The Home Front Encyclopedia: United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II

THE HOME FRONT ENCYCLOPEDIA B United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II VOLUME THREE: DOCUMENTS James...

Author: James D. Ciment | Thaddeus Russell

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THE HOME FRONT ENCYCLOPEDIA B

United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II

VOLUME THREE: DOCUMENTS

James Ciment EDITOR

Thaddeus Russell CONTRIBUTING EDITOR

Santa Barbara, California • Denver, Colorado • Oxford, England

Copyright © 2007 by ABC-CLIO, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available through the Library of Congress ISBN: 1-57607-849-3 ISBN-13: 978-1-57607-849-5 E-ISBN: 1-57607-875-2 ebook ISBN-13: 978-1-57607-875-4 This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit abc-clio.com for details. Acquisitions Editor: Simon Mason Production Editor: Christine Marra Editorial Assistant: Gayle Woidneck Media Editor: Jason Kniser Production Manager: Don Schmidt Manufacturing Coordinator: Paula Gerard ABC-CLIO, Inc. 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Manufactured in the United States of America

CONTENTS B

List of Entries

vii

VOLUME ONE: World War I Introduction, James Ciment

3

World War I: Biographies

7

World War I: Topics

207

VOLUME TWO: World War II Introduction, James Ciment

515

World War II: Biographies

519

World War II: Topics

745

VOLUME THREE: Documents World War I: Documents

1079

World War II: Documents

1193

World War I Chronology

1387

World War II Chronology

1395

World War I Glossary

1403

World War II Glossary

1405

World War I Bibliography

1409

World War II Bibliography

1419

List of Contributors Index

1435

1439

About the Editors

1479

LIST OF ENTRIES B

VOLUME ONE: WOR LD WAR I World War I: Biographies

C Castle, Vernon and Irene 34 Cather, Willa 35 Catt, Carrie Chapman 35 Chaplin, Charlie 36 Churchill, Winston 38 Clark, James “Champ” 39 Clarkson, Grosvenor 41 Cobb, Ty 43 Coffin, Howard E. 44 Cohan, George M. 45 Coolidge, Calvin 47 Cowley, Malcolm 48 Croly, Herbert 49 cummings, e.e. 50 Curtis, Edwin Upton 52

A Addams, Jane 9 Anderson, Sherwood 10 Arbuckle, Roscoe “Fatty” 11 Armstrong, Louis 13 Asquith, Herbert Henry 14

B Baker, Newton Diehl 17 Bara, Theda 18 Barrymore, John 19 Baruch, Bernard 20 Beard, Charles A. 21 Benson, A. L. 22 Berger, Victor 23 Berlin, Irving 24 Borden, Robert Laird 25 Bourassa, Henri 26 Bourne, Randolph 28 Bryan, William Jennings 29 Burleson, Albert Sidney 30 Burns, William John 31 Butler, Nicholas Murray 33

D Daniels, Josephus 54 Darrow, Clarence 55 Debs, Eugene V. 56 DeMille, Cecil B. 57 Dempsey, Jack 58 Dewey, John 59 Dos Passos, John 60 DuBois, W. E. B. 62 vii

viii

E

List of Entries

Hughes, Charles Evans 110 Hughes, Sir Sam 111 Hurley, Edward Nash 114

Eastman, Crystal 64 Eastman, Max Forester 65 Ellington, Duke 67 Europe, James Reese 68

J Jackson, Joseph “Shoeless Joe” Johnson, Hiram 117

F Fairbanks Sr., Douglas 70 Filene, Edward 71 Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 73 Ford, Henry 74 Fosdick, Raymond 75 Frankfurter, Felix 76

116

K Keaton, Buster 119 Kelley, Florence 120 Kellogg, Frank B. 121 Kellor, Frances 123 Keynes, John Maynard 124 Kitchener, Horatio Herbert 125 Kitchin, Claude 127

G Garfield, Harry 78 Garvey, Marcus 79 George V, King 80 Gifford, Walter 82 Gilman, Charlotte Perkins Gish, Lillian 85 Glass, Carter 86 Godfrey, Hollis 87 Goldman, Emma 88 Gompers, Samuel 90 Gregory, Thomas W. 91 Grey, Zane 92 Griffith, D. W. 93

B

L 83

H Haig, Douglas 95 Hall, G. Stanley 97 Harding, Warren G. 98 Hart, William S. 99 Haynes, George Edmund 100 Hays, Will H. 101 Haywood, William “Big Bill” 102 Hemingway, Ernest 104 Hillquit, Morris 105 Hoover, Herbert Clark 106 Hoover, J. Edgar 107 Houston, David F. 109

La Follette, Robert Marion Lane, Franklin 131 Lansing, Robert 132 LaRocca, Nick 133 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid 133 Law, Andrew Bonar 135 Lindsay, Vachel 137 Lippmann, Walter 138 Lloyd, Harold 139 Lloyd George, David 140 Lodge, Henry Cabot 145 Loew, Marcus 146

M Man o’ War 148 McAdoo, William 149 McClung, Nellie 150 McKenna, Reginald 152 Mooney, Tom 153 Morgan, J. P. 154 Morton, Jelly Roll 156 Muck, Karl 156

129


List of Entries

O Oliver, Joseph “King”

B

ix

Wilson, Woodrow 198 Wood, Leonard 201

159*

P

Z

Palmer, Alexander Mitchell Paul, Alice 162 Pershing, John J. 164 Pickford, Mary 165 Pinchot, Amos 166

161

Ziegfeld, Florenz 203 Zukor, Adolph 204

World War I: Topics R Randolph, A. Philip 168 Rankin, Jeannette 169 Redfield, William Cox 170 Reed, John 171 Rockefeller, John Davison 172 Roosevelt, Theodore 174 Rosenwald, Julius 176

S Sanger, Margaret 178 Schneiderman, Rose 179 Seeger, Alan 180 Sunday, Billy 181

T Taylor, Frederick Winslow Tucker, Sophie 184

183

V Veblen, Thorstein 187 Villa, Pancho 188 Villard, Oswald Garrison

189

W Wald, Lillian 191 W. Weeks, John 192 Wells-Barnett, Ida Bell 193 Wharton, Edith 194 Willard, Daniel 194 Willard, Jess 196 Wilson, William B. 197

A Adamson Act 209 Advertising 210 African Americans 212 Agriculture 217 Alien Act 220 Ambulance Drivers 220 American Federation of Labor 222 American Legion 224 American Protective League 225 American Red Cross 226 American Union against Militarism 229 Americanization Campaign 230 Anarchists 232 Anti-Prostitution Campaign 234 Anti-Semitism (UK) 235 Armaments Industry 237 Armistice 240 Arts, Visual 241

B Banking and Finance 245 Baseball 247 Boston Police Strike 247 Business (U.S.) 249

C Cabarets 254 Campaign for Social Purity Censorship 256

255

x

B

List of Entries

I

Civil Liberties 257 Civil Liberties Bureau 261 Comics 263 Committee on Public Information 264 Communist Party (U.S.) 266 Conscientious Objectors 268 Conscription (Canada) 269 Conscription (UK) 271 Conscription (U.S.) 274 Conservative Party (Canada) 275 Conservative Party (UK) 277 Corporatism (U.S.) 280 Council of National Defense 282

Immigration (U.S.) 331 Industrial Workers of the World 333 Influenza Epidemic of 1918 335 Intellectuals (U.S.) 337 Isolationism 339 Italian Immigrants 341

J Jazz 343 Jews (UK) 346 Journalism (UK) 348 Journalism (U.S.) 350 Journalism (Canada) 352

D Daughters of the American Revolution Demobilization 285 Democratic Party 287

284

E Easter Rising 290 Economic Policy 293 Economy (Canada) 295 Economy (UK) 298 Economy (U.S.) 301 Elections of 1916 304 Elections of 1920 305 Espionage Act 308 Europe, American Attitudes Toward

F Fashion 312 Federal Bureau of Investigation Federal Reserve 315 Film (UK) 316 Film (U.S.) 318 Food Administration 320 Fourteen Points 322 Fuel Administration 324

G German Americans 326 Great Migration 327

313

L Labour Party (UK) 356 Latino and Latinas 358 League of Nations 360 Liberal Party (Canada) 362 Liberal Party (UK) 363 Liberalism 366 Literature (Canada) 368 Literature (UK) 371 Literature (U.S.) 374 Lusitania, Sinking of 377

M 309

Mexico, U.S. Invasion of 380 Mobilization (Canada) 382 Mobilization (UK) 385 Mobilization (U.S.) 388 Muckrakers 392 Music (U.S.) 393

N National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) 397 National Urban League 398 Native Americans 400 National Consumers’ League 400 National Defense Act (U.S.) 402 National Security League 404

List of Entries

P Pacifists 407 Palmer Raids 409 Paris Peace Conference 412 Progressivism 414 Prohibition 419 Propaganda (Canada) 422 Propaganda (UK) 425 Propaganda (U.S.) 428

R Race Riots 432 Red Scare 436 Religion (U.S.) 440 Republican Party 442 Revivalism 444

S Sabotage and Spies 448 Sacco and Vanzetti Case 450 Salvation Army 452 Seattle General Strike 453 Sedition Act 454 Sexuality (U.S.) 455 Shipping 457 Slackers 459 Socialist Party 460 Songs (U.S.) 462 Stanford-Binet Test 464 Steel Industry 465

B

xi

Strikes, Labor 467 Submarine Warfare 470 Supreme Court 472

T Taxation 475 Technology 477 Theater 479 Trade 481 Trade Unions (UK) 484 Trade Unions (U.S.) 486

V Vigilantism

489

W War Bonds 491 War Industries Board (WIB) 493 War Labor Board (WLB) 494 Women (Canada) 496 Women (UK) 497 Women (U.S.) 501 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom 505

Y YMCA and YWCA

507

Z Zimmermann Telegram

510

xii

B

List of Entries

VOLUME TWO: WOR LD WAR II World War II: Biographies

Crosby, Bing

564

D A Anderson, Marian 521 Armstrong, Louis 522 Arnold, Thurman 524 Attlee, Clement 525 Avery, Sewell 527

B Bacall, Lauren 529 Ball, Joseph 530 Barkley, Alben 531 Baruch, Bernard 532 Basie, William “Count” 533 Berge, Wendell 534 Berle, Adolf 535 Berlin, Irving 536 Bevin, Ernest 537 Bilbo, Theodore 539 Bogart, Humphrey 540 Borah, William E. 542 Bourke-White, Margaret 543 Bowles, Chester 544 Bricker, John 545 Bridges, Harry 546 Browder, Earl 547 Brundage, Avery 548 Bush, Vannevar 549 Byrnes, James 551

C Capa, Robert 554 Capra, Frank 555 Chamberlain, Neville 556 Churchill, Winston 558 Conant, James B. 561 Cotton, Joseph 562 Cowley, Malcolm 563

Davis Jr., Benjamin 566 Davis, Bette 567 Davis, William H. 568 Dewey, Thomas E. 569 Dies, Martin 570 DiMaggio, Joe 572 Disney, Walt 572 Dorsey, Jimmy and Tommy Dos Passos, John 575 Douglas, Melvyn 577 du Pont Family 578

574

E Eden, (Robert) Anthony 580 Einstein, Albert 582 Eisenhower, Dwight D. 583 Eisenstaedt, Alfred 585 Eliot II, Charles W. 586 Ellington, Duke 586 Ellison, Ralph 587 Ezekiel, Mordecai 589

F Forrestal, James 591 Foster, William 592

G Gable, Clark 594 Geisel, Theodor (“Dr. Seuss”) George VI, King 596 Gillespie, Dizzy 598 Gimbel Family 599 Goodman, Benny 600 Grable, Betty 601 Graham, Martha 602 Green, William 604 Groves, Leslie 605

595

List of Entries

Guthrie, Woody

xiii

Lasswell, Harold Wright 651 Lee, Canada 652 Lee, Peggy 653 Lewis, John L. 654 Lilienthal, David 655 Lindbergh, Charles Augustus 656 Lippmann, Walter 657 Long, Breckinridge 659 Louis, Joe 660 Luce, Henry 660

606

H Halifax, Lord 609 Halleck, Charles Abraham 610 Hansen, Alvin 611 Hayek, Friedrich von 612 Hayworth, Rita 613 Henderson, Leon 614 Hepburn, Mitchell F. 615 Hersey, John 617 Higgins, Andrew Jackson 618 Hillman, Sidney 619 Himes, Chester 620 Hitchcock, Alfred 621 Holiday, Billie 622 Hoover, J. Edgar 624 Hope, Bob 626 Hopkins, Harry 626 Horne, Lena 628 Howe, Clarence Decatur 629 Hughes, Howard 630 Hughes, Langston 632 Hull, Cordell 633

M MacArthur, Douglas 662 MacInnes, Helen 663 Mackenzie, Ian 664 Mailer, Norman 666 Marshall, George C. 666 Mauldin, Bill 667 Maverick, Maury 668 McIntyre, Marvin H. 669 Merriam, Charles 670 Miller, Glenn 671 Morgenthau Jr., Henry 672 Murphy, Audie 673 Murray, James E. 675 Murray, Philip 676 Murrow, Edward R. 677 Myrdal, Gunnar 678

I Ickes, Harold

B

635

J N

James, Harry 637 Jones, Jesse 638

Nelson, Donald 680 Niebuhr, Reinhold 681

K Kaiser, Henry J. 640 Kennedy, Joseph Patrick 641 Keynes, John Maynard 641 King, William Lyon Mackenzie Knox, Frank 645 Knudsen, William 646

L LaGuardia, Fiorello 648 Lapointe, Ernest 849

O Oppenheimer, J. Robert 643

P Paige, “Satchel” 685 Parker, Charlie 686 Patman, Wright 687 Patterson, Robert P. 688 Patton, George S. 690 Pauley, Edwin 691

683

xiv

Pegler, Westbrook 692 Pepper, Claude 693 Perkins, Frances 694 Pound, Ezra 695 Powell Jr., Adam Clayton Power, C. G. 698 Pyle, Ernie 699

B

List of Entries

White, Walter 736 Williams, Ted 737 Willkie, Wendell 738 Wilson, Charles Erwin 740 Wilson, Charles Edward 741 Wrigley, Philip K. 742

697

R Randolph, Asa Philip 701 Rankin, John E. 702 Raye, Martha 704 Reuther, Walter Philip 705 Robeson, Paul 707 Roosevelt, Eleanor 708 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano 710 Ross, Malcolm Harrison 713

S Shaw, Artie 715 Sherwood, Robert E. 716 Shore, Dinah 717 Sinatra, Frank 718 Smith, Harold 720 Smith, Kate 721 Steinbeck, John 722 Stewart, Jimmy 723 Stimson, Henry 724 Stone, Isador Feinstein 725

Abraham Lincoln Brigade 747 Advertising 746 African Americans 751 Agriculture 756 American Federation of Musicians 758 American Federation of Labor 759 Anti-Semitism (U.S.) 761 Antitrust Policies (U.S.) 763 Arts, Visual 765 Asian Americans (Non-Japanese) 770 Aviation 772

Banking and Finance (U.S.) 775 Baseball 777 Bebop 779 Beveridge Report 780 Black Market 782 Blitz 784 Board of Economic Warfare (U.S.) 787 Bond Drives 788 Bracero Program 790 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) 791 Business 793

727

V Vandenberg, Arthur Hendrick

A

B

T Taft, Robert A. 726 Thomas, R. J. Thomas Tobin, Daniel J. 728 Truman, Harry 729

World War II: Topics

732

C W Wallace, Henry Agard Wayne, John 735

734

Censorship (U.S.) 796 Children 799 Chinese Exclusion Act, Repeal of

801

List of Entries

Civil Liberties 803 Comics 805 Communist Party, U.S.A. 806 Congress of Industrial Organizations (U.S.) 808 Congress of Racial Equality 810 Conscientious Objectors 811 Conscription (Canada) 813 Conscription (UK) 815 Conscription (U.S.) 817 Conservative Party (UK) 820 Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (Canada) 822 Corporatism 824 Corps of Engineers 826 Coventry, Bombing of 829

B

xv

G German Americans 876 GI Bill of Rights, 1944 877

H Hate Strikes 881 Holocaust 882 Home Guard, British 885 Homosexuality 887

I Intellectuals (U.S.) 889 Internment Camps 892 Isolationism 895 Italian Immigrants 897

J D

Japanese Americans 899 Japan, Images of 904 Jews (U.S.) 906 Journalism (Canada) 908 Journalism (UK) 910 Journalism (U.S.) 912

Dancing (U.S.) 832 Demobilization 833 Democratic Party 835

E Economic Policy (U.S.) 838 Economy (Canada) 840 Economy (UK) 842 Economy (U.S.) 844 Education 847 Election of 1940 850 Election of 1944 851 Emergency Powers Act (UK) 852 Émigrés, European 855 Energy 857

K Keynesianism

L Labour Party (UK) 919 Latinos and Latinas 921 Lend-Lease Act of 1941 923 Literature (Canada) 923 Literature (UK) 925 Literature (U.S.) 928 London 933

F Fair Employment Practices Committee Family 862 Fashion 864 Federal Bureau of Investigation 866 Film (UK) 868 Film (U.S.) 871 Four Freedoms 874

917

860

M Manhattan Project 936 Midlands 939 Midwest, American 941 Migration 942 Ministry of Information (UK)

944

xvi

Mobilization (Canada) 946 Mobilization (UK) 948 Mobilization, Industrial and Troop Music 954

B

List of Entries

Rosie the Riveter 951

1011

S

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) 957 National War Labor 959 National Resources Planning Board 961 Native Americans 962 Nazi Sympathizers 963 New Deal 966 Northeast, American 968 Northern Ireland 970

Scotland 1013 Selective Service 1014 Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program 1016 Sexuality 1018 Shipping 1020 Slang 1022 Smith-Connally Act 1025 South, American 1027 Spies and Sabotage 1031 Strikes, Labor 1032 Supreme Court 1034

O

T

N

Office of Civilian Defense 973 Office of Price Administration 974 Office of Production Management 976 Office of War Information 977

P Pearl Harbor Attack 980 Photography (U.S.) 982 Port Chicago Mutiny 984 Prisoners of War, Axis 985 Propaganda (Canada) 986 Propaganda (UK) 988 Propaganda (U.S.) 990

R Race Riots 994 Radio 996 Railroads 998 Rationing 999 Reconversion 1002 Refugees 1005 Religion (U.S.) 1006 Republican Party 1007

Technology 1037 Theater 1041 Trade Unions 1042

U United Nations 1046 United Service Organizations (USO)

1048

V Venereal Disease 1050 Victory Gardens 1051

W War Bonds 1053 War Department (U.S.) 1055 War Manpower Commission (U.S.) War Production Board 1058 West, American 1060 Women (Canada) 1062 Women (UK) 1066 Women (U.S.) 1070

Z Zoot Suiters

1076

1057

List of Entries

B

xvii

VOLUME THREE: DOCUMENTS

World War I: Documents

“Do Your Bit for America” Proclamation, April 15, 1917, Woodrow Wilson 1128

“It’s a Long Way to Tipperary,” 1912, Jack Judge and Harry Williams 1083

Returning Soldiers, May 1919, W. E. B. Du Bois 1132

Declaration of Neutrality, August 19, 1914, Woodrow Wilson 1085

Proclamation Establishing Conscription, May 28, 1917, Woodrow Wilson 1134

Speech to the Canadian Club, December 29, 1914, Sir Robert Borden 1087

Espionage Act of June 15, 1917

1138

Speech on East St. Louis Riot, July 8, 1917, Marcus Garvey 1139

“I Denounce,” March 1915, Kate Richards O’Hare 1093 Democratic Party Platform of 1916

1095

Republican Party Platform of 1916

1099

Appeal for National Service, October 23, 1916, Sir Robert Borden 1101

Defense of Free Speech in Wartime, October 6, 1917, Robert La Follette 1145 Speech by a Four Minute Man, October 8, 1917 1149 Fourteen Points, January 8, 1918, Woodrow Wilson 1150

U.S. Conscription Policy, 1917, Samuel Gompers 1103

Sedition Act, May 16, 1918

Women’s Suffrage Speech to Congress, 1917, Carrie Chapman Catt 1105

Anti-War Speech, June 16, 1918, Eugene V. Debs 1154

“Over There,” 1917, George M. Cohan

Liberty Union Defense Letter, July 31, 1918 1166

1109

Assert Your Rights, 1917, Charles Schenck

1110

On U. S. Readiness for War, 1917, D. F. Houston 1112 On U. S. Wartime Railroad Transportation, 1917, Daniel Willard 1120 Zimmermann Telegram, January 1917 Declaration of War Speech to Congress, April 2, 1917, Woodrow Wilson 1123

1153

1122

Schenck v. United States, 1919, Oliver Wendell Holmes 1169 Speech against League of Nations, August 12, 1919, Henry Cabot Lodge Sr. 1172 Defense of the League of Nations, September 26, 1919, Woodrow Wilson 1174 Call for a “Return to Normalcy,” May 14, 1920, Warren G. Harding 1179

xviii

B

List of Entries

Peace and Bread in Time of War, 1922, Jane Addams 1181

Message to Congress on Price Control, July 30, 1941, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1237

Children’s Crusade Circular, March 10, 1922 1184

Atlantic Charter, August 1941

1241

Executive Order 9066, February 19, 1942, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1243

World War II: Documents

National Security Plebiscite Address, April 7, 1942, William Lyon Mackenzie King 1245

Neutrality Act of 1939

Radio Appeal on Scrap-Rubber Campaign, June 12, 1942, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1252

1193

Democratic Party Platform of 1940

1203


1206

Eulogy for Village Destroyed by Nazis, July 12, 1942, Wendell Willkie 1254 Bracero Agreement, August 4, 1942

War Ration Book One, Warning, undated 1209 Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat Speech, May 10, 1940, Winston Churchill 1210 Arsenal of Democracy Radio Address, December 29, 1940, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1212

1257

Executive Order Providing for the Stabilizing of the National Economy, October 3, 1942 1261 Social Insurance and Allied Services, November 1942, Report by Sir William Beveridge 1266

Four Freedoms Speech, January 6, 1941, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1219

Address before Congress of American Soviet Friendship, November 8, 1942, Vice President Henry C. Wallace 1272

Speech against American Participation in World War II, April 23, 1941, Charles Lindbergh 1225

Temperance Speech, December 16, 1942, William Lyon Mackenzie King 1277

What Constitutes an American, May 18, 1941, Harold Ickes 1229 Proclamation of Unlimited National Emergency, May 27, 1941 1233 Executive Order 8802, June 25, 1941, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1235

Official Military Memoranda Concerning Zoot Suit Riots, June 1943 1284 Chinese Exclusion Act Repeal, December 17, 1943 1286 Democratic Party Platform of 1944

1288


1292

List of Entries

B

xix

Servicemen’s Readjustment Act (GI Bill), June 22, 1944 1294

State of the Union Address, January 6, 1945, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1356

United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods: Summary of Agreements, July 22, 1944 1297

Victory Speech, May 8, 1945, Winston Churchill 1359

Speech to a Teamsters’ Union Banquet, September 23, 1944, Franklin D. Roosevelt 1299 Port Chicago Naval Magazine Explosion: Court of Inquiry, Finding of Facts, Opinion and Recommendations, October 30, 1944 1304

First Message to Congress, April 16, 1945, President Harry S. Truman 1361 Victory Speech to British Parliament and Royal Family, June 12, 1945, Dwight D. Eisenhower 1365 On Dropping the A-Bomb on Hiroshima, August 6, 1945, Harry S. Truman 1368

Korematsu v. United States, December 18, 1944 1312

Civil Liberties Act of 1988

United States Government Manual, Emergency War Agencies, 1945 1320

Italian American Testimony to House of Representatives on Internment, 1999 1373

1371


DOCUMENTS B

WORLD WAR I: DOCUMENTS B

“IT’S A LONG WAY TO TIPPERARY” Jack Judge and Harry Williams

B

Although written in 1912 about Irishmen living in London, “It’s a Long Way to Tipperary” was adopted by the Connaught Rangers, a largely Irish regiment in the British Army. It soon became the most popular song in World War I–era Britain, sung both in pubs and by troops in the trenches. During the war, an additional chorus was added to express solidarity with French allies in the war. Up to mighty London came An Irish lad one day, All the streets were paved with gold, So everyone was gay! Singing songs of Piccadilly, Strand, and Leicester Square, ’Til Paddy got excited and He shouted to them there: It’s a long way to Tipperary, It’s a long way to go. It’s a long way to Tipperary To the sweetest girl I know! Goodbye Piccadilly, Farewell Leicester Square! It’s a long long way to Tipperary, But my heart’s right there. Paddy wrote a letter To his Irish Molly O’, Saying, “Should you not receive it, Write and let me know! 1083

If I make mistakes in ‘spelling,’ Molly dear,” said he, “Remember it’s the pen, that’s bad, Don’t lay the blame on me.” It’s a long way to Tipperary, It’s a long way to go. It’s a long way to Tipperary To the sweetest girl I know! Goodbye Piccadilly, Farewell Leicester Square, It’s a long long way to Tipperary, But my heart’s right there. Molly wrote a neat reply To Irish Paddy O’, Saying, “Mike Maloney wants To marry me, and so Leave the Strand and Piccadilly, Or you’ll be to blame, For love has fairly drove me silly, Hoping you’re the same!” It’s a long way to Tipperary, It’s a long way to go. It’s a long way to Tipperary To the sweetest girl I know! Goodbye Piccadilly, Farewell Leicester Square, It’s a long long way to Tipperary, But my heart’s right there.

1084

B

Extra Wartime Verse That’s the wrong way to tickle Mary, That’s the wrong way to kiss! Don’t you know that over here, lad, They like it best like this!

W O R L D WA R I : D O C U M E N T S

Hooray pour le Francais! Farewell, Angleterre! We didn’t know the way to tickle Mary, But we learned how, over there! Public domain, 1912.

DECLARATION OF NEUTRALITY Woodrow Wilson

B

The beginning of World War I in Europe was felt acutely in the United States. Not only did the United States conduct extensive trade with the belligerents, but many immigrants came from these countries. Indeed, a larger proportion of foreign-born (largely European) people lived in the United States in 1914 than in almost any year before or since. In this address to Congress during the opening weeks of World War I, President Woodrow Wilson argues that the United States must maintain strict neutrality in the conflict for fear that favoring one side or the other might stir up nationalist divisions among the immigrant population. The effect of the war upon the United States will depend upon what American citizens say and do. Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned. The spirit of the nation in this critical matter will be determined largely by what individuals and society and those gathered in public meetings do and say, upon what newspapers and magazines contain, upon what ministers utter in their pulpits, and men proclaim as their opinions upon the street. The people of the United States are drawn from many nations, and chiefly from the na-

tions now at war. It is natural and inevitable that there should be the utmost variety of sympathy and desire among them with regard to the issues and circumstances of the conflict. Some will wish one nation, others another, to succeed in the momentous struggle. It will be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it. Those responsible for exciting it will assume a heavy responsibility, responsibility for no less a thing than that the people of the United States, whose love of their country and whose loyalty to its government should unite them as Americans all, bound in honor and affection to think first of her and her interests, may be divided in camps of hostile opinion, hot against each other, involved in the war itself in impulse and opinion if not in action. Such divisions amongst us would be fatal to our peace of mind and might seriously stand in the way of the proper performance of our duty as the one great nation at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play a part of impartial mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan, but as a friend. I venture, therefore, my fellow countrymen, to speak a solemn word of warning to you against that deepest, most subtle, most essential breach of neutrality which may spring out of

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partisanship, out of passionately taking sides. The United States must be neutral in fact, as well as in name, during these days that are to try men’s souls. We must be impartial in thought, as well as action, must put a curb upon our sentiments, as well as upon every transaction that

might be construed as a preference of one party to the struggle before another. Woodrow Wilson, Message to Congress, August 19, 1914, 63rd Congress, 2d Session, Senate Doc. No. 566 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1914), 3–4.

SPEECH TO CANADIAN CLUB Sir Robert Borden

B

From the time Britain went to war in August 1914, Canada committed itself to supplying troops, war materiel, and food to its former colonizer. Many English-speaking Canadians had close family ties in Britain and the two countries shared a culture and history. In appealing to Canadians to support the war, however, Canadian prime minister Robert Borden went beyond appealing to ties of blood and brotherhood. In this speech to the Canadian club early in the war, he argued that the war represented a struggle between civilization and barbarism.

Canadian Club, Winnipeg, December 29, 1914 From Halifax to Winnipeg I have journeyed across this vast continent for a distance greater than that which would span the Atlantic; and yet I am only at the threshold of these great western provinces, which have responded so splendidly to the call of duty that came more than four months ago. Through all the vastness of this Dominion, with its scattered centres of population and its diversity of race, tradition and creed, there is but one voice as to the justice of the cause for which we have drawn the sword and but one reply as to the obligation which rests upon us. Nowhere in this Dominion has that response and that voice been more

unanimous and more emphatic than in this great gateway city of the West. In this Dominion, confronted as we are with peaceful tasks that tax to the fullest extent our energies in the development of our vast territory, and in the upbuilding of a great free nation on the northern half of this continent, it is almost impossible to realize a conception which regards the waging of war as a justifiable, desirable and even necessary means of national progress and development. The three great wars in which Germany has engaged during the past fifty years have brought to the nation prestige, territory, huge war indemnities and an astonishing increase of national power and influence. During all that period German soil has never been oppressed by the foot of an invader and its people have been spared many of the miseries which war has brought to the nations over whom they triumphed. The religion of valour; the doctrine that might constitutes the highest and only right; that the State is bound to exercise through war its increasing power for its own advancement and for the diffusion of its ideals and culture; the belief that German ideals, methods and culture embody the highest and best results of civilization and that German military dominance represents what is best not only for Germany but for the whole

1087

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world; the economic and commercial advantages and the colonial expansion which German military prowess would secure for the nation through war; these and the like considerations explain in part the concentration of Germany’s thought upon the ideal of force, of war and of conquest. Their Government possesses a control of public opinion which we find it difficult to realize. All the influences which mould the thought of the people have continuously proclaimed that war, especially war with our Empire, was a stern and inevitable duty. Their ruling classes constitute a military autocracy, and the military caste with its all-commanding authority was bent on war. Beyond question, there were influences in Germany which made for peace and favoured peaceful development; but those forces apparently lacked organization and leadership. Moreover, there has been evident in Germany during the past quarter of a century a rising spirit of democracy which has brought inquietude to the ruling oligarchy and to those who are devoted to the principles of absolutism. There was great confidence that a successful war would be a powerful factor in checking or quelling that spirit. Between the Prussian autocracy and its ideal of worldwide dominance, British supremacy upon the sea has stood as a barrier which must disappear if the ideal was to be attained; and so it was proclaimed that Germany’s future was on the sea. We are only beginning to realize the enormous military strength of the German Empire. We are only commencing to understand how immensely superior she stood in military organization, preparation and resources to all the other nations at the outbreak of war. Wielding that tremendous power, which made any apprehension of attack by our Empire a mere idle dream, Germany has for at least twenty years, with constantly increasing emphasis, pressed her challenge of the seas upon the

British Empire. Germany well knew, as Britain knew, what that challenge meant and what would ensue from the failure to accept it. We had either to admit our inability to guard adequately the pathways of the Empire and thus retire ingloriously from the contest forced mercilessly upon us, or we had to make good the Empire’s right to exist; and that meant the supremacy of our naval forces against any attack that might reasonably be apprehended. Thus the contest in naval armaments, which British statesmen have vainly endeavoured to prevent, has proceeded from year to year. No shot was fired, no ships were sunk, no battle was fought; but it was, in truth, war between the two nations. International issues are often determined otherwise than by actual hostilities; and Great Britain realized that when her power upon the seas could be successfully challenged by Germany the day of her departure was at hand and indeed had already arrived. On three recognized occasions during the past ten years Germany has brought Europe to the verge of actual war. On two of these occasions she imposed her will upon Europe, but on the third Great Britain stood firmly resolute and Germany receded. The events of 1911 have never been forgotten; and there is reason to believe that, but for the commanding influence and untiring efforts of Sir Edward Grey, the war which broke out in 1914 would have been forced upon Europe during the previous year. I have spoken of three occasions; but as was once said to me by a statesman of great experience in the foreign office: “The international kettle is always on the verge of boiling, although the people know nothing of it until the steam begins to escape.” When the secrets of diplomatic records come to be fully disclosed I do not doubt that in each of the past ten years German aggressiveness will be found to have made war imminent or at least probable.

Speech to Canadian Club

Not only here, but in the British Islands, military preparation has been imperfect because development has proceeded along the paths of peace. The instinct of the British people is against militarism and great standing armies are not viewed with favour. But in the British Islands and in the self-governing Dominions alone there are at least sixty millions of people, a population nearly equal to that of Germany. If our preparation for the struggle was insignificant compared with that of Germany, let us not forget that her resources are insignificant compared with those of this Empire. There are many things which count besides armed forces in the field. In the organization of modern war all the resources of the nation must be reckoned with. Consider those of Canada, which even during the coming year can supply food products to an almost unlimited extent. Our great transportation systems are an invaluable asset even for military purposes. How was it possible to assemble at Valcartier Camp within two weeks after the outbreak of war a force of 35,000 men gathered from a territory nearly as large as Europe? How was it possible to arm, equip and organize them so that the force was ready to sail within six weeks from the day on which the order was given? This was possible because of the organizing ability, the great transportation systems and the industrial activities of Canada. Already our factories are turning out not only clothing and equipment of all kinds, but munitions of war on a great scale and of a character that we did not dream of producing four months ago. Our inexhaustible resources in the forests, the fisheries, the coal and minerals of Canada are tremendous assets in this war. All this must tell in the long run, as Germany will yet know. In a word, we have the resources, while Germany has the preparation. The ability of the Allied armies to hold in

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check the powerful forces of Germany pending the preparation which we lack has been amply demonstrated; and the armies of the Empire, as well as its enormous resources, are already being organized on such a scale as leaves no room for doubt as to the issue of this struggle. The preparation must be thoroughly and adequately made. It would be not only useless, but criminal, to send our citizen soldiers into the field of battle without the organization, training and discipline which are essential under conditions of modern warfare. So here in the West, as well as in the East of this Dominion and throughout the Empire, armies are being organized, equipment and armaments are being prepared and we are making ready for the day when the hosts of Germany shall be driven back within their own frontiers and the march begins which shall not end until the Prussian oligarchy and its dominance over the German people shall have come to a deserved and inevitable end. During the past three months I have seen at least 60,000 Canadians under arms, and of these 30,000 will shortly be at the battle front. Abroad and at home we have more than 100,000 Canadians preparing for the sternest of all a soldier’s duties. Those who are shortly to be at the front will fight side by side with the best troops in the world, and we have a reasonable confidence, inspired by the memories of the past, that they will bear themselves worthily and with honour to themselves and their country. Those who are acquiring the training and discipline of the soldier will do well to remember that they are as truly serving their country as if they were at the front, for without this their service would be ineffective and useless. It is hardly necessary to emphasize the unity of purpose which actuates the entire Empire in this struggle. For the ruling classes of Germany it is difficult, if not impossible, to comprehend,

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even imperfectly, the strength of an Empire bound together by ties which to them seem so imperfect and so attenuated. The ideals of government upon which the German Empire is based are so profoundly different from those which constitute the strength and hold firm the unity of the British Dominions, that this result is not surprising. Our self-governing Dominions are united by the ties of a common allegiance to the Crown; but the Crown has become the symbol of the people’s sovereignty. According to our conception and practice of government, the King reigns to execute the will of the people who rule. The strength of the Empire rests upon the eternal foundation of liberty expressed in the ideal and consummation of autonomous self-government which is vested in the people of the self-governing Dominions as of right and not of grace. The spirit of Prussian absolutism dominating the people of the German Empire regards any such form of Government as weak and ineffective. They conceive that it represents only a passing phase and that the German theory of absolutism cannot fail to impress itself upon the whole world in due course. So that this struggle involves issues which transcend even the interests and the future of our own Empire and which embrace the whole theory and practice of government for all the future generations of the world. If the militarist and autocratic ideals of the Prussian oligarchy can assert themselves in worldwide dominance, the progress and development of democracy will either have been stayed forever or the work of centuries will have been undone and mankind must struggle anew for ideals of freedom and rights of self-government which have been established as the birthright of the British people. Thus the powers of democracy are themselves on trial today and the issue of this conflict concerns not only the existence of the British Empire, but all the world-

wide aspirations that have found expression in the freedom which its people enjoy. Insofar as this Empire may be said to possess a constitution, it is of modern growth and is still in the stage of development. One can hardly conceive that it will ever distinctly emerge from that stage or attain a status in which constitutional development is no longer to be anticipated. Indeed, the genius of the British people and all our past history lead us to believe the contrary. The steps in advance have been usually gradual and always practical; and they have been taken rather by instinct than upon any carefully considered theory. But the very liberties of the Empire made possible results which no absolutism could foresee. Thus the unity of purpose inspiring the British Dominions and their participation in this war upon so vast a scale has amused the Prussian warlords. Also it has shattered their confident belief that the military resources of those Dominions were entirely negligible. It is within the bounds of probability that the four free nations of the overseas dominions will have put into the fighting line 250,000 men if this war should continue for another year. That result, or even the results which have already been obtained, must mark a great epoch in the history of inter-imperial relations. There are those within sound of my voice who will see the overseas Dominions surpass in wealth and population the British Islands; there are children playing in your streets who may see Canada alone attain that eminence. Thus it is impossible to believe that the existing status, so far as it concerns the control of foreign policy and extraimperial relations, can remain as it is today. All are conscious of the complexity of the problem thus presented; but no one need despair of a satisfactory solution and no one can doubt the profound influence which the tremendous events of the past few months and of those in

Speech to Canadian Club

the immediate future must exercise upon one of the most interesting and far-reaching questions ever presented for the consideration of statesmen. There are no more loyal and patriotic citizens of Canada than the people of German descent in all parts of our Dominion. Both in the East and in the West they have been earnest and active in endeavour and in aid. And it is particularly to be noted that citizens of German descent in Canada are a peace loving people and averse to all forms of militarism. They thoroughly understand and appreciate the principles of democratic government; they detest absolutism and abhor war. But if the teachings of the most advanced thinkers of Germany are to be regarded and if the course of the German Government is to be considered as expressive of the national spirit, no such ideal animates the German people. Germany is disposed to dismiss with indifference and even contempt all proposals for settling international differences by peaceful methods. Indeed, the German Government seems to consider any such proposals as expressly directed against Germany’s interests which, as they conceive, demand that her military power must inevitably be employed for her national development and advancement through the subjugation and humiliation of other nations and the appropriation of such of their possessions as she may find most useful for her purposes. This conception carries with it the ideal that in all the centuries to come brute force shall be the highest right; that the most powerful nation shall be a law to itself; that its treaties and obligations may be put aside when necessity arises, and that the national will shall alone be the judge of that necessity. If all the teachings of Christianity and all the ideals of modern civilization point only to this result, mankind has not great reason to regard its ideals and standards as on a higher

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plane than those of the brute creation. Indeed, one should then say that man was made a little lower than the brutes. “No more? A monster, then, a dream, A discord. Dragons of the prime, That tare each other in their slime, Were mellow music matched with him.”

Such ideals are not helpful to humanity, and the sooner they are dispelled and dismissed the better for the nation which entertains them and the better for the world. If this war was necessary for that purpose, let us not regret that it came when it did. In common with the whole world, we fully recognize and appreciate the great qualities of the German people and all that they have achieved in the highest spheres of human activity and usefulness. With them we desired no contest, except in generous rivalry for the advancement of all that is best in modern civilization. With them we have no quarrel, save that they have forsaken the cause of liberty and democracy in rendering an unquestioning obedience to the militarist and arrogant autocracy to which they have surrendered the control of their national life. In this struggle against the Prussian oligarchy and against its ideals, Canada, in common with all the Empire, is prepared to fight, and intends to fight, to the death. Reverses may come, sacrifices will be inevitable, there may be days of doubt and even of gloom; but the fortitude, the determination and the resourcefulness which did not fail the people of this Empire in the storm and peril of more than a century ago and which have maintained the northern half of this continent as part of the Empire, are still our common inheritance and will not fail us now. There is but one way to deal effectively with the Prussian gospel of force and violence and

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the Prussian ideal of absolutism. It must be smashed utterly and completely. The sooner that is accomplished the better for the German people and for all the nations. Canada joins wholeheartedly in that great task. What has been done is known to all. What remains to be done shall be limited only by the need.

Robert Laird Borden, Speech to Canadian Club, December 29, 1914, Canada at War: Speeches by the Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Laird Borden before Canadian Club (Ottawa: Office of the Prime Minister, 1914).

“I DENOUNCE” Kate Richards O’Hare

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Unlike socialist parties in Europe, which largely supported their national governments’ decisions to go to war, the Socialist Party in the United States remained opposed to America’s entry into World War I. In this article from the socialist journal, The National RipSaw, socialist leader Kate Richards O’Hare argued that the United States should blockade all shipments of food and weapons to Europe rather than become more involved in the war.

St. Louis, March 1915 Never in all the history of the United States has the thoughtful intelligent citizenship of our nation had such cause to blush for the petty, sordid, groveling character of our so-called statesmen. Never has the womanhood of the country so great cause for resentment and bitterness. We are facing now two of the most vital, all embracing questions of life and death, life and death not only for millions of individuals but life and death for mankind and civilization itself: the mighty problems of war-cursed Europe and unemployment-cursed America. All through the bitter ice- and snow-cursed months of winter, the grim tragedy of unemployment has dogged the footsteps of millions of American men and women. Vast armies of

hungry, poverty-stricken men have drifted from city to city, from North to South and East to West in the vain search for work. These men have crept into jails, workhouses and municipal lodging houses like animals to their burrows and whined like famished dogs in breadlines and before soup kitchens. Hundreds of thousands of girls have lost their six-dollar-a-week jobs and have been driven out on the streets to be used by lustful men and made the victims of police brutality. Homes have been broken up, babies deserted by desperate parents on doorsteps and orphan asylums flooded by the children of the jobless men haunting the breadlines. Suicides are occurring with sickening regularity, while crime waves have flooded every city and proven the police machinery of the United States worse than useless for the protection of life and property. In Europe already the stench of unburied putrefying corpses that only six months ago were the pick and flower of European youngmanhood is polluting the air. Agriculture and industry are throttled, the whole life of the continent is given over to the appalling task of completely destroying culture, civilization—the race life. The very soil of Europe is sodden with hu-

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man blood, the rivers of that unhappy continent are contaminated with rotting bodies while famine and pestilence hover like vultures over the battlefields. Millions of men have been slain, millions more will be slain, tens of thousands of men die every time the sun makes its pilgrimage from east to west. Millions of homes have been destroyed, millions of women and children starved, myriads of women in Europe today bear beneath their anguished hearts, the little lives that have been conceived in force, that will be nurtured in blazing hate and will be born to deeds of violence and insanity. In a few months, the raped Belgian women will give life to the hated offspring of German invaders, the outraged Polish women will bear the fruit of the hellish lust of the Russian soldiers, and so the cruel, brutal story runs, involving every warring nation and bearing in its train horrors too frightful for the human mind to grasp. There is useful work enough in the United States to usefully employ every jobless man in the country, and the money that has been stolen by corrupt officials and worse than wasted on armament and preparation for war would provide funds to give labor to every unemployed man and make possible all manner

of public industries. The law-making power of our government that allows it to declare a “war tax” would also allow the declaration of a “peace tax;” [sic] the constitutional power to issue money with which to wage a war of destruction could just as readily be invoked to wage a war on poverty and unemployment. The Congress of the United States has the power to stop the war in Europe almost instantly by forbidding the exportation of food and ammunition. Only gross ignorance, brutal stupidity or hellish cupidity can explain the inaction of our President and Congress in this hour of world travail. In the name of the inarticulate unemployed who cannot speak; in the name of the voiceless women of Europe who can not cry out, I denounce the present policy of the governing class of the United States; I declare that the blood of the European continent stains their souls, and that the misery and vice and crime of the unemployed pollutes their official robes. Before God and man I denounce them and declare their guilt and I challenge them to answer. The National Rip-Saw 12, no. 1 (St. Louis: March 1915).

DEMOCRATIC PARTY PLATFORM OF 1916 B

By the presidential election of 1916, much of Europe had been fighting World War I, or the Great War as it was called then, for two years. Nominated by his party for a second term, President Woodrow Wilson campaigned in part on the slogan that he had kept the country out of war. While mentioning the importance of defense preparedness and heightened vigilance against subversion at home, the party platform emphasized the need for strict neutrality in the conflict in order to avoid potential involvement.

IV. Americanism The part that the United States will play in the new day of international relationships that is now upon us will depend upon our preparation and our character. The Democratic party, therefore, recognizes the assertion and triumphant demonstration of the indivisibility and coherent strength of the nation as the supreme issue of this day in which the whole world faces the crisis of manifold change. It summons all men of whatever origin or creed who would count themselves Americans, to join in making clear to all the world the unity and consequent power of America. This is an issue of patriotism. To taint it with partisanship would be to defile it. In this day of test, America

must show itself not a nation of partisans but a nation of patriots. There is gathered here in America the best of the blood, the industry and the genius of the whole world, the elements of a great race and a magnificent society to be welded into a mighty and splendid Nation. Whoever, actuated by the purpose to promote the interest of a foreign power, in disregard of our own country’s welfare or to injure this government in its foreign relations or cripple or destroy its industries at home, and whoever by arousing prejudices of a racial, religious or other nature creates discord and strife among our people so as to obstruct the wholesome process of unification, is faithless to the trust which the privileges of citizenship repose in him and is disloyal to his country. We therefore condemn as subversive to this Nation’s unity and integrity, and as destructive of its welfare, the activities and designs of every group or organization, political or otherwise, that has for its object the advancement of the interest of a foreign power, whether such object is promoted by intimidating the government, a political party, or representatives of the people, or which is calculated and tends to divide our people into antagonistic groups and thus to destroy that complete agreement and solidarity of the people and that unity of sentiment and

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purpose so essential to the perpetuity of the Nation and its free institutions. We condemn all alliances and combinations of individuals in this country, of whatever nationality or descent, who agree and conspire together for the purpose of embarrassing or weakening our government or of improperly influencing or coercing our public representatives in dealing or negotiating with any foreign power. We charge that such conspiracies among a limited number exist and have been instigated for the purpose of advancing the interests of foreign countries to the prejudice and detriment of our own country. We condemn any political party which, in view of the activity of such conspirators, surrenders its integrity or modifies its policy.

V. Preparedness Along with the proof of our character as a Nation must go the proof of our power to play the part that legitimately belongs to us. The people of the United States love peace. They respect the rights and covet the friendship of all other nations. They desire neither any additional territory nor any advantage which cannot be peacefully gained by their skill, their industry, or their enterprise; but they insist upon having absolute freedom of National life and policy, and feel that they owe it to themselves and to the role of spirited independence which it is their sole ambition to play that they should render themselves secure against the hazard of interference from any quarter, and should be able to protect their rights upon the seas or in any part of the world. We therefore favor the maintenance of an army fully adequate to the requirements of order, of safety, and of the protection of the nation’s rights, the fullest development of modern methods of seacoast defence and the maintenance of an adequate reserve of citizens trained to arms and pre-

pared to safeguard the people and territory of the United States against any danger of hostile action which may unexpectedly arise; and a fixed policy for the continuous development of a navy, worthy to support the great naval traditions of the United States and fully equal to the international tasks which this Nation hopes and expects to take a part in performing. The plans and enactments of the present Congress afford substantial proof of our purpose in this exigent matter.

VI. International Relations The Democratic administration has throughout the present war scrupulously and successfully held to the old paths of neutrality and to the peaceful pursuit of the legitimate objects of our National life which statesmen of all parties and creeds have prescribed for themselves in America since the beginning of our history. But the circumstances of the last two years have revealed necessities of international action which no former generation can have foreseen. We hold that it is the duty of the United States to use its power, not only to make itself safe at home, but also to make secure its just interests throughout the world, and, both for this end and in the interest of humanity, to assist the world in securing settled peace and justice. We believe that every people has the right to choose the sovereignty under which it shall live; that the small states of the world have a right to enjoy from other nations the same respect for their sovereignty and for their territorial integrity that great and powerful nations expect and insist upon; and that the world has a right to be free from every disturbance of its peace that has its origin in aggression or disregard of the rights of people and nations; and we believe that the time has come when it is the duty of the United States to join the other na-


tions of the world in any feasible association that will effectively serve those principles, to maintain inviolate the complete security of the highway of the seas for the common and unhindered use of all nations. The present Administration has consistently sought to act upon and realize in its conduct of the foreign affairs of the Nation the principle that should be the object of any association of the nations formed to secure the peace of the world and the maintenance of national and individual rights. It has followed the highest American traditions. It has preferred respect for the fundamental rights of smaller states even to property interests, and has secured the friendship of the people of these States for the United States by refusing to make a more material interest an excuse for the assertion of our superior power against the dignity of their sovereign independence. It has regarded the lives of its citizens and the claims of humanity as of greater moment than material rights, and peace as the best basis for the just settlement of commercial claims. It has made the honor and ideals of the United States its standard alike in negotiation and action.

VII. Pan-American Concord We recognize now, as we have always recognized, a definite and common interest between the United States and the other peoples and republics of the Western Hemisphere in all matters of National independence and free political development. We favor the establishment and maintenance of the closest relations of amity and mutual helpfulness between the United States and the other republics of the American continents for the support of peace and the promotion of a common prosperity. To that end we favor all measures which may be necessary to facilitate intimate intercourse and

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promote commerce between the United States and her neighbors to the south of us, and such international understandings as may be practicable and suitable to accomplish these ends. We commend the action of the Democratic administration in holding the Pan-American Financial Conference at Washington in May, 1915, and organizing the International High Commission, which represented the United States in the recent meeting of representatives of the Latin-American Republics at Buenos Aires, April, 1916, which have so greatly promoted the friendly relations between the people of the Western Hemisphere.

VIII. Mexico The Monroe Doctrine is reasserted as a principle of Democratic faith. That doctrine guarantees the independent republics of the two Americas against aggression from another continent. It implies, as well, the most scrupulous regard upon our part for the sovereignty of each of them. We court their good will. We seek not to despoil them. The want of a stable, responsible government in Mexico, capable of repressing and punishing marauders and bandit bands, who have not only taken the lives and seized and destroyed the property of American citizens in that country, but have insolently invaded our soil, made war upon and murdered our people thereon, has rendered it necessary temporarily to occupy, by our armed forces, a portion of the territory of that friendly state. Until, by the restoration of law and order therein, a repetition of such incursions is improbable, the necessity for their remaining will continue. Intervention, implying as it does, military subjugation, is revolting to the people of the United States, notwithstanding the provocation to that course has been great and should be resorted to, if at all, only as a last recourse.

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The stubborn resistance of the President and his advisers to every demand and suggestion to enter upon it, is creditable alike to them and to the people in whose name he speaks.

IX. Merchant Marine Immediate provision should be made for the development of the carrying trade of the United States. Our foreign commerce has in the past been subject to many unnecessary and vexatious obstacles in the way of legislation of Republican Congresses. Until the recent Democratic tariff legislation, it was hampered by unreasonable burdens of taxation. Until the recent banking legislation, it had at its disposal

few of the necessary instrumentalities of international credit and exchange. Until the formulation of the pending act to promote the construction of a merchant marine, it lacked even the prospect of adequate carriage by sea. We heartily endorse the purposes and policy of the pending shipping bill and favor all such additional measures of constructive or remedial legislation as may be necessary to restore our flag to the seas and to provide further facilities for our foreign commerce, particularly such laws as may be requisite to remove unfair conditions of competition in the dealings of American merchants and producers with competitors in foreign markets. Excerpt from the Democratic Party Platform, 1916.

REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM OF 1916 B

Out of power since the three-way race of 1912, the Republicans were eager to make their pitch for the White House more on domestic than foreign policy issues, having largely agreed with Wilson’s efforts to keep the country out of World War I. Like the Democrats, the Republicans emphasized a strong defense while simultaneously urging strict neutrality.

to preserve our peace and restore us to our rightful place among the nations. We believe in the pacific settlement of international disputes, and favor the establishment of a world court for that purpose.

Mexico Foreign Relations We desire peace, the peace of justice and right, and believe in maintaining a strict and honest neutrality between the belligerents in the great war in Europe. We must perform all our duties and insist upon all our rights as neutrals without fear and without favor. We believe that peace and neutrality, as well as the dignity and influence of the United States, cannot be preserved by shifty expedients, by phrase-making, by performances in language, or by attitudes ever changing in an effort to secure votes or voters. The present Administration has destroyed our influence abroad and humiliated us in our own eyes. The Republican party believes that a firm, consistent, and courageous foreign policy, always maintained by Republican Presidents in accordance with American traditions, is the best, as it is the only true way,

We deeply sympathize with the fifteen million people of Mexico who, for three years have seen their country devastated, their homes destroyed, their fellow citizens murdered and their women outraged, by armed bands of desperadoes led by self-seeking, conscienceless agitators who when temporarily successful in any locality have neither sought nor been able to restore order or establish and maintain peace. We express our horror and indignation at the outrages which have been and are being perpetrated by these bandits upon American men and women who were or are in Mexico by invitation of the laws and of the government of that country and whose rights to security of person and property are guaranteed by solemn treaty obligations. We denounce the indefensible methods of interference employed by this Administration in the internal affairs of Mexico and refer with shame to its failure to discharge

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the duty of this country as next friend to Mexico, its duty to other powers who have relied upon us as such friend, and its duty to our citizens in Mexico, in permitting the continuance of such conditions, first by failure to act promptly and firmly, and second, by lending its influence to the continuation of such conditions through recognition of one of the factions responsible for these outrages. We pledge our aid in restoring order and maintaining peace in Mexico. We promise to our citizens on and near our border, and to those in Mexico, wherever they may be found, adequate and absolute protection in their lives, liberty, and property.

tions of the Islands, given the Philippine people a constantly increasing participation in their government, and if persisted in will bring still greater benefits in the future. We accepted the responsibility of the Islands as a duty to civilization and the Filipino people. To leave with our task half done would break our pledges, injure our prestige among nations, and imperil what has already been accomplished. We condemn the Democratic administration for its attempt to abandon the Philippines, which was prevented only by the vigorous opposition of Republican members of Congress, aided by a few patriotic Democrats.

Monroe Doctrine

Protection of the Country

We reaffirm our approval of the Monroe Doctrine, and declare its maintenance to be a policy of this country essential to its present and future peace and safety and to the achievement of its manifest destiny.

In order to maintain our peace and make certain the security of our people within our own borders the country must have not only adequate but thorough and complete national defence ready for any emergency. We must have a sufficient and effective Regular Army and a provision for ample reserves, already drilled and disciplined, who can be called at once to the colors when the hour of danger comes. We must have a Navy so strong and so well proportioned and equipped, so thoroughly ready and prepared, that no enemy can gain command of the sea and effect a landing in force on either our Western or our Eastern coast. To secure these results we must have a coherent continuous policy of national defence, which even in these perilous days the Democratic party has utterly failed to develop, but which we promise to give to the country.

Latin America We favor the continuance of Republican policies which will result in drawing more and more closely the commercial, financial and social relations between this country and the countries of Latin America.

Philippines We renew our allegiance to the Philippine policy inaugurated by McKinley, approved by Congress, and consistently carried out by Roosevelt and Taft. Even in this short time it has enormously improved the material and social condi-

Excerpts from the Republican Party Platform, 1916.

APPEAL FOR NATIONAL SERVICE Sir Robert Borden

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Robert Laird Borden was prime minister of Canada from 1911 to 1920, one of the longest serving in the country’s history. Born a British subject in 1854, more than a decade before Canada’s independence, Borden remained a committed supporter of the mother country throughout his life. While most Canadians supported the country’s participation on Britain’s side in World War I, Borden pushed the country to produce five hundred thousand recruits, an unsustainable amount for a country of less than ten million people. After appeals like the following failed to bring in the volunteers he wanted, Borden instituted a draft and a series of regulations to redirect the economy more completely toward meeting the military’s needs. Ottawa, October 23, 1916 To the People of Canada: The world-wide struggle in which our Empire is fighting for its rights, its liberties, and its very existence has continued for more than two years. Every effort that could honourably be made on our part to avert war was put forth with the deepest earnestness and sincerity. There was no escape from the contest save in dishonour and ultimate disaster. The wonderful extent and thoroughness of the enemy’s long and careful preparation was imperfectly

understood at first, and the magnitude of the struggle has surpassed all anticipation. Great Britain’s first expeditionary force has been increased more than twenty fold, and that of Canada more than twelve fold. The climax of the war is rapidly approaching. The last hundred thousand men that Canada will place in the fighting line may be the deciding factor in a struggle the issue of which will determine the destiny of this Dominion, of our Empire, and of the whole world. The most eloquent tribute would fail to do fitting honour to the youth of Canada who have already rallied so splendidly to the colours and whose heroic valour and glorious achievements have crowned this Dominion with imperishable distinction before the world. Remembering the sacrifice by which that distinction was won, we recall with solemn pride the undying memory of those who have fallen. In the history of every people there may come such a challenge to the spirit of its citizens as must be answered in service and devotion if the nation is to have an abiding peace in the future. The events of this war bring that challenge to-day to the manhood of Canada. Since the war began, more than three hundred and seventy thousand men have enlisted in this Dominion. Two hundred and fifty-eight

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thousand have gone overseas, and more than one hundred thousand are now in the battle line. During the first ten months of the present year, the number sent forward will aggregate one hundred and forty-one thousand. From 1st January to April 15 of this year the enlistments were at the rate of nearly one thousand per day. Up to the present our forces have been enlisted and organized more rapidly than facilities of transportation and accommodation in Great Britain could be provided. During the past four months the number of enlistments has greatly decreased, and having regard to future needs the time has come for this appeal. Notwithstanding the success of the allied forces in various theatres during the past summer, there is reason to know that the enemy is still strong and determined. A mightier effort than may be imagined is necessary to secure a conclusive victory. This war must have so decisive a result that lasting peace can be secured. We are fighting, not for a truce but for victory. In all mechanical appliances which have played so great a part in this war, the allied nations have almost if not quite overtaken the enemy’s standard of preparation. Therefore the result will depend upon the organization, of the man power of the allied nations. Canada must be strong and resolute in that great endeavour. Our strength can be most effectively thrown into this conflict by utilizing, in all our national activities for sustaining the agricultural, industrial, and commercial stability of Canada, those who through age or by reason of physical condition are not available for service at the front; to the end that we may place in the battle line the greatest possible proportion of those fit for military service. With this view the Government has asked the Director General and the Directors of National Service to undertake duties of the highest importance and urgency. It is im-

perative that the men and women of Canada, individually and through their various organizations, shall serve the nation in those capacities in which their services may be of the most value. Thus, it is the urgent duty of the Canadian people to join with the Government in organizing the full power of the nation in terms of human energy. Under the responsibilities with which I am invested, and in the name of the State which we are all bound to serve, it is my duty to appeal and I do now appeal most earnestly to the people of Canada that they assist and co-operate with the Government and the Directors of National Service in the endeavour for this purpose. To men of military age I make appeal that they place themselves at the service of the State for military duty. To all others I make appeal that they place themselves freely at the disposition of their country for such service as they are deemed best fitted to perform. And to the women of Canada, whose spirit has been so splendid and so inspiring in this hour of devotion and sacrifice, I bid God-speed in the manifold works of beneficence in which they are now engaged, and I pray them to aid still more in every field of national service for which they may feel themselves fitted. Let us never forget the solemn truth that the nation is not constituted of the living alone. There are those as well who have passed away and those yet to be born. So this great responsibility comes to us as heirs of the past and trustees of the future. But with that responsibility there has come something greater still, the opportunity of proving ourselves worthy of it; and I pray that this may not be lost.

Robert Laird Borden, Appeal for National Service, October 23, 1916, The Borden Papers, 1893–1937 (Ottawa: Public Archives of Canada, 1952).

U.S. CONSCRIPTION POLICY Samuel Gompers

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President of the American Federation of Labor during World War I, Samuel Gompers was considered a conservative unionist. Unlike the leaders of the radical Industrial Workers of the World union, who opposed the war as antiworker, Gompers supported U.S. entry into the war and, in this 1917 speech, backed the idea of a draft. I have counted myself happy in the companionship of the men and women who called themselves pacifists. There was not a State or national or international peace society of which I was not a member, and in many instances an officer. As a trade unionist, with its practices and its philosophies, I have been in happy accord with our movement for international peace. At a great gathering in Faneuil Hall, Boston, some years ago, I gave utterance to my soul’s conviction that the time had come when great international wars had been put to an end, and I expressed the opinion that in the last analysis, if those who are the profit-mongers by “war” undertook to create a war, the working people of the countries of the world would stop work simultaneously, if necessary, in order to prevent international war. . . . I was sent as a delegate from the American Federation of Labor to the International Congress of Labor in 1909, held at Paris, France,

and there at that conference, incidental to it, there was arranged one of the greatest mass meetings I have ever attended, at which the representatives of the labour movement of each country declared that there would not be another international war. And I went home, happy in the further proof that the time of universal peace had come. And I attended more peace conferences. I was still firmly persuaded that the time had come, and until 1914 I was in that Fool’s Paradise. I doubt if there were many who were so thoroughly shocked to the innermost depths of their being as I was with the breaking out of the European War. But it had come! And as it went on, ruthlessly, we saw a terrific conflict in which the dominating spirit was that the people attacked must be subjugated to the will of the great autocrat of his time regardless of how our sympathies ran, and that men who had given the best years of their lives in the effort to find some means, some secret of science or of nature, so that the slightest ill or pain of the most insignificant of the race might be assuaged, turned to purposes of destruction. At the call of this autocrat, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, men were set at attack, and we found that these very men

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were clutching at each other’s throats and seeking each other’s destruction. . . . The United States has declared that she can no longer live in safety when there is stalking throughout the earth this thunderous machine of murder. The United States authoritatively has declared that peace is desirable and should be brought about, but that peace is impossible so long as life and liberty are challenged and menaced. The Republic of the United States has cast her lot with the Allied countries fighting

against the greatest military machine ever erected in the history of the world. I am made ill when I see or hear any one suffering the slightest pain or anguish, and yet I hold that it is essential that the sacrifice must be made that humanity shall never again be cursed by a war such as the one which has been thrust upon us.

Charles F. Horne, ed., Source Records of the Great War (Washington, DC: National Alumni, 1923).

WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE SPEECH TO CONGRESS Carrie Chapman Catt

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An educator by profession, Carrie Chapman Catt became one of the best-known and hardest-working advocates for women’s suffrage in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She was a founder of the International Woman Suffrage Association and its president from 1904 to 1923. In this speech to Congress, she prods the members to accept the inevitable and pass the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting gender prohibitions on the franchise. Her speech, which refers to the need to extend democracy at home even as the United States was fighting for democracy abroad, indicates that the reform causes of the Progressive Era continued even during World War I. The November 4, 1917, date she refers to in the opening paragraph refers to the day New York State, then the largest state in the union, passed suffrage for women. Woman suffrage is inevitable. Suffragists knew it before November 4, 1917; opponents afterward. Three distinct causes made it inevitable. First, the history of our country. Ours is a nation born of revolution, of rebellion against a system of government so securely entrenched in the customs and traditions of human society that in 1776 it seemed impregnable. From the beginning of things, nations had been ruled by kings and for kings, while the people served and paid the cost. The American Revolutionists

boldly proclaimed the heresies: “Taxation without representation is tyranny.” “Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.” The colonists won, and the nation which was established as a result of their victory has held unfailingly that these two fundamental principles of democratic government are not only the spiritual source of our national existence but have been our chief historic pride and at all times the sheet anchor of our liberties. Eighty years after the Revolution, Abraham Lincoln welded those two maxims into a new one: “Ours is a government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” Fifty years more passed and the president of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, in a mighty crisis of the nation, proclaimed to the world: “We are fighting for the things which we have always carried nearest to our hearts: for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own government.” All the way between these immortal aphorisms political leaders have declared unabated faith in their truth. Not one American has arisen to question their logic in the 141 years of our national existence. However stupidly our country may have evaded the logical application at times, it has never swerved from its devo-

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tion to the theory of democracy as expressed by those two axioms. . . . With such a history behind it, how can our nation escape the logic it has never failed to follow, when its last unenfranchised class calls for the vote? Behold our Uncle Sam floating the banner with one hand, “Taxation without representation is tyranny,” and with the other seizing the billions of dollars paid in taxes by women to whom he refuses “representation.” Behold him again, welcoming the boys of twenty-one and the newly made immigrant citizen to “a voice in their own government” while he denies that fundamental right of democracy to thousands of women public school teachers from whom many of these men learn all they know of citizenship and patriotism, to women college presidents, to women who preach in our pulpits, interpret law in our courts, preside over our hospitals, write books and magazines, and serve in every uplifting moral and social enterprise. Is there a single man who can justify such inequality of treatment, such outrageous discrimination? Not one. . . . Second, the suffrage for women already established in the United States makes women suffrage for the nation inevitable. When Elihu Root, as president of the American Society of International Law, at the eleventh annual meeting in Washington, April 26, 1917, said, “The world cannot be half democratic and half autocratic. It must be all democratic or all Prussian. There can be no compromise,” he voiced a general truth. Precisely the same intuition has already taught the blindest and most hostile foe of woman suffrage that our nation cannot long continue a condition under which government in half its territory rests upon the consent of half of the people and in the other half upon the consent of all the people; a condition which grants representation to the taxed in half of its territory and denies it in the other half; a condition which permits women in some

states to share in the election of the president, senators, and representatives and denies them that privilege in others. It is too obvious to require demonstration that woman suffrage, now covering half our territory, will eventually be ordained in all the nation. No one will deny it. The only question left is when and how will it be completely established. Third, the leadership of the United States in world democracy compels the enfranchisement of its own women. The maxims of the Declaration were once called “fundamental principles of government.” They are now called “American principles” or even “Americanisms.” They have become the slogans of every movement toward political liberty the world around, of every effort to widen the suffrage for men or women in any land. Not a people, race, or class striving for freedom is there anywhere in the world that has not made our axioms the chief weapon of the struggle. More, all men and women the world around, with farsighted vision into the verities of things, know that the world tragedy of our day is not now being waged over the assassination of an archduke, nor commercial competition, nor national ambitions, nor the freedom of the seas. It is a death grapple between the forces which deny and those which uphold the truths of the Declaration of Independence. . . . Do you realize that in no other country in the world with democratic tendencies is suffrage so completely denied as in a considerable number of our own states? There are thirteen black states where no suffrage for women exists, and fourteen others where suffrage for women is more limited than in many foreign countries. Do you realize that when you ask women to take their cause to state referendum you compel them to do this: that you drive women of education, refinement, achievement, to beg men who cannot read for their political freedom?

Women’s Suffrage Speech to Congress

Do you realize that such anomalies as a college president asking her janitor to give her a vote are overstraining the patience and driving women to desperation? Do you realize that women in increasing numbers indignantly resent the long delay in their enfranchisement? Your party platforms have pledged women suffrage. Then why not be honest, frank friends of our cause, adopt it in reality as your own, make it a party program, and “fight with us”? As a party measure—a measure of all parties—why not put the amendment through Congress and the legislatures? We shall all be better friends, we shall have a happier nation, we women will be free to support loyally the party of our choice, and we shall be far prouder of our history. “There is one thing mightier than kings and armies”—aye, than Congresses and political parties—“the power of an idea when its time has come to move.” The time for woman suffrage has come. The woman’s hour has struck. If parties prefer to postpone action longer and thus do battle with this idea, they challenge the inevitable. The idea will not perish; the party which opposes it may. Every delay, every trick, every political dishonesty from now on will antagonize the women of the land more and more, and when the party or parties which have so delayed woman suffrage finally let it come, their sincerity will be doubted and their appeal to the new voters will be met with suspicion. This is the psychology of the situation. Can you afford the risk? Think it over. We know you will meet opposition. There are a few “women haters” left, a few “old males of the tribe,” as Vance Thompson calls them, whose duty they believe it to be to keep women in the places they have carefully picked out for them. Treitschke, made world famous by war literature, said some years ago, “Germany, which knows all about Germany and France,

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knows far better what is good for Alsace-Lorraine than that miserable people can possibly know.” A few American Treitschkes we have who know better than women what is good for them. There are women, too, with “slave souls” and “clinging vines” for backbones. There are female dolls and male dandies. But the world does not wait for such as these, nor does liberty pause to heed the plaint of men and women with a grouch. She does not wait for those who have a special interest to serve, nor a selfish reason for depriving other people of freedom. Holding her torch aloft, liberty is pointing the way onward and upward and saying to America, “Come.” To you and the supporters of our cause in Senate and House, and the number is large, the suffragists of the nation express their grateful thanks. This address is not meant for you. We are more truly appreciative of all you have done than any words can express. We ask you to make a last, hard fight for the amendment during the present session. Since last we asked a vote on this amendment, your position has been fortified by the addition to suffrage territory of Great Britain, Canada, and New York. Some of you have been too indifferent to give more than casual attention to this question. It is worthy of your immediate consideration. A question big enough to engage the attention of our allies in wartime is too big a question for you to neglect. Some of you have grown old in party service. Are you willing that those who take your places by and by shall blame you for having failed to keep pace with the world and thus having lost for them a party advantage? Is there any real gain for you, for your party, for your nation by delay? Do you want to drive the progressive men and women out of your party? Some of you hold to the doctrine of states’ rights as applying to woman suffrage. Adherence to that theory will keep the United States

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far behind all other democratic nations upon this question. A theory which prevents a nation from keeping up with the trend of world progress cannot be justified. Gentlemen, we hereby petition you, our only designated representatives, to redress our grievances by the immediate passage of the Federal Suffrage Amendment and to use your influence to secure its ratification in your own state, in order that the women of our nation

may be endowed with political freedom before the next presidential election, and that our nation may resume its world leadership in democracy. Woman suffrage is coming—you know it. Will you, Honorable Senators and Members of the House of Representatives, help or hinder it? Congressional Record, 65th Congress, 1917.

“OVER THERE” George M. Cohan

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A popular Broadway composer, George M. Cohan claimed to have penned “Over There” while commuting by train between his home in New Rochelle, New York, and his office in New York City shortly after U.S. entry into World War I in April 1917. The song quickly became the number-one-selling song in the United States and served as a popular anthem for the troops and on the home front. The song experienced a revival in World War II. Johnnie get your gun, get your gun, get your gun, Take it on the run, on the run, on the run, Hear them calling you and me, Every son of Liberty, Hurry right away, no delay, go today, Make your daddy glad to have had such a lad, Tell your sweetheart not to pine, To be proud her boy’s in line. Chorus: Over there, over there, Send the word, send the word, Over there, That the Yanks are coming, The Yanks are coming, The drums rum tumming everywhere, So prepare, Say a prayer, Send the word,

Send the word to beware, We’ll be over, we’re coming over. And we won’t be back till it’s over over there! Johnnie get your gun, get your gun, get your gun, Johnnie show the Hun, you’re a son-of-a-gun, Hoist the flag and let her fly, Like true heroes, do or die, Pack your little kit, show your grit, do your bit, Soldiers to the ranks from the towns and the tanks, Make your mother proud of you and to liberty be true. Chorus: Over there, over there, Send the word, send the word, Over there, That the Yanks are coming, The Yanks are coming, The drums rum tumming everywhere, So prepare, Say a prayer, Send the word, Send the word to beware, We’ll be over, we’re coming over. And we won’t be back till it’s over over there!

Public domain, 1917.

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ASSERT YOUR RIGHTS, 1917 Charles Schenck

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Charles Schenck, a member of the Socialist Party, was convicted and sentenced under the 1917 Espionage Act for distributing fifteen thousand copies of the following flyer, calling for resistance to military conscription. The Espionage Act made it a crime to undermine the military effort of the United States. Arguing that he was merely exercising his First Amendment right to free speech, which the Espionage Act violated, Schenck took his case to the Supreme Court. The Court, however, ruled in favor of the act, declaring that free speech could be limited during wartime. The Socialist Party says that any individual or officers of the law intrusted with the administration of conscription regulations violate the provisions of the United States Constitution, the supreme law of the land, when they refuse to recognize your right to assert your opposition to the draft. In exempting clergymen and members of the Society of Friends (popularly called Quakers) from active military service the examination boards have discriminated against you. If you do not assert and support your rights you are helping to “deny or disparage rights” which it is the solemn duty of all citizens and residents of the United States to retain. In lending tacit or silent consent to the conscription law, in neglecting to assert your rights,

you are (whether knowingly or not) helping to condone and support a most infamous and insidious conspiracy to abridge and destroy the sacred and cherished rights of a free people. You are a citizen: not a subject! You delegate your power to the officers of the law to be used for your good and welfare, not against you. They are your servants; not your masters. Their wages come from the expenses of government which you pay. Will you allow them to unjustly rule you? No power was delegated to send our citizens away to foreign shores to shoot up the people of other lands, no matter what may be their internal or international disputes. To draw this country into the horrors of the present war in Europe, to force the youth of our land into the shambles and bloody trenches of war crazy nations, would be a crime the magnitude of which defies description. Words could not express the condemnation such cold-blooded ruthlessness deserves. Will you stand idly by and see the Moloch of Militarism reach forth across the sea and fasten its tentacles upon this continent? Are you willing to submit to the degradation of having the Constitution of the United States treated as a “mere scrap of paper”? No specious or plausible pleas about a “war

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for democracy” can becloud the issue. Democracy can not be shot into a nation. It must come spontaneously and purely from within. Democracy must come through liberal education. Upholders of military ideas are unfit teachers. To advocate the persecution of other peoples through the prosecution of war is an insult to every good and wholesome American tradition.

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You are responsible. You must do your share to maintain, support, and uphold the rights of the people of this country. In this world crisis where do you stand? Are you with the forces of liberty and light or war and darkness? Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919).

ON U.S. READINESS FOR WAR D. F. Houston

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In this 1917 report to President Woodrow Wilson, Secretary of Agriculture D. F. Houston compared U.S. efforts to mobilize economic and military resources with those made by the European belligerents when they went to war in 1914. Houston concluded that, while there were still some problems with the U.S. mobilization, it had been conducted with less haste and waste than Europe’s. The first great step toward winning this war was taken when the President of the United States, on April 2nd, in advising Congress to declare the existence of a state of war with Germany, pointed out what war would involve and demand. The striking thing about that historic address was not so much the advice it contained, momentous as that was, but rather the clear perception it revealed of the magnitude of the task before the nation. The response of Congress was prompt and adequate. It authorized and directed the President to employ the entire military and naval forces of the Union and pledged to the government all the resources of the nation to bring the conflict to a successful termination. The task of making good this pledge was entered upon and discharged in such manner as to startle many at home and to amaze even for-

eigners who had become habituated to prodigious operations. I well remember some characteristic remarks of Lord Northcliffe during his visit to Washington. Suddenly stopping and turning to me, he said, “Am I dreaming?” I asserted that he did not look like a dreamer. He continued: “I am told that Congress declared war on the sixth of April, authorized the Secretary of the Treasury to borrow approximately eleven and a half billion dollars, enacted a new tax law designed to raise two and a half billions in addition to ordinary revenues, appropriated or authorized nine billions for the army and navy, over a billion for ships, with a maximum authorization of nearly two billions, six hundred and forty millions for aeroplanes, credits to the Allies of seven billions, a total of actual appropriations and authorizations of twenty-one billions, gave power to commandeer plants, ships and materials, provided for conscription, which England had not fully resorted to and Canada had not then adopted, that there had been registered or enlisted nearly ten and a half million men, that Pershing was in France and naval vessels were in Europe, that the food-production and foodcontrol measures had been passed, and that

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authority had been given for the control of exports and imports and of priorities.” He repeated: “Am I dreaming or is it true?” I replied that unless I was dreaming it was true. He said: “I can’t believe it.” I told him I could believe it but that I could not comprehend it. It is difficult now to do so. The figures even for particular items are beyond comprehension. Think of them. For ships an authorization of a billion nine hundred millions, nearly double our former federal budget; for aviation, six hundred and forty millions; for torpedo-boat destroyers, three hundred and fifty millions; for army subsistence and regular quartermaster supplies, eight hundred and sixty millions; for clothing and camp and garrison equipment, five hundred and eighty-one millions; for transportation, five hundred and ninety-seven millions; for medicine, one hundred millions; for mobile artillery, one hundred and fifty-eight millions; for ordnance stores and supplies, seven hundred and seventeen millions; for heavy guns, eight hundred and fifty millions; and for ammunition for the same, one billion eight hundred and seven millions. Clearly Congress for the time being had taken the necessary steps to make good its pledge of placing the resources of the country at the disposal of the government. At the same time, it created or authorized the creation of essential administrative agencies. In respect to administrative agencies important developments had already taken place. Most striking and significant of all was the enactment of the federal reserve law and the creation of the reserve board and banks. This action obviously was taken without suspicion that the world was on the verge of war and that we should soon be involved. It was taken to insure better banking conditions in

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time of peace, and especially to enable us to weather financial storms. Before the reserve act was passed the nation, as you well know, had no adequate banking system. Its financial arrangements had never been able to withstand strain either in peace or in war. In each of our considerable struggles we had promptly suspended specie payments, with all the attendant disabilities and burdens. But now, after four years of world financial strain such as no financier dreamed it possible for the world to bear—I might say six years, because there was a worldwide financial chill for at least two years before 1914, due to apprehension of war and to the undoubted financial preparations made by the Central Powers— after this long strain and the shock of the last six months, our finances are sound and we are proceeding in orderly fashion. For this reason and because of our obligation to extend liberal credits, it is not extravagant to say that no greater contribution to the winning of this war has been or will be made than through the passage of the Federal Reserve Act in 1913 and the successful establishment of the system well in advance of trouble. Steps toward preparedness in respect to other highly essential interests were taken much before war was declared. Their significance was not grasped by the public at the time. For the most part they have been overlooked. Pursuant to an Act of Congress of March 3, 1915, two years before the war, the President appointed the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, composed of the most eminent students of the subject. In connection with the work of this committee and in part through its labours has been developed our enormous aviation program and expansion. Likewise, during the summer of 1915, the secretary of the navy organized the admirable

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Naval Consulting Board with Edison as chairman and two representatives elected by each of eleven great engineering and scientific societies. Furthermore, on September 7, 1916, after a long and unfortunate delay caused by unintelligent opposition, the Shipping Act was passed, creating a board with large powers, and appropriating fifty million dollars for the construction, purchase, charter, and operation of merchant vessels suitable for naval auxiliaries in time of war. This was the beginning of the present huge shipbuilding program whose speedy execution is of paramount importance. But that is not all in the way of early preparedness. On August 29, 1916, the Council of National Defense, consisting of six heads of departments and an advisory commission of seven, nominated by the council and appointed by the President, was created. The council was charged with the duty of mobilizing military and naval resources, studying the location, utilization and coordination of railroads, waterways and highways, increase of domestic production for civil arid military purposes, the furnishing of requisite information to manufacturers, and the creation of relations which would render possible the immediate concentration of national resources. The creation of the Council of National Defense was not the result of sudden inspiration. It was directly suggested by the activities of two very important groups of individuals. In March 1916, a committee from the five great medical and surgical associations, having an aggregate membership of from 70,000 to 100,000, was formed. It met in Chicago on April 14, 1916, and tendered to the President the services of the medical men of the nation. In March, also, representatives of five engineering organizations with a membership of 35,000 met in New York and formulated a plan

to make an inventory of the country’s production and manufacturing resources. The thought and purposes of these two bodies were brought to the attention of the President, and their consideration resulted in recommendations for the creation of the Council of National Defense. Thus, a number of months before war was declared, agencies had been created covering at least in outline many of the essential new activities. Seven of these of peculiar importance had begun to find themselves and to chart their course. I refer to the shipping board, the aviation, the medical, the manufacturing, the transportation, the munitions, and the labour committees. When war came these bodies greatly speeded up their work. Others were created— among them, the Food Administration, the Fuel Administration, the War Trade Council, the War Trade Board, and the War Industries Board. The last is of unique importance, and yet its work is little understood. Its members are the direct representatives of the government and of the public interest. The tasks of the board are stupendous. It acts as a clearing-house for the needs of the government, determines the most effective ways of meeting them, the best means of increasing production (including the creation of new facilities), the priority of public needs and also of transportation. It considers price factors, the labour aspects of industrial operations, and large purchases of commodities where market values are greatly affected, and makes appropriate recommendations to the secretaries of war and the navy. Judge Lovett is in immediate charge of priorities, Mr. Baruch of raw materials, and Mr. Brookings of finished products. These three constitute a commission for the approval of


purchases by the Allies in this country from credits made through the secretary of the treasury. I need only remind you of the items of the appropriations for supplies, ordnance and other things, to impress you with the magnitude of the board’s task. Its machinery is not yet perfect but it is working, and I am sure that no step will be omitted to make it as nearly adequate as possible. If a better scheme can be devised, it should be promptly adopted. It is obviously of the highest importance that the resources of the nation, made available by Congress, should be administered with the utmost skill and effectiveness. No machinery is of great value unless it is properly manned. The right sort of men is the first requisite of any kind of successful enterprise. I believe this requisite has been satisfied and that the nation is mobilizing for this emergency additional men of as high character and fine talent as it possesses. Where so many are involved special mention is invidious, and I cite the names of the following merely as samples: Willard, Gompers, Baruch, Rosenwald, Coffin, Martin, and Godfrey; Hoover, Garfield, Vanderlip, Davison, Vauclain; McCormick, Thos. D. Jones, Lovett, Brookings, and Frayne; Dr. Anna Shaw, Mrs. Phillip Moore, Mrs. Cowles, Mrs. Catt, Miss Wetmore, Mrs. Lamar, Mrs. Funk, Mrs. McCormick, and Miss Nestor; and Drs. Simpson, Crile, Janeway, Flexner, Vaughn, Mayo, and Welch—all fine types of American citizenship, only a few of the hundreds working in their respective spheres in the nation and in the states, having no selfish end to serve, working with an eye singly to the public interest and to the winning of this war, giving freely their services in as fine spirit as the nation ever witnessed, revealing the real strength of democracy.

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So much, and perhaps more than enough, as to the congressional pledge of resources and the creation of machinery. Let us turn to other matters which I am sure you have in mind. I know you are asking what is being accomplished. What are the results? Obviously, some of them it would be inadvisable to indicate. Others I can only hint at. For the most part they have been detailed to the public through one agency or another from time to time. I shall try to summarize. The nation has today in all branches of its military services under arms and in training over 1,800,000 men, some in France, some on the ocean, and others in camps or at their posts of duty at home. Approximately ten and a half millions of men have been enlisted in the regular army, incorporated in the national guard, or registered under the draft act. Those registered but not yet called out are being classified on the basis of national need. Rapid headway has been made in training subordinate officers, and the gigantic undertaking of providing suitable quarters or camps for the men in training has practically been finished. The nation now has thirty-five army cantonments, sixteen for the National Army, sixteen for the National Guard, two at points of embarkation and one for the quartermaster’s training school, all complete in respect to buildings or tents, lighting, sanitary arrangements, and temporary roads. The National Army cantonments were completed within the time set by the General Staff. What this involved cannot easily be set forth. It entailed the selection of sites, the planning of buildings, the securing of responsible contractors, the mobilization of labour, the assembling of materials, and the construction of modern hospitals and roads.

