M. The Shapira Affair. Garden City, N.Y., 1965. Clermont-Ganneau, Charles. Archaeological Researches in Palestine dur ing the Years 1873-1874. 2 vols. London, 1896-1899. Silberman, Neil Asher. Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Ar chaeology, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1799-1917. New York, 1982. NEIL ASHBR SILBERMAN
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CLIMATOLOGY. Paleoenvironmental reconstruc tions for die ancient Near East rely in part on investigating past weather patterns. These investigations are based on the presumption that a better understanding of ancient climate, should help us know more about the conditions under which a number of civilizations flourished and declined. T h e re gion is one in which agriculture and animal husbandry were often marginal even under the best climatic conditions. Temperature and Precipitation Records. In the Near East, where written records have existed for millennia and significant temperature and precipitation records might be expected to have been kept, there exist, in fact, very few sets of meteorological station records that cover more than one hundred years. The most extended instances of record keeping available were begun in the nineteentii century: Samsun, Turkey (1819); Haifa, Israel (1842); Beirut, Leb anon (1842); Jerusalem (1846); Athens, Greece (1858); Kom el-Nadura, Egypt (1868); Rome, Italy (1871); Tehran, Iran (1884); Nicosia, Cyprus (1887); Baghdad, Iraq (1888); and Hebron, then Jordan (1896). Other stations have been in existence for only a few decades, so die prospect of de veloping a long set of gridded records—in which the data from each station are compared with those nortii, south, east, and west and tiien analyzed for internal accuracy—is not promising; in addition, die range in time is severely lim ited for most of die area. T h e Cyprus Meteorologist's re mark about the quality of his own data might well serve as a commentary on that of the rest of the Near East: "Some gauges have been moved so often tiiat they can fairly be described as perambulating. Details are generally, and per haps mercifully, lacking." A few nongovernmental records exist such as the diaries of British Residents in Smyrna, Turkey, but at best these cover only die nineteenth century. Some Ottoman archival records were sent to Berlin for analysis at about die time of World War I, but die building in which they were housed burned down. Thus, insttumental data—specifically, tem perature and precipitation records—have severe temporal limitations. The data exist for little more tiian a century and a half at best. Even more limited in time and number of stations reporting are such records as soil moisture, soil tem perature, wind speed and direction frequencies, and sun shine, or solar radiation. Pollen Records. Proxy records, substitutes for thermometric and rain gauge records, such as pollen analyses from stratified cores taken from geological or lake sediments are another step toward developing a climatological record. T h e most notable work in the Near East has been by Willem van Zeist and his coworkers (1975) in Iran and Turkey; by Aharon Horowitz (1979) in Israel; and by Donald George Sullivan (1994) in Turkey. T h e spatial coverage is sparse (only two cores for all of Israel, for example); yet, Van Zeist concludes that, although diere have been relatively minor fluctuations, diere has been no significant change in the cli-
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CLOTHING
mace over the past 7,500 years. Hans J. Nissen (1988) echoes these conclusions for Mesopotamia, Karl W. Butzer for Iran, and Richard Hodges and David Whitehouse for the Late Roman and early medieval world. The potential for pollen records can be measured in millennia, but where hun dreds of cores would be desirable in order to get a complete picture of the Near East, only a dozen or two long cores have been taken and properly published. Another problem with pollen cores is dating. Unless multiple radiocarbon de terminations are made, which is not always possible with the amount of material available, the time control for each core is severely limited. Recent work by Harvey Weiss and others (1993) at Tell Leilan in Syria is a useful attempt to extract climatic information from a single site, although the method is controversial. Dendroclimatology. Another proxy technique only now in its initial stages of being exploited in the Near East is dendroclimatology. The work of the Aegean Dendrochro nology Project (Peter I. Kuniholm et al.) has produced some six thousand years' worth of tree-ring chronologies, and the tree-ring data are being linked to the observed meteorolog ical record for the last century and a half. T h e project hopes to extrapolate backward in time to the Early Bronze Age and perhaps even earlier. T h e potential is for several millennia of information, but limited to the areas where long tree-ring records can be built. This includes all of the Anatolian Pla teau, the Taurus Mountains, the Anti-Taurus, and the Leb anon. The method is accurate to the year and sometimes to a specific season. Historical Climatology. The development of a historical climatology, in which the written record for several millennia is merged with other climatological observations, is the most tantalizing aspect of any consideration of Near Eastern cli mate. To date, no reliable corpus exists of the entire hiero glyphic, cuneiform, biblical, Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Ot toman, and other records. Once that has been built, the cause-and-effect relationship between a climatic event and a historical event will remain to be demonstrated. T h e rec ord of Nile floods and tiieir effect on the Egyptian economy is one such example (Lyons, 1905; Bell, 1 9 7 1 , 1975); the time spanned is four to five millennia but with a very uneven distribution of information. Tentative steps, linking several of the methods noted above, are reported by Kuniholm (1990). For example, a four-decade-long drought in the late 1500s and early 1600s observed in the tree-ring record coincides with a long list of shortages, crop failures, and famines in the same years re corded in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul. T h e same kind of linkage among proxies for an instrumental record should some day be possible for the ancient Near East as well. Sig nificant perturbations, still under investigation and not with out controversy, include a possible climatic event around 1159 BCE (probably the eruption of Hekla III) associated with the end of the Late Bronze Age; another linked to the
eruption of Thera in 1627/28 BCE that pins down the tran sition from Late Minoan IA to IB; and a possible event in the twenty-third century BCE that interferes with life in the Early Bronze Age in northern Syria. [See also New Archaeology; Paleoenvironmental Recon struction.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bell, Barbara. "The Dark Ages in Ancient History: I. The First Dark Age in Egypt." American Journal of Archaeology 75 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 1 - 2 6 . Bell, Barbara. "Climate and the History of Egypt: The Middle King dom. " American Journal of Archaeology 79 (1975): 223-269. Bryson, R. A., et al. "Drought and the Decline of Mycenae." Antiquity 48 (1974): 46-5°Butzer, Karl W. "Quaternary Stratigraphy and Climate in the Near East." Bonner Geographische Abhandlungen 24 (1958): 103-128. Carpenter, Rhys. Discontinuity in Greek Civilization. New York, 1966. Hodges, Richard, and David Whitehouse. Mohammed, Charlemagne, and the Origins of Europe: Archaeology and the Pirenne Thesis. Ithaca, N.Y., 1983. Horowitz, Aharon. The Quaternary of Israel. New York, 1979. Seepages 211-230. Kuniholm, Peter I. "Archaeological Evidence and Non-Evidence for Climatic Change." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of Ijondon, series, A, 330 (1990): 645-655. Kuniholm, Peter I. "Overview and Assessment of the Evidence for the Date of the Eruption of Thera." In Thera and the Aegean World III: Proceedings of the Third International Conference, Santorini, Greece, 3-9 September 1989, vol. 3, Chronology, edited by D. A. Hardy et al., pp. 13-18. Athens, 1990. Le Roy Ladurie, Emmanuel. Times of Feast, Times of Famine: A History of Climate since the Year 1000. Rev. ed. New York, 1988. Lyons, Henry G. "On the Nile Flood and Its Variation," Geographical Journal 26 (1905): 249-272, 395-421. Neumann, J„ and Simo Parpola. "Climatic Change and die EleventhTenth-Century Eclipse of Assyria and Babylonia." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 46 (1987): 161-182, Nissen, Hans J. The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C. Chicago, 1988. Sullivan, Donald George. "Palynologtcai Evidence of Human-Induced Holocene Vegetation in Western Turkey." Geoarchaeology (1995). Weiss, Harvey, et al. "The Genesis and Collapse of Third Millennium North Mesopotamian Civilization." Science 261 (1993): 995-1004. Zeist, Willern van. "Late Quaternary Vegetation History of Western Iran." Review of Paleobotany and Palynolagy 2 (1967): 3 0 1 - 3 1 1 . Zeist, Willem van, and H. E. Wright. "Preliminary Pollen Studies at Lake Zeribar, Zagros Mountains, Southwestern Iran," Science 140 (1963): 65-67. Zeist, Willem van, et al. "Studies on Modern and Holocene Pollen Precipitation in Southeastern Turkey." Palaeohistoria 1 0 (1968): 19-39. Zeist, Willem van, et al. "Late Quaternary Vegetation and Climate of Southwestern Turkey." Palaeohistoria 17 (1975): 5 3 - 1 4 3 . PETER IAN KUNIHOLM
C L O T H I N G . Archaeological remains of garments are scarce, with usually only fragments of textiles recovered. What is known about clothing often can be deduced from accessories, which are generally of metal; from the tools used to manufacture cloth—spindle whorls, loom weights, pat-
CLOTHING tern sticks, spools, and needles; and from representations of garments on stone and terra-cotta statuary cut in stone re liefs, engraved on ivory or metal, painted on ceramic, or executed in mosaic. There are text references, but relating them to the archaeological evidence is not reliable. [See Tex tiles.] In the ancient Near East, the basic garment for men was a simple wraparound skirt—a strip of cloth perhaps 60-75 cm wide wrapped around the waist, descending to just above the knee. In Egypt it was worn to just below the knee and was of plain white linen (ANEP 3, 16); in Syria-Palestine it was a brightly patterned linen or wool fabric and often had colored fringes (ANEP 3, 6, 35, 36). Early Sumerian carv ings show this skirt made of fleece, with hanging locks of wool (ANEP 23, 24, 27, 163). Reliefs and wall paintings show this cloth skirt held in place by a sash of woven cloth, usually in a colored pattern and ending in knotted fringes and tassels (ANEP 6, 40, 56). T h e pin found in burials at the hip of skeletons indicates that it could also be pinned. [See Grave Goods.] This was the garment commonly worn by workers (ANEP 84, 85, 106) and soldiers (ANEP 1, 177) in warm weather; addi tional upper-body clothing would have been necessary in the cold rainy season (ANEP 35). In Syria the basic garment for women was also wrapped and draped over one shoulder, leaving the arms bare, and reached to mid-calf or slightly below. It was held in place by a pin at the shoulder and was woven in a great variety of bright patterns (ANEP 3). In Egypt women wore plain white linen wrapped around the torso and sometimes held in place by a strap over the shoulder. A more elaborate version was gracefully pleated (ANEP 407, 408). Men too wore an over-one-shoulder garment (ANEP 3) or sometimes a long garment formed of two separate lengths of cloth woven in elaborate design that were wrapped around the lower body to reach the ankles. T h e upper ends covered the chest and back and were brought forward over the shoulders to form a cape (ANEP 43, 52, 54; ANEP II, 3). They may also have worn a separate cape (ANEP 5,62). In tomb paintings and stone reliefs, in addition to the sash, common clothing fasteners are frequently illustrated: the simple pin, toggle pin (Bronze Age), and fibula (Iron Age and later). T h e first was of metal or, more commonly, of bone (it can be distinguished from a needle because the nee dle, whether of metal or bone, has a hole in its upper, thicker end). T h e bone pins found in many excavations are 5 - 1 0 cm (2-4 in.) long, smoothly polished so as not to snag or tear the cloth, and usually have a small head to keep them from slipping through fabric. Many also have decorative bands incised around their circumference. Fashioned out of the bones of domestic animals, they were probably the cheapest clothing fasteners to produce, except perhaps for pins of wood or thorn, which have not knowingly been
39
found in excavations. Small, graceful bone pins were used in all periods to fasten light clothing of linen or wool. T h e toggle pin was metal, 15-25 cm long. [See Jewelry; Metals.] It had a hole through it halfway down the shaft, through which a fastening cord passed, and decorative bands were worked around it (ANEP II, 5). Its size, diam eter, and weight indicate that it fastened a coarsely woven heavy woolen cloak rather than a light summer garment, as it would damage a fine fabric. T h e fibula (Lai, "safety pin") is a light metal rod fine enough to be bent into a circle and a half in the middle, to form a spring. To use it, both ends are squeezed together and the sharp end is placed into a bend at the other end; when the pressure is released, it fits there firmly. The bent end is sometimes in the form of a tiny metal hand, whose fingers clasp the pointed end; this whimsical form endured for centuries. Both plain and "hand" fibulae are frequently found in excavations. T h e number of needles excavated attests to how extensive sewing was in the ancient world. The needles are of metal or bone. [See Bone, Ivory, and Shell] Sewing was essential for tent making, for joining tent panels, and for reinforcing the bands that kept the tent poles from piercing the roof panel. [See Tents.] Sewing was also essential in agriculture: folded lengths of heavy cloth were stitched up their sides to make the numerous bags needed for storing the year's har vest of wheat, barley, and lentils; after the bags were filled, they were sewn closed across the top. Sewing was less essential in the manufacture of clothing because the most common garments had no seams (see above). However, garments did need mending or the dec orative colored stitching apparent in carvings and paintings. Those garments that would have needed sewing had an opening at the neck (ANEP 3), down the front, or at the arm openings. Garments with sleeves (tubular sleeves, in con trast to a fold of cloth hanging off the shoulder) also would have required sewing. Egyptian tomb paintings show men's robes from Syria with sleeves to the wrist; the seams are covered with decorative embroidery in a contrasting color (ANEP 2, 4, 5,45= 46, 47)Common headgear for both men and women was a head band tied to hold the hair in place (ANEP 3,4, 5, 6, 27, 43, 54). What may be a hat from the Neolithic period was found in a cave in Nahal Hemar in Israel. T o judge from stone reliefs, hats were also commonly worn by men in particular social classes and reflect status or public office (ANEP 1 1 , 26, 36, 37, 61; ANEP II, 47). Tall, elaborate, and symbolic hats identify deities in monumental stone reliefs and small sculptures, distinguishing them from humans; special hats or crowns commonly appear on reliefs of kings and digni taries. Ivories from Late Bronze Age Megiddo show women in stiff caps with fabric hanging down behind, like a short veil, but one that does not cover either the face or the ears. (ANEP frontispiece, 125) In the Assyrian relief of the con-
40
CODEX
quest of Lachish (ANEP 373), women wear hooded cloaks. [See Megiddo.] Sumerian reliefs show men wearing fleece skirts and jack ets. Leather was used for shoes and clothing—probably more commonly for military clothing—but it is difficult to identify it in art. Two types of shoes are, however, identifi able in reliefs and paintings: the sandal and the closed shoe. In Egypt, at Beni Hasan, a tomb painting shows women wearing closed shoes with high tops that reach above the anlde; the men are wearing sandals (ANEP 3, 39, 40). Both kinds of footwear appear to be of leather, although less costly sandals of woven plant fibers were probably common. Hit tite reliefs show men wearing closed shoes that are turned up at the toes, to facilitate walking on rocky terrain (ANEP 36). The earliest reference to the different fit of right and left shoes also comes from Hittite culture, from about 1500 BCE.
The Mari tablets and other ancient contracts stipulate tiiat workers are to receive one new garment a year as part of their wages. This rule of thumb indicates that in good times each person would possess more than one garment—per haps one best dress and several worn ones. The latter would gradually be cut down for children's clothes and the scraps reused for household and pastoral/agricultural purposes. Scraps of cloth could be used to patch other garments, to strain milk, wrap cheese, drain yoghurt, tie small packages of spices, hold seeds, cover the udders of goats when wean ing the young, and to wash with; they were also useful as diapers, as parts for donkey and camel harnesses, and as saddle blankets. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barber, E. J. W. Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Reference to the Aegean. Prince ton, 1991. Barber, E. J. W. Women's Work, the First 20,000 Years: Women, Cloth, and Society in Early Times. New York, 1994. This and the work above are careful and thorough surveys of textile evidence; because so few garments exist, the study of clothing before the Coptic and Byzantine periods relies on scraps or pictures of textiles. Houston, Mary G. Ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian, and Persian Cos tume. 2d ed. London, 1954. Well-illustrated work that considers gar ments mainly from a technical perspective, analyzing their construc tion. Pritchard, James B. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (ANEP). Princeton, 1954. Pritchard, James B. The Ancient Near East, vol. 2, A New Anthology of Texts and Pictures (ANEP II). Princeton, 1975. Schick, Tamar. "Perishable Remains from the Nahal Hemar Cave." Journal of the Israel Prehistoric Society 19 (1986): 84-86, 95*-97*. DOROTHY IRVIN
C O D E X . Roman administrators throughout the empire used wooden tablets (Lat., codices; sg., codex) as registers. Eventually, codex became a technical term for an accounting or other financial book or authoritative collection of official
or legal writings (cf. code). This is how the Romans in the imperial period, the romanized people of the East, and the Byzantines, who succeeded the Romans in the East, under stood the word codex, regardless of the material out of which it was made. In modern usage the term refers to ancient or medieval transpositions of an archaic wooden book onto sheets of soft material (papyrus or parchment). These sheets were usually folded down the middle, to form leaves that were then su perposed or gathered in various ways. Modern paper books are still codices in form. Historically, this format replaced the papyrus roll (Lat., volumen) which, in the Classical East, had been the standard medium for literary, religious, and official writings. T h e historical problem with the codex is to determine how it came so successfully to rival the scroll in use. This question can be set out in chronological, technical, economic, and cultural terms. The first archeological examples of ancient codices come from Egypt. Among the literary texts, the codex first ap peared in the second century CE. In the third and fourth centuries, it challenged the scroll more and more strongly, eliminating its use by the fifth century. Among administra tive texts, the codex appears later (first half of the fourth century); its triumph over the scroll is also late (seventheighth century) and not so complete. Although these dates are somewhat precarious, depending in part on paleographic considerations, the Egyptian evidence suggests that the co dex appeared during the Roman imperial period, that it was most probably a Roman innovation, and that its diffusion in the East was a correlate of the romanization of the ancient Mediterranean world. Although it eliminated the scroll (except in Jewish litur gical practice, where it remains in use), the codex borrowed from it a part of its Greek or Latin terminology (e.g., tome, volume, page). Moreover, contrary to the prevalent modern opinion linking codex and parchment, many ancient codices were papyrus books, whose sheets were nearly always cut from rolls. The codex thus appears to be an adaptation of or an improvement on its predecessor: the codex is genu inely technically superior to the scroll (e.g. it gives easier access to a given place in the text and is easier to cross ref erence). T h e material out of which the codex is made, with its attendant physical properties and its economical constraints, determines the shape of the final product and, to some ex tent, its internal features. Papyrus codices often preserve the height of the roll from which tiieir leaves and sheets were cut (usually about 25-30 cm). T h e sheets (e.g., in the wellknown Nag Hammadi Gnostic manuscripts) were fre quently gathered in single quires, sometimes to a consider able thickness. Such an assemblage is not only technically weak, but also unfeasible with parchment sheets, which were always gathered, as paper is today, in superpositions of thin quires, most often of two sheets and four leaves (Lat., qua-
COINS territories, hence, "quire")- Being an inexpensive and ubiq uitous material, papyrus had a broader range of use than parchment. Although luxury papyrus codices, with callig raphy and illuminations, do exist, most known codices are of average or low quality and contain mundane texts, such as accounts or private copies of literary works. Expensive parchment was generally preferred for luxury editions or for reference or professional works (e.g., liturgy and law). Given its Roman background and its coarse wooden ar chetype, the codex must at first have been perceived by the hellenized Eastern upper classes as a pedestrian format, alien to the liberal Classical culture, whose texts were nor mally on scrolls. The codex eventually won out, as a con sequence of the growing importance in the Roman Empire of religious and intellectual milieux, that had no prejudice for established book standards, namely the Christians and the local academies. If there is one clear conclusion that the Egyptian evidence permits, it is that the codex was favored by Christians as the exclusive medium for their Holy Scriptures. In addition to the societal generality described in the preceding paragraph, there is no obvious explanation for this fact. Some scholars see the preference as an aspect of the Christian break with the synagogue, where the use of the Torah scroll has sur vived. It is also possible tiiat the codex appeared to the Christians a better tool than the scroll for teaching purposes. Thanks to Roman peace and prosperity, many schools flourished in the East, as did other scholarly activities, such as philology and law. This was a time of didactic and prac tical culture, with bookish tendencies, and that culture was disseminated by a proliferation of handbooks, lexicons, col lections of texts, encyclopedias, and codes, for which the practical format of the codex was more suitable than the scroll. [See also Literacy; Nag Hammadi; Papyrus; Parchment; Scribes and Scribal Techniques; Scroll; and Writing Mate rials.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Blanchard, Alain, ed. Les debuts du codex. Bibliologia, vol. 9. Turnhout, 1989. Original views on the beginnings of the codex. Robinson, James M., et al. The Facsimile Edition of the Nag Hammadi Codices: Introduction. Leiden, 1984. Important for the physical prop erties and the making of the early papyrus codex. Turner, Eric G . The Typology of the Early Codex. Philadelphia, 1977. Standard work on the subject, based on extensive descriptions of material. Wouters, Alfons. "From Papyrus Roll to Papyrus Codex: Some Tech nical Aspects of Ancient Book Fabrication." Manuscripts of the Mid dle East 5 ( 1 9 9 0 - 1 9 9 1 ) : 9-19. Contains an up-to-date bibliography. JEAN GASCOU
C O E L E - S Y R I A , the Greek name ("hollow Syria") for the Biqa' Valley in southern Syria, between the Lebanon and
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Anti-Lebanon ranges north of Palestine (i.e., in modern Lebanon)—in the Hellenistic era, considered the southern province of coastal and inland Syria. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucids, all of Phoenicia, and even Palestine, could be designated Coele-Syria. Some modern historical geogra phies have used the term Coele-Syria to distinguish Palestine east of the Jordan River (i.e., Transjordan). This usage de rives from Josephus (Antiq. I4.ix.5), based on the fact that Herod ruled this territory under the Romans, calling it Coele-Syria in contrast to Judea (Judah), Samaria, and Gal ilee west of the Jordan River. In the New Testament period, Coele-Syria designated part of the tetrarchy of Philip in northern Transjordan (Josephus, Antiq. i2.xiii.3). [See also Phoenicia; Ptolemies; and Seleucids.] WILLIAM G . DEVER
C O I N S . By interesting coincidence, the initial time range of coinage coincides closely with that of recorded history of the Greek tradition. As strictly defined, its first appearance occurs during the seventh century BCE. By the last quarter of the sixth century it had developed varied and sophisti cated forms. Its first currency was in the Lydian kingdom of eastern Anatolia, reflected in the proverbial association of such Lydian rulers as Gyges (c. 679) and Croesus (560-546) with wealth and possession of gold. Simultaneously or soon afterward, coinage began to appear in the Ionian merchant cities of the eastern Aegean, such as Miletus, Ephesus, and Phocaea. Thereafter the spread of coinage continued to par allel that of Greek culture, and its decorative types are noted as fully representative of Greek art. Thus students of Greek and ancient culture and history follow closely the develop ment of coinage and emerging numismatic evidence. In con trast, coin evidence has been of less relevance to prehistorians; and indeed to Assyriologists, though in recent years it has become clear that monetary evidence of a sort was widely present, if formerly unrecognized, in the earlier Me sopotamian archaeological evidence. Though not strictly coinage, this material, broadly categorized as "ingot cur rency" or "bulk silver," can provide, when studied on nu mismatic lines, economic and even political data. T h e classic definition of coin is that provided by Aristotle in Politics 1257a: When the community's partners, from whom to import require ments, and to whom to export a surplus, began to extend farther afield, the employment of coinage was devised. For natural com modities are not conveniently transported. Consequently for ex change purposes a medium was agreed to pay and receive, which itself was useful, and had a convenient application in everyday life, such as iron or silver. At first this was measured by size and weight. Eventually an emblem was impressed upon it, so as to free (the users) from the need to measure it. For the emblem (itself) was an indication of the quantity-
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COINS
Thus, in true coinage the units bear a stamp of authentic ity applied by the authority responsible for weight and con tent. This authority was in most demonstrable cases the state. Suggested ascriptions to merchant guilds, goldsmiths, and other commercial bodies have rarely been substantiated, though these groups may have been responsible for certain punchmarks found on coins. The issue of temple tokens provides a special province of numismatics, going back even to Assyrian times, and later well represented at Palmyra. T h u s the emblems struck on coins designate the issuing states, often indicating the place and, inferentially, the date of issue. Explicit dates, however, are almost completely con fined to the Parthian, Roman, and Islamic series. Because different states maintained specific standards of weight and composition, these—especially the weight—are also char acteristic of the issuers. Serious losses could be incurred by a mint issuing precious metal if the weights were inaccurate; therefore, great care was taken to ensure exact standards. Almost invariably, throughout the history of coinage— normally a prerogative of the state—coins were produced by striking. A blank, which might be cold or hot, depending on size and the practice of the mint in question, was suitably adjusted for dimensions and weight. It was then placed be tween two dies of bronze or iron, or, by the Islamic period, of steel. The lower die was often fixed in a wooden block, or placed in a fitted recess of an anvil. The upper die, often a punch held freely in the hand or with tongs, was struck once or repeatedly with a sledge-hammer to produce the impression. T h e decorative subjects of the coins were en graved on the dies in intaglio, commonly freehand, so that every die was distinctly individual. Only in some later peri ods, and especially in the Islamic era, is there evidence of mass production of the dies by casting or by hubbing, a process of marking out the design on the die by striking this with a punch bearing the subject in relief, before finishing with tools. The official production of coins by casting has been em ployed only sporadically, especially in the early Roman, and in the Indian series. Casting from genuine coins is of course tire simplest proceedure for producing coin forgeries, de tectable by their "soapy" surface, and prevalence of bub bles. In some periods, ancient counterfeits were also pro duced by casting, and may occasionally even reflect genuine varieties not currently available (Morton, 1975, p. 163). Since the anvil- or obverse (sometimes also called the "staple") die lasted longer in use, it was customary to en grave here the more difficult or sophisticated subjects. Dur ing periods of portrait coinage, especially in Hellenistic times, the royal portrait, the most difficult part of the work, was engraved on the obverse die, whence the present-day terminology of "heads" and "tails" for obverse and reverse. T h e more ephemeral reverse dies lasted only half, or a third, the life of the obverse. Thus we find coins which are "die duplicates" (i.e., obverse and reverse struck from the same pair of individual dies), and others which share only an ob
verse (or less frequently a reverse) die, and are said to be "die-linked." It is normally assumed that die-linked coins would be products of the same mint, and close together in time. At the same time, rare instances are known of coindies under the Seleucids, and possibly other Hellenistic king doms, being sent to branch mints that are far distant, so that they are linked with issues from totally different series. From considerable bodies of coinage (coin hoards or mu seum collections) die-sequences of linked issues can be built up, establishing the chronological series, even when explicit evidence of date is lacking. T h e rule is now broadly accepted that if in a coin series six examples from each die are present, it may be assumed that every die in the series is known. If however there are some dies represented by fewer than six specimens, allowance must be made for the possibility that several dies are missing, and the sequence consequently in complete. The reverse dies (sometimes also called punch dies, or trussels) might for striking, as already noted, be held loose in the hand. The "die-axis," or relation between the orien tation of obverse and reverse types upon the resulting coin, would then be haphazard. Sometimes however it appears that guiding lines were marked on the punch die, and upon the anvil, enabling the worker to line up the two dies con sistently, though only, of course, with approximate accu racy. Again, in certain series, especially that of Periclean Athens, square-headed dies appear to have been used, which would fit in one of four possible orientations. In other cases, the dies appear to have been hinged, so that a single, mechanically accurate orientation was achieved. This was usually either upright f f , or reversed } J,; and can be expressed more simply with a single arrow as f , or 1 . In some periods, variations in die axis help to distinguish the output of different mints or define the chronology of blocks of coinage. The earliest coinages, in seventh-sixth-century BCE Lydia and Ionia, had a decorative subject engraved only in the obverse die. T h e reverses were impressions of simple punches, single or double, and designated as "incuse" squares or rectangles. On some thin Greek coinages of southern Italy, the reverses, cut in relief on the dies, closely followed the outlines of the obverse types, producing what are sometimes called "repousse" coinages. From the late sixth century onward, however, it became customary to en grave both obverse and reverse dies in intaglio, each pro ducing relief impressions on the resulting coins. The obverse of a coinage is usually distinguished by its convexity, the reverse being concave, a feature resulting from the blow of the die. However, in Islamic coinages, characteristically thin and flat, it is difficult to determine the "technological" obverse. Consequently cataloguers have re sorted to the convention that the face bearing the name of Allah and the declaration of faith (shahadah) should be con sidered the obverse. Sometimes the true obverse can be de tected as a result of a striking-error known as a brockage, in
COINS which a struck flan adheres to the punch die; and the next blank receives, instead of the reverse impression, an intaglio version of the obverse, which thus appears on both faces of the succeeding coin (Bacharach and Awad, 1973, pp. 187-188.) In this way it will be seen that the technology of coinage, here only briefly outlined, provides special facilities for the analysis of the extensive numismatic evidence surviving from ancient and medieval times (cf. Philip Grierson, Nu mismatics, London and Oxford, 1975, p. 94ff) • The printing of motifs and inscriptions on the metal of coinage preceded by many cenmries the introduction of printing on paper. Thus it came to provide perhaps the first historical medium for communication between governments and population. Though full exploitation of this potential for official pro paganda was characteristic of the Roman Empire, eastern monarchies such as those of the Parthians and Sasanians used coinage to present an image of the ruler, and to display the ideology and aspirations of the realm. Coins have several characteristics helpful for conveying historical information. T h e output of individual mints form sequences, from which the chronology of succeeding issues can be deduced. Again, during ancient times, especially in periods of upheaval, a frequent practice was to bury deposits of coins for security. Such coin hoards often come to light, and constitute time capsules, conveying chronological infor mation. For study purposes, it is important first to determine which are the latest specimens in each hoard. The sequences contained in overlapping hoards then throw special light on the order of successive issues. "Treasury hoards" consist of stocks of fresh and related coins. "Cumulative" and "sav ings" hoards may cover long periods of accumulation. "Foundation" deposits (as at Persepolis) have a distinctive character. Sporadic coin finds, on the other hand, carefully plotted on the map, throw light on the places of issue when the mints are unknown. "Area finds" recovered in excava tion illustrate the economic history of a settlement, and "lo cation finds" contribute to the dating of structures. Even before the destruction of Assyria in 614-612 BCE by the Babylonians and the Medes, "ingot currencies" of sev eral types circulated in the Near East (see figure 1). It is now realized the "silversmiths' hoards" mentioned in old exca vation reports were not mere working stocks, but had a mon etary character. The oldest forms in circulation were prob ably "ring money" of several types, especially the so-called "earrings," also perhaps worn on ringlets of hair. These forms seem characteristic of Babylonia, possibly from the early second millennium. Their weight approximates that of the shekel, but often on standards older and higher than that of the typical Babylonian shekel of 8.40 g. Current later were the rare "slab ingots," monetary "torques," and "cake in gots" (German Silberkucheri). These last are known from Zincirli (Luschan, 1943, pp. 1 1 9 - 1 2 1 ) and bear the inscrip tion, incised not impressed, BRRKB BR P N M W , naming
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a local ruler who held office around 712 BCE. Although this person is the first ruler named on currency, his ingots do not count as coins since the legend was not mass-produced by stamping; and the weights, though some approach the Babylonian mina of 504 g, are very irregular. Cake ingots were also found, widt Greek coins among other items, in the Syrian Ras Shamra hoard (Thompson et al., 1973 [hereafter IGCH], 1478; Schaeffer, 1939, pp. 464, 466, 486), and in several hoards from Egypt, notably those of Beni Hasan (IGCH 1651), Damanhur (IGCH 1611), and Mit Rahineh (IGCH 1636). Another form of ingot currency, found at Nush-i Jan in Iran, are the "bar ingots," apparently characteristic of the Median Empire in Iran (seventh-sixth century BCE). T h e thirteen specimens in this find illustrate a weight range of 12, 18, 24, and 100 g, suggesting a shekel standard around I2g, and representing units of 1, 1V2, 2, and 8 shekels. As mentioned, a single piece at 8.40 g represents the Babylonian standard, later revived by the reform of Darius the Great. This last unit, the most influential weight standard of the 2
Ingot cmrency. From Nush-i Jan, Iran, seventh century BCE. NOS. 1-6, "cut-silver" pieces; nos. 7-9, ring-money (shekels); nos. 10-11, large rings ("torques"). (Courtesy David Stronach) COINS. Figure I.
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ancient Near East, is hexagesimal, and gives rise to the fol lowing correspondences: 60 minas = 1 talent = 30,240.00 g 60 shekels = 1 mina = 504.00 g 1 shekel = 8.40 g 1 zwz (drachma) = V2 shekel = 4.20 g Bar ingots apparently continued in use under the Achae menids, inspiring the development of the bent bar and punch-marked coinages of ancient India. Finally, "cut-sil ver" (Ger., Hacksilber) makes its appearance as a monetary form, which consists of small chunks of silver cut from larger ingots, bars, or slabs to provide small denominations, usually shekels and their halves. T h e weights of such fragments are very approximately adjusted, small scraps of silver being used to make up units of weight and bulk payments being weighed out on the balance. Because the shekel standard often fluctuated in the system of ingot currency, payments in silver were simply reckoned on the balance, using the standard weights in force at the time. An increase or reduc tion of the standard—such as for taxation purposes—could be effected by simply increasing or reducing the weights. By die end of the sixtii century BCE and the beginning of fifth, deposits of bulk silver recorded in Asia east of the Tau rus and in Egypt begin to include, together witii ingot cur rency of several kinds, quantities of coined Greek silver, mainly from the areas of silver extraction in Greece (see figure 2). Such regions are the Thraco-Macedonian area; Siphnos, island source of silver used in the Aiginetan "turtle" coinage; and also Athens, a noted producer from the Laurium mines. The mints of Phoenicia, especially Tyre, Sidon, Byblos (Jubayl), and Aradus, probably ob tained their bullion by international trade. Hoards of this type are those of Ras Shamra (c. 510-500), the Taranto hoard of 1911 (500-490) with its rare slab ingot, Asyut (c. 475), and the "Jordan 1967" hoard (c. 445). Close dates can be established from the Greek coins present, often heavily chopped or gashed with a chisel—a test for purity of silver probably imposed by die Achaemenid treasuries. T h e "bulk silver" content probably consisted of pieces retained in cir culation from earlier periods. By the second half of the fiftii century BCE, the widely distributed hoards of Greek silver in Asia tend to consist entirely of coins. As the study by Daniel Schlumberger (1953) shows, this coinage, received in the Achaemenid Empire by tribute or trade, was widespread in Mesopotamia, Iran, and Afghanistan—a phenomenon illus trated by die hoards of Malayer (discovered 1934), of the Chaman Huzuri at Kabul (discovered 1933), and by C. J. Rich's Tigris Hoard described by G. K. Jenkins (1964). Aldiough a "silver standard" thus prevailed in the Aegean and in Asia beyond die Taurus, a "gold standard" domi nated in the east Anatolian kingdoms of Lydia and Phrygia and the cities of the Aegean coast. The earliest issues were in electrum, a natural alloy of gold and silver. These were
"dumps" marked with parallel striations on the obverse, and threefold incuse punch on the reverse. Coins with the legend Walwes are ascribed by some to Alyattes, king of Lydia (c. 580), and must come early in the series. Later, respective gold and silver issues of "heavy" standard (about 10.9 g), with types of a confronted lion and bull, are ascribed to Croesus, king of Lydia (560-546). They are followed by issues on a lighter standard witii similar emblems, in gold and silver respectively, now increasingly ascribed to Cyrus, king of Persia (550-530), after his conquest of Lydia. These issues, of which the silver denominations reckoned twenty to the gold shekel, weighed respectively 5.4 g and 8 g. Ex amples were found in the Persepolis foundation deposit to ward 5 1 1 BCE (Herzfeld, 1938, pp. 413-414; Schmidt, 1957, p. 1 1 3 ) . They were quickly followed by the famous "daricsiglos" series, inaugurated no doubt by Darius die Great. The obverse featured a Persian archer, and the reverse had rectangular incuse. It is now known that die sequence of types for both silver and gold was as follows: (1) half-length figure (daric 8 g, siglos 5.4 g); (2) archer shooting with bow (daric 7.87-8.34 g, siglos 5.4 g); (3) archer running with bow and spear, two pellets vertically beneath ear (daric 8.35 g, siglos 5.4 g); (4) archer running with bow and spear, no pellets beneath ear (daric 8.35 g, siglos 5.60 g); and (5) archer running with bow and dagger (daric 8.35 g, siglos 5.60 g). Although the silver coin is known in Greek as the siglos (i.e., shekel), it was in fact the gold daric which was to weigh 8.35 g, representing (witii a small discount for seign iorage) the standard of the Babylonian shekel (8.40 g) re vived by Darius's monetary reforms. T h e silver denomina tion of 5.4 g or 5.6 g was adjusted so that it rated twenty to the daric at a silver/gold ratio of 13:1 or 13.3:1. The small fluctuations in the weight standards of silver and gold gave critical clues to the sequence of the daric issues, otiierwise differentiated only by details of posture and ornament. Thus, the famous Persian archer series of daric and siglos, effectively the coinage of the Lydian satrapy at Sardis, is recognized by numismatists as typical of the Achaemenids. It is represented in finds far across the empire, although the siglos was treated as bullion in the eastern satrapies (prov inces), where there were still no mints for the manufacture of circular coinage until the advent of Alexander the Great. Reports of the minting of sigloi under the Achaemenids else where in the Near East than Sardis (e.g., in Egypt under Aryandes, in Anatolia, or in Babylon) have not yet been confirmed decisively. If die gold daric was typical of the Lydian satrapy, in some of the Greek cities and islands coinage of the gold-silver alloy electrum persisted. Sometimes it was the natural metal, but increasingly produced as artificial alloy, which was called by numismatists white gold. Important centers were Phocaea and Mytilene. Because the Achaemenid satrapy of the Hel lespont in northwestern Anatolia produced no coinage of its own, however, the electrum staters (units) of Lampsacus
COINS.
Figure 2.
Typical contents o/Ncar
Isust silver hoards. Nos. t - 1 7 , from K a b u l , C h a m a n Huxuri
hoard, .1933 (courtesy Kabul M u s e u m , 1962): ( 1 ) Kcrkyra, (2) Acanthus, (3) Alliens (archaic), (4) Alliens (c. 430 isi.a;), (5, 6) Aigina, (7) Chios, (8) Sarnos, (9) l..csbos, ( 1 0 ) Phasclis, (1 1) Aspcndos, ( 1 2 ) Soioi, ( 1 3 ) T a r s u s , ( 1 4 ) Mallus, ( 1 5 ) Kiiion (King A/.haal), (16) Sulamis ( C y p r u s ) , ( 1 7 ) Paphos. Nos. 1 8 - 1 9 , British M u s e u m (Courtesy of the Trustees): ( 1 8 ) Sidon, ( 1 9 ) T y r e . Note chisel cms typical of Achaemenid treasury usage. All fifth-fourth century was.
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and especially of Cyzicus appear to have supplied the need and played an international role in the Black Sea trade. The Cyzicene series, current from the late sixth century until the advent of Alexander, had an extensive repertoire of chang ing types, always characterized by the accompanying sym bol of the tuna fish, the local product. The main stater de nomination was adjusted to a standard of 16.05 g, and the hekte ("sixth") was a common subdivision. T h e electrum series of Lampsacus bore the winged forepart of a horse and weighed about 15.35 g- Both these coinages bore on the re verse the incuse impression of a plain "mill sail" punch. Toward 400 Lampsacus gave up electrum and produced a distinguished coinage in pure gold with changing obverse types, weighing 8.40 g. This was exactly the standard of the daric and presumably valued against it at par. Important Greek silver coinages of the fifth century BCE circulating in the Near East were the Aiginetan "turtles," the Athenian "owls," the large Thraco-Macedonian pieces and issues of the Phoenician cities of Tyre, Sidon, and Aradus, together with Citium (Kition) in Cyprus. Hellenistic and Parthian Coinage. Only under Alex ander die Great (332-321) was the attempt made to impose a uniform coinage across his territories extending from Macedonia to Iran. T h e imperial obverse type for gold was a helmeted Athena with her head to right, and the reverse featured a winged Victory holding die stylis, a nautical at tachment. Athena's helmet was usually ornamented with a coiled serpent, but on some late varieties there was a eaglegriffin, lion-griffin, or sphinx. Remarkably this series seems to have commenced before any victory had actually been won. T h e silver had die obverse head of Heracles (Herakles) attired in the lion scalp, and on the reverse the Olympian Zeus is enthroned, holding an eagle on his right hand. Sep arate issues are distinguished in botii series by symbols or monograms or both; and the mints, even when not so dif ferentiated, have often been recognized from die links and engravers' styles. Initially the main mints are thought to have been Amphipolis and Pella. Later, as the conquests ad vanced, coins were issued in many regional centers. The most easterly mint in Alexander's lifetime appears to have been Ecbatana (Hamadan) in Iran. Further east, mixed coinage, "bulk silver," and bars continued to circulate. The obverse type of Alexander's coinage was not origi nally a portrait but was quickly taken as such. After the con queror's death and deification, his portrait in various forms appeared on the coins of the Hellenistic monarchies: on that of Antigonus in Phrygia retaining the Heracles; on that of Ptolemy in Egypt wearing the elephant-scalp commemora tive of the Indian conquests; and on that of Lysimachus in Thrace with the ram's horns recalling his sojourn in Egypt. This last was a coinage widely diffused and known through out the Near East. Ultimately the diademed portrait of the living ruler be
came the characteristic obverse of die Hellenistic monar chies, producing some of the finest known Greek portrai ture. The Attic standard introduced by Alexander, with a teffadrachm of 17.2 g (.6 oz.), became die most common metrology, but it soon slipped marginally to 16.8 g (.6 oz.), coinciding with the long familiar Babylonian shekel at 8.40 g (.30 oz.), of which it thus represented the double. The Seleucid kingdom (312-88) in its heyday stretched from the Aegean to Central Asia, and the studies of its mints by Edward T. Newell (1938, 1941) still constitute a model of numismatic method. A characteristic reverse type de picted the god Apollo seated on the Delphic omphalos (a rounded stone in his temple regarded as the center of the world) and holding his bow and arrows. Their number, one to three, indicated die mint. Soon the Seleucid eastern ter ritories fell either to die independent Bactrian kingdom or to die advancing Parthians, who pressed forward down the Asian highway from the Caspian to Qumis-FIecatompylos, Rayy (modern Tehran), Hamadan and Seleucia on the T i gris. At first their coinage largely conformed to the Helle nistic pattern, but later the bearded obverse portrait was nor mally turned to the left. The reverse was soon standardized as the dynastic founder, Arsaces, seated on the omphalos or on a throne and holding his bow and arrows. T h e royal name was inscribed simply as Arsaces, usually accompanied by tides. Thus the absence of the ruler's personal name causes difficulties of identification. Although the drachma denom ination was copiously issued at the cities on the Iranian pla teau, the large tetradrachms were struck exclusively at Se leucia on the Tigris, where the practice was established of inscribing dates according to the Seleucid era of 3 1 2 and frequently also the exact month. Frontal portraits represent pretenders to the Arsacid throne. The Greek inscriptions on Parthian coins became increas ingly conventionalized, and by the reign of Vologeses I (51-78 CE) they are supplemented by initially abbreviated inscriptions in Parthian indicating die royal names, such as W L for Vologeses, later wlgsy mlk' ("King Vologeses"). These have the advantage of designating the ruler individ ually.
COINS. Figure 3. Early Sasanian coins. Coins 3 , 1 2 , and 1 5 are > gold; ouierwise all are silver. N o . 1 , Shapur (207 CE), king of Persis. Nos. 2 - 3 , Ardashir I (208-223-241 CE) with successive crowns as king of Persis; no. 4 (223 CE) after defeat of Artabanus V; no. 5 (226 CE) witii mural crown after capture of Ctesiphon; no. 6, witii definitive crown as Shahanshah, after 228 CE; no. 7, with prince Shapur as heir. N o . 8, Shapur I ( 2 4 1 - 2 7 2 CE) with eagle crown as successor in accession year; nos. 9 - 1 0 , Shapur I with plain crown and crown with cheek-piece. No. 1 1 , Ohrmazd I (272-273 CE). NO. 1 2 , Vahram I (273-276 CE). N o . 1 3 , Vahram II (276-293 CE). N O . 1 4 , Vahram III (293 CE). NO. 1 5 , Narseh (293-302'CE). British M u seum (Courtesy of the Trustees).
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Besides the main series of Parthian coinage, the subordi nate kingdoms that were a feature of the Arsacid dispensation—Persis, Elymais, and Characene—intermit tently issued their own coinages. Persis indeed produced au tonomous tetradrachms and drachms of the Attic standard soon after the death of Seleucus I in 280 BCE. The series is sometimes styled the "Fratadara" coinage from a reading by Ernst Herzfeld (1938) that is now known to be incorrect but nevertheless provides a useful label for the series. These is sues bear the Aramaic inscription frtrk' zy 'lhy\ apparently "administrator o f (i.e., appointed by) "the gods," in op position, presumably, to those appointed by the Seleucid kings. Rulers named include Bagadata, Oborzus (whwbrz), Artaxerxes ('rthstr), and Autophradates (wlprdt), besides others less clearly decipherable. T h e usual types show the ruler on obverse, wearing the satrapal tiara, and a fire temple or fire altar on the reverse. Subsequent coinages on a lighter standard continue until the advent of the Sasanian dynasty (see below). Elymais, the kingdom in the Zagros foothills east of Susa and Alivaz, also produced a coinage under its founder, Kamnaskires, a title deriving from that of the Achaemenid treasurers residing at Susa. This quaint designation long re mained the throne name of tire Elymaean kings. Soon after the start of the Christian era, Greek types and inscriptions gave way to "Oriental" portraits and legends in a local form of Aramaic, naming as kings Phraates, Orodes (wrwd), and Chosroes. At the head of the Persian Gulf again lay Char acene, a state founded by a chief named Hyspaosines (c. 125), who once more struck large silver coins with Greek legends, beardless portraits, and Heracles on the reverse. His successors Apodakos, Tiraios, and Artabazos continued the tradition until 48-47 BCE. Under later rulers there was pro gressive debasement of the silver denominations, and here too after about 143 CE, Greek was replaced by a variety of tire Aramaic alphabet. Sasanian Dynasty (223-631 CE). In 223 CE Ardashir I, the local prince of Persis, rebelled against his Parthian over lords, defeated Artabanus V (Ardavan V, sometimes also numbered Artabanus IV), the last Arsacid king, and em barked on the consolidation of Iran. Rigorous reforms were introduced in every theater. Military, administrative, and re ligious centralization were accompanied by a complete ren ovation of the coinage. The debased Parthian silver was re placed by a brilliant series in gold and fine silver respectively, the former commemorative, the latter constituting hence forth the principal currency (see figure 3). The weight stan dard of the silver at 4.1 g, was effectively that of the Attic drachma. The characteristic types showed the royal bust on the obverse now turned toward the right and identified by a specific individual crown. On the reverse was the fire altar symbolic of the dynasty's Zoroastrian faith. This image in the following reigns was flanked by two "guardians." In the
initial period the Pahlavi inscriptions were often blundered because the engravers were not literate. The legends were intended to give on the obverse the name and titles of the ruler with the formula "Mazda-worshiping lord N . , king (of kings) of Iran (and non-Iran, whose descent is from the gods)," and on the reverse "fire of N . " is written with ref erence to the royal sacred fires established for every ruler at his accession. With the passage of generations the individual crowns become increasingly complex, occasional mint names appear on the reverses and are eventually standard ized in abbreviated form (see figure 4). By the reign of Kavad (488-531 CE), such abbreviations regularly appear to the right of the fire altar, and the regnal date of the issue is indicated in words on the left. The script evolves from the "epigraphic Pahlavi" witii its separate characters to the cur sive "Book Pahlavi" forms. The volume of coinage was greatly increased under Khusrau I Anushirvan (531-579), revenue thereafter being levied in cash rather than kind. The epic wars against Byzantium waged by Khusrau II Parvez (592-628) demanded vast output of coinage, no doubt often struck from the enormous booty. T h e Sasanian drachma was by this time a fiat and thin module with widely spread flan. It provided the pattern not only for certain Byzantine silver coinages but especially for the dirhams of Islam. Islamic Coinages. When in 637 the Muslim Arab armies overran Syria and Mesopotamia, they entered a world of two distinct currency systems. That of the Byzantine Empire, based on gold and bronze, functioned farther to the west. That of Sasanian Iran, consisting chiefly of silver, was active to the east. At first the huge quantities of coinage available as tribute or booty sufficed for current needs. Yet already there was being laid the foundation of a coinage system in all three metals. As the Arab armies advanced through Iran, drachmae of the Sasanian pattern continued in issue. Pro totypes were naturally coins of the last Sasanian ldng, Yazdgird III (632-651), dated to regnal year 20, his last, but with slight variations of detail and decoration. For some dec ades dating continued in Yazdgird's era. The numerous is sues of Khusrau II were also imitated and soon began to predominate. Typically, short inscriptions in Arabic appear in the second quarter of the obverse margin, especially biismi'llah ("in the name of Allah") and jayyid ("excellent"). The names of the Arab governors, replacing the name of Khusrau, came to be written in Pahlavi in front of the con-
COINS. Figure 4. Early Sasanian drachmae with mint names. N o . • 1, Vahram I (273-276 CE), mint, rev. above fire altar, Skst'n (for Sistan). No. 2, Vahram II (276-293 CE), with consort, and to right, hier; mint, rev. above fire altar, Ldy for Rayy. N o . 3 , Ohrmazd II (302-309 CE); mint, rev. on fire altar, Ldy for Rayy. Enlarged about 2X. Note ornate individual crowns of kings. N o . 1 , Indian National Museum, Parieck Collection. Nos. 2 - 3 , British Museum (Courtesy of the Trustees).
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ventionalized portrait. Eventually around AH 60/679-80 CE, the Muslim Hijrah reckoning was introduced for the dates. With die transfer of the caliphal capital to Damascus by die Umayyads, under die caliph 'Abd al-Malik, die quest began for a definitive Islamic coinage. In gold, die Byzantine "tiiree emperors" type of Heraclius was progressively modified by elimination of the crosses: the "cross on steps" and those on the crowns. Finally, die Arabic declaration of faith appears in the reverse margin. A similar type in silver with die central figure in an attitude of prayer was issued for Bishr ibn Marwan at al-Kufah (Aramaic Aqula) and Basra, respectively in 73/692-93 and 75/694-95. Next, the "standing caliph" type appears on the obverse of gold issues for 76/695-96 and on silver from Damascus dated 75/694-95 (cf. Walker, 1956). A remarkable type 0172/691-92 from Sistan has die Muslim Declaration of Faith in Middle Persian written in the Pahlavi script. The definitive Islamic typology (the "reformed coinage") appears in 77/696-97 for gold and in 79/698-99 for silver. Figural representations are now banned. The types are ex clusively inscriptional, obverses bearing simply the Decla ration of Faitii (shahadah) in the central area and the "Pro phetic Mission" (Qur'an 9:33) in die margin. The reverse has die Surat al-Ikhlas (Qur'an 1 1 2 : 1 - 3 ) in die central area. These words—"Allah is one, Allah is eternal, He did not beget, nor was He begotten"—were a formula said to have been inscribed on the banners of armies marching to fight the Byzantines. In the reverse margin is the date-legend witii the numeral written in words. On gold, mint names are un common. It is assumed that the bulk of coinage was issued at Damascus, although the mint names Ifriqiyah (Africa), al-Andalus (Spain), and Ma'dan Amir al-Mu'minin hi alHijaz ("Mine of the Caliph in the Hijaz") are sometimes found. On silver, mint names appear for more than sixtysix provincial and district centers, constituting the main in terest of die series. On the Umayyad gold and silver coinage, remarkably no name of any ruler is found. The extensive copper coinage, issued from innumerable local municipali ties, at first has only religious formulae. Mint names, names of governors, and ultimately dates progressively make tiieir appearance. Although of humdrum appearance, Islamic copper coinage, which every excavated site introduces in new varieties, has probably the greatest research potential in Near Eastern numismatics. Local knowledge is required to attribute the many "mintiess" varieties.
sues chiefly by the replacement in the reverse legend of the Surat al-Ikhlas by the words "Muhammad is the Prophet of Allah." In 146/763-64, the official name of the new Abbasid capital—Baghdad—appeared as Madinat es-Salam ("the city of peace") in the margin. T h e second city of the 'Abbasids was Rayy, the ancient predecessor of Tehran, under the designation al-Muhammadiyah. Although the Abbasid gold dinars continued the Umayyad form largely unchan ged, the dirhams evolved a slender and elongated Kufic script, which persisted until after the death of Harun alRashid in 170-193/786-809. Gradually the brief names of officials begin to appear on the coinage: mint supervisors, princes, ministers, governors, and eventually, the caliph himself with full titles. It was only in the tenth century CE with the increasing fragmentation of caliphal power that lo cal princes bearing the tide amir became effectively sover eign. They issued coinage, often even gold, in their own names, but still always acknowledging in the legends the Abbasid caliph as overlord. Such rulers were the Saffarids and Ghaznavids in Afghanistan; the Samanids and Qarakhanids in Central Asia; the Buyids, Zaydids, and Musafirids in Iran; and the Hamdanids and Marwanids in Syria and Mesopotamia. Finally, the Turkish dynasty of the Great Seljuqs overshadowed all lesser rivals, and from their capital at Isfahan established perhaps the most stable dispensation, dominating Asian Islam from 429/1038 until 590/1194. Dur ing this last phase a "silver famine," variously explained, overtook the treasuries of Islam, coinage seemingly being confined to gold and some copper. This interlude as a whole provides material of striking variety, issued by a galaxy of local mints, and documenting every stage of the complex history. After the brief interlude of the Khwarazmshahs, Ala ad-Din Tekish (567-596/1172-1200), and his son Ala alDin Muhammad b. Tekish (596/617-1200-1220), the Mon gol avalanche swept away the 'Abbasid caliphate and its sat ellites. Their onslaught utterly destroyed the old world of Islam and introduced in due course the late medieval coin age of the Near East with its Naskhi script and innovative designs.
The classically angular Arabic script on these early Islamic coins is designated "Kufic." The diacritical points distin guishing letters of similar form are sparingly found, but they do occur sporadically. Although evolving in detail, forms of the angular script continued until the later twelfth century CE when they were replaced by the joined and flowing "Naskhi" style. Coins of the 'Abbasid dynasty, who ousted the Umayyads in 132/749-50, are distinguished from earlier is
Balmuth, Miriam S. "The Monetary Forerunners of Coinage in Phoe nicia and Palestine." In International Numismatic Convention, Jeru salem, 1 7 - 3 1 December 1963, pp. 25-32. Tel Aviv, 1967. Balmirth, Miriam S. "Origins of Coinage." In A Survey of Numismatic Research, 1966-1971, vol. 1 , Ancient Numismatics, edited by Paul Naster et al., pp. 2 7 - 3 5 . New York, 1973. Balmuth, Miriam S. "Jewellers' Hoards and the Development of Early Coinage." In Actes du 8eme congris international de numismatique, New Yorlt-Washington, September 1973, edited by Herbert A. Cahn and Georges Le Rider, pp. 27-30. Paris and Basel, 1976.
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[See also Weights and Measures. In addition many of the ruling dynasties and individual sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Ingot Currency and Archaic Greek Coinage
COINS Bivar, A. D. H. "A Hoard of Ingot-Currency of the Median Period, from Nush-i Jan, near Malayir." Iran 9 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 9 7 - 1 1 1 . Illustrates archaeological evidence for the context of bar-ingots. Bivar, A. D. H. "Bent Bars and Straight Bars: An Appendix to the Mir Zakah Hoard." Sludia Iranica 1 1 (1982): 49-60. Bivar, A. D. H. "Achaemenid Coins, Weights, and Measures." In The Cambridge Histoiy of Iran, vol. 2, The Median and Achaernenian Pe riods, edited by Ilya Gershevitch, pp. 610-625. Cambridge, 1983. Carradice, Ian. "The 'Regal' Coinage of the Persian Empire." In Coin age and Administration in the Athenian and Persian Empires: TheNinth Oxford Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History, edited by Ian Carradice, pp. 7 3 - 9 5 . British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 343. Oxford, 1987. Herzfeld, Ernst. "Notes on the Achaemenid Coinage and Sasanian Mint-Names." In Transactions of the International Numismatic Con gress Organized and Held in London by the Royal Numismatic Society, June 30-July 3, 1936, on the Occasion of Its Centenary, edited by J. W. Allan et al., pp. 4 1 3 - 4 2 6 . London, 1938. First publication of the Persepolis foundation deposit, and the pioneer use of Sasanian bullae to elucidate the mint signatures on coins. Jenkins, G. K. "Coins from the Collection of C. J. Rich." British Mu seum Quarterly 28 (1964): 88-95. Literary records of a vast find of Greek coins and ingot currency on the Tigris bank not far from Baghdad. Kraay, Colin M., and Max Hirmer. Greek Coins. London, 1966. Su perbly illustrated survey of Greek coinage. Kraay, Colin M., and P. R. S. Moorey. "Two Fifth-Century Hoards from the Near East." Revue Numismatique 1 0 (1968): 1 8 1 - 2 3 5 . A "Jordan hoard" and a "Syrian hoard" of mixed Greek coins and scrap silver. Kraay, Colin M. Archaic and Classical Greek Coins. London, 1976. Kraay, Colin M., and P. R. S. Moorey. "A Black Sea Hoard of the Late Fifth Century B. C." Numismatic Chronicle 141 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 - 1 9 . Luschan, Felix von. Die Kleinfunde von Sendschrift (Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V). Berlin, 1943, pp. 1 1 9 - 1 2 1 . Powell, Marvin A. "A Contribution to the History of Money in Mes opotamia Prior to tire Invention of Coinage." In Festschrift Lubor Matous, edited by Blahoslav Hruska and Geza Komoroczy, pp. 2 1 1 - 2 4 3 . Budapest, 1978. Survey of cuneiform texts illustrating the mechanism of ingot currency and confirming numismatic evidence that weight denominations were only approximately adjusted. Price, Martin, and Nancy Waggoner. Archaic Greek Coinage: TheAsyut Hoard. London, 1975. The latest and most complete publication of a large hoard of Greek silver coins from Egypt, buried c. 475 BCE. Reade, Julian. "A Hoard of Silver Currency from Achaemenid Baby lon." Iran 24 (1986): 79-87. Robinson, E. S. G, "A 'Silversmith's Hoard' from Mesopotamia." Iraq 12 (1950): 4 4 - 5 1 . Robinson, E. S. G. "The Beginnings of Achaemenid Coinage." Nu mismatic Chronicle 18 (1958): 1 8 7 - 1 9 3 . Fundamental breakthrough in elucidation of the sequence and weight-standards of the Achae menid coinage of Sardis. Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. "Une trouvaille de monnaies archai'ques grecques a Ras Shamra." In Melanges syriens offerts a M. R. Dussaud, vol. 1, pp. 461-487. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 30. Paris, 1939. Schlumberger, Daniel. "L'argent grec dans l'empire achemenide." In Tresors monetaires d'Afghanistan, by Raoul Curiel and Daniel Schlumberger, pp. 3-64. Memoires de la Delegation Archeologique Francaise en Afghanistan, 14. Paris, 1953. Publication of the Tchaman-i Hazouri (Kabul) hoard of fifth-fourth century Greek coins and bent bars. Also describes the Malayer hoard of fifth-century Greek coins. Schmidt, Erich F. Persepolis II. Chicago, 1957, pp. 1 1 3 , pi. 84.
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Sellwood, David. "Parthian Coins" and "Minor States in Southern Iran." In The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3 . 1 , The Seleucid, Par thian, and Sasanian Periods, edited by Ehsan Yarshater, pp. 279-314. Cambridge, 1983. Includes excellent illustrations. The second article covers the coinage of Persis, Elymais, and Characene. Thompson, Margaret, et al. An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards. (IGCH). New York, 1973. Hellenistic and Parthian Coinage Ingholt, Flarald, et al. Recueil des lessercs de Palmyre. Bibliotheque Ar cheologique et Historique, vol. 58. Paris, 1955. Catalogue of Palmyrene temple tokens (tesserae). Jenkins, G. K. "Coin Hoards from Pasargadae." Iran 3 (1965): 4 1 - 5 2 . Two hoards of Alexander-coinage and of Seleucus. Le Rider, Georges. Suse sous les Seleucides et les Parthes: Les trouvailles monetaires et I'histoire de la ville. Paris, 1965. Morkholm, Otto. Early Hellenistic Coinage: From the Accession of Alex ander to the Peace of Apamea, 336-1S6 B.C. Cambridge, 1991. Newell, Edward T. Royal Greek Portrait Coins. New York, 1937. A most useful general survey. Newell, Edward T. The Coinage of the Eastern Seleucid Mints, from Se leucus I to Antiochus III. New York, 1938. Fundamental analysis of the eastern Seleucid coinage and mint-structure, still indispensable today. Covers the mints of Seleucia on the Tigris, Ecbatana, Susa, and Bactria. Newell, Edward T. The Coinage of the Western Seleucid Mints, from Seleucus I to Antiochus III. New York, 1 9 4 1 . Price, Martin Jessop. The Coinage in the Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus. 2 vols. Zurich and London, 1991. Sellwood, David. An Introduction to the Coinage of Parthia. 2d ed. Lon don, 1980. Very serviceable description of Parthian coinage, with tables for the conversion of Seleucid and Parthian dates (pp. 1 1 — 1 3 ) . Sasanian and Early Islamic Coinage Bacharach, Jere L., and H. A. Awad. "The Problem of Obverse and Reverse in Islamic Numismatics." Numismatic Chronicle (1973): 183-191. Broome, Michael. A Handbook of Islamic Coins. London, 1985. Gobi, Robert. Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig, 1971. Careful de scription of the coinage. Gobi, Robert. "Sasanian Coins." In The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 3 . 1 , The Seleucid, Parthian, and Sasanian Periods, edited by Ehsan Yarshater, pp. 322-338. Cambridge, 1983. Gyselen, Rika. "Tresor de monnaies sasanides trouve a Suse." Cahiers de la Delegation Archeologique Francaise en Iran 7 (1977): 61-74. Gyselen, Rika. "Un tresor iranien de monnaies sasanides." Revue Num ismatique 23 (1981): 133—141. Gyselen, Rika, and Ludvik Kalus. Deux tresors monetaires des premiers temps de I'lslam. Paris, 1983. Mixed hoards of Sasanian and early Islamic coins from Syria, witii a valuable appendix on the Sasanian mint signatures. Gyselen, Rika. "Un tresor de monnaies sasanides tardives." Revue Numismatique 32 (1990): 2 1 2 - 2 3 1 . Herzfeld, Ernst, "Notes on the Achaemenid Coinage and Sasanian Mint-Names." In Transactions of the International Numismatic Con gress Organized and Held in London by the Royal Numismatic Society, June 30-July 3, 193d, on the Occasion of Its Centenary, edited by J. W. Allan et al„ pp. 413-426. London, 1938. Malek, Hodge Mehdi. "A Seventh-Century Hoard of Sasanian Drachms." Iran 31 (1993): 77-93. Up-to-date treatment of a hoard of 296 drachmae of Khusrau II acquired by a collector from Quetta. Malek, Hodge Mehdi. "A Survey of Research on Sasanian Numis matics." Numismatic Chronicle 153 (1993): 227-269. Valuable survey
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with a comprehensive bibliography of 292 publications in the field (from which the present selection may be supplemented). Mochiri, Malek Iradj. "A Pahlavi Forerunner of the Umayyad Re formed Coinage." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1981): 168-172. Remarkable Arab-Sasanian issue from STstan, dated 72/ 691-692, rendering die Muslim declaration of faith in Middle Per sian, written in the Pahlavi script. Mochiri, Malek Iradj. "A Sasanian-Style Coin of YazTd b. Mu'awiya." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1982): i37-i4i.Pseudo-Sasanian drachma, attesting in Pahlavi script "Year 1 " of an unspecified ruler YazTd. Morton, A. II. "An Islamic Hoard of Forged Dirhams." Numismatic Chronicle (1975): 1 5 5 - 1 6 8 . Paruck, F. D.J. Sasanian Coins. Bombay, 1924. Comprehensive work for its day, illustrating a wide range of coinage; now increasingly out of date. Plant, Richard J. Arabic Coins and How to Read Them. 2d ed. London, 1980. Useful introduction to the inscriptions on early Islamic coins. Simon, H. "Die sasanidischen Miinzen des Fundes von Babylon: Ein Teil des bei Koldeweys Ausgrabungen im Jahre 1900 gefunden Mtinzschatzes." In Varia 1976, pp. 149-337. Acta Iranica, vol. 1 2 . Tehran, 1977. Walker, John. Catalogue of Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum, vol. \,Arab-Sassanian Coins. London, 1941. Fundamental study of this series, now somewhat dated. The arrangement by governors' names, radter than by mints, sometimes seems confusing since tentires of office were interrupted. Also the author's transliteration of Pahlavi legends, though logical, was idiosyncratic. Despite such mi nor shortcomings, this work is essential for serious research. Walker, John. Catalogue of Muhammadan Coins in the British Museum, vol. 2, A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and Post-Reform Umaiyad Coins. London, 1956. Indispensable research work for early Islamic coinage, though considerably supplemented in subsequent publica tions. Walker, John. "Some New Arab-Sassanian Coins." Numismatic Chron icle 12 (1956): 1 0 6 - 1 1 0 . Four notable additions to the repertoire of Arab-Sasanian coinage, including the astonishing Arab-Hephthalite issue of YazTd b. al-Muhallab from Guzgan. A. D. H. BIVAR
C O L O N I Z A T I O N . The term colonization has strong semantic associations with imperialism, especially that of nineteenth-century Europe where colonies were the politi cal, military, and economic possessions of metropolitan powers, held by force and controlled by a bureaucratic ma chinery. Typical colonial situations involved dominant for eign minority populations that enjoyed juridically privileged access to land, labor, and raw materials, and that retained adherence to metropolitan imperial powers. Ancient em pires differed from modern empires in their political struc ture and in their general emphasis on war loot and tribute payments. Even so, ancient systems minimally involved gar risons and bureaucratic outposts; the Akkadian "palace" at Tell Brak and the Gasur (Nuzi) archive reflect this military and administrative presence in northern Mesopotamia dur ing the twenty-third century BCE. Imperialism could also in volve direct control of land, whether by settling soldiers in the margins of empire (e.g., the Ur III state in the twentyfirst century BCE and also the Athenian and Roman empires
of later times), or by creating latifundia, large plantations worked by bound or slave labor (e.g., Achaemenid Persians in Babylonia). The Assyrian and Babylonian policy of de porting conquered peoples to create pacified labor pools in the first millennium counts as another form of imperial col onization. New F o u n d a t i o n s . Although these imperial situations contain aspects of colonialism, several other kinds of situa tions in the ancient world created nonimperial colonies. The new Phoenician and Greek foundations around the Medi terranean basin during the Iron Age (eighth-sixth century) exemplifies one of these situations. Here, a population em igrated from an existing city-state to establish another. Un like imperial colonies, these new communities were politi cally and economically independent from the founding city-state and displaced the indigenous population. T h e mo tives for the colonizing movement were variable, including competition for land and for the wealth that land represents, creation of ttading stations with access to new markets, relief from overpopulation and food shortage in the mother citystate, and exile of disaffected political factions. T r a d e Colonies. Commercial communities that formed foreign quarters in cities were another, common "colonial" situation in the ancient Near East. In such cases, the for eigners were temporary residents who invested in financial instruments, not land or labor. The activities of these com munities were commonly based on agreements between the local ruler and the trading association or foreign state in or der to make more predictable (reduce risks) the commercial colony's legal standing, the conditions of trade, and protec tion costs. These agreements also acted to limit the political, and even economic, power of trading communities. Desig nated ports-of-trade established analogous legal conduits of trade in which trading privileges and restrictions were es tablished by the local authority. Commercial colonies should be distinguished from trade diasporas in which dispersed members of an ethnic group (e.g., Jews, Greeks, Armenians, and Indians in more recent Asian history) possessed special status as traders across vast regions, but did not enjoy con nections to a metropolitan government. The Akkadian word karum refers to the port or commer cial quarter of Mesopotamian cities in general where explicit rules of conduct enforced peaceful and profitable trade with neighboring city-states and with more distant regions. The karum institution could operate in both nonimperial and im perial settings. For example, the karum at Sippar in northern Babylonia provided the institutional setting for traders from other Babylonian kingdoms and from Assur, early in the second millennium; Sippar also hosted permanent com munities from Eshnunna, Isin, and other Mesopotamian cit ies. Similarly, the Assyrian empire maintained karums for trade with Egypt and witii Arwad (and from there with the Mediterranean), in order to regulate and supervise trade witii places still outside direct imperial control. Other ex-
COLONIZATION amples of a similar system, though less well known, include the community of Old Babylonian traders in the Persian Gulf (the alik Dilmun), and the Greek emporia (trade cen ters) at al-Mina (Syria) and Naukratis (Egypt). The Old Assyrian Cappadocian karum system provides the best-known example of ancient commercial coloniza tion. In operation during the early centuries of the second millennium, the karum system involved the presence in au tonomous (and previously existing) cities of Central Ana tolia of Assyrian traders and their families (which often in cluded local wives). T h e traders represented private family firms or joint investment ventures based in Assur, under the provisions of treaties between die local Anatolian king and the Assyrian authorities. T h e traders formed their own in stitutional structure and offices, to regulate the activities of, and to adjudicate disagreements between, members of the karum community, and to represent the karum in the local royal court. The best-known Assyrian karum in Anatolia is Kanes (Kultepe) in Cappadocia; the textual evidence indi cates that Assyrian trading colonies also existed at Alisar, Bogazkoy (die later Hittite capital), and other places. T h e Kanes archives record the transactions of Assyrian traders bringing woolen textiles and tin to Kanes and beyond, where these commodities were exchanged for silver and other commodities to be trafficked in Assur. Archaeological Cases. As the review of colonies in the ancient Near East suggests, many of the clearest examples date to the second and first millennia BCE, when the textual sources provide most of the evidence. In earlier periods or in less habitually literate areas of western Asia at any time, archaeological evidence suggests colonialism in certain cases. The Uruk expansion. T h e Late Uruk period of southern Mesopotamia presents very strong evidence for a colonial expansion into the surrounding regions. T h e archaeological evidence falls into several distinct patterns. In the Susiana plain of western Iran, an essentially Uruk assemblage re placed the indigenous culture. T h e transformation was vir tually complete; die previous tradition of painted pottery and stamp seals disappeared, replaced by Uruk pottery and the Uruk administrative technology (cylinder seals, jar sealings, bullae [impressed tags of metal or clay that in Uruk times formed hollow balls] and tokens, and eventually nu merical notation tablets). This cultural replacement strongly suggests colonization and cultural absorption of the Susiana plain into southern Mesopotamia. New foundations outside southern Mesopotamia repre sent a second pattern, best seen at Habuba Kabira, Tell Qannas, and Jebel 'Aruda on the middle Euphrates in Syria. Habuba Kabira South, the town, and Tell Qannas, the acropolis, formed a walled settlement at least 2 0 hectares ( 5 0 acres) in size. T h e settlement possessed regularly laid-out streets, and gives every indication of being a planned foun dation. Just to the north Jebel Aruda contained monumental c
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buildings surrounded by residential structures, and may have been the administrative center for the Uruk commu nities in the area. The material culture in these sites was almost entirely Uruk in nature, including a wide variety of southern Mesopotamian pottery, administrative devices, and styles of public and private architecture. Habuba Kabira and its sister sites seem to have been occupied 1 5 0 years or fewer, toward the end of the Late Uruk period. Godin, in the Zagros mountains of southwest Iran, pre sents another distinctive pattern; Uruk materials are asso ciated with a walled compound that contains small rooms arranged around a courtyard (Godin V) within an otherwise local settlement (Godin VI). Inside the Uruk compound, roughly one-third of the pottery is local and the rest Uruk related; in addition to the pottery, Uruk materials include seals and sealings, and numerical notation tablets. Like Ha buba Kabira, the Uruk presence at Godin V appears to have been relatively short-lived and dates toward the end of the Late Uruk period. Some scholars have attributed Godin V to die slightiy later Proto-Elamite phenomenon. Other sites combine Uruk and local traits. For example, at Hassek Hoyiik in southeastern Turkey the architecture is strongly Uruk in character, but the local Late Chalcolithic pottery outnumbers the Uruk-related assemblage and both local and Uruk seals occur. Elsewhere, southern Mesopo tamian materials, often only beveled-rim bowls and a few other pottery types, appear as minor elements in otherwise local Late Chalcolithic sites in western Iran, Syro-Mesopotamia, and eastern Anatolia. Southern Mesopotamian ma terials even appear in the eastern Nile Delta, at Tell Fara'in (Buto). The Uruk expansion has received several different inter pretations. Some have considered it to represent flight from the growing power of state government in southern Meso potamia. Otiiers have appealed to a Greek analogy, thinking of colonization as relief from overpopulation as well as a search for trading opportunities. T h e most common expla nation is commercial, in which the Uruk settlements and enclaves were optimally situated to direct both riverine and overland traffic into southern Mesopotamia. In its strongest form, this argument considers the Uruk expansion to have been a conscious, state-directed policy of empire, probably the consequence of competition among the emerging citystates. Although sites like Habuba Kabira and Godin V date to the late Late Uruk period, the Uruk expansion actually began in Middle Uruk times. T h e expansion therefore was not simply a sudden explosive state-administered enterprise, and took several distinct forms (e.g., new foundations, com mercial colonies) through time, for which no single expla nation can adequately account. Egypt in Early Bronze Age Palestine. A similar situa tion appears in southern Palestine and northern Sinai during Early Bronze (EB) Age I times (c. 3 4 0 0 - 3 0 0 0 ) . Surveys and excavations in northern Sinai and southern Palestine have
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revealed a complex picture of intensifying Egyptian involve ment with the southern Levant. Early Gerzean (Naqada II) pottery, both imported and locally made, appeared in sites like Tel 'Erani, Fara H, and Taur Ikhbeineh during the early EBA I period, and die evidence hints that some Egyptians lived in soutiiern Palestine (e.g., the concentration of Egyp tian artifacts in a single building at Fara FI). In the reciprocal direction, notable amounts of early EB I pottery and some cast copper objects in Palestinian forms appeared at Maadi and Minshat Abu Omar in Lower Egypt. These early EB I manifestations of an Egyptian involvement with southern Palestine culminated during die late EB I, when evidence for colonies becomes widespread. The two best-known sites are Tel 'Erani and 'Ein-Besor. Egyptian pottery appears virtually throughout the Tel 'Erani sequence, and accounts for nearly half die pottery in stratum V, to which is also assigned a serekh (palace-facade design pattern) of dynasty o (3200-3100 BCE). Petrographic anal ysis of the Egyptian pottery indicates that most of it was made in southern Palestine, and only a small proportion was imported from Egypt. The pottery locally made in Egyptian styles significantiy has a diversity of functional forms, whereas the imported pottery is mostly containers. At 'EinBesor III, roughly 90 percent of the pottery is Egyptian in style, and most of it seems to have been imported; as at Tel 'Erani, the pottery assemblage covers a wide range of func tional forms, and otiier Egyptian objects also occur. A small house built according to Egyptian standards contained a corpus of Egyptian-style clay bullae used to track grain and other goods collected as taxes, and their subsequent distri bution. Petrographic analysis indicates that the bullae were locally made, and the seals impressed on the bullae differ in workmanship and sign combinations from those found in Egypt. The bullae seem to reflect the internal administrative regulation of an Egyptian community at the site. Clusters of very small sites of this period are strung out along the northern Sinai coast. The heavy erosion or defla tion of tiiese sites may account for the lack of stratigraphy and the apparent absence of architecture. T h e sites contain cooking and baking installations, domestic pottery (includ ing baking trays and bread molds), and stone tools. Roughly 80 percent of the pottery is Egyptian (dynasties c—1, c. 32002900 BCE); petrographic analysis indicates-that it was pro duced in Egypt. In contrast to the wide functional range of die Egyptian pottery, the local pottery consists mostly of storage jars. The EB I episode of an Egyptian presence in soutiiern Palestine has been variably interpreted. Most recent assess ments of Egyptian colonization indicate diat it endured some 150 to 200 years and involved at least several hundred people whose communities performed the full range of ac tivities expected in both domestic and public administrative contexts. Some scholars see these communities as Egypt's first military foray into the area. In this scenario, the Egyp
tian settlements in northern Sinai and southern Palestine represent way-stations and forts in a crown-sponsored sys tem of administered trade. Other interpretations strip away the aspect of military control, and describe die Egyptian communities as forming a purely peaceful commercial net work. State sponsorship of the commercial network is un necessary to this interpretation, and the local nature of the 'Ein-Besor sealings suggests minimal, direct crown involvement in this community. In botii scenarios, the basic incentive for colonies was improved access to Asiatic com modities, which may have included various woods, resins, honey, turquoise, and copper. Other early cases. T h e Proto-Elamite period (c. 3 1 0 0 2900) of southwestern Iran witnessed a phenomenon of ex pansion similar to that of Uruk Mesopotamia. During this period, an assemblage of beveled-rim bowls, painted pot tery, Proto-Elamite seals and sealings, and Proto-Elamite tablets appeared at Susa (immediately after the Late Uruk period) and at Tal-i Malyan in Fars (die Banesh phase). This same complex of items also appeared in local contexts at places like Tepe Sialk on the Kashan plain and Tepe Yahya in Kirman, and elements of the complex have been found as far east as Shahr-i Soklita in Seistan and Hissar on the Damghan plain. The Proto-Elamite expansion is often seen as an effort to control trade routes and to acquire foreign materials; less thoroughly documented than the Uruk case, however, its use of commercial colonies, new foundations, and/or imperial colonization remains uncertain. The Indus (Harappan) civilization provides a final ex ample of early colonization, revealed by an enclave of small Harappan settlement in eastern Bactria, and strongly Har appan settlements around the Gulf of Oman. Shortugai in Bactria and approximately 700 Ion (435 mi.) from the Indus Valley contains a completely Indus assemblage, including painted pottery, inscribed sherds, stamp seals, and construc tion along Indian standards. On the southeastern Arabian coast, the buildings at Ras al-Junayz belong neither to local nor to Harappan architectural traditions; but the artifacts from these buildings include numerous Indus-style objects (painted pottery, inscribed sherds, seals, beads, and ivory objects) alongside pottery painted in local Arabian styles and locally made stone bowls. The location of Shortugai and Ras al-Junayz at strategic points on trade routes or near raw ma terials (lapis lazuli, copper, possibly tin) have lead many scholars to interpret them as trading communities. But tiiese settlements represent different situations—Shortugai ap pears to have been a thoroughly Harappan settiement in habited by people from the Indus valley, whereas Ras alJunayz expresses a strong Indian presence in a local context. Conclusions. In the above examples, a basic distinction is made between nonimperial and imperial varieties of col onization. The clearest examples of nonimperial coloniza tion were commonly associated with trade. In many cases, commercial colonies were permanent communities that op-
COMPUTER MAPPING erated under formal agreements between local authorities and the metropolitan government or trade association. Greek colonization of the Mediterranean basin aside, these commercial colonies typically were uninterested in agricul tural land or labor. Ancient empires focused on extracting tribute payments, rather than direct control over land and labor. This kind of imperialism required that military gar risons and bureaucratic officials be stationed in subject ar eas, but often did not encourage the presence of wider seg ments of the dominant society. Accordingly, colonization was a secondary aspect of ancient empires before the Achaemenids. Moreover, empire and trading colony were alter native ways of acquiring foreign goods, and trade often led to empire. An early (literary) example is Sargon's excuse for campaigning in eastern Anatolia to protect Mesopotamian traders there, and the Akkadian habit of referring to places by their desirable products (e.g., the Silver Mountain). The Late Uruk expansion may present an older example, in which new foundations at places like Habuba Kabira may have attempted direct control over trade that previously had been less formally conducted. [Most of the sites and civilisations mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Algaze, Guillermo "The Uruk Expansion: Cross-Cultural Exchange in Early Mesopotamian Civilization." Current Anthropology 30 (1989): 571-608. Review of evidence for the Uruk expansion and presenta tion of the informal empire and control of trade argument. See as well Algaze's The Uruk World System: The Dynamics of Early Meso potamian Civilization (Chicago, 1993), together with critical com mentaries from other scholars. Amiet, Pierre. L'dge des echanges inter-iraniens. Paris, 1986. Magisterial overview of interregional connections on the Iranian plateau during the fourth and third millennia BCE, addressing Late Uruk, ProtoElamite, Indus, and Central Asian materials. Ben-Tor, Amnon. "New Light on the Relations between Egypt and Southern Palestine during the Early Bronze Age." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 281 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 3 - 1 0 . Recent summary of the evidence for the Egyptian presence in southern Pal estine during the EBA I, presenting the commercial colonies inter pretation. Boardman, John. The Greeks Overseas. Rev. ed. London, 1980. Stan dard review of Greek colonization in the Mediterranean and Black Sea. Curtin, Philip D. Cross-Cultural Trade in World History. Cambridge, 1984. Reviews "trade diasporas" and commercial colonization in his tory, with special attention to Asia and Africa, providing a set of useful concepts for understanding these phenomena. Doyle, Michael. Empires. Ithaca, N.Y., 1986. Comparative study of die sociology of ancient and modern empires, with special attention to understanding the conditions of formal versus informal empire and colonization. Finley, Moses I, "Colonies: An Attempt at a Typology." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, ser. 5, vol. 26 (1976): 1 6 7 - 1 8 8 . Thoughtful investigation into the varieties of colonialism in the an cient and modern world. Francfort, H.-P. Fouilles de Shortugai. Paris, 1989. Final report on the French excavation at this Indus site in eastern Afghanistan.
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Joffe, Alexander. "Early Bronze I and the Evolution of Social Com plexity in the Southern Levant." Journal of Mediterranean Archae ology 4.1 ( 1 9 9 1 ) : 3-58. Interpretive essay on the antecedents to EBA II—III urbanism of the southern Levant that assigns a limited role to EBA I Egyptian colonization. Kemp, Barry J. "Imperialism and Empire in New Kingdom Egypt, c. 1 5 7 5 - 1 0 8 7 . B.C." In Imperialism in the Ancient World, edited by P. D. A. Garnsey and C. R. Whittaker, pp. 7-57. Cambridge, 1978. Review of Egyptian imperialism and colonization that distinguishes the situation in Nubia from that in Syro-Palestine during the Late Bronze Age. Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. "The Proto-Elamites on the Iranian Pla teau." Antiquity 52 (1978): 1 1 4 - 1 2 0 . Review of evidence for the Proto-Elamite involvement on the Iranian plateau, seen in the con text of trade. Larsen, Mogens T. The Old Assyrian Cily-Siale and Its Colonies. Co penhagen, 1976. Standard discussion of the political, legal, and eco nomic organization of the Old Assyrian Cappadocian trade. Larsen, Mogens T., ed. Power and Propaganda: A Symposium on Ancient Empires. Copenhagen, 1979. Collection of essays on the motives and representations of imperialism in ancient western Asia, and discus sions of the relationship between trade and imperialism. Oren, Eliezer D. "Early Bronze Age Settlement in Northern Sinai: A Model for Egypto-Canaanite Interconnections." In L'urbanisalion de la Palestine a l'dge du Bronze ancien: Bilan el perspectives des recherches actuelles; Actes du Collogue d'Emrnaiis, 20-24 octobre 1986, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 389-405. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989. Presents the imperial control interpretation of the Egyptian presence in southern Palestine during the EBA I. Stolper, Matthew W. Entrepreneurs and Empire: The Murasu Archive, the Murasu Firm, and Persian Rule in Babylonia. Leiden, 1985. Ex amines the financial and administrative impact on land-tenure and taxation of die Achaemenids in Babylonia. CHRISTOPHER EDENS
C O L O R . See Munsell Chart.
C O M P U T E R M A P P I N G . Geographic information systems (GIS), also known as computer mapping technol ogies, are digital databases that store, manipulate, capture, analyze, create, and display spatially referenced data. The spatial component of these systems make them readily ap plicable to archaeological research, where archaealogists record location information for everything from individual artifacts to sites in a regional survey. Many projects also record environmental data and such modern features as roads and villages. All of these data are spatially referenced and often best understood when stored as maps, an easy and relatively inexpensive task for a GIS. Data for building a GIS can come from a number of sources. Remotely sensed data, such as satellite images, aer ial photography, and geographic positioning systems, along with more traditional sources, such as paper maps and ar chaeological databases, can be used to construct a GIS. Un like paper maps, which store multiple data themes on a sin gle sheet, GIS store data themes in individual layers: a layer
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for roads, a layer for elevation, a layer for Iron Age sites. Because tiiese map layers are referenced to a common co ordinate system, they can be electronically overlaid to create any combination of data themes. The advantage of this type of system is obvious: maps can be quicldy and easily revised as new data become available without the expense of tradi tional cartography. GIS come in two basic types, vector and raster. Because of the differences in how they manage spatial data, each has its own particular strengths and weaknesses. Vector-based GIS are easily understood because, like paper maps, they store their data as points, lines, and polygons. These entities form the basic data units of a vector GIS, for which spatial information must be explicitly encoded. For example, if a road network is put into a vector GIS as a series of lines, specific X and Y coordinate data must be encoded for each line before the spatial relationships between the various road segments have meaning. The strengths of vector-based systems lie principally in their familiar format, accuracy, high-quality cartographic output, connectivity to powerful databases, and the rela tively small amounts of computer space they require. These strengths make vector-based systems ideal for managing data across large regions and producing detailed and accu rate maps. For example, archaeological resource man agement on a state or national level would be an ideal application for a vector-based system, especially if publication-quality maps are needed. The weaknesses of a vector GIS stem primarily from the necessity to encode spa tial data explicitly. This means that continuously changing surfaces, such as elevation and slope, must be generalized as elevation contours or polygons representing slope cate gories. These are ultimately unsatisfactory for many types of archaeological modeling. In a raster-based GIS, data are stored in a grid of columns and rows, much like a spreadsheet, that represent X and Y coordinates in the real world. The intersection of each row and column is known as a cell. Each cell represents a specific area in the real world and contains a Z value, or number that can represent anything from elevation values, to sites, to soil types. Unlike vector systems, the basic data unit in a raster GIS is a spatial unit (the cell) for which entity infor mation must be explicitly encoded. For example, if a road network is put into a raster GIS, the X and Y coordinates are implicit because they are determined by their position in the grid; however, Z values corresponding to the various components of the network must be explicitly encoded in each cell for them to have meaning as roads. The strengths of raster systems are found principally in their ability to manage data that are continuous across a sur face, in their simple data structure, and in their ability to use remotely sensed data, such as satellite images, which are stored in a raster format. These strengths make the creation of complex mathematical models possible. For instance,
with a raster GIS, it is possible to reconstruct large portions of the paleoenvironment, especially terrain-related data, as continuous surfaces. Rather than representing elevation as a series of contours, each cell in a raster GIS contains a Z value corresponding to the elevation at that location. Be cause these surfaces are constructed of numbers in cells, they can be subjected to sophisticated mathematical manip ulation to create new surfaces. Any equation that can be devised, such as surface i 4- surface 2 = surface 3 , can be carried out in a raster GIS. T h e disadvantages of a raster GIS lie principally in file size and cartographic output. Ras ter files use large amounts of computer disk space. Even grids representing relatively small areas will contain tens of thousands of cells, and grids with hundreds of thousands of cells are common. Also, because of the raster structure, the traditional cartographic output of points, lines, and polygons is less accurate and of generally poorer quality. An example of the types of analysis possible with a GIS can be drawn from the Tell el-'Umeiri regional survey in Jordan. The ceramic record from this region indicates a sub stantial increase in human activity with the change from Iron I to Iron II. T o investigate how this increased activity may have modified subsistence strategies, a raster GIS containing several environmental variables was constructed. Eight of the variables were selected and probability models based on a logistic regression were created. This modeling process involved a comparison of the sites from each period witii a random sample of 2 5 0 nonsite locations. T h e environmental variables were then weighted, according to their relative im portance as revealed by the regression, and summed to cre ate models of the environmental signature for sites from each period. The models illustrated that during the Iron I period the areas considered environmentally suitable for set tlement were limited, but that the pressures of increased hu man activities forced a change in subsistence strategies dur ing the Iron II period, leading to an expansion into areas previously considered unsuitable. [See also Computer Recording, Analysis, and Interpreta tion.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Allen, Kathleen M. S., et al, eds. Interpreting Space: GIS and Archae ology. London, 1990. Collection of articles with the stated purpose to "provide archaeologists with the information to be able to evalu ate, purchase, and apply GIS to their work" (p. ix). Practical ex amples and a theoretical discussion of die relationship between ar chaeology and GIS, along with discussions of hardware/software considerations. Burrough, P. A. Principles of Geographical Information Systems for Land Resources Assessment. Oxford, 1986. Standard introduction to the fundamentals of GIS, Kvamme, Kenneth L. "Geographical Information Systems in Regional Archaeological Research and Data Management." In Archaeological Method and Theory, vol. 1, edited by Michael B. Schiffer, pp. 139-203. Tucson, 1989. Introduction to using GIS in archaeological research, with a good discussion of the possibilities and practicalities
COMPUTER RECORDING, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION of GIS, including data management and the differences between vector and raster systems. Kvamme, Kenneth L. "A Predictive Site Location Model on the High Plains: An Example with an Independent Test." Plains Anthropologist 37 (1992): 19-40. Accessible example of a probability model based on logistic regression. An understanding of mathematics and statis tics is helpful, but not necessary, for understanding the basic prin ciples used to create the model. Monmonier, Mark. How to Lie with Maps. Chicago, 1991. Clever, witty, and informative introduction to basic cartographic techniques; an enjoyable way to gain a basic understanding of maps and map pre sentations, including some problems specific to GIS. The chapters on maps used for propaganda and disinformation are especially good. GARY L. CHRISTOPHERSON
COMPUTER RECORDING, ANALYSIS, A N D I N T E R P R E T A T I O N . T h e introduction of microcomputers in 1 9 7 6 began to change dramatically and substantively the way in which archaeologists record and analyze data. Suddenly, what had been a scarce resource was nearly universally available. As this technology evolves, researchers will be developing applications not yet envi sioned. W o r d Processing a n d Desktop Publishing. Using computer technology, archaeological reports can be pre pared quickly and revised conveniently. Archaeologists can now take portable computers into the field to record infor mation at the excavation site. With the advanced capability of software for text manipulation and word-processing soft ware becoming more like desktop publishing software, ar chaeologists can create reports that include photographs, charts, graphs, diagrams, and drawings in a format ready for publication, substantially decreasing the time between ex cavation and publication. Powerful new technologies for the dissemination of archaeological information in hypertext format, both on compact disk and on the World Wide Web, are transforming tire nature of archaeological publication. D a t a b a s e M a n a g e m e n t . Most archaeological projects deal with vast numbers of artifacts. The use of an electronic database to catalog artifacts improves the efficiency of this essential recordkeeping. It is possible to obtain information about excavated material that was once time-consuming or labor intensive: database management programs can quickly sort and reorganize data, making it possible to query, for example, all objects of a particular material or type, from a particular period, and associated with a particular context. Such processes allow a researcher to detect patterns and re lationships and to form hypotheses for further investigation that might not have emerged from a simple handwritten or printed catalog. Optimal results are obtained when the soft ware chosen is a fully relational database system, which al lows the user to combine information drawn from several different files or catalogs (e.g., an artifact registry, a pottery registry, a file of information about individual loci). T h e
57
software should allow the inclusion of graphical information (photographs or drawings) and extensive notation. The abil ity to export data for use in other computer programs (e.g., for inclusion in reports prepared using a word processor or desktop publishing program or in a spreadsheet or other program for statistical analyses) is very important. Similarly, interactive connections to other computer programs, partic ularly computer-aided design (CAD) software, are very use ful. The context of a particular item recorded in a database can be displayed by a symbol inserted into a drawing to show precisely where the artifact was unearthed. Selecting a par ticular symbol in a drawing will retrieve the associated in formation from the database file and display the complete (or selected) material from the catalog. Database manage ment programs easily produce reports that can guide exca vation and enhance publication. Quantitative Analysis a n d Statistics. Recording and reporting the presence of materials of a particular type (i.e., cooking pots, lamps, nails) or from a particular period (i.e.. Early Bronze II, Iron I, Early Roman), is quantitative infor mation that can be very useful in the interpretive process. If the pottery from a particular locus, to take one example, includes a high percentage of vessels used to prepare and consume food, it could support the conclusion that die area in which it was excavated was a kitchen or dining facility; the presence of a very small quantity of such wares, as a percentage of the whole, would weigh against such a con clusion. Similarly, quantitative information about the ce ramics from a particular historical/cultural period can be very revealing. When one period is compared with another, relative quantities of material can indicate an increasing or decreasing population, the extent to which an area was used in a given period, or other changes in the demographics or economy that might have occurred over time. The record ing, manipulation, and reporting of such numerical infor mation about artifacts constitutes descriptive statistics, which are extremely important for tire careful reporting of archaeological excavation and the effective presentation of conclusions drawn by the investigators. More important, however, are analytical statistics, also re ferred to as inferential statistics. Archaeology involves the reconstruction of the human past on the basis of the material evidence, and archaeologists' hypotheses about human ac tivity are based on a very small sample of the surviving ma terial. This may be envisioned as follows: 1. Life assemblage. In the past there was a complete ma terial culture, including numerous structures and artifacts that were part of a society of living, active human beings. 2. Deposited assemblage. When one cultural environment is replaced by another (whether by abandonment, destruc tion, or natural evolution), there is a residue from the earlier period of those artifacts that come to rest or remain at the site. 3 . Preserved assemblage. Only a portion of the deposited
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COMPUTER RECORDING, ANALYSIS, AND INTERPRETATION
assemblage will survive the ravages of time and subsequent activity and be available for excavation and collection. 4. Sample assemblage. Only a small portion of the pre served assemblage will actually be recovered and studied by archaeologists. It is important to note drat the several assemblages re ferred to above become increasingly smaller as the list moves from 1 to 4. This is why analytic, or inferential, statistics are crucial. As the archaeologist theoretically moves from sam ple data to conclusions about larger populations, there are many computer programs available that will enhance the sophistication and efficiency of statistical analyses. Computer-Aided Design a n d Drafting. CAD (or CADD) software offers great potential for recording and interpretating archaeological data. Related tasks, not treated here, are mapping and surface modeling. Drawings are a staple in archaeological recordkeeping, ranging from simple schematic diagrams, to accurate "stone for stone" drawings of individual areas of excavation, to composite drawings of larger fields or sites. They include drawings of individual artifacts (such as the technical rendering of individual pot sherds) and projections of buildings and other structures that illustrate their complete form and function. Electronic ("digitized") drawings have many advantages over their pa per counterparts: they can be more easily edited, more easily combined into larger wholes, and more easily and precisely compared. If drawing to a different scale or combining el ements from several drawings into a new, composite whole is needed, it can be accomplished quickly and easily. Fur thermore, with drawings produced accurately to scale, mea surements of size or distance and calculations of area be come trivial tasks, as "overlays" can be easily and dynamically manipulated. As with numerical data, CAD drawings allow archaeologists to engage in "what i f explo rations of hypotheses. That can both guide excavation and assist interpretation. Archaeologists employ several methods to produce CAD drawings. The following are among the procedures in use: 1. Tracing. Conventionally produced drawings can be traced, using a digitizing tablet, to produce an electronic copy of the original. 2. Scanning. Conventional drawings, photographs, or slides can be scanned to create copies that can be imported into CAD software. Scanning, however, produces rasterized (bit mapped) images that require raster-to-vector conver sion in order to obtain drawings that exploit the full potential of CAD technology. Even with the use of autotrace utilities conversion can be very labor intensive and slow. 3. Direct entry. A drawing can be generated electronically from directly entered x-y (or x-y-z) coordinates. These co ordinates can be obtained and entered manually or directiy through linked electronic surveying equipment.
4. Photogrammetry. A number of techniques exist for ob taining digital images from conventional film or digital pho tography. Photogrammetry can produce highly precise graphic images in either two or three dimensions. Digital Photography and Scanning. Digital images have become increasingly important for archaeological re cording. Whether they are obtained indirectly (e.g. by scan ning slides or photographs produced using conventional photography) or directiy (i.e, using a digital camera or "frame grabber" and video camera), they offer many ad vantages over conventional photography. Photographs taken with a digital camera are almost instantiy available be cause they do not require the processing associated with photographic film. Furthermore, digital images, especially those stored on optical disks, are much more stable than images on photographic film. If the electronic data remain intact (multiple backup copies can be maintained to ensure this) die quality of the image will not deteriorate over time. Digital images are also more efficientiy kept in archives, where they require far less space and are more easily cata loged and accessed. They can be easily edited (cut, cropped, and enhanced) and quickly imported into documents (from field notes to final publications) or database records. It is quite feasible for a catalog of artifacts, maintained as an elec tronic database, to include pictures of each object along with text information. Furthermore, digital images can be sent, almost instantiy, over computer networks to others through out the world. Finally, Quick Time™ images, (essentially digital motion pictures) allow an object to be displayed dy namically and seen from all sides and with changing light and shadow, to reveal important detail. Such images can be included with other information as a part of a permanent archeological record or report. Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and Re mote-Sensing and Global-Positioning Systems. Several computer technologies have had an impact on archaeolog ical data collection and interpretation. Geographic infor mation systems (GIS) provide a dynamic link between com puter-generated maps or CAD drawings and database files. Thus, the location of any item in a database file can be shown on a map or drawing. Similarly, objects on a map or in a drawing can be linked to related information in a da tabase file. Furthermore, GIS software allows the researcher to explore the spatial relationship of objects to each other as well as to other spatial relationships. Using a survey map and its associated data, relationships can be explored among occupied sites along with their relationship to such ecolog ical and topological features as the availability of water, the proximity of roads, and the nature of the terrain. Similarly, the plan of a building can be used to show the relationship of the artifacts found in it, providing the archaeologist with data to determine the kinds of human activity that took place in it and in its vicinity after it was destroyed or abandoned.
CONDER, CLAUDE REIGNIER Remote-sensing and global-positioning systems offer the ar chaeologist means for more rapid and accurate data collec tion and recording, particularly during surveys, than manual techniques allow. Advances in computer technology are encouraging ar chaeologists to adopt standards for data collection and re cording and to share information more easily. Computer software programs are facilitating the collection and storage of data and enabling the results from many excavation proj ects to be drawn together to enhance the understanding of increasingly wider geographic regions and more extended periods of human history. [See also Computer Mapping; Recording Techniques; and Statistical Applications.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aldrich, Frank, et al. Computer Graphics in Archaeology; Statistical Car tographic Applications to Spatial Analysis in Archaeological Contexts. Arizona State University, Anthropological Research Papers, no. 15. Tempe, 1979. Archaeological Computing Newsletter. Published quarterly by Oxford University's Institute of Archaeology, this newsletter contains brief articles reporting current work in archaeological computing. Blakely, Jeffrey A., and William J. Bennett, Jr., eds. Analysis and Pub lication of Ceramics: The Computer Data-Base in Archaeology. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 551. Oxford, 1989. CSA: Newsletter of the Center for the Study of Architecture. Published quarterly by the Center of Architecture at Bryn Mawr College, this newsletter covers a broad range of computer applications of interest to archaeologists and very often includes information about classical and Near Eastern archaeology. Gaines, Sylvia W., ed. Data Bank Applications in Archaeology. Tucson, 1981. Gardin, J.-C, with O. Guillaume. Artificial Intelligence and Expert Sys tems: Case Studies in the Knowledge Domain of Archaeology. Translated by Richard Ennals. Chichester and New York, 1988. Klein, Richard G., and Kathryn Cruz-Uribe. The Analysis of Animal Bones from Archaeological Sites. Chicago, 1984. Provides an excellent and easily understandable discussion of statistical theory with an ap plication particularly instructive for archaeologists interested in sta tistical analyses. Lock, Gary, and John Wilcock. Computer Archaeology. Princes Risborough, 1987. A useful overview of archaeological computing. Lock, Gary, and Jonathan Moffett, eds. Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology 1991. British Archaeological Re ports, International Series, no. S577. Oxford, 1992. The most recent in a series of annual volumes of the same title (often with different editors), and the most valuable resource available for those who wish comprehensive and detailed information about applications and ad vances in archaeological computing. Richards, J. D., and N . S. Ryan. Data Processing in Archaeology. Cam bridge, 1985. One of the Cambridge manuals in archaeology, this volume provides a good general treatment of the topic, although one that is rapidly becoming outdated. Whittlesey, Julian H. Photogrammetry for the Archaeologist with Calcu lator Programs for Cartographic Plotting. Auburn, N.Y., 1979. Al though not related to Near Eastern archaeology, this volume pro vides useful information about photogrammetry. THOMAS R. W . LONGSTAFF
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C O N D E R , C L A U D E R E I G N I E R (1848-1910), principal surveyor for the Survey of Western Palestine ( 1 8 7 1 - 1 8 7 7 ) . Conder, who as a colonel was to spend much of his career attached to the Ordnance Survey of Great Brit ain, was commissioned into the Royal Engineers in 1870, having distinguished himself in surveying and drawing. Af ter a two-year professional course at die School of Military Engineering at Chatham, his services were requested by the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) for the Survey of West ern Palestine, which he joined, as officer in charge, in 1872. Conder also earned honorary Doctor of Civil Law and Doc tor of Laws degrees (the latter from Edinburgh, 1 8 9 1 ) . The survey's ambitiously wide-ranging undertaking em braced not only tire topographical survey itself, but also the recording and investigation of all potential biblical sites, ge ology, and natural history. T o all this, Conder brought his graphical skills and undoubted learning, but these were not matched by his ability to interpret the evidence correctly and many of his identifications were subsequently disproven. Like Charles Warren before him, Conder lacked the tech nical skills which characterized excavations of the last dec ade of the nineteenth century and beyond. His outstanding contribution to the archaeology of Palestine lay in his major share of the production of the twenty-six-sheet map of west ern Palestine which die PEF published at a scale of 1:63,360 in 1880. This project is acknowledged to have contributed more to the understanding of the archaeology and ancient history of Palestine than any other undertaking in the nine teenth century. Conder's popular account of the survey, Tent Work in Palestine, first published in London in 1878, had achieved six editions by 1 8 9 5 . Apart from the maps, the most important publication to result from tire survey was T h e eight-volume Survey of West ern Palestine: Memoirs of the Topography, Orography, Hy drography, and Archaeology ( 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 5 ) , of which Conder was a principal author and which includes the earliest siteby-site reconnaissance of Palestine. Misinterpretations are substantially compensated for by tire richness of meticulous detail Conder recorded. Similarly, his unfinished Survey of Eastern Palestine ( 1 8 8 1 ) is notable for tire recording and drawing, in the published maps and Memoirs, (London, 1 8 8 9 ) , of the unusually large number of dolmens in that region. In addition to his prolific contributions over thirtyfive years to the PEF Quarterly Statement, Conder was the author of fifteen major books on subjects related to the an cient Near East. [See also Palestine Exploration Fund; and the biography of Warren] BIBLIOGRAPHY
No full biography of Conder has been published, but a brief resume of his life is given in the Dictionary of National Biography, supp. vol. 1, pp. 401-403 (Oxford, 1912). Information on Conder's life and work
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CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY
is available in the Archives of the Palestine Exploration Fund, Lon don. Conder, Claude R. Tent Work in Palestine. London, 1878. Conder, Claude R., and H. H. Kitchener. The Survey of Western Pal estine: Memoirs of the Topography, Orography, Hydrography, and Ar chaeology. 8 vols, and set of maps. London, 1881—1885. Conder, Claude R. The Survey of Eastern Palestine: Memoirs of the To pography, Orography, Hydrography, and Archaeology. London, 1889. Watson, Charles M. "Memoir of Colonel C. R. Conder." Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund (April 1910): 93-96. YOLANDE HODSON
CONSERVATION ARCHAEOLOGY. In the past, archaeologists treated most sites as mere sources of objects and information, eventually abandoning them to erosion and neglect. Only unusual sites like Jerash Jordan), Babylon (Iraq), and Qumran (Israel) were treated with conservational care similar to that devoted to the objects taken from them. Today, both regional autiiorities and archaeol ogists are becoming more conscious of the archaeological site itself as an object subject to policies and theories of con servation, and rules and strategies for site conservation are being installed everywhere in the Near East. In Jordan, for example, implementation of such strategies has become a cooperative venture involving the local Department of An tiquities, local universities, foreign research institutes and their archaeologists, and cultural and development agencies of foreign governments. International standards for site con servation are overseen by UNESCO and other agencies. Regional strategies for conservation include setting pri orities for exercising damage control on a vast number of known sites, rescuing new sites accidentally exposed, caring for new sites exposed by archaeologists, and developing sites with spectacular cultural remains for touristic and scholarly use. T o develop such priorities, ongoing cultural resource management (CRM) programs are essential. C R M involves advance planning, including systematic regional surveys to locate and identify all knowable sites, computer catalogs of those sites with basic archaeological information and signif icance-priority ranking, archaeological site assessment in ad vance of commercial site development, rescue archaeology, regulating touristic use of antiquities, setting priorities for sites and site elements for conservation, selecting sites and site features for restoration and antiquities park develop ment, and, tragically, setting criteria under which a site's destruction is to be permitted. Rescue and maintenance conservation can overwhelm lo cal agency resources. Rescue is frequently built into the planning of major development projects, but a C R M pro gram also must be able to deal with the unexpected, such as the 1993 discovery of a Late Antique mosaic under a mod ern street in Jerash. T h e rapid rate of modern development is presently exposing ancient stone surfaces to damage rang ing from the tourist's touch to automobile-generated pollu tion.
New-site conservation follows rescue and maintenance. Primary selection principles are monumentality and extent of preservation. Jerash, for example, has been the focus of numerous Jordanian and international efforts since the 1930s, including the restoration by a French team of the Temple of Zeus and the South Gate, and the restoration by a Polish team of the Hippodrome. Such a site deserves at tention not only because its remains are spectacular, but also because it is perceived as an essential component in a widely appreciated human cultural heritage. Other sites may be se lected because of specifically focused interests: the mundane architecture at Qumran might not have received such care ful attention had it not been associated with the Dead Sea Scrolls. T h e difficult conservation of the friable granite and sandstone masonry of Islamic Ayla (Aila/Eilat) in 'Aqaba received international funding and local support because of its importance to Jordan's Islamic heritage. Similarly, the extensive reconsttuction and development of the antiquities at Sepphoris, in Israel, have received government and pri vate support because of that site's importance for early Ju daism and Christianity. Places like Jerusalem, Petra, Giza, Palmyra, and U r receive conservation attention because of their universal appeal and touristic value. National conser vation strategies will tend to count tourism potential in set ting priorities. On-site conservation strategies may range from the com plete rebuilding of structures based on archaeologists' the oretical reconstructions, to limited restoration based on components available from collapse debris and to consoli dation to prevent still-standing masonry from further col lapse and erosion. A classic example of the first is Arthur Evans's restoration of Knossos, Crete, in which the palace superstructure was reconstructed without sufficient archae ological evidence. Although still practiced on occasion, such a procedure is no longer acceptable. Its obvious disadvan tages are that the result is more the product of the historical architect's design than a restoration of the ancient structure; the high percentage of new masonry causes the building to lose its aura of antiquity, even if the architectural shape is a faithful reproduction; and such massive reconstruction can not be reversed to incorporate revisions based on subse quent studies. In limited restoration, missing fragments may be replaced with newly dressed stones in order to maximize the reuse of existing pieces. A precedent-setting example is the Erechtheion restoration on the Athenian acropolis, which pro vided the methodological inspiration for the limited resto ration of the Temple of Hercules in Amman. Another is the French restoration of the Temple of Zeus temenos wall at Jerash. T h e most conservative and usually preferable ap proach is the consolidation only of surviving in situ masonry. This may involve the resetting of dry-laid masonry or the injection of compatible materials into mortar-laid walls. In all these cases the obvious prerequisite is the careful
CONSTANTINOPLE study remains by historical architects, including the prepa ration of preconservation drawings of remains, historical re construction drawings of structures, and a detailed method for implementing conservation procedure. Such drawings can be used both for scholarly publications and for site dis plays to supplement the conserved remains. Whatever degree of consolidation, conservation, or res toration is adapted, specific technical/structural principles must be followed. T h e primary one is reversibility, which means that it must be possible to undo all consolidation pro cedures in case subsequent research indicates contrary pro cedures. Another is compatibility, which means that new materials introduced into the ancient architectural environ ment must be in structural balance with it. For example, the structural density of patching mortar has to match that of the masonry being patched, in order to prevent the intro duction of stresses destructive to the ancient masonry. For professional results, it may be necessary to engage trained conservation architects and structural engineers to plan and oversee the work. [See also Artifact Conservation; Field Conservation; Tourism and Archaeology. In addition, many of the sites men tioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cleere, Henry, ed. Approaches to Archaeological Heritage: A Comparative Study of World Cultural Resource Management Systems. Cambridge and New York, 1984. Fagan, Brian. In the Beginning: An Introduction to Archaeology. 8th ed. New York, 1994. Chapter 19, "Management of the Past," gives a good overview of the role of conservation in cultural resource man agement. Kanellopoulos, Chrysanthos. The Great Temple of Amman: The Archi tecture. Amman, 1995. An excellently illustrated and written example of the right way to conserve a building. Renfrew, Colin and Paul Bahn. Archaeology: Theories Methods andPractice. London, 1991. Chapter 14, "Whose Past? Archaeology and the Public," gives an excellent treatment of the role of ethics in conser vation. BERT DE VRIES
CONSTANTINOPLE, capital of the eastern Roman empire built by Constantine I in 324 CE on the site of the ancient Greek colony Byzantion (4i°02' N , 28°57' E) and inaugurated in 330. Situated on the Bosporus, Constanti nople (modern Istanbul) controlled the entrance to the Black Sea and roads to the East and the West. T h e devel opment of Constantinople in the early Byzantine centuries was rapid. It extended to the west without disrupting the layout of the ancient city (see figure 1 ) . Constantine I built the Great Palace next to the Roman hippodrome and ex tended the central colonnaded avenue (known as Mese) to the west outside of the ancient walls. There was built the new circular forum of Constantine and the Capitolium at a distance of 1.2 km (.75 mi.). T h e first line of land fortifi
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cations was built by Constantine I and completed by Constantius II in 413. Theodosius II built the second line of walls 1.5 km (,9 mi.) to the west, 6 km (3.7 mi.) long with six gates. Parts of the latter survive. T h e sea walls along the Propontis and the Golden Horn were built in 439. A third line of fortifications 45 km (28 mi.) long was added by Anastasius at a distance of 65 km (40 mi.) from the city. It was abandoned in the seventh century. Constantine I built the churches of St. Irene (Peace) and the two martyria (shrines to martyrs) of St. Acacius and St. Mocius. In the course of the fourth century, large-scale building construction secured provisions and water supply: to the two ancient harbors on the Golden Horn, the Julian harbor was added in 362 (later renamed Sophia), and the largest Theodosian harbor around 390 with a total length of 4.5 km (2.8 mi.). Several granaries were constructed near the har bors. T h e long aqueduct of Valens brought water from a distance of 100 Ion (62 mi.). In the area between the Constantinian and the Theodosian walls three huge open cis terns were built (of Aetius in 421, of Aspar in 459, and of St. Mocius by Anastasius) with a total capacity of 1,000,000 cu cm (59,319 cu. in.). Of the eighty covered cisterns the most impressive is the Basilike cistern (Yerebatan Sarayi) with 336 columns. T h e forum of Theodosius or Forum Tauri (c. 393) has a spiral-fluted column, two triumphal arches of which one survives, and a basilica copied from Trajan's forum in Rome. In the fifth century were built the forum of Arcadius (c. 403) with arches and a monumental column whose pedestal survives, and the Forum Bovis (after 425). The next phase of Constantinople's development was marked by a great construction of churches. In the second half of the fifth century and in the early sixth century, large districts of the capital were destroyed by fires and civil riots, the most famous being the Nika revolt in 532. T h e great building activity of the emperor Justinian (527-565), ex pressing the spirit of the time focused on Christian struc tures, churches (thirty-three are mentioned), and philan thropic institutions (Procopius, Buildings 1 ) . After die beginning of tire seventh century construction in Constan tinople ceased, The harbors were reduced to one quarter of their former size; of the five granaries only one survived. T h e system of water supply was neglected, and the foun tains and public baths were closed. T h e size of the popu lation declined dramatically. This development was a con sequence of die unfortunate military circumstances and reduced economic conditions created by the loss of the east ern provinces and Egypt to the Arabs and by the invasion and permanent installation of the Slavs in most of the Balkan territories. In the ninth century Constantinople emerged as a clearly medieval city: there was no longer interest in public buildings other than palaces and churches. Excavations at tire Great Palace started after the fire of 1 9 1 2 - 1 9 1 3 burnt down the district southwest of St. Sophia
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CONSTANTINOPLE
CONSTANTINOPLE. Figure I . Plan of the city. (After A. Kazhdan, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzan tium, New York, 1991)
I
_ I
( 9 3 5 9 3 8 1 9 5 2 - 1 9 5 4 ) . Most important are the remains of an apsed hall, in front of which a peristyle court ( 6 6 X 5 5 m [216.5 * 1 8 0 ft.]) is adorned with a magnificent, mo saic probably Justinianic. (Today, contrary to the govern ment's restrictions, most of the area of the Great Palace is covered by new buildings.) The Roman hippodrome, to which Constantine I added an exedra (open recess frequentiy containing seats), was no longer used for athletic competitions but for imperial proclamations, triumphs, and other ceremonies. T h e spina (median) dividing the arena in 3
two parts was adorned with obelisks, statues, and other or naments. In 1 2 0 3 the west wing burned down, and in 1 2 0 4 the Crusaders, who occupied Constantinople, melted the bronze statues and removed the four gilded horses to dec orate the facade of S. Marco in Venice. The east wing of the hippodrome is preserved, and part of the west wing was excavated in 1 9 5 2 . Three of tire monuments of the spina survive: the Egyptian obelisk of Thutmosis III (c. 1 4 7 9 - 1 4 2 5 BCE) on a marble basis with reliefs depicting the emperor attending the games (obelisk of Theodosius from 3 9 0 ) ; the
CONSTANTINOPLE serpent column, the central shaft of the Delphic tripod ded icated to Delphi after the battle of Plataea (479 BCE); the obelisk or colossus with an inscription of Constantine VII. Two palaces of Byzantine magnates have been excavated. The palace of the praepositus sacri cubiculi (grand chamber lain) Antiochus was built around 410-420 CE and confis cated by the emperor about 420. Early in the sixth century its central hexagonal hall was transformed into the church of St. Euphemia. T h e palace of Lausus was built around 420-430; it included a famous collection of classical statues. After it burned in 476, a hospice was constructed on the same site. T h e church of St. Sophia (Holy wisdom) was built near the Great Palace and the hippodrome by Constantius LI, (which was inaugurated in 360). Burned by the supporters of the bishop of Constantinople, John Chrysostom, in 404, it was rebuilt by Theodosius II in 415. T h e colonnade of die facade of the atrium belongs to this period. Destroyed by fire during the Nika riot in 532, it was rebuilt by Justinian and dedicated 27 December 537. The technical problems that the architects Anthemius of Tralles and Isidorus of Mi letus encountered in building this domed basilica and their solutions are described in Procopius's Buildings 1.1.21-78. The dome collapsed in 558, and it was rebuilt by Isidorus the Younger and rededicated on 24 December 562. The complexity of the architectural plan and the splendor of the mosaic and sculptural decoration are praised in the ekphrasis (rhetorical praise) by Paul Silentiarius (P. Friedlander, Jo hannes von Gaza undPaulus Silentiarius: Kunstbschreibungen justinianischer Zeit, Leipzig, 1 9 1 2 , pp. 227-265). The north baptistery survives. T o the south was attached die patriar chal palace with offices for the ecclesiastical administration. To the southeast a passage led to the Great Palace. The second largest church (domed basilica) that survives in Constantinople, the church of St. Irene, was perhaps built on the site of a pagan temple by Constantine I, and it was the cathedral until 360. Forming an architectural complex witii St. Sophia, it shared a common administtation. The lower part of the church belongs to the Justinianic restora tion of 532. T h e basilica of the Holy Apostles built by Con stantius II next to the mausoleum of Constantine I was re built by Justinian in the shape of a cross imitating the plan of the church of St. John at Ephesus with a second mauso leum. T h e Byzantine emperors were buried there until 1028. The church was demolished and the mosque of Mehmed II Fatih was built on the site. Several imperial sarcophagi are preserved. Of the monastic complex of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus only the church survives. It was built by Justinian and Theodora in die palace of Hormisdas, its octagonal nave inscribed in a rectangle with a dome. Founded before 454, the original three-aisled basilica of St. John Stoudios is par tially preserved. T h e monastery with a renowned library and scriptorium became famous in the fight against the icono clasts (end of the eight century). T h e church of St. Polyeuktos, which was built by Anicia Juliana between 524 and 527
63
on her estate (district of Constantianae, modern Saraghane), was identified after blocks with the dedicatory epigram (known from the Anthologia Graeca 1.10) were discovered in i960 (Cyril Mango and Ihor Sevcenko, "Remains of the Church of St. Polyeuktos at Constantinople, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15 [1961]: 243-247). Part of the church and a baptistery are excavated. Their sculptural decoration is very elaborate. After it was abandoned in the twelfth century, the architectural ornaments were stolen (e.g., the Pilastri Acritani near the soudiwest corner of St. Mark's in Venice). Of the church of St. Mary of Chalkoprateia (the copper mar ket), built by the empress Pulcheria or Verina, the apse and parts of the north and south walls survive. [See also Byzantine Empire.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Literary sources include the Notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae, edited by Otto Seeck in Notitia dignitatum, pp. 229-243 (Berlin, 1876), a list of important monuments of Constantinople and account of the features of its urban fabric dating from circa 425. An account of the Justinianic buildings in Constantinople by the sixth-century historian Procopius, Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia, has been edited by Jakob Haury and Gerhard Wirth in volume 4 of De aedificiis (Leipzig, 1964). Texts on topography and monuments of Constantinople, widt related legends, appear in Averil Cameron and Judith Herrin, eds., Constantinople in the Early Eighth Century: The Parastaseis Syntomoi Chronikai (Leiden, 1984). For additional research, see the following: Dagron, Gilbert. Naissance d'une capitate: Constantinople et ses institu tions de 330 a 451. Paris, 1974. The most authoritative work on the early history of Constantinople, with superb treatment of the literary sources. Ebersolt, Jean. Constantinople byzantine et les voyageurs du I^evant. Paris, 1918. Important source for identification of sites and monuments, with information from Western travelers in Constantinople. Guilland, Rodolphe Joseph. Etudes de topographic de Constantinople by zantine. 2 vols. Berlin, 1969. Collection of studies on districts and particular monuments of Constantinople based primarily on literary evidence. Harrison, R. Martin. Excavations at Sarachane in Istanbul. 2 vols. Princeton, 1986. Detailed report of the excavations of the church of Saint Polyeuktos, with discussion of the excavated remains and anal ysis of the literary evidence. Janin, Raymond. Constantinople byzantine: Developpement urbain et re pertoire tapographique. 2d ed. Paris, 1964. Detailed study of Constan tinople's topography, focusing primarily on the evidence of written sources, which are treated critically. Janin, Raymond. La geographic eccl&siastique de I'empire byzantin I: Le siege de Constantinople et le palriarcal oecumenique, vol. 3, Les eglises et les monasteres. 2d ed. Paris, 1969. Study of the churches and mon asteries of Constantinople, with identification of the monuments and a detailed account of the sources. Mamboury, Ernest. "Les fouilles byzantines a Istanbul." Byzantion 11 (1936): 229-283; 13 (1938): 301-310; 21 (1951): 425-459- History of the excavations in Istanbul from the nineteenth century to 1951. Mango, Cyril, Studies on Constantinople. Aldershot, 1993. Selection of studies on the development of Constantinople and its monuments. Mango, Cyril, and Gilbert Dagron, eds. Constantinople and Its Hinter land. Papers from the Twenty-seventh Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Oxford, April 1993. Aldershot, 1995. Muller-Wiener, Wolfgang. Bildlexikon zur Topographic Istanbuls: Byzantion-Konstantinupolis-Istanbulbis zum Beginn des 1 7 . Jahrhunderts. Tubingen, 1977. Lavishly illustrated lexicon of the topography of
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COPPER SCROLL
Constantinople with a description of the monuments, reference to their history, information of travelers, modern excavations, and bib liography. Stamatopoulos, Kostas, and Akylas Mellas. Constantinople: Seeking the Ruling City (in Greek). Athens, 1990. Contains excellent photo graphs of surviving buildings and monuments. HELEN SARADI
C O P P E R SCROLL.
The manuscript designated
3Q15, the Copper Scroll, was discovered in a cave near Qum ran, on the shore of the Dead Sea, on 20 March 1952 by a joint expedition of the Ecole Biblique, the American School of Oriental Research, and Jordan's Department of Antiq uities. The scroll contains a list of buried treasure, engraved in Hebrew on thin copper sheets. The sheets were found rolled and so thoroughly oxidized they crumbled to the touch (see figure 1 ) . In 1955-1956, the scroll was opened at the Manchester College of Technology by H. WrightBaker, professor of mechanical engineering, who sawed it into twenty-three segments using an electric circular slitting saw. The nature of the scroll's contents was made public in a press release on 1 June 1956, but the official edition of the Hebrew text, accompanied by a French translation and ex tensive commentary by J. T . Milik, a Polish member of the international team assembled to edit the Dead Sea Scrolls, was not published until 1962. In tire interim, John M. Alle gro, a British member of the team, who had supervised the cutting open of the scroll, had published an edition and an English translation of his own in i960 and had organized unsuccessful attempts to find the buried treasure.
In many ways, the Copper Scroll is unique among the Dead Sea Scrolls. It is distinct not only in its subject matter and in the material on which it is written, but also in its script, orthography, language, and literary structure. More over, it is the only one of the documents found near Qumran that appears to be an autograph, an original manuscript, rather than a copy. The text of the Copper Scroll breaks down into sixty-four short sections, each typically containing the description of a hiding place and the treasure hidden in it. Enigmatic greek letters appear at the end of sections 1, 4, 6, 7, and 10. The first section establishes the pattern for the text: "In the ruins which are in the Valley of Achor, under the steps which go eastward, forty rod-cubits: a strongbox of silver and its ves sels—a weight of seventeen talents." Most of the identifiable hiding places are located in or near Jerusalem, and the treas ures usually consist of a specified number of talents of silver and gold, and sometimes other valuable items such as scrolls and cultic vessels or vestments. Section 64 states that a du plicate of the Copper Scroll, "and its explanation" (wprwsh) is included in the last treasure. If the numbers in the treasure descriptions are to be taken at face value, the total weight of the buried treasure is in excess of 200 tons. Scholarship on the Copper Scroll has been sharply divided on two pivotal issues of interpretation: its authenticity and its date. Allegro and others have argued that 3Q15 is an authentic record of buried treasure and is to be dated to around 68 CE, when it was hidden near Qumran together with the other scrolls. Milik and others have claimed that it is a fiction, that it is to be dated well after 68 CE, and that it
COPPER SCROLL. Figure 1, The Copper Scroll, in situ. (Courtesy ASOR Archives)
COPTIC has nothing to do with the other scrolls. Still others, like Frank M. Cross, have followed the original press release of 1956 in suggesting that the Copper Scroll, while not describ ing real treasure, does belong in date with the other scrolls. Finally, we have those, like E. M . Laperrousaz and B. Z. Luria, who accept the authenticity of"3Qisbut date it to the time of the Second Jewish Revolt in 135 CE. Although there are significant difficulties with each of these positions, it is likely that the majority of scholars are correct in accepting the authenticity of the Copper Scroll. (It is possible that the mysterious "explanation" mentioned in the last of the sixty-four sections might be the key to inter preting the improbably high numbers in tine treasure de scriptions, as well as the puzzling Greek letters.) Further more, the archaeological evidence reported by Bargil Pixner suggests that the Copper Scroll was hidden at the same time as tire manuscript fragments found in the same archaeolog ical context. If die treasure was real, it almost certainly belonged to tine fabled wealth of tine Jerusalem Temple and was hidden shortly before the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 CE. A connection with the Temple may also be indi cated by the high incidence of cultic terms used in the scroll. It is even possible, as Norman Golb has suggested, that 3Q15 had nothing to do with sectarians at Qumran but should be explained simply as a Temple document. Apart from its possible historical value, the Copper Scroll is also significant for the history of the Hebrew language. In morphology, syntax, and vocabulary, the language of the Copper Scroll shares with Mishnaic Hebrew linguistic fea tures that distinguish the latter from the Hebrew of the Bible and the other Dead Sea Scrolls. This suggests that a Hebrew dialect similar to Mishnaic Hebrew was spoken in Palestine in the first century CE. [See also Dead Sea Scrolls; Qumran.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Allegro, John Marco. The Treasure of the Copper Scroll. Garden City, N.Y., 1960. Racy account of the discovery and contents of the Cop per Scroll, with an imperfect preliminary edition of the Hebrew text and its English translation. Baker, H. Wright. "Notes on the Opening of the 'Bronze' Scrolls from Qumran." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 39 (1956-1957): 45-56. Contains the text of the 1956 press release. Golb, Norman. "The Problem of Origin and Identification of the Dead Sea Scrolls." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 124.1 (1980): 1-24. As an autograph record of real Temple treasures, the Copper Scroll provides prime evidence for Golb's theory that the Dead Sea Scrolls come from Jerusalem. See especially pages 5-8. McCarter, P. Kyle, Jr. "The Copper Scroll Treasure as an Accumu lation of Religious Offerings." In Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet Qumran Site: Present Realities and Future Prospects, edited by Michael O. Wise et al, pp. 133-142. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 722. New York, 1994. Milik, J. T. "Le rouleau de cuivre provenant de la grotte 3Q (3Q15)." In Ijes "petites grottes" de Qumran, pp. 199-302. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, vol. 3. Oxford, 1962. Standard scholarly edition of the Copper Scroll.
65
Pixner, Bargil. "Unravelling the Copper Scroll Code: A Study of the Topography of 3Q15." Revue de Qumran n . 3 (1983): 323-366. An attempt to identify a geographic pattern for the hiding places cited in the Copper Scroll, valuable for its archaeological information (pp. 327-329, 334-335), extensive bibliography, and independent English translation. Wolters, Al. "Apocalyptic and the Copper Scroll." Journal ofNear East ern Studies 49.2 (1990): 145-154. Critique of the legendary interpre tation of die Copper Scroll. Wolters, Al. "The Copper Scroll and the Vocabulary of Mishnaic He brew." Revue de Qumran 14.3 (1990): 483-495. Identification of fifty lexical items the Copper Scroll shares with Mishnaic Hebrew, as dis tinct from biblical Hebrew. Wolters, Al. "History and the Copper Scroll." In Methods of Investi gation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet Qumran Site: Present Realities and Future Prospects, edited by Michael O. Wise et al., pp. 285-295. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 722. New York, 1994. AL WOLTERS
COPTIC. Tine latest form of the Egyptian language, Coptic was used from tine third century CE onward. The origin of Coptic was concurrent with the rise of Christianity in Egypt and the term Coptic is often also applied to the Christian inhabitants of Egypt, their church, and their cul ture. Coptic remained in use as a language of daily life as late as the twelfth century, although Arabic had already be gun to supplant Coptic as early as the ninth century. Coptic as a literary language was moribund by the fifteenth century but was never entirely replaced by Arabic and is still used as a liturgical language. Coptic and earlier forms of Egyptian constitute a special language group that falls into the Afroasiatic language fam ily. Coptic is very similar to its immediate predecessors, De motic and Late Egyptian, which favored external marking of forms over the internal changes common in Old and Mid dle Egyptian. T h e vocalization of Coptic is more certain than that of its predecessors but is still largely theoretical; the modern pronunciation of liturgical Coptic is heavily in fluenced by Arabic and is of little use for reconstructing Coptic phonology. Coptic was the only form of Egyptian to indicate vowels and thus the only form in which morphology can be known with certainty. In general, Coptic is charac terized by consonantal clusters (especially at the beginnings of words) and doubled vowels in certain contexts; vowelless syllables were marked by a superlinear stroke. Syntactically Coptic developed many features of Demotic and Late Egyptian. Coptic used nominal, verbal, and ad verbial clauses, which were paralleled by nominal, verbal, and adverbial uses of words and phrases. Nouns distin guished number and gender, which were morphologically marked in some cases but usually indicated by articles; case was indicated by sentence position or prepositions. The sys tem of independent, prefix, and suffix pronouns extended and streamlined Demotic and Late Egyptian usage. Adjec tives were almost entirely replaced in Coptic by adjective
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COPTIC
verbs or the attributive use of nouns. The different forms of the verbal infinitive and stative (or qualitative) were often morphologically differentiated; verbs could be conjugated and marked for tense by prefixed conjugation bases or pre ceded by subject and other markers. As in Demotic, adverbials were usually prepositional phrases placed at the end of a clause. Both verbal and nonverbal clauses could be further marked by converters for preterite, circumstantial, or rela tive meaning; another converter was the "second tense" marker, which was used to emphasize an adjunct. Negation was accomplished by negative particles, conjugation bases, or infixes (bound morphemes inserted into words), and pas sive voice was indicated by an impersonal use of the third person plural. Although Coptic is morphologically and syntactically a direct descendant of Demotic, it marks a radical break in terms of script. Coptic was written with an alphabet of thirty letters (thirty-one in some dialects), twenty-four of which are Greek letters. The remaining letters are derived from Demotic signs. Unlike the Demotic system of ideographic and phonetic characters, die Coptic alphabet included vow els and was much simpler to write and read. It also lacked pagan associations, which made it attractive to the early Christians. Given the importance of Greek in Egypt during the development of Coptic, it is not surprising that Coptic vocabulary derived from both Egyptian and Greek words. Greek terms in Coptic were primarily theological, admin istrative, or technical; they were treated grammatically as Coptic and were not inflected (except for a few set expres sions) . A limited number of Latin and Semitic words came into Coptic indirectly through Greek transcription, and later Coptic texts sometimes include transcriptions of Arabic names and words. Scholars have identified at least ten major dialects of Cop tic, with many additional subdialects. Scarcity of evidence makes the earliest dialect history of Coptic uncertain. The main dialect from about the fourth to the eleventh century was Sahidic, in which most early Coptic literary texts were written. Exceptions were mostly regional: the Bohairic dia lect prevailed in parts of northern Egypt, and Faiyumic, Akhmimic, and Lycopolitan (among others) are named af ter their regions of origin in central and southern Egypt. The language of nonliterary texts was highly variable and re flected the dialect geography of Coptic. Most dialects died out by the ninth century, but Bohairic survived and replaced all other dialects. Bohairic remains the dialect of liturgical texts in Coptic to the present. Although the earliest occurrences of Coptic are in pagan texts, Coptic was ultimately the language of Christianity in Egypt. The earliest Christian writings in Coptic were trans lations of Greek originals for Egyptians: the New Testa ment, the Septuagint, apocryphal and patristic works. Early Coptic translations also include important Gnostic and Manichaean texts, including the Nag Hammadi codices, the
Pistis Sophia, and the Manichaean Kephalaia. Original com positions in Coptic are known after the third century. T h e fifth-century abbot Shenoute, the most important author whose works were originally written in Coptic and not Greek, was one of the earliest writers to treat Coptic as a vehicle for literary expression. Later Coptic authors and ttanslators were highly prolific, resulting in a large body of original compositions, adaptations and translations of a wide range of literature. Saints' lives, homilies, and martyrdoms were popular among monastic audiences, and an extensive body of liturgical texts served the needs of the church. His toriography was limited mostly to church histories, although there are fragments of chronologies and historical "ro mances." Coptic poetry is attested in a number of forms, culminating in a lengthy poem called the Triadon. The de cline of Coptic led to the compilation of Coptic-Arabic vo cabulary lists known as scalae, as well as Arabic grammars of Coptic. Magical texts that combine elements of paganism and Christianity are well attested in Coptic, as are medical, alchemical, astronomical and other scientific writings. Cop tic epigraphic texts (mostly stelae and graffiti) and docu mentary texts (including letters, legal documents, and ac counts) are important sources for the economic and social history of Late Antique Egypt. Coptic texts of all genres are essential sources for Christianity and the Christian Com munity in Egypt. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cram, Walter E. A Coptic Dictionary. Oxford, 1939. Standard source for Coptic morphology and vocabulary. Emmel, Stephen. "Nag Hammadi Library." In The Coptic Encyclope dia, vol. 6, pp. 1771-1773. New York, 1991. Frandsen, Paul John and Eva Richte-Air0e. "Shenoute: A Bibliogra phy." In Studies Presented to Hans Jakob Polotsky, edited by Dwight W. Young, pp. 147-176. East Gloucester, Mass., 1981. Kasser, Rodolphe, ed. "Appendix: Linguistics." In The Coptic Encyclo pedia, vol. 8, pp. 13-227. New York, 1991. Important, up-to-date survey of Coptic language, especially good for its survey of dialects. Volumes 1-7 of the encyclopedia also contain useful articles on Cop tic literature. Lambdin, Thomas O. Introduction to Sahidic Coptic. Macon, Ga., 1983. Standard teaching grammar. Mallon, Alexis. Grammaire copte. 4th ed. Beirut, 1956. Standard gram mar for Bohairic dialect of Coptic. Meyer, Marvin, and Richard Smith. Ancient Christian Magic: Coptic Texts of Ritual Power. San Francisco, 1994. Anthology of Coptic magical texts in translation. Orlandi, Tito. Coptic Bibliography. Rome, 1985-. Annually updated bibliography of Coptic studies, especially thorough for language and literature. Orlandi, Tito. "Literature, Coptic." In The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 5, pp. 1450-1459. New York, 1991. Polotsky, Hans Jakob. "Coptic." In Current Trends in Linguistics, vol. 6, Linguistics in South West Asia and North Africa, edited by Charles A. Ferguson et al., pp. 558-570. The Hague, 1970. Republished in Afroasiatic: A Survey, edited by Carleton T. Hodge. The Hague, 1971. General guide to scholarship on the Coptic language. Robinson, James M., ed. The Nag Hammadi Library in English. 3d ed.