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These camps alone cover 150,000 acres and called for the use of 75,000 carloads of materials, including 500,000,000 feet of lumber. Their cost was approximately one hundred and twenty-eight millions of dollars. The work was begun June 15th and the finishing touches were put on by December 1st. In addition sixteen canvas camps for the National Guard were completed at a cost of approximately forty-eight millions of dollars. Thus local habitations were quickly provided for the new army, superior in respect to ventilation and conveniences to the best practice of Europe. Five instrumentalities or factors highly necessary for victory, it may be asserted without hesitation, are destroyers, the enemies of the submarine, airplanes, ships, medical service, and food. What of these? Of the first, the torpedo-boat destroyers, all I may say is that the construction program of the navy contemplates 787 ships of all types at an estimated cost of $1,150,000,000, including additional destroyers costing $350,000,000. The latter are to be of uniform standard model, large and fast. Some are to be built within nine months, and all within eighteen months. This vast and urgent undertaking required a great extension of building facilities, and, as private capital was unable or unwilling to make the extensions, the government had to do so. When completed these plants belong to the nation. I may add that these destroyers will require thousands of men to man them. The men are being trained, and when the vessels are completed the crews will be ready. The work for the control of the air grows apace. Of the great aviation training fields, seventeen in number, two are old, one is rebuilding, seven were practically completed by September 1st, and seven others will be finished within two weeks.

In addition, there are in operation today at leading universities ten ground schools giving preparatory instruction in flying. Finishing courses are being given to our students in most of the Allied countries and more than thirty experienced foreign air veterans have been loaned to us for duty in Washington and elsewhere. The building program calls for twenty thousand machines. It will be expedited by reason of a great and interesting achievement, that of a standardized engine, something which no European nation has developed even after three and a half years of war. This accomplishment is in line with the best American traditions, and was made with unique speed. What standardization of the engine and of its parts means in respect to speed and quantitative production, in repairs and economy of materials, need not be dwelt upon. It has been estimated that the service when in full strength will require a full force of 110,000 officers and enlisted men, an army greater than our regular military force of a few months ago. All agree that the enemy submarines must be destroyed. In the meantime shipping sunk by them must be replaced. England must not be starved. Supplies to all the Allies must go forward without interruption. Our own troops must be transported and provided with everything essential for effectiveness and comfort, and domestic transportation of men and commodities must be maintained and greatly increased. Furthermore, commodities must be brought here from many distant places. Therefore we must have ships, more ships, at once. Nothing more urgent! How is this matter proceeding? In the first place, the Shipping Board on August 3rd commandeered 426 vessels either in course of


construction for domestic or foreign account or contracted for, with a tonnage of over 3,000,000. Thirty-three of these ships, with a tonnage of 257,000, have been completed and released. German and Austrian ships with a capacity of 750,000 tons have been taken over for government use. The Fleet Corporation has contracted for 948 vessels with a total tonnage of 5,056,000, of which 375, with a tonnage of one and a third million, are wooden; 58, with a tonnage of 270,000, are composite; and 515, with a capacity of 3,500,000, are steel. All these ships have an aggregate tonnage of 8,835,000, or nearly a million and a half tons more than the regular merchant marine of the nation in 1916. Contracts for 610,000 tons additional are pending. The total building program calls for over 10,000,000 tons, and it is proposed that a considerable part of it shall be executed by the end of 1918. The nature of this task may be more easily appreciated when it is remembered that the construction in the United States for 1916 did not exceed 400,000 tons and that the average for the five years preceding was 350,000 tons. At present there are one hundred yards building ships, exclusive of twenty building the commandeered vessels, and of these one hundred, seventy are new. The policy of standardization has been pursued and five classes of ships have been adopted. I have already referred to the preliminary steps toward medical organization. Further action was promptly taken. An inventory was made of the medical resources of the nation, of doctors, nurses, and others who could be called by the surgeon general, and of hospitals and supplies. Courses in modern military medicine and

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surgery for third and fourth-year students were formulated and adopted by seventy-five of the ninety-five medical schools in January, 1917. It was known that eighty per cent of the instruments used in this country were made in Germany. It was necessary to develop their production here, and to facilitate this, the first essential step was to introduce standardization, to resort to staple articles. More liberal standards were authorized and the variety of types was greatly reduced. Instead of scores of kinds of scissors, a dozen were agreed upon. Instead of many sorts of needles, forceps and retractors, two, three, or four types were adopted. Manufacturers were given priority of materials and consequently full military orders will be delivered in less than eight months. It is illuminating that one concern, taking its chances, had manufactured according to specifications, by the time it was awarded a contract, enough material to require ten carloads of lumber for packing. This was the result of the efforts of seventy-five of the most eminent medical specialists of the nation, working with the military staff in contact with two hundred and fifty leading manufacturers. The peace strength of the medical forces of the army was 531 and of the navy 480. Now the surgeon general of the army has in his regular force and in the new enrolment of physicians actually accepting commissions 16,432, a number sufficient for an army of two and one-third millions, and a dental force of 3,441, adequate for an army of 3,400,000. The navy now has 1,795 medical officers, a number in excess of present needs. The Red Cross has enrolled 15,000 trained nurses, organized forty-eight base hospitals with 9,600 doctors, nurses and enlisted men, sixteen hospital units with smaller staffs to supplement the work of the base hospitals, is furnishing supplies to

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thirty-five hospitals of all sorts in France, and since May has raised over $100,000,000. What shall I say about the organization of agriculture for the production of food, clothing and other materials? It is unnecessary to dwell upon the need of an adequate supply of food for the civilians and soldiers of this nation and also for those of the nations with whom we are associated. When we entered the war, this country was and had been facing an unsatisfactory situation in respect to its supply of foods and feedstuffs. The production in 1916 of the leading cereals was comparatively low, aggregating 4.8 billions of bushels as against 6 for 1915, 5 for 1914, and 4.9 for the five-year average. The wheat crop had been strikingly small, and it was certain that on account of adverse weather conditions the output for 1917 would be greatly curtailed. The situation was no better in respect to other conspicuously important commodities such as potatoes and meats. The need of action was urgent and the appeal for direction insistent. The nation looked for guidance primarily to the federal department and to the state agencies which it had so liberally supported for many years. It was a matter of great good fortune that the nation had had the foresight, generations before, in another time of national stress, in 1862, to lay soundly the foundations of agriculture. In respect to agencies working for the improvement of rural life the nation was prepared. In point of efficiency, personnel and support, it had establishments excelling those of any other three nations combined, and a great body of alert farmers who were capable of producing two or three times as much per unit of labour and capital as the farmers of Europe. Steps were quickly taken to speed up production. In a two-day session at St. Louis, the trained agricultural officers of the country con-

ceived and devised a program of legislation and organization, the essential features of which have not been successfully questioned, and the substantial part of which has been enacted into law and set in operation. Initiative was not wanting in any section of the Union. Effective organizations quickly sprang up in all the states, and the services of experts everywhere immediately were made available. The response of the farmers was prompt and energetic. Weather conditions for the spring season were favourable and the results are that crop yields have been large and that the nation is able not only to feed itself but in considerable measure to supply the needs of those with whom we are cooperating. It is no time for any class to hug to its bosom the delusion that it possesses a monopoly of patriotism. Human nature is pretty evenly distributed, and no little selfishness manifests itself in every direction. Unfortunately there are self-seekers in every group. I have heard manufacturers solemnly assert that, if the government wished them to speed up their operations, to extend their plants, or to take additional trouble in any direction, it must guarantee to them an abnormally large profit in addition to the requisite allowance for amortization. One of them recently suggested to me that he was getting weary of the burdens he had assumed and that, if the government wished him to continue or to undertake new tasks, it would have to induce him to do so by permitting him greatly to increase his profits. What would he or others say of a soldier, of a man drafted into the army, who protested that for so much he would go to the seaboard, but, if the government wished him to go abroad, it must stimulate him with a twenty-five per cent increase in his pay, or, if he went to the front trenches, with fifty per cent?


In the words of the President: Patriotism has nothing to do with profits in a case like this.

Patriotism and profits ought never in the present circumstances to be mentioned together. It is perfectly proper to discuss profits as a matter of business, but it would be absurd to discuss them as a motive for helping to serve and save our country. In these days of our supreme trial, when we

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are sending hundreds of thousands of our young men across the seas to serve a great cause, no true man who stays behind to work for them and sustain them by his labour will ask himself what he is personally going to make out of that labour. No true patriot will permit himself to take toll of their heroism in money or seek to grow rich by the shedding of their blood. Charles F. Horne, ed., Source Records of the Great War (Washington, DC: National Alumni, 1923).

ON U.S. WARTIME RAILROAD TRANSPORTATION Daniel Willard

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World War I was the first foreign war in U.S. history that required a vast mobilization of economic resources. Some of this was achieved through government edict. In some cases, however, industry itself established voluntary agreements to focus resources on the war effort. In this 1917 report, Daniel Willard, President of the U.S. Railroads’ War Board, praises the nation’s railroads for suspending competitive business practices for the duration. The voluntary act of the 693 railroads of this country in merging their competitive activities for the period of the war and uniting in one continental system has not only made the transportation problem presented by the war less cumbersome to handle, but surer of satisfactory solution. In addition to welding into one loyal army each and every one of the 1,750,000 persons employed by the railroads, the coordination of the nation’s carriers has made possible the most intensive use of every locomotive, every freight car, every mile of track, and every piece of railroad equipment in the country. It has also facilitated the securing of invaluable cooperation from the shippers and the general public. Skilled and experienced railroad men have been sent to every cantonment to assist the constructing quartermaster there in the move-

ment of all supplies necessary to the erection and maintenance of these military cities. A trained executive has also been stationed in the Washington Headquarters of the Supervising Constructing Quartermaster, so that every car needed in the transportation of Government supplies might be made available when needed. As a result of these cooperative activities, the movement of thousands of carloads of lumber and other supplies has been accomplished practically without a hitch. In addition, at the request of the Government, plans have been perfected whereby 1,000,000 men will be moved from nearly 5,000 different points to the thirty-two training camps for the National Army and National Guard by October 10th. Among some of the things accomplished by the board in the first four months of its existence have been the organizing of special equipment for hospital and troop train service, the standardization of settlements between the Government and the railroads, eliminating a large volume of correspondence and red tape, and the creation of a special committee on express transportation, to coordinate the work of the companies with the general problem of transportation.

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Car shortage has been reduced 70 per cent. On April 30th the so-called car shortage amounted to 148,627; on June 30th these figures had been cut to 77,144; on August 1st the excess of unfilled car requisitions over idle cars amounted to only 33,776. In May freight transportation service rendered by about 75 per cent of Class 1 roads— earnings of $1,000,000 or more—was 16.1 per cent in excess of the service rendered in 1916. In that year, which was one of unusual activity, the freight service rendered by the carriers was 24 per cent in excess of that rendered in 1915. Approximately 20,000,000 miles of train service a year has been saved by the elimination of all passenger trains not essential to the most pressing needs of the country. Freight congestion at many important points has been averted by promptly moving empty cars from one railroad to another, irrespective of ownership.

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Through the pooling of lake coal and lake ore a saving of 52,000 cars in moving these commodities alone has been achieved. A further saving of 133,000 cars has been made possible by the pooling of tidewater coal. By regulating the movement of grain for export, the number of cars ordinarily required for this service has been reduced, despite an abnormal export increase this year, 75,682,028 bushels of wheat, corn, barley, and oats being shipped to the Allies from May 1st to July 14th. Commercial bodies and individual shippers in all parts of the country are giving hearty cooperation to the railroads’ campaign to make one car do the work of two.

Charles F. Horne, ed., Source Records of the Great War (Washington, DC: National Alumni, 1923).

ZIMMERMANN TELEGRAM B

In November 1916, President Woodrow Wilson won reelection to the presidency in part on his promise and ability to keep the United States out of World War I, then in its third year. But in early 1917, several events conspired to push the United States into the war. One was Germany’s decision to resume unrestricted submarine warfare in the Atlantic; the other was a promise made by German minister Arthur Zimmermann: if Mexico allied itself with Germany and if that alliance proved victorious, Mexico would win back the lands taken from it by the United States in the Mexican-American War of the 1840s. That promise was revealed in a coded message from Zimmermann to Germany’s ambassador to Mexico deciphered by British intelligence in January 1917 and turned over to American authorities. The telegram did much to turn American opinion against Germany and toward participation in the war.

ceeding, we make Mexico a proposal or alliance on the following basis: make war together, make peace together, generous financial support and an understanding on our part that Mexico is to reconquer the lost territory in Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. The settlement in detail is left to you. You will inform the President of the above most secretly as soon as the outbreak of war with the United States of America is certain and add the suggestion that he should, on his own initiative, invite Japan to immediate adherence and at the same time mediate between Japan and ourselves. Please call the President’s attention to the fact that the ruthless employment of our submarines now offers the prospect of compelling England in a few months to make peace. Signed, ZIMMERMANN

We intend to begin on the first of February unrestricted submarine warfare. We shall endeavor in spite of this to keep the United States of America neutral. In the event of this not suc-

Zimmermann telegram (decoded), January 1917, National Archives and Records Administration, General Records of the Department of State, Record Group 59.

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DECLARATION OF WAR SPEECH TO CONGRESS Woodrow Wilson

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While President Woodrow Wilson campaigned for reelection largely on his claim to have kept the United States out of World War I, growing tensions with Germany led him to ask Congress to declare war less than one month after his inauguration to a second term in office. In this speech, asking Congress to declare war against Germany, Wilson pointed to a number of actions by Germany that had precipitated the request, notably German hostility against American shipping. I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. On the third of February last I officially laid before you the extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in the war,

but since April of last year the Imperial Government had somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity with its promise then given to us that passenger boats should not be sunk and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which its submarines might seek to destroy, when no resistance was offered or escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. The precautions taken were meagre and haphazard enough, as was proved in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom without warning and without thought of help or mercy for those on board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of belligerents. Even hospital ships and ships carrying relief to the sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of identity,

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have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or of principle. I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would in fact be done by any government that had hitherto subscribed to the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion and where lay the free highways of the world. This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the plea of retaliation and necessity and because it had no weapons which it could use at sea except these which it is impossible to employ as it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to underlie the intercourse of the world. I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children, engaged in pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of counsel and a temperateness for judgment befitting our charac-

ter and our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right, of which we are only a single champion. When I addressed the Congress on the twenty-sixth of February last I thought that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving chase upon the open sea. It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity indeed, to endeavour to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defence of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed on our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual: it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are

Declaration of War Speech to Congress

incapable of making: we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our Nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life. With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defence but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war. What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable cooperation in counsel and action with the governments now at war with Germany, and, as incident to that, the extension to those governments of the most liberal financial credits, in order that our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the incidental needs of the Nation in the most abundant and yet the most economical and efficient way possible. It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all respects but particularly in supplying it with the best means of dealing with the enemy’s submarines. It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United States already provided for by law in case of war at least five hundred thousand men, who should, in my opin-

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ion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well conceived taxation. While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and our objectives are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not believe that the thought of the Nation has been altered or clouded by them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when I addressed the Senate on the twenty-second of January last; the same that I had in mind when I addressed the Congress on the third of February and on the twenty-sixth of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power and to set up amongst the really free and selfgoverned peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles. Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the world is involved and the freedom of its people, and the menace to that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic governments backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for

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wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about to accept gauge of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretence about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We

shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them. Just because we fight without rancour and without selfish object, seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for. I have said nothing of the Governments allied with the Imperial Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or challenged us to defend our right and our honour. The Austro-Hungarian Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified endorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna. We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are not other means of defending our rights. It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not in enmity towards a people or with the desire to bring any injury or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of right and is running amuck. We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and shall desire nothing

Declaration of War Speech to Congress

so much as the early reestablishment of intimate relations of mutual advantage between us—however hard it may be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from our hearts. We have borne with their present Government through all these bitter months because of that friendship—exercising a patience and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbours and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few. It is a distressing and oppressive duty, Gentlemen of the Congress, which I have per-

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formed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts—for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. Woodrow Wilson, Declaration of War Speech to Congress, April 2, 1917. Charles F. Horne, ed., Source Records of the Great War (New York: The National Alumni, 1923).

“DO YOUR BIT FOR AMERICA” PROCLAMATION Woodrow Wilson

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Less than two weeks after winning a congressional declaration of war against Germany in April 1917, President Woodrow Wilson issued this proclamation to the American people. In it, he explained the sacrifices Americans would need to make in order to further the war effort and lead the nation to victory. This included not just a call for volunteers but a request that business, labor, and the public work together to boost production and conserve resources.

My Fellow Countrymen The entrance of our own beloved country into the grim and terrible war for democracy and human rights which has shaken the world creates so many problems of national life and action which call for immediate consideration and settlement that I hope you will permit me to address to you a few words of earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them. We are rapidly putting our navy upon an effective war footing and are about to create and equip a great army, but these are the simplest parts of the great task to which we have addressed ourselves. There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can see, in the cause we are fighting for. We are fighting for what we believe and wish to

be the rights of mankind and for the future peace and security of the world. To do this great thing worthily and successfully we must devote ourselves to the service without regard to profit or material advantage and with an energy and intelligence that will rise to the level of the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how great the task is and how many things, how many kinds and elements of capacity and service and self-sacrifice it involves. These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides fighting—the things without which mere fighting would be fruitless. We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our seamen, not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom we have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we shall be fighting.

The Thousand Needs for Victory We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to the other side of the sea, submarines or no submarines, what will every day be needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields and our mines and our

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factories with which not only to clothe and equip our own forces on land and sea, but also to clothe and support our people, for whom the gallant fellows under arms can no longer work; to help clothe and equip the armies with which we are cooperating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufactories there in raw material; coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in the furnaces of hundreds of factories across the sea; steel out of which to make arms and ammunition, both here and there; rails for worn-out railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives and rolling stock to take the place of those every day going to pieces; mules, horses, cattle, for labour and for military service everything with which the people of England and France and Italy and Russia have usually supplied themselves, but cannot now afford the men, the materials, or the machinery to make. It is evident to every thinking man that our industries—on the farms, in the shipyards, in the mines, in the factories—must be made more prolific and more efficient than ever, and that they must be more economically managed and better adapted to the particular requirements of our tasks than they have been; and what I want to say is that the men and the women who devote their thought and their energy to these things will be serving the country and conducting the fight for peace and freedom just as truly and just as effectively as the men on the battlefield or in the trenches.

Soldiers Behind the Firing Line The industrial forces of the country, men and women alike, will be a great national, a great international, service army—a notable and honoured host engaged in the service of the nation and the world, the efficient friends and saviours of free men everywhere.

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Thousands—nay, hundreds of thousands— of men otherwise liable to military service will of right and of necessity be excused from that service and assigned to the fundamental, sustaining work of the fields and factories and mines, and they will be as much part of the great patriotic forces of the nation as the men under fire. I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this word to the farmers of the country and to all who work on the farms: The supreme need of our own nation and of the nations with which we are cooperating is an abundance of supplies, and especially of foodstuffs. The importance of an adequate food supply, especially for the present years is superlative. Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon which we have embarked will break down and fail. The world’s food reserves are low. Not only during the present emergency, but for some time after peace shall have come, both our own people and a large proportion of the people of Europe must rely upon the harvests in America.

Where the Fate of the War Rests Upon the farmers of this country, therefore, in large measure rests the fate of the war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not count upon them to omit no step that will increase the production of their land or that will bring about the most effectual cooperation in the sale and distribution of their products? The time is short. It is of the most imperative importance that everything possible be done, and done immediately, to make sure of large harvests. I call upon young men and old alike and upon the able-bodied boys of the land to ac-

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cept and act upon this duty—to turn in hosts to the farms and make certain that no pains and no labour is lacking in this great matter. I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant foodstuffs, as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no better or more convincing way than by resisting the great temptation of the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a great scale, to feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting for their liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will be the visible measure of their comprehension of their national duty. The Government of the United States and the governments of the several States stand ready to cooperate. They will do everything possible to assist farmers in securing an adequate supply of seed, an adequate force of labourers when they are most needed, at harvest time, and the means of expediting shipments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as well as of the crops themselves when harvested.

and expedite shipments of supplies of every kind, but especially of food, with an eye to the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those who enlist in the ranks, for their people, not for themselves. I shall confidently expect you to deserve and win the confidence of people of every sort and station. To the men who run the railways of the country, whether they be managers or operative employees, let me say that the railways are the arteries of the nation’s life, and that upon them rests the immense responsibility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened power. To the merchant let me suggest the motto, “Small profits and quick service,” and to the shipbuilder the thought that the life of the war depends upon him. The food and the war supplies must be carried across the seas, no matter how many ships are sent to the bottom. The places of those that go down must be supplied, and supplied at once.

A Democracy’s Chance to Make Good

Statesmen and Armies Helpless without Miners

The course of trade shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make it, and there shall be no unwarranted manipulation of the nation’s food supply by those who handle it on its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to demonstrate the efficiency of a great democracy, and we shall not fall short of it! This let me say to the middlemen of every sort, whether they are handling our foodstuffs or our raw materials of manufacture or the products of our mills and factories: The eyes of the country will be especially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal service, efficient and disinterested. The country expects you, as it expects all others, to forego unusual profits, to organize

To the miner let me say that he stands where the farmer does—the work of the world waits on him. If he slackens or fails, armies and statesmen are helpless. He also is enlisted in the great service army. The manufacturer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation looks to him to speed and perfect every process; and I want only to remind his employees that their service is absolutely indispensable and is counted on by every man who loves the country and its liberties. Let me suggest, also, that every one who creates or cultivates a garden helps and helps greatly, to solve the problem of the feeding of

“Do Your Bit for America”

the nations—and that every housewife who practices strict economy puts herself in the ranks of those who serve the nation. This is the time for America to correct her unpardonable fault of wastefulness and extravagance. Let every man and every woman assume the duty of careful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty, as a dictate of patriotism which no one can now expect ever to be excused or forgiven for ignoring.

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publication and as wide circulation as possible to this appeal. I venture to suggest, also, to all advertising agencies that they would perhaps render a very substantial and timely service to the country if they would give it wide-spread repetition. And I hope that clergymen will not think the theme of it an unworthy or inappropriate subject of comment and homily from their pulpits. The supreme test of the nation has come. We must all speak, act, and serve together!

The Supreme Test Has Come In the hope that this statement of the needs of the nation and of the world in this hour of supreme crisis may stimulate those to whom it comes and remind all who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time such as the world has never seen before, I beg that all editors and publishers everywhere will give as prominent

Woodrow Wilson The White House

Woodrow Wilson, “Do Your Bit for America” Proclamation, April 15, 1917. Ray Stannard Baker and William E. Dodd, eds., The Public Papers of Woodrow Wilson (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1925–1927).

RETURNING SOLDIERS W. E. B. DuBois

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An intellectual and an activist, W. E. B. DuBois was one of the original founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the editor of its monthly magazine, The Crisis. DuBois’s support for black participation in World War I, hoping it would lead to greater acceptance of African Americans after the war, was scorned by his more radical colleagues. In this editorial printed six months after the war’s end, DuBois argues that the America black soldiers are returning to is still a racist country. We are returning from war! The Crisis and tens of thousands of black men were drafted into a great struggle. For bleeding France and what she means and has meant and will mean to us and humanity and against the threat of German race arrogance, we fought gladly and to the last drop of blood; for America and her highest ideals, we fought in far-off hope; for the dominant southern oligarchy entrenched in Washington, we fought in bitter resignation. For the America that represents and gloats in lynching, disfranchisement, caste, brutality and devilish insult—for this, in the hateful upturning and mixing of things, we were forced by vindictive fate to fight also. But today we return! We return from the slavery of uniform which the world’s madness demanded us to don to the freedom of civil

garb. We stand again to look America squarely in the face and call a spade a spade. We sing: This country of ours, despite all its better souls have done and dreamed, is yet a shameful land. It lynches. And lynching is barbarism of a degree of contemptible nastiness unparalleled in human history. Yet for fifty years we have lynched two Negroes a week, and we have kept this up right through the war. It disfranchises its own citizens. Disfranchisement is the deliberate theft and robbery of the only protection of poor against rich and black against white. The land that disfranchises its citizens and calls itself a democracy lies and knows it lies. It encourages ignorance. It has never really tried to educate the Negro. A dominant minority does not want Negroes educated. It wants servants, dogs, whores and monkeys. And when this land allows a reactionary group by its stolen political power to force as many black folk into these categories as it possibly can, it cries in contemptible hypocrisy: “They threaten us with degeneracy; they cannot be educated.” It steals from us. It organizes industry to cheat us. It cheats us out of our land; it cheats us out of our labor. It

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confiscates our savings. It reduces our wages. It raises our rent. It steals our profit. It taxes us without representation. It keeps us consistently and universally poor, and then feeds us on charity and derides our poverty. It insults us. It has organized a nation-wide and latterly a world-wide propaganda of deliberate and continuous insult and defamation of black blood wherever found. It decrees that it shall not be possible in travel nor residence, work nor play, education nor instruction for a black man to exist without tacit or open acknowledgment of his inferiority to the dirtiest white dog. And it looks upon any attempt to question or even discuss this dogma as arrogance, unwarranted assumption and treason. This is the country to which we Soldiers of Democracy return. This is the fatherland for which we fought! But it is our fatherland. It was

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right for us to fight. The faults of our country are our faults. Under similar circumstances, we would fight again. But by the God of Heaven, we are cowards and jackasses if now that that war is over, we do not marshal every ounce of our brain and brawn to fight a sterner, longer, more unbending battle against the forces of hell in our own land. We return. We return from fighting. We return fighting. Make way for Democracy! We saved it in France, and by the Great Jehovah, we will save it in the United States of America, or know the reason why.

W. E. B. DuBois, “Returning Soldiers,” The Crisis 18 (May 1919): 13.

PROCLAMATION ESTABLISHING CONSCRIPTION Woodrow Wilson

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On May 28, 1917, the Congress approved President Woodrow Wilson’s call for a universal draft of all men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty, the first such draft since the Civil War. While many feared the policy would lead to civil disturbance, as it had in the North during the Civil War, the draft produced no major civil unrest, although thousands of individuals refused to sign up for reasons of conscience. Whereas, Congress has enacted and the President has on the 18th day of May, one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, approved a law, which contains the following provisions:

Section 5 That all male persons between the ages of 21 and 30, both inclusive, shall be subject to registration in accordance with regulations to be prescribed by the President: And upon proclamation by the President or other public notice given by him or by his direction stating the time and place of such registration it shall be the duty of all persons of the designated ages, except officers and enlisted men of the regular army, the navy, and the National Guard and Naval Militia while in the ser-

vice of the United States, to present themselves for and submit to registration under the provisions of this act: And every such person shall be deemed to have notice of the requirements of this act upon the publication of said proclamation or other notice as aforesaid, given by the President or by his direction: And any person who shall wilfully fail or refuse to present himself for registration or to submit thereto as herein provided shall be guilty of a misdemeanour and shall, upon conviction in the District Court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof, be punished by imprisonment for not more than one year, and shall thereupon be duly registered; provided that in the call of the docket precedence shall be given, in courts trying the same, to the trial of criminal proceedings under this act; provided, further, that persons shall be subject to registration as herein provided who shall have attained their twenty-first birthday and who shall not have attained their thirty-first birthday on or before the day set for the registration; and all persons so registered shall be and remain subject to draft into the forces hereby authorized unless excepted or excused therefrom as in this act provided; provided, further, that in the case of temporary absence

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from actual place of legal residence of any person liable to registration as provided herein, such registration may be made by mail under regulations to be prescribed by the President.

Section 6 That the President is hereby authorized to utilize the service of any or all departments and any or all officers or agents of the United States and of the several States, Territories, and the District of Columbia and subdivisions thereof in the execution of this act, and all officers and agents of the United States and of the several States, Territories, and subdivisions thereof, and of the District of Columbia; and all persons designated or appointed under regulations prescribed by the President, whether such appointments are made by the President himself or by the Governor or other officer of any State or Territory to perform any duty in the execution of this act, are hereby required to perform such duty as the President shall order or direct, and all such officers and agents and persons so designated or appointed shall hereby have full authority for all acts done by them in the execution of this act by the direction of the President. Correspondence in the execution of this act may be carried in penalty envelopes, bearing the frank of the War Department. Any person charged, as herein provided, with the duty of carrying into effect any of the provisions of this act or the regulations made or directions given thereunder who shall fail or neglect to perform such duty, and any person charged with such duty or having and exercising any authority under said act, regulations, or directions, who shall knowingly make or be a party to the making of any false or incorrect registration, physical examination, exemption, enlistment, enrolment, or muster, and any per-

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son who shall make or be a party to the making of any false statement or certificate as to the fitness or liability of himself or any other person for service under the provisions of this act, or regulations made by the President thereunder, or otherwise evades or aids another to evade the requirements of this act or of said regulations, or who, in any manner, shall fail or neglect fully to perform any duty required of him in the execution of this act, shall, if not subject to military law, be guilty of a misdemeanour, and upon conviction in the District Court of the United States having jurisdiction thereof be punished by imprisonment for not more than one year, or, if subject to military law, shall be tried by court-martial and suffer such punishment as a court-martial may direct. Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, do call upon the Governor of each of the several States and Territories, the Board of Commissioners of the District of Columbia, and all officers and agents of the several States and Territories, of the District of Columbia, and of the counties and municipalities therein, to perform certain duties in the execution of the foregoing law, which duties will be communicated to them directly in regulations of even [sic] date herewith. And I do further proclaim and give notice to all persons subject to registration in the several States and in the District of Columbia, in accordance with the above law, that the time and place of such registration shall be between 7 a.m. and 7 p.m. on the fifth day of June 1917, at the registration place in the precinct wherein they have their permanent homes. Those who shall have attained their twentyfirst birthday and who shall not have attained their thirty-first birthday on or before the day here named are required to register, excepting only officers and enlisted men of the regular army, the navy, the Marine Corps, and the Na-

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tional Guard and Navy Militia, while in the service of the United States, and officers in the Officers’ Reserve Corps and enlisted men in the Enlisted Reserve Corps while in active service. In the Territories of Alaska, Hawaii, and Porto Rico, a day for registration will be named in a later proclamation. And I do charge those who through sickness shall be unable to present themselves for registration that they apply on or before the day of registration to the County Clerk of the county where they may be for instructions as to how they may be registered by agent. Those who expect to be absent on the day named from the counties in which they have their permanent homes may register by mail, but their mailed registration cards must reach the places in which they have their permanent homes by the day named herein. They should apply as soon as practicable to the County Clerk of the county wherein they may be for instructions as to how they may accomplish their registration by mail. In case such persons as, through sickness or absence, may be unable to present themselves personally for registration shall be sojourning in cities of over 30,000 population, they shall apply to the City Clerk of the city wherein they may be sojourning rather than to the Clerk of the county. The Clerks of counties and of cities of over 30,000 population in which numerous applications from the sick and from non-residents are expected are authorized to establish such agencies and to employ and deputize such clerical force as may be necessary to accommodate these applications. The power against which we are arrayed has sought to impose its will upon the world by force. To this end it has increased armament until it has changed the face of war. In the sense in which we have been wont to think of armies, there are no armies in this struggle; there are entire nations armed.

Thus, the men who remain to till the soil and man the factories are no less a part of the army that is France than the men beneath the battle flags. It must be so with us. It is not an army that we must shape and train for war; it is a nation. To this end our people must draw close in one compact front against a common foe. But this cannot be if each man pursues a private purpose. All must pursue one purpose. The nation needs all men; but it needs each man not in the field that will most pleasure him, but in the endeavour that will best serve the common good. Thus, though a sharpshooter pleases to operate a trip-hammer for the forging of great guns and an expert machinist desires to march with the flag, the nation is being served only when the sharpshooter marches and the machinist remains at his levers. The whole nation must be a team, in which each man shall play the part for which he is best fitted. To this end, Congress has provided that the nation shall be organized for war by selection; that each man shall be classified for service in the place to which it shall best serve the general good to call him. The significance of this cannot be overstated. It is a new thing in our history and a landmark in our progress. It is a new manner of accepting and vitalizing our duty to give ourselves with thoughtful devotion to the common purpose of us all. It is in no sense a conscription of the unwilling; it is, rather, selection from a nation which has volunteered in mass. It is no more a choosing of those who shall march with the colours than it is a selection of those who shall serve an equally necessary and devoted purpose in the industries that lie behind the battle line. The day here named is the time upon which all shall present themselves for assignment to their tasks. It is for that reason destined to be

Proclamation Establishing Conscription

remembered as one of the most conspicuous moments in our history. It is nothing less than the day upon which the manhood of the country shall step forward in one solid rank in defence of the ideals to which this nation is consecrated. It is important to those ideals no less than to the pride of this generation in manifesting its devotion to them, that there be no gaps in the ranks. It is essential that the day be approached in thoughtful apprehension of its significance, and that we accord to it the honour and the meaning that it deserves. Our industrial need prescribes that it be not made a technical holiday, but the stern sacrifice that is before us urges that it be carried in all our hearts as a great day of patriotic devotion and obligation, when the duty shall lie upon every man,

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whether he is himself to be registered or not, to see to it that the name of every male person of the designated ages is written on these lists of honour. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington this 28th day of May in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and seventeen, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and forty-first. By the President

Woodrow Wilson, Proclamation Establishing Conscription, May 28, 1917. Charles F. Horne, ed., Source Records of the Great War (Washington, DC: National Alumni, 1923).

ESPIONAGE ACT OF JUNE 15, 1917 B

Enacted shortly after the United States entered World War I, the Espionage Act of 1917 made it not only a crime to convey information to the enemy but illegal to defend anyone prosecuted under the law. More than two thousand people were prosecuted under the law, including Socialist Party presidential candidate Eugene V. Debs. The law remained on the books, although dormant, until revived in 1940 to prosecute those who questioned the United States’ growing involvement in World War II. Section 2. (a) Whoever, with intent or reason to believe that it is to be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of a foreign nation, communicates, delivers, or transmits, or attempts to, or aids, or induces another to, communicate, deliver or transmit, to any foreign government, or to any faction or party or military or naval force within a foreign country, whether recognized or unrecognized by the United States, or to any representative, officer, agent, employee, subject, or citizen thereof, either directly or indirectly any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blue print, plan, map, model, note, instrument, appliance, or in-

formation relating to the national defense, shall be punished by imprisonment for not more than twenty years: Provided, That whoever shall violate the provisions of subsection (a) of this section in time of war shall be punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty years; and (b) whoever, in time of war, with intent that the same shall be communicated to the enemy, shall collect, record, publish or communicate, or attempt to elicit any information with respect to the movement, numbers, description, condition, or disposition of any of the armed forces, ships, aircraft, or war materials of the United States, or with respect to the plans or conduct, or supposed plans or conduct of any naval or military operations, or with respect to any works or measures undertaken for or connected with, or intended for the fortification of any place, or any other information relating to the public defense, which might be useful to the enemy, shall be punished by death or by imprisonment for not more than thirty years. Excerpts from Act of June 15, 1917 (Espionage Act), ch. 30, title I, ß 3, 40 Stat. 219.

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SPEECH ON EAST ST. LOUIS RIOT Marcus Garvey

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World War I exacerbated racial conflict in the United States, particularly in northern cities where there was an influx of black workers into factories and neighborhoods that whites considered exclusively their own. The worst of the resulting riots occurred in East St. Louis, Illinois, on July 8, 1917. More a massacre than a riot, white mobs killed forty blacks and drove six thousand from their homes. At the time, Marcus Garvey, a black nationalist leader from Jamaica, had been in the United States for just over a year and was establishing his reputation as one of the leading spokespeople for black political and economic rights in the country. In this speech, Garvey likened the events in St. Louis to the atrocities committed by America’s enemies during World War I in Europe. The East St. Louis Riot, or rather massacre, of Monday [July] 2nd, will go down in history as one of the bloodiest outrages against mankind for which any class of people could be held guilty. [Hear! hear!] This is no time for fine words, but a time to lift one’s voice against the savagery of a people who claim to be the dispensers of democracy. [Cheers.] I do not know what special meaning the people who slaughtered the Negroes of East. St. Louis have for democracy of which they are the custodians, but I do know that it has no literal meaning for me as used and applied by these same lawless peo-

ple. [Hear! hear!] America, that has been ringing the bells of the world, proclaiming to the nations and the peoples thereof that she has democracy to give to all and sundry, America that has denounced Germany for the deportations of the Belgians into Germany, America that has arraigned Turkey at the bar of public opinion and public justice against the massacres of the Armenians, has herself no satisfaction to give 12,000,000 of her own citizens except the satisfaction of a farcical inquiry that will end where it begun, over the brutal murder of men, women and children for no other reason than that they are black people seeking an industrial chance in a country that they have laboured for three hundred years to make great. [Cheers.] For three hundred years the Negroes of America have given their life blood to make the Republic the first among the nations of the world, and all along this time there has never been even one year of justice but on the contrary a continuous round of oppression. At one time it was slavery, at another time lynching and burning, and up to date it is [wholesale] butchering. This is a crime against the laws of humanity; it is a crime against the laws of the nation; it is a crime against Nature, and a crime against the God of all mankind. [Cheers.] Somewhere in the book of life we are told

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that “God created of one blood all nations of men to dwell on the face of the earth,” and after mankind, in scattered groups, had for thousands of years lived in their own spheres without trouble or molestation, promoting in their own way the course of peace and happiness, the white race, a party of this group, went out to enslave, conquer and rob the rights of the Peaceful. Through that system of enslavement, conquest and robbery, the black man was taken into this country where he was forced against his will to labor for the enrichment of the white man. Millions of our people in the early days of slavery gave their lives that America might live. From the labours of these people the country grew in power, until her wealth today is computed above that of any two nations. With all the service that the Negro gave he is still a despised creature in the eyes of the white people, for if he were not to them despised, the 90,000,000 of whites of this country would never allow such outrages as the East St. Louis massacre to perpetuate themselves without enforcing the law which provides justice for every man be he black or white. The black man has always trusted the white man. He has always clung to him as a brother man, ever willing to do service for him, to help him, to succor him, yet with all this the white man has never found it convenient to live up to the principles of brotherhood which he himself teaches to all mankind. [Hear! hear!] From the time of Livingstone to the present day the black man has always been kind to the white man. When there was no white man in Africa to help the sickly and dying Livingstone, the black man, ever true, even as Simon the Cyrenian was true, in bearing the cross of the despised Jesus, came to the rescue of the suffering Englishman, and when he was dead, faithful as they were, they bore his body for hundreds of miles across the desert and plains of Africa until they deposited his remains at a place where other

white men could reach him to convey him to England and inter his bones in the Cathedral of Westminster Abbey. The Negro in American history from the time of Crispus Attucks at Boston, the 10th Cavalry at San Juan Hill which saved the day for Roosevelt, up to the time when they stuck to Boyd at Carrizal, has demonstrated to the American Nation that he is as true as steel. [Cheers.] Yet for all his services he receives the reward of lynching, burning and wholesale slaughter [Hear! hear!] It is even strange to see how the real American white people, the people who are direct de[s]cendants from the Pilgrim Fathers, allow the alien German, the Italian and other Europeans who came here but yesterday to lead them in bloody onslaught against the Negroes who have lived here for over three hundred years. When I say that the Aliens are leading the descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers against the Negroes in this country I mean to support it with as much facts as possible. Mayor Mollman of East [S]t. Louis, if [no]t himself a German, descendant of German immigrants, he is the man to be blamed for the recent riots in East St. Louis. I say so because I am convinced that he fostered a well arranged conspiracy to prevent black men migrating from the South . . .[and] the loss of Southern Farmers who for months have been moving heaven it seems to prevent the exodus of the labor serfs of the South into the North. Two months ago I was in New Orleans completing a lecture tour of the United States, and on the 26th of April Mayor Fred W. Mollman arrived in the city on a trip from St. Louis. In New Orleans he was met by Mayor Behrman and the New Orleans Board of Trade. For months the Farmers of Louisiana were frightened out of their wits over the everyday migration of Negroes from great farming centers of the State. They wrote to the papers, they appealed to the Governor, the Mayor and the

Speech on East St. Louis Riot

Legislature and the Board of Trade to stop the Negroes’ going away, but up to the 26th of April nothing was done to stop the people excepting the Railway Companies’ promising to use certain restraint on the rush of people obtaining passages on the trains by Railway orders sent to them from the North. At this time Mayor Mollman arrived and the Farmers and Board of Trade met him and asked his help in discouraging the Negroes from going North and especially to East St. Louis. In an interview given out to the New Orleans press he said that the Negroes from the South were reaching St. Louis at the rate of 2,000 per week, and that they were creating a problem there. He said that some of the largest industries in the country were established in East St. Louis and there were strikes for the last few months. He believed the labor conditions in East St. Louis were responsible for the number of Negro laborers going to that city. When the strikes started, he said, United States District Judge Wright issued an injunction restraining the strikers from intimidating the laborers who took their places. This order prevented uprisings and riots. “Conditions are very bad in East St. Louis,” he said, “because many plants are suffering for the want of labor. However, our city is growing and we have a population of 85,000 persons. During 1916 we gained 1,600 in population.” His interview did not make pleasant reading for the Farmers and others interested in labor in New Orleans and Louisiana so that the very next day he appeared at the Board of Trade where he met the Farmers and others and in discussing the labor exodus with them, he promised that he would do all he could to discourage Negroes from Louisiana [from] going into East St. Louis as the city did not want them. His interview on the first day was an encouragement to the Negroes to go to East St. Louis, as there was work for them, owing to the inability of the various plants to get

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labor. On the second day when he was approached he said East St. Louis did not want the Negroes, and he then promised to do all in his power to prevent them going there. His remarks to the people whom he met were published under big headlines in the news papers, so that the Negroes could read that they were not wanted in East St. Louis, but that did not deter the black men of Louisiana who were looking for better opportunities in the land of their birth [from] going about the country looking for better conditions than the South offered with lynching and Jim Crowism. The Negroes still continued their migration North. The Mayor of East St. Louis returned to the city after making his promise to the Farmers, Board of Trade and others who were interested in Negro labor. On the 5th of May the New Orleans Board of Trade elected Mr. M. J. Sanders, its president, and Mr. W. P. Ross as delegates to attend a transportation conference at St. Louis to be held on May 8–9. You will remember that Ma[y]or Mollman appeared before the Board of Trade on Friday the 27th of April where he made his statement of promise. The transportation conference was held at St. Louis on the 8th and 9th of May at which several prominent men interested in the labor condition of the South were present, as were also Messrs. Sanders and Ross, from New Orleans. It isn’t for me to suggest that Mayor Mollman met these gentlemen again; it is for you to imagine what further transpired while these gentlemen from the South who were so deeply interested in keeping the Negro below the Mason and Dixon line said and did among themselves while in that vicinity where Mayor Mollman held sway so much so as to be able to make a promise to keep out citizens of the United States who were not born in Germany, but in the Southland. One thing I do no[w] know; the first riot started on May 28 after a conference

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of labor leaders with Mayor Mollman. On that day, May 28, crowds of white men after leaving the City Council stopped street cars and dragged Negroes off and beat them. Then the night following three Negroes and two white men were shot. An investigation of the affair resulted in the finding that labor agents had induced Negroes to come from the South. I can hardly see the relevance of such a report with the dragging of men from cars and shooting them. The City authorities did nothing to demonstrate to the unreasonable labor leaders that they would be firmly dealt with should they maltreat and kill black men. No threat was offered to these men because Mayor Mollman himself had promised to do all he could to drive the Negroes out of East St. Louis, and to instill fear in the hearts of the people in the South so as to prevent them coming North. On the 29th of May, a day after the first disturbance, and when three Negro men had been killed, Mayor Mollman sent a dispatch to Governor Pleasant of Louisiana advising the Negroes of Louisiana to remain away from East St. Louis. This news item from the “Call” of May 31 which I will read will speak for itself. NEGROES ASKED TO STAY AWAY. [“]Baton Rouge, La., May 30. An order advising all Louisiana Negroes to remain away from East St. Louis, Ill., was issued to-day by Governor Pleasant, following a request from Mayor Mollman of the Illinois city.”

I have not seen the Louisiana papers that published that order but you can imagine for yourselves how the papers made prominent news of it so as to bring home to the Negroes of the State the very discouraging situation which the Mayor of East St. Louis helped to create. Because nothing was done to crush the originators and leaders of the first riot the Negro haters of East St. Louis took fresh courage and

made their final attack on our defenseless men, women and children on Monday July 2nd and which resulted in the wholesale massacre of our people. When we read in the white press a report like what I will read to you, we can conjure to our own minds the horror of the whole affair. “East St. Louis, July 2nd. Negroes are being shot down like rabbits and strung up to telegraph poles. “The official police estimate at 9 o’clock put the number of dead at 100. They reach this total partly through reports that many victims have been pursued into creeks and shot, burned in buildings or murdered and thrown into the Mississippi. The exact number of dead will probably never be known. Six Negroes were hanged to telegraph poles in the south end of the town. A reliable white man reports having counted nineteen Negro corpses on a side street. “A reign of terror prevails. The police and the tow companies of the National Guard are powerless. The companies of soldiers were powerless as they had orders not to shoot. The whites took their rifles from them telling them they might hurt some one whilst these very whites took the rifles and shot Negroes.”

The whole thing my friends is a bloody farce, and that the police and soldiers did nothing to stem the murder thirst of the mob is a conclusive proof of conspiracy on the part of the civil authorities to condone the acts of the white mob against Negroes. [Hear! Hear!] In this report we further read that as the flames of fire would drive a Negro man, wom[a]n or child from a dwelling, their clothes burning, the mob would set up a great shout and rifles and pistols would be fired. So far no Negro was known to escape as the whites had a merciless net about the Negroes, and the cry was “kill ’em all.” Negro faces were seen at frames of

Speech on East St. Louis Riot

windows and when they saw what happened to those who flew from the burning structures, they dropped back into the fire rather than tempt a similar fate. [Deep groan.] An example of what the guardsmen encountered, and themselves enjoyed, was the beating of colored women by white girls. This sort of thing was common. It resulted in the death of several Negro women. Six girls, according to the report, pursued a colored girl around the main railway station. A mob formed behind the girls who were screaming frantic epithets at the terrified black girl. “Send them back to Africa.” “Kill them all.” “Lynch them,” shouted the young amazons. Suddenly the crowd swept from the trail of the girl. A yell then arose. “There is one.” It was a Negro walking on the railroad track. Before he realized his peril he was killed. Half a dozen pistols cracked and the man dropped without a chance to run. [Groans.] Two white girls, neither more than 17 years old, the report said, were cheered when they dragged a colored girl from a street car, removed her slippers and beat her senseless with the sharp wooden heels. Some reports said black women were stripped by white women for the amusement of the crowd. [Cries of shame!] The mob and entire white populace [o]f East St. Louis had a Roman holiday. They feasted on the blood of the Negro, encouraged as they were by the German American Mayor who two months ago went to New Orleans and promised to keep the Negroes out of East St. Louis. That this man did absolutely nothing to let the people know that the law would be enforced to preserve order and ensure the peaceful lives of the black people is amply demonstrated by a report which comes from East. St. Louis, and was published in the “New York Tribune” of Saturday, July 7. Under the caption: “Citizens Blame Long Reign of Lawlessness for Riots,” the paper published this bit of news. “East St. Louis, Ill., July 6. Resignation of

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Chief of Police Payne of East St. Louis and of Cornelius Hickey Night Chief of Police or of radical reforms will be demanded of Mayor Mollmam by the citizens’ committee of the Chamber of Commerce. This determination is a result of the race riots here Monday in which thirty-seven persons lost their lives. Maurice Joyce, vice-president of the Chamber of Commerce, declared to-day the rioting was the direct result of the long reign of lawlessness in East St. Louis. “We have a police department that is incompetent and inefficient if not worse. Not only was the word sent out that law would not be rigidly enforced but the impression was allowed to spread that law violations would be winked at.” This gallant vice-chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, who knew this even before one Negro was shot, never said a word and did nothing to bring the delinquent Mayor who rules the city to a realization of these facts until great property damage was done to the Southern Railway Company, when their warehouse of over 100 car loads of merchandise was consumed by the flames causing a loss to the company of over $500,000, and a white theatre of over $100,000 was destroyed. It was not until property was destroyed in which the Chamber of Commerce was most interested, that the officers of the body let the Mayor know that he must do his duty. It was not through over-population or through scarc[i]ty of work why East. St. Louis did not want Negroes. It was simply because they were black men. For Mayor Mollman himself said months ago that East St. Louis was badly off for laborers as many of the plants could not get hands to operate them. I can hardly see why black men should be debarred from going where they choose in the land of their birth. I cannot see wherefrom Mayor Mollman got the authority to discourage black men going into East St. Louis, when there was work for them, except he got that authority from mob sentiment and mob law. It

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was because he knew that he could gain a following and support on the issue of race why he was bold enough to promise the white people of Louisiana that he would keep Negroes out of East St. Louis. He has succeeded in driving fully 10,000 in one day out of the city, and the South has gone wild over the splendid performance so much so that the very next day after the massacre the Legislature of Georgia sent out the message that their good Negroes must come home as they will treat them better than East St. Louis did. Can you wonder at the conspiracy

of the whole affair? White people are taking advantage of black men to-day because black men all over the world are disunited. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] [This bit of news was published in the New York Globe, July 11th, which goes to prove the state of affairs in Louisiana.] Marcus Garvey, Speech on East St. Louis Riot, July 8, 1917. Robert A. Hill, ed., 1826–August 1919. Vol. 1: The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).

DEFENSE OF FREE SPEECH IN WARTIME Robert La Follette

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After protesting U.S. entry in World War I, progressive Republican Senator Robert “Fightin’ Bob” La Follette of Wisconsin was attacked in Congress, in the press, and by members of the general public, with some going so far as to accuse him of treason and to call for his prosecution. In this mid-war speech before the Senate, La Follette argued that free speech must be especially protected during wartime.

Mr. President: I rise to a question of personal privilege. I have no intention of taking the time of the Senate with a review of the events which led to our entrance into the war except in so far as they bear upon the question of personal privilege to which I am addressing myself. Six Members of the Senate and fifty Members of the House voted against the declaration of war. Immediately there was let loose upon those Senators and Representatives a flood of invective and abuse from newspapers and individuals who had been clamoring for war, unequaled, I believe in the history of civilized society. Prior to the declaration of war every man who had ventured to oppose our entrance into it had been condemned as a coward or worse,

and even the President had by no means been immune from these attacks. Since the declaration of war the triumphant war press has pursued those Senators and Representatives who voted against war with malicious falsehood and recklessly libelous attacks, going to the extreme limit of charging them with treason against their country. This campaign of libel and character assassination directed against the Members of Congress who opposed our entrance into the war has been continued down to the present hour, and I have upon my desk newspaper clippings, some of them libels upon me alone, some directed as well against other Senators who voted in opposition to the declaration of war. One of these newspaper reports most widely circulated represents a Federal judge in the state of Texas as saying, in a charge to a grand jury—I read the article as it appeared in the newspaper and the headline with which it is introduced [LaFollette picks up newspaper and reads aloud]:

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DISTRICT JUDGE WOULD LIKE TO TAKE SHOT AT TRAITORS IN CONGRESS (A.P.) Houston, Texas, Oct. 1, Judge Waller T. Burns, of the United States district court, in charging a Federal grand jury at the beginning of the October term today, after calling by name

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Senators Stone of Missouri, Hardwick of Georgia, Vardaman of Mississippi, Gronna of North Dakota, Gore of Oklahoma, and LaFollette of Wisconsin, said: “If I had a wish, I would wish that you men had jurisdiction to return bills of indictment against these men. They ought to be tried promptly and fairly, and I believe this court could administer the law fairly; but I have a conviction, as strong as life, that this country should stand them up against an adobe wall tomorrow and give them what they deserve. If any man deserves death, it is a traitor. I wish that I could pay for the ammunition. I would like to attend the execution, and if I were in the firing squad I would not want to be the marksman who had the blank shell.” . . .

If this newspaper clipping were a single or exceptional instance of lawless defamation, I should not trouble the Senate with a reference to it. But, Mr. President, it is not. In this mass of newspaper clippings which I have here upon my desk, and which I shall not trouble the Senate to read unless it is desired, I find other Senators, as well as myself, accused of the highest crimes of which any man can be guilty—treason and disloyalty—and, sir, accused not only with no evidence to support the accusation, but without the suggestion that such evidence anywhere exists. It is not claimed that Senators who opposed the declaration of war have since that time acted with any concerted purpose either regarding war measures or any others. They have voted according to their individual opinions, have often been opposed to each other on bills which have come before the Senate since the declaration of war, and, according to my recollection, have never all voted together since that time upon any single proposition upon which the Senate has been divided. I am aware, Mr. President, that in pursuance of this campaign of vilification and attempted intimidation, requests from various individuals

and certain organizations have been submitted to the Senate for my expulsion from this body, and that such requests have been referred to and considered by one of the committees of the Senate. If I alone had been made the victim of these attacks, I should not take one moment of the Senate’s time for their consideration, and I believe that other Senators who have been unjustly and unfairly assailed, as I have been, hold the same attitude upon this that I do. Neither the clamor of the mob nor the voice of power will ever turn me by the breadth of a hair from the course I mark out for myself, guided by such knowledge as I can obtain and controlled and directed by a solemn conviction of right and duty. The purpose of this campaign [is] to throw the country into a state of terror, to coerce public opinion, to stifle criticism, and suppress discussion. But, sir, it is not alone Members of Congress that the war party in this country has sought to intimidate. The mandate seems to have gone forth to the sovereign people of this country that they must be silent while those things are being done by their Government which most vitally concern their well-being, their happiness, and their lives. Today and for weeks past, honest and law-abiding citizens of this country are being terrorized and outraged in their rights by those sworn to uphold the laws and protect the rights of the people. I have in my possession numerous affidavits establishing the fact that people are being unlawfully arrested, thrown into jail, held incommunicado for days, only to be eventually discharged without ever having been taken into court, because they have committed no crime. Private residences are being invaded, loyal citizens of undoubted integrity and probity arrested, cross-examined, and the most sacred constitutional rights guaranteed to every American citizen are being violated.

Defense of Free Speech in Wartime

It appears to be the purpose of those conducting this campaign to throw the country into a state of terror, to coerce public opinion, to stifle criticism, and suppress discussion of the great issues involved in this war. I think all men recognize that in time of war the citizen must surrender some rights for the common good which he is entitled to enjoy in time of peace. But sir, the right to control their own Government according to constitutional forms is not one of the rights that the citizens of this country are called upon to surrender in time of war. Rather, in time of war the citizen must be more alert to the preservation of his right to control his Government. He must be most watchful of the encroachment of the military upon the civil power. He must beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administration officials which, excused on the plea of necessity in war time, become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored. More than all, the citizen and his representative in Congress in time of war must maintain his right of free speech. More than in times of peace it is necessary that the channels for free public discussion of governmental policies shall be open and unclogged. I believe, Mr. President, that I am now touching upon the most important question in this country today—and that is the right of the citizens of this country and their representatives in Congress to discuss in an orderly way, frankly and publicly and without fear, from the platform and through the press, every important phase of this war; its causes, and manner in which it should be conducted, and the terms upon which peace should be made. The belief which is becoming widespread in this land that this most fundamental right is being denied to the citizens of this country is a fact, the tremendous significance of which those in authority have not yet

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begun to appreciate. I am contending, Mr. President, for the great fundamental right of the sovereign people of this country to make their voice heard and have that voice heeded upon the great questions arising out of this war, including not only how the war shall be prosecuted but the conditions upon which it may be terminated with a due regard for the rights and the honor of this Nation and the interests of humanity. I am contending for this right because the exercise of it is necessary to the welfare, to the existence, of this Government, to the successful conduct of this war, and to a peace which shall be enduring for the best interest of this country. Suppose success attends the attempt to stifle all discussion of the issues of this war, all discussions of the terms upon which it should be concluded, all discussion of the objects and purposes to be accomplished by it, and concede the demand of the war-mad press and war extremists that they monopolize the right of public utterance upon these questions unchallenged, what think you would be the consequences to this country not only during the war but after the war? It is no answer to say that when the war is over the citizen may once more resume his rights and feel some security in his liberty and his person. As I have already tried to point out, now is precisely the time when the country needs the counsel of all its citizens. In time of war even more than in time of peace, whether citizens happen to agree with the ruling administration or not, these precious fundamental personal rights—free speech, free press, and right of assemblage so explicitly and emphatically guaranteed by the Constitution—should be maintained inviolable. There is no rebellion in the land, no martial law, no courts are closed, no legal processes suspended, and there is no threat even of invasion. But more than this, if every preparation for

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war can be made the excuse for destroying free speech and a free press and the right of the people to assemble together for peaceful discussion, then we may well despair of ever again finding ourselves for a long period in a state of peace. . . . The destruction of rights now occurring will be pointed to then as precedents [sic] for a still further invasion of the rights of the citizen. . . . Mr. President, our Government, above all others, is founded on the right of the people freely to discuss all matters pertaining to their Government, in war not less than in peace. It is true, sir, that Members of the House of Representatives are elected for two years, the President for four years, and the Members of the Senate for six years, and during their temporary official terms these officers constitute what is called the Government. But back of them always is the controlling sovereign power of the people, and when the people can make their will known, the faithful officer will obey that will. Though the right of the people to express their will by ballot is suspended during the term of office of the elected official, neverthe-

less the duty of the official to obey the popular will continue [sic] throughout his entire term of office. How can that popular will express itself between elections except by meetings, by speeches, by publications, by petitions, and by addresses to the representatives of the people? Any man who seeks to set a limit upon those rights, whether in war or peace, aims a blow at the most vital part of our Government. And then as the time for election approaches and the official is called to account for his stewardship—not a day, not a week, not a month, before the election, but a year or more before it, if the people choose—they must have the right to the freest possible discussion of every question upon which their representative has acted, of the merits of every measure he has supported or opposed, of every vote he has cast and every speech that he has made. And before this great fundamental right, every other must, if necessary, give way, for in no other manner can representative government be preserved. Robert La Follette, “Free Speech in Wartime,” U.S. Senate, 65th Congress, 2d Session, October 6, 1917.

SPEECH BY A FOUR MINUTE MAN, OCTOBER 8, 1917 B

Much of the financing for America’s war effort in World War I came from the sale of Liberty Bonds. To encourage Americans to purchase these bonds, “four minute men” fanned across the country to speak in theaters and other public places. Their name referred both to the length of their pitches and to the volunteer citizen patriots of the Revolutionary War. Ladies and Gentlemen: I have just received the information that there is a German spy among us—

that America is united and strong. While, if we lend our money half-heartedly, America seems weak and autocracy remains strong. Money means everything now; it means quicker victory and therefore less bloodshed. We are in the war, and now Americans can have but one opinion, only one wish in the Liberty Loan. Well, I hope these spies are getting their messages straight, letting Potsdam know that America is hurling back to the autocrats these answers:

a German spy watching us.

He is around here somewhere, reporting upon you and me—sending reports about us to Berlin and telling the Germans just what we are doing with the Liberty Loan. From every section of the country these spies have been getting reports over to Potsdam—not general reports but details—where the loan is going well and where its success seems weak, and what people are saying in each community. For the German Government is worried about our great loan. Those Junkers fear its effect upon the German morale. They’re raising a loan this month, too. If the American people lend their billions now, one and all with a hip-hip-hurrah, it means

For treachery here, attempted treachery in Mexico, treachery everywhere—one billion. For murder of American women and children—one billion more. For broken faith and promise to murder more Americans—billions and billions more.

And then we will add: In the world fight for Liberty, our share—billions and billions and billions and endless billions.

Do not let the German spy hear and report that you are a slacker. Committee on Public Information, Four Minute Man Bulletin 17 (October 8, 1917).

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FOURTEEN POINTS Woodrow Wilson

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One of the ways President Woodrow Wilson had justified America’s entry into World War I in 1917 was by promising that the war would lead to a more democratic world order. On January 8, 1918, Wilson offered a speech outlining what he called his fourteen points for bringing about that new democratic order. Among the suggestions was the call for an international organization, later known as the League of Nations, designed to arbitrate conflicts between nations and thereby prevent future wars. Sadly for Wilson, the Senate rejected America’s entry into the league after the war.

done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world’s peace, therefore, is our programme; and that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once and for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be 1150

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understanding of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view. II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the

Fourteen Points

principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty, the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy. VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired. VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which

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X.

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XII.

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has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

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XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.

Woodrow Wilson, “Speech on the Fourteen Points,” January 8, 1918, Congressional Record, 65th Congress, 2d Session (1918), 680–81.

SEDITION ACT B

The Sedition Act was intended to punish people who made public comments that were deemed unpatriotic or statements that were deemed to help the enemy. Such broad and undefined restrictions allowed the government to go after even those who made such innocuous statements as suggesting that the war should be paid for with higher taxes rather than bonds. Ultimately, until its repeal in 1921, some one thousand people were prosecuted under the law. SECTION 3. Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall willfully make or convey false reports or false statements with intent to interfere with the operation or success of the military or naval forces of the United States, or to promote the success of its enemies, or shall willfully make or convey false reports, or false statements . . . or incite insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, or shall willfully obstruct . . . the recruiting or enlistment service of the United States, or . . . shall willfully

utter, print, write, or publish any disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language about the form of government of the United States, or the Constitution of the United States, or the military or naval forces of the United States . . . or shall willfully display the flag of any foreign enemy, or shall willfully . . . urge, incite, or advocate any curtailment of production . . . or advocate, teach, defend, or suggest the doing of any of the acts or things in this section enumerated and whoever shall by word or act support or favor the cause of any country with which the United States is at war or by word or act oppose the cause of the United States therein, shall be punished by a fine of not more than $10,000 or imprisonment for not more than twenty years, or both. . . . Excerpts from the Sedition Act, May 16, 1918. United States, Statutes at Large, Vol. 40 (Washington, DC: GPO, 1918), 553 ff.

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ANTI-WAR SPEECH, JUNE 16, 1918 Eugene V. Debs

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Eugene V. Debs was arguably the most famous of the many radicals who opposed U.S. participation in World War I. Unlike European socialists, who generally supported their governments’ entry into the war, Debs argued that the war was waged by capitalists for their own gain, pitting workers of one country against workers of another. This speech delivered in Canton, Ohio, was one of several for which Debs was convicted under the Sedition Act, passed that May. Comrades, friends and fellow-workers: For this very cordial greeting, this very hearty reception, I thank you all with the fullest appreciation of your interest in and your devotion to the cause for which I am to speak to you this afternoon. [Applause.] To speak for labor; to plead the cause of the men and women and children who toil; to serve the working class, has always been to me a high privilege; [Applause.] a duty of love. I have just returned from a visit over yonder, where three of our most loyal comrades are paying the penalty for their devotion to the cause of the working class. [Applause.] They have come to realize, as many of us have, that it is extremely dangerous to exercise the constitutional right of free speech in a country fighting to make democracy safe in the world. [Applause.]

I realize that, in speaking to you this afternoon, there are certain limitations placed upon the right of free speech. I must be exceedingly careful, prudent, as to what I say, and even more careful and prudent as to how I say it. I may not be able to say all I think; but I am not going to say anything that I do not think. [Applause.] I would rather a thousand times be a free soul in jail than to be a sycophant and coward in the streets. [Applause and shouts.] They may put those boys in jail—and some of the rest of us in jail—but they can not put the Socialist movement in jail. [Applause and shouts.] Those prison bars separate their bodies from ours, but their souls are here this afternoon. [Applause and cheers.] They are simply paying the penalty that all men have paid in all the ages of history for standing erect, and for seeking to pave the way to better conditions for mankind. [Applause.] If it had not been for the men and women who, in the past, have had the moral courage to go to jail, we would still be in the jungles. [Applause.] . . . There is but one thing you have to be concerned about, and that is that you keep four square with the principles of the international Socialist movement. [Applause.] It is only when you begin to compromise that trouble begins.

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Anti-War Speech, June 16, 1918

[Applause.] So far as I am concerned, it does not matter what others may say, or think, or do, as long as I am sure that I am right with myself and the cause. [Applause.] There are so many who seek refuge in the popular side of a great question. . . . If you go to the city of Washington, and you examine the pages of the Congressional Directory, you will find that almost all of those corporation lawyers and cowardly politicians, members of Congress, and misrepresentatives of the masses—you will find that almost all of them claim, in glowing terms, that they have risen from the ranks to places of eminence and distinction. I am very glad I cannot make that claim for myself. [Laughter.] I would be ashamed to admit that I had risen from the ranks. When I rise it will be with the ranks, and not from the ranks. [Applause.] . . . The Socialists of Ohio, it appears, are very much alive this year. The party has been killed recently [laughter], which, no doubt, accounts for its extraordinary activity. [Laughter.] There is nothing that helps the Socialist Party so much as receiving an occasional death blow. [Laughter and cheers.] The oftener it is killed the more active, the more energetic, the more powerful it becomes. They who have been reading the capitalist newspapers realize what a capacity [the papers] have for lying. We have been reading them lately. They know all about the Socialist Party, the Socialist movement, except what is true. [Laughter.] Only the other day they took an article that I had written—and most of you have read it—most of you members of the party, at least—and they made it appear that I had undergone a marvelous transformation. [Laughter.] I had suddenly become changed, had, in fact, come to my senses; I had ceased to be a wicked Socialist, and had become a respectable Socialist [laughter], a patriotic Social-

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ist—as if I had ever been anything else. [Laughter.] What was the purpose of this deliberate misrepresentation? It is so self-evident that it suggests itself. The purpose was to sow the seeds of dissension in our ranks; to have it appear that we were divided among ourselves; that we were pitted against each other, to our mutual undoing. But Socialists were not born yesterday. [Applause.] They know how to read capitalist newspapers [laughter and applause]; and to believe exactly the opposite of what they read. [Applause and laughter.] It is true that these are anxious, trying days for us all—testing days for the women and men who are upholding the banner of labor in the struggle of the working class of all the world against the exploiters of all the world [applause]; a time in which the weak and cowardly will falter and fail and desert. They lack the fiber to endure the revolutionary test; they fall away; they disappear as if they had never been. On the other hand, they who are animated by the unconquerable spirit of the social revolution; they who have the moral courage to stand erect and assert their convictions; stand by them; fight for them; go to jail, or to hell for them, if need be [applause and shouts]—they are writing their names, in this crucial hour— they are writing their names in faceless letters in the history of mankind. [Great applause.] Those boys over yonder—those comrades of ours—and how I love them! Aye, they are my younger brothers [laughter and applause]; their very names throb in my heart, thrill in my veins, and surge in my soul! [Applause.] I am proud of them; they are there for us; [applause] and we are here for them. [Applause, shouts and cheers.] Their lips, though temporarily mute, are more eloquent than ever before; and their voice, though silent, is heard around the world. [Great applause.]

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Are we opposed to Prussian militarism? [Laughter; shouts from the crowd of “Yes! Yes!”] Why, we have been fighting it since the day the Socialist movement was born; [applause] and we are going to continue to fight it, day and night, until it is wiped from the face of the earth. [Thunderous applause and cheers.] Between us there is no truce, no compromise. But before I proceed along this line, let me recall a little history, in which I think we are all interested. . . . You remember that at the close of Theodore Roosevelt’s second term as President, he went over to Africa to make war on some of his ancestors. [Laughter, cheers, and applause.] You remember that, at the close of his expedition, he visited the capitals of Europe, and that he was wined and dined, dignified and glorified by all the Kaisers and Czars and Emperors of the Old World. [Applause.] He visited Potsdam while the Kaiser was there, and, according to the accounts published in the American newspapers, he and the Kaiser were soon on the most familiar terms. [Laughter.] They were hilariously intimate with each other, and slapped each other on the back. [Laughter.] After Roosevelt had reviewed the Kaiser’s troops, according to the same accounts, he became enthusiastic over the Kaiser’s legions and said: “If I had that kind of an army, I could conquer the world!” [Laughter.] He knew the Kaiser then just as well as he knows him now. He knew that he was the Kaiser, the “Beast of Berlin.” And yet, he permitted himself to be entertained by that Beast of Berlin; [applause] had his feet under the mahogany of the Beast of Berlin; was cheek by jowl with the Beast of Berlin. [Applause.] And, while Roosevelt was being entertained royally by the German Kaiser, that same Kaiser was putting the leaders of the Socialist Party in jail for fighting the Kaiser and the Junkers of Germany. [Applause.] Roosevelt was the guest of honor in the White House of the Kaiser, while the Social-

ists were in the jails of the Kaiser for fighting the Kaiser. [Applause.] Who then was fighting for democracy? Roosevelt? [Shouts of “No.”] Roosevelt, who was honored by the Kaiser, or the Socialists who were in jail by order of the Kaiser? [Applause.] “Birds of a feather flock together.” [Laughter.] When the newspapers reported that Kaiser Wilhelm and ex-President Theodore Roosevelt recognized each other at sight, were perfectly intimate with each other at the first touch, they made the admission that is fatal to the claim of Theodore Roosevelt, that he is the friend of the common people and the champion of democracy; they admitted that they were kith and kin; that they were very much alike; that their ideas and ideals were about the same. If Theodore Roosevelt is the great champion of democracy [laughter]—the arch foe of autocracy [laughter]—what business had he as the guest of honor of the Prussian Kaiser? And when he met the Kaiser, and did honor to the Kaiser, under the terms imputed to him, wasn’t it pretty strong proof that he himself was a Kaiser at heart? [Applause.] Now, after being the guest of Emperor Wilhelm, the Beast of Berlin, he comes back to this country, and wants you to send ten-million men over there to kill the Kaiser, to murder his former friend and pal. Rather queer, isn’t it? And yet, he is the patriot, and we are the traitors. [Applause.] I challenge you to find a Socialist anywhere on the face of the earth who was ever the guest of the Beast of Berlin [applause], except as an inmate of his prison. A little more history along the same line. I have a distinct recollection of it. It occurred fifteen years ago when Prince Henry [the Kaiser’s brother] came here. All of our plutocracy, all of the wealthy representatives living along Fifth Avenue—all, all of them—threw their palace doors wide open and received


Prince Henry with open arms. But they were not satisfied with this; they got down and groveled in the dust at his feet. Our plutocracy— women and men alike—vied with each other to lick the boots of Prince Henry, the brother and representative of the Beast of Berlin. [Applause.] And still our plutocracy, our Junkers, would have us believe that all the Junkers are confined to Germany. It is precisely because we refuse to believe this that they brand us as disloyalists. They want our eyes focused on the Junkers in Berlin so that we will not see those within our own borders. They tell us that we live in a great free republic; that our institutions are democratic; that we are a free and self-governing people. [Laughter.] This is too much, even for a joke. [Laughter.] But it is not a subject for levity; it is an exceedingly serious matter. To whom do the Wall Street Junkers in our country marry their daughters? After they have wrung their countless millions from your sweat, your agony and your life’s blood, in a time of war as in a time of peace, they invest these untold millions in the purchase of titles of broken-down aristocrats, such as princes, dukes, counts and other parasites and no-accounts. [Laughter.] Would they be satisfied to wed their daughters to honest working men? [Shouts from the crowd, “No!”] To real democrats? Oh, no! They scour the markets of Europe for vampires who are titled and nothing else. [Laughter.] And they swap their millions for the titles, so that matrimony with them becomes literally a matter of money. [Laughter.] These are the gentry who are today wrapped up in the American flag, who shout their claim from the housetops that they are the only patriots, and who have their magnifying glasses in hand, scanning the country for evidence of disloyalty, eager to apply the brand of treason to the men who dare to even whisper their opposition to Junker rule in the United States. No

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wonder Sam Johnson declared that “patriotism is the last refuge of the scoundrel.” He must have had this Wall Street gentry in mind, or at least their prototypes, for in every age it has been the tyrant, the oppressor and the exploiter who has wrapped himself in the cloak of patriotism, or religion, or both, to deceive and overawe the people. [Applause.] They would have you believe that the Socialist Party consists in the main of disloyalists and traitors. It is true in a sense not at all to their discredit. We frankly admit that we are disloyalists and traitors to the real traitors of this nation [applause]; to the gang that on the Pacific coast are trying to hang Tom Mooney and Warren Billings in spite of their well-known innocence and the protest of practically the whole civilized world. [Applause, shouts and cheers.] I know Tom Mooney intimately, as if he were my own brother. He is an absolutely honest man. [Applause.] He had no more to do with the crime with which he was charged and for which he was convicted than I had. [Applause.] And if he ought to go to the gallows, so ought I. If he is guilty, every man who belongs to a labor organization or to the Socialist Party is likewise guilty. What is Tom Mooney guilty of? I will tell you. I am familiar with his record. For years he has been fighting bravely and without compromise the battles of the working class out on the Pacific coast. He refused to be bribed and he could not be browbeaten. In spite of all attempts to intimidate him, he continued loyally in the service of the organized workers, and for this he became a marked man. The henchmen of the powerful and corrupt corporations, concluding finally that he could not be bought or bribed or bullied, decided he must therefore be murdered. That is why Tom Mooney is today a life prisoner, and why he would have been hanged as a felon long ago but for the worldwide protest of the working-class. [Applause.]

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Tom Mooney was the chief representative of the working class they could not control. [Applause.] They own the railways; they control the great industries; they are the industrial masters and the political rulers of the people. From their decision, there is no appeal. They are the autocrats of the Pacific coast, as cruel and infamous as any that ever ruled in Germany or any other country in the Old World. [Applause.] When their rule became so corrupt that at last a grand jury indicted them, and they were placed on trial, and Francis J. Heney was selected to assist in their prosecution, this gang, represented by the Chamber of Commerce; this gang of plutocrats, autocrats and highbinders, hired an assassin to shoot Heney down in the courtroom. The same identical gang that hired the murderer to kill Heney also hired false witnesses to swear away the life of Tom Mooney and, foiled in that, they have kept him in a foul prison-hole ever since. [Applause.] Every solitary one of these aristocratic conspirators and would-be murderers claims to be an arch-patriot. Every one of them insists that the war is being waged to make the world safe for democracy. What humbug! What rot! What false pretense! These autocrats, these tyrants, these red-handed robbers and murderers, the “patriots,” while the men who have the courage to stand face to face with them, speak the truth, and fight for their exploited victims—they are the disloyalists and traitors. If this be true, I want to take my place side by side with the traitors in this fight! [Great applause.] The other day they sentenced Kate Richards O’Hare to the penitentiary for five years. Think of sentencing a woman to the penitentiary simply for talking! [Laughter.] The United States, under plutocratic rule, is the only country that would send a woman to prison for five years for exercising the right of free speech. [Applause.] If this be treason, let them make the most of it. [Applause.] . . .

The only testimony against her was that of a hired witness. And when the farmers, the men and women who were in the audience she addressed, when they went to Bismarck where the trial was held, to testify in her favor, to swear that she had not used the language she was charged with having used, the judge refused to allow them to go upon the stand. This would seem incredible to me if I had not had some experience of my own with federal courts. Who appoints our federal judges? The people? In all the history of the country, the working class have never named a federal judge. There are hundreds of these judges and every solitary one holds his position, his tenure, through the influence and power of corporate capital. The corporations and trusts dictate their appointment. And when they go to the bench, they go, not to serve the people, but to serve the interests that place them and keep them where they are. I would rather a thousand times be a free soul in jail than to be a sycophant coward in the streets! Why, the other day, by a vote of five to four, a kind of craps game—[Debs acts like he’s rolling dice] “come seven, come ’leven” [laughter]— they declared the child labor law unconstitutional, a law secured after twenty years of education and agitation on the part of all kinds of people. And yet, by a majority of one, the Supreme Court—a body of corporation lawyers, with just one exception—wiped that law from the statute books, and this in our socalled democracy, so that we may continue to grind the flesh and blood and bones of puny little children into profits for the Junkers of Wall Street! [Applause.] And this in a country that boasts of fighting to make the world safe for democracy? [Laughter.] The history of this country is being written in the blood of the childhood the industrial lords have murdered. These are not palatable truths to them.


They do not like to hear them; and what is more, they do not want you to hear them. And that is why they brand us as undesirable citizens [laughter and applause], and as disloyalists and traitors. If we were actual traitors—traitors to the people and to their welfare and progress— we would be regarded as eminently respectable citizens of the republic; we would hold high office, have princely incomes, and ride in limousines; and we would be pointed out as the elect who have succeeded in life in honorable pursuit, and worthy of emulation by the youth of the land. It is precisely because we are disloyal to the traitors that we are loyal to the people of this nation! [Applause.] . . . [Socialist papers] have all been suppressed. What a wonderful compliment they pay us! [Laughter and applause.] They are afraid that we may mislead and contaminate you. You are their wards; they are your guardians, and they know what is best for you to read and hear and know. [Laughter.] They are bound to see to it that our vicious doctrines do not reach your ears. [Laughter.] And so in our great democracy, under our free institutions, they flatter our press by suppression, and they ignorantly imagine that they have silenced revolutionary propaganda in the United States. What an awful mistake they make for our benefit! As a matter of justice to them we should respond with resolutions of thanks and gratitude. Thousands of people who had never before heard of our papers are now inquiring for and insisting upon seeing them. They have succeeded only in arousing curiosity in our literature and propaganda. And woe to him who reads Socialist literature from curiosity! He is surely a goner. [Applause.] . . . How stupid and short-sighted the ruling class really is! Cupidity is stone blind. It has no vision. The greedy, profit-seeking exploiter cannot see beyond the end of his nose. . . . He has no capacity for literature; no appreciation of art; no soul for beauty. That is the penalty the

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parasites pay for the violation of the laws of life. The Rockefellers are blind. Every move they make in their game of greed but hastens their own doom. . . . Every time they strangle a Socialist paper they add a thousand voices proclaiming the truth of the principles of socialism and the ideals of the Socialist movement. They help us in spite of themselves. Socialism is a growing idea; an expanding philosophy. It is spreading over the entire face of the earth; it is as vain to resist it as it would be to arrest the sunrise on the morrow. It is coming, coming, coming all along the line. Can you not see it? If not, I advise you to consult an oculist. . . . The little that I am, the little that I am hoping to be, I owe to the Socialist movement. [Applause.] It has given me my ideas and ideals; my principles and convictions, and I would not exchange one of them for all of Rockefeller’s bloodstained dollars. [Cheers.] It has taught me how to serve—a lesson to me of priceless value. It has taught me the ecstasy in the handclasp of a comrade. It has enabled me to hold high communion with you, and made it possible for me to take my place side by side with you in the great struggle for the better day; to multiply myself over and over again, to thrill with a fresh-born manhood; to feel life truly worthwhile; to open new avenues of vision; to spread out glorious vistas; to know that I am kin to all that throbs; to be class-conscious, and to realize that, regardless of nationality, race, creed, color, or sex, every man, every woman who toils, who renders useful service, every member of the working class without an exception, is my comrade, my brother and sister—and that to serve them and their cause is the highest duty of my life. [Great applause.] And in their service I can feel myself expand; I can rise to the stature of a man and claim the right to a place on earth—a place where I can stand and strive to speed the day of industrial freedom and social justice.

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Yes, my comrades, my heart is attuned to yours. Aye, all our hearts now throb as one great heart responsive to the battle cry of the social revolution. Here, in this alert and inspiring assemblage [applause] our hearts are with the Bolsheviki of Russia. [Deafening and prolonged applause.] Those Russian comrades of ours have made greater sacrifices, have suffered more, and have shed more heroic blood than any like number of men and women anywhere on earth; they have laid the foundation of the first real democracy that ever drew the breath of life in this world. [Applause.] It has been charged that Lenin and Trotsky and the leaders of the revolution were treacherous, that they made a traitorous peace with Germany. Let us consider that proposition briefly. At the time of the revolution Russia had been three years in the war. Under the Czar she had lost more than four million of her ill-clad, poorly-equipped, half-starved soldiers, slain outright or disabled on the field of battle. She was absolutely bankrupt. Her soldiers were mainly without arms. This was what was bequeathed to the revolution by the Czar and his regime, and for this condition Lenin and Trotsky were not responsible, nor the Bolsheviki. For this appalling state of affairs the Czar and his rotten bureaucracy were solely responsible. When the Bolsheviki came into power and went through the archives, they found and exposed the secret treaties—the treaties that were made between the Czar and the French government, the British government and the Italian government, proposing, after the victory was achieved, to dismember the German Empire and destroy the Central Powers. These treaties have never been denied nor repudiated. Very little has been said about them in the American press. I have a copy of these treaties, showing that the purpose of the Allies is exactly the purpose of the Central Powers, and that is the con-

quest and spoilation of the weaker nations that has always been the purpose of war. Wars throughout history have been waged for conquest and plunder. In the Middle Ages when the feudal lords who inhabited the castles whose towers may still be seen along the Rhine concluded to enlarge their domains, to increase their power, their prestige, and their wealth, they declared war upon one another. But they themselves did not go to war anymore than the modern feudal lords, the barons of Wall Street go to war. [Applause.] The feudal barons of the Middle Ages, the economic predecessors of the capitalists of our day, declared all wars. And their miserable serfs fought all the battles. The poor, ignorant serfs had been taught to revere their masters; to believe that when their masters declared war upon one another, it was their patriotic duty to fall upon one another and to cut one another’s throats for the profit and glory of the lords and barons who held them in contempt. And that is war in a nutshell. . . . And here let me emphasize the fact—and it cannot be repeated too often—that the working class who fight all the battles, the working class who make the supreme sacrifices, the working class who freely shed their blood and furnish the corpses, have never yet had a voice in either declaring war or making peace. It is the ruling class that invariably does both. They alone declare war and they alone make peace. “Yours not to reason why; Yours but to do and die.” That is their motto and we object on the part of the awakening workers of this nation. If war is right, let it be declared by the people. You who have your lives to lose, you certainly above all others have the right to decide the momentous issue of war or peace. [Applause.] Rose Pastor Stokes! And when I mention her name I take off my hat. [Applause.] Here we


have another heroic and inspiring comrade. She had her millions of dollars at command. Did her wealth restrain her an instant? On the contrary her supreme devotion to the cause outweighed all considerations of a financial or social nature. She went out boldly to plead the cause of the working class and they rewarded her high courage with a ten years’ sentence to the penitentiary. Think of it! Ten years! Roosevelt said vauntingly the other day that he would be heard [even] if he went to jail. He knows very well that he is taking no risk of going to jail. He is shrewdly laying his wires for the Republican nomination in 1920 and he is adept in making the appeal of the demagogue. He would do anything to discredit the Wilson administration that he may give himself and his party all credit. That is the only rivalry there is between the two old capitalist parties—the Republican Party and the Democratic Party—the political twins of the master class. They are not going to have any friction between them this fall. They are all patriots in this campaign, and they are going to combine to prevent the election of any disloyal Socialist. I have never heard anyone tell of any difference between these corrupt capitalist parties. Do you know of any? I certainly do not. The situation is that one is in and the other trying to break in, and that is substantially the only difference between them. [Laughter.] Rose Pastor Stokes never uttered a word she did not have a legal, constitutional right to utter. But her message to the people, the message that stirred their thoughts and opened their eyes—that must be suppressed; her voice must be silenced. And so she was promptly subjected to a mock-trial and sentenced to the penitentiary for ten years. . . . [Here Mr. Debs is handed a drink of water.] How good this sip of cool water from the hand of a comrade! It is as refreshing as if it

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were out on the desert waste. And how good it is to look into your glowing faces this afternoon! [Applause.] You are really good looking [laughter] to me, I assure you. And I am glad there are so many of you. Your tribe has increased amazingly since first I came here. [Laughter.] You used to be so few and far between. A few years ago when you struck a town the first thing you had to do was to see if you could locate a Socialist; and you were pretty lucky if you struck the trail of one before you left town. If he happened to be the only one and he is still living, he is now regarded as a pioneer and pathfinder; he holds a place of honor in your esteem, and he has lodgment in the hearts of all who have come after him. It is far different now. You can hardly throw a stone in the dark without hitting a Socialist. [Laughter.] They are everywhere in increasing numbers; and what marvelous changes are taking place in the people! Some years ago I was to speak at Warren in this state. It happened to be at the time that President McKinley was assassinated. In common with all others I deplored that tragic event. There is not a Socialist who would have been guilty of that crime. We do not attack individuals. We do not seek to avenge ourselves upon those opposed to our faith. We have no fight with individuals as such. We are capable of pitying those who hate us. [Applause.] We do not hate them; we know better; we would freely give them a cup of water if they needed it. [Applause.] . . . President McKinley, as I have said, had been assassinated. I was first to speak at Portsmouth, having been booked there some time before the assassination. Promptly the Christian ministers of Portsmouth met in special session and passed a resolution declaring that “Debs, more than any other person, was responsible for the assassination of our beloved President.”

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[Laughter.] It was due to the doctrine that Debs was preaching that this crime was committed, according to these patriotic parsons, and so this pious gentry, the followers of the meek and lowly Nazarene, concluded that I must not be permitted to enter the city. And they had the mayor issue an order to that effect. I went there soon after, however. I sent word to the mayor that I would speak that night, according to schedule, or I would leave there in a box for the return trip. [Applause.] The Grand Army of the Republic called a special meeting and then marched to the hall in full uniform and occupied the front seats in order to silence me if my speech did not suit them. I went to the hall, however, found it open, and made my speech. There was no interruption. I told the audience frankly who was responsible for the President’s assassination. I said: “As long as there is misery caused by robbery at the bottom there will be assassination at the top.” [Applause.] I showed them, evidently to their satisfaction, that it was their own capitalist system that was responsible; the system that had impoverished and brutalized the ancestors of the poor witless boy who had murdered the President. Yes, I made my speech that night, and it was well received, but when I left there, I was still an “undesirable citizen.” Some years later I returned to Warren. It seemed that the whole population was out for the occasion. I was received with open arms. [Applause.] I was no longer a demagogue; no longer a fanatic or an undesirable citizen. I had become exceedingly respectable simply because the Socialists had increased in numbers, and socialism had grown in influence and power. If ever I become entirely respectable, I shall be quite sure that I have outlived myself. [Laughter.] It is the minorities who have made the history of this world. It is the few who have had the

courage to take their places at the front; who have been true enough to themselves to speak the truth that was in them; who have dared oppose the established order of things; who have espoused the cause of the suffering, struggling poor; who have upheld without regard to personal consequences the cause of freedom and righteousness. It is they, the heroic, self-sacrificing few who have made the history of the race and who have paved the way from barbarism to civilization. The many prefer to remain upon the popular side. They lack the courage and vision to join a despised minority that stands for a principle; they have not the moral fiber that withstands, endures and finally conquers. They are to be pitied and not treated with contempt for they cannot help their cowardice. But, thank God, in every age and in every nation there have been the brave and self-reliant few, and they have been sufficient to their historic task; and we, who are here today, are under infinite obligations to them because they suffered, they sacrificed, they went to jail, they had their bones broken upon the wheel, they were burned at the stake and their ashes scattered to the winds by the hands of hate and revenge in their struggle to leave the world better for us than they found it for themselves. We are under eternal obligations to them because of what they did and what they suffered for us, and the only way we can discharge that obligation is by doing the best we can for those who are to come after us. [Applause.] And this is the high purpose of every Socialist on earth. Everywhere they are animated by the same lofty principles; everywhere they have the same noble ideals; everywhere they are clasping hands across national boundary lines; everywhere they are calling one another Comrade, the blessed word that springs from the heart of unity and bursts into blossom upon the lips. Each passing day they are getting into closer touch all along the battle line, waging the holy war of the working


class of the world against the ruling and exploiting class of the world. Do you wish to hasten the day of victory? Join the Socialist Party! Don’t wait for the morrow. Join now! [Applause.] Enroll your name without fear, and take your place where you belong. You cannot do your duty by proxy. You have got to do it yourself, and do it squarely and then, as you look yourself in the face, you will have no occasion to blush. You will know what it is to be a real man or woman. You will lose nothing; you will gain everything. [Applause.] Not only will you lose nothing, but you will find something of infinite value, and that something will be yourself. And that is your supreme need—to find yourself—to really know yourself and your purpose in life. [Applause.] You need at this time especially to know that you are fit for something better than slavery and cannon fodder. [Applause.] You need to know that you were not created to work and produce and impoverish yourself to enrich an idle exploiter. You need to know that you have a mind to improve, a soul to develop, and a manhood to sustain. . . . You need to know that as long as you are ignorant, as long as you are indifferent, as long as you are apathetic, unorganized and content, you will remain exactly where you are. [Applause.] You will be exploited; you will be degraded, and you will have to beg for a job. You will get just enough for your slavish toil to keep you in working order, and you will be looked down upon with scorn and contempt by the very parasites that live and luxuriate out of your sweat and unpaid labor. If you would be respected you have got to begin by respecting yourself. [Applause.] Stand up squarely and look yourself in the face and see a man! Do not allow yourself to fall into the predicament of the poor fellow who, after he had heard a Socialist speech, concluded that he too ought to be a Socialist. The argument

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he had heard was unanswerable. “Yes,” he said to himself, “all the speaker said was true, and I certainly ought to join the party.” But after a while he allowed his ardor to cool, and he soberly concluded that by joining the party he might anger his boss and lose his job. He then concluded: “I can’t take the chance.” That night he slept alone. There was something on his conscience and it resulted in a dreadful dream. Men always have such dreams when they betray themselves. A Socialist is free to go to bed with a clear conscience. He goes to sleep with his manhood and he awakens and walks forth in the morning with his self-respect. He is unafraid and he can look the whole world in the face [applause], without a tremor and without a blush. But this poor weakling who lacked the courage to do the bidding of his reason and conscience was haunted by a startling dream and at midnight, he awoke in terror, bounded from his bed and exclaimed: “My God, there is nobody in this room.” [Laughter.] He was absolutely right. [Laughter and applause.] There was nobody in that room. How would you like to sleep in a room that had nobody in it? [Laughter.] It is an awful thing to be nobody. That is certainly a state of mind to get out of, the sooner the better. There is a great deal of hope for Baker, Ruthenberg and Wagenknecht who are in jail for their convictions; but for the fellow that is nobody, there is no pardoning power. He is “in” for life. Anybody can be nobody; but it takes a man to be somebody. To turn your back on the corrupt Republican Party and the still more corrupt Democratic Party—the gold-dust lackeys of the ruling class [laughter]—counts for still more after you have stepped out of those popular and corrupt capitalist parties to join a minority party that has an ideal, that stands for a principle, and fights for a cause. [Applause.] This will be the most important change you have ever made

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and the time will come when you will thank me for having made the suggestion. It was the day of days for me. I remember it well. It was like passing from midnight darkness to the noontide light of day. It came almost like a flash and found me ready. . . . The Democrats and Republicans are continually talking about your patriotic duty. It is not their but your patriotic duty that they are concerned about. There is a decided difference. Their patriotic duty never takes them to the firing line or chucks them into the trenches. And now among other things they are urging you to “cultivate” war gardens, while at the same time a government war report just issued shows that practically 52 percent of the arable, tillable soil is held out of use by the landlords, speculators, and profiteers. They themselves do not cultivate the soil. They could not if they would. Nor do they allow others to cultivate it. They keep it idle to enrich themselves, to pocket the millions of dollars of unearned increment. Who is it that makes this land valuable while it is fenced in and kept out of use? It is the people. Who pockets this tremendous accumulation of value? The landlords. And these landlords who toil not and spin not are supreme among American “patriots.” In passing, I suggest that we stop a moment to think about the term “landlord.” “LANDLORD!” Lord of the Land! The lord of the land is indeed a superpatriot. This lord, who practically owns the earth tells you that we are fighting this war to make the world safe for democracy—he who shuts out all humanity from his private domain; he who profiteers at the expense of the people who have been slain and mutilated by multiplied thousands, under pretense of being the great American patriot. It is he, this identical patriot, who is in fact the archenemy of the people; it is he that you need to wipe from power. It is he who is a far greater menace to your liberty and your well-being

than the Prussian Junkers on the other side of the Atlantic ocean! [Applause.] Fifty-two percent of the land kept out of use, according to their own figures! They tell you that there is an alarming shortage of flour and that you need to produce more. They tell you further that you have got to save wheat so that more can be exported for the soldiers who are fighting on the other side, while half of your tillable soil is held out of use by the landlords and profiteers. What do you think of that? . . . When you have organized industrially, you will soon learn that you can manage as well as operate industry. You will soon realize that you do not need the idle masters and exploiters. They are simply parasites. They do not employ you as you imagine, but you employ them to take from you what you produce, and that is how they function in industry. You can certainly dispense with them in that capacity. You do not need them to depend upon for your jobs. You can never be free while you work and live by their sufferance. You must own your own tools and then you will control your own jobs, enjoy the products of your own labor and be freemen instead of industrial slaves. Organize industrially and make your organization complete. Then unite in the Socialist Party. Vote as you strike and strike as you vote. . . . When we unite and act together on the industrial field and when we vote together on election day we shall develop the supreme power of the one class that can and will bring permanent peace to the world. We shall then have the intelligence, the courage, and the power for our great task. In due time, industry will be organized on a cooperative basis. We shall conquer the public power. We shall then transfer the title deeds of the railroads, the telegraph lines, the mines, mills and great industries to the people in their collective capacity; we shall take possession of all these social utili-


ties in the name of the people. We shall then have industrial democracy. We shall be a free nation whose government is of, and by, and for the people. And now for all of us to do our duty! The clarion call is ringing in our ears, and we cannot falter without being convicted of treason to ourselves and to our great cause. Do not worry over the charge of treason to your masters, but be concerned about the treason that involves yourselves. [Applause.] Be true to yourself and you cannot be a traitor to any good cause on earth. Yes, in good time we are going to sweep into power in this nation and throughout the world. We are going to destroy all enslaving and degrading capitalist institutions and re-create them as free and humanizing institutions. The world is daily changing before our eyes. The

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sun of capitalism is setting; the sun of socialism is rising. It is our duty to build the new nation and the free republic. We need industrial and social builders. We Socialists are the builders of the beautiful world that is to be. We are all pledged to do our part. We are inviting—aye, challenging you this afternoon in the name of your own manhood and womanhood—to join us and do your part. In due time the hour will strike and this great cause triumphant—the greatest in history—will proclaim the emancipation of the working class and the brotherhood of all mankind! [Thunderous and prolonged applause.]

Eugene V. Debs, Anti-War Speech, June 16, 1918. The Call ( June 18, 1918).

LIBERTY UNION DEFENSE LETTER B

Elizabeth Gurley Flynn Julius Gerber Edwin Hansen Louis P. Lochner Theresa S. Malkie Darwin J. Messerole Scott Nearing Amos Pinchot Joseph Schlossberg Norman M. Thomas B. Charney Vladeck Fannie M. Witherspoon

The Liberty Defense Union included some of the most important left-wing and pacifist advocates of the day. It was established to free antiwar activists jailed under the Sedition Act of World War I. Some of the members of the union, including Roger Baldwin, went on to found the American Civil Liberties Union in 1920. In this letter to an unnamed New York labor organization, the union discusses some of its efforts to free jailed dissidents. Officers Charles W. Ervin, Chairman John Haynes Holmes, Vice Chairman Helen Phelps Stokes, Vice Chairman Roger N. Baldwin, Secretary Liberty Defense Union

General Committee

To organize popular support in behalf of persons prosecuted for the exercise of their constitutional rights of free speech and free press. 138 West 13th Street New York City Executive Committee The officers and Fred’k. A. Blossom Max Eastman

Emily Greene Balch, New York Anita C. Block, New York S. John Block, New York Ella Reeve Bloor, Massachusetts Franklin P. Brill, New York Morris Brown, New York M. L. Clawson, Indiana H. W. L. Dans, Massachusetts Eugene V. Debs, Indiana Solon DeLeon, New York James H. Dillard, Virginia Charles F. Dole, Massachusetts Horace A. Eaton, New York Abraham Epstein, New York

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Harold Evans, Pennsylvania Paul H. Douglas, Oregon Sara Bard Field, California Gilson Gardner, Washington, D.C. Alfred Hayes, New York Daniel W. Hoan, Wisconsin David Starr Jordan, California Daniel Kiefer, Delaware Winthrop D. Lane, New York Meta Lilienthal, New York Wm. Bross Lloyd, Illinois Duncan McDonald, Illinois James H. Maurer, Pennsylvania Wm. C. Rempfer, South Dakota Boardman Robinson, New York George E. Roewer, Jr., Massachusetts M. J. Scanlan, Nevada Theodore Schroeder, Connecticut Abraham I. Shiplacoff, New York Sydney Strong, Washington Geo. F. Vanderveer, Illinois Harry F. Ward, Massachusetts C. E. S. Wood, Oregon John D. Works, California Arthur Young, New York To the Secretary: Several hundred men and women, chiefly of the working class, are now on trial, on their way to jail, or serving sentences for having spoken or written matter held to be in violation of existing statutes. The cases of Eugene V. Debs, Rose Pastor Stokes, Kate Richards O’Hare, and Scott Nearing are known to everybody. But there are hundreds besides them—men like Anton Fedotov of New Jersey, Hulet M. Wells of Washington, H. E. Kirchner of West Virginia, Ralph W. Tillotson of Pennsylvania, and Jean Jacques Coronel of Connecticut—who have likewise been prosecuted for exercising their constitutional rights of free speech and free press.

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On the evenings of Wednesday, July 31st, and Thursday, August 1st, a Conference of Trade Unions, Branches of the Workmen’s Circle, and other Progressive Labor Organizations of Greater New York, will be held in Webster Hall, 119 East 11th Street, for the purpose of organizing the workers into a permanent central body for aiding all persons prosecuted who are in need of help, and of arousing public opinion against the further suppression of constitutional rights and liberties. The Conference will be held under the auspices of the Liberty Defense Union, and has been endorsed by the United Hebrew Trades and the National Executive Committee of the Workmen’s Circle. Among the speakers who will address the Conference are Max Pine, Abraham Epstein, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Scott Nearing, Alderman B. Charney Vladeck, Rose Pastor Stokes, Roger N. Baldwin and Charles W. Ervin. Your organization is cordially invited to send two delegates to the Conference. Enclosed you will find a registration card. Please return it at your earliest convenience. Fraternally yours, (Signed) Louis P. Lochner, Director Liberty Defense Union Roger N. Baldwin, Director National Civil Liberties Bureau Max Pine, General Secretary United Hebrew Temple Frederick A. Blossom, Treasurer Liberty Defense Union Joseph Schlossberg, General Secretary Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America Abraham Epstein, President Workmen’s Circle

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Charles W. Ervin Socialist Candidate for Governor Abraham I. Shiplacoff, Assemblyman B. Charney Vladeck, Alderman


Liberty Union Defense Letter, ca. July 31, 1918. Frank P. O’Hare Collection, Box 12, Folder 4 (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society).

SCHENCK V. UNITED STATES Oliver Wendell Holmes

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During World War I, Charles Schenck, a member of the Socialist Party, was sentenced to fifteen years in prison under the Espionage Act of 1917, a federal law that made it an offense “to bring the form of government . . . or the Constitution . . . or the military or naval forces . . . or the flag . . . of the United States into . . . disrepute.” Schenck had distributed anticonscription flyers through the mail. In his opinion for the Supreme Court’s majority, Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes upheld his conviction, arguing that free speech rights were limited in times of war.

Holmes delivered the opinion of the court. This is an indictment in three counts. The first charges a conspiracy to violate the Espionage Act of June 15, 1917, c. 30, ß 3, 40 Stat. 217, 219, by causing and attempting to cause insubordination, &c., in the military and naval forces of the United States, and to obstruct the recruiting and enlistment service of the United States, when the United States was at war with the German Empire, to-wit, that the defendants willfully conspired to have printed and circulated to men who had been called and accepted for military service under the Act of May 18, 1917, a document set forth and alleged to be calculated to cause such insubordination

and obstruction. The count alleges overt acts in pursuance of the conspiracy, ending in the distribution of the document set forth. The second count alleges a conspiracy to commit an offence against the United States, to-wit, to use the mails for the transmission of matter declared to be nonmailable by Title XII, ß 2 of the Act of June 15, 1917, to-wit, the above mentioned document, with an averment of the same overt acts. The third count charges an unlawful use of the mails for the transmission of the same matter and otherwise as above. The defendants were found guilty on all the counts. They set up the First Amendment to the Constitution forbidding Congress to make any law abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, and bringing the case here on that ground have argued some other points also of which we must dispose. It is argued that the evidence, if admissible, was not sufficient to prove that the defendant Schenck was concerned in sending the documents. According to the testimony, Schenck said he was general secretary of the Socialist party, and had charge of the Socialist headquarters from which the documents were sent. He identified a book found there as the minutes of the Executive Committee of the party. The book showed a resolution of August 13,

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1917, that 15,000 leaflets should be printed on the other side of one of them in use, to be mailed to men who had passed exemption boards, and for distribution. Schenck personally attended to the printing. On August 20, the general secretary’s report said “Obtained new leaflets from printer and started work addressing envelopes” &c., and there was a resolve that Comrade Schenck be allowed $125 for sending leaflets through the mail. He said that he had about fifteen or sixteen thousand printed. There were files of the circular in question in the inner office which he said were printed on the other side of the one sided circular, and were there for distribution. Other copies were proved to have been sent through the mails to drafted men. Without going into confirmatory details that were proved, no reasonable man could doubt that the defendant Schenck was largely instrumental in sending the circulars about. As to the defendant Baer, there was evidence that she was a member of the Executive Board, and that the minutes of its transactions were hers. The argument as to the sufficiency of the evidence that the defendants conspired to send the documents only impairs the seriousness of the real defence. It is objected that the documentary evidence was not admissible because obtained upon a search warrant, valid so far as appears. The contrary is established. Adams v. New York, 192 U.S. 585; Weeks v. United States, 232 U.S. 383, 395, 396. The search warrant did not issue against the defendant, but against the Socialist headquarters at 1326 Arch Street, and it would seem that the documents technically were not even in the defendants’ possession. See Johnson v. United States, 228 U.S. 457. Notwithstanding some protest in argument, the notion that evidence even directly proceeding from the defendant in a criminal proceeding is excluded in all cases by the Fifth Amendment is plainly un-

sound. Holt v. United States, 218 U.S. 245, 252, 253. The document in question, upon its first printed side, recited the first section of the Thirteenth Amendment, said that the idea embodied in it was violated by the Conscription Act, and that a conscript is little better than a convict. In impassioned language, it intimated that conscription was despotism in its worst form, and a monstrous wrong against humanity in the interest of Wall Street’s chosen few. It said “Do not submit to intimidation,” but in form, at least, confined itself to peaceful measures such as a petition for the repeal of the act. The other and later printed side of the sheet was headed “Assert Your Rights.” It stated reasons for alleging that anyone violated the Constitution when he refused to recognize “your right to assert your opposition to the draft,” and went on If you do not assert and support your rights, you are helping to deny or disparage rights which it is the solemn duty of all citizens and residents of the United States to retain.

It described the arguments on the other side as coming from cunning politicians and a mercenary capitalist press, and even silent consent to the conscription law as helping to support an infamous conspiracy. It denied the power to send our citizens away to foreign shores to shoot up the people of other lands, and added that words could not express the condemnation such cold-blooded ruthlessness deserves, &c., &c., winding up, “You must do your share to maintain, support and uphold the rights of the people of this country.” Of course, the document would not have been sent unless it had been intended to have some effect, and we do not see what effect it could be expected to have upon persons subject to the

Schenck v. United States

draft except to influence them to obstruct the carrying of it out. The defendants do not deny that the jury might find against them on this point. But it is said, suppose that that was the tendency of this circular, it is protected by the First Amendment to the Constitution. Two of the strongest expressions are said to be quoted respectively from well known public men. It well may be that the prohibition of laws abridging the freedom of speech is not confined to previous restraints, although to prevent them may have been the main purpose, as intimated in Patterson v. Colorado, 205 U.S. 454, 462. We admit that, in many places and in ordinary times, the defendants, in saying all that was said in the circular, would have been within their constitutional rights. But the character of every act depends upon the circumstances in which it is done. Aikens v. Wisconsin, 195 U.S. 194, 205, 206. The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic. It does not even protect a man from an injunction against uttering words that may have all the effect of force. Gompers v. Bucks Stove & Range Co., 221 U.S. 418, 439. The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent. It is a question of proximity and degree. When a nation is at war, many things that might be said in time of peace are such a hindrance to its effort that their utterance will not be endured so long as men fight, and that no Court could regard

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them as protected by any constitutional right. It seems to be admitted that, if an actual obstruction of the recruiting service were proved, liability for words that produced that effect might be enforced. The statute of 1917, in ß 4, punishes conspiracies to obstruct, as well as actual obstruction. If the act (speaking, or circulating a paper), its tendency, and the intent with which it is done are the same, we perceive no ground for saying that success alone warrants making the act a crime. Goldman v. United States, 245 U.S. 474, 477. Indeed, that case might be said to dispose of the present contention if the precedent covers all media concludendi. But, as the right to free speech was not referred to specially, we have thought fit to add a few words. It was not argued that a conspiracy to obstruct the draft was not within the words of the Act of 1917. The words are “obstruct the recruiting or enlistment service,” and it might be suggested that they refer only to making it hard to get volunteers. Recruiting heretofore usually having been accomplished by getting volunteers, the word is apt to call up that method only in our minds. But recruiting is gaining fresh supplies for the forces, as well by draft as otherwise. It is put as an alternative to enlistment or voluntary enrollment in this act. The fact that the Act of 1917 was enlarged by the amending Act of May 16, 1918, c. 75, 40 Stat. 553, of course, does not affect the present indictment, and would not even if the former act had been repealed. Rev. Stats., ß 13.

Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919).

SPEECH AGAINST THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Henry Cabot Lodge Sr.

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Massachusetts Republican Senator Henry Cabot Lodge Sr. was one of the most adamant opponents of American membership in the League of Nations. While pro-league President Woodrow Wilson was touring the country promoting membership, Lodge rallied opposition in Washington with speeches like this one. Mr. President: The independence of the United States is not only more precious to ourselves but to the world than any single possession. Look at the United States today. We have made mistakes in the past. We have had shortcomings. We shall make mistakes in the future and fall short of our own best hopes. But none the less, is there any country today on the face of the earth which can compare with this in ordered liberty, in peace, and in the largest freedom? I feel that I can say this without being accused of undue boastfulness, for it is the simple fact, and in making this treaty and taking on these obligations, all that we do is in a spirit of unselfishness and in a desire for the good of mankind. But it is well to remember that we are dealing with nations every one of which has a direct individual interest to serve, and there is grave danger in an unshared idealism. Contrast the United States with any country on the face of

the earth today and ask yourself whether the situation of the United States is not the best to be found. I will go as far as anyone in world service, but the first step to world service is the maintenance of the United States. I have always loved one flag and I cannot share that devotion [with] a mongrel banner created for a League. You may call me selfish if you will, conservative or reactionary, or use any other harsh adjective you see fit to apply, but an American I was born, an American I have remained all my life. I can never be anything else but an American, and I must think of the United States first, and when I think of the United States first in an arrangement like this, I am thinking of what is best for the world, for if the United States fails, the best hopes of mankind fail with it. I have never had but one allegiance—I cannot divide it now. I have loved but one flag and I cannot share that devotion and give affection to the mongrel banner invented for a league. Internationalism, illustrated by the Bolshevik and by the men to whom all countries are alike provided they can make money out of them, is to me repulsive. National I must remain, and in that way I, like all other Americans, can render the amplest service to the world. The United States is the world’s best hope, but if you fetter

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her in the interests and quarrels of other nations, if you tangle her in the intrigues of Europe, you will destroy her power for good and endanger her very existence. Leave her to march freely through the centuries to come as in the years that have gone. Strong, generous, and confident, she has nobly served mankind. Beware how you trifle with your marvelous inheritance, this great land of ordered liberty, for if we stumble and fall freedom and civilization everywhere will go down in ruin. We are told that we shall “break the heart of the world” if we do not take this league just as it stands. I fear that the hearts of the vast majority of mankind would beat on strongly and steadily and without any quickening if the league were to perish altogether. If it should be effectively and beneficently changed, the people who would lie awake in sorrow for a single night could be easily gathered in one not very large room, but those who would draw a long breath of relief would reach to millions. We hear much of visions and I trust we shall continue to have visions and dream dreams of a fairer future for the race. But visions are one thing and visionaries are another, and the mechanical appliances of the rhetorician designed to give a picture of a present which does not exist and of a future which no man can predict are as unreal and short-lived as the steam or canvas clouds, the angels suspended on wires and the artificial lights of the stage. They pass with the moment of effect and are shabby and tawdry in the daylight. Let us at least be real. Washington’s entire honesty of mind and his fearless look into the face of all facts are qualities which can never go out of fashion and which we should all do well to imitate. Ideals have been thrust upon us as an argument for the league until the healthy mind which rejects cant revolts from them. Are ideals confined to this deformed experiment upon a noble purpose, tainted, as it is, with bargains

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and tied to a peace treaty which might have been disposed of long ago to the great benefit of the world if it had not been compelled to carry this rider on its back? “Post equitem sedet atra cura” [“a darker worry lurks behind,” that is, don’t accept a proposal on first glance], Horace tells us, but no blacker care ever sat behind any rider than we shall find in this covenant of doubtful and disputed interpretation as it now perches upon the treaty of peace. No doubt many excellent and patriotic people see a coming fulfillment of noble ideals in the words “league for peace.” We all respect and share these aspirations and desires, but some of us see no hope, but rather defeat, for them in this murky covenant. For we, too, have our ideals, even if we differ from those who have tried to establish a monopoly of idealism. Our first ideal is our country, and we see her in the future, as in the past, giving service to all her people and to the world. Our ideal of the future is that she should continue to render that service of her own free will. She has great problems of her own to solve, very grim and perilous problems, and a right solution, if we can attain to it, would largely benefit mankind. We would have our country strong to resist a peril from the West, as she has flung back the German menace from the East. We would not have our politics distracted and embittered by the dissensions of other lands. We would not have our country’s vigor exhausted or her moral force abated, by everlasting meddling and muddling in every quarrel, great and small, which afflicts the world. Our ideal is to make her ever stronger and better and finer, because in that way alone, as we believe, can she be of the greatest service to the world’s peace and to the welfare of mankind. Papers of Henry Cabot Lodge Sr., Speech against the League of Nations, August 12, 1919 (Washington, DC: Massachusetts Historical Society).

DEFENSE OF THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Woodrow Wilson

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When Woodrow Wilson led the United States into World War I in April 1917, he told the American people that the struggle would lead to a better world, one in which nations would resolve conflicts peacefully. In January 1918, he laid out his Fourteen Points for a postwar world order. Number fourteen was the call for a league of nations. By 1919, however, Congress and the American public were skeptical about joining such a league, fearing it would draw the country into future European conflicts. In 1919, Wilson went on tour trying to sell American membership in the league to the American people. The effort failed. The Senate voted down membership, and Wilson collapsed from a stroke in mid-campaign. He delivered the following speech on that tour. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Countrymen: . . .[Americans] come from many stocks, but they are all of one kind. They come from many origins, but they are all shot through with the same principles, and desire the same righteous and honest things. I have received a more inspiring impression this time of the public opinion of the United States than it was ever my privilege to receive before. But there have been unpleasant impressions as well as pleasant impressions, my fellow citizens, as I have crossed the continent. I have per-

ceived more and more that men have been busy creating an absolutely false impression of what the treaty of peace and the Covenant of the League of Nations contain and mean. Therefore, in order to clear away the mists, in order to remove the impressions, in order to check the falsehoods that have clustered around this great subject, I want to tell you a few very simple things about the treaty and the Covenant. Do not think of this treaty of peace as merely a settlement with Germany. It is that. It is a very severe settlement with Germany, but there is not anything in it that she did not earn. . . . It is not merely a settlement with Germany; it is a readjustment of those great injustices which underlie the whole structure of European and Asiatic society. This is only the first of several treaties. They are all constructed upon the same plan. The Austrian treaty follows the same lines. The treaty with Hungary follows the same lines. The treaty with Bulgaria follows the same lines. The treaty with Turkey, when it is formulated, will follow the same lines. What are those lines? They are based upon the purpose to see that every government dealt with in this great settlement is put in the hands of the people, and taken out of the hands of coteries and of sovereigns who had no right to rule over the people. It is a people’s treaty that accomplishes

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by a great sweep of practical justice the liberation of men who never could have liberated themselves, and the power of the most powerful nations has been devoted not to their aggrandizement but to the liberation of people whom they could have put under their control if they had chosen to do so. . . . At the front of this great treaty is put the Covenant of the League of Nations. It will also be at the front of the Austrian treaty and the Hungarian treaty and the Bulgarian treaty and the treaty with Turkey. Every one of them will contain the Covenant of the League of Nations, because you cannot work any of them without the Covenant of the League of Nations. Unless you get the united, concerted purpose and power of the great Governments of the world behind this settlement, it will fall down like a house of cards. There is only one power to put behind the liberation of mankind, and that is the power of mankind. It is the power of the united moral forces of the world, and in the Covenant of the League of Nations the moral forces of the world are mobilized. For what purpose? Reflect, my fellow citizens, that the membership of this great League is going to include all the great fighting nations of the world, as well as the weak ones. It is not for the present going to include Germany, but for the time being Germany is not a great fighting country. All the nations that have power that can be mobilized are going to be members of this League, including the United States. And what do they unite for? They enter into a solemn promise to one another that they will never use their power against one another for aggression; that they never will impair the territorial integrity of a neighbor; that they never will interfere with the political independence of a neighbor; that they will abide by the principle that great populations are entitled to determine their own destiny, and that they will not interfere with that

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destiny; and that no matter what differences arise amongst them, they will never resort to war without first having done one or other of two things—either submitted the matter of controversy to arbitration, in which case they agree to abide by the result without question, or submitted it to the consideration of the council of the League of Nations, laying before that council all the documents, all the facts, agreeing that the council can publish the documents and the facts to the whole world, agreeing that there shall be six months allowed for the mature consideration of those facts by the council, and agreeing that at the expiration of the six months, even if they are not then ready to accept the advice of the council with regard to the settlement of the dispute, they will still not go to war for another three months. In other words, they consent, no matter what happens, to submit every matter of difference between them to the judgment of mankind, and just so certainly as they do that, my fellow citizens, war will be in the far background, war will be pushed out of that foreground of terror in which it has kept the world for generation after generation, and men will know that there will be a calm time of deliberate counsel. The most dangerous thing for a bad cause is to expose it to the opinion of the world. The most certain way that you can prove that a man is mistaken is by letting all his neighbors know what he thinks, by letting all his neighbors discuss what he thinks, and if he is in the wrong you will notice that he will stay at home, he will not walk on the street. He will be afraid of the eyes of his neighbors. He will be afraid of their judgment of his character. He will know that his cause is lost unless he can sustain it by the arguments of right and of justice. The same law that applies to individuals applies to nations. But, you say, “We have heard that we might be at a disadvantage in the League of Nations.”

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Well, whoever told you that either was deliberately falsifying or he had not read the Covenant of the League of Nations. . . . When you come to the heart of the Covenant, my fellow citizens, you will find it in Article X, and I am very much interested to know that the other things have been blown away like bubbles. There is nothing in the other contentions with regard to the League of Nations, but there is something in Article X that you ought to realize and ought to accept or reject. Article X is the heart of the whole matter. What is Article X? I never am certain that I can from memory give a literal repetition of its language, but I am sure that I can give an exact interpretation of its meaning. Article X provides that every member of the League covenants to respect and preserve the territorial integrity and existing political independence of every other member of the League against external aggression. . . . Following Article X is Article XI, which makes it the right of any member of the League at any time to call attention to anything, anywhere, that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations upon which the peace of the world depends. I want to give you an illustration of what that would mean. You have heard a great deal—something that was true and a great deal that was false— about that provision of the treaty which hands over to Japan the rights which Germany enjoyed in the Province of Shantung in China. In the first place, Germany did not enjoy any rights there that other nations had not already claimed. For my part, my judgment, my moral judgment, is against the whole set of concessions. They were all of them unjust to China, they ought never to have been exacted, they were all exacted by duress, from a great body of thoughtful and ancient and helpless people. There never was any right in any of them. Thank God, America never asked for any, never

dreamed of asking for any. But when Germany got this concession in 1898, the Government of the United States made no protest whatever. That was not because the Government of the United States was not in the hands of highminded and conscientious men. It was. William McKinley was President and John Hay was Secretary of State—as safe hands to leave the honor of the United States in as any that you can cite. They made no protest because the state of international law at that time was that it was none of their business unless they could show that the interests of the United States were affected, and the only thing that they could show with regard to the interests of the United States was that Germany might close the doors of Shantung Province against the trade of the United States. They, therefore, demanded, and obtained, promises that we could continue to sell merchandise in Shantung. Immediately following that concession to Germany, there was a concession to Russia of the same sort, of Port Arthur, and Port Arthur was handed over subsequently to Japan. . . . Now, read Articles X and XI. You will see that international law is revolutionized by putting morals into it. Article X says that no member of the League, and that includes all these nations that have demanded these things unjustly of China, shall impair the territorial integrity or the political independence of any other member of the League. China is going to be a member of the League. Article XI says that any member of the League can call attention to anything that is likely to disturb the peace of the world or the good understanding between nations, and China is, for the first time in the history of mankind, afforded a standing before the jury of the world. I, for my part, have a profound sympathy for China, and I am proud to have taken part in an arrangement which promises the protection of the world to the rights of China. The whole atmosphere of the world is

Defense of the League of Nations

changed by a thing like that, my fellow citizens. The whole international practice of the world is revolutionized. . . . Article X strikes at the taproot of war. Article X is a statement that the very things that have always been sought in imperialistic wars are henceforth forgone by every ambitious nation in the world. I would have felt very lonely, my fellow countrymen, and I would have felt very much disturbed if, sitting at the peace table in Paris, I had supposed that I was expounding my own ideas. Whether you believe it or not, I know the relative size of my own ideas; I know how they stand related in bulk and proportion to the moral judgments of my fellow countrymen, and proposed nothing whatever at the peace table at Paris that I had not sufficiently certain knowledge embodied the moral judgment of the citizens of the United States. . . . What of our pledges to the men that lie dead in France? We said that they went over there not to prove the prowess of America or her readiness for another war, but to see to it that there never was such a war again. It always seems to make it difficult for me to say anything, my fellow citizens, when I think of my clients in this case. My clients are the children; my clients are the next generation. They do not know what promises and bonds I undertook when I ordered the armies of the United States to the soil of France, but I know, and I intend to redeem my pledges to the children; they shall not be sent upon a similar errand. My clients are the children; my clients are the next generation. Again and again, my fellow citizens, mothers who lost their sons in France have come to me and, taking my hand, have shed tears upon it . . . but they have added, “God bless you, Mr. President!” Why, my fellow citizens, should they pray God to bless me? I advised the Congress of the United States to create the situation that led to the death of their sons. I ordered their

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sons overseas. I consented to their sons being put in the most difficult parts of the battle line, where death was certain, as in the impenetrable difficulties of the forest of Argonne. Why should they weep upon my hand and call down the blessings of God upon me? Because they believe that their boys died for something that vastly transcends any of the immediate and palpable objects of the war. They believe, and they rightly believe, that their sons saved the liberty of the world. They believe that wrapped up with the liberty of the world is the continuous protection of that liberty by the concerted powers of all civilized people. They believe that this sacrifice was made in order that other sons should not be called upon for a similar gift— the gift of life, the gift of all that died—and if we did not see this thing through, if we fulfilled the dearest present wish of Germany, and now dissociated ourselves from those alongside whom we fought in the war, would not something of the halo go away from the gun over the mantelpiece, or the sword? Would not the old uniform lose something of its significance? These men were crusaders. They were not going forth to prove the might of the United States. They were going forth to prove the might of justice and right, and all the world accepted them as crusaders, and their transcendent achievement has made all the world believe in America as it believes in no other nation organized in the modern world. There seems to me to stand between us and the rejection or qualification of this treaty the serried ranks of those boys in khaki, not only these boys who came home, but those dear ghosts that still deploy upon the fields of France. My friends, on last Decoration Day, I went to a beautiful hillside near Paris where was located the cemetery of Suresnes, a cemetery given over to the burial of the American dead. Behind me on the slopes was rank upon rank

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of living American soldiers, and lying before me upon the levels of the plain was rank upon rank of departed American soldiers. Right by the side of the stand where I spoke, there was a little group of French women who had adopted those graves, had made themselves mothers of those dear ghosts by putting flowers every day upon those graves, taking them as their own sons, their own beloved, because they had died in the same cause—France was free and the world was free because America had come! I wish some men in public life who are now opposing the settlement for which these men died could visit such a spot as that. I wish that the thought that comes out of those graves could penetrate their consciousness. I wish that they could feel the moral obligation that rests upon us not to go back on those boys, but to see the thing through, to see it through to the end and make good their redemption of the world. For nothing less depends upon this decision, nothing less than the liberation and salvation of the world. You will say, “Is the League an absolute guarantee against war?” No; I do not know any absolute guarantee against the errors of human judgment or the violence of human passion, but I tell you this: With a cooling space of nine months for human passion, not much of it will keep hot. I had a couple of friends who were in the habit of losing their tempers, and when they lost their tempers they were in the habit of using very unparliamentary language. Some of their friends induced them to make a promise that they never would swear inside the town

limits. When the impulse next came upon them, they took a streetcar to go out of town to swear, and by the time they got out of town, they did not want to swear. They came back convinced that they were just what they were, a couple of unspeakable fools, and the habit of getting angry and of swearing suffered great inroads upon it by that experience. Now, illustrating the great by the small, that is true of the passions of nations. It is true of the passions of men however you combine them. Give them space to cool off. I ask you this: If it is not an absolute insurance against war, do you want no insurance at all? Do you want nothing? Do you want not only no probability that war will not recur, but the probability that it will recur? The arrangements of justice do not stand of themselves, my fellow citizens. The arrangements of this treaty are just, but they need the support of the combined power of the great nations of the world. And they will have that support. Now that the mists of this great question have cleared away, I believe that men will see the truth, eye to eye and face to face. There is one thing that the American people always rise to and extend their hand to, and that is the truth of justice, and of liberty, and of peace. We have accepted that truth and we are going to be led by it, and it is going to lead us, and through us the world, out into pastures of quietness and peace such as the world never dreamed of before. Woodrow Wilson Papers, Defense of the League of Nations, September 26, 1919, Pueblo, Colorado (Washington, DC: Library of Congress).

CALL FOR A “RETURN TO NORMALCY” Warren G. Harding

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The first two decades of the twentieth century were active ones for the United States. First, there were the many reforms of the Progressive Era, followed by U.S. participation in World War I. By 1920, many Americans were looking forward to pursuing private goals and isolating the country from the world. Republican presidential candidate Senator Warren G. Harding (R-OH) captured that sentiment in his call for “normalcy.” Speeches like the following helped Harding win the presidency that year. There isn’t anything the matter with world civilization, except that humanity is viewing it through a vision impaired in a cataclysmal war. Poise has been disturbed, and nerves have been racked, and fever has rendered men irrational; sometimes there have been draughts upon the dangerous cup of barbarity, and men have wandered far from safe paths, but the human procession still marches in the right direction. America’s present need is not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy; not revolution, but restoration; not agitation, but adjustment; not surgery, but serenity; not the dramatic, but the dispassionate; not experiment, but equipoise; not submergence in internationality, but sustainment in triumphant nationality. It is one thing to battle successfully against world domination by military autocracy, be-

cause the infinite God never intended such a program, but it is quite another thing to revise human nature and suspend the fundamental laws of life and all of life’s acquirements. . . . This republic has its ample tasks. If we put an end to false economics which lure humanity to utter chaos, ours will be the commanding example of world leadership today. If we can prove a representative popular government under which a citizenship seeks what it may do for the government rather than what the government may do for individuals, we shall do more to make democracy safe for the world than all armed conflict ever recorded. The world needs to be reminded that all human ills are not curable by legislation, and that quantity of statutory enactment and excess of government offer no substitute for quality of citizenship. The problems of maintaining civilization are not to be solved by a transfer of responsibility from citizenship to government, and no eminent page in history was ever drafted by the standards of mediocrity. More, no government is worthy of the name which is directed by influence on the one hand, or moved by intimidation on the other. . . My best judgment of America’s needs is to steady down, to get squarely on our feet, to

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make sure of the right path. Let’s get out of the fevered delirium of war, with the hallucination that all the money in the world is to be made in the madness of war and the wildness of its aftermath. Let us stop to consider that tranquility [sic] at home is more precious than peace

abroad, and that both our good fortune and our eminence are dependent on the normal forward stride of all the American people. . . . Papers of Warren G. Harding, Call for a “Return to Normalcy,” May 14, 1920 (Ohio Historical Society).

PEACE AND BREAD IN TIME OF WAR Jane Addams

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Jane Addams was a nationally famous figure in the World War I era. A social reformer, she had founded Chicago’s Hull House, a settlement house that aided impoverished immigrants. When World War I broke out in Europe, Addams traveled to the Continent to meet with pacificists like herself. Considering herself a “moderate” on social issues, Addams found herself radicalized by the American press’s attempts to paint pacificists as dangerous and misguided. After the war, Addams wrote Peace and Bread in Time of War (1922), an effort to explain her pacificist beliefs and her experiences as a pacifist in an America at war. The following is one of the chapters from that book.

Chapter 7: Personal Reactions during War After the United States had entered the war there began to appear great divergence among the many types of pacifists, from the extreme left, composed of non-resistants, through the middle-of-the-road groups, to the extreme right, who could barely be distinguished from mild militarists. There were those people, also, who although they felt keenly both the horror and the futility of war, yet hoped for certain beneficent results from the opportunities afforded by the administration of war; they were much pleased when the government took over

the management of the railroads, insisting that governmental ownership had thus been pushed forward by decades; they were also sure that the War Labor Policies Board, the Coal Commission and similar war institutions would make an enormous difference in the development of the country, in short, that militarism might be used as an instrument for advanced social ends. Such justifications had their lure and one found old pacifist friends on all the war boards and even in the war department itself. Certainly we were all eager to accept whatever progressive social changes came from the quick reorganization demanded by war, and doubtless prohibition was one of these, as the granting of woman suffrage in the majority of the belligerent nations, was another. But some of us had suspected that social advance depends as much upon the process through which it is secured as upon the result itself; if railroads are nationalized solely in order to secure rapid transit of ammunition and men to points of departure for Europe, when that governmental need no longer exists what more natural than that the railroads should no longer be managed by the government? My temperament and habit had always kept me rather in the middle of the road; in politics as well as in social reform I had been for “the

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best possible.” But now I was pushed far toward the left on the subject of the war and I became gradually convinced that in order to make the position of the pacifist clear it was perhaps necessary that at least a small number of us should be forced into an unequivocal position. If I sometimes regretted having gone to the Woman’s Congress at The Hague in 1915, or having written a book on Newer Ideals of Peace in 1911 which had made my position so conspicuously clear, certainly far oftener I was devoutly grateful that I had used such unmistakable means of expression before the time came when any spoken or written word in the interests of Peace was forbidden. It was on my return from The Hague Congress in July, 1915, that I had my first experience of the determination on the part of the press to make pacifist activity or propaganda so absurd that it would be absolutely without influence and its authors so discredited that nothing they might say or do would be regarded as worthy of attention. I had been accustomed to newspaper men for many years and had come to regard them as a good natured fraternity, sometimes ignorant of the subject on which they asked an interview, but usually quite ready to report faithfully albeit somewhat sensationally. Hull-House had several times been the subject of sustained and inspired newspaper attacks, one, the indirect result of an exposure of the inefficient sanitary service in the Chicago Health Department, had lasted for many months; I had of course known what it was to serve unpopular causes and throughout a period of campaigning for the Progressive Party I had naturally encountered the “opposition press” in various parts of the country, but this concerted and deliberate attempt at misrepresentation on the part of newspapers of all shades of opinion was quite new in my experience. After the United States entered the war, the press throughout the country sys-

tematically undertook to misrepresent and malign pacifists as a recognized part of propaganda and as a patriotic duty. We came to regard this misrepresentation as part of the war technique and in fact an inevitable consequence of war itself, but we were slow in the very beginning to recognize the situation, and I found my first experience which came long before the United States entered the war rather overwhelming. Upon our return from the Woman’s International Congress at The Hague in 1915, our local organization in New York City with others, notably a group of enthusiastic college men, had arranged a large public meeting in Carnegie Hall. Dr. Anna Howard Shaw presided and the United States delegates made a public report of our impressions in “war stricken Europe” and of the moral resources in the various countries we visited that might possibly be brought to bear against a continuation of the war. We had been much impressed with the fact that it was an old man’s war, that the various forms of doubt and opposition to war had no method of public expression and that many of the soldiers themselves were far from enthusiastic in regard to actual fighting as a method of settling international difficulties. War was to many of them much more anachronistic than to the elderly statesmen who were primarily responsible for the soldiers’ presence in the trenches. It was the latter statement which was my undoing, for in illustration of it I said that in practically every country we had visited, we had heard a certain type of young soldier say that it had been difficult for him to make the bayonet charge (enter into actual hand to hand fighting) unless he had been stimulated; that the English soldiers had been given rum before such a charge, the Germans ether and that the French were said to use absinthe. To those who heard the address it was quite clear that it was

Peace and Bread in Time of War

not because the young men flinched at the risk of death but because they had to be inflamed to do the brutal work of the bayonet, such as disembowelling, and were obliged to overcome all the inhibitions of civilization. Dr. Hamilton and I had notes for each of these statements with the dates and names of the men who had made them, and it did not occur to me that the information was new or startling. I was, however, reported to have said that no soldier could go into a bayonet charge until he was made half drunk, and this in turn was immediately commented upon, notably in a scathing letter written to the New York Times by Richard Harding Davis, as a most choice specimen of a woman’s sentimental nonsense. Mr. Davis himself had recently returned from Europe and at once became the defender of the heroic soldiers who were being traduced and belittled. He lent the weight of his name and his very able pen to the cause, but it really needed neither, for the misstatement was repeated, usually with scathing comment, from one end of the country to the other. I was conscious, of course, that the story had struck athwart the popular and long-cherished conception of the nobility and heroism of the soldier as such, and it seemed to me at the time

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that there was no possibility of making any explanation, at least until the sensation should have somewhat subsided. I might have repeated my more sober statements with the explanation that whomsoever the pacifist held responsible for war, it was certainly not the young soldiers themselves who were, in a sense, its most touching victims, “the heroic youth of the world whom a common ideal tragically pitted against each other.” Youth’s response to the appeal made to their self-sacrifice, to their patriotism, to their sense of duty, to their high-hearted hopes for the future, could only stir one’s admiration, and we should have been dull indeed had we failed to be moved by this most moving spectacle in the world. That they had so responded to the higher appeals only confirms Ruskin’s statement that “we admire the soldier not because he goes forth to slay but to be slain.” The fact that many of them were obliged to make a great effort to bear themselves gallantly in the final tests of “war’s brutalities” had nothing whatever to do with their courage and sense of devotion. All this, of course, we had realized during our months in Europe. Jane Addams, excerpt from Peace and Bread in Time of War (New York: Macmillan, 1922).

CHILDREN’S CRUSADE CIRCULAR B

Kate Richards O’Hare was one of the leading socialists of her day and a vocal opponent of U.S. participation in World War I. She even served time in jail for her opposition. Upon her release after the war, O’Hare was concerned by the continued incarceration of other dissidents under the wartime espionage and sedition acts, particularly the lesser-known ones. To gain public attention and sympathy for their plight, O’Hare organized the Children’s Crusade, getting the wives and children of jailed dissidents to speak out and win the release of their husbands and fathers. The following is a 1922 circular promoting the crusade. Frank O’Hare, Kate’s husband, was editor of the influential socialist newspaper the National RipSaw, a main sponsor of the crusade. The Children’s Crusade to Free the Political Prisoners Supported by the NATIONAL RIP-SAW MAGAZINE and its Army of Volunteer Workers and Subscribers 1049a North Grand Ave., St. Louis, Mo., March 10, 1922 Success Crowns Our First Effort!

eral Prisons charged with violation of the Espionage Act. You have learned of the plan to have the wives and children of the prisoners meet in St. Louis, and go to Washington, D.C., there to lay before the President of the United States the facts in the cases of these men, to present each case on its individual merits, but to present every case with a plea for Amnesty for all. The funds assembling the women and children have been raised, and are now in the bank. On the first call, sent to picked workers for the Rip-Saw, the members of the “Rip-Saw Family” contributed over $1,000 for this purpose. This is probably all of the money that will be needed for paying the fares of the women and children to St. Louis, and their expenses while in St. Louis. So much, so good.

Now to Provide the Big Book of Facts about the Politicals for the Children to Take to the President

Dear Rip-Saw Reader: You have read of the Children’s Crusade for the freedom of the men still confined in Fed-

When the Children’s Crusade starts to Washington, it cannot, of course, go empty-handed. It must be armed with the unanswerable arguments for general Amnesty, based on the protest against imprisoning men in America

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for actual or alleged expression of opinion, fortified by the history of each individual case, showing the many instances where injustice has been done. The work of collecting these facts and preparing the arguments is being rapidly carried forward. Thirty days ago we could publish hardly more than a bare list, and an imperfect list at that, of the political and industrial prisoners. Today we know the exact number of Federal prisoners. There are 113 of them, and we are able to give the details in scores of cases. It is expected that in thirty days more all of the essential facts in regard to every case will have been gathered, and the material prepared for presentation to the President. The Children’s Crusade will carry to Washington the BIG BOOK OF FACTS regarding the political prisoners. The printing of this Big Book is our next task. We cannot arouse the American people to enthusiastic action over a list of names. The mere catalog of 113 prisoners fails to arouse in us the proper interest and sympathy. But the Big Book of Facts will show that back of each name there is a MAN, and back of each man there is somewhere in the world a mother, wife, sister, sweetheart or child waiting and watching for the day of freedom for their loved one. To these dear ones the NAME of each prisoner means something. It means a working man who has given his life to the service of the toiling masses. There are no wealthy men in prison under the Espionage Act, there are no profiteers, there are no enemy spies in prison under this celebrated SPY act. All the prisoners, without exception, are working men, wage earners, tenant farmers and the like. In every case their families are in actual need as a result of their imprisonment. Each prisoner has a history of long and useful labor in the mills, mines, forests, and factories, or on the farms and ranches of America.

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Many Helpers at Work All over the country capable hands are busily engaged in gathering together the facts about the lives and trials of the 113 political prisoners. In Chicago, Boston, New York, Washington, St. Louis and elsewhere volunteer writers and investigators are at work. The work of compilation of the Big Book of Facts is going rapidly forward. If it were necessary for the RipSaw to prepare this work alone, it would take us many months to gather the material for this master study of the operations of American courts during war time. But with many enthusiastic helpers everywhere it is safe to say that the Big Book of Facts will be ready for the printer in an incredibly short time.

Humanizing Our Appeal The Big Book of Facts will tell something about each man, of his home life, his family, his children. It will tell what his activities have been in the world-wide struggle of the toiling masses. It will make the 113 names no longer mere names, but will show that we are dealing with human beings, and not merely “cases.” In this book will be printed the evidence that the government attorneys produced against these men, as quoted in the government attorneys’ briefs. An examination of the records shows that when the worst testimony against these men is produced it convicts them of ONLY OF EXPRESSION OF OPINION. The court of appeals threw out the so-called industrial charges against the Chicago defendants (counts 1 and 2 of the indictment), and these I. W. W. prisoners are now in prison solely on the grounds of violation of the Espionage Act! We have examined the testimony in nearly all of the cases, and we want to shout from the

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house tops just what evidence was produced against these men to win them five, ten, and twenty-year sentences, and fines running up to $30,000! In the case of Clyde Hough, for instance: The record shows that Hough was arrested on June 5th, 1917, and was in jail during the entire remaining period of the alleged conspiracy to violate the Espionage Act, which law was not passed until June 15th, 1917! Write to any newspaper in Rockford, Ill. or to any minister, or to anyone you know in that city and investigate this statement! It seems incredible, but it is true. We expect Mrs. W. B. Hough, the mother of Clyde Hough, to be in the Children’s Crusade and to personally present to the President the FACTS about her son, as well as the testimonials of scores of citizens of Rockford who hold Clyde Hough in the highest esteem as a clean, noble-minded young man. The funds to start the Children’s Crusade are on hand. The women and children are ready and eager to co-operate. There is just one thing holding the Crusade from starting. That one thing is the Big Book of Facts.

The Necessity for the Big Book of Facts Is Obvious. Now to Get It Printed! Just imagine what it will mean to be able to give every friend of political freedom the Big Book of Facts. Today, there are thousands and thousands of earnest and influential people in every walk of life eager to help. The most they can do is write a letter to the President urging Amnesty. The Secretary to the President writes back a courteous letter acknowledging receipt, and that is the end of it. The incident is closed. What can you do about it? But with the Big Book of Facts of the Political Cases in your hand you will not write to the President in glittering generalities. You will have specific and

proven FACTS. You will have the references with which to nail the opponents of Amnesty to the cross! You will be able to clinch your demand by showing its reasonableness and its justice. You can realize of what enormous value the Big Book of Facts will be to every speaker and writer, how absolutely necessary it is in our battle for the freedom for these 113 men. As I see it the Big Book of Facts about the politicals will be one of the most significant books ever printed in America. It will be historic. Do you not know that this issue is one of the greatest causes that was ever presented to the American people? Did you ever stop to think that the story of the American prisoners of conscience, Debs, Coldwell, Clark, Miller, Kate O’Hare, Clyde Hough and their scores of comrades, will be one of the landmarks of history? Such is the case. The daily press is full of the three trials of Fatty Arbuckle, but history will forget Fatty. History will remember the CHILDREN’S CRUSADE TO SAVE AMERICA FROM THE HIDEOUS CRIME OF PENALIZING CONSCIENCE. Our idea is to print all the facts in a book of about 250 pages, because the President of the United States cannot be expected to read this brief unless it is printed. It will cost say $1,000 to print one copy of this book for the President. It will cost only $1,000 more to print 10,000 additional copies. And our idea is to print 10,000 copies of the book.

One Copy to the President One copy of the book to go to the President of the United States, to be presented to him by the children of the prisoners. One copy of the Big Book of Facts to go to each and every person who contributes $1.00 or more to the cost of printing it. The remainder of the 10,000 copies of the


edition to be carried across the country by the Children’s Crusade and distributed to newspaper men, publicists, writers and speakers, and to all interested persons. In this way the complete story of the political and industrial prisoners will be given to the world.

One Copy to You So one copy of the Big Book of Facts will go to you as your souvenir of this event. An identical copy will go to President Harding, and the remainder of 10,000 copies will serve as ammunition for the myriads of Americans who will rally to the rescue of the happiness of the women and children whose men are now in Leavenworth prison. It might be well to explain here that the RipSaw is not going to make a penny of profit on the compilation or printing of this book, nor will there be a charge for the time of our editors and office helpers spent on this work. Any money contributed to the Big Book Fund which is not used to pay for white paper, printing and postage for the book will be returned to the contributors.

Send Us Your Dollar We are asking you to be one of 2,000 persons to send $1.00 to the Rip-Saw to go into the BIG BOOK FUND, as a means of raising the money to pay for the actual cost of printing the book after it has been compiled.

Exactly How to Help the Rip-Saw Win Amnesty We suggest any or all of the following ways to help the Rip-Saw put over the big work we are attempting.

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1. If you received a package of six yearly RipSaw subscription certificates on credit, and have not already sent your $3.00 to pay for same, please do so at once or at your very earliest convenience. 2. Send us a club of at least four yearly subscriptions at the club rate of 50¢ per year. Remember that subscriptions are the life blood of our magazine. When you send us paid-in-advance subscriptions you strengthen our arm for the fight. We have no paid agents. Every subscription comes as the volunteer work of some loyal friend. 3. Notice the enclosed 16-line 3-months subscription blank. Send us 16 3-months subscriptions at the rate of 12- 1/2 ¢ each. We shall mail the February, March and April Rip-Saws to each, with the news of the Children’s Crusade for Amnesty. This gets us quick and effective circulation, and it is highly important. Be sure to get KEY men and women, persons of influence in your community, to subscribe. They must be informed of the campaign for Amnesty. 4. Order a bundle of assorted February and March Rip-saws at the rate of 24 copies for $1.00, and use them among your friends. While we are carrying on our campaign for Amnesty, the Rip-Saw magazine must and will go on with its regular work. The March issue of the Rip-Saw will contain SMASHING publicity for the cases of the politicals. We shall tell the story of several more cases, and will have a special article on the “Green Corn Rebellion” in Oklahoma, an article from the pen of John Nicholas Beffels on the Sacramento cases as well as other articles with a direct bearing on the Children’s Crusade for Amnesty. But there will be a wealth of other material, for we aim to keep the Rip-Saw overflowing with a variety of good things, to make it a monthly intellectual treat for its readers. We ask you to help us se-

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cure the widest possible circulation for the March Rip-Saw. We make a special request to you this month to work as you have never worked before to double the circulation of your magazine.

Keep Us in Fighting Trim Financially The above work on your part sustains your magazine while it engages in the big battle for Amnesty. Your contributions for the following purposes go directly and in full for the assistance and relief of the political prisoners.

Help Print the Big Book Send $1.00 or more to help pay the cost of printing the Big Book of Facts About the Politicals. You will receive one copy (not for the $1.00, but to record the fact that you have helped).

Succor the Prisoners’ Families in This Emergency We have distributed the money you sent us last year for the families of the political prisoners. If you care to send $1.00 or so for the living expenses of the women and children, who are now battling the world alone while their men are in prison, it will be a noble act of fraternal kindness.

Flash a Little Joy into the Prison Cells And just before you write your check, chip in at least a dime more for a fund to divide among the 113 prisoners for pocket money. One of them writes: “Prison life is bitter, if you could

send me some dates they would sweeten it some.” Another comrade writes for a set of dominoes. And another wants a piccolo, as he plays in the prison band. If there is a place in the world where one needs money it is in prison. I would like to see 10,000 dimes come sprinkling into the Rip-Saw office as pin money for prisoners, to divide equally among these 113 men.

The Children’s Crusade for Amnesty Elbertine Reeder is all ready to go to Washington to see President Harding, and tell him why she believes her father should be released from Leavenworth prison. Of course her real reason is that she wants her daddy. She wants to be home again in the Chickasaw country, in the Red River Valley in Oklahoma. She wants to see her papa and mamma and her big brother Don once again all together under the roof of the little cottage in the own [sic] of Wilson, Okla. For Elbertine is only nine years old and every girl nine years old knows that the place for her papa to be is at home with the family. Elbertine is the daughter of Walter Reeder, one of the Oklahoma men convicted as a result of the so-called “Green Corn Rebellion.” For a long time it was understood that Reeder had been guilty of taking up arms against the Government, and the public believed that his associates had actually killed officers of the law sent to break up “The Rebellion.” Now, after Reeder has been in prison over four years, it is discovered that Reeder’s case is of a different sort entirely. There was no violent resistance of the draft. Nobody was killed. Nobody connected with the alleged conspiracy had done more than commit loose talk. The case against Reeder boils down to conviction for expression of opinion, and Elbertine’s visit to the President is intended to dis-


cover whether the Government of the United States intends to keep this family broken up. There are at least three perfectly innocent members of the Reeder family, the mother, Don and Elbertine. An analysis of the facts show that these three innocent persons who never appeared before the jury have drawn the extreme penalty of the law for a crime that public officials of Carter Country, Okla., now say even Walter Reeder, the father, did not commit. Little Wendell Westerlund, who lives at 213 East Sixth Street, Duluth, Minn., a bright little chap of six years, may not be able to join in the Children’s Crusade for Amnesty, which is expected to call on President Harding within a few weeks and plead for the release of all politicals. Wendell’s father is Frank Victor Westerlund, who is now serving a term of five years in Leavenworth prison, having been found guilty of being an organizer for the I. W. W. in the famous Chicago case tried by Judge Landis. The court record reveals not one single word of testimony adduced against Westerlund, to prove that he was guilty of interfering with the war. A letter received from Mrs. Hilma Westerlund relates that little Wendell was knocked down by an automobile two weeks before Christmas, and his leg was broken above the knee. After being in the hospital for four weeks, he was dismissed to go back to school, but before taking him home, his mother asked for an X-ray examination, and it was found that unless an another [sic] operation was performed, the boy would be crippled for life. He was taken back to the hospital and his leg was broken again. He is not out of the hospital, but requires the constant attention of his mother. It is not certain that he will be strong enough to join his little comrades in their visit to President Harding. There are four children on a farm near Paragould, Ark., ready to join the other sons

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and daughters of political prisoners in the Children’s Crusade to Washington, to present the cases of the political prisoners to President Harding, but their mamma will not be with them. These are the children of J. M. Danley, now serving a term of ten years in the Leavenworth penitentiary. Mrs. Danley died a year after her husband’s incarceration for alleged violation of war-time laws. While Mr. Danley has been paying with his liberty for a lifetime of activity as a humble member of cotton farmer’s [sic] unions, his orphan children have been on the charity of others so poor that they cannot take care of their own. This case is an excellent illustration of the majesty of the law and of the justness of war-time justice. Not by any conceivable stretching of the imagination can these four orphans be considered guilty of harming the United States of America, and Danley is known to have been a law-abiding and useful citizen of the country, but these four young children and two older ones are paying the price. The Children’s Crusade is ready to start to Washington on short notice, and is merely awaiting the compilation of the facts in the cases of each of the 113 Federal prisoners. It is intended to make these statements of fact concise and compact, and incorporate them all into one document for delivery by the children themselves to President Harding. Will you help? Help this campaign with Subs for the RipSaw. Help with orders for bundles of the RipSaw to distribute where they will win support for Amnesty. Help pay the cost of the Big Book of Facts to inform the President. Help fraternally and lovingly to take care of the immediate needs of the families of the politicals. Help to cheer up the spirits of the men in prison after their four years of separation from the world by chipping in on the Prisoners’ Pocket-Money Fund. Help one way or all ways. Help to WIN.

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Fraternally, THE NATIONAL RIP-SAW Frank P. O’Hare 1049a North Grand Ave. St. Louis, MO

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Circular Regarding the Children’s Crusade, National RipSaw, March 10, 1922. Frank P. O’Hare Collection, Box 12, Folder 18 (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Society).

WORLD WAR II: DOCUMENTS B

NEUTRALITY ACT OF 1939 B

Isolationist sentiment ran high among both the general public and in Congress during the 1930s, even as conflict engulfed Europe and the Pacific. Many felt that U.S. involvement in World War I had been caused by trading with belligerents. The four neutrality acts between 1935 and 1939 tried to prevent this by strictly limiting both trade with belligerents and transportation in conflict zones. Ultimately, the 1939 Neutrality Act was overridden, first by an executive order in 1940 and then by the Lend-Lease Act of 1941, allowing the bartering of U.S. surplus warships for British bases.

and its nationals are entitled under the law of nations; and Whereas the United States hereby expressly reserves the right to repeal, change or modify this joint resolution or any other domestic legislation in the interests of the peace, security or welfare of the United States and its people: Therefore be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

Proclamation of a State of War between Foreign States Joint Resolution To preserve the neutrality and the peace of the United States and to secure the safety of its citizens and their interests. Whereas the United States, desiring to preserve its neutrality in wars between foreign states and desiring also to avoid involvement therein, voluntarily imposes upon its nationals by domestic legislation the restrictions set out in this joint resolution; and Whereas by so doing the United States waives none of its own rights or privileges, or those of any of its nationals, under international law, and expressly reserves all the rights and privileges to which it

SECTION 1. (a) That whenever the President, or the Congress by concurrent resolution, shall find that there exists a state of war between foreign states, and that it is necessary to promote the security or preserve the peace of the United States or to protect the lives of citizens of the United States, the President shall issue a proclamation naming the states involved; and he shall, from time to time by proclamation, name other states as and when they may become involved in the war. (b) Whenever the state of war which shall have caused the President to issue any proclamation under the authority of this section shall

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W O R L D WA R I I : D O C U M E N T S

have ceased to exist with respect to any state named in such proclamation, he shall revoke such proclamation with respect to such state.

Commerce with States Engaged in Armed Conflict SEC. 2. (a) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a) it shall thereafter be unlawful for any American vessel to carry any passengers or any article or materials to any state named in such proclamation. (b) Whoever shall violate any of the provisions of subsection (a) of this section or of any regulations issued thereunder shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not more than $50,000 or imprisoned for not more than five years, or both. Should the violation be by corporation, organization, or association, each officer or director thereof participating in the violation shall be liable to the penalty herein prescribed. (c) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a) it shall thereafter be unlawful to export or transport, or attempt to export or transport, or cause to be exported or transported, from the United States to any state named in such proclamation, any articles or materials (except copyrighted articles or materials) until all right, title, and interest therein shall have been transferred to some foreign government, agency, institution, association, partnership, corporation, or national. Issuance of a bill of lading under which title to the articles or materials to be exported or transported passes to a foreign purchaser unconditionally upon the delivery of such articles or materials to a carrier, shall constitute a transfer of all right, title, and interest therein within the meaning of this subsection. The shipper of

such articles or materials shall be required to file with the collector of the port from or through which they are to be exported a declaration under oath that he has complied with the requirements of this subsection with respect to transfer of right, title, and interest in such articles or materials, and that he will comply with such rules and regulations as shall be promulgated from time to time. Any such declaration so filed shall be a conclusive estoppel against any claim of any citizen of the United States of right, title, or interest in such articles or materials, if such citizen had knowledge of the filing of such declaration; and the exportation or transportation of any articles or materials without filing the declaration required by this subsection shall be a conclusive estoppel against any claim of any citizen of the United States of right, title, or interest in such articles or materials, if such citizen had knowledge of such violation. No loss incurred by any such citizen (1) in connection with the sale or transfer of right, title, and interest in any such articles or materials or (2) in connection with the exportation or transportation of any such copyrighted articles or materials, shall be made the basis of any claim put forward by the Government of the United States. (d) Insurance written by underwriters on articles or materials included in shipments which are subject to restrictions under the provisions of this joint resolution, and on vessels carrying such shipments shall not be deemed an American interest therein, and no insurance policy issued on such articles or materials, or vessels, and no loss incurred thereunder or by the owners of such vessels, shall be made the basis of any claim put forward by the Government of the United States. (e) Whenever any proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a) shall have been revoked with respect to any state the pro-


visions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply with respect to such state, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation. (f) The provisions of subsection (a) of this section shall not apply to transportation by American vessels on or over lakes, rivers, and inland waters bordering on the United States, or to transportation by aircraft on or over lands bordering on the United States; and the provisions of subsection (c) of this section shall not apply (1) to such transportation of any articles or materials other than articles listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i), or (2) to any other transportation on or over lands bordering on the United States of any articles or materials other than articles listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i); and the provisions of subsections (a) and (c) of this section shall not apply to the transportation referred to in this subsection and subsections (g) and (h) of any articles or materials listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i) if the articles or materials so listed are to be used exclusively by American vessels, aircraft, or other vehicles in connection with their operation and maintenance. (g) The provisions of subsections (a) and (c) of this section shall not apply to transportation by American vessels (other than aircraft) of mail, passengers, or any articles or materials (except articles or materials listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i)) (1) to any port in the Western Hemisphere south of thirty-five degrees north latitude, (2) to any port in the Western Hemisphere north of thirty-five degrees north latitude and west of sixty-six degrees west longitude, (3) to any port on the Pacific or Indian Oceans, including the China Sea, the Tasman Sea, the Bay of Bengal, and

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the Arabian Sea, and any other dependent waters of either of such oceans, seas, or bays, or (4) to any port on the Atlantic Ocean or its dependent waters south of thirty degrees north latitude. The exceptions contained in this subsection shall not apply to any such port which is included within a combat area as defined in section 3 which applies to such vessels. (h) The provisions of subsections (a) and (c) of this section shall not apply to transportation by aircraft of mail, passengers, or any articles or materials (except articles or materials listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i)) (1) to any port in the Western Hemisphere, or (2) to any port on the Pacific or Indian Oceans, including the China Sea, the Tasman Sea, the Bay of Bengal, and the Arabian Sea, and any other dependent waters of either of such oceans, seas, or bays. The exceptions contained in this subsection shall not apply to any such port which is included within a combat area as defined in section 3 which applies to such aircraft. (i) Every American vessel to which the provisions of subsections (g) and (h) apply, and every neutral vessel to which the provisions of subsection (l) apply, shall, before departing from a port or from the jurisdiction of the United States, file with the collector of customs of the port of departure, or if there is no such collector at such port then with the nearest collector of customs, a sworn statement (1) containing a complete list of all the articles and materials carried as cargo by such vessel, and the names and addresses of the consignees of all such articles and materials, and (2) stating the ports at which such articles and materials are to be unloaded and the ports of call of such vessel. All transportation referred to in subsections (f), (g), (h), and (l) of this section shall be subject to such restrictions, rules, and regulations as the President shall prescribe; but no

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loss incurred in connection with any transportation excepted under the provisions of subsections (g), (h), and (l) of this section shall be made the basis of any claim put forward by the Government of the United States. (j) Whenever all proclamations issued under the authority of section 1 (a) shall have been revoked, the provisions of subsections (f), (g), (h), (i), and (l) of this section shall expire. (k) The provisions of this section shall not apply to the current voyage of any American vessel which has been cleared for a foreign port and has departed from a port or from the jurisdiction of the United States in advance of (1) the date of enactment of this joint resolution, or (2) any proclamation issued after such date under the authority of section 1 (a) of this joint resolution; but any such vessel shall proceed at its own risk after either of such dates, and no loss incurred in connection with any such vessel or its cargo after either of such dates shall be made the basis of any claim put forward by the Government of the United States. (l) The provisions of subsection (c) of this section shall not apply to the transportation by a neutral vessel to any port referred to in subsection (g) of this section of any articles or materials (except articles or materials listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i)) so long as such port is not included within a combat area as defined in section 3 which applies to American vessels.

Combat Areas SEC. 3. (a) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a), and he shall thereafter find that the protection of citizens of the United States so requires, he shall, by proclamation, define combat areas, and thereafter it shall be unlaw-

ful, except under such rules and regulations as may be prescribed, for any citizen of the United States or any American vessel to proceed into or through any such combat area. The combat areas so defined may be made to apply to surface vessels or aircraft, or both. (b) In case of the violation of any of the provisions of this section by any American vessel, or any owner or officer thereof, such vessel, owner, or officer shall be fined not more than $50,000 or imprisoned for not more than five years, or both. Should the owner of such vessel be a corporation, organization, or association, each officer or director participating in the violation shall be liable to the penalty hereinabove prescribed. In case of the violation of this section by any citizen traveling as a passenger, such passenger may be fined not more than $10,000 or imprisoned for not more than two years, or both. (c) The President may from time to time modify or extend any proclamation issued under the authority of this section, and when the conditions which shall have caused him to issue any such proclamation shall have ceased to exist he shall revoke such proclamation and the provisions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation.

American Red Cross SEC. 4. The provisions of section 2 (a) shall not prohibit the transportation by vessels under charter or other direction and control of the American Red Cross, proceeding under safe conduct granted by states named in any proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a), of officers and American Red Cross personnel, medical personnel, and medical supplies, food, and clothing, for the relief of human suffering.


Travel on Vessels of Belligerent States SEC. 5. (a) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a) it shall thereafter be unlawful for any citizen of the United States to travel on any vessel of any state named in such proclamation, except in accordance with such rules and regulations as may be prescribed. (b) Whenever any proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a) shall have been revoked with respect to any state the provisions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply with respect to such state, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation.

Arming of American Merchant Vessels Prohibited SEC. 6. Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a), it shall thereafter be unlawful, until such proclamation is revoked, for any American vessel, engaged in commerce with any foreign state, to be armed, except with small arms and ammunition therefor, which the President may deem necessary and shall publicly designate for the preservation of discipline aboard any such vessel.

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ment of any such state, or political subdivision thereof, issued after the date of such proclamation, or to make any loan or extend any credit (other than necessary credits accruing in connection with the transmission of telegraph, cable, wireless and telephone services) to any such government, political subdivision, or person. The provisions of this subsection shall also apply to the sale by any person within the United States to any person in a state named in any such proclamation of any articles or materials listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of section 12 (i). (b) The provisions of this section shall not apply to a renewal or adjustment of such indebtedness as may exist on the date of such proclamation. (c) Whoever shall knowingly violate any of the provisions of this section or of any regulations issued thereunder shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined not more than $50,000 or imprisoned for not more than five years, or both. Should the violation be by a corporation, organization, or association, each officer or director thereof participating in the violation shall be liable to the penalty herein prescribed. (d) Whenever any proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a) shall have been revoked with respect to any state the provisions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply with respect to such state, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation.

Financial Transactions SEC. 7. (a) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a), it shall thereafter be unlawful for any person within the United States to purchase, sell, or exchange bonds, securities, or other obligations of the government of any state named in such proclamation, or of any political subdivision of any such state, or of any person acting for or on behalf of the govern-

Solicitation and Collection of Funds and Contributions SEC: 8. (a) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under the authority of section 1 (a), it shall thereafter be unlawful for any person within the United States to solicit or receive any contribution for or on behalf of the government of any state named in such procla-

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mation or for or on behalf of any agent or instrumentality of any such state. (b) Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit the solicitation or collection of funds and contributions to be used for medical aid and assistance, or for food and clothing to relieve human suffering, when such solicitation or collection of funds and contributions is made on behalf of and for use by any person or organization which is not acting for or on behalf of any such government, but all such solicitations and collections of funds and contributions shall be in accordance with and subject to such rules and regulations as may be prescribed. (c) Whenever any proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a) shall have been revoked with respect to any state the provisions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply with respect to such state, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation.

American Republics SEC. 9. This joint resolution (except section 12) shall not apply to any American republic engaged in war against a non-American state or states, provided the American republic is not cooperating with a non-American state or states in such war.

Restrictions on Use of American Ports SEC. 10. (a) Whenever, during any war in which the United States is neutral, the President, or any person thereunto authorized by him, shall have cause to believe that any vessel, domestic or foreign, whether requiring clearance or not, is about to carry out of a port or from the jurisdiction of the United States, fuel, men, arms, ammunition, implements of war, supplies, dis-

patches, or information to any warship, tender, or supply ship of a state named in a proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a), but the evidence is not deemed sufficient to justify forbidding the departure of the vessel as provided for by section 1, title V, chapter 30, of the Act approved June 15, 1917 (40 Stat. 217, 221; U. S. G., 1934 edition, title 18, sec. 31), and if, in the President’s judgment, such action will serve to maintain peace between the United States and foreign states, or to protect the commercial interests of the United States and its citizens, or to promote the security or neutrality of the United States, he shall have the power, and it shall be his duty to require the owner, master, or person in command thereof, before departing from a port or from the jurisdiction of the United States, to give a bond to the United States, with sufficient sureties, in such amount as he shall deem proper, conditioned that the vessel will not deliver the men, or any fuel, supplies, dispatches, information, or any part of the cargo, to any warship, tender, or supply ship of a state named in a proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a). (b) If the President, or any person thereunto authorized by him, shall find that a vessel, domestic or foreign, in a port of the United States, has previously departed from a port or from the jurisdiction of the United States during such war and delivered men, fuel, supplies, dispatches, information, or any part of its cargo to a warship, tender, or supply ship of a state named in a proclamation issued under the authority of section 1 (a), he may prohibit the departure of such vessel during the duration of the war. (c) Whenever the President shall have issued a proclamation under section 1 (a) he may, while such proclamation is in effect, require the owner, master, or person in command of any vessel, foreign or domestic, before


departing from the United States, to give a bond to the United States, with sufficient sureties, in such amount as he shall deem proper, conditioned that no alien seaman who arrived on such vessel shall remain in the United States for a longer period than that permitted under the regulations, as amended from time to time, issued pursuant to section 33 of the Immigration Act of February 5, 1917 (U. S. C., title 8, sec. 168). Notwithstanding the provisions of said section 33, the President may issue such regulations with respect to the landing of such seamen as he deems necessary to insure their departure either on such vessel or another vessel at the expense of such owner, master, or person in command.

Submarines and Armed Merchant Vessels SEC. 11. Whenever, during any war in which the United States is neutral, the President shall find that special restrictions placed on the use of the ports and territorial waters of the United States by the submarines or armed merchant vessels of a foreign state will serve to maintain peace between the United States and foreign states, or to protect the commercial interests of the United States and its citizens, or to promote the security of the United States, and shall make proclamation thereof, it shall thereafter be unlawful for any such submarine or armed merchant vessel to enter a port or the territorial waters of the United States or to depart therefrom, except under such conditions and subject to such limitations as the President may prescribe. Whenever, in his judgment, the conditions which have caused him to issue his proclamation have ceased to exist, he shall revoke his proclamation and the provisions of this section shall thereupon cease to apply, except as to offenses committed prior to such revocation.

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National Munitions Control Board SEC. 12. (a) There is hereby established a National Munitions Control Board (hereinafter referred to as the “Board”). The Board shall consist of the Secretary of State, who shall be chairman and executive officer of the Board, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, and the Secretary of Commerce. Except as otherwise provided in this section, or by other law, the administration of this section is vested in the Secretary of State. The Secretary of State shall promulgate such rules and regulations with regard to the enforcement of this section as he may deem necessary to carry out its provisions. The Board shall be convened by the chairman and shall hold at least one meeting a year. (b) Every person who engages in the business of manufacturing, exporting, or importing any arms, ammunition, or implements of war listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of subsection (i) of this section, whether as an exporter, importer, manufacturer, or dealer, shall register with the Secretary of State his name, or business name, principal place of business, and places of business in the United States, and a list of the arms, ammunition, and implements of war which he manufactures, imports, or exports. (c) Every person required to register under this section shall notify the Secretary of State of any change in the arms, ammunition, or implements of war which he exports, imports, or manufactures; and upon such notification the Secretary of State shall issue to such person an amended certificate of registration, free of charge, which shall remain valid until the date of expiration of the original certificate. Every person required to register under the provisions of this section shall pay a registration fee of $100. Upon receipt of the required registration fee, the Secretary of State shall issue a reg-

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istration certificate valid for five years, which shall be renewable for further periods of five years upon the payment for each renewal of a fee of $100; but valid certificates of registration (including amended certificates) issued under the authority of section 2 of the joint resolution of August 31, 1935, or section 5 of the joint resolution of August 31, 1935, as amended, shall, without payment of any additional registration fee, be considered to be valid certificates of registration issued under this subsection, and shall remain valid for the same period as if this joint resolution had not been enacted. (d) It shall be unlawful for any person to export, or attempt to export, from the United States to any other state, any arms, ammunition, or implements of war listed in a proclamation referred to in or issued under the authority of subsection (i) of this section, or to import, or attempt to import, to the United States from any other state, any of the arms, ammunition, or implements of war listed in any such proclamation, without first having submitted to the Secretary of State the name of the purchaser and the terms of sale and having obtained a license therefor. (e) All persons required to register under this section shall maintain, subject to the inspection of the Secretary of State, or any person or persons designated by him, such permanent records of manufacture for export, importation, and exportation of arms, ammunition, and implements of war as the Secretary of State shall prescribe. (f) Licenses shall be issued by the Secretary of State to persons who have registered as herein provided for, except in cases of export or import licenses where the export of arms, ammunition, or implements of war would be in violation of this joint resolution or any other law of the United States, or of a treaty to which the United States is a party, in which cases such

licenses shall not be issued; but a valid license issued under the authority of section 2 of the joint resolution of August 31, 1935, or section 5 of the joint resolution of August 31,1935, as amended, shall be considered to be a valid license issued under this subsection, and shall remain valid for the same period as if this joint resolution had not been enacted. (g) No purchase of arms, ammunition, or implements of war shall be made on behalf of the United States by any officer, executive department, or independent establishment of the Government from any person who shall have failed to register under the provisions of this joint resolution. (h) The Board shall make a report to Congress on January 3 and July 3 of each year, copies of which shall be distributed as are other reports transmitted to Congress. Such reports shall contain such information and data collected by the Board as may be considered of value in the determination of questions connected with the control of trade in arms, ammunition, and implements of war, including the name of the purchaser and the terms of sale made under any such license. The Board shall include in such reports a list of all persons required to register under the provisions of this joint resolution, and full information concerning the licenses issued hereunder, including the name of the purchaser and the terms of sale made under any such license. (i) The President is hereby authorized to proclaim upon recommendation of the Board from time to time a list of articles which shall be considered arms, ammunition, and implements of war for the purposes of this section; but the proclamation Numbered 2237, of May 1, 1937 (50 Stat. 1834), defining the term “arms, ammunition, and implements of war” shall, until it is revoked, have full force and effect as if issued under the authority of this subsection.


Regulations SEC. 13. The President may, from time to time, promulgate such rules and regulations, not inconsistent with law, as may be necessary and proper to carry out any of the provisions of this joint resolution; and he may exercise any power or authority conferred on him by this joint resolution through such officer or officers, or agency or agencies, as he shall direct.

Unlawful Use of the American Flag SEC. 14. (a) It shall be unlawful for any vessel belonging to or operating under the jurisdiction of any foreign state to use the flag of the United States thereon, or to make use of any distinctive signs or markings, indicating that the same is an American vessel. (b) Any vessel violating the provisions of subsection (a) of this section shall be denied for a period of three months the right to enter the ports or territorial waters of the United States except in cases of force majeure.

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(a) The term “United States,” when used in a geographical sense, includes the several States and Territories, the insular possessions of the United States (including the Philippine Islands), the Canal Zone, and the District of Columbia. (b) The term “person” includes a partnership, company, association, or corporation, as well as a natural person. (c) The term “vessel” means every description of watercraft and aircraft capable of being used as a means of transportation on, under, or over water. (d) The term “American vessel” means any vessel documented, and any aircraft registered or licensed, under the laws of the United States. (e) The term “state” shall include nation, government, and country. (f) The term “citizen” shall include any individual owing allegiance to the United States, a partnership, company, or association composed in whole or in part of citizens of the United States, and any corporation organized and existing under the laws of the United States as defined in subsection (a) of this section.

General Penalty Provision Separability of Provisions SEC. 15. In every case of the violation of any of the provisions of this joint resolution or of any rule or regulation issued pursuant thereto where a specific penalty is not herein provided, such violator or violators, upon conviction, shall be fined not more than $10,000, or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.

SEC. 17. If any of the provisions of this joint resolution, or the application thereof to any person or circumstance, is held invalid, the remainder of the joint resolution, and the application of such provision to other persons or circumstances, shall not be affected thereby.

Definitions

Appropriations

SEC. 16. For the purposes of this joint resolution—

SEC. 18. There is hereby authorized to be appropriated from time to time, out of any money

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in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, such amounts as may be necessary to carry out the provisions and accomplish the purposes of this joint resolution.

any rule or regulation issued pursuant thereto may be commenced and prosecuted, in the same manner and with the same effect as if such joint resolutions had not been repealed.

Repeals

Short Title

SEC. 19. The joint resolution of August 31, 1935, as amended, and the joint resolution of January 8, 1937, are hereby repealed; but offenses committed and penalties, forfeitures, or liabilities incurred under either of such joint resolutions prior to the date of enactment of this joint resolution may be prosecuted and punished, and suits and proceedings for violations of either of such joint resolutions or of

SEC. 20. This joint resolution may be cited as the “Neutrality Act of 1939.” Approved, November 4, 1939, 12:04 p.m.

Neutrality Act of November 4, 1939. U.S. Department of State, Publication 1983, Peace and War: United States Foreign Policy, 1931–1941 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943).


With the world at war and the United States torn between keeping its distance and getting involved, the Democratic Party nominated Franklin D. Roosevelt for an unprecedented third term in office. In their party platform for the 1940 election, the party tried to walk a thin line between war and peace by pointing out that keeping the United States out of the conflict meant building up a strong defense at home.