COSMETICS New York, 1990. Standard English translation of the Nag Hammadi codices. Shisha-Halevy, Ariel. Coptic Grammatical Chrestomathy: A Course for Academic and Private Study. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, vol. 30. Louvain, 1988. Excellent teaching chrestoraathy for Coptic, based on the writings of Shenoute, and a thorough guide to literature on specific aspects of Coptic grammar. Till, Walter C. "Coptic and Its Value." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 40 (1957): 229-258. Timbie, Janet. "The State of Research on the Career of Shenoute of Atripe." In The Roots of Egyptian Christianity, edited by Birger A. Pearson and James E. Goehring, pp. 258-270. Studies in Antiquity and Christianity, 1. Philadelphia, 1986. TERRY G. WILFONG
CORBO,
VIRGILIO
C.
( 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 9 1 ) , Franciscan
priest, teacher, and archaeologist who excavated in die Holy Land: at Jerusalem, Herodium, Magdala, Daburiya, Machaerus, Capernaum, and in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. After obtaining a degree in Oriental sciences in Rome, Corbo spent his life in the Holy Land. Among his personal discoveries were a number of monasteries in the Judean Desert and St. Peter's house at Capernaum. These monuments were known only through ancient literary sources. It is as a result of his research and archaeological excavations that the location of these sites has been deter mined. For each site he published a final report; although diey are not rich in bibliographic data, they are extremely meticulous. His findings contributed considerably to a better understanding of the structural, historical, and environmen tal character of the places he excavated. [See also Capernaum; Franciscan Custody of tire Holy Land; Herodium; Jerusalem; Machaerus; and Magdala.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bottini, Giovanni Claudio, et al., eds. Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land, New Discoveries; Essays in Honour of Virgilio C. Corbo. Studium Biblicum Franciscanum (SBF), Collectio Maior, 36. Jerusalem, 1990. Includes a bibliography of Corbo's work. Bottini, Giovanni Claudio. "In memoriam: Virgilio C. Corbo, ofm, 1918-1991." Studium Biblicum Franciscanum/Liber Annum 41 (1991): 616-625. Includes a bibliography. Bottini, Giovanni Claudio, ed. Padre Virgilio C. Corbo: Una vita in Terra Santa. SBF, Museum, 12. Jerusalem, 1994. Includes a bibliography of Corbo's work. Corbo, Virgilio. Gli scavi diKhirbet Siyar el-Ghanam (Campo deiPastori) e i monasteri del dintomi. SBF, Collectio Maior, 11. Jerusalem, 1955. Corbo, Virgilio. "L'ambiente materiale della vita dei monaci di Palestina nel periodo bizantino." In // monachesimo orientate: Atti del convegno di siudi orientali, Roma, 9-12 aprile 1958, pp. 235-257. Orien talia Christiana Analecta, 153. Rome, 1958. Corbo, Virgilio. Riccrche areheologiche al Monte degli Ulivi. SBF, Col lectio Maior, 16. Jerusalem, 1965. Corbo, Virgilio. The House of St. Peter at Capharnaum: A Preliminary Report of the First Two Campaigns of Excavations, April 16-June 19I September 12-November 26, 1968. SBF, Collectio Minor, 5. Jerusa lem, 1969. Corbo, Virgilio, et al. La sinagoga di Cafamao dopo gli scavi del 1969. SBF, Collectio Minor, 9. Jerusalem, 1970.
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Corbo, Virgilio. Cafamao, vol. 1 , Gli edifici della cilia. SBF, Collectio Minor, 19. Jerusalem, 1975. Corbo, Virgilio. "La fortezza di Macheronte: Rapporto preliminare della campagna di scavo, 8.09-28.10.1978." Studium Biblicum Fran ciscanuml'Liber Annuus 28 (1978): 217-231. Corbo, Virgilio. "Macheronte, la reggia-fortezza erodiana: Rapporto preliminare alia II campagna di scavo, 3.09-20.10.1979." Studium Biblicum Franciscanuml Liber Annuus 29 (1979): 315-326. Corbo, Virgilio. "La fortezza di Macheronte (al Mishnaqa): Rapporto preliminare alia III campagna di scavo, 8.09-11.10.1980." Studium Biblicum Franciscanuml Liber Annuus 30 (1980): 365-376. Corbo, Virgilio, and Stanislao Loffreda. "Nuove scoperte alia fortezza di Macheronte: Rapporto preliminare alia IV campagna di scavo, 7.09-10.10.1981." Studium Biblicum Franciscanuml'Liber Annuus 31 (1981): 257-286. Corbo, Virgilio. // Santo Sepolcro di Gerusalemme: Aspetti archeologici dalle origini al periodo crociato. SBF, Collectio Maior, 29. Jerusalem, 1982. Includes an English summary by Stanislao Loffreda. Corbo, Virgilio. Herodion, vol. 1 , Gli edifici della reggia-fortezza. SEF, Collectio Maior, 20. Jerusalem, 1989. Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "Review of Christian Archaeology in the Holy Land: New Discoveries." Revue Bibliqae 88 (1993): 615-617. Also appeared in Biblical Archaeology Review 19 (1993): 3-4. GIOVANNI CLAUDIO BOTTINI
C O S M E T I C S . In the ancient Near East the popular use of cosmetics began with the dawn of civilization and later spread westward, to Greece and then to Rome. Until the advent of Christianity cosmetics were extremely popular, at times even used to excess. Christian thought, which stressed the life of tire spirit while rejecting bodily pleasures, led to a decline in die demand for cosmetics and perfumes, although in the East the Arabs continued to enjoy them. In antiquity, cosmetics first served magicoreligious and healing purposes. T o propitiate the gods, cosmetics were applied to their statues and to the faces of their attendants. From this, in the course of time, the custom of personal use developed, to enhance the beauty of the face and to conceal defects. The most extensive information on personal hygiene and cosmetics in the third and second millennia BCE comes from Egypt. Written and pictorial depictions, as well as rich ar chaeological finds, all show how important body care and aesthetic appearance were in the lives of the Egyptian aris tocracy. For example, bathing for pleasure was a common practice in Egypt, while among other peoples of the ancient Near East it was limited mainly to religious requirements— although it also had hygienic associations. [See Baths; Per sonal Hygiene.] The use of oils and ointments was prevalent in order to protect the face and body from sun, dust, and dtyness. These perfumed oils and ointments were not re garded as luxuries and were used by men and women in all strata of the population. It is known that during tire reign of Rameses III, the gravediggers of Thebes went on strike to protest a decline in the quality of the food and the quantity of the oils supplied to them.
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COSMETICS
The Hebrews used ointment in the Temple in Jerusalem and in coronation ceremonies, as recorded in the description of the anointing of David (i Sm. 16:13). T h e Bible makes no mention of other uses of cosmetics during the First T e m ple period, but there is evidence of their use for secular pur poses in the Second Temple period. Over time, this custom presumably became quite commonplace: in the Talmud it is said that a husband is obliged to give his wife ten dinars for her cosmetic needs (B.T., Ket. 66b). Cosmetic preparations included powders, ointments, per fumes, and fragrant oils, which were produced from various plants and resins mixed with vegetable oil or animal fat. Be cause of their high price, all these cosmetic substances were marketed in small quantities. This led to the development of an entire industry for the manufacture of tiny containers that became beautifully fashioned luxury articles in their own right. T h e containers were made of such materials as stone and alabaster, which kept their contents cool. In Egypt, most containers were made of stone, whereas in Greece and Rome they were made of exquisitely painted pottery. When the technique of glassblowing developed in the first century BCE, the perfume industry immediately adopted this lightweight and impermeable material for mak ing perfume containers. Many perfume containers have been found in tombs, where they were funerary offerings—gifts to the dead or buried with them as cherished personal belongings. T h e large quantities of perfume bottles found indicate that they were also brought in to freshen the air in the tombs during burial (Mk. 16:1; Jn. 19:39-40). Great importance was attached to the care of the hair in antiquity. Long hair has always been considered a mark of beauty, and kings, nobles, and dignitaries grew their hair long and kept it well groomed. Ordinary people and slaves usually wore their hair short, primarily for hygienic reasons: they could not afford to invest in the kind of care that long hair required. T h e art of hairstyling and hair care reached its apogee during the Roman period, as can be observed from the numerous heads of statues that have survived from that time. Very early evidence of the use of facial makeup is available from ancient Egypt: cosmetic utensils and materials, nu merous written records, and artistic depictions of the sub ject. The eyes played a central part in facial makeup. Paint ing the eyes, besides being part of magicoreligious ritual, also served a medical purpose: it protected against eye dis eases. Eye paint repelled the little flies that transmitted eye inflammations, prevented the delicate skin around the eyes from drying, and sheltered the eyes from the glare of the desert sun. When Egyptian women realized that the painted frame also emphasized the eyes and made them appear larger, they began using makeup to enhance their beauty. Egyptian women used to paint their upper eyelids and eye brows black and the lower line of the eye green. They also
rouged tiieir lips and cheeks, coloring their face dark red with hematite and red ocher. T h e Babylonians, too, used red ocher for facial makeup, but the Sumerians preferred yellow (Dayagi-Mendels, 1989, pp. 36-37). T h e Babyloni ans painted their faces with vermilion and white lead and their eyes with kohl (qukhlu; see R. J. Forbes, Studies in An cient Technology, vol. 3, Leiden, 1965, p. 18). Whereas the purpose of makeup was to embellish the face and emphasize its features, ointments were used to soften and protect the skin, to preserve its freshness, and rejuvenate its appearance. Ointments were prepared from vegetable oils or animal fat, at times in combination with aromatic resin or perfumed beeswax. An Egyptian papyrus from the sixteenth century BCE contains detailed recipes for ointments to remove blemishes, wrinldes, and other signs of age. Al most nothing is known of the makeup practices among He brew women during the Israelite period. However, there is no reason to doubt that malting up the face was customary in Israel, mainly because of the many implements and ac cessories found in excavations, whose shapes attest that they were used for makeup. The use of kohl for painting the eyes is mentioned three times in the Bible, always with disapprobation (2 Kgs. 9:30; Jer. 23:40; Jb. 42:14). By the Second Temple period, makeup was considered part of a woman's adornment (B.T., Mo'ed Q. 9b). Jewish sources distinguish between makeup used for therapeutic purposes and makeup meant merely to embellish the eyes. It was customary to put lightred makeup on the cheeks, and the Mishnah mentions a white cosmetic powder made of flour (Pes. 3 : 1 ) . In Greece and Rome, facial tteatment was very highly developed and women devoted hours to it (Dio Chrysostom, 7.117). They used to spread various creams on the face and apply makeup in vivid and contrasting colors. Greek women would cover their face with a "beauty mask" that consisted mainly of flour, leaving it on all night. T h e next morning, they would wash it off with milk. This mask was intended to remove blemishes and to endow the skin with a smooth and fresh appearance, ready to receive makeup. Creating and manufacturing cosmetics and perfumes have always been important and intriguing occupations. People working in this field had to be endowed not only with skill and knowledge, but also with a memory for fragrances and an ability to identify them and to distinguish tiieir com binations. Perfumers in antiquity guarded the secrets of tiieir trade closely, passing on their skills from father to son. T h e Bible mentions various plants from whose flowers, fruits, leaves, bark, or resin perfumes and ointments were pro duced (aloe, myrrh, frankincense). Although there is much to be learned in ancient sources about the uses of perfumes, very few describe methods of preparation. Tablets from the second millennium BCE found in Pylos, Greece, list the al location of raw materials for perfumes but contain no pre cise recipes. More extensive literary information about per-
COUNCIL OF AMERICAN OVERSEAS RESEARCH CENTERS fume production has come down from various classical sources (Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny). The equip ment required for perfume manufacture was similar to that in an ordinary kitchen: basins, small pots for steeping and mixing, large jars for storing the oil, and juglets for storing resin. As perfumes and spices were considered a precious com modity, they were stored with silver and gold. It is recounted in the Bible that when King Hezekiah of Judah received royal guests from Babylon, "he showed them all his treasure house, the silver, and the gold, and the spices, the precious ointment" (2 Kgs. 20:13). Classical sources emphasize the widespread use of perfumes in sixth-century BCE Greece, as well as their central place in cultural and social life. Perfum eries functioned as meeting places for all strata of die pop ulation (Athenaeus, 12.526A; Xenophon, Conviv. 2.3). Phi losophers, statesmen, artists, and writers who wished to discuss matters of state would gather in such establishments, and their presence attracted others. Some, however, frowned on such self-indulgence: the renowned fifth-cen tury BCE Athenian statesman Solon prohibited the sale of perfumes and ointments in his state, and the Spartans ban ished the perfumers from their city. T h e most lavish con sumers of perfumes were tire Romans, who perfumed each part of their body with a different scent, sprinkled perfume on their guests at banquets, and even perfumed the walls of their bathrooms. In the houses of tire wealthy, beds and ban quet couches were filled with fragrant dried flowers. Pliny criticized this excessive and wasteful use of scent, com menting that, despite their costliness—sometimes more than 400 denarii an ounce—perfumes gave pleasure only to oth ers because the user cannot smell them (Nat. Hist. 13.2022). Perfumes were also commonly used in Palestine during the Second Temple period, and not only among women. The Talmud mentions the priests of the Abtinas family, who maintained a monopoly preparing incense for the Temple. T h e family refused to let others share in the knowledge of their craft, fearing it might be used for profane purposes. Also, to prevent suspicion that they might be exploiting their skills profanely, their wives were forbidden to use scent, even when they were brides (B.T., Yoma' 38a). It is also recorded that perfumers took strict precautions to protect the secrets of their craft and to prevent imitations. Perfumes were sold in shops located in the market, which was often a meeting place for harlots, who used especially large quan tities of perfumes (Shemoth Rabbah 43:7). T h e plants and resins used in producing perfume had to be imported from distant lands, mainly southern Arabia and the Far East. To facilitate their transport, extensive trading networks developed, and the countries the caravan routes ttaversed enjoyed great economic prosperity as a result. Ma jor land and sea routes led to all the great trading centers in the ancient world. In Palestine the Nabateans functioned as
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middlemen in tire perfume and spice trade. The country played an important role in the overland transportation of those luxury goods to the Mediterranean coast and to tire West. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbadie, Jeanne Vandier d'. Les objets de toilette egyptiens au Musee du Louvre. Paris, 1972. Dayagi-Mendels, Michal. Perfumes and Cosmetics in the Ancient World. Israel Museum Catalogue, 305. Jerusalem, 1989. Egypt's Golden Age: The Art of Living in the New Kingdom, 1558-1085 B.C.: Catalogue of the Exhibition. Boston, 1982. See pages 184-227. Faure, Paul. Parfums et. aromates de Tantiquile. Paris, 1987. Paszthory, Emmerich. "Salben, Schminken und Parffime im Altertum." Antike Welt 21 (1990): 1-64. MICHAL DAYAGI-MENDELS
COUNCIL OF AMERICAN OVERSEAS RE S E A R C H C E N T E R S . Established by the U.S. Con gress in 1981, the Council of American Overseas Research Centers (CAORC) is housed in the Smithsonian Institution, with which it is directly affiliated and through which its lim ited budget for staff is funded. Originally eleven members, and in the mid-1990s fourteen, CAORC's original mandate was to speak with a unified voice in petitioning rite govern ment for funds; to act a resource base and clearinghouse for ideas and for other funding; to facilitate and promote over seas research centers; to clarify the role of research centers in enabling cultural exchange, academic programs, and field projects across national boundaries; to promote area studies as a viable discipline; and, where appropriate, to establish new centers. The three centers of the American Schools of Oriental Research (AS OR)—in Jerusalem, Amman, and Nicosia—were among the founding group of eleven. All of tire member centers were formed in response to American interest in fostering primary research in the host country. Their interests are mainly in the humanities and social sciences, though some centers have a keener interest in the natural and technological sciences, which is especially appropriate where archaeology is pursued. CAORC's pri mary vehicle for promoting scholarly exchange is fellow ships for pre- and postdoctoral scholars and senior scholars. Research at the centers is normally devoted to studying ei ther the particular host culture or that of an adjacent region. Most centers were established as consortia of universities in the United States and are governed by the member institu tions. Each is independently incorporated as a private, notfor-profit organization. One of CAORC's important roles is to bring together the centers' leadership to exchange schol arly ideas, share management experience, and seek support from government agencies. In addition to the AS OR group of three centers, CAORC acts as the umbrella for maintaining ties to the following organizations where research pertains to the Near East: the
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American Institute for Yemeni Studies, American Institute of Iranian Studies, American Research Center in Egypt, American Research Institute in Turkey, American Academy in Rome, and American School of Classical Studies at Ath ens. CAORC publishes occasional monographs and papers. It is housed at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C. [See also American Institute for Yemeni Studies; Ameri can Institute of Iranian Studies; American Research Center in Egypt; American Research Institute in Turkey; and American Schools of Oriental Research.] ERIC M . MEYERS
CRESWELL, KEPPEL ARCHIBALD CAM E R O N (1879-1974), prominent British archaeologist who specialized in Islamic architecture. Creswell was educated at Westminister College in London and began studying Is lamic architecture in 1910. He first traveled to the Near East while serving in the Royal Air Corps during World War I. After the war he was assigned to conduct a survey of the monuments in Syria and Palestine. When this was com pleted, he launched a project to study tire history of Muslim architecture in Egypt. In 1931, he was appointed to the fac ulty of the Egyptian University in Cairo, where he founded and directed the Institute of Muslim Art and Archaeology. In 1956, as a result of the Suez Canal crisis, all British citi zens were to be exiled and forced to leave their possessions behind. Creswell, then 75 years old, refused to leave Egypt and his extensive library; he took refuge at the American University in Cairo, where he served as Distinguished Pro fessor and Chair of Muslim Architecture until his death in 1974. His personal library, now known as the Creswell Li brary of Islamic Art and Architecture, still houses one of the most extensive collections on the subject in the world. His publishing record, which includes several bibliographies of Islamic art and architecture, reflects his passion for the sub ject and is an invaluable resource for archaeologists. Cre swell is best known for his two-volume work Early Muslim Architecture (1932-1940), which serves as compendium of the subject. He later condensed and updated his magnum opus as v4 Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture (1989). BIBLIOGRAPHY
Burns, Kristie. "Cairo's Creswell Collection: A Legacy of Love. "Amer ican Libraries 22 (1990): 940-944. A look at Creswell's life and the establishment of a research library from his personal library. Creswell, K. A. C. Early Muslim Architecture. 2 vols. Oxford, 19321940. Creswell, K. A. C. A Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts, and Crafts of Islam to istjan. i960. Cairo, 1961. Creswell, K. A. C. A Bibliography of the Architecture, Arts, and Crafts of Islam: Supplement, Jan. i960 to Jan. 1972. Cairo, 1973.
Creswell, K. A. C. A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture (1958). Revised and supplemented by James W. Allan. Aldershot, 1989. "Creswell, K. A. C." In Contemporary Authors: Permanent Series, vol. 1, pp. 147-148. Detroit, 1975. Summary of Creswell's life and work, with a valuable bibliography. Geddes, Charles L., et al. Studies in Islamic Art and Architecture in Hon our of K, A. C. Creswell Cairo, 1965. Festschrift that includes an overview of Creswell's contribution to the field and a valuable bib liography. Grabar, Oleg, ed. Muqamas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture. Vol. 8, K. A. C. Creswell and His Legacy. Leiden, 1991. A collection of papers given at a symposium at Oxford University, which focuses upon Creswell's contribution to the field and includes a short biog raphy. JOHN D . WINELAND
C R E T E . The largest island in the Aegean Sea, Crete is 260 km (about 161 mi.) from east to west. T h e island is diverse in its geography, with high and rugged mountains, fertile plains, and many low hills that were suitable for flocks and herds as well as agriculture. T h e climate is Mediterra nean, with dry, hot summers and cool winters. Neolithic Period. The first settlers in Crete arrived in the Early Neolithic period, possibly even before pottery was be ing used. T h e earliest pottery on the island, from the second level above sterile soil at Knossos, has affinities with Ana tolia. In the subsequent development of the island, this pat tern of contacts with die East would never be broken for long: the history of Crete always included a give-and-take with the cultures of West Asia. T h e Neolithic period was a time of slow development. Animal husbandry and agriculture were established as the society's economic base, and they would remain such throughout antiquity. By the end of the period, the island was sparsely settled from one end to the other. Contact with the more eastern regions was never close during this time, but it was frequent enough for Crete to benefit from new discoveries, such, as better kilns for pottery. A few new set tlers seem to have arrived from time to time, especially to ward the end of the period. T h e earliest phase of the culture known as Minoan is called the Final Neolithic. It must begin well before 4000 BGE, but its dates are far from secure. T h e phase is first recognized by tire beginning of several new cultural traits, probably signaling the immigration of new people into the island. The most important trait for tracing the overseas connections is a dark-burnished pottery in shapes that in clude jugs with high spouts that look Anatolian. The first beehive-shaped tombs (called tholos tombs) date from this period. The Final Neolithic folk were farmers and herds men, and they were probably seafarers as well. They used obsidian from the island of Melos, and their technology for ceramics was on a par with contemporary developments in the Cyclades and Anatolia.
CRETE Early B r o n z e Age. On Crete, the Early Bronze Age is divided into three periods: Early Minoan I, II, and III. In the middle phase of the second period (Early Minoan II), the first real cultural explosion since the advent of the Final N e olithic took place. New objects testify both to an increased technological skill and to a desire for new possessions: sealstones, stone vases, new types of pottery, figurines; and metal objects in a surprising variety of designs. Some writers have seen metallurgy, in its new form as portable wealth, as tire main stimulus behind these changes. Certainly, metals played a vital role. Copper was used for jewelry, for tools, and especially for daggers. Silver and gold assumed new roles as symbols of prestige. Because Crete is poor in me tallic ores, it is likely that all or almost all of this metal was imported. Some of the jewelry gives us our best hints about the sources for these new metals. T h e rich Early Minoan II—III tombs at Mochlos in northeastern Crete have yielded hun dreds of pieces of jewelry. They include earrings and pen dants with strong stylistic parallels with Troy and nearby parts of the northeast Aegean and with a number of ties to Mesopotamia; quadruple spirals, complex link chains, pierced bands, and flowers and leaves all occur both at Ur in Mesopotamia and at Mochlos on Crete. In addition, the technology of fusing with added fluxes to create filigree and granulation also appears in both areas. Although the lines of transmission are mostly lost, and they were surely distant and indirect, the situation suggests that a general level of technology and a few stylistic details were being transmitted over extremely long distances. Although invasions and cultural disruptions occurred in Greece and the Cycladic Islands at the end of the Early Bronze Age, Crete does not seem to have been affected. T h e Middle Minoan period lasted from about 2 0 0 0 BCE until just after 1 7 0 0 BCE. T h e Old Palaces were built during the period, and there is evidence that Crete may have been di vided into several kingdoms then, administered from palaces at Knossos, Phaistos, Malia, Zakros, and other centers. T h e volume of Minoan objects in the East and of Eastern objects on Crete increased appreciably. They suggest economic links in several directions. Egyptian scarabs and a few other objects occur at several Middle Minoan sites. Minoan pottery, especially the fine Kamares ware of M M II, found its way to Egypt in enough quantity to suggest that it was traded for its own sake rather than as a container. Most of this pottery is palatial (most likely from Knossos), suggesting that the palaces were taking the lead in foreign trade. Objects from Syria, Anatolia, and Cyprus can also be identified on Crete. Among these loca tions Cyprus is most important, and it may have acted as an intermediary between Crete and ports farther to the east. Eastern products that can be identified from this period in clude ivory, a few stones, and metals.
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Late B r o n z e Age (Late M i n o a n I). At the beginning of the Late Bronze Age on Crete (the Middle Bronze LIB in Palestine and Syria), a group of important Minoan wall paintings appears in the East. Examples survive from three sites: Tell ed-Dab a in Egypt, Tel Kabri in Palestine, and Alalakh in Syria. At Tell ed-Dab'a, the Hyksos capital of Avaris, the paintings included bull leapers, Aegean floral motifs, several animals, and abstract designs of Cretan type. Floral ornaments and other designs decorate the palace of Yarimlim at Alalakh. Both a gridded floor and a miniature fresco with buildings, a landscape, and human figures were found at Tel Kabri. In all cases, the technique is true fresco, an Aegean practice previously unknown in Egypt and West ern Asia. Apparently, Minoan painters were called in to dec orate some of the finer local buildings at this time, using Cretan motifs and techniques. [See Dab'a, Tell ed-; Kabri, Tel; awd Alalakh.] Late Minoan I also marks a new height for Cretan trade with the East. Imported commodities are sometimes difficult to trace, but they make a long list. Raw materials include stones like blue lapis lazuli from Afghanistan; white-spotted obsidian from the island of Ghyali; copper; and possibly also tin, ivory, ostrich eggs, gold, silver, and the many products that leave no trace, such as woods, spices, and leathers. If the archaeological record is any indication, finished goods were mostly made at home on Crete. Eastern pottery is rare on Crete. A few pieces came from Knossos, Kommos, Zak ros, Pseira, and a few other places, but they were mostly closed containers presumably brought in for their contents. Sealstones from the period are a tiny percentage of the local Minoan seals. Minoan metal objects from this period were almost all manufactured on Crete. It is reasonable to con clude that Crete was an agricultural and a manufacturing center that traded mostly for its raw materials. It must have exported foods, textiles, and especially finished metal goods. The manufacture of metal objects must have played a large role in this scenario. T h e final evidence is not in yet, but the best guess is that copper and tin came from some where to the east. Large stores of copper ingots must have been needed to supply the bronze-working industry. Hoards of copper ingots have been found at Aghia Triadha and at Zakros, but studies of the ingots by lead isotope analysis have produced a pattern with no known parallel from the eastern Mediterranean. T h e copper must come from a Precambrian ore body that has not yet been identified. Geo graphical candidates are Afghanistan or the Caucasus, but little archaeological work has been done in this region. A shipwreck from near Bulgaria, in the Black Sea, with copper ingots on board and with clay weights that are disk-shaped, with holes near tile margins (an, Aegean shape), raises the possibility of a seaborne trade in the right direction, but too little research has yet been done to reach any firm conclu sions. c
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At the end of Late Minoan IB, most Cretan sites were destroyed. Many of them were abandoned in L M II, and diose that survived have an increased amount of evidence from Mycenaean areas of southern Greece. Most scholars believe that this date marks die arrival of the Mycenaeans on Crete. Knossos continues to be important in the years of My cenaean domination, and it must have participated in the international Mycenaean trade in L M III that knit together a great economic network in the eastern Mediterranean. In L M III, the language of Crete was Mycenaean Greek, pre served on tablets written in the script called Linear B. T a b lets come from Knossos and Khania on Crete as well as from Mycenae, Pylos, and other sites on the Greek mainland. The tablets, all tallies and other economic documents, describe a thriving economy. Weaving, bronze working, and other crafts were done for the international market as well as for home consumption. Crete's dominant position in the wool trade is demonstrated by the fact that the clay tablets from Knossos list more than 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 sheep. By the thirteenth cen tury BCE, iron began to be used in larger quantities than pre viously, and new customs such as cremation began to ap pear. Early Iron Age. Toward the end of the second millen nium BCE, all of the Mycenaean world was experiencing dis ruption. Wars were frequent, and by 1 2 0 0 BCE most of the great centers had been attacked. A wave of new settlers on Cyprus at about this time coincides with the abandonment of several of the Mycenaean sites. This is the period of the "Sea Peoples," displaced populations who attacked Egypt during the reign of Rameses III. One group of the Sea Peo ples, with Aegean population elements, setded in Palestine and became the Philistines. Other groups are more difficult to trace. The coasts of Crete, were so insecure at the time that many harbors were abandoned as people moved inland. Refuge sites on high peaks like Karphi, Vrokastro, and Kavousi-Kastro testify to the new need for defense, rather than access to the coast for trade. In this period of the Early Iron Age, the Dorians can first be recognized archaeologically on the Greek peninsula and Crete. They spoke a dialect of Greek that was distinct from that of their Mycenaean predecessors, and by the eighthcentury BCE they were dominant throughout Crete. T h e new society was aristocratic, based on land tenure managed by wealthy citizens and worked by slaves and a serf population that was probably the remnant of the island's Bronze Age residents. Trade revived in the Early Iron Age, and by the ninth century Crete was again a stepping-stone from east to west. In the north, Knossos remained the most important site. In the south, the port of Kommos, on the prosperous plain of the Mesara, was a busy port of call. A temple here, with a shrine of standing stones of Phoenician type and many eastem offsprings, suggests that the Phoenicians used the port
on their way east or west. As before, Crete was a link be tween the eastern and western Mediterranean. [See also Cyprus; and Minoans.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Evans, Arthur. The Palace of Minos,. 4 vols, in 6. London, 1921-1935. Publication of the discoveries at Knossos. Gale, N. H., ed. Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean. [Goteborg], 1991. Papers on trade delivered at a conference held at Oxford, De cember 1989. Lambrou-Phillipson, C. Hellenorientalia: The Near Eastern Presence in the Bronze Age Aegean, ca. 3000-1 too B.C. Goteborg, 1990. Sum mary of the Western Asian-Aegean interrelations, with a list of East ern objects found in the Aegean and an extensive bibliography. Muhly, James D. "The Nature of Trade in the LBA Eastern Mediter ranean: The Organization of the Metals Trade and the Role of Cy prus." In Early Metallurgy in Cyprus, 4000-500 BC: Acta of the In ternational Archaeological Symposium, edited by James D. Muhly et al., pp. 251-266. Larnaca, Cyprus, 1982. Discussion of the trade in metals. Renfrew, Colin. The Emergence of Civilisation. London, 1972. Discus sion of the Cyclades and adjacent areas in the third millennium BCE. Sandars, Nancy K. The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Ancient Mediterra nean, 1250-1150 B.C. London, 1978. Discussion of the end of the Bronze Age. Seager, Richard B. Explorations in the Island of Mochlos. Boston, 1912. Publication of the objects from the Early to Middle Bronze Age cem etery at Mochlos, including the gold jewelry. Smith, William Stevenson. Interconnections in the Ancient Near-East. New Haven, 1965. Valuable treatment, especially of art objects. PHILIP P . BETANCOURT
CROWFOOT, JOHN WINTER ( 1 8 7 3 - 1 9 5 9 ) , di rector of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem ( 1 9 2 6 - 1 9 3 5 ) . Crowfoot, the son of John Henchman Crow foot, chancellor of Lincoln Cathedral, was educated at Marl borough College and Brasenose College at Oxford Univer sity. His early and lifelong devotion to archaeology led in 1 8 9 7 to a year of travel in Asia Minor and Greece. He was a lecturer in classics at Birmingham University for two years before going to Egypt as assistant master of education. In 1 9 0 3 he became deputy principal of Gordon College, Khar toum, in the Sudan. Returning briefly to Egypt as an in spector in the Ministry of Education in 1 9 0 9 , he married Grace Mary Hood, who became a pioneer in the study of ancient and modern textiles and women's crafts, As director of education and principal of Gordon College ( 1 9 1 4 - 1 9 2 6 ) , he also oversaw the Antiquities Department as well. He was appointed C.B.E. (Companion of the British Empire) for wartime service. In Palestine from 1 9 2 6 he directed the British School-Yale University excavation at Jerash (Gerasa) in Transjordan ( 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 3 0 ) ; the joint expeditions to Samaria/Sebaste ( 1 9 3 1 - 1 9 3 5 ) ; and excavations for the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) on the Ophel in Jerusalem. On his return to England, he became chairman of the P E F ( 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 5 0 ) . In
CRUSADER PERIOD 1 9 5 8 he received the honorary degree of Doctor of Letters from Oxford University. As recalled by R. W. Hamilton, late keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, who first worked with him at Je rash, Crowfoot was known for his tolerance and humor. These qualities proved particularly important in the British School's excavations at Samaria, where his direction facili tated cooperation between his British School, the PEF, the British Academy, Harvard University, and tire Hebrew Uni versity of Jerusalem. Perhaps his most important achieve ment was his innovativeness at a time when archaeologists in Palestine were obsessed with the desire to "prove" the truth of the Hebrew Bible. Crowfoot instead turned the ac tivities of the school and its students to Early Christian ar chaeology, so rich in its architecture, art, and epigraphy, as well as to the classical roots of Western society. [See also British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem; Je rash; Jerusalem; Palestine Exploration Fund; and Samaria.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Crowfoot, John Winter. Churches at Jerash: A Preliminary Report of the Joint Yale-British School Expeditions to Jerash, 1928-1930. London, 1931. Crowfoot, John Winter. Early Churches in Palestine. London, 1941. Crowfoot, John Winter, and Grace Mary Crowfoot. Early Ivories from Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste: Report of the work of the Joint Expedi tion in 1931-1933 and of the Work of the British Expedition in 1935, no. 2. London, 1938. Crowfoot, John Winter, Kathleen M. Kenyon, and Eleazar L. Sukenik. The Buildings al Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste: Report of the Work of the Joint Expedition in 1931-1933 and of the Work of the British Expedition in 1935, no. 1, London, 1942. Crowfoot, John Winter, Grace Mary Crowfoot, and Katheleen M. Kenyon. The Objects from Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste: Report of the Work of the Joint Expedition in 1931-193 3 and of the Work of the British Expedition in 1935, no. 3. London, 1957. ELISABETH CROWFOOT
C R U S A D E R P E R I O D . On 2 7 November 1 0 9 5 , Pope Urban II issued a call at Clermont in the Auvergne, France, for European Christians to go to the aid of tiieir Eastern Christian brethren in the Holy Land and to wrest control of the holy sites from the infidels who had desecrated and de stroyed them. T h e four main armies of the First Crusade marched to Constantinople in 1 0 9 6 - 1 0 9 7 and set off across Asia Minor in June 1 0 9 7 . History. T h e First Crusade entered Syria-Palestine in 1097, taking Antioch and Edessa in 1 0 9 8 . Continuing south, the Crusaders occupied Bethlehem in June 1 0 9 9 and con quered Jerusalem on 1 5 July 1 0 9 9 . Nazareth was taken later in the year by Tancred. Godefroy de Bouillon was elected Advocatus Sancti Sepulchri and retained the office until his death on 1 8 July 1100. Baldwin of Boulogne was crowned king of Jerusalem in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem on Christmas day 1100. Gibelin of Aries became the first
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uncontested patriarch of Jerusalem in 1108. On 1 2 July 1109, Tripoli fell to Crusader forces. Thus, during a tenyear period the gains of the First Crusade were slowly con solidated into the establishment of four Crusader states: the Principality of Antioch, ruled by Bohemond of Otranto and his nephew, Tancred; the County of Edessa, ruled by Bald win of Boulogne and Baldwin of Le Bourg; the Kingdom of Jerusalem, ruled by Baldwin I; and the County of Tripoli, ruled by Bertram, son of Raymond of St. Gilles. By 1 1 1 0 most of the important port cities on the Mediterranean coast had been taken, with the conspicuous exceptions of Tyre and Ashkelon, which were still in Fatimid hands. In the newly organized Crusader states, fortifications and churches were needed everywhere. T h e early kings of Je rusalem, Baldwin I ( 1 1 0 0 — 1 1 1 8 ) and Baldwin II ( 1 1 1 8 -
1 1 3 1 ) sponsored important castle building in Syria-Palestine near Ashkelon (Israel), at Shaubak (Jordan), and on the Isle de Graye (in the Gulf of Aqaba); other patrons built Jubayl (Lebanon) and Saone (Syria). Important commercial ar rangements were made by which the Genoese, the Pisans, and the Venetians were given holdings in the port cities, providing the means of trade and a de facto Crusader navy. Coinage generated the earliest Crusader artistic images, in many cases distinctive amalgamations of Byzantine-influ enced designs and Western currency types. Metalwork, and especially reliquaries, also proved to be much in demand. A relic of the True Cross became the ensign of the Latin King dom and was carried by the patriarch on all important cam paigns. By the time Fulk of Anjou became king, crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in 1 1 3 1 , the second genera=
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CRUSADER PERIOD. Figural lintel. A lintel from the south transept facade (west portal) of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, c. 1150. Scenes from left to right include Jesus raising Lazarus; Mary Magdalene and Mary, mother of James and John, meeting Jesus; and Jesus directing his dis ciples to prepare for the Last Supper. (Courtesy Ecole Biblique, Jerusalem)
don of settlers was in place and social and cultural interpenetration was a feature of life in "outremer" (as the Frankish East was known). As an example of royal intermarriage, the king came from France, but his queen, Melisende, was Greek Orthodox, born of an Armenian mother. Melisende became the most remarkable woman in the Crusader East—daughter, wife, and mother of kings, and patroness of the arts. For her the Melisende psalter was done, the most re markable illuminated Crusader codex produced in die twelfth century. She, Fulk, and the patriarchs of Jerusalem were responsible for the rebuilding and redecoration of die Church of the Holy Sepulcher: pilgrimage church par excellance, state coronation church, and burial church of the Crusader kings. The aedicule of the Holy Sepulcher had been refurbished immediately after 1099, but an ambitious plan to unify Calvary and the Prison of Christ with the ae dicule in a single church was initiated after 1 1 3 1 with most
of the construction carried out in the 1140s. The church was dedicated on 15 July 1149, after the members of the ill-fated Second Crusade had returned home. The Holy Sepulcher was the first major holy site to be redone in a distinctive Levantine-Romanesque style of ar chitecture, with complex programs of sculpture and mosaics on the interior and exterior. The Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem was also redecorated in 1 1 6 7 - 1 1 6 9 , in a unique joint patronage arrangement between Amaury, king of Je rusalem, the Byzantine emperor, Manuel; and Bishop Ralph of Bethlehem. This church dated to the sixth century CE, but a completely new program of Byzantine- and Crusader-in spired mosaics and frescoes transformed its interior and grotto. By contrast, a third holy site, the Church of the An nunciation in Nazareth, was rebuilt with a very extensive program of figural sculpture making it distinctively different from its predecessors. These holy places strongly shaped the
CRUSADER PERIOD Crusader artistic agenda in the twelfth century. The Tem plar and Hospitaller orders, founded in the early part of the century, grew in military power and in their control of casdes used to defend these sites and their pilgrims. Otherwise, the Crusaders were less successful on the political and military fronts. Although the Crusader states proved viable commercially there was tire constant threat of Muslim incursions. Edessa had fallen in 1144 and the Second Crusade could do nothing to restore it. It became increasingly evident that the threat from the Turks in the north and the Fatimids in Egypt could successfully be warded off only while the Muslims were di vided. When the Crusaders failed to enlist the Byzantines in an efficacious alliance to conquer Egypt in the 1160s and 1170s, Saladin (Salah ad-Din) unified Muslim forces against the Crusaders. Saladin evenmally invaded tire Latin King dom and inflicted a disastrous defeat on the Crusaders at the Horns of Hattin on 4 July 1 1 8 7 . By tire end of that year, tire Crusaders held only Tyre and Beirut and a few major castles, such as Crac des Chevaliers and Marqab (Syria); all of the major holy places were again in the hands of tire in fidels. T o regain these sites, the Third Crusade was mounted in 1189. Although it was led by three crowned heads of Europe, including Richard tire Lionheart, who delivered Cyprus into Crusader hands, and although it restored the coasdine to the Crusaders, symbolized by the retaking of Akko (Acre) in 1 1 9 1 , the Third Crusade failed to regain a single major holy site or to damage a single Muslim center of power. Mindful
75
of this failure, Pope Innocent III organized the Fourth Crusade. It was, however, diverted to Constantinople in 1203-1204. After a terrible sacking of that city in April 1204 a Latin Empire was established for fifty seven years. With Constantinople as its capital, the empire included the terri tories of Romania, Thessalonike, the Morea, and Crete. Yet, other expeditions were attempted. The Crusade of Pelagius (papal legate and leader of the Crusade to Damietta) at tacked Egypt directly in 1 2 1 8 - 1 2 2 1 but was forced to withdraw. Ironically, only Frederick II, twice excommunicated in the process, was able to restore the holy places to Cru sader control, by treaty—not by force of arms—with Sultan al-Kamil in 1229. Crusader jurisdiction over the holy sites after 1229 was tenuous because their military and political power was largely consumed by civil war between 1229 and 1243 and was thus inadequate to reestablish control. In 1244 the Khwarazmian Turks overran Jerusalem, definitively remov ing the holy city from Crusader access. Yet another Crusade was organized: King Louis IX came east, but his attempt to attack Egypt was repulsed. He then went directly to the Latin Kingdom to aid the Holy Land. Residing in Akko (1250-1254), he set about rebuilding the fortifications at Caesarea, Akko, and Tyre, and he built a new castle at Sidon. He seems to have reinvigorated Crusader painting with his commissions of royal manuscripts, such as the Arsenal Bible. He personally visited the holy site of Nazareth to refocus Crusader goals, but he was unable to restore a single holy site to Crusader control.
CRUSADER PERIOD. 'Atlit castle. T h e Norm Tower wall, looking east with remains of vaulting and three corbels, 1 2 1 8 CE. (Photograph by J. Folda)
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Witii the Mongol invasion in 1258-1260 and the rise to power of the Mamluk Sultan Baybars, the future of the Cru sader states was put in serious jeopardy. Baybars pursued a policy of conquest and destruction, and by 1268 he had taken Nazareth and Antioch. The alarm was sounded and a new Crusade was organized, with Louis IX once again leading the expedition. Louis died in Tunis, en route, in 1270 but Edward I of England continued on to Palestine. Even he could not deter Baybars, however, and in 1271 the Mamluks captured one of the greatest of Crusader castles, Crac des Chevaliers. Only Baybars's death in 1277 foiled his resolve to eradicate the Franks. In 1280 Baybars's successor, Qalawun, resumed the Mamluk assault on die Crusaders. By 1289 Tripoli had fallen, and Qalawun prepared to attack Akko. Qalawun failed to take Akko only because he died on the march that began the siege; however, his son, Sultan al-Ashraf Khalil, assumed command and the battle was joined. St. Jean d'Acre fell on 28 May 1291. By August, the Mamluks had pushed the Crusaders into the sea, having taken every main land Frankish fortification. The Latin Kingdom was termi nated in Syria-Palestine, and only Cyprus and parts of Greece remained in Frankish hands. Art a n d Archaeology. The study of Crusader art was essentially founded and initially carried out by the great French "archeologues" such as Melchior de Vogtie, Em manuel Rey, Charles Clermont-Ganneau, L.-H. Vincent and F.-M. Abel, and continued by Prosper Viaud, Camille Enlart, and Paul Deschamps, with significant connibutions by certain Englishmen such as Claude R. Conder and H. H. Kitchener, William Harvey, and C. N . Johns between i860 and World War II. In this period the early investigation of the major castles and churches was done with intensive work during the French and British Mandates after 1917, at Crac des Chevaliers and ' Atlit; the site of the Church of the An nunciation, Nazareth, was excavated; archeological studies were done on the Crusader churches of Jerusalem; and spe cific architectural surveys were carried out on the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Jerusalem, and the Church of the Nativity, Bethlehem. Since World War II, archeological investigation has con tinued with important investigations of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher and specifically the aedicule of the tomb, the castles of Belvoir and Belmont, the Crusader cities of Acre (Akko) and Caesarea, and Crusader settlement in the plain of Sharon. There have been important investigations of the coins and pottery from the Crusader period as well. However, significant art historical research also appeared, starting with the work of T. S. R. Boase, H. Buchthal, and K. Weitzmann. In contrast to the archaeological reports and studies on sites and architecture, the art historical publica tions have focused more on painting (manuscript illumina tions, frescoes, mosaics, and icons), sculpture, and metalwork. These studies have emphasized the figural arts and
have made considerable progress in redressing the balance between archaeological and art historical research. For ar chitectural history and archaeology the British School of Ar chaeology in Jerusalem has recently sponsored important surveys of Mamluk architecture in Jerusalem and a corpus of Crusader churches from the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, of which the first volume has appeared (Pringler, 1986). A significant group of Israeli art historians located at Jerusa lem, Tel Aviv, and Haifa has also begun making important contributions on painting, sculpture and the minor arts since about 1980. Of the four Crusader States on mainland Syria-Palestine, the greatest number of Crusader sites and monuments (churches, castles, fortified cities, and towers), including the most important holy places for pilgrimage, is found in the territory of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, which includes today Israel and parts of soutiiern Lebanon, and western Jordan between the Dead Sea and 'Aqaba. In the County of Edessa (Urfa; 1098-1144), which now includes parts of southeastern Turkey and northern Syria, there are some im portant castle remains, and in the Principality of Antioch (1098-1268), which includes today mainly northwestern Syria and a bit of southern Turkey, there are also important fortifications, but few Crusader churches are extant in either area. The County of Tripoli (1109-1289) was the smallest of tiiese states, running along the coast from Gibelet (Jubayl, Byblos) to the Castle of Marqab (Margat), that is, northern Lebanon and a part of western Syria. Significantly, however, the most impressive extant Crusader castles are located in this region—Crac des Chevaliers. Marqab, and Saone (Sahyun), all in present-day Syria, of which the latter two have never been seriously investigated archaeologically. Indeed, few Crusader castles have been excavated, although several, such as Crac des Chevaliers, have been cleared. Finally, two of the finest extant Crusader churches, at Gibelet and Tortosa (Tartus) are also found in the region of Tripoli. Jerusalem in the twelfth century and Acre during the thir teenth century were the two primary Crusader artistic cen ters, along with the important pilgrimage sites such as Beth lehem, Nazareth, and St. Catherine's on Mount Sinai in the Sinai Peninsula. Apart from the decoration of their churches. Jerusalem and Acre were centers for manuscript illumination; in Jerusalem there was also a thriving quarter for goldsmiths and metalwork; and in Acre and at St. Cath erine's are found important Crusader panel painting. No Crusader manuscripts from other important centers such as Antioch, Tripoli, or Cyprus have been identified for certain at present, but Antioch may have been important for met alwork, and Lydda, Tripoli, and Nicosia have had Crusader panel paintings attributed to them recently. As with all por table works of art, however, the archaeological evidence for the sources of works such as manuscript painting, icons, and metalwork is difficult to identify in tiiese locations.
CTESIPHON [See also Akko; Antioch on Orontes; Ayyubid-Mamluk Dynasties; Byblos; Caesarea; Constantinople; Fatimid Dy nasty; Jerusalem; Sidon; Tyre; and the biographies of Abel, Clerrnont-Ganneau, Conder, Kitchener, Vincent, and Vogue.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bagatti, Bellarmino. Gli aruichi edifici sacri diBetlemme. Jerusalem, 1952. Bagatti, Bellarmino, and Eugenio Alliata. Gli scavi di Nazaret, vol, 2, Dal secolo XII ad oggi. Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior, 17. Jerusalem, 1984. Benveniste, M. The Crusaders in ihe Holy Land. Jerusalem, 1970. Biddle, M. "The Tomb of Christ: Sources, Methods and a New Ap proach." In Churches Built in Ancient Times: Recent Studies in Early Christian Archaeology, edited by K. Painter, pp. 73-147. London, 1994. Boase, T. S. R. "Ecclesiastical Art in the Crusader States in Palestine and Syria" and "Military Architecture in the Crusader States in Pal estine and Syria." In The Art and Architecture of the Crusader States, edited by Harry W. Hazard, pp. 69-164. A History of the Crusades, vol. 4. Madison, Wis., and London, 1977. Buschhausen, Helmut. Die siiditalienische Bauplastik im Konigreich Je rusalem von Kbnig Wilhelm II. bis Kaiser Friedrich II. Vienna, 1978. Clerrnont-Ganneau, Charles S. Archaeological Researches in Palestine during the Years 1873-1874. 2 vols. London, 1896-1899. Conder, Claude R., and H. H. Kitchener. The Survey of Western Pal estine: Memoirs of the Topography, Orography, Hydrography, and Ar chaeology, vol. 1, Galilee; vol. 2, Samaria; vol. 3, Judaea. London, 1881-1883. Corbo, Virgilio. II Santo Sepolcro di Gerusalemme. 3 vols. Studium Bib licum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior, 29. Jerusalem, 1981-1982. Dean, Bashford. "A Crusaders' Fortress in Palestine." Palestine Explo ration Fund Quarterly Statement (1928): 91-97. Deschamps, Paul. Les Chateaux des Croises en Terre-Sainte, vol. 1, Le Crac des Chevaliers; vol. 2, La defense du royaume de Jerusalem; vol. 3, IM defense du Comte de Tripoli et de la Principaute d'Antioche. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vols. 19, 34, and 90. Paris, 1934-1973. Enlart, Camille. Les monuments des Croises dans le royaume de Jerusalem: Architecture religieuse et civile. 2 vols. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vols. 7-8. Paris, 1925-1928. Folda, Jaroslav, et al. "Crusader Frescoes at Crac des Chevaliers and Marqab Castle." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 36 (1982): 177-210. Folda, Jaroslav. The Art of the Cmsaders in the Holy Land, 1098-1187. New York and Cambridge, 1995. One additional volume is planned. Johns, C. N . "Excavations at Pilgrim's Castle ('Atlit)." Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine 1 (1932): 111-129; 2 (1933): 41-104; 3 (1934): 145-164; 4 (1935): 122-137. Johns, C. N. "The Citadel, Jerusalem: A Summary of Work since 934-" Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine 14 (1950): 121-190. Kennedy, H. Crusader Castles. Cambridge, 1994. Kuhnel, Bianca. Crusader Art of the Twelfth Century. Berlin, 1994. Kuhnel, Gustav. Wall Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. Berlin, 1988. Lane, Arthur. "Medieval Finds from Al-Mina in North Syria." Archaeologia 87 (1937): 19-78. Malloy, A. G., I. F. Preston, and A. J. Seltman. Coinage of the Crusader States, 1098-1291. New York, 1994. Metcalf, David M. Coinage of the Crusades and the Latin East in the Ashmolean Museum. London, 1983. Poree, B. Un aspect de la culture materielle des Croisades: Introduction d I'etude de la ceramique, Xl-XIIIe siecles. Paris, 1991. I
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Pringle, Denys. "Medieval Pottery from Caesarea: The Crusader Pe riod." Ijevant 17 (1985): 171-202. Pringle, Denys, et al. The Red Tower (al-Burj al-Ahmar): Settlement in the Plain of Sharon at the Time of the Cmsaders and Mamluks, A.D. 1099-1516. British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, Monograph Series, 1. London, 1986. Pringle, Denys. The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Coipus. Vol. 1. Cambridge, 1993. Two additional volumes are planned. Rey, Emmanuel-Guillaume. Etude sur les monuments de ['architecture militaire des croises en Syrie et dans Tile de Chypre. Collection de Doc uments Inedits sur lTIistoire de France, ser. 1: Histoire Politique. Paris, 1871. Sailer, Sylvester J. Excavations at Bethany, 1949-1953. Studium Bibli cum Franciscanum, Collectio Maior, 12. Jerusalem, 1957. Schick, Conrad. "The Muristan, or, The Site of the Hospital of St, John at Jerusalem." Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement (1902): 42-56. Schultz, Robert W., et al. The Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem. Lon don, 1910. Ulbert, Thilo. Resafa, vol. 3, Der kreuzfahrerzeitliche Silberschatz aus Resafa-Sergiupolis. Mainz am Rhein, 1990. Viaud, Prosper. Nazareth et ses deux eglises de I'Annonciation et de SaintJoseph d'apris les fouilles recentes. Paris, 1910. Vincent, L.-H., and Felix-Marie Abel. Jerusalem: Recherches de topographie, d'archeologie et d'histoire, vol. 2, Jerusalem nouvelk. Paris, 1926. Vogiie, Melchior de. Les eglises de la Terre Sainte (i860). Toronto, 1973. The reader should also take note of the archaeological/art historical surveys and excavations in progress (as of 1993). For instance, Israeli and ASOR excavations in Jerusalem and at Caesarea, Belvoir, Acre (Akko), and Ashkelon are regularly reported in the Revue Biblique and Israel Exploration Journal. The British School of Archaeology is con ducting excavations at Belmont castle, west of Jerusalem, reported in Levant, and the Lebanese Antiquities Service is currently working at Tyre and Tripoli. Erica Dodd is surveying all the extant Crusaderperiod frescoes in Lebanon. Martin Biddle's studies of the aedicule of the Holy Sepulcher (with photogrammetry) have appeared in various English archaeological journals as well as the Illustrated London News. Other works in progress include surveys of Crusader sculpture in the Latin Kingdom by Zehava Jacoby; mosaics in the Latin Kingdom by Gustav Kuhnel; and metalwork by Bianca Kuhnel. JAROSLAV FOLDA
CTESIPHON,
city located on the east bank of the Tigris
River, 3 5 km ( 2 2 mi.) south of Baghdad in Iraq, and op posite the Seleucid capital of Seleucia on tire Tigris and tire nearby Sasanian "round city" of Veh Ardashir. Ctesiphon flourished as tire Partho-Sasanian capital from tire second century BCE until the Arab conquest in 6 3 7 CE. T h e origins and meaning of tire Latin name Ctesiphon are unknown (Gk., Ktesiphon; Syr., qtyspwn; Parthian, Pahlavi, and Sogdian, tyspwn; Ar., Taysafun). Contemporaneous classical, Christian, Jewish, and Arab sources refer to several other centers in the vicinity known as "the cities," which has led to considerable confusion as to Ctesiphon's precise location. T h e most likely site is al-Ma'aridh, where limited German excavations uncovered large Late Sasanian private houses (Kroger, 1 9 8 2 ) . T h e origins of Ctesiphon are obscure. It appears to have been founded as a Parthian city following
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their capture of Mesopotamia from the Seleucids and west ward transfer of their capital. It was used as a place of cor onation and royal winter residence with treasuries and a gar rison; according to one classical author (Ammianus Marcellinus, 23.6.23), the city walls were built by Pacorus I. Owing to its position on the left bank of the Tigris, Ctesiphon was well sited for communicating with the Iranian plateau. (Seleucia, the Parthian foundation of Vologesocerta/Abu Halefija, and the Early Sasanian city of Veh Ardashir controlled access to Babylonia, particularly along ca nals linking the Euphrates River with the Tigris at this point.) Parthian Ctesiphon was sacked on three occasions by Roman armies, namely by Trajan (116 CE), Avidius Cassius (165) and Septimius Severus (198). In 224 the Parthians were overthrown by Ardashir, crowned in Ctesiphon in 226 as the first ruler of the Sasanian dynasty. Thereafter, Ctesiphon remained die Sasanian cap ital, place of coronation, royal mint, and one of the empire's most important administrative, and cultural centers. It was strongly fortified with walls of fired brick and a moat. Odenathus of Palmyra unsuccessfully besieged the city in 261, but it was sacked by Cams in 283; Julian attempted to capture it in 363 but failed (Frey, 1967). Ctesiphon was physically connected to Veh Ardashir by a pair of bridges, one of which may have been constructed by Shapur II. Its diverse pop ulation included important Christian, Jewish, and Zoroastrian communities. Ctesiphon was the birthplace of the catholicos Elisha, the archdeacon Mar Aba, and Rabbi Hiyya. Mani, the founder of the Manichaean sect, was educated but later crucified at Ctesiphon, and within tire city there was a market frequented by local Jews. Fleraclius attacked Ctesiphon in 627, and a decade later an Arab army com manded by Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas captured Ctesiphon and huge quantities of booty after first taking Veh Ardashir and fording the Tigris. Major monuments at this time included a large "White Palace," whose founder was then unknown— suggesting that it was already an old building. Several un identified mosques were founded after the Arab conquest and Ctesiphon became known as "the ancient city." Despite an unhealthy reputation owing to mosquitoes and malaria, it was occupied by "men of the nobility and distinguished houses of Kufa" (a city on the Euphrates River) with "nu merous fighters to watch possible disturbances" (Tabari, I, 2677, 2483; II, 980). With the later foundation of Baghdad, the remaining Sasanian public buildings and fortifications suffered heavily through demolition and removal of bricks for reuse. [See Baghdad.] Islamic and later European writers have left numerous de scriptions of the Ctesiphon area, particularly focusing on a huge vaulted iwan popularly known as the Throne of Khusrau (Taq-i Kisra). Several attempts have been made to re construct the historical topography of the site, notably by Claudius Rich (1836), who recognized that eroded mounds on either bank of the present course of the Tigris belonged
to a single round city later cut by tire river. This he presumed to be Seleucia and the Taq-i Kisra to mark Ctesiphon. Other writers have proposed the existence of a second iwan op posite the first; in 1908, half of the remaining vault and facade of the Taq-i Kisra collapsed, following flooding. Between 1903 and 1911 Ernst Herzfeld conducted architec tural surveys in the area. In 1915, there was fierce fighting on the site between Turkish and British armies. Aerial pho tographs taken during the 1920s confirmed a suggestion that the extensive mounded area immediately west of the round city probably represented Seleucia, as it was laid out on clas sical principles of urban planning. Seleucia had been founded by Seleucus Nicator at the junction of a royal canal and the Tigris. [See Seleucia on the Tigris.] A shift in patronage under the Seleucids stimulated its growth at the expense of Babylon. [See Babylon.] Seleucia was fortified; it straddled the canal and was said to have had a population of up to 600,000. It functioned as a mint throughout the Parthian period and was only deserted in the third century when Veh Ardashir was founded. Thereafter, Seleucia was referred to by Syriac and classical authors as "deserted Seleucia" (Sliq kharawata or deserta civitas) and was used as a place of execution and burial. T h e city was first excavated by American expeditions initiated by Leroy Waterman in 1927 and concluded by Robert McDowell in 1936-1937. These focused on Tell TJmar and on an insula near the center of the city (Waterman, 1933; Hopkins, ed., 1972). However, because of the water table, the earliest lev els were not reached; much of the published material actu ally dated to die Parthian period. T h e round city was as sumed to represent Ctesiphon, and excavations were conducted both there and across the present course of the Tigris by German expeditions directed by Oscar Reuther (1928-1929) and Ernst Kiihnel (1930-1931). Large quan tities of Sasanian decorative stucco were recovered from Tell al-Dhaba'i, Tell Dhahab, al-Ma'aridh, and U m m asSa'atir; the church at Qasr bint al-Qadi and a Parthian cem etery were excavated nearby (Kroger, 1982; Hauser, 1993). Further discoveries of stuccoes at other sites in Mesopota mia and Iran stimulated intense interest in tire Sasanian pe riod. Archaeological research in the Ctesiphon area resumed in 1964 with Italian expeditions from the University of Turin directed by Giorgio Gullini (1966) and later by Antonio Invernizzi (1976). At Seleucia, a large Archive Square build ing, associated with the administration of a salt tax, and a later terra-cotta workshop were excavated. Within the round city, work was concentrated on a stretch of the city walls and an artisans' quarter within (ceramic, glass, and metalworking). Occupation there is dated from the reign of Ardashir I to the fifth-sixth centuries CE, after which low-lying areas of the city were abandoned because of flooding; later oc cupation was confined to the mound of Tell Baruda (Venco Ricciardi and Negro Ponzi Mancini, 1985). T h e excavated
CULT sequences from the round city, and its location relative to Seleucia and the Taq-i Kisra, demonstrate that this was the site of the city of Ardashir (Veh Ardashir, Bahursir), rather than Ctesiphon. Veh Ardashir was founded by Ardashir on the site of an earlier village known as Kokhe, closer to tire Tigris, whose course had shifted slightly. It was intended to replace Seleucia and was, hence, called New Seleucia. Veh Ardashir enjoyed a close relationship with Ctesiphon and was also known as the western city of al-Mada'in or the near city in Arab sources. T h e fortifications enclosed an esti mated area of 7 0 0 ha ( 1 , 7 2 9 acres) of housing separated by
cambered asphalted roads and smaller alleys. Public build ings included a major Zoroastrian fire temple, a rabbinic academy, and a citadel or prison called Garondagan or Aqra d'Kokhe; a hay market is also attested in Syriac sources. Early Islamic descriptions indicate that Ctesiphon lay on the Tigris opposite Veh Ardashir and a mile north of a "great Iwan" that formed part of the separate Late Sasanian royal city of Asbanbur (al-'Ali, 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 6 9 ) . T h e latter was
presumably founded because Ctesiphon had become too cramped to allow the large-scale construction necessary for the administration of the expanded Sasanian Empire. This iwan is the Taq-i Kisra, and possibly the same palace of Khusrau said by the Byzantine historian Theophylact Simocatta to have been constructed using "Greek" marble and with the help of "craftsmen skilled in ceilings" sent by Jus tinian. In 6 1 4 the remains of the " T r u e Cross," captured by the Sasanians in Jerusalem, were taken to a royal treasury, probably at Asbanbur. A church, royal stables, parks, and an aviary were located nearby. There were several other im portant urban centers in this area, including a city founded by Khusrau I after he sacked Antioch in 5 4 2 . Known as Khusrau's City of Antioch (Veh-Antiokh-Khusrau, also known as Rumiya); its public buildings included a hippo drome and baths and it was populated with Syrian deport ees. Located south of Ctesiphon, that city should be iden tified with the site of el-Bustan. Finally, although the Sasanian palaces were stripped of their decoration after the Arab conquest, richly decorated private houses continued to be built nearby at Salman Pak as late as the tenth century (excavated by German and later Iraqi expeditions; see Abdul Khaliq, 1 9 8 5 - 1 9 8 6 ) .
[See also Parthians; Sasanians; Seleucids.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abdul Khaliq, 'Hana. "Al-Mada'en." Sumer 44 (1985—1986): 111-138. Full preliminary report on more recent Iraqi excavations of Early Islamic housing at Salman Pak. 'Ali, S, A. al-. "Al-Mada'in and Its Surrounding Area in Arabic Literary Sources." Mesopotamia 3-4 (1968-1969): 417-439. Detailed study of Arab historical sources, fundamental for the correct identification of cities and monuments in the Ctesiphon area. Fiey, J. M. "Topography of al-Mada'in (Seleucia-Ctesiphon area)." Sumer23 (1967): 3-38. Reasonably accurate reconstruction of events at Ctesiphon in 363 CE, based primarily on Syriac sources.
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Gullini, Giorgio. "Problems of an Excavation in Northern Babylonia." Mesopotamia 1 (1966): 7-38. Summary of research prior to the Italian excavations, with the mistaken assumption that the round city is Cte siphon rather than Veh Ardashir. Hauser, Stefan R. "Eine arsakidenzeidiche nekropole in Ktesiphon." Baghdader Mitteilungen 24 (1993): 325-420, pis. 125-137. Thorough publication and discussion of Parthian tombs excavated at Coche. Hopkins, Clark ed. Topography and Architecture of Seleucia on the Tigris. Ann Arbor, 1972. Detailed historical reconstruction and archaeolog ical report, with summary of excavated finds. Invernizzi, Antonio. "Ten Years' Research in the al-Mada'in Area, Se leucia and Ctesiphon." Sumer 32 (1976): 167-175. Useful account of the early results of Italian fieldwork at Seleucia and Veh Ardashir. Keall, E. J. "Ayvan-e Kesra." In Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 3, pp. 155159. London, 1987. Summary of earlier research on the Taq-i Kisra at Asbanbur near Ctesiphon. Kroger, Jens. Sasanidischer Stuckdekor. Mainz am Rhein, 1982. Detailed and lavishly illustrated final publication of the stratigraphy and stucco from the German excavations in die Ctesiphon area and com parative discussion of Sasanian-Early Islamic art. Kroger, Jens. "Ctesiphon." In Encyclopaedia Iranica, vol. 5, pp. 446448. London, 1987. The most up-to-date, concise, and accurate de scription of the site. Kuhnel, Ernst. Die Ausgrabungen der zweitcn Ktesiphon-Expedition (Win ter 1931132). Berlin. Preliminary report. Oppenheimer, Aharon. Babylonian Judaica in the Talmudic Period. Wiesbaden, 1983. Critical gazetteer of places mentioned in the Bab ylonian Talmud, with a useful section on the Ctesiphon conurbation under "Mahoza." Reuther, Oscar. Die Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Ktesiphon-Expedition im Winter 1928I29. Wittenberg. Preliminary excavation report. Rich, Claudius James. Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan. London, 1836. A two-volume account of travels in Iraq between 1808 and 1821, with early descriptions of Ctesiphon, Seleucia, and other ar chaeological sites. Venco Ricciardi, R., and M. M. Negro Ponzi Mancini. "Coche." In The Ijand between Two Rivers: Twenty Years of Italian Archaeology in the Middle East. The Treasures of Mesopotamia, edited by Ezio Quarantelli, pp. 100-110. Turin, 1985. The most useful summary of the Italian excavations at Veh Ardashir, published in an exhibition cat alog. Waterman, Leroy. Second Preliminary Report upon the Excavations at Tel Umar, Iraq. Ann Arbor, 1933. Summary excavation report. ST. JOHN SIMPSON
C U L T . Scholars in religious studies and related disciplines use the term cult to refer to the various forms of religious devotion attested for a civilization. This entry will focus on the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere, which in the period before 3 3 2 BCE included much of the coastal and inland Le vant, from north of present day Syria and Iraq and south to the Sinai Peninsula. In the mid- to late second millennium BCE, the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere also included the Nile Delta in Egypt. During the first half of the first millen nium, that cultural sphere moved west with the Phoenician colonization of much of the western Mediterranean. North west Semitic is a linguistic term used to describe Canaanite and Aramaic, the two primary languages spoken by the in habitants of the coastal and inland Levant during much of the period before 3 3 2 BCE; it is also used by specialists to
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describe the civilizations of the area and their cults. Canaanite dialects include Phoenician, Punic (Phoenician of the western Mediterranean), Hebrew, Ammonite, Moabite, Edomite, and Ugaritic (though some scholars would dispute this categorization of Ugaritic, viewing it as a separate lan guage). Various Aramaic dialects are also attested in firstmillennium BCE texts. A number of important sources are available for recon structing religious devotion in the Northwest Semitic cul tural sphere. Among these are nonliterary material remains from various excavated sites: altars, temples, cultic utensils, and organic matter (e.g., charred bones from sacrifices); tombs and other burials; figurines, plaques, statues and en graved stelae with representations of deities or their symbols. In addition, literary materials of various sttipe are well at tested: cycles of myth, "epic" texts, royal inscriptions, trea ties, pantheon lists, personal names, dedications to deities, and inscriptions on sarcophagi. The major Northwest Se mitic literary corpora from the second millennium of signif icance for reconstructing cult include the Ugaritic texts (the extant archives of a cosmopolitan center on the nortiiern Levantine coast destroyed in c. 1200 BCE); the Mari docu ments (letters and other materials from the eighteentir cen tury BCE); and various Egyptian inscriptions from the New Kingdom (c. sixteenth-eleventh century BCE). From the first millennium, the most important sources include the Hebrew Bible (an anthology of Israelite literature spanning 1,000 years); various Phoenician, Punic, and Aramaic inscriptions; and the Canaanite mythic lore attributed to a Phoenician priest, Sakkunyaton, preserved by Philo of Byblos (late first/ early second century CE), and transmitted in fragmentary form in Greek by the fourth-century church father Eusebius of Caesarea (in his Praeparatio evangelica). Various aspects of Northwest Semitic cultic devotion have received significant attention from specialists in recent dec ades. These include general topics that transcend particular cults, such as the relationship of mythic texts to ritual; the functions of sacrifices and offerings; cultic devotion to dead ancestors; gender and the cult; and the relationship of offi cial and popular religion, including attempts to define pre cisely what constitutes each. In addition, topics pertaining to particular cults, especially that of Israel, have attracted much interest. These include the place of child sacrifice and the role of a goddess or goddesses in the cult of Yahweh, and the broader question of tire relationship of Israelite re ligion to its Northwest Semitic environment. Although all of these topics have attracted sustained attention from the scholarly community and frequently engendered passionate debate, in many cases no broad consensus has been reached. Deities. Many gods and goddesses appear as actors in mythic and epic texts; they receive dedications from wor shipers, support rulers and dynasties according to royal in scriptions, and function as witnesses in treaties; their names are listed in pantheon tabulations and appear as theophoric
elements in personal names. Gods receiving cultic devotion are frequently imagined as beneficent parents or kin, pro viders of progeny and the earth's good bounty to their wor shipers. The Ugaritic epic stories "Kirta" and "Aqhat," and Genesis 15, each evidence the motif of the heirless patriarch or king provided with a son by his divine benefactor. Various Ugaritic texts state that Baal's rains bring fructification to the earth; in "Kirta," El's command cures Kirta's disease. Names such as Binbaal ("son of Baal"), Bodtannit ("in the hand of Tannit"), Ashtartyaton ("Ashtart gave"), and Yoab ("Yahweh is father") well illustrate the manner in which worshipers imagined their relationship to the divine. Deities such as El, Asherah, Baal/Hadad, and Yahweh are imagined as creators—of the gods, of creatures, of the world. T h e name Yahweh may in fact be a causative form of the verb to be, meaning "he creates" with the object seba'ot "(the heav enly) armies" (Cross, 1973, pp. 60-71). Northwest Semitic gods were typically paired with god desses, as in other ancient Near Eastern cults: El with Ashe rah or Ashtart (according to Sakkunyaton); Baal/FIadad with Anat, Ashtart, Pidray or other goddesses; Yarih with Nikkal (KTU 1.24). God and goddess pairs are attested among the hundreds of divine figurines discovered through out the Levant. According to some scholars, Yahweh was probably no exception to this pattern. Inscriptions discov ered in the 1970s at Kuntillet 'Ajrud in the Sinai Desert, as well as biblical texts, such as Deuteronomy 16:21, suggest the probability of a consort relationship between Yahweh and Asherah, both in popular devotion and in non-Deuteronomistic state religion. However, this view remains contro versial (see further, Saul M. Olyan, Asherah and the Cult of Yahweh in Israel, Atlanta, 1988; for a different approach, see P. Kyle McCarter, Jr., "Aspects of the Religion of the Is raelite Monarchy: Biblical and Epigraphic Data," in Ancient Israelite Religion, edited by Patrick D. Miller, Jr., et a l , pp. 137-55= Philadelphia, 1987). It is clear that the idea of a pantheon or divine council was widespread throughout the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere, including in Israel. In the mythic and epic materials from Ugarit, El heads the divine council; in biblical texts such as Psalm 89:6-9 [Eng. 5-8], Yahweh, Israel's national god and likely a manifestation of El, is described similarly (see further, Cross, 1973, on the relationship of El, Baal, and Yahweh). "While, the lesser gods in Yahweh's council are nameless and may possess no independent will or authority, this is not the case in the Ugaritic texts, where gods and goddesses are frequently described in conflict, vying for power. In the Baal cycle, Sea claims kingship over the gods, only to be vanquished by Baal; Anat threatens her father El, head of the council; Shapsh, the Sun, threatens Death in the name of El. A number of scholars have argued that El's authority over the pantheon erodes over time, but this re mains unproved; in some formulations, El is thought to be displaced by Baal as head of the council (see, for example,
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COLT. Warrior god figure, perhaps Bdal-Hadad. (Courtesy ASOR Archives)
Late Bronze Age.
Marvin Pope, El in the Ugaritic Texts, Leiden, 1 9 5 5 ; and, more recently, U. Oldenburg, The Conflict Between El and Baal in Canaanite Religion, Leiden, 1 9 6 9 ) . A tendency to elaborate tine pantheon through the fusion of divine names to produce new deities is a widely attested phenomenon (e.g., Tannit-Ashtart, Arshaph-Melqart, Eshmun-Ashtart); tine divinization of a deity's attributes (e.g., holiness, justice), cultic elements and weapons (e.g., censer, lyre, lance), or the cult place itself (e.g., temple) is also well known in sec ond and first millennia texts. Israel's religion as attested in biblical sources is better de scribed as monolatry than as monotheism; even biblical texts that insist on the worship of one god acknowledge tine ex
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istence of others (e.g., Dt. 4 : 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 9 : 2 5 ) and divine council scenes are not uncommon in biblical narrative. Yahweh's claim to exclusive worship was one component of his covenantal bond with Israel; in a typical ancient Near Eastern suzerain-vassal covenant, after which the Yahweh-Israel bond was modeled, the suzerain demands exclusive rights from the vassal. Israel's monolatry was not altogether dif ferent from the national cults of the other kingdoms that emerged in the area at about the same time. What little we know of the cults of Moab, Ammon, and Edom suggest that they too were focused on the worship of a national deity, although devotion to that god was very likely not exclusive. T h e preeminent gods of mythic and epic texts, royal ded ications, and pantheon lists were sometimes the deities who were most frequently worshipped by elements of tine wider populace in a given place at a given time, but not necessarily. A god such as Baal Hadad, a major actor in tine mythic cycles from Ugarit and Sakkunyaton's lore, whose name appears near the top of extant pantheon lists from Ugarit, enjoyed widespread popularity in the second and first millennia, among Aramaic as well as Canaanite speakers, given the frequency of his appearance in dedications, treaties, and personal names. A conttasting case is the goddess Astarte, a consort of Baal in some contexts. Though Astarte played a significant role in the official cult of New Kingdom Egypt, appearing in a variety of royal inscriptions, very few per sonal names compounded with Astarte are attested, sug gesting that her role in popular worship might have been limited in that context. More difficult to explain is the evi dence attested for the worship of tine goddess Tannit (prob ably an epithet of Asherah) in the Punic colonies of the west ern Mediterranean. Tannit appears in literally thousands of dedications from the mid- to late first millennium, yet per sonal names compounded with Tannit are rare. Here we touch on the complex problem of the relationship between official and popular religion on the one hand and of various modes of popular devotion on the other. A deity important in tine official cult may not necessarily be important in the quotidian lives of worshipers; a god or goddess important in one class of evidence for popular devotion may hardly ap pear in another class contemporaneous with it. Such dis junction suggests that there is still much we do not under stand about the religious devotion of the ancients. T h e study of myth and epic has been the focus of much attention since the initial discovery of ancient Ugarit more than sixty years ago. Three great poetic compositions, the mythic Baal cycle, and the epic stories "Kirta" and "Aqhat," written in a Canaanite dialect in an alphabetic cuneiform script, were unearthed; many lesser mythic texts of interest have appeared as well, some as recently as the last thirty years (see, for example, texts in Ugaritica, vol. 5, Jean Nougayrol et a l , eds., Paris, 1 9 6 8 ) . These critical discoveries supplement the largely Phoenician mythological lore of Sakkunyaton from the first millennium; they tend to confirm
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the basic authenticity of much of Sakkunyaton's lore, even though the latter is frequently shrouded in a hellenized, euhemerized form. Together, these two corpora form the basis for any serious discussion of Canaanite mythology. The Baal cycle tells of the storm god Baal's battles with two foes: the forces of chaos represented by Sea (Yamm) or sea dragon (Lotan; cf. the cognate biblical word Levia than) and the forces of sterility and death personified in the deity Death (Mot). T h e battles with Sea and sea dragon are alloforms, both ending in victory for Baal; a third version of this conflict pattern, in which Baal is vanquished by Sea, occurs in Sakkunyaton's lore. This mythic pattern of conflict is widespread, attested elsewhere in the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere, in various Hebrew Bible texts (for example, Ps. 2 9 : 1 0 , 8 9 : 6 - 1 3 [Eng.
5 - 1 2 ] ; Is. 2 7 : 1 ) and in the Meso
potamian myth Enuma elish, and has been the subject of much scholarly discussion. The details of each version may differ, but the general pattern is usually the same: Sea or sea dragon, a threatening force, is vanquished by a warrior god (Baal, Yahweh, Marduk) who assumes kingship after vic tory. The Baal cycle from Ugarit, which is incomplete and sometimes fragmentary, tells of the building of Baal's temple after his victory and his assumption of divine kingship but contains no creation story; in contrast, the Enuma elish tells of the creation of the heavens, earth, and humanity by vic torious Marduk. Enuma elish begins with theogony; in con trast, the Baal cycle contains no theogonic narrative. No consensus has been reached on whether the Baal cycle rep resents a primitive version of the conflict myth without the ogonic and cosmogonic elaboration, or it is incomplete in its present form, lacking a theogonic and/or cosmogonic ele ment that was once present. The precise relationship between myth and ritual has been widely debated for many decades, and on this no consensus has been reached. Many scholars believe that mythic and epic materials such as the Baal cycle, "the Birth of Dawn and Dusk" (KTU 1.23) and "Kirta" had a ritual, or cultic, setting; however, the function of the narrative in such a set ting has been difficult to delimit. Some have even argued that ritual drama played a role in the Israelite cult. We know from a colophon that the Baal cycle extant from Ugarit was recited by the chief priest Attanu-Purlianni in tire fourteenth century BCE under royal sponsorship (Niqmaddu II, c. 1375—1345), but the purpose of this recitation appears to have been the production of an official written version for the temple archives (KTU 1.6 VI 5 4 - 5 8 ) . It has never been demonstrated convincingly that the Baal cycle, "Kirta," or any other mythic or epic narrative was actually acted out in the cult in some kind of ritual drama, (see further I. Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East, Uppsala, 1 9 4 3 , and Helmer Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East, Philadelphia, 1 9 7 3 , pp. 1 6 2 - 1 6 4 , for favorable articu lations of the myth and ritual position). Temples. A deity was worshiped in a holy place that was
sometimes located on an elevation, frequently within the confines of a city. A temple, the god's dwelling, or house, often stood within the sanctuary grounds. Divinities were enthroned within their temples; they were served by cultic functionaries—specialists responsible for the upkeep of the sanctuary and its proper functioning. In addition to a cultic image or stelae, the typical temple might also contain in cense stands or altars; offering tables, dishes, bowls, or ba sins; votive items, such as ornaments of precious stone, metal objects, or beads; and burial pits for discarded cultic materials. Where there is evidence for an altar of burnt of ferings, it stood outside of the house. A broadhouse struc ture from Middle and Late Bronze Age Hazor (beginning with stratum III) had a rectangular platform in its courtyard with a drainage channel, evidence of the presence of an altar. An altar of unfinished stones and soil, with plastered chan nels, was found in the court of the Iron II Israelite temple at Arad (ANE 2, picture 1 0 5 ) . At Beersheba, a deconstructed horned altar of ashlar blocks was found. Engraved stelae portray deities receiving offerings from kings (e.g., Yehawmilk of Hyblos,ANE 1, picture 1 3 0 , where the goddess, the "Lady of Byblos," raises her right hand in a gesture of blessing). In some cults, royal personages served as hereditary priests or priestesses for their patron deities; Sidon is one example of this, as evidenced in the Tabnit and Eshmunazar inscriptions (KAI13 and 14; English transla tions in ANE 2 . 2 2 7 - 2 2 9 ) . [See Eshmunazar Inscription.] Kings frequently boasted of their temple building activities, a pattern ubiquitous in the ancient Near East. When Israel emerged as a significant regional power in the tenth century, a national shrine was constructed under royal patronage for Yahweh in Jerusalem, the imperial capital. A house of cedar, it stood next to the royal palace, a symbol of order, stability, and the eternal rule of both the Davidic dynasty and its pa tron god. Evidence for the king as a quasi-divine figure, the adopted son of his patron god, is found both in "Kirta" and in Judean royal propaganda (e.g., Ps. 2 : 7 - 9 , 8 9 : 2 0 - 3 8 [Eng., 1 9 - 3 7 ] ; -2 Sm. 7 : 1 1 0 - 1 6 ) .
A number of architectural patterns are attested for tem ples in the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere. The most common temple design in Canaan proper was the "broad house," with an entry on one long side into a single room; often, a niche was placed in the wall opposite the entrance, within which a divine image or images might rest. This tem ple design is exceedingly ancient, predating the beginnings of the so-called Bronze Age at Chalcolithic Ein-Gedi in Is rael (Aharoni, 1 9 8 2 , pp. 4 3 - 4 5 ) ; it was utilized at such sites as Hazor, Megiddo, Jericho, and Lachish, as well as at Is raelite Arad. Another temple pattern, the "temple tower," is attested at such sites as Shechem, Megiddo, and Hazor in Israel at Alalakh in Syria; it was a broad room with towers flanking the entry area. A third model, the "long house," was used for the Jerusalem temple built by Solomon in the tenth century BCE. It consisted of three rooms, with an entry c
CULT on one short side. T h e closest architectural parallel to the Jerusalem temple comes from Neo-Hittite Tell Ta'yfnat (ninth century BCE) . It has been argued that this version of die long house, along with other Neo-Hittite cultural fea tures, was borrowed during the tenth century BCE, Israel's imperial era. Many cultic icons have been unearthed, some of which stood on platforms, in cultic niches, or elsewhere within temples. Some of these are clearly representations of deities or divine pairs in a variety of poses; otiiers, such as images of bulls, appear to have served as thrones for deities; in some instances, deity and throne were discovered attached. Icons were often cast in metals such as bronze or copper; some were covered with silver, gold, or electrum. These figurines are generally quite small, especially in comparison to M e sopotamian examples. One example of a divine image is the seated stone figure found in the niche of the Late Bronze Stela Temple excavated at Hazor (ANE 2 , picture 1 0 3 ) . Along with the statue of the deity, diere were a number of standing stones (stelae), well-known symbols of divinity found elsewhere. Interesting metal icons from the Levant include a divine couple standing on the back of a bull (Ora Negbi, Canaanite Gods in Metal, Tel Aviv, 1 9 7 6 , no. 14) and a consort pair in a chariot (no. 2 2 ) . Though the cult of Yah weh apparently eschewed images of the deity, the use of stelae to symbolize Yahweh's presence was probably com mon before die Deuteronomistic reforms of the eighth and seventh centurie BCE, to judge from the archeological finds
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at Israelite Arad and the textual evidence (e.g., Gn. 2 8 : 1 1 - 2 2 ; 35:14, 2 0 ) . Besides stelae, some Israelite temples contained icons that functioned as thrones upon which the invisible Yahweh was seated (e.g., the bulls found at Bethel and Dan and, according to biblical texts, cherubs in the Je rusalem Temple). An asherah, likely a stylized wooden tree symbolizing the goddess Asherah, stood in various Yahwistic sanctuaries in Israel and Judah, according to a variety of biblical texts; it is also mentioned in inscriptions from Kuntillet 'Ajrud, Khirbet el-Qom, and Tel Miqne. Sacrifices. Animal sacrifice and the cultic collection of the products of agriculture and horticulture were activities widely practiced throughout the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere. Sacrifices and offerings had many purposes: they were intended as gifts for deities, from whom worshipers frequently sought blessing; they served as food for the gods; and they were a form of taxation to support the cultic es tablishment. Other attested purposes include the correction of sin, the fulfillment of vows, and communion with the de ity. The system of sacrifices and offerings evidenced in the most detail is Israel's, but there are significant data from Ugarit and the western Phoenician colonies. In many re spects, Israelite sacrifice resembled that of other Northwest Semitic peoples. Israelites offered up unblemished sheep, goats, and cattle; birds such as turtledoves and pigeons; oil, wine, and grains in various forms; and incense. From sac rificial lists found at Ugarit there is evidence that cows and sheep were offered to deities of the city's pantheon (CTA 34> 35= 3 6 ) . "Kirta" describes impressionistically a sacrificial ritual in which a lamb and bird are offered, wine is poured out, and prayer is directed toward heaven. Punic sacrifices included goats, sheep, cattle, birds, and grain products. Much Israelite sacrificial terminology is not unlike that found in inscriptional evidence from the Punic west, Ugarit, and elsewhere. Sacrificial tariffs from Marseille (KAI 6 9 ; English translations in ANE 1 . 2 2 1 - 2 2 3 ) and Carthage (KAI 7 4 ; translations in ANE 1 . 2 2 3 - 2 2 4 ) list offerings that include such sacrificial terms as sbh, Ml, and mnht, all with biblical cognates [see Marseille Tariff]; they bear witness to sacrifices shared by priests and worshipers, as in Israel's cult (cf. Heb., selamim, "sacrifices," in Lv. 3 ) . Differences between Israelite sacrifice and that of other Northwest Semitic cults are evident. While the manipulation of blood played a central role in the former, there is little or no indication that it did at Ugarit or in first-millennium Phoenicia or the Punic west (cf. Mesopotamia, where blood played no significant role). Furthermore, purity concerns, so central for Yahweh's cult, are virtually unattested outside of Israelite sources. For example, the Hebrew term tame' ("unclean") and other derivatives from its root, are unat tested in the Ugaritic-Phoenician lexicon (however, note the apparent concern for the purity of the sanctuary in Lucian's description of the cult at Hierapolis [The Syrian Goddess CULT. Bronzefigurineof warrior god standing on an oxhide ingot. 5 2 5 3 ] and the evidence for purity concerns in the cult in From Enkomi, height 3 5 cm. (Archives CFA Schaeffer, Paris)
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Mesopotamia). There are indications that a feeding and pleasing element was present in Israelite sacrifice to Yahweh, but it was at best vestigial (see Gn. 8:20-21; Lv. 21:22; Nm. 28:2; and Dr. 33:10, where it occurs). Textual and archeological evidence indicates drat child sacrifice was practiced in much of dre Northwest Semitic cultural sphere, including Israel. Sacred precincts (tophets) have been unearthed at a number of sites in the central and western Mediterranean where the Phoenicians had estab lished colonies (e.g., Nora, Sulcis, and Tharros in Sardinia; Motya in Sicily; Car±age and Hadrumetum [Sousse] in North Africa); in the east, tire only major site to have been discovered thus far is at the Amman Airport in Jordan. T h e largest site was found at Carthage. This precinct, which was utilized for nearly six hundred years, contains thousands of burial urns filled with the charred bones of infants, children, or small sacrificial animals and birds, which very likely func tioned as substitutes for children; the burials were marked in some phases by stelae, some of which record dedications to Baal Hamon (very likely an epithet of El) and his consort Tannit (very likely an epithet of Asherah). Sakkunyaton rec ords two versions of a myth in which El (called Kronos) sacrifices his "only son" in a threatening situation (war/ plague). Various Greek and Latin sources bear witness to Punic child sacrifice and may even allude to the myth of El recorded by Sakkunyaton (e.g., Diodorus of Sicily, Library of Histoiy 20.14.7; Tertullian, Apology 9.4). El and Asherah appear to be the preeminent deities of child sacrifice, at least in the Punic West; for the East only conjecture is possible. A technical term, molk, occurs occasionally in Phoenician and Punic inscriptions, usually compounded with a second term (e.g., *wo/fe 'adorn; *molk ba l; *molk 'amor); in such compounds, molk seems to mean a type of sacrifice, either of a child or of an animal substitute for a child (see Eissfeldt, ! 9 3 5 ) - The biblical molek is best explained as a sacrificial term cognate to the Punic molk, although some scholars ar gue that molek is the name of a god of child sacrifice (e.g., George C. Heider, The Cult of Molek: A Reassessment, Shef field, 1986; John Day, Molech: A God of Human Sacrifice in the Old Testament, Cambridge, 1989). Child sacrifice in Is rael was more likely directed to Yahweh than a supposed god Molek, as the development of the so-called law of the firstborn (Ex. 1 3 : 1 - 2 , 1 1 - 1 6 , 22:28b-29 [Eng. 29b~3o], 34:19-20; Nm. 3 : 1 1 - 1 3 , 4 1 ) , certain prophetic texts (Ez. 20:25-26; Mi. 6:6-8), and Genesis 22 all strongly suggest. The cultic function of child sacrifice is not entirely clear. Evidence suggests that parents sacrificed their children to fulfill a vow; to petition for blessing, health, and happiness; to give thanks for blessings received; or to obey the order of a patron god. Some texts present child sacrifice as a re sponse to crisis and danger (2 Kgs. 3:27; Diodorus of Sicily; tire El myth recorded by Sakkunyaton); Micah 6:6-8 sug gests that such sacrifices to Yahweh were presented as sin offerings. Whatever the function of child sacrifice, animal c
substitution was a widely attested option for parents (see especially the second/third century CE Ngaous inscriptions from Algeria, which contain substitution ritual formulas [Eissfeldt, 1935, pp. 1-7]). Ancestor Cults. Life after death, the abode of the dead, tire archaeology of death, the ritual state of mourning, and cults devoted to dead ancestors have all attracted serious attention from tire scholarly community in recent years. An cestor cults were apparently quite widespread, attested among both Aramaic and Canaanite speakers, to judge from the archaeological and textual evidence. Various sources suggest that members of royal and aristocratic elites, and perhaps others, communed with dead ancestors in the home, in temples, and possibly in tire context of a propertyowning, feasting society called the marzeah (there is, how ever, much that we still do not understand about this insti tution, including the extent of its associations with ancestral cults). The Hadad inscription from eighth-century Zincirli (KAI214) mentions the obligation of the heir to invoke the name of the dead king in Hadad's temple in a sacrificial context. This notion of the heir involdng tire dead father's name occurs in the Hebrew Bible as well, where the erection of a memorial stela by David's son Absalom is mentioned (2 Sm. 18:18; cf. the Ugaritic "Aqhat," where the heir is obliged "to set up a stela for his divine [dead] ancestor," KTU 1.17 I 26). The heir may have cared for and fed the dead, as in Mesopotamia, although the exact nature of this activity has been tire subject of vigorous debate (see Theo dore J. Lewis, Cults of the Dead in Ancient Israel and Ugarit, Atlanta, 1989, for a discussion). It seems clear that the dead were deified, even in Israel (1 Sm. 28:13 and possibly Is. 8:19), but tire exact nature of their "divine" status remains unclear. Ugaritic pantheon lists typically begin with or in clude 'il'ib, most convincingly explained as "the divine (dead) ancestor." A class of ancestors called Rephaim is mentioned in materials from both the second and first mil lennia BCE. The meaning of their title ("hale ones"; "heal ers"; "weak," or "sunken, ones"; and even "great ones"?) and even their status as dead ancestors has been much dis cussed. No consensus has emerged regarding the meaning of their title, but most scholars now view tire Rephaim as dead ancestors rather than living heroes. Cultic Specialists. Religious practitioners and cultic functionaries such as priests, prophetic figures, mediums, diviners, and professional mourners are all attested in texts from the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere. Each special ization had its own area of influence and control; each prob ably mediated skills through forms of apprenticeship. T h e priesthood controlled the sanctuary complex, collecting and processing offerings and sacrifices from worshipers; they oversaw the care of the property, provided for the music and song of cultic rites, blessed worshipers, and practiced divination in some contexts. Evidence suggests that priests also functioned to mediate mythic and epic lore and prob-
CULT ably other forms of knowledge (see for instance the role as cribed by tradition to Sakkunyaton, allegedly a Phoenician priest, or the activity of Attanu-Purlianni in fourteenth cen tury BCE Ugarit, as witnessed in the Baal cycle colophon [KTU 1.6 VI 5 4 - 5 8 ] ) . Aside from priests, other specialists and functionaries are attested in various Northwest Semitic cults. A Phoenician inscription from Kition in Cyprus mentions, among others, "servants" (nrm), "sacrificers" (zbhm), "barbers" (glbm), "masons" (hrstn), and a chief scribe (rb sprtn); other lists mention singers, musicians, male and female "holy ones" (some claim these were cult pros titutes, others deny it. See further, Kavel van der Toorn, "Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows in Ancient Is rael," Journal 0/ Biblical Literature 1 0 8 [ 1 9 8 9 ] : 1 9 3 - 2 0 5 , on the problem of sacred prostitution). Sacrifices and offerings functioned partially to support the cult and its specialists, a form of taxation in land. There is evidence that at least some temple complexes also had their own flocks and herds: lists of cultic functionaries from Ugarit mention nqdm, "herd ers," along with the priests and other temple officials. In Israel, the priesthood of Yahweh was all male, in contrast to the cults of other Northwest Semitic deities, where women sometimes played a priestly role (e.g., Sidon and Carthage). There is evidence that at least some priesthoods were he reditary elites. A stela from Carthage lists three generations of high priests from the same family (KAI 8 1 ) ; a tomb in scription lists five generations of priests. In Israel the priest hood developed over time from a group of specialists (Levites) open to the adoption of outsiders as apprentices (e.g., Samuel) into an increasingly exclusive, hereditary elite. Conflict between various priestly clans is well attested in biblical sources. Prophetic activity associated with the cult is attested in Israel and elsewhere in the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere. Through the oracles of prophets, often delivered in an ecstatic state, a god's message to a king or community was mediated. T h e twelfth-century narrative of Wenamun, a cultic official from Karnak, reports an incident in which an attendant of Zakarbaal, ruler of Byblos, entered an ec static state during a sacrifice and delivered a divine oracle (see ANE 1.18). T h e Mari texts attest to the activity of male and female prophetlike figures (e.g., apilu and apiltu, muhhu). T h e Aramaic Zakkur inscription from Hamath claims that Baal Shamayn (Baal Shamem) spoke to the king through intermediaries (KAI 2 0 2 ) . Various anthologies of prophetic oracles survive from Israel, where prophets claimed to mediate Yahweh's word. Intermediation was ac complished by persons peripheral to the cult, as well as by those who occupied a central position, and positions could change over time (see further, R. R. Wilson, Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel, Philadelphia, 1 9 8 0 , for an interest ing comparative perspective). Prophetic figures, like priests and others, practiced forms of divination. Other religious specialists included mediums and necro-
CULT.
85
Gypsum statuette from Tell Asmar. (Courtesy Oriental Insti
tute of the University of Chicago)
mancers and professional mourners. Mediums and necro mancers, many of whom were women, consulted the dead on behalf of the living ( 1 Sm. 2 8 ; Is. 8:19); some texts suggest that the dead possessed useful information that the living might want to know, as well as the power to bring well-being to those who survived them. Mediums and necromancers apparently communicated with the dead by means of imi tating their characteristic speech: bird sounds (Is. 8:19, 29:4, 1
3 8 : 1 4 ; and cf. "Gilgamesh," AMS 1.58; "Descentof Ishtar,"
ANE 1.81; and "Nergal and Ereshkigal," ANE 2 . 9 , for M e sopotamian texts in which the dead have the appearance of birds and/or make birdlike sounds). Because they competed with priests and prophets in the arena of divination, medi ums and necromancers were attacked by their increasingly powerful rivals in Israel during and following the period of the Divided Kingdom (Dt. 1 8 : 1 0 - 1 2 ; Lv. 1 9 : 3 1 ; 2 0 : 6 , 2 7 ) .
Professional mourners, frequentiy women skilled in weep ing, wailing, and the composition of lamentations, are at tested in a number of contexts ("Kirta"; Jer. 9 : 1 6 - 1 8 , 1 9 - 2 0 [Eng. 1 7 - 1 9 , 2 0 - 2 1 ] ; 2 Sm. 1:20, 2 4 ) . It is clear that women
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articles by Pope on this subject. Audacious, controversial, stimulat ing. at least some Northwest Semitic cults. Pritchard, James B., ed. The Ancient Near East: An Anthology of Texts [See also Arad; Beersheba; Canaanites; Kuntillet 'Ajrud; and Pictures (ANE). 2 vols. Princeton, 1958-1975. Easily accessible Mari Texts; Temples, articles on Mesopotamian Temples translations of important texts, as well as photographs of sites, in and Syro-Palestinian Temples; Ugarit. In addition, most of scriptions, and coins. An abridgment of his Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton, 1950), and The An the other sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] cient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton, 1954). BIBLIOGRAPHY Stadelmann, Rainer. Syrisch-Paldstinensische Gottheilen inAgypten. Lei Aharoni, Yohanan. The Archaeology of the Land of Israel. Translated by den, 1967. Interesting study of the data from Egypt on the worship Anson F. Rainey. Philadelphia, 1982. of Northwest Semitic deities there. Albright, William F. Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan (1968). Reprint, Stager, Lawrence E. "The Rite of Child Sacrifice at Carthage." In New Winona Lake, Ind., 1990. Classic reconstruction, by one of this cen Light on Ancient Cartilage, edited by John G. Pedley, pp. 1 - 1 1 . Ann tury's most talented and influential scholars. Arbor, 1980. Excellent recent overview of the archaeological and ep Anderson, Gary A. Sacrifices and Offerings in Ancient Israel. Atlanta, igraphic evidence. 1987. Recent contribution to our understanding of sacrifices and Vaux, Roland de. Ancient Israel. 2 vols. New York, 1961. Classic re offerings in Israel and the Northwest Semitic cultural sphere. construction of social and religious institutions in Israel, by this cen Anderson, Gary A. A Time to Mourn, a Time to Dance: The Expression tury's most accomplished French scholar. of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion. University Park, Pa., 1991. In Vrijhof, Pieter Hendrick, and Jacques Waardenburg, eds. Official and sightful study of mourning and rejoicing as ritual antitypes. Popular Religion: Analysis of a Theme for Religious Studies. The Hague, Attridge, Harold W., and R. A. Oden,Jr.,cds. and trans. PhiloofByblos: 1979. Useful text on a widely discussed issue. The Phoenician History. Washington, D.C., 1980. Useful text, trans SAUL M . OLYAN lation, and introduction to the Sakkunyaton material. Baumgarten, Albert I., ed. and trans. The Phoenician History of Philo of Byblos: A Commentary. Leiden, 1981. Alternative to the edition by C U N E I F O R M . T h e first descriptions of cuneiform Attridge and Oden. Ben-Tor, Amnon, ed. The Archaeology of Ancient Israel. New Haven, writing were brought to the West by travellers in the sev 1992. Recent survey, period by period, by one of Israel's leading enteenth century. T h e y used terms such as pyramid, triangle, archaeologists. and delta to express the configurations of the eye-catching Bloch-Smith, Elizabeth. Judahite Burial Practices and Beliefs about the wedge-shaped heads on top or to the side of strokes incised Dead. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement 123, on clay tablets. T h e use of cuneiform writing covers more Sheffield, 1992. Excellent, comprehensive survey of archaeological materials pertaining to death, burial, and ancestor cults in Israel. than three millennia from the time of its invention (pictoCoogan, Michael David, ed. and trans. Stories from Ancient Canaan. graphic precursors) at the end of the fourth millennium to Philadelphia, 1978. Helpful translation and introduction to the the latest datable text attested in 7 4 / 7 5 CE. mythological and epic material from Ugarit. G. F. Grotefend's epoch-making thesis, presented in GotCraigie, Peter C. Ugarit and the Old Testament. Philadelphia, 1983. tingen in 1 8 0 2 , "Provisional Report on the Reading and Ex Cross, Frank Moore. Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic. Cambridge, Mass., 1973. planation of the So-Called Cuneiform inscriptions of Per Cross, Frank Moore. "The Epic Traditions of Early Israel: Epic Nar sepolis" used cuneatus, "wedge shaped," in its Latin title. rative and the Reconstruction of Early Israelite Institutions." In The T h e term cuneiformis, "in the form of a wedge," has given Poet and the Historian, edited by Richard Elliott Friedman, pp. 13-39. rise to the modern designations cuneiform writing, ecriture Chico, Calif., 1983. The author develops his position on tire use of cuneiforme and Keilschrift. the term epic to describe material such as JE in the Pentateuch and "Kirta" and "Aqhat" from Ugarit. T h e incision made on wet clay with a stylus, usually cut Dietrich, Manfried, Oswald Loretz, and Joaquin Sanmartin. Die keifrom a reed, automatically leaves a "wedge" at one end of lalphabetische Texte aus Ugarit, vol. 1, Transcription. Neukirchenthe stroke, where more pressure is exercised. In the period Vluyn, 1976. of the Akkadian dynasty (c. twenty-third century BCE) the Donner, Herbert, and Wolfgang Rollig. Kanaandische und aramdische wedge was already seen as so characteristic of the writing Inschriften. 3 vols. Wiesbaden, 1962-1964. Eissfeldt, Otto. Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebrdischen und that, although unnecessary, it was used in inscriptions das Ende des Gottes Moloch. Halle, 1935. carved in stone or—more rarely—incised in metal as well. Halpern, Baruch. " 'Brisker Pipes Than Poetry': The Development of Independently of its formal aspects, the term cuneiform is Israelite Monotheism." In Judaic Perspectives on Ancient Israel, edited used today for a whole system of writing that is distinct from by Jacob Neusner et al., pp. 77-115. Philadelphia, 1987. Interesting the other early Near Eastern invention, Egyptian hiero and insightful treatment of a daunting problem. glyphic script. T h e system of the so-called Proto-Elamite Herdner, Andree, Coif us des tablettes en cuneifonnes alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 d 1939. Paris, 1963. script has not yet been fully evaluated because of its still Ottosson, Magnus. Temples and Cult Places in Palestine. Uppsala, 1980. imperfect state of decipherment and scholars' inadequate Very useful survey of the archaeological data up to the late 1970s. knowledge of the (Old) Elamite language. Pope, Marvin H. "The Cult of the Dead at Ugarit." In Ugarit in Ret T h e cuneiform system consists of signs denoting a word rospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic, edited by Gordon D. played an important role in death-related specializations in
Young, pp. 159-179. Winona Lake, Ind., 1981. One of a number of
(including morphologic affixes or not); signs denoting a syl-
CUNEIFORM lable, most of these being phonetic abstractions of the sound of a word sign (e.g., da, "side"; syllable da); and number signs. The system of syllabograms is remarkable (as com pared widr other syllabographic systems, both ancient and modern) in that it not only denotes v(owels) alone—[a], [i]—or c(onsonant) + v(owel)—[ba], [gu], [ne]—but also v + c—[ab], [id], [ug]—and even c + v + c—[bar], [kal], [rum]. With this system, during the last quarter of the third millennium, scribes handling cuneiform script were already able to yield "visible speech" with a relatively high degree of phonetic exactitude. [See Scribes and Scribal Techniques; Writing and Writing Systems.] Syllabography as described above does not include con sonantal clusters—*[tra], *[stra], *[art], *[arst], *[bart]. This means that languages having such clusters had to break them up in writing—si-pa- for [spa] in Hittite. In the course of history, cuneiform writing has been ap plied to far more languages than Sumerian (a language with out known linguistic affiliation) and Akkadian (a Semitic language). T h e number of "cuneiform languages" includes Amorite (Semitic, practically restricted to the notation of proper names); Hurrian and Urartian (of Caucasian de scent); Hittite, Luwian, and Palaic (Indo-European); Hattian (in central Anatolia); and Elamite (perhaps a remote cognate of the Dravidian languages). For Ugaritic (Semitic, fourteenth and tlrirteentlr centuries BCE only) and Old Per sian (Achaemenid Empire) signs have been invented that are formally cuneiform but are part of a system only loosely related to the one described so far (see below). [See Sume rian; Akkadian; Hurrian; Hittite; Ugaritic] Writing Cuneiform. From the inception of cuneiform writing, a distinction has been required between the stroke, or line, incised with the sharp end of the stylus and the im pression of circles, semicircles, ovals, and triangles admin istered with its truncated end. The stylus was cut from a reed as a rule, but there were also luxury examples made of precious metal. It is difficult to reconstruct the exact way the stylus was held in tire hand, but modern experiments suggest that it was held somehow between outstretched fin gers rather than in a closed fist: only in the first manner would it be possible to keep the stylus at a relatively low angle to the tablet. Whereas in the earliest texts both strokes and curved lines occur, there soon was a tendency toward straightening curves and replacing them with two or more strokes. Be cause the great majority of signs were composed of two to more than ten strokes or impressions, there most probably were set rules for their sequence, as is the case, for example, with Sino-Japanese signs. T o date, almost no research has been devoted to reconstructing stroke and impression se quences. There has been a long debate on the direction in which ancient scribes of a given period read and how, conse quently, cuneiform signs are supposed to read. Pictographic
87
precursors, such as the signs for bird, fish, or the head of a dog only make sense if viewed in their natural position. On stone, the abstract forms descending from the original signs were still written—and certainly were read—in their original sense as late as the eighteenth century BCE, an example being the stela inscription of the code of Hammurabi. On tire other hand, everyday writing on clay tablets, as early as the begin ning of the second millennium BCE and sometimes even ear lier, only makes sense if read at an angle of 90 degrees turned to the left. Therefore, during several centuries two ways must have existed of looking at a cuneiform inscription—one vertical and one horizontal. It is only in about the middle of the second millennium BCE that stone inscriptions begin to be found that are to be read horizontally. Because inscriptions from tire first millennium BCE were the first to be known, Assyriologists have become used to reading any cuneiform inscription horizontally, even if it is from tire mid dle of the third millennium, Modern copyists arrange their specimens horizontally. T h e reason for the change of direc tion, whenever it definitely took place, can only be surmised and is not of primary concern here. Ancient Mesopotamians did, in some way, realize that they were practicing "cuneiform." T h e individual signs had names (like the names of letters of the alphabet), and the name of the vertical wedge, DlS with the reading santag, in Akkadian santakku, became the geometric term for triangle. Also, as mentioned above, the wedge-formed heads were deliberately imitated in stone where, theoretically, strokes alone would have been sufficient. Origin of Signs. It is mainly the research of Denise Schmandt-Besserat that has elucidated the prehistory of cu neiform writing (Schmandt-Besserat, 1992). Until the 1970s, the general opinion was held that writing was an ad hoc invention for administrators in southern Mesopotamia at tire end of tire fourth millennium. However, the system atic inspection of small, variously shaped clay objects found frequently in prehistoric strata at Near Eastern sites, but also in North Africa and India, has shown that such clay objects, or tokens as they have come to be called, were not haphazard items but part of a system. There is, in fact, a great variety of these objects: spheres (full, three-quarter, half-, or quarter sized), or disks, with or without incision and/or perforation; cylinders, cones, tetra-hedrons, pyramids; and skittles, sometimes with tire suggestion of an animal head. At Susa, in Elam, such tokens have been found enclosed in hollow clay balls. T h e idea therefore arose that these tokens were meant to represent quantities of given things or animate be ings. In a few cases, a strong resemblance can be shown to exist between a token and an archaic cuneiform sign. Con sequently, it is possible to conclude that certain three-di mensional tokens were transformed into two-dimensional impressions on clay. [See Susa.] Because there are no inventories of tokens for any given site, it is not possible to tell how widespread a consensus
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there may have been on forms and "meanings." Be that as it may, die fact that there seems to have been, even with local variations, a certain series of one-to-one correspon dences between a token and a meaning justifies declaring die tokens to be precursors of writing. This would not be little the achievement of the real invention of writing, which was the arrangement of signs, in an invariable position, on a two-dimensional surface, with the purpose of communi cating an idea or, adversely, with the aim of changing visible speech (writing) back into audible signs (hearing). The earliest cuneiform texts attested so far are from the southern Babylonian city of Uruk. In their great majority, these texts combine number signs with signs denoting things counted. Thus, the predominantly economical and admin istrative character of the earliest Mesopotamian writing be comes apparent: it seems in fact to have been the needs of economics—and not of historiography or religion—that prompted citizens of early Sumer to "visualize speech," however rudimentary that may have been. [See UrukWarka.] Sign Types. In general, cuneiform signs can be classified in the following ways: 1. Signs that were, originally at least, the more or less un abbreviated reproduction of the thing they denote—boat, reed, head, hand. 2. Signs where one part stands for the whole (pars pro toto)—different heads of animals standing for the respec tive animal, or a penis for a man. 3. Other kinds of abbreviations—three hills for mountain, mountainous country, foreign country. 4. Signs where the thing reproduced serves as a symbol—a radiating star (or sun) denoting the sky or a divinity and the reed-bundle, symbol of the goddess Inanna standing for the goddess herself. 5. A token impression. 6. Free invention (difficult to prove, but certainly feasi ble)—signs for which the form had no association what soever with its meaning. 7. A rather complicated system of number and measure signs (measurements of length, area, weight, and capac ity) in which only the digits 1 - 9 are multiplications of 1, with 1 0 corresponding to an invented sign (see above). Relatively simple signs were soon exhausted when scribes began putting together a system. This is why one of the means of creating new signs was to combine two (or, more rarely, three or even four) individual signs to produce a new meaning. There were three ways of doingthis: juxtaposition, incorporation, and ligature or monogram: r. Juxtaposition. Two (or more) signs are grouped and not given their original meaning (and pronunciation)—that is, A.B = a.b, but the combination of the two (or more)
signs yields a new meaning (and pronunciation)—SLA =fc * si.a, but diii(g), "exceeding." 2. Incorporation. One sign is written within another one, B within A, or, as Assyriologists are used to formulating: A X B ("A times B")—NINDA, "bread" within KA, "mouth," yields gu , "to eat." 3. Ligature and monogram. In a ligature (joining), signs A and B are put together more closely than would be the case in a simple enumeration of A, then B: for example, MINUS, "woman" + KUR, "foreign country," stands for "slave woman" (geme). The border between ligature and juxtaposition is however, a fluid one. A monogram is the ligature of two signs where one element (stroke) is common to botii. T h e sign for total (sunigiri) is very frequently written as a ligature of the signs SU and NIGIN, the final vertical wedge of SU and the initial vertical wedge of N I G I N being identical. The system of cuneiform signs may have been created in the course of a few generations, but it never ceased evolving. Signs fell out of use and were completely forgotten; others were newly created, and, most important of all, the forms of the individual signs changed throughout the centuries. Paleography. The science of studying writing on a given material, with special regard to diachronical change and to different scribal "hands" within a given period, is known as paleography. In die field of cuneiform studies, paleography would ideally imply an ability to determine complete sign inventories for each of a series of narrowly defined periods. Such is not the case, however, in spite of the fact that most publications of cuneiform texts are hand copies of originals that represent individual "hands"—that is, manuscripts in the exact meaning of the word. The most general tendencies observed in the evolution of cuneiform writing are the elimination of wedges that came to be considered redundant and the reduction of angles at which a stroke or wedge might be written, from the original sixteen to finally only four (horizontal, vertical, oblique up ward, and oblique downward). It should be possible, of course, to describe the general aspect of a scribal hand, but next to no preliminary studies have yet been done. One of the most urgent needs of cuneiform paleography is, as was suggested above, to know the sequence in which the wedges or impressions of an individual sign were made. Close inspection of original cuneiform tablets, but also of first-quality photographs, often shows which of two inter secting wedges or strokes was incised first and which one second: it is frequently possible to see that one incision cuts through or overlaps another. Large-scale work on originals and photos would make significant progress in this area. Numbers of Signs. Very few cuneiform signs have only a single reading (or value); the great majority have two, three, or, less' frequently, even more possible readings. In Sumerian, a single sign may denote only a word or it may 7
CYPRUS also have a syllabic value—ra as a verb means "to strike"; as a syllabogram it denotes the dative (-ra) in lugal-ra, "to the king." In Akkadian, certain Sumerian word signs are used with their Akkadian reading (so-called Sumerograms)—LUGAL is the equivalent of sarrum, "king." RI as a syllabic sign may be read ri or dal, tal, depending on the context. In Hittite, there are three levels: syllabic signs, Sumerograms, and Akkadograms—that is, Akkadian words spelled syllabically but read in Hittite. This polyvalence contributed considerably to reducing the maximal number of signs needed to write literary or highly specialized texts with rare words as well as all sorts of proper names (persons, gods, places). Margaret W. Green's list of die signs found in die corpus of the oldest tablets from Uruk (c. 3000 BCE) contains 771 entties plus 58 number signs (Green and Nissen, 1987). One millennium later, die sign inventory at die dme of die Third Dynasty of Ur had about eight hundred signs (no exact count is avail able) . A scribe of the Hammurabi period (eighteendi cen tury BCE) could manage to write Akkadian—entirely exclud ing Sumerograms—witii a minimum syllabary of a little more than eighty signs, and die Old Assyrian merchants in their trading colonies in Asia Minor (nineteenth century BCE) used a syllabary of only sixty-eight signs. Considering these widely differing figures, it is possible to suppose that there were various degrees of literacy. A merchant could handle his correspondence and accounts with five-or sixdozen signs but would have been unable to read (or write) a literary text spelled in a more sophisticated way. Derived Systems. In the harbor and trade city of Ugarit on the Mediterranean coast, a system of only thirty signs was invented in the fourteenth century BCE to write the local Semitic language. Twenty-seven of these signs denote con sonants and die other three stand for aleph with inherent a, i, or u—that is, 'a, 'i, and 'u. Formally this writing is cune iform because the components (one-five) of die individual signs are indeed wedges incised or impressed on wet clay. As a system, however, Ugaritic cuneiform has its closest cognates in the Egyptian one-consonant signs and in various consonantal writing systems of Syria and Palestine. T h e Ugaritic variety of cuneiform did not survive the invasions of the Sea Peoples in the thirteenth century BCE. The origin of Old Persian cuneiform is still debated. It was Darius I (521-486 BCE) or one of his predecessors who had writing "invented" for the purpose of representing their tongue. T h e system comprises three vowel and thirty-three consonant signs with inherent vowels a (twenty-two signs), i (four), and u (six). T h e sign components similar to Uga ritic cuneiform, but totally independant of it, are wedges, varying between three and five per sign. There were, addi tionally, eight "logograms" (e.g., for Xerxes, Ahuramazda) tiiat are more complicated. Old Persian cuneiform was ex clusively used for monumental inscriptions, whereas the ad
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ministration of the empire used either Elamite (on clay tab lets) or Imperial Aramaic. The system was in use until Artaxerxes III (358-338 BCE). BIBLIOGRAPHY
Borger, Rykle. Assyrische-babylonische
Zeichenliste. 3d ed. Kevelaer,
1986. Cooper, Jerrold S. "Cuneiform." In International Encyclopedia of Com munications, vol. 1, pp. 438-443. New York, 1989. Edzard, Dietz O. "Keilschrift." In Reallexikon der Assyriologie, vol. 5,
pp. 544-568. Berlin, 1976-. Englund, Robert K., et al. Friihe Schrift und Technik der Wirtschaftsvertoaltung im Alien Vorderen Orient. Berlin, 1991. Gordon, Cyrus H. Ugaritic Textbook: Grammar, Texts in Transliteration, Cuneiform Selections, Glossary, Indices. Analecta Orientalia, 38.
Rome, 1965. Green, Margaret Whitney, and Hans J. Nissen. Zeichenliste der archaischen Texteaus Uruk. Berlin, 1987. Kent, Roland G. Old Persian: Grammar, Texts, Lexicon. 2d ed. New
Haven, 1953. Labat, Rene, and Florence Malbran-Labat. Manuel d'epigraphie akkadienne. 5th ed. Paris, 1976. Pallis, Svend Aage. Early Exploration in Mesopotamia. Copenhagen,
1954. Schmandt-Besserat, Denise. Before Writing. Vol. 1, From Counting to Cuneiform; vol. 2, A Catalogue of Near Eastern Tokens. Austin, Tex.,
1992. D. O. EDZARD
C Y C L A D E S . See Aegean Islands.
C Y P R U S . T h e third largest island in the Mediterranean Sea (9,251 sqkm, or 3,572 sq. mi.), after Sicily and Sardinia, Cyprus has a strategic location in the northeastern corner of die Mediterranean tiiat has proved to be both a blessing and a curse throughout its past twelve thousand years of settie ment. Positioned some 70 km (44 mi.) soutii of Turkey and some 95 km (64 mi.) west of Syria, Cyprus was drawn into the trade and commerce tiiat went east and west between the Aegean and die Levant, as well as north and south be tween Anatolia and Egypt. Prosperity stimulated plunder and conquest, however. Cyprus caught die eye of die war rior as well as tiiat of the merchant, and there may often have been little difference in motivation between diose who came to trade and diose out to loot and conquer. During its long history, Cyprus has been ruled by many groups of people not native to the island: Hittites; Greeks; Phoenicians; Romans (30 BCE-330 CE); Byzantine Greeks ( 3 3 0 - 1 1 9 1 ) ; Crusaders, including the Knights Templar, Lusignans, and Venetians ( 1 1 9 1 - 1 5 7 1 ) ; Ottoman Turks (1571-1878); and die British (1878-1960). In i960, Cyprus became an independent republic but was torn asunder only fourteen years later by the Turkish invasion of 1974. Cyprus
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remains divided, with tire northern 37 percent of the island under Turkish military rule. While this historical pattern of foreign rule has been an obvious force in Cypriot history, it has had a subtle impact on the modern study of Cypriot prehistory and archaeology. Developments on Cyprus came to be seen in terms of for eign invaders and foreign cultural influences, often at tire expense of the contribution of native Cypriots to the island's culture. The Greek element in particular, stemming from a colonization of (initially) the western part of the island in the eleventh century BCE (placed by some scholars in the twelfth), had such a profound effect on the island's subse quent history that many modern Greek-speaking Cypriots look on Cyprus as part of the Greek world. T h e scholarly consequences of that invasion were the cessation of archae ological work in the north, where many of the best-known archaeological sites on Cyprus lie, including Enkomi, Lapitiros, Salamis, Soloi, and Vouni. [See Enkomi, Lapithos; Salatnis; Soloi; Vouni.] Many Byzantine churches in northern Cyprus have been desecrated. [See Churches.] T h e inter national trade in looted icons, mosaics, and wall paintings from these churches has resulted in legal cases that have attracted worldwide interest and resulted in important leg islation relating to the shipment and sale of illegally exported antiquities. Prior to 1974, with most archaeological work on Cyprus carried out in the north and northeast, the tourist industry was focused on that general area and especially on the sites of Kyrenia and Ammochostos/Famagusta. Archae ology and tourism are today focused in the south, making Cyprus a tragic example of the ways in which modern pol itics impacts on the study of the past. [See Nationalism and Archaeology; Ethics and Archaeology; Tourism and Ar chaeology.] Cyprus has a geology and an environment that, in many respects, are as unusual and distinctive as its history. Con trary to what was once believed, the island was not originally part of the Anatolian mainland but emerged through vol canic activity from the sea bed. The main mountain range— the igneous rocks of tire southern Troodos Mountains—was formed during late Oligocene or Early Miocene times; the sedimentary rocks of the northern Kyrenia range (also known as the Pentadaktylos) emerged during the Late Mi ocene. Between these two mountain ranges lies the great central plain known as the Mesaoria, access to which is through three main passes from the northern coast. The is land has a series of natural harbors, including those atMorphou and Kyrenia on the north coast, Salamis and Ammochostos on the east, Kition and Hala Sultan Tekke and Amathus on the south, and Paphos on the west. [See Kition; Hala Sultan Teke; Paphos.] The special geological history of the Troodos, with their ophiolite copper deposits located in the pillow lavas of the southern part of the range, gave Cyprus its mineral wealth. From the Bronze Age down to
modern times, that wealth has been the decisive factor in both tire internal and the external affairs of the island. Even a brief survey of the prehistory and ancient history of Cyprus, seen in light of modern archaeological work on the island, has to include the following periods: Pre-Neolithic Aceramic Neolithic Ceramic Neolithic Chalcolithic Bronze Age Iron Age Archaic Period Classical Period Hellenistic Period Roman Period
c. 10,000 BCE c. 7000-5500 c. 5000-3700 c. 3700-2400 c. 2400-1125 c. 1125-800 c. 800-500 499-323 323-30 30 BCE-33O CE
The dating of all periods prior to the Late Bronze Age is based almost entirely upon calibrated radiocarbon dates. The use of such dates is, in some quarters, still regarded as somewhat controversial, but without them it is not possible to study Cypriot prehistory. What gives Cypriot prehistory its special character is that every period prior to the Iron Age has its own group of sites. Long occupation is characteristic of individual sites in tire Aegean, Anatolia, the Levant, Iraq, and Iran, but not of Cyprus. For reasons not yet understood, the occupational history of archaeological sites on Cyprus almost never exceeded a single cultural period—nor was a former site ever reoccupied after being abandoned for some period of time. This means that there are no tells in Cypriot archaeology and no long, stratified sequences at major sites, which gives Cypriot prehistory its distinctive episodic char acter. The Pre-Neolithic period has only come to light since tire mid-1980s and is known only from one site, Akrotiri Aetokremnos. This is a rock-shelter at the tip of the Akrotiri pen insula, tire southernmost part of Cyprus. It has produced a number of chipped-stone tools plus tens of thousands of fragments of pygmy hippopotamus bones together with a few bones of dwarf elephants (excavated by A. H. Simmons, University of Nevada at Las Vegas). Full-sized elephants and hippos must have made their way to Cyprus during the Last Glacial Maximum, when the distance between tire is land and tire mainland was reduced to about 40 km (25 mi.). These animals, through genetic isolation, evenmally evolved into tire dwarfed endemic forms (known from Cyprus and from Malta). [See Malta.] The human population at Aetokremnos, presumably of Anatolian origin, seems to repre sent the initial (apparently unsuccessful) colonization of the island and must also have played some role in the extinction of the island's Pleistocene fauna. At present it is not possible to make any connection be tween this pre-Neolithic episode and the following aceramic period, long known as the Khiroldtia culture because it was
CYPRUS first discovered and is still best documented at the site of Khirokitia Vouni (first excavated by Porphyrios Dikaios; current excavations directed by A. LeBrun, CNRS, Paris). The circular, domed houses of Khirokitia, built of river stones and mud brick, were arranged to form a village that is certainly indicative of some degree of town planning and social organization. Ceramics were not in use, but bowls, trays, and figurines of gray-green stone attest to a high de gree of technical skill, as well as to a feeling for form and design. One of the houses at die related site of Kalavasos Tenta even produced a wall painting, executed in red pig ment on an interior plastered wall. It is roughly contempo rary with the wall paintings from the site of U m m Dabaghiyah in Iraq (excavated by Diana Kirkbride) and die more elaborate examples from the Anatolian site of Catal Hoyiik. [See Wall Paintings; Catal Hoyiik.] Following tire Aceramic Neolithic of the Khirokitia cul ture, now known from at least twenty-five sites on Cyprus, there seems to be another break in the archaeological record. There is no evidence relating to the Khirokitia culture later than about 5 5 0 0 BCE, and nothing from the following Sotira culture (or Ceramic Neolithic) seems to be earlier than about 5 0 0 0 BCE. Whereas it is conceivable (if unlikely) that the initial human population on Cyprus died out following the abandonment of Akrotiri Aetokremnos, (with the Khi rokitia culture thus representing a recolonization of the is land), it is simply impossible that anything comparable could have happened during the (apparent) hiatus between Khirokitia and Sotira. A deterioration in the climate may have resulted in a change in lifestyle and settlement pattern and the disappearance of major "urban" settlements during tire second half of die sixth millennium. The Sotira culture, named after the site of Sotira Teppes (excavated by Dikaios), saw not only the introduction of pottery, but also a significant increase in population. Yet, the period's material culture, as known from such sites as Sotira Teppes and Ayios Epiktitos Vrysi, has much in com mon with the earlier aceramic culture. An even greater de gree of cultural continuity can be documented for the tran sition from the Sotira to the Erimi (Chalcolithic) culture, named after tire site of Erimi Pamboula) (also excavated by Dikaios). Some fifty sites contain traces of both cultures, a very unusual state of affairs in Cypriot prehistory. As indicated by the use of the term Chalcolithic, it is during the period of the Erimi culture that the first evidence exists for the use of metal on Cyprus. It takes the form of a number of small copper artifacts from tire sites of Erimi Pamboula, Lemba Lakkous, Kissonerga Mosphilia, and KissonergaMylouthkia (all excavated by Edgar Peltenburg, University of Edinburgh). It is now claimed (by N . H. Gale, 1 9 9 1 ) that these objects were not made of Cypriot native copper and, at least in one case, not even of copper smelted from Cypriot copper ores. Thus, the existence of an otherwise unattested
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copper ttade is implied, presumably between Anatolia and Cyprus. T h e Erimi culture represents a great expansion in settle ment and population, with more than 125 sites known from across the island. At these sites significant evidence is found for social patterning, emerging social ranking, and control by local elites. A remarkable deposit from Kissonerga Mos philia, including a house (or shrine) model and a number of clay figurines (one of which shows a woman in the act of giving birth), must relate not only to contemporary religious beliefs, but also to some sort of communal ritual activity. [See Cult.] T h e clay figurines from Kissonerga Mosphilia must be related to the numerous stone cruciform female figurines made of picrolite, the most distinctive artifact from Chalcolithic Cyprus. T h e transition from Chalcolithic to Early Cypriot (mark ing the beginning of tire Bronze Age) is one of the most controversial episodes in Cypriot prehistory. The problem concerns the existence of a distinctive archaeological assem blage known as the Philia culture and the position of that culture in the chronological sequence: is it Late Chalcolithic, Early Bronze, or both? What further complicates the issue is that tire Philia culture seems to be associated with major developments in metal technology—including the first use of gold, the use of arsenical copper, and perhaps even tire use of bronze—and ceramic links with southern Anatolia, especially the site of Tarsus. All this has suggested to many scholars that the Philia culture (and thus much of tire sub sequent Early Cypriot period) was brought to Cyprus by invaders (or colonists) from southern Anatolia (cf. Manning and Swiny, 1 9 9 4 ; Mellink, 1 9 9 1 ) . It seems best presently to discount any strong influence from Anatolia and to regard tire Philia culture as a transi tional phase, covering a period of about one hundred years (c. 2 5 0 0 - 2 4 0 0 BCE), containing elements of the previous Chalcolithic and the forthcoming Early Cypriot periods. For this reason, A. Bernard Knapp ( 1 9 9 0 ) has proposed that what is represented by Late Chalcolithic, the Philia culture, and Early Cypriot I—III be brought togetiier as Pre-Bronze Age I (with Middle Cypriot I—II being Pre-Bronze Age 2 ) . There is much to be said for this suggestion, save for the fact that changes in terminology almost always create more problems than they solve. In the Early and Middle Cypriot periods, Cyprus truly became part of the international world of tire eastern Med iterranean and the Near East. Prior to the mid-third millen nium, imported material was very rare, with the exception of obsidian from Anatolia. Now pottery and metalwork im ported from Early Minoan Crete have been found, as well as faience beads and perhaps even the board games Senet and mehen from Egypt, and certain metal types from Ana tolia. [See Glass; Vitreous Materials; Games.] T h e pair of gold earrings from tomb 6 at Sotira Kaminoudhia (excavated
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CYPRUS
by Stuart Swiny; Cyprus American Archaeological Re search Institute), the earliest gold objects known from Cy prus, are typologically almost certainly of Anatolian origin. There are some 2 7 0 Early and Middle Cypriot sites, but almost all of them are cemeteries without associated settle ments. There are virtually no Bronze Age settlements known on Cyprus that are earlier than about 1700 BCE. With tire excavation of an Early Cypriot settlement at Sotira Kaminoudhia and Middle Cypriot ones at Alambra Mouttes (ex cavated by J. E. Coleman and J. A. Barlow, Cornell Univer sity) and Marki Alonia (excavated by D. Frankel and J. Webb, LaTrobe University), this may change. Agricultural practices underwent major changes during the Early Cyp riot period with the introduction of cattle and the ox-drawn plow (although there is new, very surprising evidence from the site of Paraklesia Shillourokampos (excavated by J. Guilane, CNRS, Paris) that would put cattle on Cyprus as early as the Aceramic Neolithic). [See Agriculture; Cattle and Oxen.] The introduction of equids (asses or horses) at this time must have facilitated overland transport on tire island. [See Transportation.] During the Middle Cypriot period, the copper industry underwent a great expansion. T h e first direct evidence for
the mining of copper ores has appeared at Ambelikouv4/em. This evidence comes from tire early second millennium BCE and is contemporary with the first references, in Babylonian cuneiform texts from Mari, to copper from the land of Alashiya. [See Cuneiform; Mari.] Although there has been con siderable controversy over the identification, it now seems virtually certain that Alashiya was tire name used in the Near East (Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia) to designate the island of Cyprus. As Cypriot international re lations and copper exports intensified during the Late Cyp riot period (c. 1 6 2 5 - 1 1 2 5 BCE), there was a corresponding increase in the number of textual references to Alashiya, especially to copper from Alashiya. With tire end of the Bronze Age—on Cyprus and in the eastern Mediterra nean—no more is heard of Alashiya. Kypros, tire Greek name for the island, appears early—in Mycenaean Greek— and has survived to tire present. [See Metals, article on Ar tifacts of the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages.] The beginning of tire Late Bronze (Late Cypriot) period is marked by the establishment of Enkomi (excavated by Dikaios and, in a separate project, by Claude F . A. Schaeffer), on the northeast coast of the island. Enkomi quickly became the most important site on Cyprus and is most prob-
CYPRUS. Figure 1. Map showing LB distribution of copper oxhide ingots. (Courtesy J. Muhly)
CYPRUS ably to be identified as the capital of die kingdom of Alashiya. The Late Cypriot period had its own distinctive ce ramic repertoire, with Middle Cypriot Red-Polished and White-Painted wares being replaced by Base-Ring, WhiteSlip, and White-Shaved Late Cypriot wares. These distinc tive Late Bronze fabrics seem to have quickly gained pop ularity outside Cyprus and have been found in considerable quantity at sites in Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. The Uluburun ship that sank off the southern coast of Turkey at the end of the fourteenth century BCE had a cargo that included a large pifhos packed with freshly made Late Cypriot pot tery, much like a modern "china barrel." [See Uluburun.] This pottery must have been destined for western markets. Late Cypriot wares have now been found as far west as the islands of Sicily and Sardinia. In addition to Enkomi, other important Late Cypriot sites are Kition, Hala Sultan Tekke (also known as Larnaca Alyki), Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios, Maroni Vournes, and Alassa Paleotaverna (for references, see Knapp et al., 1 9 9 4 ) . [See Kalavasos.] All were connected with copper production and the copper trade and, in some cases, with the production and storage of olive oil. [See Olives.] Hala Sultan Tekke seems exceptional in its wealth of foreign imports, especially from Egypt. T o m b 1 2 at Ayios Dhimitrios, dating to the late thirteenth century BCE, produced a remarkable Hittite silver figurine depicting a male, almost certainly King Tudaliya IV, standing on a stag. [See Tombs; Hittites.] This is one of the few known works of Hittite art in precious metal to be found in a controlled excavation (most examples come from the antiquities market). Its presence on Cyprus probably has something to do with Hittite claims of control over Alashiya in the late thirteenth century BCE (during the reigns of T u daliya IV and Suppiluliuma II). It appears that Enkomi dominated the Cypriot copper in dustry from 1 6 0 0 to 1 3 0 0 BCE. Then, in the thirteenth cen tury BCE (Late Cypriot IIC), a decentralization of authority resulted in the establishment of a number of regional centers along the island's south coast. Inland villages, such as Apliki Karamallos (excavated by J. DuPlat Taylor), housed the personnel connected with the mining and smelting of the copper ore. [See Apliki.] Cypriot copper, in the shape of socalled oxhide ingots (representing one talent, or about 2 9 kg of copper), were shipped across the Mediterranean, as far west as Sicily and Sardinia (see figure 1). [See Sardinia.] T h e ingots are even found in the Black Sea, at the Hittite capital of Hattusa in central Anatolia (modern Bogazkoy), and as far east as the Kassite capital of Dur Kurigalzu (modern 'Aqar Quf). [See Bogazkoy; Kassites; 'Aqar Quf.] On the basis of present evidence, such ingots represent the form in which raw (or blister) copper was shipped over seas in the Late Bronze Age (see figure 2 ) . Their distinctive oxhide shape is known only from LB contexts. T h e question is whether all such ingots were cast on Cyprus, of Cypriot copper. T h e answer is apparently that they were not—the
93
only mold for casting such ingots comes from the Syrian site of Ras Ibn Hani, not otherwise known as a metallurgical site. [See Ras Ibn Hani.] Moreover, all the examples known from Minoan Crete—from Ayia Triadha, Gournia, Knossos, Mochlos, and Zakros—seem, on the basis of lead isotope analysis, not to be made of Cypriot copper. All examples from Cyprus itself, on the other hand, as well as those from the Cape Gelidonya and the Uluburun shipwreck, do seem to be made of Cypriot copper. T h e same origin is claimed for the oxhide ingots from Sardinia—all on the basis of lead isotope analysis. Clearly, Cypriot copper was in wide use across the Mediterranean world, especially in the thirteenth century BCE, but all conclusions based on lead isotope evi dence are now under review. T h e international character of the Late Bronze Age seems to have come to an end in the early twelfth century BCE, in a sequence of events associated with the invasions and mi grations of the Sea Peoples. [See Philistines.] Cyprus seems to have suffered less destruction than other areas at this time, perhaps because Bronze Age Cyprus had never developed
CYPRUS. Figure 2.
Copper oxhide ingot, probably from Enkomi.
(Courtesy Cyprus Mines Company, H. Mudd Collection, Los Angeles; photograph by Tamara Stech)
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CYPRUS
the highly centralized palace economy so typical of contem porary cultures in the Aegean, Anatolia, and the Levant. [See Palace.] Not having been locked into that rigid organization, Cypriots seem to have been better able to respond to the rapidly changing conditions that characterized the Mediter ranean world of the twelfth and eleventh centuries BCE. T h e ability to innovate seems to have been crucial—especially in developing the technology necessary for working in iron, the new metal that achieved such prominence the following cen turies come to be known as the Iron Age. The centuries from about 1100 to 8 0 0 BCE were long seen by modern scholars as a dark age—a period of poverty, iso lation, and general cultural decline. All knowledge of writing was said to have been lost for several hundred years, along with advanced technological skills in stoneworking, ivory carving, and metal working (precious and base), and that all these skills had to be relearned in the eighth century BCE. [See Writing and Writing Systems.] Oriental (especially Phoenician) scribes and craftsmen would have played a key role in this "recivilizing" of the eastern Mediterranean/Ae gean world. [See Phoenicians; Scribes and Scribal Tech niques.] However, this interpretation of the Iron Age is no longer tenable. T h e evidence now indicates that there was almost unbroken contact between the Aegean (especially Euboea and Crete), Cyprus, and the Levant during those centuries. Three inscribed bronze spits, or obeloi, are known from late eleventh-century Cyprus, from tomb 4 9 at Palaipaphos Skales (excavated by Vassos Karageorghis). One of them is not only inscribed in Greek, but in the Arkadian dialect (in accordance witii the later Greek literary tradition that claimed Arkadia as the homeland of the Greeks who colonized Cyprus in the years just after the Trojan War). [See Greek.] Fragments of bronze tripods and stands from Iron Age Crete, once seens as heirlooms from a thirteenthtwelftii-century BCE workshop at Enkomi, are now regarded as products of local Iron Age Cretan workshops. Changes certainly did take place. In the mid-eleventh cen tury BCE Salamis replaced Enkomi as the dominant site in eastern Cyprus, while the Phoenicians moved into Kition. According to the Assyrian king Esarhaddon, in an inscrip tion dated to 6 7 3 / 7 2 BCE, ten kings of Cyprus ruled over ten separate kingdoms. [See Assyrians.] Some of these kings had Greek and some had Semitic names, testifying to the ethnic diversity of Cyprus in the first half of the first millennium BCE. Little is known about the early history of these king doms, but they almost certainly go back to at least the elev enth century BCE. The gold scepter from Kourion Kaloriziki (early eleventh century BCE), with its pair of Eleonaro's fal cons perched on a globe, all decorated with gold and cloi sonne work, is quite possibly the standard of authority wielded by one of the early kings of Kourion. [See Kourion.] For Iron Age Greeks, as for tiieir Mycenaean ancestors, Cyprus was called Kypros. For the contemporary Assyrians,
however, Cyprus was Yadnana, a land "in the midst of the sea." Esarhaddon (see above) even states that "all kings of the midst of the sea, from Yadnana [Cyprus], the land of Yaman [Ionia], to the land of Tarsisi, bowed down at my feet. I received tiieir heavy tribute." This passage has been the subject of much confused speculation, with Tarsisi even being turned into a reference to Tartessos (in southern Spain). What it really means is that Cyprus, along with the adjacent Anatolian coast (with Tarsus, the principal city, standing for the entire region) was, for the Assyrians, in habited by eastern Greeks, the Ionians. They are the same Ionians against whom the Assyrian king Sennacherib fought when he sacked the city of Tarsus in 6 9 6 BCE. Relations with Assyria and the Near East were a signifi cant element in the history of Archaic Cyprus. T h e Assyrian ldng Sargon II ( 7 2 2 - 7 0 5 BCE) even claimed the conquest of Cyprus in 7 0 7 BCE, an event commemorated by the erection of an inscribed stela, apparently in the vicinity of Kition. (The stela was found by chance in the late nineteenth cen tury and is now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin.) This so-called conquest seems to have left no more of a trace in the material remains of eighth-century BCE Cyprus than did the earlier conquest claimed by the Hittite king Suppiluliuma II, at the end of the thirteenth century BCE. Both the Hittite and the Assyrian kings claimed tribute from Cyprus, but tiiese claims probably belong more to the realm of rhet oric than of reality. Of the ten kingdoms of Archaic Cyprus, the most is known about Salamis as a result of the discovery and ex cavation of its necropolis by Dikaios and Karageorghis for the Cypriot Department of Antiquities. [See Salamis; Ne cropolis; and the biography of Dikaios,] The nine so-called royal tombs in this necropolis, which dates to between about 8 0 0 and 6 0 0 BCE, produced a rich asemblage of burial goods, including bronze horse trappings and chariot fittings, carved ivories tiiat originally decorated pieces of furniture, and ves sels of clay (some even tin-covered) and bronze. [See Grave Goods; Bone, Ivory, and Shell, article on Artifacts of the Bronze and Iron Ages.] T h e dromos of tomb 7 9 at Salamis (end of the eighth century BCE) produced a remarkable bronze cauldron on an iron stand (total height: 1.25 m); the rim of the cauldron is decorated with protomes in the shape of griffins and with bearded sirens. Such cauldrons are known from Delphi, Olympia, and Etruria. All examples date from about 7 2 5 to 6 5 0 BCE and were most likely man ufactured at one or more workshops in Syria (not, as com monly believed, in Urartu). Similar "royal" tombs are known from the capitals of some of the other Cypriot kingdoms, especially Idalion and Tamassos (excavated by H.-G. Buchholz). [See Idalion.] T h e grave goods from these tombs testify to the wealth and international connections of the rulers of Archaic Cyprus. T h e latest of the Salamis tombs (no. 3 ) dates to the early
CYPRUS sixth century BCE, shortly before the situation changed dra matically: a short-lived Egyptian rule was followed by the Persian conquest of Cyprus under Cyrus I. Something of the old Archaic lifestyle survived the Persian conquest of about 5 4 5 BCE, for Evelthon, king of Salamis in the second half of the sixth century, struck his own silver coins, and the two royal tombs from Tamassos also date to the latter part of the sixth century BCE. Persian rule over Cyprus seems to have had no more ef fect on local culture than earlier episodes of foreign rule, although the Persians remained in nominal control down to the conquest of Alexander the Great in 3 3 0 BCE. The island seems to have been divided between pro-Greek and proPersian camps, a situation that became critical when Cyprus joined the Ionian Revolt in 4 9 9 BCE. The intermittent con flicts between Greeks and Persians in the fifth and fourth centuries BCE frequently involved fighting on Cyprus. In 4 9 9 the Athenian general Kimon replaced the pro-Persian ruler of Marion with a pro-Greek one—who was then installed in the fortress-palace at Vouni (Nielsen, 1 9 9 4 , pp. 5 4 - 6 1 ) . Ki mon, however, was killed shortiy thereafter, thus putting an end to this episode of Greek intervention in the affairs of Cyprus. During the second half of the first millennium BCE, Greek influence was dominated on Cyprus. This can be seen in the numerous terra-cotta figurines from recent excavations (by W. A. P. Childs, Princeton University) at ancient Mar ion (modern Polis Chrysochous), as well as in the Attic pot tery and the Attic-inspired grave reliefs from older (infor mal) excavations at that site, from the magnificent more-than-life-sized bronze head of Apollo from Tamassos (now in the British Museum and known as the Chatsworth head), and the solid cast-bronze cow from the Vouni palace, in the style of the Greek sculptor Myron. One of the great surprises of recent years was the discov ery that there was still a strong Phoenician presence on Cy prus in the fourth century BCE—not only during the first half of the first millennium BCE, the time of die Phoenician tem ple at Kition. A Phoenician inscription from a fifth-century BCE tomb near Alassa refers to a metalworker named M e lekram, and a fourth-century BCE Phoenician inscription from Kition refers to one Eshniounadon, ambassador of the king of Tyre. Recent excavations at Idalion have produced dozens of Phoenician inscriptions, written in black ink on small pieces of local marble. They are administrative texts and, on the basis of an associated coin of Evagoras II, king of Salamis ( 3 6 1 - 3 5 1 BCE), can be dated to the fourth century BCE.
In return for its support, and a gift of one hundred ships, Alexander granted Cyprus its independence. After his death in 3 2 3 BCE, however, Cyprus found itself caught up in the power struggle between Ptolemy and Antigonus, two of Al exander's generals. [See Ptolemies.] T o avoid being cap tured by Ptolemy, Nicocreon, the last king of Salamis, com
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mitted suicide in 3 1 1 , as did his wife Axiodiea and all members of the royal family. In 3 0 6 BCE those involved in this mass suicide were given a proper burial in a grand cer emony organized by Demetrios Poliorketes, son of Antigo nus and, at that time, ruler of Cyprus. The platform and tumulus erected on that occasion were excavated by Karageorghis in 1 9 6 4 as Salamis tomb 7 7 . Among the finds, a series of clay portrait heads, in the style of the Greek sculptor Lysippos, are of special interest as they seem to depict mem bers of the royal family. In 6 7 BCE, after more than two hundred years of Ptolemaic rule, Cyprus was annexed by Rome and administered, from 5 8 BCE onward, as part of the province of Cilicia. [See Cilicia.] T h e great orator Cicero was one of the early proconsuls of Cilicia. The Romans bled Cyprus dry, with high taxes and money (to pay those taxes) lent at outrageous rates of interest (as much as 4 8 percent). Although Salamis contin ued to be of great importance, the real capital of Roman Cyprus was at Paphos. T h e harbor town of Nea Paphos (modern Kato Paphos), originally built in the late fourth century BCE, became the center for the Roman administra tion of the island. Several Roman villas, decorated with won derful mosaics and dating to the third century CE, have been excavated at Nea Paphos. These include the Villa of The seus (excavated by W. A. Daszewski on behalf of the Polish Mission to Cyprus) and die House of Dionysus (excavated by Kyriakos Nicolaou on behalf of the Cypriot Department of Antiquities). Similar mosaics are known from Kourion, especially from the House of the Gladiators (end of the tiiird-beginning of die fourth century CE; excavated by D. Christou, Cypriot Department of Antiquities). [See Villa; Mosaics; Paphos.] The monumental (more than 2 m high) bronze statue of Emperor Septimius Severus ( 1 9 3 - 2 1 1 CE), found at ancient Chytroi (modern Kythrea), also attests to the importance of the Roman presence on Cyprus in the third century. The pagan era on Cyprus essentially came to an end with the devastating eartiiquake of 2 1 July 3 6 5 . Following the earth quake, Cyprus was rebuilt as a Christian culture, best seen in the House of Eustolios at Kourion, a public building of the fifth century. A beautiful stone mosaic inscription from this house, written in epic-style verse, proclaims that "In place of big stones and solid iron, gleaming bronze and even hardened steel, this house is girt with the much-venerated signs of Christ" (Soren and James, 1 9 8 8 , pp. 2 0 - 2 3 ) . BIBLIOGRAPHY
The literature on the archaeology of ancient Cyprus is quite vast. It is impossible to list individual site reports. Recent scholarship on Cyp riot archaeology has tended to appear in congress and symposia vol umes, most of which have been edited by Vassos Karageorghis on be half of the Cypriot Department of Antiquities (of which he was director from 1963 to 1988). This bibliography includes only some general works on Cypriot archaeology, followed by a few specialized studies.
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General Works Catling, H. W. Cypriot Bronzework in the Mycenaean World. Oxford, 1964. Basic study of Cypriot bronze artifacts, within an Aegeocentric context. Chypre: Au coeur des civilisations mediterranecnnes. Les Dossiers d'Archeologie, no. 205. Paris, 1995. Short articles on recent archaeolog ical work on Cyprus, from Pre-Neolithic to Roman times. Gjerstad, Einar. Studies on Prehistoric Cyprus, Uppsala, 1926. Marks the beginning of the modern study of Cypriot archaeology. Hill, George F. A History of Cyprus, vol. 1, To the Conquest by Richard Lion Heart. London, 1940. For many years the standard account of early Cypriot history. Karageorghis, Vassos. Cyprus: From the Stone Age to the Romans. Lon don, 1982. The first general synthesis based on work since i960. Karageorghis, Vassos, ed. Archaeology in Cyprus, 1960-198 $• Nicosia, 1985. Collection of synthetic studies published on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Department of Antiquities. Karageorghis, Vassos. I^es anciens Chypriotes: Entre Orient et Occident. Paris, 1991. Contains a valuable list of all archaeological expeditions conducted on Cyprus. Knapp, A. Bernard, and John F. Cherry. Provenience Studies and Bronze Age Cyprus: Production, Exchange, and Politico-Economic Change. Monographs in World Archaeology, no. 21. Madison, Wis., 1994. Comprehensive analysis of the scientific evidence for Bronze Age trade in ceramics and metals. Peltenburg, Edgar, ed. Early Society in Cyprus. Edinburgh, 1989. Im portant collection of papers on Cypriot prehistory, from Neolithic to Roman times. Sjoqvist, Erik. Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age. Stockholm, 1940. The first important synthesis of the Late Bronze Age on Cy prus. Specialized Studies Catling, H. W. "Patterns of Setdement in Bronze Age Cyprus." Opuscula Atheniensia 4 (1962): 129-169. The basis for all future survey work on Cyprus. Gale, N. H. "Metals and Metallurgy in the Chalcolithic Period." Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 282-283 (1991): 37-61. Beginnings of metallurgy on Cyprus. Knapp, A. Bernard. "Production, Location, and Integration in Bronze Age Cyprus." Current Anthropology 31 (1990): 147-176. An impor tant theoretical interpretation of the field that, up to this time, had strongly resisted such interpretation. Knapp, A. Bernard, et al. "The Prehistory of Cyprus: Problems and Prospects." Journal of World Prehistory 8 (1994): 377-453. Interpre tive synthesis of current work in Cypriot prehistory, to the end of the Bronze Age, with a rich bibliography on current excavations. Manning, Start, and Stuart Swiny. "Sotira Kaminoudhia and the Chro nology of the Early Bronze Age in Cyprus." Oxford Journal of Ar chaeology 13 (1994): 149-172. Evanuation of the role of radiocarbon dating in Cypriot prehistory. Mellink, Machteld J. "Anatolian Contacts with Chalcolithic Cyprus." Bulletin of the American Schools of Orienal Research, no. 282-283 (1991): 167-175. Nielsen, Inge. Hellenistic Palaces: Tradition and Renewal. Aarhus, 1994. Excellent discussion of Vouni phase. Rupp, David W. "The 'Royal Tombs' at Salamis (Cyprus): Ideological Messages of Power and Authority." Journal of Mediterranean Ar chaeology 1.1 (1988): 111-139. Argues for the beginning of Archaic kingdoms in the eighth century BCE. Soren, David, and J. James. Kourion: The Search for a Lost Roman City. New York, 1988. Excavation of Roman Kourion. J. D. MUHLY
CYPRUS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE. Although archaeological exploration on Cyprus dates back to tire mid-nineteenth century when French scholars showed an interest in the dis tinctly Greek style of sculpture with its perplexing eastern traits, systematic investigation of the island's cultures only began in the 1920s with the arrival of the Swedish Cyprus Expedition. Of considerable importance, however, were the large and rich late nineteenth-century collections made by antiquarians, specifically Luigi Palma di Cesnola, United States consul to Cyprus (1865-1875) and tire first American to show an active interest in Cypriot antiquities. Despite the island's proven archaeological wealth, interest in its past was limited and tire founding of a foreign school was not con templated until 1974 when George Ernest Wright, director of the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASOR) Ex pedition to Ancient Idalion proposed such a move. In 1978 tire president of ASOR, Philip J. King, with the backing of the United States ambassador to Cyprus, ap proached the Department of Antiquities about establishing a research center to promote dialogue between American and Cypriot scholars and to provide services and facilities for researchers in the fields of archaeology, anthropology, ethnography, history, literature, and related disciplines. T h e proposal was supported by the far-sighted antiquities direc tor, Vassos Karageorghis. As a result the Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute (CAARI) came into being and began operating in premises not far from tire Cyprus Museum. The board of trustees, which was presided over by Norma Kershaw, appointed Anita Walker as its first di rector in 1978. Ian A. Todd followed in 1979, and then Stu art Swiny from 1980 to 1995. Initially, the institute's contri bution to archaeological research was severely hampered by lack of funds; its impact on Cypriot studies was minimal, being restricted to a one-day symposium on current exca vation projects supplemented by the occasional lecture. In 1984, however, tire creation of several Fulbright fellowships offered on a yearly basis, the purchase of Claude F.-A. Schaeffer's research library and the reorganization of the board of trustees under tire presidency of Charles U. Harris, signaled a change in direction and a period of rapid growth. The combination of library resources, pre- and postdoctoral researchers, as well as increasingly comprehensive reference collections, soon left its mark on American involvement in Cypriot studies. The emphasis on traditional art historical or archaeolog ical research concurrently began to make way for more problem-oriented, multidisciplinary, and theoretical ap proaches. A similar evolution occurred in the focus of ASOR-affrliated field projects, both excavations and sur veys, which began to be regional and to span several periods. As CAARI's commitment to Cyprus-based research grew, so too did the number of users, of all nationalities— there is no other foreign archaeological center on tire is-
CYRENE land—and the search for larger, permanent facilities became a priority. In June 1991 the president of the Republic of Cyprus formally inaugurated spacious new premises pur chased and renovated through the efforts of CAARI's board of trustees. These fulfilled the requirements of an efficient archaeological research center with a sufficient residence ca pacity, operating in the 1990s and beyond. T o date the institute's main goals have been to develop its library holdings, to offer more scholarships, to increase its programmatic activities, and to continue sponsoring its own archaeological projects. Since 1984 the availability of diverse fellowships has sig nificantly expanded the scope and number of researchers in Cypriot studies. In addition to those sponsored by ASOR, there are on average seven grants offered each year by CAARI, lasting from one to ten months. T h e stipends in clude travel funds and support for two junior scholars wish ing to undertake research projects on ASOR-sponsored ex cavations. T h e institute currently offers a full program of lectures and site tours. It also organizes symposia and is now considering a summer teaching program. In 1981 the first ASOR-sponsored CAARI excavation be gan work on the Early Bronze site of Sotira Kaminoudhia. Other affiliated projects have investigated Akrotiri Aetokrernnos, ancient Idalion, ancient Kourion, Kalavasos Ayios Dhimitrios, Kopetra, and Tenia, as well as Koletria Ortos. Surveys have been undertaken in the Vasilikos Valley, around Kouklia and Mitsero, as well as underwater in die harbor of Paphos. Since 1986 CAARI News has appeared as an annual news letter. A major publication project in the form of a directory of Cypriot sites is planned as a cooperative project for die future. The growth of CAARI over a period of fifteen years to a research center offering a fine library, reference collections, fellowships, and excavation programs, has encouraged clas sicists and Aegean scholars to turn their gaze east, while urging Near Eastern researchers to look west. Once again, Cyprus is assuming its traditional role as stepping stone be tween the Orient and the Occident. [See also American Schools of Oriental Research; Idalion; Kalavasos; Kourion; Paphos; and the biographies of di Cesnola, Schaeffer, and Wright.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Davis, Thomas W. "A History of American Archaeology in Cyprus." Biblical Archaeologist 52 (1989): 163-169. The most detailed overview to date of American archaeological research on the island. Harris, Charles U. "The Role of CAARI in Cyprus." Biblical Archae ologist 52 (1989): 157-162. Presents the first history of CAARI writ ten by tire one person who was instrumental in its creation and de velopment. King, Philip J. American Archaeology in the Mideast: A History of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Winona Lake, Ind., 1983. Ref erence work for ASOR's role in Near Eastern scholarship. CAARI
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would never have been founded without King's belief in die value of a Cyprus center when he was president of ASOR. STUART SWINY
C Y R E N E , meu-opolitan capital of both Cyrenaica and the Libyan Pentapolis during Hellenistic and Roman times (32°48' N , 2i°52' E). Cyrene is located about 175 km (109 mi.) northeast of Benghazi, 300 1cm soutii of Crete and 320 km (198 mi.) west of the Libyan-Egyptian border, and 12 km (7 mi.) inland from the coast on the crest of the Gebel Akhdar or "Green Mountain" at an elevation of 622 m (2,041 ft.). The old village of Shahhat, whose former name Grennah or Gueranna is an obvious corruption of the an cient toponym, has been linked with Cyrene since European ttavelers first began to seek out its ruins in the early eigh teenth century. T h e story of Cyrene's foundation around 631 BCE by Therans led by a certain Battus is exhaustively related by Herodotus (4.150 ff.). T h e founder established a hereditary monarchy tiiat endured foreign attack and internal rebellion until around 440 BCE when Cyrene's last king, Arcesilaus IV, was assassinated. Monarchy was followed by slightly more tiian a century of erratic republican government, which fi nally came to an end when Cyrene was brought under Ptol emaic administration in 322. T h e Hellenistic period saw the creation of die Pentapolis, or land of the five cities: Cyrene, Apollonia, Ptolemais, Tauchira, and Berenice. Cyrenaica's last Greek ruler, Ptolemy Apion (116-96), willed the region to the Roman Senate, which limited its involvement to collecting die rents from the royal lands previously owned by die Ptolemies. Then, in 74, Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus was sent out as a quaes tor (provincial magistrate) to establish Cyrenaica as a Ro man province. T h e emperor Augustus linked die region ad ministratively with Crete to form a single senatorial province. The unbroken years of prosperity that followed were shattered by a major revolt in 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 CE when die province's Jewish inhabitants desttoyed much of Cyrene's civic and religious infrastructure. Timely intervention by die emperor Hadrian's government provided a limited recovery, but by the early third century gradual drying up of the cli mate, extensive earthquake damage, and ttibal incursions from the desert renewed die decline. Diocletian (284-305) detached the province from Crete and renamed it Upper Libya or Pentapolis. Its years as a christianized outpost of the Byzantine Empire produced a modest renewal of urban life until the city, along witii die rest of die province, fell to the Arabs in 643. From i860 to 1861, R. M. Smith and E. A. Porcher led an expedition to collect sculptures for the British Museum. In 1910 R. Norton undertook an investigation, which was aborted, of the acropolis for the American Institute of Ar chaeology. The subsequent principal excavations at Cyrene
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fall into two phases. The first was tire exclusive domain of Italian archaeologists working between tire two world wars to clear tire agora-forum area and the sanctuary of Apollo. The second phase, which was initiated shortly after World War II by the British and continues to the present, reflects separate efforts by the Libyan Department of Antiquities (Valley Street and Roman city center, Theater 2 , markettheater complex) and by foreign missions: Italian (agoraforum, sanctuary of Apollo, temple of Zeus) and American (sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone). A rich archaeological record for the city's monarchic pe riod is provided by the physical remains, which consist of civic and religious buildings, locally produced and imported sculpture and pottery and other miscellaneous objects from the city's agora and two principal sanctuaries (Apollo, Demeter and Persephone). Important additional information has also been acquired by the excavation of Cyrene's mon umental temple of Zeus, a group of intentionally buried votives (bronze and stone sculptures, columnar sphinx mon ument) from a unidentified archaic-period precinct, and its various cemeteries lining tire major roadways leading from the city. The line of Archaic defenses has yet to be located. Archaeological data that includes inscriptions recovered from the agora, main religious sanctuaries, and tombs pro vides a somewhat sketchier account of the republican years that intervened before Cyrene's absorption into the Ptole maic empire in 3 2 2 BCE. Excavation of the same areas have brought to light a full range of Hellenistic remains. Short stretches of the defensive wall system girdling the Ptolemaic city are preserved. The city's Roman and Byzantine phases have been well documented by the excavation of the Caesareum (monu mental complex dedicated to one of the Caesars) and nearby Roman forum area, the Roman city center, tire market the ater complex, and the city's intramural cathedral, along with
the already mentioned santuaries, necropoleis and the agora. On the other hand, the massive acropolis hill and the extra mural "caravanserai" and hippodrome all await excavation. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Chamoux, Franco. Cyrene sous la Monarchic des Battiades. Bibliotheque des Ecoles Francaises d'Athenes et de Rome, 177. Paris, 1953. Fun damental study of the city from its foundation until the end of the Battiad monarchy, ca. 440 BCE. Goodchild, Richard G. Cyrene and Apollonia: An Historical Guide. 3d ed. [Tripoli], 1970. Written by die former Controller of Antiquities for eastern Libya, this remains the most accessible guide in English but should be supplemented by Goodchild's posthumously pub lished guide in German cited below. Goodchild, Richard G. Kyrene and Apollonia. Ruinenstadte Nordafrikas, 4. Zurich, 1971. The site's definitive archaeological guide. Goodchild, Richard G. Libyan Studies: Select Papers of the Late Richard Goodchild. Edited by Joyce Reynolds. London, 1976. Compilation of articles that includes die author's otherwise unpublished history of Cyrene's exploration and excavation, "A Hole in die Heavens" (pp. 268-341). Laronde, Andre, et al. "Cyrene, Apollonia, Ptolemais: Sites prestigieux de la Libye antique." Les Dossiers d'Archeologie 167 (January 1992): 1-80. Well-illustrated popular survey of Cyrene and two of its im portant neighboring towns which includes the most accessible infor mation on work conducted in Cyrenaica during the past decade. Stucchi, Sandro, et al. L'Agord di Cirene. 4 vols. Monografie di Archeologia Libica, vols. 7, 15-17. Rome, 1965-1984. Final publica tions of the Italian mission's work in the Agora, fundamental for understanding the city's urban development. Stucchi, Sandro. Architettura cirenaica. Monografie di Archeologia Li bica, vol. 9. Rome, 1975. Classic architectural study by Cyrene's premiere excavator that includes an analysis of virtually every mon ument found at Cyrene. White, Donald, et al. The Extramural Sanctuary of Demeter and Per sephone al Cyrene, Libya: Final Reports. 5 vols. University Museum Monographs, 52, 56, 66, 67, 76. Philadelphia, 1984-1993. The most complete publication of the stratigraphical record and various classes of artifacts of a specific complex. DONALD W H I T E
D
DAB'A, TELL ED- (ancient Avaris), site located in the
building was likely the residence of an Egyptian official, per haps with tlie title "overseer of foreign countries" tiiat was found preserved on a magnificent official amethyst and gold seal. While the tombs of the residential officials display Egyptian funerary architectural traditions, the burial cus toms, such as donkey sacrifices, were Asiatic, as were the Middle Bronze weapons. During the thirteenth dynasty, one of several kings of Asi atic origin took the throne for a short time. His name was 'Amusa Hornedjherjotef and he was very likely a native of Tell ed-Dab'a. His statue was found in a funerary chapel by Habachi, together with statues of the last queen of the twelfth dynasty, Sobeknofru. The above-mentioned palace dates to approximately this time, as does a smashed colossal limestone statue of a seated Asiatic dignitary with a red mushroom-shaped hairstyle who is holding a throw stick against his shoulder. T h e destroyed statue and the sudden abandonment of the palace suggest internal political turmoil during the thirteenth dynasty. Soon afterward, the material culture and specific tomb types suggest that new immigrants from Palestine, as well as from Syria and Cyprus, had moved in (stratum G). T h e percentage of foreign pottery rose from 20 to 40 percent. In the second half of the eighteenth century BCE there is some evidence that a plague decimated the settlers at Tell ed-Dab'a. Emergency tombs were dug, and bodies were thrown into shallow pits sometimes only 20 cm deep. Changes in the settlement pattern can also be observed be tween strata G and F, and the eastern part of the town was completely deserted. Soon afterward, an interesting sacred precinct was consttucted (stratum F, E/3). In its center was a major Middle Bronze temple of Syro-Palestinian type (ap proximately 32.7 X 21.4 m). In front of the temple was an altar on which several charred acorns were found. The tem ple likely belonged to a cult of Asherah, originally the con sort of the Canaanite god El, later also considered the con sort of Baal. Another broadroom temple in this compound had a separate tower. T o judge from inscriptions on door blocks from this area, it seems that this temple precinct, which was surrounded by cemeteries with Egyptian-type mortuary temples, was founded during the reign of King 'Aasehre' Nehesi. (His father, whose name is not known,
northeastern Nile Delta in the province of el-Sharqiya, 8 km (5 mi.) north of the market town of Faqus (30°47'i5" N , 3i°49'20" E). T h e site was die capital of the Hyksos and the southern part of the Delta residence of the Ramessides (nineteenth and twentieth dynasties) under the late name Piramesse (Raamses in the Masoretic Bible text; Ramesse in the Septuagint). Excavations at Tell ed-Dab'a were begun in 1885 by Edouard Naville. They were resumed in 1941-1942 by Labib Habachi, who suggested the identification with Avaris. Between 1951 and 1954, Shehata Adam discovered a Middle Kingdom temple at 'Ezbet Rushdi. From 1966 to 1969 and from 1975 onward, Manfred Bietak carried out systematic excavations at the site for the Archaeological Institute of Austria, Cairo Department. Stray finds from the Naqada III period and the beginning of the first dynasty show tiiat the settlement was already inhabited in the fourth millennium. However, the real origin of the settlement at Tell ed-Dab'a was the result of a royal settlement foundation (hzvi) of King Amenemhat I (c. 1963-1934 BCE) to the east of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile River. It probably replaced an older royal foundation of the Herakleopolitan period with the name Hwt. R3w3tj Htj ("royal settlement"), "the two roads" of the Herakleopolitan king Khety. The center of this settlement during the twelfth dynasty was a royal temple and a palatial building for local officials. An orthogonal, planned workmen's quarter southwest of the town belongs to the consu-uction of this settlement. In the late twelfth dynasty (c. 1800 BCE) Asiatic immigrants were settled to the south of the Middle Kingdom town (stratum H). The type of Middle Bronze weaponry indicates that the settlers were originally soldiers and probably also ship car penters and sailors in the Egyptian service. Their tombs were found in cemeteries within the settiement, in a layout that is very un-Egyptian. Foreign architectural types also appeared during this period, including a typical Syrian Mittekaal ("middle hall") house and a broadroom house. During the thirteenth dynasty, the settlement was en larged to approximately a square kilometer and probably served trading and mining expeditions. A wide palatial
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had split off from the thirteenth dynasty and had founded a small kingdom in the northeastern Delta whose capital was at Tell ed-Dab'a.) From this time onward, the settlement is known as Avaris ("royal foundation of the desert edge"). Nehesi was the first king with the epithet "beloved of the god Seth, the lord of Avaris" (or "lord of Ro-achet," "door of the fertile land"). A cylinder seal found in the earlier palace of the thirteenth dynasty carries a representation of a Syrian storm god. On the basis of this seal, it is assumed that the god Seth of Avaris was syncretized widi the northern Syrian storm god Baal, introduced by Asiatic settlers during the late twelfth dynasty. It was only a matter of time before die kingdom of Avaris was replaced by a local Asiatic dynasty that would form the core of the later kingdom of the Hyksos ("rulers of the for eign countries"). Indeed, from the beginning of the Flyksos period (c. 1640 BCE) the town dramatically enlarged to about 2.5 sq Ion (1.6 sq. mi.)—that is, it was a provincial center that became a metropolis. Very distinct changes appear in the material culture, especially in the pottery. It is tempting to explain the situation as having been created by an influx of new immigrants from Canaan, probably from the south ern region around Tell el-'Ajjul (Sharuhen), except that the settlement pattern shows continuity. If there was a popula tion influx, it took place with the consent of the lords of Avaris, Before the beginning of the Hyksos period there are al ready very un-Egyptian cemeteries of families arranged around temples and tombs within house precincts. T h e con struction of the tombs shows types of vaulting that were unknown in Egypt but have parallels in ancient Palestine. In domestic architecture the complete adaptation of Egyptian types had taken place during the thirteenth dynasty. Increas ing social differentiation can be observed from stratum F onward, with large houses surrounded by smaller houses belonging to the servant class. Typical for the period shortly before the Hyksos, and for the first half of the Hyksos pe riod, are warrior tombs equipped with weapons. Some con tain the burial of pairs of donkeys in front of the tomb en trance. Such burials have Palestinian parallels. In 1 9 9 1 , at the exu eme western part of the town, situated directly at the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, remains of a cit adel of the Late Hyksos period and of the early eighteenth dynasty were found (sttata D 2 and C). Along the river there was a fortification wall, 1 0 Egyptian cubits ( 5 . 2 5 m) strong, with buttresses set in regular intervals of 4 5 cubits ( 2 3 . 6 m). It is at present unclear if this was the city wall or the enclo sure of the citadel. The wall was later enlarged to 1 6 cubits (8.4 m) and so were the buttresses. Within this wall two layers of garden remains with tree pits and possibly a vine yard were discovered. This scenario—towering fortification walls and gardens—fits perfectly the one referred to in the insulting speech delivered by Kamose against the Hyksos Apophis during his short campaign to Avaris, known to us -
from the Kamose stela no. 2 . In it he spoke about the wives of the Hyksos peeping through the loopholes in the castle. He also threatens to pull out the trees and to drink the wine from the vineyards of his Asiatic overlord. At present the structure of the Hyksos citadel is unclear because of the later eighteenth dynasty installations in which older building materials were reused. A part of a monumen tal doorway of the hitherto unknown Hyksos with the north western Semitic name Skr-hr (= Sikru Haddu, which means "Memories of god Haddu" according to Thomas Schnei der, unpublished) was found in the eighteenth-dynasty level (stratum C). It is the first monumental inscription where the title hq3-h3swt (= Hyksos, ruler of the foreign countries) is used officially. Within this precinct also the stela of the Hyk sos Yinassi, who can be identified with the Iannas of the Manethonian list, was found. According to this stela he was the son and probably successor of the great Hyksos Khayan. A house altar dedicated to the Hyksos princess Tany, the sister and possibly consort of the Hyksos Apophis was re trieved by recent channel-dredging within this citadel area. King Ahmose conquered Avaris about 1 5 3 0 BCE. From this period there is evidence of an intensive reuse of the citadel after a partial destruction. Near the river was found a palatial consttuction on a raised platform of 1 3 5 X 9 0 Egyptian cubits ( 7 0 . 5 X 4 7 m) with a doorway and an access ramp cut through the fortification walls from the riverside. The gardens of the Hyksos period were reestablished, An other much larger palatial compound with huge magazines was constructed south of the platform waiting for future in vestigation. Both buildings were furnished with Minoan wall paintings, executed by Minoan artists in genuine Minoan style and technique. Motifs such as bull leaping, bull grap pling, acrobats, hunting scenes, lions and leopards chasing fallow deer and mountain goats, and representations of grif fins display Minoan ideology of hierarchy in nature and are an international scholarly puzzle. Dynastic links with the court of Knossos may explain the wall paintings, which would belong only in a royal palace. It cannot be excluded at present that a part of the Minoan paintings, found in a secondary dump, date from the late Hyksos period, but the only securely dated frescoes came from die early eighteenth dynasty palatial quarter. Perhaps the riddle of the title of the mother of King Ahmose, Queen Ahhotep, as hnwt idbw H^w-nbwt, "Mistress of the coasts of Haunebut," a country sometimes associated with the Aegean islands, can contrib ute in future toward an understanding of this puzzling evi dence. The raised platform building must have been in use for a very limited time, as against its weathered eastern face was constructed a very humble settlement of the first half of the eighteenth dynasty, using the platform already as a quarry for building materials. It seems at present that the citadel was used as a royal residence only for a very short time, perhaps during the last years of Ahmose during his cam-
DALIYEH, WADI EDpaigns in Canaan. At that time and subsequendy the citadel must have been used as an army stronghold. T h e presence of Nubian mercenaries can be established by remains of Su danese Kerma-household pottery and by numerous arrow heads of bone and silex. According to numerous finds of royal name scarabs the settlement of the citadel must have continued at least till the time of Amenlrotep II. T h a t it probably continued until the Ramesside period is inferred from the discovery in 1 9 9 3 of a huge temple complex to the north of the former citadel. Early in the eighteenth dynasty foreign trade flourished again, as in the Hyksos period: amphorae with olive oil and wine were imported in large numbers from Canaan, and Cyprus became a strong trading partner. While most of Avaris, except for the citadel, was abandoned, the quarter of tire temple to Seth, in the eastern central part of the site, shows continuity (according to the dating of a lintel its use was renewed). This renovation was carried out during the time of the restoration of the ttaditional cults in Egypt under tire ldngs Tutankhamun and Horemheb, in the late fourteenth century BCE. New building projects at the temple were carried out under Seti I, the last of which was a large temple to Seth. According to Papyri Anastasi II and IV ( 1 . 4 - 5 and 6 . 4 - 5 , respectively), it is referred to
as the southern topographical fixed point of the Ram esside town. According to tire archaeological evidence, the area surrounding this temple was covered with groves of trees. T h e continuity of the Seth cult from tire Hyksos period to the Ramesside period can be documented by tire so-called "Four-hundred-years stela" that probably originally stood in Avaris/Piramesse. This stela was commissioned by Rameses II, whose family most likely originated in Avaris; it can be viewed as a kind of propaganda designed to legitimize the rule of tire new dynasty. Seth, in the image of an Asiatic god, with horns and a high crown with a pommel, is pre sented as the "father of the fathers"—as the ancestor of the new dynasty. In the Third Intermediate period, Avaris was severely plundered. It had the same fate as tire Ramesside town of Qantir and served as a quarry for the new residences of the twenty-first and twenty-second dynasties at Tanis and Bubastis. This explains the secondary use of stone monuments in tire last two towns. T h e plundered monuments are im portant sources for the history of Avaris and Piramesse. In tire fourth century BCE, cults of the gods of Rameses II ap peared independently in Tanis and Bubastis. The cults orig inated from the cult statues that had been transported there. This situation obscured what was known about the original location of the Rameses-town, which had serious conse quences for attempts to locate the biblical town of Rameses and its environment (Ps. 7 8 : 1 2 , 4 8 ; Gn. 4 6 : 2 8 - 2 9 [Septua-
gint]). [See also Delta; and Hyksos.]
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adam, Shehata. "Report on the Excavations of the Department of Antiquities at Ezbet Rushdi." Annales du Service des Antiquiles de I'Egypte 56 (1959): 207-226. Bietak, Manfred. Tell ed-Dab'a. Vol. 2. Vienna, 1975. Bietak, Manfred. "Avaris and Piramesse: Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta." Proceedings of the British Academy 65 (1979): 225-290. Bietak, Manfred. "Canaan and Egypt during the Middle Bronze Age." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 281 (1991): 27-72. Bietak, Manfred. Tell el-Dab'a. Vol. 5. Vienna, 1991. Includes an upto-date bibliography (pp. I7ff.). Bietak, Manfred. "Minoan Wall-Paintings Unearthed at Ancient Avaris." Egyptian Archaeology 2 (1992): 26-28. Bietak, Manfred, et al. "Neue Grabungsergebnisse aus Tell el-Dab'a und 'Ezbet Helmi im dsdichen Nildelta, 1989-1991." Agypten und Levante 4 (1993): 9-80. Bietak, Manfred, and Nanno Marinatos. "Minoan Wall Paintings from Avaris." Egypt and the Levant 5 (1995). Bietak, Manfred, et al. Pharaonen und Fremde, Dynastien im Dunkel. Exhibition catalog, Rathaus, City of Vienna, 8 September-12 Oc tober 1994. Vienna, 1994. Bietak, Manfred. Avaris, The Capital of the hlyksos: New Excava tion Results. The Raymond and Beverly Sackler Distinguished Lectures in Egyptology, no. 1. British Museum Publications. London, 1996. Habachi, Labib. "Khata'na-Kantir: Importance." Annales du Service des Antiquities de I'Egypte 52 (1954): 443-559. MANFRED BIETAK
D A L I Y E H , W A D I E D - , valley sloping down, some times precipitously, from tire centtal ridge of Palestine, northeast of Bethel, all the way to the Jordan Valley, north of Jericho (32°oo' N , 3 5 ° 2 5 ' E). Its steep, clifflike walls are honeycombed in places with caves, one complex of which was discovered in 1 9 6 2 by the Ta'amireh bedouin, who had been the first, in 1 9 4 8 , to locate what became known as the Dead Sea Scrolls. T h e cave that took the name Wadi edDaliyeh was excavated on behalf of the American Schools of Oriental Research in 1 9 6 3 - 1 9 6 4 by Paul W. Lapp, after a cache of Aramaic papyrus documents, now known as the Samaria papyri, appeared on tire illegal antiquities market. T h e source of the papyri had proved to be one of the caves in the complex, tire Muhgaret Abu Shinj eh, later called Cave I. Another cave, 'Araq en-Na'asaneh, or Cave II, was also excavated. Cave I produced material that was largely from tire Per sian period, thus yielding an appropriate date for tire papyri in tire late fourth century BCE. This included typical PersianEarly Hellenistic horizon pottery, to which must be added the papyri; some 1 2 8 clay sealings from the papyri; coins purchased with the papyri from tire cave robbers (plus one that was excavated), all of the same period; a scarab; nu merous well-preserved textile fragments; pieces of leather
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sandals and other leather fragments; samples of basketry and wooden implements; glass; and beads and jewelry. T h e skel etal remains of many individuals were found, all of which had been disturbed by the robbers, who reported finding as many as three hundred skeletons, most of them badly burned. It appears from die finds that Cave I had been used as a dwelling and no doubt as a hiding place, in this case by Samaritans fleeing the wrath of Alexander and the Mace donians after a revolt in the late fourth century BCE in which the prefect of Syria, Andromachus, had been burned alive. It is likely that Alexander's forces found the Samaritan ref ugees in the caves in the Wadi ed-Daliyeh and slaughtered them there. The papyri, which have been extensively treated by Frank M. Cross, support this reconstruction. One mentions "[Yesha]yahu, son of Sanballat, governor of Samaria." An other was "written in Samaria." Other documents bear ex act date formulae, reckoned from known Persian adminis trators in the province of Samaria. The range of these dates is about 3 7 5 - 3 3 5 BCE. Many of the papyri are legal or ad ministrative documents, such as refugees would be inclined to take with them. Not only do the personal names, many of them Yahwistic, reveal a great deal about the half-Jewish Samaritan community, they also tell us a good deal about the complex religious and political situation that the return ing Jewish exiles met in Palestine in the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. This series of several dozen, closely dated his torical documents provides valuable fixed dates for the study of Aramaic and Paleo-Hebrew paleography for the period just preceding the earliest of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Finally, the papyri have increased our knowledge of the Samaritan community, enhanced our understanding of the history of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and contributed to textual studies of the Hebrew Bible and its transmission. Cave II produced some one hundred pieces of late Early Bronze Age IV pottery (c. 2 1 0 0 - 2 0 0 0 BCE) that has been published by William G. Dever. T h e corpus belongs to his Family CH (for Central Hills), with some overlap with Fam ily J (for Jerichojordan Valley). The group is important partly because it is mostly not from burials but constitutes an assemblage of domestic types, rare in this region of Pal estine. It is also evidence for the widely held theory that many EB IV folk were nomadic pastoralists who lived part of the year in caves and other temporary shelters. Also from Cave II was a small collection of Late Roman pottery and objects, indicating a final occupation, probably by refugees during the Second (or Bar-Kokhba) Jewish Revolt in 1 3 5 CE. [See also Samaritans.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cross, Frank Moore. "Papyri of the Fourth Century BC from DaJiyeh." In New Directions in Biblical Archaeology, edited by David Noel
Freedman and Jonas C. Greenfield, pp. 45-69. Garden City, N.Y., 1969. Lapp, Paul W., and Nancy L. Lapp, eds. Discoveries in the Wadi cdDdliyeh. Cambridge, Mass., 1974. W I L L I A M G . DEVER
DALMAN, GUSTAF
( 1 8 5 5 - 1 9 4 1 ) , theologian and first director of the German Protestant Institute of Archae ology in Jerusalem. Dalman was born in Niesky, in south eastern Prussia, a community dominated by Moravians. Af ter studying Protestant theology he taught at the seminary of the Moravian fraternity in nearby Gnadenfeld ( 1 8 8 1 - 1 8 8 7 ) . During a stay in Leipzig in 1 8 8 3 , he was pro moted to doctor of theology. In 1 8 8 7 he moved to Leipzig to become an assistant at the Institutum Judaicum, where he earned his Ph.D. He was appointed director of the insti tute in 1 8 9 3 . Dalman also taught Old Testament at the Uni versity of Leipzig, where he became an associate professor in 1896. In 1 9 0 2 he was elected the first director of the newly founded Deutsches Evangelisches Institut fur Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes in Jerusalem. During World War I he was forced to give up that position because of the political situation. In 1 9 1 7 he became a full professor in Greifswald, where he founded an institute for research of Palestine. Following his retirement in 1 9 2 3 , Dalman dedi cated his life to his magnum opus, Arbeit und Sitte in Palastina. He died in Herrnhut, a Moravian village not far from his birthplace.
The Aramaic language was the focus of Dalman's work prior to his directorship at the German institute. He pub lished a grammar and a dictionary of Palestinian Aramaic and a volume on the language of Jesus. In Jerusalem, he collected data on Palestinian customs and manners that is still an important resource for recovering a rapidly vanishing world. His knowledge of the Holy City and its ancient sites, as well as the topography of the land of Israel, appears in his books Orte und Wegejesu and Jerusalem undsein Gelande. His exploration of Petra and its vicinity led to his publishing the first description of the now famous site. Dalman pub lished most of the enormous amount of ethnographic ma terial he had gathered before World War I in seven volumes, under the title Arbeit und Sitte in Paldstina ( 1 9 2 8 - 1 9 4 2 ) . [See also Deutsches Evangelisches Institut fur Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes; Petra.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dalman, Gustaf. Paldstinischer Diwan. Leipzig, 1901. Dalman, Gustaf. Grammatikdesjudisch-paldstinischenAramaisch. 2ded. Leipzig, 1905. Dalman, Gustaf. Petra und seine Felsheiligliimer. Leipzig, 1908. Dalman, Gustaf. Neue Petra-Porschungen und Der heilige Felsen von Je rusalem, Leipzig, 1912, Dalman, Gustaf. Jesus—Jeschua; Die drei Sprachen Jesu; Jesus in der Synagoge, aufdem Berge, beim Passahmahl, am Kreuz. Leipzig, 1922.
DAMASCUS Dalman, Gustaf. One und Wegejesu. 3d ed. Gtitersloh, 1924. Dalmarij Gustaf. Aramaische Dialektproben. ad ed. Leipzig, 1927. Dalman, Gustaf. Arbeit und Sitte in Paldslina. 7 vols, in 8. Gtitersloh, 1928-1942. Dalman, Gustaf. Jerusalem und sein Gelande. Gtitersloh, 1930. Dalman, Gustaf. Die Wortejesu. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1930. Dalman, Gustaf. Aramaisch-neuhebrdisches Handwbrlerbuch zu Targtim, Talmud und Midrasch. 2 vols. 3d ed. Gottingen, 1938. Mannchen, Julia. Gustaf Dolmans Leben und Wirken in der Briidergemeinde, fur die Judenmission und an der Universitat I-xipzig, 1855-1902. Wiesbaden, 1987. Mannchen, Julia. Gustaf Dalman als Palastinawissenschafller in Jerusa lem und Greifswald, 1902-1941. Wiesbaden, 1993. VOLKMAR FRITZ
DAMASCUS, current capital of modern Syria, located in a basin east of the Anti-Lebanon range, at the foot of Mt. Qasiyun (33°3o' N , 36°i8' E). Rainfall in the area is fairly meager (about 250-300 mm/year), but the plain is well wa tered by the Barada River. T h e river, augmented with sev eral major irrigation canals, has allowed Damascus to pros per as one of the great oases of Southwest Asia. Because the city has been occupied since antiquity, often playing an important role in the history of the Levant, very little excavation has been possible in Damascus, and to date, virtually no remains of the city prior to the Roman period are known. However, literary sources from the Late Bronze Age onward refer to Damascus and make it possible to con struct its general history from that period through Hellenis tic times, in spite of the lack of archaeological data. History of the City. Although Damascus is popularly called tire oldest continuously occupied city in the world, evidence for its existence currently goes back only to the time of the Egyptian pharaoh Thutmosis III, who lists Da mascus as one of the cities whose rulers were captured at the siege of Megiddo in the early fifteenth century BCE. In the Amarna letters, Damascus appears as a town in the land of Upu/Upi, an area under Egyptian sovereignty during vir tually the entire Late Bronze Age. T h e Amarna and other Egyptian texts give no indication that Damascus had any major political significance during this period. During the Iron Age, specifically in the ninth and eighth centuries BCE, however, Damascus became the capital of one of the leading Aramean states of tire Levant. It played a significant role in the political life of tire kingdoms of Israel and Judah, usually as an antagonist, but sometimes as an ally against die encroachments of Assyria. Portions of the history of this period are known from biblical texts (especially Kings, Chronicles, and Isaiah), Assyrian records, a few scat tered references in Aramaic inscriptions from northern Syria, and the recently discovered Aramaic Stela from Tel Dan in northern Israel (Avraham Biran and Joseph Naveh, "An Aramaic Stele Fragment from Tel Dan." Israel Explo ration Journal 43 [1993]: 81-98).
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In the mid-ninth century BCE, Damascus and the kingdom of which it was the capital (usually called Aram or Aram Damascus) became the preeminent political power in the Levant, and its king, Hadad-idri, led an anti-Assyrian coa lition of states in battle against Shalmaneser III in four con frontations between 853 and 845. T h e reign of Hazael (c. 842-800 BCE) saw Damascus become the head of a substan tial empire, dominating most, if not all, of ancient Palestine, including Israel, Judah, and Philistia, and perhaps control ling some parts of northern Syria as well. A decline set in during the reign of Hazael's son, Bir-Hadad, which was not reversed until about 738, when the last independent king of Aram Damascus, Rasyan (biblical Rezin), came to power and led another anti-Assyrian coalition that included Israel, Philistia, and Tyre against Tiglath-Pileser III. This attempt to secede from Assyrian control was unsuccessful and led to disaster for Damascus, which was captured by tire Assyrians in 732 BCE and annexed into the Assyrian provincial system. Because of its important position on the major trade routes of the Levant, Damascus remained a significant city through the rest of the Assyrian, Babylonian, and Persian periods. T h e Hellenistic period brought important changes. Following Alexander's conquest of the Levant (333 BCE), the city became the site of a Macedonian colony and was sub stantially expanded and rebuilt, with new fortifications. In i n BCE, tire city became tire capital of Phoenicia and Coelesyria. Following a brief period under die control of the Nabateans, from 85 to 64 BCE, it was incorporated into the Roman Empire. During the Roman period a number of em perors lavished funds on Damascus for public construction: its main temple was spectacularly reconstructed, the city wall was rebuilt, and major colonnaded streets were con structed. T h e Byzantine period has provided few significant remains, but the city experienced another brief time of glory when it became the Umayyad capital in 661 CE, which cli maxed with the building of the Great Mosque. Unfortu nately, this period of splendor was short-lived, for in 750 CE the 'Abbasid caliphs moved the Islamic capital to Baghdad, leaving Damascus without power. Archaeology of t h e Site. Archaeological information about the pre-Hellenistic periods of Damascus is scarce in the extreme. Although several limited excavations have been undertaken, none have found tiiose levels. Even the exact location and extent of the ancient site are not yet defined. Scholars generally place the original city within the bound aries of the current "Old City," and propose that die great Umayyad mosque, located on a large, flat plateau in the northwest part of the city, was probably built on the site of the main temple of Iron Age Damascus, which was dedi cated to Hadad-Ramman (cf. 2 Kgs. 5:18). Some scholars argue, however, that the rest of the city was located to the west and south of the temple, while others propose that a group of hills to the east and southeast of the mosque area
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DAMASCUS
covers the remains of tire settlement. One hill, located some 3 0 0 m to the south of the mosque, is generally thought to be the prime candidate for tire location of the Iron Age cit adel. Only excavation will further illuminate the problem of the location of the original city. Although no artifacts from Bronze Age Damascus are known, a few items, discovered in secondary contexts, in cluding a carved orthostat, ivories, and bronze ornaments, can be attributed to tire Iron Age. The orthostat (about 8 0 X 7 0 cm) is basalt and is decorated with a carved relief of a crowned sphinx, stylistically datable to the ninth century BCE. It was found incorporated into the substructure of the wall around the Umayyad mosque and probably belonged to the temple of Hadad-Ramman. Of the two ivories, one was found in tire Assyrian fortress town of Til Barsip in northern Syria and the other at the Assyrian capital Kalah, or Kalhu (Ninrrud), in Mesopotamia. They are inscribed with dedications to "our lord Hazael," who may be the Damascene king of that name. Presumably, the ivories were part of the booty taken from Damascus by the Assyrian kings in the eighth century BCE. Each of two bronze horse ornaments, one found on the island of Samos, the other in Eretria in Greece, has an Aramaic inscription mentioning a Hazael, who may be the Damascene king. The ninth-cen tury Bir-Hadad, or Melqart, stela from the North Syrian town of Breij, often attributed to a Damascene king, BirHadad, is now thought by several scholars to belong to the king of a northern Aramean state rather than Damascus (see Wayne T. Pitard, "The Identity of the Bir-Hadad of tire Melqart Stela," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 2 7 2 [ 1 9 8 8 ] : 3 - 2 1 ) . Little is preserved from the Hellenistic period as well, al though most scholars agree that the general plan of the cur rent Old City is based on the Hellenistic reconstitution of Damascus. Jean Sauvaget ( 1 9 4 9 ) argued that a rectangular city wall was constructed during the Hellenistic period, and this appears likely. However, clear evidence for this wall has yet to be found. T h e remains of a hippodrome to the north of tire Old City probably belong to this era. Several elements of Roman Damascus are still visible. The most notable examples of Roman architecture are the remains related to the great temple of Damascene Jupiter (Hadad-Ramman) found in the area of the Umayyad mosque. This temple complex, perhaps the largest in Ro man Syria, can be reconstructed from the existing remains. Two inscriptions, which can be dated to 1 5 / 1 6 and 3 7 / 3 8 CE, indicate the time of the initial construction of the complex. The Temple of Jupiter was surrounded by two concentric enclosure walls. T h e almost-rectangular outer wall encom passed an area of about 3 8 0 by 3 1 0 meters, creating a large outer court for the temple. The interior side of the wall was covered by a portico, which was occupied by a bazaar. Parts of both the eastern and western gates of this enclosure wall still stand in situ, as do some of the columns from the interior
colonnade of the eastern side. Toward the end of the first century, the west and northwest sides of the outer wall were doubled in thickness to create more space for shops. This section was called the gamma, after the Greek letter it re sembled. Within the great courtyard was a second rectangular temenos wall that surrounded the temple proper. It enclosed an area of about 1 5 6 by 9 7 meters and had entrances on all four sides. T h e exterior was decorated with pilasters, and there were square towers at each of the four corners. A con siderable percentage of this enclosure wall is still preserved as the foundation of the current wall surrounding the Umayyad mosque. Much of the principle entrance on the east side, with its impressive propylaeum still exists, as does almost all of tire western wall and the lower sections of the south wall. Within the enclosure, all traces of tire Temple of Jupiter have disappeared, and even its location within the enclosure is uncertain. A study by Klaus S. Freyberger ( 1 9 8 9 ) has shown thatthe entire complex was substantially refurbished during tire reign of Septimus Severus ( 1 9 3 - 2 1 1 ) , including major re constructions of the south and east gates of the inner temenos wall. In addition to the temple complex, tire main street of Ro man Damascus, usually identified with the "Street called Straight" in Acts 9 : 1 1 , can be reconsmtcted. This street was the city's main artery and was oriented east-west. The east ern city gate that opened onto the street (today called Bab esh-Sharqi) is well preserved and has undergone restoration. The gate has three entries, the largest in the center, which opened onto the street itself. This entry indicates that the street was 13.68 m wide. T h e other two entries opened onto tire sidewalks, which were colonnaded porticoes that flanked the road all the way across the city. T h e gate has usually been dated to the early third century CE, but Freyberger ar gues that the decor includes elements that belong to the early first century CE. Thus, the gate and tire grand street were probably constructed in the first century and refurbished during tire reign of Septimus Severus, as the temple complex was. About 5 0 0 m west of the Bab esh-Sharqi are the remains of an arch that was also related to tire street, although its function is not clear. This arch and one about 2 5 0 m farther west (no longer in existence) marked spots where the street made a slight shift in direction (thus, Sttaight Street was not straight). T h e west gate has not been preserved. T h e current wall around the Old City dates largely to tire twelfth century CE, and none of it, besides the east gate, to the Roman period, although many Roman stones have been reused in the current wall. Most of the line of the ancient wall remains unknown, although it is commonly believed that it followed the line of the rectilineal Hellenistic wall, rather than that of tire current, oval-shaped one. Most re-
DAMASCUS constructions of the Roman wall show the current wall over lapping the Roman one only near some of the gates. During the reign of Diocletian ( 2 8 7 - 3 0 5 ) a fortress was built to The west of the temple complex. It is not clear whether it was outside or inside the city wall because the line of the western wall has not been firmly established. How ever, its location became the site of the medieval citadel that stands today. In the reign of Theodosius ( 3 7 9 - 3 9 5 ) , the temple area became the site of a church, dedicated to St. John the Bap tist. It is not known whether Theodosius simply converted the old temple into a church or destroyed the temple and constructed a new building within the inner temenos. Very little architectural evidence of this period survives. Virtually nothing is known of the church and the inner court during this period because the entire area within the temenos wall was cleared to build the mosque in the early eighth century. However, the courtyard area between the inner and outer temenos walls was divided up by the erection of colonnades between the entry gates of the outer and inner walls on the north, east, and west. This apparently was done to allow the rest of the outer court to be filled in with new construction while maintaining open ways into the church courtyard. T h e southern part of the outer court became the site of a new palace at this time. None of the latter has survived, but sec tions of the western and northern colonnades are still in situ. The city came under Islamic control in 6 3 6 CE, and in 6 5 6 the caliph Mu'awiyah made Damascus his capital. This de velopment did not have an immediate impact on the archi tecture of the city. Mu'awiyah occupied the older Byzantine
DAMASCUS.
Thirteenth-century
105
palace and simply shared part of the inner court of the tem ple area with the Christians who worshiped in the church. Caliph al-Walid ( 7 0 5 - 7 1 5 ) , however, confiscated the entire complex shortly after coming to power, demolished every thing inside the temenos wall, and built the Great Mosque, one of the crown jewels of Muslim architecture. The inside of the temenos was completely changed. A huge sanctuary ( 1 3 6 m east-west and 3 7 m north-south) was built along the southern side of the court. Its interior is divided by two rows of columns into three almost-equal aisles. T h e center is intersected by a transept surmounted by a dome. T h e interior of the sanctuary was paneled with marble to a height of about 3 m, above which were extensive mosaics. T o the north of the sanctuary was a large open courtyard, paved with white marble and flanked on the north, east, and west by a two-tiered arcade built to match the style of the sanctuary's northern facade. T h e entire face of the court yard was decorated, the lower part with marble paneling and the upper part with mosaics depicting landscape motifs. T h e mosaics in the Great Mosque covered the largest surface ever put to this use. Only a small portion of the marble pan eling and mosaics has survived the several disasters that have struck the mosque over the centuries. T h e most famous sur viving section of mosaic is the lovely depiction of trees on the northern face of the transept, although a long section on the back wall of the west portico is equally impressive. The Umayyad mosque in Damascus had a very strong influence on Muslim architecture and is referred to in Is lamic documents as one of the wonders of the world. Al-
mausoleum ofRukn
ed-Din. (Courtesy K. Toueir)
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DAMASCUS DOCUMENT
DAMASCUS. Umayyad mosque. T h e interior court. (Courtesy W. T. Pitard)
though much of its original splendor has been lost, it remains an imposing complex. Damascus went into a serious decline with the end of the Umayyad dynasty and the rise of the 'Abbasids, when the capital was moved to Baghdad. In 7 5 0 , the new rulers sacked Damascus and demolished its city wall. The city lost its im portant position and went into a long eclipse, marked by little architectural development. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Creswell, K. A. C. Early Muslim Architecture. 2 vols. 2d ed. New York, 1979. Volume 1 includes the best study of the Umayyad mosque available. For an abridged and less technical version of this work, see A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, revised and supple mented by J. W. Allan (Aldershot, 1989). Dussaud, Rene. "Le temple de Jupiter Damascenien et ses transfor mations aux epoques chretienne et musulmane." Syria 3 (1922): 219-250. Significant analysis of the temple complex; still very useful, although it should be read in light of Creswell's (above) analysis. Freyberger, Klaus S. "Untersuchungen zur Baugeschichte des JupiterHeiligtums in Damaskus." Damaszener Mitteilungan4 (1989): 61-86. Important study concerning the date of the Jupiter temple. Pitard, Wayne T. Ancient Damascus: A Historical Study of the Syrian City-State from Earliest Times until Its Pall to the Assyrians in y$2 B.C.F.. Winona Lake, Ind., 1987. Reconstruction of the historical development of Damascus through the Iron Age. Sack, Dorothee. Damaskus: Entwickhing und Struktur einer orientalischislamischen Stadt. Mainz am Rhein, 1989. Important study of the development of the city from the Iron Age to modern times. Sauvagetjean. "Le plan antique deDamas." Syria 26 (1949): 314-358. Classic and still useful study of the development of Damascus through the Byzantine period. Watzinger, Carl, and Karl Wulzinger. Damaskus: Die Antike Stadt. Wissenschaftliche Veroffentlichungen des Deutsch-Tiirldschen Denk-
malschutz-Kommandos, 4. Berlin and Leipzig, 1921. Foundational study of the archaeological remains of Damascus, detailed, brilliant, and still very useful. WAYNE T . PITARD
DAMASCUS DOCUMENT.
In 1 8 9 6 , Solomon
Schechter of the University of Cambridge, England, discov ered two Hebrew manuscripts in the genizah (a storeroom for valued texts) of a Qaraite synagogue in Cairo. He brought them to Cambridge, England, where they were sub sequently published, in 1 9 1 0 , as tire Damascus Document. The first of the two, manuscript A (tenth century CE) con tains eight sheets of parchment; manuscript B (eleventh/ twelfth century) contains one sheet. Both sides of a sheet were used. Schechter numbered the sheets pages 1 - 1 6 and 1 9 - 2 0 , respectively; page 1 9 of manuscript B parallels, with
some important differences, pages 7 - 8 of manuscript A, thus enabling a continuous, but conflated, text to be re stored. Page 2 0 is not paralleled in manuscript A. The document is comprised of two sections. A paranetic section, the Admonition(s), contains Israel's history, the preservation of a righteous remnant after the Babylonian Exile, and criticism of current religious practice ( 1 - 4 . 1 2 ) ; laws governing a sectarian organization ( 4 . 1 3 - 7 . 1 0 ) ; and
threats
of punishments
to outsiders
and defectors
( 7 . 1 0 - 8 . 1 9 ; 1 9 - 2 0 ) . T h e second section is a collection of
laws governing settlements in "camps" and in "cities" ( 9 - 1 6 ) . T h e name Zadokite Fragments derives from a ref erence in the work to the sons of Zadok; tire alternate des-
DAN ignation Damascus Document derives from a reference to an exile in Damascus. Fragments of texts that either parallel or are similar to the Cairo manuscripts (designated CD for Cairo Damascus) have been found in three caves at Qumran near the Dead Sea (designated 4Q[umran]D[amascus]a-h, 5 Q D , 6 Q D ) . With the aid of these fragments, some scholars reconstruct an "original" Damascus Document in which CD 1 5 and 1 6 directly precede C D 9 and other Cave 4 fragments are in serted before CD 1 and after C D 14. However, fewer than half of the QD fragments actually parallel C D . Schechter and otirers recognized C D as the product of a Palestinian Jewish sect from the Hellenistic period. Since tire Qumran discoveries, C D has played a central role in the dating and identification of the Qumran community. It is acknowledged to contain the most extensive account of the historical and ideological roots of tire group that produced it, traced back to the Babylonian Exile, when God revealed to it "the hidden things in which all Israel had gone astray" (3.14)—namely, calendrical and legal observances. These issues surface in other Qumran texts and seem to represent the original cause for the adoption by certain Jews, perhaps in the third or second century BCE, of a segregated life-style governed by a solar year of 3 6 4 days (not the standard Jewish lunar year of 3 5 4 days) and by their own interpretation of the law of Moses. Their settlements were governed by a mebaqqer ("overseer") and a priest, and dealings with the Temple, and with other Jews and Gentiles, were strictly con trolled. They regarded themselves as living in an "age of wickedness," in which God's anger with Israel would persist, until "there will arise one who will teach righteousness at the end of days" ( 6 . n ) . The relationship between the Damascus communities and the community of the Qumran text known as the Rule of the Community (the yahad) remains unclear. Some scholars identify tire two as one because of references in CD to a Teacher of Righteousness as the initiator of a recent peni tence movement (CD 1 ) . Many prefer, however, to regard the yahad as a splinter group because of its clearly different manner of organization and ideology. If so, tire yahad must have written its own creation into tire CD's history, perhaps in the light of its belief that tire "one who will teach right eousness" had actually arrived. Parts of CD 2 0 appear to be directed from within the yahad against those who rejected tire "Teacher." Schechter attributed C D to an otherwise unknown Zadoldte sect from which tire Dositheans were descended; Is rael Levi ( 1 9 1 1 ) regarded them as Sadducees, but not of tire kind depicted in the works of Josephus; Robert H. Charles ( 1 9 1 2 ) saw them as reformed Sadducees. All these scholars identified the Pharisees as the opponents of the sect, al though Louis Ginzberg found their laws to be essentially Pharisaic. Since the Qumran discoveries, an Essene identi fication has been popular; recent studies on CD's legal
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traditions (which are congruent with the Temple Scroll) again favor the Sadducees, however. T h e origins of the Da mascus community have commonly been ascribed to the Maccabean period, but this conclusion is becoming less cer tain. Reference to "Damascus" may be taken literally, but Frank M. Cross has proposed that it means Qumran, while Jerome Murphy-O'Connor (followed by Philip R. Davies) has argued that it refers to Babylon. Recent publication of the 4 Q D fragments has revived the study of the Damascus communities, whh emphasis on the important part legal differences played in creating ancient Jewish sects. The nonlegal material in CD (to which the Qumran texts add little) also maintains a central place in research into the historical and ideological context of the Qumran scrolls, although no theory currently dominates. [See also Dead Sea Scrolls.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Baillet, Maurice. "Document de Damas." In Le "petites grolles" de Qumran, pp. 128-131. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, vol. 3. Oxford, 1962. Publication of the 5QD and 6QD fragments. Broshi, Magen, ed. The Damascus Document Reconsidered, Jerusalem, 1992. Critical text edition, including plates and apparatus, incorpo rating some Q materials by Elisha Qimron; an essay on the 4QD materials by Joseph Baumgarten; and a bibliography (1970-1989) by Florentino Garcia Martinez. Cross, Frank M., Jr. The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies. New York and London, 1958. Davies, Philip R. The Damascus Covenant: An Interpretation of the "Da mascus Document," Sheffield, 1982. Analysis of the Admonition, in cluding a discussion of the history of research on CD. Ginzberg, Louis. An Unknown Jewish Sect (1922). New York, 1976. Fullest discussion of the legal material, though the identification of the group concerned is widely challenged. Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome. "An Essene Missionary Document? CD II, 14-VI, 1." Revue biblique 77 (1970): 201-229. Argues that the Damascus Community (identified as the Essenes) immigrated into Palestine from Babylon and formed a sect in the face of opposition to tiieir laws. Rabin, Chaim, ed. and trans. The Zadokite Documents. 2d rev. ed. Ox ford, 1958. Includes text, translation, and notes, but no introduction. Schechter, Solomon. "Fragments of a Zadokite Work." In Documents of Jewish Sectaries (1910). Reprint, New York, 1970. Contains a bib liography for 1910-1969, and an updated introduction by Joseph A. Fitzmyer, correcting several misreadings in the original edition's in troduction. Wacholder, Ben Zion, and Martin G. Abegg, comps. and eds. A Pre liminary Edition of the Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew and Aramaic Texts from Cave Four. 2 vols. Washington, D.C., 1991-1992. Contains a computer-generated reconstruction of 4QD ~' based on concordance entries, plus a concordance of CD passages paralleled in the 4Q fragments. See, in particular, pages 1-57, 102. l,
1
PHILIP R. DAVIES
D A N (Ar., Tell el-Qadi), site located at the northeast end of tire Flula Valley, at the foot of Mt. Iiermon and at the headwaters of the Jordan River's most important source (map reference 2 1 1 2 X 2 9 4 9 ) . T h e site is a rectangular, era-
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ter-shaped mound diat was formed by massive ramparts constructed in the Early and Middle Bronze Ages. It was first identified with biblical Laish/Dan by Edward Robinson in 1 8 3 8 , an identification that has been accepted unani mously since. A bilingual (Greek-Aramaic) stone inscription found at the site also refers to the place name Dan. Laish is mentioned in the Egyptian Execration texts, where its king, Horon-Ab is named, and in the Mari texts, in connection with Hazor, in correspondence concerning tin shipments. [See Mari Texts.] Later, in the fifteenth century BCE, Laish is again mentioned in tire list of cities conquered by the Egyptian king Thutmosis III. Dan is extensively referred to in tire Bible, particularly in passages reflecting the Iron Age
evidence on tire north and east side of the tell and there is a possible gate complex in area K. T h e pottery sequence makes Dan a type-site for distinguishing earlier (EB II or early EB III) from later (EB III) assemblages. Key finds include animal figurines, models of couches, cylinder-seal impressions (one of the largest groups in the Levant), a bone cylinder, Khirbet Kerak ware, and metal implements. [See Seals.] Middle Bronze Age (Strata X I I - I X ) . Tel D a n was oc cupied during the Intermediate Bronze Age (EB IV), but without leaving more than some flimsy wall remains and pottery sherds. It is not yet possible to say whether there was a gap in settlement over parts of this period or whether it milieu (e.g., Jos. 19:47; Jgs. 1 8 ; 1 Kgs. 1 2 : 2 9 - 3 1 , 1 5 : 1 6 ff.). was partially contemporary with either the previous Early T h e latest ancient reference is that in the Onom.ast.icon of Bronze Age or tire subsequent Middle Bronze Age. The M B Eusebius (entry no. 3 6 9 ) , who located the place 4 mi. from is represented by four strata (IX-XII) that, in area B, Panias (Banias). achieved an accumulation of 4 - 5 m, excluding the interior embankment. Trial excavations at the site were carried out in 1 9 6 3 by Zeev Yeivin, and in 1 9 6 6 salvage excavations were initiated The most prominent features of the M B occupation are by tire Israel Department of Antiquities under the direction its robust fortifications and its uniquely intact mud-brick of Avraham Biran. In 1 9 7 4 the project was transferred to gate. T h e initial phases of settlement in stratum XII utilized the Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology of the the remains of the existing EB fortification. Late in this stra Hebrew Union College in Jerusalem, still under Biran's di tum, or perhaps in stratum XI, these fortifications were sup rectorship. As of 1 9 9 5 tire expedition was still active. Seven plemented by additional embankments and superstructures excavation areas were opened: A, B, H, K, M , T , and Y. All on tire north and east; on the south, a new rampart was areas except H and M straddle the perimeter of the tell, constructed by erecting, in stages, a vertical stone core with exposing the Bronze Age fortifications. The fortifications embankments sloping down to either side. This core was 6.5 enclose springs on the west side of the tell, where a high m thick and preserved to a height of 10.5 m. T h e width of water table and dense vegetation thwart excavation. the rampart at its base was approximately 5 0 m. T h e upper part of the rampart has long since eroded away, and it is not Neolithic P e r i o d ( S t r a t u m XVI). The earliest occupa known whether it was crowned with a freestanding wall. tion discerned at Tel Dan dates to the Pottery Neolithic (PN) period, perhaps early in the Wadi Rabah phase (c. A triple-arched mud-brick gate flanked by two towers 5 0 0 0 BCE). Occupation remains were encountered in area B, may have been built at the same time, possibly on the site where a deep probe at the base of tire MB rampart core of an earlier EB gate. At the time of its discovery, it was reached bedrock. Five stratigraphic phases were distin preserved almost to its original height. This edifice had been guished here in 2 m of accumulation. A subsurface infant plastered in antiquity. Apparently, however, it was unstable burial in a jar was uncovered. Significant quantities of P N and prone to collapse, as evidence was found of unsuccess material were also found in areas M and T , in tire fills of the ful attempts at shoring it up. In the end, it was blocked up lowest levels, indicating a fairly extensive area of habitation. and covered by the earthen embankment, resulting in the The material culture features a characteristic flint industry, gate's almost total preservation. A new gate, of stone this worked-basalt objects, bone utensils, and pottery—includ time, was apparently built in area AB on tire tell's south ing several complete vessels—of plain, slipped and bur crest. nished, and incised wares. T h e remains inside tire M B ramparts (and under them, Early Bronze Age (Strata XV-XIV). Surprisingly, Tel in the case of stratum XII) seem comprised of rather prosaic Dan seems to be almost devoid of Chalcolithic and EB I courtyard dwellings with baking ovens and cooking and occupation. (The exceptions are three or four sherds and a storage facilities. Some of these may have had more than possible "violin figurine," all from fills, objects that may one story. Particularly evocative were the stone-built cham have been transported from elsewhere in a later period.) ber and cist tombs and infants buried in jars under the floors. This implies at least fifteen hundred years of abandonment. No extramural cemetery was found, though a few M B I and EB remains have been found in all the deep exposures (areas II tombs have been found at the nearby sites of Hagoshrim, A, B, K, M, T , Y)—even those outside the limits of later Gonen, and Kefar Szold. T h e chamber tombs (of which fortifications—attesting that the EB settlement was the most three were excavated) accommodated the remains of adult extensive of all. Massive stone and brick fortifications are in and adolescent males and females and included tire richest
DAN finds: pottery, weapons, bone-inlaid boxes, scarabs, jewelry, and food offerings. Cist tombs held the remains of children above the age of two years and jar burials contained infants or fetuses. The latter two burial types usually included one or two pottery vessels and a scarab or so. These practices appear to be indicative of social status dependent on age. T h e artifacts from both the tombs (which contain many complete forms) and the floors above them provide a long sequence of material culture from which both typological development and social evolution can be inferred. T h e M B settlement was destroyed by a great conflagration sometime in the sixteenth or early fifteenth century BCE. [See Tombs; Grave Goods.] Late Bronze Age (Strata VIII-VII). Inside the perim eter of the M B fortifications, LB remains were found in all areas where sufficient depth was attained: stratum VIII rep resents the LB I and stratum VII the LB II. T h e occupa tional remains of stratum VIII were built over the desttuction layer of the previous M B stratum and exhibit a similar material culture and a continuation of mortuary practices. At this time the first evidence for metallurgy is found at Tel Dan in the form of melting furnaces, crucibles, slags (es pecially in area B), and a mold. In area K, a portion of a well-preserved stone-built structure was excavated that contained a terra-cotta mask, a javelin head, and the afore mentioned mold (for a scepter?). Stratum VII was often truncated by the pitting and build ing activities of the subsequent Iron I strata, VI and V. Its remains testify, however, to public architecture and some degree of wealth. A flagstone pavement or street bordered by structures on either side extended north from the area AB gate. A terra-cotta plaque depicting a dancing figure playing a musical instrument was found under this pave ment. During this stage, a metallurgy industry based chiefly on recycling copper and bronze is indicated in areas B and Y by furnaces, slags, blowpipe nozzles, and the like. How ever, the most impressive assemblage of this period (four teenth-thirteenth centuries BCE) was found in a large, cor belled, stone-built tomb ( T . 3 8 7 ) in the MB style, the so-called "Mycenaean tomb." Approximately forty individ uals—men, women, and children—were interred over time, with older burials pushed aside to make room for later bur ials and offerings. Almost five hundred objects were counted among the burial goods, including sheep or goat bones (meat offerings), 108 pottery vessels—28 of which were im ported from either the Aegean or Cyprus—alabaster and basalt vessels, bronze tools, weapons and vessels, decorated bone and ivory items, and glass, silver, and gold jewelry. Iron I (Strata VI-V). Some indications of continuity from the previous period appear in the Iron I strata. In gen eral, pottery forms and metal utensils are clearly descended from LB types. Metallurgy remained an important aspect of the economy, though the Iron I industrial remains are more
109
extensive titan those of the previous period. In Iron I the emphasis is on intensive recycling, and there was a cultic association in area AB in the form of a small appended sanc tuary containing such ceremonial objects as a miniature shrine. Nevertheless, important differences and innovations are also present. Myriad deep, often stone-lined, pits are featured in almost all of the excavated areas. Frequently these contained a wide variety and large number of pottery vessels—from large pithoi to small pyxides—animal bones, organic residues, and ash. Particularly suggestive are the many collared-rim pithoi found with pithoi of Galilean and Phoenician types. The collared-rim pithoi are most at home in the central highlands of Samaria and are rare in the north of the country, except at D a n and at a few sites in the east ern, Upper Galilee highlands. Their significant presence at Dan has been attributed to the migration of the tribe of Dan described in Judges 18. [See Ceramics, article on SyroPalestinian Ceramics of the Neolithic, Bronze, and Iron Ages.] T h e floors and architecture of stratum VI (c. twelfth cen tury BCE) were rarely preserved, except for pits. This oc cupation seems to have been a more ephemeral one, but the lack of preservation is chiefly the result of heavy building and leveling in stratum V (late twelfth-mid-eleventh cen turies BCE), one of the most substantial levels at Tel Dan. Stratum V shows a dense array of domestic and industrial architecture in almost every area of the tell. Some of these structures were clearly two stories high. This stratum was destroyed in a great conflagration that apparently enveloped tire entire tell, resulting in a rich and varied assemblage of artifacts. Interestingly enough, no burial remains were found from this or the succeeding Iron Age. Iron Age II (Strata IV-II). Dan's eminence as a cultic center for the Israelite kingdom was responsible for its more or less continuous prosperity and growth in Iron II. The high place in area T and the gate complexes in areas A and AB show a series of major building phases that utilized fine con struction and masonry techniques. The excavator discerned three major building phases in the Iron II high place and attributed them to prominent Israelite kings: 1. Bama A: Dating to the late tenth century BCE Qeroboam I), the stratum-IV bama is represented by a row of massive rectangular dressed stones laid out under the soutii ern foundations of bama B. An ashlar-constructed altar plat form, a libation installation (or olive press), and several other richly endowed rooms were associated with this massive substructure. 2. Bama B: The ninth-century BCE (stratum III, reign of Ahab) bama gave the structure its present form. It is com prised of headers and stretchers dressed with margins in the classic royal Israelite fashion found at Samaria and Me giddo. Cedar beams were integrated at horizontal intervals (cf. 1 Kgs 7:12). The altar platform was augmented and a
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belt of chambers erected around the temple podium and altar precinct, creating an enclosed temenos (or altering the previous one). The in situ work of the stonemasons left a thick yellow travertine floor surrounding this stage's struc tures. 3. Bama C: The eighth century BCE (stratum II, reign of Jeroboam II) bama represents a phase of minor alterations and supplements. It was also the phase that revealed a series of cultic objects—altars, incense shovels, a scepter head, and sacrificial remains—in the exterior belt of rooms surround ing tire cultic precinct. This was also the stage to which most of tire epigraphic material could be attributed. Like the cultic precinct, the gate complexes also seem to show successive augmentation and aggrandizement. The tenth- and early ninth-century BCE fortification and gate plans have only been recovered in difficult-to-decipher frag ments under the well-preserved remains of the assemblage from the ninth-eighth centuries BCE. By tire time of bama B, the high place and the gates on tire southern periphery of
the tell were connected by means of a monumental slabpaved avenue found in areas A, M, and T . T h e excavator has assigned this and its coeval four-chambered gate and buttressed solid fortification wall to Ahab. T h e last upper gate and some related architecture have been dated to the eighth century BCE and are associated with Jeroboam II. An impressive array of cultic paraphernalia was excavated in and around tire gate complex, including an ashlar canopy platform, decorated stone column bases and capitals in the Assyrian style, groups of massebot in small "chapels," altars, groups of complete pottery vessels presumed to have a cultic function, and more. Most significant of all is the recent ( 1 9 9 3 - 1 9 9 4 ) discovery of fragments of a stela (see figure 1 ) , inscribed in Aramaic, that mentions a ldng of the House of David and a king of Israel (perhaps Jehoram). Though much conttoversy surrounds its interpretation, most schol ars are now dating its placement to the second half of the ninth century BCE and its shattering to tire first half of the eighth century BCE. The last phase was destroyed in
DAN. Figure 1. Aramaic inscription fragment. Found in the wall bordering the outer Iron Age gate plaza. The text recounts the exploits of a victorious Aramean king, probably Hazael, and mentions a king of Israel and the house of David. Dated c. 850-800 BCE. (Courtesy Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem)
DAN
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DAN. Figure 2. Bilingual inscription. Found in the cultic precinct; Greek above, Aramaic below. T h e text reads " T o the God who is in Dan, Zoilos made a vow" and comprises forceful evidence for the identification of Tell el-Qadi with biblical Dan. Dated c. 200-150 BCE. (Courtesy Nelson Glueck School of Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem)
die eighth century BCE, in a great conflagration that pre served these finds. Iron Age III (Stratum I). T h e period of Assyrian rule over ancient Israel is surprisingly well represented at Tel Dan. While most of the Galilee was devoid of settlement, and even sites of former prominence (Hazor, Tel Kinnerot) were either abandoned or occupied by fortresses alone, Dan experienced a population explosion of sorts. The entire tell was densely occupied by an orthogonal network of domestic structures and streets. Wide-ranging trade relations are ev idenced by the presence of Assyrian, Phoenician, Ammon ite, Judahite, and Corinthian pottery and other finds. Later Iron Age remains adjacent to the high place were apparentiy removed by Hellenistic-period modifications, but cultic ac tivity probably continued there because new monumental buildings were erected nearby. Some of these show Assyr ian-style pilaster construction. In contrast, the fortifications and gate complexes—perhaps desttoyed by the Assyrians— were left in disrepair. T h e large number of complete vessels and other artifacts found in this stratum indicate sudden abandonment, though no real destruction layer was detected in most parts of the tell. Persian, Hellenistic, R o m a n , and Medieval Periods. Tel Dan appears to have lost much of its grandeur and, by inference, part of its original cultic importance, in the Per sian through the medieval periods. Occupation was appar ently confined to the environs of the high place, where cultic activity did continue. A large cache of Persian-period figu rines was recovered in one of the rebuilt temenos chambers. From the Hellenistic period in particular, there is evidence
of the construction of a new cultic precinct based on the same principles that had guided the Iron Age one: a belt of rooms surrounding an open space containing the central platform and altar court. These latter edifices were also sup plemented. T h e most important find from this period came from the area of the cultic precinct: a bilingual (Greek-Ar amaic) stone inscription mentioning "the god who is in Dan" (see figure 2 ) . T h e upper gateway in area AB also continued to function as a passage, if not an actual gate. T h e Roman period saw the surfaces in the cultic precinct raised and a new temenos wall constructed. A thick plaster floor was laid over the Iron Age platform. An ashlar-built fountain house was uncovered, fed by terra-cotta pipes drawing water from the nearby spring. All across the south ern flank of the tell, above the remains of the Iron Age gates, similar pipes were found in articulation. These carried spring water to irrigate the outlying fields. By this time the cult place at Dan had been largely supplanted by the one at nearby Banias, though the two clearly coexisted over a long period of time. [See Banias.] By the end of the Roman pe riod, Tel Dan was abandoned, except for an ephemeral early Ottoman occupation found in area M and its corresponding cemetery found along the margins of the tell, close to the surface. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Biran, Avraham, and Joseph Naveh. "An Aramaic Stele Fragment from Tel Dan." Israel Exploration Journal 43 (1993): 81-98. Detailed ac count and analysis of the recently discovered stele mentioning the "House of David," including a description of the archaeological con text.
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Biran, Avraham. Biblical Dan. Jerusalem, 1994. Well-illustrated, pop ular book summarizing twenty-seven seasons of excavation and the excavator-audior's interpretations of the finds. Biran, Avraham, and Joseph Naveh. "The Tel Dan Inscription: A New Fragment." Israel Exploration Journal 45 (1995): 1-18. Biran, Avraham, David Ilan, and A. Greenberg. Dan I: An Excavation History, the Pottery Neolithic, the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age Tombs. Jerusalem, 1996. Ilan, David. "Mortuary Practices at Tel Dan in the Middle Bronze Age: A Reflection of Canaanite Society and Ideology." In The Archaeology of Death in the Ancient Near East, edited by S. Campbell and A. Green. Oxford, forthcoming. Summary of the MB burial data and an analysis of its cultural significance. Stager, Lawrence E., and Samuel R. Wolff. "Production and Com merce in Temple Courtyards: An Olive Press in the Sacred Precinct at Tel Dan." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 243 (i 981): 95-102. Alternative explanation (olive press) for the "li bation installation" found in the sacred precinct and attributed to stratum IV. Wapnish, Paula, and Brian Hesse. "Faunal Remains from Tel Dan: Perspectives on Animal Production at a Village, Urban, and Rural Center." ArchaeoZoologia 4.2 (1991): 9-86. Revelatory examination of animal husbandry at Tel Dan, showing differing utilization in different parts of the town, exploitation of the site's hinterland, and changing patterns over time. Yellin, Joseph, and Jan Gunneweg. "Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis and the Origin of Iron Age I Collared-Rim Jars and Pithoi from Tel Dan." Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 49 (1989): 133-141. Scientific analysis of a particular pottery type, demonsttating both its local and distant origins.
road; she made an outstanding contribution in providing water facilities by digging wells and cisterns along the pil grim route and by building rest houses and lodgings. Arab geographers such as al-Harbi and Yaqut and the ttavelers Ibn Jubayr and Ibn Batutah have recorded vivid details of the constructions, facilities, and provisions provided by Zu baydah along the Kufah-Mecca road. She acquired a great reputation for her work. Several places were named after her, that is, Zubaydiyah (known as U m m Ja'far). Later, the road acquired the name Darb Zubaydah. So far, about one hundred sites on the route have been recorded. Of these thirteen are located within Iraq, and the remaining are situated in Saudi Arabia. According to early geographers, there were twenty-seven main and as many secondary pilgrim stations on the road. There were several other rest places established along the main branches of tire road. The most famous of these were al-'Aqabah, Zubalah, Fayd, Samirah, an-Nuqrah, ar-Rabadhah, Ma'din Bani, Sulaym, and Dhat 'Irq. The 'Abbasid caliphs provided mile stones, which had Kufic inscriptions giving distances be tween the stations. Historians such as al-Tabari and Ibn al-Afhir furnish details of the erection of milestones and de tails of the distances along the road starting from Kufah. The road was also provided with road-signs (a'lam) and fire signals.
DAVID ILAN
Along the road, Kufic inscriptions are found on rocks at places such as as-Suwargiyah, Hadha, and Samirah. The condition of the road was maintained regularly; it was cleaned and cleared from various obstacles. It was paved in the sandy areas; steep hills and mountains were cut; and smooth ttacks were made with steps at some places. Of archaeological interest are the ruins surviving on the Darb Zubaydah. These are the pilgrim stations, water tanks, wells, forts, rest houses, milestones, and inscriptions (alRashid, 1 9 8 0 ) . Early Islamic pottery, glass, and coins are die main finds along the Darb Zubaydah. The pottery sherds are of a great variety—luster-painted, tin-glazed, splashed, monochrome green-glazed, and unglazed ware with or with out decoration. Fragments of soft stone vessels have also been recovered. Minted in different cities, gold dinars, silver dirhams, and bronze coins of the Umayyad and 'Abbasid caliphates have been discovered along the route. The most remarkable station is ar-Rabadhah about 2 0 0 Ion ( 1 2 4 mi.) southeast of the city of Medina (Madinah alMunawwrah). At al-Rabadhah excavations under the direc tion of Sa'ad al-Rashid since 1 9 7 9 have produced fine ar chitecture and numerous archaeological finds in great variety, such as masonry foundations of houses, mosques, cemeteries, tombstones, and reservoirs and wells. T h e architecmre of the residential houses reveal typical Rabadhah style; independent units are surrounded by strong walls. The structure of the house are defended by towers built along the walls and on the corners. Remains of other buildings, public facilities, small streets between the houses, industrial
D A R B Z U B A Y D A H , pilgrimage road beginning at Kufah in Iraq and ending at Mecca (Makkah) in Saudi Ara bia. According to the Qur'an, a "pilgrimage to the Ka'bah (at Mecca) is a solemn duty to God, for all who are able to make dris journey." Thus roads from all Islamic countries converged at Mecca. T h e origin of the Darb Zubaydah may be traced in sections to the early sixth century CE as a trade route linldng the Hijaz and central Arabia with al-Hira in Iraq. It was during the 'Abbasid period, however, that its importance grew, and it developed into a full-fleged high way. The transfer of the 'Abbasid capital from Damascus to Baghdad in AH 1 3 2 / 7 5 0 CE necessitated establishment of di rect communication between the political and religious cen ters. The Kufah-Mecca road, existing prior to the 'Abbasid period was linked to Baghdad by extending it farther north. Several earlier 'Abbasid caliphs, especially, Abu'l 'Abbas asSaffah, Abu Ja'far al-Mansur, al-Maholi, and al-Rashid, took an interest in the establishment of the Kufah-Mecca road and made arrangements for the provisions and facilities essential for travelers. The 'Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid ( 1 7 0 - 1 9 3 / 7 8 6 - 8 0 9 ) several times visited Mecca accompanied by his wife, Zu baydah. They realized the conditions on the route and lack of facilities available to the pilgrims. Queen Zubaydah took keen interest in the improvement of the Baghdad-Mecca
DATING TECHNIQUES units, washrooms, and sewage disposal channels have been found. Recent research and archaeological studies on the road has revealed abundant information about the archae ological sites and remains of facilities on the road. From Rabadhah come a variety of metal objects, such as an iron dagger, a spouted receptacle, kohl containers, a dagger sheath, an iron chain, a fragment of an instrument, and an imal figures, glass, and jewelry in wood, bone, and ivory. Two large limestone reservoirs, one circular and the other square at Rabadhah are unique features. T h e circular struc ture has a diameter of 6 4 . 5 m ( 2 1 1 . 6 ft.) and its walls rise up to 4 . 7 m ( 1 5 . 4 ft.) above a gypsum floor. Adjacent to it is filter tank of 5 5 X 1 7 X 3 . 1 5 m ( 1 8 0 . 4
X
55-8 X 1 0 . 3 ft.)
through which the reservoir received flood water after fil tering. T h e reservoir dates to the tenth century, is still in good condition, and had a capacity of 1 4 , 2 5 0 cu m. T h e square reservoir, which measures 2 6 X 2 6 m ( 8 5 . 3 X 8 5 . 3 ft.) has gypsum-plastered walls, strengthened by semicir cular buttresses. It has two main inlets, one of them fed by a dam. These reservoirs along with about one hundred tanks of different dimensions and capacity are suggestive of water engineering that existed at Rabadhah and the importance attached to a water supply. Caliph Harun al-Rashid and his wife Zubaydah not only took keen interest in the establishment of the road but spent large sums for its maintenance and protection. They ap pointed regular officials for its upkeep and provision of fa cilities essential for the comfort of travelers. When the road was threatened soldiers were despatched. T h e traffic on the road was constant and considerable. Caravans by the thousands occasionally traveled at the same time. T h e road declined from the ninth century CE because of the incursions of various ttibes and later by the raids of the Qarmatians. The fall of Baghadad in 1 2 5 8 to the Mongols was cata strophic for the road. From an archaeological point of view, the Darb Zubayadah is an excellent example of early road systems in Arabia. T h e excavations along the road, espe cially at al Rabadhah attest to the flourishing of and ad vanced civilization and to the mingling of different Islamic countries along the road. [See also 'Abbasid Caliphate; Arabian Peninsula, article on The Arabian Peninsula in Islamic Times; Mecca; and M e dina.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Atlal: The Journal of Saudi Arabian Archaeology 1-6 (1977-1982). HarbT, Ibrahim al-. Kitdb al-manasik wa-amakin turuq al-hajj wama'alim al-Jazirah. Edited by Hamad al-Jasir. Riyadh, 1969. Ibn al-Athlr, Izz al-DTn. Al-kamilft al-tdrikh. 9 vols. Cairo, 1929-1938. Ibn Batutah. Rihlatlbn Batutah. 2 vols. Cairo, 1928. Ibn Jubayr, Muhammad ibn Ahmad. The Travels of Ibnjubayr. Edited by M. J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1907. Ibn Khurdadhbih. Al-masa/ik •wa-mamalik. Edited by M. J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1889.
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Ibn Rustah, Ahmad ibn 'Umar. Kitdb al-a'ldk an-Nafisa. Edited by M. J. de Goeje. 2d ed. Leiden, 1892. Jasir, Hamad al-. "Al-Rabadhah fi Kutub al-Mutaqaddimin." Al-Arab 1 (1967): 5-8. MuqaddasI, Muhammad ibn Ahmad. Ahsan al-laqdsim ft ma'rifat alaqalim. Edited by M.J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1877. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. "Ancient Water-Tanks on the Haj Route from Iraq to Makkah and Their Parallels in Other Arab Countries." Atlal 3 (1979): 55-62, pis. 28-43. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. "New Light on the History and Archaeology of AlRabadhah (Locally Called Abu Salim)." Seminar for Arabian Studies 9 (i979): 88-101. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. "A Brief Report on the First Archaeological Exca vation at al-Rabadhah." Seminar for Arabian Studies 10 (1980): 8 1 84. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. Darb Zubaydah: The Pilgrim Road from Kufa to Mak kah. Riyadh, 1980. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. Al-Rabadhah: A Portrait of Early Islamic Civilisation in Saudi Arabia. London, 1986. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. "Nuqud Islamiyya MuktashaFah ft Darb Zubay dah." Al-Yarmuk Lil-Maskukat 3.1 (1991): 41-56. Rashid, Sa'ad al-. "A New "Abbasid Milestone from al-Rabadha in Saudi Arabia." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 3 (1992): 138H3. SamhudT, 'AIT ibn 'Abd Allah al-. Wafa" al-wafd' bi-akhbar Ddr alMustafd. 4 vols. Edited by Muhyi al-DTn 'Abd al-Harmd. Cairo, 1955. TabarT, al-. Tdrikh al-rusul wa-al-muluk. 15 vols. Edited by M. J. de Goeje et al. Leiden, 1879-1901. Yaqut ibn 'Abd Allah al-HamawT. Mu'jam al-bulddn. 5 vols. Beirut, 19S5-I957SA'AD ABDUL Aziz AL-RASHID
D A T I N G T E C H N I Q U E S . Many artifacts and skel etal remains can be dated by reference to an established typological framework. T h e chronology of such a frame work, except within a well-documented historical period, is ultimately based on a chronometric technique such as radiocarbon, thermoluminescence, or dendrochronology. These and other techniques are also used for placement within the framework. T h e essential characteristic of nearly all tiiese is that they are "absolute," in the sense of giving a date tiiat is based on currently measurable quantities; hence, they are objective, being independent of existing chronolo gies. T h e techniques outlined below are: ( 1 ) radiocarbon, (2) dendrochronology, ( 3 ) luminescence, ( 4 ) elecnon spin resonance, ( 5 ) uranium-series, ( 6 ) potassium-argon, ( 7 ) fission tracks, ( 8 ) amino acid racemization, (9) obsidian dating, ( 1 0 ) other chemical techniques, ( 1 1 ) archaeomagnetism, and ( 1 2 ) pollen analysis, climatic change, oxygenisotope stages, and the Milankovitch timescale. Error limits are quoted at the 6 8 percent level of confidence (i.e., 1 sigma). R a d i o c a r b o n Dating. T h e carbon in the carbon dioxide in tlie atmosphere consists mainly of nonradioactive carbon1 2 and carbon-13; there is also a minute amount of wealdy radioactive carbon-14 resulting from the interaction of cos mic-ray neutrons with the nitrogen in the upper atmosphere.
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Carbon dioxide mixes rapidly throughout the atmosphere, and by photosynthesis enters plant life and hence into ani mals; atmospheric carbon dioxide also enters the oceans as dissolved carbonate, so that this too contains carbon-14—as do any shells and deposits formed from it. The totality of atmosphere, biosphere, and oceans is known as the carbonexchange reservoir. The concentration ratio between car bon-14 atoms and nonradioactive carbon atoms is approx imately the same (about one in a million million) throughout the reservoir; it also stays approximately constant with time. In organic matter that is no longer exchanging its carbon with the reservoir, the carbon-14 lost by radioactive decay is not replenished; this is the case, for instance, in the cel lulose molecules of wood. From tire time of formation, the concentration ratio decreases at a rate determined by the immutable 5,730-year half-life of carbon-14; this means that wood 5,730 years old will have a carbon-14 concentration that is one half of its value at formation; for wood that is 11,460 years old, the concentration will be one quarter of the formation value, and so on—or, the concentration de creases by 1 percent every eighty-three years. Hence, com paring the concentration measured in an ancient organic sample with the assumed value at formation can determine the amount of time that has elapsed. In practice, tire method is useful for the period four hun dred to four thousand years ago—although, with special measurement installations, some sample types can reach substantially furtiier back, to about seventy thousand years ago. The error limits on the calendar-year date (i.e., after calibration; see below) are typically in the range ± 50-150 years, being smaller in some millennia than others. Measurement. The carbon-14 concentration in a sample can be determined by converting the carbon of the sample into a gas or into benzene and measuring the emission rate of beta particles in an appropriate detector system. Since the late 1970s, direct measurement of the concentration by means of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) has been increasingly employed. Although such an installation is very expensive, it has the important advantage that the size of the sample required is less by several orders of magnitude—a few thousandths of a gram of carbon instead of a few grams. Sample types. An essential characteristic of a sample is that over the centuries of burial it should not.have acquired any fresh carbon from the atmosphere (e.g., by fungal growth). A minute amount of modern carbon can cause the date that is determined to be substantially too recent, par ticularly for samples near the forty-thousand-year limit. Conversely, tire incorporation of "dead" carbon at forma tion can cause the opposite effect. Although tire sample ma terial itself may have high integrity, intrusive contamination may have been acquired during burial; the humic acids car ried in percolating groundwater are an example. It follows that the extent to which a sample is reliable is bound up with the stringency of the laboratory pretreatment that can be
applied. T h e severity that a laboratory can afford to use is dependent both on tire size of the initial sample and on tire amount of carbon required by the measurement facility; the severity needed depends also on the age. For wood the use of extracted cellulose avoids lignin and humic acids. For precise dating, a serious problem with wood and charcoal is estimation of tire extent to which the wood's formation predated the archaeological event of in terest. For bone, use of the extracted protein fraction (col lagen, gelatin) is necessary. Unfortunately, the amount remaining decreases with age and in some burial environ ments, among them the Near East, too little is left in bones from periods earlier than, say, the Neolithic. Charred bone is a good alternative. Grain can be dated reliably, particu larly if charred. Single grains can be dated with the AMS technique, but site association is a severe problem. Among other datable sample types are shell, peat, sediment and soils, ivory paper and textiles, straw in mud bricks, and traces of charcoal in iron objects. The golden rule in sample collection is prior discussion with tire relevant laboratory. Calibration. A raw age from a laboratory is given in con ventional radiocarbon years BP ("before tire present," de fined as 1950). This is not the same as the age in calendar years (i.e., sidereal years) because the carbon-14 concentra tion in the biosphere varies slightly from decade to decade and century to century: thus, wood formed at some time in the past does not necessarily have the same carbon-14 con centration as wood formed today. T h e variation occurring over the last ten thousand years has now been established by measuring samples of wood for which tire age has been determined by dendrochronology. By using this "calibration curve," ages in radiocarbon years can be converted into ages in calendar years or calendar dates—denoted by cal BP, cal BCE, or cal CE. Extension of the calibration curve further back in time is being undertaken by intercomparison with the ura nium-series technique using samples of coral. The terminology just given, BP and so forth, is specific to radiocarbon dating. Most other techniques yield ages di rectly in calendar years and the use of BP is then confusing (because, it implies radiocarbon years rather than calendar years); exceptions to this are amino-acid dates and obsidian dates calibrated by reference to radiocarbon. Dendrochronology (Tree-Ring Dating). For some spe cies of trees growing in some climatic conditions, visually recognizable rings form annually with a climatically deter mined width pattern. This width pattern allows cross dating between trees felled in different periods (the pattern shown by the inner part of a recent tree can be matched with that shown by the outer part of a tree that was felled earlier). In this way a master chronology can be established for a region and building timber of unknown age can be dated by dis covering where its pattern fits onto tire master chronology. If sapwood is present on the timber, high accuracy is pos sible; even so, a degree of uncertainty remains as to how
DATING TECHNIQUES many years elapsed between felling and usage on the site concerned. T o obtain a reliable fit onto the master chronol ogy, the piece being dated needs to contain a minimum of about fifty rings. T h e Californian bristiecone pine chronology and the Eu ropean oak chronology have made possible the conversion of radiocarbon years to calendar years. T h e trees concerned are remarkably long-lived and by leapfrogging back from recent trees to successively older fossil trees, as indicated above, it has been possible to cover the last ten millennia. Luminescence Dating (LD). Thermoluminescence (TL) and optical dating (OD) comprise luminescence dat ing (LD); O D utilizes optically stimulated luminescence (OSL). These are based on tire cumulative effect of nuclear radiation on the crystal structure of certain minerals, mainly quartz and feldspar. The nuclear radiation is provided by ttace amounts of potassium-40, rubidium-87, thorium, and uranium that are naturally present in the sample and its sur roundings. T h e dating signal is obtained, in the case of T L , by heating grains extracted from the sample and measuring the light they emit by means of a highly sensitive photomultiplier; in the case of OSL, the measurement is obtained by shining light on the sample; lasers and halogen lamps can be used, as well as infrared-emitting diodes—in which case the luminescence may be termed IRSL. T h e T L technique was first applied to pottery, the event dated being the firing by the ancient potter (thereby setting to zero the previously accummulated T L ) . It was subse quently extended to stalagmitic calcite (which has zero T L at formation) and to burnt flint (heated accidentally by hav ing fallen into fire, or deliberately). T h e latter application, along with the ESR dating of tooth enamel, has had a par ticular impact on hypotheses concerning the relationship be tween anatomically modern humans and Neanderthals. T h e T L and OSL signals from quartz and feldspar can also be set to zero by exposure to daylight. Thus, windblown sedi ment (such as loess) is set to zero during its transportation, as is waterborne sediment, though in this case the zeroing process is less effective and the OSL method has a strong advantage over T L . For either method it is necessary to evaluate the dose rate of nuclear radiation that the sample was receiving during burial. This is done partly by radioactive analysis in the lab oratory and partly by on-site measurement (of the pene trating gamma radiation that reaches the sample from sur rounding soil and rock, up to a distance of about 0.3 m). It is also necessary to estimate the water content of the sample and soil/rock because any water present attenuates the nu clear radiation. Uncertainty about water content (averaged over tire burial period) can limit the accuracy obtained; sites which have always been bone-dry have an advantage. For pottery and burnt flint, a half-dozen fragments not less than 3 0 mm across and 1 0 m m thick are required. For sediment, about half a kilogram is typically needed. Great
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care must be taken to avoid exposure to daylight, particu larly if the OSL method is being used. Hence, the sample collection of sediment should be done by laboratory spe cialists with appropriate equipment (e.g., a short steel tube which is driven into tire section; the material at the exposed ends is discarded in the laboratory); otiierwise, the samples should be collected at night and secured in thick, opaque plastic bags. Even slight exposure to light may cause the evaluated age to be too recent. Age range is highly dependent on sample type and site; several hundred thousand years is a typical upper limit for flint, calcite, and sediment—although with the latter there is a tendency (if some types of feldspar are present in the sam ple) for the age to be underestimated, particularly beyond fifty thousand years. T h e lower limit is on tire order of one thousand years. With pottery, the lower limit can be on the order of a decade in some cases; the upper limit is usually beyond ten thousand years. T h e accuracy attainable is usu ally in the range 5 - 1 0 percent of the age (i.e., ± 1 5 0 - 3 0 0 years at 1 0 0 0 BCE, ± 3 0 0 - 6 0 0 years at 4 0 0 0 BCE). Hence, the main sttength of the technique is for sites where there are no samples suitable for radiocarbon and on Paleolithic sites beyond the range of radiocarbon. Electron Spin Resonance (ESR). Another way of mea suring the cumulative effect of nuclear radiation is with elec tron spin resonance (ESR). Its principal archaeological ap plications have been to tooth enamel and stalagmite calcite. ESR reaches back several million years; its lower limit is a few thousand years. T h e above remarks about dose-rate evaluation apply here, but with additional complexity in tire case of tooth enamel because of uranium migration. As a result, two ages are quoted, based on the assumptions of early uptake (EU) and linear uptake (LU), respectively (in some cases the EU age is substantially lower than tire L U age). Large teeth (elephant, mammoth) are preferred; usu ally, separate determinations on about a dozen samples are averaged. Uranium-Series Dating. Stalagmite calcite and other forms of that mineral and also some products from volcanic eruptions lend themselves to uranium-series dating. At for mation, only uranium is present in die sample material. With time, radioactive daughter products (thorium-230, protactinium-231) build up slowly; determination of the ratio of daughter product to parent uranium allows the age to be evaluated. Measurement is conventionally by alpha spec trometry, but recentiy thermal ionization mass specttometry (TIMS) has been used, which gives much higher precision and needs less of a sample. With T I M S , the age range is approximately 5 0 0 - 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 years; with alpha spectrometry, 2 , 0 0 0 - 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 years. In good circumstances, the error limits using T I M S can be as low as ± 1 percent of the age; with alpha spectrometry the limits are usually in the range of ± 5 percent to ± 1 0 percent. Potassium-Argon Dating. Of crucial importance in the
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study of early hominids, potassium-argon dating is a tech nique based on the accummulation, in volcanic lava, for ex ample, of argon-40 produced from tire slow decay of potassium-40. During a volcanic eruption, previously accumulated argon (a gas) is released, which is tire event which is dated. Obviously, to be useful, human occupation must be reliably associated with volcanic products—for ex ample, between two lava beds. Its age range is enormous: from ten thousand years to about four hundred million years. Fission Track Dating. The main impact of fission track dating has been on the study of early hominids. Its one or two applications to Neolithic obsidian artifacts are to be re garded as exotic rather than useful. The technique is based on the counting of the miniscule tracks left in some minerals by nuclear fragments immediately after the occurrence of spontaneous fission undergone by uranium nuclei present as impurity. Amino-Acid Racemization. Dating by amino-acid racemization is based on the slow conversion within a protein molecule of an amino acid (such as aspartic) from its L form, at formation, to its D form, until an equilibrium mix ture of the two is reached. Epimerization of isoleucine is another reaction utilized, notably in tire dating of ostrich eggshells. These processes are strongly influenced by envi ronmental conditions—by temperature in particular; siteby-site calibration against radiocarbon is usual, along with extrapolation for samples that are beyond tire limit of the latter technique. In its early application the technique acquired a reputation for unreliability, particularly for poorly preserved bone. However, good reliability is now being obtained when sam ple types are selected carefully (such as ostrich eggshell, well-preserved bone, and tooth enamel), when strict atten tion is paid to the validity of the radiocarbon dates used for calibration, and when stringent laboratory procedures are followed. Using aspartic acid the last 5 0 , 0 0 0 - 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 years can be covered; using the epimerization of isoleucine, reach ing a half million years is feasible. In addition to the exten sion of age range, another advantage over radiocarbon is the comparative ease of measurement and, hence, the lower cost. An archaeologist can undertake a much wider sampling of site with amino-acid racemization than could be afforded using radiocarbon only. Obsidian Dating. Another technique sttongly influenced by environmental conditions, particularly temperature, is obsidian dating. It is based on the slow formation of hydra tion rims on freshly cleaved obsidian. Until the late 1970s, tire favored approach was by regional calibration using known-age samples. Since then tire emphasis has been on obtaining absolute ages, independent of other techniques or archaeological chronology. This approach requires two ma jor evaluations (in addition to measurement of the hydration rim itself): the effective burial temperature and laboratory
measurement (at elevated temperature and pressure) of tire rim growth rate for each type of obsidian that is dated. Dates have been reported in the age range from 2 0 0 to 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 years ago. Growth rates vary widely between different parts of the world; the comparatively rapid hydration rates in tropical countries allow more recent dating than in Arctic regions. Other Chemical Processes. The movement of fluorine and uranium into bone and loss of nitrogen are other pro cesses by which some indication of age can be obtained. T h e bulk contents are strongly dependent on the burial environ ment; however, this dependence is very much weakened if the depth profile, as measured by a nuclear microprobe, is used instead. Nuclear techniques measuring penetration depth of nitrogen can be used to distinguish between freshly cut surfaces of jade, for example, and those cut in antiquity. Archaeomagnetic Dating. The direction of the earth's magnetic field (e.g., magnetic north as indicated by a com pass) changes very slowly, but it is perceptible over a dec ade. A fossilized record of past direction is provided by the weak, but permanent, magnetization that is acquired by clay and stones on cooling down after baldng and by sediment during deposition (or consolidation). T h e variation differs from region to region and does not follow a well-defined pattern. Hence, for each region of application it is necessary to establish a calibration curve using kilns, hearths, and silted-up ditches of known age. Consequently, the avail ability of a reliable archaeological chronology is a necessary prerequisite for applying tire method. An alternative possi bility is to make measurements on radiocarbon-dated lake sediment, obtained as a long core extracted from the lake bottom. On a larger time scale, complete reversals of the earth's field provide a worldwide geomagnetic chronology, cali brated by means of tire potassium-argon technique. The most recent event (named the Blake event) which is well established and generally accepted occurred at about 1 1 0 , 0 0 0 years ago; this was a comparatively brief reversal lasting not much more than ten thousand years. Earlier, at 7 8 0 , 0 0 0 years ago, there was tire transition from the Matuyama reversed polarity epoch to tire present Brunlres epoch. Pollen Analysis and Other Climatic Indicators. An archaeological site carries a record of past climate notably through preserved tree and plant pollen. Other indicators are faunal assemblage and soil type. This record allows tire levels of a Paleolithic site to be described as cold or warm and to be related—often through the intermediate step of a locally defined climatic sequence—to the worldwide climatic chronology, based on oxygen-isotope stages. T h e successive cold and warm stages of this chronology are defined by the isotope ratio (oxygen-18-oxygen-16) found in marine fossil microfauna. Finest climatic detail is given by tire isotope ratio variations measured in long cores drilled into the polar ice cups.
DCP SPECTROMETRY Absolute dating of the marine stages was initially based, via sedimentary remanent magnetization, on potassium-ar gon dating supplemented by radiocarbon and uranium se ries. The chronology so obtained has now been refined by reference to the Milankovitch astronomical predictions of the climatic variation resulting from changes in the earth's orbital parameters. T h e marine stages are now the funda mental time divisions of the Quaternary epoch. Pollen characteristics (such as the dominant species of tree) can be used to define pollen assemblage zones (PAZ). The succession of such zones can be used as a basis for chronozones, defined in terms of radiocarbon years. For ex ample, at a type-site the boundaries of the major PAZ are dated by radiocarbon and those dates then define the chron ozones. Arboreal pollen, expressed as a percentage of total tree and herb pollen, is a useful broad indicator of climate, being high in warm/wet periods and substantially lower oth erwise. BIBLIOGRAPHY Aitken, Martin J. Science-Based Dating in Archaeology. London, 1990. Comprehensive discussion of the techniques outlined in this article. Aitken, Martin J., et al., eds. The Origin of Modern Humans and the Impact of Chronometric Dating. Princeton, 1993. Papers based on a meeting held at the Royal Society, London, February 1992. Aurenche, Olivier, et al., eds. Chronologies in the Near East. British Ar chaeological Reports, International Series, no. 379. Oxford, 1987. Papers based on an international symposium sponsored by the Cen tre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Lyon 1986. MARTIN J. AITKEN
D C P S P E C T R O M E T R Y . Direct current plasma (DCP) spectrometry provides an effective means of analyz ing the chemical composition of ancient pottery. Similar to inductively coupled plasma spectrometry (ICP), a related spectroscopic method, D C P offers a highly accurate means of determining the presence of a wide range of elements in any given sample, a necessary first step in all provenance studies. By obtaining chemical "fingerprints" of reference materials (e.g., kiln wasters) of known origin and finding compositional "matches" to pottery samples, one is often able to pinpoint the source of manufacture. T h e first application of D C P on archaeological artifacts was conducted in 1994: select fired and unfired Jerash bowl fragments recovered from deposits associated with tire late Byzantine pottery kilns in the hippodrome at the ancient Decapolis city of Gerasa (Jerash, Jordan) were examined (Lapp, 1994). In combination with petrographic thin-sec tion analyses, D C P subsequently proved invaluable for the chemical characterization of clay oil lamp samples collected from sites once comprising Roman Palestine (Lapp, forth coming). T h e team of F. A. Hart and S, J. Adams first used ICP to determine the provenance of select Romano-British pottery from Hampshire (Hart and Adams, 1983). The re
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cent examination of early Bronze Egyptian pottery from Ca naan by means of petrography, neutron activation, and ICP analyses successfully combines the analytical strengths of these archaeometric methods for determining provenance (Porat et al., 1991). D C P centers on the analysis of samples prepared as so lutions. T h e sample itself, whether a ceramic fragment of a Roman oil lamp or of a Persian storage jar, is brought into solution using a lithium metaborate fusion technique. Fol lowing the method outlined by E. M. Klein (1991), Lapp mixed 0.1 g of powdered Jerash bowl sample with 0.4 g of ultra-pure lithium metaborate flux and fused the mixture in preignited crucibles at io40°C for 13 minutes (Lapp, 1994). After fusion, the pebble-shaped melt was dissolved in 0.24 ml of nitric acid; the resulting concentrated solution was then ready to be analysed for trace elements. For the major elements, a dilute solution of each sample consisting of 0.25 ml of tire concentrated solution with nitric acid plus lithium was prepared. Once in solution, the sample was nebulized and its aerosol directed at the plasma. T h e plasma itself is created by ini tiating an electrical discharge within a stream of argon flow ing between two electrodes (Potts, 1987). After nebulization, the aerosol particles of the sample solution experienced des olation, vaporization, and atomization. This occurred in the "excitation zone" where die sample temperature ranges be tween 5700 and 6000 K (Potts, 1987). At this temperature, the elements' atoms undergo transitions to lower electronic states and emit their excess energy as a quanta of light. Be cause these wavelengths of light are specific to the emitting element, die identification of a tested element can be dis cerned by a proper specttometer. The intensities of emission are measured by the spectrometer, measurements of which indicate the elemental abundances in any given sample. Potts notes that samples atomized in a direct current plasma experience significandy lower atomization temperatures than those atomized in tire inductively coupled argon plasma of ICP analysis (Potts, 1987). D C P spectrometry has proven to be an effective, acces sible, and affordable means of major and trace element anal ysis of terracotta wares and lamps alike. Undoubtedly, it should also prove useful in future characterization studies with respect to nonceramic objects, as has already been demonstrated by the related archaeometric method of ICP applied to metal artifacts from late Bronze Age hoards in Slovenia (Trampuz-Orel et al., 1991). [See also Neutron Activation Analysis; and Petrography.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Hart, F. A., and S.J. Jones. "The Chemical Analysis of Romano-British Pottery from the Alice Holt Forest, Hampshire, by Means of Induc tively-Coupled Plasma Emission Spectrometry." Archaeometry 25.2 (1983): 179-185. The first landmark analysis of ancient pottery using ICP spectrometry.
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Klein, Emily M., Charles H. Langmuir, and Hubert Staudigel. "Geochemistry of Basalts From the Southeast Indian Ridge, H5°EI38°E," Journal of Geophysical Research 96. B2 (1991): 2089-2107. The methods of sample preparation and procedure for DCP analysis as presented and outlined by Klein were adopted and followed by Lapp in his analysis of Jerash bowl fragments. Lapp, Eric C. "A Comparative Clay Fabric Analysis of Fired and Unfired Jerash Bowl Fragments by Means of Petrography and Direct Current Plasma (DCP) Spectrometry," In Proceedings of the 1994 Byzantine and Early Islamic Ceramics Colloquium in Syria-Jordan (Vth-VIIIlh Centuries), edited by Estelle Villeneuve and Pamela M. Watson. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique. Paris, forthcom ing. Results of the first application of DCP spectrometry to deter mine the chemical composition of archaeological artifacts. Lapp, Eric C. "The Archaeology of Light: The Cultural Significance of the Oil Lamp from Roman Palestine." Ph.D. diss., Duke Univer sity, forthcoming. Demonstrates the usefulness of DCP spectrome try in combination with archaeology and epigraphic investigations into the cultural function of oil lamps in ancient daily life. Plank, Terry A. "Mantle Melting and Crustal Recycling in Subduction Zones." Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993. Highly technical work, written with the geochemist in mind. A model study for un derstanding the application of DCP spectrometry as it pertains to clay-sediment analysis. Porat, Naomi, et al. "Correlation between Petrography, NAA, and ICP Analyses: Application to Early Bronze Egyptian Pottery from Ca naan." Geoarchaeology 6.2 (1991): 133-149. Provenance findings and the value of multiple archaeometric techniques for determining prov enance of manufacture. Potts, P. J. A Handbook of Silicate Rock Analysis. Glasgow, 1987. Gen eral and succinct introduction to the technique of DCP spectrome try, supplemented with schematic diagrams of the instrumentation involved (see esp. pp. 192-197). Trampuz-Orel, N., et al. "Inductively Coupled Plasma-Atomic Emis sion Spectrometry Analysis of Metals from Late Bronze Age Hoards in Slovenia." Archaeometry 33.2 (1991): 267-277. Pioneers the ap plication ofTCP-AES on metal artifacts, as opposed to pottery. ERIC C. L A P P
D E A D S E A S C R O L L S . The phrase Dead Sea Scrolls is used in two senses, one generic and one particular. In the generic sense the phrase denotes documents and literary texts discovered at various sites along the shore of the Dead Sea and extending up to Jericho. These sites include Masada, Wadi Murabba'at, Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim, Nahal Mishmar, Khirbet Mird, and Ketef Jericho. In the particular sense the phrase specifies the Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek literary texts found in eleven caves near the site of Qumran. Q u m r a n Caves 1 - 1 1 . The first seven of what have since come to be known as the Dead Sea Scrolls (in the particular sense) appeared in the summer of 1947 in Bethlehem. Com ing from tire hands of bedouin, their original provenance was unknown. As the significance of these scrolls became apparent, authorities made efforts to determine precisely where they had originated. Qumran Cave 1 was soon iden tified, and excavations began there in February 1949. These excavations lasted for about one month. The excavators dis
covered many text fragments, along with pieces of cloth and wood, olive and date stones, leather phylactery cases, and pottery sherds. Some of the text fragments belonged to the seven scrolls the bedouin had offered for sale, thus clinching the identification of the original findspot. From this time began a competition of sorts between the authorities concerned with preserving manuscripts and re cording archaeological details and the bedouin, who were concerned with making a small fortune from the sale of scroll materials. Both groups sought new manuscript-bear ing caves. In February 1952, bedouin found Cave 2 and sold some of its fragments. Officials immediately set to investi gating the cave systematically, along with all the rock cliffs in the Qumran region. Cave 3 thereupon yielded up its treasures to authorities. Subsequently, two additional rockcliff caves bearing manuscripts were discovered: Cave 6, found by the Arabs in 1952, and Cave 1 1 , found in 1956. The latter cave contained some of the most important and complete scrolls. In addition to tiiese natural caves, six caves artificially hol lowed out of marl terraces eventually came to light: Caves 4, 5, and 7 - 1 0 . By far the richest manuscript remains be longed to Cave 4, which was discovered first by the bedouin and then, after it had been badly pilfered, excavated by of ficials in September 1952. This cave contained portions of hundreds of different manuscripts, many showing evidence of deliberate destruction in antiquity. This same 1952 cam paign succeeded in identifying Cave 5. It remained for the campaign of 1955 to discover Caves 7-9. T h e tenth cave, discovered in the vicinity of Cave 4, contained no manu scripts, only an ostracon inscribed in Hebrew. Altogether, the manuscripts found in Caves 1 - 1 1 number approxi mately 825. Khirbet Q u m r a n . T h e presence of eleven manuscriptbearing caves that seemed to radiate north and south from the place known by the Arabic name Khirbet Qumran (its ancient appellation is uncertain) suggested that the site itself ought to be excavated. T h e Jordanian Department of An tiquities, the Palestine Archaeological Museum (now the Rockefeller Museum), and the Ecole Biblique et Archeolo gique Francaise de Jerusalem undertook joint campaigns, beginning in 1951 and continuing for five seasons. T h e re sults of those excavations were never published scientifi cally, although preparations to do so are now underway. Preliminary descriptions written by Roland de Vaux, who headed the project, distinguished four basic occupational levels: one in the seventh century BCE and three others from about 100 BCE to shortly after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 CE. Recently, questions have been raised about a direct con nection between the scrolls and Khirbet Qumran that may lessen the interest of the archaeological data. For example, Pauline Donceel-Voute, one of those responsible for full
DEAD SEA SCROLLS publication of the de Vaux excavations, has shown that the principal evidence for the "scriptorium"—the plastered "ta bles" upon which scribes were imagined to have copied out the scrolls—points instead to a triclinium (a dining room). The tables may have been couches on which the diners would have reclined. Furthermore, the identification of hun dreds of individual scribal hands for tire scrolls and scroll fragments is difficult to square with tire notion that Qumran scribes exclusively produced the scrolls at the site. Were that the case, many fewer hands and many more texts traceable to a given scribe could be expected. Recent archaeological investigation has failed to reveal any paths leading from the site to the caves where the texts were cached. This discovery is a formidable obstacle to the popular conception that a community living on the site would have retired to the caves—especially to Cave 4—to study their holy writings. Finds from O t h e r Sites. Masada, Wadi Murabba'at, Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim, Nahal Mishmar, Khirbet Mird, and Ketef Jericho have all yielded documentary texts of the late Second Temple period, and in a few cases literary texts were also found. Excavations at Masada from 1 9 6 3 to 1 9 6 5 , led by Yigael Yadin, discovered seven biblical and nine nonbiblical literary texts. Almost all of tire nonbiblical texts seem to have some connection with the Qumran texts, and in at least two cases copies of the same literary work were found at both sites (see below). T h e Masada excava tions also yielded numerous ostraca inscribed in Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Latin, although only the Semitic ma terials are certainly connected with tire Jewish occupation of the years 6 6 - 7 3 ( 7 4 ? ) CE. [See Masada.] Excavations in 1 9 5 2 , combined with bedouin cave comb ing in tire several caves in Wadi Murabba'at, resulted in the discovery of nearly one hundred texts, many dating to the time of the Bar Koklrba Revolt ( 1 3 2 - 1 3 5 CE). These finds comprised biblical and nonbiblical literary materials, He brew and Aramaic letters and contracts, Greek and Latin documentary materials (mostly from a later date), and five Arabic texts from later centuries. [See Murabba'at.] Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim and Nahal Mishmar were explored by a joint expedition from tire Hebrew University, tire Israel Exploration Society, and the Israel Department of Antiquities in 1 9 6 0 - 1 9 6 1 . T h e finds from Nahal Hever number some sixty-five texts in Hebrew, Aramaic, Nabatean, and Greek. Primary among these finds are the Babatha archive (tirirty-seven Greek, six Nabatean, and three Ara maic contracts), the so-called Archive of the En-Gedites (six Hebrew and Aramaic conttacts leasing state lands), and a packet of fifteen letters to military leaders in charge of 'EinGedi at tire time of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. Indeed, like tire Murabba'at texts, all of the important Nahal Hever finds date to that approximate period, as do those from Nahal Se'elim and Nahal Mishmar.
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T h e materials originally thought to have come from Nahal Se'elim were discovered by bedouin in 1 9 5 1 or 1952 and sold to authorities. Later, additional fragments belonging to some of these "Nahal Se'elim" manuscripts were discovered by archaeologists at Nahal Hever, thereby suggesting that tire bedouin finds actually originated there and not at Nahal Se'elim. The designation remains as a matter of conve nience. These materials include four very fragmentary bib lical manuscripts, phylacteries, some fifteen Hebrew and Ar amaic documents, five Nabatean deeds, two Greek legal texts, and a scroll of the Minor Prophets written in Greek. Written materials from Nahal Mishmar are exiguous, com prising papyrus lists of names in Greek. From Khirbet Mird come portions of a lectionary, an in scription, a letter, and a magical text—all inscribed in Chris tian Palestinian Aramaic—and one hundred Arabic papyri. [See Palestinian Aramaic] These texts date a millennium later than the Qumran texts. Excavations by the Israel An tiquities Authority at Ketef Jericho in 1 9 8 6 and 1 9 9 4 uncov ered portions of at least six economic documents in Aramaic and Greek dating to the period of Bar Kokhba, and two documentary texts dating to the third or fourth centuries BCE.