Preamble The world is undergoing violent change. Humanity, uneasy in this machine age, is demanding a sense of security and dignity based on human values. No democratic government which fails to recognize this trend—and take appropriate action—can survive. That is why the Government of this nation has moved to keep ahead of this trend; has moved with speed incomprehensible to those who do not see this trend. Outside the Americas, established institutions are being overthrown and democratic philosophies are being repudiated by those whose creed recognizes no power higher than military force, no values other than a false efficiency.

What the founding fathers realized upon this continent was a daring dream, that men could have not only physical security, not only efficiency, but something else in addition that men had never had before—the security of the heart that comes with freedom, the peace of mind that comes from a sense of justice. To this generation of Americans it is given to defend this democratic faith as it is challenged by social maladjustment within and totalitarian greed without. The world revolution against which we prepare our defense is so threatening that not until it has burned itself out in the last corner of the earth will our democracy be able to relax its guard. In this world crisis, the purpose of the Democratic Party is to defend against external attack and justify by internal progress the system of government and way of life from which the Democratic Party takes its name.

Fulfilling the American Ideal Toward the modern fulfillment of the American ideal, the Democratic Party, during the last seven years, has labored successfully:

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To strengthen democracy by defensive preparedness against aggression, whether by open attack or secret infiltration; To strengthen democracy by increasing our economic efficiency; and To strengthen democracy by improving the welfare of the people. These three objectives are one and inseparable. No nation can be strong by armaments alone. It must possess and use all the necessary resources for producing goods plentifully and distributing them effectively. It must add to these factors of material strength the unconquerable spirit and energy of a contented people, convinced that there are no boundaries to human progress and happiness in a land of liberty. Our faith that these objectives can be attained is made unshakable by what has already been done by the present Administration—in stopping the waste and exploitation of our human and natural resources, in restoring to the average man and woman a stake in the preservation of our democracy, in enlarging our national armaments, and in achieving national unity. We shall hold fast to these gains. We are proud of our record. Therefore the Party in convention assembled endorses wholeheartedly the brilliant and courageous leadership of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and his statesmanship and that of the Congress for the past seven trying years. And to our President and great leader we send our cordial greetings.

We Must Strengthen Democracy against Aggression The American people are determined that war, raging in Europe, Asia and Africa, shall not come to America.

We will not participate in foreign wars, and we will not send our army, naval or air forces to fight in foreign lands outside of the Americas, except in case of attack. We favor and shall rigorously enforce and defend the Monroe Doctrine. The direction and aim of our foreign policy has been, and will continue to be, the security and defense of our own land and the maintenance of its peace. For years our President has warned the nation that organized assaults against religion, democracy and international good faith threatened our own peace and security. Men blinded by partisanship brushed aside these warnings as war-mongering and officious intermeddling. The fall of twelve nations was necessary to bring their belated approval of legislative and executive action that the President had urged and undertaken with the full support of the people. It is a tribute to the President’s foresight and action that our defense forces are today at the peak of their peacetime effectiveness. Weakness and unpreparedness invite aggression. We must be so strong that no possible combination of powers would dare to attack us. We propose to provide America with an invincible air force, a navy strong enough to protect all our seacoasts and our national interests, and a fully-equipped and mechanized army. We shall continue to coordinate these implements of defense with the necessary expansion of industrial productive capacity and with the training of appropriate personnel. Outstanding leaders of industry and labor have already been enlisted by the Government to harness our mighty economic forces for national defense. Experience of other nations gives warning that total defense is necessary to repel attack, and that partial defense is no defense. We have seen the downfall of nations accomplished through internal dissension provoked from without. We denounce and will do


all in our power to destroy the treasonable activities of disguised anti-democratic and unAmerican agencies which would sap our strength, paralyze our will to defend ourselves, and destroy our unity by inciting race against race, class against class, religion against religion and the people against their free institutions. To make America strong, and to keep America free, every American must give of his talents and treasure in accordance with his ability and his country’s needs. We must have democracy of sacrifice as well as democracy of opportunity. To insure that our armaments shall be implements of peace rather than war, we shall continue our traditional policies of the good neighbor; observe and advocate international respect for the fights of others and for treaty obligations; cultivate foreign trade through desirable trade agreements; and foster economic collaboration with the Republics of the Western Hemisphere. In self-defense and in good conscience, the

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world’s greatest democracy cannot afford heartlessly or in a spirit of appeasement to ignore the peace-loving and liberty-loving peoples wantonly attacked by ruthless aggressors. We pledge to extend to these peoples all the material aid at our command, consistent with law and not inconsistent with the interests of our own national self-defense—all to the end that peace and international good faith may yet emerge triumphant. We do not regard the need for preparedness a warrant for infringement upon our civil liberties, but on the contrary we shall continue to protect them, in the keen realization that the vivid contrast between the freedom we enjoy and the dark repression which prevails in the lands where liberty is dead, affords warning and example to our people to confirm their faith in democracy.

Excerpt from the Democratic Party Platform, 1940.


After failing to defeat President Franklin Roosevelt by nominating a conservative candidate in 1936, the Republicans in 1940 chose the centrist Wendell Willkie. On foreign policy, however, they decided to emphasize a far more isolationist position than the Democrats, condemning large defense expenditures and offering but lukewarm support to countries fighting fascism in Europe and Asia.

Introduction The Republican party, in representative Convention assembled, submits to the people of the United States the following declaration of its principles and purposes: We state our general objectives in the simple and comprehensive words of the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States. Those objectives as there stated are these: To form a more perfect Union; establish justice; insure domestic tranquility; provide for the common defense; promote the general welfare; and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

Meeting within the shadow of Independence Hall where those words were written we

solemnly reaffirm them as a perfect statement of the ends for which we as a party propose to plan and to labor. The record of the Roosevelt Administration is a record of failure to attain any one of those essential objectives. Instead of leading us into More Perfect Union the Administration has deliberately fanned the flames of class hatred. Instead of the Establishment of Justice the Administration has sought the subjection of the Judiciary to Executive discipline and domination. Instead of insuring Domestic Tranquility the Administration has made impossible the normal friendly relation between employers and employees and has even succeeded in alienating both the great divisions of Organized Labor. Instead of Providing for the Common Defense the Administration, notwithstanding the expenditure of billions of our dollars, has left the Nation unprepared to resist foreign attack. Instead of promoting the General Welfare the Administration has Domesticated the Deficit, Doubled the Debt, Imposed Taxes where they do the greatest economic harm, and used public money for partisan political advantage. Instead of the Blessings of Liberty the Ad-

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ministration has imposed upon us a Regime of Regimentation which has deprived the individual of his freedom and has made of America a shackled giant. Wholly ignoring these great objectives, as solemnly declared by the people of the United States, the New Deal Administration has for seven long years whirled in a turmoil of shifting, contradictory and overlapping administrations and policies. Confusion has reigned supreme. The only steady undeviating characteristic has been the relentless expansion of the power of the Federal government over the everyday life of the farmer, the industrial worker and the business man. The emergency demands organization—not confusion. It demands free and intelligent cooperation—not incompetent domination. It demands a change. The New Deal Administration has failed America. It has failed by seducing our people to become continuously dependent upon government, thus weakening their morale and quenching the traditional American spirit. It has failed by viciously attacking our industrial system and sapping its strength and vigor. It has failed by attempting to send our Congress home during the world’s most tragic hour, so that we might be eased into the war by word of deed during the absence of our elected representatives from Washington. It has failed by disclosing military details of our equipment to foreign powers over protests by the heads of our armed defense. It has failed by ignoring the lessons of fact concerning modern, mechanized, armed defense. In these and countless other ways the New Deal Administration has either deliberately deceived the American people or proved itself incompetent longer to handle the affairs of our government. The zero hour is here. America must pre-

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pare at once to defend our shores, our homes, our lives and our most cherished ideals. To establish a first line of defense we must place in official positions men of faith who put America first and who are determined that her governmental and economic system be kept unimpaired. Our national defense must be so strong that no unfriendly power shall ever set foot on American soil. To assure this strength our national economy, the true basis of America’s defense, must be free of unwarranted government interference. Only a strong and sufficiently prepared America can speak words of reassurance and hope to the liberty-loving peoples of the world.

National Defense The Republican Party is firmly opposed to involving this Nation in foreign war. We are still suffering from the ill effects of the last World War: a war which cost us a twenty-four billion dollar increase in our national debt, billions of uncollectible foreign debts, and the complete upset of our economic system, in addition to the loss of human life and irreparable damage to the health of thousands of our boys. The present National Administration has already spent for all purposes more than fiftyfour billion dollars; has boosted the national debt and current federal taxes to an all-time high; and yet by the President’s own admission we are still wholly unprepared to defend our country, its institutions and our individual liberties in a war that threatens to engulf the whole world; and this in spite of the fact that foreign wars have been in progress for two years or more and that military information concerning these wars and the re-armament

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programs of the warring nations has been at all times available to the National Administration through its diplomatic and other channels. The Republican Party stands for Americanism, preparedness and peace. We accordingly fasten upon the New Deal full responsibility for our un-preparedness and for the consequent danger of involvement in war. We declare for the prompt, orderly and realistic building of our national defense to the point at which we shall be able not only to defend the United States, its possessions, and essential outposts from foreign attack, but also efficiently to uphold in war the Monroe Doctrine. To this task the Republican party pledges itself when entrusted with national authority. In the meantime we shall support all necessary and proper defense measures proposed by the Administration in its belated effort to make up for lost time; but we deplore explosive utterances by the President directed at other gov-

ernments which serve to imperil our peace; and we condemn all executive acts and proceedings which might lead to war without the authorization of the Congress of the United States. Our sympathies have been profoundly stirred by invasion of unoffending countries and by disaster to nations whose ideals most closely resemble our own. We favor the extension to all peoples fighting for liberty, or whose liberty is threatened, of such aid as shall not be in violation of international law or inconsistent with the requirements of our own national defense. We believe that the spirit which should animate our entire defensive policy is determination to preserve not our material interests merely, but those liberties which are the priceless heritage of America. Excerpt from Republican Party Platform, 1940.

WAR RATION BOOK ONE, WARNING B

Warning

be imposed under United States Statutes for violations thereof arising out of infractions of Rationing Orders and Regulations. 2. This book must not be transferred. It must be held and used only by or on behalf of the person to whom it has been issued, and anyone presenting it thereby represents to the Office of Price Administration, an agency of the United States Government, that it is being so held and so used. For any misuse of this book it may be taken from the holder by the Office of Price Administration. 3. In the event either of the departure from the United States of the person to whom this book is issued, or his or her death, the book must be surrendered in accordance with the Regulations. 4. Any person who finds a lost book must deliver it promptly to the nearest Ration Board.

1. Punishments ranging as high as Ten Years’ Imprisonment or $10,000 Fine, or Both, may

War Ration Book One, Warning, Office of Price Administration, undated.

Because they tie up large amounts of resources and pump money into the economy, wars often lead to sharp bouts of inflation. To prevent that development and to allocate scarce resources, the U.S. government established the Office of Price Administration (OPA) in the summer of 1941. During the course of the war, the OPA issued ration books for the purchase of food, gasoline, and other items. Needless to say, a black market in these ration books quickly developed. In an effort to prevent this black market, the government included substantial penalties for the misuse or sale of ration books. The following is a warning from a World War II–era ration book.

United States of America War Ration Book One

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BLOOD, TOIL, TEARS AND SWEAT SPEECH Winston Churchill

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On May 10, 1940, German troops broke through French and British lines in northern France, leading quickly to the fall of Paris. That same day, British prime minister Neville Chamberlain, who had tried to ward off war in the late 1930s through his policy of appeasement, resigned. His replacement was Conservative Winston Churchill, who had insisted for years that war with Germany was inevitable. On May 13, Churchill told the House of Commons in his first speech that he had “nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.” Ironically, the speech was more warmly received by the Labour Party members of Parliament than the Conservatives. I beg to move, that this House welcomes the formation of a Government representing the united and inflexible resolve of the nation to prosecute the war with Germany to a victorious conclusion. On Friday evening last I received His Majesty’s commission to form a new Administration. It is the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties, both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet

has been formed of five Members, representing, with the Opposition Liberals, the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve, either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day, on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions, key positions, were filled yesterday, and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. The appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer, but I trust that, when Parliament meets again, this part of my task will be completed, and that the administration will be complete in all respects. I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed, and took the necessary steps, in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today, the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday, 21st May, with, of course, provision for earlier meeting, if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House, by the Motion

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which stands in my name, to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government. To form an Administration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself, but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history, that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland, that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean, that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations, such as have been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway, have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues, or former colleagues, who are affected by the political reconstruction, will make allowance, all allowance, for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House, as I said to those who have joined this government: “I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat.” We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many

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long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I can say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark, lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: It is victory, victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, “come then, let us go forward together with our united strength.” Winston Churchill, Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat Speech, May 10, 1940. Winston Churchill, The War Speeches Definitive Edition (London: Cassell, 1951–1952).

ARSENAL OF DEMOCRACY RADIO ADDRESS Franklin D. Roosevelt

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In this radio address on December 29, 1940, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, newly elected to an unprecedented third term, sought to walk a fine line between isolationism and involvement in World War II. The majority of Americans were against direct participation in the war, even if they sympathized with the countries fighting the Nazis and Japanese imperialists. Roosevelt argued that the United States could do its part by supplying those countries with the means to fight the war without the aid of U.S. troops. This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now; and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours. Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years ago to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with

whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories; the girl behind the counter; the small shopkeeper; the farmer doing his spring plowing; the widows and the old men wondering about their life’s savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives. Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis—this new threat to the security of our Nation—with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For, on September 27, 1940, by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations—a program aimed at world control—they would unite in ultimate action against the United States. The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all

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life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. Three weeks ago their leader stated, “There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other.” Then in defiant reply to his opponents, he said this: “Others are correct when they say: ‘With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.’ . . . I can beat any other power in the world.” So said the leader of the Nazis. In other words, the Axis not merely admits but proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy of government and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world. At this moment, the forces of the states that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British, and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. The Japanese are being engaged in Asia by the Chinese in another great defense. In the Pacific is our fleet. Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our Gov-

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ernment as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood on guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no “unwritten agreement.” Yet, there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. The fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia. Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? Does any one seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbor there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Australasia, and the high seas—and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in the Americas would be living at the point of a gun—a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. To survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy. Some of us like to believe that, even if Great Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of these oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than from Washington to Denver—five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north

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of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Even today we have planes which could fly from the British Isles to New England and back without refueling. And the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased. During the past week many people in all parts of the Nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: “Please, Mr. President, don’t frighten us by telling us the facts.” Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead—danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of it, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads. Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn non-intervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Non-intervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, and thrown into the modern form of slavery at an hour’s notice or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day: “The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.” The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun. The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the

claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of “restoring order.” Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are “protecting it” against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she hesitate to say to any South American country, “We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States”? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. Any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping-off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere. Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? We think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. Yet, the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side. There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. This is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all the world. Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates.


Your Government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves. There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. Americans never can and never will do that. The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.

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The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all this bloodshed in the world could be saved; and that the United States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace, and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a “negotiated peace.” Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? Such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis powers. With all their vaunted efficiency and parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains. The history of recent years proves that shootings and chains and concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a “new order” in the world, but what they have in mind is but a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed “new order” is the very opposite of a United States of Europe or a United States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and enslave the human race. The British people are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own fu-

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ture security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to “keep out of war” is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the United States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on. If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future. The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters, which will enable them to fight for their liberty and our security. Emphatically we must get these weapons to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough, so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure. Let not defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today. Certain facts are self-evident. In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. They are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American Expeditionary Force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your Government to send such a force. You can, therefore, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth.

Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and our people. Democracy’s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the United States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. It is no more unneutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day. We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency; and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the administration have a single-minded purpose—the defense of the United States. This Nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency—and with all possible speed. This great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend everyone in the Nation against want and privation. The strength of this Nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the Government to protect the economic well-being of all citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers. As the Government is determined to protect the rights of workers, so the Nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense.


The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or manager or owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, the airplanes, and the tanks. The Nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lock-outs. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living. Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, and ships have to be built in the factories and arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines, which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the Government and industry and labor. American industrial genius, unmatched throughout the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, linotypes, cash registers, automobiles, sewing machines, lawn mowers, and locomotives are now making fuses, bomb-packing crates, telescope mounts, shells, pistols, and tanks. But all our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more

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planes—more of everything. This can only be accomplished if we discard the notion of “business as usual.” This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequence of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. After the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country’s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity—if not more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the Nation to build now with all possible speed every machine and arsenal and factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield to our primary and compelling purpose. I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own Government employees, to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. And with this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your Government will devote ourselves to the same wholehearted extent to the great task which lies ahead. As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your Government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how

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much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our over-all military necessities. We must be the great arsenal of democracy. For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice, as we would show were we at war. We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no “bottlenecks” in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives. I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best information.

We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope—hope for peace, hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith. As President of the United States I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this Nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Arsenal of Democracy Radio Address, December 29, 1940. U.S. Department of State, Publication 1983, Peace and War: United States Foreign Policy, 1931–1941 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943).

FOUR FREEDOMS SPEECH Franklin D. Roosevelt

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When Roosevelt made this speech to a joint session of Congress on January 6, 1941, the United States was still eleven months away from entering World War II. But Roosevelt believed that America’s future rested on the defeat of fascist Germany, Italy, and Japan. To that end, he sought aid for Britain in its war with Germany. This speech, intended to rally support for the Lend-Lease Act, which would provide billions in military aid to Britain, outlined the principals for which the war was being fought, including freedom of speech and religion, as well as freedom from want and fear. Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress[,] I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word “unprecedented,” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of these—the four-year War Between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty mil-

lion Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity. It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by events in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence. What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas. That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it

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is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world. In like fashion from 1815 to 1914—ninetynine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation. Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It is still a friendly strength. Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy. We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of “pacification” which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny. Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed: either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the Union,” I find it, unhappily, necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—many times over. In times like these it is immature—and incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world. No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. “Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.” As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our

Four Freedoms Speech

very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war. There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes— and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they—not we—will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily— almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the

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rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end. Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense. Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation. Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom. In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being

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reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases—and I am sorry to say very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans. The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are already ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must first be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily from them. The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security

and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars worth of the weapons of defense. The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful for our own defense. Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need.

Four Freedoms Speech

Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge.” In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation’s hands must not be tied when the Nation’s life is in danger. We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups. The best way of dealing with the few slackers

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or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty of Government to save Government. As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for. The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. Jobs for those who can work. Security for those who need it. The ending of special privilege for the few. The preservation of civil liberties for all. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbe-

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lievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples: We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance. We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care. We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it. I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause. In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a worldwide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world. That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb. To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear. Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society. This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save victory.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Four Freedoms Speech, January 6, 1941. B. D. Zevin, ed., Nothing to Fear: The Selected Addresses of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1946).

SPEECH AGAINST AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN WORLD WAR II, APRIL 23, 1941 Charles Lindbergh

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Charles Lindbergh, the first person to fly solo across the Atlantic Ocean in 1927, was an American hero. He was also an isolationist, determined to keep the United States out of World War II. For these reasons, the leaders of the main isolationist organization Committee to Defend America First (better known as the America First Committee) recruited Lindbergh as a member and spokesman. In this speech delivered in New York City on April 23, 1941, Lindbergh argued that America was not threatened by Nazi aggression in Europe and thus should not enter the war. However, once the United States was attacked at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, Lindbergh supported the war effort. There are many viewpoints from which the issues of this war can be argued. Some are primarily idealistic. Some are primarily practical. One should, I believe, strive for a balance of both. But, since the issues that can be covered in a single address are limited, tonight I shall discuss the war from a viewpoint which is primarily practical. It is not that I believe ideals are unimportant, even among the realities of war; but if a nation is to survive in a hostile world, its ideals must be backed by the hard logic of military practicability. If the outcome of war depended upon ideals alone, this would be a different world than it is today.

I know I will be severely criticized by the interventionists in America when I say we should not enter a war unless we have a reasonable chance of winning. That, they will claim, is far too materialistic a standpoint. They will advance again the same arguments that were used to persuade France to declare war against Germany in 1939. But I do not believe that our American ideals, and our way of life, will gain through an unsuccessful war. And I know that the United States is not prepared to wage war in Europe successfully at this time. We are no better prepared today than France was when the interventionists in Europe persuaded her to attack the Siegfried Line. I have said before, and I will say again, that I believe it will be a tragedy to the entire world if the British Empire collapses. That is one of the main reasons why I opposed this war before it was declared, and why I have constantly advocated a negotiated peace. I did not feel that England and France had a reasonable chance of winning. France has now been defeated; and, despite the propaganda and confusion of recent months, it is now obvious that England is losing the war. I believe this is realized even by the British Government. But they have one last desperate plan remaining: They hope that they may be able to persuade us to send another

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American Expeditionary Force to Europe and to share with England militarily, as well as financially, the fiasco of this war. I do not blame England for this hope, or for asking for our assistance. But we now know that she declared a war under circumstances which led to the defeat of every nation that sided with her, from Poland to Greece. We know that in the desperation of war, England promised to all these nations armed assistance that she could not send. We know that she misinformed them, as she has misinformed us, concerning her state of preparation, her military strength, and the progress of the war. In time of war, truth is always replaced by propaganda. I do not believe we should be too quick to criticize the actions of a belligerent nation. There is always the question whether we, ourselves, would do better under similar circumstances. But we in this country have a right to think of the welfare of America first, just as the people in England thought first of their own country when they encouraged the smaller nations of Europe to fight against hopeless odds. When England asks us to enter this war, she is considering her own future, and that of her empire. In making our reply, I believe we should consider the future of the United States and that of the Western Hemisphere. It is not only our right, but it is our obligation as American citizens to look at this war objectively, and to weigh our chances for success if we should enter it. I have attempted to do this, especially from the standpoint of aviation; and I have been forced to the conclusion that we cannot win this war for England, regardless of how much assistance we send. I ask you to look at the map of Europe today and see if you can suggest any way in which we could win this war if we entered it. Suppose we had a large Army in America, trained and equipped. Where would we send it to fight?

The campaigns of the war show only too clearly how difficult it is to force a landing, or to maintain an Army, on a hostile coast. Suppose we took our Navy from the Pacific, and used it to convoy British shipping. That would not win the war for England. It would, at best, permit her to exist under the constant bombing of the German air fleet. Suppose we had an Air Force that we could send to Europe. Where could it operate? Some of our squadrons might be based in the British Isles; but it is physically impossible to base enough aircraft in the British Isles alone to equal in strength the aircraft that can be based on the Continent of Europe. That is why the America First Committee has been formed . . . to give voice to the people who must do the paying, and the fighting, and the dying if this country enters the war. I have asked these questions on the supposition that we had in existence an Army and an Air Force large enough and well enough equipped to send to Europe; and that we would dare to remove our Navy from the Pacific. Even on this basis, I do not see how we could invade the Continent of Europe successfully as long as all of that Continent and most of Asia is under Axis domination. But the fact is that none of these suppositions are correct. We have only a one-ocean Navy. Our Army is still untrained and inadequately equipped for foreign war. Our Air Force is deplorably lacking in modern fighting planes, because most of them have already been sent to Europe. When these facts are cited, the interventionists shout that we are defeatists, that we are undermining the principles of democracy, and that we are giving comfort to Germany by talking about our military weakness. But everything I mention here has been published in our newspapers, and in the reports of congressional hearings in Washington. Our military

Speech against American Participation in World War II

position is well known to the governments of Europe and Asia. Why, then, should it not be brought to the attention of our own people? I say it is the interventionist in America, as it was in England, and in France, who gives comfort to the enemy. I say it is they who are undermining the principles of democracy when they demand that we take a course to which more than 80 percent of our citizens are opposed. I charge them with being the real defeatists, for their policy has led to the defeat of every country that followed their advice since this war began. There is no better way to give comfort to an enemy than to divide the people of a nation over the issue of foreign war. There is no shorter road to defeat than by entering a war with inadequate preparation. Every nation that has adopted the interventionist policy of depending on some one else for its own defense has met with nothing but defeat and failure. When history is written, the responsibility for the downfall of the democracies of Europe will rest squarely upon the shoulders of the interventionists who led their nations into war uninformed and unprepared. With their shouts of defeatism, and their disdain of reality, they have already sent countless thousands of young men to death in Europe. From the campaign of Poland to that of Greece, their prophesies have been false and their policies have failed. Yet these are the people who are calling us defeatists in America today. And they have led this country, too, to the verge of war. There are many such interventionists in America, but there are more people among us of a different type. That is why you and I are assembled here tonight. There is a policy open to this nation that will lead to success—a policy that leaves us free to follow our own way of life, and to develop our own civilization. It is not a new and untried idea. It was advocated by [George] Washington. It was incorporated in

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the Monroe Doctrine. Under its guidance, the United States has become the greatest nation in the world. It is based upon the belief that the security of a nation lies in the strength and character of its own people. It recommends the maintenance of armed forces sufficient to defend this hemisphere from attack by any combination of foreign powers. It demands faith in an independent American destiny. This is the policy of the America First Committee today. It is a policy not of isolation, but of independence; not of defeat, but of courage. It is a policy that led this nation to success during the most trying years of our history, and it is a policy that will lead us to success again. We have weakened ourselves for many months, and still worse, we have divided our own people by this dabbling in Europe’s wars. While we should have been concentrating on American defense, we have been forced to argue over foreign quarrels. We must turn our eyes and our faith back to our own country before it is too late. And when we do this, a different vista opens before us. Practically every difficulty we would face in invading Europe becomes an asset to us in defending America. Our enemy, and not we, would then have the problem of transporting millions of troops across the ocean and landing them on a hostile shore. They, and not we, would have to furnish the convoys to transport guns and trucks and munitions and fuel across three thousand miles of water. Our battleships and submarines would then be fighting close to their home bases. We would then do the bombing from the air and the torpedoing at sea. And if any part of an enemy convoy should ever pass our Navy and our Air Force, they would still be faced with the guns of our coast artillery and behind them the divisions of our Army. The United States is better situated from a

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military standpoint than any other nation in the world. Even in our present condition of unpreparedness, no foreign power is in a position to invade us today. If we concentrate on our own defenses and build the strength that this nation should maintain, no foreign army will ever attempt to land on American shores. War is not inevitable for this country. Such a claim is defeatism in the true sense. No one can make us fight abroad unless we ourselves are willing to do so. No one will attempt to fight us here if we arm ourselves as a great nation should be armed. Over a hundred million people in this nation are opposed to entering the war. If the principles of democracy mean anything at all, that is reason enough for us to stay out. If we are forced into a war against the wishes of an overwhelming majority of our people, we will have proved democracy such a failure at home that there will be little use fighting for it abroad. The time has come when those of us who believe in an independent American destiny must band together and organize for strength. We have been led toward war by a minority of our people. This minority has power. It has influence. It has a loud voice. But it does not represent the American people. During the last several years I have traveled over this country from one end to the other. I have talked to many hundreds of men and women, and I have letters from tens of thousands more, who feel the same way as you and I. Most of these people have no influence or power. Most of them have no means of expressing their convictions, except by their vote which has always been against this war. They are the citizens who have had to work too hard at their daily jobs to organize political meet-

ings. Hitherto, they have relied upon their vote to express their feelings, but now they find that it is hardly remembered except in the oratory of a political campaign. These people—the majority of hardworking American citizens—are with us. They are the true strength of our country. And they are beginning to realize, as you and I [are], that there are times when we must sacrifice our normal interests in life in order to insure the safety and the welfare of our nation. Such a time has come. Such a crisis is here. That is why the America First Committee has been formed—to give voice to the people who have no newspaper, or newsreel, or radio station at their command, to give voice to the people who must do the paying, and the fighting, and the dying if this country enters the war. Whether or not we do enter the war rests upon the shoulders of you in this audience, upon us here on this platform, upon meetings of this kind that are being held by Americans in every section of the United States today. It depends upon the action we take, and the courage we show at this time. If you believe in an independent destiny for America, if you believe that this country should not enter the war in Europe, we ask you to join the America First Committee in its stand. We ask you to share our faith in the ability of this nation to defend itself, to develop its own civilization, and to contribute to the progress of mankind in a more constructive and intelligent way than has yet been found by the warring nations of Europe. We need your support, and we need it now. The time to act is here. I thank you. Charles Lindbergh, Speech against American Participation in World War II, April 23, 1941. Papers of Charles A. Lindbergh, Princeton University Library.

WHAT CONSTITUTES AN AMERICAN Harold Ickes

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As part of his efforts to prepare America for entry into World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt dispatched members of his administration to discuss the threat that Nazi Germany and imperial Japan represented to America and the American way of life. In this speech given in New York City on May 18, 1941, Interior Secretary Harold Ickes explained why the United States must enter the struggle against fascism in Europe and Asia. I want to ask a few simple questions. And then I shall answer them. What has happened to our vaunted idealism? Why have some of us been behaving like scared chickens? Where is the million-throated, democratic voice of America? For years it has been dinned into us that we are a weak nation; that we are an inefficient people; that we are simple-minded. For years we have been told that we are beaten, decayed, and that no part of the world belongs to us any longer. Some amongst us have fallen for this carefully pickled tripe. Some amongst us have fallen for this calculated poison. Some amongst us have begun to preach that the “wave of the future” has passed over us and left us a wet, dead fish. They shout—from public platforms, in printed pages, through the microphones—that

it is futile to oppose the “wave of the future.” They cry that we Americans, we free Americans, nourished on [the] Magna Carta and the Declaration of Independence, hold moth-eaten ideas. They exclaim that there is no room for free men in the world any more and that only the slaves will inherit the earth. America—the America of Washington and Jefferson and Lincoln and Walt Whitman—they say, is waiting for the undertaker, and all the hopes and aspirations that have gone into the making of America are dead too. However, my fellow citizens, this is not the real point of the story. The real point—the shameful point—is that many of us are listening to them and some of us almost believe them. The Genghis Khans come and go. The Attilas come and go. The Hitlers flash and sputter out. But freedom endures.

I say that it is time for the great American people to raise its voice and cry out in mighty triumph what it is to be an American. And why it is that only Americans, with the aid of our brave allies—yes, let’s call them “allies”—the British, can and will build the only future worth having. I mean a future, not of concentration

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camps, not of physical torture and mental straitjackets, not of sawdust bread or of sawdust Caesars—I mean a future when free men will live free lives in dignity and in security. This tide of the future, the democratic future, is ours. It is ours if we show ourselves worthy of our culture and of our heritage. But make no mistake about it; the tide of the democratic future is not like the ocean tide—regular, relentless, and inevitable. Nothing in human affairs is mechanical or inevitable. Nor are Americans mechanical. They are very human indeed. What constitutes an American? Not color nor race nor religion. Not the pedigree of his family nor the place of his birth. Not the coincidence of his citizenship. Not his social status nor his bank account. Not his trade nor his profession. An American is one who loves justice and believes in the dignity of man. An American is one who will fight for his freedom and that of his neighbor. An American is one who will sacrifice property, ease and security in order that he and his children may retain the rights of free men. An American is one in whose heart is engraved the immortal second sentence of the Declaration of Independence. Americans have always known how to fight for their rights and their way of life. Americans are not afraid to fight. They fight joyously in a just cause. We Americans know that freedom, like peace, is indivisible. We cannot retain our liberty if three-fourths of the world is enslaved. Brutality, injustice and slavery, if practiced as dictators would have them, universally and systematically, in the long run would destroy us as surely as a fire raging in our nearby neighbor’s house would burn ours if we didn’t help to put out his. If we are to retain our own freedom, we must do everything within our power to aid

Britain. We must also do everything to restore to the conquered peoples their freedom. This means the Germans too. Such a program, if you stop to think, is selfishness on our part. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that makes the wheels of history go around. It is the sort of enlightened selfishness that wins victories. Do you know why? Because we cannot live in the world alone, without friends and without allies. If Britain should be defeated, then the totalitarian undertaker will prepare to hang crepe on the door of our own independence. Perhaps you wonder how this could come about? Perhaps you have heard “them”—the wavers of the future—cry, with calculated malice, that even if Britain were defeated we could live alone and defend ourselves single handed, even against the whole world. I tell you that this is a cold blooded lie. We would be alone in the world, facing an unscrupulous military economic bloc that would dominate all of Europe, all of Africa, most of Asia, and perhaps even Russia and South America. Even to do that, we would have to spend most of our national income on tanks and guns and planes and ships. Nor would this be all. We would have to live perpetually as an armed camp, maintaining a huge standing Army, a gigantic Air Force, two vast Navies. And we could not do this without endangering our freedom, our democracy, our way of life. Perhaps such is the America “they”—the wavers of the future—foresee. Perhaps such is the America that a certain aviator, with his contempt for democracy, would prefer. Perhaps such is the America that a certain senator desires. Perhaps such is the America that a certain mail-order executive longs for. But a perpetually militarized, isolated and impoverished America is not the America that our fathers came here to build.

What Constitutes an American

It is not the America that has been the dream and the hope of countless generations in all parts of the world. It is not the America that one hundred and thirty million of us would care to live in. The continued security of our country demands that we aid the enslaved millions of Europe—yes, even of Germany—to win back their liberty and independence. I am convinced that if we do not embark upon such a program, we will lose our own freedom. We should be clear on this point. What is convulsing the world today is not merely another old-fashioned war. It is a counter-revolution against our ideas and ideals, against our sense of justice and our human values. Three systems today compete for world domination. Communism, fascism, and democracy are struggling for social-economic-political world control. As the conflict sharpens, it becomes clear that the other two, fascism and communism, are merging into one. They have one common enemy, democracy. They have one common goal, the destruction of democracy. This is why this war is not an ordinary war. It is not a conflict for markets or territories. It is a desperate struggle for the possession of the souls of men. This is why the British are not fighting for themselves alone. They are fighting to preserve freedom for mankind. For the moment, the battleground is the British Isles. But they are fighting our war; they are the first soldiers in trenches that are also our front-line trenches. In this world war of ideas and of loyalties, we believers in democracy must do two things. We must unite our forces to form one great democratic international. We must offer a clear program to freedom-loving peoples throughout the world. Freedom-loving men and women in every land must organize and tighten their ranks.

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The masses everywhere must be helped to fight their oppressors and conquerors. We free, democratic Americans are in a position to help. We know that the spirit of freedom never dies. We know that men have fought and bled for freedom since time immemorial. We realize that the liberty-loving German people are only temporarily enslaved. We do not doubt that the Italian people are looking forward to the appearance of another Garibaldi. We know how the Poles have for centuries maintained a heroic resistance against tyranny. We remember the brave struggle of the Hungarians under Kossuth and other leaders. We recall the heroic figure of Masaryk and the gallant fight for freedom of the Czech people. The story of the Yugoslavs’, especially the Serbs’, blows for liberty and independence is a saga of extraordinary heroism. The Greeks will stand again at Thermopylae, as they have in the past. The annals of our American sister-republics, too, are glorious with freedom-inspiring exploits. The noble figure of Simon Bolivar, the great South American liberator, has naturally been compared with that of George Washington. No, liberty never dies. The Genghis Khans come and go. The Attilas come and go. The Hitlers flash and sputter out. But freedom endures. Destroy a whole generation of those who have known how to walk with heads erect in God’s free air, and the next generation will rise against the oppressors and restore freedom. Today in Europe, the Nazi Attila may gloat that he has destroyed democracy. He is wrong. In small farmhouses all over Central Europe, in the shops of Germany and Italy, on the docks of Holland and Belgium, freedom still lives in the hearts of men. It will endure like a hardy tree gone into the wintertime, awaiting the spring. And, like spring, spreading from the South into Scandinavia, the democratic revolution will

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come. And men with democratic hearts will experience comradeship across artificial boundaries. These men and women, hundreds of millions of them, now in bondage or threatened with slavery, are our comrades and our allies. They are only waiting for our leadership and our encouragement, for the spark that we can supply. These hundreds of millions of liberty-loving people, now oppressed, constitute the greatest fifth column in history. They have the will to destroy the Nazi gangsters. We have always helped in struggles for human freedom. And we will help again. But our hundreds of millions of liberty-loving allies would despair if we did not provide aid and encouragement. The quicker we help them, the sooner this dreadful revolution will be over. We cannot, we must not, we dare not delay much longer. The fight for Britain is in its crucial stages. We must give the British everything we have. And by everything, I mean everything needed to beat the life out of our common enemy. The second step must be to aid and encourage our friends and allies everywhere. And by everywhere I mean Europe and Asia and Africa and America. And finally, the most important of all, we Americans must gird spiritually for the battle. We must dispel the fog of uncertainty and vacillation. We must greet with raucous laughter the corroding arguments of our appeasers and fascists. They doubt democracy. We affirm it triumphantly so that all the world may hear: “Here in America we have something so worth living for that it is worth dying for!” The socalled “wave of the future” is but the slimy backwash of the past. We have not heaved from our

necks the tyrant’s crushing heel, only to stretch our necks out again for its weight. Not only will we fight for democracy, we will make it more worth fighting for. Under our free institutions, we will work for the good of mankind, including Hitler’s victims in Germany, so that all may have plenty and security. We American democrats know that when good will prevails among men there will be a world of plenty and a world of security. In the words of Winston Churchill, “Are we downhearted? No, we are not!” But someone is downhearted! Witness the terrified flight of Hess, Hitler’s Number-Three Man. And listen to this—listen carefully: The British nation can be counted upon to carry through to victory any struggle that it once enters upon no matter how long such a struggle may last, or however great the sacrifices that may be necessary, or whatever the means that have to be employed; and all this even though the actual military equipment at hand may be utterly inadequate when compared with that of other nations.

Do you know who wrote that? Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf. And do you know who took down that dictation? Rudolf Hess. We will help to make Hitler’s prophecy come true. We will help brave England drive back the hordes from Hell who besiege her, and then we will join for the destruction of savage and blood-thirsty dictators everywhere. But we must be firm and decisive. We must know our will and make it felt. And we must hurry.

Harold Ickes, What Constitutes an American Speech, May 18, 1941. Papers of Harold L. Ickes, Library of Congress.

PROCLAMATION OF UNLIMITED NATIONAL EMERGENCY B

While the United States was still more than six months away from going to war in May 1941, the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt determined that the country’s defensive situation was dire enough to declare a national emergency. Although the action put the U.S. armed forces on heightened alert, the proclamation was largely a symbolic act as far as the civilian population and economy was concerned. May 27, 1941

By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation WHEREAS on September 8, 1939, because of the outbreak of war in Europe a proclamation was issued declaring a limited national emergency and directing measures “for the purpose of strengthening our national defense within the limits of peacetime authorizations,” WHEREAS a succession of events makes plain that the objectives of the Axis belligerents in such war are not confined to those avowed at its commencement, but include overthrow throughout the world of existing democratic order, and a worldwide domination of peoples

and economies through the destruction of all resistance on land and sea and in the air, AND WHEREAS indifference on the part of the United States to the increasing menace would be perilous, and common prudence requires that for the security of this nation and of this hemisphere we should pass from peacetime authorizations of military strength to such a basis as will enable us to cope instantly and decisively with any attempt at hostile encirclement of this hemisphere, or the establishment of any base for aggression against it, as well as to repel the threat of predatory incursion by foreign agents into our territory and society, NOW, THEREFORE, I, FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT, President of the United States of America, do proclaim that an unlimited national emergency confronts this country, which requires that its military, naval, air and civilian defences be put on the basis of readiness to repel any and all acts or threats of aggression directed toward any part of the Western Hemisphere. I call upon all the loyal citizens engaged in production for defense to give precedence to the needs of the nation to the end that a system of government that makes private enterprise possible may survive. I call upon all our loyal workmen as well as

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employers to merge their lesser differences in the larger effort to insure the survival of the only kind of government which recognizes the rights of labor or of capital. I call upon loyal state and local leaders and officials to cooperate with the civilian defense agencies of the United States to assure our internal security against foreign directed subversion and to put every community in order for maximum productive effort and minimum of waste and unnecessary frictions. I call upon all loyal citizens to place the nation’s needs first in mind and in action to the end that we may mobilize and have ready for instant defensive use all of the physical powers, all of the moral strength and all of the material resources of this nation. IN WITNESS WHEREOF I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed.

DONE at the City of Washington this twentyseventh day of May, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and forty-one, and of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and sixty-fifth. [SEAL] Franklin D. Roosevelt By the President: Cordell Hull Secretary of State

Department of State Bulletin, May 31, 1941.

EXECUTIVE ORDER 8802 Franklin D. Roosevelt

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Most historians concede that World War II lifted the United States out of the Great Depression. By 1941, industry was hiring large numbers of workers for defense plants, supplying the American and Allied militaries with armaments and provisions. A. Philip Randolph, head of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the nation’s largest black-run union, complained that blacks were not receiving their fair share of well-paying defense-industry jobs. When he threatened to lead a mass march on Washington, President Franklin Roosevelt issued Executive Order No. 8802, banning discrimination in defense-contract work. While the order was strongly worded, it offered little in the way of enforcement mechanisms. Nevertheless, Randolph chose to accept Roosevelt’s offer and called off the march.

Reaffirming Policy of Full Participation in the Defense Program by All Persons, Regardless of Race, Creed, Color, or National Origin, and Directing Certain Action in Furtherance of Said Policy June 25, 1941 WHEREAS it is the policy of the United States to encourage full participation in the national defense program by all citizens of the United

States, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, in the firm belief that the democratic way of life within the Nation can be defended successfully only with the help and support of all groups within its borders; and WHEREAS there is evidence that available and needed workers have been barred from employment in industries engaged in defense production solely because of considerations of race, creed, color, or national origin, to the detriment of workers’ morale and of national unity: NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes, and as a prerequisite to the successful conduct of our national defense production effort, I do hereby reaffirm the policy of the United States that there shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in defense industries or government because of race, creed, color, or national origin, and I do hereby declare that it is the duty of employers and of labor organizations, in furtherance of said policy and of this order, to provide for the full and equitable participation of all workers in defense industries, without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin; And it is hereby ordered as follows:

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1. All departments and agencies of the Government of the United States concerned with vocational and training programs for defense production shall take special measures appropriate to assure that such programs are administered without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin; 2. All contracting agencies of the Government of the United States shall include in all defense contracts hereafter negotiated by them a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any worker because of race, creed, color, or national origin; 3. There is established in the Office of Production Management a Committee on Fair Employment Practice, which shall consist of a chairman and four other members to be appointed by the President. The Chairman and members of the Committee shall serve as such without compensation but shall be entitled to

actual and necessary transportation, subsistence and other expenses incidental to performance of their duties. The Committee shall receive and investigate complaints of discrimination in violation of the provisions of this order and shall take appropriate steps to redress grievances which it finds to be valid. The Committee shall also recommend to the several departments and agencies of the Government of the United States and to the President all measures which may be deemed by it necessary or proper to effectuate the provisions of this order. Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, June 25, 1941

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Executive Order 8802, June 25, 1941. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

MESSAGE TO CONGRESS ON PRICE CONTROL Franklin D. Roosevelt

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Deflation was one of the key problems facing the American economy during the Great Depression of the 1930s as overcapacity in idled and partially idled factories drove prices down. But with the coming of World War II—with its massive government defense spending and its shipment of goods overseas to American allies—inflation gripped the economy as idle capacity disappeared and too many dollars chased too few goods. To counter this effect, President Franklin Roosevelt first proposed price controls, justifying them as necessary for the national defense. Inflationary price rises and increases in the cost of living are today threatening to undermine our defense effort. I am, therefore, recommending to the Congress the adoption of measures to deal with this threat. We are now spending more than $30,000,000 a day on defence. This rate must and will increase. In June of this year we spent about $808,000,000—more than five times the $153,000,000 we spent in June, 1940. Every dollar spent for defense presses against an already limited supply of materials. This pressure is sharply accentuated by an ever-increasing civilian demand. For the first time in years many of our workers are in the market for the goods they have always wanted. This means more buyers for more products

which contain steel and aluminum and other materials needed for defence. Thus a rapidly expanding civilian demand has been added to a vast and insistent demand by the government. Those who have money to spend are willing to bid for the goods. The government must and will satisfy its defense needs. In such a situation, price advances merely determine who gets the scarce materials, without increasing the available supply. We face inflation, unless we act decisively and without delay. The consequences of inflation are well known. We have seen them before. Producers, unable to determine what their costs will be, hesitate to enter into defense contracts or otherwise to commit themselves to ventures whose outcome they cannot foresee. The whole production machinery falters. Speculators, anticipating successive price advances, withhold commodities from essential military production. Costs to the government increase, and with it the public debt. Increases in the workers’ cost of living, on the one hand, and excessive profits for the manufacturer on the other, lead to spiraling demands for higher wages. This means friction between employer and employed. Great profits are reaped by some, while oth-

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ers, with fixed and low incomes, find their living standards drastically reduced and their lifelong savings shrunken. The unskilled worker, the white-collar worker, the farmer, the small investor all find that their dollar buys ever less and less. The burden of defense is thrown haphazardly and inequitably on those with fixed income or whose bargaining power is too weak to secure increases in income commensurate with the rise in the cost of living. And over all hovers the specter of future deflation and depression, to confuse and retard the defense effort and inevitably to aggravate the dangers and difficulties of a return to a normal peacetime basis. Economic sacrifices there will be and we shall bear them cheerfully. But we are determined that the sacrifice of one shall not be the profit of another. Nothing will sap the morale of this nation more quickly or ruinously than penalizing its sweat and skill and thrift by the individually undeserved and uncontrollable poverty of inflation. Our objective, therefore, must be to see that inflation, arising from the abuse of power to increase prices because the supply is limited and the demand inflexible, does not occur during the present emergency. Today we stand, as we did in the closing months of 1915, at the beginning of an upward sweep of the whole price structure. Then, too, we enjoyed relative stability in prices for almost a year and a half after the outbreak of war abroad. In October, 1915, however, prices turned sharply upward. By April, 1917, the wholesale price index had jumped 63 per cent; by June, 1917, 74 per cent, and by June, 1920, it was nearly 140 per cent over the October, 1915, mark. The facts today are frighteningly similar. The Bureau of Labor Statistics index of

twenty-eight basic commodities, by the end of June, had advanced 50 per cent beyond its August, 1939, level. It has increased 24 per cent since January of this year. Since August, 1939, the Bureau of Labor Statistics index of 900 wholesale prices has advanced 17 1/2 per cent. It has increased 10 per cent since January of this year. In the past sixty days wholesale prices have risen more than five times as fast as during the preceding period since the outbreak of the war abroad. Since August, 1939, the Bureau of Labor Statistics index of the cost of living has advanced 5 1/2 per cent. It has increased 3 1/2 per cent since the beginning of this year, and the upward pressure is now intense. In a single month, from the middle of May to the middle of June, the cost of living was greater than during any similar period since the World War. But even yet the index does not fully reflect past increases, and only in a few months will it respond to current increases. In 1915 the upward price movement proceeded unchecked so that when regulation was finally begun it was already too late. Now we have an opportunity to act before disastrous inflation is upon us. The choice is ours to make; but we must act speedily. For twelve months we have tried to maintain a stable level of prices by enlisting the voluntary cooperation of business, and through informal persuasive control. The effort has been widely supported because far-sighted business leaders realize that their own true interest would be jeopardized by runaway inflation. But the existing authority over prices is indirect and circumscribed, and operates through measures which are not appropriate or applicable in all circumstances. It has further been weakened by those who purport to recognize need for price stabilization yet challenge the existence of any effective power. In some cases, moreover, there has

Message to Congress on Price Control

been evasion and bootlegging; in other cases the Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply has been openly defied. Faced now with the prospect of inflationary price advances, legislative action can no longer prudently be postponed. Our national safety demands that we take steps at once to extend, clarify and strengthen the authority of the government to act in the interest of the general welfare. Legislation should include authority to establish ceilings for prices and rents, to purchase materials and commodities when necessary, to assure price stability, and to deal more extensively with excesses in the field of installment credit. To be effective, such authority must be flexible and subject to exercise through license or regulations under expeditious and workable administrative procedures. Like other defense legislation, it should expire with the passing of the need, within a limited time after the end of the emergency. The concept of a price ceiling is already familiar to us as a result of our own World War experience. Prices are not fixed or frozen; an upper limit alone is set. Prices may fluctuate below this limit. But they cannot go above it. To make ceiling prices effective, it will be necessary, among other things, for the government to increase the available supply of a commodity by purchases in this country or abroad. In other cases it will be essential to stabilize the market by buying and selling as the exigencies of price may require. Housing is a commodity of universal use, the supply of which cannot speedily be increased. Despite the steps taken to assure adequate housing for defense, we are already confronted with rent increases ominously reminiscent of those which prevailed during the World War. This is a development that must be arrested before rent profiteering can develop

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to increase the cost of living and to damage the civilian morale. Of course there cannot be price stability if labor costs rise abnormally. Labor has far more to gain from price stability than from abnormal wage increases. For these are likely to be illusory, and quickly overtaken by sharp rises in living costs which fall with particular hardship on the least fortunate of our workers and our old people. There will always be need for wage adjustments from time to time to rectify inequitable situations. But labor as a whole will fare best from a labor policy which recognizes that wages in the defense industries should not substantially exceed the prevailing wage rates in comparable non-defense industries where fair labor policies have been maintained. Already through the efforts of the National Defense Mediation Board and wage stabilization committees, wage standards are being established and a measure of wage stability is being brought to particular industries. It is expected that such activities will be continued, extended and made increasingly effective. I recognize that the obligation not to seek an excessive profit from the defense emergency rests with equal force on labor and on industry, and that both must assume their responsibilities if we are to avoid inflation. I also realize that we may expect the wholehearted and voluntary cooperation of labor only when it has been assured a reasonable and stable income in terms of the things money will buy, and equal restraint or sacrifice on the part of all others who participate in the defense program. This means not only a reasonable stabilization of prices and the cost of living but the effective taxation of excess profits and purchasing power. In this way alone can the nation be protected from the evil consequences of a chaotic struggle for gains which must prove ei-

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ther illusory or unjust, and which must lead to the disaster of unchecked inflation. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT The White House, July 30, 1941

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Presidential Message to Congress, July 30, 1941, 77th Congress, First Session.

ATLANTIC CHARTER B

As part of their effort to win American public sympathy for U.S. support of Britain in World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill met on a warship off the coast of Newfoundland in August 1941 and issued the Atlantic Charter, outlining the democratic goals of the war, as well as hopes for a postwar social welfare state in both countries. The President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty’s Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world. FIRST, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other; SECOND, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned; THIRD, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them; FOURTH, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further

the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity; FIFTH, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic adjustment and social security; SIXTH, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want; SEVENTH, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance; EIGHTH, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons, must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general secu-

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rity, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments. Franklin D. Roosevelt Winston S. Churchill

Atlantic Charter, August 1941. Samuel Rosenman, ed., Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, volume 10 (New York: Random House, 1938–1950), 314.

EXECUTIVE ORDER 9066 B

The Japanese Empire’s December 7, 1941, surprise attack on the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, not only precipitated the United States’ entry into World War II, but it also set off a nationwide wave of anti–Japanese American hysteria. Just over two months after the attack, President Franklin Roosevelt issued Executive Order No. 9066, permitting military authorities to incarcerate those citizens and aliens deemed a threat to national security. While not explicitly mentioning the Japanese, the order was utilized primarily against that ethnic group. Ultimately, 120,000 Japanese Americans residing in the western United States, including 77,000 native-born citizens, were forced into relocation centers. Ironically, Japanese people in Hawaii, the U.S. territory most threatened by Japanese aggression, were not incarcerated.

Authorizing the Secretary of War to Prescribe Military Areas WHEREAS the successful prosecution of the war requires every possible protection against espionage and against sabotage to nationaldefense material, national-defense premises, and national-defense utilities as defined in section 4, Act of April 20, 1918, 40 Stat. 533, as amended by the act of November 30, 1940, 54

Stat. 1220, and the Act of August 21, 1941, 55 Stat. 655 (U. S. C., Title 50, Sec. 104): NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I hereby authorize and direct the Secretary of War, and the Military Commanders whom he may from time to time designate, whenever he or any designated Commander deems such actions necessary or desirable, to prescribe military areas in such places and of such extent as he or the appropriate Military Commanders may determine, from which any or all persons may be excluded, and with such respect to which, the right of any person to enter, remain in, or leave shall be subject to whatever restrictions the Secretary of War or the appropriate Military Commander may impose in his discretion. The Secretary of War is hereby authorized to provide for residents of any such area who are excluded therefrom, such transportation, food, shelter, and other accommodations as may be necessary, in the judgement of the Secretary of War or the said Military Commander, and until other arrangements are made, to accomplish the purpose of this order. The designation of military areas in any region or locality shall supersede designations of pro-

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hibited and restricted areas by the Attorney General under the Proclamations of December 7 and 8, 1941, and shall supersede the responsibility and authority of the Attorney General under the said Proclamations in respect of such prohibited and restricted areas. I hereby further authorize and direct the Secretary of War and the said Military Commanders to take such other steps as he or the appropriate Military Commander may deem advisable to enforce compliance with the restrictions applicable to each Military area hereinabove authorized to be designated, including the use of Federal troops and other Federal Agencies, with authority to accept assistance of state and local agencies. I hereby further authorize and direct all Executive Departments, independent establishments and other Federal Agencies, to assist the Secretary of War or the said Military Commanders in carrying out this Executive Order, including the furnishing of medical aid, hospital-

ization, food, clothing, transportation, use of land, shelter, and other supplies, equipment, utilities, facilities and services. This order shall not be construed as modifying or limiting in any way the authority heretofore granted under Executive Order No. 8972, dated December 12, 1941, nor shall it be construed as limiting or modifying the duty and responsibility of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, with respect to the investigation of alleged acts of sabotage or the duty and responsibility of the Attorney General and the Department of Justice under the Proclamations of December 7 and 8, 1941, prescribing regulations for the conduct and control of alien enemies, except as such duty and responsibility is superseded by the designation of military areas hereunder. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT February 19, 1942 White House, Executive Order 9066, February 19, 1942.

NATIONAL SECURITY PLEBISCITE ADDRESS William Lyon Mackenzie King

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In April 1942, Canadian prime minister William Lyon Mackenzie King put a plebiscite before his nation’s electorate asking them to approve the government’s plan to initiate a military draft. Early in the war—unlike the United States, Canada had been at war since late 1939—King had promised to avoid conscription. He also recalled the “disunity” that conscription during World War I had caused. A yes vote in a national plebiscite, he hoped, would bring conscription with a mandate from the people and avoid further disunity. All the provinces, bar Quebec, voted yes in the plebiscite. I wish to speak to you tonight, my fellow Canadians, on a matter which, at this time of war, is of first importance—of first importance to the present position of our country, and to its future security; and, therefore, of real concern to the homes and lives of all.

Government Seeks a Free Hand On Monday, the 27th of this month, you will be asked to give the government a free hand in the discharge of its duty in carrying on the war. This may seem to you a strange request. What may seem stranger still is that this request is be-

ing made at a time of war. All of us, I believe, realize that, in war time, a government has greater need for a free hand than in peace time. Why then, you ask, does the government at this time of war, come to us for a free hand? The answer is not, as you might suppose, that the government lacks full legal power for the conduct of the war. The hands of the government are not tied either by the law or the constitution. The government has been given by parliament much wider powers for wartime than it commands in peacetime. It is important that you should understand, that at the present time, as far as legal power goes, the government is perfectly free to take any action which a majority in parliament will support. This will continue to be true of the power of the Government at Ottawa to the end of the war. How then, you ask, are the hands of the government tied? What is it that binds the government? What is the restriction which the government seeks to have removed? Why was the restriction ever imposed? Why should the government and parliament not tackle this question on their own responsibility without resorting to a plebiscite, and why, after two and a half years of war, has it become necessary to have the restriction removed?

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These are questions which have been repeatedly raised ever since the government announced its intention to ask you to free its hands. They are very natural questions. They are questions to which you will expect a satisfactory answer.

Legal Powers and Moral Obligations If the only thing that mattered in the relations between the people and the government was the possession of power, the government would, of course, be free to do as it pleases. That is what obtains under a dictatorship. No account is taken of the will of the people. It is on that principle that the Nazi, Italian and Japanese dictators are acting today. Under democratic government, however, quite as important as the possession of power is its exercise in accordance with the will of the people. When those who hold representative and responsible positions have given a definite promise to the people, they have created an obligation to act in accordance with that promise, until the people are again consulted. Such an obligation may not be binding according to law, but as an obligation it is no less sacred. There are those, I know, who make light of what they call “political promises.” It will, I think, be generally agreed that a political platform or programme is one thing; a definite and concrete promise or pledge is quite another. Because of circumstances, a government may, without breaking faith, fail to carry out, to the letter, its full programme. No change in circumstances could, however, justify a government in ignoring a specific pledge to the people, unless it was clear that the safety of the nation was immediately involved, and there was no possibility of consulting the people.

Nature of Restriction upon Government The pledge from which the present government is asking to be freed is not related to any ordinary day-to-day matter of policy. It is a pledge which was made specifically in relation to the conduct of the present war. It is a pledge which was given, by government and opposition alike, before and since the outbreak of the war, and to which, at the time it was made, no political party took exception. The present House of Commons was returned in the light of that pledge. The pledge to which I refer is, as you are all aware, that, as a method of raising men for military service overseas, resort would not be had to conscription. In other words, that voluntary enlistment would be the method by which men would be raised for service overseas. That promise is a restriction upon the government today. It is, as I have said, not a legal restriction. It is a moral obligation and I need not add a moral obligation of the most solemn kind. It is equally the one and only restriction upon the exercise by the government of its full power.

How Restriction Came to Be Imposed You ask: why was the restriction ever imposed? Why was the promise given? “Surely,” many will say, “the government should have known that it would need a free hand in time of war. Why, then, did the government tie its own hands?” The answer to this question is very simple. The pledge not to impose conscription, as everyone knows, was the result of Canada’s experience in the last war. The way in which conscription was then introduced, and the way it was enforced, gave rise to bitter resentment. Moreover, events proved that conscription in the last war had little or no military value.

National Security Plebiscite Address

Before, and at the commencement of the war, the people of Canada, like the peoples of most other countries, continued to think of the present war in terms of the last war. They thought of the situation overseas as they remembered it from 1914 to 1918. They thought of the situation in Canada in terms of the disunity which followed the introduction of conscription. They thought of just another European war. They most certainly did not think of a war in which all the nations of the world would be in danger. Much less did Canadians think of the war as one in which Canada might become the most coveted of all the prizes of war. That, however, is the actual situation today. The pledge not to impose conscription for service overseas was given in order to maintain the unity of Canada. Without this assurance, I do not believe that parliament would have given, as it did, prompt and wholehearted approval to Canada’s entry into the war. It was the trust of the people in the pledged word of the government which then maintained our national unity.

Importance of National Unity We must never lose sight of the importance of national unity. National unity is, I believe, more essential to the success of the war effort of any country than most other factors combined. “Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation, and a house divided against a house itself falleth.” The restriction upon the power of the government was necessary at the outset to preserve national unity. It has helped until recently to maintain national unity. In the past few months it has, however, become a matter of controversy and a threat to unity. You know full well that a

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foremost aim of my public life has been the preservation of the unity of Canada. I must say that under the changed conditions of today, and with Canada’s record in the war being what it has been over the past two and a half years, I see no reason why the removal of the restriction should weaken our unity. Instead, I believe firmly that its removal will help to overcome a source of irritation and disunity within our own country. It will, I believe, also help to remove a source of misunderstanding in the other countries united with Canada in the common effort to preserve freedom in the world.

Why Plebiscite Necessary I come now to the question: why have the government and parliament not tackled this question on their own responsibility without resorting to a plebiscite? The answer is very simple. Had the government taken the position that, as conditions had changed, it did not intend longer to be bound by any pledge, it would immediately have been said that the government had violated the most sacred undertaking ever given in its name. It would most certainly have been said that, before so deciding, we should have referred the matter to the people in a general election, or a referendum, or as we are doing, by means of a plebiscite, and asked to be relieved from all past commitments. It would have been asserted that we were no better than the Nazis; that we had ceased to have regard for the will of the people and were now relying upon force to give effect to policies which were the direct opposite of those on which we had been returned to power. Had the present government attempted to do such a thing, does anyone imagine it would have been able to retain the confidence of parliament? For the government to have dis-

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regarded its pledged word would, I believe, have helped to destroy faith, not merely in the government, but in democratic institutions. Far from increasing our total war effort, the disunity caused by such a breach of faith would, I believe, have made our effort less effective. By such an arbitrary act, we might well have destroyed the national unity on which our war effort is founded.

Maintenance of Faith in Democratic Institutions There never was a time when the need is what it is today to conserve what still exists of faith in democratic institutions. The present unhappy state of the world is, in large part, the result of broken pledges. Nazi Germany has erected bad faith and the broken pledge into a principle of action. Bad faith, broken pledges, and disregard of the popular will, are the forces against which Canada is fighting today. But, you may say, no one would expect the government to have taken any such arbitrary action. What the government should have done was to have gone to parliament and asked the members to give it a free hand. It is said that a release would have been granted immediately. But would it? I am certain, in fact, it would not. And that for the simple reason that members of parliament would, for the most part, have taken the position that they were as much bound by past commitments as were the members of the government.

Canada’s War Effort Being Placed in False Light And that brings me to the last of the questions to which you are waiting a reply: “Why, after

two and a half years of war, has it become necessary to have the restriction removed?” One answer is that this restriction is being represented as the bar to an all-out effort on Canada’s part. It makes no difference whether conscription for service overseas would add to Canada’s total effort or not, the fact that the government is not free to consider its adoption is made to appear as limiting Canada’s war effort. The truth, of course, is that our army today is just as large as it would have been if conscription for overseas service had been adopted. The absence of conscription for overseas service has not limited our war effort. The lack of power to impose such conscription has, however, placed our war effort in a wholly false light before our own citizens, and, what is worse, before our allies. In other words, conscription has been made the symbol of a total effort, regardless of all Canada is doing to help win the war.

Issue Not Conscription— but Powers of Government The issue at present is not conscription; it is whether or not the government, subject to its responsibility to parliament, is to be free to decide that question itself in the light of all national considerations. The government is not asking you to say whether or not conscription should be adopted. That responsibility the government is asking you to leave to itself and to parliament, with entire freedom to decide the question on its merits. The question of conscription, properly viewed, is a military question. The place to discuss it is in parliament. What the government now seeks for itself and for parliament is freedom to consider and debate and decide this


question, like all other questions connected with the war, unrestricted by any pledge and in the light only of the needs of national security. A part of our forces should be kept in Canada to protect us against attack; a part of our forces should be sent overseas to help defeat the enemy and thus prevent him from attacking Canada. Both tasks are equally essential to our safety. Anyone who tells you that only one of these tasks is necessary is deceiving you. The government with the information which it alone possesses is in a position to decide where Canada’s forces can be used to the greatest advantage in defending Canada, and in helping to defeat Germany and Japan, or how the armed forces required can best be raised. We do not ask the people to make that decision. But we believe the matter is so important that the government and parliament should be completely free to decide the question wholly on its merits.

Parliament to Safeguard Rights of People The people of Canada are not going to hesitate to take any step which they believe to be necessary for the preservation of their freedom. They are certainly not going to hesitate to adopt any measure needed to preserve their national existence, but they will wish to know, and they have a right to know, that before any step is taken, that step is necessary. This is particularly true in the case of a measure which has been the subject of bitter controversy and the source of disunity in the past. The only place it can satisfactorily be decided whether a particular step is necessary or a particular measure needed, is in parliament. In parliament, the government can state its case and provide the information on which a wise decision can alone be made.

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In the greatest of all emergencies, I ask you, are you not prepared to trust the government and your own parliament to see that only those things are done which are wholly in the interest of the country? If there are any who are not, who or what are they prepared to trust? This is the question I should like every citizen of Canada to ask himself and herself as he or she proceeds to answer “yes” or “no” to the question being asked on the 27th of this month.

National Existence as well as National Freedom Threatened But there is a greater and more urgent reason why the restriction on the power of the government should be removed. And to this I ask your special attention. I have spoken of unity. To a nation, there is one thing even more important than the preservation of its unity. That is the preservation of its existence. To those who, beyond the events of today, are able to look into the future, it is no longer the unity, it is the very existence of our country as a free nation which they see is in danger today. We are no longer in a world where even the most powerful nation is able, by itself, to save itself from the ambition and greed of the aggressor nations. For the preservation of its very existence, each free country is going to need all the help that other free countries can give. It will require the utmost co-operation on the part of all free countries to save them from becoming victims, one by one, of the gangster nations whose undoubted aim is world conquest. With our immense territory, great resources and small population, no country may come to need the help of the other countries more than our own. Unless we continue to do all we can to help others, we shall have no right to expect them to do all they can to help us. Until the present tide of

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conquest is turned into overwhelming defeat for the enemy, no country—and assuredly not Canada—can consider itself secure.

International Situation Exceedingly Critical The last thing I have been or would wish to be is an alarmist. I would, however, not be true to the trust the people of Canada have reposed in me did I not say that I believe the situation, for all free nations, is far more critical today than it has ever been. Canada’s position is by no means an exception. Look at what has happened in the past two and a half years of war; look at what is happening today, and ask yourselves what other view is possible. Practically the whole of continental Europe, except Russia, is under the domination of Germany, and is compelled to serve her war machine. Despite Russia’s magnificent campaign and the ground she has regained, much of her European territory is still in Nazi hands. Who can say what the outcome of the struggle between Russia and Germany may be? In the Middle East and in Africa, the situation is also desperately critical. In Asia and in the Pacific, Japan controls a large part of China, and has seized most of the strategic strongholds and territories formerly possessed by The Netherlands, France, Britain and the United States. Across the Pacific, the tide of Japanese conquest has swept swiftly over thousands of miles of sea. A few weeks ago, it was Hong Kong, Singapore and the East Indies—attacked and taken; a little later, Burma and Australia attacked, with New Zealand also threatened. Today it is Ceylon and India. Who can say how, or when, or where, the sweep of attempted invasion and actual conquest is going to end. Neither sea nor land defences have stopped the advances of the Germans and the Japanese. It becomes increasingly clear that both Germany

and Japan are putting forth a supreme effort to achieve world mastery in 1942. At the moment, they are aiming at uniting their forces in a manner which will give them control of the strategic lines of communication in the whole eastern hemisphere.

Mounting Dangers to Canada from East and West In the British Commonwealth of Nations, Canada and South Africa are the only countries not immediately subject to attack. Does anyone imagine that if the aggressor nations are successful in the present areas of conflict, they will leave the western hemisphere alone? Is anyone so blind as to believe that already they have not cast their covetous eyes upon the vast territory and resources of our own Dominion? Off our own Atlantic coasts and those of the United States, enemy U-boats have been destroying shipping at an alarming rate. There are strong reasons for believing that Germany hopes, in the course of the next few months, to be able by means of a great naval offensive on the Atlantic, to cut the sea lanes between North America and Britain, and to cripple the merchant fleets of Britain and the United States. Japan has a similar aim on the Pacific. These offensives may come at any time. One thing is perfectly certain. If the enemy is not kept at bay on the oceans, and defeated beyond the waters of the Atlantic and the Pacific, the final battles of the world conflict will be fought in the waters and upon the soil of Canada and the United States. Here surely is the most powerful of reasons why every effort should be made, as it is being made, alike by the United States and Canada, to help the other united nations to engage the enemy and try to defeat him where he is to be found today. We cannot defend our country


and save our homes and families by waiting at home for the enemy to attack us. Every country that has stood behind its own defences in this war has sooner or later been attacked. To remain on the defensive is the surest way to bring the war to Canada. Of course, we should look to our defences; we should protect our coasts; we should strengthen our ports and our cities against attack. But we must also take our full part in the combat, we must go out to meet the enemy before he reaches our shores; we must, if we can, defeat him before he attacks us, before our cities are laid waste and before the women and children of Canada are injured or killed in our streets and our homes.

Canada Fighting to Preserve Freedom and Her Own Existence It is unfortunate that so many have come to think of Canada’s war effort as aid for other countries. In reality, it is much more than that. Every sailor, every soldier, every airman in Canada’s forces, wherever they serve; every ship, every gun, every plane we manufacture, regardless of the forces that use them; the food we supply to our allies; all these may be aid to other countries against a common enemy, but are equally a contribution to the defence of Canada. Let no one tell you that Canada is in this war to uphold any selfish cause of empire. It is not true. We are fighting to preserve our freedom and our national existence, to defend our homes and families, from an enemy drawing ever nearer. We would do well to remember

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that, against the piratical ambitions of Germany and Japan alike, the one sure shield of defence is actual combat in the front line of battle, whether on land, at sea or in the air.

Mutual Defence and Mutual Aid Here is the strongest of reasons why no excuse should remain for anyone to say that because of a restriction upon the exercise by the government of its full powers, Canada’s war effort is not all it might be. Should the day come— and it may come soon—when Canada is faced with attack, and we need help from the United States or Britain or any of the United Nations, how would we feel if we thought their governments were restricted in their power to aid Canada? We would do well, I think, not to permit any misunderstanding to arise in other countries as to our readiness to do our full part in the struggle we are all fighting together. Aggression has followed aggression with such speed in so many parts of the world that no one can now predict what new areas the war may reach next year, next month or next week. Danger threatens us from the east and from the west. It is in the face of this peril that for the defence of our freedom and of our country, the government asks you to give it a free hand. William Lyon Mackenzie King, National Security Plebiscite Address, April 7, 1942. William Lyon Mackenzie King, Canada and the War: National Security Plebiscite (Ottawa: Edmond Cloutier, 1942).

RADIO APPEAL ON SCRAP-RUBBER CAMPAIGN Franklin D. Roosevelt

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World War II required sacrifices from the American people. Not only did some sixteen million men and women serve in the military, but civilians were required to limit their consumption of resources necessary for the war effort and to engage in vigorous recycling programs. Of these resources, none was more precious than rubber, a material critical to modern mechanized warfare. Japan’s conquest of Southeast Asia in late 1941 and early 1942 cut America off from the largest rubber-growing region in the world. In this 1942 radio address, President Franklin Roosevelt appealed to the American people to limit their use of rubber and to recycle scrap rubber. I want to talk to you about rubber—about rubber and the war—about rubber and the American people. When I say rubber I mean rubber. I don’t mean gasoline. Gasoline is a serious problem only in certain sections of the country. But rubber is a problem everywhere—from one end of the country to the other—in the Mississippi Valley as well as in the East—in the oil country as well as in the corn country or the iron country or the great industrial centers. Rubber is a problem for this reason—because modern wars cannot be won without rubber and because 92 percent of our normal supply of rubber has been cut off by the Japanese.

That is serious. It would be more serious if we had not built up a stock pile of rubber before the war started: if we were not now building up a great new synthetic rubber industry. That takes time, so we have an immediate need. Neither the stock pile, nor the synthetic plants which are now being built, nor both together, will be enough to provide for the needs of our great new Army and Navy plus our civilian requirements as they now exist. The armed services have done what they can. They have eliminated rubber wherever possible. The Army, for example, has had to replace rubber treads with less efficient steel treads on many of its tanks. Army and Navy estimates of use of rubber have had to be curtailed all along the line. But there is a limit to that. You and I want the finest and most efficient Army and Navy the world has ever seen—an Army and Navy with the greatest and swiftest striking power. That means rubber—huge quantities of rubber—rubber for trucks and tanks and planes and gun mounts—rubber for gas masks and rubber for landing boats. But it is not the Army and Navy alone which need rubber. The process of production also needs rubber. We need rubber to get our war workers back and forth to their plants—some

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Radio Appeal on Scrap-Rubber Campaign

of them far from workers’ homes. We need rubber to keep our essential goods and supplies moving. All this adds up to a very serious problem—a problem which is a challenge to the sound judgment of the Government and to the ingenuity of the American people. It is a problem we Americans are laboring to solve—a problem we will solve. But there is one unknown factor in this problem. We know what our stock pile is. We know what our synthetic capacity will be. But we do not know how much used rubber there is in the country—used rubber which, reclaimed and reprocessed, can be combined with our supplies of new rubber to make those supplies go farther in meeting military and civilian needs. Specifically, we don’t know how much used rubber there is in your cellar—your barn— your stock room—your garage—your attic. There are as many opinions as there are experts, and until we know, we can’t make our plans for the best use of the rubber we have. The only way to find out is to get the used rubber in where it can stand up and be counted. And that precisely is what we propose to do. We are setting aside the two-week period from June 15 to June 30—from 12:01 a.m., June 15, to 12:00 midnight, June 30—to get the old rubber in. We have asked the filling station operators—the thousands upon thousands of citizens who operate gas stations and garages from one end of the country to the other—to help. And they have generously and patriotically agreed to help: they and the oil companies which serve them. They have agreed to take the old rubber in and to pay for it at the standard rate of a penny

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a pound—an amount which will later be refunded to them by the Government. I know that I don’t need to urge you to take part in this collection drive. All you need to know is the place to take your rubber and the time to take it there—and the fact that your country needs it. We do not want you to turn in essential rubber that you need in your daily life—rubber you will have to replace by buying new things in the store. We do want every bit of rubber you can possibly spare—and in any quantity—less than a pound—many pounds. We want it in every form—old tires, old rubber raincoats, old garden hose, rubber shoes, bathing caps, gloves—whatever you have that is made of rubber. If you think it is rubber, take it to your nearest filling station. Once the rubber is in, we will know what our supplies of used rubber are and we will make our plans accordingly. One thing you can be sure of—we are going to see to it that there is enough rubber to build the planes to bomb Tokyo and Berlin—enough rubber to build the tanks to crush the enemy wherever we may find him—enough rubber to win this war. Here are two simple rules for this rubber emergency. Turn in all the old rubber—anywhere and everywhere. Cut the use of your car—save its tires by driving slowly and driving less. I know the Nation will respond.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, “Radio Appeal on Scrap-Rubber” Campaign, June 12, 1942. The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt. 1942 volume: Humanity on the Defensive, 270–273.

EULOGY FOR VILLAGE DESTROYED BY NAZIS Wendell Willkie

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Wendell Willkie was the Republican candidate for president in 1940. As war clouds gathered over Europe and the Pacific during 1940, Willkie decided to run a patriotic campaign in which he refused to question the foreign policy of his opponent, President Franklin Roosevelt. Willkie was part of the interventionist wing of the Republican Party, believing that the United States should enter the struggle against fascism. During the war, he strongly supported Roosevelt, revealing the bipartisan spirit of the World War II era. In this speech delivered at Stern Park Gardens, Illinois on July 12, 1942, he dramatically illustrates what is at stake in America’s struggle with Nazism. Fellow Citizens and all who love freedom everywhere: Let me tell you a story. Ten miles west of Prague, in Czechoslovakia, there was a little village called Lidice, spelled L I D I C E. It was a mining village, a mile off the main highway, with some lovely old inns, a blacksmith or two, a shoemaker, a wheelwright, a tailor. The village had been there for over six hundred years. Above the ninety roofs of the town rose the spire of St. Margaret’s Church, built in 1736, the home of the faith of the community. This town was remote, peaceful, almost like a village in a fairy tale. But it was not a village in a fairy

tale, for its people had tasted the bread and wine of freedom. In this village one of the main streets was named Wilson Street, after an American who had a vision and wanted to share it with the world. And the people of Lidice dreamed the same dream, saw the same vision. But the Nazis came, and with them, misery and hardship. The altar of St. Margaret’s Church was no longer open to the people as it had been for over two hundred years. Men had to watch their words and their actions; they could no longer be free. But in their hearts, the hearts of the inn-keeper, and the tailor, and the farmer, and the miner, and the priest, was the stubborn independence of their fathers. Not far from Lidice ran a winding road. On this road, on May 27th, six weeks ago, at 10:30 in the morning, a motor car was passing, carrying Hitler’s governor of Czechoslovakia, “Hangman” Heydrich, for his cruelties the most hated man in all Europe. The car was held up by two unknown men. Bullets burrowed into the spine of Reinhard Heydrich. The two patriots disappeared, and one of them, it is said, is now safe in London. I do not wish to speak of the reign of terror that thereupon swept over all Czechoslovakia. I wish to speak today only of Lidice, and I will give you only the facts. This is not my version of

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the facts. This is not a version of the facts issued by any of the United Nations as propaganda. These are the facts as officially attested by the German government. They are facts of which the Nazis are proud. They are facts they wish the world to know. They are facts they believe will frighten you and me, and turn our hearts and our knees to water, and make us cry “Truce!” For Heydrich the Hangman died in agony, just as he had caused thousands of innocent people to die. No proof from that day to this has ever been adduced to show that any of the inhabitants of Lidice had anything to do with the assassination. But the Nazis made their own proof. They were afraid not to, for Heydrich was one of their great men. “One of the best Nazis,” Hitler called him, and that, no doubt, is true. On June 10th an official German statement was issued, not for domestic consumption, but for the world to hear. I quote from it: “It is officially announced that in the course of the search for the murderers of General Heydrich, it has been ascertained that the population of the village of Lidice supported and assisted the perpetrators who came into question . . . Because the inhabitants, by their support of the perpetrators, have flagrantly violated the law, all men of the village have been shot. The women have been deported to a concentration camp, and the children sent to appropriate centers of education. All buildings of the village were leveled to the ground, and the name of the village was immediately abolished.” That is the official Nazi report. They came in the night, men in boots and brown shirts, and they took from their homes the bewildered miners and farmers, the tailor and the priest, the boy of seventeen and the old man of seventy, more than two hundred in all, and they shot them, because they could think

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of no other way to avenge the death of Heydrich. Fifty-six women they took also and killed, and proudly listed their names. The rest of the women they drove into what they called concentration camps; and these women the world will never see again. They herded the pale, terror-stricken children into trucks and carried them off to correction schools where they would be taught that they must honor the murderers of their fathers and the brutalizers of their mothers. The ninety homes, they burned to the ground, the church of St. Margaret they stamped into the earth. And the name of the little town of Lidice, through which ran the street called after a President of the United States, they rubbed out, they thought, from history. Because a hangman was killed, Lidice lives. Why did they do this deed, more terrible than anything that has happened since the Dark Ages, a deed not of passion, but of cold, premeditated, systematic murder and rapine? Why? They did it because they are afraid. They are afraid because the free spirit in men has refused to be conquered. Theirs is a system of force and terror and Lidice is the terrible symbol of that system. But it is not the only one. Of the five hundred thousand men, women and children who have been shot in Europe by the Nazis, at least twenty-five thousand have perished in mass massacres. Poland, Norway, Belgium, Yugoslavia, all have their Lidices. But this one—a symbol of all we have sworn to remember, if only because the Nazis themselves demand that we forget it. Once more, they have misjudged the human spirit. Because a hangman was killed, Lidice lives. Because a hangman was killed, Wilson Street must once again be part of a little Bohemian town. Because the lanterns of Lidice have been blacked out, a flame has been lit which can

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never be extinguished. Each of the wounds of those two hundred men and fifty-six women is a mouth that cries out that other free men and free women must not suffer a like fate. Everywhere, but particularly in our own country, the wave of stubborn, stern resolve rises. Lidice lives. She lives again, thirty-five hundred miles from Wilson Street and St. Margaret’s Church, in this little village in Illinois. I look about me here, and I can see in the distance the black smoke of steel factories, swarming with American workers of all bloods and races. No contrast could be greater than the peaceful Lidice the Nazis thought they had destroyed, and this Illinois country, alive with factories in which the arms of victory are being

forged. But I tell you that the two are related. For while such deeds as Lidice are done in another country, we cannot rest until we are sure that they will never be done in our own. Let us here highly resolve that the memory of this little village of Bohemia, now resurrected by the people of a little village in Illinois, will fire us, now and until the battle is over, with the iron resolution that the madness of tyrants must perish from the earth, so that the earth may return to the people to whom it belongs, and be their village, their home, forever. Wendell Willkie, Eulogy for Village Destroyed by Nazis, July 12, 1942. Papers of Wendell Willkie, Lilly Library (Bloomington: Indiana University).

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With millions of Americans joining or being drafted into the military, the United States found itself short of agricultural workers. To make up the deficit, the United States negotiated an agreement with the government of Mexico, allowing laborers from the latter country a temporary visa to work in the agricultural sector. The program initially involved some three hundred thousand Mexican workers hired by the U.S. Department of Agriculture and contracted to American farmers. The program outlasted World War II and was finally ended in 1964. The original agreement was finalized on August 4, 1942, and renegotiated with some revisions on April 26, 1943. The following is the finalized version of the agreement with the 1943 revision indicated in italics.

For the Temporary Migration of Mexican Agricultural Workers to the United States as Revised on April 26, 1943, by an Exchange of Notes between the American Embassy at Mexico City and the Mexican Ministry for Foreign Affairs General Provisions 1) It is understood that Mexicans contracting to work in the United States shall not be engaged in any military service.

2) Mexicans entering the United States as a result of this understanding shall not suffer discriminatory acts of any kind in accordance with the Executive Order No. 8802 issued at the White House June 25, 1941. 3) Mexicans entering the United States under this understanding shall enjoy the guarantees of transportation, living expenses and repatriation established in Article 29 of the Mexican Federal Labor Law as follows: Article 29. All contracts entered into by Mexican workers for lending their services outside their country shall be made in writing, legalized by the municipal authorities of the locality where entered into and visaed by the Consul of the country where their services are being used. Furthermore, such contract shall contain, as a requisite of validity of same, the following stipulations, without which the contract is invalid. I. Transportation and subsistence expenses for the worker, and his family, if such is the case, and all other expenses which originate from point of origin to border points and compliance of immigration requirements, or for any other similar concept, shall be paid exclusively by the employer or the contractual parties.

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II. The worker shall be paid in full the salary agreed upon, from which no deduction shall be made in any amount for any of the concepts mentioned in the above subparagraph. III. The employer or contractor shall issue a bond or constitute a deposit in cash in the Bank of Workers, or in the absence of same, in the Bank of Mexico, to the entire satisfaction of the respective labor authorities, for a sum equal to repatriation costs of the worker and his family, and those originated by transportation to point of origin. IV. Once the employer established proof of having covered such expenses or the refusal of the worker to return to his country, and that he does not owe the worker any sum covering salary or indemnization to which he might have a right, the labor authorities shall authorize the return of the deposit or the cancellation of the bond issued. It is specifically understood that the provisions of Section III of Article 29 above-mentioned shall not apply to the Government of the United States notwithstanding the inclusion of this section in the agreement, in view of the obligations assumed by the United States government under Transportation (a) and (c) of this agreement. 4) Mexicans entering the United States under this understanding shall not be employed to displace other workers, or for the purpose of reducing rates of pay previously established. In order to implement the application of the general Principles mentioned above the following specific clauses are established: (When the word “employer” is used hereinafter it shall be understood to mean the Farm Security Administration of the Department of

Agriculture of the United States of America; the word “sub-employer” shall mean the owner or operator of the farm or farms in the United States on which the Mexican will be employed; the word “worker” hereinafter used shall refer to the Mexican Farm laborer entering the United States under this understanding.)

Contracts a. Contracts will be made between the employer and the worker under the supervision of the Mexican Government. (Contracts must be written in Spanish.) b. The employer shall enter into a contract with the sub-employer, with a view to proper observance of the principles embodied in this understanding.

Admission a. The Mexican health authorities will, at the place whence the worker comes, see that he meets the necessary physical conditions.

Transportation a. All transportation and living expenses from the place of origin to destination, and return, as well as expenses incurred in the fulfillment of any requirements of a migratory nature shall be met by the Employer. b. Personal belongings of the workers up to a maximum of 35 kilos per person shall be transported at the expense of the Employer. c. In accord with the intent of Article 29 of Mexican Federal Labor Law, quoted under General Provisions (3) above, it is expected that the employer will collect all or part of the cost accruing under (a) and (b) of Transportation from the sub-employer.