Biblical Texts from Caves i - r r . Among the manu scripts that have emerged from the Qumran caves scholars have identified about two hundred biblical scrolls and frag ments. T h e number of texts of each book so far identified (tire numbers continue to change somewhat as study con tinues) is as follows: Genesis ( 1 5 ) , Exodus ( 1 5 ) , Leviticus ( 8 ) , Numbers ( 6 ) , Deuteronomy ( 2 5 ) , Joshua ( 2 ) , Judges ( 3 ) , Ruth ( 4 ) , Samuel ( 4 ) , Kings ( 3 ) , Isaiah ( 1 9 ) , Jeremiah ( 4 ) , Ezekiel ( 6 ) , Minor Prophets ( 8 ) , Psalms ( 3 0 ) , Job ( 5 ) , Proverbs ( 2 ) , Ecclesiastes ( 1 ) , Song of Songs ( 4 ) , Lamentations ( 4 ) , Esther ( 0 ) , Daniel ( 1 9 ) , Esra-Nehemiah ( 1 ) , and Chronicles (1). As the list shows, every book of the Hebrew Bible appears among tire Qumran caches, except for Esther. It is hard to know whether the absence of this book is purely fortuitous or is meaningful. In the same way, it may or may not be legitimate to draw conclusions from the relative frequency of the various books. The Dead Sea Scrolls have revolutionized textual criti cism of tire Hebrew Bible. Previously, scholars had no He brew manuscript of any book antedating the medieval pe riod. Now there is access to the Hellenistic and Roman periods, revealing texts in substantial agreement with the Masoretic text as well as widely variant forms. Readings dif fering from the Masoretic version often agree with known streams of textual tradition, particularly those represented by the Septuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch. The fact that the major versional types of texts are already present in tire Qumran manuscripts has naturally led to attempts to explain the emergence of the later text families. Three basic
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positions have resulted. The first, known as the theory of local texts, is particularly associated with Frank M. Cross. This theory sees different text forms developing in Baby lonia, Palestine, and Egypt—that is, in the three major cen ters of Jewish civilization in the crucial period 200 BCE-200 CE. Few scholars find this theory convincing; it is simply too artificial and does not account for the complexity of the ev idence. A second approach is championed by Shemaryahu Talmon, who hypothesizes that the key to the survival of any particular text type was its acceptance by a definable community. The inference would follow that many text types disappeared in ancient times. The third position is that of Emanuel Tov, for whom the scrolls do not confirm the existence of given text types as such. Rather, because they resist typological differentiation (unlike, e.g., the Byzantine text type of tire New Testament), the Masoretic text, the Septuagint, and the Samaritan Pentateuch are representa tive merely of three texts. One thing is certain: the farther back in time tire texts go, the less uniform they are. Pluriformity, not uniformity, was the rule. This realization has heightened appreciation of the versional evidence vis-a-vis the Masoretic text. T h e Septuagint, in particular, has grown in scholarly estimation. Of course, the scrolls bear on many other critical matters involved with the Hebrew Bible, of which a few examples must suffice. The absence of verses 42:12-17 from the ep ilogue of Job as represented in 11Q Targum Job (the desig nation 11Q means that tire text was discovered in Cave 1 1 at Qumran) may support tire view that the prologue and epilogue (that is to say, the prose portions of die book) are linguistically late and were added recently in the book's his tory. Text nQPsalms" raises numerous questions, focusing particularly on the problem of canon in the Second Temple period. The order of the psalms in the 1 1 Q text differs from die Masoretic version, and at least once, the scroll contains a canonical psalm in a different recension (Ps. 145). Certain smaller groupings of psalms, such as tire Song of Ascents and the Passover Hallel—viewed by the Masoretic text as units—are scattered throughout the Qumran psalter. Taken together with other "deviant" Psalms scrolls, such as n Q P s , 4QPs', and 4QPS' , and with the many that appear identical to the Masoretic text, 1 iQPs" indicates that differ ent forms of the. biblical book circulated, all apparently equally acceptable to user communities. Various nonbiblical texts described below, which may have had "canonical" sta tus for some groups, support the conclusion arising from the biblical texts: at least the third division of the canon, the Writings, was still fluid at the time of the scrolls. b
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Nonbiblical Writings from Caves 1 - 1 1 . Important as tire biblical materials are, for the student of Second Temple Judaism the real treasures are tire nonbiblical scrolls. After all, the books of the Bible have long been known, whereas most of the six hundred-odd nonbiblical texts are new. They
increase exponentially what was known of Jewish intellectual life in that period. Most were written in Hebrew, generally in a form of late Biblical Hebrew, but sometimes in a form of the language nearer to die spoken dialects. Slightly more than one hundred texts are inscribed in Aramaic; about twenty are in Greek (mostiy from Cave 7). These materials are so rich that the following description pretends to nothing more than a partial and provisional survey. Legal and regulatory texts. A substantial proportion of the Dead Sea Scrolls are legal and regulatory texts of various lands. Two of the longest and most common are the Da mascus Document and tire Rule of the Community. [See Da mascus Document; Rule of the Community.] A third legal work, extant in six copies from Cave 4, is known as 4QMMT (an anagram for the Hebrew words "Some of the Laws of the Torah"; 4Q394-399). At least one copy of this text begins with a calendrical exposition. Legal rulings on about twenty-three topics follow, all involving temple purity and priestly gifts. T h e final section of the work is an admonition to right practice. T h e MMT text may have been a letter, although the names of the writer and the ad dressee have not survived. The work purports to address its urgings to a ldng. Scholars are still uncertain whether this king was a Hasmonean or a first-century CE figure such as Agrippa I; for adherents of paleographic dating, only the first option seems possible. Other legal texts include 4Q1593 Ordinances, extant ap parently in two additional copies (4Q513-514). This work interprets biblical laws governing gleaning by the poor, the half-shekel Temple tax, and the prohibition on selling an Israelite into slavery. Text 4Q251 combines portions from tire Rule of the Community and the Damascus Document— with slight differences—with legal materials drawn from other sources. Text 4Q274, ToharotA, treats seven-day im purities incurred by touching the dead, skin diseases, and menstruation. Texts 4Q 276-277, known as Toharot B, deal inter alia with the law of the red heifer (Nm. 19). Text 4Q477, known by the title Decrees of the Sect, is a record of legal discipline that includes actual proper names—a great rarity among the scrolls. One man, Hananiah Nitos, is re proved for "turnfing] aside the spirit of the community." A major legal work, one copy of which extends for sixty-six columns, is the Temple Scroll (11Q19-20). [See Temple Scroll.] Biblical interpretation. Numerous Dead Sea Scrolls pursue other sorts of biblical interpretation than legal appli cation. Perhaps the most important scrolls here are the socalled pesharim. These writings understand prophetic por tions of the Flebrew Bible (including Psalms, conceived as prophecies) to describe the interpreter's own time. Scholars commonly group these works into two categories: thematic pesharim and continuous pesharim. Thematic pesharim con stitute unconnected biblical portions organized around a
DEAD SEA SCROLLS central theme. Continuous pesharim comment seriatim on biblical verses or even whole books. At least fifteen scrolls fit into this latter category. Continuous pesharim. ignore what is considered the literal meaning of the biblical text. Their interest is in explaining mysterious truth revealed only to the author and his group. T h e most complete of tiiese commentaries is the pesher Habakkuk. [See Habakkuk Commentary.] It preserves thirteen virtually complete columns, covering Habakkuk 1-2. T h e pesher Psalms ( 4 Q 1 7 1 ) is also relatively complete, preserved portions commenting on Psalms 3 7 : 7 - 4 0 , 4 5 : 1 - 2 , and pos sibly 6 0 : 8 - 9 . The writer finds his group's enemies in the biblical text and interprets events in terms of eschatological justification. For the historian, the commentary on Nahum ( 4 Q 1 6 9 ) is doubtless the cornerstone of the continuous pe sharim. T h e author mentions a "Demetrius, King of Greece" and refers cryptically to a Jewish ruler who cruci fied great numbers of his opponents. These references seem to be to the Seleucid ruler Demetrius III Eucaerus ( 9 5 - 8 8 BCE) and the Jewish king Alexander Jannaeus, who did in deed—according to the Jewish historian Josephus—put many Jewish insurgents to death in the course of a civil war. Other fragmentary pesherim interpreting Micah, Zephaniah, Isaiah, and certain psalms have survived. Of the thematic pesharim, none has aroused greater inter est than 11 QMelchizedek ( 1 1 Q 1 3 ) . Thirteen fragments pre serve the remains of three columns. T h e work comments on isolated Hebrew Bible portions, including Leviticus 2 5 : 9 - 1 0 , 2 5 : 1 3 ; Deuteronomy 1 5 : 2 ; Isaiah 6 1 : 1 ; and Daniel 9 : 2 6 . T h e events connected with these biblical texts are to take place in "the end of days," which is further identified with the "tenth jubilee." According to the text, Melchizedek will free those who belong to his "inheritance" and (if suggested res torations are correct) "atone for their iniquities." He will further exact divine vengeance upon Belial and those of his "lot." This work presents a conception of Melchizedek ap proximately contemporary with Hebrews, chapter 7 , con necting him with heavenly judgment, a day of atonement and a primary role among God's angels. Also of interest is Melchizedek's possible identification with the herald of Isa iah 52:7. This identification would represent a combination of scriptural figures and motifs comparable to the New Tes tament characterization of Jesus. Two additional thematic pesharim are 4QFlorilegium ( 4 Q 1 7 4 ) and 4QTestimonia ( 4 Q 1 7 5 ) . T h e first work com bines various biblical portions with interpretive comments relating to the "end of days," when God will have a new "temple of Adam" built. Thus, the author employs an urzeitl endzeit typology, according to which those faithful to God will one day return to an idyllic state of peace. T h e second writing is a catena of quotations that seem to focus on mes sianic expectation, including a prophet like Moses (Dt. 1 8 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) . Though they do not overlap, some scholars be
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lieve that tiiese two manuscripts are actually two copies of the same literary work. The Genesis Apocryphon was one of the original seven scrolls found by bedouin and represents a previously un known example of "rewritten Bible" (a frequent exegetical technique in the Second Temple period that wove com ments and expansions into the words of the biblical text it self. [See Genesis Apocryphon.] A vaguely similar work, bearing the erroneous preliminary title Pesher Genesis (the work is not a pesher), survives in three copies ( 4 Q 2 5 2 - 2 5 4 ) . This writing comments on various problems raised by a close reading of Genesis. For example, why did God curse Canaan, the son of Ham, when it was actually Ham who "uncovered his father's nakedness" (Gn. 9:26)? The author explains that since God had already blessed Noah's sons, he could not retract that blessing, and, a curse being required, it had to fall on the next generation. Also in the realm of biblical interpretation are the three Aramaic targumim (translations, or paraphrases) so far iden tified among the scrolls. By far the longest and most com plete has already been mentioned, the targum to Job from Cave 1 1 ( 1 1 Q 1 0 ) . The importance of this work is consid erable because it represents the only incontestably preChristian targum of any appreciable length. The surviving portions cover parts of chapters 1 7 - 4 2 , with the last six chapters of Job the least damaged. The Flebrew vorlage of the scroll seems to have been the Masoretic text. The other two targumim are extremely fragmentary: 4 Q 1 5 6 renders Le viticus 1 6 : 1 2 - 1 5 and 1 8 - 2 1 into Aramaic and 4 Q 1 5 7 , an other targum to Job, covers portions oijob 3 : 5 - 9 and 4 : 1 6 5:4. Both translations are literal rather than expansive. Pseudoprophetic works (so-called from the modern per spective; it is doubtful they were so regarded by ancient readers) are notable among the Dead Sea Scrolls. According to Josephus, the biblical prophets Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel each wrote more than one book, so the discovery in Cave 4 of works attributable to those men is intriguing. An apocryphal Jeremianic work is extant in perhaps five copies ( 4 Q 3 8 3 - 3 8 4 , 3 8 5 , 387 '', and 389"; their identification is pre liminary) . Five copies of Pseudo-Ezckielalso survive ( 4 Q 3 8 5 , 3 8 6 3 3 8 7 , 3 8 8 , and 3 9 1 ) , in which some fragments are of considerable length, allowing the reader to get some feel for the whole. One portion interprets the Vision of the Valley of Dry Bones (Ez. 3 7 ) in terms of individual resurrection; another declares that in the future "sovereignty will devolve upon the Gentiles for many years . . . in those days a blas phemous king will arise among the Gentiles and do evil things." Pseudo-Ezekiel may date from the third century BCE. A whole series of works is connected witii the figure of Daniel. Some of these writings may antedate the biblical book, whereas others are clearly derivative attempts at in terpreting some of that book's riddles. In the former cate gory belongs the Prayer ofNabonidus ( 4 Q 2 4 2 ) . This des cripB
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tion of a skin disease afflicting Nabonidus (the last of the Neo-Babylonian kings), his healing by an unnamed Jewish exorcist, and his subsequent prayer of thanksgiving may lie behind the story of Nebuchadrezzar in Daniel 4. PseudoDaniel (4Q243-245) falls into the second category, describ ing what Daniel saw on one or more occasions when he stood before king Belshazzar (cf. Daniel 5). The content of the visions given on those occasions goes beyond that of the biblical book, but not much more can be said of it, given the work's extremely fragmentary condition. The Son of God text (4Q246) actually quotes Daniel, chapter 7, and de scribes a future figure of some sort. Whether that figure is messianic, angelic, or even a Roman emperor is debatable. Texts 4Q552-553 are two copies of a Danielic work titled the Four Kingdoms. They apparently relate to the visions of Daniel 2 and 7, wherein four world kingdoms rule in suc cession until the dawning of a final kingdom of God. This work symbolizes each kingdom not by a bizarre animal or metal, however, as in the biblical book, but by a tree. Finally, two other writings are less certainly related to Daniel. Text 4Q558, an extremely fragmentary visionary text inscribed on papyrus, uses important Danielic phraseology. Text 4Q550, Story Set at the Persian Court, has been claimed as a precursor to the Book of Esther, but it appears rather to be a series of tales about successful Jews in a foreign court, much like Daniel and his friends in the Hebrew Bible. Also in the category of prophetic works are some dozen pseudo-Mosaic writings of various types. Four copies of a Pentateuchal Paraphrase (4Q364-367) admix previously un known materials—poetry and Temple descriptions—with the books of the Pentateuch. Text 1Q22, the Words ofMoses, is a type of rewritten Bible. It requires the appointment of priests "to clarify . . . all these words of the Torah." Text 4Q375 relates to tire discussion of false prophets in Deuter onomy 13 and r8 and raises a point not considered by the biblical portions: What can be done about a false prophet whom one tribe claims is not false? "Then you shall come, with that tribe and your elders and judges . . . into the pres ence of the anointed priest." A ceremony follows, which would presumably reveal the truth about the disputed prophet. The pseudo-Mosaic Three Tongues of Fire (1Q29 and 4Q376) provides guidance on the use of the Urim and Thummim for divination of God's will. A final example of this genre, 4Q390, is particularly concerned with chronol ogy, and also mentions Belial and the angels of Mastemoth. T h e writing may have been known to the autlror(s) of the Damascus Document, for its view of the apostasy of Israel is similar: "From the end of that generation, corresponding to the seventh Jubilee since the desolation of the land, they will forget law and festival, sabbath and covenant." Only a mi nority would later know the truth that Israel generally had forgotten. Calendrical
texts. Scrolls concerned at least implicitly
with matters of chronology—particularly as measured in ju bilee periods of forty-nine years or related to Daniel's sev enty weeks (Dn. 9:25-27)—and the peculiar "Qumran cal endar" number in the hundreds. Indeed, concern with calendric and chronological matters is tire greatest common denominator among tire nonbiblical texts. T h e calendar is a purely solar, 364-day system that begins on a Wednesday— because that is the day on which tire heavenly lights regu lating time were created (Gn. 1 : 1 4 - 1 9 ) . T h e great advantage of this calendar over lunisolar rivals is that it results in fixed dates for the major festivals. This calendar also guarantees that any given day of any month will always fall on tire same day of the week forever. One calendrical text, 4Q321 Mishmarot. B, tabulates not only the solar year and the holy days thus measured, but also the rotation of tire priestly courses into and out of ser vice in the Temple in Jerusalem. The text further deals with the moon, though it is still unclear whether this aspect is an attempt at synchronizing the solar and lunisolar calendars or whether lunar movements are being calculated for other reasons. A second work, 4Q320, Mishmarot A, provides three years of such correspondence between the solar cal endar and lunar cycles. These two writings list as festivals only those found in the Pentateuch, but some Qumran ca lendrical works add new, nonbiblical festivals. One such is 4Q3 5i Mishmarot D, which assigns a Festival of New Wine to the third day of the fifth month and a Festival of Wood Offering to the twenty-third day of the sixth month. These festivals and their dates are also known from the Temple Scroll and 4OMMT. What this apparently fundamental dis agreement on festivals may imply about the use of the "Qumran calendar" in Second Temple Judaism is a ques tion worth pursuing. The scroll known as Otot (Heb., "signs"; cf. Gn. 1:14) evidently calculates those years in which, on tire vernal equi nox, the sun and moon were aligned as they had been at tire creation. The work seeks to align that cycle with both the seven-year cycle of sabbatical years and the jubilees, which measured longer periods of time. Two other Qumran writ ings concern themselves particularly with lunar movement, one (4Q503) for liturgical purposes and tire other (4Q317) to concord the moon's phases with tire 364-day calendar. Text 4Q317 is inscribed in a cryptic writing known as cryp tic script A; cryptic scripts B and C also existed, and a fourth system of encryption appears in 4Q186 (see below). T h e full significance of such systems within the context of tire Qumran corpus as a whole has yet to be worked out, but it is unsurprising to find one copy of a second calendrical work, Mishmarot C, written in cryptic A. Calendrical mat ters were numinous, inasmuch as these holy patterns were facts not merely observed, but revealed. Not everyone was worthy to read calendrical texts. 2
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Mishmarot C (extant in six copies, 4Q322-324,324", 324 ,
DEAD SEA SCROLLS and 3 2 4 ° ) is noteworthy in another respect: along with priesdy courses and holy festivals, this calendrical work chronicles historical events important to die work's author(s). This writing would be of surpassing importance to the historian, were it only better preserved. It may still be possible to ferret out certain historical data. For example, one line reads "Hyrcanus rebelled." Although the line breaks after tiiese words, it can be inferred that the context is die civil war between Hyrcanus II and his brother Aristobulus in die years 6 6 - 6 3 CE. It further appears that die writer favored Aristobulus's faction—otherwise he would not describe Hyrcanus's bid for power as rebellion. Where such points will lead to understanding the historical signifi cance of the Qumran caches remains to be seen. Wisdom literature. After the period of the biblical writ ings, wisdom literature continued to develop, and various types are well represented in die Dead Sea Scrolls. One par ticular sapiential composition is extant in at least six copies Q
( 1 Q 2 6 , 4 Q 4 1 5 - 4 1 8 , and 4 Q 4 2 3 ) , but its rationale and per
spective are not yet really understood. One clear portion reads: "Honor your father in your poverty and your mother by your behavior, for a man's father is like his arms, and his mother is like his legs. Surely tiiey have guided you like a hand, and just as He has given them authority over you and appointed (them) over (your) spirit, so you should serve them." Text 4 Q 4 2 4 is a collection of proverbs, several quite pithy. For example, one suggests "Do not send the hard hearted man to discern thoughts because his intuition does not measure u p . " T h e Qumran scrolls are rich in one particular type of wis dom literature important in the Second Temple period, the testament. Thus far, testaments of Levi, Kohath ( 4 Q 5 4 2 ) , Amram, and Naphtali have been identified, and some schol ars have seen, in meager fragments, testaments of Jacob ( 4 Q 5 3 7 ) > Judah ( 4 Q 5 3 8 ) , and Joseph ( 4 Q 5 3 9 ) as well. T h e Testament ofLevi is extant in at least two fragmentary copies ( 4 Q 2 I 3 - 2 I 4 ) and may be represented by several other man uscripts as well (e.g., 1 Q 2 1 and 4 Q 5 4 0 - 5 4 1 ) . Texts 4 Q 2 1 3 2 1 4 directly align not with die Greek Testament of Levi (part of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs), but with the re lated, yet very different, Aramaic Testament of Levi. Scholars have known this work from medieval manuscripts. The Tes tament of Naphtali (4Q215)—unlike the others written in Hebrew, not Aramaic—partially overlaps the long-known Greek Testament of Naphtali. It also contains portions un paralleled anywhere in Greek and has an eschatological thrust absent from the Greek version. T h e Testament of Am ram ( 4 Q 5 4 3 , 5 4 5 - 5 4 8 ) is notably dualistic in outlook, a p proaching in this respect the doctrine of the two spirits in the Rule of the Community. Liturgical texts. Whether a given text is liturgical is often debatable—and can be argued for a fair number of writings among the Qumran caches. T h e Hodayot (Hymns of Praise) are perhaps the most notable; these are extant in seven cop
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ies (iOHodayot, 4 Q 4 2 7 - 4 3 2 ) . T h e Cave 1 exemplar com prises eighteen columns and sixty-eight originally unplaced fragments, some of which can now be located with the aid of the Cave 4 texts. The order of the hymns varies from manuscript to manuscript; all begin with either "I thank You, Lord," or "Blessed are You, O Lord." Some of the hymns may be the work of the Teacher of Righteousness mentioned in the pesharim and the Damascus Document. They seem appropriate to his situation, but such historical identifications are virtually impossible to prove. A large group of poetic writings is similar to the Hodayot. One is the work known after its incipit as Barki Naphshi (Bless, O My Soul; 4 Q 4 3 4 - 4 3 8 ) . The poetic quality of all these compositions is uneven, but some passages are strik ing. In 4 Q 4 3 4 , for example, one reads of God: "He opened His eyes to the downtrodden and, inclining His ears, hear kened to the cry of die orphans. In His abundant mercy He comforted the meek, and opened their eyes to behold His ways, and their ears, to hear His teaching. And He circum cised the foreskin of tiieir hearts, and saved them because of His grace. . . ." T h e Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice is partially preserved in eight copies from Cave 4 ( 4 Q 4 0 0 - 4 0 7 ) , as well as in frag ments from Cave 1 1 ( 1 1 Q 1 7 ) and, significantly, Masada. It describes heaven as a complicated temple consisting of seven sanctuaries, attended by seven chief prince-priests, their deputies, and seven angelic priesthoods. Simultaneous with earthly sacrifice performed in the Temple in Jerusalem, the truly efficacious equivalents take place in heaven. T h e work is especially important for the study of angelology and early Jewish Merkavah mysticism. Other notable liturgical writings include the Words of the Luminaries ( 4 Q 5 0 4 - 5 0 6 ) and Berakhot ( 4 Q 2 8 6 - 2 9 0 ) . Frag mentary remaining instructions show that the Words were intended to be recited on given days of the week. With but one exception—the composition recited on the Sabbath, tra ditionally a joyous occasion—the mood of the daily texts is penitential. Long passages of the Berakhot are similar to the Angelic Liturgy and strike the reader as an ecstatic visionary recital. Other portions are equally unrestrained but are di rected toward cursing; for example, "They shall answer and say, 'Cursed be Belial in his devilish scheme, and damned be he in his guilty rule. Cursed be all the spirits of his lot in their evil scheme, and may they be damned in the schemes of their unclean pollution.' " One final liturgical work is most significant for its possible historical implications. This is the Paean for King Jonathan ( 4 Q 4 4 8 ) , apparently celebrating Alexander Jannaeus, whose Hebrew name was Jonathan. T h e "superscription" de scribes the work as "A sacred poem for King Jonathan and all die congregation of Your people Israel, who are spread in every direction under heaven." The historical implica tions concern the work's mere presence among the Dead Sea Scrolls, since from early on in scrolls research, most
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scholars have thought the scrolls to be anti-Hasmonean. Ev idently, die reality was more complicated. Apocrypha and pseudepigrapha. A fair number of the Qumran writings might easily be designated apocryphal or pseudepigraphic. Copies of some such works known long before the discovery of the scrolls have now turned up in the caves. Most numerous are copies of Jubilees, which is represented by fourteen or fifteen manuscripts—more than for any biblical book, except for Deuteronomy and Psalms. In addition, there are several works designated PseudoJubilees (Pseudo-Jubilees ~ ; 4 Q 2 2 5 - 2 2 7 ) , each apparently a separate composition. These Jubilee works, together with tire Genesis Apocryphon, Pesher Genesis, a Flood Apocryphon ( 4 Q 3 7 0 ) , and Traditions on Genesis ( 4 Q 4 2 2 ) — t o name a few—prove just how lively interest was in interpretating Genesis. First Enoch and other Enochic writings (Pseudo-Enoch and the Book of Giants) are also numerous among tire scrolls. All together, they comprise sixteen manuscripts ( 4 Q 2 0 1 - 2 1 2 , 5 3 0 - 5 3 3 ) . At one time, much was made of the absence of the Book of Parables (1 En. 3 7 - 7 1 ) from the Qumran Enoch texts, but today that lack is no longer considered evidence of a post-Christian origin for tire Parables. Another pseudepigraphic writing, this one not known be fore the discovery of the scrolls, is the Psalms ofJoshua, rep resented by two copies ( 4 Q 3 7 8 - 3 7 9 ) and a quotation in the Testimonia described above. As for the Apocrypha, there are five or six copies of Tobit ( 4 Q 1 9 6 - 2 0 0 ; 4 Q 4 7 8 is perhaps another copy): four are in Aramaic and one or two in He brew. Which language was original is still uncertain, al though there is little question that the most reliable Greek manuscript, Codex Sinaiticus, had an Aramaic vorlage. Ecclesiasticus also appears among the scrolls ( 2 Q 1 8 ; a second copy was found at Masada). Miscellaneous. Some of the most interesting Dead Sea Scrolls resist classification into the admittedly arbitrary cat egories outlined above. One is a manual for tire conduct of holy war, designated tire War Scroll ( i Q M ) . Actually, it is inaccurate to refer to it as "the" War Scroll, despite scholarly convention, because the Cave 4 copies ( 4 Q 4 7 1 , 4 Q 4 9 1 - 4 9 6 ) and related writings ( 4 Q 4 7 1 " and 4 Q 4 9 7 ) demonstrate that there were various recensions of tire work. In this respect, the War Scroll is analogous to tire Rule of the Community and the Damascus Document. T h e weapons and tactics employed in the scroll indicate Roman, rather than Greek, military strategy. For this reason the Cave 1 copy cannot antedate the later decades of the first century BCE. Those reading the final form of the War Scroll doubtless conceived of it as a guide to an ultimate revolt against Rome, the foreign power interpreted as tire "fourth kingdom" in Daniel and related writings. [See War Scroll] The Copper Scroll ( 3 Q 1 5 ) appears to be a list of ft-easure removed from the Temple in Jerusalem for safekeeping some time during the First Jewish Revolt. Vastly superior a
c
new photographs and renewed scholarly interest in this unique work, inscribed on copper in a "Mishnaic" Hebrew dialect, promise to place it where it belongs: at the heart of discussion about the origins and significance of the Qumran caches. [See Copper Scroll.] Scarcely less intriguing are the several magical and astro logical writings found among the scrolls. Magical works in clude iiQPsAp"; a ritual for exorcism, 4 Q 5 1 0 - 5 1 1 , which contain hymns intended "to scare and alarm" demons; and 4 Q 5 6 0 . This last work was once tentatively identified as a collection of proverbs, but it is actually an Aramaic incan tation against various types of demons, including male and female "wasting demons"—fever, chilling, and chest-pain spirits. Text 4 Q 3 1 8 is an Aramaic brontologion and lunary, based on the distribution of die signs of the zodiac over tire days of the 364-day year. If thunder were heard on a day when the moon stood in a given portion of the sky, this text would enable its reader to divine the future. Text ^.QCryptic ( 4 Q 1 8 6 ) is another scroll that presupposes astrological no tions. Strictly speaking, it is concerned with physiognomy, but it combines references to astrological signs with that method of divination. Written in Hebrew, it is encrypted by the techniques of transposition and substitution. Text 4 Q 5 6 1 is an Aramaic physiognomic writing that may be re lated to 4 Q 1 8 6 , although it differs in important respects. Perhaps it is fitting to conclude this overview of the con tents of the Qumran texts with a mention of what might be tire most important of all the finds, if claims for it are ever proven. A Greek fragment from Cave 7 , 7 Q 5 , has been iden tified as a portion of tire Gospel of Mark. Very little survives of the text, and if tire portion is from Mark, it contains a previously unattested textual variant. Virtually all Qumran scholars are sceptical of J. O'Callaghan's identification, pre ferring to see the portion as the remains of an unknown Old Greek version of the Bible, or even as a line from Homer. The most recent and thorough analysis of the question con cludes, however—on the basis of sophisticated statistical techniques—that O'Callaghan's claim cannot be falsified. The question must remain open. Significance of Written Materials from O t h e r Sites. The manuscripts from Wadi Murabba'at, Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim, Nahal Mishmar, and Ketef Jericho are par ticularly important for the light they shed on the period of the Bar Kokhba Revolt. They illumine the course of that revolt, Bar Kokhba's administration, and tire prosopography of individuals who took part in those events. [See Bar Kokhba Revolt.] In addition, the texts provide information on legal and religious practice, the economics of secondcentury Palestine, Jewish literacy, and onomastics. T h e lin guistic information they supply is considerable; inter alia they clearly prove tire use among the Jews of that period of Hebrew, Aramaic, Greek, and Nabatean. T h e circum stances of each language's use—that is, tire sociolinguistic situation—has yet to be worked out, but the materials have
DEAD SEA SCROLLS the potential to document such analysis. T h e texts also pro vide substantial new information on the development of the Jewish script, especially the cursive varieties, and on the Nabatean cursive and formal scripts. The Masada discoveries are also important for the lin guistic information hhey supply. In particular, the ostraca are a precious witness to the development of Mishnaic Hebrew dialects. T h e Masada finds as a whole greatly illumine as pects of the First Jewish Revolt. In this respect, they have the potential to improve understanding of the phenomenon of the Qumran caches because this was when they were hid den. [See First Jewish Revolt.] Unlike the vast majority of the Qumran scrolls, die finds from the other Dead Sea Scroll sites are, as noted, docu mentary autographs: contracts, letters, bills of sale, leases, and the like. They are the primary sources for which his torians have the greatest use. Extracting history from literary texts such as tire Qumran materials is a tricky and tenuous process at best. The discovery of so many documentary ma terials highlights the anomaly of their virtual absence among the Qumran scrolls. For some scholars this problem is suf ficient in itself to raise the question of whether the texts in caves I - I I really did come from Qumran—because any group resident there presumably also possessed autographic and ephemeral written materials of the sort found at the other sites. Thus, the finds at sites other than Qumran are important both intrinsically and paradigmatically. Essene Hypothesis for Q u m r a n Text Origins. Shortly after the original seven scrolls from Cave i came to be known, Eleazar L. Sukenik queried whether they might not be the writings of an obscure Jewish sect, the Essenes, men tioned by a few classical authors. This view came shortly to be the consensus, maintained to this day, although many advocates concede that a large proportion of the Dead Sea Scrolls are not sectarian and presumably could have been agreeable to most Second Temple Jews. Essentially, the the ory rests upon two pillars: the identification of Khirbet Qumran with the Essene dwelling place to the west of the Dead Sea mentioned by Pliny the Elder in Natural History 5 . 7 3 , and a series of correspondences between Josephus's descriptions of the Essenes (mainly War 2 . 1 1 9 - 1 6 1 ) and the contents of .the scrolls, the Rule of the Community in partic ular. Many of these parallels are quite general, but the most remarkable—precisely because they are specific and not of general application—are perhaps the rules governing spit ting and defecation. A recent monograph by T o d d S. Beall compiles and analyzes as many of the parallels as he could identify. [See Essenes.] Objections to t h e Essene Hypothesis. The evidence fa voring the Essene view has impressed many scholars, but certain thorny problems have yet to be satisfactorily re solved. T h e question with regard to Pliny is whether he is describing a postbellum or antebellum situation. If he de scribes a postbellum (post 7 0 CE) group of Essenes, he can
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not be referring to the site of Qumran because the archae ological research indicates that Romans occupied the site after the war. As for the correspondences between the Rule of the Community and Josephus's Essenes, most involve rules for the communal organization of the groups being de scribed. T h e Essenes are the only Jewish group of the period known to have this communal structure, but they are also one of the few about which we have any substantive infor mation. Many Jewish sects existed: a sample of those named in the sources includes Baptist Pharisees, Boethusians, Gal ileans, Hemerobaptists, Masbotheans, Samaritans, and Zadokites, in addition to the three groups (Sadducees, Phari sees, Essenes) Josephus mentions. Various other sects are not given names. Together with a proper appreciation of our ignorance, the recent work by Moshe Weinfeld (The Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of the Qumran Seel, Gottingen, 1 9 8 6 ) must be factored into the question of Essene identification. He shows tiiat many brotherhood groups of the period—in Egypt, Greece, and elsewhere— shared basic organizational characteristics. Also problematic are certain fundamental discrepancies between the Essenes of Josephus and the contents of the scrolls. Prominent here are the questions of Essene celibacy and opposition to slavery. None of the scrolls advocates or describes celibacy, and the legal texts regulate slavery just as they do marriage. T o handle such discrepancies scholars choose one of two paths. One way is to argue that, whenever his description conflicts with the contents of the Qumran texts, Josephus was wrong. He was wrong either because he did not know the truth, or because the facts had changed over time. T h e other way of handling the discrepancies is to say that the Dead Sea Scrolls are not Essene texts. Thus, a sizable num ber of Qumranologists do not subscribe to the Essene hy pothesis, preferring instead to speak of "the sect." Over the years, several more particular theories have com peted with the Essene hypothesis. The most recent chal lenger is the Jerusalem hypothesis proposed by Norman Golb. This theory holds that the Dead Sea Scrolls represent deposits made by the inhabitants of Jerusalem during the First Jewish Revolt. The texts were not composed at Khirbet Qumran (which Golb believes was actually a fortress), but come from numerous libraries in Jerusalem. In support of this theory, Golb cites the hundreds of scribal hands found in the scrolls—difficult to explain given a thesis tiiat a small group copied texts over several generations. He notes that, with one exception, unlike the other Judean Desert finds, none of the Qumran scrolls is an autograph; all are scribal copies, again problematic if people living at Qumran were responsible for the scrolls. T h e single exception is the Cop per Scroll, and for Golb this one autographic text points to Jerusalem as its own place of origin. In his view, the Dead Sea Scrolls are not the work of a single sect, but represent much of the literary heritage of Palestinian Judaism.
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While many scholars agree with Golb that a number of the Dead Sea Scrolls probably come from elsewhere, most continue to believe that a sectarian group living at Khirbet Qumran was connected with the texts and was responsible for gathering them into the wilderness caves. Perhaps the most telling objection raised against Golb's position con cerns the interrelationship of the texts. In his view, the scrolls should essentially be a random grouping. A few texts might be interrelated, but no intentional principles should link the whole corpus. Yet, most scholars believe such links exist, although they do not always agree on what they are. Other suggested groups responsible for—or at least con nected to—the scrolls include the "Zealots," the Sadducees, and Jamesian Christians. The Zealot connection was argued early on in Qumran scholarship, particularly by C. Roth and G. R. Driver, but was never taken seriously, in part because the editorial team working on the scrolls said that it was wrong. With the recent publication of the materials found at Masada, however, it has become apparent that virtually all of the nonbiblical literary texts found there have connec tions with tire Qumran writings. This new evidence may lead scholars to reconsider some sort of Zealot connection with the scrolls, at least in the final decades before they were hidden. The Sadducean theory of J. Sussmann and Laurence Schiffman is associated particularly with 4QMMT because one or two of its laws agree with positions labeled Sadducee in rabbinic literature. This theory has yet to resolve prob lems of definition (e.g., What does rabbinic literature mean by "Sadducee"? Is that what classical sources mean by the term? How does the term function in each literary context?) and faces the general problem of how—indeed, whether— to use rabbinic literature to write history. Furthermore, many of the scrolls refer to angels and other concepts (e.g., resurrection) that classical sources on Sadducees explicitiy say they rejected. Finally, many scholars have recognized important con nections between the Dead Sea Scrolls and early Christian ity, especially with John the Baptist. Robert Eisenman, how ever, has gone much further, arguing for a direct connection between the scrolls and early Christians gathered around James in Jerusalem. For Eisenman, the scrolls are Chris tian—but only because he defines that term much.differently than do other scholars. How a collection of texts could be Christian without once mentioning the name of Jesus, Ei senman has yet to explain. His tireory has garnered virtually no scholarly support. Qumran research presendy stands only at the end of tire beginning. More than half of the texts just recentiy became available to tire generality of scholars, which has had the promising effect of reopening basic issues in the interpre tation of the Dead Sea Scrolls. [See also Judean Desert Caves; Murabba'at; and Qumran.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Allegro, John M. Qumran Cave 4, vol. 1, 4Q158-4Q186. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, vol. 5. Oxford, 1968. Includes several important pesharim, including die pesher Nahum. The volume has been criticized harshly for its many problematic readings and dubi ous manuscript reconstructions. See the detailed review by John Strugnell, "Notes en marge du volume V des 'Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan,"' Revue de Qumran 7 (1971): 163-276. For bibliography to the individual texts, see the guide by Joseph A. Fitzmycr, "A Bibliographic Aid to the Study of Qumran Cave IV Texts 158-86," Catholic Biblical Quarterly?,! (1969): 59-71. Baillet, Maurice. Qumrangrotte 4, vol. 3,4Q482-4Q520. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, vol. 7. Oxford, 1982. Good presentation of ex tremely fragmentary texts. Baillet, Maurice, J. T. Milik, and Roland de Vaux. Le "petites grottes" de Qumran. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, vol. 3. Ox ford, 1962. Publication of the texts from caves 2, 3, 5-7, and 10, the most important being the Copper Scroll. (3Q15). The review by Jonas C. Greenfield, "The Small Caves of Qumran," Journal of the Amer ican Oriental Society 89 (1969): 128-141, offers many important ob servations and corrections. Barthelemy, Dominique, and J. T. Milik. Qumran Cave I. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, vol. 1. Oxford, 1955. Publication of 1Q1-72, including 1 QS and 1 QS , originally part of the same manuscript as iQS, and 1Q33, which flaked off the main scroll of the War Scroll. Beall, Todd S. Josephus' Description of the Essenes Illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls. Cambridge, 1988. Convenient collection of a substantial amount of material from die Qumran texts that, in spite of grave methodological deficiencies, can serve as a starting point for a more nuanced investigation of the points under discussion, Beyer, Klaus. Die aramdischen Texte vom Toten Meer. Gottingen, 1984. Gathers then-known Aramaic materials from many scattered pub lications. The adventurous interpretations and reconstructions must be used with caution but are often suggestive. Idiosyncratic on gram matical and linguistic points. Broshi, Magen, ed. The Damascus Document Reconsidered. Jerusalem, 1992. Certain to become the standard edition of the Cairo Genizah texts of the Damascus Document, with new photographs and an ap paratus eriticus that collates variant readings from the Cave 4 Qum ran copies. Burrows, Millar, ed., with John C. Trevor and William H . Brownlee. The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery, vol. 2, fasc. 2, Plates and Transcription of the Manual of Discipline. New Haven, 1951. Orig inal and still standard publication of the Rule of the Community from Cave 1 (iQS). Cross, Frank Moore. The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modem Bib lical Studies. Rev. ed. Garden City, N.Y., 1961. Classic introduction to the scrolls by one of the original editors, arguing unambiguously for the Essene hypothesis. Covers most of the basic questions in volved with the texts as seen by die team of editors at about die time they had finished their preliminary reading and transcriptions. Cross, Frank Moore. "The Development of the Jewish Scripts." In The Bible and the Ancient Near East: Essays in Honor of William Foxwell Albright, edited by G. Ernest Wright, pp. 133-202. Garden City, N.Y., 1961. Extremely influential essay detailing the paleographic method of dating the scrolls. The method itself is perhaps dubious because of unproven basic assumptions and the complete lack of dated texts among the scrolls, but a sizable group of Qumranologists continues to rely on Cross's darings. a
b
Cross, Frank M., and Shemaryahu Talmon, eds. Qumran and the His tory of the Biblical Text. Cambridge, Mass., 1975. Useful but dated collection of articles on the scrolls and biblical textual criticism;
DECAPOLIS should be supplemented with Eugene Ulrich's "Horizons of Old Testament Textual Research at the Thirtieth Anniversary of Qum ran Cave 4," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 46 (1984): 613-636. Dimant, Devorah, and Uriel Rappaport, eds. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research. Leiden, 1992. Eisenman, Robert, and James M. Robinson. A Facsimile of the Dead Sea Scrolls. 2 vols. Washington, D.C., 1991. Contains nearly 1,800 pho tographs of virtually all unpublished materials from caves 4 and 11. See as well, Emanuel Tov et al., eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls on Mi crofiche: A Comprehensive Facsimile Edition of the Texts from thejudean Desert (Leiden, 1993). Eisenman, Robert, and Michael O. Wise. The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncov ered: The First Complete Translation and Interpretation of Fifty Key Documents Withheld for Over Thirty-Five Years. Dorset, 1992. Tran scription, translation, and analysis of fifty Cave 4 texts, many alto gether unpublished, some previously published in part. Eisenman, who wrote die analysis, applies his Jamesian Christian approach to these new materials; readers who are unpersuaded may still find the preliminary transcriptions and translations useful. Fitzmyer, Joseph A. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for Study. Rev. ed. Atlanta, 1990. A very helpful guide to the mass of bibliography generated by the Qumran site and texts, organized both topically and by caves. For die recently released Qumran texts, Fitzmyer's book can be supplemented by the article by Emanuel Tov, "The Unpublished Qumran Texts from Caves 4 and 11," Jour nal of Jewish Studies 43 (1992): 101-136, and Stephen Reed's list (below). Fitzmyer's work also provides bibliography for Masada, Wadi Murabba'at, Nahal Hever, Nahal Se'elim, Nahal Mishmar, and Khirbet Mird. Golb, Norman. Who Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls? The Search for the Secret of Qumran. New York, 1995. Full statement of the "Jerusalem hy pothesis." Holm-Nielsen, Svend. Hodayot: Psalms from Qumran. Aarhus, 1961. Important presentation of the hodayot (though it is not the editio princeps), including an analysis of how each hymn reuses the biblical text. Horgan, Maurya P. Pesharim: Qumran Interpretations of Biblical Books. Cadiolic Biblical Quarterly, Monograph Series 8. Washington, D.C., 1979. Full treatment of the pesharim, including the Hebrew text, dis cussion of readings and reconstructions, and interpretive analysis. Milik, J. T. The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4. Oxford, 1976. Includes virtually all of the Enoch material from Cave 4. The notes and introductions are almost equally valuable for their discussions of various unpublished texts. Milik, J. T. Qumran grotte 4, vol. 2.2, Tefdlin, muzuzol et Targums (4Q128-4Q157). Discoveries in die Judaean Desert, vol. 6. Oxford, 1977. Publication of tefillin, mezuzot, and two targums, 4Q156 and 4QI57. Newsom, Carol. Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition. At lanta, 1985. Includes the materials from Cave 4, Cave 11, and Ma sada, with an exemplary reconstruction of the original literary work. Weak on historical issues. Qimron, Elisha. The Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Atlanta, 1986. The only grammar devoted exclusively to the Hebrew writings among the scrolls. Generally reliable, but questionable at points on phonology and does not include the Copper Scroll or, of course, many of the most recently available texts. Qimron, Elisha, and John Strugnell. Qumran Cave 4, vol. 5, Miqsat Ma'aie ha-Torah. Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, vol. 10. Oxford, I994^ Reed, Stephen. Dead Sea Scroll Inventory Project: List of Documents, Photographs, and Museum Plates. Claremont, Calif., 1991-1992. The fourteen fascicles of this project provide an invaluable guide to what
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there is and where to find it for the Dead Sea Scrolls, in the generic sense. Photograph numbers and other matters of designation are listed for each item. Note as well the author's Dead Sea Scrolls Cat alogue: Documents, Photographs, and Museum Inventory Numbers (At lanta, forthcoming). Sanders, James A. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (nQPfj. Ox ford, 1965. Original publication of the "deviant" Psalms Scroll, with photographs, transcriptions, and translations. Schuller, Eileen. Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran: A Pseudepigraphic Collection. Atlanta, 1986. Publication of 4Q380 and 4Q381, with a fine discussion of related issues such as Hebrew psalmody in the Persian and Hellenistic periods. Sukenik, Eleazar L. The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University. Je rusalem, 1955. Publication with photographs of iQHodayot and iQWar Scroll. Vaux, Roland de. Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls. London, 1973. Preliminary English publication of the results of five seasons of ex cavation at Khirbet Qumran. Much of the analysis is debatable, not least because new comparative material has subsequently emerged from Hellenistic-Roman sites at Herodium, Jericho, and Masada, among others. Until the scientific publication of the results becomes available, however, this volume is the place to begin on any point of archaeology. Compare Ernest M. Laperrousaz, Qoumran, Telablissement essenien des bords de la MerMorte: Histoire et archeologie du site (Paris, 1976). Vermes, Gcza. The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. 3d ed. Sheffield, 1987. The most accessible collection of texts in English translation, now badly incomplete (even the 1987 edition was insufficiently revised in relation to the 1975 second edition). See, as well, Florentine Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated: The Qumran Texts in En glish (Leiden, 1994), the largest collection available to date. Vermes, Geza, and Martin D. Goodman, eds. The Essenes according to the Classical Sources. Sheffield, 1989. Helpful collection of the most important Latin and Greek sources on the Essenes, with original text and facing-page translation. For more obscure sources, compare Al fred Adam and Christoph Burchard. Anlike Berichte iiber die Essener, 2d ed. (Berlin, 1972). Wacholcler, Ben Zion, and Martin G. Abegg, comps. and eds. A Pre liminary Edition of the Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew and Aramaic Texts from Cave Four. 3 vols. Washington, D.C., 1991-. Based on the readings of the original editors, taken from a concor dance and reconstructed into complete texts by computer. For vol umes 2 and 3, the authors have compared photographs and other sources, thus offering a critical analysis of the original readings, which they do not always adopt. Volume 1 contains the 4QDamascus Document materials and calendrical texts; volume 2, a great variety of materials, including many sapiential works; and volume 3, the 4QRule of the Community materials, MMT, 4QJubilees texts, and Toharot texts, among others. Wise, Michael O., et al., eds. Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet Qumran Site. Annals of the New York Acad emy of Sciences, vol. 722. New York, 1994. Woude, Adam S. van der, and J. P. M. van der Ploeg. Le Targum de Job de la grotte XI de Qumran. Leiden, 1971. Fine original publication of the targum to Job, sometimes weak on linguistic analysis. For that aspect of the scroll, see Michael Sokoloff, The Targum to Job from Qumran Cave XI (Jerusalem, 1974). MICHAEL O. W I S E
D E C A P O L I S (Gk., "ten cities"), an administrative dis trict or region of Greek cities located in northern Transjor-
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DECAPOLIS
dan, southern Syria, and nortiiern Palestine. The original cities, ten in number, were attached to the Roman province of Syria in the first century CE. The earliest sources to men tion the term date to the first century CE. The Decapolis appears twice in the Gospel of Mark: Jesus is said to have passed through "die region of the Decapolis" ( 7 : 3 1 ) , and a healed demoniac proclaimed Jesus' miracle "in the Decap olis" ( 5 : 2 0 ) . The term is also mentioned in die Gospel of Matthew ( 4 : 2 5 ) . The most important ancient source is Pli ny's Natural History ( 5 . 7 4 ) . Pliny states that die Decapolis adjoined die Roman province of Judea (Judah) and names the ten cities: Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, "Galasa" (usually emended as "Gerasa" [Jerash]), and Canatha. Pliny admits, however, that there was some disagreement about specific cities. Josephus, in his account of the first Jewish Revolt against Rome ( 6 6 - 7 0 CE), notes that "the chief men of the Syrian Decapolis" complained to the Roman emperor Ves pasian about attacks on their territory by Jewish insurgents (Life 4 1 0 , cf. 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 ) . Josephus also claims that Scythopolis was "the largest city of the Decapolis" (War 3 . 4 4 6 ) .
in northwest Jordan. Others suggest Dium is Tell el-Ashari, in southern Syria. N a t u r e of the Decapolis. Scholars long regarded the De capolis as a league or confederation of Greek cities orga nized by the Roman general Pompey when he brought the region under Roman control in 6 4 - 6 3 BCE. However, no an cient source refers to the Decapolis as a political league or confederation. There is no evidence that there were any spe cial political, military, or commercial arrangements among the member cities, nor was there any sort of federal govern mental machinery. Instead, the sources refer to the Decap olis as a region or a district formed by the contiguous ter ritories of the Greek cities. A late first-century CE Greek inscription from the Balkans refers to a Roman prefect of die Decapolis in Syria. This suggests tiiat the Decapolis was tiien an administrative district attached to the Roman prov ince of Syria under the supervision of a single imperial of ficial. Each city retained local autonomy and administered an extensive rural hinterland. Epigraphic and literary sources provide some evidence as to the territorial bound aries of the individual cities.
Later sources include Ptolemy, the second-century CE ge ographer, who provides the only otiter list of Decapolis cities (Geography 5 . 1 4 - 2 2 ) . His list includes nine of Pliny's origi nal ten cities (Raphana is missing) and adds nine new ones, for a total of eighteen: Heliopolis, Abila, Saana, Hina, Abila Lysanias, Capitolias, Edrei, Gadora, and Samulis. An in scription of 1 3 4 CE found in die region of Palmyra in Syria mentions "die good-messenger-Abila of the Decapolis." Somewhat surprisingly, only one other inscription mention ing the Decapolis is known, despite the fact that hundreds of inscriptions have been found in its various cities. Eusebius (Onomasticon 1.16), in about 3 0 0 CE, refers to the Decapolis as "situated near Peraea around Hippos, Pella, and Ga dara." A few more references to the term are found in Byz antine works of the fourth and later centuries. Stephen of Byzantium notes that die Decapolis once included fourteen cities, further evidence that the number of cities varied. Individual Cities. Most of the Decapolis cities can now be identified with a fair degree of certainty. Scythopolis, the only city of the Decapolis situated west of the Jordan River, is Beth-Shean (Beisan), in Israel's southern Galilee. The southernmost city, Philadelphia, is Amman, in Jordan. Mov ing north, Gerasa is Jerash in ancient Gilead (modern Jor dan), Pella is TabaqatFahil, on the eastern side of the Jordan Valley; Gadara is Umm Qeis, just southwest of the Sea of Galilee; and Hippos is Qal'at el-Husn, at the top of a hill on its eastern shore. Farther east, in northern Jordan, Abila is Qweilbeh, and Capitolias is Beit Ras. Most of the remaining Decapolis cities are located in soutiiern Syria. Raphana is probably to be identified with er-Rafe, and Canatha is prob ably Qanawat. The location of Dium remains a problem. Some identify it witii Tell el-Husn, Kefar Abil, or Edun, all
Archaeological Evidence. The sites of most Decapolis cities have been surveyed and several have been extensively excavated. Undoubtedly, the best-preserved and most thor oughly excavated city is Gerasajerash. [See Jerash.] The city developed on both banks of a perennial stteam, with most public buildings on the west side and most domestic struc tures on the east. T h e city was laid out in a typical Roman grid pattern, with a main north-south street (cardo) inter sected by two major east-west streets (decumani). These paved streets were decorated by colonnades lined with shops and other buildings and terminated at monumental gate ways. The city was protected by massive walls studded witii projecting towers. Other public structures included a "fo r u m " (actually an oval agora, or marketplace), several tem ples, a theater, an odeon (concert hall), baths, hippodrome (racetrack), triumphal arch, and nymphaeum (fountain house). During the Byzantine period many churches were erected. The other Decapolis cities display similar features typical of Greek cities in the eastern Roman Empire. T h e most extensively excavated are Philadelphia, Pella, Scythop olis, Gadara, Abila, and Capitolias. History of the Decapolis Cities. Nearly all the sites of the Decapolis cities were occupied in some fashion in the preclassical period. Yet, most of the cities claimed to have been founded as Macedonian colonies by Alexander the Great or one of his immediate successors in the late fourth century BCE. Philadelphia was founded by Ptolemy II Philadelphus in the early third century BCE. Excavations at Pella, named for the capital of Macedonia, have also produced evidence of this period. T h e archaeological evidence for early Hellenistic occupation is lacking at some of the exca vated cities, however. The cities were generally established
DECAPOLIS on strategic sites, astride major roads, and within fertile ag ricultural districts. The conquest of Palestine and Transjordan by Antiochus III in 2 0 0 BCE brought the entire Decapolis region under the control of die Seleucid Empire. Antiochus and his successors continued to foster the development of the cities, as suggested by their later coins, which reveal Se leucid dynastic toponyms such as Antioch and Seleucia. In fact, it may only have been under Seleucid rule, in the sec ond century BCE, that many of these settlements developed into true urban centers. [See Pella; Seleucids.] The decline of Seleucid power and the consequent rise of die Hasmonean Jewish and Arab Nabatean states in the late second and early first centuries BCE threatened the very existence of these cities. T h e Hasmoneans conquered Scythopolis, Gadara, Abila, Dium, and Pella, and the Nabateans occupied Philadelphia. When Pompey arrived to es tablish Roman control in 6 3 BCE, he posed as a champion of the Greek cities. All the towns were freed from Jewish and Nabatean control, granted "freedom" (i.e., municipal au tonomy), and placed under the administrative control of the Roman governor of Syria. Many of the cities adopted a new Pompeian era on their coinage, to celebrate their liberation and express gratitude to their liberator. The Roman emperor Augustus, in 3 0 BCE, assigned two of the cities (Hippos and Gadara) to the kingdom of his loyal client Herod tire Great, despite the objections of their in habitants. Both cities regained their autonomy and were re turned to the province of Syria upon Herod's death in 4 BCE. T h e outbreak of the Jewish revolt in 6 6 CE witnessed at tacks by Jewish forces against the territories of several De capolis cities, including Scythopolis, Pella, Gerasa, Gadara, and Hippos. T h e people of several of these cities responded by massacring the Jewish minorities in their midst. T h e peo ple of Gerasa notably did not follow this example, but es corted their Jewish minority safely out of the city. Scythopolis served as an important base for the Roman army of Vespasian during the suppression of the revolt. Eusebius (History of the Church 3 . 5 . 3 ) asserts that the Christian com munity of Jerusalem fled to Pella before Jerusalem fell in 7 0 CE.
The conversion of die Nabatean kingdom into the new Roman province of Arabia by the Roman emperor Trajan ( 1 0 6 CE) resulted in the effective demise of the Decapolis, for its individual cities were then divided among the Roman provinces of Syria, Arabia, and Palestine. However, the in dividual cities continued to flourish economically and cul turally for many centuries. Culture of the Decapolis. The uniqueness of the De capolis was its cultural identity as a group of Greek cities, sharply differentiated from the neighboring Semitic popu lations. T h e city plans, individual buildings, tombs, sculp ture, and divinities are Greek or Roman, although there are many traces of Near Eastern influences. The vast majority
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of inscriptions are Greek, with some Latin. Some inscrip tions suggest that many of the urban populace were hellenized Semites, although it is entirely possible that some fam ilies were descendants of the original Greek or Macedonian colonists. Naturally, much less is known about the popula tion of the rural hinterlands, where Semitic culture may have remained dominant. T h e high Greek culture of the Decap olis is also clearly reflected by the numerous philosophers, poets, jurists, and other intellectuals from these cities. Among the most famous are the poet Meleager of Gadara (c. 1 4 0 - 7 0 BCE); the rhetor Theodorus of Gadara (late first century BCE), who was a teacher of the emperor Tiberius; and the mathematician Nichomachus of Gerasa (c. 1 0 0 CE) . [Many of the cities of the Decapolis are the subject of inde pendent entries.} BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barghouti, Asem N. "Urbanization of Palestine and Jordan in Helle nistic and Roman Times." In Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 1, edited by Adnan Hadidi, pp. 209-229. Amman, 1982. Bietenhard, Hans. "Die syrische Dekapolis vonPompeius bis Trajan." In Aufstieg und Niedergang der romisclien Well, edited by Mildegard Temporini and Wolfgang Haase, vol. II.8, pp. 220-261. Berlin, 1977. Accepts the traditional view of the Decapolis as a league. Isaac, Benjamin. "The Decapolis in Syria: A Neglected Inscription." Zeilschrifi. fitr Papyrologie und Epigraphik 44 (1981): 67-74. Argues convincingly that the Decapolis was an administrative district at tached to Syria and under the supervision of a Roman official. Kraeling, Carl H., ed. Gerasa, City of the Decapolis. New Haven, 1938. Indispensable, detailed report of the excavations conducted in the 1920s and 1930s; some of its conclusions have been modified by recent work. Lenzen, C. J., and Alison M. McQuitry. "The 1984 Survey of die Irbid/ Beit Ras Region." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 32 (1988): 265-274. Suggests continuity of occupation in the terri tory of Capitolias through the pre- and postclassical periods. Mare, W. Harold. "Quweilbeh." In Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 2, Field Reports, edited by Denys Homes-Fredericq and J. Basil Hennessy, pp. 472-486. Louvain, 1989. Summary of what is known about Abila. McNicoll, Anthony W., et al. Pella in Jordan 1: An Interim Report on the Joint University of Sydney and the College of Wooster Excavations at Pella, 1979-1981. Canberra, 1982. Parker, S. Thomas. "The Decapolis Reviewed." Journal of Biblical Lit erature 94 (1975): 437-441. Rejects die long-held view that the De capolis ever formed a league or confederation. Seigne, Jacques. "Jerash romaine et byzantine: Developpement urbain d'une ville provinciale orientale." In Studies in the History and Ar chaeology of Jordan, vol. 4, edited by Ghazi Bisheh, pp. 331-341. Amman, 1992. Smith, Robert Houston. The 1967 Season of the College of Wooster Ex pedition to Pella. Pella of the Decapolis, vol. 1. Wooster, Ohio, 1973. Smitii, Robert Houston, and Leslie P. Day. Final Report, on the College of Wooster Excavations in Area IX, the Civic Complex, 1979-198$. Pella of the Decapolis, vol. 2. Wooster, Ohio, 1989. Spijkerman, Augusto. The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia. Jerusalem, 1978. Weber, Thomas. "A Survey of Roman Sculpture in the Decapolis:
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Preliminary Report." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 34 (1990): 351-355' Weber, Thomas. "Gadara of the Decapolis: Preliminary Report on the 1990 Season at Umm Qeis." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 35 (1991): 223-235. Contains a detailed bibliography on earlier work at the site. Yeivin, Zeev, et al. "The Bet Shean Project." Excavations and Surveys in Israeli (1988): 7-45. Zayadine, Fawzi, ed. Jerash Archaeological Project, 1981-1983, vol. 1, The Hashetnite Kingdom of Jordan. Amman, 1986. Zayadine, Fawzi, ed. Jerash Archaeological Project, vol. 2, Fouilles de Jerash, 1984-1988. Paris, 1989. S. THOMAS PARKER
DECIPHERMENT. Of the thousands of languages spoken before modern times, a handful developed scripts. The descendants of a few of those are still in use; of a hand ful of the outers, traces have survived the millennia to be discovered by travelers or excavated by archeologists. If the modern descendants diverged considerably from the ances tors, or if there are none, the ancestors need to be deci phered. It is always a script, rather than a language, that is deciphered; if an (ancient) record can be pronounced, but not understood (as with Etruscan), the problem is one of interpretation rather than decipherment. D e c i p h e r m e n t of Scripts. The prerequisite to decipher ment is accurate reproduction of the enigmatic inscription. This may seem trivial now that photography has been com monplace for a century and a half, but before 1 8 5 0 or so— during the quarter millennium when most of the ancient scripts were first found—only the artist's subjective eye served to disseminate an inscription's appearance. T h e ar tist's drawings further passed through the engraver's burin and, at the end of the period, the lithographer's crayon. Only witii photography, perhaps, does it become apparent how subjective the artist's vision is: witness the depictions of the Sphinx at Giza or the Assyrian bulls that vary with stylistic fashion and the drafting skill of individual artists. The task is especially difficult when the artist is trying to reproduce unfamiliar writing, where apparently trivial details may dis tinguish two characters (compare the Roman letters C and G), but rather great differences may be completely insignif icant (a Roman "t" may be made with or without the lower curve to the right, on the writer's whim). Successive at tempts to delineate ancient inscriptions—but not with in creasing accuracy—have been published (Daniels, 1 9 8 8 ) . Methodology. Given accurate copies of a graphic image, it must first be decided whether the image is in fact writing. The first cuneiform inscriptions, found on doorframes and such at Persepolis, were sometimes considered mere deco ration. [See Persepolis.] Kufic Arabic inscriptions in mosques are so stylized as to be almost purely decorative rather than linguistic. [See Mosque Inscriptions.] The ma sons' use of South Arabian letters to guide the arrangement of paving stones at Hajar Kohlan provided the first clue to
the canonical order of tiiat script. [See South Arabian.] The letters' use was functional rather than linguistic, but their function derived entirely from an incidental property of scripts that their characters are learned in a fixed order. It is uncertain whether "potters' marks" dating to the era of the presumed development of Proto-Canaanite writing that might be letters of a script are in fact such or are arbitrary designs with some function or other. [See Proto-Canaanite.] Two modes of decipherment ensue when the marks are es tablished as writing. In the exceptional case, the decipherer is very lucky and the new script occurs alongside an inscrip tion in a known language—in a bilingual text. Usually, it is safe to assume that the two texts render the same content— one is a translation of the other (or both are translations of a third). More often, the unknown script stands alone, and it is up to the ingenuity of the decipherer to discover a virtual bilin gual: some stretch of text in a known language that can be presumed to equate to some stretch of text in the unknown one. Most commonly, virtual bilinguals have been at a pho netic level (personal or place names)—although a morpho logical/semantic level (numbers) figured in at least one case—and sometimes purely graphic (shapes of letters in a known script). This last category comes into play whenever a new text, even in a very familiar language, is unearthed because the ductus of no two scribes is identical. In addition, ancient inscriptions are sufficiently rare that normal varia tion in script or language will be magnified by the absence of intermediate forms. The history of decipherment is stud ded with examples of poorly chosen virtual bilinguals, how ever, and it is difficult to dissuade the proposers from their beliefs. While the decipherer may formulate a hypothesis about the identity or relationship of the language concealed behind the enigmatic script, this has sometimes proved to be a mis step, misdirecting the investigator. (Most notably, the as sumption that Linear B must be some pre-Greek substrate language such as Etruscan delayed success on that script.) It is more useful simply to identify and count the different characters: a small number, about thirty, suggests an abjad (consonantary) or an alphabet; greater variety, about one hundred or more, suggests a syllabary or an abugida, and several hundred or more, a logosyllabary (or a logography— no purely logographic script, if such has ever truly existed, has been deciphered; candidates include Proto-Elamite, In dus Valley script, and Easter Island script). [See Writing and Writing Systems.] Case studies. T h e surest results have been achieved by those who concentrated on proper names. Such cases in clude both the first, (Palmyrene, by Jean-Jacques Barthelemy, in 1 7 5 6 ) , and the two most familiar decipherments (Egyptian, by Jean-Francois Champollion, in 1 8 2 3 , and Lin ear B, by Michael Ventris, in 1 9 5 3 ) , as well as the one that is arguably the most important of all, the Old Persian and
DECIPHERMENT Mesopotamian cuneiform scripts, whose decipherment was begun by Georg Friedrich Grotefend (1802) and climaxed by Edward Hincks (1846-1852). [See Cuneiform.] The de cipherments of Ugaritic and Himyaritic illustrate different lands of virtual bilinguals (see Daniels, 1995; Daniels and Bright, 1996, sec. 9). [See the biography of Champollion.] Palmyrene. Palmyra was an independent pagan monarchy on the eastern edge of the Roman Empire. It was fairly well known in the eighteenth century from classical historians. Monuments written in its language, known to be similar to Syriac, had been known in Europe since antiquity and had received the attention of antiquarians since the early 1600s. It was not until 1753 that adventurers traveled to the ruins of the city and brought back accurate copies of some of its inscriptions. Many of the inscriptions in the Palmyrene script and language were accompanied by Greek inscrip tions, and it took no great insight to guess that tire pairs were equivalent. Barthelemy ( 1 7 1 6 - 1 7 9 5 ) , in fact, reports that it took him no more than two days to decipher the script. From the thirteen inscriptions that had been accurately published by Robert Wood and James Dawldns (English adventurers who traveled to the ruins of the city in 1753 and brought back accurate copies of some of its inscriptions), Barthelemy chose one in which the Greek parallel began with a proper name, Septimios. The seventh letter of the Palmyrene in scription was the same as the first, so (omitting short vowels) there seemed to be a correspondence; the next word, Ouoroden in tire Greek, confirmed tire (w) that spelled [o] and gave (r) and (d) as indistinguishable (a characteristic of Ar amaic scripts of the period). When the twenty-two letters were identified, their resemblance to the corresponding He brew and Syriac forms became clear. A handful of verb forms were nearly identical to Syriac words that could trans late the Greek, demonstrating that the language was Ara maic as well (Daniels, 1988). [See Palmyra; Palmyrene In scriptions; Greek; Aramaic; Syriac; Hebrew Language and Literature.] Mesopotamian cuneiform. Grotefend (see above) used the virtual bilingual of Persian kings' names (known from He rodotus and from formulae in recently deciphered Sasanian inscriptions) to begin the decipherment of the Old Persian version of the trilingual inscriptions from Persepolis. Work on them was greatly advanced by such pioneers of IndoEuropean and IndoTranian studies as Rasmus Rask and Christian Lassen. Henry Creswicke Rawlinson replicated tire decipherment of Old Persian, using the huge trilingual inscription at Bisitun that he copied at great personal risk, but he probably knew of Grotefend's insightful virtual bilin gual. Rawlinson usually receives credit for deciphering Me sopotamian cuneiform, but his work lagged behind that of Hincks. Although Rawlinson was stationed in Baghdad, he was kept abreast of Hincks's discoveries by a quite efficient postal system. [See Sasanians; Persepolis; Bisitun; Cunei form; and the biography of Rawlinson.]
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Edward Hincks (1792-1866) was a Church of Ireland country pastor. Unlike the celebrated Champollion and Veneris (see above), he was not a young man when he achieved his decipherment. He was immensely learned in all areas of classical and Oriental (i.e., Near Eastern) studies, and in his first approach to Old Persian he hoped better to understand Egyptian hieroglyphs. In his first lecture on the subject, on 9 June 1846, at the Royal Irish Academy in Dub lin (and published in its Transactions), he demonstrated that tire Old Persian characters denoted consonants plus partic ular vowels and not a wide variety of consonants. He also showed that the second of the three languages was written with syllabic characters that could be used in the consonantvowel pattern C V V ; C (ta-as, not ta-s). (The second lan guage is what is called Elamite, and it was decades before real progress was made in interpreting it.) [See Elamites.] The most important discovery reported in Hincks's second lecture (30 November) was the equivalence between two styles of cuneiform, which he called lapidary and cursive. This made available a great mass of material, which was being brought to the British Museum and the Louvre in Paris by the first excavators in Mesopotamia. In a third lec ture ( n January 1847), he refined his readings of many signs and presented the cuneiform system of numerals. The nu merals were taken from extensive inscriptions copied in the late 1820s by F. E. Schulz in western Armenia (now eastern Turkey) but not published until 1840 in Paris, and not seen by Hincks until 1846. r
It was Schulz's inscriptions, in a language now called Urartian, that proved to be tire most important to the deci pherment. [See Urartu.] T h e longest one is a royal annal covering thirteen years; each year is introduced by the same formula, but the formula is not always written identically. Hincks discovered certain signs to be optional and identified them as vowel signs. This enabled him to verify the vowel included in preceding CV signs. Moreover, he analyzed the Urartian texts grammatically; his results, including the read ings of 1 1 0 signs, were published in tire prestigious Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1848). Six months later, Hincks dealt with the inescapable fact that many signs had more than one phonetic value, and semantic values as well. At that point, he suggested tire possibility that a different language could underlie tire script. Two years later, on 29 July 1850, at the Edinburgh meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, he asserted that the writing system was devised for a non-Semitic language. At that meeting, also, he showed grammatical patterning in the Assyrian lan guage that was fully parallel to that in Hebrew. Rawlinson's treaffnent of the Assyrian version of the great Bisutun inscription was published in January 1852. Hincks's last article pertaining to the decipherment per se is dated 24 May 1852: it gives values to 252 characters and identifies elements of Rawlinson's publication that were taken from Hincks's work without acknowledgment. It also includes the
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first mention of ancient textual material mat signaled the close of the decipherment phase of the interpretation of cu neiform. This was a fragment of a lexical list, which Hincks saw comprised a list of signs accompanied by a rendition of their pronunciation. Hencefordi, most signs were to be iden tified from their appearance in such documents, of which thousands of fragments have been recovered from through out the cuneiform world. Hincks's accomplishment was rec ognized in his own time; his undeserved eclipse by Rawlinson may be attributable to the personalities of the two men. Hincks was shy and unambitious, with no academic posi tion, rarely leaving the village of Killyleagh, in Ulster. Rawlinson was energetic, well placed in the military and the Brit ish Museum, and endowed with dual hagiographers in his brother, a prolific historian, and the immensely powerful E. A. Wallis Budge, who ruled British Oriental studies for dec ades. Both authors downplay—and distort—Hincks's role. Subsequent chroniclers and historians have not known of the existence of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy (for details and references, see Cathcart and Donion, 1 9 8 3 ; Daniels, 1 9 9 4 ) .
Ugaritic. It is Ugaritic that was deciphered by means of numerals, and also by the use of grammatical information. T h e first texts were excavated at Ugarit in 1929 and pub lished immediately; Charles Virolleaud, the epigrapher, sup posed from the location and date of the site and the finds that their language was likely to be Northwest Semitic. He was fortunate enough to discover a tablet that resembled Mesopotamian accounting documents and, in a column that might contain numbers (their names were spelled out), a sequence of symbols like XYX appeared. About the only common word in Semitic with such a consonant pattern is talat, "three." Meanwhile, the eminent scientist Hans Bauer analyzed the letters that appeared at the beginnings or ends of words, or both, and compared them with the limited in ventory of affixes in Semitic. Edouard Dhorme noted that a phrase at the beginning of what looked like a letter was identical to a phrase on a sword, with the addition of one letter at the beginning. He surmised that this was the letter 1, representing the preposition to. The work of the three scholars converged, and the Ugaritic script was soon worked out (Corre, 1966). The unique use of three letters for d, i, and u was established by Johannes Friedrich. .[See Ugarit; Ugaritic; Ugarit Inscriptions; and the biography of Virol leaud.] Himyaritic. A Near Eastern script deciphered via the shapes of the characters is the Himyaritic (i.e., Sabaean), as it was called by early researchers. Emil Rodiger discovered two unrelated Arabic manuscripts that contained lists of let ters said to be musnad, "Himyaritic." The two lists were strikingly similar, suggesting that they might preserve a gen uine tradition; indeed, when the first inscriptions from South Arabia were published in 1 8 3 7 >d 1838, Rodiger was able to interpret them fairly successfully, using the manuscript ar
abecedaries. Flis teacher, the eminent philologist Wilhelm Gesenius, mistrusting that evidence and relying more on comparative philology and limited data from a newly dis covered South Arabian language, had an earlier success but went further astray. Unfortunately, the first somewhat ex tensive text available (ten lines) contained almost nothing but proper names (Daniels, 1 9 8 6 ) . [See Himyar.] I n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Languages. With tire decipherment of ancient scripts came the discovery that they could be used for languages other than those for which they were devised. T h e recovery of many intermediary forms has enabled the demonstration that all tire West Semitic scripts (including Palmyrene, Ugaritic, and Himyaritic, as well as Hebrew and Arabic) belong to a single tree of descent. A productive as sumption, as has been seen, was that the languages associ ated with the unknown scripts were similar to the known Semitic languages: Flebrew, Syriac (Christian Aramaic), Jewish Aramaic, and Arabic. The affinity of the Semitic lan guages had been recognized since the Middle Ages (previ ously called Oriental, they did not receive the name "Se mitic" until 1 7 8 1 ) . The four classical Semitic languages are Hebrew, Arabic, Syriac, and Ethiopic, or Ge'ez; the lan guage of the Aramaic portions of the Bible was called Chaldee, as were the languages of the rabbinic writings. It is not yet clear when the Aramaic languages were identified as a group (characterized by the phonological change of Semitic interdentals to stops and by a particular selection of the an cestral verb stems); Barthelemy does not use the term of Palmyrene, but it was established by the mid-nineteenth century. As the decipherment of cuneiform proceeded, several scholars came to believe that cuneiform Assyrian was a Se mitic language. This was an assumption rather titan a dem onstration; however. It was not until Hincks identified the similarity in grammar as well as vocabulary that the identi fication could be regarded as certain. T h e other cuneiform languages are more difficult. Those for which the most ma terials are available are Sumerian, Elamite, Hittite, Hurrian, and Urartian. [See Sumerian; Hittite; Hurrian.] The interpretation of Sumerian was aided somewhat by the discovery, early on, of tablets containing grammatical paradigms. T h e first interpretations coincided with a vogue for typological classification of language. T h e German-En glish philologist Friedrich Max Muller assigned nearly all tire non-Indo-European, non-Semitic languages of Eurasia to a phylum he called Turanian (encompassing many more lan guages than the modern term Altaic), largely on the basis of their so-called agglutinative structure. Early Sumerologists, finding similar patterning in Sumerian, believed it, too, be longed in the phylum. They found a worthy opponent in Joseph Halevy (who was actually familiar with a number of Turanian languages). He, however, was of the opinion that Sumerian was not a real language at all, but a code devised by Assyrian priests to maintain the secrecy of the cult (Coo-
DEDAN per, 1991). The discovery in the late nineteenth century of archives, notably at Telloh, of the most mundane docu ments written in Sumerian disproved the notion. Over the following century, attempts have been made to connect Su merian with virtually every language family on the globe— most recently the Nostratic superphylum encompassing Indo-European and most of its neighbors. So little infor mation is accessible to nonspecialists, however, that no cre dence can be given to these attempts. The limited amount of Elamite material and its formulaic nature—even though it crosses several periods in nearly three millennia—make it difficult to analyze. The proposal by David McAlpin to connect it with the well-studied Dravidian family has attracted much notice and entered the handbooks, but it is not accepted by the small corps of Elamitologists. A dispassionate linguist will be immediately sus picious because McAlpin seems to have a Dravidian ety mology for every Elamite word, an unthinkable occurrence. With cuneiform Hittite, the interpretation is certain. T h e Czech scholar Bedfich Hrozny (Daniels and Bright, 1996) noted a word that could be transcribed as ivatar in a context that demanded the meaning "water" and successfully inter preted the language as Indo-European. Urartian (so impor tant in the decipherment of cuneiform) resisted interpreta tion for decades. Extensive studies were published by Archibald H. Sayce in the 1880s, but the ergative type of language was not yet familiar to philologists. Hurrian is known from essentially one document—physically, the larg est cuneiform-inscribed clay tablet known—and from many enigmatic ritual bilingual texts with Hittite equivalents. All that can be said is that Hurrian and Urartian are related. It has been suggested they are ancestral to some languages of the Caucasus. Lexical connections with (Indo-European) Armenian have been proposed. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cathcart, Kevin J., and Patricia Donlon. "Edward Hincks, 1792-1866: A Bibliography of His Publications." Orientalia 52 (1983): 325-356. Cooper, Jerrold S. "Posing the Sumerian Question: Race and Schol arship in the Early History of Assyriology." Aula Oricntalis 9 (1991): 47-66. Corre, Alan D. "Anatomy of a Decipherment." Proceedings of the Wis consin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters 55 (1966): 11-20. Daniels, Peter T. "'To Prove Him with Hard Questions': The Deci pherment of Himyaritic." Appendix 1 of "How to Decipher a Script," in Writing!Eaiture, edited by Pierre Swiggers and Willy Van Hoecke. Louvain, forthcoming. Daniels, Peter T. '"Shewing of Hard Sentences and Dissolving of Doubts': The First Decipherment." Journal of the American Oriental Society 108 (1988): 419-436. Daniels, Peter T. "Edward Hincks's Decipherment of Mesopotamian Cuneiform." In The Edward Hincks Bicentenary Lectures, edited by Kevin J. Cathcart, pp. 30-57. Dublin, 1994. Daniels, Peter T. "The Decipherments of Near Eastern Scripts." In Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol, 1, edited by Jack M. Sasson et at, pp. 81-93. New York, 1995.
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Daniels, Peter T., and William Bright, eds. The World's Writing Sys tems. New York, 1996. Friedrich, Johannes. Extinct Languages. Translated by Frank Gaynor. New York, 1957. Gordon, Cyrus H. Forgotten Scripts: Their Ongoing Discovery and De cipherment. 2d ed. New York, 1982. Pope, Maurice. The Story of Archaeological Decipherment from Egyptian Hieroglyphs to Linear B. New York, 1975. PETER T. DANIELS
D E D A N , site identified with the ruins of al-Khuraybah in the al-'Ula oasis in Saudi Arabia by Eduard Glaser in 1890, mainly on the basis of geography (26°3y' N , 37°5o' E). This is one of the most fertile valleys in northwest Ara bia, where the main route used by the incense trade and pilgrim traffic is restricted by forbidding sandstone moun tains, sand desert, and harm ("lava flows"). References to Dedan in the Hebrew Bible make it clear that it was one of the most important caravan centers in northern Arabia. The site had been visited by a number of European travelers prior to Glaser, but it was Antonin Jaussen and Raphael Savignac (1914) who were the first (1907-1910) to describe its ruins adequately and to record the many rock inscriptions (in various pre-Islamic Arabian scripts) that amply confirm the identification. Their work remains basic, although it has been supplemented by the more recent, though still very superficial, examination of the site by Fred V. Winnett and William L. Reed (1970), Peter J. Parr and others (1970), and Garth Bawden (1979). T h e biblical citations most likely refer to the sixth century BCE, in about the middle of which the site is mentioned (as Dadanu) in an inscription from Harran, in southern Turkey. T h e inscription records a number of North Arabian centers which the king of Babylon, Nabonidus, attacked at die time of his sojourn in Tayma'. Winnett (Winnett and Reed, 1970)3 whose reconstruction of the history of Dedan based on the epigraphic material is probably the most reliable, pos tulates the existence of a short-lived, independent "Dedanite" kingdom in about 500 BCE, after the collapse of the NeoBabylonian Empire and before the Achaemenid rulers had had time to impose their own control over this strategic part of Southwest Asia. Northern Arabia seems to have pros pered under Persian rule, and by about 400 BCE an indepen dent—or semi-independent—kingdom, known from the in scriptions as Lihyanite, was centered at Dedan. By about this time also a small trading colony of Minaean merchants from southwest Arabia was established there, leaving in scriptions in their own language and script. Minaean traders were also to be found in Egypt, and Dedan was probably in contact with them, across the Red Sea. Relations with Egypt seem to have been maintained after the fall of the Persian Empire and the establishment of the Greek Ptolemaic dy nasty; Ptolemy II is known to have been active in promoting the Red Sea trade and may well have supported the Lih-
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yanite rulers in tire face of the rising power of the Nabateans, based farther north at Petra. Nevertheless, Winnett has ad vanced evidence to suggest that the native Lihyanite dynasty was in fact overtiirown by a Nabatean adventurer, Mas'udu, in the second or early first century BCE. Shordy, thereafter, it seems that Dedan was replaced as a trading center by die Nabatean town of Hegra (Meda'in Saleh), a few kilometres farther north. [See Meda'in Saleh.] In addition to the inscriptions, tire archaeological remains at al-Khuraybah comprise a number of simple tomb cham bers cut into the cliffs, two of which are flanked by pairs of crudely carved lions, and a low mound of ruins, some 800 X 250 m in extent and just a few meters high. The tomb has been badly disturbed by digging for building material— much of it for tire Hejaz Railway, which cuts through it—and only a few traces of ancient walling and much bro ken pottery can be seen on the surface. Jaussen and Savignac were able to detect part of the plan of a monumental struc ture, adjacent to which were four statue bases with Lihyanite inscriptions. Winnett (1937) dated them to tire late fourth or early third century BCE. Fragments of several nearly lifesized sculptures found close by clearly come from these ba ses, and presumably represent rulers; their style shows marked egyptianizing characteristics of the late dynastic or Ptolemaic period. All of these remains lay close to the sur face of the mound and evidently belong to the last major period of building. Apart from a handful of Nabatean graf fiti, there is little evidence for a Nabatean occupation of the site. [See also Nabateans; and the biography of Winnett.} BIBLIOGRAPHY Bawden, Garth. "Khief El-Zahra and the Nature of Dedanite Hege mony in die al-'Ula Oasis." Atlal 3 (1979): 63-72. Most useful for its brief account of recent Saudi Arabian excavations at the site. Jaussen, Antonin J„ and Raphael Savignac. Mission archeologique en Arabic II. Paris, 1914. Long out of print but still the most complete description of the site, and the principal publication of its epigraphic remains. Nasif, Abdallah A. Via: An Historical and Archaeological Survey with Special Reference to Its Irrigation System. Riyadh, 1988. Account of recent work by Saudi Arabian archaeologists, with numerous illus trations (including color plates), but concentrating on the Islamic remains. Pair, Peter J., et al. "Preliminary Survey in North West Arabia, 1968." Bulletin of the Institute ofArchaeology, University of London 8-9 (1970): 193-242. Adds important detail to Jaussen and Savignac's descrip tion (see above). Parr, Peter J. "Aspects of the Archaeology of North-West Arabia in the First Millennium BC." In L'Arabie preislamique etson envirannement historique el culturel: Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, edited by Toufic Fahd, pp. 39-66. Leiden, 1989. Primarily a discussion of controver sial issues relating to the archaeology and chronology of another im portant Arabian oasis center, Tayma', but surveys the history of Dedan as well. Winnett, Fred V. A Study of the Lihyanite and Thamudic Inscriptions. Toronto, 1937.
Winnett, Fred V., and William L. Reed. Ancient Records from North Arabia. Toronto, 1970. PETER J. PARR
DEH LURAN ("place of the Lurs," an Indo-Europeanspeaking ethnic group in western Iran), site located in south western Iran near the northwestern edge of tire Deh Luran plain (32°42' N , 47°i4' E). The plain is bounded by the Kuh-i Siah range of the Zagros Mountains to the northeast; Jebel Hamrin, a low anticlinal ridge to the southwest; and the small Dawairij and Mehmelr Rivers on the east and west. The plain lies from 32°3o' to 32°42' N and 47°o8' to 47 24' E at an altitude of about 150 m and receives an average of 300-350 mm of precipitation during the winter rainy season. The Deh Luran plain, about 60 km (37 mi.) northwest of Susa, is situated between the base of tire Zagros Mountains and the international border with Iraq. It is best known for a series of excavations and surveys of archaeological sites that elucidate tire region's history from the oldest agricul tural settlements in 9000 BP to the modern era. This small, fertile plain lies about midway between passes that lead into the mountains near modern Dizful and Mandali. Because of the limited availability of fresh water and pasturage, Deh Luran has served as a stopping point for travelers and trad ers; however, settlement there has generally been sparse and always rural in comparison with Khuzistan, to the southeast. 0
Most of the natural vegetation has been stripped from this region, leaving it barren and treeless, but pistachio trees once grew along the seasonal streams and there were jujube trees scattered across the steppe. The precipitation is sufficient to grow crops without irrigation during average years, but rain fall is quite variable in intensity and timing so that agricul tural success is always uncertain. There is seldom frost in the winter but summer temperatures can rise above 40°C, with high winds, leaving all vegetation scorched by late spring. Because of the heat and summer drought, herders usually take their flocks into the mountains. The history of Deh Luran reflects that of the surrounding regions: Mesopotamia, Khuzistan, and the Zagros Moun tains. As early as tire third millennium, and subsequently throughout history, Deh Luran comprised part of one or another larger polity or lay in a boundary zone between those polities. No cuneiform texts have yet been found in the limited excavations at historic sites, but the large walled site of Mussian has been tentatively identified as ancient Urua, an Elamite city. By the second millennium BCE, trade may already have passed through Deh Luran on the route used later by the Achaemenid kings traveling between their capitals at Susa in Khuzistan and Ecbatana at modern Hamadan in the mountains. The first archaeological investigations were undertaken by Joseph Gautier and Georges Lampre of the French mission to Iran in 1903. They excavated at Tepes Mussian, Khazi-
DEH LURAN neh, Aliabad, and Mohammed Jaffar (later known as Ali Kosh) and reported the existence of numerous otirer tells. Frank Hole and Kent V. Flannery with support from Rice University and the National Science Foundation surveyed the plain in 1961 and began an excavation at Ali Kosh. In 1 9 6 3 , diey returned with James Neely, who excavated at Tepe Sabz while Hole and Flannery continued at Ali Kosh and briefly reexamined an old French trench at Tepe Mussian. In 1 9 6 9 Hole excavated at Chogha Sefid (see figure 1 ) , Neely carried out an intensive survey of the plain, and Mi chael Kirkby of Bristol University investigated its geomorphic history. Henry Wright of the University of Michigan excavated at Tepe Farukhabad in 1 9 6 8 . The history of human use of Deh Luran is closely related to changes in the land itself. When people first settled at Ali Kosh and Chogha Sefid, tire surface of tire land was quite different from what it is today. Flash floods deposited silt washed down from the mountains over the entire plain, re generating its fertility and creating marshes that abounded with fish, attracted game and migratory fowl, and provided easily tilled, moist soil for agriculture. As the deposition of silt continued, the marshes gradually filled in; by the second millennium, some 4 m of silt had accumulated. T h e rivers became entrenched, and silt ceased to build up on the plain, leaving much of it unsuited to agriculture except by irriga tion. Today, except during winter flooding, both rivers have only meager, brackish flows; the small springs on tire pied mont are also brackish. The American teams focused on prehistoric sites, from
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the beginnings of human settlement in 7 0 0 0 BCE to the third millennium. Most of this research was ecologically oriented, widr emphasis given to the recovery of seeds, animal bones, and small finds that would inform on environment, agricul tural practices, and trade. Ali Kosh and Chogha Sefid doc ument the first settlements by people who combined limited agriculture and stock raising with hunting and collecting. By 6 0 0 0 BCE, irrigation was introduced during the Chogha Mami period by people who had developed the technology along the Tigris River. Although there were notable changes in the numbers of sites through tire various archaeological periods, until the third millennium settlements were small and scattered and populations sparse. Although tire earlier French excavations were not suc cessful in recovering tablets, they did find abundant Jemdet Nasr-Early Dynastic I-style ceramics in proto-Elamite tombs (c. 3 2 0 0 - 2 6 0 0 BCE) at Khazineh and Aliabad, con temporary with substantial settlements at Mussian and Fa rukhabad. By the early second millennium, populations had declined and the Ur III kings of Mesopotamia were shipping valuable highland commodities such as silver and timber through Deh Luran. Although new towns were established in Deh Luran at Tepes Patak and Goughan during the last half of die second millennium, these had disappeared by the end of the millennium, perhaps victims of the incessant war fare waged between Middle Elamite kings and Babylonia. The Neo-Elamite period (c. 1 0 0 0 - 5 2 0 BCE) is one of appar ent depopulation of the lowlands, perhaps reflecting unset tled conditions in Mesopotamia generally.
DEH LURAN. Figure 1 . Excavation trench in the prehistoric site of Chogha Sefid on the Deh Luran plain. (Photograph by Frank Hole)
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A number of sites were situated on irrigation canals during the Achaemenid, Seleucid and Parthian periods (520 B C E 226 CE). It is probable tiiat the irrigation system was built on Elamite predecessors because several of the towns are in the same locations. The demographic pattern changed dramat ically with the Sasanian and Early Islamic periods (c. 226-800 CE), when an entirely new technique of irrigation, based on the qanat system of subterranean channels, dis tributed water to the northern half of the plain. [See Irriga tion.] This was augmented by a second system that used terraces and check dams to distribute water from the many seasonal streams as a supplement to both irrigation and rain fall. A similar and much more extensive system was also constructed in the previously unsettled piedmont zone. Each of these local systems was designed to serve one or more homesteads. A third Sasanian innovation was a system that took water from springs through canals and drop towers from tile upland hills to fields and houses below. One such system, along which there were twenty-two drop towers, has been traced through a course of 6.5 km (4 mi). T h e drop towers served as penstocks for mills where the force of the falling water turned the blades of a millstone. As a result of these various systems, some 40 percent of the Deh Luran plain was occupied and settlement probably reached its highest total ever. The later Islamic periods saw a gradual decline in popu lation. From 800 to 950 CE, much of the piedmont system, including the drop towers, was abandoned, as was the qanat, system that fed the upper plain. Population may have dropped to half that of the previous period. From 950 to 1250, only two functioning irrigation systems remained, one near the modern town of Deh Luran, the other near Tepe Mussian. By 1250, the plain was devoid of settlements, a situation that existed until the twentieth century. The recent history of the plain has seen seasonal occu pation by tribal Luri, Arab pastoralists, and the Wali of Pusht-i Kuh (an Ottoman title), who used Deh Luran as his winter camp and built a fort on top of Chogha Sefid. In the twentieth century, a customs post was established, the Brit ish Petroleum Company briefly exporting petroleum prod ucts from a natural tar seep by means of a narrow gauge railroad, and the towns of Deh Luran, Mussian, and Bayat were founded. Seismic work established the presence of a major oil deposit beneath the international border, but pro ductions wells were not developed. Until the late 1960s, fresh water was available in Deh Luran only through rain water or from A i n Girzan, the only freshwater spring on the plain. In the 1970s, pumps to deliver fresh groundwater were installed, agriculture was transformed by modern ir rigation systems, and bridges were built over the rivers. Dur ing the Iraq-Iran war in the 1980s, Deh Luran was invaded and captured by Iraq and subsequently retaken by Iran. For the prehistoric periods, Deh Luran has one of the best-known sequences in the Near East, and the information
on the late historic irrigation and settiement systems is unique. Despite its small size and remote location, Deh Luran continues to hold much potential for elucidating the dynamic history of this region. [See also Ali Kosh; Elamites; Tepe Farukhabad; and Tepe Mussian.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Excavation and Survey Reports Gautier, Joseph, and Georges Lampre. "Fouilles de Moussian." Memoires de la Delegation en Perse 8 (1905): 59-149. The first survey and excavations on the plain, including Tepes Mussian, Khazineh, and Mohammad Jaffar, a.k.a. Ali Kosh. Hole, Frank. "Archeological Survey and Excavation in Iran, 1961." Science 137 (1962): 524-526. Discovery and initial excavation of Ali Kosh. Hole, Frank, and Kent V. Flannery. "The Prehistory of Western Iran: A Preliminary Report." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 33 (1967): 147-206. General survey of prehistoric sites, including Deh Luran. Hole, Frank, et al., eds. Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Deh Luran Plain: An Early Village Sequence from Khuzistan, Iran. University of Michigan, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, no. 1. Ann Arbor, 1969. Final site report on the excavations at Ali Kosh, Tepe Sabz, and Mussian. Hole, Frank, ed, Studies in the Archaeological History of the Deh Luran Plain. University of Michigan, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthro pology, no. 9. Ann Arbor, 1977. Final report on the excavation at Chogha Sefid, with a study of geomorphology and obsidian. Neely, James A. "The Deh Luran Region." Iran 8 (1970): 202-203. First report on the survey of die plain. Neely, James A. "Sassanian and Early Islamic Water-Control and Ir rigation Systems on the Deh Luran Plain, Iran." In Irrigation's Impact on Society, edited by Theodore E. Downing and McGuire Gibson, pp. 21-42. University of Arizona, Anthropological Papers, 25. Tuc son, 1974. Description of irrigation systems and mills. Neely, James A., and Henry T. Wright. Early Settlement Patterns on the Deh Luran Plain: Village and Early State Societies in Southwestern Iran. University of Michigan, Technical Report of the Museum of An thropology, no. 26. Ann Arbor, 1994. Description of all prehistoric sites and settlement patterns on the plain as known through survey, from the Bus Mordeh Phase to ED III. Wright, Henry T., ed. An Early Town on the Deh Luran Plain: Exca vations at Tepe Farukhabad. University of Michigan, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, no. 13. Ann Arbor, 1981. Final report on the excavation at Tepe Farukhabad. Environmental Reconstructions Helbaek, Hans. "Plant Collecting, Dry-Farming, and Irrigation Agri culture in Prehistoric Deh Luran." In Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Deh Luran Plain: An Early Village Sequence from Khuzistan, Iran, edited by Frank Hole et al„ pp. 383-426. University of Mich igan, Memoirs of the Museum of Andiropology, no. 1. Ann Arbor, 1969. Analysis of carbonized seeds from Ali Kosh and Tepe Sabz, Kirkby, Michael J. "Land and Water Resources of the Deh Luran and Khuzistan Plains." In Studies in the Archaeological History of the Deh Luran Plain, edited by Frank Hole, pp. 251-288. University of Mich igan, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, no. 9. Ann Arbor, 1977. Geomorphological study of the history of the Deh Luran and Khuzistan plains. Woosley, Anne, and Frank Hole. "Pollen Evidence of Subsistence and
DEIR 'ALLA, TELL Environment in Ancient Iran." Paleorient 4 (1978): 59-70. Environ mental and economic reconstruction based on pollen from the sites. Trade and Exchange Renfrew, Colin, et al. "Further Analysis of Near Eastern Obsidians." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 34 (1969a): 319-331. Renfrew, Colin. "Sources and Supply of the Deh Luran Obsidian." In Prehistory and Human Ecology of the Deh Luran Plain: An Early Village Sequence from Khuzistan, Iran, edited by Frank Hole et al., pp. 429-433. University of Michigan, Memoirs of the Museum of An thropology, no. 1. Ann Arbor, 1969b. Renfrew, Colin. "The Later Obsidian of Deh Luran: The Evidence of Chogha Send." In Studies in the Archaeological History of the Deh Luran Plain, edited by Frank Hole, pp. 289-311. University of Mich igan, Memoirs of the Museum of Anthropology, no. 9. Ann Arbor, 1977. Deh Luran in the perspective of the entire Near East. Wright, Henry T. "A Consideration of Interregional Exchange in Greater Mesopotamia, 4000-3000 B.C." In Social Exchange and In teraction, edited by Edwin Wilmsen, pp. 95-105. University of Mich igan, Museum of Anthropology, Anthropological Papers, no. 46. Ann Arbor, 1972. Evidence for trade and manufacturing in Deh Luran. Wright, Henry T., et al. "Early Fourth Millennium Developments in Southwestern Iran." Iran 13 (1975): 129-147. Results of survey in Deh Luran and Luristan. Ancient History and Works of Synthesis Carter, Elizabeth. "Elam in the Second Millennium B.C.: The Ar chaeological Evidence." Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1971. Synthesis based on survey and excavations. Carter, Elizabeth, and Matthew W. Stolper. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. Berkeley, 1984. Includes Deh Luran in a general review of Elamite history. Hole, Frank, and Kent V. Flannery. "The Prehistory of Western Iran: A Preliminary Report." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 33 (1967): 147-206. General survey of prehistoric sites, including Deh Luran. Hole, Frank. "Chronologies in the Iranian Neolithic." In Chronologies in the Near East, edited by Olivier Aurenche et al„ pp. 353-379. British Archaeological Reports, International Scries, no. 379. Ox ford, 1987a. Assessment of carbon-14 dates and chronology of west ern Iran. Hole, Frank. "Settlement and Society in die Village Period." In The Archaeology of Western Iran, edited by Frank Hole, pp. 79-105. Wash ington, D.C., 1987b. Deh Luran is compared to oflier regions of western Iran. Wright, Henry T., et al. "Early Fourth Millennium Developments in Southwestern Iran." Iran 13 (1975): 129-147. Results of survey in Deh Luran and Luristan. Wright, Henry T., and Gregory A. Johnson. "Population, Exchange, and Early State Formation in Southwestern Iran." American Anthro pologist 77 (1975): 267-289. Comparison of developments in Deh Luran and Khuzistan. FRANK H O L E
D E I R ' A L L A , T E L L , site located in the Ghor Abu Obeideh in modern Jordan, east of the Jordan River and 4 km (2.5 mi.) north of the bridge over the Zerqa River (map reference 209 X 178). Before considering an identification with a site known from tire Bible, the nature of the ruins as Tell Deir 'Alia and its culture must be identified. c
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The tell was inhabited from the eighth century BCE until late Persian times and was mentioned by nineteenth-century travelers to the Holy Land (including G. A. Smith and Selah Merrill). Excavation has been underway since i960, first by the University of Leiden, under the direction of H. J. Franken, and, since 1978, by that university in cooperation with Yarmouk University, Jordan. Excavations have shown that in the Bronze and Iron Ages Deir 'Alia was a large sanc tuary with auxiliary buildings—storerooms, workshops, and dwellings. B r o n z e Age. The site's Middle Bronze remains have not as yet been excavated. In the sixteenth century BCE, an ar tificial hill was constructed that covered the MB ruins. This hill was restricted to tire eastern half of tire tell and measured more than 90 meters along its northern slope. Its northsouth axis was probably the same length. On its north side, which is 7 meters high, a 2-meter-high podium was built of mud bricks, oriented north-south. The podium held a cella ( n m wide and probably 20 m long) built of large river stones. A towerlike structure on this building's north side contained three small rooms. As the mud-brick buildings and mud roofs adjacent to the cella weathered, they caused tire surface area to rise, and several times tire cella had to be rebuilt on a higher level. In this process, the cella's thick walls served as retaining walls for the platform on which each new cella was erected. The entrance to the latest Late Bronze cella has not been excavated, as it is buried deep within tire tell. An earthquake destroyed the building shortly after 1200 BCE. Storerooms and workshops were built to the west of the cella, against the podium. On the east, rooms were found containing precious objects and clay tablets pertaining to the administration of the temple. Farther east were the living quarters for temple personnel. The nature of these remains creates a question about tire function of the complex. It is not part of a village or town; it is a freestanding sttucture on the plain of Succoth. Petrographic analysis of the pottery revealed that about 20 percent came from areas at a consid erable distance from tire site, such as basalt areas. Because there was a strong Egyptian influence, tire most likely identification is that tire temple served the trade be tween Egypt and Gilead. This trade is known from biblical sources, in which Midianite and Islrmaelite caravans travel between Gilead and Egypt (Gn. 37:28). It was an entrepot for Gilead's products, collected and harvested by the local population in the hills to the east and north of the site. In tire cella, the storerooms, tire treasure room, and in one of the houses, fenestrated pots that could be closed were found that had not been used as ossuaries. They may have con tained a "document" that testified to special bonds between the sanctuary and certain groups, such as families or tribes. Each pot may have represented a priestly family whose duty it was to serve during a certain period in the temple. An Egyptian drop vase with the cartouche of queen T a -
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(
DEIR ALLA INSCRIPTIONS
wosert demonstrates that Egyptian trade interests had not yet waned in tire early twelfth century BCE. It is not known whether that trade ended with tire earthquake that struck shortly thereafter, destroying the sanctuary. While there would have been enough space for tire markets in the sur rounding fields, the destruction of the administrative center and locations where conn-acts could be placed under divine authority must have had a disastrous effect on the people's livelihood. At some point in the early Iron Age, metalworkers leveled part of the surface of the ruined site and, for a short period, settled the tell, where they produced bronze objects. Little is known about this period because the excavation was fo cused on only a small area. However, there are indications that large buildings had been erected on the east side of the tell—perhaps a new temple complex serving trade, although no longer tied to Egypt. In the following centuries, after the smiths had left the site, there is a rather nondescript collec tion of small buildings and open spaces at the center of the tell. At one point the area may even have been walled, with a gate between two small watchtowers. Iron Age. The tradition of Deir 'Alia as a sacred place was not lost, and in the eighth century BCE a sanctuary ex isted, designated phase IX, of which a large area was exca vated. It is this phase "proto-Aramaic" texts were found in which the prophet Balaam son of Beor plays a role (Nm. 22-24) • The texts were written on a wall in a room belonging to the large complex of work and storage rooms. East of this complex, of which twenty-two rooms have been excavated, is another complex of ordinary houses with courtyards. No architectural parallel to this layout has as yet been found in the region. Although this building was also de stroyed by an earthquake that shifted walls at ground level, it was still apparent that some rooms could only be entered through/ a high window or from the roof. This gives the rooms the quality of an artificial cave. It appears that the room in which the Aramaic texts were written belonged to this group. T h e complex resembles what is described in myths as a labyrinth, although a small one—a place of death and victory over death, a typical theme in religion in tire ancient Near East. According to the Balaam text people believed that there was a pantheon of gods (Heb., 'elohim) with a leading god dess, probably Ishtar and Shadday, mythological beings (Dt. 32:17). This was a feature of religion in Syria that persisted into the Roman period in Hierapolis (Manbij), where the great Syrian goddess resided. Because the Hebrew prophets describe Canaanite religious practices derogatorily: "under oaks and poplars and terebinths" (cf. Flos. 4:13), modern readers may forget that these attributes belonged to a proper religion. Thus, the cult practiced in eighth-century Deir 'Alia was a primitive "mystery" religion, and not the "state" religion—as was the contemporary cult of Osiris in Egypt and of Attis in Syria itself. T h e mystery for the living in the
latter two cults was the beneficial rising of the Nile water in Egypt and the return of the winter rains in Syria, respec tively. In Israel, dre traces of the high places dedicated to Baal disappeared as the hilltops eroded. In Jordan, however, at Tell Deir 'Alia, later construction buried the remains of a Baal high place and the fertility religion practiced there. A flint inscribed with the name of Shar'a (the name used by bedouin today for the Jordan River, the "great watering place") was found in a four-room complex with an over sized loom weight and other weaving tools and a libation vessel. Among others, these objects may point to weaving for a water spending deity, a goddess holding power over the water clouds, in the sanctuary. Tell Deir 'Alia has often been identified with biblical Succoth (Heb., "huts"), a settlement with "elders" but other wise unspecified (Jg. 8, 16). Succoth may not have been the name used by the local people, but rather was a biblical in dication of a place of pagan religion in the Bronze and Iron Ages: the site's sanctuary may have been known as a holy place belonging to certain deities with local names like BethShar'a (see below). The place name Tar'alah is Talmudic (J.T. Shevi'it 9.2) and comes from the Hebrew root rl; the verb is used in connection with drunkenness or to quiver, shake, or reel. It may be that exiles expelled from Jerusalem by tire Romans settled in tire area and took Psalm 60 to refer to their situation: that is, instead of calling the area Succoth they called it Tar'alah ("thou hast made us to drink tire wine of astonishment", Ps. 60-63), from which the corruption Deir 'Alia followed. [See also Deir 'Alia Inscriptions.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Franken, H. J., with contributions by J. Kalsbeek. Excavations al Tell Deir'Alia, vol. 1 , A Slraligraphical and Analytical Study of the Early Iron Age Pottery. Leiden, 1969. Franken, H. J. Excavations at Tell Deir Alia, the Late Bronze Age Sanc tuary. Louvain, 1992. Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij. Aramaic Texts from Deir 'Alia. Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui, vol. 19. Leiden, 1976. Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij, eds. The Balaam Text from Deir'Alia Reevaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1980. Leiden, 1991. H . J. FRANKEN
D E I R ' A L L A I N S C R I P T I O N S . Several groups of inscriptions, now in the Archaeological Museum in Amman, Jordan, were found in the various excavations begun in i960 at Tell Deir 'Alia (ancient Penuel or Sukkot?) in the Middle Jordan Valley. In the site's Late Bronze Age level (c. 1200 BCE), an Egyp tian cartouche of queen Tawosert (Yoyotte, 1962) and three small clay tablets inscribed in a linear script were discovered
C
DEIR ALLA INSCRIPTIONS (Franken, 1964). Although various commentators have pro posed interpretations for them, no reading seems satisfac tory and they must be classified as undeciphered. It is pos sible, nonetheless, to hypothesize from the general shape and the vertical stance of the letters that they are Old Ara bian script, Nortii and South. Indication for such a reading is to be found in a tablet from Beth-Shemesh in Israel, an abecedary, in the order of the letters in the South Arabian tradition (Sass, 1991). Because the tablets are contempora neous, this conjecture for the Deir 'Alia inscriptions appears plausible. In level M/IX (c. 800 BCE) of H. J. Franken's excavations (1967), several inscriptions attest to the use of Aramaic script. Two incised inscriptions mention "the gate" (sir") and another contains the beginning of an abecedary. In scriptions on plaster found at the site in 1967 are also written in Aramaic script, in black and red ink. These texts, prob ably originally written on wall plaster (wall no. 36), were found in many pieces among debris. T h e details of their language, restoration, script, reading, and interpretation are still under discussion; however, following a preliminary paleographic dating to the Persian period, and then in the editio princeps to about 700 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1976), most commentators now agree that the paleography fits the dating of the archaeological context: about 800 BCE (Hoftijzer and Kooij, 1991) or the first half of the eighth century BCE. In deed, the earthquake that destroyed level M/IX at Deir 'Alia could well be the one mentioned in Amos 1:1 (cf. also 4 : 1 1 , 6:8-11, 8:8, and 9:1; and Zee. 14:5), dated to about 760 BCE. Although some scholars prefer to describe this script as Am monite, and others have attempted to classify it as Hebrew, Midianite, or North Arabic, the texts linguistic features seem to contradict these classifications. Most specialists agree that the writing is either an un known Canaanite dialect (Gileadite?) or Old Aramaic. Sev eral linguistic features make the second interpretation more probable: the writing of q for *d; the third-person masculine singular suffix -wh in 'Iwh (cf. also the plural ending -ri); the third-person feminine singular -t. of the perfect tense in the verb in hrpt and hqrqt, and the verb 'tyhdw, among otiiers. This classification fits the archaeological and historical con text: during phase M/IX, Deir AUa seems to have been un der Aramaic (Damascene) influence. The restoration of the broken plaster pieces has produced two principal groups of fragments known as combinations I and II. Even if problems with the details remain, it seems possible to restore most of the ten first lines of combination I. Most commentators agree that line 1 contains the title of this combination, written in red ink: spr (b)Tm(.br b')r.' s.hzh 'Ihn, "Text of (Ba)laam (son of Be)or, seer of the gods." The text tells the story of the seer Balaam's vision: " T h e gods came to him at night and spoke to him according to these words and told to Balaam son of Beor as follows. . . ." Even though the oracle is difficult to read and interpret, the next
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lines seem to tell how, on the following morning, Balaam fasts and weeps before telling his vision to his people. T h e content of this vision is on a plaster fragment and so is in complete, but it seems to depict a topsy-turvy world over shadowed by an oracle of doom. Combination II is still more difficult to understand because none of the lines can be re stored completely (see figure r). However, from what re mains of these two combinations, it is clear enough that they contained literary texts, brief sections of which—probably the most important ones (title, oracle)—were written in red ink. The original disposition of the text, in one or two col umns, also is still debated. Because the inscription on the plaster of wall 36 was in columns, however, it probably re sembled a manuscript—a literary text copied from a manu script by a professional scribe, for the handwriting is both regular and beautiful. T h e language of these inscriptions may be an archaic di alect of Aramaic—earlier than the Old Aramaic of the be ginning of the eighth century BCE. T h e redaction of the Ba laam text may antedate the Deir 'Alia copy by one or two centuries, making the Balaam Aramaic text the oldest extant
c
DEIR'ALLA INSCRIPTIONS. Figure I . Part of Combination Deir 'Alia Inscriptions.
(Courtesy ASOR Archives)
TTof the
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DEIR EL-BALAH
Aramaic literary text. This example of an Aramaic literary tradition is probably close in time to the origins of the bib lical traditions regarding the foreign seer Balaam (especially Nm. 22-24). In addition to an incised "two-shekel" weight (registration number DA 2632) and an Ammonite seal from the seventh century BCE (DA 2550; Kooij and Ibrahim, 1989, p. 106), several Ammonite inscriptions on jars and on ostraca (DA 2555, 2712, 2755; ibid., pp. 103-106) were found in level VI and may date to about 600 BCE. The jar inscriptions have not yet been properly edited but are said to consist princi pally of personal names, mostly Ammonite. A few Aramaic ostraca (DA 2600, 2768) from tire Persian period (fifth cen tury BCE), one of which mentions "stones" ('bnri) also awaits a proper edilio princeps. [See also Aramaic Language and Literature; Deir 'Alia, Tell] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aufreeht, Walter E. A Bibliography of the Deir 'Alia Plaster Texts. News letter for Targumic and Cognate Studies, Supplement 2. Toronto, 1985. Eph'al, Israel, and Joseph Naveh. "The Jar of the Gate." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 289 (1993): 59-65. Study of the Aramaic "gate" inscriptions. Franken, H. J. "Clay Tablets from Deir 'Alia, Jordan." Velus Testamenturn 14 (1964): 377-379. Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij. Aramaic Texts from Deir Alia. Documenta et Monumenta Orientis Antiqui, vol. 19. Leiden, 1976. Editio princeps of the Balaam text. Hoftijzer, Jacob, and Gerrit van der Kooij, eds. The Balaam Text from Deir Alia Reevaluated: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden, 21-24 August 1989. Leiden, 1991. Various linguistic, lit erary, and archaeological studies dealing with the Balaam text. Kooij, Gerrit van der, and M. H. Ibrahim. Picking Up the Threads . . .: A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir Alia, Jordan. Leiden, 1989. Sass, Benjamin. "The Beth Shemesh Tablet." Ugarit-Forschungen 23 (1991): 315-326. Shea, William H. "The Inscribed Tablets from Tell Deir 'Alia." An drews University Seminar Studies 27 (1989): 21-37. Yoyotte, Jean. "Un souvenir du 'pharaon' Taousert en Jordanie." Vetus Testamentum 12 (1962): 464-469. ANDRE LEMAIRE
DEIR EL-BALAH (Ar., "house of the dates"), site lo cated in the Gaza Strip, about 13 km (8 mi.) south of tire city of Gaza, close to the Mediterranean coast. In antiquity, it was the easternmost point on the ancient road leading across the Sinai desert from Egypt to Canaan. At the site's virgin soil level, a flourishing Late Bronze Age, Egyptiantype outpost, complete with an Amarna-style residence and artificial pool was excavated between 1972 and 1982 on be half of the Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and tire Israel Exploration Society, under the direction of Trude Dotlran. Superimposed on this stratum
was a fortress and an artisans' quarter from tire time of Ram eses II and a contemporary adjacent cemetery. Above these richly documented levels were traces of Philistine, Israelite, and Byzantine settlements, after which the site was aban doned to the encroaching sand dunes. There were no modern topographic indications of an an cient settlement because of centuries of shifting sand dunes. A bedouin watchman inadvertently discovered the cemetery when an area was cleared for an avocado grove in the late 1960s. Subsequently, the cemetery was emptied by tomb robbers. It was only the sudden appearance of LB burial gifts and anthropoid coffin fragments in the antiquities' mar ket in Jerusalem that alerted the archaeological community to it. [See Grave Goods; Ethics and Archaeology.] The site was first examined by archaeologists in 1968, but because of its precarious security situation excavation could not commence until 1972. Every effort was made prior to ex cavation to locate, register, and photograph all the artifacts that had been purchased by private collectors and museums. Among the artifacts were some fifty anthropoid coffins, the largest and richest group from Canaan so far known; Egyp tian scarabs; jewelry; alabaster and bronze vessels; and fine Mycenaean and Cypriot pottery. The first few seasons were spent excavating the cemetery to the edge of tire 132-meter-high sand dunes that bounded the area. Three more anthropoid coffins were found in situ, all containing burials of several individuals. From these bur ials and those already recorded, it was evident that the cof fins had been placed in groups of three or more, with hun dreds of simple burials between them, and marked above ground by a Canaanite storage jar. Alongside the coffins were crude, locally made pottery vessels and a diverse as semblage of imported Mycenaean, Cypriot, and New King dom Egyptian vessels. Inside tire coffins were bronze objects such as mirrors, bowls, a wine set, and knives, apparently once wrapped in linen; alabaster goblets; and jewelry—carnelian and gold beads, gold amulets, gold earrings, scarabs in gold and silver settings, palnrette gold pendants, and seal rings. [See Jewelry.] Though distinctive Canaanite traits were manifest in tire workmanship of some of the jewelry and pottery, the dead were evidently Egyptians or were un der Egyptian cultural and religious influence—but losing touch with the cultic significance of tire Egyptian symbols. Four local sandstone Egyptian funerary stelae were also found in the cemetery, bearing hieroglyphic inscriptions and depictions of Mut and Osiris, similar to nineteenth-dynasty stelae from Deir el-Medineh in Egypt. At some distance from the cemetery, mud-brick walls were found that continued under the high dunes. Eventually 175,000 metric tons of sand were removed, revealing an area of 2,000 sq m down to the settlement's earliest occupation level, the mid-fourteenth century BCE. From the architec ture, ceramic finds, and other indications, tire closest par-
DELTA allels to this stratum are with Tell el-Amarna, the Egyptian capital city of King Akhenaten ( 1 3 7 9 - 1 3 6 2 BCE). A number of the rooms had well-preserved beaten-earth floors on which were found some locally made Canaanite cooking pots, juglets, bowls, and flasks and a preponderance of Egyptian-type vessels, many painted with "Amarna blue" and some with die additional black and red decoration that was especially popular during the late eighteenth dynasty. Adjacent to the building was a pool or reservoir, also typical of Amarna. [See Amarna, Tell el-.] Of striking interest were ten cylindrical pieces of carnelian and blue frit, dotted with traces of gold and pierced by a square aperture—parts of a scepter or flail, whose closest parallel comes from the tomb of Tutankhamun. Because flails were a symbol of authority, they can be adduced as evidence that the building complex was either a governor's palace or an administrative residence. T o the west of the residence a pit, possibly a favissa, was excavated in which there was a clay bulla, or seal, bearing four hieroglyphs—two udjats and two nefers—another par allel with Amarna. Superimposed upon the residence was a fortress that ap pears to have been two stories high, with supporting walls more than 2 m thick. T h e fortress ( 2 0 X 2 0 m) contained fourteen rooms. It had four corner bastions, which indicated that it had been built in royal Egyptian style, similar to the fortresses shown on the relief of Seti I at Karnak, depicting the ancient route from Egypt to Canaan, "the Way of Ho rns." Another area contained an artisans' village, in which traces were found of nearly every craft connected with the production of coffins and burial gifts. There were also frag mentary walls of private buildings, apparently the homes of the artisans, that contained typical such kitchen installations as tabuns ("clay ovens") and cooking pots. Whereas the later archaeological levels were shallow, in the new area layers of ash, rubble, and animal skeletons were packed with enormous amounts of crude pottery fragments, sometimes 6 m deep. Gradually, the semicircular outline of a brick structure built on the fill (of the pool) became evi dent. Its collapsed domed roof and vitrified walls indicated a pottery kiln, one of several that were found. There was also a large, well-planned building with a water installation in one room, used most likely in the preparation of the clay for the pottery-coffin industry. T h e installation was built of large slabs of worked sandstone, inlaid with shells and plas ter. Also found were large fragments of coffins and a flat, perforated clay disk similar to the coffin bases discovered in the cemetery. Hoards of bronze nails and scraps, a fragment of a divine concubine in carved stone, and spinning bowls used in the production of textiles were also found, as were chunks of ocher for coloring the coffins. Because of the local topography and .the site's unique ge
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opolitical conditions, only a small area was excavated. The site's full size is not known. Nevertiieless, the excavations at Deir el-Balah provide an in-depth picture of an Egyptian outpost and cemetery in southern Palestine toward the end of Egyptian influence there. BIBLIOGRAPHY Dothan, Trude. "Notes and News." Israel Exploration Journal 22 (1972): 65-72; 23 (1973): 129-146; 28 (1978): 266-267; 31 (1981): 126-131. Dothan, Trude. Excavations at the Cemetery of Deir el-Balah. Qedem, vol. to. Jerusalem, 1979. Dothan, Trude. "Deir el-Balah." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeo logical Excavations in the Holy Land, edited by Ephraim Stern, vol. r> PP- 343 347- Jerusalem and New York, 1993. -
TRUDE DOTHAN
D E L T A . T h e Nile Delta extends about 2 0 0 km ( 1 2 0 mi.) northward from the area of Cairo to the Mediterranean Sea. In antiquity this flat plain, roughly the shape of an inverted triangle, was traversed by seven branches of the Nile River. Today, only two branches survive: the eastern one emerges near Damietta, while the western one reaches the sea near Rosetta. The Delta's principal topographical features have evolved through the deposition of Nile alluvium and the in trusion of the Mediterranean Sea. Beach ridges, lagoons, and salt marshes are common near the northern coast, while farther south the region is crossed by canals and water chan nels, and swamps are found frequently in the low-lying areas. Ancient settlements often developed on the small hills ris ing above the alluvium, close to the Nilotic branches. T h e region's economy was based primarily on farming and cattle herding. Other significant economic activities included fish ing, commerce, and, in the eastern Delta, viniculture. The local Egyptian population was supplemented by influxes of Asiatics, Libyans, and, especially in the first millennium BCE, people from Cyprus, Anatolia, and the Greek world, T h e Delta is much less well known archaeologically dian the Nile valley. Many ancient sites are buried beneath either the alluvium or modern occupation. Others have been robbed out by peasants searching for old mud brick for fer tilizer or ancient building stone for construction. Little is known about the Delta in Neolithic times; remains of that period probably lie beneath the high water table and modern alluvium. T h e earliest excavated village is at Merimde Beni Salame, a large Late Neolithic (early fifth mil lennium) town on the periphery of the Delta some 5 9 km ( 3 7 mi.) northwest of Cairo. Evidence of human activity increases somewhat for the Chalcolithic period. Recent excavations at Buto in the west ern Delta and at Tell Ibrahim Awad and et-Tell el-Iswid (South) in the east have revealed stratigraphic sequences covering the Late Chalcolithic-Early Dynastic periods. The
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DEMOGRAPHY
earliest levels at Buto relate archaeologically to finds made years ago at Maadi, which today lies in the southern suburbs of Cairo. In the first half of tire fourth millennium, Maadi was a large town that prospered through copper worldng and trade with Palestine. Buto has also provided evidence for early ties with Mesopotamia, probably via Syria. Finally, a large cemetery from the late fourth-early third millennia at Minshat Abu-Omar in tire northeastern Delta has yielded pottery and other imports from Palestine; this site reflects tire incursion of Upper Egyptian people into tire Delta in the late predynastic period and the expansion of Egyptian trade with the southern Levant. In pharaonic times tire Delta (i.e., Lower Egypt) had a separate series of administrative distticts, or nomes, from the Nile valley (i.e., Upper Egypt). Pharaoh ruled over the two halves of the land as "long of Upper and Lower Egypt." The Delta became especially important in tire seventeenthsixteenth and thirteenth-eleventh centuries BCE, and then again during the first millennium BCE. In the fifteenth dy nasty ( 1 6 4 8 - 1 5 4 0 BCE), Asiatic rulers known as the Hyksos dominated northern Egypt from their residence at Avaris (modern Tell ed-Dab'a), along the former Pelusiac branch of the Nile in the eastern Delta; other Asiatic sites of that period have been found elsewhere in the eastern Delta and in tire Wadi Tumilat. In the nineteenth-twentieth dynasties, the Ramessid pharaohs made their home at Piramesse (PerRameses), which today encompasses an enormous area ex tending from Tell ed-Dab'a north to Qantir. The Delta reached its cultural and political zenith during the first millennium BCE, when several dynasties came from that area. At Tanis, on the former Tanitic branch of the Nile, a huge capital developed during the twenty-first dynasty. Many earlier monuments removed from other Delta sites have been found there; Tanis also contained a large temple complex dedicated to tire god Amun, as well as tire tombs of several kings of the twenty-first and twenty-second dy nasties. Bubastis, situated farther to tire south, was the home of tire twenty-second dynasty. This town, founded during the Old Kingdom (c. 2 7 0 0 - 2 1 9 0 BCE), had a temple dedi cated to tire lioness goddess Bastet, along with large cat cem eteries. [See Cats.] The twenty-sixth dynasty ( 6 6 4 - 5 2 5 BCE) made its resi dence at Sais in the western Delta. In this region, from the sixth century BCE on, there was also a Greek trading colony at Naukratis (modern Kom Ge'if). Located near tire old Canopic branch of tire Nile, Naukratis was an important commercial center until Ptolemaic times, when the founding of Alexandria on tire Delta's northwest coast (in 3 3 2 - 3 3 1 BCE) led to tire former's decline. The few archaeological re mains surviving from Greco-Roman Alexandria include the enormous Column of Diocletian ( 2 9 7 CE) and the theater at Kom el-Dik. [See also Alexandria; Hyksos; Naukratis.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The Archaeology, Geography, and History of the Egyptian Delta in Phar aonic Times: Proceedings of a Colloquium, Wadham College, 29-31 Au gust. 1988, Discussions in Egyptology, no. 1. Oxford, 1989. Pro ceedings of a conference held at Oxford in 1988 on a variety of subjects and historical periods relating to the Delta. Contains several good papers, but the contributions often lack adequate illustrations. Baines, John, and Jaromir Malek. Atlas of Ancient Egypt. New York, 1980. Contains a brief, illustrated introduction to the Delta's major archaeological sites (pp. 166-177). Bietak, Manfred. Tell el-Dab'a, vol. 2, Der Fundort im Rahmen einer archdologisch-gcographischen Unlersuchung ilber das dgyptische Ostdelia. Vienna, 1975. Excellent study of the ancient geography and political organization of the eastern Delta, witii special emphasis on the identification of Tell ed-Dab'a as die Hyksos city of Avaris and the Ramessid residence known as Piramesse. Brink, Edwin C. M. van den, ed. The Archaeology of the Nile Delta, Egypt: Problems and Priorities. Amsterdam, 1988, Proceedings of a conference held'in Cairo in 1986 on die major archaeological prob lems of the Delta; includes several excellent synthetic contributions. Brink, Edwin C. M. van den, ed. The Nile Delta in Transition: Fourth-Third Millennium B.C. Tel Aviv, 1992. Well-illustrated, valu able work containing papers from a 1988 conference on the Delta in late predynastic and early dynastic times. Bulzer, Karl W. "Delta." In Lexikon der Agyptolagie, vol. 1, cols. 1043-1052. Wiesbaden, 1975. Solid overview of the geology, geomorphology, and economic basis of the Nile Delta in antiquity. Eraser, P. M. Ptolemaic Alexandria. 3 vols. Oxford, 1972. Standard ref erence work on the history and culture of Alexandria in Hellenistic times. Hoffman, Michael A. Egypt before the Pharaohs. Rev. ed. Austin, 1991. Part 4 (pp. 167-214) provides a survey of the major prehistoric sites in the Delta region. Kees, Hermann. Ancient Egypt: A Cultural Topography. Translated by Ian F. D. Morrow. London, 1961. Chapter 8 (pp. 83-121) gives a useful political and economic survey of die Delta in antiquity; the archaeological data, especially for the eastern Delta, are largely out dated. JAMES M.
WEINSTEIN
D E M O G R A P H Y . For periods in antiquity, where so cieties are similar and where similar methods of construction and traditions of habitation exist, a fixed coefficient of pop ulation density can be determined. More elaborate and ad vanced techniques, made possible by excavation, surveys, and interpretations of ceramic, faunal, and floral material, will allow future scholars to venture precise estimates for all periods. Considerable evidence exists to show that in tire premodern Near East the average density coefficient was very near 2 5 0 inhabitants per hectare (or per 2.5 acres). That figure stems from two systems of calculating population density: by analogy with present-day settlements in traditional soci eties (the ethnoarchaeological method) and by analysis of the layout of excavated sites. The first approach shows that tire density in villages in various communities in the Near East (Palestinian Arab, Iraqi, and Iranian) averages 2 5 0 per hectare. It should be
DEMOGRAPHY noted though that in ten contemporary "old" cities in the Levant for which data are available, density is 400-500 per sons per hectare. Urban settlements in antiquity, as in preindustrial modern cities, must have been considerably denser than in nonurban settlements. Using the second approach, it can be shown that the mean density of four Iron Age II settlements was fifty-four houses per hectare. If it is assumed that those buildings were oc cupied by nuclear families, each of five persons on the av erage, 270 people per hectare can be assumed. Ancient Sources. Almost invariably, ancient sources supply us with inflated population numbers. T h e most of ten-quoted example is the number of Israelites of army age counted during die Exodus—603,550 (Nm. 1:45-46 and similar numbers in other places). Because this figure refers to men older than twenty, the total population during the Exodus (the ratio of men of army age to total population is estimated to be 1 3 - 3 . 5 ) would have to have been more than two million—an impossibility. The resources of the Sinai Desert could not have provided enough food or water for such a crowd. T h e Hebrew Bible contains a wealth of such population figures. Salo W. Baron discusses 345 of them in Ancient and Medieval Jewish History (New Brunswick, 1972, pp. 25-38), including the grossly exaggerated results of King David's census: 1,570,000 "sword drawers," which would bring the general population to more than five million (r Chr. 21:5 and elsewhere) and the one million soldiers of Zerah the Ethiopian (2 Chr. 14:8). The figures given by almost all ancient sources are simi larly inflated. Flavius Josephus, the first-century Jewish his torian who is an otherwise reliable author, supplies mostly fantastic figures when it comes to population estimates. He claims that in 70 CE, during the First Jewish War against Rome, there were 204 villages in the Galilee, the smallest of which numbered 15,000 (War 3.43; Life 235). This, how ever, would swell the number of inhabitants in the Galilee in that period to well over three million. It is believed today that at the time the whole country had a population of fewer than one million. Josephus avers that the number of people killed in Jerusalem was 1,100,000 (War 5.420)—a figure the city could not possibly have sustained (it must already have been overcrowded, accommodating part of the Roman army). There are, however, data in Josephus that have the ring of accuracy: the number of the defenders of Jerusalem in 70 CE having been 23,400 (War 5.248) and the unrounded numbers and detailed breakdown of troops—how many led by John of Gischala and how many by the Zealots, for ex ample—and their plausible magnitude. Similarly, Josephus's estimate of the number of the inhabitants of Egypt men tioned in the oration of Agrippa II (7,500,000, exclusive of Alexandria) is plausible (War 2.385). T h e reliability of tiiese figures rests on tiieir most probably having been copied from
143
Roman military records, the hupomnemata (Gk., "commen taries") to which Josephus had access. T h e best way to achieve a trustworthy estimate of ancient populations is through a combination of agricultural data, which dictates the carrying capacity of a place, and archae ological data, which helps to estimate population densities. Estimating Population Size Using Modern Archae ological Data. Western Palestine (modern Israel and the West Bank) is perhaps the most excavated and best-sur veyed area in the world. T h e results of the intensive and extensive surveys and excavations carried out since 1967 en able quite accurate maps of the country to be drawn for certain key chronological periods: 2600 BCE (Broshi and Gophna, 1984), 1800 and 1600 BCE (Broshi and Gophna, 1986); 734 BCE (Broshi and Finkelstein, 1992); and 541 CE (Broshi, 1979)- T h e maximum population ancient Palestine wit nessed—about one million inhabitants—was in the year 541, a level not reached again until 1931. That was the heyday of the Byzantine Empire and just one year before the onset of one of the three pandemic plagues recorded in history. It decimated the population of the entire country. Ancient Palestine. T h e ability of a given area to support life is its carrying capacity. It is derived from the sum of many factors that limit the amount of food an area can pro duce. In other words, the carrying capacity of a region is an upper limit. Usually, according to D. J. Greenwood (in W. A. S. Tini, Nature, Culture, and Human History, New York, 1977, p. 394), the limiting factors will keep population lower than the theoretical maximum. For ancient Palestine, two ways suggest themselves for estimating carrying capac ity: an assessment of its grain-growing capacity and an es timate of its overall food-producing capacity. These meth ods are based on three assumptions: that annual per capita consumption of food in general and grain products in par ticular can be calculated, that the country's annual graingrowing capacity can be reckoned; and that Palestine in an tiquity was self-sufficient in grain growing and, indeed, in raising all basic commodities but not in refining metals. Ancient sources, as well as modern parallels, suggest that the annual per capita consumption of ancient Palestine was about 200 kg. Including grain for sowing (20 percent), waste (20 percent), and animal feed (10 percent), the gross con sumption reached about 300 kg. It seems that the graingrowing capacity of Palestine is well represented by the har vests of the years 1940-1942. These three years during World War II saw peak harvests, not supplemented with imports. Prices soared and every piece of arable land was cultivated. The 1940-1942 average annual yield of grains (wheat, barley, sorghum, and maize) was 266,411 tons. This amount could feed about 900,000 people. There is ample evidence to show that ancient Palestine was self-sufficient as far as food production is concerned. Thus, the country was supplying bread to fewer than one million people.
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DENON, DOMINIQUE VIVANT
Overall food-production capacity is a quantification method that tries to compute the amount of land needed to feed one person according to the agrotechnical standards of ancient Palestine. Grain was tire country's main staple, the source of more than 50 percent of the caloric intake. To produce 300 kg of grain, 0.4 ha (one acre) is needed. With fallow land—a minimum of one-third of the cultivable land—the grain-producing area should reach at least 0.6 ha (1.5 acres). To supply the other components of the food basket, more area was needed—for vegetables, fruits, legumes, wine, and oil. A certain amount of land also was required for growing fibers for textiles, mostly flax. It is difficult to estimate ac curately how much land was needed for these crops, but it seems that 0.4 ha is the bare minimum. Thus, the minimum area necessary to feed one person is one hectare (2.5 acres). Of the 2,600,000 ha (6,500,000 acres) of Western Pales tine, only 937,000 ha are cultivable. For purposes of com putation and because a certain amount of arable land has deteriorated in the last thirteen centuries, the number of ar able hectares in antiquity can be rounded to one million. Thus, ancient Palestine could have fed some one million people. Although this estimate is lower than most others that are current, it is supported by detailed estimates. Antony Byatt (1973) collected thirteen estimates of the population of ancient Palestine. Only one of them ascribes to Roman Palestine fewer than one million people. The rest run be tween 1,500,000 and 6,000,000. Ancient Mesopotamia. The only Near Eastern country other than Israel to benefit from archaeological investiga tions in assessing demographic history is modern Iraq. A series of reconnaissance projects carried out by Robert McC. Adams and his colleagues between 1956 and 1975, under the auspices of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, covered most of southern Iraq. Adam's work enabled him to draw conclusions about tire settlement his tory of Sumer, Akkad, and later of Babylonia. Ancient Mes opotamia was entirely dependent on vulnerable irrigation systems that can only be maintained by a stable centralized administration. As a result, it suffered more drastic vicissi tudes than most Near Eastern countries. Population peaks can be shown for the Late Uruk, Ur III, Neo-Babylonian, and Parthian periods, with marked lows in between, when there was no strong central government. Although Adams refrains from offering absolute population numbers, his data on settlements and their size do enable the development of sound demographic assessments. [See also Agriculture; Ethnoarchaeology; Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Robert McC. Land behind Baghdad. Chicago, 1965. Adams, Robert McC. Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement
and Land Use on the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates. Chicago, 1981. Adams, Robert M c C , and Hans J. Nissen. The Uruk Countryside: The Natural Setting of Urban Societies. Chicago, 1972. Broshi, Magen. "The Population of Western Palestine in the RomanByzantine Period."Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re search, no. 236 (Fall 1979): 1-10. Broshi, Magen. "Methodology of Population Estimates: The Roman Byzantine Period as a Case Study." In Biblical Archaeology Today, 1990: Proceedings of the Second International Congress on Biblical Ar chaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, edited by Avraham Biran and Joseph Aviram. Jerusalem, 1993. Broshi, Magen, and Israel Finkelstein. "The Population of Palestine in Iron Age II." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 287 (August 1992): 47-60. Broshi, Magen, and Ram Gophna. "The Settlements and Population of Palestine during the Early Bronze Age II—III." Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, no. 253 (Winter 1984): 41-53. Broshi, Magen, and Ram Gophna. "Middle Bronze Age II Palestine: Its Setdements and Population," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 261 (February 1986): 73-90. Byatt, Antony. "Josephus and Population Numbers in First Century Palestine." Palestine Exploration Quarterly (1973): 51-52. Stager, Lawrence E. "The Archaeology of the Family in Ancient Is rael." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 260 (November 1985): 1-35. MAGEN BROSHI
D E N O N , D O M I N I Q U E VIVANT (1747-1825), French diplomat, artist, colleague of Napoleon Bonaparte, and founder of the Louvre in Paris. This truly universal man may well be considered the first Egyptologist for the detailed and profusely illustrated observations that he published fol lowing his participation in the Napoleonic expedition to Egypt (1798-1801). In his fifties and distinguished as a dip lomat, art connoisseur, and artist, Denon was one of the more senior and brilliant members of the commission of science and arts attached to the general staff of Napoleon's army of Egypt. Denon proved to be an energetic explorer and tireless re corder, often working under the most difficult and danger ous conditions as he followed General Desaix's army through Egypt, sketching monuments and recording his im pressions in writing. He discovered the zodiac on a ceiling in the temple of Dendera, which tire French were the first Europeans to view. Because some of the temples that Denon documented with precision no longer survive, the Descrip tion d'Egypte and his additional works preserve the only rec ords. When Bonaparte abandoned his troops in Egypt in Au gust of 1799, he took Denon back to Paris with him. From his large collection of drawings, Denon published his Voyage dans la Basse et la Haute Egyple (1802), in two volumes with 141 plates, which appeared twenty years before the Com mission of Science and Arts' Description, and thus gave to the West the first professional portrayal of the wonders of
DER, TELL EDEgypt. T h e book was enormously popular, and went through forty editions, was translated into English and Ger man, and provided tire inspiration for the Egyptian revival in architecture and the decorative arts that marked the early nineteenth century. Denon was appointed director general of museums by Napoleon and went on to be the founder of what is now the Louvre. He played a major role in forming its collections when he accompanied Napoleon on subsequent campaigns in Europe giving advice on the choice of artistic spoils from vanquished cities. BIBLIOGRAPHY Dawson, Warren R., and Eric P. Uphill. Who Was Who in Egyptology. 2d rev. ed. London, 1972. Denon, Dominique Vivant. Voyage dans la basse et la haute Egypte (1802). Paris, 1990. Nowinski, Judith. Baron Dominique Vivant Denon, 1747-1825. Ruth erford, N.J., 1970. BARBARA SWITALSKI LESKO
145
D E R , T E L L E D - , site located in northern Babylonia, halfway between tire Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, 25 km (15.5 mi.) south of Baghdad ( 3 3 V N , 44°i8' E). Tell edDer covers an area of about 50 ha (123.5 acres). The site was probably founded slightly before the Ur III period (2112-2004 BCE), but its name at that early stage in its his tory is not known. However, the information yielded from the archives found in the area its excavators call operation E ascertain its identification with the Old Babylonian town of Sippar-Amnanum that appears in written sources during the reign of Sinmuballit (1812-1793 BCE); on the other hand, Dominique Charpin (1992) has shown that the names of Sippar-Amnanum, Sippar-AnnunTtum, Sippar-rabum and Sippar-durum probably designate the same town. Later on, only Sippar-AnunTtu is cited by the Assyrian king TiglathPileser I (1114-1076 BCE) among his conquests—the name that remained until the Persian period (539-333 BCE). The meaning of Der as "cloister" or "enclosure" has not yet been established with certainty.
DER, TELL ED-. Figure 1. Operation E. View of the house of Ur-Utu, chief dirge singer of the goddess Annunitum. (Courtesy H. Gasche)
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DEUTSCHE ORIENT-GESELLSCHAFT
In 1 8 9 1 , E. A. W. Budge drew many diousands of clay cablets out of die mounds at ed-Der. Three years later, Vic tor Scheil made a more modest find but presumed that an cient Sippar-Amnanum lay hidden underneath the ruins. Walter Andrae and Julius Jordan visited the site in 1927 and drew the first precise plans; it was not until 1941 that ex cavations were organized, by Taha Baqir and Mohammad Ali Mustafa under Iraqi government auspices. Since 1 9 7 0 a Belgian team directed by Leon De Meyer and Hermann Gasche has systematically investigated the site. In the area the excavators call operation A an area with private houses was selected for stratigraphic analysis: seventeen successive building stages are represented by some 6 m of cultural de bris, from the twenty-first to the end of tire eighteenth cen turies BCE. T h e considerable information gathered is fea tured in various synthetic studies (e.g., urbanization, domestic architecture, graves, pottery, terra-cotta figurines, texts). The results of the work undertaken on the imposing pe ripheral levee (operation B) were unexpected. This impres sive mass does not hide a traditional city wall, as had been anticipated, but an earthen dike (with a width of a least 4 5 m; see De Meyer, Gasche, and Paepe, 1 9 7 1 , plan 1), whose function was to protect the town from flooding. It is known, however, that Sippar-Amnanum was encircled by a real for tification wall because King Samsuiluna ( 1 7 4 9 - 1 7 1 2 BCE) mentions it in a letter. This wall can now be identified with a structure 6 m wide that appeared under the slightly later earthen dike mentioned above. Archaeological evidence has ascertained that the wall was destroyed by floods and then replaced by the earthen dike that, prior to tire Kassite period ( 1 5 9 5 - 1 1 5 5 BCE), was raised several times. The most important discoveries were made in operation E and came from the house of Ur-TJtu (see figure 1), chief dirge singer (gala.mah) of Annunitum, the main goddess of Sippar-Amnanum. More than two thousand tablets give in valuable information not only concerning social, economic, and religious life but also about the mutable commercial ac tivities of Ur-Utu, a highly placed religious dignitary at that time. Ur-Utu's house was burned in 1629 BCE, that being tire date of the latest text found in the archives. T h e ruins were totally covered with a sandy sediment, which indicates a period of abandonment of the area until it was reoccupied in about 1 4 0 0 BCE. Installations from that reoccupation were cleared in operation E 3 , where tire most recent remains are probably from the time of Sagarakti-Surias ( 1 2 4 5 - 1 2 3 3 BCE).
The excavations at Tell ed-Der have not yet revealed ma terial from tire Neo-Babylonian period. The question, then, is where the Temple of Annunitu, commemorated in an in scription of Nabonidus ( 5 5 5 - 5 3 9 BCE) as the work of that king, is to be found. [See also Babylonians; Cuneiform; Mesopotamia, article on Ancient Mesopotamia; Sippar; and Tablet.]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Charpin, Dominique. "Sippar: Deux villes jumelles." Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archeologie Orientate 82 (1988): 13-32. Essential study of the toponyms in the area of Sippar in the Old Babylonian period. Charpin, Dominique. "Le point sur les deux Sippar." Nouveltes Assyriologiques Breves et Utilitaires, no. 114 (1992): 84-85. Supplement to the aforementioned study. De Meyer, Leon, Hermann Gasche, and Roland Paepe. Tell ed-Der I. Louvain, 1971. Preliminary reports on the first excavation season at Tell ed-Der (Old Babylonian period). De Meyer, Leon, ed. Tell ed-Der. Vols. 2 and 4. Louvain, 1978-1984. Progress reports including reports of excavations, publication of texts, cylinder seals, metal vessels and metal analysis, studies on re gional geomorphology, fauna and botanical remains (Ur III, IsinLarsa, and Old Babylonian periods). Gasche, Hermann. La Babylonie au 17c siecle avant notre ere: Approche archeologique, problemes et perspectives. Ghent, 1989. The house of UrUtu, gala.mah of Annunitum, followed by a study of the declining Old Babylonian period. Gasche, Hermann, et al. "Tell ed-Der, 1985-1987: Les vestiges mesobabyloniens." Northern AkkadProject Reports 6 (1991): 9-94. Reports on the Kassite remains found at Tell ed-Der, including the pottery, epigraphic finds, and die fauna. Lerberghe, Karel van, and Gabriela Voet. Sippar-Amnanum: The UrUtu Archive. Vol. 1. Ghent, 1991. Publication of 106 texts found in the Ur-Utu archives, with a study of the seal impressions and sealing practices. L E O N D E MEYER
DEUTSCHE
ORIENT-GESELLSCHAFT.
Founded in 1 8 9 8 and charged with conducting excavations in the ancient Near East, tire Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft (DOG) carried out numerous projects under their direction of such noted archaeologists as Robert Koldewey, Walter Andrae, and Rudolf Borchardt. These include Babylon ( 1 8 9 9 - 1 9 1 7 ) , Assur ( 1 9 0 2 - 1 9 1 3 ) , J e r i c h o ^ 9 0 8 / 0 9 ) , AbuSir ( 1 9 0 2 - 1 9 0 7 ) , Amarna ( 1 9 1 1 - 1 9 1 4 ) , Bogazkoy (since 1 9 0 6 ) ,
Uruk-Warka (beginning in 1 9 1 2 / 1 3 ) , and at many other sites. This period of active fieldwork came to end with World War I, but some of the research was later continued in cooperation with the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (German Archaeological Institute). T h e necessary funds were contributed by tire more than one thousand members of the D O G , the German emperor, and tire government of Prussia. The DOG's most important sponsor was James Simon, a Jewish merchant from Berlin, who donated the finds from Amarna to the Egyptian Museum in Berlin. Publication of the excavation results began in 1 9 0 0 with a new series, Wissenschaftiiclre Veroffentiichungen der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft, edited by tire secretary of tire society. More than fifty volumes appeared between 1 9 0 1 and 1 9 3 6 , when Bruno Griterbock held the office. After 1 9 3 3 , the society lost most of its members; in 1 9 4 9 , it was restituted and Andrae was elected president. Publication of tire rich harvest from DOG's early excavations continued with thirty volumes of
DEUTSCHER PALASTINA-VEREIN the Wissenschaftliche Veroffentiichungen and a new series, Abhandlungen, was established. Independent fieldwork began again in 1 9 6 8 , with exca vations at Habuba Kabira and Munbaqa in Syria, under the presidency of Ernst Heinrich. This work continues, as does publication of the results and the finds from earlier projects. Of special significance is the rich material from Assur housed in the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin, which is in an advanced stage of preparation for publication. Recent papers appear in the periodical Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Today the society has about eight hun dred members and is actively engaged in scholarly work concerning the ancient Near East, with an emphasis on Mesopotamia and northern Syria. [See also the biographies ofAndrae and Koldewey.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Nagel, Wolfram. "Die Deutsche Orientgesellschaft: Riickblick 1976." Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 108 (1976): 53-71. Schuler, Einar von. "Siebzig Jahre Deutsche Orientgesellschaft." Mit teilungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft 100 (1968): 6-21. VOLKMAR FRITZ
DEUTSCHER PALASTINA-VEREIN. By 1 8 7 6 the need for a scientific society to coordinate and support the efforts of German scholars exploring Palestine—Arabists, archaeologists, geographers, historians, Orientalists, theologians—became urgent. In addition the religious and scientific interests of scholars and scientific societies in Pal estine were in competition. T h e initiative to establish tire Deutscher Paliistina-Verein (German Palestine Society) fi nally came from the Basel rector Carl Ferdinand Zimmermann (d. 1 8 8 9 ) . He met at Bale with the biblical scholar Emil Kautzsch and the Arabist Albert Socin, who was at Tubingen in summer 1 8 7 6 to discuss founding a Palestine society. Their recommendation was then sent to fifteen dis tinguished scholars who might serve as its governing com mittee. T h e three men presented their plans to the members of the Deutsche Morgenlaiidische Gesellschaft (German Oriental Society) that same year. T h e conceptualization of the future society was refined and a new proposal was sent to about seventy scholars in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and Russia requesting support. In 1 8 7 7 Kautzsch, Socin, and Zimmermann distributed a proposal to the general pub lic bearing the signatures of fifty-two respected individuals. Within a short time about fifty members enrolled in the new society. T h e three initiators held a meeting of the constitu ents at Wiesbaden, on 2 8 September 1 8 7 7 , the Deutscher Verein zur Erforschung Palastinas (German Society for the Exploration of Palestine) was formally founded; rules for the society were adopted and a committee of nineteen and an executive committee of five established. T h e society's goals are to advance all aspects of the sci
147
entific exploration of Palestine and to make those activities accessible to a wide audience. Their aims were to be achieved through the publication of a journal and by sci entific research in Palestine, be carried out by a German field expedition. T o that end, a portion of the membership fees and other monies would contribute to an expedition fund. The legal seat of the society was to be atLeipzig. From 1 8 7 7 to 1903 the society's affairs were managed by the first members of the executive committee: Hermann Guthe, Kautzsch, Otto Kersten, Socin, and Zimmermann. Begin ning in 1 9 0 3 , one member of the committee served as chair: Kautzsch ( 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 1 0 ) ; Guthe, ( 1 9 1 1 - - 1 9 2 5 ) ; Albrecht Alt (1925-1950);
Martin
Noth
(1952-1964);
( 1 9 6 4 - 1 9 7 4 ) ; Herbert Donner
Otto
Ploger
( 1 9 7 5 - 1 9 9 2 ) ; and Helga
Weippert (since 1 9 9 3 ) . Membership remains relatively con stant: in 1 8 7 9 it was 2 6 8 ; from 1 9 1 1 onward it was more titan 4 0 0 ; in 1 9 2 0 it dwindled to 2 7 3 but reached a new peak in 1 9 2 9 of 3 9 1 ; it fell again to 2 5 5 in 1 9 4 2 and to 1 1 4 in 1964. Since then membership has climbed to 3 6 0 ( 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e founders of the society planned a journal, the Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina Vereins (ZDPV), to report on topographic, ethnographic, historical, numismatic, epi graphic, and archaeological problems as well as on subjects in tlie natural sciences (e.g., geology, climatology) relevant to the study of Palestine and its neighboring countries—ar ticles that would advance knowledge of the Bible. It was also to contain critical summaries of relevant foreign scholarly literature and statistical and political news about the condi tions of life in modern Palestine. The first issue appeared in April 1 8 7 8 ; volume n o appeared in 1 9 9 4 . The editors were Guthe
( 1 8 7 8 - 1 8 9 6 ) ; Immanuel Benzinger
(1897-1902);
Carl Steuernagel ( 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 2 8 ) ; Noth ( 1 9 2 9 - 1 9 6 4 ) ; and Ar-
nulf Kuschke ( 1 9 6 5 - 1 9 7 4 ) . Since 1 9 7 4 Siegfried Mittmann and Manfred Weippert have been co-editors; Weippert was succeeded by Dieter Vieweger in 1994. News about the society and reports on different general subjects were published separately from 1895 to 1 9 1 2 as Mitteilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Vereins zur Er forschung Palastinas (edited by Guthe until 1 9 0 1 and then by Gustav HSlscher). In addition, from 1 9 1 4 to 1 9 2 7 the society published Das Land der Bibel: gemeinverstandliche Hefte zur Palastinakunde, a more popular series (edited by Holscher and then by Peter Thomsen), T o supplement the ZDPV, a new series, Abhandlungen des deutschen PaldstinaVereins, was established in 1 9 6 9 to publish longer mono graphs. Another prominent institution, the German Protestant In stitute of Archaeology of the Holy Land, directed from 1 9 0 2 to 1 9 1 7 by Gustav Dalman, is organized and financed by the German Protestant Churches; it is completely indepen dent of the German Palestine Society, but a close coopera tion exists between them and they share a roster of promi nent members, mostly biblical scholars and theologians. [See
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DEUTSCHER P ALAS TIN A-VERELN
Deutches Evangelisches Institut fur Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes.] The history of tire German Palestine Society can be di vided into four periods, with the activities of major figures often belonging to more than one of them. 1 8 7 7 - 1 9 1 8 . As documented in the ZDPVand other pub lications, tire society shaped the various aspects of the new discipline of Paldstinakunde (the historical geography and archaeology of Palestine). Research on the architecture and topography of Jerusalem and its surroundings was carried out by such pioneers at Conrad Schick ( 1 8 2 2 - 1 9 0 2 ) who, in 1880, discovered the Siloam Tunnel inscription (ZDPV 3, 1 8 8 0 ) : Schick published about fifty articles in tire ZDPV. [See Siloam Tunnel Inscription; and the biography of Schick.] In 1881 Guthe conducted the first excavations on behalf of the society. His work on Jerusalem's southeastern hill (the Ophel) was carried out on a small scale, before systematic excavation methods had been developed (ZDPV5, 1 8 8 2 ) . [See Jerusalem.] Gottlieb Schumacher ( 1 8 5 7 - 1 9 2 5 ) , tire ar chitect and cartographer, began surveying parts of Transjordan in 1 8 8 4 on behalf of the society; between 1 9 0 6 and 1 9 2 4 he published the maps tire work produced. From 1 9 0 3 to 1905 Schumacher directed the society's first (and last) large-scale excavation at Megiddo, except the fall season of 1 9 0 3 , which was led by Benzinger (Silberman, I 9 8 2 , p . 1 6 9 ) . [See Megiddo; and the biographies of Schumacher and Benzin ger.] Max Blanckenhorn, a geologist, investigated the geol ogy of Palestine; beginning in 1 8 9 4 he installed a series of weather bureaus for the society and published the results of his observations (e.g., temperature, rainfall, wind) in the ZDPFannually. In 1 9 0 1 the society underwrote the drawing of the mosaic map of Madaba discovered in 1884. [SeeMadaba.] This was completed by the Jerusalem architect Paul Palmer and was subsequently published in 1 9 0 6 by him and Guthe. The excavations of Ernst Sellin ( 1 9 0 2 - 1 9 0 4 ) at Ta'anach, with Schumacher's temporary assistance, and at Jericho ( 1 9 0 7 - 1 9 0 9 ) with Carl Watzinger, as well as his pre liminary work at Shechem ( 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 4 ) , belong to this pi oneering period. In particular, the exactness of the descrip tions in the report on Jericho ( 1 9 1 3 ) makes it still useful. [See Ta'anach; Jericho; Shechem; and the biography of Sellin.] T h e research of Heinrich Kohl and Watzinger on syna gogues in Galilee (published in 1916) represent another as pect of the discipline, now also covering the New Testament period. Gustaf Dalman's research on topography and eth nology was intensive during this period as well. Already in 1908, 1 9 1 3 , and 1 9 1 5 - 1 9 1 7 Albrecht Alt worked in Jerusa lem. [See the biographies of Watzinger, Dalman, and Alt.] 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 3 2 . In spite of Germany's political and economic difficulties after World War I, tire interdisciplinary, interreligious, and international cooperation of the society and its foreign members grew constantiy. A new generation
came into office: Alt was elected to the society's executive committee in 1 9 2 3 and became chairman in 1 9 2 5 ; Noth be came editor of the ZDPV in 1 9 2 9 (see above). Whereas the society's only project in Palestine was its series of weather bureaus, the Deutsches Evangelisches Institut in Jerusalem (see above), directed by Alt from 1 9 2 1 to 1 9 2 3 , gained new importance: German scholars assembled there to continue their research. From 1 9 2 4 to 1 9 3 1 , Alt conducted an annual lehrkurs (seminar) for a period of three or four months. He placed more emphasis on the history of Palestine than on ethnology, as Dalman had done. During field trips, recon naissance of small areas was carried out by thorough surveys and ceramic sherds at settlement sites were collected and read as basic sources for the history and patterns of those settlements. The stress Alt placed on the close connection between research on tire land (archaeology through survey and excavation) and critical readings of the biblical text (ex egesis) in reconstructing a history of Palestine was the main conttibution he (and his generation) made to the discipline of biblical archaeology. Other major figures working in Palestine during this pe riod include Sellin at Shechem ( 1 9 2 6 - 1 9 2 7 , 1 9 3 2 and 1 9 3 4 ) ; Kurt Galling at Shechem with Sellin ( 1 9 2 6 ) and at Tell Beit Mirsim with William Foxwell Albright ( 1 9 3 0 ) . Joachim Jeremias a New Testament scholar did research in Jerusalem ( 1 9 3 1 , 1 9 3 2 ) ; and Noth, scholarship student at the institute in 1 9 2 5 , was a guest there of tire lehrkurs ( 1 9 3 1 , 1 9 3 3 ) . This group of distinguished scholars subsequently published im portant books or articles based on the research they devel oped during their respective stays in Palestine. 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 6 4 . Hitler's rise to power in 1 9 3 3 was very soon felt by Alt and others as a danger to the work of the society (and the instiuite) at home and in Palestine. Because the Nazi authorities did not make sufficient foreign exchange available to the institute and because of the political distur bances in Palestine, Alt was no longer able to offer the lehr kurs. In addition, he and a few other scholars could travel to Palestine only sporadically and work there for only some months respectively doing their research: Alt was there in 1 9 3 3 and 1 9 3 5 , also taking some field trips. From July to September 1 9 3 5 Galling continued Dalman's research on the necropolis in Jerusalem and finished it (Palastina Jahrbuch 3 2 [ 1 9 3 6 ] : 7 3 - 1 0 1 ) ; he took some short field trips in 1 9 3 7 and 1 9 3 8 . His Biblisches Reallexikon was published 1937. In it, for die first time, mainly archaeological findings were used to describe the subjects of the entries, a first at tempt to develop within the discipline of biblical archaeology the topic of "systematic archaeology." [See the biography of Galling.} The beginning of World War II put a stop to re search in Palestine, only the ZDPVwas still published, from volume 6 2 ( 1 9 3 9 ) to volume 6 7 ( 1 9 4 4 ) . In 1 9 4 3 the society lost its entire archive in Leipzig: all its files and stock of
DEUTSCHES ARCHAOLOGISCHES INSTITUT, ABTEILUNG DAMASKUS publications from 1 8 7 7 onward, its library, and its ethnolog ical and archaeological collections. From 1 9 4 5 to 1 9 5 2 the society's activities were—out of political and even legal rea sons—completely suspended and therefore die ZDPV could not be published. Instead from 1 9 4 6 onward Noth edited three issues of Beitrage zur biblischen Landes- und Alterumskunde, 1 9 5 1 , which was counted as volume 6 8 of the ZDPV. By 1 9 5 0 the society, whose legal seat was still at Leipzig, was liquidated by the East German authorities, but on 3 1 July 1 9 5 2 , it was reestablished in West Germany, in Bonn. Noth, still editor of the ZDPV, also became its chairman. [See the biography of Noth.] After that the ZDPV'has been published again continuously from volume 6 9 ( 1 9 5 3 ) onward. Slowly, studies in Paldstinakunde, mainly by the above-named schol ars, began again. T h e lehrkurs at the institute, then located in the Old City of Jerusalem (Jordan), was resumed in 1 9 5 3 , tire first conducted by Galling. Since 1 9 6 5 . The ZDPV, again a journal of international repute, is publishing more articles by foreign scholars. In 1 9 6 4 Noth was nominated director of the institute in Jeru salem. However, expectations for furthering Paldstinakunde were destroyed by his early death in 1 9 6 8 . Since 1 9 7 0 young German scholars have begun taking part in excavations: Kuschke, Mittrnann, Martin Metzger, Ute Lux, and August Strobel in Lebanon and Jordan; and Volkman Fritz and Diethelm Conrad in Israel. T h e society now organizes sym posia, the first two of which took place in 1 9 7 7 and 1 9 8 2 . Since 1 9 8 8 they have been held every two years. It is through these activities that the German Palestine Society and its members hope to make a special contribution to Paldstina kunde, or biblical archaeology, further developing the best traditions of Alt and Noth. [See also Biblical Archaeology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
To date, no comprehensive history of the society has been published. Because die archive of the society was destroyed in 1943, all facts had to be extracted from the society's publications: Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldslina-Vereins, vols. 1-67 (Leipzig, 1878-1944/45), and vols. 69/110 (Wiesbaden, 1953-1994); Mitieilungen und Nachrichien (Leipzig, 1895-1912); and from Paldslinajahrbuch des Deutschen Evangelischen Instivuts filr Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes zu Jerusalem (Leip zig, 1905-1941). The latter is die organ of the institute, with news on its activities and important articles on results of research. The reader may also consult the following: Alt, Albrecht. "Protokoll der 24. Generalversammlung des Deutschen Vereins zur Erforschung Palastinas (23. August 1928 in Bonn)." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldslina-Vereins 51 (1928): 302. Remarks on the fifty-year-old society. Kautzsch, E. "Vorwort." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 1 (1878): 1-9. Preface to the first volume of ZDPV, containing details about the founding of the society. Silberman, Neil Asher. Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Ar chaeology, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy Land, 1709-1917. New York, 1982. Explores the connections between religiously motivated scientific exploration of Palestine in the nineteenth century and the
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political struggles among rival European powers for dominance in the region. Steuernagel, Carl. "Ein Ruckblick auf 50 Jahre der ZDPV." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldslina-Vereins 51 (1928): 1-4. Review of the main stages of the then fifty-year-old journal. Zobel, H.-J. "Geschichte des Deutschen Evangelischen Instituts fur Altertumswissenschaft des Heiligen Landes von den Anfangen bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 97 (1981): 1—11. The first short history of the German Protestant Institute of Archaeology, from its founding to World War II, with comparative assessments of Dalman and Alt. DIETHELM CONRAD
D E U T S C H E S A R C H A O L O G I S C H E S INSTI T U T , A B T E I L U N G D A M A S K U S . The founding of the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (DAI; German Archaeological Institute) in Damascus in 1980 came out of the long-standing tradition of German archaeological re search in Syria. The institute, which opened in 1981, works in close cooperation with the Syrian Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums. T h e institute supports the inves tigation of all archaeologically relevant periods in Syria and its neighboring regions. At present, the emphasis of its re search is on the Late Bronze Age, Roman, Byzantine, and Islamic periods. In addition to numerous small survey and conservation projects, work is underway at the following sites: at Late Bronze Age Tell Bazi at Tishrin (rescue ex cavations directed by Berthold Einwag); Roman (first-third centuries CE) temple complexes in the Hauran (at Atil, Brekeh, Mushennef, Qanawat, as-Sanamain, directed by Stefan Freyberger); a Roman (second-third centuries CE) temple complex in Middle Syria, (Temple of Esriye, with a survey of the adjoining settlement, directed by Rudiger Gografe); a third-century temple grave at Palmyra (no. 3 6 , a joint pro ject of the DAI and die Antiquities Administration of Pal myra, directed by Andreas Schmidt-Colinet and Khaled al-As'ad); the first-sixth-century limes on the Middle Euphrates River (Qseir es-Seile/Tetrapyrgium and Sura, di rected by Tilo Ulbert and Michaela Konrad); Rusafa/Sergiopolis (first-thirteentii-century martyr's city of St. Sergius, directed by Ulbert); ar-Raqqa, the eighth-century palace city of the 'Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid (rescue excavations directed by Michael Meinecke until his death); and the fourteenth-century Hammam Mangak at Bosra (restoration and construction of a small Islamic museum, a joint project of the DAI and the Antiquities Administration of Bosra, directed by Meinecke and Riad al-Muqdad). T h e institute houses a specialized library, which is open to the public and currently contains about eight thousand volumes, as well as a photo library with about twenty-five thousand negatives and a slide library. Its publications are Damaszener Mitieilungen (JDaM) a periodical with essays by international researchers covering the institute's entire field
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of activity—so far volumes i (1983) through 6 (1993) have appeared; and Damaszener Forschungen (DaF) a monograph series, of which five volumes have appeared. [See also Bosra; Palmyra; Raqqa, ar-; and Rusafa.] T I L O ULBERT Translated from German by Susan I. Schiedel
BIBLIOGRAPHY Bittel, Kurt. Beitrage zur Geschichle des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts 1929 bis 1979. Das Deutsche Archaologische Institut, Geschichte und Dokumente, 3. Mainz, 1979. See pages 65-91. "Jahresbericht des Deutsches Archaologisches Instituts 1989." Archdo logischer Anzeiger (1990): 590-600. W O L F KOENIGS
D E U T S C H E S ARCHAOLOGISCHES INSTI T U T , A B T E I L U N G I S T A N B U L . One of dre nine branches of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI) in Berlin in countries in the Mediterranean basin and the Near East, the institute in Istanbul was founded in 1929 to orga nize German archaeological research in Turkey. That re search had begun with surveys and excavations in Anatolia in 1828 b y F . E. Schulz, A. D. Mordtmann, HeinrichSchliemann, Karl Humann, Theodor Wiegand, Wilhelm Dorpfeld, and many others. As a result of the interest the newly established Republic of Turkey took in the country's history, the goals of the DAI in Istanbul were defined in a much wider sense than just archaeology. They comprise research and publications on all tire cultures of Anatolia from pre historic times until the end of tire Ottoman Empire. The DAI's staff of thirty in Istanbul includes eight German scholars in prehistorical and classical archaeology, Byzan tine studies, tire history of architecture, and turcology. The institute cooperates with Turkish universities in research and teaching and provides a library of about 55,000 vol umes, including 245 scholarly periodicals. An archive of about 150,000 photographs of archaeolog ical objects and sites in Anatolia also includes a collection of negatives and prints from i860 to 1920. Under the auspices of the institute, prominent scholars have made considerable contributions to what is known of Anatolia's history and cul ture: Kurt Bittel in prehistory and the Hittites; Rudolf Naumann in Hittite and classical architecture; Martin Schede in classical archaeology and architecture; Alfons Maria Schnei der in the history of Byzantium; Wolfgang Mtiller-Wiener in the topography of Istanbul; Paul Wittek in Ottoman his tory; and Kurt Erdmann in Islamic art. Currently, the institute is involved in archaeological ex cavations and to some extent in restoration at the Hittite capital city of Bogzkoy/Hattusa, the ancient city of Miletus, the classical cities of Aizanoi, Miletus, Pergamon, and Priene, and the classical sanctuary at Didyma. In Istanbul, topographic surveys and research on single monuments have always been part of the institute's program. The institute publishes the yearbook Istanbuler Mitteilungen (Tlibingen, 1966-) with occasional monographs and the series of Istanbuler Forschungen (Berlin, 1932-). Some of its reports appear in the Archdologischer Anzeiger, Berlin. [See also Bogazkoy; Didyma; Miletus; Pergamon; Priene; and the biography of Schliemann]
DEUTSCHES EVANGELISCHES INSTITUT FUR ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT DES H E I L I G E N L A N D E S . T h e German Protestant Insti tute for Archaeology of tire Ploly Land, located in Jerusalem, was founded in 1900 by Germany's Protestant churches and has been sponsored by them ever since. T h e first director, Gustaf Dalman (1902-1917), initiated a wide range of ac tivities—his own major fields having been the ethnography of Palestine, tombs in the vicinity of Jerusalem, and Petra. During the British Mandate, Albrecht Alt was appointed director; Alt did not actually reside in Jerusalem but, con ducted the famous summer courses about aspects of his re search in historical geography in the country. T h e institute was closed during World War II but was reopened by Mar tin Noth in 1964. After Notir's untimely death in 1968, Ute Lux served as director until 1982. Lux excavated at Gadara (Umm Qeis). A branch of the institute was founded in Am man in 1973. T h e institute in Jerusalem was directed, from 1982 until 1992, by August Strobel, who undertook several excavation projects in Jordan. Volkmar Fritz, appointed di rector in 1994, is continuing the tradition of geographic re search and archaeological projects. From the beginning, tire work of the institute was handi capped by the lack of its own building. Then, in 1982, a house in tire compound of the German Augusta Victoria Compound on Mt. Scopus was made available as the insti tute's center. A board of trustees representing German churches and theological faculties is responsible for its bud get and staffing. Between 1905 and 1941, the institute published a year book, Paldstina Jahrbuch, founded by Dalman and later ed ited by Alt. In 1989, Strobel revived it as the Jahrbuch des Deutschen Evangelischen Instituts fur Altertumswissenschaft des Heilingen Landes. Articles on the activities of the institute also appear in the Zeilschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins (ZDPV). [See also Historical Geography; Jerusalem; Petra; U m m Qeis; and the biographies of Alt, Dalman, and Noth] VOLKMAR FRITZ
D E V A U X , R O L A N D . See Vaux, Roland de.
DEVELOPMENT AND ARCHAEOLOGY DEVELOPMENT
AND
ARCHAEOLOGY.
Nowhere has the dialogue between tire past and the present had a greater impact on current economic, political, and religious realities than in the modern nation-states of the ancient Near East. There, the past is visible in nearly every field, village, town, and city, often creating a sense of identity and continuity, or in some cases alienation, for its modern inhabitants. Throughout all periods of time, the past was visible as ruins above the surface, inspiring curiosity and speculation from travelers and pilgrims, who saw in them their own religious and political heritage, and from local in habitants, who saw the ruins as landmarks and as part of the natural landscape, often connected with local legend or holding traditional significance. Since the nineteenth century, archaeological excavation, or the systematic recovery and recording of ancient ruins, has revealed the concealed past. During the period of dom ination of the Near East by foreign powers and until World War II, most archaeological investigations were directed and sponsored by individuals or private institutions from the in dustrialized Western world who had religious or academic research goals; they, in turn, were often encouraged by na tional or government institutions having an imperialistic agenda in the Near East. T h e excavations were almost ex clusively financed by private or foreign government funds and were initiated because of a site's historic or biblical sig nificance—Jerusalem, Megiddo, Beth-Shean, Samaria, and Jericho in Palestine. [See Jerusalem; Megiddo; Beth-Shean; Samaria; Jericho.] However, during the last half of the twen tieth century, with the creation of independent nation-states and their increasing economic prosperity, locally directed and locally funded excavations often outnumber foreign ex peditions. [See Nationalism and Archaeology.] Today, archaeology is financially accountable to eco nomic forces. Private and government agencies concerned witii conservation and the presentation of public sites em ploy large numbers of trained archaeologists and are keen to promote contract archaeology connected with land de velopment. Fewer and fewer sites are being excavated purely for research purposes: they are being excavated be cause of their impending destruction or tiieir commercial, national, or touristic value. A recent phenomenon is the growing influx of foreign tourism to the region of the ancient Near East as a result not only of the romantic appeal of its great cultures and their religious significance, but to the open borders resulting from peace treaties between Arab nations and Israel. T h e massive rise in revenues from foreign tourism has added incentive to preserving and presenting ancient ruins: the past is now understood to be a valuable natural resource. T h e use of archaeology to encourage tourism and economic develop ment in an underdeveloped town or region has made it a tool for solving social and economic problems, as well.
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Thus, archaeological excavation for the sake of tourism is an impetus to development, and development creates a need for more archaeological work in the form of salvage exca vation. Conflicting needs exist however: excavation, pres ervation, and publication costs compete for funds with con struction and development and the desires of local populations. This competition often forces difficult com promises between economic profit and the ideal of preserv ing the past. I m p a c t of the Past. Although development affects ar chaeological remains and historic buildings throughout the world, in the Near East the situation is especially complex because multilayered, or stratified, tells characterize many sites. T h e overlay of periods, cultures, and peoples requires choosing which part of the past is to be preserved: whether the Hittites, Canaanites, Egyptians, Philistines, Israelites, Assyrians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, Ro mans, Arabs, Crusaders, Mamluks, Ottoman Turks, or Pa lestinians (both Jewish and Arab) are to be highlighted on the personal, political, or economic criteria of the body within the society that chooses to initiate a project. In short, the "victor" writes and interprets the past. Economic development and archaeology have been es pecially intertwined in modern Egypt. Under colonial rule, Egypt experienced massive looting of its ancient treasures, particularly by European explorers, conquerors, and schol ars. Following independence from British colonial rule, many Egyptians closely identified with the glories of pharaonic Egypt—most notably during the governments of Gamal Abdel Nasser and Anwar Sadat. Today, however, Islamic fundamentalists view the pharaohs as the evil op pressors they have been portrayed as in Islamic literature and Muslim tradition. It is the ancient monuments of the pharaohs, visited by millions of tourists each year, that pro vide one of Egypt's most important sources of foreign cur rency. The significance of tourism generated by the archae ological treasures of Egypt and the vulnerability of this source of income are illusn-ated by the attacks on tourists by Islamic fundamentalist groups attempting to influence po litical developments. Ancient Nubia, located in modern southern Egypt, is the site of perhaps the best-known international archaeological rescue operation of the twentieth century. [See Nubia.] In the 1960s, the Aswan High Dam and Lake Nasser were cre ated in this region of Upper Egypt, where the New Kingdom pharaoh Rameses II constructed numerous rock-cut tem ples. As a result of the construction, a number of those mon uments were removed and reconstructed at different sites, following an appeal by the United Nations Educational, Sci entific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to its mem ber states to assist in a rescue operation. At Abu Simbel, the site of the most spectacular temples, the temple facades and walls were dismantled and re-sited next to Lake Nasser. T o -
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day, tiiese temples are one of Egypt's most popular tourist spots. [See Abu Simbel.] Ironically, the very source for much of Egypt's economic development also is the greatest threat to its future: Egyptian authorities have become increasingly concerned with con serving die country's treasures—its pyramids, sphinx, and several of the decorated New Kingdom tombs at ancient Thebes. The tomb of Nefertari has been the subject of an extensive renovation and conservation project by the Egyp tian Antiquities Organization and the Getty Conservation Institute in California. Now reopened, only a limited num ber of tourists are allowed to view the tomb, under carefully controlled conditions. During the 1970s, Carthage, an important Phoenician and Roman port located near Tunis, the modern capital of T u nisia, was the focus of a second international campaign com missioned by UNESCO. Rapid urban and tourist develop ment along the Tunisian coast was threatening the ancient remains of Carthage. With the cooperation of the Institut National d'Archeologie et d'Art, the Tunisian authority re sponsible for antiquities, and under the aegis of U N E S C O , international teams were invited to assist in the excavation and presentation of the city's archaeology. Ten foreign mis sions participated in the Save Carthage Project in the 1970s and early 1980s. They were required, in addition to funding the excavations and their publication, to finance its touristic presentation. Today, Carthage appears on the World Her itage List and is a national park. [See Cartilage.] In the Republic of Turkey, considerable funding has been allotted to excavating Neolithic and Bronze Age sites in Asia Minor, especially ancient Hittite sites, with an eye toward highlighting Turkey's glorious non-Islamic past. [See Hit tite s.] More recently, with the massive growth of tourism, especially along Turkey's western coast, the focus has shifted to the splendors of classical Turkey in the Hellenistic and Roman periods: Ephesus, Pamukale, Aphrodisias, Sar dis, and Pergamon have been extensively excavated and re stored for tourism, completely transforming the economic base and development of many villages and towns, such as Kusadasi, Bodrum/Halikarnassos, Marmaris, and Antalia. [See Ephesus; Aphrodisias; Sardis; Pergamon; Iialikarnassos.] Since achieving independence in i960, Cyprus has also had to contend with the pressures of local development, es pecially following the 1974 partition that divided the island into two sections, a Turkish enclave in the north and a Greek Cypriot one in the south. [See Cyprus.] This resulted in a migration of Greek refugees to the south and compounded pressures on the island's infrastructure. During the 1970s and 1980s, Cyprus's rapidly developing economy encour aged private, commercial, and government construction. In addition to the needs generated by an increased population, tourism to the south (especially in Limassol and Paphos)
demanded rapid development of the coastal cities. [See Pa phos.] During the course of construction activities, a num ber of significant sites requiring salvage excavation were re vealed. Kafavusos-Ayios Dhimitrios (an important Late Bronze Age settiement located between Nicosia and Limas sol), Skales (an Iron Age cemetery near Palaipaphos), and Amathus (a Phoenician settlement east of Limassol) have undergone emergency salvage excavations by both the Cyp riot Department of Antiquities and foreign expeditions. [See Kalavasos; Amathus.] The premiere site and major tourist attraction on Cyprus, Nea-Paphos, was the capital of ancient Cyprus during the Hellenistic and Roman periods and played an important role in the spread of Christianity. The archaeological site, the only open space in an otherwise overdeveloped area, is known for its richly decorated mosaic pavements dating to the Roman period. [SeeMosaics.] The site, which since 1980 has appeared on UNESCO's World Heritage List, has be come a symbol of Greek Cypriot cultural heritage for its modern inhabitants, especially since the division of the is land. Today, Nea-Paphos is a major source of revenue and economic development for modern Paphos. Jordan, a region largely undeveloped and unexcavated un til the 1970s, is now a focus of increasing archaeological ex ploration and economic development. In 1987, the Jorda nian government adopted an organized approach to the problem of archaeological heritage and economic activities, combining governmental, private, and academic agencies and organizations into a cooperative program referred to as the Jordan Cultural Resource Management (CRM) Project. It is supported by the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, the American Center of Oriental Research (ACOR), and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). [See American Center of Oriental Research.] Its goals include encouraging communication and coordination among the departments, organizations, and agencies in volved in preserving Jordan's cultural heritage and devel oping its economy; assisting in salvage excavations at en dangered sites; and training and educating professional staff—local and international members of the archaeological community. C R M contributed to the development of a computerized database for ancient sites in Jordan: the Jordan Antiquities Database and Information System (JADIS), de signed to assist in planning the future development and pro tection of cultural resources. Initially, the CRM project fo cused on salvage excavations—especially in the rapidly growing metropolis of Amman, but in areas outside the cap ital city as well—and on cultural resource management. [See Amman.] In the 1990s, USAID funding of archaeological activities in Jordan shifted from rescue excavations and cul tural resource management to tourist-oriented projects, such as those at Aila (the ancient Islamic port of Aqaba), restoration of the Amman Citadel, the Madaba Urban Dec
DEVELOPMENT AND ARCHAEOLOGY velopment Project, the U m m Qeis/Gadara Museum, the Pella rest stop, and the Petta Church Project. [See Aqaba; Madaba, Umm Qeis; Pella; Petra.] Antiquities in Lebanon, a country devastated by civil war from 1975 to 1990, were not only damaged during hostilities but were victims of large-scale looting. During the chaos that reigned following the mid-1970s, the country's heritage was plundered for profit on die antiquities market. Although an illicit antiquities market exists throughout the region, Leb anon has been the most severely affected by illegal excava tions, to supply the demands of primarily foreign private collectors. [See Ethics and Archaeology.] Lebanon's economic recovery from civil war, beginning in the early 1990s, included the massive development and reconstruction of many of its cities. Its population's urgent needs and the desire for rapid economic recovery clashed with preserving an archaeological heritage tiiat spans the Canaanite, Phoenician, Roman, Byzantine, Crusader, and Islamic periods. An international team of archaeologists from Europe and Lebanon began conducting salvage ex cavations in 1993 over an area of about 48,000 sq m in down town Beirut, currently being rebuilt by SOLIDERE, Leba non's largest commercial enterprise. [See Beirut.] While die fate of many of these ancient structures remains in question, on 6 November 1995, Reuter Information Service in Beirut reported increasing public interest and personal identifica tion with the antiquities being uncovered in salvage exca vations in the city's center. Archaeology played a key role in the modern State of Is rael's political, cultural, and economic development even before die establishment of die state in 1948. With the in creasing Jewish immigration to Palestine following World War I, Palestinian Jewish scholars became involved in the archaeology of ancient synagogues, finding personal iden tification and political justification in discovering Israelite and early Jewish remains. T h e focus of Israel's newly estab lished Department of Antiquities was on the excavation, preservation, and restoration of sites exhibiting clear evi dence of a Jewish presence in antiquity. In the 1950s, the Government Committee for the Preservation of Landscape and Antiquities (today the Israel National Parks Authority) was created to administer archaeological sites considered to be of national interest. Attention during the 1950s and 1960s was directed toward die excavation and reconstruction of monumental Crusader castles, such as those at Caesarea and Belvoir, and of Christian Byzantine churches, in order to attract Christian pilgrims. [See Crusader Period; Caesarea; Churches.] The only two biblical sites open to the public were Megiddo, excavated between die two world wars by die Oriental Institute at the University of Chicago, and Ha zor, excavated witii support from James A. de Rothschild, die Anglo-Israel Exploration Society, and the Government of Israel, in the late 1950s and early 1960s. [See Hazor.]
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In die 1960s, Masada was excavated and soon became the most visited site in Israel. [See Masada.] Located in the Judean Desert on a cliff overlooking the Dead Sea, the visual impact of the site and evocation of the events that took place there during die First Jewish Revolt against Rome inspired an entire generation of Israelis who saw in Masada a ro mantic symbol of the besieged modern state. [.See First Jew ish Revolt] The 1960s also witnessed heightened archaeo logical activity in die Negev desert, a by-product of Prime Minister David Ben Gurion's vision of developing the Ne gev for Jewish immigration. [See Negev.] Large-scale exca vations and reconstruction were conducted at a number of Nabatean sites there—at Avdat, Kurnub, and Shivtah/Subeita—and were opened to the public by the National Parks Authority. [See Nabateans; Avdat; Kurnub; Subeita.] Following the Six-Day War in 1967 and die resulting Is raeli sovereignty over the eastern part of Jerusalem, historical and biblical Jerusalem became accessible to Israelis for die first time since 1948. T h e impact of a unified Jerusalem on the city's economic and archaeological development is re flected in die three large-scale excavations begun in its east ern part shortly after die Six-Day War: along the soutiiern and western walls of the Temple Mount, in the historic Jew ish Quarter within die walls of Old City, and later in the City of David, located at the edge of die Kidron Valley in the Arab village of Silwan. [See Jerusalem.] The renewed excavations (1978-1984) in the City of Da vid were sponsored by the City of David Society, the Insti tute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University, the Israel Exploration Society, and the Jerusalem Foundation. [See Is rael Exploration Society.] T h e goals were to excavate, pre serve, and restore the archaeological remains on government lands in Jerusalem's historic core. Since the conclusion of diose excavations, the site has at times become a focal point of debate regarding land ownership and residential devel opment in Jerusalem. Today the site is an archaeological park. It was there that the opening ceremonies took place in 1995 to mark the three-thousand-year anniversary of die es tablishment of Jerusalem as King David's capital. The renovation of the Jewish Quarter by the Company for the Reconstruction and Development of die Jewish Quarter, established by die Israeli government and the In stitute of Archaeology of die Hebrew University of Jerusa lem, entailed extensive excavations of and below pre-1948 (medieval- and Ottoman-period) buildings. Significant Roman- and Byzantine-period remains are incorporated or preserved as part of or below the restored and reconstructed houses in die Jewish Quarter, and several underground ar chaeological sites are now open to the public. Jewish families who inhabited die quarter before 1948 were encouraged to return to live in its renovated houses as a means of engen dering a strong identification and sense of continuity with the past. Because many Arab families were relocated to ac-
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commodate the demographic change, tire Israeli excavations in the Jewish Quarter and near the Western Wall of the Temple Mount met with considerable criticism on a political level. A similar renovation project underway in the Old City of Akko in Israel is the combined restoration of currently in habited houses and structures of historic interest with the excavation of the well-preserved Crusader city beneath the modern dwellings. [See Akko.] This endeavor, under the auspices of the Israel Government Tourist Corporation, die Old Acre Development Company, the Israel Antiquities Authority, and the Ministry of Tourism, involving one of the best-preserved towns of the Ottoman period in the re gion, is proceeding without displacing the inhabitants. [See Israel Antiquities Authority.] Archaeological sites in Israel are occasionally excavated and developed because of local interest and national iden tification. The modern Jewish city of Qazrin, located in the Golan Heights, was established in the mid-1970s because of its proximity to the ancient site of Qasrin, a Jewish village and synagogue dating to the Byzantine period (fourtheighth centuries CE). Excavations and subsequent recon struction of the village, under the auspices of the Qazrin Local Council and the Israel Government Tourist Corpo ration, have created a popular tourist site that provides em ployment opportunities for residents. Ancient Qasrin has also become, for many Golan residents, a symbol of modern Jewish settlement in the Golan and is the setting for com munity celebrations and political rallies. [See Qasrin; Golan.] A different, and largely ignored, past is significant to tire Palestinian population. The Palestinian link with tire past is mainly through the traditional village—the settlement type that predominated for tire last thirteen centuries of Palesti ne's history. From 1948 to t9S0, during and following the establishment of the State of Israel, many of those villages were obliterated, severing the connection many Palestinians had with the land. As a result, there has been limited interest by, and even the alienation of, the Arab population in the archaeology of Israel. Today, there is renewed interest among Palestinian scholars in documenting and preserving traditional houses in towns such as Ramallah and in exca vating Ottoman villages such Jenin and Ta'anach on the west bank of the Jordan River. [See Ta'anach.] The 1990s ushered in a new era of archaeological inves tigation in Israel closely tied to national economic interests. This coincided with the establishment in 1990 of an inde pendent authority, the Israel Antiquities Authority, with ex panded jurisdiction over archaeological sites in Israel, re placing the Israel Department of Antiquities. The decade has been characterized by the excavation of major archae ological sites of national significance undertaken to encour age tourism and development. The year-round excavations at the classical (Hellenistic-Byzantine periods) sites ofBeth-
Shean, Caesarea, and Mareshah/Beth-Guvrin were initiated primarily to solve local social and economic (employment) problems. [See Mareshah.] In addition, large-scale construc tion (tire response, in part, to massive immigration from countries belonging to tire former Soviet Union), has re quired unprecedented salvage excavations at hundreds of sites yearly. The large residential communities currently un der construction in tire northern suburbs of Jerusalem, in Modi'in (north of Jerusalem), and in Beth-Shemesh; tire construction of Highway 6 transversing tire country from north to south; and a series of bypass routes on the west bank of tire Jordan have not only resulted in an unprece dented number of excavations, but have transformed tire local topography. [See Beth-Shemesh.] A landscape has been created that never existed. Although a number of sites will be preserved or not excavated, the new residential com munities will create artificial "islands" of cultural heritage cut off from their natural setting. Thus, in the 1990s in Israel archaeology became inseparable from tourism, economic development, and growth. This rapid development and tire resulting increase in sal vage excavations and attempts to preserve Israel's cultural heritage have been challenged by several sectors of the Is raeli populace. At a number of construction sites, Jewish tombs have been inadvertently uncovered, requiring salvage excavations. The removal of human bones from their final resting place, forbidden by Jewish religous law, and their disturbance by bulldozers or archaeologists have provoked violent demonstrations and political upheaval. Compromise solutions have included the rerouting of major roads or the cessation of excavations and tire sealing of tombs thought to be Jewish. Development has also been prevented on the Haram eslr-Sharif (the Temple Mount), the region's most significant site for Jews, Christians, and Muslims. Today, it is under Muslim jurisdiction, with Israel honoring an ar rangement made when the eastern part of Jerusalem was under Jordanian rule before 1967. Because of Muslim con cerns over the character and future of the site and of fears enforced by several attempts in recent decades to destroy Islamic structures on tire Haram, all archaeological activity there is forbidden. The battle over whose past is presented in Jerusalem has extended to tire south of the Temple Mount, where excavations uncovered not only the glories of Herod's Jerusalem but also public structures dating to the Umayyad period. [See Umayyad Caliphate.] Municipal plans to reconstruct and preserve the Umayyad monuments were met with demonstrations by nationalistic groups in Is rael who oppose presenting Islamic Jerusalem to the public. F u t u r e of the P a s t . T h e threat to the past presented by development in the majority of modern nation-states in the ancient Near East is unprecedented in history as a result of population growth, economic prosperity, and the earthmoving machines used in today's building projects. T h e
DEVELOPMENT AND ARCHAEOLOGY ideal is a balanced approach to preserving cultural heritage without unnecessarily impeding economic growtir and de velopment. Several measures need to be taken in advance of planned development, including surveys and inventories of sites and historic buildings. This policy has been imple mented, with varying degrees of success in Israel and Jordan, and on a smaller scale in surrounding countries. Close co ordination needs to be encouraged and enforced by govern ment agencies, municipalities, and private contractors on the one hand, and by departments of antiquities on the other, to minimize damage to archaeological sites and to avoid unnecessary delays or expense to contractors and in vestors. Cooperation during initial planning stages can often benefit all parties. Local and foreign tourism are encouraged through well-conserved sites accessible to the public and by public buildings and residential neighborhoods in which ar chaeological remains are preserved or incorporated into modern structures. T o effectively manage historical and archaeological re sources, clear legal, planning, policy, and academic frame works are necessary. Such well-defined guidelines can assist greatly in resolving the conflicts of interest that are unavoid able when development affects archaeological remains. Rel evant information must be accessible to decision makers in volved in planning and development as well as to those protecting archaeological resources. T h e management of ar chaeological sites, particularly in an urban environment, re quires a well-trained, professional staff as well as funding and other resources to collect and record archaeological re mains and to implement policy. Tourism requires infrastructure and facilities for visitors to sites in order to avoid adverse effects on the environment of a region and on ancient remains. [See Tourism and Ar chaeology.] In addition to the legal, administrative, and eco nomic factors of archaeological resource management, per haps tire most important aspect of cultural heritage is tire relationship between the archaeological site and the public. Public awareness and education are crucial to the conser vation of cultural heritage and planned development and can be encouraged through local associations and societies, in schools, and in the media. This communication is essential to raising awareness of the value of archaeological heritage as an endangered finite natural resource. The past is perceived through the eyes of tire living, and as contemporary values and beliefs change, so will interpre tations of the past. Historic remains are not static, and each site may have a diversity of meanings for different publics. As interpreters of cultural heritage, it is the task of archae ologists to convey the relevancy of the past, to promote di alogue between professionals and lay persons, and to en courage constructive cooperation between those desiring to preserve archaeological resources and developers respond ing to the needs of a modern society.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Broshi, Magen. "Religion, Ideology, and Politics and Their Impact on Palestinian Archaeology." Israel Museum Journal 6 (1987): 17-32. Survey of tire development of Palestinian archaeology and its signif icance for Jews, Christians, and Muslims. Economic Development and Archaeology in the Middle East. Amman, 1983. Booldet published by the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, American Schools of Oriental Research and the American Center of Oriental Research, outlining current Jordanian policy regarding de velopment and archaeology. Glock, Albert E. "Archaeology as Cultural Survival: The Future of the Palestinian Past." Journal of Palestine Studies 23 (1994): 70-84. Ar ticle presenting tire largely ignored Palestinian past. Greene, Joseph A . "Preserving Which Past for Whose Future? The Dilemma of Cultural Resource Management in the Mediterranean Region." In Interpreting the Past: Presenting Archaeological Sites to the Public, edited by Ann Killebrew and G. Lehmann. Forthcoming. Detailed account of government policy regarding cultural resource management in Tunisia, Cyprus, and Jordan. Kempinski, Aharon. "Synagogues, Crusader Castles, and Nabatean Cities: Restoration in Israel during the 1950s and 1960s." In Inter preting the Past: Presenting Archaeological Sites to the Public, May 30thJune 4, 1993 (Abstracts), edited by Ann Killebrew, p. 39. Haifa, 1993. Summary of lectures delivered at an international symposium. Knoop, Riemer. "Public Awareness and Archaeology: A Task for the Voluntary Sector." Antiquity 67 (1993): 439-445. Article on the im portance of local community involvement in the preservation and protection of historic and archaeological sites. Leone, Mark P, "Archaeology's Relationship to the Present and the Past." In Modern Material Culture: The Archaeology of Us, edited by Richard A . Gould and Michael B. Schiffer, pp. 5-13. New York, 1981. Essay on the interaction between the public and the archaeo logical site, stressing die importance of changing interpretations and its relevance to modern society. Lowenthal, David. The Past Is a Foreign Country. Cambridge, 1985. Fascinating, well-written account of modern society's interest in the past. McManamon, Francis P. "The Many Publics of Archaeology." Amer ican Antiquity 56 (1991): 121-130. Essay on die importance of public education and involvement in archaeology. Miller, Daniel. "Archaeology and Development." Current Anthropology 21 {1980): 709-715. Important article on archaeology and develop ment outlining various approaches to archaeology and its relation ship to local communities. Miller draws on his experiences in the Solomon Islands as a case study of archaeology and development in non-Western countries. Rabinovich, Abraham. "Inside the Israel Antiquities Authority." Bib lical Archaeology Review 20.2 (1994): 40-45. Brief account of the re cent reorganization of die Israel Antiquities Authority, including its new mandate and goals for the future of archaeology in Israel. Reich, Ronny. "The Archaeologist's Dilemma." In ICOMOS Inter national Symposium, "Old Culture in New Worlds,"vo\. 2, pp. 10091015. Washington, D.C., 1987. Problems relating to the preservation and presentation of archaeological remains on multilayered tells. Reid, Donald M. "Indigenous Egyptology: The Decolonization of a Profession?" Journal of the American Oriental Society 105 (1985): 233-246. Development of an Egyptian approach to Egyptology. Seeden, Helga. "Lebanon's Past Today." Berytus 35 (1987): 5-12. Summary of the disastrous affects of Lebanon's civil war on its ar chaeological sites and antiquities. Silberman, Neil Asher. Between Past and Present: Archaeology, Ideology, and Natioitalism in the Modern Middle East. New York, 1990. Series
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of essays on different countries in the Middle East that demonstrates how the past and present are linked as modern nation-states using archaeology to reinforce their international prestige. Tilly, Christopher. "Archaeology as Socio-Political Action in the Pres ent." In Critical Traditions in Contemporary Archaeology: Essays in the Philosophy, History, and Socio-Polilics of Archaeology, edited by Val erie Pinsky and Alison Wylie, pp. 104-116. Cambridge, 1989. Dis cusses the importance of relating archaeology and the past to con temporary culture and society. Uzzell, David L., ed. Heritage Interpretation. Vol. 1, The Natural and Built Environment; vol. 2, The Vistor Experience. London, 1989. A two-volume collection of papers dealing with all aspects of world heritage management and interpretation and its interaction widr the public. Wainwright, G. J. "The Management of Change: Archaeology and Planning." Antiquity 67 (1993): 416-421. Charts recent develop ments in archaeological site and landscape management in England. Wensinck, A. J., and Georges Vajda. "Fir'awn." In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed„ vol. 2, pp. 917-918. Leiden, i960-. Muslim atti tudes toward pre-Islamic pharaonic history in Egypt. A N N KILLEBREW
DE VOGUE, MELCHIOR. See Vogue, Melchior de.
DHRA', site located about 5 km (3 mi.) east of die famous Early Bronze Age city Bab edh-Dhra', which is in the Lisan area of the Dead Sea in modern Jordan (3i°i4'3o"N, 35°35' E; map reference 204 X 073 [Bennett, 1980, p. 30; Raikes, 1980, p. 56]). T h e name Dhra' is identified with the Arabic word for "arm." Dhra' was first discovered and investigated in 1976 under auspices of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan by Thomas D. Raikes, who emphasized that its flint industry, which included Khiamian points, could be compared with that of other late ninth- and early eighth-millennium BCE sites in Jordan, Israel, and Syria. Queisa and Sabra I in southern Jordan are similar to and contemporaneous with Dhra' in the very early stages of the Neolithic period. Wadi Dhra', a perennial stream that runs to the northeast of the site, supplies it with water. Dhra' has been described as a flint-tool factory because of tire large number of unfin ished tools and wasters found there (Raikes, 1980, p. 56). Blade cores, long thin blades, scrapers, chisels, arrowheads, polished basalt axes, chipped and limestone objects of horn or phallus shape were collected. Raikes also noted the pres ence of Roman buildings, graves, and a well. Crystal-M. Bennett made soundings at the site briefly in 1979, excavating six areas. In area I, the largest (27 m northsouth X 5 m east-west), she laid out four one-meter-square probe trenches on the east. Bennett (1980) published tire flints from these test trenches. She reached bedrock in this and other areas, encountering very well-defined floors as well as a destruction level above floors 5 and 6 (Bennett, 1980, p. 33). In area I, she found pit dwellings with floors
ending at thin walls of pise and stone. Mud brick was also used. The published pottery from Dhra' all comes from area IV, immediately under the topsoil. Bennett reached bedrock in this area at a depth of 85 cm in the northeast corner and at 40 cm in the northwest corner. T h e pottery corpus is comparable to Jericho stratum IX, Pottery Neolithic A (PNA), although the Dhra' ware is not crumbly and had been fired at a higher temperature. Bennett argued that some of this pottery assemblage, particularly the thinner ware, seems closer to Jericho VHI/Pottery Neolithic B (PNB) than to Jericho IX/PNA (1980, p. 36). However, other PNA and PNB sites in Jordan, such as Wadi Shu'eib, 'Ain Ghazal, and Dharih, have also recently been sounded or excavated. [See 'Ain Ghazal; Shu'eib, Wadi.] Although Bennett did not find the Khiamian points in good stratigraphic contexts, this does not necessarily mean that the site was not occupied in the Early Neolithic period. Dhra' may have been a base camp during the earliest phase of the Neolithic and a farming village in the sixth and fifth millennium. [See also the biography of Bennett] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bennett, Crystal-M. "Sounding at Dhra', Jordan." Levant 12 (1980): 30-39. Raikes, Thomas D. "Notes on Some Neolithic and Later Sites in Wadi Araba and the Dead Sea Valley." Levant 12 (1980): 40-60. ZEIDAN A . KAFAFI
DIBON, village in modern Jordan (3i°3o' N , 35°42' E) on the ancient, but still used, main north-south road (the "King's Highway" of Nm. 20-22), located about 64 km (40 mi.) south of Amman and 3 Ion (2 mi.) north of Wadi elMujib (the Arnon River of Nm. 2 1 : 1 3 , 14, 24, 26; 22:36; Dt. 2:24; Jgs. 11:26; Is. 16:2; Jer. 48:20). An adjacent hill, north west of this village, is tire site of the ancient Moabite city of Dibon, pronounced DIbon in Hebrew and possibly Daibon in Moabite (Septuagint of Jos. 13:17) and transliterated as DhTban in modern Arabic. Its natural defenses are deep valleys on the southwest, west, and north; on the east, erosion from the tell has made the contour less steep. The southeast corner, however, slopes down more gentiy and is joined by a saddle to the next hill, on which the modern village lies. When excavation was begun, this area was marked by two knolls: the eastern one supported a ruined building surmounted by a sheikh's tomb; the western knoll remained unexcavated until re cently, when illegal digging revealed a small square stone tower, possibly Roman. Between them, the slope is slightiy concave; this came to be known as the gateway area. The site has no natural water supply except from the win ter rains that are still conserved in scores of cisterns. T h e
DIBON site's economic importance was guaranteed by its key p o sition at the crossroads of the main north-south road already mentioned and a less obvious east-west track that passes immediately south of the site and joins grain-raising and sheep-goat-rearing lands to the east and west. It was also a major center politically for any power wishing to control territory north of the Arnon River gorge. Evidence for the site's long occupation was the presence, until fifty years ago, of ruins on its surface dating from Byzantine and Arab times. There seems never to have been doubt that this was the site of the ancient city of Dibon, but the discovery there, in 1 8 6 8 , of a stela bearing an inscription memorializing the deeds of King Mesha (hereafter MI) focused attention on the site. [See Moabite Stone.] T h e inscription refers to events and persons until then known only from the Bible (e.g., 1 Kgs. 1 6 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; 2 Kgs. 3 : 4 - 2 7 ) -
History. Such references make it possible to reconstruct, in part, the history of Moab and Dibon. [See Moab.] T h e earliest references occur in the biblical accounts of Israel's traditional movement from Egypt to Canaan via Transjor dan. In them (Nm. 2 1 : 2 1 - 3 1 ) Sihon, king of the Amorites, whose capital was at Heshbon, had seized the land of the king of Moab as far south as the Arnon River, including Dibon. T h e Israelites, having apparently bypassed that part of Moab south of the Arnon (Nm. 2 1 : 1 1 - 1 3 ) , defeated Sihon's forces and took possession of the land north of the Arnon. T h e tribe of Reuben was assigned this territory (Jos. 1 3 : 1 5 - 2 3 ) , but it seems to have been partly occupied by Gad (Jos. 1 3 : 2 4 - 2 8 ; Nm. 3 2 : 3 4 ; M I 1 0 ) . Israelite control of the
Transjordanian kingdoms was not assured, however (Jgs. 3 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 1 1 : 1 - 4 0 ; 1 Sm. 1 2 : 9 , 1 4 : 4 7 ) , until David conquered
Moab north of the Arnon (2 Sm. 8 : 2 ) and even included it in his general census (2 Sm. 2 4 : 5 ) . Israel's control, while it probably continued under Solomon, no doubt ceased with tire breakup of David's empire under Rehoboam. Two events—the attack by Moab and its allies against Ju dah (2 Chr. 2 0 : 1 - 3 0 ) and the counterattack (?) by Israel and Judah (2 Kgs. 3 : 4 - 2 7 ) against Mesha's (?) rebellion—should probably be attributed to the time of Mesha's father, Kemosh[yat], for both are routed south of the Dead Sea; the latter is directed against Kir-Hareset, Moab's southern cap ital (usually identified witii modern Kerak). It was Omri of Israel who subdued Moab (MI 4 - 9 ) , and his heirs held it until Mesha, Icing of Moab and residing at Dibon, revolted and extended his ldngdom some 3 5 km ( 2 2 mi.) northward, as far as Nebo (modern Khirbet el-Mukhayyat). T o give thanks to his god Kemosh and to celebrate his victories, Mesha built a new royal quarter adjacent to the earlier city, which he called Qarhoh "the prominent" or "the eminent" (MI 2 1 - 2 6 ) . It contained a high place for Kemosh, a palace, an acropolis with gates and towers, and houses for the growing population (each of which was to be provided to have a cistern). Finally, he set up his stela, recounting his
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achievements, quite possibly in Kemosh's high place near where it was found. There is little information about the history of Dibon and Moab immediately after Mesha. T h e statement in 2 Kings 1 0 : 3 2 - 3 4 ) that Hazael of Damascus had seized from Israel the lands as far south as the Arnon River suggests that those lands had reverted to Israelite control. It is, however, diffi cult to see how, in the face of Syrian threats, Israel could have accomplished this. It is to be noted that Amos ( 1 : 3 ) seems to restrict HazaePs conquests to Gilead (in central Transjordan), while the reported raids ( 2 Kgs. 13:20) by Moabites suggest that Moab was by no means powerless. There is no evidence that Jeroboam II was able to restore Israelite control. Furthermore, there is no sign of violent de struction at Iron Age Dibon. T h e Moabite kingdom and Dibon came under Assyrian domination by 7 3 1 BCE, when a king of Moab paid tribute to Tiglath-Pileser III and continued to do so under three subsequent Moabite kings. T h e capital appears to have re mained at Dibon (Is. 15:2 RSV; Jer. 4 8 : 1 8 ) . Such pussilanimity (or so it was interpreted by Judah) was infuriating and led to dire oracles against Moab (Is. 1 5 , 1 6 : 6 - 1 3 , 2 5 : 1 0 - 1 2 ; Jer. 4 8 ; Ez. 2 5 : 8 - 1 1 ; Zep 2 : 8 - 1 1 ) , but it was the key to sur
vival. Finally, however, Moab, too, joined a general revolt against Nebuchadnezzar that led to the state's destruction in 5 8 2 BCE. Archaeological R e s e a r c h . Excavation at Dibon did not begin until 1 9 5 0 , when Fred V. Winnett, director of the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem, initi ated a series of campaigns in the site's southeast quadrant, where the Moabite stone had been found. Expeditions under a succession of directors were in place in 1 9 5 1 - 1 9 5 3 , 1 9 5 5 - 1 9 5 6 , and 1 9 6 5 . T h e most recent archaeological re sults were achieved by William H . Morton on the summit and northern part of the site. Here, for the first time, Dibon's complete archaeological history was defined: from its begin ning in the Early Bronze Age it continued directly—without any trace of Middle or Late Bronze Age occupations—into Iron Age II (Moabite), Nabatean, Roman (?), Byzantine, Umayyad, and later deposits. T h e Moabite levels included a north gateway (much mod ified in the Nabatean period), silos for grain, and, nearby, carbonized grain similar to that found by William L. Reed in the southeast quadrant (Winnett and Reed, 1 9 6 4 , p p . 4 8 - 5 0 ) . Most significant were the remains of a major rec tangular stone building ( 4 2 . 9 m X 2 1 . 1 0 ) that Morton called the Moabite Palace Complex (Morton, 1 9 8 9 ; pp. 2 4 4 - 2 4 6 ) . This palace apparently had an adjoining sanctuary, for cultic objects, including a proposed Iron I incense stand and fer tility figurines were found in the vicinity. Perhaps this was the sanctuary of Ashtar-Memosh (MI 1 7 ) . "Winnett's work in 1 9 5 0 - 1 9 5 1 in the southeast quarter (Winnett and Reed, 1 9 6 4 ) identified vertical retaining walls and a great battered stone wall supporting a 10-meter-deep
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artificial fill extending to bedrock. He traced tire outer slop ing wall for about 1 2 m, including two sharp right-angled turns in its course to enclose a square stone tower (about 6 X 6 m). The wall rests on bedrock and still reaches a height of 1 0 m in places (section E-E in Tushingham, 1 9 7 2 ) . The tower was excavated internally for about 1 1 m without reaching bedrock; its original entrance, approached from in side the city, stands at least 1 2 m above bedrock. T h e heavy battered wall has also been found at tire south side of the quadrant (Tushingham, 1972, pi. V. 1, 2 and Section G-G [wall]). It was in this area that Reed discovered, on bedrock, tire remains of domestic occupation. Its contemporary pot tery and quantities of charred grain could be Carbon-14 dated to about 8 5 0 BCE. Resting on this deposit or on bed rock were heavy stone walls Reed thought could be defen sive. This area was engulfed by a great artificial fill whose depth probably averages about 3 m, as compared with the 1 0 m of the fill above bedrock Winnett had traced. As all of this fill must postdate about 8 5 0 BCE and required both sta bilizing walls and the great stone retaining wall revealed on both the east and south sides of the area (see above), it is logical to consider it the podium of Mesha's royal quarter. Its original surface is not preserved anywhere in the area excavated, but tire entrance to the stone tower is. It and other clues establish the level on which Mesha's buildings were founded. Few of these can, at present, be identified, but it seems probable that Kemosh's high place lay beneath the later Nabatean temple. It was near here that the Mesha in scription was found. Several Moabite tombs were excavated, one containing a clay sarcophagus, with quantities of jewelry and pottery that were, however, so mixed they could not provide a datable sequence. These were probably family tombs. For about five and a half centuries the site was deserted. Then, with the renaissance in Transjordan under the Nabateans, Dibon again became important. The walls on tire summit were rebuilt, as was a north gate overlying the M o abite gate. In the southeast quarter, a major temple, remi niscent of the main temple at Petra, was erected; it was sur rounded by an unwalled sacred precinct approached by a grand staircase leading up from the south. It is to be dated to the first century CE. [See Petra.] Two inscriptions and the remains of a bath indicate that there was a Roman garrison here in the 3rd century CE. After another break, Dibon shared in the general pros perity of the Byzantine period. Architectural features in clude a large church dated to tire sixth century. There were also many burials in the general area, with some sarcophagi inserted into tire ruins of the Nabatean temple. The Umayyad period was brief but left evidence of con struction, including two small, but virtually complete, domed buildings on the summit Morton, 1989, p. 245). The Ayyubid/Mamluk occupation is evidenced by the reuse of Byzantine and Umayyad remains—in many cases scrappily
preserved because of a later cemetery. Coins and pottery, however, are sufficient to indicate the presence and date of this occupation. T h e ancient site of Dibon was abandoned (except as a cemetery) when tire village moved to its present location, probably in the 14th century CE. [See also the biography of Winnett.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bienkowski, Piotr, ed. Early Edam and Moab: The Beginning of the Iron Age in Southern Jordan. Sheffield Archaeological Monographs, 7. Sheffield, 1992. Dearman, Andrew, ed. Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab. At lanta, 1989. Dornemann, Rudolph Henry. The Archaeology of the Transjordan in the Bronze andiron Ages. Milwaukee, 1983. Freedman, David Noel. "A Second Mesha Inscription." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 175 (1964): 50-51. Morton, William H. "Report of the Director of the School in Jerusa lem." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 140 (1955): 4-7Morton, William H. "Dhiban." Revue Biblique 64 (1957): 221-223. Morton, William H. "A Summary of the 1955, 1956, and 1965 Exca vations at Dhiban." In Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab, edited by Andrew Dearman, pp. 239-246. Atlanta, 1989. Murphy, Roland E. "A Fragment of an Early Moabite Inscription from Dibon." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 125 (1952): 20-23. Mussell, Mary-Louise. "The Seal Impression from Dhiban." In Studies in the Mesha Inscriptions and Moab, edited by Andrew Dearman, pp. 247-251. Adanta, 1989. Reed, William L., and Fred V. Winnett. "A Fragment of an Early Mo abite Inscription from Kerak." Bulletin of the American Schools of Ori ental Research, no. 172 (1963): 1-9. Tushingham, A. D. "An Inscription of the Roman Imperial Period from Dhiban." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 138 (1955): 29-34. Tushingham, A. D. The Excavations at Dibon (Dhiban) in Moab: The Third Campaign, 19$2-53. Annual of the American Schools of Ori ental Research, 40. Cambridge, Mass., 1972. Tushingham, A. D. "Three Byzantine Tombstones from Dhiban, Jor dan." In Studies in the Ancient Palestinian World, edited by John W. Wevers and Donald B. Redford, pp. 29-33. Toronto, 1972. Tushingham, A. D. "Dhiban Reconsidered: King Mesha and His Works." Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 34 (1990): 183-191. Tushingham, A. D., and Peter H. Pedrette. "Mesha's Citadel Complex (Qarhoh) at Dhiban." Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan, vol. 5, pp. 151-159. Amman, 1995. Winnett, Fred V., and William L. Reed. The Excavations at Dibon (Dhi ban) in Moab: The First Campaign, 1950-51, and the Second Cam paign, 1952. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 36/37. New Haven, 1964. A. D.
TUSHINGHAM
D I C E S N O L A , L U I G I P A L M A ( 1 8 3 2 - 1 9 0 4 ) , sol dier, diplomat, antiquarian and ultimately museum director. Throughout his long life Emmanuele Pietro Paolo Maria Luigi Palma di Cesnola was always a colorful and contro versial figure. After seeing military action in Italy and the Crimea, he traveled extensively throughout the Ottoman
DIDYMA Empire and then emigrated to tire United States. During the American Civil War, Cesnola distinguished himself as a colonel in the Union cavalry; he was wounded, captured, and exchanged in a release of prisoners. Without private means, he was fortunate later to be offered a consulship in Cyprus, then a backwater of the Ottoman Empire. Shortly after arriving there, Cesnola emulated his French and British consular colleagues by collecting ancient Cypriot art, a pur suit that became a major preoccupation and lucrative source of income. Ultimately, it also brought him fame. With de termination tire consul toured the island from 1865 to 1 8 7 5 witii his gangs of laborers, opening thousands of tombs and cursorily "exploring" numerous ancient city and temple sites. The resulting collection of antiquities, ranging from over life-size statues to fine jewelry, numbering in the tens of thousands, was offered to various great museums around die world. Some works went to London and Paris; but after much negotiating the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City purchased more than four thousand items, the nucleus of its antiquities collection. They also received Ces nola, who, for better or for worse, became the first director. His tenure was beset by allegations of unethical practices concerning the restoration of statues and the provenance of the so-called Treasure of Curium. T h e latter, much like Priam's Treasure excavated by Heinrich Schliemann (who Cesnola attempted to upstage) was not a single deposit but a heterogeneous collection of gold jewelry and other valua bles from local tombs. Although much criticized today for his lack of scientific method, Cesnola must be given credit for propelling Cypriot art onto the world stage for the edi fication of future generations. BIBLIOGRAPHY Di Cesnola, Luigi P. Cyprus: Its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples. 2d ed. New York, 1878. Reprint, with a forward by Stuart Swiny. Limassol, 1991. Cesnola's embellished and often inaccurate account of his activities on Cyprus over a decade. Nonetiieless, an important work, the first detailed publication of a large and representative sam ple of Cypriot antiquities, and an entertaining introduction to con temporary life on the island. Di Cesnola, Luigi P. A Descriptive Atlas of the Cesnola Collection of Cyp riote Antiquities in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. 3 vols. Boston and New York, 1885-1903. Fine quarto publication, repro ducing the best pieces in the collection. Available in major libraries, these massive volumes are now collector's items. McFadden, Elizabeth. The Glitter and the Gold: A Spirited Account of the Metropolitan Museum of Art's First Director, the Audacious and High-Handed Luigi Palma di Cesnola. New York, 1971. Very well researched. The subtitie is no overstatement! Myres, John. Handbook of the Cesnola Collection of Antiquities from Cy prus (1914). New York, 1974. Standard reference work to the col lection by the leading expert of the day. Wright, G. R. H. "Louis Palma di Cesnola and Cyprus," Archivfiir Orientforschung 38-39 (1991-1992): 161-167. The only work to ques tion the psychology of this nineteenth-century adventurer, with in
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teresting comparisons to Henry Austen Layard and Heinrich Schlie mann. STUART SWINY
D I D Y M A (formerly Branchidai; modern Yenihisar, for merly Yoran), site in Vilayet Aydm, a regional sanctuary in the area of the Carian-Ionian border (Strabo 14.1.2) situated on a limestone plateau 7 5 m above sea level on the Gulf of Akbiik. Didyma became famous as a spring/oracle of Apollo (He rodotus 1.92, 2 . 1 5 9 ; Pausanias 7 . 2 . 6 ) and for the size of the
Temple of Apollo (Strabo 14.1.5), one of the best-preserved large-scale buildings from antiquity. From 1765 to 1 8 5 6 in vestigations were carried out at Didyma by English scholars, and between 1 8 7 3 and 1 8 9 6 a French mission researched the Temple of Apollo. From 1 9 0 6 to 1 9 2 5 , excavations and the conservation of the temple were conducted by the Berlin Museum; those activities have been continued, since 1962, by the German Archaeological Institute. [See Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung Istanbul.] In addition to the Temple of Apollo, a sanctuary in the nordiwest, which was built over in modern times, has been investigated. T h e oldest archaeological remains date to about 7 0 0 BCE, al though obsidian artifacts from the Neolithic period were found 4 km ( 2 mi.) to die south at Didim plaji. Written traditions concerning the site's pre-Greek foundation first appear in the Hellenistic-Roman periods. More than six hundred inscriptions are related to cult, donations, building activities, the "sacred grove," and the settlement. [See Cult.] From the seventh century BCE until the seventh century CE, Didyma was the best-known oracle shrine of Apollo in Asia Minor. The core of the cult place was the freshwater springs on which the shrines of the main god, Apollo, and of Artemis developed. According to cult legend, the union of Zeus and Leto took place in Didyma (SIG 5 9 0 ) . In the pre-Greek period (Herodotus 1.157; Pausanias 7.2.6) a female nature divinity was probably worshiped there. In the pre-Hellenistic period, the Branchidae, likely an association of members of the local oligarchy, were the cult's prophets and priests and gave their name to the place. Royal donations were given by Pharaoh Necho at the end of the seventh century BCE) and by the Lydian King Croesus in the mid-sixth cen tury BCE (Herodotus 2 . 1 5 9 , L 9 2 ) . The Persian king Darius is said to have confirmed in writing the shrine's right of asy lum (Tacitus, Annals 3 . 6 3 ) . N o archaeological evidence ex ists for the "looting and firing" by the Persians recorded by Herodotus ( 6 . 1 9 ) ; its dating to the time of Darius in 4 9 4 BCE or to Xerxes in 4 7 9 BCE, "during the second defection of Ionia" from the Persians (Herodotus 9.104; Pausanias 8 . 4 6 . 3 ) , is controversial.
Processions from Miletus to the shrine were reestablished in 4 7 9 / 7 8 BCE. [See Miletus.] T h e purported surrender of the
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sanctuary to tire Persians by the Branchidae (Strabo 1 4 . 1 . 5 , 11.11.4) is explained as a Milesian invention. Beginning in the last third of die fourth century BCE, at the instigation of Miletus, the organization and activity of the oracle (Strabo 17.1.43) were fundamentally changed, based on the model of Delphi. An annual official of the polis functioned as the prophetes and sacrificing priest of Apollo. A hydrophoros, or the female water-bearer, performed the office of the priest ess of Artemis. In this period new building activities took place (Temple of Apollo III), while the older structures were maintained. The Seleucids supported the sanctuary and returned the city's votive statue of Apollo, the work of the sculptor Kanachos, to Miletus, which the Persians had stolen (Pausanias 1 . 1 6 . 3 , 8 . 4 6 . 3 ) . [See Seleucids; Persians.] The Didymeia were celebrated as a five-year festival, beginning in about 2 0 0 BCE. The sanctuary was looted in 2 7 7 / 7 6 BCE by pirates. In 4 4 BCE Caesar enlarged the site's area of asylum as a sanc tuary. Otherwise, only occasional evidence exists for a Ro man presence in the first century BCE. Under Emperor Tra jan, the Sacred Way (see below) and the pavement within the sanctuary were rebuilt. "Emperor worship" began under the name of Kommodeia in 177 CE. In the fourth and seventh centuries CE the sanctuary was destroyed by earthquakes. Cult practices came to an end with the advent of the fourth century. The first evidence of the presence of Christians in the sanctuary also dates to the beginning of the fourth century. In the fifth-sixth and tentli-twelfth centuries, new building activities took place at the site, and the seat of a bishop was installed. At the end of the fifteenth century, the site was again destroyed by an earthquake; it was only reoccupied at the end of the eighteenth century. Architectural R e m a i n s . For the most part, local lime stone was used as the building material at the site. The spring precincts of Apollo, located in a hollow, and of Ar temis, to the northwest on a rocky ledge, have existed since about 7 0 0 BCE. Sanctuary of Apollo. In the western part of the adytum, foundation remains of the mud-brick walls of a courtyard ( 1 0 X 3 0 m, reconstructed) have been excavated. T h e cult monument of the spring had been located in the courtyard (Sekos I). About 1 0 0 m east of the spring precinct was a slope marked by five steps. South of it a supporting wall for a terrace was found that had held two hall-type buildings. The slope formed a bow-shaped boundary for an area with an unroofed, round construction. The latter has been called the sanctuary's main altar, but that designation is question able. In the first half of the sixth century BCE, the spring precinct was enlarged when the Temple of Apollo (II) was constructed, along with a two-winged surrounding colon nade. The building materials used were limestone, poros, and marble. In the western part of the cult courtyard lime
stone foundations with five pilasters have been preserved. Also preserved are the remains of walls in the so-called naiskos, whose function was presumably that of a springhouse to protect the cult monument and the seat of the oracle (manteion). T h e sanctuary's most recent construction phase, according to the entablature reliefs, which show gorgons, belongs to about 5 0 0 BCE. Sometime after the mid-fourth century BCE, the buildings were systematically demolished and construction of the Hel lenistic-Roman marble temple (III) begun. This temple was erected upon a seven-stepped foundation that, with the re tention of lire enlarged cult courtyard and the surrounding colonnades (see above), covers 2.5 times the surface area of its predecessor (the stylobate was 5 1 . 1 3 X 1 0 9 . 3 4 ) ' In scriptions (third-second centuries BCE) and sketches of the construction on the inner courtyard walls document the building process. Marble quarries have been discovered near Heraklea sub Latmus. In about 170 BCE, the sanctuary's central building, with a cult courtyard and prodomos, was erected. A pedestal in the courtyard was 5 m high and the courtyard's upper walls, with pilasters, were 2 0 m high. T h e prodomos (a columned hall) was a dodecastyle with two tun nel passages leading to the cult courtyard and to a Great Gate whose unpassable threshold was 1.5 m high. Still standing are a hall with two columns and staircases, a wall with three doors in it, and an open stairway to the cult court yard. The construction of the surrounding colonnades (in terior 8 X 1 9 columns; exterior 1 0 X 2 1 columns) and its roof was never completed. Literary sources testify that a grove (alsos, Strabo 1 4 . 1 . 5 ) was planted inside and outside the temple precinct. m
After 2 5 0 CE, the spaces between the columns on the east side were walled up, and steps were built in front of the Great Gate. In the fifth-sixth centuries, a gallery basilica was erected in the cult courtyard. [See Basilicas.] After the earth quakes in the seventh century, the temple was fortified; the fortifications were destroyed by fire in the tenth century. The temple itself was finally destroyed in an earthquake in 1 4 9 3 ; its stones were looted in the nineteenth century. Sanctuary of Artemis. T h e worship of Artemis is at tested from the sixth century BCE. Evidence exists for a hieron and a cult statue in the third century BCE. Structures on a rocky ledge in the spring precinct have been identified with the Artemis cult (hydrophoria). In about 7 0 0 BCE, the southern spring basin was enclosed by a wall; the precinct was enlarged in the sixth century BCE, and in the third-first centuries BCE the spring basins, which had dried out, were replaced with wells. Leveling and the construction of a com plex of individual buildings reached the sanctuary's north ern boundary. Walls separated the sanctuary from the Sa cred Way; colonnades of limestone columns with wooden entablatures were erected in front of the walls. In the second century CE, the sanctuary was remodeled. It was destroyed
DIKAIOS, PORPHYRIOS in the fourth century, probably by an earthquake, and was dren abandoned. Sacred Way. T h e construction of a 5-6-meter-wide road more than 2 0 Ion ( 1 2 mi.) long overland from Miletus to Didyma is attested su-atigraphically for the second half of the sixth century BCE and also by tire cult regulations of tire Molpoi pertaining to processions with stations for local di vinities. From about 5 3 0 to the fourth century BCE, at tire top of the pass, there was a cult precinct with a group of seated statues in the middle and sculptured sphinxes. It is assumed that in tire last section of the processional road the course veered to the west and south of the Apollo temple (called the "stadium" by Theodor Wiegand). Hellenistic-Roman constructions. At Didyma, near the Sa cred Way and beyond it, burial sites have been identified, mostly dating to the Roman period. The settlement and some secular buildings have also been excavated from the period. Byzantine constructions. During the fifth-sixth centuries, the Sacred Way was furnished with an arcaded hall, and a basilica was built within tire Temple of Apollo. There is ar chaeological evidence of a village settlement, including churches and interments, from the ninth-tenth centuries. [See Churches.] Finds. Didyma is tire site of the richest source of Early Greek sculpture in Anatolia. Starting in tire early sixth cen tury BCE, all the important types are represented: kouroi and korai, male and female seated statues, standing and reclining clothed male statues, lion and sphinx statues, or architec tural sculpture. In about 5 0 0 BCE Kanachos of Sikyon made a bronze statue of Apollo commissioned by tire city of Mi letus (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3 4 . 7 5 ; Pausanias 2 . 1 0 . 4 , 9 . 1 0 . 2 ) . Honorific bronze stames from the Hellenistic-Roman peri ods can only be inferred from their bases. In addition to these, only fragments from a few marble statues and reliefs and terra cottas have been preserved from the period. T h e ceramic ware is local, and imports are rare. T h e metal finds consist mostly of vessels but do include weapons and stat uettes, however rarely. [See Weapons and Warfare.] Only a few pre-Hellenistic coins have been found—the others date to the fourth century BCE-seventir century CE. In addition to animal bones from burnt offerings, there are deposits of unburned bones, which would be in accordance with a "Carian" ritual (Suidas s.v. karikon thyma). Divinities. Cult places for Apollo and Artemis have been identified through inscriptional evidence (Callimachus Lyr. 2 2 9 v. 1 1 ed. Pfeiffer; Schol. Clem. Alex. Protr. 4 5 . 2 ) . Such evidence also exists for precincts of Aphrodite, Zeus Soter, Zeus Kataibates (?), Angelos, and Phosphorion (Hecate? Artemis?). Most of the dedications are to Apollo and Arte mis Pytheie; in addition, there are dedications to Hecate, Zeus and Leto, Dionysus, Kurotrophos, Aphrodite Urania and Katallakteria, Soteria, Pan and the Nymphs, the Muses,
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Cybele, Telesphorion, Zeus Hyetios and Telesiurgos, Po seidon Seisichthon, Agathe Tyche, Osiris, Serapis-Isis-Anubis, and the Sebastoi. Except for nameless altars from the archaic period, there are altars for Artemis Lykeie, the Curetes, Zeus Phaneios and Hypsistos, Asphaleios Poseidon, Asclepius Soter, Demeter Karpophoros, Sotira Kore, and Tyche. [See Altars.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Didyma Wegweiser. Vols. 1-31. Berlin, 1984-1993. Series of brief cur rent reports. Drerup, Heinrich, et al. "Bericht iiber die Ausgrabungen in Didyma 1962." Archaologischer Anzeiger (1964): 333-383. Fontenrose, Joseph. Didyma: Apollo's Oracle, Cult and Companions. Berkeley, 1988. Gunther, Wolfgang. Das Orakel von Didyma in hellenislischcr Zeit: Bine Interpretation der Slein-Urkunden. Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 4. Tu bingen, 1971. Haselberger, Lothar. "Bericht iiber die Arbeit am Jiingeren Apollontempel von Didyma." Istanbuler Mitteilungen 33 (1983): 90-123. Haselberger, Lothar. "The Construction Plans for the Temple of Apollo at Didyma." Scientific American 253 (1985): 126-132. Knackfuss, Hubert. Didyma I: Die Baubeschreibung. 3 vols. Berlin, 1941. Rehm, Albert. Didyma II: Die Inschriften. Berlin, 1958. Schneider, Peter. "Zur Topographie der Heiligen Strasse von Milet nach Didyma." Archaologischer Anzeiger (1987): 101-129. Schneider, Peter, et al. "Em Temenos an der Heiligen Strasse von Milet nach Didyma." Archaologischer Anzeiger (1989): 147-217. Tuchelt, Klaus. Die archaischen Skulpturen von Didyma: Beilrage zur frilhgiiechischen Plaslik in Kleinasien. Istanbuler Forschungcn, 27. Berlin, 1970. Tuchelt, Klaus. Vorarbeiten zu einer Topographie von Didyma: Eine Untersuchung der inschriftliehen und arckdologischen Zeugnisse. Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 9. Tubingen, 1973. Tuchelt, Klaus. "Didyma orBranchidai." In The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, pp. 272-273. Princeton, 1976. Includes the schol arly literature up to 1975. Tuchelt, Klaus. Branchidai-Didyma: Geschichte und Ausgrabung elites antikan Heiligtums. Zaberns Bildbande zur Archiiologie, vol. 3. Main, 1992. Includes additional scholarly literature up to 1990. KLAUS TUCHELT
DIKAIOS, PORPHYRIOS
( 1 9 0 4 - 1 9 7 1 ) , one of the most infuential Cypriot archaeologists. Dikaios studied at tire universities of Athens, Liverpool, Lyons, and the Sorbonne. In 1 9 2 9 he was appointed assistant curator of the Cyprus Museum, and two years later he became curator. In 1 9 6 1 , after Cyprus became an independent republic, Di kaios became the first Cypriot director of the Department of Antiquities. In 1 9 6 3 he left Cyprus for the United States, where he taught at Princeton and Brandeis for the following three years. He then became professor of archaeology at the University of Heidelberg, a post he held until his death in 1971.
While in the Department of Antiquities, Dikaios played a leading role in die reorganization of its administtative sys tem. Fie was also responsible in 1 9 3 5 for introducing a new,
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scientifically based system for cataloging finds and present ing exhibits in the Cyprus Museum. This accomplishment was followed by the publication of the first modern Guide to the Cyprus Museum (Nicosia, 1947; 2d ed., 1953; 3d ed., 1961; Greek ed., 1951). One of tire founders of modern Cypriot archaeology, Dikaios excavated and published widely on a variety of sub jects, concentrating mainly on Cypriot prehistory. With his publications of his excavations at Khirokoitia, Troulli, Kalavasos, and Sotira, Dikaios defined the character and lay tire foundations for all subsequent studies on Neolithic Cy prus. Fie also investigated the Chalcolithic Period at Erimi, Ambelikou, and Kalavasos and tire Early Bronze Age at Vounous and Philia. Of great importance is his work on the Late Bronze Age sites of Yyla-Kokkinokremos, Maa-Palaeokastro, and, above all, Enkomi which was the subject of one of his major publications (Enkomi Excavations, 1948-1958, 4 vols, Mainz, 1969-1971). Dikaios also excavated the Iron Age necropolis of Salamis, and located a large number of sites, several of which were later excavated by other archae ologists. He lectured widely in the United States and Europe and was honored by many institutions. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Dikaios, Porphyrios. Khirokitia. London, 1953. The starting point for any study of this important site and Neolithic Cyprus in general. Dikaios, Porphyrios. Sotira. Philadelphia, 1961. A touchstone in Cyp riot prehistory. Dikaios, Porphyrios, and James R. Stewart. Swedish Corpus Expedition, vol. 4.1 A, The Stone Age and the Early Bronze Age in Cyprus. Lund, 1962. Still the basic work on the subject. Ieromonachou, Lyghia. "Bibliography of Porphyrios Dikaios." In Stud ies Presented in Memory of Porphyrios Dikaios, pp. 216-217. Nicosia, 1979. Contains a full bibliography of Dikaios's work. The Large Cypriot Encyclopaedia (in Greek). Nicosia, 1986. See volume 4, pages 267-268. Nicolaou, Kyriakos. "Porphyrios Dikaios: Necrology" (in Greek). Re port of the Department of Antiquities of Cyprus (1973): 226-229. DEMETRIOS MICHAELIDES
D I L M U N , the Sumerian name (cf. Akk., Tilmun; Gk., Tylos/Tyros; Lat., Tyrus) given to a country bordering the body of water known in cuneiform sources as the Lower Sea (Persian/Arabian Gulf). Culturally and territorially outside the bounds of Mesopotamia proper, Dilmun is attested as early as the late fourth millennium in the Archaic texts from Uruk-Warka. During the late Early Dynastic period (c. 2500-2350 BCE), Dilmun emerged as an important source of raw materials for the Idngs of the city-state of Lagash. UrNanshe (c. 2550 BCE) "had ships of Dilmun transport timber from foreign lands" to his city, while Lugalanda (c. 2400) and Urukagina (c. 2380) purchased copper in exchange for milk and cereal products, fat, silver, and wool. Sargon of Agade (c. 2334-2279 BCE) boasted that ships from Dilmun, Magan (Oman peninsula), and Meluhha (Indus Valley?)
docked at the quay of his capitol, Agade (Cooper, 1986, p. 22ff.). During the Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian periods, Dilmun was most famous as a retailer of copper (probably of Omani origin) to the seafaring merchants of Ur, such as one Ea-nasir, some of whose letters were found by Leonard Woolley during his excavations there (Leemans, i960). At the same time, diplomatic ties linked Dilmun with the Old Assyrian king Shamshi-Adad and his son Yasmakh-Adad, and caravans are known to have traveled up the Euphrates River between Dilmun and Mari. In the Middle Babylonian period, as two letters found at Nippur show, Dilmun was under the control of a Kassite governor with close family ties to the elite of Nippur. By the Neo-Assyrian period Dil mun, though perhaps independent, was nevertheless tribu tary to Assyria. T h e Dilmunite kings Uperi and Ahundara, who lived, "like a fish, thirty double-hours away in the midst of the sea of tire rising sun" (e.g. Annals ofKhorsabad, Sar gon II, section 4 1 ) , both brought gifts to Sargon II, and a later king called Hundaru sent tribute to Ashurbanipal's court at Nineveh. A Babylonian "administrator of Dilmun" (Akk., '"bel pihati Dilmun'") is mentioned in 544 BCE during the reign of Nabonidus. In addition to these historical and economic references, literary sources attest to the special regard in which Dilmun was held in Mesopotamia. In the Sumerian myth Enid and the World Order, for example, Enid is said to have "cleaned and purified the land of Dilmun," while in Enki and Ninhursag, Dilmun is described as a pure, bright and clean land flowing with the "water of abundance." Given the relatively abundant written references to Dil mun, it is hardly surprising that many scholars, from the mid-nineteenth century CE onward, have tried to fix the pre cise location of this land. The French Assyriologist Jules Oppert was the first scholar to link the Akkadian toponym Tilmun with the Greek name Tylos, the descriptions of which (e.g., by Theophrastus, Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian) leave no doubt of its identity with the largest of the Bahrain islands. The only problem with this identification for the earliest phases of Dilmun's existence (i.e., pre-Old Akka dian) is tire complete lack of archaeological evidence for set tlement on Bahrain during the late fourth and early third millennia. By contrast, tire northeast Arabian mainland con tains many sites, such as Tarut Island just opposite the Qatif oasis, Abqayq, U m m an-Nussi, and U m m ar-Ramad, that were inhabited then and show evidence (pottery, carved soft-stone vessels, and statuary) of contact witlr JemdetNasr through Early Dynastic Mesopotamia, It has therefore been suggested that the original center of Dilmun lay on the main land, and that only toward the end of the third millennium did it shift to Bahrain. Archaeological investigations on Bahrain since 1879 have documented the existence there of more than one hundred thousand burial mounds dating to the Bronze and Iron Ages, as well as large cemeteries (e.g. at Karranah and Abu Saybi)
DIYALA of Hellenistic and Parthian date. Danish archaeological ex cavations led by Peter Vilhelm Glob and T. Geoffrey Bibby from the University of Aarhus during the 1950s and early 1960s revealed for the first time the existence of several setdements (e.g., Qal'at al-Bahrain, Saar) and a number of sanctuaries (e.g., Barbar, Diraz, A i n U m m es-Sejour) on the island as well. The British archaeologist T . Geoffrey Bibby proposed a comprehensive periodization for Bahrain, based on die Danish work at Qal'at al-Bahrain, using the terms city I-VI to denote individual periods. A distinctive type of circular stamp seal with a high, perforated boss was developed on Bahrain at die very end of the third millen nium and was further elaborated during the first centuries of the second millennium BCE (see figure 1 ) . By contrast, cylinder seals were rarely used except during the Middle Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian periods. A local ceramic in dustry grew up during the city I (so-called chain-ridged ware) and city II (red-ridged ware) periods (i.e., c. 2300-1600 BCE). In addition, Bahrain has always been in contact with neighboring parts of Mesopotamia, Iran, Oman, and the Indus Valley, and the ceramic repertoire found there is accordingly varied. Shortly after 2000 BCE, a satellite settlement was founded on the island of Failaka off tile coast of Kuwait. T h e material culture of the earliest set tiement there is so identical to tiiat found on Bahrain at the same time that it is certain the foundation must have been a Dilmunite colony, probably of merchants and their fami lies. T h e rich system of aquifers underlying eastern Arabia en-
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sured a plentiful supply of water on Bahrain in antiquity, permitting the cultivation of dates, cereals, and other fruits. Freshwater springs emerge both on land and in the shallow waters offshore. It was its role as a commercial center in international trade, however, that made Dilmun famous— although die goods it sold to Mesopotamian merchants were not local products but originated farther east. Copper from the Oman peninsula, tin from Afghanistan (?), exotic woods and ivory from India were purchased by Dilmunite mer chants and dien reexported to cities like Ur, Lagash, and Mari. Throughout most of the third, second and first mil lennia BCE, Dilmun was Babylonia's most important south ern source of copper, timber, and exotic goods; and at Ur, "Dilmun merchants" (Akk,, alik Tilmun) formed a partic ular subgroup of merchants engaged in trade with the Lower Sea. [See also Bahrain; Failaka; Girsu and Lagash; and Qal'at al-Bahrain.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bibby, Geoffrey. Looking for Dilmun. New York, 1969. Popular account of the Danish Gulf expedition, with primary reference to the work carried out on Bahrain and the search for Dilmun. Cooper, Jerrold S. Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions. New Ha ven, 1986. Reliable, up-to-date translations of third millennium royal texts concerning Dilmun. Khalifa, Shaikha Haya A. al-, and Michael Rice, eds. Bahrain through the Ages: The Archaeology. London, 1986. Wide-ranging proceedings of a conference held in 1983; touches on many aspects of Dilmun's history. Larsen, Curtis E. Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands: The Geoarcheology of an Ancient Society. Chicago, 1983. Geoarchaeological ap proach to ancient Bahrain which must be read critically. Leemans, Wilhelmus F. Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period. Leiden, i960. Basic study of Ea-nasir's activities. Potts, Daniel T., ed. Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain. Berlin, 1983. Collection of essays on Dilmun, primarily by Assyriologists, on the cuneiform sources of various pe riods, as well as a number of archaeological studies. Potts, Daniel T. "Reflections on the History and Archaeology of Bah rain." Journal of the American Oriental Society 105 (1985): 675-710. Critical review of a number of studies in Bahrain! archaeology which appeared in the early 1980s; contains a great deal of environmental and demographic information on Bahrain and extensive discussions of questions connected with Dilmun. Potts, Daniel T. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. 2 vols. Oxford, 1990. General survey of the archaeology of the Gulf region, with a discus sion of Dilmun in all periods. D. T. POTTS
D I Y A L A , a tributary of die Tigris River tiiat catches its water from the Zagros Mountains nortiieast of Baghdad. After it escapes from die mountains, the Diyala crosses two plains: a triangular basin northeast of a low row of prom ontories, Jebel Hamrin, and the alluvium surrounding the DILMUN. Figure 1. Circular stamp seal. A typical stamp seal of river soutii of the Hamrin before it joins the Tigris at Bagh early second millennium BCE, showing human and animal figures. dad. T h e Diyala region is traditionally divided into three (Courtesy D. T. Potts)
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DIYALA
zones: the Upper Diyala, referring to tire course of tire river through tire mountainous Zagros; the Middle Diyala, which includes the Hamrin basin and immediate catchment areas; and the Lower Diyala, the areas southwest of the Hamrin range. The Diyala River traverses the central western Zagros Mountains and die northeastern part of the Mesopotamian alluvium. One of die oldest known trade routes, the Silk Road, is located in this region. Connecting tire Mediterra nean with China, the route is also called the Great Khorasan Road between Baghdad and Kermanshah. The route fol lows the Diyala River up from Baghdad through the Ham rin, where it crosses to the Iranian plateau through passes in the Zagros Mountains. These geographic details are impor tant in reconstructing ancient human exploitation of the region. In archaeological terms, the Diyala traditionally refers to the Lower Diyala region and includes the countryside re ceiving water from the Diyala River by irrigation canals. Re cent archaeological results from the Hamrin make it plau sible to include this region as well. The Lower Diyala region has been identified at the province of Eshnunna, an impor tant city-state during the Isin-Larsa period. Eshnunna is modern Tell Asmar. Other important sites have also been identified, such as Khafajeh as the ancient town of Tutub. The first systematic archaeological investigation of the Lower Diyala plain took place from 1930 to 1938 with the Iraq Expedition, directed by Henri Frankfort. It was the first large-scale expedition from the Oriental Institute of the Uni versity of Chicago to Iraq. Among others, the staff also in cluded Thorkild Jacobsen as epigrapher, Seton Lloyd, Gor don Loud, and Pinhas Delougaz. One reason for choosing the Diyala region was tire increasing number of clay tablets and art objects being brought to tire antiquities market in Baghdad from illicit digging into the mounds in the area. It was also assumed that the region was historically important and that Tell Asmar was indeed the ancient city of Esh nunna. The Oriental Institute expedition concentrated on tire excavations of four sites: Khafajeh, Tell Asmar, Tell Agrab, and Ishchali. It built its expedition house at Tell As mar. [See the biographies of Frankfort, Jacobsen, and Lloyd.] Extensive surveys of the Lower Diyala plain combined with excavations were carried out in 1957-195 8 by Thorkild Jacobsen, Robert McCormick Adams, and Fuad Safar un der the Diyala Basin Archaeological Project. [See the biog raphy of Safar.] The project, aimed at investigating agricul tural history and irrigation—the salinity of irrigated fields and its impact on social and economic subsystems—map ped the cultural landscape through more than six thousand years. It was the first comprehensive archaeological regional analysis of the Mesopotamian alluvium. During the 1970s, intensive archaeological rescue opera tions took place in the Hamrin Basin as a result of construc
tion for a new dam at the point where the Diyala River cuts through tire Hamrin Mountains. T h e aggregated archaeo logical investigations of the Diyala region have made it one of the best-documented provinces of Mesopotamia. The excavations at Tell Asmar, Khafajeh, Tell Agrab, and Ishchali resulted in the development of a long-range chro nology for the Lower Diyala region. These sites cover a pe riod from tire Late Uruk into the Old Babylonian Period (c. 3500-1800 BCE). Their stratigraphic sequences partly over lap and provide the basis for a diachronic study of architec ture and artifacts. In 1952, Delougaz (1952) published a comprehensive pottery corpus, still one of the most useful references for studying tire third- and early second-millen nium BCE pottery of Mesopotamia. The repertoire of seals also has contributed essentially to establishing a sequence for glyptic styles in Mesopotamia (Frankfort, 1955). T h e architectural remains from the beginning of the third mil lennium, in particular temple buildings, have resulted in the subdivision of tire E D period into three phases: I—III (De lougaz and Lloyd, 1942). T h e terminology Frankfort and others introduced does differ at some points from that tra ditionally used (e.g., tire Protoliterate period equals the Uruk and Jemdet Nasr periods; late ED III is labeled the Protoimperial period). Robert McC. Adams's 1957-1958 surveys added details about settlement patterns and canal systems from the Ubaid period through the nineteenth century CE. The intensive in vestigation of the Hamrin basin by many international ar chaeological teams extended the chronology for the entire Diyala region and widened its geographic range. Except for a single aceramic site, the earliest settlements in the Hamrin date to the Samarra period (c. 6000-5500 BCE). This could be expected, as the region is in the middle of traditional Samarran territory, the marginal zones for dry farming. The first substantial human activities can be attrib uted to tire Ubaid period (5500-4000 BCE). At Tell Abada, located south of tire Diyala River in tire Hamrin, almost an entire Ubaid village was excavated by an Iraqi expedition under the direction of Sabah Abboud Jasim (1985). T h e village consists of several building compounds in which a central building differs both in size and finds from tire rest and suggests an advanced state of social stratification in the order of chiefdoms. Houses show a typical tripartite ground plan, with a T-shaped central room. These are prototypes for tire following Uruk and E D temple and house plans. At Tell Madhhur, in the northern part of tire Hamrin, a partic ularly well-preserved house with almost a complete house hold inventory was excavated by a British-Canadian team (e.g., Roaf, 1989). In tire Lower Diyala Region, sparse Ubaid remains were observed, but the location of sites shows the basic outline of tire irrigation canal system. There, as at several other Mesopotamian sites, the fact that Ubaid re mains were found under the major urban sites shows that
DIYALA the principle urban settlement pattern took shape during the Ubaid with the establishment of villages at natural or artifi cial watercourses. [See Ubaid.] Few finds are available from the Uruk period ( 4 0 0 0 - 3 1 0 0 BCE) . In the Hamrin, villages founded during the Ubaid dis appear, while in tire Lower Diyala region there is an increas ing area of land under exploitation. This development can be tied to the urbanization process for tire entire region, in which centers experiencing strong population growth be came large towns. During the Jemdet Nasr and Early Dynastic periods ( 3 1 0 0 - 2 4 0 0 BCE), the Diyala region experienced steady pop ulation growth, to judge from the increase in the number of sites and in settlement size. In the Lower Diyala region, ur ban centers surrounded by a pattern of sites in hierarchical clusters developed at Khafajeh, Tell Asmar, and Tell Agrab. Of ninety-six surveyed sites, ten can be classified as large towns (greater than 1 0 ha, or 2 5 acres), nineteen as small towns ( 4 - 1 0 ha, or 9 - 2 5 acres), and sixty-seven as villages (fewer than 4 ha, or 9 acres). T h e ED period is one of the best documented in the region. Extensive excavations at sites in tire Lower Diyala and the Hamrin give a compre hensive impression of the architecture, burial traditions, art, and material culture in the early third millennium. At Kha fajeh and Tell Asmar, sequences of temples were found, some of them identified by historical sources. In Khafajeh a sequence of temples dedicated to Sin dates back to tire Jem det Nasr period. T h e temple type is initially ttipartite but evolves into a closed compound with internal courtyards. In contrast to contemporary and earlier temples, these temples were originally built on the ground floor. In the ED II period, a large temple complex was constructed at Khafajeh, char acterized by two large oval enclosure walls. Between the two walls was a house interpreted as the house of tire priest. In side tire oval enclosure walls tire temple rose on a platform. It was surrounded by workshops, perhaps a production cen ter administrated by the priest of the temple (Delougaz, 1 9 4 0 ) . At Tell Agrab a monumental temple was dedicated to Shara. The ground plan shows a traditional Mesopota mian building pattern, in which tire cella is located within a large square complex of rooms and courtyards and the entire building is enclosed with a heavy outer wall. At Tell Asmar, the temple sequence produced several spectacular finds. Best known is tire hoard of sculptures from the E D II period found in a pit under tire floor of the so-called Square T e m ple. T h e sculptures are carved in stone and are typically Sumerian in style and dress. E D domestic architecture is less well known. In tire Hamrin remains of round sttuctures were found that are dated to the beginning of tire ED period. Both at Tell Gubba and Tell Razuk, complete round buildings were preserved to a degree that had left part of the corbelled vaulted ceilings intact. These round structures are assumed to have served as fortifications along tire northeastern fron
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tier, constructed and maintained by the large town centers in the Lower Diyala region. One reason for setting up such strongholds was to protect the vulnerable outlets for the vital irrigation canals at the point where the Diyala River cuts through tire Hamrin Mountains. T h e excavation of ED sites gives detailed insight into tire technological and artistic level of the population. In partic ular many cylinder seals, bronze tools, sculptures, and carved relief plaques were recovered. The pottery ttadition during the ED I—II periods shows regionalization at tire southeastern fringe of Mesopotamia: polychrome painted Jemdet Nasr pottery develops into local styles; and in the Lower Diyala and the Hamrin, so-called Scarlet Ware, a jar painted in red and black with geometric and naturalistic mo tifs, appears. This distribution of ceramic styles makes it possible to recognize the Diyala region as one cultural entity during E D I—II. In the Akkadian period ( 2 4 0 0 - 2 2 0 0 BCE), tire region con tinues to develop along the lines laid out during tire ED pe riod. At Tell Asmar, private houses and monumental build ings have been exposed. The Northern Palace, a large building complex with several domestic sectors, may have already been built at tire end of ED III. While the palace was apparently ruined with tire Guti invasion at the end of the Akkadian period, the private houses and dwellings con tinued in use. T h e town lost its administrative function, but it remained inhabited. In the Hamrin, Akkadian cuneiform tablets have been found, probably within an administrative context (Whiting, 1 9 8 7 ) . T h e archaeological record remains poor through the Ur III dynasty, during which period Eshnunna/Tell Asmar was controlled by governors appointed by the kings of Ur. Dur ing the following era, the Isin-Larsa period (c. 2 0 0 0 - 1 8 0 0 BCE), the region reached a political peak, beginning with tire move toward independence by the governor of Eshnunna, Ituriya. Although the settlement pattern continued, there was a tendency for a few centers to grow, perhaps as a result of tire centtalization of administrative institutions and power in Eshnunna. The importance of the region and its history during the Larsa period is well documented because of the finds of archives and inscriptions. Large temple complexes were constructed, and, in the case of the Shu-Sin temple at Eshnunna, the temple was combined with a palace. At Ish chali, the monumental temple of Ishtar-Futitum comprises interior courtyards and broadroom antecella and cella tem ple plans. From this era, several sites in the Hamrin that most likely profited from the interest of Eshnunna have pro duced remains, particularly towns that dominated tire main routes. The flourishing of tire Diyala during tire hegemony of Eshnunna ended with the reign of Hammurabi of Babylon. According to survey results (Adams, 1 9 6 5 ) , tire larger towns entered a period of decline that lasted for several hundreds
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of years. Data from the Hamrin speak of a population settled primarily in villages scattered over the plains. A regeneration of the settlement pattern and population growth first occurs in the Seleucid-Parthian period. Despite poor archaeological documentation, survey data suggest extensive urbanization. Development culminated in the Sasanian period, during which the region, in ecological terms was brought to its lim its. As the agricultural hinterland for the Sasanian capital at Ctesiphon, large canal systems were laid out and the agri cultural potential expioided to a maximum. During the Is lamic period, the Diyala region again experienced a decline in organization and population size, despite the rise of Bagh dad. [See also Eshnunna; Hamrin Dam Salvage Project; and Khafajeh.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, Robert McC. Land behind Baghdad. Chicago, 1965. The most comprehensive study of ancient settlement patterns in the Diyala. Delougaz, Pinhas. The Temple OvalAtKhafajah. University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications (OIP), 53. Chicago, 1940. Excavation report. Delougaz, Pinhas, and Seton Lloyd. Pre-Sargonid Temples in the Diyala Region. OIP, 58. Chicago, 1942. Excavation report with a description of the Sumerian temples found at Tell Asmar, Khafajeh, and Tell Agrab (except the Oval Temple). Delougaz, Pinhas. Pottery from the Diyala Region. OIP, 63. Chicago, 1952. The basic reference book for Mesopotamian pottery. Delougaz, Pinhas, et al. Private Houses and Graves in the Diyala Region. OIP, 88. Chicago, 1967. Frankfort, Henri. Sculpture of the Third Millennium B.C.from Tell Asmar and Khafdjah. OIP, 44. Chicago, 1939. Detailed presentation of Su merian sculptures from die Diyala. Frankfort, Henri, Seton Lloyd, and Thorkild Jacobsen. The Gimilsin Temple and the Palace of the Rulers at Tell Asmar. OIP, 43. Chicago, 1940. Excavation report. Frankfort, Henri. More Sculpture from the Diyala Region. OIP, 60. Chi cago, 1943. Detailed presentation of Sumerian sculptures from the Diyala. See as well Frankfort (1939). Frankfort, Henri. Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. OIP, 72. Chicago, 1955 Gibson, McGuire, ed. Uch Tepe I. The Chicago-Copenhagen Expe dition to the Hamrin, Hamrin Report 10. Chicago and Copenhagen, 1981. A broad review of the settlement history and archaeological results from the Hamrin basin, together with a detailed report on the excavation of the ED round fortification at Tell Razuk. Hill, Harold D., et al. Old Babylonian Public Buildings in the Diyala Region. OIP, 98. Chicago, 1990. Conclusive report on the excava tions of the Kititum Temple at Ishchali. Jacobsen, Thorkild. Salinity and Irrigation: Agriculture in Antiquity. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica, 14. Malibu, 1982. Based on manuscripts twenty years older than the year of publication. Jasim, Sabah A. The 'Ubaid Period in Iraq: Recent Excavations in the Hamrin Region. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 267. Oxford, 1985. Report on the important finds of an Ubaid village, with a summary of the Ubaid period in Mesopotamia based on the new finds. Roaf, Michael. "Social Organization and Social Activities at Tell Madhhur." In Upon 'This Foundation—the Ubaid Reconsidered, edited by E. F. Henrickson and Ingolf Thuesen, pp. 91-145. Copenhagen, 1989. Comprehensive analysis of an Ubaid period household.
Whiting, Robert M., Jr. Old Babylonian tetters from Tell Asmar. Uni versity of Chicago, Oriental Institute, Assyriological Studies, 22. Chicago, 1987. The most recent and detailed scholarly work on let ters from the archives at Tell Asmar. INGOLF THUESEN
D O D E C A N E S E . See Aegean Islands.
D O G S . T h e dog (Canis familiaris) evolved from the wolf (Canis lupus) in a number of parallel and independent epi sodes of domestication. Domestication is inferred in the ar chaeological record from skeletal changes in the teeth and skull—in particular, crowding of the tooth row. Additional changes include an overall diminution in size and increased variability in domesticates. The earliest claim of domestic dog in the Near East comes from the Palegawra cave in Iraq, in a deposit dated to about 1 0 , 0 0 0 BCE. However, both the date and the morphological identification of this canid is contested. In Natufian levels (c. 9 6 0 0 BCE) at Ein Mallaha in northern Israel, a woman was buried with a wolf or dog puppy. Although, the wild or domestic status of the puppy cannot be determined, it documents the first ceremonial re lationship between humans and canids in the region. c
The ceremonial treatment of dogs took several forms. In terment, with or without accompanying human burial, is known throughout the ancient eastern Mediterranean, but only in Egypt and Israel was it practiced on a large scale. Dogs were used in sacrificial and exorcistic rites in Anatolia. Among the western Semites, puppies were specified for sac rifice to conclude a covenant. In Mesopotamia and Anatolia, dogs and puppies played a role in cultic healing and rites to eliminate impurity. Dogs were used in healing rituals in Greece, but they were also sacrificed and apparently eaten in conjunction with human burials. In Egypt, in a few cases, dogs have been found accom panying human burials in deposits as early as the Neolithic and Badarian periods. Large-scale burial of mummified re mains are known from the Hellenistic and especially Roman periods. At the Chalcolithic cemetery at Gilat in the Negev, two dogs with grave goods were recovered. Also in southern Israel, more than 1 2 0 0 dog interments were excavated from Persian and Early Hellenistic levels at the site of Ashkelon. In Mesopotamia, the dog was associated witii the goddess Gula in her function as healer, and a number of puppies and adults were found in a ramp of her temple at Isin (c. 1 0 0 0 BCE) . Dog burial was widespread but does not seem to have been similarly motivated in each region. At Ashkelon, for example, the dogs were carefully interred in separate pits, but no grave goods accompanied them, and the burials were not associated with architecture of any notable scale. T h e reason for their burial remains a mystery. [See Gilat; Ash kelon; Isin.] Egyptian and Mesopotamian art contains numerous im-
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ages of dogs that have been identified as representing an cient breeds, often greyhounds and salukis or mastiffs. These are not confirmed by the osteological evidence from Egypt and the Near East, however. Reconstructions of the size, weight, limb proportions, and head shape of ancient dogs shows that prior to the Roman period selective dog breeding was not practiced in a way that produced distinc tive populations. Rather, the osteological evidence reveals that tire dogs of the region can be referred to the "pari ah"—medium-sized animals varying in body and head from a sheep dog to a greyhound type. [See also Animal Husbandry; Cult; Ethnozoology; and Paleozoology.]
Haddon, Kathleen. "Report on a Small Collection of Mummy Dogs." In The Cemeteries of Abydos, part 1 , 1 9 0 9 - 1 9 1 0 : The Mixed Cemetery and Umm el-Ga'ab, by Edouard Naville, et al., pp. 40-48. Memoir of the Egyptian Exploration Society, 33. London, 1913. Despite its age, the best zoological evaluation of the dog "types" in Egyptian mummified remains. Olsen, Stanley J. Origins of the Domestic Dog: The Fossil Record. Tucson, 1985. Global review of die osteological evidence for dog domesti cation. Wapnish, Paula, and Brian Hesse. "Pampered Pooches or Plain Pari ahs? The Ashkelon Dog Burials." Biblical Archaeologist 56.2 (1993): 55-80. Aluiough focused on the burials at Ashkelon, the article pro vides a regionwide review of dogs in the historic period.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
DOLMEN. A megalitiric burial structure shaped like a
Churcher, C. S. "Dogs from Ein Tirghi Cemetery, Balat, Dalkhleh Oasis, Western Desert of Egypt." In Skeletons in Her Cupboard, ed ited by Anneke Clason et al., pp. 39-59. Oxbow Monograph, 34. Oxford, 1993. Critical survey of appearance of dog types in ancient Egypt. Day, Leslie P. "Dog Burials in the Greek World." American Journal of Archaeology 88 (1984): 21-32. Reviews the evidence for Greek dog sacrifice and its underlying motivations.
DOLMEN.
PAULA W A P N I S H and BRIAN HESSE
table (from whence its Breton name) a dolmen is usually comprised of a capstone resting on upright stones. It most often occurs in groups and is frequently associated with en igmatic stone circles, one-course stone rows, and tumuli. Dolmens can take on a number of forms. Though their typologies do not completely coincide, both Claire Epstein ( 1 9 8 5 ) and Mattanyah Zohar ( 1 9 9 2 ) have discerned six gen
eral types, based on shape, size, depth, and association with
Dolmen with a carved stone aperture from ed-Damiyeh, Jordan. (Courtesy D. Ilan)
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other feattires such as stone mmuli, rings, and walls. The simplest type, tire trilitiion, is the most common form. Dif ferent forms often occur together, but specific fields and certain regions generally show a preponderance of a partic ular type—perhaps an expression of tribal traditions. Many dolmens show signs of originally having been enclosed by tumuli, and it is possible drat all were. [See Tumulus.] In the Levant, dolmen fields are concentrated along the Syro-African Rift, as far north as southern Turkey and as far south as Ma'in in Jordan. They do not occur in the south ern deserts of Sinai, Arabia, and the Negev, nor are they found in southern Mesopotamia or northern Anatolia. Dol mens most commonly occupy lands best suited for pasture and that are less amenable to field-crop agriculture, leading most researchers to associate them with nomadic pastoralist populations. However, Lipaz Vinitzky (1992) has shown a clear nexus between Early Bronze Age settlements and dol men fields in Israel's Golan Heights and Galilee region. Topographically, dolmens tend to be concentrated on es carpment piedmonts (e.g., Shamir in Israel or Adeimah in Jordan) and along wadi slopes (e.g., the Golan Heights), where large slabs can be transported downslope, or in places of prominence on extensive plateaus. It is now recognized that dolmens were erected at least as early as the late fourth millennium (EB I) and at least as late as the second or early third millennium BCE (Intermediate Bronze Age). Disagree ment exists as to whether the floruit of the phenomenon came about in the Early Bronze (e.g., Vinitzky) or the In termediate Bronze Age (Zohar, Epstein). Finds indicate that some monuments continued to be utilized throughout the second millennium BCE and even later. Dolmens are most often found empty or containing only fragmentary and exiguous artifacts. Nevertheless, the fact that a few dolmens have been found to contain human skel etal material has lead virtually all researchers to conclude that they functioned as tombs. The scarcity of bones sug gests to some that dolmens were intended for primary burial, after which the bones were moved elsewhere for final, sec ondary burial; tiris is unlikely, however, because few, if any, necropoli containing secondary burials can clearly be related to dolmens. They may represent a netherworld abode or locus of transition between the realms of life and death. For the living, they may have served as local territory markers— particularly in times of scarce pasture—or as symbols of power and ideological affiliation. [See also Burial Sites; Cave Tombs.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Epstein, Claire. "Dolmens Excavated in the Golan." 'Atiqot (English Series) 17 (1985): 20-58. Contains a good sample of dolmen forms and recovered artifacts that illustrate reuse from the Intermediate Bronze Age through the Late Bronze Age. Prag, Kay. "The Dead Sea Dolmens: Death and the Landscape." In The Archaeology of Death in the Ancient Near East, edited by Stuart
Campbell and Androny Green. Oxford, 1995. Regional study utiliz ing ethnographic and ecological data to interpret the dolmen phe nomenon and their appearance in EB I. Vinitzky, Lipaz. "The Date of the Dolmens in the Golan and the Gal ilee: A Reassessment." Tel Aviv 19.1 (1992): 100-112. Regional study incorporating recent data to show that the floruit of dolmen building occurred during the Early Bronze Age in association witii settlements. Zohar, Mattanyah. "Megalithic Cemeteries in the Levant." In Pastoralum in the Levant; Archaeological Materials in Anthropological Per spectives, edited by Ofer Bar-Yosef and Anatoly Khazanov, pp. 4 3 63. Prehistory Press Monographs in World Archaeology, no. 10. Madison, Wis., 1992. The most up-to-date synthesis of dolmens in the Levant and one of two studies that attempt serious socioecological explanation (the other is Prag, above). DAVID ILAN
D O R , eastern Mediterranean seaport mentioned in bibli cal accounts in connection with the Israelite conquest of Ca naan. The site is located on the Carmel coast, about 21 km (13 mi.) south of Haifa, at the site of modern-day Khirbet el-Burj. History. An Egyptian inscription found in Nubia that dates to the reign of Rameses II (thirteenth century BCE) contains the earliest known reference to Dor in a list of SyroPhoenician coastal cities. Dor is cited also in the account of the Egyptian emissary Wenamun's journey to Byblos (c. 1100 BCE), as is Dor's ruler, Beder, king of the Tjeker (Sikels), one of the marauding Sea Peoples who invaded tire Levant in the twelfth century BCE. In the Bible, the king of Dor is listed among the many defeated Canaanite rulers whose lands were distributed to the Israelites (Jos. 12:23). Material remains suggest, how ever, as does Joshua 1 7 : 1 2 - 1 3 , that the site, allotted to the tribe of Manasseh, was populated by Canaanites until the reign of King David in the tenth century BCE, when Dor was finally conquered by the Israelites. Later, when King Solo mon reorganized Israel into administrative districts, he made Dor the capital of the fourth administrative district, with his son-in-law Ben-Abinadab as governor (1 Kgs. 4 : 1 1 ) . After the entire coastal region of the northern kingdom was conquered by Tiglath-Pileser III in 732 BCE, Dor be came the capital of an Assyrian province extending from the Carmel range to Jaffa. Sidon apparently ruled Dor in the Persian period (sixth-fourth centuries BCE), but in the Hel lenistic period the city became a powerful fortress that two Seleucid kings were unable to take, either by land or sea. Dor and its fortified neighbor, Straton's Tower (later Caesarea), were ruled by the despot Zoilus until tire two cities were conquered by Alexander Jannaeus in the late second century BCE. [See Caesarea.] The Hasmoneans then ruled Dor until 63 BCE, when the Roman general Pompey con quered the city but granted it independence. Coins minted at Dor during the Roman period indicate that tire inhabi tants worshiped Zeus and Astarte, but there are literary ref-
DOR erences to a Jewish community and synagogue during the reign of Agrippa I ( 4 1 - 4 4 CE). At the beginning of the third century Dor was abandoned. In the late fourth century CE, St. Jerome described Dor as lying in ruin, but excavators have uncovered two distinct periods of Byzantine church constructions, beginning in the fourth century and ending in the seventh century CE, outside and at the front of the mound. T h e area lay uninhabited until the eleventh century, when the Crusader fortress of Merle was built on the mound; it was destroyed shortly thereafter. Excavations. T h e first excavations at Dor were con ducted in 1 9 2 3 and 1 9 2 4 by the British School of Archae ology in Jerusalem under the direction of John Garstang. J. Leibowitz, on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities, excavated north of the mound in 1 9 5 0 and 1952. Leibowitz discovered sections of a Roman theater as well as the Byz antine church mentioned above. Located east of the mound, the church complex, comprising about 1,000 s q m , was fully excavated between 1 9 7 9 and 1 9 8 3 by an Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums team led by C. Dauphin.
T
•(.