Bracero Agreement

Wages and Employment a. Wages to be paid the worker shall be the same as those paid for similar work to other agricultural laborers under the same conditions within the same area, in the respective regions of destination. Piece rates shall be so set as to enable the worker of average ability to earn the prevailing wage. In any case wages for piece work or hourly work will not be less than 30 cents per hour. b. On the basis of prior authorization from the Mexican Government salaries lower than those established in the previous clause may be paid those emigrants admitted into the United States as members of the family of the worker under contract and who, when they are in the field, are able also to become agricultural laborers but who, by their condition of age or sex, cannot carry out the average amount of ordinary work. c. The worker shall be exclusively employed as an agricultural laborer for which he has been engaged; any change from such type of employment or any change of locality shall be made with the express approval of the worker and with the authority of the Mexican Government. d. There shall be considered illegal any collection by reason of commission or for any other concept demanded of the worker. e. Work of minors under 14 years shall be strictly prohibited, and they shall have the same schooling opportunities as those enjoyed by children of other agricultural laborers. f. Workers domiciled in the migratory labor camps or at any other place of employment under this understanding shall be free to obtain articles for their personal consumption, or that of their families, wherever it is most convenient for them. g. The Mexican workers will be furnished with-

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out cost to them with hygienic lodgings, adequate to the physical conditions of the region of a type used by a common laborer of the region and the medical and sanitary services enjoyed also without cost to them will be identical with those furnished to the other agricultural workers in the regions where they may lend their services. h. Workers admitted under this understanding shall enjoy as regards occupational diseases and accidents the same guarantees enjoyed by other agricultural workers under United States legislation. i. Groups of workers admitted under this understanding shall elect their own representatives to deal with the Employer, but it is understood that all such representatives shall be working members of the group. The Mexican Consuls, assisted by the Mexican Labor Inspectors, recognized as such by the Employer will take all possible measures of protection in the interest of the Mexican workers in all questions affecting them, within their corresponding jurisdiction, and will have free access to the places of work of the Mexican workers. The Employer will observe that the sub-employer grants all facilities to the Mexican Government for the compliance of all the clauses in this contract. j. For such time as they are unemployed under a period equal to 75% of the period (exclusive of Sundays) for which the workers have been contracted they shall receive a subsistence allowance at the rate of $3.00 per day. Should the cost of living rise this will be a matter for reconsideration. The master contracts for workers submitted to the Mexican government shall contain definite provisions for computation of subsistence and payments under the understanding.

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k. The term of the contract shall be made in accordance with the authorities of the respective countries. l. At the expiration of the contract under this understanding, and if the same is not renewed, the authorities of the United States shall consider illegal, from an immigration point of view, the continued stay of the worker in the territory of the United States, with exception made of cases of physical impossibility.

Savings Fund a. The respective agencies of the Government of the United States shall be responsible for the safekeeping of the sums contributed by the Mexican workers toward the formation of their Rural Savings Fund, until such sums are transferred to the Wells Fargo Bank and Union Trust Company of San Francisco for the account of the Bank of Mexico, S.A., which will transfer such amounts to the Mexican Agricultural Credit Bank. This last shall assume responsibility for the deposit, for the safekeeping and for the application, or in the absence of these, for the return of such amounts. b. The Mexican Government through the Banco de Crédito Agrícola will take care of the security of the savings of the workers to be used for payment of the agricultural implements, which may be made available to the Banco de Crédito Agrícola in accordance with exportation permits for shipment to Mexico with the understanding that the Farm Security Administration will recommend priority treatment for such implements.

Numbers As it is impossible to determine at this time the number of workers who may be needed in the United States for agricultural labor employment, the employer shall advise the Mexican Government from time to time as to the number needed. The Government of Mexico shall determine in each case the number of workers who may leave the country without detriment to its national economy. General Considerations It is understood that, with reference to the departure from Mexico of Mexican workers, who are not farm laborers, there shall govern in understandings reached by agencies to the respective Governments the same fundamental principles which have been applied here to the departure of farm labor. It is understood that the employers will cooperate with such other agencies of the Government of the United States in carrying this understanding into effect whose authority under the laws of the United States are such as to contribute to the effectuation of the understandings. Either Government shall have the right to renounce this understanding, given appropriate notification to the other Government 90 days in advance. This understanding may be formalized by an exchange of notes between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Mexico and the Embassy of the United States of America in Mexico. Bracero Agreement, August 4, 1942, and April 26, 1943, U.S. Department of Agriculture.

EXECUTIVE ORDER PROVIDING FOR THE STABILIZING OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY B

In an effort to prevent the inflation that accompanies war mobilization, Congress passed several acts to control prices and wages. In this executive order, President Franklin Roosevelt created various offices within the executive branch to institute the controls stipulated in the act. Most of the controls over the economy were quickly abandoned once the war ended, leading, predictably, to rapid inflation in the early postwar era. By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes, and particularly by the Act of October 2, 1942, entitled “An Act to Amend the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942, to Aid in Preventing Inflation, and for Other Purposes,” as President of the United States and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, and in order to control so far as possible the inflationary tendencies and the vast dislocations attendant thereon which threaten our military effort and our domestic economic structure, and for the more effective prosecution of the war, it is hereby ordered as follows:

Title I Establishment of an Office of Economic Stabilization 1. There is established in the Office for Emergency Management of the Executive Office of

the President an Office of Economic Stabilization at the head of which shall be an Economic Stabilization Director (hereinafter referred to as the Director). 2. There is established in the Office of Economic Stabilization an Economic Stabilization Board with which the Director shall advise and consult. The Board shall consist of the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Agriculture, the Secretary of Commerce, the Secretary of Labor, the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, the Director of the Bureau of the Budget, the Price Administrator, the Chairman of the National War Labor Board, and two representatives each of labor, management, and farmers to be appointed by the President. The Director may invite for consultation the head of any other department or agency. The Director shall serve as Chairman of the Board. 3. The Director, with the approval of the President, shall formulate and develop a comprehensive national economic policy relating to the control of civilian purchasing power, prices, rents, wages, salaries, profits, rationing, subsidies, and all related matters—all for the purpose of preventing avoidable increases in the cost of living, cooperating in minimizing the unnecessary migration of labor from one business, industry, or region to another, and fa-

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cilitating the prosecution of the war. To give effect to this comprehensive national economic policy the Director shall have power to issue directives on policy to the Federal departments and agencies concerned. 4. The guiding policy of the Director and of all departments and agencies of the Government shall be to stabilize the cost of living in accordance with the Act of October 2, 1942; and it shall be the duty and responsibility of the Director and of all departments and agencies of the Government to cooperate in the execution of such administrative programs and in the development of such legislative programs as may be necessary to that end. The administration of activities related to the national economic policy shall remain with the departments and agencies now responsible for such activities, but such administration shall conform to the directives on policy issued by the Director.

Title II Wage and Salary Stabilization Policy 1. No increases in wage rates, granted as a result of voluntary agreement, collective bargaining, conciliation, arbitration, or otherwise, and no decreases in wage rates, shall be authorized unless notice of such increases or decreases shall have been filed with the National War Labor Board, and unless the National War Labor Board has approved such increases or decreases. 2. The National War Labor Board shall not approve any increase in the wage rates prevailing on September 15, 1942, unless such increase is necessary to correct maladjustments or inequalities, to eliminate substandards of living, to correct gross inequities, or to aid in the effective prosecution of the war. Provided, however, that where the National War Labor Board or the Price Administrator

shall have reason to believe that a proposed wage increase will require a change in the price ceiling of the commodity or service involved, such proposed increase, if approved by the National War Labor Board, shall become effective only if also approved by the Director. 3. The National War Labor Board shall not approve a decrease in the wages for any particular work below the highest wages paid therefore between January 1, 1942 and September 15, 1942, unless to correct gross inequities and to aid in the effective prosecution of the war. 4. The National War Labor Board shall, by general regulation, make such exemptions from the provisions of this title in the case of small total wage increases or decreases as it deems necessary for the effective administration of this Order. 5. No increases in salaries now in excess of $5,000 per year (except in instances in which an individual has been assigned to more difficult or responsible work) shall be granted until otherwise determined by the Director. 6. No decrease shall be made in the salary for any particular work below the highest salary paid therefore between January 1, 1942 and September 15, 1942, unless to correct gross inequities and to aid in the effective prosecution of the war. 7. In order to correct gross inequities and to provide for greater equality in contributing to the war effort, the Director is authorized to take the necessary action, and to issue the appropriate regulations, so that, insofar as practicable, no salary shall be authorized until Title III, Section 4, to the extent that it exceeds $25,000 after the payment of taxes allocable to the sum in excess of $25,000. Provided, however, that such regulations shall make due allowance for the payment of life insurance premiums on policies heretofore issued, and required payments on fixed obligations heretofore incurred, and shall make provision to prevent undue hardship.

Executive Order Providing for the Stabilizing of the National Economy

8. The policy of the Federal Government, as established in Executive Order No. 9017 of January 12, 1942, to encourage free collective bargaining between employers and employees is reaffirmed and continued. 9. Insofar as the provisions of Clause (1) of section 302(c) of the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 are inconsistent with this Order, they are hereby suspended.

Title III Administration of Wage and Salary Policy 1. Except as modified by this Order, the National War Labor Board shall continue to perform the powers, functions, and duties conferred upon it by Executive Order No. 9017, and the functions of said Board are hereby extended to cover all industries and all employees. The National War Labor Board shall continue to follow the procedures specified in said Executive Order. 2. The National War Labor Board shall constitute the agency of the Federal Government authorized to carry out the wage policies stated in this Order, or the directives on policy issued by the Director under this Order. The National War Labor Board is further authorized to issue such rules and regulations as may be necessary for the speedy determination of the propriety of any wage increases or decreases in accordance with this Order, and to avail itself of the services and facilities of such State and Federal departments and agencies as, in the discretion of the National War Labor Board, may be of assistance to the Board. 3. No provision with respect to wages contained in any labor agreement between employers and employees (including the Shipbuilding Stabilization Agreements as amended on May 16, 1942, and the Wage Stabilization

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Agreement of the Building Construction Industry arrived at May 22, 1942) which is inconsistent with the policy herein enunciated or hereafter formulated by the Director shall be enforced except with the approval of the National War Labor Board within the provisions of this Order. The National War Labor Board shall permit the Shipbuilding Stabilization Committee and the Wage Adjustment Board for the Building Construction Industry, both of which are provided for in the foregoing agreement, to continue to perform their functions therein set forth, except insofar as any of them is inconsistent with the terms of this Order. 4. In order to effectuate the purposes and provisions of this Order and the Act of October 2, 1942, any wage or salary payment made in contravention thereof shall be disregarded by the Executive Departments and other governmental agencies in determining the costs or expenses of any employer for the purpose of any law or regulation, including the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 or any maximum price regulation thereof, or for the purpose of calculating deductions under the Revenue Laws of the United States or for the purpose of determining costs or expenses under any contract made by or on behalf of the Government of the United States.

Title IV Prices of Agricultural Commodities 1. The prices of agricultural commodities and of commodities manufactured or processed in whole or substantial part from any agricultural commodity shall be stabilized, so far as practicable, on the basis of levels which existed on September 15, 1942 and in compliance with the Act of October 2, 1942. 2. In establishing, maintaining or adjusting

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maximum prices for agricultural commodities or for commodities processed or manufactured in whole or in substantial part from any agricultural commodity, appropriate deductions shall be made from parity price or comparable price for payments made under the Soil Conservation and Domestic Allotment Act, as amended, parity payments made under the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, as amended, and governmental subsidies. 3. Subject to the directives on policy of the Director, the price of agricultural commodities shall be established or maintained or adjusted jointly by the Secretary of Agriculture and the Price Administrator; and any disagreement between them shall be resolved by the Director. The price of any commodity manufactured or processed in whole or in substantial part from an agricultural commodity shall be established or maintained or adjusted by the Price Administrator, in the same administrative manner provided for under the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942. 4. The provisions of sections 3(a) and 3(c) of the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 are hereby suspended to the extent that such provisions are inconsistent with any or all prices established under this Order for agricultural commodities, or commodities manufactured or processed in whole or in substantial part from an agricultural commodity.

Title V Profits and Subsidies 1. The Price Administrator in fixing, reducing, or increasing prices, shall determine price ceilings in such a manner that profits are prevented which in his judgment are unreasonable or exorbitant.

2. The Director may direct any Federal department or agency including, but not limited to, the Department of Agriculture (including the Commodity Credit Corporation and the Surplus Marketing Administration), the Department of Commerce, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, and other corporations organized pursuant to Section 5d of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation Act, as amended, to use its authority to subsidize and to purchase for resale, if such measures are necessary to insure the maximum necessary production and distribution of any commodity, or to maintain ceiling prices, or to prevent a price rise inconsistent with the purposes of this Order.

Title VI General Provisions 1. Nothing in this Order shall be construed as affecting the present operation of the Fair Labor Standards Act, the National Labor Relations Act, the Walsh-Healey Act, the DavisBacon Act, or the adjustment procedure of the Railway Labor Act. 2. Salaries and wages under this Order shall include all forms of direct or indirect remuneration to an employee or officer for work or personal services performed for an employer or corporation, including but not limited to, bonuses, additional compensation, gifts, commissions, fees, and any other remuneration in any form or medium whatsoever (excluding insurance and pension benefits in a reasonable amount as determined by the Director); but for the purpose of determining wages or salaries for any period prior to September 16, 1942, such additional compensation shall be taken into account only in cases where it has been customarily paid by employers to their employ-

Executive Order Providing for the Stabilizing of the National Economy

ees. “Salaries” as used in this Order means remuneration for personal services regularly paid on a weekly, monthly or annual basis. 3. The Director shall, so far as possible, utilize the information, data, and staff services of other Federal departments and agencies which have activities or functions related to national economic policy. All such Federal departments and agencies shall supply available information, data, and services required by the Director in discharging his responsibilities. 4. The Director shall be the agency to receive notice of any increase in the rates or charges of common carriers or other public utilities as provided in the aforesaid Act of October 2, 1942. 5. The Director may perform the functions and duties, and exercise the powers, authority, and discretion conferred upon him by this Order through such officials or agencies, and in

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such manner, as he may determine. The decision of the Director as to such delegation and the manner of exercise thereof shall be final. 6. The Director, if he deems it necessary, may direct that any policy formulated under this Order shall be enforced by any other department or agency under any other power or authority which may be provided by any of the laws of the United States. 7. The Director, who shall be appointed by the President, shall receive such compensation as the President shall provide, and within the limits of funds which may be made available, may employ necessary personnel and make provision for supplies, facilities and services necessary to discharge his responsibilities.

Executive Order Providing for the Stabilizing of the National Economy, October 3, 1942, White House.

SOCIAL INSURANCE AND ALLIED SERVICES Report by Sir William Beveridge

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The Report on Social Insurance and Allied Services, better known as the Beveridge Report (after its chairman, Oxford University master and former civil servant William Beveridge), outlined the postwar British welfare state. Among its most controversial recommendations was a policy of wealth distribution in order to provide full health care and social services for working-class citizens of the United Kingdom.

Presented to Parliament by Command of His Majesty Three Guiding Principles of Recommendations 6. In proceeding from this first comprehensive survey of social insurance to the next task—of making recommendations—three guiding principles may be laid down at the outset. 7. The first principle is that any proposals for the future, while they should use to the full the experience gathered in the past, should not be restricted by consideration of sectional interests established in the obtaining of that experience. Now, when the war is abolishing landmarks of every kind, is the opportunity for using experience in a clear field. A revolutionary moment in the world’s history is a time for revolutions, not for patching.

8. The second principle is that organisation of social insurance should be treated as one part only of a comprehensive policy of social progress. Social insurance fully developed may provide income security; it is an attack upon Want. But Want is one only of five giants on the road of reconstruction and in some ways the easiest to attack. The others are Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness. 9. The third principle is that social security must be achieved by co-operation between the State and the individual. The State should offer security for service and contribution. The State in organising security should not stifle incentive, opportunity, responsibility; in establishing a national minimum, it should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and his family. 10. The Plan for Social Security set out in this Report is built upon these principles. It uses experience but is not tied by experience. It is put forward as a limited contribution to a wider social policy, though as something that could be achieved now without waiting for the whole of that policy. It is, first and foremost, a plan of insurance—of giving in return for contributions benefits up to subsistence level, as of

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right and without means test, so that individuals may build freely upon it.

The Way to Freedom from Want 11. The work of the Inter-departmental Committee began with a review of existing schemes of social insurance and allied services. The Plan for Social Security, with which that work ends, starts from a diagnosis of want—of the circumstances in which, in the years just preceding the present war, families and individuals in Britain might lack the means of healthy subsistence. During those years impartial scientific authorities made social surveys of the conditions of life in a number of principal towns in Britain, including London, Liverpool, Sheffield, Plymouth, Southampton, York and Bristol. They determined the proportions of the people in each town whose means were below the standard assumed to be necessary for subsistence, and they analysed the extent and causes of that deficiency. From each of these social surveys the same broad result emerges. Of all the want shown by the surveys, from three-quarters to five-sixths, according to the precise standard chosen for want, was due to interruption or loss of earning power. Practically the whole of the remaining one-quarter to one-sixth was due to failure to relate income during earning to the size of the family. These surveys were made before the introduction of supplementary pensions had reduced the amount of poverty amongst old persons. But this does not affect the main conclusion to be drawn from these surveys: abolition of want requires a double redistribution of income, through social insurance and by family needs. 12. Abolition of want requires, first, improvement of State insurance, that is to say, provision against interruption and loss of earn-

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ing power. All the principal causes of interruption or loss of earnings are now the subject of schemes of social insurance. If, in spite of these schemes, so many persons unemployed or sick or old or widowed are found to be without adequate income for subsistence according to the standards adopted in the social surveys, this means that the benefits amount to less than subsistence by those standards or do not last as long as the need, and that the assistance which supplements insurance is either insufficient in amount or available only on terms which make men unwilling to have recourse to it. None of the insurance benefits provided before the war were in fact designed with reference to the standards of the social surveys. Though unemployment benefit was not altogether out of relation to those standards, sickness and disablement benefit, old age pensions and widows’ pensions were far below them, while workmen’s compensation was below subsistence level for anyone who had family responsibilities or whose earnings in work were less than twice the amount needed for subsistence. To prevent interruption or destruction of earning power from leading to want, it is necessary to improve the present schemes of social insurance in three directions: by extension of scope to cover persons now excluded, by extension of purposes to cover risks now excluded, and by raising the rates of benefit. 13. Abolition of want requires, second, adjustment of incomes, in periods of earning as well as in interruption of earning, to family needs, that is to say, in one form or another it requires allowances for children. Without such allowances as part of benefit—or added to it, to make provision for large families—no social insurance against interruption of earnings can be adequate. But, if children’s allowances are given only when earnings are interrupted and are not given during earning also, two evils are

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unavoidable. First, a substantial measure of acute want will remain among the lower paid workers as the accompaniment of large families. Second, in all such cases, income will be greater during unemployment or other interruptions of work than during work. 14. By a double re-distribution of income through social insurance and children’s allowances, want, as defined in the social surveys, could have been abolished in Britain before the present war. As is shown in para. 445, the income available to the British people was ample for such a purpose. The Plan for Social Security set out in Part V of this Report takes abolition of want after this war as its aim. It includes as its main method compulsory social insurance, with national assistance and voluntary insurance as subsidiary methods. It assumes allowances for dependent children, as part of its background. The plan assumes also establishment of comprehensive health and rehabilitation services and maintenance of employment, that is to say avoidance of mass unemployment, as necessary conditions of success in social insurance. These three measures—of children’s allowances, health and rehabilitation and maintenance of employment—are described as assumptions A, B and C of the plan; they fall partly within and partly without the plan extending into other fields of social policy. They are discussed, not in the detailed exposition of the plan in Part V of the Report, but in Part VI, which is concerned with social security in relation to wider issues. 15. The plan is based on a diagnosis of want. It starts from facts, from the condition of the people as revealed by social surveys between the two wars. It takes account of two other facts about the British community, arising out of past movements of the birth rate and the death rate, which should dominate planning for its future; the main effects of these movements in determining the present and future of the

British people are shown by Table XI in para. 234. The first of the two facts is the age constitution of the population, making it certain that persons past the age that is now regarded as the end of working life will be a much larger proportion of the whole community than at any time in the past. The second fact is the low reproduction rate of the British community today: unless this rate is raised very materially in the near future, a rapid and continuous decline of the population cannot be prevented. The first fact makes it necessary to seek ways of postponing the age of retirement from work rather than of hastening it. The second fact makes it imperative to give first place in social expenditure to the care of childhood and to the safeguarding of maternity. 16. The provision to be made for old age represents the largest and most growing element in any social insurance scheme. The problem of age is discussed accordingly in Part III of the Report as one of three special problems; the measures proposed for dealing with this problem are summarised in paras. 254– 257. Briefly, the proposal is to introduce for all citizens adequate pensions without means test by stages over a transition period of twenty years, while providing immediate assistance pensions for persons requiring them. In adopting a transition period for pensions as of right, while meeting immediate needs subject to consideration of means, the Plan for Social Security in Britain follows the precedent of New Zealand. The final rate of pensions in New Zealand is higher than that proposed in this Plan, but is reached only after a transition period of twenty-eight years as compared with twenty years suggested here; after twenty years, the New Zealand rate is not very materially different from the basic rate proposed for Britain. The New Zealand pensions are not conditional upon retirement from work; for Britain it is proposed that they should be retirement pen-


sions and that persons who continue at work and postpone retirement should be able to increase their pensions above the basic rate. The New Zealand scheme is less favourable than the plan for Britain in starting at a lower level; it is more favourable in some other respects. Broadly the two schemes for two communities of the British race are plans on the same lines to solve the same problem of passage from pensions based on need to pensions paid as of right to all citizens in virtue of contribution.

Summary of Plan for Social Security 17. The main feature of the Plan for Social Security is a scheme of social insurance against interruption and destruction of earning power and for special expenditure arising at birth, marriage or death. The scheme embodies six fundamental principles: flat rate of subsistence benefit; flat rate of contribution; unification of administrative responsibility; adequacy of benefit; comprehensiveness; and classification. These principles are explained in paras. 303–309. Based on them and in combination with national assistance and voluntary insurance as subsidiary methods, the aim of the Plan for Social Security is to make want under any circumstances unnecessary. 18. A plan which is designed to cover so many varieties of human circumstance must be long and detailed. It must contain proposals of differing orders of certainty and importance. In preparing the Report, the question arose naturally as to how far it was necessary at this stage to enter into details, and whether it might not be preferable to deal with principles only. For two reasons it has appeared desirable, in place of giving an outline only, to set the proposals out in as much detail as the time allowed. The first reason is that the principles underlying any practical reform can be judged

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only by seeing how they would work in practice. The second reason is that if a Plan for Social Security is to come into operation when the war ends or soon after, there is no time to lose in getting the plan prepared as fully as possible. The many details set forth in Part V are neither exhaustive nor final; they are put forward as a basis of discussion, but their formulation will, it is hoped, shorten subsequent discussion. Even among the major proposals of the Report there are differences of importance and of relevance to the scheme as a whole. There are some proposals which, though important and desirable in themselves, could be omitted without changing anything else in the scheme. Three in particular in the list of major changes in para. 30 have this character and are placed in square brackets to indicate it. This does not mean that everything not bracketed is essential and must be taken or left as a whole. The six principles named above and all that is implied in them are fundamental; the rest of the scheme can be adjusted without changing its character: all rates of benefit and all details are by nature subject to amendment. 19. The main provisions of the plan may be summarised as follows: (i) The plan covers all citizens without upper income limit, but has regard to their different ways of life; it is a plan all-embracing in scope of persons and of needs, but is classified in application. (ii) In relation to social security the population falls into four main classes of working age and two others below and above working age respectively, as follows: I. Employees, that is, persons whose normal occupation is employment under contract of service. II. Others gainfully occupied, including employers, traders and independent workers of all kinds.

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III. Housewives, that is married women of working age. IV. Others of working age not gainfully occupied. V. Below working age. VI. Retired above working age. (iii) The sixth of these classes will receive retirement pensions and the fifth will be covered by children’s allowances, which will be paid from the National Exchequer in respect of all children when the responsible parent is in receipt of insurance benefit or pension, and in respect of all children except one in other cases. The four other classes will be insured for security appropriate to their circumstances. All classes will be covered for comprehensive medical treatment and rehabilitation and for funeral expenses. (iv) Every person in Class I, II or IV will pay a single security contribution by a stamp on a single insurance document each week or combination of weeks. In Class I the employer also will contribute, affixing the insurance stamp and deducting the employee’s share from wages or salary. The contribution will differ from one class to another, according to the benefits provided, and will be higher for men than for women, so as to secure benefits for Class III. (v) Subject to simple contribution conditions, every person in Class I will receive benefit for unemployment and disability, pension on retirement, medical treatment and funeral expenses. Persons in Class II will receive all these except unemployment benefit and disability benefit during the first 13 weeks of disability. Persons in Class IV will receive all these except unemployment and disability benefit. As a substitute for unemployment benefit, training benefit will be available to persons in all classes other than Class I, to assist them to find new livelihoods if their present ones fail. Maternity grant, provision for widowhood and separation

and qualification for retirement pensions will be secured to all persons in Class III by virtue of their husbands’ contributions; in addition to maternity grant, housewives who take paid work will receive maternity benefit for thirteen weeks to enable them to give up working before and after childbirth. (vi) Unemployment benefit, disability benefit, basic retirement pension after a transition period, and training benefit will be at the same rate, irrespective of previous earnings. This rate will provide by itself the income necessary for subsistence in all normal cases. There will be a joint rate for a man and [for a] wife who is not gainfully occupied. Where there is no wife or she is gainfully occupied, there will be a lower single rate; where there is no wife but a dependant above the age for children’s allowance, there will be a dependant allowance. Maternity benefit for housewives who work also for gain will be at a higher rate than the single rate in unemployment or disability, while their unemployment and disability benefit will be at a lower rate; there are special rates also for widowhood as described below. With these exceptions all rates of benefit will be the same for men and for women. Disability due to industrial accident or disease will be treated like all other disability for the first thirteen weeks; if disability continues thereafter, disability benefit at a flat rate will be replaced by an industrial pension related to the earnings of the individual subject to a minimum and a maximum. (vii) Unemployment benefit will continue at the same rate without means test so long as unemployment lasts, but will normally be subject to a condition of attendance at a work or training centre after a certain period. Disability benefit will continue at the same rate without means test, so long as disability lasts or till it is replaced by industrial pension, subject to acceptance of suitable medical treatment or vocational training.


I. Pensions (other than industrial) will be paid only on retirement from work. They may be claimed at any time after the minimum age of retirement, that is 65 for men and 60 for women. The rate of pension will be increased above the basic rate if retirement is postponed. Contributory pensions as of right will be raised to the full basic rate gradually during a transition period of twenty years, in which adequate pensions according to needs will be paid to all persons requiring them. The position of existing pensioners will be safeguarded. II. While permanent pensions will no longer be granted to widows of working age without dependent children, there will be for all widows a temporary benefit at a higher rate than unemployment or disability benefit, followed by training benefit where necessary. For widows with the care of dependent children there will be guardian

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benefit, in addition to the children’s allowances, adequate for subsistence without other means. The position of existing widows on pension will be safeguarded. (x) For the limited number of cases of need not covered by social insurance, national assistance subject to a uniform means test will be available. (xi) Medical treatment covering all requirements will be provided for all citizens by a national health service organised under the health departments and post-medical rehabilitation treatment will be provided for all persons capable of profiting by it. (xii) A Ministry of Social Security will be established, responsible for social insurance, national assistance and encouragement and supervision of voluntary insurance and will take over, so far as necessary for these purposes, the present work of other Government Departments and of local Authorities in these fields.

ADDRESS BEFORE CONGRESS OF AMERICAN SOVIET FRIENDSHIP Vice President Henry C. Wallace

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World War II made for strange bedfellows. With a common enemy in Nazi Germany, the United States and the Soviet Union formed a close wartime alliance. The Franklin Roosevelt administration then tried to sell this partnership to a public largely hostile to communism and the Soviet Union. The point man in this effort was the liberal Vice President Henry Wallace, who spoke before the Congress of American Soviet Friendship, a meeting sponsored by the socialist Council of American Soviet Friendship in November 1942. In this speech, Wallace not only tried to highlight Soviet sacrifices in the war and the common humanity of Soviet and American peoples but to make the far more difficult argument that the Soviet and American economies and governments were not all that different.

New York, November 8, 1942 We have been helping the Russians celebrate this afternoon a glorious birthday. The second [sic] announced by the President has come in the best possible way. Conquest of the Mediterranean will open the side door to Germany and give us the shortest possible supply route to Southern Russia. We have now reached the time when victory can be taken from us only by misunderstanding and quarreling among our-

selves. This is the reason why this meeting is so important. From north, south, east and west, Americans have come this day to pay tribute to our Russian ally. It is right that we should do so, because the Russians have thus far lost in the common cause of the United Nations at least 50 per cent more men killed, wounded and missing than all of the rest of the European allies put together. Moreover, they have killed, wounded and captured at least twenty times as many Germans as have the rest of the allies. In all of Russian history there is no more striking example of courage and willingness to sacrifice than Russia presents today. This meeting demonstrates just one thing— the desire and the determination of the American people to help Russia, and help now. President Roosevelt has told the Army and Navy and all the other war agencies in terms which cannot possibly be misunderstood that help to Russia comes first—up to the limit of shipping possibilities. The American people are solidly behind President Roosevelt in his decision to give Russia priority number one. It is no accident that Americans and Russians like each other when they get acquainted. Both peoples were molded by the vast sweep of a rich continent. Both peoples know that their

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future is greater than their past. Both hate sham. When the Russian people burst the shackles of Czarist absolutism, they turned instinctively to the United States for engineering and agricultural guidance. Thanks to the hunger of the Russian people for progress, they were able to learn in twenty-five years that which had taken us in the United States 100 years to develop. The first person to sense the eventual significance of Russia and the United States was the French author, Tocqueville, who 107 years ago wrote: There are at the present time two great nations in the world which seem to tend towards the same end, although they start from different points. I allude to the Russians and the Americans. . . . Their starting point is different and their courses are not the same, yet each of them seems to be marked by the will of heaven to sway the destinies of half the globe.

Russia and the United States today are far closer than Tocqueville could possibly have imagined when he traveled across the United States in 1835. The continental position of both countries and the need for developing rich resources unmolested from without have caused the peoples of both nations to have a profound hatred of war and a strong love of peace. We in the United States honor Maxim Litvinov, when we recall how as Foreign Minister of Russia he worked for “collective security.” Litvinov, in those days when Hitler was rising to power, wanted to preserve the peace by banding together the non-aggressor nations so they could take a decisive stand against any ruthless nation that might be out for loot. He saw Russia bounded by fourteen different nations, many of which were unfriendly for definite his-

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torical reasons. He knew that Germany would use one or more of these nations against Russia when she attacked. Litvinov failed for a time, but now he has come into his own again because he was right. Russia has had her bitter experience with isolationism. So also has the United States. In 1919 Republicans and Democrats alike sought through a League of Nations to express their belief in the collective security of that day. Taft, Hughes, Hoover, Lowden and Root all wanted a league. Then isolationism came out of its cave and not only killed any possibility of our entering the League, but made it certain that we would adopt international policies which would make World War No. 2 almost inevitable. Both Russia and the United States retreated into isolationism to preserve their peace. Both failed. Both have learned their lesson. Russia and the United States have had a profound effect upon each other. Both are striving for the education, the productivity and the enduring happiness of the common man. The new democracy, the democracy of the common man, includes not only the Bill of Rights, but also economic democracy, ethnic democracy, educational democracy, and democracy in the treatment of the sexes. The ferment in the world today is such that these various types of democracy must be woven together into a harmonious whole. Millions of Americans are now coming to see that if Pan America and the British Commonwealth are the warp of the new democracy, then the peoples of Russia and Asia may well become its woof. Some in the United States believe that we have over-emphasized what might be called political or Bill-of-Rights democracy. Carried to its extreme form, it leads to rugged individualism, exploitation, impractical emphasis on States’ rights, and even to anarchy.

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Russia, perceiving some of the abuses of excessive political democracy, has placed strong emphasis on economic democracy. This, carried to an extreme, demands that all power be centered in one man and his bureaucratic helpers. Somewhere there is a practical balance between economic and political democracy. Russia and the United States both have been working toward this practical middle ground. In present-day Russia, for example, differences in wage income are almost but not quite as great as in the United States. The manager of a factory may be paid ten times as much as the average worker. Artists, scientists, and outstanding writers are usually paid even more than factory managers or political commissars. The chief difference between the economic organization of Russia and that of the United States is that in Russia it is almost impossible to live on income-producing property. The Russian form of State socialism is designed not to get equality of income but to place a maximum incentive on each individual to produce his utmost. A third kind of democracy, which I call ethnic, is in my opinion vital to the new democracy, the democracy of the common man. Ethnic democracy means merely that the different races and minority groups must be given equality of economic opportunity. President Roosevelt was guided by principles of ethnic democracy when in June of 1941 he issued an executive order prohibiting racial discrimination in the employing of workers by national defense industries. Russia has probably gone farther than any other nation in the world in practicing ethnic democracy. From the Russians we can learn much, for unfortunately the Anglo-Saxons have had an attitude toward other races which has made them exceedingly unpopular in many parts of the world.

We have not sunk to the lunatic level of the Nazi myth of racial superiority, but we have sinned enough to cost us already the blood of tens of thousands of precious lives. Ethnic democracy built from the heart is perhaps the greatest need of the Anglo-Saxon tradition. The fourth democracy, which has to do with education, is based fundamentally on belief in ethnic democracy. It is because Stalin pushed educational democracy with all the power that he could command that Russia today is able to resist Germany. The Russian people for generations have had a great hunger to learn to read and write, and when Lenin and Stalin gave them the opportunity, they changed in twenty years from a nation which was 90 per cent illiterate to a nation of which nearly 90 per cent are able to read and write. Russia has had a great admiration for the American system of technical education and public libraries. If she can continue during the next twenty years the progress made in the past twenty, she will surpass the United States. If, in the future, Russia comes whole-heartedly into the family of nations, we may expect Russian scientists to make contributions to human welfare which equal those of any nation in the world. In any event, the Russian scientists will most assuredly be doing their best to place the results of science more definitely at the service of the average man and woman. Patents based on Russian scientific work will not be held out of use to benefit international cartels. With regard to the fifth democracy, the treatment of the sexes, most of us in the United States have felt complacent. It has taken the war experience of Russia to demonstrate the completeness of our failure. Those who have visited Russia recently say that about 40 per cent of the work in the factories is being done by women The average woman does about as much work as the average man and is paid as much. Thousands of Russian women are in uni-

Address before Congress of American Soviet Friendship

form either actively fighting or standing guard. We in the United States have not yet, in the same way as the Russians, called on the tremendous reserve power which is in our women, but before this war is over, we may be forced to give women their opportunity to demonstrate that with proper training they are equal to man in most kinds of work. The old democracy did not serve as a guarantee of peace. The new democracy, in which the people of the United States and Russia are so deeply interested, must give us such a guarantee. This new democracy will be neither communism of the old-fashioned internationalist type nor democracy of the old-fashioned isolationist sort. Willingness to support world organization to maintain world peace by justice implemented by force is fundamental to the democracy of the common man in these days of airplanes. Fortunately, the airplanes, which make it necessary to organize the world for peace, also furnish the means of maintaining peace. When this war comes to an end, the United Nations will have such an overwhelming superiority in air power that we shall be able speedily to enforce any mandate whenever the United Nations may have arrived at a judgment based on international law. The first article in the international law of the future is undoubtedly the United Nations’ Charter. The United Nations’ Charter includes the Atlantic Charter, and there is little reason why it should longer be called the “Atlantic Charter” in view of the fact that the broader instrument has been validated by thirty nations. This United Nations’ Charter has in it an international bill of rights and certain economic guarantees of international peace. These must and will be made more specific. There must be an international bank and an international TVA, including say an international Dnieperstory dam for that matter, based on projects which are self-liquidating at low rates of interest.

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In this connection, I would like to refer to a conversation with Molotov, when he was here last Spring. Thinking of the unemployment and misery which might so easily follow this war, I spoke of the need for productive public works programs which would stir the imagination of all the peoples of the world, and suggested as a starter a combined highway and airway from Southern South America across the United States, Canada and Alaska into Siberia and on to Europe, with feeder highways and airways from China, India and the Middle East. Molotov’s first reaction was, “No one nation can do it by itself.” Then he said, “You and I will live to see the day.” The new democracy by definition abhors imperialism. But by definition also, it is internationally minded and supremely interested in raising the productivity, and therefore the standard of living, of all the peoples of the world. First comes transportation, and this is followed by improved agriculture, industrialization and rural electrification. The big planes and skilled pilots which will be ours when the war comes to an end will lead us into a most remarkable future as surely as day follows night. We can make it a future of new democracy based on peace. As Molotov so clearly indicated, this brave, free world of the future cannot be created by the United States and Russia alone. Undoubtedly China will have a strong influence on the world which will come out of this war and in exerting this influence it is quite possible that the principles of Sun Yat-Sen will prove to be as significant as those of any other modern statesman. The British Commonwealth, England herself, the democracies of Northwest Europe, Latin America, and in fact all of the United Nations, have a very important role to play. But in order that the United Nations may effectively serve the world it is vital that the United States and Russia be in accord as to the fundamentals of an enduring peace

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based on the aspirations of the common man. I am here this afternoon to say that it is my belief that the American and Russian people can and will throw their influence on the side of building a new democracy which will be the hope of all the world.

Henry C. Wallace, Address before Congress of American Soviet Friendship, November 8, 1942. The Henry Agard Wallace Collection at the Library of Congress Manuscript Division: Papers, 1934–1945.

TEMPERANCE SPEECH William Lyon Mackenzie King

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In this December 16, 1942, radio speech, Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King urged Canadians on the home front to do everything they could to support the troops overseas. One of the most important ways to do this, he explained, was to refrain from alcoholic beverages, which both affected work productivity and, in their manufacture, diverted important resources away from the war effort. Most historians agree that such pitches, in Canada and other democracies, had little effect on people’s behavior. Rationing and taxation were usually more efficacious. From the outset of the war, the Canadian people have clearly shown that it is their desire to help in every way to make Canada’s war effort as effective as possible. To every appeal, whether for fighting men, for financial assistance, for war industries, for medical supplies, for auxiliary services, for civil defence and air raid precautions, for blood donations, for voluntary rationing, for salvage and conservation, or for any of the hundreds of other ways in which the individual citizen can serve, the response of the majority of our people has been splendid.

What Each Can Do to Help Old and young, in all walks of life, are not only willing but eager to make their contribution to the winning of the war. From all quarters of the Dominion, men and women continue to ask of the government: What can I do to help the war effort? Tonight, I wish at least in one particular, to answer that question, and in so doing to make an appeal for yet another kind of personal service. Like other forms of service, this one involves a measure of self-denial, and even more, perhaps, of self-discipline. Self-denial and self-discipline, however, will be recognized as the outstanding qualities of a good soldier. From the service I have in mind, no one can be debarred because of age, physical disability, lack of opportunity, or for any other reason. I refer to temperance in the use of alcoholic beverages as a contribution to a total war effort. Here is a way in which everyone in Canada can help. If the military might of Germany and Japan are ultimately to be crushed, the United Nations, one and all, must definitely and urgently strive toward a total war effort. To achieve an all-out effort in Canada will demand from men

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and women of every province an ever-increasing measure of individual self-denial and selfdiscipline.

Temperance Essential to a Total Effort Regardless of what one’s attitude towards prohibition may be, temperance is something against which, at a time of war, no reasonable protest can be made. Its importance as an essential element in achieving a total war effort is supported by facts, which, in themselves, are conclusive. It is of that aspect of Canada’s war effort that, on behalf of the government, I wish to speak to you tonight. No one will deny that the excessive use of alcohol and alcoholic beverages would do more than any other single factor to make impossible a total war effort. Fortunately, the Canadian people in all their habits, are essentially a temperate people. I doubt, however, if we begin to appreciate the extent to which war itself, and the excitement and environments created by war foster dangerous inclinations and tendencies. The increased consumption of alcoholic beverages in Canada since the outbreak of war is one evidence of this. Nor do we begin to have a clear appreciation of what the increase in consumption of alcoholic beverages in wartime means in increased risk, and in loss of efficiency to the fighting and working forces of the country.

not a true index of the increased consumption. That has not been as great as many have been led to believe. Every year, taxation has been increased. Each year, therefore, a dollar spent on alcoholic beverages has purchased a smaller quantity. A truer index of the increased consumption will be found in the quantities of spirits, wine and beer made available for consumption. In the twelve months immediately preceding the outbreak of war, the quantity of spirits, both domestic and imported released for sale in Canada, amounted to over three and a half million proof gallons. The corresponding figure for the third year of war was nearly five million proof gallons. This figure represents an increase of 37 1/2 per cent. During the twelve months immediately preceding the outbreak of war, the amount of domestic wine made available for sale was just over three million gallons. In the third year of war, it was nearly four million gallons. This represents an increase of more than 25 per cent. The most reliable available index for increase in the consumption of beer is the increase in the use of malt for brewing. In the year prior to the outbreak of war, almost 140 million pounds of malt were used. The corresponding figure for the third year of war was over 232 million pounds. This represents an increase of over 60 per cent.

Effect on Morale Increased Consumption of Spirits, Wine and Beer Since the outbreak of war, there has been in our country a steady increase in the consumption of spirits, wine and beer. It is estimated that in dollar volume, the annual outlay is now practically double what it was before the war. Let me say at once that the dollar volume is

I have drawn your attention to the wartime increase in the consumption of alcoholic beverages. I should like now to mention some of the effects of increased consumption on our war effort. Let me speak first, of the effect generally, upon the morale of the people. For one cause or another, it has become necessary to impose restrictions upon the use

Temperance Speech

of many commodities, including not a few of the necessities of life. It has also been necessary to restrict methods of travel to the extent of making it impossible for large numbers of persons to move about freely, and even to share the customary enjoyments of home life, the society of friends, and family reunions. To very many, real hardship is experienced in seeking to meet the obligations of their daily tasks. When gasoline and rubber are rationed, electric power and transport facilities are becoming increasingly scarce, and manpower shortages are developing, it is difficult for people to understand their increased use for other than the most vital needs of war. At a time when nearly all of our citizens are denying themselves, or are being denied, some of the comforts and enjoyments which, in normal times, have come to be regarded as necessities, to see others spending more money than ever on alcoholic beverages is bound to occasion resentment. It tends to destroy the spirit of mutual aid, and of community cooperation, which are never more needed than at a time of war. Unless it can be shown that the increased production, distribution and sale of alcoholic beverages has meant no loss, but a gain, to the manpower available for war service, and that the increase in consumption has meant an increase in the efficiency of those who are planning and directing the war effort of the country, and of those who are engaged actively in war service, it must be apparent that increase in the production or consumption of alcoholic beverages, instead of strengthening, is only tending to undermine the effort others are making to win the war.

Effect on Workers Our war effort—and not our war effort alone, but, in considerable part, the effort of the

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United Nations—depends on the achievements of Canadian working men and women. Their work is needed to help feed, clothe, equip and arm the Allied fighting forces. Every hour of useful work is precious. Workers in industry are the partners in war of the fighting forces. There can be little doubt that absence from work, and inefficient work, are frequently due to intemperance. At a time when every moment counts, absenteeism among workers in essential war industries may occasion heavy loss. In this highly mechanized age, the absence of a single key man may slow up industrial processes for a large number of workers. Industrial accidents are attributable in large measure to the same cause. Here again, the shortcoming of a single individual may affect many other lives. Recently I noted that, in one province alone, the rate of industrial accidents was equivalent to having on the casualty lists, from enemy action, an entire division every month. I would not wish to imply that most industrial accidents are due to intemperance. But, certainly, temperance has never failed to reduce their number. One thing is sure. Whether it be in the factories or workshops, in the mines or forests, in offices, or in homes, anything which impairs the efficiency of workers is almost certain to cost the lives and limbs of an increasing number of our soldiers, sailors and airmen.

Effect on Armed Forces As to the advantages of temperance in the training of the armed forces and of its benefits to the members of the forces themselves, there can be no doubt in the world. The lowering of efficiency due to the use of alcoholic beverages is certain to slow down the

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progress of the recruit in training. In these days, when the utmost alertness is needed, whether on land, at sea or in the air, such lowered efficiency is bound greatly to increase the likelihood of accidents in which others besides the offender may be involved. Just as a defect in a plane or a gun or a ship may cost men’s lives, so may some carelessness or neglect in the sailor, the soldier or the airman endanger the lives of their comrades; and risk grave disaster in training, or in combat. Then, too, failure to be temperate helps to establish habits which, later, may lead to a breakdown of morale. It is a common observation of seasoned soldiers that intemperate habits lead to reckless exposure when men are under fire, thereby occasioning needless casualties. Only the man who disciplines himself strictly can stand for long the terrific pace of modern war. Those who indulge themselves too frequently and too freely will break under the strain. That was true in the last war. It is still more true in this.

Other Important Considerations If I am outspoken of the dangers of intemperance to members of our armed forces, it is because we are all especially concerned for the welfare of those who are risking their lives in the cause of freedom. The anxiety of most parents in seeing their sons and daughters enlist does not lie only in the fear of the physical dangers they may encounter. There are many mothers and wives in Canada who have steeled themselves to the loss, if need be, of their menfolk in the service of humanity. They have the courage to face that loss. The loss they cannot face is one that would not have occurred but for some prevent-

able error of judgment. Even more perhaps they fear a loss of character in the one they love. If we are to do our duty by the gallant young men and women who are in training and on service, we all should do whatever lies within our power to make their course through the hazards, the perils and the temptations of a time of war, as secure as it can possibly be made. Let it be remembered, too, that at a time of war, nearly every one is under great strain. Just when we most need to be clearheaded, in order to face the hard facts before us, there is all too frequently a very real inclination to give way to dangerous tendencies merely as an escape from realities. Under the influence of stimulants, mistakes are quickly and often irretrievably made. The best insurance against all such risks is the cultivation of temperance in all things.

The Diversion of Materials and Manpower As a nation, we cannot put forth a maximum effort unless our people are prepared, through self-denial and self-discipline, to maintain the highest possible individual efficiency, and unless they are also prepared to give priority to the needs of the armed forces and of those industries which serve the war effort. At no time has the government done other than give priority to the needs of the fighting services and of our war industries. The change from a peacetime to a wartime economy is already so vast as to constitute for Canada an industrial revolution. That change, of necessity, has had to take account of the national economy as a whole, and of the means which would serve to bring about the desired results in the manner which would be most effective in the end.

Temperance Speech

Under the War Measures Act, the government has the widest powers to divert materials and manpower to meet wartime needs. The powers of the Department of Munitions and Supply are specifically framed to give priority in the use of materials to war production, and to the procurement of supplies for the armed forces. The Wartime Prices and Trade Board likewise has power, while safeguarding the production and distribution of essential civilian supplies, to take measures to release manpower. It then becomes the responsibility of the National Selective Service administration to allocate this manpower to meet the needs of the armed forces and war industries, and to ensure a sufficient supply of manpower for essential civilian needs. On November 10th, the government extended the powers of the Wartime Prices and Trade Board to control all business undertakings and activities, and to curtail or eliminate specific activities. This authority has been used and will continue to be used by the Board to eliminate wasteful practices in industry. This is being done as rapidly as is consistent with an orderly absorption in essential wartime activities of the manpower so released. No useful object would be served by the arbitrary elimination of existing employment in advance of more essential demands for manpower.

What the Government Has Already Done To restrict the traffic in alcoholic beverages, more has already been accomplished by the government than is generally realized. I have already referred to taxation and its effect on increasing prices. It is reliably estimated that over 60 per cent of the amount of retail sales of alcoholic beverages goes into the treasuries of the provinces or of the Dominion. There can be no

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doubt that increased prices resulting from taxation have acted as a deterrent to consumption. The rationing of sugar has resulted in a curtailment of the production of domestic wines. On November 1st, the entire distilling capacity of Canada was converted to the manufacture of industrial alcohol required for war industries and essential civilian needs. On October 23rd, the Wartime Prices and Trade Board, in order to prevent a further increase in the manpower requirements of the brewing industry, issued an order limiting the supply of malt to the breweries, after November 1st, to the quantity used in the preceding twelve months. The Board at the time was careful to indicate that this was merely a preliminary step in the curtailment of an industry from which additional manpower would subsequently be needed for war purposes.

Reduction in Quantities and Alcoholic Strength By Order in Council under the War Measures Act approved by His Excellency the Governor General to-day, the government has taken further important steps to curtail substantially the distribution and consumption of alcoholic beverages as a means towards achieving a total war effort. The Department of National Revenue has been directed to reduce the quantity of beverage alcohol, both domestically manufactured and imported, to be released from bond and made available for sale. The limitation is based on the quantities released for sale in the twelvemonth period which began on November 1st, 1941. For the twelve-month period which began on November 1st of the present year, the quantity of beer is to be reduced by 10 per cent; wine by 20 per cent; and spirits by 30 per cent.

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Provision has also been made for a reduction in the alcoholic content of all distilled spirits to not greater than 30 per cent under proof. This reduction in alcoholic content becomes effective as soon as stocks now packaged and ready for sale are exhausted. The “fortification” of wine with distilled spirits is prohibited.

Prohibition of Liquor Advertising The greatly increased consumption of alcoholic beverages is very largely a direct result of the increased purchasing power created by wartime expenditures. All the reasons for the curtailment in the production, distribution, sale and consumption of alcoholic beverages apply to liquor advertising. Advertising is clearly not necessary to promote sales, nor is it justifiable if sales and consumption are to be curtailed. The government has, therefore, decided to prohibit the advertising of spirituous liquors, wine and beer, throughout Canada, for the duration of the war. A period of some six weeks has been afforded within which necessary adjustments may be made. Liquor advertising will, however, not be permitted in any part of Canada after February 1st, 1943.

Appeal to Provinces to Limit Hours of Sale A word is now necessary on the relations of the Dominion and provincial governments with respect to the production and sale of alcoholic beverages. The federal government has to do with their production and importation; the provincial governments with their sale and distribution. In other words, while the Dominion government is in a position to control the

quantities of spirits, wine and beer to be released for consumption, the regulation of the retail sales of alcoholic beverages is a matter which is determined by each province according to its judgment. It is true that under the War Measures Act, where the demands of war so require, the Dominion has an overriding jurisdiction in this as in other fields. The government has felt that it would not be justified in exercising this jurisdiction except in matters of actual necessity connected with the prosecution of the war. For this reason, the federal government has refrained up to the present from taking any action in this field which it was felt the provinces themselves might be expected to take.

Eight Hour Daily Limit to Sales An examination of existing wartime needs now makes it necessary for the federal government, in addition to the measures I have announced, to appeal to the provinces for their cooperation in further restricting the sale of alcoholic beverages. It has already been found that the curtailment of hours of sale, in those provinces where the hours have been cut down, is automatically resulting in a reduction of consumption of alcoholic beverages with evident beneficial results to Canada’s war effort. While each province is able to judge best of its own places of sale and hours of sale, the federal government is of the opinion that in the interest of Canada’s war effort, the total number of hours to be allotted for the sale of spirits, wine and beer, in any establishment where they may be sold, should not exceed 8 hours per day. On behalf of the federal government, I wish now publicly to appeal to the provinces to lend their cooperation in furthering our country’s war effort by effecting at as early a date as may be possible this much needed restriction.

Temperance Speech

The Force of Example For the promotion of temperance something more is necessary than a reliance upon government action. Success in this endeavour depends more than all else upon the attitude of each individual and upon the social outlook of the community. The appeal for temperance is, as I said at the outset, an appeal for wartime service. Temperance is essential, if the services of men and women are to be employed to the best and most useful effect according to the physical capacity and ability of each. Nothing less will assure a total effort. Few would venture to deny the advantages of temperance in increasing the efficiency of a nation at war. Yet many hesitate to advocate its benefits and to set the necessary example. As we all know, many persons, young and old, accept stimulants merely because they think it is expected of them. They do not wish to occasion embarrassment to others by a refusal to take what is offered to them by way of hospitality. To most sensitive natures, it requires much more courage not to yield to some social habit, or fashion, or custom, than it does to face physical danger and peril. The highest chivalry always demands consideration of the feelings of others. A change of attitude in some things at a time of war might even be made to constitute a new code of honour.

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Just as in today’s struggle for world supremacy, new methods and weapons of war have come to replace other and less effective methods and weapons, so a total war effort has come to mean a new kind of leadership: leadership which in every town, in every social group, in every factory, in every barracks, and in every home, will set an example for others, and will give them the inspiration to follow it.

The Armour of God At this Christmas season, and at the close of this year, in which, through the sacrifice of other lives, our own lives have been spared, shall we not resolve to do whatever lies within our power to save further sacrifice of human life, and to shorten this terrible war? The coming year can hardly fail to see all our armed forces engaged in a life and death struggle with the enemy. We may be called upon to witness the greatest ordeal through which our young country has ever been obliged to pass. To be equal to that ordeal, we must put on the whole armour of God.

William Lyon Mackenzie King, Temperance Speech, December 16, 1942. William Lyon Mackenzie King, Canada and the War: Temperance and a Total War Effort (Ottawa: Edmond Cloutier, 1942).

OFFICIAL MILITARY MEMORANDA CONCERNING ZOOT SUIT RIOTS B

Zoot suits were the costume of choice among Pachucos, young Los Angeles area Mexican American males. To many Anglos, the suits, which used lots of cloth, were an outrage, a conspicuous display of consumption during a period of wartime restrictions. Moreover, Pachucos were largely viewed as criminals. In June 1943, several Navy men on shore leave claimed to have been robbed by some Pachucos. As news spread among Navy personnel, a mob formed, attacking Mexican Americans and Mexican American property in East Los Angeles. For several days, the rioting continued, as the Los Angeles police stood by. Finally, the military authorities acted, issuing orders to rein in the marauding sailors and soldiers. The following are several memos describing the rioting and the actions taken by military authorities to stop the violence.

Official Memoranda Memo from Commander Clarence Fogg to the District Patrol Officer, June 8, 1943 Continued disorder. Hundreds of service men prowling downtown Los Angeles mostly on foot—disorderly— apparently on prowl for Mexicans. Have by joint agreement with Army Provost

Marshall declared following Los Angeles city territory out of bounds to all Navy, Marines, Coast Guard, and Army personnel: Main Street east to Los Angeles city limits. All shore patrol are concentrated in the downtown area. Disorderly personnel are being arrested by shore patrol. Expect adverse publicity in morning newspaper. Los Angeles Police have called in all off-duty men and auxiliary police to handle situation. Naval Reserve Armory did not grant liberty. Men involved are from Marine activities, San Diego and El Toro, Navy activity composed of Roosevelt Base, Port Hueneme, and Destroyer Base, San Diego. Situation under control at present except for widely separated incidents. Groups vary in size from 10 to 150 men and scatter immediately when shore patrol approach. Men found carrying hammock clues, belts, knives, and tire irons when searched by patrol after arrest. . . . Senior Patrol Office will call District Patrol Officer at about 1000 today, June 8, 1943, if there is anything additional to report.

Memo from Commandant, Eleventh MAW District, to All Units under His Command, June 10, 1943

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. . . The Commandant is seriously concerned over the recent disorders which have occurred in Los Angeles and its vicinity and which have assumed such serious proportion as to be broadcast on the radio and published in newspapers throughout the U.S. The Navy is a disciplined organization composed of loyal and intelligent men and partaking in any activities that are of the nature of mob violence is a direct reflection on the Navy itself and on the individual who wears the uniform. Irrespective of what may have been the original cause of these disorders the enforcement of the law rests in the hands of the civilian police and is not a matter which should be undertaken by any unauthorized groups of Navy personnel. The Commandant believes that the men now engaging in these demonstrations are actuated mainly by a desire for excitement and feels that they have not seriously considered the consequence which may follow from ill considered action. The Commandant suggests that commanding officers bring the substance of the above to the attention of the men of their commands in a personal and unofficial manner having full confidence that an appeal to the individual based on common sense and reasonableness will invoke prompt response. . . .

Memo from Maxwell Murray, Major General, U.S. Army Commanding, to Headquarters, Southern California Sector, Western Defense Command, Pasadena, California, June 11, 1943 1. The recent incidents connected with the socalled “Zoot Suit” riots involved mob action,

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and incipient rioting, by many soldiers and other service men. 2. Prompt action to check such action has been taken, and charges are being preferred against those arrested for inciting or actually participating in these riots. 3. It is obvious that many soldiers are not aware of the serious nature of riot charges. Convictions in a recent serious riot have resulted in sentence to death or long confinement. 4. It is desired that the attention of all Military personnel be called immediately to the critical dangers of any form of rioting and that incidents which may start as thoughtless group action in comparatively trivial offenses or boisterous conduct are liable to develop into mob riots of the most serious character. Further, mob rioting usually results in injury to persons in no way connected with the initial causes of the disorder. This is true in the case of the recent disorders, which resulted in affront and injury of some completely innocent civilians. 5. Military personnel of all ranks must understand that no form of mob violence or rioting will be tolerated, and that offenses of this nature will result in immediate and drastic disciplinary action. Maxwell Murray, Major General, U.S. Army Commanding

Official Military Memoranda Concerning Zoot Suit Riots, June 1943. Elliot Gorn, et al., Constructing the American Past: A Sourcebook of a People’s History (New York: Pearson, 2004).

CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT REPEAL B

Facing popular protest against the importation of Chinese laborers, particularly in the West, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, banning virtually all immigration from China. During World War II, the Chinese were critical allies of the United States in the conflict against Japan. Recognizing this fact, Congress repealed the exclusion in 1943, but the law was largely cosmetic, as it set a quota of 105 immigrants from China per year. Ultimately, the quota on Chinese, and other nationalities, was removed under the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965.

Seventy-Eighth Congress. Session I. 1943 Chapter 344. An Act to repeal the Chinese Exclusion Acts, to establish quotas, and for other purposes. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the following Acts or parts of Acts relating to the exclusion or deportation of persons of the Chinese race are hereby repealed: May 6, 1882 (22 Stat. L. 58); July 5, 1884 (23 Stat. L. 115); September 13, 1888 (25 Stat. L. 476); October 1, 1888 (25 Stat. L. 504); May 5, 1892 (27 Stat. L. 25); November 3, 1893 (28

Stat. L. 7); that portion of section 1 of the Act of July 7, 1898 (30 Stat. L. 750, 751), which reads as follows: “There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the Hawaiian Islands except upon such conditions as are now or may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; and no Chinese, by reason of anything herein contained, shall be allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.”; section 101 of the Act of April 30, 1900 (31 Stat. L. 141, 161); those portions of section 1 of the Act of June 6, 1900 (31 Stat. L. 588, 611), which read as follows: “And nothing in section four of the Act of August fifth, eighteen hundred and eighty-two (twenty-second Statutes at Large, page two hundred and twenty-five), shall be constructed to prevent the Secretary of the Treasury from hereafter detailing one officer employed in the enforcement of the Chinese Exclusion Acts for duty at the Treasury department at Washington. . . . and hereafter the Commissioner General of Immigration, in addition to his other duties, shall have charge of the administration of the Chinese exclusion law . . . , under the supervision and direction of the Secretary of the Treasury.”; March 3, 1901 (31 Stat. L. 1093); April 29, 1902 (32 Stat. L. 176); April 27, 1904 (33 Stat. L. 428); section 25 of the Act of March 3, 1911 (36 Stat. L. 1087,

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1094); that portion of the Act of August 24, 1912 (37 Stat. L. 417, 476), which reads as follows: “Provided, That all charges for maintenance or return of Chinese persons applying for admission to the United States shall hereafter be paid or reimbursed to the United States by the person, company, partnership, or corporation, bringing such Chinese to a port of the United States as applicants for admission.”; that portion of the Act of June 23, 1913 (38 Stat. L. 4, 65), which reads as follows: “Provided, That from and after July first, nineteen hundred and thirteen, all Chinese persons ordered deported under judicial writs shall be delivered by the marshal of the district or his deputy into the custody of any officer designated for that purpose by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, for conveyance to the frontier or seaboard for deportation in the same manner as aliens deported under the immigration laws.” SEC. 2. With the exception of those coming under subsections (b), (d), (e), and (f) of sec-

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tion 4, Immigration Act of 1924 (43 Stat. 155; 44 Stat. 812; 45 Stat. 1009; 46 Stat. 854; 47 Stat. 656; 8 U.S.C. 2040), all Chinese persons entering the United States annually as immigrants shall be allocated to the quota for the Chinese computed under the provisions of section 11 of the said Act. A preference up to 75 per centum of the quota shall be given to Chinese born and resident in China. SEC. 3. Section 303 of the Nationality Act of 1940, as amended (54 Stat. 1140; 8 U.S.C. 703), is hereby amended by striking out the word “and” before the word “descendants,” changing the colon after the word “Hemisphere” to a comma, and adding the following: “and Chinese persons or persons of Chinese descent.” Approved December 17, 1943

“Chinese Exclusion Repeal Act of 1943” (Ch. 344, December 17, 1943), 57 U.S. Statutes at Large.


In the midst of World War II, the Democratic Party renominated President Franklin D. Roosevelt for an unprecedented fourth term in office. The platform of the party that year focused on the president’s leadership in the Great Depression as well as the war. It also emphasized its plans for assuring prosperity at home and a new world order, based on international institutions and fundamental human rights, for the postwar era. The Democratic Party stands on its record in peace and in war. To speed victory, establish and maintain peace, guarantee full employment and provide prosperity—this is its platform. We do not here detail scores of planks. We cite action. Beginning March, 1933, the Democratic Administration took a series of actions which saved our system of free enterprise. It brought that system out of collapse and thereafter eliminated abuses which had imperiled it. It used the powers of government to provide employment in industry and to save agriculture. It wrote a new Magna Carta for labor. It provided social security, including old age pensions, unemployment insurance, security for crippled and dependent children and the

blind. It established employment offices. It provided federal bank deposit insurance, flood prevention, soil conservation, and prevented abuses in the security markets. It saved farms and homes from foreclosure, and secured profitable prices for farm products. It adopted an effective program of reclamation, hydro-electric power, and mineral development. It found the road to prosperity through production and employment. We pledge the continuance and improvement of these programs. Before war came, the Democratic Administration awakened the Nation, in time, to the dangers that threatened its very existence. It succeeded in building, in time, the besttrained and equipped army in the world, the most powerful navy in the world, the greatest air force in the world, and the largest merchant marine in the world. It gained for our country, and it saved for our country, powerful allies. When war came, it succeeded in working out with those allies an effective grand strategy against the enemy. It set that strategy in motion, and the tide of battle was turned. It held the line against wartime inflation.

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It ensured a fair share-and-share-alike distribution of food and other essentials. It is leading our country to certain victory. The primary and imperative duty of the United States is to wage the war with every resource available to final triumph over our enemies, and we pledge that we will continue to fight side by side with the United Nations until this supreme objective shall have been attained and thereafter to secure a just and lasting peace. That the world may not again be drenched in blood by international outlaws and criminals, we pledge: To join with the other United Nations in the establishment of an international organization based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the prevention of aggression and the maintenance of international peace and security. To make all necessary and effective agreements and arrangements through which the nations would maintain adequate forces to meet the needs of preventing war and of making impossible the preparation for war and which would have such forces available for joint action when necessary. Such organization must be endowed with power to employ armed forces when necessary to prevent aggression and preserve peace. We favor the maintenance of an international court of justice of which the United States shall be a member and the employment of diplomacy, conciliation, arbitration and other like methods where appropriate in the settlement of international disputes. World peace is of transcendent importance. Our gallant sons are dying on land, on sea, and in the air. They do not die as Republicans. They do not die as Democrats. They die as Americans. We pledge that their blood shall not have

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been shed in vain. America has the opportunity to lead the world in this great service to mankind. The United States must meet the challenge. Under Divine Providence, she must move forward to her high destiny. We pledge our support to the Atlantic Charter and the Four Freedoms and the application of the principles enunciated therein to the United Nations and other peace-loving nations, large and small. We shall uphold the good-neighbor policy, and extend the trade policies initiated by the present administration. We favor the opening of Palestine to unrestricted Jewish immigration and colonization, and such a policy as to result in the establishment there of a free and democratic Jewish commonwealth. We favor legislation assuring equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex. We recommend to Congress the submission of a Constitutional amendment on equal rights for women. We favor Federal aid to education administered by the states without interference by the Federal Government. We favor Federal legislation to assure stability of products, employment, distribution and prices in the bituminous coal industry, to create a proper balance between consumer, producer and mine worker. We endorse the President’s statement recognizing the importance of the use of water in arid land states for domestic and irrigation purposes. We favor non-discriminatory transportation charges and declare for the early correction of inequalities in such charges. We favor enactment of legislation granting the fullest measure of self-government for Alaska, Hawaii and Puerto Rico, and eventual statehood for Alaska and Hawaii.

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We favor the extension of the right of suffrage to the people of the District of Columbia. We offer these postwar programs: A continuation of our policy of full benefits for ex-servicemen and women with special consideration for the disabled. We make it our first duty to assure employment and economic security to all who have served in the defense of our country. Price guarantees and crop insurance to farmers with all practical steps: •

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To keep agriculture on a parity with industry and labor. To foster the success of the small independent farmer. To aid the home ownership of familysized farms. To extend rural electrification and develop broader domestic and foreign markets for agricultural products.

Adequate compensation for workers during demobilization. The enactment of such additional humanitarian, labor, social and farm legislation as time and experience may require, including the amendment or repeal of any law enacted in recent years which has failed to accomplish its purpose. Promotion of the success of small business. Earliest possible release of wartime controls. Adaptation of tax laws to an expanding peacetime economy, with simplified structure and war-time taxes reduced or repealed as soon as possible. Encouragement of risk capital, new enterprise, development of natural resources in the West and other parts of the country, and the immediate reopening of the gold and silver mines of the West as soon as manpower is available.

We reassert our faith in competitive private enterprise, free from control by monopolies, cartels, or any arbitrary private or public authority. We assert that mankind believes in the Four Freedoms. We believe that the country which has the greatest measure of social justice is capable of the greatest achievements. We believe that racial and religious minorities have the right to live, develop and vote equally with all citizens and share the rights that are guaranteed by our Constitution. Congress should exert its full constitutional powers to protect those rights. We believe that without loss of sovereignty, world development and lasting peace are within humanity’s grasp. They will come with the greater enjoyment of those freedoms by the peoples of the world, and with the freer flow among them of ideas and goods. We believe in the world right of all men to write, send and publish news at uniform communication rates and without interference by governmental or private monopoly and that right should be protected by treaty. To these beliefs the Democratic Party subscribes. These principles the Democratic Party pledges itself in solemn sincerity to maintain. Finally, this Convention sends its affectionate greetings to our beloved and matchless leader and President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. He stands before the nation and the world, the champion of human liberty and dignity. He has rescued our people from the ravages of economic disaster. His rare foresight and magnificent courage have saved our nation from the assault of international brigands and dictators. Fulfilling the ardent hope of his life, he has already laid the foundation of enduring


peace for a troubled world and the well being of our nation. All mankind is his debtor. His life and services have been a great blessing to humanity. That God may keep him strong in body and

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in spirit to carry on his yet unfinished work is our hope and our prayer.

Democratic Party Platform, 1944.


With the United States deeply involved in World War II, the Republican Party had a difficult time convincing the American people to abandon their wartime leader, President Franklin Roosevelt, running in 1944 for an unprecedented fourth term. Regarding the war effort, the Republicans emphasized that they were as determined as the Democrats to prosecute the war to a successful conclusion. They did, however, express more reticence in getting the United States involved in international peacekeeping institutions after the war, a legacy of their prewar isolationism.

Introduction The tragedy of the war is upon our country as we meet to consider the problems of government and our people. We take this opportunity to render homage and enduring gratitude to those brave members of our armed forces who have already made the supreme sacrifice, and to those who stand ready to make the same sacrifice that the American course of life may be secure. Mindful of this solemn hour and humbly conscious of our heavy responsibilities, the Republican Party in convention assembled presents herewith its principles and makes these covenants with the people of our Nation.

The War and the Peace We pledge prosecution of the war to total victory against our enemies in full cooperation with the United Nations and all-out support of our Armies and the maintenance of our Navy under the competent and trained direction of our General Staff and Office of Naval Operations without civilian interference and with every civilian resource. At the earliest possible time after the cessation of hostilities we will bring home all members of our armed forces who do not have unexpired enlistments and who do not volunteer for further overseas duty. We declare our relentless aim to win the war against all our enemies: (1) for our own American security and welfare; (2) to make and keep the Axis powers impotent to renew tyranny and attack; (3) for the attainment of peace and freedom based on justice and security. We shall seek to achieve such aims through organized international cooperation and not by joining a World State. We favor responsible participation by the United States in post-war co-operative organization among sovereign nations to prevent military aggression and to attain permanent peace with organized justice in a free world. Such organization should develop effective

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co-operative means to direct peace forces to prevent or repel military aggression. Pending this, we pledge continuing collaboration with the United Nations to assure these ultimate objectives. We believe, however, that peace and security do not depend upon the sanction of force alone, but should prevail by virtue of reciprocal interests and spiritual values recognized in these security agreements. The treaties of peace should be just; the nations which are the victims of aggression should be restored to sovereignty and self-government; and the organized cooperation of the nations should concern itself with basic causes of world disorder. It should promote a world opinion to influence the nations to right conduct, develop international law and maintain an international tribunal to deal with justiciable disputes. We shall seek, in our relations with other nations, conditions calculated to promote worldwide economic stability, not only for the sake of the world, but also to the end that our own people may enjoy a high level of employment in an increasingly prosperous world. We shall keep the American people informed concerning all agreements with foreign nations. In all of these undertakings we favor the widest consultation of the gallant men and women in our armed forces who have a special right to speak with authority on behalf of the security and liberty for which they fight. We shall sustain the Constitution of the United States in the attainment of our international aims; and pursuant to the Constitution of the United States any treaty or agreement to attain such aims made on behalf of the United States with any other nation or any association of na-

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tions, shall be made only by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur. We shall at all times protect the essential interests and resources of the United States.

Western Hemisphere Relations We shall develop Pan-American solidarity. The citizens of our neighboring nations in the Western Hemisphere are, like ourselves, Americans. Cooperation with them shall be achieved through mutual agreement and without interference in the internal affairs of any nation. Our policy should be a genuine Good Neighbor policy, commanding their respect, and not one based on the reckless squandering of American funds by overlapping agencies.

Postwar Preparedness We favor the maintenance of postwar military forces and establishments of ample strength for the successful defense and the safety of the United States, its possessions and outposts, for the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine, and for meeting any military commitments determined by Congress. We favor the peacetime maintenance and strengthening of the National Guards under State control with the Federal training and equipment as now provided in the National Defense Act. . . .

Excerpts from the Republican Party Platform, 1944.

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On June 22, 1944, President Franklin Roosevelt signed the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act, better known as the GI Bill. The bill was motivated by fears that sixteen million returning veterans might flood the job market, producing the same high unemployment that had crippled the economy during the Great Depression before the war. The GI Bill provided money for college tuition and low-interest loans for house mortgages. It also provided job-placement services to veterans. Many historians say that the GI Bill was a key ingredient in the economic prosperity that marked the early postwar era.

Title II Chapter IV—Education of Veterans Part VIII 1. Any person who served in the active military or naval service on or after September 16, 1940, and prior to the termination of the present war, and who shall have been discharged or released therefrom under conditions other than dishonorable, and whose education or training was impeded, delayed, interrupted, or interfered with by reason of his entrance into the service, or who desires a refresher or retraining course . . . shall be eligible for and en-

titled to receive education or training under this part. . . . 3. Such person shall be eligible for and entitled to such course of education or training as he may elect, and at any approved educational or training institution at which he chooses to enroll, whether or not located in the State in which he resides, which will accept or retain him as a student or trainee in any field or branch of knowledge which such institution finds him qualified to undertake or pursue. . . . 5. The Administrator shall pay to the educational or training institution, for each person enrolled in full time or part time course of education or training, the customary cost of tuition, and such laboratory, library, health, infirmary, and other similar fees as are customarily charged, and may pay for books, supplies, equipment, and other necessary expenses, exclusive of board, lodging, other living expenses, and travel, as are generally required for the successful pursuit and completion of the course by other students in the institution: Provided, That in no event shall such payments, with respect to any person, exceed $500 for an ordinary school year. . . . 6. While enrolled in and pursuing a course under this part, such person, upon application to the Administrator, shall be paid a subsis-

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tence allowance of $50 per month, if without a dependent or dependents, or $75 per month, if he has a dependent or dependents. . . .

Title III—Loans for the Purchase or Construction of Homes, Farms, and Business Property Chapter V—General Provisions for Loans Sec. 500. (a) Any person who shall have served in the active military or naval service of the United States at any time on or after September 16, 1940, and prior to the termination of the present war and who shall have been discharged or released therefrom under conditions other than dishonorable after active service of ninety days or more, or by reason of an injury or disability incurred in service in the line of duty, shall be eligible for the benefits of this title. Any such veteran may apply within two years after separation from the military or naval forces, or two years after termination of the war, whichever is the later date, but in no event more than five years after the termination of the war, to the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs for the guaranty by the Administrator not to exceed 50 per centum of a loan or loans for any of the purposes specified in sections 501, 502, and 503: Provided, That the aggregate amount guaranteed shall not exceed $2,000. If the Administrator finds that the veteran is eligible for the benefits of this title and that the loan applied for appears practicable, the Administrator shall guarantee the payment of the part thereof as set forth in this title. (b) Interest for the first year on that part of the loan guaranteed by the Administrator shall be paid by the Administrator out of available appropriations. . . . Sec. 501. (a) Any application made by a vet-

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eran under this title for the guaranty of a loan to be used in purchasing residential property or in constructing a dwelling on unimproved property owned by him to be occupied as his home may be approved by the Administrator of Veterans’ Affairs if he finds— 1. that the proceeds of such loans will be used for payment for such property to be purchased or constructed by the veteran; ... 2. that the purchase price paid or to be paid by the veteran for such property or the construction cost, including the value of the unimproved lot, does not exceed the reasonable normal value thereof as determined by proper appraisal. . . .

Title IV Chapter VI—Employment of Veterans Sec. 600. (a) In the enactment of the provisions of this title, Congress declares as its intent and purpose that there shall be an effective job counseling and employment placement service for veterans, and that, to this end, policies shall be promulgated and administered, so as to provide for them the maximum of job opportunity in the field of gainful employment. . . . Sec. 601. The United States Employment Service shall assign to each of the States a veterans’ employment representative, who shall be a veteran of the wars of the United States separated from active service under honorable conditions. . . . In cooperation with the public employment service staff in the State, he shall— (a) be functionally responsible for the supervision of the registration of veterans in local employment offices for suitable

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types of employment and for placement of veterans in employment; (b) assist in securing and maintaining current information as to the various types of available employment in public works and private industry or business; (c) promote the interest of employers in employing veterans; (d) maintain regular contact with employers and veterans’ organization with a view of keeping employers advised of veterans

available for employment and veterans advised of opportunities for employment; and (e) assist in every possible way in improving working conditions and the advancement of employment of veterans. Excerpts of the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act (GI Bill), June 22, 1944. United States Statutes at Large, 1944, Vol. 58, part 1 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1945).

UNITED NATIONS MONETARY AND FINANCIAL CONFERENCE AT BRETTON WOODS Summary of Agreements

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Many policymakers in the United States and the governments of other allies believed that the Great Depression was a major cause of World War II. Specifically, they believed that the world lacked institutions to deal with international economic crisis, leading to competition and ultimately to strife between nations. On July 22, 1944, in a conference at Bretton Woods, a resort in the mountains of New Hampshire, international policymakers and economists offered a plan for two global financial institutions. One was the International Monetary Fund to deal with immediate financial crises. The other was the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, better known as the World Bank, to deal with long-term economic development. This Conference at Bretton Woods, representing nearly all the peoples of the world, has considered matters of international money and finance which are important for peace and prosperity. The Conference has agreed on the problems needing attention, the measures which should be taken, and the forms of international cooperation or organization which are required. The agreements reached on these large and complex matters are without precedent in the history of international economic relations.

I. The International Monetary Fund Since foreign trade affects the standard of life of every people, all countries have a vital interest in the system of exchange of national currencies and the regulations and conditions which govern its working. Because these monetary transactions are international exchanges, the nations must agree on the basic rules which govern the exchanges if the system is to work smoothly. When they do not agree, and when single nations and small groups of nations attempt by special and different regulations of the foreign exchanges to gain trade advantages, the result is instability, a reduced volume of foreign trade, and damage to national economies. This course of action is likely to lead to economic warfare and to endanger the world’s peace. The Conference has therefore agreed that broad international action is necessary to maintain an international monetary system which will promote foreign trade. The nations should consult and agree on international monetary changes which affect each other. They should outlaw practices which are agreed to be harmful to world prosperity, and they should assist each other to overcome short-term exchange difficulties.

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The Conference has agreed that the nations here represented should establish for these purposes a permanent international body, The International Monetary Fund, with powers and resources adequate to perform the tasks assigned to it. Agreement has been reached concerning these powers and resources and the additional obligations which the member countries should undertake. Draft Articles of Agreement on these points have been prepared.

II. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development It is in the interest of all nations that post-war reconstruction should be rapid. Likewise, the development of the resources of particular regions is in the general economic interest. Programs of reconstruction and development will speed economic progress everywhere, will aid political stability and foster peace. The Conference has agreed that expanded international investment is essential to provide a portion of the capital necessary for reconstruction and development. The Conference has further agreed that the nations should cooperate to increase the volume of foreign investment for these purposes, made through normal business channels. It is especially important that the nations should cooperate to share the risks of such foreign investment, since the benefits are general.

The Conference has agreed that the nations should establish a permanent international body to perform these functions, to be called The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. It has been agreed that the Bank should assist in providing capital through normal channels at reasonable rates of interest and for long periods for projects which will raise the productivity of the borrowing country. There is agreement that the Bank should guarantee loans made by others and that through their subscriptions of capital in all countries should share with the borrowing country in guaranteeing such loans. The Conference has agreed on the powers and resources which the Bank must have and on the obligations which the member countries must assume, and has prepared draft Articles of Agreement accordingly. The Conference has recommended that in carrying out the policies of the institutions here proposed special consideration should be given to the needs of countries which have suffered from enemy occupation and hostilities. The proposals formulated at the Conference for the establishment of the Fund and the Bank are now submitted, in accordance with the terms of the invitation, for consideration of the governments and people of the countries represented. Summary of Agreements from the UN Monetary and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods, July 22, 1944, United Nations.

SPEECH TO A TEAMSTERS’ UNION BANQUET Franklin D. Roosevelt

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In 1944, amid World War II, President Franklin Roosevelt sought an unprecedented fourth term in office. Befitting his image as a wartime president, however, Roosevelt barely campaigned, making only one speech during the whole election season. In that speech, delivered at a Teamsters’ Union banquet in Washington, D.C., on September, 23, 1944, Roosevelt lambasted Republicans for their previous mismanagement of the economy and, more tellingly in wartime, their pre–Pearl Harbor reluctance to face militarily the threat of Nazi Germany and imperial Japan. He also jokingly criticized the Republicans for attacking his dog in their campaign. Roosevelt won the election handily. Well, here we are—here we are again—after four years—and what a four years they have been! You know, I am actually four years older, which is a fact that seems to annoy some people. In fact, there are millions of Americans who are more than eleven years older than when we started to clean up the mess that was dumped into our laps in 1933! [Laughter and applause] We all know . . . certain people who make it a practice to depreciate the accomplishments of labor, who even attack labor as unpatriotic. They keep this up usually for three years and six months in a row. But then, for some strange

reason they change their tune, every four years, just before election day. When votes are at stake, they suddenly discover that they really love labor and that they are anxious to protect labor from its old friends. [Laughter] I got quite a laugh, for example—and I am sure that you did—when I read this plank in the Republican platform adopted at their National Convention in Chicago last July: The Republican Party accepts the purposes of the National Labor Relations Act, the Wage and Hour Act, the Social Security Act and all other Federal statutes designed to promote and protect the welfare of American working men and women, and we promise a fair and just administration of these laws.

You know, many of the Republican leaders and Congressmen and candidates, who shouted enthusiastic approval of that plank in that Convention Hall would not even recognize these progressive laws if they met them in broad daylight! Indeed, they have personally spent years of effort and energy, and much money, in fighting every one of those laws in the Congress, and in the press, and in the courts, ever since this Administration began to advocate them and enact them into legislation.