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Beginning in 1 9 8 0 , large-scale excavations were resumed at the site by Ephraim Stern under the auspices of the In stitute of Archaeology at the Hebrew University of Jerusa lem and the Israel Exploration Society. Findings from seven main areas of the mound indicate that Dor was first inhab ited at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age IJA (c. 2 0 0 0 BCE) and was occupied virtually without a gap until the third century BCE. After Herod the Great built the harbor at Cae sarea in the first century BCE, Dor began to decline and even tually was abandoned. Archaeological R e m a i n s . A few MB IIA buildings were uncovered along the western edge of the site, which the sea has eroded to bedrock. No Late Bronze buildings were un covered, but scarabs and pottery from the period were found. A massive mud-brick wall running north-south along the eastern fringe of the mound is the characteristic feature of Early Iron Age Dor. This wall (about 3 m high and 2 . 5 m deep) was reinforced along its exterior by a sand rampart. Two rooms were partially excavated along the wall's interior and several vessels, similar to ones uncovered at other sites
ill-
•
DOR. View of excavated areas from the east. (Courtesy E. Stern)
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DOR
along the Syro-Phoenician coast, were found in situ. These rooms were destroyed by a conflagration, after which tire wall went out of use. These Early Iron remains at Dor prob ably date from 1 1 5 0 to 1 0 5 0 BCE and likely are evidence of an impressive fortified Sikil settlement. Several new settlement phases dating from the second half of the eleventh century BCE were uncovered in various areas of the mound. Among the important material finds from these Iron Age strata were Early Cypriot vessels, some Phoe nician bichrome ware and black-on-red vessels, and local pottery. Dor was destroyed at the end of the tenth century BCE, probably at the hands of tire Egyptian pharoah Sheshonq (biblical Shishak). T h e town was refortified during the ninth century BCE with the addition of a solid offset-inset wall and a four-chambered gate. Not long after the destruc tion of this fortification by Tiglath-Pileser III, at the end of the eighth century BCE, the Assyrians rebuilt the wall and added a two-chambered gate; this fortification system lasted until the mid-fourth century BCE, when it was probably de stroyed in the Sidonian revolt against the Persians ( 3 4 8 BCE) . Dor's cosmopolitan character during the Persian period is indicated both by abundant and varied material remains and by evidence of imported city planning. T h e eastern part of the mound was a residential district laid out according to tire orthogonal Hippodamian plan, in which living units were divided into long, narrow blocks (about 1 5 m wide) separated by streets intersecting at right angles. Lengthwise streets ran parallel to the city wall. Unusually large quantities of local and imported pottery, especially Attic ware, were uncovered in two Persian period strata; some types were rare—such as large wine amphoras, the first found in coastal Israel. Many figurines, statuettes, and seals also were un covered, as were several ostraca—among them the first Greek inscriptions from tire Persian period discovered in Israel—and many Phoenician cult objects, primarily pottery figurines, stone statuettes, and faience amulets, some recov ered in situ. The orthogonal layout remained virtually unchanged dur ing the Hellenistic period, when urban planning was evident in the southern as well as eastern areas of the mound. Houses at least two stories high were built on tire same nar row blocks as in the Persian period, but with different par titions between them, and in the same Phoenician style, with outer walls of alternating ashlar piers and a nibble fill. Some residences had cellars. T h e remains of some of the largest temples yet uncovered in Israel were exposed on the western slope of the mound. These temples—all located near tire seashore—probably were built in the Hellenistic period but continued in use into the Roman period. A virtual ceramic typology of Hellenistic Palestine was uncovered in these strata. By this period Dor had become a thoroughly Greek city, as indicated by such pagan finds as a marble head of Hermes, the head of a pot
tery figurine (probably of Aphrodite), and a "temple-boy" pottery figurine. Late Roman remains were uncovered in two main strata. In the earlier stratum a spacious piazza was discovered at the intersection of the city's main street, which extended out from the eastern gate, and a long north-south street. A well had been dug in the center of the piazza, which was paved with large, dressed stones. A drainage system, with its main drain running east-west and auxiliary channels joining it from the north and south, was uncovered under tire pave ment of the street and the piazza. Public buildings sur rounded the piazza in this period. One of them—a store house, khan, or barrack—had an internal courtyard surrounded by rows of rooms. One row abutted and ran parallel to the long north-south street; each of its rooms opened onto tire courtyard, but only the entrance hall also opened onto the street. Other building remains from the earlier Roman stratum included a spacious and well-planned residential quarter with intersecting streets and a large ashlar structure; the latter was uncovered at the foot of the mound, indicating that construction in this period extended beyond the boundaries of the mound. Four large square piers were exposed outside and east of the city gate. These piers mark the western terminus of the Roman aqueduct through which water was brought to Dor from springs in the Carmel range. A paved path ran between the piers, at least one of which apparently had an arch. A sacred enclosure on the western slope of tire mound seems to relate to a massive retaining wall whose orientation fol lows that of an earlier north-south street just east of it that was die main access road to the Hellenistic temples (see above). In tire later Roman period tire street was blocked by the retaining wall. Sherds were uncovered along the wall of tire enclosure that seem to belong to tire foundation trench of the retaining wall—further evidence that these remains belong to the later Roman stratum. Also part of that stratum was a large piazza at tire center of the mound. T w o massive foundations north of the piazza extend east and west of it and may have carried a portico that surrounded the city's forum. Two more structures dating to the later stratum were uncovered on tire mound's western slope. One was a bath, in which two rooms, perhaps the caldarium and tepidarium, were excavated. T h e other structure, which had a barrelvault roof, was only partially excavated. BIBLIOGRAPHY Dahl, George. "The Materials for the History of Dor." Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 20 (1915): 1-131. Gen eral study of all written sources related to the city of Dor. Stern, Ephraim. Dor, the Rider of the Seas: Ten Years of Excavations in ~ the Israeli-Phoenician Harbor Town on the Carmel Coast. Jerusalem, 1994. Summary of the recent excavations at Tel Dor. EPHRAIM STERN
DOUARA DOTHAN (Ar., Tell Do than), site located in the north ern Samaria Hills on the east side of the Dothan Valley, some 22 km (about 14 mi.) north of Shechem. Dothan is a prominent mound, composed of nearly 15 m of stratified remains superimposed on a natural hill nearly 45 m high. T h e summit comprises approximately 10 acres, and the oc cupied area of tire slopes includes another 15 acres. T h e plain has always been of strategic importance as tire most easterly of the three main passes of the coastal plain from the Sharon to the Jezreel Valley through the mountainous ridge created by tire northern Ephraimite hill country and the Carmel ridge. Dothan has been identified with the biblical city of the same name, mentioned in Genesis 37 as the place where Joseph found his brothers in the course of their wanderings with their father's flocks. T h e narrative describes tire in trigue that led to Joseph's being taken to Egypt by a caravan of Ishmaelites (or Midianites) traveling via Dothan from Gilead. During the period of the monarchy, Dothan is de scribed as a well-fortified city to which the Aramean king sent emmisaries in search of the prophet Elisha (2 Kgs. 6:13-14). Other literary references include three notations in the Book ofJudith and one in the Onomasticon of Eusebius. The site was excavated by Joseph P. Free of Wheaton College, Illinois, in nine seasons between 1953 and 1964. According to the excavator, Dothan yielded a nearly contin uous occupational sequence from the Chalcolithic (3200 BCE) through the Byzantine period with later occupation as late as tire fourteenth century CE. T h e site was investigated in six major areas of excavation (T, B, A, D , L, and K, moving from east to west.) T h e western cemetery is located in area K. From i960 to 1964, Robert E. Cooley excavated three tombs in area K. T o m b 1 is the western cemetery's largest, richest (more than 3,400 objects), and best-preserved of the burial chambers. In addition to an abundant collection of human bones, a variety of small finds was recovered from it: pyxides (most with painted decoration), lamps, bowls, biconical jars, kraters, chalices, flasks, juglets, stirrup jars, jewelry, bronze weaponry, beads, bone-carved objects, an important group of scarabs, and several unique artifacts, such as a figurine lamp. T h e tomb's architectural plan is tripartite: a basically rec tangular tomb chamber with rounded corners, a stepped entryway on the west, and entry through a vertical shaft. The shaft gave access to the stepped entryway that, in turn, led into tire tomb chamber. Eight loculi, or crypts, were located along the walls of the chamber, whose orientation is west-east. T o m b 1 is a successive multiple-burial tomb. Five distinct levels of sttatification were discerned, dating from the Late Bronze 1 1 period into the Early Iron Age. T h e total number of burials has been calculated to be between three hundred
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and five hundred. Although tombs 2 and 3 appear to share the chronology of tomb 1, they were not stratified. Area D , on tire south side of the summit of tire tell, yielded a massive city fortification that was dated to the earliest phases of the Early Bronze Age. Area T , located on tire high est part of the mound, was designated by Free as the acrop olis area. Notable among the discoveries there was a medi eval fortress-palace from the fourteenth century CE. Published data for area B are exceptionally lean and consist only of the observation that the area embraced remains from the Roman and Hellenistic periods. T h e central section of the top of tire mound (area A) was occupied by a Hellenistic settlement, embracing the third and second centuries BCE. Substantial remains of an Iron Age settlement were uncov ered beneath the Hellenistic occupation. Notable among the architectural features of the Iron Age was a substantial sec tion of a wide street (33.5 m long and 1.20 m wide) bordered by well-preserved structures. T h e largest of the areas of ex cavation was area L, on tire western summit of the mound. The sloped section of this area yielded substantial fortifi cations from the Early Bronze Age. T h e area also produced sections of the city's Middle and Late Bronze Age fortifi cations. Substantial remains of an Iron Age administrative building were also discovered in this area. Several structures were uncovered in area L that were reminiscent in architec tural plan of the so-called open-court building regarded as a hallmark of Assyrian influence. The associated pottery was clearly in the Assyrian tradition of tire eighth-seventh cen turies BCE. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cooley, Robert E. "Garnered to His People: A Study of a Dothan Fam ily Tomb." In The Living and Active Word of God: Studies in Honor of Sameul J , Schults, edited by M. Inch and R. Youngblood, pp. 47-58. Winona Lake, 111., 1983. Free, Joseph P . "The First Season of Excavation at Dothan," Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 131 (1953): 16-20. Free, Joseph P . "The Second Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, no. 135 (1954): 14-20. Free, Joseph P. "The Third Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 139 (1955): 3-9. Free, Joseph P. "The Fourth Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, no. 143 (1956): 11-17. Free, Joseph P . "The Fifth Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 152 (1958): 10-18. Free, Joseph P . "The Sixth Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 156 (1959): 22-29. Free, Joseph P . "The Seventh Season at Dothan." Bulletin of the Amer ican Schools of Oriental Research, no. 160 (i960): 6-15. ROBERT E . COOLEY and GARY D . PRATICO
DOUARA, cave located about 18 Ion (11 mi.) northeast of Palmyra in central Syria (34°38'42" N , 38°25'58" E). Ex cavation has shown that the site was inhabited during the
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Middle Paleolithic and Epipaleolithic periods. Douara is un usual because it is one of the few Paleolithic sites that have been excavated in Syria's semiarid interior. The sequence of occupation at Douara is unusually long, although the ep isodes of use were separated by long intervals of abandon ment. The material recovered has provided extensive infor mation about the history and nature of its human occupation. The cave is set in tire south face of a steep rock scarp on the southern edge of the Jebel Abu Rujmein, a range of hills that extends northeastward across central Syria. The cave is more than 1 0 m wide at the entrance and extends 1 4 m back into the hillside. The site was identified in 1 9 6 7 by a Japanese team from the University of Tokyo and was excavated by them in 1970 (under the direction of Hisashi Suzuki), 1 9 7 4 (Kazuro Hanihara), and again in 1 9 8 4 (Takeru Akazawa). The archaeological sequence consisted of two upper de posits, horizons I and II, and two lower ones, horizons III and IV (Endo et a l , 1 9 7 8 , pp. 8 8 - 9 3 ) . Horizon I contained mainly modern and Neolithic material. The deposits of ho rizon II filled a pit 1.5 m in diameter near tire cave's en trance. The artifacts in this horizon were characteristic of the Geometric Kebaran phase of the Epipaleolithic period. The two lower horizons were much older: both contained Middle Paleolithic artifacts that were presumably made by Neanderthal people. The flint tools from horizon III were typical of the Levantine Levalloiso-Mousterian culture, whereas the assemblage from horizon IV, although still with Middle Paleolithic affinities, was significantly earlier (Aka zawa, 1987, pp. 1 5 5 - 1 5 6 ) — i t was principally composed of flint blades that had been struck from prismatic cores. T h e lower part of horizon IV, level IVB, consisted of a large hearth full of ashes. T h e excavators experienced some difficulty in determin ing the ages of these deposits, in part because horizons III and IV were too old to be dated satisfactorily by the radio carbon method. They obtained a fission-track date of about 7 5 , 0 0 0 BP for a burnt pebble from the IVB hearth. The date was confirmed by the thermoluminescence dating of other burnt pebbles from tire same deposit. This date is probably of tire right order of magnitude for the horizon IV deposits, although horizon III could be twenty thousand years younger. A weathered layer at the junction of horizons III and IV suggested that tire site was little used'by humans between these two episodes of occupation. The horizon II Epipaleolithic deposits would date to about 1 3 , 0 0 0 - 1 4 , 0 0 0 years B P , based on analogy with other sites. The main animals hunted by the inhabitants of the cave in all periods were wild sheep, goats, camels, and a small equid. These species are typical of a semiarid steppe like that around Douara today, suggesting that conditions were quite similar to the present during each period of occupation (Payne, 1 9 8 3 ) . The inhabitants also collected seeds of pe rennial steppe plants and the fruits of hackberry trees tiiat
grew in the hills behind the site. People probably occupied the cave seasonally, perhaps during the winter and spring. BIBLIOGRAPHY Akazawa, Takeru. "The Ecology of the Middle Paleolithic Occupation at Douara Cave, Syria." In Paleolithic Site of the Douara Cave and Paleogeography of Palmyra Basin in Syria, part 4, 1984 Excavations, edited by Takeru Akazawa and Yutaka Sakaguchi, pp. 155-166. Uni versity of Tokyo, University Museum, Bulletin no. 29. Tokyo, 1987. Summary of the results of the excavations and studies of Douara's environment. Akazawa, Takeru, et al. "1984 Excavations at Douara Cave: Methods and Techniques." In Paleolithic Site of the Douara Cave and Paleo geography of Palmyra Basin in Syria, part 4 , 1 9 8 4 Excavations, edited by Takeru Akazawa and Yutaka Sakaguchi, pp. 41-48. University of Tokyo, University Museum, Bulletin no. 29. Tokyo, 1987. De scription of the final excavation season. Endo, B., T. Fujimoto, T. Akazawa, and K. Endo. "Excavation at the Douara Cave." In Paleolithic Site of Douara Cave and Paleography of Palmyra Basin in Syria, part 1, Stratigraphy and Paleography of Pal myra Basin in Syria, edited by Kazuro Hanihara and Yutaka Saka guchi, pp. 83-98. University of Tokyo, University Museum. Tokyo, 1978. Payne, S. "The Animal Bones from the 1974 Excavations at Douara Cave." In Paleolithic Site of the Douara Cave and Paleogeography of Palmyra Basin in Syria, part 3, Animal Bones and Further Analysis of Archeological Materials, edited by Kazuro Hanihara and Yutaka Sakaguchi, pp. 1-108. University of Tokyo, University Museum, Bulletin no. 21. Tokyo, 1983. Definitive analysis of the faunal re mains from the second season of excavations and their interpretation for human use of the site and its environment. Suzuki, H., and I. Kobori. "Report of the Reconnaissance Survey on Palaeolithic Sites in Lebanon and Syria." In Bulletin of the University Museum (University of Tokyo), no. 1 (1970): 41-48. Account of the discovery of Douara cave. A . M . T . MOORE
DUNAND, MAURICE
( 1 8 9 8 - 1 9 8 7 ) , French archae ologist best-known as the director, for more than fifty years, of the excavations at Byblos in Lebanon. Dunand was born and died in Haute-Savoie. His interest in Levantine archae ology began when he participated in the 1 9 1 9 - 1 9 2 0 French military campaign in Syria. After graduating from the Ecole du Louvre, he continued his education at the Ecole Biblique et Archeologique Francaise in Jerusalem ( 1 9 2 4 - 1 9 2 5 ) . While working at the 1 9 2 4 Palmyra and Byblos excavations, he initiated excavations at Eshmun, near Sidon. In 1 9 2 5 , he undertook epigraphic expeditions to Safa, the Hauran, and on Jebel al-Druze and reorganized tire Museum of Suweida. In tire following year he excavated in Syria in the Ledja and the Jezireh and farmer east, at Arslan Tash, Til Barsip, and Luristan. From 1 9 4 0 to 1 9 4 5 , Dunand served as director of the French high commission for Syria-Lebanon and excavated Hellenistic U m m el-'Amad ( 1 9 4 3 - 1 9 4 5 ) - In 1 9 4 8 , with the end of the French Mandate, tire Lebanese Department of Antiquities authorized him to continue the Byblos excava tions. With his wife Mireille, he developed a ceramic typol-
DURA-EUROPOS ogy, plus field techniques using the io-m X io-m site grid and die excavation of 20-cm levels. Byblos architecture and forty-five thousand artifacts were analyzed by level, as op posed to natural sttatigraphy. This now-outmoded system was Dunand's attempt to objectify excavation. From 1954 to 1974, Dunand excavated the Greco-Persian temple of Amrit (Syria) and Tell Kazel on the Syrian coast. From 1961 to 1976 he continued his work at the Eshmun temple. The French government awarded Dunand the Legion of Honor and made him an honorary conservator of the na tional museums. He left Lebanon during the civil sttife of the 1970s. His prolific publications include five Byblos vol umes, Fouilks de Byblos (1937-1958), Ottmm el-'Amed (1962), and Le Temple d'Amrith (1985), and his bibliography appears in fasicle I of Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth (1970). [See also 'Amrit; Byblos; Kazel, Tell al-; Suweida; and Til Barsip.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Dunand, Maurice. Fouilks de Byblos. 5 vols. Paris, 1937-1958. Dunand, Maurice. "Rapport preliminaire sur les fouilles de Byblos." Bulletin du Musee de Beyrouth 9 (1949-1950): 53-74; 12 (1955): 7-23; 13 (1956): 73-86; 16 (1964): 69-85. Dunand, Maurice. Oumrn el-'Amed, une ville de I'epoque hellenistiqueaux echelles de Tyr. Paris, 1962. Dunand, Maurice. Byblos: Its History, Ruins, and legends. 2d ed. Beirut, 1968. Dunand, Maurice. "La Piscine du Trone d'Astarte dans le Temple d'Echmoun a Sidon." Bulletin du Musee de Beyrouth 24 (1971): 19-25. Dunand, Maurice. "Le Temple d'Echmoun a Sidon: Essai de chronologie." Bulletin du Musee de Beyrouth 26 (1973): 7-25. Dunand, Maurice. Article in Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth 48 (1974-1975): 3-8. Dunand, Maurice. Le temple d'Amrith dans la piree d'Aradus. Bibliotheque Archeologique et Historique, vol. 122. Paris, 1985. Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph de Beyrouth 46.1 (1970): 3-8. Bib liography of Dunand's work to 1970. MARTHA SHARP JOUKOWSKY
D U N A Y E V S K Y , I M M A N U E L (1906-1968), con sulting architect for many important early excavations in Is rael. Born in Odessa (Ukraine) and educated as a structural engineer, Dunayevsky emigrated to Palestine in 1934. He worked first as an engineer, but after participating part-time at Benjamin Mazar's excavations at Beth-She'arinr, BethYerah, and Tell Qasile (1949-1951), he abandoned engi neering and joined Yigael Yadin's excavation at Tel Hazor as staff architect (1955). Dunayevsky joined the Department of Archaeology at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and, until his death, served either as the architect or consulting architect for the excavations at 'Ein-Gedi, Hammath Tibe rias, Masada, and Megiddo, among many others. In addition to surveying and preparing and drawing final plans, Dunayevsky applied himself to architectural and
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stratigraphic analysis, in which he was gifted and insightful. Through on-site checking of walls, floors, and their inter relationships, he established the true sequence of strata and the architectural history of a site. It was, perhaps, because he was not trained as an archaeologist that he was free of the burden of preconceived theories. Dunayevsky was a master at reading a site's relative chronology, as preserved in its architectural history. His contribution to tire Hazor expedition (1954-1956,1968), was tire final and perhaps the best example of his work. [See also the biographies of Mazar and Yadin. In addition, the sites mentioned are the subject of independent entries.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Netzer, Ehud. "A List of Selected Plans Drawn by I. Dunayevsky." Erelz-Israel I I (1973): i3*-24*. (I. Dunayevsky Memorial Volume). Netzer, Ehud, and Aharon Kempinski. "Immanuel (Munya) Duna yevsky, 1906-1968: The Man and His Work." In The Architecture of Ancient Israel from the Prehistoric to the Persian Periods: In Memoiy of Immanuel (Munya) Dunayevsky, edited by Aharon Kempinski and Ronny Reich, pp. vii-ix. Jerusalem, 1992. RONNY REICH
D U R A - E U R O P O S , site located near the modern vil lage of as-Salihiyeh, 92 km (57 mi.) southeast of Deir ezZor (Dayr az-Zawr), Syria, on a promontory along the southern bank of the Euphrates River (34°46' N , 4o°46' E); the escarpment down to the river formed a natural rampart on the east with deep wadis on the north and south. The ancient city covered approximately 180 acres, with its main gate facing west, toward Palmyra. The ruins were first noted in the late nineteenth century by travelers and archaeologists but were generally assumed to be Arab because Greek, and, especially Roman, sites were not thought to extend this far east. A city with the double name "Dura, called Europos by tire Greeks" was known from tire first-century geographer Isidore of Charax/Bosra, but tire name had been erroneously attached to the unexcavated tell at Abu'l Hassan. The ruins at as-Salihiyeh yielded some ancient materials in a 1912 sur vey by Friedrich Sarre and Ernest Herzfeld, but the advent of World War I precluded further investigation. [See the bi ography of Sarre.] The site was rediscovered in 1920 by a company of British soldiers in the aftermath of World War I. While digging em placements for bivouac among the visible ruins, they un covered "some ancient wall paintings in a wonderful state of preservation . . . in the west corner of tire fort." After reporting to the garrison commander at Abou Kemal (now in Iraq), a request was made to James Henry Breasted, who had been surveying potential excavation sites in the region, to confirm the find. He viewed the finds (located in what is now known as the Temple of the Palmyrene Gods) and identified the scene from the depiction and dipinto as the Roman tribune Julius Terentius in the act of sacrifice. It was
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to date the easternmost find of any Roman remains. Another dipinto from the same painting referred to tire Tyche ("For tune") of Dura, thus providing clear identification with tire double-named city of Isidore. [See the biography of Breasted.] In the following years, the area came under the French Mandate. In November 1922 and October-November 1923, the first brief seasons of archaeological work were conducted by Franz Cumont under the auspices of tire French Acad emy of Inscriptions and Letters in Damascus. While some initial discoveries were made, largely in the northwest corner of the city, tire excavations had to be abandoned because of political unrest. When relative peace was restored in 1926, the site's remoteness hindered resuming work until a joint expedition between the French Academy and Yale Univer sity was arranged. Mikhail I. Rostovtzeff, who had just joined the Yale faculty, was eager to involve the university in the burgeoning archaeology of the region. The first joint expedition was conducted in 1928, and ten campaigns were completed through 1937. Cumont and Rostovtzeff initially served as the project directors, with Maurice Pillet of the French Academy as field director. The field directorship continued under Clark Hopkins (1931-1935) and Frank E. Brown (1935-1937), both of Yale. The field seasons were published serially under the title Excavations at Dura-Europos: Preliminary Reports (New Haven, 1929-1952). Subse quent research and analysis of the finds removed to the Da mascus Museum and tire Yale University Art Gallery resulted in a series of Final Reports (New Haven, 19431977), as yet incomplete. The site may have been settled in earlier periods, but no significant levels of occupation are known prior to the es tablishment of the Hellenistic city by Seleucus I Nicator in about 300 BCE. In 1 1 4 BCE it was ceded to the Parthians, who remained in control until the Roman expansion under Tra jan (116). Following the Roman withdrawal (118), it re turned to Parthian control. [See Parthians.] Eventually, the campaign of Lucius Verus (168) brought the entire region firmly under Roman control. The city was a fortified station along the ancient trade routes between Seleucia/Ctesiphon and Charax/Bosra to the east, and to the west either Antioch (by way of Ciresium and Aleppo) or Damascus (by way of Palmyra). In 209-211 it was garrisoned by the Romans and in the 220S-230S was further reinforced against tire rising Sasanian kingdom. After withstanding an initial attack under Ardashir in 239, it was besieged in 253/54 by his son Shapur I (240-264). Despite substantial defense efforts, including sacrificing the area along the interior of the western city wall as fill for an embankment, it fell and was razed in 256. While much of Dura is now known through excavation of the foundation plans and debris from the destruction, it is the embankment that has yielded the most remarkable finds left intact from the time they were buried (see below). Excavation of this single-stratum site revealed a complex and intersecting pattern of habitation that included influ
ences from periods of Hellenistic, Parthian, and Roman control as well as local cultures including Persian, Palmy rene, Aramaic, Safaitic, and other Semitic linguistic groups. The Hellenistic and Early Parthian city was grouped around the central area. The western defense wall and the main gate (called the Palmyra Gate) were added by the Parthians, probably sometime in tire late first century BCE. Under the Romans (or later tire Parthians), a regular grid plan was imposed on the city; it provides the basic plan from which the excavators developed their reference notation (see figure 1). Epigraphic, papyrological, and documentary remains have been found in Greek, Latin, Aramaic, Palmyrene, Sa faitic, and Middle Iranian (Pahlavi). At least by the later Parthian and Roman periods, Dura seems to have had strong cultural, commercial, and administrative ties to Pal myra. In addition to the Temple of the Palmyrene Gods (J35; a triad of military deities associated with Bel and Iarhibol), the Tyche of Palmyra was publicly displayed. There is also a Temple of Palmyrene Gad(de) ( H i ) . Other regional cults include two temples for the Parthian deities Aphlad (N8) and Artemis-Azzanathkona (E7). T h e latter is a compound of Anat; the name and iconography suggest affinities to Atargatis (also called Dea Syria), where Aphlad would be the expected consort. In addition, there is a separate temple to tire Syrian/Phoenician Atargatis (H2) with her regular consort, Hadad. Traditional Hellenistic and Roman cults are represented by temples to Adonis (L5), Greek Artemis (H4), Zeus Kyrios (N7), Zeus Theos (B3), Zeus Megistos (C4), and Jupiter Dolichenus (X7). In several of these cases the central cult figures, either in frescoes or reliefs, were also found. These religious monuments clearly show the mixture of regional Syro-Phoenician, Palmyrene, and Parthian traditions with both Hellenistic and Roman elements. [See Phoenicians; Palmyra.] Zeus Kyrios is identified with Ba'al Shamin (Ba'al Shamem), and Zeus Theos is depicted in Parthian-style dress. The art also shows a mixture of Hel lenistic and so-called orientalizing influences and has some times been labeled proto-Byzantine, especially in its use of frontality. The temples span several phases in the occupation of the city and continued in use to the end, with some reflecting continued expansion. Some peculiarities in their plan and architecture are collectively known as "tire Durene temple type." This type of planning seems to have stretched from the Late Hellenistic occupation of the city down through end of the Roman period. Typically, these Durene temples em ployed a spacious walled temenos (sacred precinct), often with multiple small chapels or dining rooms around the outer walls. The main sanctuary of the god(s) was a smaller enclosure (the naos proper), usually set off at one end and sometimes with flanking chambers. T h e archaeological ev idence further indicates that considerable renovation and enlargement occurred in these temples (especially of the Palmyrene Gods) over time; some of the temples were built
DURA-EUROPOS
DURA-EUROPOS
DURA-EUROPOS.
Figure t.
Plan of the city.
175
1— Temple of Aphlad 2—Temple of Zeus Kyrios 3-Baths 4—Christian Building 5-Baths 6-Synagogue 7-Temple of Adonis 8-Mithraeum 9-Templeof the Palmyrene Gods (Bel) 10—Temple of Artemis Azzanathkona 11-Praetorium 12-Amphitheater 13-Bath 14-Temple of Jupiter Dolichenus (Dolicheneum) 15 - Palace of the Dux Ripae 16—Military Temple 17-Temple of Zeus Theos 18 - House of Nebuchelus 19—House of the Frescoes 20-Temple of the Gadde 21 -Temple of Atargatis 22-Temple of Artemis-Nanai 23 - House of the Large Atrium 24-House of Lysias 25-Temple of Zeus Megistos 26-Redoubt Palace
(Drawing by David O. Kiphuth, Courtesy ASOR Archives)
on or from existing residential areas (especially those of Atargatis and Gadde). T h e Hellenistic city was clustered in tire center of the walled area around an open central agora ( G i - 8 ) that had, in earlier stages, functioned like a bazaar. By the Roman period, the agora had been developed architecturally into a market center, with less open space. A proliferation of do mestic blocks and other, larger buildings during the late sec ond and early third centuries CE filled the walled areas, es pecially along the city's western and southern sections. This phase of civic building corresponds to tire consolidation of Roman control and the period of reinforcement of the gar rison under the Severan emperors. At this time, tire northern section of the city was partitioned off for the military gar rison, and a new palace ( X 3 - 5 ) of tire river commander and a bath ( E 3 ) were begun in upper part of tire city. [See Palace; Baths.] T h e garrison incorporated the areas around the tem ples of Azzanathkona and the Palmyrene Gods; added to the same area was a sanctuary of Jupiter Dolichenus, a fa vorite among the legions. Under Caracalla, the city was re inforced by troops from the Fourth Scythian and Sixteenth Flavia Firma Legions, under tire commander Antonius Valentinus. Later detachments of the Third and Fourth Cyrenaica (from Bosra) are also recorded. In its final days, the
city was the headquarters of the Twentieth Palmyrene Co hort, under tire military tribune Julius Terentius. A graffito records that the Persians first attacked the city in 2 3 9 CE, at which time Julius Terentius was killed. T h e city was further reinforced by elements of the Second Paphlagonian (Galliena Volusiana) Cohort. In addition to numerous inscrip tions, contracts, and literary documents, the excavations yielded a number of military records, including pay rosters and census records. A number of the records referring to Roman cleruchs indicate that Dura was considered a colony for veterans of these eastern legions. Military accouterments were well preserved in the fill. One such find was a Roman wooden shield with decorated leather covering; among the painted decorations was a ship and a list (partially damaged) of the posts of the legionnaires from the Black Sea to Dura. Individual studies of parchments and papyri, coins, textiles, glassware, and several ceramic classifications appear in the Final Reports. T h e excavations along tire city's western wall produced the most interesting finds because of their level of preser vation (they had been buried during the final siege of the city). One such edifice was a suite of rooms renovated from two neighboring houses drat had served as the offices of a scribal guild. Most of the areas along the western wall had
176
DURA-EUROPOS mithraeum should not be overlooked as a contribution to the study of the Roman cult of Mithras, it is really the other two that have attracted the most attention. T h e Christian building at Dura is the earliest clearly identifiable church building from the Roman world. The Jewish edifice is one of the earliest known synagogue sites from the Diaspora and is especially important for its development of synagogue planning and decoration. [See Churches; Synagogues.] T h e synagogue (block L 7 ) was originally installed in a house facing the western wall in the middle of an insula of ten houses. The house was typical of Durene private archi tecture: several rooms were grouped around a central open court, from which a corridor gave access to the street. The function of some of tire rooms in the house continued to be domestic, but one room was adapted for use as a Hall of Assembly. There is some evidence of minimal decoration and seating in this early hall. The first synagogue installation
earlier been domestic blocks (insulae) of contiguous private homes. Three of the most significant discoveries for the ci ty's religious history were found in such houses along the western wall. In each case, the existing domestic edifice had been renovated in one or more stages for use as a religious center. These include a sanctuary of Mithras (or mith raeum; see figure 2), a synagogue, and a Christian building. The mithraeum (block J7) went through three distinct phases of renovation and enlargement from its original form as a private house; the first occurred shortly after tire Roman takeover in 168 CE, and abundant graffiti and inscriptions make it clear that the membership was largely from the mil itary. In tire middle phase (c. 209-211), when a major struc tural renovation project transformed the building into a more formal religious hall, the main donor was tire garrison commander Antonius Valentinus. The final renovation (c. 240s) included an elaborate decorative program. While the
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nereids seated on the tails of ichthyocentaurs (creatures with the head, arms, and bust of a man; the forelegs of a horse; and the tail of a fish) (see figure 2); this scene is bordered by depictions of fish and ducks flanking two cupids riding on dolphins. In the center of this second panel, a marble slab forming part of a fountain was found together with a bronze nozzle; lead pipes through which tire water circulated were found under the mosaic. The mosaic in the corridor consists of four panels, each containing a personification of one of the four seasons, with birds in each corner. An additional rectangular panel con tains a scene of a satyr weaving garlands, while a figure car rying a basket approaches from behind. Only the last word, kale ("good"), of the Greek inscription below the satyr has been read. The triclinium opened onto a small room with a mosaic floor displaying a medallion with a badly preserved face. A bird is depicted in each corner of tire floor and an animal is depicted on each edge. Two theatrical masks on this floor allude to the cult of the wine god Bacchus. On the second terrace of the villa, the remains of a Roman bathhouse were uncovered. Sections of two of its rooms still stand from floor to ceiling, one with a domed roof. The roof of the second room was barrel vaulted, and beneath the floor brick arches were found that supported tire hypocaust. Pot tery pipes—part of the heating system—were found at tached to the walls of both rooms. A cross painted on one wall of the domed room confirms the ceramic evidence of occupation during the Byzantine period, whereas an oven was dated to the Early Arab period.
On the villa's third terrace, the remains of a pool were found; its position indicates that it formed part of the Roman irrigation system. Well-preserved rooms from a second Ro man bath were excavated on this terrace. In the two rectan gular rooms, the mosaic floor above the hypocaust was sup ported by columns. The floor had mostly collapsed in these rooms, but a mosaic depiction in a third (circular) room resembles a magen David (Heb., "shield of David"). T h e wall of the circular room had frescoes painted with geomet ric lines and swirls and representations of fruit. A layer of plaster painted with colored lines was applied on top of this fresco; this layer is not clearly dated. T h e mosaic floors and the ceramic as well as the numismatic finds in the villa date to the Late Roman period (late second to third century CE); additional pottery sherds were dated to the Early Arab pe riod. On top of this material lay roof tiles, some bearing seals of the Roman Tenth Legion, and boulders that had slid from the hill. T h e Roman villa at 'Ein-Ya'el was built after the Bar Kokhba Revolt (132-135 CE) and the expulsion of the Jews from all of Judea [see Judah]. T h e villa forms part of tire romanization of Judea, which included the construction of Aelia Gapitolina on tire ruins of the city of Jerusalem. T h e earlier farms surrounding Jerusalem were probably replaced by Roman-style farms and villas similar to those at 'EinYa'el. Some of the villa's buildings were in use more than four hundred years later, until the earthquake that shook Jerusalem in 732. All the remains of the villa were deliberately covered with soil, probably during tire Ottoman period, and the site was
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EIN-ZIPPORI, T E L
227
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used as a farm. Today tire site houses the Ein-Ya'el Living Museum.
least 1 1 X 15 m) is oriented northeast-southwest, with two primary interior dividing walls perpendicular to each other. One interior wall carries a stone bench along its northern BIBLIOGRAPHY face. Both walls have well-hewn stones as door jambs. T h e Applebaum, Shimon. Judaea in Hellenistic and Roman Times. Leiden, complex has two building phases. The destruction debris 1989. found within the complex included a great deal of burned Edelstein, Gershon. "What's a Roman Villa Doing Outside Jerusalem?" mud brick. Biblical Archaeology Review 16.6 (1990): 32-42. In field II a series of terraced, well-integrated domestic Edelstein, Gershon, and Ianir Milevsky. "The Rural Settlement of Je buildings and alleys was uncovered. T h e southernmost ter rusalem Re-valuated: Surveys and Excavations in the Rephaim Val race wall is more than 1 1 m long and more than 1 m wide, ley and Mevasseret Yerushalaim." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 126 (1994): 2-23. suggesting a large, well-planned residential area. Rectan Gibson, Shimon, and Gershon Edelstein. "Investigating Jerusalem's gular rooms with domestic ceramic assemblages, including Rural Landscape." Levant 17 (1985): 139-155. three cup-and-saucer vessels, were found along both sides Hopkins, David C. The Highlands of Canaan: Agricultural Life in the of this east-west wall. Another large rectangular building was Early Iron Age. Sheffield, 1985. found in field II that was partially cobbled and contained GERSHON EDELSTEIN several large column bases. A drainage system on tire upper terrace channeled runoff away from the structure's south western corner. ' E I N - Z I P P O R I , T E L , site located in Israel in the T h e strata III-IV remains of a large building complex in Lower Galilee, along the Nahal Zippori, 5 Ion (3 mi.) from field II are dated to the thirteenth-twelfth centuries BCE. The the modern city of Nazareth (32°45' N , 35°i5' E; map ref complex is oriented east-west and opened onto a large un erence 1761 X 2374). It is adjacent to one of the only cur roofed courtyard area to the north. Several large storejars rently active springs and spring-fed streams in the Galilee. were set in the courtyard and used as small tabuns or jar T h e site is well positioned to take advantage of neighboring stands. Along with local pottery, imported Cypriot wares arable land and a perennial water supply. Tiin-Zippori was ; initially surveyed by Zvi Gal (Lower Galilee during the Iron Age, Winona Lake, Ind., 1992), and two seasons of exca vation were carried out (1993, 1994) by the Sepphoris Re gional Project, sponsored by Duke University, Wake Forest University, and the University of Connecticut at Storrs, un der the direction of Eric Meyers, Carol Meyers, Ken Hoglund, and J. P. Dessel. Tel Ein-Zippori is approximately 1.5 ha (4 acres) in size. Its northern and western sides were cut, probably during tire last two hundred years, to increase the area of the valley under cultivation. Other recent modifications of the tell in clude the construction of a well on the eastern slope. Based on its construction style and on ethnohistorical data, tire well was also built within tire last two hundred years. Closer to tire center of the tell there are indications of another well. T h e depth of the archaeological deposits reaches at least 4 m. Excavation exposed a sequence of occupation from the Late Bronze Age I (1550 BCE) through the Iron Age II (ninth century BCE). The highest and most pronounced part of the tell has two terraces: an upper terrace (field I) and a lower terrace (field II). A 2-meter vertical face separates them. Field III is located along tire western edge of tire tell. Stratum I (ninth century BCE) is most clearly seen in field III. The remains of a stratum I pillared building were found along the western slope of the tell. Excavation on these slopes also clearly demonstrated that tire site was unfortified in Iron II. Stratum II (tenth century BCE) contained a large, E I N - Z l P P O R l , TEL. Figure 1. Eastern portion of a large tenth-cen well-constructed, multiroomed building in field I that has tury BCE building complex in field I. (Courtesy Sepphoris Regional Project) been partially excavated (see figure 1 ) . The complex (at
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EKRON
were found, including Base Ring II and White Slip II. T h e building was consttucted in LB II and reused, with some modification, in Iron I. Stratum V is represented by a narrow exposure that re vealed a rich assemblage of LB I pottery smashed on a sur face. The remains of at least thirteen restorable vessels in cluded several large pithoi; the Bichrome Ware and imported Cypriot White Slip I pottery suggest an LB IA date. In summary, Tel 'Ein-Zippori has five main occupational strata. Little is known about the LB I village, but it appears to end abruptly. In LB II the site was rebuilt along a different orientation, and there is complete continuity from LB I into Iron I. In the tenth century BCE the site was rebuilt for the third time, again with a different architectural plan. There is good evidence for large monumental buildings. This oc cupation ends in a partial destruction. The orientation of a ninth-century BCE pillared building differs significantly from die tenth-century architecture. It appears that the site was temporarily abandoned sometime in the late tenth century BCE. Although Tel 'Ein-Zippori was undoubtedly a village, the size and construction of the buildings suggest a degree of rural complexity for the tenth century BCE. J. P . DESSEL
EKRON. See Miqne, Tel.
ELAMITES. From the early third through mid-first mil lennia BCE, Elam was one of the major powers in the ancient Near East. Its territory encompassed parts of southern and western Iran, and comprised both lowland (modern Khu zistan) and highland Zagros Mountain components (Fars, and parts of Kerman, Luristan, and Kurdistan). Susa, in central Khuzistan, and nearby sites in die Khuzistan low lands have been the primary focus of research. [See Susa.] Anshan (modern Tall-i Malyan) was the major highland site, 500 km (310 mi.) to the southeast, in western Fars. [See Malyan.] Carter and Stolper (1984) provide the es sential synthesis of Elamite history and material culmre, and the following discussion draws on the framework that they have established and the evidence tiiat they present. The modern name Elam derives from the biblical Hebrew 'elam, Akkadian elamtu, Sumerian elam(a), and ultimately native Elamite hatami and haltamti, Elamite was not closely related to any known ancient language, and no direct de rivative survives. Throughout Elamite history, the balance between the highland and lowland regions shifted back and forth. While the geographic distributions of archaeological assemblages (material culture) can be defined through fieldwork, linking the ancient political and cultural geographies referred to in texts to the topography and assemblage disu-ibutions re
mains difficult. Historical sources document political ties of varied strengths among the regions as changing with time, as did the material culture. Because of its ease of access, lowland Elam was periodically involved in Mesopotamian political developments and even incorporated into Meso potamian states. Elamite polities in the Zagros highlands from the north to the southeast, however, were better able to sustain some autonomy, protected by the rugged topog raphy. At times, the highland polities developed sufficient cohesion to be able to dominate the lowlands. Native Elamite textual sources are sparse and episodic, leaving long periods of history obscure. Most of die texts come from Susa, where Mesopotamian influence often was strong. Almost no highland sites have yielded texts. Much of Elamite history must thus be extracted from tendentious, often hostile Mesopotamian texts. Their links between Elamite and Mesopotamian history provide the basic chro nology for Elam, Archaeological data are the major indigenous source for Elamite cultural history. Although excavation and survey had concentrated on Khuzistan, especially the area around Susa, the research ended by political events in 1978-1979 had begun to illuminate basic highland developments. Throughout Elamite history material culture, such as ce ramics, was strongly regional. Thus, the absence of a single distinctive "Elamite" style exacerbates the problem of de fining even the geographic scope of Elam. Elam's historical geography remains problematic, especially in the highlands, as a result of a dearth of native textual sources and the es sential Mesopotamian ignorance of the highlands. T h e lo cation of toponyms, cities, regions, and even important pol ities often remains uncertain. Texts and rock reliefs document an Elamite presence throughout lowland Khuzi stan, southward along the Persian Gulf to at least Bushire (ancient Liyan), and eastward in the highlands into Fars (ancient Anshan in the Marv Dasht). T h e Elamite sphere in the highlands to the north of Khuzistan remains ill de fined. Physical Geography. Differences in gross topography, climate, ecology, and natural resources yielded a regionally diverse mosaic of subsistence and economic potentials that were ultimately reflected in cultural regions. Khuzistan is an extension of the Mesopotamian lowlands east of the Tigris River. [See Tigris.] Although dry farming is possible, irri gation provides a more dependable agricultural base. [See Irrigation; Agriculture.] Resource poor, Khuzistan de pended on die surrounding highlands for many basic materials, such as metals, hard and semiprecious stones, and wood. [See Wood.] River valleys, particularly those of the main rivers, provide the primary routes into die highlands through the rugged parallel ridges of die Zagros Mountains. East of Khuzistan, in Fars, almost half of the Kur River basin (2,200 sq lam, or about 1,350 sq. mi.), at an elevation of 1,600 m in die Zagros Mountains, is arable. There lay
ELAMITES Anshan, the ancient name of both the regional polity and tire largest known Elamite site (mod. Tall-i Malyan) in the highlands. North of Khuzistan, the intermontane valleys of Luristan and southern Kurdistan tend to be relatively small, with a mixed agricultural-pastoral economy. Limited routes lead northward to the Great Khorasan Road, the primary east-west route linking the Iranian plateau and areas farther east to central Mesopotamia, where it entered the lowlands along the Diyala River. [See Diyala.] Sociopolitical organi zation has tended to be tribal throughout history, with marked cultural and ethnic regionalism. Farther to the east, the Kerman range provides a link between the eastern val leys of the central Zagros and the great salt deserts (Dashti Kavir and Dasht-i Lut) of the central Iran. R e s e a r c h on E l a m . Susa, always an important center, underpins the archaeology and history of Elam. T h e early excavations there, directed by Jacques de Morgan (18971908) and Roland de Mecquenem (1908-1946), who had both trained as mining engineers, were massive in scale. Mud-brick architecture, characteristic of southwest Asia, was not recognized, so that the excavations essentially yielded artifacts, monuments, graves, and occasional bakedbrick structures without contexts. Roman Ghirshman (di rector from 1946 to 1967) concentrated on the second mil lennium BCE, excavating a residential area of almost 10,000 sq m on the Ville Royale mound at Susa, as well as temples and the city wall at the nearby monumental site of Chogha Zanbil. [See Chogha Zanbil.] Under Jean Perrot (director from 1967 to 1990), stratigraphic excavations at Susa and at smaller sites on the surrounding plain yielded a detailed se quence for the region. Between the late 1950s and the revolution in 1978-1979, the scope of excavation and survey expanded greatly. In Khuzistan, Pinhas Delougaz and Helene Kantor excavated at Chogha Mish, concentrating on the prehistoric phases, and Etat O. Neghaban worked at Haft Tepe. [See Haft Tepe.] Numerous surveys and smaller-scale excavations throughout Khuzistan and the Zagros piedmont clarified the history of Elamite settiement. In Fars, Louis Vanden Berghe and later William M. Sumner constructed the Kur River basin sequence. Sumner's excavations at Tall-i Malyan/Anshan dramatically increased the geographic scale of Elam and highlighted the role of the highlands. Excavations at sites in the Kerman range, such at Tepe Yahya, Tall-i Iblis, Tepe Sialk, and Shahdad, yielded evidence of the exploita tion of natural resources and contacts with the Elamite west. [See Tepe Yahya.] Growing numbers of surveys and exca vations began to clarify developments in highland Luristan and southern Kurdistan and their relationships to lowland Khuzistan. T . C. Young's excavations at Godin Tepe pro vided a dependable archaeological sequence for the late fourth through late second millennia BCE. [See Godin Tepe.] Although changes in archaeological assemblages do not often proceed in lockstep with political events, tire following
229
historical periodization corresponds workably (dates are ap proximate) . P r o t o - E l a m i t e E r a (c. 3400-2600 BCE). Elamites are first identified historically in the Proto-Elamite era; ethnic affinities in prehistory are problematic. Early stages of writing. T h e Acropole I excavation by Alain Le Brun at Susa have distinguished several stages in the development of writing, although it is not certain that the innovation itself first took place there (Le Brun and Val l a t e 1978). [See Writing and Writing Systems.] Small, vari ously shaped clay tokens were used as counters or, as Denise Schmandt-Besserat suggests represent set amounts of spe cific commodities. By level 18 (3200 BCE), tokens were placed inside a hollow clay ball (bulla) whose surface was impressed with one or more seals to provide a sealed record. [See Seals.] Sometimes, signs corresponding to the shape and number of the enclosed tokens were impressed on the exterior. In level 17 (3200-3100 BCE) numerical tablets re placed bullae, counters, and tallies. [See Tablet.] A more complex system of numerical signs, in which various shapes and sizes of marks had specific values, was impressed on pillow-shaped lumps of clay. T h e limited information re corded suggests short-term administrative records for local use. In levels 16-14B (and Ville Royale I, levels 1 8 - 1 3 ) , pictographic signs were added to identify the item counted. This developed into the Proto-Elamite A script, consisting of perhaps four hundred to eight hundred distinct charac ters, one hundred of them common, and suggesting a pre dominantly logographic writing system. T h e Proto-Elamite B script dates to the late third millennium BCE and is found on statues, vessels, and large clay tablets at Susa and Shah dad; fewer than one hundred characters are known. T h e basic script on Proto-Elamite tablets is similar to scripts of southern Mesopotamia, but it is distinct in all de tails, suggesting a different language and perhaps parallel but independent development. Proto-Elamite script was probably used to write an early form of Elamite and may thus define the minimal geographic extent of early Elam. In the later third millennium BCE, the Mesopotamian cunei form writing system displaced Proto-Elamite script for writ ing Elamite. [See Cuneiform.] Material culture Khuzistan. During the later Susa II period (3500-3100 BCE), which corresponds to the Late Uruk in Mesopotamia, the population of Susiana had declined and was concentrated into two enclaves focused on the towns of Susa and Chogha Mish, separated by an empty zone 14 km (9 mi.) wide. Scenes of organized warfare in seals and sealings il lustrate conflict. Numerical tablets, found at Susa in LeBrun's Acropole I excavation levels 1 8 - 1 7 (see above), pro vide evidence for deep penetration into the highlands at Godin (V), Sialk (IVi), and Tall-i Ghazir. In about 3000 BCE, Susiana separated culturally from the Mesopotamian world, and a polity began to emerge at Ma-
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lyan 500 km (310 mi.) to the southeast, in Fars. During the Susa III period (3100-2700 BCE), Susa expanded, while the overall settlement density in Susiana remained low. The ce ramic assemblage was basic: common types include coarseware goblets and ttays, beveled-rim bowls, red-slipped ba sins, and jars. A new glyptic style emerged, using deep linear engraving to depict animals in human stances. Glazed ste atite seals (the surface vitrified by heating) have geometric or sometimes plant or animal motifs.; this "piedmont" style extended into the highlands. Proto-Elamite A tablets and associated pottery and glyptic, found at Malyan (Banesh pe riod, 3400-2600 BCE), Sialk (IV2), Yahya (JVC), and even Shahr-i Sokhta/Sistan provide evidence for an even more extensive outreach into the highlands. On the Deh Luran plain, 60 Ian (37 mi.) to the northwest, the population peaked. [See Deh Luran.] The ceramic assemblage was much more Mesopotamian in character, with parallels to the Jemdet Nasr-Early Dynastic I Diyala region; red- and blackpainted ware was related to Early Dynastic I—II Scarlet ware. Fars. The Banesh period (see above) corresponds to late Susa II—III. Malyan reached 50 ha (124 acres) in size in the early third millennium BCE. In area ABC, large public build ings had painted wall decoration, while area TUV yielded a more "industrial area," with Proto-Elamite A tablets and Susa III ceramics. [See Wall Paintings.] By the late Middle Banesh period (c. 3000 BCE), a massive city wall was built. Kerman. Proto-Elamite A tablets, Susa III pottery, and glazed steatite seals in a single large building on top of the mound at Tepe Yahya mark an extended reach to the east into Kerman. Numerical tablets and Susa III pottery also are found at Tepe Sialk (IVi), near the crossing of northsouth routes with the Great Khorasan Road. Tall-i Iblis, a copper metallurgical site, yielded Susa III pottery. Luristan. At another junction of north-south routes and tire Great Khorasan Road, an oval enclosure on top of Godin Tepe (period V) yielded Susa III ceramics and nu merical tablets. The surrounding settlement, however, con tinued to use the local traditional pottery. Other sites along important routes through Luristan have also yielded late fourth-early third millennia lowland types of pottery, sug gesting a network of lowland-connected sites in the high lands. Proto-Elamite phenomenon. The distribution of nu merical and Proto-Elamite A tablets deep into the highlands suggests an outreach toward resource areas and routes. At sites like Godin V and Yahya IVC, late Susa II or Susa III pottery and tablets were essentially confined to a single building complex within a settlement where the preexisting local material culture continued with only slight changes. The presence of blank tablets at highland sites (Godin and Yahya) implies local use. Impacts on the highlands were highly variable. In many regions the lowland emplacements were short-lived. Banesh Malyan, however, developed into a sizable city. During Susa III, Elamite culture was becom
ing less Mesopotamian. It was then, at the very beginning of Elamite history proper, that the pattern of highland-low land interrelationship, which was to characterize Elam throughout its history, first appeared. Late Third Millennium (c. 2600-2100 B C E ) . Refer ences to Elam appear in Sumerian historical and literary texts of the mid-third millennium BCE from southern Mes opotamia. [See Sumerians.] For example, the Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta epic recounts an expedition to Anshan and beyond for metals, lapis lazuli, and craftsmen; inscrip tions from Early Dynastic Lagash already record conflicts with Elam, especially Susa (c. 2450-2375 BCE). T h e Sume rian King List includes a dynasty of Awan, an Elamite cen ter. In the Old Akkadian period (c. 2350-2200 BCE), Meso potamian texts record Akkadian kings waging war and di plomacy against both lowland and highland Elam, although the historical geography, and thus the scope, remains prob lematic. [See Akkadians.] Susa and the Khuzistan plains were vassals or may have been incorporated into the Ak kadian state; Susa has yielded Old Akkadian texts, school tablets, and other evidence of typical Mesopotamian admin istrative activity. Flighland regions experienced both military and diplomatic pressure (Akkadian royal inscriptions record campaigns to Anshan). Texts document commercial ties among Umma in soutiiern Mesopotamia, Susa, and areas farther east. Material culture Khuzistan. At Susiana, the population gradually returned to levels reached in the fourth millennium. Susa itself grew from 10 to 46 ha (25 to 106 acres) in area. Small settlements were scattered across the plain, with two weak clusters, one of them centered on Susa. In Deh Luran, Tepe Mussian remained a large town (14 ha, or 35 acres). Eastern Khu zistan, however, seems to have lacked permanent settlement. [See Tepe Mussian.] Evidence for the later third millennium at Susa is frag mentary. Banded plain-ware pottery typical of Susa III dis appeared. Susa IV monochrome painted buff ware had dec oration arranged in registers on the upper body; focal motifs included naturalistic, geometric, and abstract designs. This ceramic tradition is closely related to the early phases of the Godin III tradition in Luristan. Painted wares decreased in frequency through Susa IV, as Mesopotamian types of Ak kadian date, such as jars with ribbed shoulders, became more common. Increasing Mesopotamian cultural impact is evident in the styles of cylinder seals, wall plaques, and vo tive sculpture. T h e Proto-Elamite A script went out of use, and the increasing use of Akkadian-style glyptic and ceram ics reflected Akkadian domination of Khuzistan, Fars and Kerman. In Fars, a gap separated the ProtoElamite Banesh (3200-2600 BCE) and Kaftari (2200-1600 BCE) periods (see below). Kerman was culturally distinct from the Elamite regions but long-distance trade contacts
ELAMITES continued. "Intercultural style" chlorite bowls link Tepe Yahya IVB (2800-2300 BCE), lowland Elam, and Early Dynas tic II—III (2700-2400 BCE) Mesopotamia. Made at Yahya and other (still unknown) sites, such vessels had their sur face covered with incised decoration; characteristic motifs include intertwined snakes, humpback bulls, date palms, ea gles with lion heads, and architectural facades whose geo metric patterns seem to portray reed-mat, bundled-reed, and brick construction. All other aspects of material culture, such as glyptic and ceramics, show that Yahya's ties were to the Indo-Iranian traditions to tire south and east. North of Yahya, Shahdad lies between the Kerman range and the Dasht-i Lut desert, astride major trade routes. Its material culture seems to have derived from tire Proto-Elamite tra dition, but it developed as part of the northeastern Iranian and south-central Asian world. Luristan. In Luristan, the Godin Tepe III monochromepainted buff-ware ceramic tradition, related to and perhaps derived from that of Susa IV, spread northward through the eastern valleys. Godin Tepe itself overlooks the junction of north-south routes from Khuzistan and the Great Khorasan Road. T h e expansion of the monochrome-pottery distri bution may reflect an early Elanrite attempt to tap, or per haps even control, the flow of materials from the Iranian plateau to the Mesopotamian lowlands. In the western val leys (the Pusht-i Kuh), the economy seems to have been predominantly pastoral. Megalithic stone-built communal tombs (lihaqs, 6-13 m long) yielded bronze artifacts and monochrome-painted buff ware associated with the early Godin III tradition. [See Tombs.] Dynasty of Shimashki a n d t h e S u k k a l m a h (c. 21001600 BCE). A century after the collapse of the Old Akkadian state, Ur under the U r III dynasty reunified southern Mes opotamia and again moved against Elam (2100-2000 BCE). [See Ur.] Susa and the Khuzistan lowlands were incorpo rated into the Ur III provincial system. Although the polities in tire highland Zagros maintained their basic autonomy, they experienced military and diplomatic activity. This in tensive Ur III pressure on highland polities stimulated de fensive alliances. From this emerged tire Shimashki dynasty (c. 2100-1900 BCE), which regained the lowlands and led the destruction of the U r III state. Shimashki probably lay to the north of Khuzistan in the highlands. T h e decentralized gov ernment structure characteristic of the following sukkalmah period may have emerged at this time. Conflict with Mes opotamia continued after the fall of the Ur III dynasty. T h e Suldcalmah era (c. 1900-1600 BCE) is the best-docu mented period of Elamite history, based on building and cylinder-seal inscriptions and royal texts. T h e transition from the dynasty of Shimashki to the Sukkalmah remains unclear. As seen in texts from Susa, power was held by the sukkalmah ("grand regent"), the sukkal of Elam and Shi mashki ("senior co-regent"), and the sukkal of Susa ("junior co-regent"), all drawn from a dynastic family. If more were
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known from other regions, such as Anshan, the picture might well become more complex. Although Elam was a major independent power, private legal documents from Susa, and the names of many individuals in them, were writ ten in Akkadian or Sumerian rather than Elamite, although some legal terms and usages were non-Mesopotamian. By the early eighteenth century BCE, Elam was one of tire largest states in the area. It extended southward along the Persian Gulf and eastward into Fars (Anshan), although its ultimate eastern and northern limits remain uncertain. Elam exerted influence, if not actual control, over tire city-states along the eastern edge of Mesopotamia, north to the Diyala River and beyond to the Lower Zab River; its diplomatic and economic contacts stretched across Mesopotamia and northern Syria to tire Mediterranean coast. Susa's role in the tin trade is clear in texts from Mari on the Middle Euphrates River. [See Mari; Euphrates.] In tire mid-eighteenth century BCE, Elam and Mesopotamian allies campaigned into north ern Mesopotamia and Syria, before finally being pushed back by Hammurabi of Babylon. [See Babylon.] Elam then seems to have spent several centuries in decline. Material culture Khuzistan. In Khuzistan during the Shimashld period, Susa was the only city (85 ha, or 210 acres); most of the population lived in towns (4-10 ha, or 10-25 acres) rather than villages. [See Villages.] Under tire sukkalmah, three ad ditional settlements grew to cities (of greater than 10 ha, or 25 acres) and the number of Jiages increased. Susa and its hinterland grew. (Political disarray in southern Mesopota mia and Elamite independence would have encouraged such growth.) T h e population in Deh Luran declined, and the plains in eastern Khuzistan seem not to have had permanent occupations. At Susa, elaborate administrative and religious buildings stood on the Acropole, and perhaps tire Apadana mound, but they were badly damaged by later building activity. A temple with terra-cotta lions may have stood on the Ville Royale. A dense urban residential neighborhood on the Ville Royale had streets that intersected obliquely and alleys be tween houses. T h e typical house plan consisted of mudbrick rooms around a courtyard. Burials were placed below house floors or courtyards. [See Burial Techniques.] Shimashki-era burials tended to be placed in an inverted, tub like terra-cotta sarcophagus. [See Sarcophagus.] During the Sukkalmah period, vaulted tombs built of baked brick were used for repeated (family?) burials, a practice tha* continued into the first millennium BCE. Pottery from the early second millennium BCE bears a close resemblance to that from contemporary Mesopotamia, despite political independence. During the Sukkalmah pe riod, new forms related to the Kaftari assemblage at Fars appeared. Shimashld glyptic was very similar to Ur III M e sopotamian types; with presentation scenes the typical mo tif. Sukkalmah glyptic includes both Mesopotamian types, v
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such as Old Babylonian-style worship scenes, and local types made of bitumen or soft stones with scenes of ban quets, files of animals, or dancing. Vessels made of bitumen have handles, feet, and spouts in animal forms, for which there are parallels from Larsa-period Mesopotamia (20001800 BCE). Chlorite bowls, flasks, and compartmented con tainers are associated with Persian Gulf seals and suggest trade among southern Mesopotamia, Susa, the Gulf, and soutiiern Iran. Popular art includes molded naked female figurines with headdresses, jewelry, and belts. [See Jewelry.] Fars. Following an apparent occupational hiatus after the Banesh period, population grew during the Kaftari period in Fars (2200-1600 BCE). Malyan was a large regional center (150 ha, or 371 acres) dominating a four-level hierarchy of site sizes. The regional distribution of sites suggests a com plex irrigation network. Excavations at Malyan uncovered substantial buildings and portions of the city wall. Ceramic parallels between the sukkalmah phase and the Kaftari as semblage reflect die close lowland-highland political con nections. The black-painted buff ware of the Kaftari ce ramic assemblage tended to have overall decoration. Plain and painted red wares provide parallels to Susa. Kaftari glyptic has both Susian-style scenes (a worshiper facing a table with food) and Mesopotamian types. Cuneiform texts from Malyan reflect Mesopotamian scribal traditions but are not written in Elamite, despite Elamite autonomy. [See Scribes and Scribal Techniques.] Along routes from Susiana to Malyan (Kurangun) and from Malyan to the Iranian plateau (Naqsh-i Rustam), are rock carvings that may have been shrines. [See Naqsh-i Rus tam.] In each, the central scene shows worshipers approach ing a divine couple seated on serpent thrones beneath flow ing streams. Luristan. The later phase of the Godin III monochrome painted tradition is found throughout the region. T h e ce ramic assemblage is quite standardized, although red-slip or bichrome-painted decoration marks regional variants. Set tlement density reached a peak, and valleys had central towns surrounded by villages. T h e western, outer Zagros valleys seem to have been essentially deserted, except by pastoralists, as a buffer against lowland Mesopotamian states. [See Pastoral Nomadism.] By the middle of the sec ond millennium, BCE the density of settlement and com plexity of the economy seem to have declined markedly. Transitional a n d Middle Elamite Periods (1600-1100 BCE). Elam regained strength throughout the fourteenth century BCE, and the titulary of the king at Susa claimed control of Anshan. By the thirteenth century BCE, Elam had reemerged as a major power, with a geographic scope com parable to that under the sukkalmah. Kings undertook ex tensive building programs. Untash-Napirisha carried out large construction projects at a number of centers in Khu zistan—the largest was the building of a new center, Al U11tash Napirisha (modern Chogha Zanbil), 40 km (25 mi.) southeast of Susa. [See Chogha Zanbil] In the twelfth cen
tury BCE, Elam had major military and political impacts on Mesopotamia, ousting the Kassite dynasty in Babylonia and effecting dynastic changes in other cities as well. [See Kassites.] At the zenith, under Shilhak-Inshushinak, Elamite forces again pushed deep into Mesopotamia, as far nortii as the Lower Zab and as far west as the Euphrates. Material culture Khuzistan. T h e Middle Elamite state reached its zenith in the thirteenth-twelfth centuries BCE and represents some thing of a break with the past. T h e much broader use of Elamite for inscriptions and the development of a distinctive style of art and architecture all served to illustrate and em phasize Elamite power and independence. Although the area west of Susa seems to have been aban doned as a buffer zone against southern Mesopotamian states, settlement across Khuzistan grew. Susa itself seems to have declined in size and importance, while a series of large new settlements, which may have been funerary cult centers, were founded outside central Khuzistan. [See Cult.] Susa's role as a religious center must have suffered. At first, the number and size of villages and small towns remained unchanged, later, however, population seems to have con centrated in large towns along major routes. T h e depopu lation of Deh Luran continued. Stamped baked bricks attest to repeated royal renovations of the Temple of Inshushinak at Susa, for which molded glazed frit bricks may have been used as a facing. T h e tech niques used to make the molded-brick facade of another temple to Inshushinak were similar to those used by the Kassites in Mesopotamia. Large houses on the Ville Royale had a standard plan, distinct from the ones in contemporary Mesopotamia, with courtyard(s) surrounded by rooms; a large rectangular room with pilasters probably served as a reception room. Haft Tepe (ancient Kabnak[?]) 20 Ian (12 mi.) south of Susa was built by Tepti-ahar (c. 1375 BCE). N O houses have been excavated there. A funerary temple complex consisted of a walled compound with a baked-brick pavement. Two halls opened off of a portico; beneath each was a large vaulted tomb chamber. Some bodies had been carefully laid out and covered with ocher; others had been interred much more haphazardly. Two mud-brick terraces were found nearby, one of which was 14 m high and surrounded by halls with polychrome painted decoration. Crafts at the site in cluded elephant-bone working, tablet firing, potting (ce ramic kiln), and metalworking. Untash-Napirisha (1260-1235 BCE) founded Chogha Zanbil (ancient Al Untash-Napirisha) on a ridge overlook ing the Diz River after Haft Tepe was abandoned. Within an area of 100 ha (247 acres) enclosed by a city wall were a ziggurat complex and several monumental buildings. [See Ziggurat.] Courts, shrines, and temples to various gods in side a double wall surrounded the ziggurat with its temple to Inshushinak and Naparisha (the complex had undergone several major changes of plan). Decorated pegs attached
ELAMITES glazed riles to doorjambs, wooden doors had glass-bead dec oration, and glazed frit griffins and bulls guarded the zigurrat's staircases. [See Glass.] In die eastern corner of the city, three monumental complexes consisted of large courtyards surrounded witir rooms and storerooms; one contained five underground vaulted tomb chambers. Through tire second millennium BCE, the Elamite pottery assemblage became more uniform and simpler, which sug gests more centralized production. The Middle Elamite as semblage included wide varieties of jars and goblets. Pottery at Deh Luran had more Mesopotamian Kassite parallels, while eastern Khuzistan had parallels to the Qaleh pottery tradition of Fars. Royal Elamite seals from the seventeen to fourteenth cen turies BCE display a deity seated on a serpent throne. Middle Elamite glyptic includes scenes of banqueting and hunting, mythical beasts, and geometric patterns; other seals have Old Babylonian or Kassite Mesopotamian parallels. Middle Elamite craftsmen were skilled in metalwork, glass, faience, and glazing. A fragmentary monumental stone stele shows Untash-Napirisha and his family in a religious procession. A massive solid bronze statue of Napirisha (although incom plete it weighs 1,750 kg), a serpent offering table, and a re ligious-offering tableau demonstrate bronze-casting skill. Fars. In Fars, die regional population declined. On a high point at Malyan, a building whose plan consisted of a rec tangular courtyard surrounded by corridors off of which rooms opened, yielded Middle Elamite pottery and account ing tablets dealing with precious metals, food, and animal products. Only Malyan itself has pottery with clear lowland connections. Distinct local ceramic assemblages seem to be at least contemporary with one another, suggesting a frag mentation of local (material) culture. T h e Qaleh assemblage is related to the earlier Kaftari in forms and decoration. The handmade Shogha assemblage has black-painted decoration on an orange ground, with animal, plant, and geometric mo tifs. Teimurran pottery is wheelmade, with exttemely reg ular decoration that was probably painted on a turntable. Luristan. Ceramic distributions suggest a complex cul tural situation in Luristan. Elamite goblets and some related forms are found throughout tire southern and western val leys. Eastern Luristan was either abandoned or had perhaps shifted to a heavily pastoral economy. Elements of the Iron I—II western gray-ware assemblage characteristic of north western Iran (e.g., Hasanlu V-IV), such as button-base gob lets, appear in graves in the northern and eastern valleys of Luristan. [See Hasanlu; Grave Goods.] Local ttaditions, if any, are difficult to identify. T h e beginnings of the elaborate "Luristan bronze" tradition also appear, probably drawing on the lowland Elamite bronzeworking tradition. Neo-Elamite P e r i o d (1100-500 BCE). Nebuchadrezzar I (1125-1104 BCE) defeated Elam but seems not to have gained long-term control. After a period of historical obscu rity, Elam again reemerged as a political refuge for Baby lonian opponents of Assyria; at the same time, the Assyrians
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were moving into tire central western highlands and estab lishing control along the valleys along die Great Khorasan Road. [See Babylonians; Assyrians.] By the second quarter of the first millennium BCE, Elam was under ever-increasing pressure from all sides: the Assyrians and Babylonians from the west, the Medes and Assyrians in the northern high lands, and the Persians in tire southeast. [See Medes; Per sians.] From about 750 to 650 BCE, Elam experienced a slow decline during nearly constant political and military conflict with Mesopotamian powers. Finally, in 646 BCE, the Assyr ian lung Ashurbanipal conquered Khuzistan and sacked Susa. Assyrian palace reliefs provide detailed information on dress, architectural facades, and other aspects of Elamite material culture. Fragments of Elam, mostly in the highlands, maintained a political identity, but by the mid-sixth century BCE, former Elamite areas had fallen under Achaemenid control. Elam ceased to exist as a power. Under the Achaemenids, the Elamite language continued in use for display inscriptions, such as at Bisitun, and in administrative documents. [See Bisitun.] Although references to Elamites persist into the Hellenistic era, Elam's importance and independent identity had come to an end. Lowland Elam had been in decline by the beginning of the first millennium BCE. T h e number of villages decreased, and many Middle Elamite towns were abandoned by about 1000 BCE (cultural developments in the highlands may have played a major role in this). During the second half of the second millennium BCE, many indigenous traditions disap peared as new groups appeared. T h e changes in the high lands accelerated through tire first millennium BCE, sweeping away the past. Susa revived as a regional center by the end of the eighth century BCE. Neo-Elamite architecture shows a strong continuity with the past in location and ornamen tation: a small temple on the Acropole had green-glazed bricks, and tire pegs attaching glazed frit tiles to the walls bear knobs in the form of animal forequarters, humans, or bull men. Burial practices continued second-millennium BCE practices, including the use of painted clay funerary heads. Neo-Elamite I pottery (1000-700 BCE) is little known; Neo-Elamite II pottery (700-500 BCE) is simple and demonsttates continuity. This is noteworthy because die Assyr ian conquest of Elam and die sack of Susa in 646 BCE had little effect on the ceramic assemblage and other types of artifacts. T h e second half of tire first millennium BCE is poorly known archaeologically. [See also Mesopotamia, article on Ancient Mesopotamia; and Persia, article on Ancient Persia.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Amiet, Pierre. Glyplique susienne: Des origines a Tepoque de Perses-Ache menides. Memoires de la Delegation Archeologique en Iran, 43. Paris, 1972. Comprehensive study of Susiana glyptic. Amiet, Pierre. "Archaeological Discontinuity and Ethnic Duality in
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the most detailed synthesis of die archaeological evidence for the Elam." Antiquity 53 (1979): 195-204. Important essay on the low fourth and tirird millennia BCE. land-highland dynamic of Elamite history. Amiet, Pierre. L'dge des echanges inter-iraniens. Paris, 1986. Synthesis of ROBERT C . HENRICKSON interregional connections.
Berghe, Louis Vanden. Bibliographic analytique de I'archeolagie de Than ancien. Leiden, 1979. This and the two supplements below are an E L E M E N T A L A N A L Y S I S . See Neutron Activation exhaustive bibliographic resource, site by site. Analysis. Berghe, Louis Vanden, and E. Haerinck. Bibliographic analytique de
Tarcheologie de Than ancien: Supplement 1, 1978-1080. Leiden, 1981. Berghe, Louis Vanden, and E. Haerinck. Bibliographic analytique de
Tarcheologie de Than ancien: Supplement 2,1081-1985. Leiden, 1987. E L E P H A N T I N E (Egyp., 3bw; Aram., Jeb [or Yeb]; Cahiers de la Delegation Archeologique Francaise en Iran. Paris, 1 9 7 1 - . Gk., Elephantine; Ar., Geziret-Aswan), tire southern fron Reports on the French excavations at Susa and otiier prehistoric tier town of pharaonic Egypt, situated on an island in tire Khuzistan sites since 1967. Carter, Elizabeth, and Matthew W. Stolper. Elam: Surveys of Political Nile River opposite modern Aswan, whose ancient prede Histoty and Archaeology. Berkeley, 1984. Essential synthesis of Elam cessor it is (24°6' N , 32°54' E). The modern remains consist ite history and archaeology. of a tell u p to 15 m high about 350 m in diameter. Gasche, Hermann. La poterie elamite du deuxieme millenaire A.C. MeThe first excavations, by missions of the Berlin Museums moires de la Delegation Archeologique en Iran, 47. Paris, 1973. Sec and the Paris Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, ond-millennium BCE Elamite pottery corpus from Ghirshman's Ville took place at tire beginning of tire twentieth century and Royale excavations at Susa. Harper, Prudence, Oliver, et al., eds. The Royal City of Susa: Ancient were primarily aimed at recovering papyri. A comprehen Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre. New York, 1992. Catalog fromsive examination of the city by the German Institute of Ar an exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City, chaeology together with the Swiss Institute for Architectural with numerous illustrations, extensive essays on many aspects of Research, has been underway since 1969; it is allowing the Elamite art and culture from Susa, and recent bibliography. Hinz, Walther, and Heidemarie Koch. Elamisches Worterbuch. Archaol- most important features of its history to be determined with ogische Mitteilungen aus Iran, vol. 17. Berlin, 1987. increasing accuracy. Hole, Frank, ed. The Archaeology of Western Iran: Settlement and SocietyThe earliest traces of settlement so far determined date to from Prehistory to the Islamic Conquest. Washington, D.C., 1987. tire Middle Naqada period (c. 3500 BCE) and are concen Comprehensive survey of development in western Iran, providing trated on the eastern part of the island, which was at that the Iranian context of Elam. time still divided into two flood-free granite ridges. T h e sa LeBrun, Alain, and Francois Vallat. "L'origine de I'ecriture a Suse." Cahiers de la Delegation Archeologique Francaise en Iran 8 (1978):cred 1 1 - precinct of the antelope goddess Satet, tire historical 60. Stratigraphic evidence from Susa for the development of writing. "mistress of the city," which at first consisted of nothing Memoires de la Delegation en Perse, Memoires de la Mission Archeologique more than a modest brick hut between three towering gran en Iran, Memoires de la Delegation Archeologique en Iran (series name ite rocks, can be traced at least as far back as the Late Na changes over time). Paris, 1900-. Reports of the French excavations, qada period (c. 3200 BCE). It is, however, unclear whether primarily at Susa, by Jacques de Morgan, Roland de Mecquenem, and Roman Ghirshman. the inhabitants of the early settlement consisted largely of Mesopotamie el Elam: Acles de la XXXVeme rencontre assyriologique In egyptianized Nubians, whose settlement area then extended ternationale, Gaud, 10-14 juillet '989. Ghent, 1991. to the north, beyond the first cataract, or whether tire oldest Miroschedji, Pierre de. "Fouilles du chantier Ville Royale II a Suse, Elephantine was already an extended outpost of Egypt I 9 7 5 9 7 7 i I: Les niveaux filamites." Cahiers de la Delegation Ar cheologique Francaise en Iran 1 2 (1981): 9 - 1 3 6 . The first millenniumproper. Its function, at the northern end of the hard-to-navigate cataract region, must have been related primarily to BCE sequence at Susa. Nicholas, Ilene M. The Proto-Elamite Settlement at TUV. Malyan Ex trade with the south. -I
cavation Reports, vol. 1. Philadelphia, 1990. Report on the area TUV excavation at Malyan.
With tire final development of tire Egyptian state, the function of state border post was added to that of exchange Pittman, Holly. The Glazed Steatite Style: The Structure and Function of place; during the course of the first dynasty (c. 3000/2950an Image System in the Administration of Protoliterate Mesopotamia. Berlin, 1994. 2800 BCE), a fortress protected by towers was erected on tire Sumner, William M. "Proto-Elamite Civilization in Fars." In Gamdat highest point of the east island, close to the bank; it was, so Nasr: Period or Regional Style?, edited by Uwe Finkbeiner and Wolf far as can be determined, staffed with nonlocal—but cer gang RSllig, pp. 1 9 9 - 2 1 1 . Beihefte zum Tiibinger Adas des Vorderen tainly Egyptian—forces. A little later, the entire settlement Orients, Reihe B, vol. 62. Wiesbaden, 1986. area was also surrounded with a strong brick fortification. Sumner, William M. "Anshan in the Kaftari Phase: Patterns of Settle From the third/fourth dynasty onward (c. 2600 BCE), the city ment and Land Use." In Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis: Miscella nea in honorem Louis Vanden Berghe, edited by L6on De Meyer andgained in significance because of increased quarrying of its E. Haerinck, pp. 1 3 5 - 1 6 1 . Ghent, 1989. valuable hard stone, of which the so-called Aswan granite, Vallat, Francoise. Suse el I'Elam. Paris, 1980. in particular, remained one of Egypt's most beloved mate Voigt, Mary M., and Robert H. Dyson, Jr. "The Chronology of Iran, rials for monumental buildings, statues, and stelae through ca. 8000-2000 B.C." In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, edited out the pharaonic period. by Robert W. Ehrich, pp. 1 2 2 - 1 7 8 . 3d ed. Chicago, 1992. Provides
ELEPHANTINE With the conquest of Lower Nubia by Sesostris I (c. 1950 BCE) in the early twelfth dynasty. Elephantine, for the first time, lost its function as a frontier town; however, as com pensation, it became an even more important administrative and ttading center for traffic to the south, beyond the first cataract. The western island, which had served primarily as a cemetery, was increasingly included in the settlement area of the city. Sesostris I had the first stone temple erected to the city goddess Satet; next to it he built a festival court for the celebration of the Nile flood, which, according to Egyp tian belief, had its point of origin in Elephantine. At about this time, the ram-headed god of the cataracts, Khnum, also received his own temple in the city. A third sacred precinct that had already developed in the course of the eleventh Dy nasty (c. 2050 BCE) was refurbished for the worship of a former governor of Elephantine by the name of Heqaib. In the difficult period during which the Old Kingdom declined, Heqaib apparently distinguished himself, so that he was made the protective saint of the city after his death. Even his successors in the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties (c. 2000-1650 BCE) all erected their own commemorative chap els in his precinct, in addition to tiieir rock-cut tombs on the east side of the Nile; other officials, even from outside Ele phantine, dedicated statues and stelae there. T h e disintegration of the Egyptian state in the second in terregnum (c. 1650-1550 BCE) returned the southern bound ary of Egypt to Elephantine for a while. When the kings of the early eighteenth d3'nasty (c. 1550-1300 BCE) renewed their conquest of Nubia, this time extending beyond the fourth cataract, a new period of prosperity began for the city. Its boundaries expanded once more (they can no longer
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be precisely determined under the modern village toward the north). Hatshepsut and Thutmosis III (c. 1490-1440 BCE) had new and larger temples erected to Satet and Khnum; especially the one to Khnum was considerably en larged during the later eighteenth and the nineteenth/twen tieth dynasties (c. 1300-1020 BCE). T h e two temples, together with their administrative and commercial buildings, occupied almost a third of the city's preserved surface area. It is, therefore, probably no coincidence that at this same time Syene (modern Aswan) made its first appearance in Egyptian texts. With the beginning of the third interregnum (1080-710 BCE), Nubia's independence, and Egypt's continually erupt ing internal conflicts, Elephantine's significance must have again been predominantly military. During the Persian oc cupation of Egypt (525-404 BCE), Elephantine's renewed character as a fortress was most probably not directed solely against possible threats from outside Egypt. The garrison stationed by the Persians, which consisted at least in part of members of the Aramaic/Jewish colony (which had its own temple to Yahweh in Elephantine before the Persian period) points in this direction. Nothing of the Yahweh temple re mains, probably as a result of the enlargement of the Khnum temple during the thirtieth dynasty (380-342 BCE); there are, however, probably remains of a number of houses of a nonEgyptian type, from which important papyrus finds relating to early Judaism have been recovered. [See Papyrus.] With the last native kings of the thirtieth dynasty, another extended period of prosperity began for Elephantine, even though it was soon under Greek and then (from 30 BCE on ward) Roman rule. Nectanebo II (360-342 BCE) began a
:: ;-_
ELEPHANTINE. Plan of the Greco-Roman city. (Courtesy W. Kaiser)
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large restoration of the Khnum temple. The Ptolemies (305330 BCE), especially Ptolemy VI and VIII, continued the work, which was finally completed under Augustus with a large riverside terrace. The restoration of tire considerably smaller Temple of Satet was begun by Ptolemy VI and was also outfitted with a riverside terrace and a Nilometer. Dur ing the Roman period there was additional construction along the bank between the two temple terraces; to the north, at some distance to the Nilometer of the Satet temple, a monumental staircase with a sacred precinct to tire Nile was erected at the city's port. Two more temple buildings, whose exact location has not yet been determined, were built inside the sacred area; with its administrative and commer cial buildings, this area ultimately occupied almost half of tire old area of the city. At tire same time, the everyday life of trade and probably also administration shifted more and more to Syene; this helps to explain why, with tire triumph of Christianity in the early fourth century CE, Elephantine fell decisively behind modern Aswan. Arabic sources from tire early Middle Ages still report a cloister and two churches in Elephantine. Remains of a small church from the early sixth century and the scattered remains of a somewhat later large basilica are preserved. [See Churches; Basilica.] How ever, witir the increasing islamization of Egypt, even this last Christian phase in tire history of the city did not last long. In the absence of the tell's upper layer, the definitive end of the settlement cannot be determined precisely. It can, how ever, hardly be later than the tenth or twelfth century.
ephantine und ihrc Erweitemngen. Cairo, i960. See especially pages 2-3 for the earlier excavations. Valbelle, Dominique. Satis et Anoukis. Mainz, 1981.
Ziermann, Martin. Befesligungsanlagen und Stadtenlwicklung in der Friihzeit undimfriihen Alien Reich. Elephantine, vol. 16. Mainz, 1993. WERNER KAISER
Translated from German by Susan I. Schiedel
EMAR (mod. Meskene), site located on the right bank of the Euphrates River in Syria. Today it is submerged under tire Tabqa dam, el-Assad lake. Emar/Meskene is situated at the juncture of the region's land and water routes (eastwest) and its two main topological features—the steppe, on which the site leans, and a fluvial plain, rich and fertile as a result of irrigation. Farther southeast on the Euphrates are the cities of Tuttul and Mari; to the north is Carchemish and Anatolia; to the west, where transportation to Cyprus and the Mediterranean Sea would have been available, are the cities of Aleppo (Yamhad), Qatna, and, on the coast, Ugarit; Damascus is to the south; and to reach Canaan it was necessary to go through Hazor. In short, Emar was a vital crossroads for trade, east-west relations, and travel by water to Babylon, Mari, and the lands of the Hittites. Until 1972, Emar was known only through the archives of Mari, Nuzi, and Ugarit, as their political or commercial part ner. The construction of the Tabqa dam where tire Eu phrates, after leaving the mountains of Anatolia, turns to ward Mesopotamia and tire Persian Gulf, led to the exploration of Emar/Meskene, directed by Jean-Claude BIBLIOGRAPHY Margueron, under the auspices of the French Commission Dreyer, Giinter. Der Tempel der Satet. Elephantine, vol. 8. Mainz, 1986. of Excavations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In six campaigns (1972-1978), archaeological and epigraphic doc Franke, Detlef. Das Heiliglum des Heqaib auf Elephantine. Heidelberg, umentation was recovered that opened a new chapter in the 1994. Gempeler, Robert D. Die Keramik romischer bis Jriiharabischer Zeit.history El of Late Bronze Age Syria. The city uncovered was ephantine, vol. 10. Mainz, 1992. not, however, the one mentioned in the Middle Bronze Ebla Grossmann, Peter. Kirche und spdtantike Hausaniagen im Chnumtemor Mari texts but a city erected entirely in the Late Bronze pelhof. Elephantine, vol. 2 Mainz, 1980. Age on a site prepared especially for that purpose. None of Habachi, Labib. The Sanctuary of Heqaib. Elephantine, vol. 4. Mainz, the soundings showed any trace of a city earlier than the LB 1985. Jaritz, Horst. Die Tenassen vor den Tempeln des Chnum und Satet. city, Ele which existed only until tire beginning of the fourteenth phantine, vol. 3. Mainz, 1980. century BCE, when it was violently destroyed—a little after Jenni, Hanna. Die Dekoralion des Chnumtempels durch Nektanebos 1187 II. BCE (Arnaud, 1975). Elephantine, vol. 15. Mainz, forthcoming. The contradiction between the texts and tire archaeolog Junge, Friedrich. Funde undBauteile. Elephantine, vol. 11. Mainz, 1987. ical reality has led investigators to believe drat the city of tire Kaiser, Werner, et al. "Stadt und Tempel von Elephantine, 2ist/22nd Grabungsbericht." Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archdologischen Instithird and second millennia BCE was actually located several luts Kairo 51 (1995): 99-187. Includes references to the first twenty hundred meters away from tire excavated city, at the foot of excavation reports for the site. the mound, in the valley itself. Doubtless eroded away by a Kraeling, Emil G. The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri. New York, meander of tire Euphrates and close to disappearing in tire 1953. See especially pages 7-18 for the earlier excavations. Late Bronze Age, it would have been reconstructed on the Laskowska-Kusztal, Ewa. Die Dekorfragmente der spaten Tempel. Ele phantine, vol. 14. Mainz, forthcoming. edge of the plateau in order to avoid erosion by the river. Pilgrim, C. V. Grabungen in der Stadt des Mittleren Reiches. Elephantine, The work would have been sponsored by the Hittite king vol. 18. Mainz, forthcoming. Suppiluliuma I (1380-1340 BCE), who dominated North Porten, Bezalel. Archives from Elephantine: The Life of an Ancient Jewish Syria at the time, or by his son Mursili II (1339-1306 BCE), Military Colony. Berkeley, 1986. Ricke, Herbert, and Serge Sauneron. Die Tempel Nektanebos' II. in El to safeguard a vital commercial link. Abandoned after its
EMAR destruction in 1187, in the first millennium BCE, tire site was partly reoccupied in the Roman period by a modest city named Barbalissos. Within the walls of the Byzantine period lay the medieval city of Balis that continued to exist until the end of the Ayyubid period. T h e Ebla archives provide evidence that Emar existed in the mid-third millennium—a dynastic alliance facilitated commercial relations between the two cities. At the begin ning of tire eighteenth century BCE, the archives of Mari show Emar to be a true economic hub, connecting the great Syrian centers (see above). [See Ebla Texts; Mari Texts.] T h e discovery of several hundred texts (a priest's library of private and royal archives) that cover the period of nearly a century and a half from the end of the fourteenth century to 1187 BCE, has permitted the history of the LB city to be written. Emar, then tire capital of a Hittite province named Astata, was accountable directly to the ldngdom of Carchemish, itself dependent upon Hattusa (Bogazkoy), tire center of the Hittite Empire; a ranking general called tire Head of the Chariots represented the central power. T h e texts are concerned, for the most part, with judicial, legal, and eco nomic matters—the society and its system of relationships based on economics and trade. It is always risky to link LB tablets to the Bible, even though they shared a cultural domain. T h e most obvious parallels among LB texts and some of the biblical narratives involve tire institution of the family and societal customs— for example, the customs of inheritance and the sale of fam ily property owned by the eldest in the texts from Emar are reminiscent of customs in other patriarchal societies, such as Nuzi and Ugarit. The importance of soothsayers from Babylon and prophets are documented in the Emar texts as is tire ordination of priests and priestesses and other rituals that took place during important celebrations. T h e LB builders chose an arm of the rocky, rectangular plateau that borders tire valley on its southern edge—a mountainous location, not one in the plain or valley, as was the Syrian tradition. They completely altered the topogra phy by creating staggered terraces and cutting an artificial channel or ravine (about 500 in long, 50 m wide, and more than 20 m deep), to create a site whose commanding view of the surrounding area made it easy to defend and conve nient for commerce. T h e residential quarters were built upon that infrastructure. T w o were excavated extensively (trenches A and D ) . The buildings were constructed grad ually, as a need evolved. Elsewhere, the plan of the city and its natural and hewn topography suggest that the main gates were located in the middle of the sides of the quadrilateral, about a kilometer to a side. One portion of its rampart was located on the western side of tire site, along tire artificial ravine. T h e ruins of a fortress responsible for the defense of Emar, at Tell Faq'us, a site about 10 Ion (6 mi.) down stream, was excavated by tire French team in its last cam paign in 1978.
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The plans of the thirty or so private houses that were ex cavated are quite uniform: at ground level a large, rectan gular room opens directiy onto tire street; opposite the en trance are two small rooms of equal size, with separate entrances. T h e method of construction, the frequent ap pearance of interior steps, and the traces of charred wood in the debris suggest that this group of rooms was roofed and that another story extended over some, if not all, of them, while a terrace provided an open-air space. This par ticular architectural plan seems to have been popular on this bank of the Euphrates, in North Syria in general, and some times in neighboring regions in tire second millennium BCE. Terra-cotta models of houses or temples were found among the ceramic remains during excavation. The palace belonging to tire governor or local "king" who deferred to the overlordship of the Hittite ldng was uncov ered. Installed on tire northwest promontory, it dominated both the valley and tire port. It takes the form of a hilani, the distinctive residence of Iron Age North Syria. T h e hilani is characterized by a facade (see figure 1) with a columned portico leading to a pair of oblong rooms, the second of which here certainly served as a throne room, and upper floor. This is the earliest known example of a hilani in Syria. It was provided with additional rooms installed at various levels more than a meter apart on the southern slope of the promontory, which make its plan difficult to understand be cause of the differences of level of each part of the dependancies of tire building (see figure 2). A Hittite origin for this architectural formula seems probable. Four temples have been excavated. They all belong to the northern long style of temple formed by an elongated room that served as a holy space, with an offering table, a podium for the god, and some furnishings used in carrying out rit uals; this room was fronted by a vestibule that opened to tire exterior via a porch with columns. Associated with the tem ple, a large esplanade or raised terrace was equipped with an altar where sacrifices and possibly otirer rites were prac ticed. The principal sanctuary was formed by two temples ded icated to Baal and to Astarte, both situated at the highest point of the site on both sides of a street that led to tire sacrificial terrace. A third temple, dedicated to all the gods, was attended by a priest whose reputation had reached the court of the Hittite ldng; his library and archives constitute one of tire most important discoveries at Emar because they explain the progress of divination by observation of animal livers from Mesopotamia toward Anatolia and the classical Mediterranean world. A fourth temple, whose dedicant re mains unknown, preserved especially rich furnishings. The city of Emar never played a particularly important political role, but from the third millennium, as a point of exchange in the relations between Syria and Mesopotamia, it was one of tire principal elements in the system that dom inated the economic life of tire Near East during tire Bronze
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EMAR.
EMAR.
Figure I . Facade of the hilani. (Courtesy J.-C. Margueron)
Figure 2. Tiered structures at the rear of the hilani. (Courtesy J.-C. Margueron)
EMAR TEXTS
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Age. Emar provides a clear idea of the life of a Hittite prov ince at the time of die greatest expansion of the empire, of the organization of the territory, and of the role that this crossroads played in international life. [See also Babylon; Bogazkoy; Carchemish; Ebla; Emar Texts; Hittites; Mari; Nuzi; and Ugarit.]
bend of the Euphrates River, yielded some eight hundred cuneiform tablets and fragments. Internal evidence shows that the texts date from the end of die fourteentii to the beginning of the twelfth century BCE. Four languages are represented in the cuneiform script at Meskene. A few texts are Hittite, including a royal letter (there are also seals with hieroglyphic Luwian legends). Sev BIBLIOGRAPHY eral Hurrian texts were also found. Neither the Hittite nor the Ffurrian texts have as yet received full publication. Most Arnaud, Daniel. "Les textes d'Emar et la chronologie de la fin du Bronze Recent." Syria 52 (1975): 87-92. of the texts are Akkadian and Sumerian and have been pub Arnaud, Daniel. Emar VI: Textes sumericns et accadiens. 4 vols. Paris, lished in copy, transliteration, and translation in four large 1985-1987.
volumes (Arnaud, 1 9 8 5 - 1 9 8 7 ) .
Badre, Leila. Lesfigurinesanthropornorphes en terre cuite d I'Age du Bronze A wide range of genres is represented in the Sumeroen Syrie. Paris, 1980. Includes some unpublished material on Emar. Akkadian tablets. There are roughly 1 5 0 economic texts Beyer, Dominique, ed. Meskene-Emar: Dix ans de travaux, 1972-1982. Paris, 1982. Succinct presentation of aspects of the city and the finds, (records of deliveries, inventories, lists of sacrifices, lists of with a bibliography of all articles appearing before 1982. personnel, memoranda); 2 0 0 contracts (adoptions; antiBunnens, Guy. "Emar on the Euphrates in the Thirteenth Century chretic contracts; debt payments; guarantees; inheritance di B.C.: Some Thoughts about Newly Published Cuneiform Texts." visions; lawsuits; loans; property exchanges; purchases of Abr-Nahrain 27 (1989): 23-36. fields, houses, orchards, and slaves; ransoms; sales of chil Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Les fouilles francaises de Mesk6ne-Emar dren, houses, orchards, and slaves; verdicts; wills); and (Syrie)." Comptes Iiendus de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1975): 201-211. about twenty letters (between nonroyal persons). These Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Quatres campagnes de fouilles a Emar, texts reveal many details about everyday life in Late Bronze 1972-1974." Syria 52 (1975): 53-85. Emar. Texts recording purchases and sales of real estate are Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Rapport preliminaire sur les deux premieres normally provided with specific references to the location of campagnes de fouille a Meskene-Emar, 1972-1973." Annates Arthe property in question, including mention of the property cheologiques Arabes Syriennes 25 (1975): 73-86. on all sides; tabulation of this information might well yield Margueron, Jean-Claude. "La campagne de sauvegarde des antiquites de 1'Euphrate." Kttma 1 (1976): 63-80. a detailed layout of at least some parts of the town. Margueron, Jean-Claude. "'Maquettcs' architecturales de MeskeneMany Mesopotamian canonical texts were also discov Emar." Syria 53 (1976): 193-232. ered at Emar. There are, for example, more than sixty lexical Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Un cxemple d'urbanisme volontaire a texts and more than one hundred omen texts, in both cases l'epoque du Bronze Recent en Syrie." Ktema 2 (1977): 33-48. Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Un 'Hilani' a Emar." Annualof the American reflecting many of the canonical series; also represented are Schools of Oriental Research 44 (1979): 153-176. incantations and rituals. Literary texts are few in number, Margueron, Jean-Claude, ed. Le Moyen Euphrate, zone de contacts etbut include fragments of Gilgamesh (tablets 4 and 6) and d'echanges: Acts du collogue de Strasbourg, 10-12 Mars 1977. Leiden, of T h e Tamarisk and the Date Palm. A significant discovery 1980. Includes articles by Margueron, Daniel Arnaud, Dominique was a wisdom text also known from Ugarit and from Hattusa Beyer, and Emmanuel Laroche. but not yet found in Mesopotamia. Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Aux marches de l'Empire hittite: Une cam pagne de fouille a tell Faq'ous (Syrie), citadelle du pays d'Astata." Certainly die most unexpected texts unearthed at Mes In La Syrie au Bronze Recent: Recueil public a I'occasion du cinquankene are the roughly two hundred tablets and fragments that tenaire de la decouverte d'Ugarit-Ras Shamra, pp. 47-66. Paris, 1982. describe otiierwise unknown festivals and rituals, shedding Margueron, Jean-Claude. "Rapport preliminaire sur les 3e, 4e, 5e et 6e much new light on Late Bronze Syrian religious practices. campagnes de fouilles a Meskene-Emar, 1974-1976." Annates ArT h e festival texts include lengthy descriptions of the instal cheologiques Arabes Syriennes 32 (1982): 233-249. ceremonies of the priestess of the storm god and a Mari: Annates de Recherches Interdisciplinaries 6 (1990). Special issuelation of die journal entitled "Imar avant le Bronze Recent," edited by Jeanpriestess called a mas'artu, and of festivals called kissu Marie Durand and Jean-Claude Margueron, including articles by ("throne"?) and zukm ("commemoration"?); the level of Alfonso Archi, Dominique Beyer, Bernard Geycr, Joannes F. Geyer, detail presented in these documents is quite unprecedented. Durand, and Margueron. Odier types of local religious texts are annual and monthly Tsukimoto, Akio. "Emar and the Old Testament: Preliminary Re marks." Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute 15 (1989): 3-24. liturgies, offering lists, and rituals for Anatolian deities (Fleming, 1992). JEAN-CLAUDE MARGUERON and MARCEL SIGRIST Besides the texts edited in Arnaud ( 1 9 8 5 - 1 9 8 7 ) , several Translated from French by Nancy Leinwand and Monique Fecteau hundred tablets from the immediate vicinity of Emar have also been published in die last decade (see, e.g., Arnaud, 1 9 8 7 , 1 9 9 1 ; Beckman, 1 9 8 8 ; Dalley and Teissier, 1 9 9 2 ; Huehnergard, 1 9 8 3 ; Tsukimoto, 1 9 8 8 , 1 9 9 0 , 1 9 9 1 , 1 9 9 2 ) . E M A R T E X T S . Excavations in die mid-1970s at the T h e majority of these are economic and legal texts. Syrian site of Meskene (ancient Emar), located at the great
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The Akkadian texts that were not copied from Mesopo tamian originals betray in their grammar the fact that they were written by scribes whose native language was not Ak kadian. Like contemporary Akkadian texts from Ugarit, Alalakh, and el-Amarna, these texts frequentiy betray elements of the scribes' own tongues. The most obvious of these el ements are the large number of unusual words found in the Emar texts, some of which, at least, appear to derive from a Northwest Semitic language. In the legal and economic texts and in the letters, too, most of the names of the local Emarites are Northwest Semitic. [See also Akkadian; and Emar.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnaud, Daniel. "Les textes d'Emar et la chronologie de la fin du Bronze recent." Syria 52 (1975): 87-92. On dating the Meskene text finds. Arnaud, Daniel. Emar VI. 4 vols. Paris, 1985—1987. Official publication of the tablets found during the French excavations in die 1970s. Arnaud, Daniel. "La Syrie du moyen-Euphrate sous le protectoral hit tite: Contrats de droit prive." Aula Orientalis 5 (1987): 211-241, An edition of seventeen texts.
sequently the capital of a Herodian toparchy. As an outpost opposite the mainly pagan plains, during the Second T e m ple period it acquired its character as a center of religious fervor and, at times, of armed militancy. Gaius Cassius sold Emmaus's inhabitants into slavery. Following Herod's death, Athronges led his rebellion against Rome from Emmaus and was crushed there by Varus, then governor of Syria. During the Jewish War of Vespasian and Titus, the Fifth Legion was based at Ernmaus, and in Bar Kokhba's time, the Twelfth Legion may have been annihilated nearby (Ekhah Rabbah 2.4.22a). T h e literary and archaeological ev idence points to Judean-Samaritan and later also to Chris tian coexistence in Emmaus. The site's epigraphic material consists of tombstones of soldiers of the Fifth Macedonian Legion (first-second centuries CE) and inscriptions on lintels from a Samaritan synagogue and from the mosaic floors in a fifth-century church (see below).
Emmaus has been identified, but not later than by Eusebius (Onomasticon 90.16), with the locality of Christ's rev elation to his disciples in the aftermath of the crucifixion (Lk. 24). One of the major Byzantine basilicas in the Holy Land Arnaud, Daniel. Textes syriens de Tdge du Bronze recent. Aula Orientalis was erected there and refurbished by the Crusaders in the Supplementa, 1. Barcelona, 1991. An edition of 197 texts. twelfth century. The identification witir the Emmaus in Luke Beckman, Gary. "Three Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar." Journal rests on the preference of tire fourth-century Codex Sinaiof Cuneiform Studies 40 (1988): 61-68. ticus, Palestinian Syriac (based on sundry Greek translations Dalley, Stephanie, and Beatrice Teissier. "Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar and Elsewhere." Iraq 54 (1992): 83—111. and the Peshitta), and other fifth-sixth-century texts, which Fleming, Daniel. The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar:quote A 160 stadia as its distance from Jerusalem, against the Window on Ancient Syrian Religion. Harvard Semitic Studies, 42. At 60 stadia given by various Latin, Greek, and other sources lanta, 1992. In-depth study of one of the longest local festival texts commencing with die fourth-century Codex Vaticanus. and a discussion of its cultural context. These encouraged rival identifications, up until the Cru Huehnergard, John. "Five Tablets from the Vicinity of Emar." Revue d'Assyriologie 77 (1983): 11-43. Five texts and a summary of die sader period: al-Qubaibah (map reference 1631 X 1386), grammatical features of Emar Akkadian. Qaloniye (map reference 1656 X 1338), or Abu Ghosh Tsukimoto, Akio. "Sieben spafbronzezeitliche Urkunden aus Syrien." (map reference 1604 X 1349). Acta Sumerologica Japan 10 (1988): 153-189. Publication of texts Villa a n d C h u r c h e s . The oldest remains recovered be from Emar and vicinity. neath the site's two Byzantine churches were of a fourthTsukimoto, Akio. "Akkadian Tablets in the Hirayama Collection."/tea Sumerologica Japan 12 (1990): 177-259; 13 (1991): 275-333; 14 fifth-century CE building, possibly a villa rustica. T h e older (1992): 289-310. Publication of texts from Emar and vicinity. (?), fifth-century church was an elongated basilica (18 X 10 Wilcke, Claus. "Die Emar-Version von 'Dattelpalme und Tamariske': m), divided by two rows of six columns each into a nave Ein Rekonstruktionsversuch." Zeitschrift. fur Assyriologie 79 (1989): and two aisles, with a triple entrance. Its mosaic floors were 161-190. Detailed consideration of one of the Mesopotamian literary decorated with guilloches and floral, bird, and animal de texts found at Meskene. signs. It was probably joined with tire large sixth-century JOHN HUEHNERGARD basilica to its right (but cf. Avi-Yonah, 1976). T h e basilica (46.4 X 24.4 m) was constructed of very large, smooth ash lar blocks. Two rows of thirteen columns formed its broad EMMAUS, important market town and spa in the Judean nave and narrow aisles. On its exterior, the central apse was piedmont, halfway between Jaffa and Jerusalem (31 "50' N , trapezoidal. T h e side apses are preserved u p to and includ 34°57' E; map reference 1494 X 1388). Its Greek name de ing their exquisite hemispherical ashlar vaulting. A smaller rives from Hamath or Hamta ("hot springs"; Ecclesiast.es Romanesque Crusader church incorporated tire nave and Rabbah 106b). Granted a town charter by Elagabalus in central apse of the destroyed Byzantine basilica, adding to about 230 CE, it took the name Nicopolis-Antoninopolis. the size of its hall (23 X 10.25 ) with a vault carried on Emmaus's strategic location made it the site of many bat four pointed arches that rested on a solid buttressed wall. tles, from Joshua's Ayalon valley campaign to the British general Allenby's campaign in 1917 CE and beyond. T h e site B a t h h o u s e . The third-century thermae belong to monis first mentioned in 1 Maccabees 3:40 as the site of Judas's oaxial bathhouses, all of whose installations are arranged ad great victory in 166 BCE over the Seleucids, and it was sub jacent to each other on a straight line. Parts of the building m
ENKOMI collapsed during one of the earthquakes recorded for tire fourth-fifth centuries. The surviving sttucture was partly buried to its roof by a subsequent landslide, which explains its state of preservation. The thermae were built of smooth and well-fitting ashlars. The walls measured between i and 1.5 m. The extent of the refurbished part is 14 X 7.5 nr. After the refurbishing, tire entrance was through the former tepidarium, which had been converted into a frigidarium. Passage was then available into a former caldarium, then the tepidarium; the second adjoining caldarium retained its function. The sweat chamber was built over the boiler room on tire west. Another room preserved an entire original stone cupola, constructed of four hemispherical segments that leaned against each other, leaving an air-regulation aperture in its apex (cf. Vitruvius 5.10.5). Two other rooms contained two apses each in opposing walls. Each has a barrel-vaulted roof constructed of tiles and rubble cement, respectively. T h e former is of Byzantine and the latter of Ottoman date. T h e original ashlar vaults caved in at the same time the rest of tire building collapsed. Some of the pottery pipes are preserved drat heated the wall of the suspensura. T h e latter was composed of an upper floor con structed of marble slabs on cement that, in turn, had been spread on large tiles resting on rows of brick arches (cf. Vi truvius 5.10.2). These combined resilience, so important in this earthquake-prone region, with good air circulation. Three interconnected tanks provided, one each, cold, tepid, and hot water (cf. Vitruvius 5.10.1). Yizhar Hirschfeld (1989) traced two parallel aqueducts for 1.5 km from Tun Eqed to the town. Their method of construction changed from subterranean tunnels to rock-cut or stone-built channels. T h e tunnel has an inspection cham ber with a pointed Byzantine-period (?) arch. [See also Aqueducts.]
241
The typological reasons are unclear as well as the proposed relation ship of the supposedly coexisting edifices.
Bagatti, Bellarmino. / monumenti di Emmaus et Qubeibeh e dei dintorni. 2 vols. Jerusalem, 1947. Chen, Doron. "On the Golden Gate in Jerusalem and the Baptistry at
Emmaus-Nicopolis." Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldslina-Vereins 97 (1981): 171-177. Examination of the baptistry and its dating to the fourth century CE as terminus a quo. Crowfoot, J. W. "Emmaus: Sa basilique et son histoirc. Reviews." Pal
estine Exploration Fund Quarterly 70 (1935): 40-47. Crowfoot, J. W. Early Churches in Palestine. London, 1941. See pages 71, 125, and 145.
Finegan, Jack. The Archeology of the New Testament: The Life of Jesus and the Beginning of the Early Church. Princeton, 1969. Ovadiah, Asher. Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land. Bonn, 1970. Proposes the most logical reconstruction of the eastern basilica, including the baptistery (see pp. 63-65, fig. 54). Thermae and Aqueducts Gichon, Mordechai. "Roman Bath-Houses in Eretz Israel" (in He brew). Oadmoniot 11 (1978): 22-35. The 'Ein-Boqeq thermae and their typology within the framework of bathhouses discovered in Is rael. Gichon, Mordechai. "The Roman Bath at Emmaus: Excavations
1977." Israel Exploration Journal 29 (1979): 101-110. Gichon, Mordechai, and Robert Linden. "Muslim Oil Lamps from Emmaus." Israel Exploration Journal 34 (1984): 156-169. Examina tion of the conch-shaped, open oil lamp, a continuing Iron Age tra dition. Gichon, Mordechai. "The Bath-House at Emmaus." Bulletin of the An
glo-Israel Archaeological Society 6 (1986—1987): 54-57. Hirschfeld, Yizhar. "The Aqueducts of Emmaus-Nicopolis." In The Aqueducts of Ancient. Palestine (in Hebrew), edited by David 'Amit et al., pp. 197-204. Jerusalem, 1989. Includes a discussion of the early pointed arch of die inspection chamber in one of the aqueduct's tunnels.
MoRDECHAr
GICHON
EN . For toponyms beginning with this element, see under Ein-. c
BIBLIOGRAPHY For the identification of Emmaus, see the bibliography collected in
Yoram Tsafrir et al., Tabula Imperii Romani: ludaea-Palacslina, p. 105 E N K O M I , site in Cyprus (35°io' N, 33°53' E), named (Jerusalem, 1994). after tire village located 1 tar (.6 mi.) to the east. It extends Churches some 46 km (29 mi.) east of Nicosia, 8 km (5 mi.) northwest Vincent, L.-H., and Felix-Marie Abel. Emmaus, sa basilique et son his- of Famagusta, and 3 km (2 mi.) southwest of Salamis on toire. Paris, 1932. Comprehensive excavation report and historical ground that slopes gently from east to west, from the foot discussion, although it lacks clear stratigraphic data and the chron of a low cliff down to the bed of the river Pediaios. In an ological conclusions arc suspect. tiquity, the estuary of tire river probably reached inland as Vincent, L.-H. "Chronique: Autour du groupe monumental far as Enkomi and sheltered its harbor. d"Amwas." Revue Biblique 45 (1936): 403-415. Official excavations started in 1896 with tire British Mu Vincent, L.-H. "La chronologic du groupe monumental d"Amwas." Revue Biblique 55 (1948): 348-375. seum Expedition, which was led by A. S. Murray. Numer ous campaigns followed: Sir John My res and Menelaos The following items are critical discussions of die findings and dating of Vincent and Abel. Markides in 1913, on behalf of the Cyprus Museum Com Avi-Yonah, Michael. "Emmaus." In Encyclopedia of Archaeological Ex mittee; Rupert Gunnis in 1927; the Swedish Cyprus Expe cavations in the Holy Land, vol. 2, pp. 362-364. Jerusalem and En- dition (SCE) under Einar Gjerstad and Erik Sjoqvist in glewood Cliffs, N.J., 1976. In this critical evaluation of the relative 1930; Claude F.-A. Schaeffer in 1934; and a French dating of the two basilicas (repeated in die 1993 Hebrew edition), expedition, led by Schaeffer from 1946 to 1970, later by Avi-Yonah proposes to predate the larger basilica to the smaller one.
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Olivier Pelon from 1971 to 1973. From 1948 to 1958, a Cyp riot team directed by Porphyrios Dikaios joined the French expedition. The Cypriots worked on their own and in sep arate areas. The 1974 war put an end to field research. [See the biographies of Myres, Gjerstad, Schaeffer, and Dikaios.] The first excavators considered Enkomi as a Bronze Age necropolis of an unknown settlement. They dug through the upper archaeological layers, taking no notice of them or re garding them as medieval. The British Museum pioneer ex cavations yielded some of the most impressive objects ever found in Enkomi, such as an ivory game box with relief decoration, a bronze cultic stand, ivory mirror handles, and a large Egyptian necldace of gold with paste inlay. The pub lication (Murray, 1900) made Enkomi a major site for tire Cypriot Late Bronze Age. The Swedish expedition pub lished twenty-two tombs (Sjoqvist, 1934, 1940). Careful study of tire stratification in each tomb provided new firm ground for the relative and absolute chronology of the Late Bronze Age. In 1934, Schaeffer soon realized that the walls he had encountered while digging for tombs belonged to the Bronze Age. He laid bare a building made of ashlar (dressed) masonry with a hoard of bronze objects (tire socalled Maison des Bronzes). The way was open for the exploration of the ancient town of Enkomi. Its equation with Alashiya, the capital of tire kingdom of Alashiya, was proposed by Dussaud and by Schaeffer. It is generally rejected, but final decision must await new textual evidence. Some significant points in tire chronology of Enkomi have not yet been settled. Schaeffer's and Dikaios's stratigraphies cannot be precisely correlated. For simplicity's sake, a division into three phases is used here, corresponding roughly to tire traditional partition of the Late Cypriot Bronze Age: I (c. 1600-1450/1400 BCE), II (1450/1400-0. 1200), III (c. 1200-1050). Phase I (c. 1600-1450/1400) has been studied extensively only by Dikaios. In his Area III (and grid area iW, see be low), at the northern limit of the town, Dikaios uncovered a long rectangular building that he understood to be a for tress, in which he identified a metallurgical workshop. In Area I (4W), near the center of tire settlement, were small houses. The destruction of this phase is ascribed to an earth quake. Two exceptional built tombs, irregular tholoi (bee hive-shaped tombs), can be dated to phase I (SCE tomb 21, probably in 6W) and to early phase II (French tomb at point 1336, in 5E). Phase II (1450/1400-c. 1200) eventually saw a radical de velopment in the urban organization of Enkomi from an open, loosely occupied town to a fortified, dense, and strictly planned city, and a boom in metallurgical activity. Accord ing to Dikaios, this boom was caused by Mycenaean settlers during phase II, but the geometrical town plan, the final construction of the rampart, and tire introduction of ashlar masonry all belong to the beginning of phase III, after a destruction and the arrival of newcomers related to the so-
called Sea Peoples, with a strong Mycenaean element among them. For Schaeffer, tire changes date back to a time well before the end of tire thirteenth century and belong to phase II. Recent discoveries (ashlar masonry of the thir teenth century at Kition and Kalavasos, for example) have in the main confirmed Schaffer's reconsttuction. [See Ki tion; Kalavasos.] The city wall encloses a roughly semicircular area, some 406 m (1,332 ft.) north-south and 350 m (1,148 ft.) eastwest. Basically, it consists of an inner wall with an upper part of mud bricks and of an outer strengthening of very large, minimally hewn rocks. It is in places protected by small bastions. A northern and a western gate have been found. The town is divided by one north-south street and ten east-west streets into large rectangular blocks, which mea sure approximately 33 X 170 m (108 X 558 ft.) numbered i W to 12W and iE to 12E, starting from the north. This geometrical grid was in use until the final destruction. A paved square (from the beginning of phase III in its present state) marks the center of tire city. In grid area 6E is a rectangular tripartite construction of large ashlar masonry, probably a temple. A square base sup ports a pillar with a stepped capital, a type also known from Kition, Palaipaphos, and other Cypriot sites. Along street 5, in grid area 5W, extends Building 18, named after Swedish T o m b 18 discovered by the Swedish Cyprus Expedition (see figure 1). It was erected around the middle of the thir teenth century BCE, apparently as a residence for a wealthy leader, the earliest indication of a political authority in the city. The facade, nearly 40 m (131 ft.) long with four wide doors, is partly made of blocks of ashlar masonry, one of them no less than 3 m (10 ft.) long. This technique, although reminiscent of Ugarit, is used here in a way peculiar to Cy prus. The central part of the building recalls Building X at Kalavasos, near Limassol. Four chamber tombs of ashlar masonry of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries in areas 3E and 4E may indicate that some aristocratic families from Ugarit had settled in Enkomi. During phase II there is a great increase in industrial pro duction, exchanges, and prosperity. T h e funerary furniture becomes very rich with a wealth of imported Mycenaean pottery. Many copper smelting and working places are at tested, especially in area i W . At the beginning of phase III (c. 1200-1050) although Building 18 had lost its aristocratic character, a large residence of ashlar masonry was built in area 4W. It comprised a series of three communicating spaces, one of them with a central hearth, a feature equated by Dikaios (1969-1971, p . 187) with the Mycenaean "megaron." T h e whole settlement was destroyed by a violent fire, ascribed to the Sea Peoples around 1190 BCE. Activity and wealth, again based on metallurgy, were rap idly restored. Nevertheless the dwellings are usually smaller than in phase II. Profound cultural changes are noticeable
ENKOMI in the funerary customs. Shaft graves supersede rock-cut chamber tombs. Judging by the small number of intra muros inhumations, most of tire dead were buried outside the set tlement. The bulk of tire local painted pottery now reflects Mycenaean tradition. T h e sanctuaries of the "horned god" and the "ingot god" are of particular interest. T h e rituals for both deities show great similarities—libations and offerings of bucrania (oxen skulls)—that reflect Aegean, Near Eastern, and local tradi tion. The sanctuary of the horned god occupied tire profoundly remodeled residence in area 4W. Oxen skulls and other of ferings lay on tire floors. T h e cult statue was set in the south ernmost part of the former megaron where 276 one-handled libation bowls have been found. T h e bronze figure, 55 cm high, shows a young athletic god wearing a short kilt and a curly cap from which two ox horns emerge. T h e attitude is static, tire right hand extended with its palm facing down wards. T h e god has been tentatively described as an archaic Apollo, a protector of tire cattle. A space was also dedicated to a female deity, represented by a tiny bronze figurine with a headdress resembling that of the Egyptian goddess Hathor. The sanctuary of tire ingot god, in area 5E, is quite dif ferent in its layout. Its main feature is a large rectangular, partly covered hall. West of it, nearly 250 fragments of clay figurines have been collected. They were originally standing in circles on disk-shaped bases, clearly an Aegean tradition.
In the hall are a hearth and a sacrificial altar. Benches run along the walls; on or near them have been found most of the offerings, such as oxen and fallow-deer skulls, possibly used as ceremonial masks, notched animal shoulder-blades, libation bowls, and two large painted clay figurines of dou ble-headed sphinxes (see figure 2). The 35-centimeter-high bronze cult statue found in a small room arranged in the northeast corner of the hall is that of an oriental smiting god standing on an ingot in the shape of an oxhide. It is a base added to characterize the deity as a protector of metallurgy. A figurine of a goddess standing on an ingot, probably from Enkomi, is now in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. At tire end of the twelfth century, Enkomi suffered new desttuction, possibly by an earthquake. A vivid revival ended witir a final destruction before 1050. Part of the pop ulation probably moved to Salamis. [See Salamis.] This description of the excavation can convey but a faint idea of Enkomi's conttibution to the study of Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age, on matters such as the presence and role of the Aegeans, the transition to the Iron Age, the problem of tire Sea Peoples, and the religion. The material (pottery, jewelry, ivories, faience, stone vases, and cylinder and stamp seals) illustrates how Cyprus, in close contact with Egypt, the Aegean, and the Asiatic Near East, took part in the elab oration of the aristocratic international culture of tire Eastern Mediterranean Late Bronze Age. Worthy of mention are the funerary gold "mouthpieces" with stamped decoration, tire silver bowl with gold and niello bull heads, faience goblets
Figure 1. The southern facade of building 18, along east-west street no. 5. Looking eastnortheast, during 1950 excavation. (Archives CFA Schaeffer, Paris) ENKOMI.
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ENTERTAINMENT
m
Murray, A. S. In "Excavations at Enkomi, 1896." In Excavations in Cyprus, by A. S. Murray et al., pp. 1-54. London, 1900. Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. Missions en Chypre, 1932-1935. Paris, 1936. Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. "Note sur l'enceinte mycenienne d'Enkomi
(Chypre)." In Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire offerts a Charles Picard a I'occasion de son 65c anniversaire. Vol. 2, pp. 926-935. Paris, 1949.
Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. Enkomi-Alasia: Nouvelles missions en Chypre, 1946-1950. Paris, 1952. Schaeffer, Claude F.-A., et al. Alasia. Vol. 1. Paris and Leiden, 1971.
Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. Corpus des cylindres-sceaux de Ras Shamra-Ugaril et d'Enkomi-Alasia. Vol. 1. Paris, 1983. Sjoqvist, Erik. "Enkomi, the Necropolis." In The Swedish Cyprus Ex
pedition: Finds and Results of the Excavations in Cyprus,
1927-1931,
vol. 1, by Einar Gjerstad et al., pp. 467-575. Stockholm, 1934.
Sjoqvist, Erik. Reports on Excavations in Cyprus. Stockholm, 1940. JACQUES LAGARCE
ENTERTAINMENT. See Games; Stadiums; Theaters. ENVIRONMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY. Inter est in what is now called environmental archaeology was probably stimulated by the long-discredited views of Ells worth Huntington, who, in the first decade of the century, proposed that climatic change had played a major role in the rise and fall of civilizations in the Near East. For ex ample, he claimed tiiat purported desiccation in early post ENKOMI. Figure 2. Front view of a painted terra-cotta doubleglacial times had forced people to congregate in river valleys, headed "sphinx" or "centaur." Found in the sanctuary of the ingot where they began to domesticate plants and animals. Simi god. Height, 31 cm. (Archives CFA Schaeffer, Paris) larly, he believed that the abandonment and desertification of Palestine in the Late Byzantine period were a result of in the shape of a woman's or an animal's head. Metallurgy desiccation, just as he claimed periodic nomadic eruptions is illustrated by a great variety of bronze tools, weapons from Central Asia could be explained by climate. Climate (swords of the Nenzingen type), armor (bronze greaves of became the engine of history and with it, "environmental SCE Tomb 18), figurines (seated drinking deities, cult-char determinism" took root. iot), molds, and copper oxhide ingots (the main export of The Huntington legacy was insidious. Despite repeated Cyprus, a symbol of richness and power). Iron appears in and effective refutation, some scholars continue to explain phase III. Cuneiform archives are missing as yet, but a archaeological displacements or sociopolitical discontinu wealth of information may be hidden in the undeciphered ities by "climatic change." Recently, climatic change was Cypro-Minoan texts. linked to the Aegean dark age and the "Peoples of the Sea" (after 1225 BCE), as well as to the fall of the Akkadian Empire BIBLIOGRAPHY and synchronous political collapse in adjacent regions (c. Courtois, Jacques-Claude. Alasia, vol. 2, Les tombes d'Enkomi: Le mob- 2200 BCE). On the other hand, there has also been to ex ploring flexible environmental constraints on particular eco ilierfuneraire (fouilles C. F. A. Schaeffer, 1947-1965); vol. 3, Les objels des niveaux stratifies d'Enkomi (fouilles C. F. A. Schaeffer, 1947-1970). nomic activities and the possible complementary role of ad Paris, 1981-1984. verse environmental trends in more complex, systemic Courtois, Jacques-Claude, Jacques Lagarce, and Elisabeth Lagarce. En crises. komi et le Bronze ricent d Chypre. Nicosia, 1986. Courtois, Jacques-Claude, and J. M. Webb. Mission archeologique fran In 1925, the British archaeologist Gertrude Catoninvited a geologist, Elinor Gardner, to assist her caise d'Alasia: Les cylindres-sceaux d'Enkomi (fouilles francaises,Thompson 19571970). Nicosia, 1987. with prehistoric projects in the Faiyum and Khargah oases Dikaios, Porphyrios. Enkomi: Excavations, 1948-1958. 3 vols. Mainz, in Egypt. [See Faiyum; and the biography of Caton-Thomp1969-1971. son.} Gardner helped to tie various archaeological sites into Dussaud, Rene. In Comptes rendus de I'Academie des inscriptions et bellesspecific landscapes, both temporal and spatial, by establish lettres, January-March, 1949, p. 20. Lagarce, Jacques, and Elisabeth Lagarce. Alasia, vol. 4, Deux tombes du ing a succession of environmental changes. Thus, a site was Chypriote recent d'Enkomi (Chypre): Tombes 1851 et 1907. Paris, 1985. contemporary with a particular lakeshore or spring deposit,
ENVIRONMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY which provided a relative date as well as a unique environ mental setting (Caton-Thompson and Gardner, 1934). This was achieved by interpreting the conditions of geological formation, relating them to other features in stratigraphic terms, and using associated molluscan collections to amplify or confirm ecological inferences. This prototype of multidisciplinary fieldwork was also pioneered elsewhere. It did not become an instant success in tire Near East but received significant impetus in the 1950s through the efforts of Rob ert J. Braidwood. Frustrated by the difficulty of analyzing agricultural origins, Braidwood collaborated with a geologist and brought in a zoologist to study animal bones (to deter mine whether potential livestock were domesticated), a paleobotanist to study seed grains, and eventually a palynologist to identify the pollens in cores drilled into nearby lake or marsh beds (to provide a detailed and often continuous record of vegetation change). He also worked with a ceramicist (to examine pottery-making techniques and identify clay sources) and an ethnographer (to observe village life in remote areas and provide analog information on a broader range of material culture and its social replication) (Braid wood and Howe, i960). The numbers and specializations of collaborating envi ronmental scientists and their opportunities to influence ex cavation strategies and publications continues to vary. In creasingly, environmental archaeologists seek independent funding: much of tire information now available for tire Near East, mainly for the Paleolithic and Neolithic periods, was generated independently. Environmental archaeology is still all too rarely applied to historical time periods, such as at Bronze and Iron Age settlements. Environmental archaeology can be categorized at differ ent operational and conceptual levels. Paleoenvironmental studies are the most common, and have direct and indirect applications to archaeology—primarily as background in formation for local or regional settlement histories (Brice, 1978; Bintliff and van Zeist, 1982). Such macroscale re search is complemented by site-specific studies that document local geographies and settings (with reference to patterns of topography, soils, and vegetation) or directly ad dress site-formation processes (geoarchaeology) or site economies (zooarchaeology and archaeobotany) (Butzer, 1982, i960, 1959). Finally, a number of regional or local studies also explicitly address such broad issues as subsis tence and settlement patterns and resource opportunities, utilization, and management (Butzer, 1981, 1976; Larsen, 1983). At whatever scale, the work emphasizes the complex interdependence of multiple variables, the role of feed back—positive (change enhancing) or negative (change buffering)—shifting equilibrium levels, and tire impact of human land use on environment. Agricultural Origins in W e s t e r n Asia (c. 10,000 B P ) . One old and tenacious explanation of agricultural origins is known as tire oasis-propinquity theory.. It holds that the ini tial domestication of plants and animals was the result of
245
climatic stress. It is based on the incorrect assumption that glacial-age climate in the Near East was wetter than today and became markedly drier at the beginning of the Holocene or Recent period, in about 10,000 BP. Hunter-gatherers would have been faced with declining game resources and plant foods, as forests were reduced to dry scrub and grass lands to sparse steppe. Confronted with ever-scarcer surface water, people and game would have gravitated to reliable sources of water along more richly vegetated riverine low lands or scattered oases. There, the enforced proximity of hunter-gatherers witii game and residual plant foods should have favored a symbiosis that brought the domestication of plants and animals. Numerous pollen and geological studies provide a very different picture: glacial-age climates were harsh in the Near East and Mediterranean basin; forests were very rare (widely spaced trees were found mainly at intermediate el evations), with steppic grasslands in what are now subhumid environments, particularly on south-facing slopes in hill counuy; rivers were more seasonal; and oases were few. Ar chaeological investigations in northeast Africa show human settlement limited to the Nile Valley (c. 20,000-10,000 B P ) , with no traces of habitation in the Saharan oases. At the beginning of the Holocene, Saharan climate became moister for several millennia; however, in the highland belt, from Greece and Anatolia to Syria-Palestine and the Zagros ranges, forest recolonization was slow, taking up to fifteen hundred years in tire west and more than four thousand years in the east (Bintliff and van Zeist, 1982; van Zeist and Bottema, 1991). Thus, the hill country of Southwest Asia, where tire crit ical steps to early domestication were taken between perhaps 12,000 and 8000 B P , was overwhelmingly open and grassy. This matches the habitat preferences of the earliest plant domesticates—barley and wheat—which cannot compete in closed woodlands, as well as the first animals to be domes ticated—goat and sheep—both adapted to open environ ments. [See Cereals; Sheep and Goats.] If anything, initial domestication of these key plants and animals was facilitated by their wider distribution and greater abundance. This al lowed intensive collecting or hunting of the wild forms, and presumably also initial manipulation and experimentation, over a vast area of open, hilly environments (Butzer, 1990, 1982). Agricultural expansion into the riverine floodplains of western Asia was in fact delayed by several millennia, until agricultural communities first settled the woodlands of the western Mediterranean and central Europe. While forests gradually recolonized the hill country of western Asia, mar ginalizing that environment, it is more probable that de mographic expansion led to agricultural colonization farther afield. After all, woodlands along tire Mediterranean coast lines and deep inside Europe were being occupied, implying that people had acquired skills for clearing forests by fire or by stripping leaves from tree branches to reduce tire canopy.
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Settlement of riverine fioodplains demanded similar skills because the areas were partly wooded and required accom modation to periodic flooding. Between 7900 and 7300 BP (end of tire Pre-Pottery Neo lithic B) a crisis occurred in tire agricultural development of much of the Fertile Crescent. For a time there is very little archaeological visibility, suggesting settlement retraction. When sites reappeared in quantity, there seems to have been an adaptive change between a previously flexible mix of hunting-gathering and herding-farming to a more standard ized form of primarily agricultural settlement. Mobility also seems to have been reduced. A climatic crisis is commonly assumed during the intervening centuries, but a fundamen tal social transformation can be posited: increasing popula tion may have led to greater competition for and pressures on limited resources. On the desert margins of Transjordan, for example, excessive exploitation of trees had previously destroyed the open oak woodlands. The question of agricultural origins in Southwest Asia il lustrates the importance of investigating the changing en vironment as a context for socioeconomic transformation. Synthesis of a wide range of paloenvironmental information provides insights in systemic terms. The global perspective of independent agricultural origins in other parts of the world, in a broadly similar time range but witir distinctive domesticates and in radically different environments, sug gests that the evolutionary ttajectory of that larger system was related to the dynamism of human culture, not to en vironmental change. Desert Adaptations in the E a s t e r n S a h a r a (c. 90004500 BP). In about 9000 BP there is evidence of increasing rainfall, rising water tables, and the formation of numerous ephemeral or semipermanent lakes in the lowlands of the Sahara. There also is higher archaeological visibility after more than twenty millennia. The greater moisture persisted, with fluctuations, and, during the next forty-five hundred years or so, several peoples left a discontinuous settlement record across much of that great desert. There is a good possibility that the southern margins of the Sahara were an independent center of agricultural in novation; pottery making is verified there by 9000 BP, some fifteen hundred years earlier than in Syria-Palestine. African sorghum and millet were grown in a small, south Egyptian oasis in 8000 BP, with a clear morphological indication that the sorghum was in tire process of domestication (Wasylikowa etal., 1993). By then, cattle bones are sufficiently com mon to suggest domestication, a millennium or more before the appearance of domesticated sheep/goat of western Asian origin: sheep or goats suitable for domestication were not found in Africa, but the wild progenitors of cattle were long indigenous to the Egyptian Nile Valley. [See Cattle and Oxen.] Yet, throughout this period, until 6500 BP in Egypt and 4700 BP in central Sudan, archaeology shows that oc cupation was limited to hunters, fishers, and gatherers. [See Plunting; Fishing.]