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That is a fair example of their insincerity and of their inconsistency. The whole purpose of Republican oratory these days seems to be to switch labels. The object is to persuade the American people that the Democratic Party was responsible for the 1929 crash and the depression, and that the Republican Party was responsible for all social progress under the New Deal. Now, imitation may be the sincerest form of flattery [Laughter and cheers], but I am afraid that in this case it is the most obvious common or garden variety of fraud! [Laughter and cheers] Of course, it is perfectly true that there are enlightened, liberal elements in the Republican Party, and they have fought hard and honorably to bring the Party up to date and to get it in step with the forward march of American progress. But these liberal elements were not able to drive the Old Guard Republicans from their entrenched positions. Can the Old Guard pass itself off as the New Deal? I think not. We have all seen many marvelous stunts in the circus but no performing elephant could turn a hand-spring without falling flat on his back! [Laughter and cheers] I need not recount to you the centuries of history which have been crowded into these four years since I saw you last. There were some—in the Congress and out—who raised their voices against our preparations for defense, before and after 1939, objected to them, raised their voices against them as hysterical war-mongering, who cried out against our help to the Allies as provocative and dangerous. We remember the voices. They would like to have us forget them now. But in 1940 and 1941—my, it seems a long time ago— they were loud voices. Happily they were a minority, and, fortunately for ourselves, and for the world, they could not stop America. There are some politicians who kept their

heads buried deep in the sand while the storms of Europe and Asia were headed our way, who said that the lend-lease bill “would bring an end to free government in the United States,” and who said, “only hysteria entertains the idea that Germany, Italy, or Japan contemplates war on us.” These very men are now asking the American people to entrust to them the conduct of our foreign policy and our military policy. What the Republican leaders are now saying in effect is this: “Oh, just forget what we used to say, we have changed our minds now. We have been reading the public opinion polls about these things and now we know what the American people want.” And they say: “Don’t leave the task of making the peace to those old men who first urged it, and who have already laid the foundations for it, and who have had to fight all of us inch-by-inch during the last five years, to do it. Why, just turn it all over to us. We’ll do it so skillfully, that we won’t lose a single isolationist vote or a single isolationist campaign contribution!” I think there is one thing that you know: I am too old for that. I cannot talk out of both sides of my mouth at the same time. . . . The Government welcomes all sincere supporters of the cause of effective world collaboration in the making of a lasting peace. Millions of Republicans all over the Nation are with us—and have been with us—in our unshakable determination to build the solid structure of peace. And they too will resent this campaign talk by those who first woke up to the facts of international life a few short months ago when they began to study the polls of public opinion. Those who today have the military responsibility for waging this war in all parts of the globe are not helped by the statements of men who, without responsibility and without the knowledge of the facts, lecture the Chiefs of

Speech to a Teamsters’ Union Banquet

Staff of the United States as to the best means of dividing our armed forces and our military resources between the Atlantic and Pacific, between the Army and the Navy, and among the commanding generals of the different theaters of war. And I may say that those commanding generals are making good in a big way. When I addressed you four years ago, I said, “I know that America will never be disappointed in its expectation that labor will always continue to do its share of the job we now face and do it patriotically and effectively and unselfishly.” Today we know that America has not been disappointed. In his Order of the Day when the Allied armies first landed in Normandy two months ago, General Eisenhower said: “Our home fronts have given us overwhelming superiority in weapons and munitions of war.” The country knows that there is a breed of cats, luckily not too numerous, called laborbaiters. I know that there are labor baiters among the opposition who, instead of calling attention to the achievements of labor in this war, prefer to pick on the occasional strikes that have occurred—strikes, if I may say, that have been condemned by every responsible national labor leader. I ought to say, parenthetically, all but one. And that one labor leader, incidentally, is certainly not conspicuous among my supporters! Labor-baiters forget that at our peak American labor and management have turned out airplanes at the rate of 109,000 a year; tanks— 57,000 a year; combat vessels—573 a year; landing vessels, to get the troops ashore—31,000 a year; cargo ships—19 million tons a year—and Henry Kaiser is here tonight, I am glad to say; and small arms ammunition—oh, I can’t understand it, I don’t believe you can either—23 billion rounds a year. But a strike is news, and generally appears in shrieking headlines—and, of course, they say

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labor is always to blame. The fact is that since Pearl Harbor only one-tenth of one percent of man-hours have been lost by strikes. Can you beat that? But, you know, even those candidates who burst out in election-year affection for social legislation and for labor in general still think that you ought to be good boys and stay out of politics. And above all, they hate to see any working man or woman contribute a dollar bill to any wicked political party. Of course, it is all right for large financiers and industrialists and monopolists to contribute tens of thousands of dollars—but their solicitude for that dollar which the men and women in the ranks of labor contribute is always very touching. They are, of course, perfectly willing to let you vote, unless you happen to be a soldier or a sailor overseas, or a merchant seaman carrying the munitions of war. In that case they have made it pretty hard for you to vote at all. For there are some political candidates who think that they may have a chance of election, if only the total vote is small enough! And while I am on the subject of voting, let me urge every American citizen—man and woman—to use your sacred privilege of voting, no matter which candidate you expect to support. Our millions of soldiers and sailors and merchant seamen have been handicapped or prevented from voting by those politicians and candidates who think that they stand to lose by such votes. You here at home have the freedom of the ballot. Irrespective of party, you should register and vote this November. I think that is a matter of plain good citizenship. Words come easily, but they do not change the record. You are, most of you, old enough to remember what things were like for labor in 1932. You remember the closed banks and the breadlines and the starvation wages; the foreclosures of homes and farms, and the bank-

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ruptcies of business; the “Hoovervilles,” and the young men and women of the Nation facing a hopeless, jobless future; the closed factories and mines and mills; the ruined and abandoned farms; the stalled railroads and the empty docks; the blank despair of a whole Nation—and the utter impotence of the Federal Government. You remember the long, hard road, with its gains and its setbacks, which we have traveled together ever since those days. Now there are some politicians who do not remember that far back, and there are some who remember but find it convenient to forget. No, the record is not to be washed away that easily. The opposition in this year has already imported into this campaign a very interesting thing, because it is foreign. They have imported the propaganda technique invented by the dictators abroad. Remember, a number of years ago, there was a book, Mein Kampf, written by Hitler himself. The technique was all set out in Hitler’s book—and it was copied by the aggressors of Italy and Japan. According to that technique, you should never use a small falsehood; always a big one, for its very fantastic nature would make it more credible—if only you keep repeating it over and over and over again. Well, let us take some simple illustrations that come to mind. For example, although I rubbed my eyes when I read it, we have been told that it was not a Republican depression, but a Democratic depression from which this Nation was saved in 1933—that this Administration, this one today, is responsible for all the suffering and misery that the history books and the American people have always thought had been brought about during the twelve ill-fated years when the Republican party was in power. Now, there is an old and somewhat lugubrious adage which says: “Never speak of rope in the house of a man who has been hanged.” In the same way, if I were a Republican leader

speaking to a mixed audience, the last word in the whole dictionary that I think I would use is that word “depression!” You know, they pop up all the time. For another example, I learned, much to my amazement, that the policy of this Administration was to keep men in the Army when the war was over, because there might be no jobs for them in civil life. Well, the very day that this fantastic charge was first made, a formal plan for the method of speedy discharge from the Army had already been announced by the War Department, a plan based on the wishes of the soldiers themselves. This callous and brazen falsehood about demobilization did, of course, a very simple thing; it was an effort to stimulate fear among American mothers and wives and sweethearts. And, incidentally, it was hardly calculated to bolster the morale of our soldiers and sailors and airmen who are fighting our battles all over the world. But perhaps the most ridiculous of these campaign falsifications is the one that this Administration failed to prepare for the war that was coming. I doubt whether even Goebbels would have tried that one. For even he would never have dared hope that the voters of America had already forgotten that many of the Republican leaders in the Congress and outside the Congress tried to thwart and block nearly every attempt that this Administration made to warn our people and to arm our Nation. Some of them called our 50,000 airplane program fantastic. Many of those very same leaders who fought every defense measure that we proposed are still in control of the Republican party—look at their names—were in control of its National Convention in Chicago, and would be in control of the machinery of the Congress and of the Republican party, in the event of a Republican victory this fall.

Speech to a Teamsters’ Union Banquet

These Republican leaders have not been content with attacks on me, or on my wife, or on my sons. No, not content with that, they now include my little dog, Fala. [Laughter] You know, Fala is Scotch [laughter], and being a Scottie, as soon as he learned that the Republican fiction writers, in Congress and out, have concocted a story that I’d left him behind on the Aleutian Islands and had sent a destroyer back to find him—at a cost to the taxpayers of two or three, or eight or twenty million dollars—his Scotch soul was furious! [Laughter] He has not been the same dog since! [Laughter and applause]

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Well, now, I am accustomed to hearing malicious falsehoods about myself, falsehoods such as that old worm-eaten chestnut that I have represented myself as indispensable [laughter], but I think I have a right to resent, to object, to libelous statements about my dog! [Extended laughter and applause]

Franklin D. Roosevelt, Speech to a Teamsters’ Union Banquet, September 23, 1944. Samuel Irving Rosenman, ed., The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1944.

PORT CHICAGO NAVAL MAGAZINE EXPLOSION Court of Inquiry, Finding of Facts, Opinion and Recommendations

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On July 17, 1944, the naval munitions based at Port Chicago, on the Sacramento River east of San Francisco, experienced a massive explosion that killed 320 Navy personnel and civilians. It was the worst World War II–era military disaster on the American mainland. Nearly two-thirds of the casualties were African American; the Navy had long made it a policy to restrict African Americans to the most menial and dangerous positions on the base. Shortly after the explosion, a number of the black Navy men refused to go back to work, citing the still dangerous conditions. Roughly fifty were court-martialed for mutiny and received lengthy prison sentences. After the war, President Harry Truman commuted the sentences. While the Navy’s Court of Inquiry did not discuss charges of racism, it did cite poor safety conditions and a lack of proper training at the base. The following are the opinions and recommendations of that court of inquiry on October 30, 1944.

Opinion 1. That the Naval and Coast Guard personnel killed or injured in this explosion and listed in the Finding of Facts herein were killed or injured in the line of duty and not as a result of their own misconduct. 2. That the civil personnel listed in the Find-

ing of Facts herein as having been killed by the explosion were killed while performing their regularly assigned duties and in the service of their country. 3. That the loss of and damage to government property and privately owned vessels caused by this explosion were incident to the prosecution of the war. 4. That the amount of damages caused to government-owned property is $9,892,034.74. 5. That the amount of damage suffered by the M.S. REDLINE does not exceed the sum of $136,840.00, the cost of repairs, and $11,437.57, the expenses incident thereto, totaling $149,277,57, which is greater than the sound value of the vessel, which did not exceed $150,000.00, less the value of the vessel in her damaged condition. 6. No opinion is expressed as to the amount of damages suffered as the result of death, personal injuries or by small craft, as these claims have been delivered to the Board of Investigation for consideration. 7. That the establishment of a facility such as the U.S. Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, was necessary in this area and the location was well chosen. 8. That the development of the Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, to maximum efficiency and

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capacity as a loading facility was retarded by the following circumstances which were beyond the control of the Officer in Charge, Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, and the Commanding Officer, Naval Ammunition Depot, Mare Island, California: a) A general failure to foresee and prepare for the tremendous increase in explosives shipments. b) A failure to assemble and train the officers and crew for their specialized duties prior to the time they were required for actual loading. c) A failure to provide initially the collateral equipment so necessary for morale. d) A failure to provide an adequate number of competent petty officers or even personnel of petty officer caliber. 9. That the Commanding Officer, Naval Ammunition Depot, early realized the necessity for expansion, for trained officers and the importance of collateral equipment. He made every reasonable effort to obtain these. 10. That the operation of the Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, as an annex of the Naval Ammunition Depot, Mare Island, is sound and proper. 11. That the internal organization at Port Chicago is sound and proper. 12. That the training of the officers was the best possible under existing circumstances. That the dissemination of pertinent information required by the officers in the performance of their duties was adequate. 13. That the officers at Port Chicago have realized for a long time the necessity for great effort on their part because of the poor quality of the personnel with which they had to work. They worked loyally, conscientiously, intelligently, and effectively to make themselves com-

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petent officers and to solve the problem of loading ships safely with the men provided. 14. That the enlisted personnel comprising the ordnance battalions at Port Chicago were poor material for training in the handling and loading of munitions, and required an unusual amount of close supervision while actually engaged in this work. 15. That the training and supervision of these men was made even more difficult by the lack of petty officers or petty officer material. 16. That a very sustained and vigorous effort was made to train these men in the proper handling of munitions. Despite this, there was a considerable history of rough and careless handling by individuals. A marked and continuing improvement was discernible in recent months. 17. That the methods used in training these men were the most effective possible under the circumstances. 18. That in the months immediately preceding the explosion real progress had been made toward a better training program for officers and men. This work had been retarded by a lack of competent senior officers. 19. That the morale of the station was improving steadily as a result of the completion of the gymnasium and bachelor officers’ quarters, and provision for additional transportation. 20. That the civil service personnel were about the average available for the ratings held and were in general of mediocre ability. 21. That the policies and doctrines followed were sound, well thought out, and aimed at generally getting essential war work done as safely as possible. 22. That the security measures in effect were adequate. 23. That the liaison between the officers of the Port Director, Captain of the Port, Service Force Subordinate Command, and the Naval magazine, Port Chicago, was satisfactory.

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24. That the pre-loading inspections made by representatives of the Captain of the Port and of the Port Director were not always thorough or well-timed in relation to fuelings. This lack of thoroughness was not a contributing cause to the explosion under investigation. 25. That the pier was well laid out for the work to be done. A pier which allows tandem berthing would be preferable, since it results in a lesser concentration of explosives and personnel. 26. That the loading procedures and the gear used at Port Chicago were safe and in accordance with standard naval practice and did not violate naval safety precautions. 27. That the few practices listed in the Finding of Facts which were contrary to the Coast Guard ship-loading regulations were not dangerous and did not increase the hazards. 28. That there exists no publication or instruction for naval establishments which adequately specifies the methods to be used in handling high explosives. Regulations as they exist are negative in nature and prohibitory. 29. That the Coast Guard instructions are not practicable in their entirety in that a literal compliance with all requirements would so restrict operations that loading could not be accomplished at a reasonable rate. 30. That where any regulation cannot be followed, it should be changed rather than ignored. 31. That it is possible to draw up a practicable set of loading instructions with no sacrifice to safety. 32. That the details of loading procedure at Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, were as safe, and in most cases safer, than those in use at many other points. 33. That the Coast Guard detail under the conditions it was originally assigned at Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, did not contribute to the efficiency or safety of the loading operations.

34. That this Coast Guard detail could contribute to the efficiency of the operations provided: a) Their instructions were carefully revised and adapted to the special circumstances existing at a naval station, rather than arbitrarily using the same methods as when dealing with civilian stevedores at a commercial pier. b) The methods of handling each item were agreed upon by competent representatives before loading started. c) That only competent men especially trained in ammunition handling were assigned to such duty. 35. That the loading divisions were well organized for the work to be accomplished, insofar as the availability of petty officers permitted. 36. That the working hours and schedules were well planned and reasonable. 37. That the officer supervision during loading operations was adequate. 38. That the petty officer supervision was inadequate both in numbers and quality. 39. That the posting of the amounts loaded by each division did not operate to increase the hazards of loading. 40. That a loading rate of 10 tons per hatch per hour with the personnel available was high but a goal that could be attained with proper training and supervision. 41. That the loading rate attained at Port Chicago was approximately that attained by commercial stevedores at Naval Ammunition Depot, Mare Island. 42. That the S.S. E. A. BRYAN was seaworthy and in a satisfactory condition to receive explosive cargo on arrival at the Naval Magazine, Port Chicago. 43. That the S.S. QUINAULT VICTORY was seaworthy and in a satisfactory condition to re-


ceive explosive cargo on arrival at the Naval Magazine, Port Chicago. 44. That the loading of the S.S. E. A. BRYAN up to the time of the explosion was proceeding in a normal manner, using methods and gear that are considered safe and in accordance with good practice. 45. That the quantities of explosive vapors probably present, the absence of any evidence of fire or other igniting agent, the speed with which the explosion was transmitted indicate to the court that the explosive qualities of the oil in the S.S. QUINAULT VICTORY did not cause or contribute to the explosion. 46. That in an explosion of this magnitude where substantially all the possible initiating agents were destroyed and all eyewitnesses at the point of initiation were lost, it is impossible to determine positively the agent or act which caused the explosion. 47. That the following unusual circumstances existed just prior to the explosion, any one of which might have been a contributing cause: a) The S.S. QUINAULT VICTORY, a ship that had been in service only one week, was being rigged for the first time by enlisted personnel of the ordnance battalions and some difficulty was experienced, which might have led to the dropping of a boom on one of the cars of explosives spotted alongside. b) The propeller of the QUINAULT VICTORY was turning over, which might have caused a failure in the pier structure. c) A diesel switch engine was in motion on the pier, entailing the possibility of collision and damage to explosives being handled. d) An unusual noise was heard which could have been caused by the falling of the

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boom or the failure of the structure of a boxcar or the pier. A similar noise could have been caused by the possibilities outlined in a, b, and c above. 48. That the weather conditions in no way contributed to the explosion. 49. That there was no unnecessary concentration of explosives or personnel on the pier at the time of the explosion. 50. That the possibility exists that a supersensitive ammunition component, such as is defined below, was present and that such a component was detonated either in the ordinary course of loading operations or as a result of rough or careless handling by an individual or individuals. The term “supersensitive component” as herein used is defined as: a) One wherein a thin film of high explosives is present because of defects in the manufacture of the case or faulty filling of that particular component. (This condition could have occurred in the Mark 47 and the Mark 54 depth bombs.) b) One which has become prematurely armed by reason of damage to the safety features either in transit to the magazine or in the handling after arrival. (This condition could have occurred in the M7 incendiary bomb clusters.) The term “rough or careless handling” as herein used is defined as handling which would subject a component or its container to a severe blow or cause deformation of the case or container by the application of a concentrated stress. Examples of this would be a bomb which is allowed to roll against and strike another bomb, a hoist which is allowed to swing against the ship’s side or a hatch conning, or a hoist which is dropped from a height or is allowed to

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strike the deck a hard blow in lowering, or the arrangement of the load in the net or sling which is such as to impose concentrated stress on one or more of the components of the load. 51. That the probable causes of the initial explosion listed in the order of probability are: a) Presence of a supersensitive element which was detonated in the course of handling. b) Rough handling by an individual or individuals. This may have occurred at any stage of the loading process from the breaking out of the cars to final stowage in the holds. c) Failure of handling gear, such as the falling of a boom, failure of a block or hook, parting of a whip, etc. d) Collision of the switch engine with an explosive loaded car, possibly in the process of unloading. e) An accident incident to the carrying away of the mooring lines of the QUINAULT VICTORY or the bollards to which the QUINAULT VICTORY was moored, resulting in damage to an explosive component. f) The result of an act of sabotage. Although there is no evidence to support sabotage as a probable cause, it cannot be ignored as a possibility. 52. That the initial explosion occurred in the vicinity of the inboard end of the pier near the bow of the E. A. BRYAN, probably among components being handled on the pier or being loaded into No. 1 or 2 holds. The sharp distinct sound and the brilliant white flash lead to the belief that the initial detonation was that of an M-7 cluster or Mark 47 depth bomb which was, in turn immediately propagated to other explosives on the pier, producing the first explosion.

53. That the second and larger explosion consisted of the detonation—substantially simultaneously—of the ammunition in ten holds of the E. A. BRYAN. That this was initiated by the detonation of a component or group of components, or hot fragments from the first explosion which entered the holds either through the ship’s side or through the open hatches. 54. That the pattern of fragment distribution would appear to indicate that the point of initiation of the second explosion was in one of the forward holds of the E. A. BRYAN and that the explosives in the afterholds suffered sympathetic detonation almost immediately so that the ship in effect constituted a large bomb. 55. That there was an initial major explosion followed by minor explosions and burning for a period of from three to six seconds and culminating in a mass explosion of the entire cargo of the E. A. BRYAN and all remaining explosives. This final explosion was by far the greater; larger than any which preceded it. 56. That from an examination of the damage to structures and facilities resulting from the explosion, certain specific requirements of standards of construction for such a facility are indicated as set forth under “Recommendations.” 57. That the behavior of the officers and men after the explosion was exemplary and reflects credit on them and on their commanding officer. 58. That other U.S. Government agencies, the agencies of the State of California, the agencies of municipalities, civilian activities, and individual citizens in the area were most prompt and helpful in their tenders of assistance. 59. That the explosions and the consequent destruction of property, death and personal injuries were not due to the fault, negligence or inefficiency of any person in the naval service or connected therewith or any other person.


60. That the explosions were not due to any fault, negligence or inefficiency of the interested party, Captain Nelson H. Goss, U.S. Navy (Retired). 61. That the explosions were not due to any fault, negligence or inefficiency of the interested party, Captain Merrill T. Kinne, U.S. Naval Reserve.

Recommendations 1. That concerning merchant vessels scheduled to load explosives: a) A preliminary inspection be made as soon as a vessel arrives in port in order that any major faults may be corrected. b) Final pre-loading inspections should be made after fueling and should be very thorough, with emphasis on the operating condition of the cargo handling equipment. c) The inspections now made by representatives of the Captain of the Port and the Port Director be coordinated in order that they supplement and assist each other without needless duplication of work. 2. That in assigning personnel to duty in the ordnance battalions each draft should include an adequate number of men of petty officer caliber. Older and more mature men should be assigned this duty whenever possible. 3. That the feasibility of bringing some of the mature, experienced, reliable negro civil service personnel from the Naval Mine Depot, Yorktown, Virginia, and the civil service negro stevedores from the Supply Depot, Naval Operating Base, Norfolk, Virginia, should be investigated. 4. That the loading of explosives at commer-

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cial piers be restricted to an absolute minimum and that when such loading must take place, the amounts of explosives present on the pier be restricted to the minimum and in no case exceed the amounts permitted in the American Table of Distances, Article 14D18, Bureau of Ordnance Manual. 5. That the methods used by commercial stevedores in loading explosives be carefully reviewed by competent persons and only those methods meeting acceptable standards of safety be permitted. 6. That a loading manual setting forth acceptable methods for loading each type of explosive item, and to include the gear to be used, be drawn up and promulgated. a) The board or committee to draw up such a manual should have representatives from the Navy thoroughly familiar with all components in use and their structural weaknesses, representatives of the Navy and possibly from stevedoring firms, thoroughly familiar with loading, stowing, and rigging, and representatives from the Coast Guard familiar with the laws governing such subjects. b) This manual should not be so restrictive in nature as to prevent a facility from developing and improving operating methods so long as these new means conform to safety requirements. c) As new items or types of ammunition are brought out, the agency producing them should be required to supply pertinent information, especially hazards of handling in order that acceptable methods of handling may be incorporated in the manual. 7. That the present regulations and instructions relating to the handling of explosives be carefully reviewed and those not applicable or impracticable of attainment be eliminated.

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8. That facilities loading ammunition and explosives should be given priority in the assignment of experienced officers and stevedores. 9. That an experienced officer or officers of suitable rank, acting directly under the Commandant of the District, make surprise inspections from time to time at all explosive loading operations carried on in this district. 10. That a reasonable number of officers over and above those required for actual loading operations and in an “under instruction” status be maintained at the Naval Ammunition Depot, Mare Island, or Naval Magazine, Port Chicago, in order to provide adequately trained officers to meet normal attrition and expansion. 11. That the loading of explosives should never be a matter of competition. 12. That the feasibility of placing barricades between loading piers and adjacent facilities be investigated. 13. That inasmuch as the Commanding Officer of a Naval activity is in fact responsible for everything at his station, all representatives of other activities visiting the station for any duty should be required to report to the Commanding Officer for the specific duty and to submit their reports through the Commanding Officer of the station visited. 14. That the present policy of allowing the Commanding Officer of a Naval activity to accept or decline a Coast Guard loading detail be continued. That where this detail is accepted the detail should report to the Commanding Officer of the station for this duty. 15. That only such fuel oil as meets Navy specifications be delivered to ships scheduled to load ammunition. 16. That the following recommendations covering specifications for magazine facilities made by the Public Works Officer, Navy Yard, Mare Island, be favorably considered:

a) Structures that are vital for operation of the station in time of disaster should be of permanent fireproof construction. This includes the administration building, marine barracks, fire station, fire pumping station, and central power plant. b) All important structures not of permanent, fireproof construction should be of a substantial wood frame construction, well braced. c) Flimsy, war-time construction should not be used except for minor buildings, the loss of which will not seriously interfere with station operations. d) Where practicable, important buildings should be laid out end on rather than broadside on to probable line of blast. e) Unless strongly reinforced and braced, walls of buildings should have a considerable proportion of the area glazed to present a minimum obstruction to the blast. f) Investigations should be undertaken by the Bureau of Standards . . . : i) Mechanical services should be run underground wherever possible. ii) Hangers for pipe lines should be arranged and secured to structures to allow some freedom of motion, yet definitely limit movement. iii) BuDocks standard specification 21Yc should be modified to permit wider use of welded joint pipe and steel valves, flanges and fittings for stems, as well as other fluids in explosion hazard areas. iv) Spring loaded pressure reducing valves should be used instead of dead weight loaded type. 17. That gas mains should not be permitted in an explosive area.


18. That the provisions for the protection of explosive ammunition components during shipment and handling, including the containers, be carefully reviewed as the present necessity of shipping large quantities of high explosives over long distances in commercial carriers, together with the lack of skilled personnel, has introduced many additional hazards. 19. The court recommends that no further proceedings be had in the matter. Albert G. Cook, Junior Captain, U.S. Navy. John S. Crenshaw Captain, U.S. Navy. William B. Holden Captain, U.S. Navy.

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The record of proceedings of the fortieth day of the inquiry was read and approved, and the court having finished the inquiry, then at 1:30 p.m., on 30 October 1944, adjourned to await the action of the convening authority. Albert G. Cook, Junior Captain, U.S. Navy, President. Keith R. Ferguson Lieutenant Commander, U.S. Naval Reserve, Judge Advocate. Court of Inquiry, Finding of Facts, Opinion and Recommendations, October 30, 1944, re: Port Chicago Naval Magazine Explosion on July 17, 1944. U.S. National Archives, Pacific Sierra Region, Record Group 181, 12th Naval District Commandant’s Office, General Correspondence Series (formerly classified), 1946, Box 7/12, Folder A17.25, Vol. 8.

KOREMATSU V. UNITED STATES B

The U.S. Supreme Court heard two major cases on the constitutionality of interning Japanese aliens and Japanese American citizens during World War II. In the first case, Hirabayashi v. U.S. (1943), the court held that residents with ethnic affiliations to an enemy represented a legitimate security danger and could be interned, a decision upheld in the Korematsu v. U.S. decision of December 18, 1944. Three justices dissented on Korematsu, including Justice Frank Murphy, who wrote that the Korematsu decision represented the “legalization of racism.” The following are the opinion of Justice Hugo Black for the majority and Justice Murphy’s dissent.

tance of the constitutional question involved caused us to grant certiorari. It should be noted, to begin with, that all legal restrictions which curtail the civil rights of a single racial group are immediately suspect. That is not to say that all such restrictions are unconstitutional. It is to say that courts must subject them to the most rigid scrutiny. Pressing public necessity may sometimes justify the existence of such restrictions; racial antagonism never can. In the instant case, prosecution of the petitioner was begun by information charging violation of an Act of Congress, of March 21, 1942, 56 Stat. 173, which provides that

MR. JUSTICE [HUGO] BLACK delivered the opinion of the Court. The petitioner, an American citizen of Japanese descent, was convicted in a federal district court for remaining in San Leandro, California, a “Military Area,” contrary to Civilian Exclusion Order No. 34 of the Commanding General of the Western Command, U.S. Army, which directed that after May 9, 1942, all persons of Japanese ancestry should be excluded from that area. No question was raised as to petitioner’s loyalty to the United States. The Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed, and the impor1312

. . . whoever shall enter, remain in, leave, or commit any act in any military area or military zone prescribed, under the authority of an Executive Order of the President, by the Secretary of War, or by any military commander designated by the Secretary of War, contrary to the restrictions applicable to any such area or zone or contrary to the order of the Secretary of War or any such military commander, shall, if it appears that he knew or should have known of the existence and extent of the restrictions or order and that his act was in violation thereof, be guilty of a misdemeanor and upon conviction shall be liable to a

Korematsu v. United States

fine of not to exceed $5,000 or to imprisonment for not more than one year, or both, for each offense.

Exclusion Order No. 34, which the petitioner knowingly and admittedly violated, was one of a number of military orders and proclamations, all of which were substantially based upon Executive Order No. 9066, 7 Fed. Reg. 1407. That order, issued after we were at war with Japan, declared that “the successful prosecution of the war requires every possible protection against espionage and against sabotage to national-defense material, national-defense premises, and national-defense utilities. . . .” One of the series of orders and proclamations, a curfew order, which like the exclusion order here was promulgated pursuant to Executive Order 9066, subjected all persons of Japanese ancestry in prescribed West Coast military areas to remain in their residences from 8 p.m. to 6 a.m. As is the case with the exclusion order here, that prior curfew order was designed as a “protection against espionage and against sabotage.” In Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81, we sustained a conviction obtained for violation of the curfew order. The Hirabayashi conviction and this one thus rest on the same 1942 Congressional Act and the same basic executive and military orders, all of which orders were aimed at the twin dangers of espionage and sabotage. The 1942 Act was attacked in the Hirabayashi case as an unconstitutional delegation of power; it was contended that the curfew order and other orders on which it rested were beyond the war powers of the Congress, the military authorities and of the President, as Commander in Chief of the Army; and finally that to apply the curfew order against none but citizens of Japanese ancestry amounted to a constitutionally prohibited discrimination solely on

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account of race. To these questions, we gave the serious consideration which their importance justified. We upheld the curfew order as an exercise of the power of the government to take steps necessary to prevent espionage and sabotage in an area threatened by Japanese attack. In the light of the principles we announced in the Hirabayashi case, we are unable to conclude that it was beyond the war power of Congress and the Executive to exclude those of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast war area at the time they did. True, exclusion from the area in which one’s home is located is a far greater deprivation than constant confinement to the home from 8 p.m. to 6 a.m. Nothing short of apprehension by the proper military authorities of the gravest imminent danger to the public safety can constitutionally justify either. But exclusion from a threatened area, no less than curfew, has a definite and close relationship to the prevention of espionage and sabotage. The military authorities, charged with the primary responsibility of defending our shores, concluded that curfew provided inadequate protection and ordered exclusion. They did so, as pointed out in our Hirabayashi opinion, in accordance with Congressional authority to the military to say who should, and who should not, remain in the threatened areas. In this case the petitioner challenges the assumptions upon which we rested our conclusions in the Hirabayashi case. He also urges that by May 1942, when Order No. 34 was promulgated, all danger of Japanese invasion of the West Coast had disappeared. After careful consideration of these contentions we are compelled to reject them. Here, as in the Hirabayashi case, supra, at p. 99, “. . . we cannot reject as unfounded the judgment of the military authorities and of Congress that there were disloyal members of that population, whose number and strength

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could not be precisely and quickly ascertained. We cannot say that the war-making branches of the Government did not have ground for believing that in a critical hour such persons could not readily be isolated and separately dealt with, and constituted a menace to the national defense and safety, which demanded that prompt and adequate measures be taken to guard against it.” Like curfew, exclusion of those of Japanese origin was deemed necessary because of the presence of an unascertained number of disloyal members of the group, most of whom we have no doubt were loyal to this country. It was because we could not reject the finding of the military authorities that it was impossible to bring about an immediate segregation of the disloyal from the loyal that we sustained the validity of the curfew order as applying to the whole group. In the instant case, temporary exclusion of the entire group was rested by the military on the same ground. The judgment that exclusion of the whole group was for the same reason a military imperative answers the contention that the exclusion was in the nature of group punishment based on antagonism to those of Japanese origin. That there were members of the group who retained loyalties to Japan has been confirmed by investigations made subsequent to the exclusion. Approximately five thousand American citizens of Japanese ancestry refused to swear unqualified allegiance to the United States and to renounce allegiance to the Japanese Emperor, and several thousand evacuees requested repatriation to Japan. We uphold the exclusion order as of the time it was made and when the petitioner violated it. Cf. Chastleton Corporation v. Sinclair, 264 U.S. 543, 547; Block v. Hirsh, 256 U.S. 135, 154–5. In doing so, we are not unmindful of the hardships imposed by it upon a large group of American citizens. Cf. Ex parte Kawato, 317

U.S. 69, 73. But hardships are part of war, and war is an aggregation of hardships. All citizens alike, both in and out of uniform, feel the impact of war in greater or lesser measure. Citizenship has its responsibilities as well as its privileges, and in time of war the burden is always heavier. Compulsory exclusion of large groups of citizens from their homes, except under circumstances of direst emergency and peril, is inconsistent with our basic governmental institutions. But when under conditions of modern warfare our shores are threatened by hostile forces, the power to protect must be commensurate with the threatened danger. It is argued that on May 30, 1942, the date the petitioner was charged with remaining in the prohibited area, there were conflicting orders outstanding, forbidding him both to leave the area and to remain there. Of course, a person cannot be convicted for doing the very thing which it is a crime to fail to do. But the outstanding orders here contained no such contradictory commands. There was an order issued March 27, 1942, which prohibited petitioner and others of Japanese ancestry from leaving the area, but its effect was specifically limited in time “until and to the extent that a future proclamation or order should so permit or direct.” 7 Fed. Reg. 2601. That “future order,” the one for violation of which petitioner was convicted, was issued May 3, 1942, and it did “direct” exclusion from the area of all persons of Japanese ancestry, before 12 o’clock noon, May 9; furthermore it contained a warning that all such persons found in the prohibited area would be liable to punishment under the March 21, 1942, Act of Congress. Consequently, the only order in effect touching the petitioner’s being in the area on May 30, 1942, the date specified in the information against him, was the May 3 order which prohibited his remaining there, and it was that same order, which he stipulated in his


trial that he had violated, knowing of its existence. There is therefore no basis for the argument that on May 30, 1942, he was subject to punishment, under the March 27 and May 3 orders, whether he remained in or left the area. It does appear, however, that on May 9, the effective date of the exclusion order, the military authorities had already determined that the evacuation should be effected by assembling together and placing under guard all those of Japanese ancestry, at central points, designated as “assembly centers,” in order “to insure the orderly evacuation and resettlement of Japanese voluntarily migrating from Military Area No. 1, to restrict and regulate such migration.” Public Proclamation No. 4, 7 Fed. Reg. 2601. And on May 19, 1942, eleven days before the time petitioner was charged with unlawfully remaining in the area, Civilian Restrictive Order No. 1, 8 Fed. Reg. 982, provided for detention of those of Japanese ancestry in assembly or relocation centers. It is now argued that the validity of the exclusion order cannot be considered apart from the orders requiring him, after departure from the area, to report and to remain in an assembly or relocation center. The contention is that we must treat these separate orders as one and inseparable; that, for this reason, if detention in the assembly or relocation center would have illegally deprived the petitioner of his liberty, the exclusion order and his conviction under it cannot stand. We are thus being asked to pass at this time upon the whole subsequent detention program in both assembly and relocation centers, although the only issues framed at the trial related to petitioner’s remaining in the prohibited area in violation of the exclusion order. Had petitioner here left the prohibited area and gone to an assembly center we cannot say either as a matter of fact or law that his presence in that center would have resulted in his detention in a relocation center. Some who did

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report to the assembly center were not sent to relocation centers, but were released upon condition that they remain outside the prohibited zone until the military orders were modified or lifted. This illustrates that they pose different problems and may be governed by different principles. The lawfulness of one does not necessarily determine the lawfulness of the others. This is made clear when we analyze the requirements of the separate provisions of the separate orders. These separate requirements were that those of Japanese ancestry (1) depart from the area; (2) report to and temporarily remain in an assembly center; (3) go under military control to a relocation center, there to remain for an indeterminate period until released conditionally or unconditionally by the military authorities. Each of these requirements, it will be noted, imposed distinct duties in connection with the separate steps in a complete evacuation program. Had Congress directly incorporated into one Act the language of these separate orders, and provided sanctions for their violations, disobedience of any one would have constituted a separate offense. Cf. Blockburger v. United States, 284 U.S. 299, 304. There is no reason why violations of these orders, insofar as they were promulgated pursuant to Congressional enactment, should not be treated as separate offenses. The Endo case, post, p. 283, graphically illustrates the difference between the validity of an order to exclude and the validity of a detention order after exclusion has been effected. Since the petitioner has not been convicted of failing to report or to remain in an assembly or relocation center, we cannot in this case determine the validity of those separate provisions of the order. It is sufficient here for us to pass upon the order which petitioner violated. To do more would be to go beyond the issues raised, and to decide momentous questions not contained within the framework of the plead-

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ings or the evidence in this case. It will be time enough to decide the serious constitutional issues which petitioner seeks to raise when an assembly or relocation order is applied or is certain to be applied to him, and we have its terms before us. Some of the members of the Court are of the view that evacuation and detention in an Assembly Center were inseparable. After May 3, 1942, the date of Exclusion Order No. 34, Korematsu was under compulsion to leave the area not as he would choose but via an Assembly Center. The Assembly Center was conceived as a part of the machinery for group evacuation. The power to exclude includes the power to do it by force if necessary. And any forcible measure must necessarily entail some degree of detention or restraint whatever method of removal is selected. But whichever view is taken, it results in holding that the order under which petitioner was convicted was valid. It is said that we are dealing here with the case of imprisonment of a citizen in a concentration camp solely because of his ancestry, without evidence or inquiry concerning his loyalty and good disposition towards the United States. Our task would be simple, our duty clear, were this a case involving the imprisonment of a loyal citizen in a concentration camp because of racial prejudice. Regardless of the true nature of the assembly and relocation centers—and we deem it unjustifiable to call them concentration camps with all the ugly connotations that term implies—we are dealing specifically with nothing but an exclusion order. To cast this case into outlines of racial prejudice, without reference to the real military dangers which were presented, merely confuses the issue. Korematsu was not excluded from the Military Area because of hostility to him or his race. He was excluded because we are at war with the Japanese Empire, because the properly constituted military authorities feared an

invasion of our West Coast and felt constrained to take proper security measures, because they decided that the military urgency of the situation demanded that all citizens of Japanese ancestry be segregated from the West Coast temporarily, and finally, because Congress, reposing its confidence in this time of war in our military leaders—as inevitably it must— determined that they should have the power to do just this. There was evidence of disloyalty on the part of some, the military authorities considered that the need for action was great, and time was short. We cannot—by availing ourselves of the calm perspective of hindsight— now say that at that time these actions were unjustified. Affirmed. . . .

MR. JUSTICE [FRANK] MURPHY, dissenting. This exclusion of “all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien,” from the Pacific Coast area on a plea of military necessity in the absence of martial law ought not to be approved. Such exclusion goes over “the very brink of constitutional power” and falls into the ugly abyss of racism. In dealing with matters relating to the prosecution and progress of a war, we must accord great respect and consideration to the judgments of the military authorities who are on the scene and who have full knowledge of the military facts. The scope of their discretion must, as a matter of necessity and common sense, be wide. And their judgments ought not to be overruled lightly by those whose training and duties ill-equip them to deal intelligently with matters so vital to the physical security of the nation. At the same time, however, it is essential that there be definite limits to military discretion, especially where martial law has not been de-


clared. Individuals must not be left impoverished of their constitutional rights on a plea of military necessity that has neither substance nor support. Thus, like other claims conflicting with the asserted constitutional rights of the individual, the military claim must subject itself to the judicial process of having its reasonableness determined and its conflicts with other interests reconciled. “What are the allowable limits of military discretion, and whether or not they have been overstepped in a particular case, are judicial questions.” Sterling v. Constantin, 287 U.S. 378, 401. The judicial test of whether the Government, on a plea of military necessity, can validly deprive an individual of any of his constitutional rights is whether the deprivation is reasonably related to a public danger that is so “immediate, imminent, and impending” as not to admit of delay and not to permit the intervention of ordinary constitutional processes to alleviate the danger. United States v. Russell, 13 Wall. 623, 627–8; Mitchell v. Harmony, 13 How. 115, 134–5; Raymond v. Thomas, 91 U.S. 712, 716. Civilian Exclusion Order No. 34, banishing from a prescribed area of the Pacific Coast “all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien,” clearly does not meet that test. Being an obvious racial discrimination, the order deprives all those within its scope of the equal protection of the laws as guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment. It further deprives these individuals of their constitutional rights to live and work where they will, to establish a home where they choose and to move about freely. In excommunicating them without benefit of hearings, this order also deprives them of all their constitutional rights to procedural due process. Yet no reasonable relation to an “immediate, imminent, and impending” public danger is evident to support this racial restriction which is one of the most sweeping and complete deprivations of constitutional rights

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in the history of this nation in the absence of martial law. It must be conceded that the military and naval situation in the spring of 1942 was such as to generate a very real fear of invasion of the Pacific Coast, accompanied by fears of sabotage and espionage in that area. The military command was therefore justified in adopting all reasonable means necessary to combat these dangers. In adjudging the military action taken in light of the then apparent dangers, we must not erect too high or too meticulous standards; it is necessary only that the action have some reasonable relation to the removal of the dangers of invasion, sabotage and espionage. But the exclusion, either temporarily or permanently, of all persons with Japanese blood in their veins has no such reasonable relation. And that relation is lacking because the exclusion order necessarily must rely for its reasonableness upon the assumption that all persons of Japanese ancestry may have a dangerous tendency to commit sabotage and espionage and to aid our Japanese enemy in other ways. It is difficult to believe that reason, logic or experience could be marshalled in support of such an assumption. That this forced exclusion was the result in good measure of this erroneous assumption of racial guilt rather than bona fide military necessity is evidenced by the Commanding General’s Final Report on the evacuation from the Pacific Coast area. In it he refers to all individuals of Japanese descent as “subversive,” as belonging to “an enemy race” whose “racial strains are undiluted,” and as constituting “over 112,000 potential enemies . . . at large today” along the Pacific Coast. In support of this blanket condemnation of all persons of Japanese descent, however, no reliable evidence is cited to show that such individuals were generally disloyal, or had generally so conducted themselves in this area as to constitute a special men-

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ace to defense installations or war industries, or had otherwise by their behavior furnished reasonable ground for their exclusion as a group. Justification for the exclusion is sought, instead, mainly upon questionable racial and sociological grounds not ordinarily within the realm of expert military judgment, supplemented by certain semi-military conclusions drawn from an unwarranted use of circumstantial evidence. Individuals of Japanese ancestry are condemned because they are said to be “a large, unassimilated, tightly knit racial group, bound to an enemy nation by strong ties of race, culture, custom and religion.” They are claimed to be given to “emperor worshipping ceremonies” and to “dual citizenship.” Japanese language schools and allegedly pro-Japanese organizations are cited as evidence of possible group disloyalty, together with facts as to certain persons being educated and residing at length in Japan. It is intimated that many of these individuals deliberately resided “adjacent to strategic points,” thus enabling them “to carry into execution a tremendous program of sabotage on a mass scale should any considerable number of them have been inclined to do so.” The need for protective custody is also asserted. The report refers without identity to “numerous incidents of violence” as well as to other admittedly unverified or cumulative incidents. From this, plus certain other events not shown to have been connected with the Japanese Americans, it is concluded that the “situation was fraught with danger to the Japanese population itself” and that the general public “was ready to take matters into its own hands.” Finally, it is intimated, though not directly charged or proved, that persons of Japanese ancestry were responsible for three minor isolated shellings and bombings of the Pacific Coast area, as well as for unidentified radio transmissions and night signalling. The main reasons relied upon by those re-

sponsible for the forced evacuation, therefore, do not prove a reasonable relation between the group characteristics of Japanese Americans and the dangers of invasion, sabotage and espionage. The reasons appear, instead, to be largely an accumulation of much of the misinformation, half-truths and insinuations that for years have been directed against Japanese Americans by people with racial and economic prejudices—the same people who have been among the foremost advocates of the evacuation. A military judgment based upon such racial and sociological considerations is not entitled to the great weight ordinarily given the judgments based upon strictly military considerations. Especially is this so when every charge relative to race, religion, culture, geographical location, and legal and economic status has been substantially discredited by independent studies made by experts in these matters. The military necessity which is essential to the validity of the evacuation order thus resolves itself into a few intimations that certain individuals actively aided the enemy, from which it is inferred that the entire group of Japanese Americans could not be trusted to be or remain loyal to the United States. No one denies, of course, that there were some disloyal persons of Japanese descent on the Pacific Coast who did all in their power to aid their ancestral land. Similar disloyal activities have been engaged in by many persons of German, Italian and even more pioneer stock in our country. But to infer that examples of individual disloyalty prove group disloyalty and justify discriminatory action against the entire group is to deny that under our system of law individual guilt is the sole basis for deprivation of rights. Moreover, this inference, which is at the very heart of the evacuation orders, has been used in support of the abhorrent and despicable treatment of minority groups by the dictatorial tyrannies which this nation is now pledged


to destroy. To give constitutional sanction to that inference in this case, however well-intentioned may have been the military command on the Pacific Coast, is to adopt one of the cruelest of the rationales used by our enemies to destroy the dignity of the individual and to encourage and open the door to discriminatory actions against other minority groups in the passions of tomorrow. No adequate reason is given for the failure to treat these Japanese Americans on an individual basis by holding investigations and hearings to separate the loyal from the disloyal, as was done in the case of persons of German and Italian ancestry. See House Report No. 2124 (77th Cong., 2d Sess.) 247–52. It is asserted merely that the loyalties of this group “were unknown and time was of the essence.” Yet nearly four months elapsed after Pearl Harbor before the first exclusion order was issued; nearly eight months went by until the last order was issued; and the last of these “subversive” persons was not actually removed until almost eleven months had elapsed. Leisure and deliberation seem to have been more of the essence than speed. And the fact that conditions were not such as to warrant a declaration of martial law adds strength to the belief that the factors of time and military necessity were not as urgent as they have been represented to be. Moreover, there was no adequate proof that the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the military and naval intelligence services did not have the espionage and sabotage situation well in hand during this long period. Nor is there

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any denial of the fact that not one person of Japanese ancestry was accused or convicted of espionage or sabotage after Pearl Harbor while they were still free, a fact which is some evidence of the loyalty of the vast majority of these individuals and of the effectiveness of the established methods of combatting these evils. It seems incredible that under these circumstances it would have been impossible to hold loyalty hearings for the mere 112,000 persons involved—or at least for the 70,000 American citizens—especially when a large part of this number represented children and elderly men and women. Any inconvenience that may have accompanied an attempt to conform to procedural due process cannot be said to justify violations of constitutional rights of individuals. I dissent, therefore, from this legalization of racism. Racial discrimination in any form and in any degree has no justifiable part whatever in our democratic way of life. It is unattractive in any setting but it is utterly revolting among a free people who have embraced the principles set forth in the Constitution of the United States. All residents of this nation are kin in some way by blood or culture to a foreign land. Yet they are primarily and necessarily a part of the new and distinct civilization of the United States. They must accordingly be treated at all times as the heirs of the American experiment and as entitled to all the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution. . . .

Korematsu v. U.S., December 18, 1944, 321 U.S. 760.

UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT MANUAL, EMERGENCY WAR AGENCIES B

In 1945, the Office of War Information published a manual on how the U.S. government was organized. Among other things, it was intended to educate Americans on the numerous emergency wartime agencies established since before the country even entered World War II. It provides one of the best synopses of how these agencies were created, how they operated, and what their mission was. The following are excerpts from the manual focusing on those agencies which had a direct impact on everyday civilian life during World War II. Independent executive agencies are titled below in bold and all capital letters; divisions of agencies are titled in bold and upper/lower case letters.

Office for Emergency Management The Office for Emergency Management was established in the Executive Office of the President by administrative order of May 25, 1940, in accordance with Section I (6) of Executive Order 8248, of September 8, 1939, which provides that there shall be, “in the event of a national emergency, or threat of a national emergency, such office for emergency management as the President shall determine.” On February 28, 1941, the President reallocated to the Office for Emergency Manage-

ment the funds already made available to the Advisory Commission to the Council of National Defense. These funds were used for administrative and operating expenses of the Office for Emergency Management and such agencies as were established in or coordinated through it. The Office for Emergency Management as such formerly had certain stated functions which were performed under the direction of the Liaison Officer for Emergency Management. This official existed under the terms of the administrative order issued by the President on January 7, 1941, to the effect that “provision may be made in the Office for Emergency Management for liaison facilities. . . .” When the President, by letter of November 3, 1943, accepted the resignation of the Liaison Officer for Emergency Management, he appointed no successor; the effect was to terminate the liaison facilities under the optional provisions of administrative order of January 7, 1941. The Office for Emergency Management is primarily a framework within the confines of the Executive Office of the President, with which framework various civilian war agencies have been established. It has served as a major device for organizing the War Program. At present the Office for Emergency Management

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embraces the following war agencies: Committee on Fair Employment Practices, Foreign Economic Administration, National War Labor Board, Office of Alien Property Custodian, Office of Civilian Defense, Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, Office of Defense Transportation, Office of Economic Stabilization, Office of Scientific Research and Development, Office of War Information, War Manpower Commission, War Production Board, and War Shipping Administration.

Committee on Fair Employment Practice Creation and Authority. The Committee on Fair Employment Practice, established within the Office of Production Management (superseded by the War Production Board) by Executive Order 8802, of June 25, 1941, was transferred to the War Manpower Commission by Presidential letter, effective July 30, 1942. This Committee ceased to exist upon the establishment of a new Committee on Fair Employment Practice within the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order 9346, of May 27, 1943. Purpose. The purpose of the new Committee is to promote the fullest utilization of all available manpower and to eliminate discriminatory employment practices. Executive Order 9346 provides that: 1. All agencies of the Government of the United States shall include in all contracts a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin. 2. All Federal agencies concerned with vocational and training programs for war production shall take all measures appropri-

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ate to assure that such programs are administered without discrimination. 3. The Committee shall formulate policies to achieve the purposes of this order and shall make recommendations to the various Federal departments and agencies. It shall also recommend to the Chairman of the War Manpower Commission appropriate measures for bringing about the full utilization and training of manpower in and for war production without discrimination. 4. The Committee shall receive and investigate complaints of discrimination. It may conduct hearings, make findings of fact, and take appropriate steps to obtain elimination of such discrimination. 5. The Committee shall assume jurisdiction over all complaints and matters pending before the old Committee. 6. The Committee shall have the power to promulgate such rules and regulations as may be appropriate or necessary to carry out the provisions of the order.

National War Labor Board Creation and Authority. As a result of a conference of representatives of labor and industry which met at the call of the President on December 17, 1941, there was established within the Office for Emergency Management the National War Labor Board by Executive Order 9017, dated January 12, 1942. The National Defense Mediation Board, established by Executive Order 8716 of March 19, 1941, ceased to exist upon creation of the National War Labor Board. All duties with respect to cases certified to the National Defense Mediation Board were assumed by the National War Labor Board. Executive Order 9250 of October 3, 1942, issued pursuant to the act of October 2, 1942 (56

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Stat. 765; 50 App. U.S.C. 961), amending the Price Control Act of 1942, extended the authority of the Board so that no increases or decreases in wage rates may be made without its approval. On October 27, 1942, the Director of Economic Stabilization delegated to the Board similar authority over salary rates under $5,000, with a few exceptions. Additional statutory authority was given the Board by Congress in the War Labor Disputes (Smith-Connally) Act of June 25, 1943. This act authorized the Board to settle all labor disputes affecting the war effort and to provide by order the “terms and condition . . . governing the relations between the parties which shall be in effect until further order of the Board.” Provision for effectuating compliance with orders of the War Labor Board through the Director of Economic Stabilization was made in Executive Order 9370 of August 16, 1943. Purpose. Executive Order 9017 provides that “the procedures for adjusting and settling labor disputes which might interrupt work which contributes to the effective prosecution of the war shall be as follows: (a) The parties shall first resort to direct negotiations or to the procedures provided in a collective bargaining agreement. (b) If not settled in this manner, the Commissioners of Conciliation of the Department of Labor shall be notified if they have not already intervened in the dispute. (c) If not promptly settled by conciliation, the Secretary of Labor shall certify the dispute on its own motion. After it takes jurisdiction, the Board shall finally determine the dispute, and for this purpose may use mediation, voluntary arbitration, or arbitration under the rules established by the Board.” The order does not apply to labor disputes for which procedures for adjustment or settlement are otherwise provided until those procedures have been exhausted. Under Executive Order 9328, of April 8, 1943, and a subsequent clarification of that or-

der by the Director of Economic Stabilization on May 12, 1943, the Board is authorized to approve increases in rates prevailing on September 15, 1942, only if such increases are necessary to eliminate substandards of living, to correct gross inequities up to the minimum of sound and tested going rates in the area, to apply the Little Steel formula, or in rare and unusual cases where necessary to aid in the effective prosecution of the war. The Board may also make reasonable adjustments in case of promotions, reclassifications, merit increases, incentive wages, or the like. In January 1943, the Board delegated authority over all labor disputes and wage and salary adjustment cases to 12 Regional War Labor Boards. The Washington Board retains original jurisdiction of policy-making cases, and sits as a supreme court to hear appeals from the Regional Boards. Regional Boards. The National War Labor Board uses the services of the field organization of the Wage and Hour and Public Contracts Divisions of the Department of Labor. These field offices will answer specific questions by employers and employees in their localities pertaining to the wage and salary adjustments over which the NWLB has jurisdiction, and will provide forms on which to make application for adjustments of such wages and salaries. These forms are submitted by the Wage and Hour Division to the appropriate Regional War Labor Board . . .

Office of Alien Property Custodian Creation and Authority. The Office of Alien Property Custodian was established in the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order 9095 of March 11, 1942, under the specific authority of the Trading with the Enemy Act, as amended. The functions and duties of


the Office of Alien Property Custodian were further defined by Executive Order 9193 of July 6, 1942, amending Executive Order 9095. Activities. The Alien Property Custodian is authorized to control or vest foreign-owned property, whether the ownership rests with a foreign government or with an individual who is a national of a foreign country, or with a business enterprise which is a national of a foreign country. Once vested, such property shall be held, used, administered, liquidated, sold, or otherwise dealt with in the interest of and for the benefit of the United States. The Alien Property Custodian is authorized and empowered to take such action as he deems necessary in the national interest, including,but not limited to, the power to direct, manage, supervise, control, or vest, with respect to: 1. Any business enterprise within the United States which is an enemy national. 2. Any other business enterprise in the United States which is a foreign national, after determination by the Custodian and certification to the Secretary of the Treasury that the action is necessary in the national interest. 3. Any other property within the United States owned or controlled by an enemy government or national, except cash, deposits, securities, and similar property, the latter being subject to control only when they are determined to be necessary for the maintenance of property subject to vesting belonging to the same enemy country or national. 4. Any patent, copyright, and trademark and related property and interests, in which any foreign government or national has any interest. 5. Any ship in which there is any foreign interest. 6. Any property in process of administration

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by any person acting under judicial supervision, or which is in partition, libel, condemnation, or other similar proceedings and which is owned or claimed by an enemy government or national. The Alien Property Custodian is also authorized to issue regulations concerning the service of process or notice upon persons in enemy countries or enemy-occupied territory in connection with court or administrative actions or proceedings, and to represent such persons in such actions or proceedings. Executive Order 9142 of April 21, 1942, transferred to the Alien Property Custodian all authority, rights, privileges, powers, duties, and functions transferred or delegated to the Department of Justice (Alien Property Division) by Executive Order 6694 of May 1, 1934, or delegated to the Attorney General or Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Claims Division of the Department of Justice by Executive Order 8136 of May 15, 1939, as well as all personnel and property, including funds, of the Alien Property Division of the Department of Justice. All litigation in which the Alien Property Custodian or the Office of Alien Property Custodian is interested is, under the provisions of Executive Order 9142, to be conducted under the supervision of the Attorney General. The liquidation of vested property, except patents, is being effected through a program of public sales. More than 44,000 patents and patent applications formerly owned by nationals of enemy countries and enemy-occupied territories are being licensed to American industry . . .

Office of Civilian Defense Creation and Authority. The Office of Civilian Defense was established within the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order

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8757 of May 20, 1941, amended by Executive Orders 8799 of June 20, 1941, 8822 of July 16, 1941, and 9134 of April 15, 1942. A Civilian Defense Board was created by Executive Order 9134 to advise and assist the Director of the Office of Civilian Defense. Purpose. The Office was established to assure effective coordination of Federal relations with State and local governments engaged in the furtherance of war programs; to provide for necessary cooperation with State and local governments with respect to measures for adequate protection of the civilian population in war emergencies; and to facilitate participation by all persons in war programs. To carry out its functions, the Office of Civilian Defense has four operating divisions—Federal-State Cooperation, Protection Services, Protective Property, and Industrial Protection. Division of Federal-State Cooperation. Facilitates cooperation between the States and the Federal agencies which sponsor programs essential to the successful prosecution of the war, that require community participation and the services of volunteers. Through State Defense Councils, the division aids and encourages community organization for civilian war services, but the several Federal agencies retain full responsibility for providing technical advice and guidance in their respective States. Most usual are programs on health, housing, manpower, recreation, welfare and child care, agriculture, consumer interests, nutrition, salvage, transportation, and war savings. Volunteers serving in civilian war services programs are members of the United States Citizens Service Corps. Boys and girls under 16 years of age volunteering their services under the supervision of adult group leaders are enrolled in the Junior Citizens Service Corps. Protection Services Division. Develops comprehensive programs for training and organiz-

ing volunteers to safeguard the civilian population by such means as blackouts, camouflage, civilian evacuation, protective construction, and other defense against air attacks. Also, it develops programs of rescue of endangered persons, demolition of damaged structures and clearance of necessary thoroughfares, repair of disrupted utilities, auxiliary fire and police services, and many other measures to combat warrelated emergencies and disasters. These programs are put into effect through the United States Citizens Defense Corps. Protective Property Division. Administers the protective property and equipment purchased by the Federal Government for loan through the Office of Civilian Defense to States and communities in accordance with the provisions of the act approved January 27, 1942 (56 Stat. 19; 50 U.S.C. App. 741), which authorized an appropriation of $100,000,000 for this purpose. This Division allocates, authorizes shipment, sends instructions on care and maintenance, and inspects equipment loaned to such local communities “as may be determined by the said Director (of OCD) to be in need of, but unable to provide, such protection.” Industrial Protection Division. Provides assistance to industrial plants regarding protection against wartime industrial hazards such as fire and accidents and against enemy action such as sabotage. The Division advises the State War Inspection Service and State Plant Protection Officers on standards of industrial protection and methods of training and organization of plant protection personnel and assists them in the establishment of effective protection programs. State Defense Councils. The State Defense Councils listed below are responsible for the 11,400 local Defense Councils in which there are enrolled approximately 11,000,000 volunteers . . .


Office of Economic Stabilization Creation and Authority. The Office of Economic Stabilization was established within the Office for Emergency Management on October 3, 1942, by Executive Order 9250, to control so far as possible the inflationary tendencies and the vast dislocations attendant thereon which threaten the military effort and domestic economic structure. To advise the Director of Economic Stabilization, the Economic Stabilization Board was established by the same order, with the Director designated as Chairman. The Director of Economic Stabilization was authorized to formulate and to develop a comprehensive national economic policy relating to the control of civilian purchasing power, prices, rents, wages, salaries, profits, rationing, subsidies, and related matters for the purpose of preventing avoidable increases in the cost of living, cooperating in minimizing unnecessary migration of labor from one business, industry, or region to another, and facilitating the prosecution of the war. The Director was empowered to issue directives on policy to the Federal departments and agencies concerned. The administration of activities related to the national economic policy remains with the departments and agencies now responsible for such activities, but conforms to the directives on policy issued by the Director. Executive Order 9328, of April 8, 1943, provided regulations with respect to the control of price, wage, and salary increases as are necessary to maintain stabilization . . .

Office of War Information Creation and Authority. By Executive Order 9182 of June 13, 1942, the war information functions of the Government—foreign and do-

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mestic—were consolidated into one new agency, Office of War Information, within the Office for Emergency Management. The following agencies, powers, and duties were transferred and consolidated into the Office of War Information: 1. Office of Facts and Figures. 2. Office of Government Reports. 3. Division of Information in the Office for Emergency Management (“The functions of the Division of Information of the Office for Emergency Management with respect to the provision of press and publication services relating to the specific activities of the constituent agencies of the Office for Emergency Management are transferred to those constituent agencies respectively, and the Division of Information is accordingly abolished.”). 4. Foreign Information Service, Outpost, Publications, and Pictorial Branches of the Coordinator of Information. Purpose. The Director was authorized to: a. Formulate and carry out, through the use of press, radio, motion picture, and other facilities, information programs designed to facilitate the development of an informed and intelligent understanding, at home and abroad, of the status and progress of the war effort, and of the war policies, activities, and aims of the Government. b.Coordinate the war informational activities of all Federal departments and agencies for the purpose of assuring an accurate and consistent flow of war information to the public and the world at large. c. Obtain, study, and analyze information concerning the war effort and advise the

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agencies concerned with the dissemination of such information as to the most appropriate and effective means of keeping the public adequately and accurately informed. d.Review, clear, and approve all proposed radio and motion picture programs sponsored by Federal departments and agencies; and serve as the central point of clearance and contact for the radio broadcasting and motion picture industries, respectively, in their relationships with Federal departments and agencies concerning such Government programs. e. Maintain liaison with the information agencies of the United Nations for the purpose of relating the Government’s informational programs and facilities to those of such nations. f. Perform such other functions and duties relating to war information as the President may from time to time determine. The Director was also given authority, subject to policies laid down by the President, to issue directives to all Federal departments and agencies with respect to their informational services. He has full authority to eliminate all overlapping and duplication, and to discontinue in any department any informational activity which is not necessary or useful to the war effort. The order specified that the Director of the Office of War Information and the Director of Censorship collaborate in the performance of their respective functions for the purpose of facilitating the prompt and full dissemination of all available information which will not give aid to the enemy. It was further specified that the Director of the Office of War Information and the Board of War Communications collaborate in the per-

formance of their respective functions for the purpose of facilitating the broadcast of war information to the peoples abroad. Executive Order 9312 of March 9, 1943, defined the foreign information activities of the Office of War Information and modified the military order of June 13, 1942, establishing the Office of Strategic Services, to the extent necessary to make the order of March 9, 1943, effective. The Office of War Information was authorized to “plan, develop, and execute all phases of the Federal program of radio, press, publication, and related foreign propaganda activities involving the dissemination of information. The program for foreign propaganda in areas of actual or projected military operations will be coordinated with military plans through the planning agencies of the War and Navy Departments, and shall be subject to the approval of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Parts of the foreign propaganda program which are to be executed in a theater of military operations will be subject to the control of the theater commander. The authority, functions, and duties of the Office of War Information shall not extend to the Western Hemisphere, exclusive of the United States and Canada.”

Domestic Operations Branch The Domestic Operations Branch is responsible for coordinating and disseminating war information within the continental limits of the United States. It develops war information policies, coordinates the war information programs of Government agencies, and through the use of established communications facilities seeks to assure an accurate flow of war information to the public. The Branch consists of the Office of the Director and seven operating Bureaus. The Of-


fice of the Director includes the Deputies, the Office of the Director of War Programs, the Inter-Agency Publications Committee Unit, and the Speech Clearance Unit. Deputies of the Director of OWI assigned to the staff of the Director of Domestic Operations coordinate war information policy between the Office of War Information and other Federal departments and agencies; keep the Director informed of impending policy decisions; intepret OWI policy to the departments and agencies; and offer counsel on matters affecting public information. Office of the Director of War Programs. This office formulates and executes policies involved in the conduct of war information programs. It coordinates the activities of the Deputy Directors, Program Managers, and Bureau Chiefs insofar as these concern war information programs, maintains liaison with the advertising and allied industries through the War Advertising Council, and supervises the scheduling of all war information program activities and the allocation of media facilities used in the promotion of war information programs. Book and Magazine Bureau. The Book and Magazine Bureau is the central clearing house and liaison agency between Government war agencies on the one hand and books and magazines on the other. The Bureau keeps magazine editors, writers, and literary agents apprised of subjects important to Government war information programs, and supplies them with information in line with such programs. Through a monthly Magazine War Guide and Supplement the Bureau keeps the magazine world acquainted with official information topics which will be in the foreground on the magazines’ dates of publication. Magazine editors and writers are assisted in obtaining information from other Government agencies. The Bureau does not prepare finished articles for individual

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magazines. In somewhat similar fashion the Bureau offers to book publishers, authors, literary agents, bookstores, and libraries such services as will assist them to convey messages about the war to the readers of books. The Bureau maintains liaison with the Writers War Board, a volunteer group of leading American writers, and the Council on Books in Wartime, an organization representing the book trade. Foreign News Bureau. The function of this Bureau is to provide the American press, radio commentators, and other news outlets with war information obtained from foreign sources available only in a limited way, if at all, to nongovernmental agencies. The Bureau receives from United States and allied monitoring services a world-wide report of broadcasts from allied and neutral as well as enemy and enemyoccupied countries. Newsworthy information derived from these broadcasts is distributed to American news outlets. Special emphasis is placed on the analysis and exposure of enemy propaganda techniques. The press of enemy and enemy-occupied countries is also analyzed and the information material derived from such analysis is distributed. The Bureau also aids in the distribution of war news by acting as the receiving and distributing agency for pooled press copy received from overseas war theaters. Graphics Bureau. The Bureau clears all posters and graphics materials produced by the Government. To be sure that all such materials meet requisite technical standards, the Bureau strengthens copy appeals when necessary and makes available to all Government agencies the services of America’s leading art directors and poster artists. In the actual production of graphics materials, the Bureau serves as liaison between Federal departments and the Government Printing Office. In the distribution of graphics materials, the Bureau maintains liai-

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son with the outdoor, transportation, retail, and direct mail advertising industries as well as with special distribution facilities both inside and outside of the Government. Motion Picture Bureau. This Bureau is the Government’s official channel to the motion picture industry for both theatrical and nontheatrical information films. The Bureau does not, itself, produce any motion pictures. On important subjects requiring theatrical distribution, the Motion Picture Bureau requests the War Activities Committee of the motion picture industry to arrange for scripts, production, release prints, distribution, and exhibition in more than 16,000 theaters throughout the country. This entire service is performed by the motion picture industry at no cost to the Government. The newsreel companies also schedule important timely subjects on request by the Bureau. The Bureau releases monthly a production report on the motion picture activities of all civilian and military agencies. It also releases monthly suggested topics dealing with war information programs to theatrical short subject producers and non-theatrical producers. News Bureau. The News Bureau clears and releases war-related news stories, statements, speeches, and reports of Government departments and war agencies. This informational material is cleared with all agencies concerned so as to harmonize and reconcile the facts. The news releases are then distributed to the daily press representatives and news services, and to radio news commentators. To such extent as necessary, the releases are re-written and distributed to such specialized press groups as serve rural, Negro, labor, business, and foreign language elements of our population. Although a large proportion of the news releases are prepared by information staffs attached to the respective agencies, the News Bureau itself prepares, through its own writing staff, many

extensive reports on war-related subjects that involve assembling facts from more than one agency. Also the News Bureau prepares, clears, and issues all news releases involving furtherance of official Government home front war programs. Radio Bureau. This Bureau reviews, clears, and approves all proposed radio programs sponsored by Federal departments and agencies, and serves as the central point of clearance and contact for such departments and agencies in their relationships with the radio broadcasting and radio advertising industries. The Bureau also channels Government information programs to the public through both commercially sponsored and sustaining radio shows. For the Government agency which seeks to enlist public support of a wartime activity, it secures the use of radio programs with a known audience on a regular basis through the facilities of its several operating plans. The Bureau allocates broadcasting time made available by the industry and by radio advertisers and clears for war information policy all Government messages which go out over the air. Special Services Bureau. The Bureau has three divisions. The Research Division provides a fact-gathering service for the OWI. The Division of Press Intelligence provides on request, a daily newspaper clipping service for OWI, other Federal departments and agencies, and Members of Congress. The Division of Public Inquiries (see Foreword to Manual) provides a central information service for the Federal Government that is available to all agencies of government, and to the public. Questions relating to the organization, functions, and personnel of the Federal Government, and general information questions, may be submitted in person, by telephone, or by mail. The Division will refer to the proper agencies questions within their jurisdiction, and will provide direct


answers to questions not within the jurisdiction of a specific agency . . .

War Manpower Commission Creation and Authority. The War Manpower Commission was established within the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order 9139 of April 18, 1942, to assure the most effective mobilization and utilization of the Nation’s manpower for the war. Purpose. The Chairman, after consultation with the members of the Commission, shall: a. Formulate plans and programs and establish basic national policies to assure the most effective mobilization and maximum utilization of the Nation’s manpower in the prosecution of the war; and issue such policy and operating directives as may be necessary thereto. b.Estimate the requirements of manpower for industry; review all other estimates of needs for military, agricultural, and civilian manpower; and direct the several departments and agencies of the Government as to the proper allocation of available manpower. c. Determine basic policies for, and take such other steps as are necessary to coordinate the collection and compilation of labor market data by Federal departments and agencies. d.Establish policies and prescribe regulations governing all Federal programs relating to the recruitment, vocational training, and placement of workers to meet the needs of industry and agriculture. e. Prescribe basic policies governing the filling of the Federal Government’s requirements for manpower, excluding those of

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the military and naval forces, and issue such operating directives as may be necessary thereto. f. Formulate legislative programs designed to facilitate the most effective mobilization and utilization of the manpower of the country; and, with the approval of the President, recommend such legislation as may be necessary for this purpose. All Federal departments and agencies which perform functions relating to the recruitment or utilization of manpower shall conform to such policies and directives as the Chairman may prescribe in the execution of the powers vested in him, and are subject to such other coordination by the Chairman as may be necessary to enable him to discharge his responsibilities. The order directs that the following agencies conform to such policies and directives as the Chairman may prescribe: The Federal Security Agency with respect to employment service and defense training functions. The Work Projects Administration [WPA] with respect to placement and training functions. The United States Civil Service Commission with respect to functions relating to the filling of positions in the Government service. The Railroad Retirement Board with respect to employment service activities. The Bureau of Labor Statistics of the Department of Labor. The Labor Production Division of the War Production Board. The Department of Agriculture with respect to farm labor statistics, farm labor camp programs, and other labor market activities.

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The Office of Defense Transportation with respect to labor supply and requirement activities. Executive Order 9139 transferred the following agencies and functions to the War Manpower Commission: a. The labor supply functions of the Labor Division of the War Production Board. b.The National Roster of Scientific and Specialized Personnel of the United States Civil Service Commission and its functions. c. The Office of Procurement and Assignment in the Office of Defense Health and Welfare Services in the Office for Emergency Management and its functions. Additional Functions Transferred to the Commission. Executive Order 9247, dated September 17, 1942, transferred to the War Manpower Commission: 1. The United States Employment Service and all functions, duties, and powers of the Social Security Board in the Federal Security Agency relating to employment service. 2. The National Youth Administration in the Federal Security Agency, and its functions, duties and powers. 3. The Apprenticeship Training Service in the Office of the Federal Security Administrator, and its functions, duties, and powers, including those relating to the program to encourage apprentice training in national defense industries. 4. The Training Within Industry Service in the Office of the Federal Security Administrator, and its functions, duties, and powers. 5. All functions, duties, and powers of the Federal Security Administrator relating to

the following matters administered by the Office of Education: loans to students in technical and professional fields (national defense); education and training of defense workers (national defense); and visual aids for war training (national defense). Executive Order 9279, dated December 5, 1942, transferred the Selective Service System to the War Manpower Commission. By Executive Order 9410 of December 2, 1943, effective December 5, 1943, the Selective Service System was made a separate agency directly responsible to the President under the name of the Selective Service System.

Bureau of Manpower Utilization The Bureau of Manpower Utilization develops programs and policies to promote the most effective utilization of manpower that is compatible with peak long-run production efficiency of employed workers. Through occupational analyses, plant surveys, and other techniques, the Bureau facilitates proper utilization of skills, assists in reducing labor hoarding, encourages job breakdown or job dilution to make possible the use of less skilled workers, encourages the development of safety and health measures to promote the conservation of manpower, and encourages the application of all other measures that appear in any case to be conducive to effective utilization. The Bureau supervises and renders technical assistance to the field organizations of the War Manpower Commission with regard to manpower utilization programs, techniques, and methods. The Bureau assumes the responsibility for promoting effective utilization of manpower employed by the Federal Government as well as private industries. In promoting more effective


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utilization of Federal employees, the Bureau utilizes a staff of employees of the Civil Service Commission who are responsible for this function and are attached to the Bureau of Manpower Utilization in the Division of Government Agencies.

also Chief of the Veterans Employment Service, and by State Veterans Employment Representatives who are functionally responsible for supervision of the employment interests of veterans registered with local offices of the United States Employment Service.

Bureau of Placement

Bureau of Training

This Bureau develops programs and policies with respect to recruitment and placement for workers for industry and agriculture. It exercises supervision as to recruitment and placement methods, rendering technical advice and assistance to the field organization of the War Manpower Commission. It maintains the National Roster of Scientific and Specialized Personnel and the Procurement and Assignment Service for Physicians, Dentists, and Veterinarians, Nurses, and Sanitary Engineers. All such recruitment and placement programs are coordinated with the recruitment of Government personnel. The Employment Office Service Division supervises the operations of employment offices which, at the local level, have retained their identity as the United States Employment Service.

The Bureau of Training develops unified programs and policies to meet training needs of wartime employment and to obtain the most effective utilization of training resources by coordinating the training programs of the Apprentice training Service, the Training Within Industry Service, and the war training programs of the United States Office of Education. It also evaluates the effectiveness of war training programs and provides technical advice and assistance to the field organization on training problems.

Veterans Employment Service The Veterans Employment Service functions through local offices of the United States Employment Service. It operates under the jurisdiction of the Veterans Placement Service Board which consists of the Administrator of Veterans Affairs, as chairman, the Director of the Selective Service System, and the Chairman of the War Manpower Commission. Policies and programs of the Veterans Employment Service are determined by the Board and are carried out through its executive secretary, who is

Committees Management-Labor Policy Committee. This Committee was created by order of the Chairman of the Commission “to consider and recommend to the Chairman matters of major policy concerning the activities and responsibilities of the Commission.” Section 10 of Executive Order 9279, dated December 5, 1942, gave the Committee official status. On March 22, 1943, the Chairman of the War Manpower Commission appointed a 9-member committee to succeed the 17-member group, at the recommendation of the latter group. The Chairman consults with this Committee, composed of equal representation for management, labor, and agriculture, on matters of policy and program for the most effective mobilization, training, and maximum utilization of manpower.

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Women’s Advisory Committee. The Women’s Advisory Committee, established by the Chairman of the War Manpower Commission on August 31, 1942, considers and recommends to the Chairman matters of policy, particularly as they affect women and the contribution women can make in the successful prosecution of the war . . .

War Production Board Creation and Authority. The War Production Board was established within the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order 9024, dated January 16, 1942, amplified by Executive Order 9040 of January 24, 1942, and Executive Order 9125, of April 7, 1942. Purpose. Executive Order 9024 states that “the Chairman of the War Production Board, with the advice and assistance of the members of the Board, shall: 1. Exercise general direction over the war procurement and production program. 2. Determine the policies, plans, procedures, and methods of the several Federal departments, establishments, and agencies in respect to war procurement and production, including purchasing, contracting, specifications, and construction; and including conversion, requisitioning, plant expansion, and the financing thereof; and issue such directives in respect thereto as he may deem necessary or appropriate. 3. Perform the functions and exercise the powers vested in the Supply Priorities and Allocations Board by Executive Order 8875 of August 28, 1941. 4. Supervise the Office of Production Management [War Production Board] in the performance of its Responsibilities and

duties, and direct such changes in its organization as he may deem necessary. 5. Report from time to time to the President on the progress of war procurement and production; and perform such other duties as the President may direct. Policies, plans, methods, and procedures with respect to war procurement and production, as determined by the Chairman, are to be complied with by Federal departments and agencies. The order stipulates that the Joint Army and Navy Munitions Board shall report to the President through the Chairman of the War Production Board. The Supply Priorities and Allocations Board, within the Office fo Emergency Management, was abolished by the order creating the War Production Board, and its personnel, records, and property were transferred to the War Production Board. The Supply Priorities and Allocations Board had been established to “assure unity of policy and coordinated consideration of all relevant factors involved in the supply and allocation of materials and commodities among the various phases of the defense program and competing civilian demands.” The following Executive orders were amended in accordance with Executive Order 9024, establishing the War Production Board: 8629 of January 7, 1941 (establishing the Office of Production Management and defining its functions); 8875 of August 28, 1941 (delegation and coordination of priority authority); 8891 of September 4, 1941 (establishing the Division of Contract Distribution); 8942 of November 19, 1941 (providing for administration of requisition of property required for national defense); and 9001 of December 27, 1941, and 9023 of January 14, 1942 (authorizing certain departments and agencies to enter into con-


tracts). Provisions of these or other Executive orders conflicting with Executive Order 9024 were thereby superseded. The Office of Production management was abolished by Executive Order 9040 and its personnel, records, property, and funds were transferred to the War Production Board, The Office of Production Management had been established in the Office for Emergency Management by Executive Order 8629, dated January 7, 1941, to “formulate and execute in the public interest all measures needful and appropriate in order (1) to increase, accelerate, and regulate the production and supply of materials, articles, and equipment and the provision of emergency plant facilities and services required for the national defense, and (2) to insure effective coordination of those activities of the several departments, corporations, and other agencies of the Government which are directly concerned therewith.” Executive Order 9040 states that in addition to the responsibilities and duties described in Executive Order 9024, the Chairman of the War Production Board, with the advice and assistance of the members of the Board, shall: a. Perform the functions and exercise the powers heretofore vested in the Office of Production Management. b.Perform the functions and exercise the powers vested in the Supply Priorities and Allocations Board by Executive Order 8942, of November 19, 1941. c. Perform the functions and exercise the authority vested in the President by section 120 of the National Defense Act of 1916 (39 Stat. 213). The order also specifies that “the Chairman of the War Production Board may exercise the powers, authority, and discretion conferred upon him by this or any other order through

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such official or agencies and in such manner as he may determine; and his decisions shall be final.” The powers of the Board were further extended by Executive Order 9125 on April 7, 1942, as follows: “The Chairman of the War Production Board, with the advice and assistance of the members of the Board, shall perform the additional functions and duties, and exercise the additional powers, authority, and discretion conferred upon the President of the United States by title III of the Second War Powers Act, 1942.” Executive Order 9335, dated April 19, 1943, amended Executive Order 9024 by providing that the Secretary of Agriculture should be a member of the War Production Board. By letter dated June 30, 1943, the President named the War Food Administrator to membership on the War Production Board. Similarly, by letter of December 9, 1944, the President approved membership on the War Production Board for the Director of Contract Settlement. Organization. The Chairman exercises control of all War Production Board policies and operations and is responsible for the presentation of those policies to the Congress, the President, and other Government agencies. He is directly assisted by a Chief of Operations and an Executive Officer. Reporting directly to the Chairman are a small group of staff offices and divisions, including the Office of the General Counsel, the Office of the Executive Secretary, Office of Production Research and Development, Information Division, Management Consultant Division, Procurement Policy Division, Bureau of Program and Statistics, and Office of War Utilities. In addition to exercising general supervision over the work of the agency, the Chairman of the War Production Board is Chairman of the Production Executive Committee and the Aircraft Production Board.

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The principal functions of the War Production Board are assigned to the following Vice Chairmen: Vice Chairman for Smaller War Plants, Vice Chairman for Civilian Requirements, Program Vice Chairman, Vice Chairman for Field Operations, Vice Chairman (International Supply), Vice Chairman for Labor Production, Vice Chairman for Manpower Requirements, Operations Vice Chairman, and Vice Chairman for Metals and Minerals. The Vice Chairman for Small War Plants is Chairman of the Smaller War Plants Corporation. The Vice Chairman for Civilian Requirements directs the Office of Civilian Requirements. He determines requirements for consumer goods and services, and within the limits of total allocations made by the Program Vice Chairman, distributes materials. He also determines War Production Board policies for necessary rationing. The Program Vice Chairman apportions available supplies of critical resources among major claimants, and controls the distribution of materials through the direction and supervision of the following organization units: Program Controls Bureau, Stockpiling and Transportation Bureau, Orders and Regulations Bureau, and Distribution Bureau. He is Chairman of the Requirements Committee, which consists of representatives of those agencies authorized to present demands for critical materials. This Committee advises the Program Vice Chairman in his function of determining allocations. The Vice Chairman for Field Operations is responsible for the field activities of the War Production Board, including the decentralized issuance of priority certificates, production expediting, area production urgency operations, servicing joint labor-management production committees in war plants, and other programs. The Vice Chairman (International Supply)

represents the War Production Board in dealing with problems and maintaining relationships concerned with the broad aspects of international supply and requirements. He is the United States member of the Combined Raw Materials Board, the Joint War Production Committee, and the Material Coordinating Committee, and represents the Chairman on the Combined Production and Resources Board. The Vice Chairman for Labor Production exercises War Production Board responsibilities related to labor productivity, including such matters as industrial relations, remedying of inadequate labor utilization, stimulation of production in war plants through plant and community services and programs, and the operation of wage stabilization programs in the shipbuilding and building trades. The Vice Chairman for Manpower Requirements acts for the War Production Board to assure an adequate supply of manpower for war and essential civilian production. He is concerned with the analysis and programming of manpower requirements, and their presentation to the War Manpower Commission, the identification of labor shortage areas, the development of policies regarding location of new plants, and the transfer of production away from labor shortage areas. The Operations Vice Chairman and the Vice Chairman for Metals and Minerals direct and supervise the work of the industry divisions and closely related staff agencies. In general, the industry divisions reporting to the Operations Vice Chairman are concerned with endproducts and components, and with materials of a non-metallic and non-mineral character; those industry divisions that report to the Vice Chairman for Metals and Minerals are concerned with metals and minerals. The industry divisions serve as the points of contact between the War Production Board and the industries


whose production they regulate and control. The divisions are divided further into industry and commodity sections that give specialized attention to each industry or closely related groups of industries. Within each industry division estimates are made of (1) the industry’s requirements for materials, (2) its capacity for producing finished products, and (3) the military, civilian, and foreign requirements for these finished products. These estimates form the basis for production programs developed by the Requirements Committee. Industry divisions are responsible for distributing materials in accordance with approved programs and for otherwise assisting in meeting production goals. The metals and minerals divisions are concerned with problems of balancing supply and demand for these materials. Activities. The major activities of the War Production Board revolve about its exercise of the power to assign priorities to deliveries of material, to require acceptance and performance of contracts and orders deemed necessary for the defense of the United States, and to allocate materials and facilities whose supply is less than requirements. These powers, which are vested in the President by title III of the Second War Powers Act (56 Stat. 177; 41 U.S.C. note prec. 1, 50 App. U.S.C. 633), were in turn delegated by the President to the Chairman of the War Production Board. They are used as the instruments through which the War Production Board exercises over-all control of the war production and procurement program and directs the flow of materials and critical components through the industrial system. The character of the controls exercised by the War Production Board has shifted with the changing problems of the war production program. The first task was to provide industrial facilities for the production of materials and war products. Accordingly, in the period immediately following the outbreak of war on Decem-

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ber 7, 1941, there were two main objectives: (1) the expansion of mining facilities and construction of new plants and tools, and (2) the conversion of existing plants and tools used in the manufacture of less essential civilian goods to war work. These objectives were achieved in major part by the latter part of 1942, although in particular areas there was continued emphasis upon construction and conversion of industrial facilities. More recent efforts have been directed toward a reduction in the volume of construction, wider distribution of war contracts, and avoidance of excessive production demands upon labor shortage areas. The objective has been to insure the most efficient utilization of plants, materials, manpower, tools, managerial talent, transportation, and other limited resources. Through the Requirements Committee and other agencies the War Production Board allocates available supplies of materials and components quarterly among the competing requirements of the following agencies: Army, Navy, United States Maritime Commission, Aircraft Resources Control Office, Foreign Economic Administration, Canadian Division, National Housing Agency, War Food Administration, Office of Defense transportation, Petroleum Administration for War, Office of Civilian Requirements, Office of War Utilities, and Operations Vice Chairman. Under the Controlled Materials Plan, adopted in November 1942, each claimant agency divides its portion of the materials approved for different endproducts among the producers or users under its jurisdiction. Each end-product manufacturer in turn extends his authority to secure materials among the manufacturers supplying parts entering into the final product. The War Production Board, in December 1942, undertook the responsibility for scheduling various production programs for the agencies participating in the national war produc-

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tion program in order to insure that program schedules do not conflict, are in balance, are consistent with the maximum productive possibilities of the national economy, and are in accord with the strategic requirements of the Chiefs of Staff. Toward the end of February 1943 the Board issued a general scheduling order whereby it exercises detailed control over the placement of orders for critical components that enter into a number of important war products. This action recognized that components rather than raw materials were the principal bottlenecks in a number of programs, and that the remedy lay in detailed control over both production and distribution of these critical common components. Scheduling and specific allocation techniques have continued to be indispensable in meeting military and essential civilian programs. In September 1943 the War Production Board inaugurated an extensive program designed to (a) decentralize operations to the regional offices and (b) relax the rigidity of the Board’s controls over users of small amounts of critical resources, particularly materials. In October 1943 the Board established Area Production Urgency Committees charged with bringing the production load on the West Coast and in other designated critical labor areas within the limits of available labor supply. The work of these committees has been increasingly important during 1944 as a result of intensified local manpower shortages which have affected many programs. During the winter and spring of 1944 extensive consideration was given to the problems of resumption of civilian production as productive resources became available. Among other specific actions taken, in June 1944 the Board established the Production Executive Committee Staff, which acts for the Board in connection with the translation of cutbacks in military programs into cancellations of specific war con-

tracts. This development cumulated during the summer months in the issuance of the so-called four “reconversion orders,” which authorized the freer use of aluminum, the construction of experimental models, purchase of machine tools, and “spot resumption” of civilian production where manpower and facilities were available. On September 5, 1944, as military progress in France pointed to the possibility of the early defeat of Germany and military procurement plans indicated that a sharp curtailment of equipment needs would follow that defeat, the War Production Board gave unanimous approval to a policy of virtually unrestricted civilian production after victory over Germany. Detailed plans were developed for the orderly relaxation of controls over specific industries. Battle experience in the late fall and winter of 1944–45 made it necessary to revise military requirements upward for a number of items. As a consequence, production of civilian items was placed under stricter control . . .

National Housing Agency Creation. The National Housing Agency represents a consolidation (effectuated under the First War Powers Act, 1941, on February 24, 1942, By Executive Order 9070) of the housing functions and activities of or relating to the following agencies: Federal Home Loan Bank Board, Federal Home Loan Bank System, Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, Home Owners’ Loan Corporation, United States Housing Corporation, the Federal Housing Administration, the United States Housing Authority, Defense Home Corporation, Division of Defense Housing Coordination, Central Housing Committee, Farm Security Administration with respect to non-farm housing, Public Buildings Administration, Division of Defense


Housing, Mutual Ownership Defense Housing Division, Office of the Administrator of the Federal Works Agency, and the War and Navy Departments with respect to housing located off military or naval reservations, posts, or bases. Functions. All the housing functions and activities which formerly were carried on by the above 17 different agencies and administrative units are now administered in the National Housing Agency, under the general direction and supervision of the National Housing Administrator. The National Housing Agency is also the claimant and administering agency under the Controlled Materials Plan, not only for war housing, but also for such other housing construction, improvement, or betterment as it becomes practicable to provide during the period when materials continue to be allocated by the War Production Board. Organization. The National Housing Agency consists of the Office of the Administrator and three main constituent units; Federal Home Loan Bank Administration, Federal Housing Administration, and Federal Public Housing Authority.

Office of the Administrator The Office of the Administrator supervises and directs the activities of the three constituent units, and thus has the over-all responsibility for unifying and coordinating most of the housing functions and activities of the Federal Government. In addition, it performs various functions arising out of the war effort. In cooperation with the War Production Board, the War Manpower Commission, other Federal agencies, local communities, and war plants, the Office of the Administrator determines the need for housing for war workers in areas where a shortage of housing exists or impends, which threatens to impede the War Pro-

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gram, and devises ways and means of supplying such need. This function includes surveys of individual communities; the compilation of employment and housing data from all available sources; and finally, in light of all the various factors, a determination of (a) the proportion of the housing need for each community which can be met through a more complete utilization of existing housing facilities, (b) the proportion which can be supplied by private builders through new construction, and (c) the proportion of the remaining need which is absolutely essential to the war effort and which must therefore be supplied through publicly financed housing. In order to increase the proportion of the housing need of each community which could be met by more effective use of existing housing facilities, and thus reduce the proportion required to be met by new housing construction requiring the expenditure of critical materials, manpower, and funds, the Office of the Administrator has assisted in the establishment of local War Housing Centers. War Housing Centers encourage home owners to make extra space available to war workers, and refer eligible war workers to such accommodations. These Centers are controlled and supported by local committees, with Federal financial assistance in the most critical areas. Such assistance is withdrawn as the emergency passes. The Office of the Administrator has the responsibility for representing the National Housing Agency in its claimant agency activities before the War Production Board. The Office of the Administrator also has responsibility for executing congressional policy on, and programming the disposition of, publicly financed war housing of a permanent character and the removal of publicly financed war housing of a temporary character, under the jurisdiction of the National Housing Administrator . . .

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Federal Home Loan Bank Administration

Federal Home Loan Bank System

Creation. The Federal Home Loan Bank Administration, as a constituent unit of the National Housing Agency, performs functions formerly exercised by the Federal Home Loan Bank Board in supervision of the Federal Home Loan Bank System and Federal Savings and Loan Associations, and in administering the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation and the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Functions relating to the United States Housing Corporation (now in liquidation) are also administered in the Federal Home Loan Bank Administration, in accordance with Executive Order 9070 of February 24, 1942. The activities under control of the Federal Home Loan Bank Administration are provided for in the Federal Home Loan Bank Act, approved July 22, 1932 (47 Stat. 725; 12 U.S.C. 1421-49; 15 U.S.C. 602); the Home Owners’ Loan Act of 1933, approved June 13, 1933 (48 Stat. 128; 12 U.S.C. 1461-68); and title IV of the National Housing Act, approved June 27, 1934 (48 Stat. 1246; 12 U.S.C. 1724-30), together with amendatory acts of Congress, approved April 27, 1934; May 28, 1935; February 9, 1938; August 10, 1939; August 11, 1939; March 28, 1941, and October 24, 1942. Organization. The Federal Home Loan Bank Administration is headed by the Chairman of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board, who serves as the Federal Home Loan Bank Commissioner. The positions of the remaining four members of the Bank Board have been vacated for as long as title I of the First War power Act, 1941, remains in force. Funds. Expenses of the Administration are paid by assessments against the regional Federal Home Loan Banks, charges against institutions examined by its Examining Division, and charges against the other agencies under its supervision.

Creation. The Federal Home Loan Bank System was created by authority of the Federal Home Loan Bank Act, approved July 22, 1932 (see citations under Federal Home Loan Bank Administration), to provide a credit reserve for thrift and home-financing institutions. Organization. There are 12 regional Federal Home Loan Banks in the System, located in New York, Boston, Pittsburgh, Winston-Salem, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Chicago, Des Moines, Little Rock, Topeka, Portland (Oreg.), and Los Angeles. The management of each Bank is vested in 12 directors, 4 appointed by the Administration and 8 elected by member institutions, The directors of each Bank elect a president, who must be approved by the Bank Administration, as chief executive officer. Capital and Funds. The capital stock of the Federal Home Loan Banks is owned by institutions which have been accepted into memberships, each of which is required to purchase stock, and by the United States. The Government’s $124,741,000 stock is held by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. The Banks may obtain other loanable funds through deposits accepted from member institutions and from other Federal Home Loan Banks, and through the issuance of bonds, debentures, or other obligations. Eligible Institutions. The types of institutions eligible to become members of the Federal Home Loan Banks are building and loan, savings and loan, and homestead associations, savings and cooperative banks, and insurance companies. Every Federal savings and loan association is required to become a member of its regional Federal Home Loan Bank. On June 30, 1944, there were 3,714 members of the System, having estimated total assets of $6,840,241,000. Through June 30, 1944, the 12 Federal Home Loan Banks had ad-


vanced these member institutions a total of $1,247,781,080, of which $1,119,503,534 had been repaid, leaving outstanding a balance of $129,277,546. Power to Borrow. Any Bank may issue bonds, debentures, and other obligations when permitted by the Federal Home Loan Bank Administration. Consolidated debentures, which are the joint and several obligations of all the Banks, may be issued by the Administration when no assets of any Bank are pledged as security for any debt or are subject to any lien. Consolidated debentures amounting to $58,000,000 were outstanding on June 30, 1944. Loans to Veterans. Members of the Federal Home Loan Bank System specialize in the making of loans on homes. They are therefore particularly well equipped to make and service loans to veterans under the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944 (58 Stat. 291). Federal Savings and Loan Associations. These were provided for by section 5 of the Home Owners’ Loan Act of 1933 (48 Stat. 132) as amended. They are chartered and supervised by the Federal Home Loan Bank Administration, and may be either new institutions or converted from established State-chartered institutions. As of June 30, 1944, there were 1,465 Federal savings and loan associations, with combined assets of $2,881,276,000, located in the 48 States, the Territories of Alaska and Hawaii, and the District of Columbia.

Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation Creation. The Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation was created by title IV of the National Housing Act (see citations under Federal Home Loan Bank Administration), to insure the safety of savings in thrift and homefinancing institutions.

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Function. The Corporation guarantees the safety of repurchasable (withdrawable) investments and credited earnings up to $5,000 for each investor in an insured institution. All Federal savings and loan associations, and those State-chartered building and loan, savings and loan, and homestead associations, and cooperative banks which apply and are approved, are insured. On June 30, 1944, there were 2,461 insured institutions, with total assets of $4,584,000,000. Procedure upon Default. To prevent the default of an insured institution or restore it to normal operation, the Corporation may make loans to, purchase assets of, or contribute to, such an institution. In the event of default and liquidation of an insured institution, the Corporation will make available to the holders of insured accounts, at their option, either a new insured account of equal amount in an insured institution which is not in default, or 10 percent of the insured account in cash, 45 percent in negotiable non-interest-bearing debentures of the Corporation due within 1 year from the date of default, and 45 percent in similar debentures due within 3 years from the date of default. Funds. The capital of the Corporation in the amount of $100,000,000, was obtained by the sale of its stock to the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation. Its income consists of premiums paid by insured institutions, admission fees from newly insured associations, and interest earned on its investments. All income above expenses is placed in reserves, which totaled $51,631,510 on June 30, 1944. Additional funds may be obtained by the issuance of notes, bonds, or debentures.

Home Owners’ Loan Corporation Creation. The Home Owners’ Loan Corporation was established by the Home Owners’

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Loan Act of 1933 (see citations under Federal Home Loan Bank Administration). Its purpose was to grant long-term mortgage loans, at low interest rates, to distressed home owners who were unable to procure financing through normal channels, and to help stabilize real estate and mortgage values—then almost non-existent because of the depression. As provided by the act, the Corporation ceased its lending activities in 1936. Since then it has been engaged in liquidating its loans and other assets. Organization. Collections of its loans and rental and sale of the Corporation’s acquired properties are carried on through eight regional offices under the Corporation’s home office in New York. These regional offices are located in New York, Atlanta, Chicago, Cincinnati, Omaha, Memphis, Dallas, and San Francisco. Lending Operations. The Corporation granted loans totaling $3,093,451,321 to 1,017,821 home owners, the great majority facing the loss of their homes through foreclosure. Since then, the Corporation has made additional advances and capitalizations which through June 30, 1944, aggregated $394,204,939. Practically all loans were originally made at an annual interest rate of 5 percent. The Corporation is now accepting interest at the rate of 4.5 percent. Loans were written for a term not to exceed 15 years. In order to assist delinquent borrowers to overcome their arrearages and retain their homes, Congress, in 1939, amended the act, providing that the Corporation may extend its loans, when advisable up to a maximum period of 25 years from the date of the granting of the loan. Liquidation of Assets. Since 1936, the Corporation’s chief task has been to aid its borrowers in meeting their payments and keeping their homes, and to liquidate its loans and properties. On June 30, 1944, it was collecting on 641,446 accounts—499,238 were those of

original borrowers and the rest purchasers of foreclosed properties. Three hundred and fiftyeight thousand, six hundred and eight borrowers and purchasers of HOLC houses had paid off their accounts in full. More than 100,000 borrowers were making monthly payments in amounts greater than called for by their contracts. Of the 197,680 properties which the Corporation had taken over, 192,221, or 97.2 percent, had been sold. Up to June 30, 1944, total loans and subsequent advances reached a cumulative total of $3,487,656,260. On the same date, $2,231,486,950, or 64 percent of this amount, had been liquidated. Other Investments. Of $238,856,710 invested by HOLC in the securities of savings and loan associations, pursuant to the act of Congress, $46,529,250 was outstanding on June 30, 1944. The Corporation also owns the $100,000,000 stock of the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation. Financial Operations. The capital stock of the Corporation, owned by the Untied States, amounts to $200,000,000. The HOLC lending program, however, was financed primarily through its bonds which it was authorized to issue in an amount up to $4,750,000,000, exclusive of those for refunding purposes. The Corporation now is retiring its bonds as rapidly as funds become available for that purpose. Exclusive of bonds for refunding purposes, the Corporation had issued bonds in the cumulative amount of $3,489,453,550 up to June 30, 1944. Bonds outstanding totaled $1,334,904,000.

United States Housing Corporation Creation. The United States Housing Corporation was incorporated on July 10, 1918, pursuant to acts of Congress approved May 16, 1918 (40 Stat. 550), and June 4, 1918 (40 Stat.


5959). Its purpose was to provide housing for war workers in World War I. The Corporation is now in liquidation.

Federal Housing Administration Creation. The Federal Housing Administration is one of the main constituent units of the National Housing Agency. Its function is to insure private lending institutions against loss on loans secured by mortgages on one- to fourfamily dwellings or on large scale rental housing projects, and on loans for property repair or improvements. The Federal Housing Administration was created by the National Housing Act, approved June 27, 1934 (48 Stat. 1246; 12 U.S.C. 1702), as amended by acts of Congress approved May 28, 1935; August 23, 1935; April 3, 1936; April 17, 1936; March 28, 1941; June 28, 1941; September 2, 1941; May 26, 1942; March 23, 1943; October 14, 1943; October 15, 1943; and June 30, 1944. Functions. The National Housing Act, as amended, authorizes the Federal Housing Commissioner to insure lending institutions against losses incurred on two general types of loans: those for the repair, alteration, or improvement of real property—which may or may not be secured by collateral security—and those secured by mortgages on structures designed primarily for residential use. For the duration of the war new construction is limited to war areas, and priority ratings as required by the War Production Board must be obtained whenever critical materials are necessary for private or public housing construction or for repair or rehabilitation work. Federal Housing Administration field offices accept, process, and approve applications for priorities and authority to begin construction on privately financed war housing and on util-

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ity lines or systems necessary thereto. In addition, FHA field offices issue allotments and preference ratings in connection with approved privately financed war housing projects. They likewise make compliance inspections of such projects to determine conformity of the construction with WPB and NHA regulations regarding the use of critical materials. There is no correlation whatever between these activities on behalf of the war Production Board and the issuance of Federal Housing Administration commitments for mortgage insurance. Title I offers insurance to private lending institutions on loans up to $5,000 to alter, convert, improve, or repair an existing structure to provide additional living accommodations in areas where an acute housing shortage exists or impends by reason of war activities; on loans up to $2,500 to alter, repair, or improve other existing structures; and on loans up to $3,000 to build new structures. The insurance coverage on these loans amounts to 10 percent of the aggregate advanced by the lender. The maximum liability which may be outstanding at any time, plus the total amount of claims paid under title I, less the amount collected from insurance premiums and other sources, is $165,000,000. Title II is designed to improve housing standards and conditions by utilizing “the best available means for achieving a sustained longterm residential construction program with a minimum expenditure of Federal funds and a maximum reliance upon private business enterprise.” The means to this end are the Mutual Mortgage Insurance Fund and the Housing Insurance Fund. The total insurance liability under title II may not exceed $4,000,000,000 at any one time, except that with the approval of the President the aggregate may be increased to an amount not to exceed $5,000,000,000. However, the total amount of the principal obligations of mortgages insured after June 3,

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1939, and covering property the construction of which was completed more than 1 year prior to the date of application for insurance shall not exceed 35 percent of the total amount of mortgages with respect to which insurance may be granted after such date. The Mutual Mortgage Insurance system establishes a revolving fund for the insurance of mortgages on structures with accommodations for not more than four separate families. The mortgages, as provided for under section 203 of the act, are of three types: 1. Those which do not exceed $5,400 may cover up to 90 percent of $6,000 of the appraised value of property improved by a single-family, owner-occupied dwelling approved for mortgage insurance prior to the beginning of construction. 2. Those which do not exceed $8,600 may cover up to 90 percent of $6,000 of the appraised value plus 80 percent of such value in excess of $6,000 of property improved by a single-family, owner-occupied dwelling approved for mortgage insurance prior to the beginning of construction. 3. Those which do not exceed $16,000 may cover up to 80 percent of the appraised value of a property improved by a structure which need not be newly constructed or owner-occupied, but which must be designed to house not more than four separate families. However, no mortgage to refinance an existing mortgage shall be insured under this section unless the mortgagor certifies to the Commissioner that he has applied to the holder of the existing mortgage for refinancing, and after reasonable opportunity the holder has failed or refused to make a loan on as favorable terms as those of the mortgage offered for insurance.

The provisions of section 203 are also applicable to eligible mortgages covering farm properties, provided that not less than 15 percent of the principal is to be expended for materials and labor for construction or repairs. The Housing Insurance Fund is a revolving fund for the insurance of mortgages of two types: (1) those involving a principal obligation in an amount not to exceed $5,000,000 and not to exceed 80 percent of the value of the property when the proposed improvements are completed, and (2) those previously insured under section 210, which was repealed by an act approved June 3, 1939. Title VI was created by an amendment to the National Housing Act signed by the President on March 28, 1941, Its scope was expanded by the amendments of May 26, 1942, so that in addition to providing for the insurance of mortgages on one- to four-family dwellings for sale or rent, with occupancy priority to war workers, it also provides for the insurance of mortgages not exceeding $5,000,000 on rental housing for war workers. The title VI insurance authorization is $1,700,000,000. In contrast to the provision of section 203 limiting 90-percent mortgages to owner-occupied new homes, section 603 of title VI authorizes the insurance of mortgages representing up to 90 percent of the Federal Housing Administration valuation of newly constructed dwellings of which the builder is the mortgagor. The mortgagor must, however, establish to the satisfaction of the Commissioner that occupancy priority will be given to persons engaged in war activities. Mortgages insured under section 603 are limited to a maximum of $5,400 on a singlefamily dwelling, $7,500 on a two-family dwelling, $95,000 on a three-family dwelling, and $12,000 on a four-family dwelling. The maximum term is 25 years and the maximum interest rate is 4.5 percent.


Under section 608 of title VI the Commissioner is authorized to insure mortgages, including advances during construction, on large-scale projects in amounts not to exceed $5,000,000 and not to exceed 90 percent of the Commissioner’s estimate of the reasonable replacement cost of the completed project, but not in excess of his estimate of the cost of the completed physical improvements exclusive of off-site public utilities and streets, and organization and legal expenses, and not to exceed $1,350 a room for such part of such project as may be attributable to dwelling use. The property must be designed for rent for residential use by war workers. The mortgagor must be approved by the Commissioner and may be regulated by him as to rents or sales, charges, capital structure, rate of return, and methods of operation. In authorizing insurance of mortgages under title VI, the Commissioner need not find that the project is economically sound, as under title II, but must find that the project with respect to which the mortgage is executed is an acceptable risk in view of the war emergency. The Commissioner is authorized to prescribe such procedures as he may deem necessary to secure occupancy priority to war workers. The Federal Housing Administration is now concentrating all its activities, as far as new construction is concerned, on title VI of the National Housing Act. In addition, the Administration is carrying on a program to encourage the attainment of three objectives: (1) the financing of existing property on a sound amortized basis, (2) the conversion of older properties for residential use, and (3) to meet sanitary and health requirements and to maintain property values, property repair within the restrictions of the War Production Board and of Federal Reserve Board Regulation W, which restricts the extension of consumer credit. The Federal Housing Administration now

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insures loans to veterans, and FHA field offices are accepting applications from private lending institutions for the insurance of principal loans supplemented by loans under section 505 of the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944. The Federal National Mortgage Association, organized by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation on February 10, 1938, under the National Housing Act as amended February 3, 1938, provides a ready market for insured mortgages. Organization. The work of the Federal Housing Administration is directed by the Commissioner. The general administrative staff includes a Deputy Commissioner, the General Counsel, four Assistant Commissioners, one Assistant to the Commissioner, the Comptroller, and four Zone Commissioners. The principal divisions of the Administration, the general nature of each of which is indicated by its name, are as follows: Legal, Underwriting, Title I, Mortgage Insurance, Administrative Services, Research and Statistics, and Controller . . .

Federal Public Housing Authority Creation. The Federal Public Housing Authority, as one of the three main constituent units of the National Housing Agency, performs the functions, powers, and duties relating to public housing theretofore performed by the Federal Works Agency and its constituent units or agencies (United States Housing Authority, Public Buildings Administration, Division of Defense Housing, Mutual Ownership Defense Housing Division), the War Department and the Navy Department (except housing located on military or naval reservations, posts, or bases), and the Farm Security Administration (nonfarm housing). Under the order, also, the Defense Homes Corporation and its functions, powers,

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and duties are administered by the Federal Public Housing Commissioner. War Housing. The Federal Public Housing Authority is authorized to provide housing for persons engaged in war activities in localities in which the President finds that an acute shortage of housing exists or impends which would impede war activities, and that such housing would not be provided by private enterprise when needed. This includes housing for workers engaged in industries essential to the war effort, for certain military and naval personnel, and for certain employees of the Government whose duties are essential to the war effort. The Federal public Housing Authority is authorized to acquire land and to construct and operate projects to provide such war housing, including family housing, dormitories, and trailers. The Federal Public Housing Authority is authorized to utilize local public housing agencies in the construction and operation of such war housing projects. The Authority is also authorized to revise contracts for financial assistance which had been entered into with local public housing agencies in connection with low-rent housing and slum clearance projects located in areas where there is a shortage of housing for persons engaged in war activities, so that these projects can be used during the war to provide necessary public housing for war workers. Low-Rent Housing and Slum Clearance. Pursuant to the United States Housing Act of 1937, as amended, contracts for financial assistance (in the form of capital loans and annual subsidies during administration) to aid local public housing agencies in the development and administration of low-rent housing and slum clearance projects were entered into by the United States Housing Authority. The Federal Public Housing Authority is now administering these contracts under Executive Order 9070 of February 24, 1942. As already indi-

cated, many projects originally intended for low-rent housing have been made available for persons engaged in war activities. Such United States Housing Act projects now used to house war workers will revert to low-rent housing purposes after the war. The Authority also administers nonfarm housing projects developed by the Farm Security Administration, including three “greenbelt” communities, and some 30 rural or suburban projects for families not deriving their principal income from operating or working on farms . . .

Office of Censorship Creation and Authority. Executive Order 8985, of December 19, 1941, established the Office of Censorship with a Director of Censorship as head of the Office. Purpose. The Director of Censorship shall cause to be censored, in his absolute discretion, communications by mail, cable, radio, or other means of transmission passing between the United States and any foreign country or which may be carried by any vessel or other means of transportation touching at any port, place, or Territory of the United States and bound to or from any foreign country, in accordance with such rules and regulations as the President shall from time to time prescribe. The Censorship Policy Board, created by the order, advises the Director of Censorship with respect to policy and the coordination and integration of censorship. The Director of Censorship was authorized to establish a Censorship Operating Board consisting of representatives of such departments and agencies of the Government as he shall specify. The President instructed the Director of Censorship “to coordinate the efforts of the do-


mestic press and radio in voluntarily withholding from publication” information which should not be released in the interest of effective prosecution of the war . . .

Office of Price Administration Creation and Authority. The Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply was created by Executive Order 8734, issued by the President on April 11, 1941. In the agency were combined the Price and the Consumer Divisions of the National Defense Advisory Commission. The name of the agency was changed to the Office of Price Administration by Executive Order 8875, of August 28, 1941. By the same order the functions of the Civilian Allocation Division were transferred to the Office of Production Management, which later was absorbed by the War Production Board. The Emergency Price Control Act of 1942, approved by the President on January 30, 1942 (56 Stat. 23; 50 U.S.C. App. 901-946), created the Office of Price Administration as an independent agency under the direction of a Price Administrator. This act has since been amended by the act of October 2, 1942 (cited below), by section 5 of the act approved July 16, 1943 (57 Stat. 566; 50 U.S.C. App. 902), which limited the authority of the Price Administrator with respect to grade labeling and commodity standards in connection with price ceilings, and by the Stabilization Extension Act of 1944, approved June 30, 1944 (58 Stat. 632). Funds for the operation of the Office of Price Administration have been provided by the First Supplemental National Defense Appropriation Act, 1943 (56 Stat. 704, 711), by the National War Agencies Appropriation Act, 1944, approved July 12, 1943, (57 Stat. 524), and by the Second Deficiency Appropriation Act, 1944, approved June 28, 1944 (58 Stat. 600).

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Purpose. The purposes of the Office of Price Administration as enumerated in the act are: to stabilize prices and to prevent speculative, unwarranted, and abnormal increases in prices and rents; to eliminate and prevent profiteering, hoarding, manipulation, speculation, and other disruptive practices resulting from abnormal market conditions or scarcities caused by or contributing to the national emergency; to assure that defense appropriations are not dissipated by excessive prices; to protect persons with relatively fixed and limited incomes, consumers, wage earners, investors, and persons dependent on life insurance, annuities, and pensions from undue impairment of their standard of living; to prevent hardships to persons engaged in business, to schools, universities, and other institutions, and to the Federal, State, and local governments which would result from abnormal increases in prices; to assist in securing adequate production of commodities and facilities; to prevent a post-emergency collapse of values; to stabilize agricultural prices in the manner provided in section 3 of the Price Control Act; and to permit voluntary cooperation between the Government and producers, processors, and others to accomplish the aforesaid purposes. The Stabilization Act of October 2, 1942 (56 Stat. 765; 50 U.S.C. App. 961-971), amended the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 extending its period of effectiveness to June 30, 1944. While preserving the existing authority of the Office of Price Administration, this act authorized and directed the President to stabilize prices, wages, and salaries affecting the cost of living on the basis of the levels which existed on September 15, 1942. On October 3, 1942, the President, by Executive Order 9250, delegated his powers under this act to the Director of Economic Stabilization, who was instructed to formulate a comprehensive national economic policy, and to effectuate this policy by di-

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rectives to the Federal agencies concerned, including the Office of Price Administration. On April 8, 1943, the President issued Executive Order 9328 (the “hold-the-line” order) for the purpose of safeguarding the stabilization of prices, wages, and salaries affecting the cost of living on the basis of the levels existing on September 15, 1942. With respect to prices, this order directed the Price Administrator and the Food Administrator to take immediate steps to place ceiling prices on all commodities affecting the cost of living, and to authorize no further increases in ceiling prices except to the minimum extent required by law. By the passage of the Stabilization Extension Act of 1944, the periods of effectiveness of the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942 and the Stabilization Act of October 2, 1942, were extended to June 30, 1945. The Stabilization Extension Act of 1944 preserved the existing authority of the Office of Price Administration, subject to various changes with respect principally to enforcement and the treatment of protests. Broad powers to ration commodities among consumers have been delegated to the Office of Price Administration. On January 24, 1942, the Chairman of the War Production Board issued Directive 1 delegating to the Office of Price Administration full authority with respect to rationing control over (1) the sale, transfer, or other disposition of products by any person who sells at retail to any person, and (2) the sale, transfer, or other disposition of products by any person to an ultimate consumer. The term “ultimate consumer” as used in the directive means any person acquiring products for the satisfaction of personal needs as distinguished from one acquiring products for industrial or other business purposes. Prior to the rationing of particular commodities, supplementary directives dealing with these commodities have been issued by the Chairman of

the War Production Board. Similar delegations of authority to the Office of Price Administration to ration foods have been made by the Secretary of Agriculture and the War Food Administrator, pursuant to Executive Orders 9280 of December 5, 1942, and 9322 of March 26, 1943. By Executive Order 9125 of April 7, 1942, the President delegated to the Price Administrator certain enforcement authority with respect to rationing, including the authority to institute civil suits in his own name or to intervene in impending civil actions. This order was issued under title III of the Second War Powers Act, approved March 27, 1942 (56 Stat. 177; 50 U.S.C. App. 633), which is the statutory foundation of the rationing authority. Executive Staff. The Executive Staff of the Administrator and Deputy Administrator comprises the advisory offices, the executive offices, and the management offices. The management offices, now directly attached to the Executive Staff, include the Offices of Administrative Services, Budget and Planning, and Personnel, formerly a part of a separate Administrative Management Department, and the Office of Board Management, responsible for the direction of local board operations. Price Control. The provisions of the Emergency Price Control Act of 1942, the Stabilization Act of 1942, and the Stabilization Extension Act of 1944 are being administered by the Price Department under the supervision of the Deputy Administrator in charge of price. This Department, which is subdivided into commodity divisions, develops all essential data on prices, prepares maximum price regulations and amendments thereto, interprets and explains the regulations, determines the policies for making adjustments under maximum price regulations, passes upon petitions for amendment, adjustment, or exception, and upon protests filed under the provisions of the


statute, and administers the other phases of the price control program. Rationing. The rationing programs of the agency are planned, prepared, and administered by the Rationing Department under the supervision of the Deputy Administrator for rationing. After amounts of rationed commodities available for civilian consumption are determined by the War Production Board, Petroleum Administrator for War, or the War Food Administration, the Rationing Department decides how these amounts shall be distributed among different users, purposes, and geographical areas. In the field, these rationing programs are administered pursuant to policies and procedures established by the Department. Rent. Under the Deputy Administrator in charge of rent, the Rent Department determines the necessity for declaring an area to be a defense-rental area and for putting rent regulations into effect in such areas, prepares rent regulations and determines appropriate rent levels within areas, and plans and supervises the administration of rent regulations in the defense-rental areas. Legal. The General Counsel advises the Administrator on the legal requirements of statutes and orders affecting the operations of the agency, defends the validity of price and rent regulations in the Emergency Court of Appeals, and provides standards for the performance of legal work by attorneys. The Enforcement Department, in charge of the Deputy Administrator for Enforcement, plans and supervises the enforcement of OPA regulations by the enforcement staff of the field offices. Accounting Department. Under the direction of the Deputy Administrator in charge of accounting, this Department collects and analyzes all accounting data requested by the price, rent, rationing, and enforcement departments as a basis for OPA actions. In order to insure objective treatment of business records

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this Department has full responsibility for establishing and maintaining accounting standards, determining accounting policies, the application of accounting methods, and the direction of the accounting program. Information. The Information Department, under the direction of a Deputy Administrator, performs the general functions of informing the public on the policies, regulations, and procedures of the Office of Price Administration. It provides, in cooperation with the Office of War Information, press releases, radio scripts, pamphlets, and other informational materials on rationing, rent, and price regulations, and requirements and methods of complying with them. Office of the Secretary. The Office of the Secretary is responsible for the issuance of all regulations, orders, amendments, formal protests, and other official documents. Records and files of all documents are maintained and are available for inspection by the public during office hours. Compilations of amended documents are prepared and distributed to the public without cost. The Secretary is authorized to authenticate, certify, or attest copies of written material in the custody of the Office of Price Administration and to accept service of process on behalf of the Price Administration. Field Administration. The field work of the Office of Price Administration is carried on through 9 regional offices, each under the direction of a regional administrator. Each regional office supervises the administration of price, rationing, and rent regulations in its region, the legal activities essential to enforcement of the regulations, and provides the needed professional and management services. The 8 regional offices operating in the United States supervise the operations of over 90 district offices, 259 area rent control offices, and over 5,500 war price and rationing boards. War Price and Rationing Boards. War price and rationing boards assist in the administra-

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tion of, and play an important part in securing compliance with, regulations affecting retail prices. Much of the work of the boards is in the determination of the eligibility of applications for rationed commodities. The boards also serve local communities by providing easily accessible centers of information on OPA programs, by engaging in various activities to inform consumers and retailers on how these program operate, and by reporting the problems of local communities to district and regional offices. Inquiries. Inquiries on consumer rationing and retail price matters should be directed to the nearest war price and rationing board; on rent control and other matters relating to the Office of Price Administration, to the nearest district office, a list of which appears below. Addresses of war price and rationing boards may be obtained from the appropriate district offices . . .

Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion Creation and Authority. The Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion was established pursuant to an act of Congress approved October 3, 1944 (Public Law 458, 78th Cong., 2d sess.). The legislation created an Advisory Board to consist of 12 members appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The function of this Board is to advise with the Director with respect to war mobilization and reconversion and to make appropriate recommendations pertinent thereto. The act places the following agencies in the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion and requires them to exercise their functions under the supervision of its Director:

1. Office of Contract Settlement, created by the Contract Settlement Act of 1944. 2. Surplus War Property Administration and its successor, the Surplus Property Board, created by the Surplus Property Act of 1944. 3. The Retraining and Reemployment Administration created by Executive Order 9427, and the Retraining and Reemployment Administration created by title III of the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion Act. With the enactment of the War Mobilization and Reconversion Act, the President by Executive Order 9488 of October 3, 1944, transferred to the newly created Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion all functions previously assigned to the Office of War Mobilization, established by Executive Order 9347 of May 27, 1943. Purpose. Under Executive Order 9347 as amended and extended by the statue, the Director is responsible, subject to the direction and control of the President, for: 1. The development of unified programs and the establishment of policies for the maximum use of the Nation’s natural and industrial resources, to include the effective use of national manpower not in the armed forces for the maintenance and stabilization of the civilian economy and for its adjustment to war needs and conditions. 2. The unification of the activities of Federal agencies and departments engaged in or concerned with the production, procurement, distribution, or transportation of supplies and materials to include the resolution and determination of any controversies which may develop between such agencies.


3. The issuance of such directives to the responsible Federal agencies and departments as appear necessary and appropriate for the execution of those programs deemed essential to the conduct of the war. Activities. The Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion may perform the functions of his office by delegation through such officials and agencies as he may determine. Under the provisions of the act establishing the Office, the Director is authorized to: Formulate such plans as appear necessary to meet the problems arising from transition from war to peace. Issue such orders and regulations as may appear necessary to insure the coordination of the activities of executive agencies having responsibilities over the problems arising from transition from war to peace. Recommend to the Congress such legislation as appears appropriate and necessary for the execution of the plans developed for transition from war to peace. Promote and assist in the development of demobilization and reconversion plans and procedures by the responsible executive agencies, and to keep these agencies currently informed of each other’s respective progress of developing such plans and procedures. Settle controversies which may develop between executive agencies in the development of plans for transition from war to peace. Cause studies and reports to be made which will develop the need for simplification, consolidation, or elimination of emergency war agencies as the need for such agencies shall cease to exist.

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Determine the possibilities of relaxing or removing emergency war controls. Institute a specific study to be submitted to the President and to the Congress in the field of manpower which will develop a program for the reorganization and consolidation of the agencies having jurisdiction in this field. Consult and cooperate with State and local governments, industry, labor, agriculture, and other groups, both national and local, concerning the problems arising from transition from war to peace. Submit progress reports to the President and the Congress quarterly. In addition to these authorities, the Director is charged specifically with the responsibility for approving the continuation of any prime contracts for war production no longer required for the prosecution of the war in the event he finds that the continuation of work under the contracts is beneficial to the Government; maintaining a continuing scrutiny of all current and anticipated war programs; and establishing policies to be followed by contracting agencies in selecting individual contracts for curtailment, non-renewal, or termination, and for full and prompt consultation between the Government contracting agencies, war contractors, and representatives of employees of war contractors in order to obtain the most effective use of production facilities for war production or for the maintenance of the domestic economy. The Director is therefore charged with the supervision of the activities of all Government agencies having responsibilities directly concerned with or affecting the procurement, production, distribution, and transportation of supplies and materials. It is his responsibility to direct the economic forces of the Nation into a coordinated war program while maintaining an

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adequate civil economy, and to coordinate the planning of the responsible Government agencies to insure that war production will be discontinued promptly to the extent made practicable by successful military operations, so that reconversion to a peace economy may be undertaken in an orderly manner with a minimum of delay and uncertainty . . .

Petroleum Administration for War Creation and Authority. Executive Order 9276 of December 2, 1942, established the Petroleum Administration for War and designated the Secretary of the Interior as Administrator ex officio. The order abolished the Office of Petroleum Coordinator for War and transferred to the new Administration all its records, personnel, property, and funds. Purpose. The purpose of the Administration is to coordinate and centralize the war policies and activities of the Government relating to petroleum, providing adequate supplies of petroleum for the successful prosecution of the war and for other essential purposes. The Administrator, responsible to the President, is authorized to perform the following functions and duties:

3. Serve as the claimant agency under the Controlled Material Plan for the petroleum industry. 4. Serve as liaison between the petroleum industry and the Federal Government. 5. Obtain estimates and make recommendations concerning the amounts of petroleum and petroleum products required to meet military, industrial, and civilian requirements. 6. Determine time, area, and quantity of petroleum available for rationing when petroleum is rationed for the purpose of maintaining adequate supplies. 7. Make surveys and recommendations concerning petroleum prices. 8. Direct shipment and receipt of petroleum and petroleum products and regulate control and operation of petroleum pipelines. 9. Conduct and promote developmental research in the production of petroleum components for synthetic rubber. 10. Collaborate with Federal departments and agencies concerning the plans and policies with respect to foreign petroleum activities.

Selective Service System 1. Establish basic policies and formulate plans and programs to assure for the prosecution of the war, the conservation and most effective development and utilization of petroleum in the United States, its Territories and possessions. 2. Issue orders and directives to the petroleum industry in order to assure adequate supplies of petroleum for military or other essential uses and to distribute among persons engaged in the petroleum industry critical materials allotted for the use of that industry.

Creation and Authority: Section 5 (b) of the National Defense Act of 1920 (41 Stat. 763, 10 U.S.C. 34) reads in part: “The duties of the War Department General Staff shall be to prepare plans for national defense and use of the military forces for that purpose, both separately and in conjunction with the naval forces, and for the mobilization of the manhood of the Nation and its material resources in an emergency. . . .” Under this authority, officers of the War and the Navy Departments joined in the creation of the Joint Army and Navy Selective Service Com-


mittee in 1926 and began preparation for mobilization of the Nation’s manpower in crises. On September 16, 1940, the President signed the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940 (54 Stat. 885; 37 U.S.C. 13a, 14a; 41 U.S.C. 1 note; 50 App. U.S.C. 124, 301-18, 403), designed to put into effect the plan for Selective Service as adopted by Congress. The act originally called for the annual training of not more than 900,000 men at any time in the land and naval forces of the United States, the classification of millions of others on the basis of their availability and general qualifications for use in military and civilian endeavors in times of emergency, and the development of a sizable reserve composed of men trained in the various branches of the armed forces. Subsequent legislation, approved on August 1941, eliminated the 900,000-man restriction. Also, as the act provides that no man who has sincere scruples against bearing arms shall be required to serve in the combatant forces, Selective Service has worked with the other Federal agencies and interested organizations in devising a system whereby conscientious objectors may serve the Nation. Not only has provision been made for use in noncombatant units, such as the Army Medical Corps, of those men who while opposed to bearing arms are willing to assist combatant units, but a program for the employment of those who object to any service whatever with the Military Establishment is also being carried out. Through the cooperation of religious organizations, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of the Interior, and the War Department, the latter group of objectors is being sent to camps where, under civilian direction, they are engaged in soil conservation, forestry projects, and similar public work. The men who serve in work camps are not eligible, however, for reinstatement in former

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jobs or placement in new positions as are the men who serve in the armed forces. Placement of the latter group is a function of Selective Service and one upon which it is working through its Veterans Personnel Division. Originally a separate component of the Government responsible directly to the President, Selective Service was placed under jurisdiction of the War Manpower Commission by Executive Order 9279, of December 5, 1942, and became known as the Bureau of Selective Service. By virtue of Executive Order 9410 of December, 23, 1943, effective December 5, 1943, the Selective Service System was made a separate agency directly responsible to the President under the name of the Selective Service System. Additional Legislation. Since enactment of the Selective Training and Service Act, which expires May 15, 1945, Congress has made certain important changes in its provisions. Although the original act provided for the training and service of men between the ages of 21 and 36, an amendment was approved on August 16, 1941, reducing the age limit. This amendment reads in part: . . . there shall be deferred from training and service, under this act, in the land and naval forces of the United States until Congress shall declare otherwise, the men who, on the first day of July 1941, or on the first day of July of any subsequent year, (1) are liable for such training and service, (2) have not been inducted into the land or naval forces for such training and service, and (3) have attained the twenty-eighth anniversary of the day of their birth . . .

The original act provided for a peacetime training period of not more than 12 months but, by an amendment approved August 18, 1941, Congress extended the period of service to not more than 30 months in time of peace.

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This same legislation also provided that selectees should receive the sum of $10 for each month of training and service in excess of 12 in addition to the amounts otherwise payable to them. Involvement in war against the Axis nations necessitated an immediate change in the manpower recruitment program. In peacetime it was the task of the Selective Service System to obtain men for training in the armed forces. Declaration of war changed the job to one of calling men, not only for training, but for actual and vital service in the Nation’s widespread Military Establishment. Congress extended the limits of the act so that all men between the ages of 18 and 45 were liable for military service. Men between 18 and 64 years inclusive also must register so that a census of this country’s manpower and the capabilities of that manpower in the field of civilian defense and similar activities may be obtained. The restriction which prohibited the use of selectees outside the Western Hemisphere except in the Territories and possessions of the United States, including the Philippine Islands, was removed by Congress so that American soldiers may now be sent to any part of the world. While the Army, from the inception of Selective Service, issued calls for men through Selective Service, the Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard continued to recruit their manpower through their own offices until Executive Order 9279, of December 5, 1942, ordered that all branches of the Military Establishment obtain men between the ages of 18 and 38 through Selective Service channels. After that date, men 38 years of age and over were not called for service. Dates of Registration. When the President signed the Selective Training and Service Act, he issued a proclamation fixing October 16,

1940, as the first day of registration for all men between 21 and 36 years of age who were either citizens or resident aliens. On the first registration day approximately 16,400,000 men registered for service. Registrations were held in Hawaii on October 26, Puerto Rico on November 20, and Alaska on January 22. Following the registration of October 16, a national lottery was held in Washington to determine the order in which prospective trainees would be classified on the basis of their availability for military service. The War Department also announced its schedule for calling the new civilian soldiers, and the first group was inducted in November 1940. On May 26, 1941, acting under authority of the Selective Training and Service Act, the President proclaimed July 1, 1941, as the second day of registration for men eligible for possible military training. This second registration was for young men who became 21 years of age following the first registration day on October 16, 1940, and for certain others who would have been eligible for registration had they been in the United States on the first registration day. In July 1941, 752,170 men in the continental United States registered for service. A second national lottery was held on July 17, 1941, and the new registrants were integrated among the lists of former registrants to be classified as their order numbers were reached. Because of the extension of the age limits it became necessary for the President to proclaim additional registration days for the registration of all men liable for military and civilian service. February 16, 1942, was fixed as the date of registration of all men who would be 21 by December 31, 1942, and who would not have arrived at their 45th year. Men who registered prior to February 16, 1942, were not required to enroll again.


April 27, 1942, was fixed by Presidential proclamation as the date of the fourth registration. All men who had attained their 45th birthday on or before February 16, 1942, and who had not attained their 65th birthday on April 27, 1942, were required to register. June 30, 1942, was the date fixed for the fifth registration. All men born on or after January 1, 1922, and on or before June 30, 1924, were required to register. Presidential proclamation fixed December 11–17, 1942, as the time for registration of men born on or after July 1, 1924, but not after August 31, 1924; December 18–24, 1942, as the registration time for men born on or after September 1, 1924, but not after October 31, 1924; December 26–31, 1942, as the time for registration for men born on or after November 1, 1924, but not after December 31, 1924. Furthermore, the proclamation declared that after December 31, 1942, and for the continuance of the war, “those who were born on or after January 1, 1925, shall be registered on the day they attain the eighteenth anniversary of the day of their birth, provided that if such anniversary falls on Sunday or a legal holiday, their registration shall take place on the day following that is not a Sunday or a legal holiday.” On October 26, 1943, the President by proclamation provided for the registration of all male citizens of the United States outside the continental United States, the Territory of Alaska, the Territory of Hawaii, and Puerto Rico who had not registered and who on December 31, 1943, had attained or who thereafter shall attain the 18th anniversary of the day of their birth and who on December 31, 1943, had not attained the 45th anniversary of the day of their birth. Those citizens who were born after December 31, 1898, but before January 1, 1926, were by the proclamation required to be registered during the period commenc-

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ing November 16, 1943, and ending Friday, December 31, 1943. Those citizens who were born on or after January 1, 1926, were by the proclamation required to be registered on the day they attain the 18th anniversary of the day of their birth. National Headquarters. The Selective Training and Service Act authorizes the organization of a National Headquarters of the Selective Service System in charge of a Director of Selective Service. This executive may be a civilian or a member of the Military Establishment. As the entire program of Selective Service calls for a decentralization of its operations, National Headquarters serves primarily as a coordinating agency for the various headquarters set up for the individual States, Alaska, Hawaii, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, and the District of Columbia. National Headquarters acts as a procurement agency for the War and the Navy Departments. When called upon to assist in supplementing the manpower of the armed forces, it in turn calls upon the individual State headquarters to furnish the men required for training and service. State Headquarters. In furtherance of the decentralization policy, each State Governor is charged with the administration of the Selective Service program in his State. He may designate a State Director of Selective Service as the official in charge of his State headquarters. Individual State headquarters coordinate the work of the various local boards, appeal boards, medical advisory boards, registrants’ advisory boards, and other Selective Service units and agents under their jurisdiction. All members of local boards, appeal boards, medical advisory boards, and registrants’ advisory boards, as well as local board physicians, Government appeal agents, and reemployment committeemen, serve without pay.

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The local boards maintain direct contact with the prospective trainees, their families, and employers. Their power is virtually autonomous and their decision as to a registrant’s classification is final except when an appeal is noted. On the basis of their study, registrants are classified in one of the following classifications and subclassifications: Class I-A: Available for military service. Class I-A-O: Conscientious objector available for noncombatant military service. Class I-C: Member of land or naval forces and registrants separated therefrom under honorable conditions. Class II-A: Man supporting the national health, safety, or interest. Class II-B: Man in war production. Class II-C: Man deferred by reason of his agricultural occupation or endeavor. Class III-D: Man deferred because induction would cause extreme hardship and privation to a wife, child, or parent with whom he maintains a bona fide family relationship in his home. Class IV-A: Man 38 years of age deferred by reason of age. Class IV-B: Official deferred by law and certain registrants in Government service. Class IV-C: Neutral aliens requesting relief from liability for training and service, and aliens not acceptable to the armed forces. Class IV-D: Minister of religion or divinity student. Class IV-E: Conscientious objector available for, assigned to, or released for work of national importance. Class IV-F: Physically, mentally, or morally unfit.

All men are placed in class I-A or class I-A-O before induction into the land or naval forces . . .

War Contracts Price Adjustment Board Creation and Authority. The War Contracts Price Adjustment Board was created by the Renegotiation Act of 1943 (title VII of the Revenue Act of 1943, approved February 24, 1944, sec. 701 (d) (1); 58 Stat. 85, 50 App. U.S.C. 1191). Organization. The Board is composed of representatives designated by the Secretary of War, Secretary of the Navy, Secretary of the Treasury, Board of Directors of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, Chairman of the War Production Board, and a representative designated jointly by the Chairman of the United States Maritime Commission and the Administrator of the War Shipping Administration. Members of the Board are officers or employees of the department or agency by which they are appointed, and serve without additional compensation for their services on the Board. Four members of the Board constitute a quorum, and the Board may act by a majority of a quorum. Purpose and Activities. Under the Renegotiation Act, the Board has authority over renegotiations for fiscal years ending after June 30, 1943. The Board establishes principles, policies, and procedures with reference to such renegotiations, and these principles, policies, and procedures have been embodied in the Renegotiation Regulations, issued by the Board and available to the public through the Superintendent of Documents. Pursuant to subsection (d) (4) of the Renegotiation Act of 1943, the Board has delegated to the various departments named in the act the authority to conduct renegotiation proceedings in accordance with the principles set


forth in the Renegotiation Regulations. The Board may, in its discretion, either upon its own motion or at the request of a contractor or subcontractor, review any determination of excessive profits made by order by a department under delegated authority.

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United States Government Manual, Emergency War Agencies, 1945 (first edition). (Washington, DC: Division of Public Inquiries, Office of War Information, 1945).

STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS Franklin D. Roosevelt

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On January 6, 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt delivered his twelfth and final State of the Union address to Congress. After outlining the largely successful course of the war and the need for international cooperation after the conflict was over, Roosevelt turned to domestic issues. At the top of his agenda was a call for policies that would assure full employment. Like many Americans, Roosevelt feared that the end of wartime government spending might lead to a revival of the high unemployment levels of the Great Depression. Roosevelt’s successor, Harry S. Truman, would take up his predecessor’s call for a federal government full-employment program but would be largely defeated by Republicans in Congress. Instead, pent-up demand for consumer goods during the war—and lenient government loans for veteran housing and education—assured a prosperous economy in the immediate postwar era. January 6, 1945 In the state of the union message last year, I set forth what I considered to be an American economic bill of rights. I said then and I say now that these economic truths represent a second bill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all—regardless of station, race or creed. Of these rights the most fundamental, and

one on which the fulfillment of the others in a large degree depends, is the “right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the nation.” In turn, others of the economic rights of American citizenship, such as the right to a decent home, to a good education, to good medical care, to social security, to reasonable farm income will, if fulfilled, make major contributions to achieving adequate levels of employment. The Federal Government must see to it that these rights become realities—with the help of States, municipalities, business, labor and agriculture. We have had full employment during the war. We have had it because the Government has been ready to buy all the materials of war which the country could produce—and this has amounted to approximately half our present productive capacity. After the war we must maintain full employment, with Government performing its peacetime functions. This means that we must achieve a level of demand and purchasing power by private consumers—farmers, business men, workers, professional men, housewives— which is sufficiently high to replace wartime Government demands; and it means also that we must greatly increase our export trade above the pre-war level.

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Our policy is, of course, to rely as much as possible on private enterprise to provide jobs. But the American people will not accept mass unemployment or mere makeshift work. There will be need for the work of everyone willing and able to work—and that means close to 60,000,000 jobs. Full employment means not only jobs, but productive jobs. Americans do not regard jobs that pay substandard wages as productive jobs. We must make sure that private enterprise works as it is supposed to work—on the basis of initiative and vigorous competition, without the stifling presence of monopolies and cartels. During the war we have guaranteed investment in enterprise essential to the war effort. We should also take appropriate measures in peacetime to secure opportunities for new small enterprises and for productive business expansion for which finance would otherwise be unavailable. This necessary expansion of our peacetime productive capacity will require new facilities, new plants and new equipment. It will require large outlays of money which should be raised through normal investment channels. But while private capital should finance this expansion program, the Government should recognize its responsibility for sharing part of any special or abnormal risk of loss attached to such financing. Our full-employment program requires the extensive development of our natural resources and other useful public works. The undeveloped resources of this continent are still vast. Our river-watershed projects will add new and fertile territories to the United States. The TVA, which was constructed at a cost of $750,000,000—the cost of waging this war for less than four days— was a bargain. We have similar opportunities in our other great river basins. By harnessing the resources of these river

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basins, as we have in the Tennessee Valley, we shall provide the same kind of stimulus to enterprise as was provided by the Louisiana Purchase and the new discoveries in the West during the Nineteenth Century. If we are to avail ourselves fully of the benefits of civil aviation and if we are to use the automobiles we can produce, it will be necessary to construct thousands of airports and to overhaul our entire national highway system. The provision of a decent home for every family is a national necessity if this country is to be worthy of its greatness—and that task will itself create great employment opportunities. Most of our cities need extensive rebuilding. Much of our farm plant is in a state of disrepair. To make a frontal attack on the problems of housing and urban reconstruction will require thoroughgoing cooperation between industry and labor, and the Federal, State and local Governments. An expanded Social Security program and adequate health and education programs must play essential roles in a program designed to support individual productivity and mass purchasing power. I shall communicate further with the Congress on these subjects at a later date. The millions of productive jobs that a program of this nature could bring are jobs in private enterprise. They are jobs based on the expanded demand for the output of our economy for consumption and investment. Through a program of this character we can maintain a national income high enough to provide for an orderly retirement of the public debt along with reasonable tax reduction. Our present tax system geared primarily to war requirements must be revised for peacetime so as to encourage private demand. While no general revision of the tax structure can be made until the war ends on all fronts, the Congress should be prepared to

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provide tax modifications at the end of the war in Europe designed to encourage capital to invest in new enterprises and to provide jobs. As an integral part of this program to maintain high employment, we must, after the war is over, reduce or eliminate taxes which bear too heavily on consumption. The war will leave deep disturbances in the world economy, in our national economy, in many communities, in many families and in many individuals. It will require determined effort and responsible action of all of us to find our way back to peacetime and to help others to find their way back to peacetime—a peacetime that holds the values of the past and the promise of the future. If we attack our problems with determination we shall succeed. And we must succeed. For freedom and peace cannot exist without security. During the past year the American people, in a national election, re-asserted their democratic faith. In the course of that campaign, various references were made to “strife” between this Administration and the Congress, with the implication, if not the direct assertion, that this Administration and the Congress could never work together harmoniously in the service of the nation. It cannot be denied that there have been disagreements between the legislative and executive branches—as there have been disagreements during the past century and a half. I think we all realize, too, that there are some people in this capital city whose task is in large part to stir up dissension and to magnify normal, healthy disagreements so that they appear to be irreconcilable conflicts. But I think that the overall record in this respect is eloquent: the Government of the United States of America—all branches of it— has a good record of achievement in this war. The Congress, the Executive and the Judi-

ciary have worked together for the common good. I myself want to tell you, the members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, how happy I am in our relationships and friendships. I have not yet had the pleasure of meeting some of the new members in each house, but I hope that opportunity will offer itself in the near future. We have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with realism and courage. This New Year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human history. Nineteen hundred forty-five can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of terror in Europe. Nineteen hundred forty-five can see the closing in of the forces of retribution about the center of the malignant power of imperialistic Japan. Most important of all—1945 can and must see the substantial beginning of the organization of world peace. This organization must be the fulfillment of the promise for which men have fought and died in this war. It must be the justification of all the sacrifices that have been made—of all the dreadful misery that this world has endured. We Americans of today, together with our Allies, are making history—and I hope it will be better history than ever has been made before. We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us. Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House January 6, 1945

Excerpt from Franklin D. Roosevelt, State of the Union Address, January 6, 1945. U.S. Congress, 79th Congress, First Session.

VICTORY SPEECH Winston Churchill

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Prime Minister Winston Churchill, who came to power in May 1940, just as France was about to fall to Nazi Germany, is considered one of the great war leaders in British history. His indomitable spirit and formidable speech-making abilities inspired the British people, even when the military odds were against them. In this speech, he praises the British people for their victory over Germany but warns that another struggle, against imperial Japan, continues. However, Churchill, a member of the Conservative Party, would be turned out of office by the British people within sixty days of this speech. While Britons respected his wartime leadership, they preferred his opponents in the more liberal Labour Party to manage the peace and postwar reconstruction. May 8, 1945, London My dear friends, this is your hour. This is not victory of a party or of any class. It’s a victory of the great British nation as a whole. We were the first, in this ancient island, to draw the sword against tyranny. After a while we were left all alone against the most tremendous military power that has been seen. We were all alone for a whole year. There we stood, alone. Did anyone want to give in? [The crowd shouted “No.”] Were we down-hearted? [“No!”] The lights went out and

the bombs came down. But every man, woman and child in the country had no thought of quitting the struggle. London can take it. So we came back after long months from the jaws of death, out of the mouth of hell, while all the world wondered. When shall the reputation and faith of this generation of English men and women fail? I say that in the long years to come not only will the people of this island but of the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in human hearts, look back to what we’ve done and they will say “do not despair, do not yield to violence and tyranny, march straightforward and die if need be—unconquered.” Now we have emerged from one deadly struggle—a terrible foe has been cast on the ground and awaits our judgment and our mercy. But there is another foe who occupies large portions of the British Empire, a foe stained with cruelty and greed—the Japanese. I rejoice we can all take a night off today and another day tomorrow. Tomorrow our great Russian allies will also be celebrating victory and after that we must begin the task of rebuilding our hearth and homes, doing our utmost to make this country a land in which all have a chance, in which all have a duty, and we must turn ourselves to fulfill our duty to our own countrymen, and to our gallant allies of the United

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States who were so foully and treacherously attacked by Japan. We will go hand and hand with them. Even if it is a hard struggle we will not be the ones who will fail.

Winston Churchill. Victory Speech, May 8, 1945. Winston Churchill, The War Speeches Definitive Edition (London: Cassell, 1951–1952).

FIRST MESSAGE TO CONGRESS President Harry S. Truman

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On April 12, 1945, Franklin D. Roosevelt died, having served as president through much of the Great Depression and almost all of World War II. His new vice president, Harry Truman, was not well known to the American people, having only served in office for just over a month. In his first address to Congress, the new president tried to reassure that body and the American people they he would do everything in his power to carry out the policies of Roosevelt, thereby assuring a shocked nation of continuity in wartime. Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of Congress: It is with heavy heart that I stand before you, my friends and colleagues, in the Congress of the United States. Only yesterday, we laid to rest the mortal remains of our beloved President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. At a time like this, words are inadequate. The most eloquent tribute would be a reverent silence. Yet, in this decisive hour, when world events are moving so rapidly, our silence might be misunderstood and might give comfort to our enemies. In His infinite wisdom, Almighty God has seen fit to take from us a great man who loved, and was beloved by, all humanity.

No man could possibly fill the tremendous void left by the passing of that noble soul. No words can ease the aching hearts of untold millions of every race, creed, and color. The world knows it has lost a heroic champion of justice and freedom. Tragic fate has thrust upon us grave responsibilities. We must carry on. Our departed leader never looked backward. He looked forward and moved forward. That is what he would want us to do. That is what America will do. So much blood has already been shed for the ideals which we cherish, and for which Franklin Delano Roosevelt lived and died, that we dare not permit even a momentary pause in the hard fight for victory. Today, the entire world is looking to America for enlightened leadership to peace and progress. Such a leadership requires vision, courage, and tolerance. It can be provided only by a united nation deeply devoted to the highest ideals. I call upon all Americans to help me keep our Nation united in defense of those ideals which have been so eloquently proclaimed by Franklin Roosevelt. I want in turn to assure my fellow Americans and all of those who love peace and liberty

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throughout the world that I will support and defend those ideals with all my strength and with all my heart. That is my duty and I shall not shirk it. So that there can be no possible misunderstanding, both Germany and Japan can be certain, beyond any shadow of doubt, America will continue to fight for freedom until no vestige of resistance remains! We are deeply conscious of the fact that much hard fighting is still ahead of us. Having to pay such a heavy price to make complete victory certain, America will never become a party to any plan for partial victory! To settle for merely another temporary respite would surely jeopardize the future security of all the world. Our demand has been, and it remains, unconditional surrender! We will not traffic with the breakers of the peace on the terms of the peace. The responsibility for the making of the peace—and it is a very grave responsibility— must rest with the defenders of the peace, the United Nations. We are not unconscious of the dictates of humanity. We do not wish to see unnecessary or unjustified suffering. But the laws of God and of man have been violated and the guilty must not go unpunished. Nothing shall shake our determination to punish the war criminals even though we must pursue them to the end of the earth. Lasting peace can never be secured if we permit our dangerous opponents to plot future wars with impunity at any mountain retreat— however distant. In this shrinking world, it is futile to seek safety behind geographical barriers. Real security will be found only in law and in justice. Here in America, we have labored long and hard to achieve a social order worthy of our great heritage. In our time, tremendous

progress has been made toward a really democratic way of life. Let me assure the forwardlooking people of America that there will be no relaxation in our efforts to improve the lot of the common people. In the difficult days ahead, unquestionably we shall face problems of staggering proportions. However, with the faith of our fathers in our hearts, we fear no future. On the battlefields, we have frequently faced overwhelming odds—and won! At home, Americans will not be less resolute! We shall never cease our struggle to preserve and maintain our American way of life. At this very moment, America, along with her brave Allies, is paying again a heavy price for the defense of our freedom. With characteristic energy, we are assisting in the liberation of entire nations. Gradually, the shackles of slavery are being broken by the forces of freedom. All of us are praying for a speedy victory. Every day peace is delayed costs a terrible toll. The armies of liberation today are bringing to an end Hitler’s ghastly threat to dominate the world. Tokyo rocks under the weight of our bombs. The grand strategy of a United Nations’ war has been determined—due in no small measure to the vision of our departed Commander in Chief. We are now carrying out our part of that strategy under the able direction of Admiral Leahy, General Marshall, Admiral King, General Arnold, General Eisenhower, Admiral Nimitz, and General MacArthur. I want the entire world to know that this direction must and will remain—unchanged and unhampered! Our debt to the heroic men and valiant women in the service of our country can never be repaid. They have earned our undying gratitude. America will never forget their sacrifices. Because of these sacrifices, the dawn of justice

First Message to Congress

and freedom throughout the world slowly casts its gleam across the horizon. Our forefathers came to our rugged shores in search of religious tolerance, political freedom, and economic opportunity. For those fundamental rights, they risked their lives. We know today that such rights can be preserved only by constant vigilance, the eternal price of liberty! Within an hour after I took the oath of office, I announced that the San Francisco Conference would proceed. We will face the problems of peace with the same courage that we have faced and mastered the problems of war. In the memory of those who have made the supreme sacrifice—in the memory of our fallen President—we shall not fail! It is not enough to yearn for peace. We must work and, if necessary, fight for it. The task of creating a sound international organization is complicated and difficult. Yet, without such organization, the rights of man on earth cannot be protected. Machinery for the just settlement of international differences must be found. Without such machinery, the entire world will have to remain an armed camp. The world will be doomed to deadly conflict, devoid of hope for real peace. Fortunately, people have retained hope for a durable peace. Thoughtful people have always had faith that ultimately justice must triumph. Past experience surely indicates that, without justice, an enduring peace becomes impossible. In bitter despair, some people have come to believe that wars are inevitable. With tragic fatalism, they insist that, as wars have always been, of necessity wars will always be. To such defeatism, men and women of good-will must not and cannot yield. The outlook for humanity is not so hopeless. During the darkest hours of this horrible war, entire nations were kept going by some-

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thing intangible—hope! When warned that abject submission offered the only salvation against overwhelming power, hope showed the way to victory. Hope has become the secret weapon of the forces of liberation! Aggressors could not dominate the human mind. As long as hope remains, the spirit of man will never be crushed. But hope alone was not and is not sufficient to avert war. We must not only have hope but we must have faith enough to work with other peace-loving nations to maintain the peace. Hope was not enough to beat back the aggressors as long as the peace-loving nations were unwilling to come to each other’s defense. The aggressors were beaten back only when the peace-loving nations united to defend themselves. If wars in the future are to be prevented, the peace-loving nations must be united in their determination to keep the peace under law. The breaking of the peace anywhere is the concern of peace-loving nations everywhere. Nothing is more essential to the future peace of the world than continued cooperation of the nations which had to muster the force necessary to defeat the conspiracy of the Fascist powers to dominate the world. While these great states have a special responsibility to enforce the peace, their responsibility is based upon the obligations resting upon all states, large and small, not to use force in international relations except in the defense of law. The responsibility of the great states is to serve and not dominate the peoples of the world. To build the foundation of enduring peace we must not only work in harmony with our friends abroad but we must have the united support of our own people. Even the most experienced pilot cannot

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bring a ship safely into harbor unless he has the full cooperation of the crew. For the benefit of all, every individual must do his duty. I appeal to every American, regardless of party, race, creed, or color, to support our efforts to build a strong and lasting United Nations Organization. You, the members of Congress, surely know how I feel. Only with your help can I hope to complete one of the greatest tasks ever assigned to a public servant. With Divine guidance, and your help, we will find the new passage to a far better world, a kindly and friendly world, with just and lasting peace. With confidence, I am depending upon all of you. To destroy greedy tyrants with plans of world domination, we cannot continue in successive generations to sacrifice our finest youth. In the name of human decency and civilization, a more rational method of deciding national differences must and will be found! America must assist suffering humanity back along the path of peaceful progress. This will require time and tolerance. We shall need also an abiding faith in the people, the kind of faith and courage which Franklin Delano Roosevelt always had! Today, America has become one of the most

powerful forces for good on earth. We must keep it so. We have achieved a world leadership which does not depend solely upon our military and naval might. We have learned to fight with other nations in common defense of our freedom. We must now learn to live with other nations for our mutual good. We must learn to trade more with other nations so that there may be—for our mutual advantage—increased production, increased employment, and better standards of living throughout the world. May we Americans live up to our glorious heritage. In that way, America may well lead the world to peace and prosperity. At this moment, I have in my heart a prayer. As I assume my heavy duties, I humbly pray to Almighty God, in the words of Solomon: “Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great a people?” I ask only to be a good and faithful servant of my Lord and my people.

President Harry S. Truman, First Message to Congress, April 16, 1945. U.S. Department of State, Bulletin, April 16, 1945.

VICTORY SPEECH TO BRITISH PARLIAMENT AND ROYAL FAMILY Dwight D. Eisenhower

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Dwight D. Eisenhower, Allied commander in chief, led the anti-Nazi coalition in the D-Day invasion of June 1944 and the final push into Germany the following year, leading to that country’s surrender in May. Awarded honorary citizenship by the London Council, he comments on the closeness of Americans and Britons in fighting the war and hopes the alliance will continue to maintain the peace in years to come. The high sense of distinction I feel in receiving this great honor from the city of London is inescapably mingled with feelings of profound sadness. All of us must always regret that your great country and mine were ever faced with the tragic situation that compelled the appointment of an Allied Commander in Chief, the capacity in which I have just been so extravagantly commended. Humility must always be the portion of any man who receives acclaim earned in the blood of his followers and the sacrifices of his friends. Conceivably a commander may have been professionally superior. He may have given everything of his heart and mind to meet the spiritual and physical needs of his comrades. He may have written a chapter that will glow forever in the pages of military history. Still, even such a man—if he existed—would sadly face the facts that his honors cannot hide

in his memories the crosses marking the resting places of the dead. They cannot soothe the anguish of the widow, or the orphan, whose husband or father will not return. The only attitude in which a commander may with satisfaction receive the tributes of his friends is in the humble acknowledgment that no matter how unworthy he may be, his position is the symbol of great human forces that have labored arduously and successfully for a righteous cause. Unless he feels this symbolism and this rightness in what he has tried to do, then he is disregardful of the courage, fortitude and devotion of the vast multitudes he has been honored to command. If all Allied men and women that have served with me in this war can only know that it is they whom this august body is really honoring today, then indeed I will be content. This feeling of humility cannot erase, of course, my great pride in being tendered the freedom of London. I am not a native of this land. I come from the very heart of America. In the superficial aspects by which we ordinarily recognize family relationships, the town where I was born and the one where I was reared are far separated from this great city. Abilene, Kansas, and Denison, Texas, would together

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equal in size possibly one five-hundredth of a part of great London. By your standards those towns are young, without your aged traditions that carry the roots of London back into the uncertainties of unrecorded history. To those people, I am proud to belong. When we consider these things, then the valley of the Thames draws closer to the farms of Kansas and the plains of Texas. But I find myself today five thousand miles from that countryside, the honored guest of a city whose name stands for grandeur and size throughout the world. Hardly would it seem possible for the London Council to have gone farther afield to find a man to honor with its priceless gift of token citizenship. Yet kinship among nations is not determined in such measurements as proximity of size and age. Rather we should turn to those inner things—call them what you will—I mean those intangibles that are the real treasures free men possess. To preserve his freedom of worship, his equality before law, his liberty to speak and act as he sees fit, subject only to provisions that he trespass not upon similar rights of others, a Londoner will fight. So will a citizen of Abilene. When we consider these things, then the valley of the Thames draws closer to the farms of Kansas and the plains of Texas. To my mind it is clear that when two peoples will face the tragedies of war to defend the same spiritual values, the same treasured rights, then in the deepest sense those two are truly related. So even as I proclaim my undying Americanism, I am bold enough and exceedingly proud to claim the basis of kinship to you of London. And what man who has followed the history of this war could fail to experience an inspiration from the example of this city? When the British Empire stood—alone but unconquered, almost naked but unafraid—to

defy the Hitler hordes, it was on this devoted city that the first terroristic blows were launched. Five years and eight months of war, much of it on the actual battleline, blitzes big and little, flying V-bombs—all of them you took in your stride. You worked, and from your needed efforts you would not be deterred. You carried on, and from your midst arose no cry for mercy, no deathless traditions. And your faith and endurance have finally been rewarded. You had been more than two years in war when Americans in numbers began swarming into your country. Most were mentally unprepared for the realities of war—especially as waged by the Nazis. Others believed that the tales of British sacrifice had been exaggerated. Still others failed to recognize the difficulties of the task ahead. All such doubts, questions, and complacencies could not endure a single casual tour through your scarred streets and avenues. With awe our men gazed upon the empty spaces where once had stood buildings erected by the toil and sweat of peaceful folk. Our eyes rounded as we saw your women, serving quietly and efficiently in almost every kind of war effort, even with flak batteries. We became accustomed to the warning sirens which seemed to compel from the native Londoner not even a single hurried step. Gradually we drew closer together until we became true partners in war. In London, my associates and I planned two great expeditions—that to invade the Mediterranean and later that to cross the Channel. London’s hospitality to the Americans, her good-humored acceptance of the added inconvenience we brought, her example of fortitude and quiet confidence in the final outcome—all these helped to make the Supreme Headquarters of the two Allied expeditions the smoothworking organizations they became. They were composed of chosen representa-

Victory Speech to British Parliament and Royal Family

tives of two proud and independent peoples, each noted for its initiative and for its satisfaction with its own customs, manners, and methods. Many feared that those representatives could never combine together in an efficient fashion to solve the complex problems presented by modern war. I hope you believe we proved the doubters wrong. And, moreover, I hold that we proved this point not only for war—we proved it can always be done by our two peoples, provided only that both show the same good will, the same forbearance, the same objective attitude that the British and Americans so amply demonstrated in nearly three years of bitter campaigning. No man could alone have brought about this result. Had I possessed the military skill of a Marlborough, the wisdom of Solomon, the understanding of Lincoln, I still would have been helpless without the loyalty, vision, and generosity of thousands upon thousands of British and Americans. Some of them were my companions in the High Command. Many were enlisted men and junior officers carrying the fierce brunt of battle, and many others were back in the United States and here in Great Britain in London. Moreover, back of us always stood our great national war leaders and their civil and military staffs that supported and encouraged us through every trial, every test. The whole was one great team. I know that on this special oc-

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casion three million American men and women serving in the Allied Expeditionary Force would want me to pay a tribute of admiration, respect, and affection to their British comrades of this war. My most cherished hope is that after Japan joins the Nazis in utter defeat, neither my country nor yours need ever again summon its sons and daughters from their peaceful pursuits to face the tragedies of battle. But—a fact important for both of us to remember—neither London nor Abilene, sisters under the skin, will sell her birthright for physical safety, her liberty for mere existence. No petty differences in the world of trade, traditions, or national pride should ever blind us to our identities in priceless values. If we keep our eyes on this guidepost, then no difficulties along our path of mutual cooperation can ever be insurmountable. Moreover, when this truth has permeated to the remotest hamlet and heart of all peoples, then indeed may we beat our swords into plowshares, and all nations can enjoy the fruitfulness of the earth. My Lord Mayor, I thank you once again for an honor to me and to the American forces that will remain one of the proudest in my memories. Dwight D. Eisenhower, Victory Speech to British Parliament and Royal Family, June 12, 1945. Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Abilene, Kansas.

ON DROPPING THE ATOMIC BOMB ON HIROSHIMA Harry S. Truman

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On August 6, 1945, the United States dropped an atomic bomb on the Japanese city of Hiroshima, leveling the city and ultimately killing over one hundred thousand people. Later that day, President Harry S. Truman announced the bombing to the American people. In this address, Truman tried to convey the sheer might of the new weapon, as well as to explain why it was used.

Statement by the President of the United States Sixteen hours ago an American airplane dropped one bomb on Hiroshima and destroyed its usefulness to the enemy. That bomb had more power than 20,000 tons of TNT. It had more than two thousand times the blast power of the British “Grand Slam” which is the largest bomb ever yet used in the history of warfare. The Japanese began the war from the air at Pearl Harbor. They have been repaid many fold. And the end is not yet. With this bomb we have now added a new and revolutionary increase in destruction to supplement the growing power of our armed forces. In their present form these bombs are now in production and even more powerful forms are in development.

It is an atomic bomb. It is a harnessing of the basic power of the universe. The force from which the sun draws its power has been loosed against those who brought war to the Far East. Before 1939, it was the accepted belief of scientists that it was theoretically possible to release atomic energy. But no one knew any practical method of doing it. By 1942, however, we knew that the Germans were working feverishly to find a way to add atomic energy to the other engines of war with which they hoped to enslave the world. But they failed. We may be grateful to Providence that the Germans got the V-1’s and V-2’s late and in limited quantities and even more grateful that they did not get the atomic bomb at all. The battle of the laboratories held fateful risks for us as well as the battles of the air, land, and sea, and we have now won the battle of the laboratories as we have won the other battles. Beginning in 1940, before Pearl Harbor, scientific knowledge . . . was pooled between the United States and Great Britain, and many priceless helps to our victories have come from that arrangement. Under that general policy the research on the atomic bomb was begun. With American and British scientists working together we entered the race of discovery against the Germans.

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On Dropping the Atomic Bomb on Hiroshima

The United States had available the large number of scientists of distinction in the many needed areas of knowledge. It had the tremendous industrial and financial resources necessary for the project and they could be devoted to it without undue impairment of other vital war work. In the United States the laboratory work and the production plants, on which a substantial start had already been made, would be out of reach of enemy bombing, while at that time Britain was exposed to constant air attack and was still threatened with the possibility of invasion. For these reasons Prime Minister Churchill and President Roosevelt agreed that it was wise to carry on the project here. We now have two great plants and many lesser works devoted to the production of atomic power. Employment during peak construction numbered 125,000 and over 65,000 individuals are even now engaged in operating the plants. Many have worked there for two and a half years. Few know what they have been producing. They see great quantities of material going in and they see nothing coming out of these plants, for the physical size of the explosive charge is exceedingly small. We have spent two billion dollars on the greatest scientific gamble in history— and won. But the greatest marvel is not the size of the enterprise, its secrecy, nor its cost, but the achievement of scientific brains in putting together infinitely complex pieces of knowledge held by many men in different fields of science into a workable plan. And hardly less marvelous has been the capacity of industry to design and of labor to operate, the machines and methods to do things never done before so that the brainchild of many minds came forth in physical shape and performed as it was supposed to do. Both science and industry worked under the direction of the United States Army, which achieved a unique success in managing

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so diverse a problem in the advancement of knowledge in an amazingly short time. It is doubtful if such another combination could be got together in the world. What has been done is the greatest achievement of organized science in history. It was done under pressure and without failure. We are now prepared to obliterate more rapidly and completely every productive enterprise the Japanese have above ground in any city. We shall destroy their docks, their factories, and their communications. Let there be no mistake; we shall completely destroy Japan’s power to make war. It was to spare the Japanese people from utter destruction that the ultimatum of July 26 was issued at Potsdam. Their leaders promptly rejected that ultimatum. If they do not now accept our terms they may expect a rain of ruin from the air, the like of which has never been seen on this earth. Behind this air attack will follow sea and land forces in such number and power as they have not yet seen and with the fighting skill of which they are already well aware. The Secretary of War, who has kept in personal touch with all phases of the project, will immediately make public a statement giving further details. His statement will give facts concerning the sites at Oak Ridge near Knoxville, Tennessee, and at Richland, near Pasco, Washington, and an installation near Santa Fe, New Mexico. Although the workers at the sites have been making materials to be used producing the greatest destructive force in history they have not themselves been in danger beyond that of many other occupations, for the utmost care has been taken of their safety. The fact that we can release atomic energy ushers in a new era in man’s understanding of nature’s forces. Atomic energy may in the fu-

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ture supplement the power that now comes from coal, oil, and falling water, but at present it cannot be produced on a basis to compete with them commercially. Before that comes there must be a long period of intensive research. It has never been the habit of the scientists of this country or the policy of this government to withhold from the world scientific knowledge. Normally, therefore, everything about the work with atomic energy would be made public. But under the present circumstances it is not intended to divulge the technical processes of production or all the military applications. Pending further examination of possible meth-

ods of protecting us and the rest of the world from the danger of sudden destruction: I shall recommend that the Congress of the United States consider promptly the establishment of an appropriate commission to control the production and use of atomic power within the United States. I shall give further consideration and make further recommendations to the Congress as to how atomic power can become a powerful and forceful influence towards the maintenance of world peace. Harry S. Truman, On Dropping the Atomic Bomb on Hiroshima, August 6, 1945. Harry S. Truman Library, “Army Press Notes,” box 4, Papers of Eben A. Ayers.

CIVIL LIBERTIES ACT OF 1988 B

After years of lobbying by former internees of Japanese American internment camps and their descendants, Congress passed the Civil Liberties Act of 1988. As the act noted, the Japanese were interned under Franklin Roosevelt’s executive order in February 1942 without any security offered to them for their persons or property and without any proof of subversive activities on their parts. The law also recognized that compensation from the federal government was in order. Eventually, internees and their descendants received about $20,000 each.

Enacted by the United States Congress The Congress recognizes that, as described in the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians, a grave injustice was done to both citizens and permanent residents of Japanese ancestry by the evacuation, relocation, and internment of civilians during World War II. As the Commission documents, these actions were carried out without adequate security reasons and without any acts of espionage or sabotage documented by the Commission, and were motivated largely by racial prejudice, wartime hysteria, and a failure of political leadership.

The excluded individuals of Japanese ancestry suffered enormous damages, both material and intangible, and there were incalculable losses in education and job training, all of which resulted in significant human suffering for which appropriate compensation has not been made. For these fundamental violations of the basic civil liberties and constitutional rights of these individuals of Japanese ancestry, the Congress apologizes on behalf of the Nation. Based on the findings of the Commission on Wartime Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC), the purposes of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988 with respect to persons of Japanese ancestry included the following:

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To acknowledge the fundamental injustice of the evacuation, relocation and internment of citizens and permanent resident aliens of Japanese ancestry during World War II; To apologize on behalf of the people of the United States for the evacuation, internment, and relocations of such citizens and permanent residing aliens; To provide for a public education fund to finance efforts to inform the public about

Civil Liberties Act of 1988

the internment so as to prevent the recurrence of any similar event; To make restitution to those individuals of Japanese ancestry who were interned; To make more credible and sincere any declaration of concern by the United States

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over violations of human rights committed by other nations.

Civil Liberties Act, August 10, 1988. Pub. L. No. 100-383, 102 Stat. 903.

ITALIAN AMERICAN TESTIMONY TO HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ON INTERNMENT B

Most Americans are aware that over one hundred thousand Japanese Americans living on the West Coast were interned during World War II because of their ethnicity. Few people, however, are aware that roughly ten thousand West Coast Italian Americans were also interned under the same executive order (#9066, February 1942) that forced the Japanese into camps. In 1999, the House of Representatives conducted hearings on civil liberties violations against Italian Americans during World War II. Following a brief description of the act for which the hearings were held, the document below includes firsthand testimonials and official statements from Italian Americans who suffered civil liberties violations during the war.

H.R. 2442 Wartime Violation of Italian American Civil Liberties Act (Engrossed in House) 106th CONGRESS, 1st Session, H. R. 2442, An Act To provide for the preparation of a Government report detailing injustices suffered by Italian Americans during World War II, and a formal acknowledgment of such injustices by the President.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

Section 1. Short Title. This Act may be cited as the ‘Wartime Violation of Italian American Civil Liberties Act.’

Sec. 2. Findings. The Congress makes the following findings: (1) The freedom of more than 600,000 Italian-born immigrants in the United States and their families was restricted during World War II by Government measures that branded them ‘enemy aliens’ and included carrying identification cards, travel restrictions, and seizure of personal property. (2) During World War II more than 10,000 Italian Americans living on the West Coast were forced to leave their homes and prohibited from entering coastal zones. More than 50,000 were subjected to curfews. (3) During World War II thousands of Italian American immigrants were arrested, and hundreds were interned in military camps.

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(4) Hundreds of thousands of Italian Americans performed exemplary service and thousands sacrificed their lives in defense of the United States. (5) At the time, Italians were the largest foreign-born group in the United States, and today are the fifth largest immigrant group in the United States, numbering approximately 15 million. (6) The impact of the wartime experience was devastating to Italian American communities in the United States, and its effects are still being felt. (7) A deliberate policy kept these measures from the public during the war. Even 50 years later much information is still classified, the full story remains unknown to the public, and it has never been acknowledged in any official capacity by the United States Government.

Statement of Rose Viscuso Scudero, Antioch, CA Ms. SCUDERO. Thank you, and thank you for having us here today. I am Rose Viscuso Scudero and my story goes that I was twelve and a half years old at the time this happened. My mother received a letter from the Government stating that because she did not have her citizenship papers she would have to leave the town that we lived in. We had to move at least 9 miles out. Pittsburg, California, had the San Joaquin River, the Columbia Steel Mill, and quite a few other vital industries. We had to move. And because I was a minor—I was born in the United States. I was a citizen—and yet because I was a minor, I had to leave with my mother. My mother had to leave behind three daughters, my two brothers, and my father, who was building the Liberty ships at Kaiser Shipyards. My brothers were working at

Columbia Steel. That is kind of ironic that there is a woman who could not read or write English, and they sent her away. There were many families in Pittsburg who went through the same thing. A lot of my classmates were sent away that were born in the United States, with their parents. I did not have any idea what was going to happen to me. I did not know if I was ever going to come back home. I had to leave all the classmates I had been in school with since kindergarten. It was just very traumatic. My mother would cry herself to sleep every night. The thought of leaving three daughters, especially, at home—18, 19, and 21 years old—was very, very hard for her to take. They did not get to see us except every few weekends because it was hard to get a ride. Everybody did not have a car at that time. We shared the house with my two aunts, my two cousins, and my uncle, who was a citizen. He stayed with us so that we would have a man in the house. We had to walk quite a few miles to go to the store to get groceries and things. We had no radio. They took all those things away from us. So we had no way of knowing how things were going, except when our family came to visit. The school I went to—because we were foreign to them—I was considered an enemy alien. When I would get on the bus, they would spread out so that there would be no room to sit. My lunch was stolen several times a month. I had to share lunch with the teacher. When they would teach the children to dance, the boys would ask the girls to dance and I would sit there by myself. It was very humiliating. And I know these things are not as bad as the atrocities that happened to the Japanese. I am not trying to compare this to that, but emotionally it did affect us. And now my grandchildren are questioning it. “We do not see it in history books in school. Why are you saying this?”