Climatic amelioration in the Sahara toward 9000 B P cre ated new but modest opportunities for a mobile and pre carious subsistence by hunters and fishers, following a num ber of different trails between waterholes, marshes, and small lakes. The geoarchaeology at several such oases indi cates that there was little lag between improving ecological conditions and initial colonization efforts; furthermore, maximum archaeological visibility matches optimal water availability. Final abandonment of a deteriorating location appears to have been delayed, perhaps as people tried to find solutions to growing resource scarcity. Groups occupying the rich riverine environments along the Nile remained "conservative" in their subsistence pur suits, despite their adoption of pottery and their inevitable awareness of alternative subsistence strategies, such as herd ing and cultivation (Butzer, 1982). Presumably, fishing, hunting, and plant gathering provided an ample and reliable food supply, with less labor investment. Nonetheless, when agriculturalists did finally appear on the Nile floodplain, their subsistence activities were able to support much larger populations, in greatly expanded and more clearly nested settlements. By contrast, those groups that moved from one desert oa sis to anodrer appear to have been unusually innovative. Their mainstays were hunting, trapping, or fishing, but they also carried seed grains from the Nile margins or the Sahel to new marginal or ephemeral habitats, deliberately or in advertently propagating such plants. They also somehow controlled and drove cattle from the thickets of the Egyptian Nile into the Sahara to sparse seasonal pastures (transhumance). Ecologically, this is the only way cattle can have survived in the Sahara, given their fodder and water require ments. Such a process will have selected for small and lean stock, quite possibly used for blood-letting rather than milk, in analogy to the practice of Nilo-Saharan-speaking cattle pastoralists in East Africa (verified arclraeologically since 4000 BP). Eventually goat/sheep were acquired from south western Asia, while leaving no imprint along the Nile; such small stock were much less difficult to adapt to desert transhumance. These pioneers in desert colonization were not tire victims of increasing aridity, but, rather, adventurous and innovative groups developing a versatile, adaptive rep ertoire that has persisted (or was reinvented), in various forms, in Arabia and other arid environments under the guise of nomadic pastoralism. [See Pastoral Nomadism.] There are also some commonalities in lithic technology between the Nilotic hunter-fishers of Egypt and the desert pastoralists and between the pottery traditions of the latter and of hunter-fishers in the central Sudan. More significant is diat the lithic assemblage found with the Faiyum Neolithic (the earliest known agricultural group in Egypt—6500-5500 BP) is close to that of hunter-gatherers near the Khargah oasis (7200 B P or earlier) and near the Dakhla oasis (62005100 BP). Yet, the Faiyum Neolithic combined fishing (a Nilotic adaptation), wheat and barley planting (Near East-
ENVIRONMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY ern domesticates), and stock raising (a desert adaptation of African and Near Eastern origins). In about 5800 B P atMerimde, next to the Nile Delta, and after 5500 B P at Khargah, similar lithic assemblages incorporated sickle blades, a Near Eastern tradition of long standing. [See Merimde.] T o what extent the agricultural ttaditions in Lower and Upper Egypt that subsequently evolved autochthonously into the predynastic cultures of the Nile floodplain and Delta initially involved information exchange or small-scale pop ulation movements is obscure, but Egypt at that time should be seen as an open system with diverging adaptations and increasing interchange. When most of the desert popula tions (always very small) disappeared from the record (c. 4500 BP), some of those small groups may have trickled into the Nile Valley. E n v i r o n m e n t a l Crisis (c. 2200 BCE?). Between about 2300 and 2100 BCE, the Aegean world and much of the Near East was engulfed in turmoil commonly attributed to invad ers from the Balkans, the Zagros Mountains, the Syrian de sert, and elsewhere. From the Balkans to Mesopotamia and Palestine, most urban sites were abandoned, destroyed, or reduced in size. Even where settlement was not abandoned, the archaeological components or the dynasties changed— the end of the Akkadian Empire in Mesopotamia and the Old Kingdom in Egypt (both perhaps c. 2230 BCE) . Equated witii the end of the Early Bronze II in Anatolia or the Early Bronze III in Palestine, this sociopolitical discontinuity could have transpired within less than a century or been more complex and prolonged. Subsequently, reduced ar chaeological visibility (e.g., the EB IV in Palestine) may have spanned some three centuries, to about 1900 BCE. Such apparently synchronous events have led some schol ars to invoke a super-regional causal mechanism such as climatic change. Weiss and others (1993), base their sug gestion on studies of northeastern Syria (Khabur plains), where wind-borne deposits, arid conditions of soil alteration, and long-distance volcanic ash mark the onset of perhaps three centuries of drier climate—fixed at 2200 BCE, the date of tlie abrupt abandonment of Tell Leilan. [See Leilan, Tell.] It is even speculated that a cataclysmic eruption by an un known volcano may have caused a "volcanic winter," de stabilizing global climate (Courty, 1994). T h e evidence for a period of drier climate comes from widely separated locations, but is by no means universal: 1. Lake Van. Enrichment of the isotope 0 was experi enced by Lake Van near the Anatolian headwaters of the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers (c. 2300-2100 BCE), based on varve correlation and dating from the lake bed (Degens and Kurtmann, 1978). T h e implication is reduced precipitation in the catchment, and if the dating can be trusted, would argue for a diminution of river discharge in Mesopotamia (Kay and Johnson, 1981), and mighthelp explain increasing salinization and declining crop productivity (2350-1850 BCE), although land-use problems appear to have played a key part in this (Adams, 1981). l 8
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2. Lake Zeribar. A single pollen profile, from Lake Zeribar in the Zagros Mountains (van Zeist and Bottema, 1991), shows an abrupt decline of oak pollen (by 40 percent), dis appearance of maple and willow, and a corresponding in crease of grass and composite pollen (c. 2200 BCE). Recov ery of the high-elevation woodlands was delayed by perhaps six hundred years. However, Holocene forest recolonization of the mountain ranges around Lake Van (see above) was only briefly interrupted at this time, judging by a core from that lake. 3. Lake Beysehir. T h e pollen profile from Lake Beysehir in southcentral Anatolia offers dubious support for greater aridity in about 2200 BCE (300-cm level, interpolated from carbon-14 dates)—namely, a strong decline of pine and ce dar and an increase of grasses; however, oak and ash began to increase steadily at the same time. Equally problematic is the oxidation of pollen in a core from Lake Koycegiz in southwestern Anatolia, perhaps by a temporary drying out of the lake at roughly this time. Examination of some two dozen other pollen profiles from Lake Urmia (northeastern Iran), Syria, northwestern Ana tolia, soutiiern and northern Greece, Dalmatia, and North Africa fails to reveal evidence of a woodland decline or drier ground conditions from about 2300 to 1800 BCE; in general, the period from about 2700 to 1500 BCE was climatically uneventful in these areas, except for scattered episodes of anthropogenic disturbance (Bottema et al., 1990). In Pal estine, Lake Kinneret (Sea of Galilee) shows a submaximum of deciduous oak pollen (c. 1900 BCE), as does Lake Hulah (c. 2250 BCE), while 0 readings on dated land snails in the Negev suggest a wetter climate phase (2450-2050 BCE) prior to a rapid shift to essentially modern conditions. Stream be havior in western Asia is ambiguous. T h e Khabur River in dicates a shift to a semiarid, periodic flow regime (braiding, then channel incision) in about 4000-2000 BCE, before re suming a more equitable, meandering flow, by perhaps 1800 BCE (Courty, 1994). In Palestine, Nahal Lachish, near the tell of that name, had a broad, "wet" floodplain from the EB into the M B II period, when slope soils were eroded; only thereafter did the stream cut down its channel and strip away its agriculturally attractive floodplain (Goldberg, 1986; Rosen, 1986). The only other environmental "event" in about 2200 BCE was in the Nile Valley, where the Old Kingdom state dis solved amid dynastic anarchy and disastrous famines (e.g., c. 2200, c. 2100, and 2002 BCE). Various textual elaborations of failing Nile floods, famine, abandoned farmland, dislo cated people roaming the counteyside, and even cannibalism illustrate the scope of this disaster (Butzer, 1984). The texts are complemented by information from the Upper Nile re gion, where Lake Rudolf abruptly switched to a shallower and more alkaline lake (c. 2300 BCE), while the discharge of the Omo River, draining western Ethiopia, reached a min imum shortly after 2200 BCE, before recovering somewhat in about 2150-1950 BCE. T h a t rapid recovery was evident in 1 8
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the Faiyum Depression in Egypt, where a flood surge filled most of the basin witir water in about 2000 BCE. The data, however, support only one interval of Nile failure, during the rule of the Upper Egyptian governor Ankhtifi (c. 22102185 BCE). The available evidence, although scant, suggests that Nile failures did not unleash decentralizing forces and chaos that took almost two centuries to tame. Central autirority de clined markedly during the sixth dynasty (c. 2380-2230 BCE); during its second half there was progressive economic decline and impoverishment in the capital and some of the provinces, while tire aristocracy began to create local power bases (Butzer, 1984). In an even broader perspective, two centuries of political fragmentation preceded any Nile-re lated disasters, although these may have triggered the social unrest that ultimately led to a reassessment of traditional values. Because periodic Nile failures could have begun as much as a century earlier, and the destruction of Byblos by invad ers had already taken place within the reign of Pepi II of Egypt (died c. 2250 BCE), it is helpful to look at another agricultural crisis (c. 1170-1000 BCE) that may have brought down the New Kingdom (Butzer, 1984). [See Byblos.] Spiraling and wildly fluctuating food prices are documented, peaking in 1130 BCE. There were food riots; the temple gra naries were empty, in part through embezzlement; and tire countryside was increasingly abandoned because of over taxation and banditry. However, corruption had already been rampant before the subsistence crisis began; two for eign invasions (1207 and 1177-1171 BCE) took place prior to the rise in food prices; and two bouts of civil war were not reflected in food-price fluctuations. This suggests that although environmental stress and the resulting economic crisis were implicated in tire disempowerment of the last New Kingdom pharaohs, the sociopolitical processes of devolution were far more complex. Indeed, this crisis period with its foreign invaders and widespread political disconti nuity in the Near East (the fall of the Hittite Empire) had been underway some thirty years before Egypt plunged into ecological crisis. A synoptic overview of the environmental evidence for tire crisis of 2000 BCE suggests a trend to aridity only within tire area between the Euphrates River and the Zagros Moun tains. [See Euphrates.] Syria-Palestine, Greece, and north western Anatolia, as well as northwest Africa, did not ex perience greater aridity; any anomalies favored a moister climate and forest expansion or recovery. Even within the region possibly affected by drought, tire Khabur River had documented an increasingly semiarid stream regime since 4000 BCE, and in tire Zagros forests expanded steadily until about 2200 BCE. Climatic trends were not in phase, and whatever environmental crisis there may have been, or how ever severe it may have been locally, was limited to a cir cumscribed area. As the relevant archaeological record becomes more tan
gible, it suggests great circumspection in interpretating ep isodes of urban decline and political simplification. Thus, in Palestine (Miroschedji, 1989), EB III urban sites were largely destroyed or abandoned between 2250 and 2200 BCE. However, ruralization rather than depopulation followed, and during the next three or four centuries, the Negev and Sinai were the focus of countless small settlements. Only at the end of EB IV (c. 1850 BCE) were these desert areas aban doned—until the Roman-Nabatean period. [See Nabateans.] Even on the Syrian Euphrates renewed urbanism ap pears as Tell Leilan declines. The inherent complexity of crisis periods may, thus, stem from the systemic interde pendence of larger political entities; the latent, sociopolitical instability of some; and the advantages of technological, mil itary, or adaptive innovations within the larger region (which also applies to hypotheses invoking climate to explain the end of Mycenaean and Minoan civilization after 1200 BCE and tire political devolution of Mesopotamia in the eleventh century BCE. Cultural T r a n s f o r m a t i o n of the L a n d s c a p e . More productive than climate and migration as explanatory mod els is the human use of and impact on environmental re sources. While Near Eastern hunters and gatherers (20,00010,000 BP) utilized natural resources in increasingly complex ways, their environmental impact probably was both local ized and ephemeral. Agricultural land use is another matter, involving vegetation clearance, soil manipulation, irrigation works, and potentially heavy grazing. [See Irrigation.] With the emergence of the high civilizations, tied to dense rural populations and growing urban centers, resource pressures and ecological impacts take on yet another dimension, in cluding an insatiable demand for timber and fuel wood. This is fundamental to understanding tire geographic stage on which socioeconomic and political history was played out in the Near East. The single most important tools currently available to identify and gage human impact on tire environment are palynology and the identification of botanical and animal remains from archaeological sites. Pollen cores can provide a continuous trace of composite ecological change, com monly from lakes or swamps at some distance from settle ment centers—primarily a macroscale approach. Paleobotanical remains from sites provide more discontinuous records, from close proximity to settled areas. They empha size plants and animals of economic importance and tend to offer a more finely textured picture, complementing that of the pollen profiles that document change through time (Van Zeist and Bottema, 1991). Equally important is evidence for human impact on the soil mantle. Erosion leaves thinned soil profiles or exposed rock; eroded soil material accumu lates downslope as hill wash or is swept away by stream floods, to be deposited on floodplains farther downstream. D r y - F a r m i n g a n d P a s t o r a l i s m . T h e impact of Neo lithic agricultural or pastoral land use was localized and mainly ephemeral, exerted primarily through the use of fire
ENVIRONMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY to clear woodland for cultivation and perhaps also as pas ture. Subsistence was still heavily dependent on hunting, and even on wild plant foods. This does not preclude almost complete clearance of woodland in proximity of occupation sites—whether for cultivation, construction timbers, or fuel. Neolithic dispersal was also directed toward more arid en vironments and rudimentary irrigation was practiced in some places. Noteworthy is the first settlement of the deltaic wetlands of southern Mesopotamia a little after 7000 BP, where people probably practiced simple fioodwater farming. There is no correlation between cultural designations such as Neolithic and permanent or prominent settlements. Some of tire latter, witir rectangular houses witir stone foundations, predate the Neolithic, while in parts of tire Mediterranean basin some agricultural peoples moved between caves and clusters of seasonal huts as late as 2000 BCE. It also is not self-evident that mobile hunter-pastoralists witir supplemen tary seasonal farming had less ecological impact than clus ters of farming villages. Sedentary farmers could not persist indefinitely in a particular area without developing conser vationist strategies based on cumulative experience. Longterm success is predicated on minimizing both long-term environmental damage and short-term subsistence risk (Butzer, 1996). That may be easy enough on level land with productive soils, but when expanding populations required the cultivation of fragile soils on steeper hill country (e.g., olive groves or vinyards on terraced hillsides), long-term productivity could only be assured with considerable and sustained labor input. [See Viticulture.] T h e archaeological record appears to approximate such a model. Agricultural landscapes witir prominent villages are found scattered across sttetches of fertile, level land from Mesopotamia to central Europe by 5000 BCE. Permanent hillside cultivation seems to have been associated with the expansion of olive and grape orchards beginning as early as 3500 BCE in Syria-Palestine and a millennium or so later in Greece. This Mediterranean-style pattern of land use, em phasizing arboriculture, emerged in a subhumid environ ment witir mild winters and sustained large populations during later parts of the Bronze Age and again in HellenisticRoman times. It did not lend itself well to irrigated desert in arid settings—despite their best efforts, the Egyptian elite had to import considerable olive oil and wine from Syria. A similar form of land use did not develop in the hill country east of tire Euphrates, at least not until Hellenistic times and on a local scale. There, agriculture tended to remain on the valley floors, except in eastern Anatolia and the Caucasus, where orchards of fruit trees substituted for olive groves and vinyards. Pollen records suggest that deforestation or other vege tation disturbance became increasingly common in the hill country of the Near East and Greece after about 5000 BCE, before the establishment of Mediterranean-style farming (Butzer, 1996). This can best be attributed to early pastoral activity, which subsequendy became more directly linked to
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agricultural pursuits—the same villages farmed, planted or chards, and moved herds of livestock up into the hills and back in a seasonal round. This promoted a more judicious form of pastoral land use, favoring greater ecological stabil ity. Slowly, the initially small patches of planted fields, pas tures, and secondary woodland expanded until, by tire Late Bronze Age, about 1500 BCE (Bottema et a l , 1990), the warm-temperate hill countty west of the Euphrates exhib ited large tracts of well-tended agricultural landscape. The ecological record is by no means one of harmony between land use and the environment. Episodes of destruc tive impact were commonly limited to land abandonment, either in the course of political devolution, or in the wake of intrusive populations with a greater emphasis on pastoral herding (Butzer, 1996). New pastoral colonists from humid, northerly woodlands probably lacked experience with the more fragile ecology of an unfamiliar Mediterranean envi ronment. One such period was the Early Iron dark age, but impact on vegetation was not synchronous: 1500-400 BCE in Epirus; 1100-1000 BCE in Macedonia; and 1000-900 BCE in southwestern Anatolia. Much the same happened in medi eval times: in about 400-1100 CE in Palestine; 1200-1350 CE in southwestern Anatolia; and 1000-1500 CE in Epirus and North Africa—involving Vlach and Slavic pastoralists or Arab bedouin. Local land-use histories have varied, and broad generalizations are prone to be simplistic. Overall, the marginal agricultural lands of Syria-Palestine were aban doned at different times, in part as a result of Byzantine-era insecurity, in part because of economic decline, following the shift of power from Umayyad Damascus to 'Abbasid Baghdad after 750 CE. [See Umayyad Caliphate; 'Abbasid Caliphate.] It was this abandonment, which persisted into the 1920s, that gave Huntington tire impression of climatic deterioration. The location of major pollen cores at some distance from major urban sites limits information on whether large and expanding towns may have so depleted their environmental resources as to contribute to local population decline or even abandonment. A record of discontinuous but repeated soil erosion from Hellenistic to late Byzantine times in the Ae gean region suggests that this is at least a possible scenario. T h e irrigated floodplains of tire arid Near East present a distinctive land-use trajectory, with different environmental repercussions. Nile Valley Irrigation. Agricultural settlements began to proliferate in the Nile Valley in about 4000 BCE. Preferred site locations gradually shifted from the desert edge to the naturally raised levees running along the margins of the Nile and its secondary channels. The Nile floodplain was sub divided into shallow basins, as a result of tire intersection of various active and older levees (Butzer, 1976). These basins flooded naturally at the time of annual inundation (August or September), the excess water draining back out into the channel six to ten weeks later, as the flood waned. T h e clayey soils retained sufficient moisture to bring a crop
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seeded in October or November to harvest in February or March. This natural pulse of irrigation was adequate to cul tivate extensive floodplain tracts without artificial irrigation. Technological intervention was incremental, first by means of controlled breaches in the levees that regulated tire influx as well as outflow of water from the basins. Short canals were eventually built to disttlbute water within basins that were subdivided into more manageable units by transverse earthen dikes. T h e bucket-and-lever device, known in Ar abic as a shaduf, was introduced about 1500 BCE to allow the small-scale, mechanical lifting of water for vegetable and pleasure gardens. [See Gardens, article on Gardens in Preclassical Times.] Large-scale water lifting was only possible with the animal-drawn waterwheel, or saqiya, however, first verified in Ptolemaic times. Human modification of the Nile Valley, thus, took place gradually, beginning in predynastic times. During the Old Kingdom, fruit orchards were widely planted on new estates in the southern delta, with vineyards placed along the delta margins (Butzer, 1976). Middle Kingdom development ap parently focused on controlling the quantity of water enter ing the Faiyum Depression, where settlement was probably expanded. The New Kingdom and late periods saw land reclamation in the delta marsh fringe and greater irrigation control in the less manageable, larger basins of Middle Egypt. There never was a tall, dense riparian forest, and from the earliest times, acacia represented the key local tim ber; productive groves of date palms probably soon domi nated the riparian fringe. Finally, salinization was not a problem in flood basins flushed on a regular basis. Thus, the Nile Valley and Delta were not degraded, but progres sively converted into a carefully tended, cultural landscape that was indefinitely sustainable. M e s o p o t a m i a n Irrigation. The alluvial and deltaic plains of Lower Mesopotamia were different from those of Egypt (Adams, 1981). T h e narrow Tigris floodplain is en trenched well below the alluvial land created by the Eu phrates, and the Tigris was therefore quite difficult to har ness for more extensive irrigation. Whereas tire Nile floods were modulated, to allow winter cultivation (as elsewhere along the Mediterranean coastlands), tire Euphrates was er ratic and often violent. Its floods reflected the snow cover in eastern Anatolia, and when and how quickly it melted. Sweeping down a much shorter ttajectory, floods arrived between late April and early June, breaking out from the shifting channels to drain into a vast marshland, instead of filling shallow basins before emptying back into the main river. Simple floodwater farming had only limited scope, and the floods were hazardous to settlements. Accumulating across broad, marshy zones in tire lower delta, dissolved salts were retained and built up in the soil and groundwater. In addition, the Euphrates silts included less fertile clay than did the Nile muds. Mesopotamia, therefore, required substantial modifica
tion and costly maintenance to achieve productive, irrigated landscapes. T h e main channels had to be tapped by long feeder canals that fanned out across the plain and replaced former flood breaches and temporary overflow channels. These required massive reconstruction and cleaning out af ter most flood seasons, before labor would be available for planting crops downstream; by then, however, water volume had sharply diminished. This may explain why ttaditional irrigation farming could not take advantage of a possible postflood crop season, delaying planting until river dis charge slowly increased again in October or November. One advantage of an almost flat plain was that canals could tap river water even at an intermediate stage of flow. T h e dis advantage was that regular incremental tapping of canal wa ter implied evaporation of slightly saline water in the fields, creating salinization over time. Effective water control in Mesopotamia consequently meant a quantum change in potential agricultural produc tivity; it also required an elaborate canal network and costly labor input (Adams, 1981). Such a system was probably inaugurated by Early Uruk times (c. 4000-3500 BCE), and the transformation of natural Euphrates tributaries into a great network of artificial canals completed by 2000 BCE. Maintenance could not be guaranteed during periods of po litical devolution, however, resulting in periodic abandon ment of much of the arable land. Overirrigation further led to salinization of the lower ends of the irrigation system, possibly favoring an upstream shift of the prime agricultural lands and, with them, the clusters of population. Equally so, this upstream shift may have enabled protection of towns from destructive floods by the new technology of massive rings of dikes. The conversion of Lower Mesopotamia into an agricul tural landscape was a less harmonious affair than in Egypt. The system was more fragile, its operation discontinuous, and its ecological impact negative. Unlike Egypt, which re mained a breadbasket without interruption, most of Lower Mesopotamia lay waste from about 1000 CE until after World War I. Furthermore, the creation and management of this system required either centralized control or unusual levels of cooperation among the various polities embedded within it. That assigned a major role to mediating "bureau cracies" and enhanced the dependency of individual culti vators—unlike in Egypt, where irrigation was managed lo cally, well into tire last century. Tells. The potential to produce a detailed site history ex ists at excavations where archaeologists and environmental archaeologists collaborate on-site. In the Near East, a tell, or artificial hill, typically formed by the residues of mud (adobe) bricks used across successive occupations to build houses, public buildings, and fortifications, is an anthropo genic landform that can be in excess of 50 m deep (Rosen, 1986). It usually incorporates between 1 million and 10 mil lion cu m of sediment. Many of the larger abandoned tells
ENVIRONMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY on the plains of northern Syria are sufficiently prominent to be visible on conventional satellite imagery. Similar town sites on the Nile floodplain are equally large, but tiieir forms are low and less conspicuous, as a result of protracted alluviation of the surrounding floodplain. Such mounds record millennia of settlement history, doc umented not only by architectural structures and archaeo logical inventories, but also by a detailed sedimentary record that reflects the use and disposal of a perishable building material (Butzer, 1982). Individual houses are built, even tually collapse, and must be rebuilt with new mud bricks, as older debris is reworked into a prepared "floor." New quar ters of a town grow, while old ones decay. Middens of highly organic, ashy or sandy refuse accumulate in disused rooms, abandoned houses, or decaying quarters. A whole town is destroyed or abandoned and a new one is raised on its ruins. As sediment continues to accumulate, with little net loss of material, the mound progressively increases in elevation. Each occupation phase included multiple levels of house floors, each structure partially filled by several thin strata. These levels not only record the progression of local con struction and collapse, or site growth and decay, but also provide details about each room's original function, as well as the physical processes of microaccumulation. Until very recentiy, archaeologists limited tiieir attention to the three-dimensional architectural matrix of mounds and the artifacts therein. As a result, no tell has yet been com prehensively studied by a geoarchaeologist, despite a num ber of exploratory efforts, to identify the changing nature of domestic occupation, microenvironmental dynamics, and demographic trends. [See Demography.] T h e processes of chemical alternation or enrichment within a site, or the agen cies of contemporary or subsequent deposition of erosion, might highlight a climatic signal. A particularly useful link between the tell and its environ mental context is provided by mud bricks (Rosen, 1986). Their texture, color, and calcium-carbonate content are di agnostic markers that vary remarkably from site to site. Even within a single site, mud bricks can identify the different materials used for monumental structures and simple houses, or clay sources quarried at different times—includ ing some sources exposed, buried, or exhausted during spe cific periods. Tell-derived hill wash from different ages also tends to be distinctive and traceable to specific microstratigraphic units exposed in an adjacent alluvial profile. That, in turn, may allow correlation between settlement and land scape histories, in regard to changing human use of, and impact on, the environment. The point of this example is that Bronze Age and histor ical settlement sites remain the most neglected arena of po tential research in Near Eastern environmental archaeology. T h e tons and tons of sediment excavated from such sites every year could be used to richly complement standard ar chaeological interpretation. But in the past it has simply
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been thrown out, without the excavators drawing in the req uisite geo-archaeological expertise. Perspectives. Ideally, the scope of environmental ar chaeology goes well beyond data gathering to explore fresh vistas for major issues. In terms of the rise and fall of em pires, for example, the most tangible variables are political centralization/decentralization, economic expansion/dissi pation, and demographic growth/decline. Two of the questions to be answered are which was dependent and which independent and whether change was externally or internally stimulated. A systemic analog, instead of a caus ality model, allows for external inputs and brealdng away from biological systems centered on energy flows (e.g., eco nomic and geopolitical priorities). Systemic thinking is pri marily heuristic, designed to enhance sophistication in an alyzing change, rather than to predict or retrodict outcomes (Butzer, 1990). If indeed a climatic anomaly is demon strated, the questions should be who was affected, where, and how; what risk-minimizing strategies were in place; what experience was available to cope with subsistence shortfalls or to adapt to a recurrence of such a crisis; and which institutions could be mobilized to mitigate social stress? Questions might next shift to the resilience of the economic and political structures of a particular state under external or internal "siege." Answers are usually difficult to provide, but the questions ideally upgrade the sophistication of research designs and the categories of empirical investi gation. Human populations have always interacted with their en vironment in multiple ways, using it, shaping it, and devising alternative ways to bend its constraints—but also abusing and sometimes degrading it. At the core of human history is a long tradition of persistence in the face of adversity and resilience in the throes of crisis. Especially in an era with increasing interest in the impact of long-term land use on sustainability or ecological equilibrium, environmental ar chaeology has a unique capability to examine such issues empirically (Butzer, 1996). Five millennia of intensive ag riculture and town life in the Near East provide an unusual opportunity to monitor human impact on the environment. [See also Computer Mapping; Ethnoarchaeology; Ethnobotany; Geology; Historical Geography; New Archaeology; Paleobotany; Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction; and Paleozoology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adams, Robert McC. Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement and Land Use on the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates. Chicago, 1981. Bintliff, J. L., and Willem van Zeist, eds. Palaeoclimates, Palaeoenviron-
and Human Communities in the Eastern Mediterranean Region in Later Prehistory. Oxford, 1982. Bottema, Sytze, et at, eds. Man's Role in the Shaping of the Eastern Mediterranean landscape. Rotterdam, 1990. menUy
Braidwood, Robert J., and Bruce Howe, eds. Prehistoric Investigations
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in Iraqi Kurdistan. University of Chicago, Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Civilization, no. 31. Chicago, i960.
called Arsinoeia, but after his death the traditional name was maintained. During the Byzantine period, after the main Brice, William C , ed. The Environmental History of the Near and Middle town was abandoned, the site around the hill, east of tire East since the Last Ice Age. London, 1978. Artemision (temple sacred to the goddess Artemis), was Butzer, Karl W. "Environmental and Human Ecology in Egypt during Predynastic and Early Dynastic Times." Bulletin de la Societe de Geo called Ayasoluk, which nowadays is the Turkish town of graphic d'Egyple 32 (1959): 43-87. Selcuk. Butzer, Karl W. "Archeology and Geology in Ancient Egypt." Science Ephesus and the surrounding area have been settled since 132 (i960): 1617-1624. the Bronze Age. During Mycenaean times the hill of Aya Butzer, Karl W. Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cul soluk and the Artemision showed remains of occupation. tural Ecology. Chicago, 1976. Until now little was known about the earlier Ionian migration Butzer, Karl W. "Rise and Fall of Axum, Ethiopia: A Geo-Archaeological Interpretation." American Antiquity 46 (1981): 471-495. period, but since tire eighth century BCE, Ephesus has played Butzer, Karl W. Archaeology as Human Ecology: Method and Theoryanforimportant role within the Ionian civilization. Remains be a Contextual Approach. Cambridge, 1982. low the lower agora of the Roman town and a peripteros in Butzer, Karl W. "Long-Term Nile Flood Variation and Political Dis continuities in Pharaonic Egypt." In From Hunters to Farmers, edited the central base of the Artemision underline tire specific sig nificance of the site (see figure 1 ) . Other than the Artemi by J. Desmond Clark and Steven A. Brandt, pp. 102-112. Berkeley, 1984. sion, little is known about the remains of tire site in the sixth Butzer, Karl W. "A Human Ecosystem Framework for Archaeology." and fifth centuries BCE. In the fourth century the temple of In The Ecosystem Approach in Anthropology, edited by Emilio F. Artemis remained the center of activities, but after a new Moran, pp. 91-130. Rev. ed. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1990. town was founded by the diadoch (follower of Alexander the Butzer, Karl W. "Ecology in the Long View: Settlement Histories, Great) Lysimachos, Ephesus began to flourish. T h e new Agrosystcmic Strategies, and Ecological Performance." Journal of Field Archaeology 23 (1996). urbanization was the basis for the development of Ephesus Caton-Thompson, Gertrude, and E. W. Gardner. The Desert Fayum. into a metropolis in the Roman empire. 2 vols. London, 1934. Courty, M.-A. "Le cadre paleogeographique des occupations humaines dans le bassin du Haut-Khabour, Syrie du Nord-Est." Pa leorient 20 (1994): 21-60. Degens, Egon T., and Fikret Kurtmann, eds. The Geology of Lake Van. Ankara, 1978. Goldberg, Paul. "Late Quaternary Environmental History of the Southern Levant." Geoarchaeobgy 1 (1986): 224-244. Kay, P. A., and Douglas L. Johnson. "Estimation of Tigris-Euphrates Streamflow from Regional Paleoenvironmental Proxy Data." Cli
Although Ephesus has been visited by many people since the time of Cyriacus of Ancona, one of the first scholarly travelers (1446 CE), archaeological investigations did not be gin until the second half of the nineteenth century. John Turtle Wood began excavating there in 1864 and continued his archaeological work until he discovered the Artemision in January, 1870. Some of tire marbles that he excavated can now be seen in the British Museum. In 1904 and 1905 the mate Change 3 (1981): 251-263. British Museum undertook another excavation in the Ar Larsen, Curtis E. Life and luind Use on the Bahrain Islands: The Geoar temision and David G. Hogarth discovered tire earlier su-ata chaeobgy of an Ancient Society. Chicago, 1983. of the sanctuary. T h e Austtians started their work at Eph Miroschedji, Pierre de, ed. L'urbanisation de la Palestine a Vage du esus in Bronze ancient Bilan et perspectives des recherches actuelles; Acles du 1895, an ongoing undertaking that has been inter rupted only by the two world wars. T h e emphasis of the Colloque d'Emmaus, 20-24 octobre 1986. British Archaeological Re ports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989. Austrian research was on tire Roman town; however, since Rosen, Arlene Miller. Cities of Clay: The Geoarchaeobgy of Tells. Chi 1965 the Artemision has also been included in the activities. cago, 1986. T h e Artemision. The temple of Artemis is situated out Wasylikowa, Krystyna, et al. "Examination of Botanical Remains from side tire Roman town in the plain, east of the hill of Aya Early Neolithic Houses at Nabta Playa, Western Desert, Egypt." In The Archaeology of Africa, edited by Thurstan Shaw et al., pp. 154- soluk, and its remains lie partly in the groundwater. In the 164. London, 1993. center of the temple a peripteros (colonnaded rectangle) 9.5 Weiss, Harvey, et al. "The Genesis and Collapse of Third Millennium m (31 ft.) wide and 13.3 m (43.5 ft.) long witir columns North Mesopotamian Civilization." Science 261 (1993): 995-1004. arranged four by eight, was excavated (see figure 2). Within Zeist, Willem van, and Sytze Bottema. Late Quaternary Vegetation of the cella (inner part) is a rectangular base surrounded by six the Near East. Wiesbaden, 1991. column bases of green schist. Beneath it a hoard of jewelry KARL W . BUTZER was found, perhaps the necldace for the xoanon (statue in wood of the goddess). T h e whole construction is to be dated in the eighth century. T h e eastern part of the cella was re used in the middle of the sixth century as a foundation for a shrine in marble, perhaps tire shelter for a new cult statue. EPHESUS, major ancient Greek city now in western Therefore the coins of electrum (alloy of gold and silver) Turkey, situated on the western coast of Asia Minor (37°5o' found below its floor give a terminus ante quern of around N , 27°i5' E). There has never been any question about the 560, the year in which Croesus gained political power. site's identification. In the Late Bronze Age the name of tire site was perhaps Apasa, the capital of tire empire of Arzawa. Two other large constructions. Temple C, as designated Under the first Hellenistic lung, Lysimachos, the town was by Hogarth, in tire center of the temple, and orthogonal to
EPHESUS it the so-called hekalompedos in the west, existed before the first big marble temple was erected. Designated after an early temple to Athena on the Acropolis in Athens, the hekatompedos (meaning "one hundred feet long" in Greek) was the first construction at the site made with marble and measured 100 Ionian feet long. Temple C had antae (pilas ters) on the west side. This arrangement implies that around 600 BCE two main cults existed at tire site. Numerous votive offerings in gold and ivory, some of them female figurines, as well as tire animal bones of the sacrifices, emphasize tire special character of the early cults at the site. Pigs were es pecially common as a sacrifice, more in the central base than at the other locations; however, donkeys, dogs, bears, and lions were also used as a sacrifice to the goddess. Even hu man sacrifices, called pharmakos by the Lydian poet Hipponax, are archaeologically evident. The great marble temple, also called the temple of Croe sus, was 59.9 m (194.5 ft.) wide including the krepidoma (solid base of tire building); however, its length is not yet known. Eight of the thirty-six Ionian sculptured columns, which stood at the entrance, and the sima (gutter) in marble, which was covered by a sculptural frieze, were some of the remainders from the temple, which was burnt down in 356 BCE. This temple was rebuilt with the same dimensions but on a higher level. Once again some of the column pedestals and drums were sculptured. Pliny tells us that 127 columns existed and of them thirty-six were sculptured. Some of the remains of both these columns and tire archaic columns are now in tire British Museum. With the erection of the marble
temple of Croesus all earlier cults were suppressed, and the worship of Artemis alone was established. An archaic sac rificial area, consisting of a ramp and two bases with a water pipe made of lead, was surrounded by a courtyard, axial to tire temple of Croesus. Their foundations were reused in the fourth century, and a new altar with a screen wall was built on them. This screen wall was composed of a frieze on a socle and was topped with an Ionian colonnade. T h e cella of the temple was reused as a church in early Byzantine times. Hellenistic a n d R o m a n Town. Lysimachos of Thrace (322-281) founded a new city between the two hills Panayirdag and Bulbtildag. It was designed in a rectangular grid system that was oriented to tire axis of the Artemision. T h e Embolos (Gk., "wedge," in general also late antique streets) was not adapted to this hippodanric (rectilinear) system, but instead, it used tire archaic processional road in the valley between the two hills. T h e new urbanization included an archaic settlement, which was probably the ancient town Smyrna, at the valley's entrance. The town walls enclosed a big area that went along tire ridges of the two hills. During tire Roman times the Hellenistic urbanization was completed. Some of the main constructions included a shel tered harbor north of the Bulbtildag and the water supply from the surrounding mountains to the town. A procession road partly covered by the sophist and philosopher Damianos led around tire Panayirdag to the Artemision. T e m p l e s . Many shrines for the cult of tire emperors ex isted in the Roman towns, srtch as a twin shrine perhaps one
Figure 1. The Roman town. View from above the embolos with the monument of Memmius in front. The harbor gymnasium can be seen toward the rear. (Courtesy A. Bammer) EPHESUS.
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west of the Monument of Memmius. Along the Embolos stood the hydrekdocheion ("water castle") of Trajan (IvE, nos. 415-416, 419, 424, 435-436, 4249), and near the street to the Magnesian gate another fountain for the same em peror was erected. South of the upper agora a semicircular water container was built, and at the southwest corner of the upper agora stood the hydrekdocheion of Laecanius Bassus (IvE, nos. 232-421). Public Squares and Administrative Buildings. T h e upper agora had a political connotation. Its northern front was covered by the basilica with three naves, sponsored by C. Sextilius Pollio and his wife, Ofilia Bassa (IvE, no. 404). It was decorated with bull-head capitals on the inner col onnade. Behind it stood the prytaneion (headquarters of the city administrative body) with the sanctuary for Hestia, which in late antiquity was decorated with heart-leaf col umns. The lower agora seems to have served more for com merce, but a Doric stoa on a higher level at its eastern edge had perhaps also an administrative purpose. T h e agoras and main streets were divided by arches and gates. In late antiq uity the public squares, like the agoras, were built over by private buildings. Their function was taken over by larger streets with colonnades like the Arkadiane from the theater EPHESUS. Figure 2. Peripteros in the Artemesion. Eighth century to the harbor or the stoa of Servilius to the stadium. BCE. (Courtesy A. Bammer) Private Buildings. Private buildings were on the slopes of the Panayirdag and the Bulbuldag, but only two insulae (squares surrounded by streets) south of the Embolos have been completely excavated. They are composed of flats ly ing on several terraces. The dwellings themselves were for the Divus Iulius and the other for Dea Roma (Dio Casmostly composed around a courtyard, often a peristyle. T h e sius, 5120.6) near the Prytaneion at the upper agora, a tem walls of the rooms were decorated with paintings and marble ple for Domitian and Titus (Die Inschriften von Ephesos revetments. Among the paintings scenes of dramas and [IvE], nos. 232-242, 1498, 2048) south of the courtyard of comedies of Euripides and Menander should be mentioned. Domitian, a small temple for Hadrian at the Embolos, built The floors were worked in mosaics. Remains of the furni by C. Quintilius (IvE, no. 429), and a huge temple in Hadture in bronze and ivory have also been found. T h e decor rianic times, maybe the Olympieion (Pausanias, Periegesis ations as a whole belong to tire most outstanding in Asia 7.2.6) at the harbor. Sanctuaries for non-Greek gods are still Minor. more difficult to identify, but at the upper agora stood a temple, possibly for Isis (or Dionysos?) and a sanctuary, Heroa and Tombs. Among the tombs outside the city perhaps for Serapis, was discovered west of the lower agora. wall, only one along the street to Magnesia, which today is beside the street to Aydin, has been excavated, and it has Gymnasia a n d B a t h s . Because gymnasia needed much the form of a tholos (beehive-shaped structure). Within the space, two of them were built near the northern and eastern city wall the monument of Pollio, the sponsor of the aque city wall, two in the plain between the theater and the harbor, duct over the River Marnas and the basilica is known. At one east of the upper agora and only one, the baths of Varthe courtyard of Domitian, the monument for C. Memmius, ius, later restored by Scholastikia, at the Embolos in the cen a grandson of Sulla (IvE, no. 403) in the form of a tetrapylon ter of the town (IvE, nos. 431, 453, 500, 1313-1315, 3008). with niches at the same place, was erected around 51 BCE. Most of the gymnasia were constructed in the second and The octagon, a grave for a maiden, perhaps Arsinoe IV, third century CE, and all of them were restored up to the killed by Cleopatra VII, stands at the Embolos. Next to it fourth and fifth century. another heroon (shrine for a deified deceased person) is sit Fountains. Most of the fountains stood in the upper part uated, which may have been built by Androklos. At the end of the town, near the upper agora, the courtyard of Domi of the Embolos the library of Celsus Polemaeanus (IvE, no. tian, and the Embolos. A fountain with a big niche was con 5101) erected around 117 CE was built over the sarcophagus structed by the proconsul Calvisius Ruso in honor of the of its sponsor. emperor Domitian (92 CE), and then another one was built
EQUIDS C h u r c h e s in L a t e Antiquity. Smaller churches and chapels were built all over the town, one in the northern wall at the stadium, another one into the gymnasium close to the eastern city wall. T h e biggest church was tire church of Holy Mary in dre harbor area perhaps used for the council of Ephesus 431 CE. T h e basilica of St. John at the hill of Aya soluk was first built in the fifth century, then rebuilt under Theodosius in the sixth century. T w o churches were built into the Cemetery of the Seven Sleepers at the east side of dre Panayirdag. Finally, dre church in the courtyard of the Artemision must be mentioned, also one of the largest and earliest churches. Sculpture. Although Ephesus did not have a sculptural school like tire one at Aphrodisias, sculptures played a great role in decorating buildings. T h e richly decorated Artemi sion has certainly been a model. Also of great importance are the Statues of Amazons dedicated in the fifth century to the Artemesion but only conserved as copies from Roman times. Androldos, tire mythical founder of Ephesus, is often represented. For instance, he is represented in a frieze at the heroon near the octagon, in the frieze of the temple of Ha drian, and in the sculptures of the fountain for Trajan. At the end of tire Roman republic the monument of Memmius was highly decorated with caryatids at the pillars and offi cials and soldiers on the surrounding frieze on top of the arches. T h e facade of the substructure of tire temple of D o mitian was decorated in the second floor with male and fe male barbarians. In the prytaneion three statues of Artemis Ephesia have been found. T h e library of Celsus was deco rated with the allegories of the virtues of Celsus. However, the most important frieze is that of the so-called monument of the Parthians with battle scenes and the adoption of L u cius Verus. T h e foundation of this important altar still has to be identified.
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Oster, Richard E. A Bibliography of Ancient Ephesus. Metuchen, N.J., 1987.
Rogers, Guy M. The Sacred Identity of Ephesos: Foundation Myths of a Roman City. London, 1991. Strocka, Volker M. "Zeus, Marnas und Klaseas, Ephesische Brunnenfiguren von 93 n. Chr." In Festschrift fur Jale Inan, pp. 79-92. Istan bul, 1989. Thiir, Hilke. "Arsinoe IV: Eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos?" Jahreshefte des Oslerreichisches
Archdologisches Institut 60 (1990): 43-56. Torelli, Mario. "II monumento efesino di Memmius." Scienze dcll'Antichita 2 (1988): 403-426. ANTON BAMMER
EPHRAIM, SURVEY OF. See Southern Samaria, Survey of.
EPIGRAPHY. See Inscriptions.
E Q U I D S . T h e horse, ass, and onager, all members of the genus Equus, family Equitlae, order Perissodactyla (odd-toed ungulates), are found in the ancient Near East both as wild and domestic stock. T h e equids were secondary domesti cates—chronologically later additions to husbanded sheep, goat, cattle, and pig—apparently more valued for their labor than for meat, milk, fiber, or hides. T h e wild ass, Equus africanus, is known from Nubia and the eastern desert of Egypt; it recently was identified in southwest Asia. Previ ously thought to have been domesticated only in Egypt, it now appears that this could have occurred in the Syro-Arabian region as well. Remains of the domestic ass, E. asinus, appear in fourth-millennium deposits in both areas. Among the earliest remains from Israel are those in Early Bronze I II levels at Arad. In all periods after the beginning of the second millennium BCE, the ass was tire most common equid, used for plowing and as tire primary beast of burden. Remains of caballine wild horse, E. ferns, are known from BIBLIOGRAPHY Pleistocene sites in die Levant. Once thought to have dis appeared from there at the end of the Ice Age, recently iden Bammer, Anton. Ephesos: Stadt an Fluss und Meet: Graz, 1988. tified remains from a Chalcolithic deposit in tire northern Bammer, Anton. "A peripteros of the Geometric Period in the Arte Negev have provisionally been identified as E. ferus. This mision of Ephesus." Anatolian Studies 40 (1990): 137-156. Engelmann, Helmut. "Zum Kaiserkult in Ephesos." Zeitschrift fur Pa- would mean that tire species persisted later into the Holopyrologie und Epigraphik 97 (1993): 279-289. cene and farther south than previously thought. Current Foss, Clive. Ephesus after Antiquity. Cambridge, 1978. opinion on the domestication of the horse, E. caballus, places Friesen, Steven J. Twice Neokoros, Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Fla it on tire Eurasian steppe in the late Neolithic. From there vian Imperial Family. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World, 116. it spread to various regions, reaching tire ancient Near East Leiden, 1993. in the first half of the third millennium. T h e earliest archae Die Inschriften von Ephesos UvE). 8 vols. Bonn, 1979-1984. ological evidence places the domestic horse in Mesopotamia Knibbe, Dieter. Via sacra Ephesiaca I. Berichte und Materialen, 3. Vi in about 2300 BCE. T h e domestic horse in Israel is noted enna, 1993. from a slightly earlier context, again from Early Bronze I—II Le Monde de la Bible, no. 64 (1990). Special issue entitled "Ephese, la levels at Arad. [See Arad, article on Bronze Age Period.] cite d'Artemis." In greater Mesopotamia tire onager, or half ass, E. hemMuss, Ulrike. Die Bauplastik des archaischen Artemesions, Sonderschrifionus, ranged from the Mediterranean to the Caspian Seas. ten, vol. 25. Vienna, 1994.
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During the Neolithic, according to evidence from such sites as Umm Dabaghiyeh in Iraq, the animal was hunted for its meat and skin. It was once thought that the onager had been domesticated in Mesopotamia, but recent summaries of die philological, osteological, and behavioral evidence make clear that onagers were and are intractable. Onagers were used as studs to produce hybrids with donkeys during the early dynastic period in Mesopotamia. However, this prac tice seems to have died out with the arrival of the horse. Mules (hybrids produced by crossing a horse witii an ass) have been attested on the basis of bone finds, the earliest are from Iran at die end of the third millennium BCE. Equids figured in ritual activity. In Mesopotamia, equids were interred with humans and even wheeled vehicles, be ginning in the late fourth and continuing until the first half of the second millennium BCE. Among the western Semites, as documented at Mari, asses were sacrificed to conclude a covenant. During the Middle Bronze Age both asses and horses were buried by western Asiatics in southern Canaan and the Egyptian Delta in ritual contexts. At Tell el-'Ajjul, near ancient Gaza, horses and asses were interred with hu man remains. At the Hyksos capital of Avaris in the Delta, asses accompanied some human burials. This was repeated at other sites in the southern tier of Canaan and the Delta as well. The Canaanite material also may have been sacri ficial meals, for many of the equid skeletons are missing limbs or pelvic parts. At Tell el-'Ajjul and nearby Tell Jem meh in southern Canaan, equids were also used as foun dation deposits. In Egypt, outside the time and sphere of Asiatic influence, equids were occasionally interred with hu mans as part of the great Egyptian preoccupation with pro viding familiar and necessary items for the deceased's after life. [See Ajjul, Tell el-; Jemmeh, Tell.]
Boessneck, Joachim. Die Tie)-welt des Allen Agypten: Untersucht anhand Kulturgeschichllicher und Zoologischer. Munich, 1988. Presents sum maries of the Egyptian evidence by a zoologist who studied the faunal remains from hundreds of sites throughout the ancient world.
ClutLon-Brock, Juliet. Domesticated Animals from Early Times. Austin, 1981. Global summary of the equids, with a useful review of their biology and behavior. Meadow, Richard H., and Hans-Peter Uerpmann, eds. Equids in the Ancient World. 2 vols. Wiesbaden, 1986-1991. Important studies of the philology and osteology of the Old World equids by J. N. Postgate, Uperpmann, Pierre Ducos, Juris Zarins, Juliet Clutton-Brock, and Meadow. PAULA W A P N I S H and BRIAN HESSE
'ERANI, TEL (also 'Areini; Tel Gath), site located on Israel's southeastern coastal plain, on Nahal Lachish (Wadi Qubeiba), at the twenty-fourth kilometer of the historical Ashkelon-Hebron road, north of the modern town of Qiryat Gat, The tel contains an acropolis and a high and low ter race. It is 60-90 acres in size and 120-152 m above sea level. Although the site has been identified as Libnah by Claude R. Conder and H. H. Kitchener, as Gath of the Philistines by Hermann Guthe, as mrnst of the Imlk impressions and as Eglon by Shmuel (1958, p. 276; Yeivin 1961 p. 10), and as Makedah (Kallai, 1986, p. 381) it still lacks a solid identifi cation. Its Hebrew name derives from the tomb (Ar. well) of Sheikh Ahmed el-'Areini that stood on the acropolis (area E).
Victor Guerin visited the site in 1863, Conder in 1875, and William Foxwell Albright in the 1920s. Yeivin and Sha lom Levy carried out six seasons of excavations from 1956 to 1961, on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities and Museums, with the participation of Antonia Ciasca and Gherardo Gnoli of die Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente in Rome in the last tiiree seasons. In 1985, Throughout the ancient Near East, horses were always 1987, and 1988 Aharon Kempinski and Isaac Gilead exca associated witii elite classes, most often in tiieir capacity to vated in area D-II on behalf of Tel Aviv and Ben-Gurion draw light chariots and, later, in the development of Universities (Kempinski and Gilead, 1991; Kempinski, mounted cavalry. The equipment used to handle equids 1992; 1993). Smaller excavations and inspection work at the seems to have derived from that used for cattle. The earliest southern part of the site were undertaken in i960 by Ephrat true bits appear in the sixteenth century BCE, but earlier ev Yeivin (area Y), in 1966 by David Ussislikin (area U ) , in idence of mouth gear is known from marks left on teeth. 1983 by Arieh Rochman-Halperin (area R), and in 1994Because they conferred considerable prestige on their own 1995 by Eliot Brown and Edwin C. M. van den Brink (area ers, horses were highly prized. The horse is one of the few O), on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority (reports are animals for which there is a demonsttated ancient interest in the Antiquities Authority archive). in selective breeding. Horse texts from second-millennium The excavation results are mainly Yeivin's. More than Nuzi record genealogies, a parallel component of modern thirty-two strata were observed, but only preliminary reports breed maintenance. [See Nuzi.] Mid-second-millennium have been published. Yeivin's independent sequences (areas Ugaritic texts include a discussion of veterinary issues in A/G, D) are reported here out of necessity; Yeivin's and horse husbandry. Kempinski's interpretations differ on several points. T h e [See also Animal Husbandry; Cult; Ethnozoology; analysis of the Early Bronze and Iron Age finds is not yet Leather; and Paleozoology.] complete, so tiiat die following stratigraphic and chronolog ical picture is provisional, especially regarding Iron II. BIBLIOGRAPHY Azzaroli, Augusto. An Early History of Horsemanship. Leiden, 1985. In Chalcolithic Period. N o architectural remains were ex posed for the earliest settiement (stratum pre-XII [Brandl, cludes extensive discussion of Near Eastern traditions of horseman ship. 1989, p. 365, n. 4], areas D and D-II). Its finds wererecov-
'ERANL TEL ered in later contexts and include basalt fenestrated bowls and pottery cornets. Early B r o n z e Age I. Strata XII-IV in area D and strata D to early B in area D-II reflect the most important period at dre site, when it was the center of the Egyptian coloni zation of dre coastal plain and lowlands of Canaan and reached its greatest size (Brandl, 1992). [See Canaan.] Ac cording to the Canaanite pottery, the lower four strata be long to dre earlier part of the period and the upper five to its later part. The exposed area of the former is limited, but it is clear that dre strata, except for stratum XII, which in cluded only pits, reflect tire same Egyptian architectural tra dition as the later EB I strata: no stone foundations, brick bonding techniques, and matting on the floors. Parts of sev eral buildings were uncovered. More than two thousand of the finds are Egyptian in character—most are locally made, as is indicated by their clay and tire flint and other stones. Early B r o n z e Age II. T h e site may have been smaller in EB II than in EB I but was larger than in EB III, as tire city wall of the latter was built on EB II wall stumps. It is not clear if tire Egyptians stayed on during this period (strata III—II, area D ; late stratum B, area D-II). T h e pottery finds include Abydos jars and other forms that are parallelled at Arad. [See Arad, article on Early Bronze Age Period.] T h e seven skeletons found in a room destruction are among tire few human remains of EB II date uncovered in Palestine. Early B r o n z e Age III. T h e settlement (stratum I, areas D, F, K - O ; stratum A, area D-II), with its massive city wall, glacis, and possible indirect-entry gate in area N (attributed by Yeivin to stratum VI; Brandl, 1989, pp. 379-383), seems to extend across the high terrace. T h e material culture was purely Canaanite, its pottery including Metallic ware and some Khirbet Kerak vessels. [See Canaanites.] T h e nature of the architecture may be similar to area G at Tel Yarmut. [See Yarmut, Tel.] Late B r o n z e Age II B. During the thirteenth century BCE, after a long gap, a new settlement (areas A, B, F, G; stratum A, area D-II [Kempinski and Gilead 1991]) covered the entire acropolis and perhaps a little beyoird. Traces of a massive structure (palace?), originally identified as a gate, were found in area G under the Iron II fortifications. Two tombs were discovered in area D-II. T h e pottery reflects the international contacts of the period as well as tire Egyptian colonization under Rameses II: Cypriot Base Ring II, White-Slipped and White-Shaved Wares, and locally made Egyptian vessels. I r o n Age I. T h e settlement (areas B, F, G), in Iron I was most probably Philistine and covered tire same area as the previous one. It contained Philistine Bichrome pottery, in cluding mourners and Ashdoda figurines. [See Philistines, article on Early Philistines.] I r o n Age II. T h e site (sttata XIII-IV, areas A, E-H, K, R, U) seems to have been a border town of Judah in Iron II. [See Judah.] The settlement was concentrated on tire forti fied acropolis, while potters' kilns and other polluting man
257
ufacturing were located on the high terrace. The proximity to Philistia may account for the few Ashdod Ware vessels recovered. The excavators had assigned thirteen Iron II strata to the Hellenistic period in areas A and G. The low ermost four were identified only in the fortifications in a trench west of area G. Their relationship to stratum IX is still an open question, and they may have to be "moved" upward. Of stratum IX, only a large plastered surface (a piazza inside a now eroded gate?) was exposed. In stratum VIII two ninth-century BCE buildings with inner courtyards were constructed over the piazza, possibly reflecting population growth. Stratum VII was originally dated to the late eighthearly seventh centuries BCE, but should be redated to tire mid-eighth century, following tire redating of stratum VI. Remains of two buildings with inner courtyards and a street, which continued the previous outline of this area, were un covered, together with smashed pottery vessels, one with tire Hebrew inscription lyhz'. Stratum VI is dated to the late eighth century BCE, on the basis of a complete stamped Imlk jar found in situ. Alto gether twenty Imlk impressions and one official impression (Itnhm mgn), most from later or mixed contexts, can be at tributed to this stratum. Two four-room houses were also uncovered. [See Four-room House.] This stratum was de stroyed by tire Assyrians in 701 BCE, as is attested by nu merous slingstones, mainly from Area A. Stratum V represents the Judean, post-Assyrian rebuild ing of the seventh century BCE. The acropolis was refortified: an upper wall and its glacis were found in area G and its lower supporting wall in area F. A structure that Yeivin be lieved to be a great square inner tower seems to be another Israelite house. Among tire finds are a jar handle with a ro sette impression, East Greek pottery (including wine jars from Chios and Lesbos), oenochoes, and Ionic cups. An other find attributable to this stratum is a fragment of a bearded human terra-cotta head (Yeivin, 1961, pi. 111:3), probably from an anthropomorphic vessel similar to finds from Horvat Qitmit and Flaseva. [See Qitmit, Horvat.] Stra tum IV (beginning of the sixth century BCE) was heavily disturbed by Persian-period silos. It seems drat this last Ju dean stratum was destroyed by the Babylonians. P e r s i a n P e r i o d a n d L a t e r . In strata III and II (fifthfourth centuries BCE), as at many sites in Palestine, the acropolis was partially abandoned and its summit pitted by numerous silos. Only one undisturbed room was found in stratum III, while tire main settlement moved to the high terrace. The excavators identified almost no architecture; the settlement is deduced from the wide distribution of Per sian-period pottery, such as high-footed mortaria and Attic Ware from areas A, B, D - G , and K - M . Afavissa in area D contained fragments of stone statuettes and terra-cotta fig urines, pointing to the existence of a temple on tire high terrace. Stratum I (Hellenistic period) was a smaller settlement. It
258
ERIDU
yielded much-disturbed remains in area A and pottery in areas B, C, and F. During die Byzantine and Mamluk periods, graves were dug into several areas. T h e settle ment, a village, moved to the south (this may have already occurred in the Roman period), where the later village of 'Iraq el-Manshiyyeh was located. A Mamluk inscription of AH 717 (1317 CE) mentioning the construction of a khan, presumably nearby, was found in secondary use in the weli. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Late Predynastic-Early Dynasdc Period." In The Nile Delta in Tran
sition: Fourth-Third Millennium B.C., edited by Edwin C. M. van den Brink, pp. 433-440. Tel Aviv, 1992. Rosen, Arlene Miller. "Early Bronze Age Tel Erani: An Environmental Perspective." TelAviv 18 (1991): 192-204. Rosen, Steven A. "A Preliminary Note on the Egyptian Component of the Chipped Stone Assemblage from Tel 'Erani." Israel Exploration Journal 38 (1988): 105-116. Slatkine, A. "Comparative Petrographic Study of Ancient Pottery Sherds from Israel." Museum Haaretz Yearbook 15-16 (1972-1973): I O I - I I I .
Smith, Patricia M. "The Skeletal Biology and Paleopathology of Early Bronze Age Populations in the Levant." In L'urbanisation de la Pal
estine a I'age du Bronze ancien: Bilan et perspectives des recherches ac Albright, William Foxwell. "Notes and Comments: One Aphek or
tuelles; Actes du Colloque d'Emmaus, 20-24 octobre 1986, edited by
Four?" Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 2 (1922): 184-189.
Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 297-313. British Archaeological Reports, Brandl, Baruch. "Observations on the Early Bronze Age Strata of Te! International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989. Erani." In [.'urbanisation de la Palestine a I'dge du Bronze ancien: Bilan Smith, Patricia M. "People of the Holy Land from Prehistory to the
et perspectives des recherches actuelles; Actes du Colloque d'Emmaus, 20- Past." In The Archaeology of Society in the Holy Land, edited Recent 24 octobre 1986, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 357-387. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989. Brandl, Baruch. "Evidence for Egyptian Colonization in the Southern Coastal Plain and Lowlands of Canaan during the EB I Period." In
by Thomas E. Levy, pp. 58-74. New York, 1994. Weinstein, James M. "The Significance of Tel Areini for EgyptianPalestinian Relations at die Beginning of the Bronze Age." Bulletin
of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 256 (1984): 61-69.
The Nile Delta in Transition; Fourth-Third Millennium B.C., edited Yeivin, Shmuel. "Notes and News: Tell Gatii." Israel Exploration Jour by Edwin C. M. van den Brink, pp. 441-477. Tel Aviv, 1992. Ciasca, Antonia. "Tel Gat." Oriens Antiquus 1 (1962): 23-39. Ciasca, Antonia. "Un deposito di statuette da Tell Gat." Oriens Antiq uus 2 (1963): 45-63Ferembach, Denise. "Les restes humains de Gat." In Preliminary Re
nal?, (1958): 274-276. Yeivin, Shmuel. "Chronique archeologique: Tell Gath." Revue Biblique 67 (1960a): 391-394Yeivin, Shmuel. "Notes and News: Tell Gatii." Israel. Exploration Jour nal 10 (1960b): 122-123. port on the Excavations at Tel Gat (Tell Sheykh Ahmed et 'Areyny), by Shmuel. "Early Contacts between Canaan and Egypt." Israel Yeivin, Shmuel Yeivin et al., pp. 12-20, pis. 11-12. Jerusalem, 1961. Exploration Journal 10 (1960c): 193-203. Horwitz, Liora K., and Eitan Tchernov. "Animal Exploitation in the Yeivin, Shmuel, et al. Preliminary Report on the Excavations at Tel Gal Early Bronze Age of the Soudiern Levant: An Overview." In L'ur(Tell Sheykh Ahmed el 'Areyny): Seasons 1956-1958. Jerusalem, 1961. banisation de la Palestine a I'dge du Bronze ancien: Bilan et perspectives Yeivin, Shmuel. "Further Evidence of Narmer at 'Gat.'" Oriens Antiq des recherches actuelles; Actes du Colloque d'Emmaus, 20-24 octobre uus 2 (1963): 205-213. 1986, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 279-296. British Archae Yeivin, Shmuel. "The Chalcolithic Cultures of Canaan." In VI Conological Reports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989, greso Internazionale delle Scienze Preistoriche e Prolosloriche, vol. 2, Ilan, Omit, and Michael Sebbane. "Metallurgy, Trade, and the Ur Communicazioni, sezioni I-IV, pp. 355-357- Rome, 1965. banization of Southern Canaan in the Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Yeivin, Shmuel. "A New Chalcolithic Culture at Tel 'Erani and Its Age." In L'urbanisation de la Palestine a I'age du Bronze ancien; Bilan Implications for Early Egypto-Canaanite Relations." In Fourth World
et perspectives des recherches actuelles; Actes du Colloque d'Emmaus, 20— Congress ofJewish Studies, pp. 45-48. Jerusalem, 1967. 24 octobre 1986, edited by Pierre de Miroschedji, pp. 139-162. British Archaeological Reports, International Series, no. 527. Oxford, 1989.
Yeivin, Shmuel. "Additional Notes on the Early Relations between Ca
naan and Egypt." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 27 (1968): 37-50. Kallai, Zecharia. Historical Geography of the Bible: The Tribal Territories Yeivin, Shmuel. "El-'Areini, Tell Esh Sheikh Ahmed (Tel 'Erani)." In of Israel. Leiden, 1986. Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 1, Kempinski, Aharon. The Rise of an Urban Culture: The Urbanization ofpp. 89-97. Jerusalem, 1975Palestine in the Early Bronze Age. Jerusalem, 1978. Yeivin, Shmuel. '"Erani, Tel." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeolog Kempinski, Aharon, and Isaac Gilead. "New Excavations at Tel Erani: ical Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 2, pp. 417-419, 421-422. Je A Preliminary Report of the 1985-1988 Seasons." Tel Aviv 18 (1991): 164-191. Kempinski, Aharon. "Reflections on the Role of the Egyptians in the Shefalah of Palestine in the Light of Recent Soundings' at Tel Erani."
rusalem and New York, 1993. BARUCH BRANDL
In TheNileDelta in Transition: Fourth-'ThirdMillenniumB.Cedited by Edwin C. M. van den Brink, pp. 419-425. Tel Aviv, 1992. E R I D U , Sumerian city and cult center located on tire Kempinski, Aharon. '"Erani, Tel: Area D." In The New Encyclopedia southwestern periphery of the southern Mesopotamian of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 2, pp. 419-421. floodplain (30°52' N , 46°3' E). It is the site of e-abzu, temple Jerusalem and New York, 1993. Mayer, Leo A. "Satura Epigraphica Arabica I." Quarterly of the De of Enid (Akkadian Ea), god of the subterranean freshwater ocean, and consists of seven mounds, whose occupations partment of Antiquities in Palestine 1 (1932): 37-43. Moscati, Sabatino. "L'archeologia italiana nel Vicino Oriente." Oriens range in date from die Ubaid to die Persian period. T h e Antiquus?, (1964): 1-14. main mound (mound no. 1) is called Abu Shahrain or Abu Porat, Naomi. "Local Industry of Egyptian Pottery in Southern Pal Shuhur but is also reported to have been called Nowawis in estine during the Early Bronze I Period." Bulletin of the Egyptological the late nineteenth century. Either French Assyriologists Seminar 7 (1986-1987): 109-129. Charles Francois Lenormant or Joachim Menant first idenPorat, Naomi. "An Egyptian Colony in Southern Palestine during the
ERIDU tified Abu Shahrain as ancient Eridu (Zehnpfund, 1909, pp. 291-298), apparently on the basis of inscribed bricks from the site. The first archaeological work at Abu Shahrain was carried out in 1854, when J. E. Taylor undertook excavations there on behalf of the British Museum. In a paper read before the Royal Asiatic Society on 5 May 1855, Taylor described his work at the site as "unproductive of any very important re sults" (Taylor, 1855, p. 404). In i 9 i 8 , R . Campbell T h o m p son carried out a season of excavation at the site, also on behalf of the British Museum. In the following year, Harry R. Hall continued the museum's work with a single season of work. From 1946 to 1949, Fuad Safar, Mohammad Ali Mustafa, and Seton Lloyd undertook extensive excavations at Eridu on behalf of the Iraqi Directorate General of An tiquities. [See the biographies of Safar and Lloyd.] Eridu is best known for its sequence of temples excavated by tire directorate general. Eighteen building levels above a 30-centimeter-thick layer of occupational debris (level XIX), spanning a period from the Early Ubaid period into the Late Uruk period, were uncovered. The earliest temple identified in this sequence belongs to level XVI. It consisted of a small rectangular mud-brick building with a deep recess in its northwest wall. T h e building had a podium, perhaps an offering table, in the center of its main room and a second one—in all likelihood the pedestal on which the cult statue would have stood—in a niche in the northwestern wall. A circular oven was found outside the temple's south wall. As the level XVI temple was rebuilt time and again, the building grew larger and more elaborate. T h e later temples, whose ground plans consisted of a long rectangular central room flanked by rows of rooms on its northwestern and south eastern sides, were set elevated on platforms and had elab orate niched and buttressed facades. Inside the central room was a high podium or offering table; against the southwest ern wall was a second podium or pedestal on which the cult statue would have stood. Large quantities of fish bones were found on the floors of the level VII temple and mixed with ashes on and around the podium in tire central room of the level VI temple. T h e bones are likely tire remains of offerings to Enid. Of the Uruk-period temple levels (V-I), only por tions of tire temple platforms remained. [See Ubaid; UrukWarka.] Joan Oates (i960) used the Eridu sequence of temples and painted pottery recovered from them to divide the Ubaid period into four phases: Ubaid 1, or Eridu (levels XIX-XV); Ubaid 2, or Hajji Muhammad (levels XIV-XII); Ubaid 3, or Ubaid (levels XII-VIII); and Ubaid 4, or Late Ubaid (lev els VTI-VT). A phase (Ubaid 0, or 'Oueili) that antedates the Ubaid 1, or Eridu, phase was subsequently recovered at Tell el-'Oueili (Huot, 1987, pp. n - 1 2 0 ) . [See 'Oueili, Tell el-.] T h e Eridu temple sequence provides archaeological support for a lengthy, in-place cultural development in southern
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Mesopotamia from the earliest-known prehistoric period to the point when tire written language can be identified as Sumerian; it has been used to argue that tire Sumerians were the original inhabitants of the southern floodplain (Oates, i960, pp. 44-50). [See Sumerian; Sumerians; Ur.] T h e topography of tire main mound at Eridu is dominated by a large ziggurat dated to the Ur III period. This ziggurat, constructed of a mud-brick core and an outer facing of baked bricks set in bitumen, is 61.8 m long X 46.5 m wide. Its eroded ruins stand 9.5 m high. Construction of tire zig gurat was initiated by Ur-Nammu (2112-2095 E ) and completed by his grandson Amar-Suen (2046-2038 BCE). Stamped bricks also provide evidence that a ldng of Larsa, Nur-Adad (1865-1850 BCE), carried out work on the zig gurat. [See Larsa.] A single inscribed brick bearing the name of Nebuchadrezzer II (604-562 BCE) was found lying to the west of tire ziggurat, probably in a secondary context. Althought there is a gap in the temple sequence between tire Uruk levels and the Ur III ziggurat, the ziggurat can be viewed as tire culmination of a long developmental sequence of Mesopotamian temple architecture stretching back to the Ubaid period. One of the largest Ubaid cemeteries known was excavated at Eridu by tire Iraqi Directorate General of Antiquities. The burials date to the end of the Ubaid period. Of an estimated 800 to 1,000 burials in the cemetery, 193 were excavated. T h e burials, cut through a layer of rubbish containing Ubaid 2 or Hajji Muhammad pottery, consisted of a square shaft lined with mud-brick walls. One or more individuals were placed in this shaft along with burial goods; the chamber was then filled with earth and sealed with mud brick. Other areas excavated at Eridu include the Hut Sounding, a small excavated unit located 80 m southeast of the zig gurat. The Hut Sounding included fourteen levels of Ubaidperiod occupation and the Early Dynastic palaces excavated on tire North Mound (mound no. 2). Considered to be among the oldest cities in Mesopotamia, antedating the Flood, and tire first city to hold kingship, Eridu figures prominently in Sumerian literature (Green, 1975, 1978). [See also Ziggurat.] B C
BIBLIOGRAPHY Coon, Carleton S. "The Eridu Crania." Sumer 5 (1949): 103-106. Flannery, Kent V., and Henry T. Wright. "Faunal Remains from the 'Hut Sounding' at Eridu, Iraq." Sumer 22 (1966): 61-64. Green, Margaret Whitney. "Eridu in Sumerian Literature." Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1975. Green, Margaret Whitney. "The Eridu Lament." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 30 (1978): 127-167. Hall, Harry R. A Season's Work al Ur. London, 1930.
Huot, jean-Louis. Larsaf ioe campagna, 1983) et Oueilifaecampagne, 1983): Rapport preliminaire. Paris, 1987. Lloyd, Seton, and Fuad Safar. "Eridu: Preliminary Communication on the First Season's Excavations, January-March 1947." Sumer 3 (1947): 84-111.
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ERMAN, ADOLF
Lloyd, Seton, and Fuad Safar. "Eridu: Preliminary Communication on the Second Season's Excavations, 1947-1948." Sumer4 (1948): 115127, 276-283. Oates, Joan. "Ur and Eridu: The Prehistory." Iraq 22 (i960): 32-50. Seminal division of the Ubaid period into phases. Safar, Fuad. "Excavations at Eridu." Sumer 3 (1947): 219-235; 5 (1949): 116-117, 159-173; 6 (1950): 27-38. Safar, Fuad, et al. Eridu. Baghdad, 1981. Taylor, J. E. "Notes on Abu Shahrein and Tel el Lahm." Journal of the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Erman, Adolf. Life in Ancient Egypt. London, 1894. Erman, Adolf, and Hermann Grapow. Worterbuch der agyptischen Sprache (1926). 7 vols. 4th ed. Berlin, 1982. DAVID P . SILVERMAN
E S D A R , T E L , a 2-ha (5 acre) loess hill located 3 km (2 mi.) north of Tel 'Aro'er in the Negev desert (3i°09' N , Thompson, R. Campbell. "The British Museum Excavations at Abu Shahrein in Mesopotamia in 1918." Archaeologia 70 (1920): 101-145. 34°59' E; map reference 1475 X 0645). T h e site was dis Zehnpfund, Rudolf. "Die Lage der Stadt Eridu." Hilprecht Anniversary covered by Nelson Glueck in 1956 (his site 308; Glueck, 1957) and excavated by Moshe Kochavi on behalf of the Volume, pp. 291-298. Leipzig, 1909. Israel Department of Antiquities in 1963-1964. Five periods MICHAEL D . DANTI and RICHARD L. ZETTLER of occupation were discerned in three areas of excavations. Avraham Biran proposed identifying Tel Esdar with 'Aro'er in the Davidic cycles (r Sm. 30:28) because no Iron Age I E R M A N , A D O L F (1854-1937), eminent German remains were found in his excavation at nearby Tel Aro'er Egyptologist. Born in Berlin of Swiss descent, Jean Pierre (Biran, 1993). [See'Aro'er.] Adolphe (Johann Peter Adolf) Erman became one of the Stratum IVB, found in all the excavated areas, belongs to best-known and most influential Egyptologists in the world. the Beersheba culture (Chalcolithic period). It consisted of He was trained in Leipzig and Berlin by Georg Ebers and several beaten-earth living surfaces with fireplaces and ash Richard Lepsius. By 1884, he was the director of the Egyp pits. T h e small finds were typical of the culture: churns, tian and Assyrian Department of the Egyptian Museum in decorated bowls, flint axes, and an agate pendant. Stratum Berlin and professor of Egyptology. IVA, also found in all the excavated areas, belongs to the Erman was one of the "founding fathers" of modern Early Bronze Age II. Several living floors constructed of Egyptology, for it was he who first organized ancient Egyp pebbles and some stone-lined silos were among its remains. tian into three separate phases: Old, Middle, and Late. He Besides the pottery, known from Arad and EB II Sinai and followed this groundbreaking theoretical division with the Negev sites, a cache of giant fan scrapers was found on one publication of grammars of the stages. Erman also wrote of the floors. T h e scrapers were made of tabular flint and about the relationship between ancient Egyptian and Se incised with different patterns on their backs; some of the mitic languages. His talents, however, were not limited to motifs resemble those from Megiddo stratum XIX. philological theory, for he was a gifted translator and an avid Tel Esdar was the first of the Iron I sites excavated in the scholar of all aspects of Egyptology. His many volumes of Negev. In stratum III several buildings were found arranged translated texts were invaluable to scholars and represented in a defensive circle on the spur of the tell (area C). A test the means by which the public could understand and ap pit was dug in the area they surrounded but no remains were preciate the wealth of Egyptian literature. found, indicating that the area had been used as an open Erman wrote a monograph on the hieroglyphic inscrip space. Of the eight buildings excavated, the plan of only one tions accompanying the figures decorating the walls of Old was preserved in its entirety; however, sufficient evidence Kingdom tombs. He recognized that these texts represented was left to show that all had followed approximately the the figures' actual conversations. They are, therefore, much same plan. These were three-room houses, with dividing like the speech balloons that appear near the characters in walls formed by rows of pillars and a main entrance in the our modern cartoons. Erman's extensive knowledge of every long wall, facing an interior open space. Dozens of smashed aspect of ancient Egypt civilization was the source for his vessels were found on the floors, indicating a violent de book Life in Ancient Egypt (1894), which is still in use today. struction. T h e crude, undecorated pottery dates the destruc His works on art, archaeology, history, and religion are tion to the late eleventh century BCE. Many comparisons equally valuable sources of information. could be found between it and the pottery of Tel Masos III— Royal Asiatic Society 15 (1855): 404-415.
Erman's most ambitious project, for which he is best known, was his dictionary of the ancient Egyptian language. The Worterbuch der agyptischen Sprache, produced jointly with Grapow, was in progress when Erman died in Berlin. It stands today as a fitting monument to this enormously talented individual whose innumerable contributions were instrumental in unraveling the many mysteries of ancient Egypt.
II. [See Masos, Tel.] Of special importance are the thirtysix complete storage jars, all of the same distinctive transi tional type, and tine use of chalices as stands for oil lamps. In stratum II, three structures, dated to the tenth century BCE, had been constructed close to one another on the slope of the tell. They were situated beyond the stratum III enclo sure and built on a different plan and consisted of a farm house and its related buildings. They suffered no sudden
ESHNUNNA
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destruction and only a few red-slipped sherds and many stone agricultural implements were found on their floors. Stratum I consisted of agricultural terrace walls. Pottery sherds of the Roman-Byzantine period define tire stratum. In summary, the earliest levels of occupation at Tel Esdar fit well with the pattern of settlement in tire Chalcolithic Beersheba culture and EB II in tire Negev. These two pe riods of occupation are well represented in the BeershebaArad valley and the long gap of occupation between them and the Iron Age finds a good comparison at Tel Arad. [See Arad, article on Early Bronze Age Period.] Tel Esdar stratum III is to be interpreted either as a satellite of Tel Masos or as its small rival, destroyed by the inhabitants of the larger, much sttonger community. Stratum II was part of tire re vival of the valley in the tenth century BCE, when Tel Malhata was resettled and strongly fortified.
beard, and falcon-headed usech, or broad collar—is typically Egyptian. Most likely fashioned in Egypt, the coffin may have been brought to Sidon as booty or as a purchased or der, where it was inscribed following Eshmunazar's death. The text is inscribed below tire funerary mask. In the first four lines we read that King Eshmunazar, son of King T a b nit, reigned for fourteen years and lived a short life. Esh munazar describes himself as an "orphan, the son of a widow"; Tabnit apparently died before or shortly after his son's birth, malting Eshmunazar a child-king and his mother, the regent. After imprecations directed toward would-be grave plunderers (11. 4-13), tire text recounts the cultic shrines Eshmunazar and the queen-mother (re) built (11. 13-18), a notable one being the Temple of Eshmun. It further declares that the "lord of kings," most probably the king of Persia, ceded Levantine territory, particularly tire cities of Dor and Jaffa, to Sidon in return for services ren BIBLIOGRAPHY dered (11. 18-20). The nature and date of these rendered Biran, Avraham. "Aroer (in Judah)," In The New Encyclopedia of Ar services remain unknown: perhaps Persia ceded the territory chaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 4, p. 1272. Jerusalem to Sidon for assisting Cambyses' invasion of Egypt in 525 and New York, 1993. Proposes an identification with 'Aro'er. BCE or for naval support during tire battle of Salamis in 480 Cohen, Rudolph, "Tel Esdar, Stratum IV." Israel Exploration Journal BCE or because of changes in Persian satrapy boundaries in 28 (1978): 185-189. Corrects the dating of stratum IV and divides it the generation after 480 BCE. Additional imprecations com into IVA and IVB. plete the inscription (11. 20-22). Glueck, Nelson. "The Fifth Season of Exploration in the Negeb." Bul letin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 145 (1957): 14.The first thirteen and a half lines also appear in seven lines First description of the site, but the dating is incorrect. on the head end of the base. T h e reason for tire duplication Kochavi, Moshe. "Excavations at Tel Esdar." 'Atiqot 5 (1969): 2*-5*, may be that the inscriber could not fit the full text there or 14-48. Publication of the excavation. wanted to start anew after committing several writing errors. Kochavi, Moshe. "Esdar, Tell." In The New Encyclopedia of Archaeo logical Excavations in the Holy Land, vol. 2, p. 423. Jerusalem and The text, because of its length and degree of preservation, New York, 1993. Short description of die excavation with corrected provides significant insight into the characteristics of the stratigraphy. Phoenician language in general and the Tyro-Sidonian di MOSHE KOCHAVI alect in particular. The inscription also reveals meaningful affinities with other Semitic languages, seen, for example, in its idioms, word pairs, and use of repetition. ESHMUNAZAR INSCRIPTION. The discovery [See also Phoenician-Punic; and Sidon.] in 1855 of an anthropoid sarcophagus near the Phoenician BIBLIOGRAPHY port city of Sidon brought to light an important Phoenician text. The stone coffin belonged to a Sidonian ldng, EshGibson, John C. L. Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, vol. 3, Phoe munazar II, who most likely reigned in tire first half of the nician Inscriptions Including Inscriptions in the Mixed Dialect ofArslan Task. Oxford, 1982. Discusses historical circumstances and dating fifth century BCE; on the lid of the sarcophagus was inscribed (pp. 101-102), and includes Hebrew transliteration, English trans the twenty-two-line text now known as the Eshmunazar In lation, philological analysis of the text, and bibliography (pp. 105scription. 114, Text 28). On 19 January 1855, workmen hired to hunt for tteasure Jidejian, Nina. Sidon through the Ages. Beirut, 1971. Discussion of the discovery of the sarcophagus and the excavations at the Temple of on behalf of the chancellor of the French consulate general Eshmun, with bibliography in the side margins. See figures 5-9 for in Beirut discovered tire basalt sarcophagus within an an photos and drawings of the sarcophagus. cient necropolis, a rocky knoll and grotto known as MugPeckham, J, Brian. "Tyre, Sidon, and Vicinity." Chapter 3 of The De harat Ablun, about a kilometer southeast of Sidon's port. velopment of the Late Phoenician Scripts. Harvard Semitic Studies, no. T h e large sarcophagus (110 X 225 cm) had been buried 2 20. Cambridge, Mass., 1968. Discussion and bibliography about the m deep in an open rock-cut grave and, in antiquity, appar issues involved in dating Eshmunazar's reign (pp. 77-87). ently had a small stone-built entrance chamber to protect it. GARY ALAN LONG Disinterred, the sarcophagus was shipped to France, where it resides in the Louvre Museum. T h e style of the features carved on tire lid of the stone coffin—an almond-eyed face, chest-length striated wig, chin
ESHNUNNA (modern Tell Asmar), site located in the Diyala River basin, about 81 Ion (50 mi.) northeast of Bagh-
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dad, Iraq, in a very arid region in which the productivity of the land was exhausted through overirrigation in antiquity (33°32' N , 44°58' E). Eshnunna was also the name for the entire region of which Tell Asmar/Eshnunna was the main town and often the administrative center. Excavations con ducted at Tell Asmar by the Iraq Expedition of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago in the 1930s uncov ered important and monumental remains from the early third through die early second millennia BCE. The results of tire excavations there provide the basis for tire Mesopota mian chronology used today. The name of the town may have been pronounced "Eshnun" in the Akkadian through Ur III periods; the long form, Eshnunna, appeared first in the Ur III period. Although tire name Eshnunna was known from historical texts to the first scholars of tire ancient Near East, the site was not located until 1930. Bricks inscribed with the name Eshnunna were already turning up on the antiquities market in tire late nine teenth century. Some of those inscriptions were published in 1892 by French antiquarian and Assyriologist Henri Pognon, who, for obscure reasons, refused to divulge the loca tion of tlie site from which the inscriptions came. Edward Chiera of the Oriental Institute had collected some bricks inscribed with the names of rulers of Eshnunna from Tell Asmar; the site was chosen for archaeological exploration partially on the basis of his observations. In addition to the Oriental Institute's excavations under the direction of Henri Frankfort, the Diyala Basin Archaeological Project was car ried out between 1957 and 1958 under the direction of Thorkild Jacobsen. T h e project was conceived as both a tex tual and field investigation of settlement and irrigation in the whole Diyala region. [See Diyala; and the biographies of Frankfort and Jacobsen.] Although regional surveys have indicated that the earliest settlements in the Diyala River basin date to the Ubaid pe riod (fifth-early fourth millennia), at Tell Asmar, virgin soil underlay remains of the late fourth millennium. Ubaid sherds were found at Tell Asmar, but they were in secondary association with later materials; there was no primary Ubaid deposit. The Early Dynastic period was a period of sub stantial growth in the Diyala, in which Tell Asmar was at the high end of a hierarchy of towns and villages. During the Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods, although there was con tinuity of settlement in the Diyala, there was a trend toward more dispersed rural settlement witir a decline in tire total amount of built-up areas occupied by towns as opposed to villages. The northwest area of tire mound of Tell Asmar seemed to have been the site of die Early Dynastic-early Ur III period town. The town gready expanded during the later Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods. The main loci of habitation shifted, so that the previously sparsely occupied southern two-thirds of the mound became the site of the most im portant monumental public buildings of the city of the Late Ur HI through the Isin-Larsa periods. Tell Asmar was aban
doned in the Old Babylonian period, presumably at or about tire time of the conquest of Eshnunna by Hammurabi of Babylon in 1763 BCE or of the final Babylonian conquest of Eshnunna by Samsuiluna. [See Ur; Ubaid; Isin; Larsa.] The most important early remains from Tell Asmar are a long series of temples built one on top of another, perhaps indicating continuity in religious tradition. The latest of the temples was apparently dedicated to the local god, Abu (the earlier ones may also have been devoted to tire cult of this deity). The stratigraphy of the temples and the associated objects provided the basis for determining the chronology of the Early Dynasdc period. The excavators divided it into three distinct phases based on the identification of three main phases in the Abu Temple above an early Protoliterate period (late fourth millennium) shrine: the Archaic Shrine dating to Early Dynastic I, the Square Temple dating to Early Dynastic II, and the Single Shrine dating to Early Dy nastic III and tire so-called Protoimperial periods. This schema has since been modified. The Square Temple (Early Dynastic II period) consisted of three separate shrines around a square central room. Each shrine had a rectangular altar at one end. In one of the shrines, the excavators found a hoard of sculpted figures, both males and females, buried beneath the floor in a recess north of the altar. T h e findspot of the hoard may actually predate the temple. It is not possible to determine whether the statues were made as a group and dedicated at the same time or were accumulated by the temple over a period of time. They are characterized by rather naive, abstract geo metric forms the excavators thought were typical of the ED II style throughout Mesopotamia. However, it is now be lieved that because Eshnunna was a provincial town, the unsophisticated style of the statues cannot be considered typical of Mesopotamian art in general. In addition, the socalled Early Dynastic II pottery from the Square Temple consists of types that continue from ED I to ED III or that can be found either in ED I or ED III. According to the current trend of thought, ED II as a distinct period may only have validity in the Diyala, where it was contemporary with the late ED I period in southern Mesopotamia. The most important structure of the Akkadian period was the so-called Northern Palace. Abutting that building to the soudi was a house adjacent to the Abu Temple. T h e earliest version of the Northern Palace, dating to the very Early Ak kadian period seemed to have served as a residential com pound, perhaps somehow associated with the nearby Abu Temple. There is also evidence that some industrial activity may have taken place within the complex. This evidence consists of a rather elaborate system of drains, several rooms identified as toilets or bathrooms by the excavators, and a large cistern. Whatever the function of this early version of the Northern Palace, the succeeding phase, called die main level, was not a palace at all but rather a large building de voted to manufacturing. It consisted of a central block of
ESHNUNNA
ESHNUNNA.
Composite plan showing relative positions of buildings of various periods. (Courtesy Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago)
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ESHNUNNA
ESHNUNNA.
Projected plan of the Gimikin Temple and the Palace of the Riders in the reign of Ilushuila.
(Courtesy Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago)
rooms with a large courtyard, a northern group separated from the main suite by a long vestibule, and a southern wing identified by the excavators as a women's residential quar ters. This level also contained an elaborate drainage system with many drains, some with large vats at their heads, and floors paved with bitumen. Several of the rooms containing water installations had drains that emptied into a sewer in the street. Although the excavators speculated that the large number of water installations in the building suggested a leather workshop, it now seems more likely that textiles dyeing took place there and that the establishment was devoted to textile production, probably employing numbers of female work ers. Weaving and dyeing were not the only industries there. [See Textiles, article on Textiles of tire Neolithic through Iron Ages.] There were also workshops for stone and shell inlay and ornamental stoneworking, as well as a food-pro cessing and storage area, probably to feed the workers in tire
various operations, and perhaps a potter's workshop. Above the palace were some fragmentary remains of what appears to have been flimsy rebuildings of the Northern Palace of the Ur III and perhaps the very early Isin-Larsa period. Some Akkadian tablets found in robber holes cut into the palace walls refer to a "women's house" in which women worked in a textile industry. Excavations in the northwest section of the mound re vealed a large residential area that was occupied continu ously from the late ED III through the Early Isin-Larsa pe riods. Some of the houses of the Akkadian period included what could have been shops fronting the street; some others appeared to have altars, perhaps for private or family de votions. The Late Akkadian period occupation in this area may have been the most extensive; by the Late Ur III period, the main focus of occupation had already shifted south. Late in the Ur III period, the isakku, or city ruler, of Esh nunna, Ituriya, had a temple built to his overlord, the deified
ESKI MOSUL DAM SALVAGE PROJECT king of Ur Shu-Sin, in the southern area of the site, where there had been no monumental buildings before. This build ing is unique among Mesopotamian temples in that the deity worshipped in it was a ruler actually living at the time it was built and dedicated. The temple was very regular in plan, with exceptionally wide walls. It was square, with a square, central courtyard with regular rooms arranged around it. The state temple was a testimony to the suzerainty of Ur over Eshnunna, an important administrative center near the border of the limits of the area controlled directly by the central government at Ur. Somewhat later, at tire time Eshnunna was brealdng away or had just broken away from the authority of Ur, the Palace of the Rulers was built abutting the Shu-Sin Temple. As the palace underwent alterations, tire temple, which had ceased being used for divine service, was eventually fully incorpo rated into tire palace. The palace, an administrative building rather than a residence for the ruler, was altered many times by rulers throughout the twentieth century BCE, or the Early Isin-Larsa period. In that period Eshnunna was often in dependent but was sometimes subordinate to the rule or influence of Elam to the east. [See Elamites.] Many admin istrative texts dating to tire twentieth-nineteenth centuries BCE were found in this building. The mound of Tell Asmar was seriously eroded so that, although there is historical evidence that Eshnunna was very powerful until Hammurabi conquered it in 1763 BCE, the expedition was able to find only the foundations of massive buildings of tire late nineteenth and early eighteenth centu ries BCE but no stratified deposits. T h e remains of those monumental public buildings in the southern sector of tire mound only hint at tire power and prestige of Eshnunna in the late nineteenth and early eighteenth centuries BCE, when it was one of the important players on the international po litical scene.
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Frankfort, Henri. Stratified Cylinder Seals from the Diyala Region. OIP, 72, Chicago, 1955. Henrickson, Elizabeth F. "Non-Religious Residential Settlement Pat terning in the Late Early Dynastic of the Diyala Region." Mesopo tamia 16 (1981): 43-133. Henrickson, Elizabeth F. "Functional Analysis of the Elite Residences in the Late Early Dynastic of the Diyala Region: House D and the Walled Quarter at Khafajah and the 'Palaces' at Tell Asmar." Mes opotamia 17 (1982): 5-33. This and Henrickson's article above rep resent an interesting attempt at a functional analysis of the use of space in the residential quarters at Tell Asmar and nearby Khafajeh.
Jacobsen, Thorkild. Salinity and Irrigation: Agriculture in Antiquity. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica, 14. Malibu, 1982. Report on the results of the Diyala Basin Archaeological Project's regional survey.
Whiting, Robert M„ Jr. Old Babylonian Letters from Tell Asmar. Uni versity of Chicago, Oriental Institute, Assyriological Studies, 22. Chicago, 1987. Good, up-to-date source for the chronology of the rulers of Eshnunna. ELISE AUERBACH
ESKI MOSUL DAM SALVAGE PROJECT. A
long-planned dam on the Tigris River, just upstream from Eski Mosul (Balad) in Iraq was built between 1981 and 1985. As with tire Hamrin and Haditha Dam Salvage Projects, Iraqi and foreign expeditions cooperated in investigating the sites to be flooded in tire Esld Mosul Dam Salvage Project (later called the Saddam Dam Basin Salvage Project). The major crossings of the Tigris River are outside tire area of the project at Nineveh, Balad (Eski Mosul), and Cizre, but the Tigris can be readily crossed when it is not in flood and routes cross tire region at Abu Dhahir and at Zummar. In general, however, the main routes avoid tire broken terrain beside tire river and follow courses outside the area. T h e main road north from Nineveh sldrted the southeastern part of tire area of the project, however. The geomorphology of tire region has not been adequately investigated, but excavations at sites such as Tell Kutan and Kharabeh Shattani showed that there has been considerable BIBLIOGRAPHY erosion and deposition. After rainstorms, the wadis were very active. It would be unwise to infer that tire present to Adams, Robert McC. Land behind Baghdad: A History of Settlement on the Diyala Plains. Chicago, 1965. Excellent source for information pography closely resembles the ancient, but it is likely that on the topography, hydrology, land use, and setdement history of in general tire environment has not changed greatly since the entire Diyala region. prehistoric times. Beside the river was a narrow floodpain Delougaz, Pinhas, and Seton Lloyd. Pre-Sargonid Temples in the Diyala bordered by rolling hills, often with the bedrock emerging: Region. Oriental Institute Publications (OIP), 58. Chicago, 1942. De indeed, tire area had been used as a quarry. The region is tailed description of the series of ED temples said to be dedicated to the god Abu. cut by a series of wadis draining into the Tigris. Most of Delougaz, Pinhas. Pottery from the Diyala Region. OIP, 63. Chicago, these are dry for most of tire year, but the Baqaq stteam is 1952. perennial. T h e annual rainfall is about 450 mm and, where Delougaz, Pinhas, et al. Private Houses and Graves in the Diyala Region. the soils were suitable, it was possible to practice dry farm OIP, 88. Chicago, 1967. Includes a detailed description of the North ing. There is evidence for small canals, particularly along ern Palace and the residential areas at Tell Asmar. tire Baqaq stream, that seem to be associated with a series Frankfort, Henri. Sculpture of the Third Millennium B.C.from Tell Asmar and Khafajah. OIP, 44. Chicago, 1939. Detailed description of the of water mills of fairly recent date rather than with irrigation. hoard of stone statues from the Abu Temple. The top of the dam is 317.5 m above mean sea level and Frankfort, Henri, et al. The Gimilsin Temple and the Palace of the Rulers about 435 sq larr (270 sq. mi.) is to be flooded. The lake at. Tell. Asmar. OIP, 43. Chicago, 1940. Publication of the Isin-Larsa extends about 70 km (43 mi.) upstream, as far as tire Syrian period public buildings at Tell Asmar; see the introduction for a good border, and covers a ribbon of land which at its widest point though outdated discussion of the site's history.
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is fewer than 8 km (5 mi.) from the old river course. In the original survey of the area by the Iraqi State Organization for Antiquities and Heritage, 149 sites were identified. There were only a few large sites: tire most impressive (550 X 300 m) was Tell Jikan Qigan), where Victor Place had excavated briefly in the nineteenth century; also impressive were Tell Selal and Tell Abu Dhahir, which also covered several hec tares. These major sites were situated where wadis and rel atively easy routes reached the Tigris and where the im mediate terrain was quite flat and suitable for agriculture. Most of the sites in the region were small and occupied for limited periods. Some sixty-three sites were excavated in the course of the project, including twenty-one not located in the original survey. Most of the excavated sites were situated in the southeastern part of the area and along the south side of tire river. For security reasons, only a few sites were in vestigated farther upstream on the north side of the river. The Iraqi State Organization for Antiquities and Heritage excavated some twenty-diree sites. The University of Mosul excavated four important sites on the south side of the river, Abu Dhahir, Mseifneh, Tell Dhuwaij, and Tell Selal. British teams from the British School of Archaeology in Iraq, the British Museum, the University of Edinburgh, and the Uni versity of Manchester worked on some fifteen sites, mostly in tire southeastern part of the area and in the region near Abu Dhahir. Japanese archaeologists from Kokushikan Uni versity worked on seven sites near Jikan and near Zummar. A Polish team excavated sites near Rifan Ulya and at the Aceramic Neolithic site of Nemrik. In addition, Austrian, French, German, German/Italian, Italian, and Russian teams worked on a smaller number of sites. A Polish survey in the region of Rifan identified some twenty-two locations where Lower Paleolithic tools were found; sixty Middle Paleolithic and twenty-three Upper Pa leolithic tools also were recovered. Hand axes were occasionally found elsewhere in the project area. Two PrePottery Neolithic sites were excavated. At Nemrik, which lies just above the area to be flooded, semisunken round houses with tauf (Ar., similar to terra pise) and mud-brick walls were found. At Der Hall, an aceramic level was found, but tire artifacts were not in situ. Five Hassuna sites were excavated. The Hassuna remains at Tell Abu Dhahir could be traced over an area of about 2 ha (5 acres). At Kharabeh Shattani, the Hassuna level was covered by a compacted silty layer 1.2 m thick, on which a Halaf settlement was built. Only one site was excavated for which Samarra pottery has been published, but as many as nine sites were excavated with Halaf pottery. At Kharabeh Shattani several round houses (tholoi) were uncovered. At Khirbet Derak a series of bullae with stamp-seal impressions on them were found. At Derak and at Khirbeh Hatareh there was evidence for a gradual transition from the Halaf to the Ubaid pottery style, with intermediate types being recog nized. Some eight sites with Ubaid pottery were excavated.
No substantial architecture of the period has been pub lished. Early Uruk or Gawra period occupations were identified on four sites. At Tell Mishrifeh houses with possibly tripar tite plans and at Tell Karraneh 1 and 2 megaron-type build ings like those from Tepe Gawra levels IX-XI were found. T h e impression given by the results of the investigations in tire Eski Mosul Dam Salvage Project strongly supports the view that the Gawra period precedes the Late Uruk period. It has been suggested that two rival cultures coexisted in northern Mesopotamia; a local one typified by Gawra and a second heavily influenced by the southern Uruk civiliza tion represented by level IV at Nineveh. This southern-in fluenced culture was thought to have formed an elite dom inating the local culture. T h e idea, however, receives no support from the excavations in the Eski Mosul region. Local Late Uruk occupations characterized by beveledrim bowls, incised jars, and spouted vessels, for example, were found on some eight sites. Excavations at a number of sites, particularly at Tell Mohammed Arab, have elucidated tire sequence from the Late Uruk to the Ninevite 5 period and have resolved some of the long-standing problems of ceramic development in this period. A gradual transforma tion from tire painted Uruk pottery to the painted Ninevite 5 and from the fineware Uruk vessels to the Ninevite 5 could be shown. The gradual introduction and development of incised gray ware and excised gray ware were demonstrated by the stratigraphic excavation at Tell Mohammed Arab and by a comparison with assemblages from shorter-lived sites. Also for the first time, an exposure of architecture re vealed that small two-room rectangular dwellings were the norm in the Ninevite 5 period. Some nineteen sites with Ninevite 5 levels were excavated. Most of these occupations were small and were not long-lived. Thus, although the number of sites was large, the population in any one period could have been quite small. It should be noted that Painted Ninevite 5 pottery was found in widely separated soundings on Tell Jikan, suggesting that an extensive area, perhaps as much as 15 ha (37 acres), was occupied in this period. T h e fine decorated gray ware of tire Ninevite 5 period appears to have been the forerunner of the distinctive hard fineware of dre Taya period. The transition from one to the other has not been found in excavations to date, and there seem to be important changes that occurred witir tire intro duction of this new style. In particular, at Tell Jikan the con struction of the city wall was associated with this new style. Similar indications of urbanization have been found else where in northern Iraq and in' the Klrabur region in this period. At Tell Karraneh 1 an interesting group of six terra cotta objects was recovered, five shaped like phalli and tire sixth with a molded stylized human head. In tire Eski Mosul Dam Salvage Project, nine sites of this period were exca vated, which corresponds roughly to the Akkadian and Ur III periods in the south.
ESKI MOSUL DAM SALVAGE PROJECT The largest number of sites excavated (twenty-two) be longed to the Khabur period. On many of these, areas of housing consisting of large buildings with many rectangular rooms were excavated. Nuzi ware was recovered at about a dozen sites, but for the most part tiiese were occasional sherds and did not form a large proportion of the pottery assemblage. A similar number of sites belonging to the Middle Assyr ian period was excavated. Tell Mohammed Arab provided a good sequence of pottery and associated buildings. At this site a characteristic plan of a rectangular building with one large rectangular room and three or four smaller squarish rooms was identified. Expectations that important Late Assyrian remains would be found were high, as inscribed bricks of Sargon II had been published as coming from Jikan; it was also speculated that Jikan might have been ancient Kurbail. Further research showed that the bricks in question came from Khorsabad, and excavations at Jikan failed to reveal substantial buildings of the Late Assyrian period. At Tell Baqaq 2, beside the main road leading north, however, the remains of a small palace were found. It included several courtyards, a throne room with stone tramlines, (parallel lines of stone paving, commonly found in the throne rooms of Assyrian palaces, perhaps used for a brazier on wheels), a bathroom, and a few cuneiform tablets dated to about 800 BCE. At Khatuniyeh, the vivid remains of the site's destruction, presumably at or near the time of the destruction of Nineveh, were re vealed. About a dozen other sites with less substantial re mains of the period were excavated, but it does not seem to have been a time of particular prosperity in the region. It seems probable that in the Late Assyrian period arable farm ing was concentrated on the more fertile plains of northern Mesopotamia, and tiiat areas such as that of the Esld Mosul region were used for animal husbandry, perhaps including horse rearing. Following the destruction of Nineveh it is uncertain whether northern Iraq was under the control of the Medes, the Babylonians, or neither. In the second half of the sixth century BCE it became part of the extensive empire of the Persian king Cyrus, but details of the history of northern Iraq under the Achaemenids are not known. It was, there fore, surprising to find an extensive (but shallow) site at Khirbet Qasrij of the sixth or fifth centuries BCE with evi dence for industrial activities, though Xenophon (Anabasis) mentioned extensive settlements when the ten thousand (the Greek mercenaries) retreated through this area at the end of the fifth century BCE. In the Hellenistic period, perhaps with the revival of po litical stability, there were numerous relatively rich agricul tural villages in the area. Apart from the pottery, which in cluded fish plates with stamped palmettes, the most characteristic feature of these settlements was the number of deep bell-shaped grain silos dug into the ground. A small
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building (18 X 5.5 m) at Tell Deir Situn has been inter preted as a police post or waystation close to the main route from Nineveh leading north. Parthian remains were identified at a few sites, but it was not clear how Parthian sites were distinguished from Hel lenistic—and indeed the reports on many sites combined the two periods. In the early centuries of the first millennium CE, this region at times lay on the borders between the em pires of Rome and Iran. T h e site of Sell Qubba may have been an outpost of Roman rule on the west bank of the Tigris, and traces of a mosaic floor were found. The site stayed in use in the Sasanian period, the walls of the city, which encircle an area of more than 100 hectares (247 acres), may have been built then. T h e Sasanian period was recognized at about ten sites. T h e only site with substantial architectural remains was at Mseifneh, where a monastery with a fine basilican church constructed from worked stone was uncovered. This build ing may have been constructed in the fifth century CE; it remained in use (though perhaps not as a Christian religious building) until the U-Khanid period. A cemetery at Tell M o hammed Arab provided evidence for the burial customs of the period. Most of the inhumations lacked funeral offer ings, but a few were plentifully supplied with jewelry (e.g., beads, seals, earrings, rings, bracelets) and with glass bottles that may have held perfume. As might be expected, almost half the sites excavated had remains from the Islamic period. Sometimes these were a few burials, but some sites had substantial buildings. At Tell Khirbet Saleh a stone and mortar structure with columns was interpreted as a heathen temple built in the Abbasid period. At Deir Situn a church was dated to the thirteenth century, but fragmentary architectural remains may belong to an earlier church, perhaps originally constructed in the Sasanian period. At Mishrifeh village, a khan built in the Abbasid period remained in use until the Il-Khanid period. At Tell Baqaq 3, another khan in use in the Il-Khanid period was found. At Kharabok a large courtyard building con structed in the 'Abbasid period was rebuilt in the Il-Khanid period, when an elaborate water system was installed. Tell Selal had substantial fortifications from the Middle Islamic period. T h e project area has no natural boundaries and is divided by the Tigris River and the wadis flowing into it. The ma jority of sites in the project were small and occupied for short periods. One consequence of this is that only very few cu neiform tablets were recovered: two Middle Assyrian tablets from Tell Madhhur, two Late Assyrian tablets from Tell Baqaq 2 , and a curious hemerological tablet (tablets that list activities to be done on different days of the month) from a Hellenistic pit at Tell Fisna. These do not contribute greatly to a deeper understanding of the history of the region. The archaeological results, however, were extremely interesting: in particular, the elucidation of the chronology of the Late
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ESSENES
Uruk and Ninevite 5 periods is of importance for the whole of northern Mesopotamia.
ymological guess of hosios, Josephus's transliteration of tire Hebrew hosen as essen, and Epiphanius's spelling of this Jew ish sect as Ossaioi and Ossenoi. This Hebrew solution was BIBLIOGRAPHY proposed long before the Qumran discoveries (see, e.g., Jost, 1839); while it accords well with the evidence, no consensus For preliminary reports on the sites excavated in the Eski Mosul Dam Salvage Project, see die following: Robert Killick and Michael yet exists. Roaf, comps., "Excavations in Iraq, 1981-82," Iraq 45 (1983): 207Sources on Essenes. Several ancient descriptions of tire 220; Robert Killick and James Black, comps., "Excavations in Iraq, Essenes have survived in Greek and Latin texts. Among the 1983-84," Iraq 47 (1985): 227-239; W. Ball and James Black, comps., most important are those by the three earliest authors, Philo, "Excavations in Iraq, 1985-86," Iraq 49 (1987): 234-250. The State Organization of Antiquities and Heritage has published Researches, on Josephus, and Pliny. Later accounts by Hippolytus and Epithe Antiquities of Saddam Dam Basin Salvage and Other Researches phanius, among others, also preserve important additional (Baghdad, 1987), a special volume containing reports on many of the observations (see Adam and Burchard, 1972; Stern, 1976excavated sites. New information about the Ninevite 5 period is sum 1984; and Vermes and Goodman, 1989). Most of tirese an marized by Michael Roaf and Robert Killick in "A Mysterious Affair cient accounts were addressed to non-Jewish audiences, of Styles: The Ninevite 5 Pottery of Northern Mesopotamia," Iraq 49 which influenced the selection of Essene characteristics and (1987): 199-230. The same period is given comprehensive treatment in The Origins of North Mesopotamian Civilization: Ninevite 5 Chronol the manner in which they were described. These texts show ogy, Economy, Society, edited by Harvey Weiss (in press), based on philosophical (especially Stoic) and ethnographic interests proceedings of a conference held at Yale University, New Haven, Con typically found in Hellenistic history and geography texts. necticut, 15-19 December 1988. Evidence for settlement in the Zummar region is discussed in W. Ball, ed., Ancient Settlement in the ZummarSeveral of these descriptions relied on earlier, now-lost texts, including Region: Excavations by the British Archaeological Expedition to Iraq in the at least one Greek source earlier than Philo, whose Saddam Dam Salvage Project, ig8$-S6 (in press). account is the earliest extant. Posidonius, Strabo, and Mar MICHAEL ROAF cus Vipsanius Agrippa are among the likely authors of nowlost descriptions of Essenes (see Goranson, 1994). E S S E N E S . Known primarily in the late Second Temple period, especially from about 146 BCE to about 70 CE, the Essenes were a movement within Judaism, a communal as sociation, entered by initiation. They considered themselves to be the predestined remnant of those who truly observed God's will and pursued their own interpretation of Torah and prophecy. Although Essenes influenced the develop ment of rabbinic Judaism and of Christianity, neither of those groups affirmed the Essene's self-description, and the history of dre Essenes has often been considered enigmatic. T h e N a m e Essenes. T h e name Essene has two forms in Greek, Essaioi and Essenoi; the English pronunciation comes from the latter form, but the Essaioi spelling appears to be the earlier and more Semitic form. Because the solution is crucial, more than fifty different etymologies have been pro posed, but no scholarly consensus has yet been achieved. Some have proposed another Greek word to explain the or igin of the name, for example—a similar, though not iden tical, name for certain priests of Artemis in Ephesus, Essenas. Most scholars have concluded, however, that the Greek forms of the name Essene derive from a Semitic (He brew or Aramaic) root. The two most often-repeated guesses involve two Aramaic words, hasayya ("pious") and 'asayya ("healers"), but neither appears in any known an cient text in a reference to the Essenes. A Hebrew proposal is the root 'asah in the participle form 'osin and the construct form 'ose hatorah ("doers of torah"); this appears as a selfdescription in several Dead Sea Scrolls. It parallels some other relevant group self-understandings (e.g., Samaritans as "keepers" of torah), and it corresponds with Philo's et
The Q u m r a n Evidence. Pliny located an Essene settle ment near the Dead Sea. In the analysis of most scholars, the ruins at Qumran and tire scrolls from surrounding caves belonged to a group of Essenes. While a few argue tiratKhirbet Qumran might have been a fort or a winter villa, the majority of historians and archaeologists regard Qumran as one of the Essene settlements. Other settlements or com munity centers were located in Jerusalem and in tire "land of Damascus" (beyond the Jordan River) and elsewhere. According to Philo, the Therapentae, who lived in Egypt, were related to the Essenes. Several of the Qumran manuscripts include parallels to the teaching, practices, and self-description of the Essenes (see, e.g., Beall, 1988). Surely some of the texts found at Qumran are Essene, including tire Serek ha-Yahad (Rule of the Community or Manual of Discipline), several Bible commentaries (pesharim), and the text designated 4QMMT, Miqsat Ma'ase ha-Torah (Certain Enactments of the T o rah). Such texts as Jubilees and portions of Enoch and Tes taments of the Twelve Patriarchs likely are pre-Qumran texts written within the Essene (or pre-Essene) movement. Many new publications concerning the texts and the archaeology of Qumran will continue to appear whose conclusions may modify some currently held views. Beliefs a n d Practices. Essene teachings shared much with those accepted by other Jews, such as the Torah and the writings of the Prophets, but they claimed a special, sometimes esoteric interpretation of Scripture. Essenes re garded tire Jerusalem Temple high priests (sometimes as sociated with Sadducees) as misled, following wrongful practices and tire wrong calender. Although Essenes were
ETHICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY careful in their legal deliberations, drey never referred to this exercise as "halakhah, instead alluding to that term only in a repeated and negative pun against Pharisees as the "seek ers of smooth things" (dorese ha-halaqdt). Essenes observed Torah strictly but according to their own interpretation and described themselves as doers of torah. Essene beliefs in cluded predestination, important roles for angels, and res urrection, but not necessarily including bodily resurrection (Josephus and Hippolytus differ on this; see Puech, 1993). They expected a messiah, or, in some descriptions, priestly and royal messiahs. The Essene apocalyptic and dualistic worldview is more similar to tire Book of Daniel than to 1 and 2 Maccabees. (The latter are not found among the eight hundred or so texts from Qumran; God and the angels— not men—will destroy tire community's enemies.) The Essene communal organization had rules for initia tion and punishments, including expulsion. Some Essenes were celibate and some observed periods of celibacy limited to certain times or places. Essenes kept no slaves, and at least the full members held property in common. Agricul ture was their main occupation; they made no weapons. They avoided the courts of outsiders. Their rules for ritual purity were strict. T h e extent to which they participated in the Jerusalem temple cult is an issue still debated. History of the Essenes. Josephus wrote that Essenes ex isted in 146 BCE (Antiquities 13.171), probably because his source, Strabo, began his History then. N o year of origin can be pinpointed with tire evidence available, perhaps because tire Essene movement developed gradually or because the movement preceded the Greek form of its eventual name. Three of tire four Essene individuals mentioned in Josephus are known for prophecy and were present in Jerusalem. Jo sephus also located an Essene gate in southwest Jerusalem (War 5.145). The fourth, John the Essene, who joined the Zealots, is less typical; John—a common name—was given the additional descriptive, Essene, because it was not usual to find an Essene relying on human weapons. Qumran texts describe certain individuals, especially an Essene Teacher of Righteousness and his opponent, the Wicked Priest—some scholars suggest there was more than one of each. Jonathan (161-143/2 BCE) is considered by many to be the best candidate for tire Wicked Priest, but Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 BCE) is another possible con tender. Although most scholars believe that tire Teacher of Righteousness cannot be identified with any known histor ical personality, a potential candidate is Judah tire Essene. Josephus (War 1.78-80; Antiquities 13.3n) places him teaching in about 104 BCE, soon before Alexander's rule. He may be the same Judah recorded in the Babylonian Talmud (Qid. 66a), in which he asks Alexander to give up tire priest hood, and perhaps also in the Habbakuk Commentary from Qumran ( i Q p H a b 12.4). T h e Essenes' negative view of the latter Hasmoneans was shared by Strabo, who wrote (Ge ography 16.2.35-40) that Alexander was. among the tyran
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nical and superstitious leaders who departed from the hon orable teachings of Moses. The Essenes disappeared from history sometime after the First Jewish War against Rome (66-70). While considerable debate continues concerning the many aspects of the mov ement's history, research has succeeded in revealing much diversity within late Second Temple Period Judaism. [See also Dead Sea Scrolls; and Qumran.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adam, Alfred, and Christoph Burchard. Antike Berichie fiber die Essener. 2d ed. Berlin, 1972. The most comprehensive available collection of ancient texts on Essenes, with useful notes and bibliography. In cludes selected texts from seventeen authors and extensive refer ences to other writers who, witii more or less small variations, re peated the earlier accounts of Essenes.
Beall, Todd S. Josephus' Description of the Essenes Illustrated by the Dead Sea Scrolls. Cambridge, 1988. A worthwhile comparison of selected passages from Josephus with some Qumran texts; not the last word on the subject because additional observations have been made, some using recently published texts. Goranson, Stephen. "Posidonius, Strabo, and Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa as Sources on Essenes." Journal ojJewish Studies 45 (1994): 295-298. According to proposals here, Posidonius and Strabo were among the sources for Philo and Josephus, and M. Agrippa was a source for Pliny. Jost, IsakM. "DieEssaer." Israelitische Annalen 19 (1839): 145-147. On the etymology of the name. Puech, Emile. La croyance des Essinicns en la vie future. 2 vols. Paris, 1993. Discusses die issue of resurrection as it appears in ancient descriptions of Essenes and in some texts from Qumran.
Stern, Menachem, ed. and trans. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. 3 vols. Jerusalem, 1976-19S4, Fine collection in which the reader may compare ancient descriptions of Essenes, including those by or addressed to non-Jews, with the broader category of descrip tions of Jews. Vermes, Geza, and Martin D. Goodman, eds. The Essenes according to the Classical Sources. Sheffield, 1989. Selection of texts from six an cient authors, with English translations, an introduction, brief notes, and a bibliography; a handy volume but considerably less compre hensive than Adam and Burchard.
Wagner, Siegfried. Die Essener in der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion. Ber lin, i960. Extensive survey and bibliography of the vast pre-Qumran scholarship and speculation on Essenes, witii special attention to nineteenth-century German writers. STEPHEN GORANSON
ETHICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY. Ethics are stan dards of moral judgment and conduct to which individuals or groups subscribe. Ethics flow from the ongoing life of a community as it questions whether its practices are appro priate or valid. Each community discusses these questions in order to define standards for its members. Smaller groups or individuals then translate tire standards to fit their partic ular situations. In effect, ethics represent values and ideals that are continually negotiated by those who subscribe to drem, based on factors within and outside the group. Ethics constantly evolve, but they are .fundamentally conservative
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in that they are meant to protect the group and its members from internal discord and from external attack by those who might have an interest in the community's activities. Archaeological etiiics exemplify tiiese principles. T h e community primarily defines itself as having an interest in exploring and understanding the past. Subgroups form around these interests, and each then defines its ethics. For example, formal or informal groups may form around the study of archaeology from a certain region, such as the Near East or North America. Others may form around study of a particular time period, such as the Upper Paleolithic or the Ottoman Empire. Still others may form around speci alities, such as museum studies or heritage management. An overlapping of interests and standards is common among subgroups, but to assume that there is or ever can be a single set of ethics would be erroneous. At the same time, groups do deal witii similar issues as they define their ethics. Among the first and most important questions addressed by each group is: Who is or is not an archaeologist? As cul tural resources management specialist Leslie Wildesen has pointed out (in Greene, ed., 1984), this usually means who is or is not a "real" archaeologist. The distinction is drawn between archaeologists as members of a peer group and out siders who lay claim to membership but are not accepted by the group. These outsiders may range from amateurs to journalists to dealers in antiquities. The integrity of the group is assessed on the basis of the integrity of its members. Groups therefore may demand tiiat its members have welldefined credentials—formal education, often at least a grad uate degree, and other sorts of training, such as internships or attendance at field schools, where proper excavation tech niques are learned and practiced. Membership standards have changed dramatically since archaeology began. People such as Heinrich Schliemann and Jean-Baptiste Belzoni, who in their own time were ac cepted as archaeologists, might now be labeled as little more than looters, grave robbers, or publicity seekers—at best, "historical figures" or sophisticated amateurs. These stan dards are obviously subject to changes in the group's intel lectual climate. To some degree, members may reflect the views of outsiders, who may, for example, be concerned with matters of cultural patrimony. As segments of the ar chaeological community professionalized and established formal organizations, these associations took it upon them selves to establish minimal standards for membership. Some, as in the cultural resources management community in the United States, lobbied outside entities to codify these standards into government regulation. The membership standards have sometimes been hotly debated, but the issue has been relatively simple because the group involved is rel atively small and controllable. Vastly more complex is die question of die accountability of group members. T o whom should archaeologists be accountable? From the early days of archaeology into the present, some archae
ologists have believed they should be held accountable only to their profession (i.e., subgroup). Their primary respon sibility, some believe, is to their "science" or to "the past" or to another abstract entity. Most archaeologists recognize, however, that from the outset, archaeology has almost al ways been conducted for a client—whether a patron, a mu seum, or a government agency. Clients have vested interests, and thus a say in how every aspect of archaeology is done, from excavation to the interpretation and use of informa tion. At the same time, archaeologists have recognized that they are themselves members of other groups, whose views influence archaeological practice. In other words, archae ology is done within a framework of die larger society. Ques tions of accountability result in a profoundly more difficult matter: Who sets the agenda for archaeology? Another way of phrasing this might be: For whom do ar chaeologists do archaeology? Certainly one answer is that they do it for tiiemselves. Archaeology can both provide a livelihood and satisfy curiosity about the past. Some would maintain that this is enough. Professional archaeologists, at the very least, question their role in relation to the sciences and humanities. They understand that their theoretical ap proaches and excavation techniques have an impact on the sites and materials they study. Most also recognize that their discipline plays a role in the larger society. Therefore, most realize that tiiey are accountable to outsiders as well as to their profession. Awareness of these other constituencies to archaeology has only come in recent decades. Initially, as archaeology became professionalized, the group's definition took prec edence, as did clarifying appropriate methods and tech niques of archaeology. As archaeology began to look out ward, it noted the concerns of outside groups and the issues became both complex and intertwined. Among die most important of these issues is the preser vation of archaeological sites from destruction by forces such as those accompanying economic development. Ar chaeologists have been extremely vocal in demanding that outside groups pay attention to the loss of sites that many maintain are part of the world's heritage. They have called for site protection on national and international levels and have succeeded to some degree. For example, the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine, ratified in 1923, outlined the excavation and preservation of archaeological remains. All league nations were given equal rights to excavation, overseen by a Department of Antiquities whose director could requisition land for excavations, deny permits to un qualified archaeologists, and punish looters of antiquities. In the United States, antiquities received some protection un der the Antiquities Act of 1906, but vastiy more under the Historic Preservation Acts of 1966 and 1974 and the Ar chaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979. Under these laws and their accompanying regulations, any federal gov ernment action involved in disturbing the landscape must
ETHICS AND ARCHAEOLOGY provide for the location, protection, or mitigation of the loss of sites (usually by excavation) that are potentially eligible for inclusion on the National Register of Historic Places. While, however, preservation of sites may seem a noble goal, it raises difficult problems. By working toward implementing preservation policy and law, archaeologists recognize their dependency on govern ments, thereby legitimizing nonarchaeological interests and giving them a voice in archaeological practice. Among the most knotty problems is preservation for what and for whom? T h e dilemma is a simple one: How is potential eco nomic benefit from a development project to be weighed against potential scientific and humanistic benefit from an archaeological site? The interests behind economic devel opment are vast and often very powerful. A government, for example, may promote an open-pit mine tiiat will allow it to compete more powerfully in the import-export market. Increased revenues may bring jobs and a higher quality of life to citizens. At the same time, construction of the mine may destroy important sites from which everyone can learn important lessons about their heritage (which also may be said to improve quality of life). While some archaeologists would urge protection of the pit-mine site, others would urge excavation if it could not be preserved. Excavation benefits archaeologists scientifi cally; it can also benefit financially, if a developer pays for the excavation and analysis of the artifacts. Archaeologists can find themselves in an ethical dilemma: wanting to pre serve sites, while wanting access to the information and funds for excavation. In fact, developers, the public, and government agencies have accused archaeologists of stop ping progress or of seeldng personal gain through laws the archaeologists sought to implement. Additional questions relate to how a site's significance is determined: Who is most capable of maldng such a determination? Archaeologists maintain tiiat they are. Again, the question of self-interest can be raised. Once the economics of excavating is settled, other issues come into play. If a site is preserved as a part of peoples' heritage, how it is to be treated raises additional internal eth ical problems: Should the site even be excavated? Excava tion is, after all, a destructive process. Some archaeologists urge no excavation, preferring preservation. As David Lowenthal (1985) cautions, however, preservation reveals that permanence is an illusion. Even untouched, a site and its significance are continually altered and reinterpreted. Other archaeologists suggest conservation, by which, subse quently, one part of a site might be excavated while the rest is left undisturbed, in expectation of renewed study at some point in the future when advanced theories and techniques may be available. Whether the decision is preservation or conservation, nonarchaeologists still have a say. If sites are in fact a public heritage, they should be accessible. What then is archaeo
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logy's responsibility in interpreting sites for the public? At a minimum, archaeologists recognize that they must complete the analysis of their work and publish their findings. How sensitive, then, do archaeologists need to be to the accusa tion that they often use jargon incomprehensible to nonspecialists. Many archaeologists believe tiiat they have an ob ligation beyond publication to educate the public about what they do. In many countries they have developed public ed ucation programs: ninety-seven countries are linked in the Associated Schools Project (ASP) affiliated with UNESCO. One ASP project, the Fifth Lyceum School on Cyprus, de cided to explore four rescue archaeology operations: Nubia and Philae, Borobudur, the Acropolis, and Paphos on Cy prus. Such projects raise a question already asked: Whose agenda is paramount in educational projects, those of teach ers, archaeologists, government entities, or other interested parties? Closely tied to projects like these are entities linked to the protection and presentation of the past of which museums are the most visible. Although archaeologists are frequently associated with museums, the objectives of the two are not always compatible. Museums have their own ethical con cerns, which sometimes involve purchasing or trading an tiquities. Many archaeologists believe that assigning a mon etary value to antiquities promotes the looting of sites. As a result, some professionals have recently debated whether, ethically, the discipline of archaeology can include the study objects in a museum that were purchased or otherwise ob tained under ethically questionable circumstances. Govern mental entities have sometimes determined that the past can be used for financial gain through tourism. This may involve support for museums, but it may also encompass developing certain important monuments or archaeological sites as tourist attractions. During the mid-1960s, concerns about how such sites should be treated led to the development of a set of princi ples to guide the conservation and restoration of sites and monuments. T h e International Council on Monuments and Sites and associated committees were formed to promote these principles. Crucial ethical concerns about the protec tion and development of archaeological sites involve the ex penditure of funds and who decides what will be developed. Developing sites whose significance is questionable depletes funds available for locating, exploring, and interpreting sites of equal or greater potential scientific merit. A case in point is the (High Dam) Nubian rescue cam paign in Egypt in the 1960s. Might the $63 million spent on moving and restoring Abu Simbel (whose inscriptions had long been recorded and that some argue is aesthetically me diocre) been better applied to locating and excavating un recorded sites that would have given a more complete pic ture of Nubian archaeology before the dam also covered them witii water? Might a fraction of that money have been usefully dedicated to upgrading die Cairo Museum, which
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houses Egypt's most significant national treasures? Some Egyptologists argued the case, contending that the overall scientific goals at Abu Simbel were more important. In the end, the decision to save Abu Simbel was made by Egyptian politicians acting on behalf of the Egyptian public. Archae ologists who questioned whether the scholarly community was capable of judging Abu Simbel's worth supported the politicians. Was the decision vindicated by tire more than a thousand tourists per day who paid to visit the site, more than tire number who formerly saw it in a month? Archaeologists face other challenging problems relating to site protection: What should be the role of archaeologists in instances of international, regional, or civil conflict, when important archaeological sites are endangered? During the Gulf War, Allied bombing jeopardized numerous sites in Iraq (ancient Mesopotamia). Nine of tire seventy-seven nations ratifying tire 1954 UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Con flict were directly involved in the conflict (the United States never ratified the agreement). The Department of Defense of the United States, a major participant in the war, report edly did not give these matters much thought, for which it was strongly criticized. Civil conflict produces similar situ ations. During Lebanon's civil war in the 1970s and 1980s, the National Museum was looted, vandalized, and hit by shelling. Museum staff attempted to protect its well-known Roman and Phoenician sarcophagi by encasing them in con crete. Roman and Iron Age Phoenician cemetery sites in Tyre were looted and their gold, jewelry, and pottery sold to antiquities dealers. A 1988 decree passed by the Lebanese Ministry of Tourism, which oversees the Department of Antiquities, makes dealing in antiquities illegal. The Leba nese army has stopped most site looting, and transportation audrorities have been on the lookout for antiquities smug gling. Archaeologists who involved themselves directly in saving sites and seeking solutions to tire postwar return of antiquities did so at some personal risk. Even when political situations stabilize, matters of funding are primary. How is limited money best spent: in repairing sites, monuments, and museums or in returning and caring for Lebanese an tiquities? Governments recognize that the past is a very powerful tool and they have used it as such, sometimes with the com plicity of archaeologists. The history of archaeology is inti mately linked with colonialism. Some of tire field's first knowledge of the past was directly related to conquest. Neil A. Silberman (1982) recounts tire international struggle for control of the archaeological resources of the Holy Land, where Western (largely Christian) nations, Jews, and Mus lims have contested conttol of the region's antiquities for generations. Governments have also used the results of ar chaeological investigation for nation building. During the Gulf War, Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, hoping to build internal support for his regime's activities, compared his em
pire with that of ancient Mesopotamia. Modern Israel is a powerful example of archaeology effectively used to provide direct historical links to a land. Its archaeological and polit ical agendas have often been fundamentally the same, as in the excavation in the 1960s of Masada, whose historical re construction has only recently undergone critical reexami nation. The siege of Masada became a national symbol for a besieged Israel and a connection to a heroic past. For a time national defense forces used Masada as a place for swearing in new tank corps recruits who vowed that "Ma sada shall not fall again." New analyses suggest that archae ological evidence may not support the first interpretations of events at the site. At the same time, Israeli archaeologists and the government remain at odds about antiquities traffic. The government allows some traffic in Holy Land relics as a means of promoting the centrality of the nation: it enables Jews and Christians in other countries to possess something of ancient Palestine in the hope that they will support Israel politically. Some of that country's most important archae ological finds were looted and turned up in dealers' shops, the best-known example being the Dead Sea Scrolls. Ar chaeologists' own perception of tireir role varies. Most rec ognize tire ethical dilemmas posed by die traffic in antiqui ties. Archaeology in a postcolonial world poses other ethical quandaries. Among the most delicate are matters of cultural patrimony, indigenous rights, and representations of the past; the three are usually integrally linked. Some nations, recognizing the power of the past as a nation-building tool, have demanded the return of antiquities taken from their territory. These demands have especially been aimed at mu seums in North America and Europe and pose major prob lems. Notable examples include the so-called Elgin Marbles, which reside in the British Museum but were taken between 1803 and 1812 by Lord Elgin (Thomas Bruce) from the Parthenon in Athens. T h e legal complexities of Priam's Treasure, now in Russia at dre Pushkin Museum, suppos edly taken from Hissarlik/Troy by Schliemann in 1873, are tangled. No fewer than five nations have some claim to it. These claims range from rights of possession and war claims (United States and Russia), to rights of the excavator (Ger many), to rights of location (Turkey), to rights of cultural patrimony (Greece). Indigenous peoples or religious groups in some regions have demanded the return of sacred objects and the skeletal remains of their ancestors. Groups now pro test fire excavation of any archaeological sites by outsiders, or at least place limits on their work. In Israel, archaeologists and rabbis often struggle over excavations, especially those involving burials. Sarcophagi recently recovered in rescue excavations in Jerusalem's French Hill neighborhood and just outside the Old City walls near the Jaffa Gate were turned over by the director of dre Antiquities Autirority to a burial society for immediate reinterrment under Jewish re ligious law. Archaeologists have filed legal action so that they
ETHIOPIA can study the caskets. Across the Middle East, Muslim la borers have had to be assured that they were not excavating tire remains of Muslims. In part out of cultural patrimony and in part of Muslim sensibilities, tire Egyptian government requested return of mummies and their display in museums has been curtailed. Many peoples have also claimed that because the archae ology done in tire past on their lands was done by outsiders, the past created was a colonial tool used to dominate them. They protest that their oral histories are neglected in im personal archaeological models and chronologies. As a con sequence, some groups employ only archaeologists sympa thetic to their concerns, train their own citizens to do archaeology, or in some cases outlaw archaeology alto gether, stirring international debate among archaeologists. There is concern among some archaeologists that return ing artifacts and remains destroys the archaeological data base. They ask whether artifacts will be properly cared for if repattiated or, as has been documented, they will end up on the antiquities market. Those who believe that archaeo logical sites and artifacts are a universal heritage have been outraged when objects fall under the control of a nation or an ethnic group drat keeps them forever out of reach of oth ers to see or study. There is also concern about the limits set on academic freedom by religious and political groups by dictating research agendas. Archaeologists who recognize the colonial nature of their enterprise have attempted to reach compromises. In the United States, for example, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990, passed over tire objection of many archaeologists, was supported by others, who helped to write it and lobbied for its passage. It requires the U.S. government to fund museums and laboratories to inventory sacred objects and skeletons and make a goodfaith effort to return them. T h e law also demands consul tation with tribal groups over how archaeological research is carried out on tribal lands. Some organizations have come to recognize that archae ology is fundamentally a political exercise that places ar chaeologists in tenuous ethical positions. For example, the explicit goals of the World Archaeological Congress (WAC), formed in 1986, are to incorporate archaeologists from underdeveloped counuies and indigenous peoples and to examine the political and ethical ramifications of archae ology. These issues are central themes at their meetings and in the numerous WAC publications in the One World Ar chaeology series. At the 1990 W A C 2 meeting in Venezuela, the WAC Executive passed a code of ethics for dealing with the primacy of indigenous peoples to control any archae ology that studies their pasts. Significantly, tire code was generated by indigenous peoples. At no time in tire history of archaeology have archaeolog ical ethics been under greater scrutiny than since the early 1980s. At no time in the past was there greater disagreement
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about what is or is not ethical practice. T h e issues are com plicated and there are few easy solutions. For each subgroup formed and for each ethical question posed, a continuum of opinion exists about how to behave ethically. What is un deniable is that by continually reassessing ethics in archae ology, the discipline undergoes continual change. [See also Nationalism and Archaeology; Tourism and Ar chaeology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, William Y. "Science and Ethics in Rescue Archaeology." Bo
reas: Uppsala Studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern Civ ilizations 13 (1984): 9-15. Discussion of the interaction of science, public interest, and rescue archaeology during the Nubian rescue campaign of the 1960s.
Cleere, Henry F., ed. Archaeological Heritage Management in the Modern World. One World Archaeology, 9. London, 1989. Thorough ex amination of issues surrounding heritage management, with case studies from all continents. Fleming, Arlene Krimgold. "Securing Sites in Time of War." Archae ology 44.3 (1991): 43. Deals with the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict dur ing the Gulf War.
Greene, Ernestene L., ed. Ethics and Values in Archaeology. New York, 1984. Twenty-six chapters explore issues relating to an archaeolo gist's responsibilities to the profession and the public, giving die eth ical codes of several American organizations.
Lowenthal, David. The Past Is a Foreign Country. Cambridge, 1985. Examines complex process by which views of the past become sub ject to the needs of the present.
Maisels, Charles K. The Near East: Archaeology in the Cradle of Civili zation. London, 1993. Current research agendas in the Near East and several factors influencing them are examined in the final chap ter. Raschka, Marilyn. "Salvaging a Scarred Land." Archaeology 47.1 (1994): 64-67. Case study of archaeological responses to the destruc tion of antiquities during the civil war in Lebanon.
Silberman, Neil A. Digging for God and Country: Exploration, Archeol ogy, and the Secret Struggle for the Holy IMUCI, 1709-1917, New York, 1982. Explores the connection between religion and archaeology in the Holy Land.
Silberman, Neil A. Between Past and Present: Archaeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modern Middle East. New York, 1990. Essential reading about Middle East governmental uses of archaeology for national political agendas, with case studies from the Balkans, Tur key, Cyprus, Israel, Egypt, and South Arabia. Stone, Peter, and Robert MacKenzie, eds. The Excluded Past: Archae ology in Education. London, 1990. Case studies detail concerns of both archaeologists and indigenous people over how the past is pre sented in archaeological education programs. Watzman, Herbert M. "Religious Dispute over Excavations of Burial Sites Pits Israel's Archaeologists against Rabbis." Chronicle of Higher Education, 24 March 1993: A31. Describes debates over research agendas, in which questions have been raised similar to diose in dis putes over the treatment of indigenous remains. LARRY J, ZIMMERMAN
E T H I O P I A . The name Ethiopia was adopted into tire Ge'ez dialect in early Christian times by the Axumites in tire northern part of the land from the Septuagint equivalent of
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Hebrew Kush. T h e name Eritrea/Ertera, or more commonly Bahra Ertera in Ge'ez, referred to the Red Sea until modern times when it came to designate the northern plateau of the Horn of Africa after it was colonized by the Italians at the end of the nineteenth century. There are many ancient names that refer to one or another part of Ethiopia. The Egyptian Punt or biblical Put referred to one or another part of the Horn of Africa. Three identifiable biblical names also designate Ethiopia and those parts of modern Sudan and Yemen that were once controlled by the Axumite Empire. Kush is known from about fifty references to individuals, peoples, and lands, their merchandise, and political influ ence. It is also associated with the Garden of Eden river Gihon, the name Ethiopians give the Blue Nile, Sheba re calls the famous queen, who was visitor of King Solomon. Hawilah, like Kush, was one of the lands of the Garden of Eden; its river, Pishon, was once identified with the rivers of Ethiopia, those tributaries of the Nile called Gihon in Ge'ez literature. Habashat, from which the modern name Abyssinia is de rived, is one of the toponyms found in the Proto-Ethiopic/ Sabean inscriptions. It was once thought to be the name of a major tribe that entered Ethiopia from Yemen. The epigraphist A. J. Drewes first noted in 1962 that the name ap pears in Yemeni inscriptions but not until about 350 CE in Ethiopian inscriptions. Others have subsequently argued that the name is topographical and the territory most rea sonably covers the Ethiopian regions. Origin. The origin of ancient Ethiopia as a political state goes back to the first millennium BCE, a centralized kingdom with Axum as its capital came into being in the north. There exist extensive archaeological and epigraphic evidence about this kingdom gathered from the surroundings of Axum and from such sites as Matara, Qasqase, Taconda, Qohaito, and others in the neighboring state now known as Eritrea. Ac cording to these archaeological sources, ancient Ethiopia, from about the fifth century BCE until the early Christian period, was an area comprising the wedge-shaped, north ernmost Ethiopian plateau, including the Eritrean seacoast where the ancient international port of Adulis was located. With the conquest of many of the surrounding peoples and states, the original kingdom expanded far into the interior highlands and eventually gave rise to a large kingdom, which came to call itself Ethiopia in early Christian times. Archaeological evidence, internal inscriptions, and exter nal information show that the large kingdom grew into an empire at the dawn of the period we call the Middle Ages in Europe. Comprising a territory almost the size of western Europe, Ethiopia's borders extended from beyond the island of Meroe to Marib in the heart of the Arabian Peninsula. Only Rome and Persia could compare to it in size and power until the about the eighth century CE. Prehistoric Archaeology. Some of the earliest human remains have been found in the Awash River valley, the
Omo River valley, Malka Qunture, and other regions throughout the Ethiopian Rift valley. These regions link the Paleolithic Rift valley with historic Nile civilizations. Among the most recent discoveries is one of the most complete (nearly 60 percent) skeleton of a hominid named Australo pithecus afarensis, popularly known as Lucy, and believed to be over three million years old. Discovered in 1974 by a joint Ethiopian-American expedition, it is now thought to be an important link between humans and apes. This skeleton and other recent discoveries, which are coming to light even now, point to the Ethiopian Rift valley as an important area of early human evolution, if not indeed the place of our or igin Qohanson and Edey, 1981). [See Hadar.] Evidence from the Neolithic period (c. 10,000) also points to the existence of African peoples who developed in Ethi opia various agricultural techniques such as terrace farming and crops such as millet, sorghum, and cotton. Cotton is thought have developed in southwestern Ethiopia from a primitive herbaceous plant. According to some botanists, all prehistoric survey evidences point to Ethiopia as a major center of ancient agricultural evolution and the birthplace of most African crop plants. Connection with Ancient Egyptian Archaeology. About 2200 a group of people described as the C-group by Egyptologists, entered the Meroitic region and eventually western Eritrea. This group left its impression through its rippled pottery found at Agordat. Not much earlier, in the time of the Egyptian pharaoh Sahure (c. 2458-2446), the earliest expedition to the land of Punt (which had the epithet "god's land" in Egyptian) took place. The identity of Punt is still a matter of debate, but the goods brought from there—resins, frankincense, oint ment, myrrh, electrum (gold with silver alloy), and ebony— point to the Horn. Although myrrh grown in the Horn of Africa was already known in the time of the first and second dynasties (c. 2920-2649), and a slave from Punt was present in Cheop's court (fourth dynasty, c. 2575-2465), this is the first time specific mention of an expedition to the land of Punt is mentioned. Likewise, the Egyptian reference to an island prince who claims to be a serpent and conttols spice and animal trade, may also point to the same region. Other pharaohs, up to at least the time of Rameses III (c. 1198-1167), sent expeditions to Punt. It was in the time of Queen Hatshepsut (c. 1473-1458) of the eighteenth dy nasty, however, that the most extended expedition took place to the land of Punt. It took beads, daggers, bracelets, to Punt and brought back fragrant woods, ebony, fresh myrrh trees, myrrh resin, incense, gold, ivory, panther skins, and live animals (panthers, monkeys, baboon, and cattle) and people. Carlo Conti Rossini as early as 1928 argued that Ethiopia is best identified with this combination of mer chandise in antiquity (for a more recent confirmation of this view, see Kitchen, 1993). This expedition was truly a glo rious one, recorded on the impressive temple reliefs of Hat-
ETHIOPIA shepsut's mortuary temple at Deir el-Bahari on the western bank of Thebes at modern Luxor. Although no doubt contact between Ethiopia and Egypt persisted throughout history, we do not find enough ar chaeological evidence about it on Edriopian soil until tire time of the Ptolemies. Ptolemy II Philadelphus (c. 285-246) fought against the Seleucids with elephants possibly brought from Etiriopia. One of his successors, Ptolemy III Euergetes (c. 246-221) left an inscribed tablet at the ancient port of Adulis. A x u m i t e Archaeology. Excavations at Axum and the surrounding regions have uncovered many objects, includ ing altars, incense burners, decorated pottery, buildings, dams, stelae, coins, and many more objects, which throw light on the artistic trends current in Axum at the time. T h e art of stonecutting and engineering was perfected at Axum as evidenced by the still-standing stelae, the ruins of tire pal ace of Enda Mika'el, the 66.8-meter-long dam at Qohaito, and the temple at Yeha, among other works. T h e later Christian kings continued this skill to build churches, such as the church at Abba Garima by Emperor Gabra Masqal (c. 550-575), the monastery of Dabra Damo,
275
or even the famous church of gold and marble at San'a in Yemen built by the Ethiopian viceroy Abraha. The foun dations of tire famous church of Axum, where Ethiopians believe the original Tablets of the Law given to Moses or the Ark of the Covenant are found, go back to this period. Both tire type of earth and the artistic style of Axumite architecture and pottery have been influential in Marib and pre-Christian Yemen (Van Beek, 1967). T h e northern sluice of the great dam at Marib constructed between the fourth and sixdr centuries with headers protruding beyond the face of the wall was an Axumite technique with no real construc tion antecedent in South Arabian architecture or evidenced in the Marib region (Van Beek, 1967). One of the most important archaeological sites in Ethiopia is the commercial port of Adulis, not far away from the mod ern port of Asab in Eritrea. Probably going back to the late Hellenistic times or the early period of dre Roman Empire, Adulis came to international prominence. In later times, es pecially tire reign of Emperor Kaleb (513-547), it was a base of an important military fleet. It controlled international maritime trade moving through the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean, connecting Asia with the Near East and tire Medi terranean world. Adulis traded in ivory, tortoise shell, apes, hippopotamus hides, and obsidian (used for jewelry and mirrors). Trade enhanced die ancient Ethiopian Empire to establish cultural interchange not only witir Asia but also witir Rome. Archaeological remains point to Adulis as tire area where tire early Christian missionaries, who were Red Sea traders and travelers, began their evangelizing activities. Adulis was sacked in 640 CE by an Arab force. In the nineteenth century, the first almost simultaneous discovery of Sabaean or Proto-Ethiopic inscriptions in Ye men and Ethiopia by David Heinrich Muller (1894) and Theodore Bent (1893) respectively, and by J. Halevy subsequently in both countries opened a new era of archaeo logical and epigraphic research in the region. Eduard Glaser (1891, 1895) in Yemen and Enno Littmann in Ethiopia (1913) advanced the research for these inscriptions which continue to be discovered up to today but which still require a more extensive survey. Many of the inscriptions found in and around Axum help us outiine and understand not only the history of Ethiopian wars and expeditions and political state but also the character of ancient Ethiopian society and religion. Even in pre-Christian times, the author of tire Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, who visited Axum around the second century BCE and wrote of its important commercial relations with the Greco-Roman world, observed that the Edriopian king "Zoskales" was well acquainted with Greek literature. Numerous Greek inscriptions, including die im portant trilingual inscription of Ezana, have also been found in northern Etiriopia. ETHIOPIA. Early Ethiopian altar dedicated to the moon godAlmaqah. Among dre numerous stone stelae witir detailed inscrip From Malazo, near Axum; dated to the fifth century BCE. Archae tions are three inscriptions of Emperor Ezana (c. 320-360). ological Museum, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. (Werner Forman/Art Re The first of tiiese is a ttilingual inscription about the war source, NY)
276
ETHIOPIA
the spiritual center of the nation and Axum the national holy city. The techniques of stonecutting and building continued. There have been discovered all over northern and central Ethiopia more than two hundred churches hewn out of rock. Beginning in the tenth century there was a cultural reawak ening. A city of rock-hewn churches was built at new site called Lalibela, supposedly named for the king who founded the city. Although general and artistic descriptions of these churches abound in modern writings on Ethiopia, and Lal ibela itself is a major tourist attraction, very little archaeo logical work has been done in and around its churches. One of the most important archaeological finds in Ethio pia is a diverse and large amount of ancient coins dating from the third to the seventh century CE. In many of the ruins of the great Structures of Axum and the surrounding regions, large finds of coins have been made. These coins not only reflect upon tire wealth of ancient Ethiopia, but they also bear an important record of history and help us directly with reconstructing Axumite chronology and ancient Ethi opian history. Ethiopia was the only ancient kingdom in all of Africa to issue its own coinage. The use of foreign money by international merchants in Adulis, which is reported first in the Periplus of the Ery thraean Sea about two thousand years ago, has been con firmed by the discovery of foreign coins in recent excava ETHIOPIA. Altar with Sabaean inscription in the service of the moon tions, which have also brought to light diverse indigenous god Almaqah. From Melazo, near Axum, dated to die fifth century Ethiopian Axumite coinage. Originating from at least early BCE. Archaeological Museum, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. (Werner ForChristian times, it was struck of gold, silver, bronze, and man/Art Resource, NY) other metals overlaid with gold. The coinage exhibits the royal head, the crown, and, in later times, the cross. Other coin finds feature half-length profile busts of kings wearing with Tsarane in nonvocalized Ge'ez, Sabaean (Protofringed robes and necldaces, bracelets, and armlets or hold Ge'ez), and Greek. The second written in Ge'ez and Greek ing a sword, a spear, or a hand cross and framed by two deals with the conquest of the Beja, a nomadic and warlike stalks of wheat. Some coins have a double representation of tribe. The third, perhaps dre most important, deals with the the royal image thought to be unique in ancient coinage. conquest of the Noba, who occupied much of Nubia. The first two inscriptions call Ezana the son of the god Mahrem, The most common reverse motif on silver and bronze son of Ares, whereas the third is dedicated in the name of coins after tire conversion of Ezana in 330 CE is the cross the Lord of Heaven. From this evidence, historians have (Latin and Greek, diamond-shaped, and other variants). deduced drat Ezana was the first Ethiopian king to be con According to Bent Juel-Jensen (1991) and Stuart Munroverted to Christianity. Others, however, hold that inscrip Hay (1984), the Axumite kings were the first Christian rulers tions of the later centuries including those of Emperor Kaleb to display tire cross on their coins. Less common motifs de (c. 514-546) that call upon tire Trinity are evidence not only pict an architectural reverse. One type shows an arch sup of Ethiopia's conversion to Christianity but of Christianity's ported on double columns. The second (of Armah) depicts triumph in Africa. the columns supporting a central gold-inlaid cross flanked by two others with a key-shaped object under the arch. Ac After about the middle of the seventh century Ethiopia cording to the numismatist Munro-Hay (1989a, 1993), these lost control over the Red Sea trade, which had been a major pieces may refer to both the conquest of Jerusalem by the source of economic and international strength, and entered Persians in 614 and either to Calvary or to the Holy Sepula period of isolation. T h e decline of its maritime trade be cher. came one of the main reasons for an interest in Ethiopia's hinterland for other areas of economic wealth and stability. Greek was used primarily on gold coins, but Ge'ez came Probably in the tenth century tire capital was moved to Agaw to predominate later on coins of otiier metals. King Wazeba in the middle highlands, where Christianity was translated used Ge'ez on his gold and silver coins. On earlier coins the into indigenous African cultural terms. The north remained inscriptions call the kings "Son of Mahrem." Some of the
ETHIOPIA earliest Christian coins depict the cross framed by the words "May this please the people." Other phrases and statements "by the grace of God," " M H D Y S , by this cross he will con quer," "joy and peace to the people," "Christ is with us," or "mercy and peace." T h e inscriptions also reveal the names of a dozen wellknown and about two dozen lesser-known kings of Axum. They span approximately the late third and the seventh cen turies, representing the period of the rise and decline of the Axumite Empire. Among the finds are thin gold coins of kings Allamidas, Ella Gabaz, Ioel, Hataz/Iathlia, Israel, and Gersem. Emperor Kaleb, whose famous campaign against Dhu-Nawwas in Yemen took place about 525, is one of the last Axumite kings who issued a large number of gold coins. Axumite coinage fluctuated in weight. According to Munro-Hay (1984, 1993), the fluctuations parallel those of Roman coinage. T h e heaviest gold coins equal the Roman half-aureus standardized at about i.6g, like the Roman tremissis of the monetary reforms of Constantine the Great. T h e gold content also varies, the earlier coins being up to 90 percent. In the mid-fourth century King Ezana's issues were 80 percent. Fifth- and sixth-century coinage was 60-70 per cent, Kaleb's coins had 64.2 percent; and Ella Gabaz' and Yoel's coins possessed only 50 percent. Numismatists think that the decline in the gold content of the coinage must have caused tire collapse of the monetary system in the seventh century. T h e oldest extant coins date to the fourth quarter of the third century and depict King Endubis, king of Axum, and his divine symbol. T h e king wears a helmet, depicted on both the obverse and reverse of his gold coins. Aphilas, Endubis's successor, issued coins made of gold, silver, and bronze with different sizes and designs. These exhibit vari ously the disk and the crescent, which were religious sym bols, above an elaborate high tiara situated on a colonnade or a tiered bust. Although the reverse was inscribed, the ob verse had no text. T h e Axumite Empire is distinguished among many an cient states not only for its production of coinage but also for the minting of gold coins, as in Rome and Persia. T h e coins witness the great economic and political influence of the empire and its international trade connections with the Roman and Persian empires and the Indian continent. Un fortunately, with the decline and disintegration of the Red Sea trade in the seventh century, the Ethiopian capital moved further inland, and the international monetary sys tem was no longer of use. With the demise of Axum, the production of coins dwindled and thereafter ceased proba bly around 630. Archaeological P o t e n t i a l of Ethiopia. Ethiopia is still a largely unexplored archaeological paradise. Even many structures that stand above ground have not been fully re corded and studied. According to Ethiopian Church tradition, the Ethiopian
277
eunuch of the Book ofActs (8:27-39), was the first Christian missionary to Ethiopia. Christian missionary activities must have indeed begun all along the Red Sea regions beginning in the first century. Scholars believe that Ethiopia did not adopt Christianity as the state religion until the fourth cen tury, when Ethiopia was at the height of its political, military, and economic power. T h e claim that Christianity did not gain eminence until the sixth century that occasionally is aired is speculation based on the tradition that the first Ethi opian Christian ldngs were Abraha and Asbaha, who ruled in that later period. In a highly africanized form, Christianity gave rise to the dominant culture of Ethiopia—its literature, art, music, law, and architecture. During the fourth and fifth centuries the entire Ethiopian plateau in the north was so thoroughly christianized that Cosmas, the famous Egyptian monk who visited Ethiopia about 525, returned impressed that there were "everywhere churches of the Christians, bishops, martyrs, monks, and hermits, by whom the gospel . . . is proclaimed." The sites of many ancient churches still remain unexcavated. During the fifth through fifteenth centuries, there arose in the east several Muslim states such as Ifat, Dawaro, Hadya, Saho, Bali, and Afar that were assimilated into the Ethiopian empire. Little archaeological work has taken place in these regions. Likewise, many Christian sites of the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries await excavation. This era, which was a period of ecclesiastical revival, consists of the Zagwe dynasty (1137-1270) and the so-called Solomonid dynasty (1270-15 27). [See also Adulis; Axum; Fladar; Matara; awdMeroe.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Alvares, Francisco. Prester John of the Indies, Translated by Lord Stan ley of Alderley. Edited by C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford. Cambridge, 1961. Anfray, Francis. "Chronique archeologique, 1960-64." Annates d'Eth-
iopie 6 (1965): 3-48. Anfray, Francis. "Le Musee Archeologique d'Asmara." Rassegna di
Studi Etiopici 21 (1965): 5-15. Anfray, Francis. "Enselale, avec d'autres sites du Choa, de 1'Arssi et un ilot du lac Tana." Annates d'Ethiopie 11 (1978): 153-180. Athanasius. Historical Tracts. Translated by John Henry Newman. Ox ford, 1843. See pages 182-183,
Athanasius. Apologia ad imperatorum Constantium. In Patrologia graeca. Vol. 25. Paris, 1857. See page 636. Azai's, Francois, and Roger Chambard. Cinq annees de recherches archeologiques en 6thiopie. 2 vols. Paris, 1931.
Bent, J. Theodore. The Sacred City of the Ethiopians. London, 1893. Bianchi Barriviera, Lino. Le chiese in roccia di Lalibela e di altri luoghi del Lasta. Rome, 1963. Bureau, Jacques. "Note sur les eglises du Gamo." Annates d'Ethiopie 10 (1976): 295-303. Caquot, Andre. "Note sur Berber Maryam." Annates d'Ethiopie 1 (1955): 109-116. Caquot, Andre, and Pierre Nautin. "Une nouvelle inscription grecque d'Ezana, roi d'Axoum." Journal des Savants 72 (1970): 260-274.
Casson, Lionel, ed, and trans. The "Periptus Maris Erylhraei": Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Princeton, 1989,
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ETHIOPIC
Munro-Hay, Stuart C. "The al-Madhariba Hoard of Gold Aksumite Cecchi, Antonio. Da Zeila alle frontiere del Cajja. Rome, 1886. and Late Roman Coins." Numismatic Chronicle 149 (1989a): 83-100. Cerulli, Enrico. "Documenti arabi per la storia deU'Etiopia." In MeMunro-Hay, Stuart C , et al. Excavations at Aksum: An Account of Re morie della Reale Accademia del Lincei, 6th ser., vol. 4. Rome, 1931. Cerulli, Enrico. Etiopi in Paleslina: Storia della comunita etiopica di Gersearch at the Ancient Ethiopian Capital Directed in 1972-4 by the Late usalemme. 2 vols. Rome, 1953-1957. Dr. Neville Chitlick. Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Af Cerulli, Enrico. Storia della lelteratura etiopica. Milan, 1956. rica, no. to. London, 1989b. Christliche Kunst am Alhiopien und Nubien. Vienna, J 964. Exhibition Munro-Hay, Stuart C. "A New Silver Coin of King Aphilas of Ak catalogue, Museum fiir VSlkerkunde. sum." Numismatic Chronicle 150 (1990): 238. Conti Rossini, Carlo. Storia d'Etiopia. Bergamo, 1928. Munro-Hay, Stuart C. "Aksumite Coinage." In African Zion: The Sa Cosmas Indicopleustes. The Christian Topography of Cosmas, an Egypcred Art of Ethiopia, edited by R. Grierson. New Haven, 1993. tian Monk. Translated and edited by John W. McCrindle. London, Oddy, W. A., and Stuart C. Munro-Hay. "The Specific Gravity Anal 1897. ysis of the Gold Coins of Aksum." Metallurgy and Numismatics 1 Drewes, Abraham J. Inscriptions de TElhiopie antique. Leiden, 1962. (1980): 73-82, pis. 2-4. Gerster, Georg. Churches in Rock: Early Christian Art in Ethiopia. Lon Procopius. De bello Persico. Translated by H. B. Dewing. Cambridge, don, 1970. Mass., 1914. Gigar, Tesfaye. "Inscriptions sur bois de trois eglises de Lalibala." Schneider, Madeleine. "Steles funeraires arabes de Quiha." Annates Journal of Ethiopian Studies 17 (1984): 107-126. d'Elhiopie 7 (1967): 107-122. Glaser, Eduard. Nochmals die Adulitanische Inschrift. Das Ausland, Schneider, Madeleine. "Documents epigraphiques de l'Ethiopie.'Mra1891. nales d'Elhiopie 9 (1972): 103-113; 10 (1973): 8 1 - 9 3 ; (t974): Glaser, Eduard. Die Abessier in Arabien und Afrika. Munich, 1895. 133. Groom, Nigel. Frankincense and Myrrh: A Study of the Arabian Incense Schneider, Madeleine. "Trois nouvelles inscriptions royales d'AxTrade. London, 1981. oum." In IV congresso internazionale di studi etiopici, vol. I, pp. 767Heldman, Marilyn E. "Early Byzantine Sculptural Fragments from Ad 786. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Quaderno 191. Rome, 1974. ulis." Paper presented at the Tenth International Conference of Schneider, Madeleine. "Deux inscriptions ethiopiennes." Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Paris, 1988. Ethiopian Studies 15 (1982): 125-130. Heldman, Marilyn, et al. African Zion: The Sacred Art of Ethiopia, edited Schoff, Wilfred H., ed. and trans. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, by Roderick Grierson. New Haven, 1993. New York, 1912. Huntingford, G. W. B., ed. and trans. The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea.Strelcyn, Stefan. "Quelques inscriptions ethiopiennes." Bibliotheca Or London, 1980. ientalist (1979): 137-156. Ibn Hisham, 'Abd al-Malik. Kitdb sirat Rasiil Allah. 2 vols. Edited by Uhlig, Siegbert. Athiopische Paldographie. Athiopistische Forschungen, Ferdinand Wustenfeld. Gottingen, 1858-1860. 22. Stuttgart, 1988. Isaac, Ephraim, and C. Felder. "Reflections on the Origins of the Ethi Van Beek, Gus W. "Monuments of Axum in die Light of South Ara opian Civilization." In Proceedings of the Eighth International Confer bian Archaeology." Journal of the American Oriental Society 87.2 ence of Ethiopian Studies, vol. 1, pp. 71-83. Addis Ababa, 1984. (1967): 113-122. Johanson, Donald, and MaiUand Edey. Lucy: The Beginnings of EPHRAIM ISAAC HumanKind. New York, 1981. Juel-Jensen, Bent. "Was the Design of One of Offa's Coins Inspired by the Silver of King Abana of Aksum?" Spinks Numismatic Circular 97 (1989): 296. Juel-Jensen, Bent. "A New Aksumite Coin from the Early Christian E T H I O P I C . A language belonging to the Ethiopie Se Period." Spinks Numismatic Circular 99 (1991): 39. mitic subcategory of the southern group of Semitic, Ethiopie Kitchen, Kenneth A. "The hand of Punt." In The Archaeology ofAfrica: is more specifically known as classical Ethiopie or Ge'ez Food, Metals, and Towns, edited by Thurstan Shaw et al., pp. 587(Eth., gd'dz, perhaps derived from a rootg'z "become free"; 608. London and New York, 1993. less probably, "depart," "change camp"). Ethiopie Semitic, Kobischanov, Yuri M. Axum. Translated by Lorraine T. Kapitanoff. State College, Pa., 1979. a highly differentiated family of some fifteen languages, Lepage, Claude. "Les monuments C h r e t i e n s rupestres de Degum, e n probably developed out of a lingua franca based on one or Ethiopie (rapport preliminaire)." Cahiers Archeologiques 22 (1972): more varieties of South Semitic imported into die Horn of 167-200. from Southern Arabia (modern Yemen), perhaps in Littmann, Enno. The Legend of the Queen of Sheba in the Legend ofAfrica Ak connection witir Soutiiern Arabian migration or trading ac sum. Leiden, 1904. tivity Littmann, Enno. Publications of the Princeton Expedition to Abyssinia. 4 at some time during the first millennium BCE. Ge'ez vols. Leiden, 1910-1915. belongs to tire Northern group of Ethiopie Semitic lan Littmann, Enno, et al. Deutsche Aksum-Expedition. 4 vols. Berlin, 1913.guages, as does its close relative Tigrinya, the language of MaqrTzT, Ahmad ibn 'All. Historia regum Islamiticorum in Abyssinia. modern Eritrea). It is attested in its full classical form by the Translated and edited by Friedrich Theodor Rink. N.p., 1790. Moberg, Axel, e d . and trans. The Book of the Himyarites. Lund, 1924. fourth century CE but probably had disappeared as a spoken language by the tenth century. Ge'ez has survived as an ec Moore, E. "Ethiopian Crosses from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Cen tury." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on the History clesiastical and liturgical language. Until the nineteenth cen of Ethiopian Art, London, 1986, pp. 110-114, figs. 148-182. London, tury, it was, for all practical purposes, the sole written lan 1989. guage of Ethiopia. T h e official language of modern Etiriopia Muller, David Heinrich. Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Abessinien. Berlin, is Amharic, one of a dozen or more languages making up 1894. the Southern group of Ethiopie Semitic languages. Munro-Hay, Stuart C. The Coinage of Aksum. New Delhi, 1984. 11
I 2 8 _
ETHIOPIC Ethiopia writing systems. Columns 1-8 show the Ethiopia syllabary (each sign represents the row/column consonant-vowel combination); columns 9 - 1 0 show the Old South Arabian alphabet (OS A signs for s , theta, delta, z, and gamma not used in Ethiopic). TABLE I .
3
1 h
I h
m §
r s q
b t
3 Cu
4 Ci
u A 1I1 on
O A ,lv on. W 4.
V. A, ih.
Hi
™L
"i
"1. 4 (I t a •1: a v.
u
V I
t\
tf
t n •i-
•I! n•1:
•*
b n
T
k
i> h
w
a. 04. T.
8 Co
K. A. A. "1
u A ih 9°
IT A
-
e
B
4
c 7"
V
f
1 m. si 1 4.
10
9 OSA
*
t
>
k
w
ft-
ft-
is
J»
g
w
>
T-
>\
?
f T
c
s
-
•Ytr•1-
T h e writing system used for all Ethiopic Semitic lan guages (see table 1 ) clearly developed from a South Semitic consonantal script of the type attested in Epigraphic South Arabic. A unique feature distinguishing this from all other West Semitic scripts is its evolution in tire direction of a syllabary by the introduction of a distinct modification of the basic consonantal character for each of the seven vowels (/i e a a 3 0 u/) of the language. There is, however, no special sign for a consonant not followed by a vowel (the Cd sign is used), or for consonant gemination (doubling), an impor tant feature of Ge'ez morphology. T h e consonantal inven tory of Ge'ez contains most of the "emphatic" and laryngeal consonants expected in a Semitic language. It is important to note, however, that the set of consonants is unique in having both an "emphatic" (globalized) /p'/ and a class of "labio-velar" consonants (velars with a zo-offglide) /k g q h /. In verbal morphology Ge'ez shares with other Western Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, and Aramaic) tire de w
w
w
w
279
velopment of a perfective (past) tense based on suffixed subject elements; its irnperfective (present-future), how ever, preserves an archaic construction found elsewhere only in Akkadian. In the paradigm of the base form of the perfective and irnperfective of the verb qtl ("kill") shown in table 2, note also the /k/ in the first person singular and sec ond person perfective subject suffixes, instead of the /t/ found in the other languages. Of the three Common Semitic nominal case suffixes, nominative /-u/, genitive /-i/, accusative /-a/, only the accu sative survives in Ge'ez. Like Arabic and South Arabian, Ge'ez forms the plural of a large portion of its nouns by replacing the vowel pattern of the singular: kalb/aklab "dog/ dogs," wald/wdlud "son/sons," kanfarlkandfdr "lip/lips." Syntactically, Ge'ez tends to follow tire verb-subject-object clause word-order pattern favored in West Semitic lan guages but less rigorously than some of the other languages. T h e written attestation of Ge'ez starts with a limited num ber of monumental inscriptions in an archaic nonvocalized form of the script. By the time of the fourth-century CE king Ezana, we find a number of long, vocalized, and monumen tal texts on stelae (essentially campaign narratives) from the capital, Axum, monotheistic (presumably Christian) in con tent, which show both the language and script in their es sentially classic form. There are earlier polytheistic texts in nonvocalized Ethiopic script from the same ruler. Some of these texts are accompanied by Greek translations and tran scriptions into South Arabian script. Properly speaking, the earliest period of Ge'ez literature seems to date from the evangelization of Ethiopia, perhaps from the sixth century. (Few, if any, of the preserved Ge'ez manuscripts can be dated confidently before dre twelfth century.) This literature consists largely of translations and adaptations from Greek and possibly Syriac: the Bible and Apocrypha, liturgical texts, rules of Pachomius, collections of exttacts from the Church Fathers, and hagiographical accounts. After a "dark period," which began in tire eighth century and lasted for several hundred years, the literary tradition picks up again in connection with new monastic foundations and reestablishment of a link with the Alexandria patriarchate in the eleventh century. There is still a strong translation compo nent, now largely from Arabic (itself in turn frequently a translation from Greek, Coptic, or Syriac), but there are also
TABLE 2.
Perfective and Irnperfective of the Verb Qtl ("Kill") PERFECTIVE
I 2 m 2f
3 m 3f
IMPERFECTIVE
Sg.
PI.
Sg.
PI.
qatal-ku qatal-ka qatal-ki qatal-a qatal-at
qatal-na qatal-kdmmu qatal-kfln qatal-u qatal-a
6-qattdl td-qattfl tt-qattal-i ya-qattdl td-qattdl
nfl-qattdl tfl-qattal-u td-qattdl-a y3-qattdl-u y3-qattdl-a
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new, original, and indigenous works in an ecclesiastical vein. These works include hagiography, local chronicles, and li turgical, devotional, and apocalyptic literature. Further more, court literature includes royal chronicles, a "national epic" (Kdbra Nagast.—"The Glory of Kings"—recounting the origins of the ruling dynasty from a union of Solomon and Sheba, here, an Ethiopian queen), and legal documents. A tradition of magical texts continues into the twentieth cen tury, its most visible manifestation being the ubiquitous "magic scrolls" composed in Ge'ez for individual clients by learned clerics and worn as an amulet, rolled up in a leather case. [See also Semitic Languages.]
the material culture. Some scholars therefore restrict the term ethnoarchaeology to describe and define problem-ori ented fieldwork. Others prefer a broader definition and refer to problem-oriented field archaeology as either action ar chaeology (Kleindienst and Watson, 1956) or living archae ology (Gould, 1977). Archaeologists and anthropologists have used ethno graphic data to aid in interpretation and reconsu-uction since at least the mid-eighteenth century. Initially those data were used to study hunting-and-gathering societies. They were usually collected to study modern examples of those soci eties and were only secondarily applied to archaeological in terpretation. In 1900, J. W. Fewkes used the term ethnoar chaeology to describe this type of research, but for much of BIBLIOGRAPHY the twentieth century the term has been only loosely defined Dillmann, August. Lexicon linguae aethiopicae. Leipzig, 1865. The basic(Gould and Watson, 1982). In the last forty years, advances lexicographic work, with Ethiopic script, textual citations, headwords in methodology have allowed ethnoarchaeology to emerge ordered according to script order, and translations into Latin. The as a distinct discipline within the fields of anthropology and etymologies are unreliable and should be consulted with Leslau archaeology. Two important changes have taken place: (1987). there has been a linkage between archaeological and eth Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. 2d ed. London, 1907. The basic nographic fieldwork, so that the primary purpose of collect grammar. Hetzron, Robert. Ethiopian Semitic: Studies in Classification. Journal ing of ethnographic data is to assist in reconsu-uctions; and Semitic Studies, Monograph no. 2. Manchester, 1972. Consult for scholars have consciously expanded the boundaries of eth the relations of Ethiopic Semitic languages to one another, and to noarchaeology to include virtually all preindustrial soci Semitic generally. eties—horticultural, agrarian, herding, nomadic, and mari Lambdin, Thomas O. Introduction to Classical Ethiopic (Ge'ez). Harvard time. Semitic Studies, no. 24. Missoula, Mont., 1978. Good for self-in
struction; exercises and grammar given in Roman transcription only. Methodology. Ethnoarchaeologists generally agree that Leslau, Wolf. An Annotated Bibliography of the Semitic Languages ofEthi the primary purpose of ethnoarchaeology is to aid archae opia. La Haye, 1965. ologists and anthropologists in the difficult task of interpre Leslau, Wolf. Comparative Dictionary of Ge'ez (Classical Ethiopic). Wies tation. This occurs primarily in two ways: hypotheses con baden, 1987. Entries and subentries in Roman transcription, ordered by transcription alphabet, widi up-to-date and reliable etymologies. cerning the use and origin of particular artifacts or Leslau, Wolf. Concise Dictionary of Ge'ez (Classical Ethiopic). Wiesba architectural remains in ancient cultures are generated, and den, 1989. Same basic vocabulary coverage as above, excluding ety theories explaining the relationship between material re mologies. Entries are given in Ethiopic script, according to Ethiopic mains and the human culture that produced them are de script order. veloped and tested (Gould and Watson, 1982, pp. 356-357). Ricci, Lanfranco. "Etiiiopian Christian Literature." In The Coptic En cyclopedia, vol. 3, pp. 975-979. New York, 1991. Contains extensive However, debate continues over the role of "analogy" or bibliography. "analogical reasoning" in the interpretative process. Specif G E N E GRAGG ically, questions remain about the appropriate limits and controls for the use of analogy. Some suggest loose controls (Robert Ascher, "Analogy in Archaeological Study," South ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY. The wide variety of ap western Journal of Anthropology 17 [1961]: 317-325, Yellin, proaches, methodologies, and questions designed to en 1977); others propose that the scientific method be imposed hance archaeological interpretation through the application rigidly on the interpretive process (Binford, 1967, 1982). of ethnographic data to material remains recovered through While most recognize the need for caution in applying anal excavation is collectively known as ethnoarchaeology. More ogy, a minority of scholars suggest tiiat analogical reasoning technically, ethnoarchaeology refers to ethnographic study should be abandoned altogether on the grounds that it is conducted for the purpose of applying it to a particular ar circular and overly subjective (Freeman, 1968; Gould, in chaeological problem, such as tool construction and use, Gould and Watson, 1982). population density, use of domestic space, or pottery pro In analogical reasoning, archaeologists seek analogs, or duction. Archaeologists observe a living culture that is sim points of comparison, between a source society (contem ilar in both environmental setting and cultural character to porary, but premodern) and a subject society (ancient, often the ancient culture they are attempting to reconstruct. The prehistoric). Those who favor the use of analogy generally data from the living culture are then applied to the ancient agree that for analogical reasoning to be valid, several levels setting in order to allow a more informed interpretation of of similarity must exist—in cultural organization, environ-
ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY mental setting, subsistence strategy, and technology—be tween tire ethnographically documented culture and the archaeologically documented culture (Kramer, 1979). In his programmatic article, Ascher (1961) drew attention to dre need for a more sophisticated methodology to govern analogical reasoning. He points out that anthropologists frequendy applied data directiy from one cultural context to another (in what he called the direct-historical approach) with little sensitivity to the levels of continuity or disconti nuity between the analog and the culture to which it was applied. He suggests that ethnoarchaeologists adopt a more nuanced approach to the data to include the use of multiple analogs in interpretation; ranking the usefulness of those an alogs; incorporating more ethnographic data in interpreta tion; and showing greater sensitivity to tire differences be tween living and dead cultures under study. Lewis Binford (1967) argues that Ascher's suggestions are inadequate and that if analogy is to be used in archaeological reconstructions it must be governed by scientific method. He called for ar chaeologists to state clearly the assumptions underlying their research and to frame and test hypotheses concerning the cultures being studied. Patty Jo Watson (Gould and Watson, 1982) and Alison Wylie (1985) claim that analogical reasoning is indispens able to the interpretative process. Wylie maintains that a major reason for the resistance to analogical reasoning is its early naivete, its evolutionary determinism, and its lack of adequate controls. She further argues that because ethnoar chaeologists have advanced more sophisticated metiiodologies, the distrust of analogy is no longer valid—drat, at its core, all archaeological interpretation is analogical. Accord ing to Watson, the purpose of ethnoarchaeology is twofold: to collect analogs from as many contexts as possible and to develop theories and methodologies to govern the applica tion of these analogs to the archaeological record. She readily admits the tentative nature of analogical inference but seeks to offset any subjectivity through evaluating each proposed analog for its degree of similarity between source and subject culture. In addition, Watson emphasizes the need of further scientific testing drat would demonstrate both similarities and differences among tire cultures under question. According to Richard Gould, analogy is fundamentally flawed. He objects to its use on three points: analogical rea soning tends to be circular, it assumes a high degree of con tinuity (when it observes real or apparent parallels it claims to prove the uniformity that it has assumed); and apparent similarity among cultures does not prove that specific rela tionships actually exist between present and past practices or cultural patterns. Gould insists that analogical reasoning, and tire apparent continuity it claims to prove, cannot ade quately explain the variables inherent in human culture. Thus, he suggests that ethnoarchaeologists should concen trate on levels of cultural dissonance and .anomaly rather
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than seek to demonstrate cultural similarities through anal ogy. Gould and others who oppose analogical inference frequendy cite "cautionary tales" to demonstrate the weak nesses of analogy and to call eitirer for better methodology or for the abandonment of analogical reasoning. These tales generally demonstrate that the proposed relationship be tween an ancient artifact and its contemporary analog does not exist, based either on problem-oriented research or newly gathered ethnographic information. The concerns regarding tire use of analogy are particularly important when prehistoric, hunter-gatherer societies are the focus of the study. In such cases, tire time gap between the society from which the ethnographic data are gathered and the culture to which they are applied often approaches thirty tirousand-forty thousand years. In the case of the ear liest hominid remains, in which tool production or even sub sistence patterns may be studied, die gap may increase sub stantially into the hundreds of thousands or even millions of years. Generally, the greater the time gap between the two cultures being studied, tire more difficult it is to show that analogies truly exist and the more speculative die conclu sions. As noted, most early ethnoarchaeological research fo cused on prehistoric cultures. However, recent ethnographic studies have been applied to historical societies for which scholars may possess both written and archaeological re mains; in these cases, levels of continuity or discontinuity may be more easily discerned and analogy applied with greater accuracy. Despite the concerns expressed by Gould and other scholars, analogy will probably continue to play an impor tant role in ethnoarchaeological studies. Gould's criticisms have prompted scholars to be more sensitive to similarity and dissonance (or anomaly) between source and subject cultures; ethnoarchaeologists continue to be self-critical and more objective in tire ways in which they apply analogical reasoning to the archaeological record. Ethnoarchaeology a n d t h e Biblical World. As eth noarchaeology has emerged as a separate discipline, it has increasingly been applied to the archaeology of the ancient Near East. Several important studies have been conducted throughout die region, from Cyprus to tire Zagros Moun tains, and have contributed to a greater understanding of numerous cultural patterns, including use of domestic space, pottery manufacture, population, pastoral nomad ism, architecture, technology, and production. Among these issues three stand out as most significant in dealing with ancient Israel: pastoral nomadism, population, and produc tion. Pastoral nomadism. One of the major tiieories about the origins and emergence of Israel claims that the earliest Israelites were pastoral nomads who, for various socioeco nomic reasons, chose a sedentary lifestyle over nomadism. This theory initially applied analogical parallels from late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century models of bedouin
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culture and camel nomadism to the biblical texts (see, for example, Johannes Pederson, Israel: Its Life and Culture, London, 1926; W. Robertson Smitir, Lectures on the Religions of the Semites: The Fundamental Institutions, Edinburgh, 1889). Albrecht Alt (1925) and Martin Noth (The History of Israel, New York, 1958) then used this model in their "peaceful infiltration" theory to explain Israel's emergence in Canaan. George Mendenhall (1962) subsequently showed the weaknesses of tiiis theory, particularly because it relied on relatively late and highly idealized pictures of nomadism, and proposed an alternative model for Israel's origins. [See Israelites; and the biographies of Alt and Noth.] Recent scholarship has refined die model of pastoral no madism through ethnoarchaeological and anthropological studies of various types of nomadic societies; rather than use one rigid model of nomadism, scholars are now able to dif ferentiate among transhumant pastoralism, camel nomad ism, and traditional pastoral nomadism (see, in particular, Biblical Archaeologist 56.4 [1993]). One of the difficulties in reconstructing nomadic societies and testing their applicability to earliest Israel has been the paucity of material remains such societies leave. However, new techniques of investigation (some developed from in tensive studies of living nomadic societies) allow archaeol ogists to retrieve data even from scant archaeological re mains of ancient nomadic groups (Rosen and Avni, and Banning, in Biblical Archaeologist, 1993). Other studies con centrate on the complex social forces involved in the process of sedentarization, tire origins of the four-room or broadroom house, the way in which traditional and nomadic so cieties maintain ethnicity, subsistence strategies, and settle ment design. While these studies cannot prove or disprove the peaceful infihration theory proposed by Alt, they have allowed for its refinement and for a more nuanced under standing of a societal type that was present in Syria-Palestine in antiquity. Population. Perhaps the least controversial use of etirnoarchaeology is its application to population density in an tiquity. Ethnoarchaeologists have examined various aspects of population density in rural villages in Iran and Syria-Pal estine (including areal density and spatial patterning). Ar chaeologists most commonly use areal analysis to estimate the population of ancient Syria-Palestine. The density of population in a contemporary village is studied, and a pop ulation-to-area coefficient is applied to ancient settlements. Early studies suggested that as many as 450 to 500 persons lived on one hectare (2.5 acres) of settled space, which led to somewhat inflated estimates of population of cities and villages in antiquity. As a result of several recent and more accurate studies of population density, the most widely accepted populationto-area coefficient is now 250 persons per hectare (25 per sons per metric dunam [0.25 acre]). T o compute popula
tion, archaeologists estimate a site's total settled area and then multiply the figure by the population coefficient. For example, a series of articles on the population of Syria-Pal estine for the Early Bronze, Middle Bronze, Iron II, and Roman-Byzantine periods indicates that there were three population peaks for Syria-Palestine: tire Middle Bronze Age II, Iron Age II, and Roman-Byzantine periods (Broshi and others: 1979, 1984, 1986, 1992). Such studies allow for a better understanding of the settlement and population pat terns in particular periods and throughout the history of an entire region and thus for more accurate reconstructions of the larger socioeconomic and cultural patterns in antiquity. (Broshi, one of the pioneers in population studies, initially used the higher 450 persons per hectare coefficient; some of his early results should be recalculated using 250 persons, which will reduce estimates by about 45 percent.) [See De mography.] Production. Cultural reconstruction also involves the mode and types of production. Scholars examine such fea tures as crop types and yields, the relative importance of particular crops in production; technological innovations that affect crop types or yields, economic interrelationship among villages, and the degree to which villages were ex ploited by larger cities and their social elites. With the assistance of tire allied fields of ethnobotany and paleobotany, it is relatively easy to assess the types of crops that were most significant in the overall agrarian regimen. [See Ethnobotany, Paleobotany.] Similarly, technological shifts tend to be well represented in tire archaeological rec ord. However, additional sources of information are needed to answer questions about agricultural production and so cioeconomic interrelationships. Israel Finkelstein (The Ar chaeology of the Israelite Settlement, Jerusalem, 1988) and Baruch Rosen ("Subsistence Economy of Stratum II," in Izbet Sarta. An Early Iron Age Site near Rosh Ha'ayin, Israel. Ox ford, 1986), for example, have turned to two sources to sup plement the archaeological data: sixteenth-century CE taxa tion and census documents from tire Early Ottoman period in Syria-Palestine and documents and statistics from tire early British Mandate of Palestine (1917-1948). Although these materials were not compiled to assist archaeological interpretation, their use would be allowed under a definition of ethnoarchaeology that views archival data as legitimate for analogical inference. Using the data from these two sources, Finkelstein and Rosen attempt to reconstruct the levels of crop yields pos sible for a particular region of Syria-Palestine. These recon structions form the basis of their detailed analysis of village and regional economies, which shows how patterns of sur plus or deficit affect the production of certain crops and how patterns of trade among villages offset environmentally in fluenced patterns. However, the data from the sixteentirand early twentieth-century studies have been applied di-
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Its Settlements and Population." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 261 (February 1986): 73-90. Broshi, Magen, and Israel Finkelstein. "The Population of Palestine in Iron Age II." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 287 (August 1992): 47-60. Carter, Charles E. "A Social and Demographic Study of Post-Exilic Judah." Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1992. Includes a discussion of ethnoarchaeological method and devises testable hypotheses to eval uate the assumption of continuity tiiat underlies recent attempts to use premodern data from Palestine to reconstruct economic patterns of that region in antiquity. David, Nicholas. "Integrating Ethnoarchaeology: A Subtle Realist Per spective." Journal ofAnthropological Archaeology 11 (1982): 330-359. Ethnoarchaeology shows significant potential for helping Study of methodological issues confronting ethnoarchaeologists, dis archaeologists interpret and understand the remains they ex tinguishing between two basic models: the "Binfordian" model, cavate. It sheds light on the problematic archaeological is which concentrates on material remains, and the "Hodderian" sues of cultural patterns, socioeconomic setting, means of model, which focuses on ideational aspects of culture. Freeman, Leslie G., Jr. "A Theoretical Framework for Interpreting Ar production, population, ethnicity of ancient societies, and cheological Materials." In Man the Hunter, edited by Richard B. Lee the relationship between ideological and material aspects of and Irven DeVore, pp. 262-267. Chicago, 1968. Calls for the aban culture. donment of analogical reasoning, suggesting that the similarities be tween ancient and modern societies and/or behavior are only appar ent and that analogical inference impedes the interpretive process. BIBLIOGRAPHY Gould, Richard A. "Some Current Problems in Ethnoarchaeology." In Alt, Albrecht. "Die landnahme der Israeliten in Palastina: TerritorialExperimental Archaeology, edited by Daniel Ingersoll et al., pp. 359— geschichtliche studien." Leipzig, 1925. See also the English transla 377. New York, 1977. Presents a broadly based definition of the term tion in Essays in Old Testament History and Religion. Oxford, 1968, ethnoarchaeology and suggests that problem-oriented ethnographic pp. 135-169research should be called living archaeology. Bar-Yosef, Ofer, and Anatoly Khazanov, eds. Pastoralism in the Levant: Gould, Richard A., and Patty Jo Watson. "A Dialogue on the Meaning Archaeological Materials in Anthropological Perspectives. Prehistory and Use of Analogy in Ethnoarchaeological Reasoning." Journal of Press Monographs in World Archaeology, no. 10. Madison, Wis., Anthropological Archaeology 1 (1982): 355-381. Opposing viewpoints 1992. Important contribution to the discussion of pastoralism, in on the use of analogy present and a discussion of the appropriate cluding reports of ethnographic research, discussions of anthropomethods of ethnoarchaeological interpretation. logical and ethnoarchaeological method, and examinations of pas Heider, Karl G. "Archaeological Assumptions and Ethnographical toralism in specific archaeological periods, regions, or sites in Facts: A Cautionary Tale from New Guinea." Southwestern Journal antiquity. of Anthropology 23 (1967): 52-64. Uses ethnographic research to Biblical Archaeologist 56.4 (1993): "Nomadic Pastoralism: Past and show that certain assumptions concerning tool use in prehistoric Present." Includes five articles on ethnoarchaeology as it relates to hunter-gatherer societies, arrived at through analogical reasoning, pastoral nomadism and as recorded in archaeological remains and are incorrect; advocates greater caution in applying analogy to the Near Eastern texts (see the articles by Augustin F. C. Holl and archaeological record. Thomas E. Levy, Use Kohler-Rollefson, Stephen Rosen and Gideon Kleindienst, Maxine, and Patty Jo Watson. "'Action Archaeology': The Avni, David C. Hopkins, and E. B. Banning). Archaeological Inventory of a Living Community." Anthropology To Binford, Lewis R. "Smudge Pits and Hide Smoking: The Use of Anal morrow 5 (1956): 75-78. Pioneering article on the nature of eth ogy in Archaeological Reasoning." American Anthropology 32 (1967): noarchaeology. 1-12. In this and the article below, Binford discusses the uncritical Kramer, Carol, ed. Ethnoarchaeology: The Implications of Ethnography use of analogy and advocates the application of scientific method for Archaeology. New York, 1979. Essential introduction to the recent and die development of testable hypothesis as a means of bringing use of ethnoarchaeology and ethnography in the archaeology of the greater control to analogical reasoning. ancient Near East, including a critical introduction to ethnoarchaeol Binford, Lewis R. "Meaning, Inference, and the Material Record." In ogy and several studies in which ethnographic information from the Ranking, Resource, and Exchange, edited by Colin Renfrew and Ste Near East is applied to the archaeological record of tiiat region in phen Shennan, pp. 160-163. Cambridge, 1982. antiquity. Broshi, Magen. "The Population of Western Palestine in the RomanMendenhall, George. "The Hebrew Conquest of Palestine," Biblical Byzantine Period." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Re Archaeologist 25 (1962): 66-87. search, no. 236 (Fall 1979): 1-10. This and the following articles by Wylie, Alison. "The Reaction against Analogy." In Advances in Ar Broshi, Gophna, and Finkelstein represent studies of population and chaeological Method and Theory, vol. 8, edited by Michael B. Schiffer, demography based on edmoarchaeological assessments of popula pp. 63-111. New York, 1985. Perhaps the best synopsis of the recent tion density. They show the methodological advances in such stud discussion of tile use and abuse of analogy, suggesting that all eth ies, demonstrating die use of population studies in the reconstruction noarchaeological inference is analogical. Wylie attempts to show that of wider social and economic patterns. recent developments in methodology make the objections to analogy groundless. Broshi, Magen, and Ram Gophna. "The Settlements and Population of Palestine during the Early Bronze Age II—III." Bulletin of the Amer Ycllin, John E. Archaeological Approaches to the Present: Models for Re ican Schools of Oriental Research, no. 253 (Winter 1984): 41-53. constructing the Past. New York, 1977. Pragmatic treatment of the problems involved in archaeological reconstructions that identifies Broshi, Magen, and Ram Gophna. "Middle Bronze Age II Palestine: rectly to the past without enough sensitivity to the sources of data or to the possible differences between the source and subject cultures (Carter, 1992). Although the approach may hold promise for future economic reconstructions of ancient Syria-Palestine, testable hypotheses need to be devised to determine whether the apparent continuity between these traditional cultures and those of antiquity is genuine. Only when adequate similarity between source culture and sub ject culture is demonstrated can the data be applied to an cient Israel.
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past problems and recent advances in ethnoarchaeological method ology. CHARLES E . CARTER
ETHNOBOTANY. By examining modern plant use and the interrelationship between humans and their envi ronment, archaeologists and paleoedrnobotanists can gain insight into ancient uses of plants and the processes respon sible for the deposition of the variety of botanical remains found at archaeological sites. Among the many uses of plants, that of food is perhaps the most critical. Past subsis tence practices, diet, and nutrition can be reconstructed by observing traditional methods and tools used in food prep aration and processing. To understand how plants have been used for food, how they were deposited, and how they were collected, it is helpful to turn to the practices of com parable modern societies. Studies have been carried out in Turkey and Greece to identify the by-products of crop processing activities, witir a view to determining which plants and plant parts are likely to be preserved in various contexts at a Neolithic or Bronze Age site. One such study (Hillman, 1984) identified nearly thirty different steps necessary to process emmer wheat. From threshing, winnowing, and sieving, to final sorting be fore grinding, each step in the process produced various weed seeds, chaff fragments, or odrer plant parts that were ultimately deposited elsewhere on the site as fodder, mudbrick temper, or refuse. The disposal of certain by-products in hearths or middens that are subsequentiy burned, or the accidental destruction of a storage or processing facility by fire, will result in at least some of tire specific by-products being carbonized and tirus potentially preserved. It may then be possible to correlate similar types of deposits on archae ological sites with the processing step(s) used. The edrnobotanist observes seasonal plant use, often for several years within a given community or region, in order to observe how some plants are stored while others are eaten immediately upon collection or harvest. In the course of sev eral years it may also be possible to examine plant reactions to stresses such as crop failure from drought or other cli matic disasters, depletion of wild resources as a result of the expansion of agricultural lands, or loss of wood for fuel as a result of deforestation. Most or all of these stresses were probably also felt by societies and communities in the an cient Near East at one time or another. It is, tirus, possible to formulate hypotheses about the reactions of ancient pop ulations based on a modern society's methods of coping with tire stress on flora. There is some uncertainty attendant in tiris type of eth nographic analogy: the by-products of different processing steps may not have been mixed in the same deposit, partic ular tool types found on sites may not always have been used for the same purposes, and people may not, in fact, always
react in the same ways to similar stresses. Still, ethnobotany provides a framework for speculation. It also allows an ex amination of the archaeological data from a different per spective, in order to reach the most reasonable explanation of the ancient record. [See also Agriculture; Cereals; Ethnozoology; Paleobot any; and Paleoenvironmental Reconstruction.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Forbes, Mary. "Gathering in the Argolid: A Subsistence Subsystem in
a Greek Agricultural Community." In Regional Variation in Modem Greece and Cyprus: Toward a Perspective on the Ethnography of Greece edited by Muriel Dimen and Ernestine Friedl, pp. 251-264. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, vol. 268. New York, 1976. A look at some wild plant foods that would not be preserved archaeologically and might, therefore, be overlooked as part of the an cient diet. Hillman, Gordon. "Interpretation of Archaeological Plant Remains: The Application of Ethnographic Models from Turkey." In Plants
and Ancient Man: Studies in Palaeoethnobotany, edited by Willem van Zeist and W. A. Casparie, pp. 1-41. Rotterdam, 1984. Discusses crop-processing activities observed in Turkey over a number of years, the various by-products from each step, and analytical meth ods useful for grouping archaeological samples for comparison with an ethnobotanical counterpart. Jones, Glynis E. M. "Interpretation of Archaeological Plant Remains: Ethnographic Models from Greece." In Plants and Ancient Man: Studies in Palaeoethnobotany, edited by Willem van Zeist and W. A. Casparie, pp. 43-61. Rotterdam, 1984. Statistical analysis of weed seeds to identify the most likely steps in the processing sequence by which archaeological samples were produced. JULIE HANSEN
ETHNOZOOLOGY. The study of the way people and animals interact in a particular zoocultural system, ethno zoology seeks appropriate cultural definitions for animals as economic, symbolic, and ritual markers in a society. T o study communities and their animals in the past, etirnozoology follows ethnoarchaeology in observing how modern societies use animals to discern patterns of behavior. From diis, appropriate models are constructed against which the archaeological record can be tested. Because much etirnozoology has been directed to revealing how in the past peo ple produced animals and animal products, it has focused its research on modern pastoral societies. The limitations of ethnoarchaeology in general have applied here: extinct cul tural processes cannot be found through ethnographic anal ogy. Its potential to inform, however, is great, if appropriate examples are chosen. In tire ancient Near East, the range of animals (sheep, goat, cattle, pig, donkey, camel) exploited for food and labor was small and has not changed apprecia bly for much,of the region—with the possible exception of the increased use of domestic chicken and the decrease, since late antiquity, in the use of pig. T h e great difference between ancient and modern stock is tire introduction of improved breeds since World War II. However, because
EUGENICS MOVEMENT such animals are found only in the most sophisticated cen ters, sophisticated breeding techniques do not confer a sub stantial increase in product potential. T o study animal production systems, ethnoarchaeologists have lived with modern pastoral societies and learned much about how their management choices are influenced by en vironmental, social, political, and economic factors. These field studies have contributed enormously to models of the domestication process. Ethnozoological research also con cerns the mechanisms for the distribution of animal prod ucts. Both ethnographic and ethnohistoric records have been evaluated to produce models of the kinds of animals— by age, sex, and class—that are manipulated by central po litical authorities and markets. Together these studies have produced a sophisticated understanding of the relationship between tire "desert and the sown" and the significance of pastoral resources in the construction of political and eco nomic power. They have been significant in the evaluation of the extensive cuneiform record of centralized animal management. Another aspect is the study of cuisine, an eth nographic understanding of cooking and meal presentation in different social settings. This has proved beneficial in in terpreting archaeological data at tire household level. A final ethnoarchaeological aspect is actualistic studies of taphonomy (the study of processes that affect remains between their deposition and recovery). Bones are subject to numer ous biases—that is, to processes associated with burial that differentially destroy them. Experimental research has pro vided techniques for minimizing tire distortion these biases might bring to tire historical interpretation of archaeological materials. Ethnozoology also refers to the way people conceptualize animals. T h e study of folk taxonomy, a subdiscipline of cog nitive anthropology, has revealed universal patterns in the way folic categorize and group animals. Because the basic level in studying animal production systems is predicated on animals as scientific categories that may have little or no intersection with the folk category, any complete under standing of how such a system functioned must compre hend both. T h e underlying psychology of folk taxa and their arrangements explicates tire similarities and differences be tween folk and scientific systems. In studying tire past, folk taxonomic principles can usefully be applied to ancient texts to facilitate a more accurate identification of animal terms. For example, philologists translating ancient animal terms would try to use contextual clues about morphology and behavior to match with a modern animal identified as a Linnaean category in a scientific classification. While this is a proper route to identification on one level, few philologists have understood modern zoological classification well enough to use it effectively: many times a term is equated with a modern species when there is insufficient evidence to make such a judgment, or when the folic category is, in fact, closer to a higher-level scientific grouping. In most in
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stances, there has been little recognition that the ancients had no concept of Linnaean categories, and so only one side of the equation was revealed. T h e starting point of all "ethno-" study is to discover culturally conditioned units for investigation. Textual evidence can provide important eth nozoological data when critically evaluated. [See also Animal Husbandry; Camels; Cattle and Oxen; Equids; Etirnoarchaeology; Ethnobotany; Paleobotany; Paleozoology; Pigs; and Sheep and Goats.] BIBLIOGRAPHY
Atran, Scott. Cognitive Foundations of Natural History: Towards an An thropology of Science. Cambridge, 1990. Penetrating study of the uni versal patterns underlying the cognition and arrangement of animate, as opposed to inanimate, objects and their influence on modern stud ies of natural science.
Aurenche, Olivier, ed. Nomads and sedentaires: Perspectives ethnoarcheologiques. Centre Jean Palerne, Memoires, 4. Paris, 1984. Important detailed studies of communities in Syria and Iraq. Berlin, Brent, et al. "General Principles of Classification and Nomen clature in Folk Biology." American Anthropologist 75 (1973): 214-242. Major initial statement of the principles of folk classification.
Berlin, Brent. Elhnobiological Classification: Principles of Categorization of Plants and Animals in Traditional Societies. Princeton, 1992. In corporates Berlin's many studies of ethnobiological classification and presents fresh insights into his pioneering theories. It will stand for many years as the seminal work in the field of folk classification. Cribb, Roger. Nomads in Archaeology. Cambridge, 1991. Important eth noarchaeological study of nomads in Turkey and Iran with broad utility in the construction of models for the ancient Near East.
Kramer, Carol. Village Etirnoarchaeology: Rural Iran in Archaeological Perspective. New York, 1982. Pioneering study of the implications of the characteristics of a village in Iran for archaeological reconstruc tions.
Watson, Patty Jo. Archaeological Ethnography in Western Iran. Tucson, 1979. Important details about animal management in a sedentary society. PAULA W A P N I S H
E U G E N I C S M O V E M E N T . The term eugenics, de fining a theory of human evolutionary genetics and "racial improvement" that exerted a profound influence on archae ological interpretation in tire Mediterranean basin and Near East, was coined in 1883 by Francis Galton, A widely re spected Victorian statistician and social critic, Galton sought to apply the principles of Darwinian "natural selection" to the improvement of the human race. According to tire ge netic theory first detailed in Galton's most famous work, Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into its Laws and Consequences (New York, 1870), human races possess varying levels of intelligence and physical capabilities. Indeed, the ability of each race—so the theory went—could be measured, to pro vide a clear hierarchy of racial groups. The movement of history, Galton contended, was pro pelled by the effects of this hereditary inequality, with "su perior" races naturally conquering and subsequently dom inating "inferior" ones. Galton and his followers further
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believed that uncontrolled interbreeding between superior and inferior races led inevitably to the degeneration of the former, and to their inevitable conquest by yet purer and superior racial groups. The early supporters of the eugenics movement in England were primarily concerned with mod ern racial issues: the social effects of massive immigration into the country in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and the often problematic relationship between British imperial administrators and the millions of Asians, Africans, and Middle Easterners they presumed to rule. Yet, one of the most important intellectual tasks undertaken by the supporters of eugenics was to demonstrate that racial inequality had been an operative factor throughout history— and that uncontrolled "race mixing" had uniformly disas trous results in all societies in which it occurred. William M. Flinders Petrie was among the first archae ologists to be deeply affected by Galtonian eugenics in the reconstruction of past societies. In 1885, Petrie accepted em ployment by Galton to travel up the Nile River and photo graph ancient Egyptian reliefs. The expectation was that the standard complement of human races, identifiable by their standard facial and bodily characteristics, could be traced back to pharaonic times. The result of this expedition was Petrie's book Racial Photographs from the Egyptian Monu ments (1887), which was among the first archaeological works to describe the various ethnic groups of the ancient Near East with modern racial terminology. Petrie further elaborated the idea of racial hierarchy in the ancient Near East in his later excavations both in Egypt and Palestine. His recognition of successive strata of occupation at every site was linked to a sequence of historical conquests. Indeed, Petrie and the generation of Near Eastern archaeologists he trained and influenced grew accustomed to associating the appearance of new classes of artifacts at stratified sites such as Gurob in Egypt and Tell el-Hesi in Palestine with the arrival (and conquest) of aggressive and technologically su perior ethnic groups. The legacy of Petrie's eugenical thinking continued to ex ert an effect on the implicit racial thinking of Near Eastern archaeology until long after his death in 1940. The statistical assumptions underlying the seriation techniques used to construct a chronological typology of ceramic types (pio neered by Petrie at Naqada, Hu, and Abadiya in Egypt) were based on the acceptance of the inevitability of a risefloruit-fall cycle in every aspect of human cultural produc tion—implicitly paralleling the supposed genetic rise-floruitfall of every interbreeding racial or ethnic group. Moreover, the identification of external invasion as the primary moti vation for the major cultural breaks in every major archae ological period, from the Chalcolithic to the end of the Cru sader period, served to transform modern archaeological research, at least partially, into an ideological justification for the aggressive expansion into the Near East of the profess
edly superior European imperial powers. The assumptions of Petrie and his followers about the cultural superiority of the supposedly northern Hyksos or Aegean-based Philis tines are two cases that illustrate his eugenical belief about the effect exerted by superior, or more innovative, races on the basically uncreative culture of Palestine. Racial terminology and eugenical thinking remained prominent in archaeological thinking through the 1930s. Considerable attention was paid by scholars to the racial origins of excavated skeletal remains and the racial connec tions of cultural forms and artifact types. Through the con tinuing use of Petrie's basic methodology of distinguishing discrete strata often uncritically linked to invasions of his torically mentioned ethnic groups, race remained a promi nent (though scientifically unverified) element in recon structions of ancient Near Eastern history. In the continuing, uncritical acceptance of rise-floruit-fall cycles in pottery types, and in the undefined attribution of social or cultural change to outside "influence" or internal "disinte gration," some scholars may still implicitly promulgate the basic concepts of eugenical history. When, or if, they do, those concepts are promulgated as inherited ideology rather than empirically verified fact. In die wake of World War II, however, die scientific bases for eugenical theories were largely undermined. Revulsion at die Nazis' final solution to the problem of "racial degen eration" ultimately paved the way for die final fall of eugen ics, both as a modern social program and a scientific theory. In the 1950s and the 1960s, with the discovery of D N A and the beginning of research into population biology and the complexity of genetic inheritance, it became clear that the concept of "races" as distinct or even measurable entities was a dangerous oversimplification. New approaches—eco nomic adaptation, innovation, cultural borrowing and ex change—in addition to invasion, came to be examined as tire cause for changes in patterns of material culture. [See also the biography of Petrie] BIBLIOGRAPHY Cowan, Ruth S. "Francis Galton's Statistical Ideas: The Influence of Eugenics." Isis 63 (1972): 509-528.
Galton, Francis. Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Its Laws and Con sequences. New York, 1870. Kendall, David G. "A Statistical Approach to Flinders Petrie's Se
quence Dating." Bulletin of the International Statistical Institute 40 (1963): 657-681.
Kevles, Daniel J. In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses ofHuman Heredity. New York, 1985. Lorimer, Douglas. "Theoretical Racism in Late-Victorian Anthropol ogy, 1870-1900." Victorian Studies 31 (1988): 405-430.
Petrie, W. M. Flinders. Racial Photographs from the Egyptian Monuments. London, 1887. Petrie, W. M. Flinders. "The Earliest Racial Portraits." Nature 39 (1888): 128-130. Silberman, Neil Asher. "Petrie and the Founding Fathers." In Biblical
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Archaeology Today, 1900: Proceedings of the Second International cu Con m per year), just below ar-Raqqa, draining a large area gress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, June-July 1990, edited by to the north, and finally the Klrabur at Bouqras (1,575 cu m Avraham Biran and Joseph Aviram, pp. 545-554. Jerusalem, 1993. per year). T h e river crosses into Iraq at Abu Kemal, near N E I L ASHER SILBERMAN the site of ancient Mari. [See Carchemish; Raqqa, ar-; Bouqras; Mari.] From the Khabur south, until Ramadi, the Middle Eu EUPHRATES. In Sumerian the name of the Euphrates phrates area is often called the Lower Jezireh (steppe), and River is BURANUN; in Akkadian, lD.KIB.NUN.KI (lit., the river is entrenched between this landform to the east and "Sippar River"); in Assyro-Babylonian, Purattu; in Old Per tire Arabian plateau to the west. It does not enter the Me sian, Ufratu; and in Greek, Eufrates. T h e river originates in sopotamian fioodplain until well south of Hit, 160 Ion (99 eastern Turkey and flows into the Arab-Persian Gulf, a dis mi.) from the Iraqi-Syrian border (Sanlaville, 1985, p. 19). tance of almost 2,700 km (1,674 ) j making it the longest T h e current 250-millimeter isohyet in this region of the Je river in western Asia. It currentiy traverses tirree modern zireh determines the difference between dry farming, irri Near Eastern states and a tiny part of a fourth. The total gation, and the development of pastoral nomadism (Zarins, area of tire Euphrates basin is 444,000 sq km (275,280 sq. 1990, fig. 3; Sanlaville, 1985, p . 20). [See Agriculture; Irri mi.), of which 27 percent (125,000) is found in Turkey, 18 gation; Pastoral Nomadism.] T h e Lower Euphrates consists percent (76,000 sq km) in Syria, 40 percent (177,000 sq km) of a series of subgeonrorphological units: in Iraq, and 15 percent (66,000 sq km) in Saudi Arabia Alluvial plain. A typical alluvial plain of braiding streams (Wakil, 1993, p. 67); 84 percent of its waters originates in creates natural levees, or river embankments, characterized Turkey, 13 percent in Syria, and 3 percent in Iraq. South of by seasonal inundation and alluvial flats. Siltation and salt tire Balikh and Klrabur Rivers, rainfall ceases to be an im become problems as transported silts in the water (from re portant contributing factor to the Euphrates flow. T h e an peated evaporation in alluvial basins or irrigated flats) cause nual rate of flow fluctuates, depending on the climatic con channel closing and salinization. The river reaches its closest ditions affecting runoff and recharge. During the flood stage point to the Tigris River near ancient Sippar and modern (March-June), when meltwater from eastern Anatolia Tau Baghdad. [See Sippar; Baghdad.] There, it enters the delta rus ranges and spring rains are at their peak, 70 percent of plain and divides into two branches. the annual flow is generated. T h e summer low Quly-OctoDelta plain. The main branch in the delta plain, tire Hinber) generates only 10 percent of the annual flow, and the diyah, flows to Samawa; the minor branch, the Hilla, con rainy season (November-February) creates die remainder: tinues past ancient Babylon and Kish to Diwaniya, joining 20 percent of annual flow. T h e rate of flow fluctuates cor the Hindiyah past Samawa. [See Babylon; Kish.] respondingly. Within die Middle Euphrates area, reports of Marsh/lake. The river creates a marsh/lake environment rate flow vary from 840 to more tiran 1,000 cu m per second) as it flows past Nasiriyyah, skirting north of Lake Hammar, (Hardan, 1993, pp. 75-78; Tomanbay, 1993, p. 60; Akkerthen joining the Tigris at Qurmat Ali. The combined mans, r99oa, p. r23; Sanlaville, 1985, p. 24). The annual streams form tire Shatt al-Arab in the estuarine zone. rate also varies from year to year, witir a typical average for Estuarine zone. T h e single stream of the Shatt al-Arab several years reported at 2,600 million cu m per year (San flows past Basra, where it is joined by the Karun and Karlaville, 1985, p. 24). kheh Rivers from Iran. All four flow past Abadan and create T h e river can be divided into a number of distinct geo a delta near Fao as drey empty into tire Arab-Persian Gulf. graphic units, depending on geomorphological conditions. In this area, the pinching Batin and Karun and Karkheh First, the Upper Euphrates is found in eastern Anatolia, River deltas constrict the modern Shatt al-Arab (Buringh, Turkey (from the Turkish perspective, the Lower Euphra 1957; Sanlaville, 1989). tes). There, two separate branches can be considered the T e n existing dams are currentiy operating on tire river source of the river. T h e western branch, the Kara Su, begins system. T h e Hindiyah barrage is dre oldest, having been in a small lake north of Erzurum and flows west. The eastern built in 1911-1914. (The others are the Keban, Karakaya, branch, dre Murat Su, also begins as a small lake east of Atatiirk, Tabqa, Haditha, Baghdadi, Ramadi, Falluja, and Erzurum and flows west, paralleling the Kara Su. T h e two Hilla.) The latest dams, such as the Ataturk in Turkey, were branches join north of Malatya to form the Euphrates (Tk., completed in 1990. On-line (i.e., functioning) dams such as Firat) proper. Crossing the Taurus and the front range, tire the Keban in Turkey, the Tabqa in Syria, and Haditha in river then flows several hundred kilometers in a southerly Iraq have created unique archaeological opportunities in ar direction, until it enters tire Syrian plain at ancient Carcheeas otherwise poorly known (see below). Additional dams mish. There, the Middle Euphrates (sometimes called the are in various stages of construction or planning on the river Upper Jezireh) receives its Syrian tributaries; first, the Sador its tributaries—particularly in Turkey and Syria (Khata, jur (100 million cu m per year), then tire Balikh (190 million Birecik, Carchemish, Saab, Shouher, Taaf). As a result of m L
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modernization plans, annual usage will be increased dra matically both for agricultural and industrial use. Because the river flows through three countries, future regulation of the Euphrates's waters is essential—a situation exacerbated by increasing competition for its waters and an incomplete understanding of tire amount of water available annually. Geological examination of the river's history has been spotty. Little is known from the source areas and the upper region; the Lower Euphrates has been more intensively ex amined. Initial work in the Middle Euphrates area suggests that the entire system originated in the Miocene graben, or depression, with subsequent Pliocene-Pleistocene depres sions leading to tire creation of a modern Euphrates. Tec tonic movement during those two periods largely deter mined the course of fossil and present-day streams (Akkermans, 1990a, p. 122; 1990b, pp. 15-17). In Syria, ter race remains are attributed to multiple periods, from tire Lower through tire Upper Pleistocene. At Mari, Paul Sanlaville suggests that a four-terrace system (T4-T1) can be recognized, with the highest at +40 m. The middle terrace (+20-30 m) belongs to the Lower Paleolithic (c. 250,000 BP), and the + 5-8-meter terrace has been identified as be longing to the Wiirm (Sanlaville, 1985, p. 22, fig. 4). In Iraq, researchers have suggested that three or more ter race systems may belong to the Middle Pleistocene (Paepe, 1971). Perhaps as far back as 500,000 years ago, and as re cently as 10,000 years ago, the Euphrates on the central Iraqi alluvial plain was part of a single river system emanating from Wadi Tharthar. Alluviation and tectonic activity not only created terraces but the current Euphrates River valley. (Paepe, 1971). Bifaces found on several of the highest ter races suggest a clear-cut Lower-Middle Paleolithic affilia tion. The Wadi Rimah/Wadi al-Batin complex, draining some 70,000 sq km (43,400 sq. mi.) in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, also follows a graben system and was a tributary system to an ancient Euphrates basin in the Late Pliocene and Pleis tocene. [See Kuwait.] While ephemeral flow has been noted only for the last five thousand years, the latest water data suggest that 32 million cu m per year flow past stations in tire Wadi Rimah basin (Sowayan and Allayla, 1989, p. 482). At least two or three terraces of fluvial/eolian origin are noted of Quaternary date (Sanlaville, 1989, fig. 3, p. 10). Aquifer water studies confirm tire Pleistocene nature of the stream flow. By Early Holocene times, the Middle Euphrates river was in its present form. Western tributaries in Iraq and Syria traversing the desert are almost always associated with Early Holocene industries, suggesting active river systems. These flowed into either the current Euphrates or playa lakes west of the modern river (Khor Habbaniya, Abu Dibbis/Bahr alMilh; Zarins, 1990, p. 50). One of the main Early Holocene channels then passed Ramadi to Kerbala-Najaf. According
to J. Boerma, the Upper Euphrates channelization has been entrenched since 8000 BCE (Boerma, 1983, p. 362). Archae ologists have also suggested that the Tigris-Euphrates em anated south of Baghdad as one stream, out of which nu merous branches emerged (Crawford, 1991, p. 8; Adams, 1972, maps 2-3; Adams 1981, figs. 9, 27). By the sixth mil lennium, only the main channel remained in tire middle of the alluvium. Even as late as tire third and second millennia BCE, branches of the Euphrates continued to dominate the Sippar area (Gasche, 1985, p. 581). Subsequently, in the late first millennium BCE, the river began its migration westward, to its present position. In the marsh/lake region, prior to 5000 BCE, the Euphrates ran across what is today the south ern Khor al-Hammar to Zubair and then to U m m Qasr, forming two channels past Bubiyan Island (Zarins, 1992, fig. 1). The Wadi Batin river and delta near Zubair may have been reactivated in this period as well. The effects of tire Flandrian Transgression affected tire Euphrates Delta, and the marine shoreline was considerably inland in historical times (c. 5000-2500 BCE). By 2000 BCE, the more modern conditions were reached (Sanlaville, 1989; Zarins, 1992, fig. 1). Archaeological associations with the river are numerous (for a recent summary, see Wright, 1992). T h e most recent detailed work has taken place in the Upper Euphrates re gion. Sites threatened by flooding brought archaeologists to examine the Altinova plain associated with the Keban dam—and more recently sites associated with the Ataturk dam. A rich association of tell sites stretching from the PrePottery Neolithic (Cafer Hoyiik, Hayaz Hoyiik) through the Ceramic Neolithic/Chalcolithic (Tepecik, Norsuntepe, Korucutepe) to the late third millennium BCE (Hassek Hoyiik, Kurban Hoyiik, Lidar Hoyiik) suggests that the archaeology of the region has close ties to the Middle Syrian Euphrates region to the south (Mellink, 1992, pp. 208-214). These and other sites (e.g., Samosata, Zeugma-Apamea, Tille) also cast light on later historical groups—Hittites and NeoHittites, Assyrians/Urartians, Arameans, and ParthoRomans—and on the Islamic period (Ward, 1990). [See Hittites; Assyrians; Urartu; Arameans.] In the Middle Euphrates region, archaeological sites are to be found associated directly with the river, with the Balildr tributary, the Khabur triangle, and areas to the west, such as Jebel Bishri and the el-Kowm region. Archaeological work in the region has increased considerably as a result of nowcompleted or ongoing dam construction. Sites in the Taqba dam reservoir have, in particular, changed the perception of dre region. Especially important are the sequences from Mureybet and Abu Hureyra, which shed light on the agri cultural revolution from tire tenth to sixth millennia (San laville, 1985, p. 18). [See Mureybet.] From the Late Uruk period, sites such as Habuba Kabira, Jebel 'Aruda, and other have shown direct connections with the Late Uruk of south-
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ern Mesopotamia, suggesting the establishment of Late Uruk "colonies" from the south. [See Habuba Kabira; Col onization.] In addition to well-known tributary sites such as Tell Halaf and Chaghar Bazar, recent work has considerably advanced what is known of the prehistoric to historical pe riods. Tell Leilan, identified with Shubat-Enlil, in the Kha bur triangle, may be the most important recent discovery. [See Halaf, Tell; Leilan, Tell.] T h e site of Mari, known from the French excavations begun in the 1930s, has yielded not only tremendous second-millennium BCE textual and artifactual data, but recently data stretching back to the Early Dynastic I period (Schwartz and Weiss, 1992, pp. 221-243) • North of Mari, ongoing work at Dura-Europos will also elu cidate the problems of the classical period both within the Euphrates valley and in such desert centers as Palmyra. [See Dura-Europos; Palmyra.]
of the other Sumerian towns of the delta alluvium as the primary centers of Sumerian political and religious focus left its imprint on biblical studies as well (especially Gn. 1 - 1 1 ) — in the Flood stories, Creation accounts, and the explanation for the origin of cities (Kramer, 1963, pp. 269-299).
From the Middle Euphrates Haditha dam reservoir in Iraq the sites of the Early Dynastic-Ur III periods are particularly important, painting a picture of Sumerian civilization on the Middle Euphrates hitherto only vaguely known (Roaf and Postgate, 1981, pp. 192-198; Killick and Roaf, 1983; AbdulAmir, 1988; Porada et al., 1992). [See Sumerians.] T h e Eu phrates entered the Mesopotamian alluvial plain south of Ramadi; survey work in the region, principally by Adams (1972), has shown that few sites are to be found there. Rather, civilization got its start on the delta plain beginning at ancient Sippar. This area is divided archaeologically and historically into two parts: Akkad, covering the northern portion, and Sumer, to the south. The main channel(s) of the Euphrates in Akkad in the fifth-third millennia lay well to the east of the present Euphrates course and, upon reach ing Sumer, it (they) became extremely diffuse, or braided (Adams, 1981, fig. 9). Hans J. Nissen has suggested tiiat with the lowering sea level in the fourth millennium, Sumer re quired less natural irrigation, population became consoli dated in towns, and social stratification became more ex treme (Nissen, 1988, pp. 65-71, 74, 129-132). City states were created, which led to buffer zones and more constant warfare. Lack of raw materials heightened long-distance trade and the subsequent empire building became charac teristic (Wright, 1992, p. 723). Akkad relied less on such changes and became a distinct entity, based in part on the Euphrates channelization and the active tributaries to the western plateau (Steinkeller, 1992; Zarins, 1990). T h e Euphrates's principal channels and offtake canals had been cre ating silt and salt for the region at least since the third mil lennium (Jacobsen and Adams, 1958). These factors, plus the shifting of the Euphrates westward, eventually brought about tlie dissolution of Mesopotamian civilization.
changements culturels, vol. 2, edited by Olivier Aurenche et al., pp. 122-134. Paris, 1990. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. Villages in the Steppe. Amsterdam, 1990. Boerma, J. "Bouqras Revisited: Preliminary Report on a Project in
T h e Euphrates as the dominant source of water for Akkad and Sumer, and later for Babylonia, played an integral role in agriculture, communications, and the creation of political structures in the region. T h e occupation of Eridu and later
BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdul-Amir, Sabah J. "Archaeological Survey of Ancient Settlements and Irrigation Systems in the Middle Euphrates Region of Meso potamia." Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1988. Adams, Robert McC. "Settlement and Irrigation Patterns in Ancient Akkad." Appendix 5 in McGuire Gibson's The City and Area ofKish, pp. 182-208. Miami, 1972.
Adams, Robert McC. Heartland of Cities: Surveys of Ancient Settlement and Land Use on the Central Floodplain of the Euphrates. Chicago, 1981. Akkermans, P.M.M.G. "The Neolithic of the Balikh Valley, Northern
Syria: A First Assessment." In Prehistoire du Levant: Processus du
Eastern Syria." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 49 (1983): 362365. See the section "Environmental Conditions." Buringh, P. "Living Conditions in the Lower Mesopotamian Plain in Ancient Times." Sumer 13 (1957): 30-46. Crawford, Harriet. Sumer and the Sumerians. Cambridge, 1991. Gasche, Hermann. "Tell ed-Der et Abu Habbah: Deux villes situees a la Croisee des Chemins nord-sud, est-ouest." Mari 4 (198s): 579583.
Gibson, McGuire. City and Area of Kish. Miami, 1972. Hardan, Adai. "Sharing the Euphrates: Iraq." National Geographic: Re
search and Exploration 9 (1993): 73-79Jacobsen, Thorkild, and Robert McC. Adams. "Salt and Silt in Ancient Mesopotamian Agriculture." Science 128 (1958): 1251-1258. Killick, R. G., and Michael Roaf. "Excavations in Iraq, 1981-1982." /?-^ 45 (1983): 199-224.
Kramer, Samuel Noah. The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character. Chicago, 1963. Lloyd, Seton. The Archaeology of Mesopotamia: From the Old Stone Age to the Persian Conquest. London, 1978. Mellink, Machteld J. "Anatolian Chronology." In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, edited by Robert W. Enrich, vol. 1, pp. 207-220, vol. 2, 171-184. 3ded. Chicago, 1992.
Nissen, Flans J. The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B.C. Chicago, 1988. Paepe, Roland. "Geological Approach of the Tell ed-Der Area." In Tell ed-Der I, edited by Leon De Meyer et al„ pp. 9-27. Louvain, 1971. Porada, Edith, et al. "The Chronology of Mesopotamia, ca. 7000-1600
B.C." In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, edited by Robert W. Enrich, vol. 1, pp. 77-121, vol. 2, 90-124. 3d ed. Chicago, 1992. Roaf, Michael, and J. N. Postgate. "Excavations in Iraq, 1979-80." Iraq 43 (1981): 167-198. Sanlaville, Paul. "L'espace geographique de Mari." Mari 4 (1985): 1526. Sanlaville, Paul. "Considerations sur revolution de la Basse Mesopotamie au cours des derniers millenaires." PaBoiient 15 (1989): 5-27. Schwartz, Glenn M., and Harvey Weiss. "Syria, ca. 10,000-2000 B.C."
In Chronologies in Old World Archaeology, vols. 1-2, edited by Robert W. Ehrich, pp. 221-243, 185-202. 3d ed. Chicago, 1992. Sowayan, A. M., and R. Allayla. "Origin of the Saline Ground Water
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in Wadi ar-Rumah, Saudi Arabia." Ground Water 27 (1989): 481In the early aceramic Neolitiric, the Mureybetian period 490. (8000-7600 BCE)—represented at Mureybet (phase III), Steinkeller, Piotr. "Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C." In The
Tell Sheikh Hassan (excavated by Jacques Cauvin), and Tell Jerf al-Ahmar (excavated by Thomas McClellan and M. Mottra)—is part of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA) ographic: Research and Exploration i) (1993): 53-61. Wakil, Mikhail. "Sharing the Euphrates: Syria." National Geographic: culture that is better known in the southern Levant. Al Research and Exploration 9 {1993): 63-71. though round houses continue to be used, internal divisions Ward, Diane R. "In Anatolia, A Massive Dam Project Drowns Traces made with straight walls begin to be found in some. Recti of the Past." Smithsonian Magazine 21 (1990): 28-41. Wright, Henry T. "Prehistory of Mesopotamia." In The Anchor Bible linear buildings appear for the first time in history at Jerf elAhmar, in phase III at Mureybet, and at Sheikh Hassan. Dictionary, vol. 4, pp. 720-724. New York, 1992. Zarins, Juris. "Early Pastoral Nomadism and the Settlement of Lower Female figurines are found in stone and clay from Murey Mesopotamia." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, bet, and at Jerf el-Ahmar geometrically decorated shaft no. 280 (1990): 31-65. straighteners and a limestone human head with carefully Zarins, Juris. "The Early Settlement of Southern Mesopotamia: A Re modeled hair reveal a complex symbolic repertoire. view of the Recent Historical, Geological, and Archaeological Re Anchor Bible Dictionary, vol. 4, pp. 724-732. New York, 1992.
Tomanbay, Mehmet. "Sharing die Euphrates: Turkey." National Ge
search." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112 (1992): 55-77. The degree to which cereals were gathered or cultivated JURIS ZARINS is debatable, depending on how modern specialists define this important transition. Another problematic issue is the extent of sedentarism. In fact, this was dre time for dre tran sition to full village life, a process some call neolithicization. EUPHRATES DAMS, SURVEY O F . During the Jacques Cauvin, the excavator of Mureybet and Sheikh Has second half of the twentieth century CE, nine dams were built san, stresses the mental transformation of the society re or were under construction on the Euphrates River. The flected in the new cult of the female deity (represented by enormous number of antiquities lost from those projects was the figurines at Mureybet), the new cult of the bull (first offset in part by intensive archaeological salvage efforts. The observed in Mureybet phase II), and new burial practices. largest dam in Syria, the al-Thawra (Ar., "revolution"), T h e emergence of agriculture is yet another result of whose reservoir (625 sq km, or 387 sq. mi.) is called Lake changes in societal organization, according to Cauvin, ratirer Assad, was constructed at the village of Tabqa in the late than its underlying economic or technological cause, as pos 1960s and early 1970s. Just above it construction of a second, tulated by some cultural evolutionists such as Marvin Har theTishreen (Ar., "October") dam, begun in the late 1980s, ris, Elman Service, and Julian Steward. will be completed by the twenty-first century; its reservoir (70 sq km, or 43 sq. mi.) will extend about 60 km (37 mi.) The Pre-Pottery Neolitiric B (PPNB) period is known at north, almost to Jerablus (Carchemish) and the Turkish bor Mureybet (phase IV), Abu Hureyra II, Tell Halula (exca der. During the 1970s in the Lake Assad flood zone, exca vated by Miguel Molist), and Tell Dja'de el-Mughara (ex vations were conducted at more than twenty-five sites; in cavated by Eve Coqueugniot). Byblos points and large "nadre early 1990s fifteen sites were excavated in the Tishreen viform" blades distinguish the lithics, and rectangular innundation area. The results of those excavations enable houses become common. At Halula a P P N B "city gate" and the charting of the early trend to sedentarism, the emergence portions of a "city wall" have been discovered. Cereal cul of agriculture, the formation of states, and the incorporation tivation and animal husbandry combined to form tire full of tire Middle Euphrates into empires and world systems. agricultural system that became common to the Near East. In the Chalcolithic period (5500-3400 BCE), the Halaf and In dre Epipaleolithic (Mesolithic; 12000-8000 BCE) period Ubaid cultures, both of which are thought to have had tiieir the cultural sequence is Kebaran, Natufian, and Late Na origins farther east, successively extended across northern tufian, although there is some question whether the term Syria. The Halafian is best known from the site of Tell Natufian can properly be used for Euphrates sites so distant Shams ed-Din Tannira (excavated by Selina al-Radi and from its core area. The site of Nahr al-Homr, which pro Helga Seeden) and is well represented at Halula, whereas duced a Kebaran lithics assemblage, is succeeded in the Na Tell Abr (excavated by Hamidu Hammade and Yayoi Ko tufian period at the sites of Tell Abu Hureyra (excavated by ike) provides important evidence for the western Ubaid tra A. M. T. Moore) and Tell Mureybet. During period I at dition. Abu Hureyra, in which deposits span 11500-10000 BCE, there were semisubterranean round houses 2 m in diameter. T h e Uruk period (3400-3100 BCE) in tire Thawra and Subsistence was based on hunting, predominantiy gazelle, Tishreen dam areas marked what historians refer to as the and collecting plants, of which 150 species have been iden beginning of civilization and anthropologists call the emer tified. Phases I and II at Mureybet are assigned to the late gence of complex society and the process of state formation. Natufian and transitional Khiamian, respectively. Subsis It was not an indigeneous development in northern Syria tence there was diversified: hunting (mainly gazelle) fishing, but was introduced from soutirern Mesopotamia. Excava and gathering. tions at tire sites of Habuba Kabira South and Jebel 'Aruda c
EUPHRATES DAMS, SURVEY OF in the Lake Assad region revealed the expansion of Uruk culture far from its core region. These sites have not merely borrowed southern Mesopotamian cultural traits, they are in fact Uruk colonies. Habuba Kabira South was a large fortified city in which residential dwellings are grouped into city blocks. Within Habuba Kabira South, a complex called Tell Qannas (excavated by Andre Finer) was found to con tain back-to-back temples with decorative mud-brick but tressing, one of which has a tripartite layout—both are fea tures of Uruk temples in southern Mesopotamia. Several kilometers away and 60 m above the river plain, on a spur of tire mountain Jebel Aruda (excavated by G. van Driel), was a second, smaller Uruk settlement. It was dom inated by two Uruk-style temples (although some scholars question their having been temples), with a tripartite layout, mud-brick construction, and decorative buttressing. Asso ciated with the temples are a number of large domestic structures, tripartite in plan, that are similar to those at Ha buba Kabira South. Both sites exhibit typical Uruk, southern Mesopotamian traits, including beveled-rim bowls, jars with nose lugs and drooping spouts, Protoliterate seals and sealings, tokens, counters, and tablets for numeration. Uruk as semblages have also been encountered at Tell Sheikh Has san, Tell Jerablus Tahtani, Tell 'Abr, and Tell Banat. T h e discovery of two major and numerous minor Uruk settlements on the Middle Euphrates in northern Syria raised several issues regarding the transmission of cultural ideas and traits to the less developed area (periphery) of northern Syria. Using the core-periphery model popularized by Immanuel Wallerstein, Guillermo Algaze has seen tirese sites as colonies that were part of a large trading network in which the resource-poor Uruk homeland of lower Meso potamia exploited peripheral zones for such raw materials as timber and metals. The relationship to local populations is unclear, but a hierarchy of Uruk settlements is thought to have included colonies (Habuba Kabira South and Jebel 'Aruda), stations, and outposts. Both Habuba Kabira South and Jebel 'Aruda were occupied for short time spans of no more than 150 years; they were built on virgin sites and after their destruction were never reoccupied. Uruk occupation at Sheikh Hassan lasted for a considerably longer period. Northern Syria, including the region of the two dams, is thought by some to have undergone a gap in occupation after the destruction of the Uruk colonies and tire collapse of Uruk cultures in southern Mesopotamia. Consequently, the introduction of complex societies into Syria in about 3300-3100 BCE was abortive and had no lasting effect on the cultures of the region. Following this scenario, the first indigeneous Syrian states may not have emerged until later, in about 2600 BCE—not along river courses but in dry-farm ing areas—with tire emergence of Ebla and large settlements in the Khabur Triangle, such as Tell Chuera and Tell LeiIan. An alternative reconstruction of the period sees a re duced, but unbroken, cultural continuity at sites along the
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Euphrates in the first half of the third millennium (Early Bronze Age). Tell Hadidi has produced "EB I" and "EB II" material (see below), and some of the strata at Tell Halawa date to tire first half of the third millennium. There are indications that a continuous sequence exists at a cluster of four EB sites centered at Banat. No consensus exists for the terminology of the Early Bronze Age (c. 3100-2000 BCE); the first half (3100-2500 BCE) is often called EB I and II, or sometimes Mesopotamian terms are applied: Jemdet Nasr, Early Dynastic I—III. The second half of tire period (2500-2000 BCE) is generally re ferred to as EB IV; none of these terms are fully satisfactory. The third millennium is well represented by sites in the Thawra and Tishreen dam regions: Tell Hadidi, Tell Ha buba Kabira North, Tell Halawa, Tell Tawi, Tell Sweyhat, Tell Selenkahiyeh, Tell Munbaqa, Tell Ahmar, and Tell Ba nat, including Tell Kabir and Tell Banat North, and Tell Qara Qusaq. At Halawa (excavated by Winfried Orthmann) there was an EB occupation on tells A and B. On tell B, dating to the first half of the third millennium, three phases of a temple, entered from tire structure's broad south side, were constructed on a large platform. The orientation changed in a final phase to tire structure's broad east side. Three strata of tell A date to the second half of the third millennium; in the earliest, stratum 3, portions of the settle ment excavated contained a defensive wall, city gate, do mestic dwellings, and a stone, long-room temple in amis (with columns set between two piers) that opened toward the east. A similar structure was found at Tell Kabir (ex cavated by Anne Porter) in tire Tishreen dam flood zone. At Tell Banat (excavated by Thomas McClellan) there are fragments of a public building, possibly a palace, with large limestone column bases. Cemeteries of the period were re covered at Tawi and Halawa; tire Hypogeum T o m b at Ah mar (excavated in the 1930s by Francois Thureau-Dangin and Maurice Dunand) was an elite burial that contained more than a thousand vessels and a rich collection of bronzes. Another high-ranking burial at Banat dates to about 2600 BCE and contained Plain Simple Ware, Euphra tes Banded Ware, Metallic Ware, and Red-Black Burnished Ware. In the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1600 BCE), Old Baby lonian texts indicate that Carchemish (which lies at the northern end of the Tishreen flood zone) and Emar (old Meskene) were important centers, but occupation from this period has never been located archaeologically at Emar. Ex cavations at Tell Qara Qusaq (excavated by Emilio Olavarri and Gregorio del Olmo Lete for the University of Barce lona) show that it was a storage depot in which circular stone-lined silos were found to contain barley, perhaps for shipment to Mari. At el-Qitar part of a structure with or thostat dados was excavated, and there are also occupation layers at Kabir, Halawa, Habuba Kabira North, and Hadidi, with ceramic repertoires produced at tire latter.
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Large portions of settlement plans for the Late Bronze Age (1600-1200 BCE) have been recovered at Munbaqa/ Ekalte (excavated by Dittmar Machule) and el-Qitar/TilAbnu and a major archive at old Meskene/Emar. Some of drese sites may have been destroyed in the Euphrates cam paign of Thuunosis III. There were three long-room tem ples at Munbaqa and three at Emar. Regarding fortifica tions, at Munbaqa an offset-inset mud-brick city wall was found encased in massive ramparts of river pebbles. Several city gates were excavated, including the northwest gate, in which a mud-brick arch across tire passageway was pre served. At el-Qitar two city gates had limestone orthostat piers. Cuneiform tablets have also been found at Hadidi, Munbaqa, Tell Fray, and el-Qitar. The Iron Age is best represented by occupations at Car chemish and Tell Ahmar (Til Barsip), as well as Tell Jurn Kabir (excavated by Jesper Eidem and Karin Putt). At Tell Ahmar Aramean stelae were noted by travelers in the late nineteenth century, and in the early 1930s, a major NeoAssyrian palace with extensive wall paintings was found. Re cently, Guy Bunnens has found more Neo-Assyrian build ings, one with a black-and-white checkerboard pebble mosaic, along with a constructed burial vault, cuneiform texts, ivory objects, and Assyrian Palace Ware. The mountain Jebel Khalid (excavated by Graeme Clarke and Peter Connor) was the site of a major Hellenistic for tress in the third century BCE. During dre Roman period, the Middle Euphrates sometimes became the frontier in a longrunning conflict between the Roman/Byzantine empires in the west and the Persians (Parthians/Sasanians) who, on oc casion, reached Balis (Meskene). Small tumuli from this pe riod may reflect the burial customs of European troops sta tioned in the region during dre Roman Empire. Occupation on this part of the Euphrates was not dense in the Islamic period, although there are surface indications of small vil lages and farmsteads; the main setdement was Balis, tire site adjacent to LB Emar and on the outskirts of tire modern town of Meskene. The fortress at Qal'at Nejim guarded a crossing point in late medieval times. [See also Carchemish; Chuera, Tell; Colonization; Ebla; Emar; Euphrates River; Habuba Kabira; Hadidi, Tell; LeiIan, Tell; Mureybet; Qitar, E1-; Ubaid; and Uruk-Warka.]
1975 und 1978. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde, 38. Bonn, 1984. Machule, D., et al. "Ausgrabungen in Tall Munbaqa/Ekalte 1990."
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orienl-Gesellschaft 124 (1992): 11-40. See other preliminary reports in volumes 117-123.
Margueron, Jean-Claude, ed. Le Moyen Euphrate, zone de contacts et d'echanges: Acts du colloque de Strasbourg, 10-12 Mars 1977. Stras bourg, 1980. Essential collection of preliminary reports. Moore, A. M. T. "A Pre-Neolidtic Farmers' Village on the Euphrates."
Scientific American 241.2 (1979): 62-70. Olmo Lete, Gregorio del, ed. Tell Qara Quzaq I: Campanas 1-111(19891991) Barcelona, 1993 Orthmann, Winfried. Halatva 1977 bis 1979. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Altertumskunde, 31. Bonn, 1981. Orthmann, Winfried. Halawa, 1980-1986. Saarbriicker Beitrage zur Alterumskunde, 52. Bonn, 1989. Radi, S. al-, and Helga Seeden. "A Stone Age Village on die Euphrates: I. The AUB Rescue Excavations at Shams ed-Din Tannira." Berytus 28 (1980): 87-126. See Berytus 28-30 for parts II-V.
Strommenger, Eva. Habuba Kabira: Eine Stadt vor $000 Jahren. Mainz am Rhein, 1980. Siirenhagen, Dietrich. "The Dry Farming Belt: The Uruk Period and
Subsequent Developments." In The Origins of Cities in Dry-Farming Syria and Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B. C, edited by Har vey Weiss, pp. 7-43. Guilford, Ct., 1986.
Siirenhagen, Dietrich. Keramikproduktion in Habuba Kabira-Siid. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 5/6. (1994-1995), pp. 43ft". Thureau-Dangin, Francois and Maurice Dunand. Til-Barsib. Paris, 1936. Van Driel, Govert, and Carol Van Driel-Murray. "Jebel Aruda, 1977-
78." Akkadica 12 (1979): 2-28. Van Driel, Govert, and Carol Van Driel-Murray. "Jebel Aruda: The 1982 Season of Excavation." Akkadica 33 (1983): 1-26.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. The Modern World System. Vol. 1. New York, 1974. THOMAS L. M C C L E I X A N
EVANS, ARTHUR (1851-1941), principal excavator
of Knossos, Crete, and preeminent scholar of the Cretan Bronze Age. T h e son of antiquarian-industrialist Sir John Evans, Arthur was educated at Harrow and Brasenose Col lege, Oxford, where he read history and graduated in 1874. He became involved in Balkan politics as a correspondent for the Manchester Guardian. As a champion of the Slavic independence movement, Evans carried out archaeological researches, later published in his "Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum" in 1885—1886. He became keeper of the AshBIBLIOGRAPHY molean Museum, Oxford, in 1884. Evans's involvement with Crete began in 1894 when he Algaze, Guillermo, The Uruk World System. Chicago, 1993. Beyer, Dominique, ed. Meskene-Emar: Dix ans de travaux, 1972-1982. traveled the island in search of seal stones bearing "preParis, 1982. Phoenician" script, which he published in the Journal of Hel Bunnens, Guy, ed. Tell Ahmar: 1988 Season. Supplement to Abr-Nahlenic Studies (1894, 1897); the journeys are recorded in let rain, 2. Louvain, 1990. ters to The Academy. During this time he identified remains Freedman, David Noel, ed. Archaeological Reports from the Tabqa Dam Project—Euphrates Valley, Syria. Annual of the American Schools ofof the "Minoan" civilization suspected to be earlier than the Oriental Research, 44. Ann Arbor, Mich., 1979. Mycenaeans of Greece and bought the tell called T o u TseHammade, Hamido, and Yayoi Koike. "Syrian Archaeological Expe leve he Kephala (the headland or bluff of tire local Turkish dition in the Tishreen Dam Basin: Excavations at Tell al-'Abr 1990 landowner) near the classical Greek and Roman remains of and 1991." Damaszener Mitteilungen 6 (1992): 109-175. Kampschulte, Ingrid, and Winfried Orthmann. Grdber des 3. Jahrtau- Knossos, where others had found traces of pre-Hellenic an sends v. Chr. im syrischen Euphrattal, vol. 1, Ausgrabungen bei Tawi tiquities. He excavated at a number of sites in the Knossos
EXCAVATION STRATEGY valley during large-scale intensive campaigns from 1900 to 1905. Evans concentrated his efforts, however, on the tell that had covered the successive phases of the complex ar chitectural remains called the "Palace of Minos" after the legendary ruler of Crete. Detailed preliminary reports on the palace appeared in the Annual of the British School at Athens (7-11 [1901-1905]), and final reports on late cemetery sites in the region were published in Archaeologia in 1905. T h e stratigraphy at Knossos formed the basis for Evans's proposed tripartite relative chronological sequence for the Cretan Bronze Age, which he called Early, Middle, and Late Minoan with further mpartite subdivisions. His Minoan scheme was adapted for the neighboring Cycladic islands and Greek mainland and remains the most useful relative chronology for the Aegean Bronze in the absence of absolute dates.
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any strategy is flexibility in meeting the new problems, ques tions, and goals that will emerge during excavation. With the advent of processual archaeology (also referred as the New Archaeology) in the 1960s, archaeologists began to ask questions of intention prior to going into the field. This process of developing a hypothesis and then testing it has reshaped the way archaeological excavation is under taken today. Prior to processual archaeology, much of Near Eastern archaeology was more site oriented, with archaeol ogists interested primarily in cultural history. That approach stressed the excavation of large, multiperiod sites, especially prominent tells, to discover unusual art objects or "museum pieces," to uncover monumental remains, and to establish the political history of a site. [See New Archaeology.] Since the early 1960s the theoretical component of ar chaeology has become a driving force in determining how, why, and where excavation will be initiated. Most archae Evans's re-creation of the Bronze Age Cretans, whom he ologists now begin with a problem orientation and from it called "Minoans," is set out in the rambling chapters of The derive a theoretical model they will test with empirical data. Palace of Minos, published in four volumes between 1921 Problem orientation is more formally developed as a re and 1935. Initially conceived as the final report on his work search design, which articulates how specific archaeological at Knossos, it became a widely ranging synthesis of archae methodologies employed at a specific site or in a specific ological research in the Aegean and the leading role Evans region will address theoretical goals. Thus, a site must be felt the Minoans to have played. There can be little doubt selected tiiat best meets the needs of the research design. that Evans was very intuitive, but his preoccupation witii Although there is no guarantee that the questions archae associating the early Cretans with the later Greeks and thus ologists ask will ultimately be answered by the material they modern Europeans led to the frequent use of Greek myths excavate, there is almost always an attempt to link a problem as possible explanations for the early Cretan iconography orientation to an excavation strategy. without full consideration of Near Eastern and Anatolian possibilities. Nonetheless, The Palace of Minos remains the A good excavation strategy is the means by which to con most influential and basic source for students of the Aegean nect theory to data and must be predicated on the purpose Bronze Age. or function of the proposed excavation. A strategy employed in salvage archaeology, where time is a critical factor, will T h e first biography of Evans, Time and Chance: The Story greatly differ from the strategy used in a research excava of Arthur Evans and his Forebears, was published by his halftion. The type of site will also directly affect the excavation sister, Joan Evans, in 1943; a second, The Find of a Lifetime: strategy employed. Single-period sites are excavated much Sir Arthur Evans and the Discovery of Knossos, by Sylvia Hor differently than multiperiod, or tell, sites. Prehistoric sites, witz appeared in 1981. Neither was critical of Evans's work. classical sites, and underwater sites all have distinct archae [See also Aegean Islands; Minoans.] ological configurations and attendant methodological ap BIBLIOGRAPHY proaches. However, almost all archaeologists are interested in the interpretation of archaeological data, rather than mere Evans, Arthur. "Antiquarian Researches in Illyricum, I—II and III—IV." collection and/or description. T o that end, most archaeolog Archaeologia 48 (1885): 1-105, 49 (1886): 1-167. ical investigations in the Near East now include a multidisEvans, Arthur. Cretan Pictographs and Prae-Phoenician Script. London, ciplinary orientation and some degree of interest in environ 1895. Evans, Arthur. The Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos. London, 1906. mental data. Archaeologists are increasingly turning to Evans, Arthur. The Palace of Minos. 4 vols, in 6. London, 1921-1935. computers to assist in statistical analyses, data storage, ar Evans, Joan. Time and Chance: The Story of Arthur Evans and EEs Fore tifact and architectural reconstruction, and systems model bears. London, 1943. ing. [See Statistical Applications.] Horwitz, Sylvia. The Find of a Lifetime: Sir Arthur Evans and the Dis covery of Knossos. London, 1981. T h e first step in almost any archaeological excavation is J. ALEXANDER MACGILLIVRAY preexcavation research. Any previous excavation or survey of the site is studied, along with relevant maps, historical documents, drawings, and photographs. Geological and EXCAVATION STRATEGY. There is no one uni other types of areal research or survey are reviewed. This versal excavation strategy because developing one depends phase of research should also include historical and ethno in part on the type of site being excavated and the purpose graphic assessments of the area under investigation, includ of an excavation. Therefore, an important characteristic of ing visits to local museums and conversations with local pro-
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fessional and amateur archaeologists and any local residents familiar with the site or its environs. [See Site Survey.] Following this phase of research, the site itself is surveyed and mapped. Artifacts from the site are collected system atically and then analyzed. The site is mapped and examined for signs of human or natural modifications. Areal photo graphs are also useful in discerning anomalies or other note worthy characteristics. T h e site's environment is also sur veyed in order to understand its ecological context. A thorough preexcavation investigation is crucial because it will help refine the problem orientation and define specific research goals. However, as the excavation progresses, new hypotheses will be generated and new problems and ques tions will arise that should be systematically integrated into the research design and then field tested. Specific research problems lead to the collection of specific types of data. T h e method of collection, analysis, and publication is shaped by the research design. The research design should also help the archaeologist better define and determine appropriate methodological approaches. The preexcavation phase can be the most important part of an archaeological project. In this formative period sites, regions, research hypotheses, and excavation methodologies are linked. In effect, the actual excavation should be putting a well-conceived and detailed research design into opera tion: the actual process of gathering empirical data with which to assess a theoretical model. The better crafted the research design, and the more thorough the preexcavation research, the more likely the research goals are to be met. Once the formulation of the problem orientation and preinvestigation research is complete, tire excavation, or ac quisition of data, can begin by utilizing one of two standard approaches. A research design involving diachronic issues— such as culture change and continuity over time—will usu ally utilize a penetration methodology, probing subsurface deposits with deep trenches. This method stresses stratigraphic relationships (the vertical layering of artifacts and architecture). For synchronic issues a horizontal, or clear ing, methodology stressing the spatial arrangements of ar tifacts and architecture at one point in time is more useful. Most excavation strategies employ both approaches in order to achieve the best possible context for all the archaeological data. With either method, the types of data collected and how they are collected should be systematically articulated in the research design. Once the data are collected, they must be analyzed. Data analysis is as important as fieldwork. This phase of an ex cavation project generates tire inferences on which archae ological interpretations and reconstructions are based. The analysis phase is often mediated by specialists who should be familiar with the field methodology in order to avoid in herent biases, which could affect interpretation. The final stage of an excavation project is publication. Deciding which data will be published and how they will be
presented are part of the excavation strategy. How the pub lication is organized is predetermined by the research de sign, excavation methodologies, and types of analyses. BIBLIOGRAPHY Dever, William G. "Two Approaches to Archaeological Method: The Architectural and the Stratigraphic." Eretz-hrael I I (1973): i * - 8 * . Clear and concise description of the horizontal and stratigraphic methods of excavation used in Syria-Palestine. Dever, William G. "The Impact of the 'New Archaeology' on Syro-
Palestinian Archaeology." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, no. 242 (1981): 15-29. Useful overview of the history of the discipline in terms of field methodology for Syria-Palestine.
Drinkard, Joel F., et al., eds. Benchmarks in Time and Culture: An In troduction to Palestinian Archaeology Dedicated to Joseph A. Callaway. Atlanta, 1988. Very useful volume that includes articles addressing the history of the discipline of archaeology, techniques and methods of excavation practiced in the Near East, and theoretical overviews of different approaches to archaeology.
Joukowsky, Martha Sharp. A Complete Manual of Field Archaeology: Tools and Techniques of Field Work for Archaeologists. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1980. Excellent how-to guide for fieldwork; useful for anyone involved in the field, from the inexperienced volunteer to the excavation director. Details fieldwork techniques used internation ally. Renfrew, Colin, and Paul Bahn. Archaeology: Theories, Methods, and Practice. New York, 1991. Valuable, up-to-date sourcebook on all aspects of archaeology. Sharer, Robert J., and Wendy Ashmore. Archaeology: Discovering Our Past. Palo Alto, Calif., 1987. Comprehensive introductory textbook for archaeology. J. P. DESSEL
EXCAVATION TOOLS. A fundamental develop ment took place in tire range of tools used in Near Eastern archaeology once field operations were resumed following World War II. During the first century.or so of archaeolog ical fieldwork, the two primary tools of exploration had been borrowed from road construction: a large pickax for break ing up soil and a broad-bladed hoe for scooping loosened soil into baskets to be carried away. As long as the basic strategy of digging was to locate buried wall segments and expose them down to their founding surfaces, those tools were adequate. Beginning in tire 1950s, an important development in dig ging strategy led to a dramatic increase in tire use of small hand tools, nearly rendering the large pick and hoe obsolete. T h e initial primary interest in architecture moved to a con comitant concern for the careful separation of soil layers to gain better stratigraphic control, more complete retrieval of data, and a clearer interpretation of tire evidence. In Pales tine, Kathleen M . Kenyon's excavations at Tell es-Sultan (Jericho) in 1952-1957 and her use of the so-called WheelerKenyon grid technique demonstrated the need for small tools to provide closer control of the digging process. [See Excavation Strategy.] Most of the newer small tools have also been borrowed
EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY from other endeavors—from geology and mountain climb ing (hand pick) to dentistry (dental pick). Three tools have come to dominate: the handpick, the trowel, and the softbristled hand brush. Light vertical downstrokes using the handpick's flat chisel-headed blade can dislodge small clumps of soil, thus exposing potsherds and small artifacts in situ. Used in this way, the handpick also allows the ex cavator to notice changes in the color and consistency of soil that can signal the transition to a different layer. A mason's trowel is commonly used in conjunction with the handpick. Alternating vertical strokes of the pick with horizontal scrap ing motions of the trowel brings newly loosened soil toward the kneeling digger. This process turns over the loosened earth to reveal still-hidden objects and clears it away to allow the digger to see soil changes more clearly. A soft-bristled hand brush is then used to clear away the smaller particles of loosened soil, further revealing the character of the newly exposed earth below. The brush is later used to prepare the area for photography. A variety of even smaller implements has been employed to clear soil from delicate objects (such as skeletal remains, mosaic tiles [tesserae], or necldace beads) or multielement complexes. Some of the tools found useful in such delicate work are teaspoons, dental picks, and soft-bristled artists' brushes. The process of removing dirt from the excavation area has also undergone refinement. Reed baskets gave way by midcentury to buckets, known as gufas (or goufas, from Ar abic), made from discarded automobile or truck tire tube casings. Those are now increasingly being replaced with plastic pails. The long-handled hoe, used to scoop up soil, has given way at most excavations to the trowel, hand brush, and dustpan. Between the digging area and the dump, a fine-mesh sieve is frequently used to sift excavated soil in order to reveal small objects (such as beads, coins, bone fragments, and stone-tool flakes) that might otherwise have eluded workers. Where there is a concern for retrieving an cient seed and pollen data, fine sieves or flotation devices are also used to recover material from the soil being dis carded. An increasing array of utensils and supplies now finds its way into the archaeologist's field ldt. Laying out an area for excavation requires stakes and string, a measuring tape, and a line level to set balk lines, taking elevations of excavated features requires a transit and range rod; collecting and transporting potsherds, bones, flints, and other artifacts re quire buckets, paper bags and boxes, and cotton padding; and the all-important recording and registering of finds util ize a variety of tags, gummed labels, and waterproof mark ing pens. [See Recording Techniques.] In the excavation camp, a complementary assortment of tools completes the recording and conservation process: toothbrushes and cotton swabs for cleaning finds and rulers,
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calipers, and circumference gauges for measuring potsherds and other objects that are to be drawn. [See Conservation Archaeology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Cole, Dan P. "Archaeological Tools and Their Use." In A Manual of
Field Excavation: Handbook for Field Archaeologists, edited by William G. Dever and H. Darrell Lance, pp. 123-145. Cincinnati, 1978. Proper use of tools. Heizer, Robert F., and John A. Graham. A Guide to Field Methods in
Archaeology: Approaches to the Anthropology of the Dead. Palo Alto, Calif., 1967. Brief discussion of excavation tools (see chap. 5.A); of comparative value because it reflects New World conditions and methods. D A N P . COLE
EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY. Archae ologists design experiments to re-create or reproduce an cient artifacts, technologies, and behaviors to help interpret ancient material culture and events. The experiments re construct the human and natural causes of the manipulation, damage, wear, breakage, deposition, and disintegration of artifacts prior to, during, and subsequent to their deposition. Researchers ask questions about the relationship between the person and the product; how manufacture influences the appearance of artifacts; and the sources of diversity and variation in the artifacts. Experimental archaeology began in Europe in the eigh teenth century when bronze horns were found in Scandi navian and British peat bags. A certain Dr. Robert Ball from Dublin died as a result of blowing an Irish horn too hard. In recent decades there has been a resurgence in such studies with an emphasis on the rigorous control of well-docu mented, recorded, and repeatable experiments. Experimen tal settings vary, depending on the questions under investi gation. For example, pottery firing techniques can be studied by using a gas kiln in a laboratory or by firing wood in a pit dug in tire ground. T h e purpose of each test would be to create and control the causes of firing time and tem peratures. What would be learned would be the effect of each variable on the finished product. Archaeologists begin by explicitly stating an experiment's theoretical basis,its variables, s elected materials, and -meth ods; finally, they state its results. Controlled experiments in volve the use of pertinent materials, ideally those that would have been available to a society in antiquity, such as local clays or stones. Experiments should include as many vari ables as possible. To learn the impact of dung added to clay as a tempering material ideally means varying the clays, the size of the dung fragments, the proportions of clay to dung, and the firing temperatures. As the clay is worked its plia bility, workability, elasticity, and the ease with which pots can be made from it are assessed. The effects are observed, recorded, and interpreted as inferences for archaeology.
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Experimental archaeology involves the reproduction of human behaviors associated witir the use of artifacts: butch ering studies reveal the physical appearance and deposition of bones after the flesh has been removed with a stone im plement. Observing the collapse of walls leads to the ability to identify the archaeological remains of such an event and so to understand the difference between a deposit that is the direct result of tire collapse and one that is evidence of scav enging, reuse, or other disturbances. In addition to studies replicating or imitating ancient ar tifacts and behaviors, experimental archaeology includes testing the usefulness of metirodological assumptions. For example, one can test the validity of population estimates based on animal bone counts by studying what happens to bones when animals are killed. Retrieval techniques can be
assessed to learn if plant remains collected by dry sieving provide valid samples of ancient flora and/or diet. Finally, some consider ethnoarchaeology to be a type of experimen tal archaeology. [See also Ethnoarchaeology.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Coles, John M. Experimental Archaeology. London, 1979. Overview of the topics and results. Ingersoll, Daniel, John E. Yellen, and Wm. Macdonald. Experimental Archaeology. New York, 1977. Individual experiments concerning ancient technologies; quantitative methods; and site formation. London, Gloria Anne. "Dung-Tempered Clay." Journal of Field Ar chaeology^ (1981): 189-195. A series of experiments adding dung to clay. GLORIA A N N E LONDON
i
F A I L A K A , an island (approximately 1 4 X 5 1cm, or 9 X 3 mi.) in the State of Kuwait, located at the mouth of Kuwait Bay, at the northern end of the Arab-Iranian Gulf (29°26' N, 48°2o' E). Excavations by Danish teams (1958-1962) revealed what continue to be the earliest (c. 2000 BCE) traces of habitation on Failaka Island. T h a t Bronze Age settlement, at the island's southwest corner, consists of clusters of small domestic structures executed in a casual stone-mortar con struction. T h e principal feature of the tallest tell (designated F-3, 6 m above sea level) is an open-air platform temple. Associated with the three architectural levels of the temple and surrounding buildings are hundreds of fragments of decorated soft-stone vessels. A number of the fragments with representational designs have parallels with complete dated bowls excavated at sites in Mesopotamia; other com parable, but not securely stratified, material is found at T a rut (eastern Arabia), Susa, and Tepe Yahya (Iran). [See Susa; Tepe Yahya.] T h e Failaka fragments, some dated as early as 2500 BCE, must have been retrieved from temple destructions in southern Mesopotamia and brought as votives by sailors coming from Sumer—their first sheltered port would have been the harbor at Failaka. One of the most historically interesting of tire vessel fragments carries tire in scription "Temple of Inzalc." According to Mesopotamian texts, Inzalc is the titular deity associated with the land of Dilmun," one of several reasons for the suggestion that Ku wait together with Bahrain, and the eastern coast of Arabia were regarded as Dilmun by the Mesopotamians in the late third and early second millennia BCE. [See Dilmun.] Equally signifieanramong the Bronze Age finds are hun dreds of circular stamp seals, also of soft stone. The ico nography and style of Gulf seals (including those from Bah rain) constitute a unique group featuring elements of Gulf culture (e.g. date palm, gazelle, reed stool, water bird, bullman) . Yet, the evidence for foreign contacts is far ranging, extending north to Babylonia, Assyria, Syria, and Turkey; south to Oman and Egypt; and east to Margiana, Bampur, Dasht-i-Lut, and tire Indus Valley. A substantial amount of the excavated material relates to the bronzeworldng industry: metal slag, copper ingots, metal objects, and tools. This indicates that ingots were imported 297
from Iran even in the early settlements, and a reasonable number of objects were manufactured for export or ex change. Many of the bronze tools identified would have been used in seal cutting, shellworking, and woodworldng. Some 200 m north of the harbor settlement mound, on a lower, sprawling tell, the Danes located the Ruler's Villa, a modest building containing reception and administrative rooms in the front, a central court marked with four square corner pillars (presumably to support a loggia), and resi dential quarters to the rear. Other finds throughout the site included imported pottery, square stamp seals, cylinder seals, and metal materials, attesting to foreign contacts with Mesopotamia, Abu Dhabi, and Oman and, in the second millennium BCE, tire Indus Valley. [See Oman.] Major architecture from the Hellenistic period consisted of a square enclosure with quadrangular corner bastions. Two entrance doors permitted access to this "fortified" area, which contained tire site's earliest Greek settlement (300-250 BCE); the central portion consisted of a religious precinct that may have included two sanctuaries. One was a small Greek cella constructed in well-dressed stone ma sonry with two columns in antis. T h e capitals betray an Ionic influence, and tire bases are inspired by Achaemenian pro totypes. In the latest Hellenistic phase the entire enclosure was surrounded by a dry moat. A large inscribed stela that had fallen from its original position was found in front of the temple. This public letter to the people of Ikaros (tire Greek name for Failaka Island) gives instructions for moving tire Artemis Temple and es tablishing a gymnasium. T h e inscription is dated to a Greek satrap at Susa in the late third century BCE, Another stone inscription from Tell Khazneh, a kilometer to the north, also mentions Artemis, together with Zeus Savior and Poseidon Savior. It has been suggested that the Greek goddess Arte mis may have been assimilated with Ninsikilla, the original goddess of Bronze Age Dilmun, noted in Sumerian my thology as the place where all animals live in peace. Another rectangular building with many rooms located on the seashore and referred to as the Terracotta Workshop contained a number of figurines, as well as ancient molds for terra cottas of types familiar in the Hellenistic world.
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Other figurines found tirroughout the sites illuminate the va riety of cults and diverse artistic influences: Mesopotamian, orientalizing Greek, and Hellenistic Tanagra styles. American excavations by Theresa Howard-Carter for the Johns Hopkins University under auspices of the Kuwait Ministry of Information (1973, 1974) exposed an industrial and crafts area adjacent to the Ruler's Villa, identified by at least six large circular kilns. Raw materials were stored in vats constructed of stone slabs. The contents of the vats were used in the manufacture of a gypsum organic building material, hunks of which appeared in tire fill. T h e kilns were commonly used for firing pottery and baiting bread. A trench along the outer wall of the Villa revealed a sophisti cated stone-built sewage system with a covered drain run ning under dre wall to a large, covered cesspool outside. Finds in the crafts workshops next to the Villa included fragments of soft-stone bowls with figural decoration; stamp seals in steatite, ivory, mother-of-pearl, and jasper; imported cylinder seals and inscribed Indus seals; jewelry of bronze, silver, gold, agate, carnelian, and lapis; and bronze tools and implements, shields, greaves, and otiier armor. The French excavations under the direction of Yves Calvet, Jean-Francois Salles, and Jacqueline Gachet of La Maison de l'Orient of the Universite de Lyon (1983-1989) in the same area revealed a large, important, and badly de nuded stone building whose internal features (water basins and drains) suggest a religious use. The thick walls and prominent staircase indicate some sort of temple tower, which would have been visible to passing ships. The buil ding's meager contents—tripods, seals, decorated soft-stone vessel fragments, bronze tools, and ceramics comparable to those found at Bahrain—indicate that it was constructed at the turn of the second millennium BCE. [See Bahrain.] It is not possible to identify distinct architectural remains on Failaka between the Late Kassite and Hellenistic periods. A number of Neo-Assyrian inscriptions from Mesopotamia mention Dilmun as located on the mainland, but it is not ascertainable whether die border was in the southern Iraqi marshes or Kuwait, or on the eastern Arabian shore. Some small finds, including a cylinder seal, attest to limited As syrian contact. The Neo-Babylonian period is more tangibly represented by a stone architectural member bearing ,an inscription of Nebuchadrezzar. Other Neo-Babylonian epigraphic mate rials refer to a temple now presumed to have been situated on Failaka; a scarcely definable building at the inland sanc tuary site of Tell Khazneh is a possible candidate. Terra cotta figurines from tiris period date to the Neo-Babylonian and Seleucid periods. The Achaemenid period is further represented in pottery types and characteristic bronze ar rowheads. The French added two new Hellenistic sanctuaries to the architectural corpus, one of them on the beach to the east of dre fortress. Dedicated to Artemis, it dates to the first half
of the second century BCE. The other sanctuary, at Tell Khazneh, is constructed over the earlier Neo-Babylonian/ Achaemenid building. Much additional work has been done to clarify the archi tecture and stratification of buildings within the Hellenistic fortress. Two hoards of coins found in tire complex date to Antiochus III; others imitate the "Alexander style." Numis matic evidence from the Artemis sanctuary on the beach point to the mint at Gerrha; the numerous Seleucid coins were minted either at Susa or Seleucia on tire Tigris. A location called al-Qusur ("the casties") in the center of the island has traditionally been identified as an archaeolog ical site because it is marked by stone walls and ceramic debris. Initial exploration by the French team led to the dis covery of three steps of a staircase and fragments of a stucco frieze bearing an unmistakable Christian cross. Excavation revealed a church (36 X 19 m) constructed basically of mud brick/tore pise with some courses of small-stone facing; a thick white plaster overlaid all its walls and floors. T h e buil ding's bipartite structure consisted of the "public" nave (narthex and aisles) and the "restricted" area (two aisles with chapels, the choir, and dependencies utilized for priestiy functions. T h e stucco crosses presumably date to the fifth-sixth centuries CE; however, the pottery associated with the church's establishment is Sasanian/Early Islamic (first half of seventh century). The building was abandoned in tire second half of the eighth century and reused for do mestic quarters in the late eighth/ early ninth centuries. [See also Kuwait.] BIBLIOGRAPHY Bernard, Vincent, et al. "L'eglise d'al-Qousour Failaka, Etat de Kow-
eit." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 2 (1991): 145-181. Calvet, Yves. "Failaka and the Northern Part of Dilmun." Proceedings
of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 19 (1989): 5-11. Connelly, Joan Breton. "Votive Offerings from Hellenistic Failaka: Ev
idence for a Herakles Cult." In L'Arabie preislamique el son environnement historique et culturel: Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, edited by Toufic Fahd, pp. 145-158. Leiden, 1989.
Hajlund, Flemming. Failaka/Dilmun: The Second Millennium Settle ments, vol. 2, The Bronze Age Pottery. Jutiand Archaeological Society Publications, 17.2. Aarhus, 1987. Howard-Carter, Theresa. "Modern Excavations on Failaka Island,"
Arts of the Islamic World: Kuwait Supplement 3.1 (1985): 70-73, 96. Howard-Carter, Theresa. "Voyages of Votive Vessels in the Gulf." In
DUMU-E -DUB-BA~A: Studies in Honor of Ake W. Sjoberg, edited 2
by Hermann Behrens et al., pp. 253-266. Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, 11. Philadelphia, 1989.
Kjffirum, Poul. Failaka/Dilmun: The Second Millennium Settlements, vol. 1.1, The Stamp and Cylinder Seals. Jutiand Archaeological Society Publications, 17.1. Aarhus, 1983.
Potts, Daniel T., ed, Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain. Berliner Beitrage zum Vorderen Orient, vol. 2. Berlin, 1983. Potts, Daniel T. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. 2 vols. Oxford, 1990. Salles, Jean-Francois, et al. Failaka: Fouilles francais. 3 vols. Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient, nos. 9, 12, 18. Lyon, 1984-1990. Salles, Jean-Francois. "The Arab-Persian Gulf under the Seleucids."
FAIYUM In Hellenism in the East, edited by Amelie Kuhrt and Susan SherwinWhite, pp. 75-184. London, 1987. THERESA HOWARD-CARTER
FAIYUM. T o the ancient Egyptians, the lake at the cen ter of tire Faiyum Depression was a holy place, sacred to Sobek, the crocodile god, whose material manifestations swarmed the lake's beaches. T h e high religious significance of the lake was paralleled in several periods witii consider able economic importance, based on the fecundity of the Faiyum's well-watered farmlands and fish, fowl, and other resources from the lake itself. In modern Arabic, the lake is known as Birket Qarun. In ancient Egyptian it was originally She-resy ("southern lake") and later divided into She-resy and Mer-wer ("The Great Lake"). In early antiquity the Faiyum lake was fed by a branch of the Nile, therefore the lake rose and fell annually with the river, and in the flood season it covered a large area. Begin ning probably in the twelfth dynasty (c. 1991-1783 BCE) the water flow into the lake was artificially restricted, probably in order to reclaim land for farming. Land reclamation over the centuries eventually reduced the lake to less than 20 per cent of its original extent. In the early 1990s water runoff from agricultural fields has increased the size of the lake slightly and made it so saline that most aquatic animal spe cies disappeared. Traces of human activity in the areas around the Faiyum Depression region go back hundreds of thousands of years, but the earliest substantial and well-preserved occupations date to about ten thousand years ago when hunters and gatherers began intensive exploitation of the rich terrestrial and lake resources along the shore. Remains of these early occupations are marked by many small chert blades and other tools (known as the Qarunian Industry) and include numerous remains of fish, gazelle, hartebeest, hippo, and other animals. These early Faiyum groups appear not to have been in the process of domesticating plants or animals, or using these domesticates in any form of agriculture. About 7,500 years ago, the Faiyum hunter-fisher-foragers were replaced, displaced, or "converted" (the evidence is still uncertain) to "Neolithic" cultures, which were based in part on domesticated wheat, barley, sheep, goats, and cattle. Artifacts and sites of this period are found in heavy concen trations on most of the perimeter of the lake. There is no question that these people cultivated wheat and barley. In the 1920s archaeologist Gertrude Caton-Thompson (Caton-Thompson and Gardner, 1934) found silos full of wellpreserved wheat and barley that also contained sickles and other tools of these early cultivators. Except for a few pos sible traces of poles for huts, no dwellings of the Faiyum Neolithic have been found, and it seems likely that these people lived in reed huts. The Faiyum seems to have been nearly abandoned soon
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after 4,000 BCE, but only a few sites that date to 4000-3000 have been found, perhaps because the main Nile Valley of fered better conditions for agriculture than the Faiyum. Only a few sites dating to 3000-1550 have been found in the Faiyum. Stone quarries on the northern side of the lake were worked during this period, and a small temple (known as Qasr el-Sagha) was built there in the Middle Kingdom (2040-1640). King Amenemhetl of the twelfth dynasty (c. 1991-1962) moved the administrative capital of Egypt and his royal res idence from Thebes to Itjtawy—now known as Lisht— which was located on the west bank of the Nile between the Faiyum and Memphis. Little remains of the town except two small pyramids and some tombs and cemeteries, but the emergence of Lisht as an important settlement probably re sulted in attempts to develop the Faiyum. Amenemhet III (c. 1844-1797) built a temple in the southern Faiyum at Medinet Madi, as well as a pyramid at Hawara, at the east ern entrance to the Faiyum. Underground burial chambers near the Hawara pyramid were probably the "Labyrinth" described by the Greek historian Strabo. Amenemhet III is also associated with two large stone constructions at Biahmu, which apparently were the bases of two colossal statues of him. Once on the shore or actually in the lake, they were described by Herodotus and perhaps were still partially preserved in the seventeenth century CE, according to travelers' reports, but no longer exist. Between about 300 BCE and 300 CE, the Greco-Roman era, the Faiyum became one of the richest and most important provinces of Egypt. During this time the agricultural pro duce of the Faiyum was exported to many towns and cities, some of them outside of Egypt, and several Faiyum towns grew into major metropolises. Some of these cities, such as Dimai on the northern shore of the lake and Karanis at the eastern entrance to the Faiyum, are remarkably well pre served even today. We know much of this period because thousands of documents have been found, almost all of them written on papyrus in demotic Egyptian or Greek and doc umenting the social and economic life of these communities. T h e Faiyum prospered during the medieval and modern periods as well, and today it is one of the most densely settled and agriculturally productive regions in Egypt. BIBLIOGRAPHY Caton-Thompson, Gertrude, and Eleanor Gardner. The Desert Fayum. London, 1934. Ginter, Bronislaw, and J. K. Kozlowski. "Investigations on Neolithic Settlement." In Qasr el-Sagha 1980, edited by J. K. Kozlowski, pp. 37-67. Warsaw, 1983. Wendorf, Fred, and Romauld Schild, Prehistory of the Nik Valley, New York, 1976. Wenke, Robert, Janet Long, and Paul Buck. "The Epipaleolithic and Neolithic Subsistence and Settiement in the Fayyum Oasis of
Egypt." Journal of Field Archaeology 15.1 (1988): 29-51. ROBERT J. WENKE
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FAKHARIYAH, T E L L
F A K H A R I Y A H , T E L L , site, whose modern Arabic name means "mound of sherds," located immediately south of the modern town of Ras al-'Ain ("fountainhead") in Syria ( 4 0 ° o i ' N, 3 6 ° 0 9 ' E ) , 6 5 km ( 3 8 mi.) northwest of the mod
ern city al-Hasakah (Hasseke) and about 100 km ( 6 2 mi.) west of the modern town of Qamishli (Nisibin). Hundreds of springs in the environs form the headwaters of dre Khabur River. This part of Syria is called Jezireh ("island") and is equivalent to Upper Mesopotamia. Tell Fakhariyah was first observed by Baron Max von Oppenheim in 1 8 9 9 , during his visit to tire source of the Khabur. Von Oppenheim worked at Tell Halaf from 1 9 1 1 to 1 9 1 3 , in 1 9 2 7 , and in 1 9 2 9 , searching for the Mitanni capital, Wassukanni. However, his work indicated that JJalaf was the ancient city of Guzana (Aram., gzozri). He moved to Tell Fakhariyah in 1 9 2 9 , to supervise a survey of tire tell, which produced a contour map but no excavation. Later, in 1 9 4 0 , the Oriental Institute of Chicago decided to change the focus of its research from the 'Arnuq region in Syria to Mesopotamia. Its goal was to clarify the cultural relationship between tire 'Amuq basin and Upper Meso potamia in dre second millennium BCE, in the belief that Wassukanni, the capital of Mitanni, was located at Tell Fa khariyah. In 1 9 4 0 , the institute received permission to excavate from the French High Commission of Syria. The expedition con sisted of Calvin W. McEwan and his wife, the former as director; Harold D . Hill as architect; and Abdullah Said Osman al-Sudain as superintendent. The American expedition came to an unexpected halt when von Oppenheim protested to the Vichy French government about its presence. Al though the Americans withdrew from the field, dre baron did not excavate the site himself. In 1 9 5 5 , Anton Moortgat received a license to excavate Tell Fakhariyah in the name of dre Oppenheim Foundation. [See the biography of Moort gat-] In the short time they were in the field, the Americans were able to make nine separate soundings, distinguishing eight levels: the upper four yielded Arab/Islamic, Byzantine, Roman, and Hellenistic remains. The fifth level belongs to the Aramaic period (or Iron Age, 9 0 0 - 6 0 0 BCE), the sixth to tire Middle Assyrian period (thirteenth century BCE); and die seventh to the Mitannian period (fifteendr-fourteenth cen turies BCE). So-called Klrabur ware was found in level eight (first half of tire second millennium BCE). Moortgat made similar observations. T h e results from both excavations are described here. The tell was settled in the Umayyad period. In the pre ceding Byzantine and Roman levels, the settlement was for tified. Sections of a double city wall were uneartired: two limestone walls running roughly parallel to each other. T h e inner wall was clearly die more important, as it contained a series of curtains with projecting towers and buttresses. In level five, in sounding IX, dre American expedition par
tially exposed a palace dated to the Aramaic period (Iron Age II, sixth-seventh centuries BCE). It is essentially a hilani (or pillared) type of sttucture. In 1 9 7 9 , at the southwestern edge of the tell, a trac