Italian American Testimony to House of Representatives on Internment

I have to bring out a few pictures and things that I have of my family. This happened to two other members in my family. My brother was married a year and a half and had a 1-year-old child. His wife came over when she was 9 years old. She had just turned 21 at the time this happened. At that time, I don’t believe they could receive their citizenship papers until they were 21. She did not have time. So she had to move to Walnut Creek with the baby and my brother stayed behind because he worked at the steel mill. My brother joined the Navy, even though this was happening, but his boss at the steel mill said that they needed him there for the war effort. So he talked to his commanding officer and had him deferred. So it did affect us. My father was building Liberty ships at Kaiser shipyards and yet they sent my mother away. I have a lot of other stories of people in Pittsburg who had two or three sons in the service who came home and found their houses boarded up. The mothers were living in Oakley in itinerant houses—three families in these houses—distant cousins or whatever would cook and bring them food. A lot of these things were going on. My sister, Marie, was engaged to be married to a boy from San Francisco, Mr. Del Carlo. He came here when he was 18 months old and he was not 21 at the time. So he waited until he was 21. When he finally got his papers, 6 weeks later he is drafted. He fought in Normandy and the Rhine. And while he was there he was able to go to Lucca, Italy, and he saw his 90-year-old grandfather, and here they were on opposite sides fighting each other. I have pictures of that. They confiscated all our cameras, radios, et cetera, so my mom put me on the bus after several months and sent me to Pittsburg. I was able to do that because I was born here. That

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liberty they gave me. I was to find out when we were going to be able to come home. The news was good at that time. We were there from February 24th until August of that year. I went back and the news was good. Everybody was so happy and crying. My mom sent me—this was sort of a rural area—to tell all the other people. I went knocking on doors and kept telling them that they could go home now. They labeled me the “Italian Paul Revere” at that time. [Laughter.] I am now 70 years old. I am speaking to children from the 6th grade through high school and it is amazing the reaction I get to this story and the questions they come up with. It is just mind-boggling. You can hear a pin drop. I have shown a video of my interviews with CNN and Good Morning America. They cannot comprehend. The first question I get from most of them is, “You mean this happened here in the United States?” I answer yes, and it can happen again. They want to know more. They want to read about it. I want to thank you for having me here, and I am sorry I am so nervous. I have a lot more stories to tell, if you want to listen. [The prepared statement of Ms. Scudero follows:]

Prepared Statement of Rose Viscuso Scudero, Antioch, CA The year was 1942 and I was twelve and a half years old. My mother received a letter from the U.S. government stating that because she had not become a U.S. citizen, she would have to move to a specified area in the county we lived in because our house was too close to the Columbia Steel Co. and other vital industries, plus the San Joaquin River. Because we were at war with Germany and Italy, it didn’t matter that my father (a U.S. citi-

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zen) was employed at Kaiser Shipyards in Richmond Calif. building the Liberty ships for the Defense Dept. and my two brothers worked at Columbia Steel Co. My three sisters worked in downtown Pittsburg establishments. Even though I was born in the U.S., I had to accompany my mother because I was a minor. I realize it now as an adult that they had abused my civil rights. I was attending Jr. High School and I felt bad about leaving all of my childhood friends. I thought I would be gone forever, so gave away my collection of fancy pins that I wore on my sweaters to my classmates. It was February 24th, 1942, that we went to live in a rented house on West St. on the outskirts of Concord Calif. about nineteen miles from our home in Pittsburgh. We shared the house with my Aunt Sara and Uncle Filipo Nicolosi and my Aunt Mary Viscuso and her two sons, Salvatore and Johnny. My Uncle Filipo was a U.S. citizen but he stayed with us so that we would have a man in the house. I can remember my mother Rosa crying herself to sleep at night, missing her family, especially the thought of having to leave three daughters ages eighteen, nineteen and twentyone years old. I attended Clayton Valley School and the bus would pick us up in the morning. The other children were not very friendly. I would find my lunch missing many times and the teacher would share hers with me. During music class, I would not be asked to dance and I would sit alone. It was very humiliating for a twelve and a half year old. We were considered Enemy Aliens. This happened to many of my Italian friends that were born here and had to move with their parents. My brother Salvatore’s wife, Grace Viscuso, and their baby son Joseph, eight months old, moved to Walnut Creek, Calif., while he stayed

in Pittsburg to work at Columbia Steel Co. Grace came to America when she was nine years old and she had just turned twenty-one when this happened. She didn’t have time to get her citizenship papers. My sister Marie was engaged to be married to Albert Del Carlo from South San Francisco, Calif. Because he was born in Lucca, Italy, and came to America when he was eighteen months old, and was not twenty-one years old yet in order to get his papers, he was restricted from traveling so many miles from his home so my sister had to visit him when she could get a ride to San Francisco. As soon as he turned twentyone years old, he received his citizenship papers and six weeks later he was drafted. He fought in Normandy and the Battle of the Rhine. He also was able to meet his ninety-yearold grandfather Bezo Del Carlo while passing through Lucca, Italy. “HOW IRONIC” that they were on opposite sides in battle! My brother Dante joined the Navy but his boss at Columbia Steel Co. called his commanding officer and requested that he be deferred from the service because they needed him at his job for the war effort. My family, brothers Dante and Salvatore, and sisters Josephine, Gena and Marie with my father, Giuseppe Viscuso, would come to visit us on weekends when they could. It would be a very happy day and yet, when they had to leave, it would be very sad with many tears. Since they confiscated all of our cameras, radios, etc., we had no way of knowing how things were progressing on our behalf, so my mother put me on a Greyhound Bus and sent me to Pittsburg to find out if any news on when we could return home was available. The news was good so they sent me back to Concord to alert every one. I can remember the joy and tears when I told my mother and aunts. Momma sent me on to alert the other families living in a one mile radius, blocks apart from one another. I


can remember knocking on doors and shouting “YOU CAN GO HOME NOW!” and the excitement of it all. . . . I felt like PAUL REVERE, Italian style. I am now seventy years old and am giving lectures in schools to students from sixth grade through high school and it is amazing at how they respond to my story. The question most asked is . . . “You mean that this happened here in the U.S.A.?” And I tell them YES! AND IT CAN HAPPEN AGAIN! It is hard for them to comprehend it because it has not been acknowledged or documented in our history books. We are not asking for an apology nor monetary compensation. So please consider what little we are asking for. Thank you. . . .

Statement of Doris L. Pinza, Cape Elizabeth, ME Ms. PINZA. Honorable members of the committee, ladies and gentlemen, my name is Doris Pinza. My late husband, Ezio Pinza, was a native Italian and an opera singer working at the Metropolitan Opera in New York when he was arrested and interned at Ellis Island as an enemy alien on March 12, 1942, thus opening one of the most terrifying chapters in our lives. I had left in my car to do an errand that morning. Ezio was alone in an upstairs room of our home in Mamaroneck, New York, doing paperwork at a table when he suddenly became aware that two strange men were approaching him. They had entered through the unlocked back door without either knocking or ringing the doorbell. They then walked through the lower floor and up the stairway. One of them said, “Are you Ezio Pinza?” Ezio replied, “Yes, what can I do for you?” The men showed their FBI identifications, and one said, “In the name of the President of the

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United States, we place you under arrest.” Ezio immediately stood up. He was shocked and puzzled. He asked if they would mind waiting until his wife came back from the village. They handed Ezio a warrant and said, “There is plenty of time. We intend to search your house anyway.” When I returned to find the strange car— and men—I was shocked to hear Ezio say to me, “They have come to arrest me.” We knew that all Italians were classified as enemy aliens during the war, but we had not heard that they could be arrested indiscriminately as the Japanese had been. We never suspected this could happen in the United States. When they had finished their search of every room, closet, drawer, and file and found nothing of interest except a bill of sale for our boat, they told us they were going to take Ezio to the Foley Square Court House in Manhattan. When they arrived there, Ezio was searched again, fingerprinted, photographed, and questioned at length. He was then taken by boat to Ellis Island and handed over to uniformed guards who took away his necktie, belt, and shoelaces. Finally, Ezio was assigned an upper cot in a huge dormitory. A photograph of the dormitory is attached as Exhibit A to my written statement. I had utter confidence in my husband, and although I was confused, I felt certain that some horrible mistake had been made and that he would be released quickly. But I was soon told that he could not be released until after a hearing that would take place in 12 days time. That was chilling news. A hearing? About what? We were told that the United States Department of Justice would not disclose to us what charges had been brought against Ezio. Needless to say, that seemed to us a highly unusual and unfair policy for an American court. Ezio was totally innocent of any wrongdoing against the country. He was due to receive his final citi-

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zenship papers in 4 months, and we had not the slightest idea of what allegations had been made. How, we agonized, could we prepare for a hearing in 12 days? What would we talk about? What allegations did we have to rebut? While Ezio was at Ellis Island, I was allowed to visit him once each week by taking a ferry to the Island. When it docked, there was a great rush to get to the head of the line to enter the facility. Then we waited patiently to have our packages, pocketbooks, and all of our clothing inspected by the hands of a male guard. We met in a huge room, sitting on wood benches, and again being watched carefully. In 15 minutes or so, a bell signaled that it was time to leave. At Ellis Island I found my husband in a state of deep depression. The very next morning after his arrest, his picture had been on the front page of the New York Times stating that he had been arrested as an enemy alien and implying that he might be guilty of some subversive activities. Similar articles had also been carried in every other New York paper and in the newspapers of every major city in the country. He was humiliated and felt certain that his operatic career, which depended on the goodwill of the public, was doomed. Living as he was with untidy clothing, open latrines, censored mail, and a lack of fresh air was also difficult for him. He felt helpless to defend himself. Ezio suspected that jealousies within the opera house might be at the root of any accusations against him. But how could we know if not presented with the charges? How could I sort it all out and make successful arguments at a hearing in 12 days? I could not. Since we had no idea of the charges, the attorney I went to could only suggest taking affidavits and witnesses to the hearing who would attest to Ezio’s honesty and his apolitical nature, and we did so. At the hearing, my father and I spoke in more detail about Ezio’s charac-

ter and the fact that in 1939 he decided [to leave Italy] and then did dispose of everything he had ever owned in Italy including his home, three apartment houses, his car, and all Italian investments. Ezio told the judges why he had decided to become an American citizen and how he had attempted to help the American war effort by performing, without remuneration, for the United States Treasury Department at rallies to sell defense bonds and for the American Red Cross in their drives to collect funds and blood. He tried to help them understand that he cared only about his family and his musical career. He later told me that he was so nervous and confused by the ordeal that he had put on the worst show of this life. The part of the hearing that was most startling to me, as an American, was that our attorney was not permitted to be in the courtroom with us. Ezio and I were forced to face a stern panel without legal assistance and without knowledge of the charges against him. We did our best to defend against the ghosts lined up against us. Not surprisingly, we failed. Two judges voted for acquittal and one did not. We were told that Ezio would be shipped to a camp in some distant state until the end of the war. He would never be allowed to have any visitors, and I could send him only one letter each month. What was he being punished for? My parents and I agreed this could not happen in America. To make a long story as short as possible, within a few days I found a new attorney and with great energy on our part and the help of friends sympathetic to Ezio’s plight, we were able to persuade Attorney General Biddle to grant us a second hearing. Then several of Ezio’s colleagues from the Opera House stepped forward and volunteered to tell the facts about how this drama had been invented. They testified under oath at the second hear-


ing about that as well as about Ezio’s character and the impossibility of his being any type of threat to America. We presented other evidence in Ezio’s favor as well. This time, we succeeded. Ezio had been confined for nearly 3 months when he was finally released. When he felt strong again, he returned to his profession, and to our joy, audiences everywhere greeted him with affection. Ezio had never spoken of this episode publicly, but they seemed to have guessed the truth. Perhaps because Ezio was a well-known person, he managed to gain his freedom within months, rather than years. Even so, the terror of being arrested and imprisoned without knowing the charges against him, the fear that he could be separated from his family for years and lose his career and the difficult conditions on Ellis Island contributed, I am sure, to the high blood pressure and heart ailment that eventually took his life at the young age of 64. His brother and sister lived to the ages of 91 and 93. On July 2, 1945, Ezio was honored to have been chosen to sing the Star-Spangled Banner at the welcoming home ceremonies for Generals Patton and Doolittle. Thank you.

Prepared Statement of Doris L. Pinza, Cape Elizabeth, ME Honorable Members of the Committee, Ladies and Gentlemen. My name is Doris Pinza. My late husband, Ezio Pinza, was a native Italian and an opera singer working at the Metropolitan Opera in New York when he was arrested and interned at Ellis Island as an enemy alien on March 12, 1942, thus opening one of the most terrifying chapters in our lives. I had left in my car to do an errand that

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morning. Ezio was alone in an upstairs room of our home in Mamaroneck, NY, doing paperwork at a table when he suddenly became aware that two strange men were approaching him. They had entered through the unlocked back door without either knocking or ringing the doorbell. They then walked through the lower floor and up the stairway. One of them said, “Are you Ezio Pinza?” Ezio replied, “Yes, what can I do for you?” The men showed their FBI identifications, and one said, “In the name of the President of the United States we place you under arrest!” Ezio immediately stood up. He was shocked and puzzled. He asked if they would mind waiting until his wife came back from the village. They handed Ezio a warrant and said, “There’s plenty of time. We intend to search your house anyway.” When I returned to find the strange car— and men—I was shocked to hear Ezio say to me, “They have come to arrest me.” We knew that all Italians were classified as “enemy aliens” during the war, but we had not heard that they could be arrested indiscriminately as the Japanese had been. We never suspected this could happen in the United States. When they had finished their search of every room, closet, drawer and file and found nothing of interest except a bill of sale for our boat, they told us they were going to take Ezio to the Foley Square Court House in Manhattan. When they arrived there, Ezio was searched again, fingerprinted, photographed and questioned at length. He was then taken by boat to Ellis Island and handed over to uniformed guards who took away his necktie, belt and shoelaces. Finally, Ezio was assigned an upper cot in a huge dormitory. A photograph of the dormitory is attached as Exhibit A. I had utter confidence in my husband, and although I was confused, I felt certain that

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some horrible mistake had been made and that he would be released quickly. But I was soon told that he could not be released until after a hearing that would take place in 12 days time— that was chilling news. A hearing? About what? We were told that the United States Department of Justice would not disclose to us what charges had been brought against Ezio! Needless to say, that seemed to us a highly unusual and unfair policy for an American court. Ezio was totally innocent of any wrongdoing against the country. He was due to receive his final citizenship papers in four months, and we had not the slightest idea of what allegations had been made. How, we agonized, could we prepare for a hearing in 12 days? What would we talk about? What allegations did we have to rebut? While Ezio was at Ellis Island, I was allowed to visit him once each week by taking a ferry to the Island. When it docked, there was a great rush to get to the head of the line to enter the facility. Then we waited patiently to have our packages, pocketbooks and all of our clothing inspected by the hands of a male guard. We met in a huge room—sitting on wooden benches and again, being watched carefully. In 15 minutes or so, a bell signaled that it was time to leave. At Ellis Island I found my husband in a state of deep depression. The very next morning after his arrest, his picture had been on the front page of the New York Times stating he had been arrested as an enemy alien and implying that he might be guilty of some subversive activities. Similar articles had also been carried in every other New York paper and in the newspapers of every major city in the country. He was humiliated and felt certain that his operatic career, which depended on the goodwill of the public, was doomed.

Living as he was with untidy clothing, open latrines and a lack of fresh air was also difficult for him. He felt helpless to defend himself. Ezio suspected that jealousies within the opera house might be at the root of any accusations against him. But how could we know if not presented with the charges? How could I sort it all out and make successful arguments at a hearing in 12 days? I couldn’t! Since we had no idea of the charges, the attorney I went to could only suggest taking affidavits and witnesses to the hearing who would attest to Ezio’s honesty and his apolitical nature—and we did so. At the hearing, my father and I spoke in more detail about Ezio’s character and the fact that in 1939 he had disposed of everything he had ever owned in Italy including his home, three apartment houses, his car and all Italian investments. Ezio told the judges why he had decided to become an American citizen and how he had attempted to help the American war effort by performing, without remuneration, for the U.S. Treasury Department at rallies to sell Defense Bonds and for the American Red Cross in their drives to collect funds and blood. He tried to help them understand that he cared only about his family and his musical career. He later told me that he was so nervous and confused by the ordeal that he had put on the worst show of his life. The part of the hearing that was most startling to me—as an American—was that our attorney was not permitted to be in the courtroom with us. Ezio and I were forced to face a stern panel without legal assistance and without knowledge of the charges against him. We did our best to defend against the ghosts lined up against us. Not surprisingly, we failed. Two judges voted for acquittal, and one did not. We were told that Ezio would be shipped


to a camp in some distant state until the end of the war. He would never be allowed to have any visitors, and I could send him only one letter each month! What was he being punished for? My parents and I agreed this could not happen in America! To make a long story as short as possible, within a few days I found a new attorney and with great energy on our part and the help of friends sympathetic to Ezio’s plight, we were able to persuade Attorney General Biddle to grant us a second hearing. Then several of Ezio’s colleagues from the Opera House stepped forward and volunteered to tell the facts about how this drama had been invented. They testified under oath at the second hearing about that as well as about Ezio’s character and the impossibility of his being any type of threat to America. We presented other evidence in Ezio’s favor as well. This time, we succeeded. Ezio had been confined for nearly three months when he was finally released. When he felt strong again, he returned to his profession, and to our joy, audiences everywhere greeted him with affection. Ezio had never spoken of this episode publicly, but they seemed to have guessed the truth. Perhaps because Ezio was a well-known person, he managed to gain his freedom within months, rather than years. Even so, the terror of being arrested and imprisoned without knowing the charges against him, the fear that he could be separated from his family for years and lose his career and the difficult conditions on Ellis Island contributed, I am sure, to the high blood pressure and heart ailment that eventually took his life at the young age of 64. His brother and sister lived to the ages of 91 and 93. On July 2, 1945, Ezio was honored to have been chosen to sing the Star Spangled Banner

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at the welcoming home ceremonies for Generals Patton and Doolittle. Thank you. . . .

Prepared Statement of Colonel Angelo De Guttadauro, Retired, San Antonio, TX Last winter, my son Andrew, a graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point, sent me a copy of Tom Brokaw’s 1998 best seller, The Greatest Generation, as a Christmas present. It is a riveting account of personal integrity and courage as documented by the lives of Americans who were destined to confront World War II. But I was totally dismayed and offended that Brokaw continues to assert the widely held canard that Italian Americans were not persecuted during that period. His following passage makes this fictitious position quite clear: Italian and German aliens living in California coastal areas were ordered to move in early 1942 but by June of that year the order had been rescinded, and there was no major relocation for those groups. Italian and German immigrants were picked up and questioned closely; they may have had some uncomfortable moments during the war, but they retained all their rights.

Some moments, some rights. My father, Nino Guttadauro, was born in Italy in 1899 and as a teenager was commissioned an infantry second lieutenant in the Italian armed forces. He served for over a year in combat against the Austrian Army in World War I until he was seriously wounded on the front lines. At that time, Italy was allied with America, England, and France to defeat the invading German and Austrian forces in Europe. For his gallantry in action, he was awarded

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Italy’s War Cross for Military Valor, the equivalent of America’s Silver Star. Following the war, my father emigrated to the United States, married my mother (a nativeborn American citizen), continued his profession as an accountant, and became a naturalized American citizen residing in San Francisco, California. Because of his status as a veteran of World War I, he joined The Federation of the Italian World War I Veterans in the U.S.A., Inc., an organization very similar to America’s VFW. His later position as president of the Federation’s San Francisco branch, however, would have very damaging consequences for him and his entire family. Under the provisions of the Freedom of Information-Privacy Acts (FOIPA), I have received dozens of documents from the FBI covering the period from 19 March 1941 to 13 July 1944. A number of these documents were signed by John Edgar Hoover, Director of the FBI, and by Wendell Berge, Assistant Attorney General of the United States. A brief summary of these documents will illustrate the unconscionable manner in which my father’s most basic civil liberties were abused and the core principles of the Constitution were abrogated. Even today, almost sixty years after the fact, the names of my father’s accusers to the FBI and, indeed, their very allegations have been blacked out, or sanitized, in these documents. My father’s interrogations by the FBI began in March 1941 and continued until September 1942. At no time was he allowed to know the names of his accusers or the nature of their accusations. During his 28 March 1941 interrogation, the FBI agent recorded that the “Subject denied there was any Fascist activity in the Italian Colony in San Francisco” and further noted my father’s statement that “Communism was an international ideology and Russia sought and

would, if the chance came, inflict its system on the whole world.” History has proven my father correct on both counts. Notwithstanding my father’s consistent denials over a period of one and a half years of any inappropriate or illegal activities, a Board of Officers was convened by the Commanding General, Western Defense Command and Fourth Army, to determine if he should be issued an exclusion order prohibiting him from living in over half of the United States. The board was held in Room 483 of San Francisco’s Whitcomb Hotel at 9:30 a.m. on Tuesday, 8 September 1942. As Lt. Col. Frank E. Meek, the board president, informed my father in writing, “Materials in the hands of the Board will not be made available for your inspection” and you will not “be permitted to examine witnesses.” These are exactly the arbitrary procedures exercised by the infamous “Star Chamber” courts of the Middle Ages, and these same processes were utilized during the FBI interrogations. The board’s decision, for which there was no appeal, resulted in my father being served Exclusion Order F-1 at 10:18 a.m. on 29 September 1942. He was ordered to report two days later at 10:00 a.m. to a Maj. Ray Ashworth for “processing.” This processing included having a photograph and fingerprints taken and a specimen signature supplied. Documentaries of military tribunals treating civilian citizens in such an arbitrary manner can be seen almost weekly on the History Channel, but most such examples were filmed over half a century ago in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia. The immediate result of Exclusion Order F1 was my father’s automatic expulsion from California, the loss of his professional position, and, most importantly, his forced separation from his wife, his seven-year-old daughter, and five-year-old son. In fact, he was not only expelled from California, but he was also prohib-


ited from living in or traveling to the [certain] states[.] Prior to departing California, my father was ordered by Lt. Gen. J. L. DeWitt, Commanding General of Western Defense Command and Fourth Army, “to communicate in writing the time of your departure, initial and ultimate destinations, route to be followed and means of travel; upon arrival at ultimate destination, you will report in person the fact of your arrival and your address at such destination to the Special Agent in Charge of the nearest office of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Department of Justice.” This military notification and personal reporting mandate remained in force anytime my father traveled more than five miles or changed his residence, even in the same city. Although an American citizen, my father was, in effect, a prisoner in his own country. It was impossible for my father to find qualified accounting positions because he would have to inform prospective employers that he was excluded on security grounds from half of the United States. It is understandable that employers would not trust such an individual with financial ledgers and cash payments. After an extensive search, the first job he was able to find following the exclusion was as a grocery clerk in Salt Lake City, Utah. This economic disruption and hardship, as well as the psychological scars, remained with my father for the rest of his life. But the entire family also suffered. Due to the swiftness of the expulsion order, household goods were either stored or simply abandoned. We were forced to rent, in numerous cities, furnished apartments or homes at high costs due to our transient status. We had become, by military fiat, a family of involuntary gypsies. It fell upon my mother to create an artificial home atmosphere as best she could while my father roamed the Rocky Mountain states (in the non-

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prohibited areas) searching for a living. Because of this arbitrary and coercive action, a man’s value to himself, to his family, and to his community and society was dramatically and permanently diminished. Three years after my father’s initial FBI interrogation in March 1941, his Exclusion Order F-1 was finally cancelled and rescinded effective 13 March 1944. Despite the hardships and injustices inflicted on a loyal citizen by his government, my father was always proud of my decision to enter the United States Army from which I was honorably retired as a colonel after almost thirtytwo years of commissioned service. Had he lived, my father would have been a centenarian this year. By exposing the indignities he was forced to endure, you can relay to his spirit, and to all citizens, that our country is truly based on liberty and justice for all. Not only is this the right thing to do, it is the American thing to do. . . .

Statement of Dominic Dimaggio, Ocean Ridge, FL Mr. DIMAGGIO. Mr. Chairman, I am referred to as the little professor, due to my short stature and large glasses, and to the fact that I look more like a scholar than an athlete. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am pleased to be here today to participate in this hearing. This legislation, the Wartime Violation of Italian American Civil Liberties Act, is important in the Italian-American community, and it is important to me. I am here today in hopes that we can bring to light the tragic events of the past and honor those that had to endure them. Half-way through the 1942 baseball season, I enlisted in the United States Navy. The Navy was very, very

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reluctant to accept me because of my eye deficiency, but after a long conversation with the optometrist that examined me, I convinced him that he should draft a letter, have it signed by all the members of the Federal building in Massachusetts, [and] send it to the War Department in Washington, D.C., recommending to them that they accept me on the basis that perhaps my athletic ability offsets some of my eye deficiency. That was done, and in due time I was accepted in the United States Navy. And it was an honor to serve my country. I gladly put my baseball career on hold to do so. But I had no idea that while I was away fighting for my country, the United States Government declared Italian Americans enemy aliens. It saddens me to think that my mother and dad were considered enemy aliens by the country they adored so very much. I was not the only son who came home from the war to find that their parents or other members of their family had suddenly become enemy aliens. Over 500,000 Italians served in the U.S. Armed Forces. Many of these brave soldiers were fighting to protect the very rights and privileges revoked from their families. In fact, there are several accounts describing how some Italian Americans, so saddened and shamed by their enemy alien status, ended their life. Should the deaths of these innocent people go unnoticed? I, too, feel we should honor those who endured these terrible injustices by at the very least acknowledging that they did happen. I remember my dad was forbidden from fishing or even visiting his friends at the wharf because it was a prohibited zone. I do not know the extent, but I am sure that Dad was terribly hurt after his experience as an enemy alien. The number of people affected by these events will never be known, and the effect on the Italian-American community can never be measured. What we can do is acknowledge

these terrible events and work to ensure that it will never happen again. I want to express my strong support for the legislation before us today and urge the committee to move this bill forward. Thank you.

Prepared Statement of Dominic Dimaggio, Ocean Ridge, FL Mr. Chairman, Members of the Committee, I am pleased to be here today to participate in this hearing. This legislation, the Wartime Violation of Italian American Civil Liberties Act, is important to the Italian American community and it is important to me. I am here today in hopes that we can bring to light the tragic events of the past and honor those who had to endure them. After completing the 1942 baseball season I enlisted in the United States Navy. It was an honor to serve my country and I gladly put my baseball career on hold to do so. However, I had no idea that while I was away fighting for my country, the United States government declared Italian Americans enemy aliens. It saddens me to think that my mother and father were considered enemy aliens by the country they adored so much. I was not the only son who came home from the war to find that their parents, or other members of their family, had suddenly become enemy aliens. Over 500,000 Italians served in the United States Armed Forces. Many of these brave soldiers were fighting to protect the very rights and privileges revoked from their families. In fact, there are several accounts describing how some Italian Americans, so saddened and shamed by their enemy alien status, ended their lives. Should the deaths of these innocent people go unnoticed? I think we should honor those who endured these terrible injustices by,


at the very least, acknowledging that they happened. I remember my father was forbidden from fishing or even visiting his friends at the wharf because it was in a prohibited zone. I do not know the extent, but I am sure my father was changed after his experience as an enemy alien. The number of people affected by these events will never be known and the effect on the Italian American community can never be meas-

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ured. What we can do is acknowledge these terrible events and work to ensure that it will never happen again. I want to express my strong support for the legislation before us today and urge the Committee to move this bill forward. Excerpts from the Italian American Testimony to House of Representatives on Internment, 1999. H.R. 2442 Wartime Violation of Italian American Civil Liberties Act, 106th Congress, 1st Session.

WORLD WAR I CHRONOLOGY B

1914 June 28 August 1

September 14 Trench warfare begins—first battle of the Aisne.

Franz Ferdinand assassinated.

September 15 U.S. troops withdraw from Veracruz, Mexico, which they had occupied on April 22.

Germany declares war on Russia.

September 15 British begin using aerial photography.

August 4 Schlieffen Plan—Germany invades Belgium; Woodrow Wilson announces U.S. will be neutral. August 5

September 18 Home Rule and Welsh Church Disestablishment Acts okayed in Britain but suspended for the duration of the war.

Britain declares war.

August 6 Britain’s anti-war Union of Democratic Control forms. Membership reaches 300,000 by 1915.

October U.S. Congress enacts the Clayton Antitrust Act. October 3 First troops of the Canadian Expeditionary Force sail for England, arriving on October 14.

August 8 British Defence of the Realm Act gives government emergency powers. August 14 Beginning of the Battle of the Frontiers. August 15

November 3 In U.S. elections Republicans gain but Democrats hold 230-196 and 56-40 majorities.

Panama Canal opens.

August 19 First Canadian volunteers arrive at Valcartier for training; by September 4, Valcartier houses about 32,000 men.

December 26 German government takes over food supplies and allocation.

August 21 British government calls for “new army” of volunteers.

1915

August 22 Canada implements the War Measures Act and interns 8,579 “enemy aliens.” Eventually 80,000 internees work in steel mills, mining, and logging until 1920. September 1 Last passenger pigeon dies in the Cincinnati Zoo. September 2 The United States establishes the Federal Trade Commission. September 5

First Battle of the Marne begins.

Western front stalemated. British women begin taking jobs of men off to war. Canada begins rationing, recycling, gardening, and volunteering. Women join the army nursing corps; 35,000 women in arms manufacture. Others take clerical and industrial jobs. January Rocky Mountain National Park established in Colorado.

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January 12 U.S. House of Representatives defeats woman suffrage. January 19 German zeppelins attack Britain (East Anglia) for the first time. January 28 Wilson vetoes immigration bill that requires literacy test. February 8 D. W. Griffith’s movie, Birth of a Nation, released. February 23 Nevada allows six-month residency for divorce. March 1 Britain’s Falaba becomes the first passenger ship sunk. One American citizen dies. March 11

Britain blockades German ports.

April 22 Ypres—first use of poison gas (against the French). April 24 Battle of St. Julien—Canadians first taste poison gas. April 26

Treaty of London.

April 28–May 1 International Congress of Women—over 1,100 European and North American women meet at The Hague, Netherlands, to discuss proposals for peace and adopt a plan for continuous mediation and meetings with government leaders. Thirty women toured European capitals between May and June.

July 28 U.S. troops to Haiti to stabilize the situation after the Haitian president is assassinated the previous day. August

Leo M. Frank lynched in Atlanta.

August 16 Galveston hurricane kills 275; $50 million damage (but the seawall built after the 1900 hurricane saves much more). August 19 The Arabic sinks off Ireland; two Americans die. September The United States and Haiti negotiate treaty making Haiti a U.S protectorate (ratified Feb. 28, 1916). September 19 Newfoundland Regiment arrives in Gallipoli at Suvla Bay. September 25 The United States lends Britain and France half a billion dollars for the war effort. November Ku Klux Klan reborn near Atlanta— within 6 years the KKK will have 100,000 members. November Henry Ford produces his millionth Model T. November 7 40,000 men protest Chicago’s Sunday saloon closing ordinance. December 4 Henry Ford’s Oskar II sails for Europe in search of peace.

May 5 Lt. Col John McCrae (Canadian) composes In Flanders Fields.

December 4

May 7

December 20 Newfoundland regiment evacuated from Gallipoli.

Lusitania sunk off Ireland; 1,200 aboard.

May 24 Thomas Edison announces his telescribe will record phone conversations. May 25

December 25

Woodrow Wilson marries Edith Galt.

Canadians form third division.

Canadian Second Division formed.

May 25 British Liberal Asquith organizes coalition government. June U.S. Steel cleared of antitrust violation in New Jersey District Court. June 1

December 18

KKK gets Georgia charter.

First zeppelin raid on London.

July U.S. Secret Service finds evidence of a spy ring in the German embassy and the United States. July 21 Woodrow Wilson instructs Secretary of War Lindley M. Garrison and Secretary of Navy Daniels to develop a defense program—General Staff spends most of the year creating “Statement of a Proper Military Policy for the United States.”

1916 Poliomyelitis epidemic kills 6,000 Americans, including 2,000 New Yorkers. War generates a million casualties in 10 months. Women receive the vote in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. Britain—Women’s Land Army established. By 1917 there were 260,000 women farm laborers. January 24 Supreme Court rules in Brushaber v. Union Pacific Railroad Co. that income tax is constitutional.


January 27 After moving toward preparedness in 1915, Wilson speaks on the need for a larger army and navy. January 27–February 3 Wilson’s whistle-stop campaign to drum up support for the Continental Army and preparedness—American Union Against Militarism and over 60 other antiwar organizations in the United States. February South Carolina raises child labor age from 12 to 14. February 9 Britain begins conscription of men between 18 and 41. The war brings more than 4.5 million Britons and 3 million empire troops under arms. February 21 Battle of Verdun begins, which will last 10 months. March 9 Pancho Villa raids Columbus, New Mexico. Pershing enters Mexico on March 15. March 17–April 4 strike. March 24

Scottish munitions workers

French Sussex torpedoed.

April 24 Easter Rising in Ireland; proclamation of Irish Republic follows. April 27 British Secretary of State for War, Marshal Lord Kitchener, asks for American participation. May U.S. troops occupy Santo Domingo and will remain until 1924. May Harrison Act requires pharmacies to register their inventories with the IRS; in June the Supreme Court allows prosecution of opium retailers. May 4 Germany’s Sussex Pledge renounces submarine warfare. May 19 Sykes-Picot Agreement between France and Britain. May 31

Battle of Jutland begins.

June 2 Canadian Major General Mercer killed at Battle of Mount Sorrel. June 3 The United States authorizes 5-year expansion of its army under National Defense Act; also limits size and authority of the General Staff July 1916 Bomb at San Francisco Preparedness Day parade, kills 10, wounds 40. Labor leaders Tom Mooney and Warren K Billings are convicted (exonerated in 1939).

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July 1 Battle of the Somme. British first-day casualties approximately 60,000. July 26 U.S and British friction over British listing of 80 U.S. firms trading with the Central Powers in violation of Britain’s trading with the enemy law. July 29

U.S. Marines land in Haiti.

July 30 German sabotage suspected in destruction of the Black Tom Island munitions plant. August 29 Canada adopts Military Service Act to conscript 100,000 reinforcements between the ages of 20 and 45; 24,100 actually arrived at the front by war’s end. Riots occur in Montreal and Quebec City, where 4 died. Canada exempts farmer’s sons and enfranchises soldiers (including women and First Nations) and soldiers’ mothers, wives, and sisters. August 31

Germany suspends submarine attacks.

September U.S. labor legislation includes 8-hour day for railroad workers, workmen’s compensation, and banning interstate shipment of goods worked on by children under 14 (or more than 8 hour day for 14–16). September 15 Tank and rolling barrage first used in the Battle of Courcelette. October Margaret Sanger’s birth control clinic is first in U.S. police raid and Sanger jailed for five days. October 15

U-boat attacks resume.

November 7 Montana elects Jeanette Rankin, first woman in U.S. Congress. November 7–9 reelection.

California returns give Wilson

November 28

German planes raid London.

November 29 Domingo.

The United States occupies Santo

December 5

Lloyd George replaces Asquith.

December 18 Wilson offends British when he asks all belligerents for war aims by implying that British aims are no more moral than German.

1917 The British royal family changes its name to Windsor.

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Ontario and British Columbia give women the vote. After the war Maritime Provinces give women the vote (Quebec franchise came in 1940). January 10

Allies give Wilson their war aims.

February 1 warfare.

Germany resumes unrestricted U-boat

February 3 The United States breaks relations with Germany. February 5 British estimate the United States can get no more than 250,000 soldiers to Europe in a year. February 13 Chief of British Imperial General Staff Sir William Robertson indicates doubts about American fighting ability. February 24 Britain gives the United States the Zimmermann Telegram. February 26 Wilson asks Congress for authority to arm merchant ships. Spring 1917 Canada has 20,000 casualties. French Canadians are only 5 percent of enlisted men although Quebec had a third of Canada’s population. Quebecois volunteers total less than 100. English Canadians annoyed. March Congress passes the first excess profits tax in U.S. history. March The United States acquires Danish Virgin Islands to protect Panama Canal. March 1 State Department releases Zimmermann Telegram; House passes Wilson’s Armed Ship Bill but Senate adjourns after filibuster by “Little group of willful men.” March 2 Jones Act makes Puerto Rico a U.S. territory, Puerto Ricans American citizens. March 4–April 5 Germany settles behind the Hindenburg Line. March 8

U.S. troops land in Cuba.

March 12 Wilson uses executive order to arm merchant ships. March 8–15 February Revolution leads Nicholas II to abdicate. March 29 War College Division reports 10 months required to get half a million troops to Europe (after training). AEF’s first impact would be in mid- to late 1918. Wilson calls for a draft. April German U-boat campaign sinks 881,027 gross tons, 500,000 of them British.

April 2

Wilson asks Congress to declare war.

April 4

Senate votes 82–6 for war.

April 6 House votes 373–50; Wilson signs war act; mobilization begins. April 10 Robertson indicates that Americans should be in combat immediately because fatalities would spark war interest. April 14 George Creel implements the Committee for Public Information. April 16 Lenin arrives in Russia. First French troop mutinies on Western Front; mutinies continue until August. April 24 U.S. Treasury issues $2 billion in “Liberty Bonds,” First offered on May 2, the program is oversubscribed by half by June 15. May 1 U.S. Army Expansion Act enlarges armed forces from 200,000 to 4,791,172. Authorizes 32 new cantonments and camps, costing $262 million each and capable of housing 40,000 soldiers. The United States sends 42 divisions to France (2.084 million men). Navy of 500,000 ships 4.4 million tons to Europe. May 16

U.S. Sedition Act.

May 19 U.S. Selective Service Act. All men between 21 and 30 (inclusive) are required to register. Age range later changed to 18 to 45: 23.9 million registered and 2.8 million drafted. May 28

Pershing sails on Baltic for France.

June 7 U.S. General Staff announces that it intends to ship 120,000 men a month starting in August (goal not realized until April 1918). June 10 Dublin rioters support Easter Rising prisoners; British government amnesties prisoners on June 15. June 11

Canadian Military Service Bill.

June 15

U.S. Espionage Act.

June 26

First U.S. Division arrives in France.

July

American air force funded.

July 2 Pershing asks for an American army of a million soldiers. On July 11 he indicates that the force should total 3 million. July 2–5 East St. Louis, IL, riot. White workers rampage through black neighborhood—39 black and 8 whites die. W.E.B. DuBois says 125 dead.


July 4 U.S. Col. Charles E. Stanton, “Lafayette, we are here.” July 28 Bernard Baruch heads the War Industries Board. August 1 Aug 29

Pope Benedict XV appeals for peace. Canadian draft becomes law.

September

Feds raid IWW offices, arrest Haywood.

September 17

Work begins on 14 Points.

October U.S. second Liberty Loan drive seeks $3 billion. October 3 U.S. War Revenue Act authorizes an income tax. October 23 border.

First AEF division reaches the Swiss

November Borden and the Unionists win the Canadian federal election. November U.S. troops introduce volleyball to Europe. November 2

Balfour Declaration on Palestine.

November 3 First U.S. combat fatalities—three dead, 5 wounded, 12 missing. November 7 Bolshevik Revolution begins and Lenin publishes the secret allied treaties. November 7 At Rapollo, Italy, allies create Supreme War Council. November 18 U.S. war rations office says electric signs can’t run on Thursday and Sunday. November 21 Interallied Conference (Paris). Eighteen allies establish committees to coordinate production, finance, transport and agree to a separate U.S. army of 1 million soldiers and a battleship division. December 6 In Halifax (Nova Scotia) Harbor, the Mont Blanc, a French munitions ship, explodes. Fatalities are almost 1,600. December 18 18th amendment passed; ratified Jan. 29, 1919; prohibition effective Jan. 20, 1920 December 21 Peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk begin between Soviets and Central Powers.

1918 January British Ministry of Food begins rationing to reduce panic buying and hoarding.

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January

Canadian conscription begins.

January U.S. House passes woman’s suffrage but the Senate defeats it. (Wilson asks in September for the amendment as a war measure.) January Hammer v. Dagenhout overturns federal child labor law because it involves manufacturing not interstate commerce. January 7 U.S. Supreme Court rules in Arver v. U.S. that conscription is not involuntary servitude in violation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. January 8

Wilson delivers 14 Points speech.

January 10 The U.S. House of Representatives passes the 19th Amendment; Tennessee ratifies in 1920, and women have the vote. January 26 Herbert Hoover asks for voluntary meatless, wheatless, and porkless days to conserve food. February 11 Wilson presents his Four Principles to a joint session of Congress. February 26

Gas attack kills 8 U.S. soldiers.

March 3 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk takes Russia out of the war. Spring 1918 Flu begins when “three-day fever” affects AEF. March 11 Fort Riley, Kansas reports the first flu outbreak. Within a week, 500 men treated. March 21 The Ludendorff Offensive begins with 40 German divisions shifted from the eastern front. It breaks the British at St. Quentin, gaining 40 miles. April

U.S. third Liberty Loan drive nets $3 billion.

May Glasgow, Scotland, records first British flu cases. Within a few months, 228,000 Britons die. May The merger of Adams, American, WellsFargo, and Southern Express merge into the American Railroad Express Company as a war measure backed by the U.S. government. May Secretary of War Newton Baker authorizes farm work for conscientious objectors. May 15 Airmail begins between New York and Washington, D.C. The first U.S. airmail stamps cost 6, 16, and 24 cents. May 16

U.S. Sedition Act.

May 18 Irish Sinn Fein leaders including Eamon De Valera are arrested as German collaborators.

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May 25 The first German U-boats appear in American waters. May 28

The AEF has its first success at Cantigny.

June The United States implements sugar rationing. June 4

AEF retakes Chateau-Thierry.

June 6 The 2nd division takes Bouresches and part of Belleau Wood. June Eugene Debs arrested for violating the Espionage Act (mid-month). June 25

British end conscription in Ireland.

July 2 The Supreme War Council backs intervention in Siberia. July 1918 Philadelphia public health officials warn about the Spanish flu. July 6

Wilson okays U.S. role in Siberia.

July 15 Final phase of the German offensive; the Second Battle of the Marne. July 18 Allies counterattack and seize initiative; 9 U.S. divisions involved. August 1 War Industries Board says U.S. automobile production will suspend on January 1, 1919. August 3

Allies land at Vladivostok.

August 8 Battle of Amiens; Ludendorf calls it a “black day.” August 10

Pershing organizes the 1st U.S. Army.

probably spread to the civilian population unless proper precautions are taken. September 12 U.S. St. Mihiel offensive begins; AEF takes 15,000 prisoners. September 14 Eugene V. Debs is sentenced to 10 years (Supreme Court upholds sentencing in March 1919). September 26 Americans begin Meuse-Argonne offensive, their greatest effort of the war. September 28 200,000 Philadelphians watch the parade for fourth Liberty Loan Drive; there are 635 new flu cases. October Congress approves $1 million to hire 1000 doctors and 700 nurses to fight the flu epidemic. October New York sets one-day record of 851 deaths from the flu, but Chicago reports the crime rate drops by 43 percent due to the flu. October There are 195,000 American flu victims, making it the deadliest month in American history. October 2 202 Bostonians die of the flu. Parades, sporting events, and churches are closed or cancelled. Half days are worked at the stock market. October 3–4 Germany and Austria ask Wilson for an armistice. October 6 Philadelphia has a record 289 flurelated deaths.

August 27 Sailors in Boston begin going to sickbay. By August 30, more than 60 are sick.

October 8 Sgt. Alvin York kills 25 and captures 132 at Argonne.

September At Camp Devens near Boston the daily deaths reach 60 or more. Harvard University flu cases begin at the Navy Radio School.

October 12

Pershing’s 2nd army is formed.

October 21

Unrestricted U-boat warfare ends.

September Lt. Col. Philip Doane of the Health and Sanitation Section notes that Germans have started epidemics in Europe, which could be source of the flu.

November New York papers prematurely report that an armistice is in place—celebration breaks out.

September Baseball season suspended for the duration. September British launch the first aircraft carrier (the Argus), a converted merchant ship.

November Wilson.

Wartime Prohibition Act signed by

November 2 Canadian Corps final major battle results in capture of Valenciennes. November 3

The German fleet mutinies at Kiel.

September 4 American troops at Archangel, northern Russia.

November 5 Republicans take the House (240–190) and the Senate (49–47).

September 5 Massachusetts Department of Health announces that an epidemic will

November 11 At 10:58 a.m. Canadian 28th Battalion’s Private George Price killed by a


sniper. At 11 a.m. on the 11th day of the 11th month, the War is declared over.

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February 6 The German National Assembly convenes at Weimar.

November 30,000 San Franciscans celebrate the armistice by dancing and singing in the streets— and wearing face masks.

February 14

November 18 Wilson announces that he will attend the peace conference.

March 4 Comintern (Third International) founded at Moscow.

By early December flu kills about 450,000 Americans. World death total: 20–70 million. Vicks VapoRub rationed in the United States.

April 3

Wilson becomes ill with the flu.

April 7

Allies evacuate Siberia.

December 14 In British elections the coalition holds 478 seats.

May 6

1919 January 5 January 18

Sparticist rising. Paris peace negotiations begin.

League of Nations covenant finished.

February 28 Lodge begins campaign against the League of Nations.

Germany’s colonies apportioned.

May 7 The German delegation gets the Treaty of Versailles. June 21 The Germans scuttle their fleet at Scapa Flow. June 28

Treaty of Versailles.

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should ally with Britain before they are attacked by Germany.

September 1 German forces invade Poland from East Prussia and newly occupied Slovakia, setting off World War II in Europe.

March 12 The Finnish government signs a peace treaty with the Soviet Union, ceding large parts of the country.

September 3 Germany.

March 28 Britain and France agree not to sign separate peace agreements with Germany.

Britain and France declare war on

September 17 Forces of the Soviet Union invade Poland from the east, part of a secret agreement to partition of the nation reached by Germany and the Soviet Union a month earlier. September 25 Warsaw, the Polish capital, falls to German forces. October 3 United States declares neutrality in European conflict. October 5 The last organized resistance by the Polish army collapses. November 4 President Franklin Roosevelt signs a bill saying the belligerents can buy U.S. armaments if they pay cash and carry them in their own ships, the so-called “cash and carry” policy. November 15 China.

Japanese forces invade southern

November 30

Soviet forces invade Finland.

December 28 Food rationing begins in Britain with restrictions on meat consumption.

1940 January 21 British First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill says neutral European states

April 9 Meeting almost no resistance, German troops invade Denmark and Norway. April 15 Using a copy of the Enigma machine, a coding device used by the German Navy, British cryptographers begin to break the German code. May 10 British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, who signed various appeasement agreements with Adolf Hitler, resigns over British military failures in Norway; First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill forms a coalition government. May 10–14 German forces invade the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg, where armed resistance quickly collapses. May 13 Prime Minister Churchill makes his famous “blood, sweat, and tears” speech to the House of Commons, hoping to boost the morale of the British people. May 14 The Dutch government surrenders to Germany after a massive air attack destroys much of the key port of Rotterdam; Britain begins recruiting for the Local Defence Volunteers, later the Home Guard. May 22 The British Parliament votes the government broad emergency power.

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May 23 The so-called “phony war” on the western front comes to an end when German forces launch a massive attack against France, breaking through the Maginot line, a series of French forts deemed impenetrable. May 26 Surrounded by German forces, British, French, and Belgian troops begin their evacuation from Dunkirk, France, for the British Isles; over the next nine days, over 300,000 troops would cross the English Channel in a makeshift armada of military and commercial vessels. May 28

Belgium surrenders to Germany.

June 9

Norway formally surrenders to Germany.

June 10 With German forces rapidly approaching Paris, the French government abandons the capital for Bordeaux in the southwest part of the country; Italy, a German ally, declares war on France and Britain. June 14 German forces enter Paris without a fight. June 15 The United States rejects French appeals for help in repelling the German invaders. June 15–17 The Soviet Union occupies the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. June 17 French General Charles de Gaulle flees to Britain, where he will head up a Free French government in exile. June 22 After signing an armistice, remaining French leaders agree to a partition of the country into two parts, with the north and southwest parts of the country under German control and the southeast under a supposedly autonomous but strongly pro-German government under the leadership of Marshall Petain; this autonomous government is named for its capital, Vichy. June 28 Refusing to recognize Vichy as the legitimate government of France, Britain recognizes exiled French general Charles de Gaulle as leader of Free French forces. June 30 Germany seizes the Channel Islands, the only part of Britain occupied by the Nazis during World War II. July 3 To prevent it being used by Germany, Britain destroys most of the French fleet at a port in French-controlled Algeria.

July 5 Roosevelt orders a halt in shipments of strategic materials to Japan. July 8 TWA launches the first commercial plane with a pressurized cabin. August 5 The British government recognizes the Polish government of General Wladyslaw Silorski, in exile in London. August 10 The Battle of Britain begins as the Luftwaffe, the German air force, attack commercial ships in British waters and British ports. August 14 British scientists and government administrators arrive in the United States, where they hand over research developments in radar, jet propulsion, and other militarily-strategic technologies. August 23–24 An all-night bombing attack on London marks the beginning of the “Blitz.” August 24 Lancet, the British medical journal, publishes results of the first clinical use of the antibiotic penicillin. September 3 The United States leases 50 old destroyers to Britain in exchange for 99-year leases on British bases in Newfoundland and the Caribbean. September 16 The Selective Training and Service Act goes into effect in the United States, allowing for men between the ages of 21 and 35 to be called up for 12 months of military training. October 1 The first American toll throughway opens in Pennsylvania. October 3 Due to ill health, Chamberlain resigns from government. October 11 German bombs destroy part of the tennis center at Wimbledon. October 24 The 40-hour work week goes into effect in the United States, as per a 1938 law. October 28 Italian forces invade Greece after the latter country refuses to allow Italy to occupy strategic points in the country. November 5 Franklin Delano Roosevelt wins an unprecedented third term as President of the United States against Republican challenger Wendell Wilkie. November 14–15 The German Luftwaffe launch a massive bombing attack on Coventry, England,


destroying much of city’s core and killing nearly 400 civilians. November 18 British radar detects a German submarine in the Atlantic for the first time. November 20 Britain and the United States sign a treaty calling for standardization of weaponry between the two countries and the sharing of military technology research. December 9 British forces launch their first offensive mission in North Africa, advancing westward out of Egypt and into Italian-occupied Libya.

1941 January 7 President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 8629, establishing the Office of Production Management to help coordinate defense contracting. March 11 President Franklin Roosevelt signs the Lend-Lease Act into law, officially ending U.S. neutrality in the European conflict; under LendLease, the president is permitted to sell, lend, or lease any “defense article” to any government, if such a transfer is deemed by the president to be “vital” to the defense of the United States; in practice, this means transfer of defensive items to Britain and its allies and, after the German invasion of the Soviet Union, to Moscow as well. March 19 President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 8716, setting up the National Defense Mediation Board to help resolve labor disputes in defense industries. April 11 President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 8734, establishing the Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply to help prevent wartime inflation. April 6 German, Italian, and Bulgarian forces invade Yugoslavia, while a separate German forces launches an attack on Greece. April 21 Greece surrenders to Germany, as British forces pull out of mainland Greece. May 10 German bombers drop incendiary devices, destroying the British House of Commons building in Westminster; Rudolf Hess, deputy Nazi Party leader, flies to Scotland to seek a peace agreement with Britain, but is held instead as prisoner of war.

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May 27 The German battleship Bismarck, pride of the German navy, is sunk by British naval forces in the North Atlantic. May 30 Germany completes its airborne invasion of the Greek island of Crete, driving British forces back to Egypt. June 1

Britain introduces clothes rationing.

June 22 In the largest land invasion in human history, over 3 million German troops launch Operation Barbarossa, a massive attack against the Soviet Union; by the end of the first phase of the invasion in late September, German forces capture some 4 million Soviet soldiers. June 25 President Roosevelt establishes the Fair Employment Practices Commission to look into instances of racial discrimination in the workplace. July 12 Britain and the Soviet Union sign a mutual military aid pact to fight against Germany. July 16 Yankee outfielder Joe DiMaggio hits in a record 56 games in a row, a record still standing to this day. July 23 Britain and the United States freeze Japanese assets in their countries, after Tokyo demands military bases in Indochina. August 14 British Prime Minister Churchill and U.S. President Roosevelt sign the Atlantic Charter aboard a U.S. cruiser off Newfoundland; the agreement calls for an end to territorial changes by force and upholds human rights; the charter will become the prototype of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. August 25 To prevent Iran from falling under German influence, Soviet and British forces invade the country. September 21 To replace merchant ships lost to German submarines, the first “Liberty Ship” is launched to carry supplies to Britain; ultimately, over 2,600 emergency freighters will be built before the end of World War II. October 1 Germany launches Operation Typhoon, its final assault on the Soviet capital of Moscow; Soviet resistance and the harsh Russian winter halt their advance by year’s end. October 31 German U-boats, or submarines, sink the U.S. destroyer Reuben James in the North Atlantic, killing over 100 American sailors,

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further antagonizing relations between the two countries, still technically at peace with one another.

trade union leaders, homosexuals, Slavs, Gypsies, and other persons deemed unwanted or inferior by Nazis.

November 13 Congress amends the Neutrality Act, now permitting U.S. ships to be armed and to enter combat zones.

February 9 The United States goes on permanent daylight savings time for the duration of the war.

December 6 The Manhattan Project, to develop atomic weapons, eventually at a secret site at Los Alamos, New Mexico, is launched. December 7 Japanese forces launch an air assault on the U.S. naval base at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, killing over 2,300 persons in the costliest foreign attack on U.S. soil until the destruction of the World Trade Center in 2001. December 8 Following a speech in which President Roosevelt calls the Pearl Harbor attack “a date which shall live in infamy,” the U.S. Congress declares war against Japan and its allies, Germany and Italy; Japan launches a series of attacks on British, Dutch, French, and U.S. possessions in Southeast Asia; by May 1942, Japan occupies most of mainland Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia), and the Philippines; Japanese forces attack the U.S. Pacific possessions of Wake Island and Guam.

February 10 The last U.S. civilian automobile for the duration of the war rolls off the assembly line. February 15 British forces surrender Singapore to the Japanese. February 19 President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 9066, allowing for the incarceration of hundreds of thousands of Japanese Americans living on the West Coast of the United States. March 17 The American Federation of Labor and the Congress of Industrial Organizations sign a no-strike pledge for the duration of the war. April 18 In revenge for Pearl Harbor, U.S. bombers attack Japanese cities for the first time; German forces launch a major offensive into the Ukraine, hoping to capture the critical Caucasus oil fields.

December 10 Honoring their Axis pact with Japan, Italy and Germany declare war on the United States.

April 28 Nighttime blackout rules go into effect for a 15 mile deep strip along America’s Atlantic coast; the Office of Production Management is given the power to set prices for all commodities except farm produce.

December 20 President Roosevelt signs the Draft Act, calling for all men aged 18 to 64 to register for the draft and making all men between 20 and 44 eligible for active duty.

May 4–8 In the Battle of the Coral Sea, the first aircraft carrier battle in history, U.S. forces prevent a potential Japanese invasion of Australia.

December 22 A Washington conference between Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill opens; the conference leads to a jointly coordinated war strategy.

May 14 Congress founds the Women’s Auxiliary Army Corps to allow women to participate in the military effort, but in non-combat roles.

December 25 British forces in Hong Kong surrender to the Japanese.

1942 January 20 At a secret conference at Wannsee, German leaders plan the “final solution,” the elimination of European Jewry in Europe; ultimately, the “final solution” would lead to the Holocaust, the murder of 6 million Jews, along with 6 million others, including communists,

June 5 Japanese forces seize the Aleutian island of Attu, the only U.S. territory to be occupied by enemy forces during World War II. June 13 President Roosevelt signs Executive Order 9182, establishing the Office of War Information to coordinate government propaganda efforts and to monitor the news media. August 1–2 The so-called “zoot suit” riots between sailors and local Mexicans break out in Los Angeles; one Mexican youth is killed and hundreds are arrested. August 19 British and Canadian forces launch a raid on Dieppe, France; meeting heavy German


resistance, Canadians suffer over 3,300 dead in their worst disaster of the war. September 13 German forces launch an attack against Stalingrad; the fierce battle, which turns into house-to-house fighting, results in over 150,000 German casualties and 100,000 prisoners-of-war; when it ends in February 1943, the Battle of Stalingrad represents a watershed in World War II; from this point on, German forces remain largely on the defensive on the Russian Front. October 1 The first U.S. jet, the XP-59A, undergoes its first test flight in California. October 3 Congress gives the Office of Price Administration the power to freeze prices, rents, and wages. October 23 The 12-day Battle of El Alamein begins; when it is over, British forces will push back the German army under Erwin Rommel, securing the Suez Canal for the Allies and beginning the German retreat from North Africa. November 3 Democrats retain their majorities in both Houses of Congress in the mid-term elections. November 8 British and U.S. forces launch Operation Torch, an invasion of Vichy-led Morocco and Algeria; the attack represents the first major ground engagement for U.S. forces in the European-North African theater. November 11

German forces invade Vichy France.

November 28 In the worst single fire in U.S. history, nearly 500 persons are killed at Boston’s Cocoanut Grove nightclub. December 2 Physicist Enrico Fermi and other scientists create the first controlled nuclear chain reaction in history at the University of Chicago.

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February 25 At the Casablanca Conference, British and U.S. leaders agree only the unconditional surrender of Germany will end the war in Europe. May 8 Nazi forces finish crushing the Warsaw Ghetto rebellion of Polish Jews; over 14,000 rebels are killed and the 7,000 survivors are shipped to concentration camps. May 11 U.S. forces drive Japanese forces from the Aleutian island of Attu, ending the only enemy occupation of U.S. territory in World War II. June 9 To help raise revenues for the war effort, the U.S. Congress passes the “pay-as-you-go” act, establishing automatic income tax deductions from paychecks. June 14 The U.S. Supreme Court declares compulsory flag saluting unconstitutional in its West Virginia Board of Education v. Barnette decision. June 20–22 Massive race riots between blacks and whites in Detroit break out over house and defense industry jobs; over 35 are killed and some 600 are injured; the riots in Detroit trigger other smaller ones in cities across the United States. July 5 Following the largest tank battle in history, Soviet forces recapture the region around the Russian city of Kursk. July 8 To save rubber and fuel, all automobile and motorcycle racing is banned in the United States for the duration of the war. July 10 Having driven German forces from North Africa, U.S. and British forces launch an invasion of Sicily, capturing territory of the Axis powers for the first time. July 25 Secret negotiations with the Allies leads King Emmanuel III to dismiss Benito Mussolini as head of the Italian government and to have him imprisoned. August 1 Five people are killed, $5 million in property destroyed in a race riot in the Harlem section of New York City.

February 9 U.S. forces are victorious over the Japanese at the Battle of Guadalcanal in the Solomon Islands.

August 14 At a conference in Quebec, Roosevelt and Churchill agree to seek the surrender of Germany before that of Japan.

February 14 Rommel’s German forces are defeated by Americans at the Battle of the Kasserine Pass, Tunisia.

September 3 Allied forces launch an invasion of mainland Italy, the first successful attack on the mainland of Western Europe; an armistice is

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signed between the Allies and the Italian government. September 15 German forces rescue Mussolini from prison; he establishes a new fascist government for Italy three days later. November 1 The United Mine Workers withdraws from the Congress of Industrial Organizations. November 2 The U.S. armed forces newspaper, Stars and Stripes, begins publication in London. November 20 U.S. forces launch an invasion of the Japanese-held archipelago of Tarawa. December 17 President Roosevelt repeals the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, granting Chinese aliens in the United States the right to apply for citizenship; it also allows a limited number of Chinese to immigrate to the United States for the first time in over 60 years. December 24 Soviet forces launch a major counter-invasion of the Ukraine. December 28 U.S. President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill explain their D-Day invasion plans to Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin at a conference in Tehran, Iran.

1944 January 14 In an effort to lift the siege of Leningrad, Soviet forces begin their assault on German forces around the Soviet Union’s second largest city. January 22 U.S. and British forces launch a seaborne assault at Anzio, south of Rome, in an unsuccessful effort to break the German occupation of the Italian peninsula. January 24 A nearly four-month long Allied effort to break the German lines at Monte Cassino, Italy, begins. January 27 Soviet forces take control of the Moscow-Leningrad rail line, lifting the 900-day German siege of Leningrad. March 29 Japanese forces begin an unsuccessful invasion of British India. May 18 Allied forces finally succeed in breaking through German lines at Monte Cassino, allowing them to join forces with those surrounded at Anzio.

June 4

U.S. forces enter Rome.

June 6 In the largest seaborne invasion in history, U.S., British, and Canadian forces launch Operation Overlord on D-day, a massive assault against the northwest coast of German-occupied France. June 13 Germany launches its first V1 pilotless bombs against London. June 15 U.S. forces begin their invasion of the Japanese-held island of Saipan, in the Northern Marianas. June 22 In their largest offensive to date, Soviet forces launch Operation Bagration, a successful effort to drive German forces from Belarus; President Roosevelt signs the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act, better known as the GI Bill, providing veterans government support for mortgages, student aid, and other benefits. July 20 German army and civilian leaders attempt to assassinate Adolf Hitler. July 22 Financial leaders conclude their conference at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, laying the groundwork for the postwar global economy, including the establishment of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. July 28 Soviet forces reach the Brest-Litovsk line, the former Russian-German border at the beginning of World War II. August 1 The Polish resistance rises up against German forces in occupied Warsaw. August 14 Allied forces launch Operation Anvil, the successful invasion of the South of France; production of household appliances resumes in the United States. August 21 Representatives from the United States, Britain, China, and the Soviet Union meet at Dumbarton Oaks, in Washington, DC, to begin setting up the United Nations. August 24 Allied forces, led by the Free French, liberate Paris from the Germans. September 3 British forces liberate the Belgian capital of Brussels from German forces. September 8 Germany launches the first V2 rocket against London, which is the first missile attack in history.


September 17 Allies launch Operation Market Garden to liberate the Netherlands and provide a direct invasion path into Germany, but British and U.S. forces meet heavy resistance. September 25 Running out of men of draft age, Hitler calls up all German males between the ages of 16 and 60 for homeland defense. October 2 While nearby Soviet forces refuse to intercede, the last Polish resistance forces are defeated by the German military in Warsaw. October 20 U.S. forces launch their counterinvasion of the Philippines, on the island of Leyte. November 7 President Franklin Roosevelt wins an unprecedented fourth term in office against Republican challenger Thomas Dewey; Democrats retain their majorities in both houses of Congress. November 24 U.S. bombers based on Saipan begin a sustained bombing campaign against Tokyo. November 29 Congress passes the Federal Highway Act, calling for a national highway for the country. December 17 The War Department revokes the 1942 order excluding all persons of Japanese descent from the West Coast; the next day, the U.S. Supreme Court declares that the War Relocation Authority has no right hold loyal U.S. citizens against their will. December 18 Germany launches the Battle of the Bulge, a massive counter-attack in Ardennes Forest of Belgium designed to break through allied lines and prevent an invasion of Germany itself; the battle will end in an Allied victory on January 12, after great losses on both sides.

1945 January 12 Soviet forces launch a massive offensive to drive German forces from Poland; although successful militarily, the Soviet army is bogged down by an early thaw and a freshet on the River Oder. January 15 President Roosevelt orders a national light “dim out” to help conserve fuel.

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January 20 German forces in Budapest surrender to Soviet forces, ending the German occupation of the Hungarian capital. January 22 Allied forces open up the Burma Road, allowing for land transport of military supplies to Chinese forces fighting the Japanese. January 27 Soviet forces liberate the Nazi concentration camp at Auschwitz, Poland. January 31 Private Eddie Slovik becomes the first U.S. soldier to be executed for desertion since the Civil War. February 3 U.S. forces launch an attack on Japanese-held Manila, capital of the Philippines; the month-long battle results in the city’s destruction and over 100,000 civilian casualties. February 4 Roosevelt, Churchill, and Soviet leader Joseph Stalin meet at the Crimean town of Yalta, where they agree to divide post-war Germany into four occupied zones run by the United States, Britain, France, and the Soviet Union. February 13 Allied bombers launch a three-day assault on the German city of Dresden; the controversial bombing leads to the deaths of 60,000 persons and the destruction of the city’s historic center. February 19 U.S. forces launch their first invasion of Japanese territory, the tiny island of Iwo Jima; the brutal battle over the volcanic islet will last over a month and result in over 100,000 casualties on both sides. February 26 A midnight curfew is placed on all U.S. amusement parks and carnivals to help conserve fuel. March 7 U.S. troops reach the Rhine River, the traditional western border of Germany. March 20 British and Indian troops capture the Burmese city of Mandalay from occupying Japanese forces. March 22 U.S., British, and Canadian forces cross the Rhine River into Germany proper. April 1 Beginning a struggle that will last almost three months, U.S. forces launch an invasion of Okinawa, the largest and most-populated island of Japan’s Ryukyu Islands; by the battle’s end, there will be nearly 50,000 U.S. and over 100,000 Japanese casualties.

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April 5 The Soviet Union renounces its neutrality pact with Japan, signed in April 1941. April 9 Allied forces launch an assault against German forces occupying Northern Italy. April 12 President Franklin Roosevelt dies at his Warm Springs, Georgia, retreat; he is succeeded by Vice President Harry Truman. April 13 Vienna, the Austrian capital, falls to Soviet forces. April 25 Soviet forces from the east and U.S. forces from the west link up at Torgau, Germany, on the River Elbe; representatives from 50 nations meet in San Francisco to write the Charter of the United Nations. April 29 The German forces occupying Italy surrender to Allied forces. April 30 Hiding from Soviet forces in their Berlin bunker, Nazi fuehrer Adolf Hitler and his bride Eva Braun commit suicide; German army officers then destroy the bodies. May 8 On behalf of the German government, General Alfred Jodl signs his country’s official surrender to Allied forces in Reims, France; World War II in Europe comes to an end; millions around the world celebrate VE, or Victory in Europe, day.

July 26 The Labour Party wins a huge victory in British national elections; Clement Attlee replaces Churchill as prime minister. August 6 The U.S. bomber Enola Gay drops an atomic bomb on the southern Japanese city of Hiroshima, destroying most of the city and killing an estimated 200,000 persons. August 8 Fulfilling the terms of an agreement reached with its allies at the Yalta Conference in February, Soviet forces launch a massive attack against Japanese forces in the Chinese province of Manchuria. August 9 The U.S. bomber Bock’s Car drops an atomic bomb on the southern Japanese city of Nagasaki, destroying half the city and killing an estimated 100,000 persons. August 12 Soviet forces capture the Japaneseoccupied Sakhalin Island, the northern half of the Korean peninsula, and the Kuril Islands. August 13 The World Zionist Congress demands that Britain allow Jewish refugees to settle in Palestine. August 14 Japanese Emperor Hirohito is heard on the radio accepting Allied surrender terms and imploring the Japanese people to accept defeat.

June 11 Liberals under Willam Mackenzie King beat Conservatives in Canadian general elections.

August 15 Fuel and gas rationing comes to an end in the United States.

June 27 The Federal Communications Commissions sets aside 13 channels for commercial television.

August 24 President Truman declares an end to the wartime lend-lease system, whereby the United States lends or leases military goods to its allies.

July 16 The first successful test of an atom bomb occurs at Alamogordo, New Mexico. July 17 Leaders of the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union begin their meeting in Potsdam, Germany, to outline plans for the postwar occupation of Germany.

September 2 Japanese leaders sign surrender documents aboard the American battleship Missouri, docked in Tokyo Bay; World War II ends; millions around the world celebrate, VJ, or Victory over Japan, day.

WORLD WAR I GLOSSARY B

Air Service. (See Department of the Air Force) BIA. Bureau of Indian Affairs (See Bureau of Indian Affairs) Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Founded in 1824. Responsible for the management of the land held by the United States for American Indians. Directed programs aimed toward the education, agriculture, and land resources programs. During World War I, the agency was responsible for the recruitment (of Native Americans) and management of the draft. Bureau of Investigation. 1908–1935. Investigative agency devoted to the protection of national security. Bureau of Pensions. (See Veterans Administration) Bureau of War Risk Insurance. (See Veterans Administration) CIR. U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations (See U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations) Department of the Air Force. Founded as Air Service, 1918–1926. Air military forces.

FMC. Federal Maritime Commission (See Federal Maritime Commission) National Home for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers. (See Veterans Administration) Shipping Board. (See Federal Maritime Commission) U.S. Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR). 1913–1915. Created during the Taft administration to investigate the causes of industrial strife. Poor conditions were so widespread that it caused deaths, riots, and concern about widespread unrest. VA. Veterans Administration (See Veterans Administration) Veterans Administration (VA). Replaced the Veterans Bureau 1921–1930; Bureau of Pensions 1833–1930; National Home for Disabled Volunteer soldiers, and Bureau of War Risk Insurance 1914–1921. Administered benefits to war veterans, including health care and pensions.

Department of the Navy. Founded in 1798. The department of the government responsible for the U.S. naval military force.

War Industries Board (WIB). 1917–1919. Created under the Wilson Administration during World War I to coordinate and facilitate wartime production for the armed forces of the United States.

Department of War (DOW). 1789–1947. Land military forces.

WIB. War Industries Board (See War Industries Board)

DOW. Department of War (See Department of War)

Women’s Bureau. Founded in 1920. Created to formulate standards and policies to promote the welfare of working women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their employment opportunities.

Federal Maritime Commission (FMC). 1916–1936. Started as Shipping Board; regulated international water-borne commerce of the United States and policed trade between mainland and noncontiguous territories and states.

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WORLD WAR II GLOSSARY B

BIA. Bureau of Indian Affairs (See Bureau of Indian Affairs) Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Responsible for the management of the land held by the United States for American Indians. Directed education, agriculture, and land resources programs. During World War II, the BIA handled recruitment and draft of Native Americans into the war. CAB. Civil Aeronautics Board (See Civil Aeronautics Board) CCC. Civil Conservation Corps (See Civilian Conservation Corps) Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Central clearinghouse for all intelligence pertaining to foreign affairs. First started as Coordinator of Information in 1941–1942; Office of Strategic Services 1942– 1945; then National Intelligence Agency 1945– 1947. Became Central Intelligence Agency in 1947.

Committee on Fair Employment Practices (FEPC). In operation 1941–1946 to implement Roosevelt’s policy of nondiscriminatory employment and training practices. Defense Plant Corporation (DPC). In operation 1940–1945. Initially created to finance industrial facilities in the United States in order to support the British war effort. Created industrial plants to produce materials needed in the war effort and then to lease them to manufacturers who held government supply contracts. Department of Defense (DOD). Founded in 1947 to respond to the need for a unified direction of all land, sea, and air military forces.

CIA. Central Intelligence Agency (See Central Intelligence Agency)

Department of the Air Force. Air military forces during World War II. Founded as Air Service, 1918–1926; Air Corps in 1926–1941; Army Air Forces 1941–1947; Department of the Air Force thereafter.

Civil Aeronautics Authority and Air Safety Board. (See Civil Aeronautics Board)

Department of the Army. Founded in 1947. Land military forces.

Civil Aeronautics Board (CAB). Founded in 1938 as the Civil Aeronautics Authority and Air Safety Board, 1938–1940. Became the Civil Aeronautics Board in 1940. Responsible for the economic and safety of air commerce and transportation, including establishment of new airways, airports, and certificates to air crew and crafts.

Department of the Navy. Founded in 1798. Department of the Navy. Sea military forces.

Civil Conservation Corps (CCC). In operation 1933–1940 to provide employment to U.S. youth through projects designed to conserve the country’s natural resources.

Department of War (DOW). 1789–1947. Land military forces during World War II. DOD. Department of Defense (See Department of Defense) DOW. Department of War (See Department of War) DPC. Defense Plant Corporation (See Defense Plant Corporation)

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FAA. Federal Aviation Administration (See Federal Aviation Administration) Farm Security Administration (FSA). 1937–1946. Created to provide relief to the rural poor, providing low interest loans for the purchase of farms. Also a program for land utilization, resettlement, and rehabilitation. FBI. Federal Bureau of Investigation (See Federal Bureau of Investigation) FCC. Federal Communications Commission (See Federal Communications Commission) FEPC. Committee on Fair Employment Practices (See Committee on Fair Employment Practices) Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). Aeronautics Branch, 1926–1934; Bureau of Air Commerce 1934–1938; Civil Aeronautics Administration 1938–1959. Created to develop and regulate commercial aviation. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Bureau of Investigation 1908–1935; Federal Bureau of Investigation beginning in 1935. Investigative agency devoted to the protection of national security. Federal Communications Commission (FCC). Federal Radio Commission 1927–1934; Federal Communications Commission beginning in 1934. Regulates communication activities, both wire communication and wireless. Federal Maritime Commission (FMC). Shipping Board 1916–1936; United States Maritime Commission 1936–1950. Regulated international water-borne commerce of the United States and policing trade between mainland and noncontiguous territories and states. FMC. Federal Maritime Commission (See Federal Maritime Commission) FSA. Farm Security Administration (See Farm Security Administration) National Recovery Administration (NRA). 1933–1935. Created in order to promote industrial recovery from the Great Depression, to define labor standards, and limit competition among firms. National Youth Administration (NYA). 1935–1943. Created during the Roosevelt administration to provide students with work, to help complete their educations, and, for those not in school and unemployed, to get relief and job training.

Office of Price Administration (OPA). Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply 1941; Office of Price Administration 1941–1946. Administered rationing program for tires, gas, meat, sugar, and other commodities; developed and presided over public price controls to prevent rampant inflation, a product of war. Office of Scientific Research and Development (OSRD). National Defense Research Committee, 1940–1941; Office of Scientific Research and Development 1941–1947. Provided an independent assessment of the military’s science requirements and supplied those requirements. Office of Strategic Services (OSS). (See Central Intelligence Agency) Office of War Information (OWI). 1942–1945. The World War II propaganda agency of the United States. Used radio, newspapers, and movies to generate sympathy and support for the U.S. war effort. Public Works Administration (PWA). 1933–1939. Created to stem the Depression, improve the living conditions of communities, and provide employment. Buildings, roads, and utilities were among the projects undertaken. Rural Electrification Administration. Founded in 1935. Made loans to finance electric and telephone facilities in rural areas; founded during the Great Depression. Selective Service System. Founded in 1940. Created to administer the military draft during World War II. Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). Founded in 1933. Government-owned corporation; it focused on providing services to the Tennessee valley area of the United States. Programs included utilities, flood control, nitrates, and power research for wartime purposes as well as others that provided services to communities in the area. VA. Veterans Administration (See Veterans Administration) Veterans Administration (VA). Consolidated the efforts of Veterans Bureau 1921–1930; Bureau of Pensions 1833–1930; National Home for Disabled Volunteer soldiers, Bureau of War Risk Insurance 1914–1921. Administered benefits to war veterans, including health care and pensions. War Manpower Commission (WMC). 1942–1945. Created under the Roosevelt administration during


World War II in order to formulate national plans and programs to assure effective mobilization and utilization of power to fight the war. War Production Board (WPB). 1942–1945. Created under the Roosevelt administration during World War II to direct and control the U.S. economy during the war. WMC. War Manpower Commission (See War Manpower Commission) Women’s Bureau. Founded in 1920. Created to formulate standards and policies in order to promote the welfare of working women, improve their working conditions, increase their efficiency, and advance their employment opportunities.

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Works Progress Administration (WPA). Federal Emergency Relief Administration 1933–1938; Federal Civil Works Administration 1933–1934; Works Progress Administration 1935–1939; Works Projects Administration 1939–1942; Federal Works Agency 1939–1949. Developed and coordinated a program of work relief for those impacted by the Great Depression. WPA. Works Progress Administration (See Works Progress Administration) WPB. War Production Board (See War Production Board)

Kelly M. Jordan

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LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS B

Board of Advisors

Betty Burnett, Independent Scholar Jessica Burstrem, University of Florida

Alan Brinkley, Columbia University

Antoine Capet, Université de Rouen, France

Lewis Erenburg, Loyola University, Chicago

David Mark Carletta, Michigan State University

Nelson Lichtenstein, University of Virginia

Rachael I. Cherry, Florida State University

Kathy Peiss, University of Massachusetts

Curtis J. Cole, University of Toronto at Scarborough, Canada

Judith Stein, City University of New York

Timothy Cook, Independent Scholar Jeff Crane, Western Illinois University

Contributing Writers

Elizabeth Ann Danto, Hunter College Donna M. Abruzzese, George Mason University

Darron R. Darby, Florida State University

Brian Adler, Valdosta State University

Gregory Dehler, Front Range Community College

Thomas Aiello, University of Arkansas

Guillaume de Syon, Albright College

Charles Allen, East Tennessee State University

Andrew D. Devenney, Central Michigan University

John H. Barnhill, Independent Scholar

Jeffrey M. Diamond, Cornell University

Randal Scott Beeman, Bakersfield College

Steven Dieter, Royal Military College, Canada

Walter Bell, Lamar University

Jason Dikes, Austin Community College

Rachel Bennett, California State University, Fresno

Melissa Doak, Independent Scholar

Kathryn Bergeron, University of Arizona Dawn Alexandrea Berry, University of Alberta, Canada

Brendan Dominick, University of Western Ontario, Canada

J.D. Bowers, Northern Illinois University

Charles Dorn, Bowdoin College

Kevin M. Brady, Texan Christian University

Jérôme Dorvidal, Université de La Reunion, France

Samuel Brenner, Brown University

Christian W. Erickson, Roosevelt University

Graham Broad, Independent Scholar

Thomas I. Faith, George Washington University

John B. Buck, Jacksonville University

Martin Farr, University of Newcastle, United Kingdom 1435

1436

B

List of Contributors

Rachel E. Finley-Bowman, Delaware Valley College James J. F. Forest, United States Military Academy Richard Freeman-Toole, Independent Scholar Gregory Fremont-Barnes, Independent Scholar Paul A. Frisch, Our Lady of the Lake University Abby Gordon, University of Delaware Pamela Lee Gray, Independent Scholar Victoria Grieve, Utah State University Catherine D. Griffis, Loyola University, Chicago Thomas Hajkowski, Loras College Drew Philip Halévy, Independent Scholar Robin Hardin, University of Tennessee Matthew Hendley, State University of New York, Oneonta

John MacFarlane, Department of National Defense, Canada David Clark MacKenzie, Ryerson University, Canada Jeffrey Mankoff, Yale University Martin J. Manning, U.S. State Department Norman Markowitz, Rutgers University Melissa A. Marsh, Independent Scholar W. Todd Martin, Huntington College David W. McBride, Independent Scholar Michael McGregor, Independent Scholar Mitchell McNaylor, Independent Scholar William McWhorter, Texas Historical Commission Ajay Mehrotra, Indiana University Patit P. Mishra, Sambalpur University, India

Kimberly Hill, University of North Carolina

Christopher A. Molnar, Purdue University

Paul Hillmer, Independent Scholar

John Morello, DeVry University

Adam Revere Hornbuckle, Independent Scholar

Steven Napier, Marshall University

Jane Armstrong Hudiburg, University of Central Florida

Caryn E. Neumann, Ohio State University

Daniel Hutchinson, University of Alabama, Birmingham Lance Janda, Cameron University Robin Dearmon Jenkins, Carnegie Mellon University J. Jacob Jones, University of Maryland Kelly M. Jordan, George Mason University Sigrid Kelsey, Louisiana State University Sean Kheraj, York University, Canada Martin Kich, Wright State University James J. Kimble, George Mason University Timothy W. Kneeland, Nazareth College Tim B. Krywulak, Carleton University, Canada Jeffrey LaMonica, LaSalle University Yvette Florio Lane, Monmouth University Aaron Lecklider, Boston University Van Michael Leslie, Athens State University James G. Lewis, Forest History Society Christopher P. Loss, University of Virginia

Mitchell Newton-Matza, University of Phoenix Diane M. T. North, Independent Scholar Timothy Nyhof, Independent Scholar Mary Kate O’Hare, Rutgers University Jaime Ramón Olivares, Houston Community College Roberto Carlos Ortiz, Independent Scholar Tony Osborne, Gonzaga University Lisa Ossian, Southwestern Community College Kenneth Pearl, Queensborough Community College Corinna M. Peniston-Bird, Lancaster University Wade D. Pfau, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Japan Jonathan F. Phillips, Texas A&M University Kimberly K. Porter, University of North Dakota Dan J. Puckett, Troy University Laura Micheletti Puaca, University of North Carolina John David Rauch Jr., West Texas A&M University Steven J. Rausch, Augusta State University

List of Contributors

B

1437

Emilie E. Raymond, Independent Scholar

Jenny Thompson, Independent Scholar

J. Ward Regan, Independent Scholar

Joseph Tohill, York University

Annette Richardson, University of Alberta, Canada

Claudette Tolson, Loyola University, Chicago

Margaret Sankey, Minnesota State University, Moorhead

Mary Ann Trasciatti, Hofstra University

Inge V. Sanmiya, Western Fair Association, Canada

David Trevinõ, Donna Klein Jewish Academy

Christoph Schiessl, Wayne State University

Fritz Umbach, Cornell University

Lisa Schreibersdorf, University of Wisconsin

Nancy C. Unger, Santa Clara University

Cord A. Scott, Loyola University, Chicago

Thomas Adams Upchurch, East Georgia College

Kent G. Sieg, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers

Kendra Van Cleave, San Francisco State University

Christy Jo Snider, Berry College

Christine E. van der Zanden, Independent Scholar

T. Jason Soderstrum, Iowa State University

Philine Georgette Vega, Independent Scholar

Miriam Steinhardt Soffer, Independent Scholar

Madeleine Vessel, Independent Scholar

Mark E. Speltz, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee

Helen Zoë Veit, Yale University

Melissa Stallings, Independent Scholar

Elizabeth A. L. Vlossak, Independent Scholar

Gordon Stienburg, University of Toronto, Canada

Eileen V. Wallis, California Polytechnic University, Pomona

Yoneyuki Sugita, Osaka University of Foreign Studies, Japan

Paul Ward, Westminster College

Eric G. Swedin, Weber State University

Andrew J. Waskey, Dalton State College

Amy Margaret Tector, National Archives, Canada

Tim J. Watts, Kansas State University

Brian Tennyson, University College of Cape Breton, Canada

Charles H. Wilson III, Gainesville College

Susanne Terwey, Simon Dubnow Institute for Jewish Culture and History, Germany Ryan Lee Teten, Northern Kentucky University William H. Thomas Jr., University of South Alabama

Neil Alan Wynn, University of Glamorgan, United Kingdom Crystal Yates, University of Toronto, Canada Derek Rutherford Young, Independent Scholar

INDEX B

Page references in bold refer to graphics Aaronson, Irving, 715 Aberhart, William, 617 Abernathy, Thomas G., 703 Abnormal Importation Bill (Britain, 1925), 556 Abraham Lincoln Brigade, 745–746 Abrams, Jacob, 234 Abrams v. U.S., 474 Academy Awards, 86, 120, 140, 172, 541, 567, 622, 716, 719, 723, 992 Acheson, Dean, 656 Acland, Peregrine, 370 ACLU. See American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Acme, 913 Act of Union (Britain, 1707), 1013 Adams, Henry, 145, 194 Adams, John, 258, 835 Adamson Act (U.S., 1916), 209–210 Addams, Jane, 36, 64, 84, 120–121, 162, 191, 229, 262, 314, 337, 407, 416, 417, 438, 505, 506 biography, 9–10, 10 Peace and Bread in Time of War (excerpt, document), 1181–1183 Addison, Christopher, 273

Advertising/World War I American Red Cross and, 227, 227 by U.S. government, 210–212, 227, 227, 241–242 See also Committee on Public Information Advertising/World War II U.S., 518, 794–795, 991 U.S. overview, 746–750, 759 AFL. See American Federation of Labor (AFL) African Americans in Indian Campaigns, 164 “Jim Crow” laws, 213, 219, 328, 399, 652, 678–679, 754–755, 994–995, 1036 African Americans/World War I era “Back to Africa Movement,” 80, 168, 329 black pride, 215–216, 329 CPUSA and, 267 culture, 214, 215 demographics, 212–215 discrimination against, 212, 213, 213, 214, 215, 328, 397–398, 399, 490, 1132–1133 Great Migration, 212–214, 215, 216, 219, 303, 327–330, 343–345, 399, 432–434

1439

“New Negro,” 432, 438 northern communities, 214 overview, 212–217, 217 racism/troops, 212, 213, 213, 566, 753 racism/troops DuBois editorial (document), 1132–1133 voting and, 215 women (overview), 212, 214–216, 504 women’s clubs, 214–215, 216 See also Jazz; Racism African Americans/World War II era black women workers, 754 culture overview, 755 discrimination against, 539, 540, 679, 734, 735, 751–755, 861, 881, 943–944, 969, 1029–1030, 1044, 1060–1061 “Double V/Victory” campaign, 753, 882, 891, 958 GI Bill of Rights and, 877–880 labor and, 750–751, 753–755, 861, 1044, 1060–1061 lynching of, 328, 329, 398, 434–435, 490 overview, 750–756, 751 prejudice against, 751–755 racism against, 539–540, 539, 551, 552, 628, 652–653, 679, 685–686, 687–688, 702, 703,

1440

African Americans/World War II era racism against (continued) 742–743, 750–755, 778, 809, 810–811 troop segregation, 984 wartime migration, 750, 801, 881, 943–944, 969, 1060 See also Executive Order 8804 (U.S.); Port Chicago explosion/mutiny; Race riots Agadir Crisis, 558 Agricultural Adjustment Administration (U.S.), 756 Agriculture (U.S./World War I) commodity distribution and, 218–219 Extension Service, 110, 217–218, 288 government campaigns/ advertising, 210, 211, 217, 218 increasing farm productivity, 217–218 Midwest region and, 940–941 Native Americans, 400 overview, 217–220 postwar problems, 218, 219, 322 See also Food Administration (U.S./World War I); specific legislation Agriculture (U.S./World War II) mechanization/effects, 756–757 overview, 756–758, 757 postwar problems, 758 See also Bracero Program (U.S.) Agriculture/Canada World War I, 297 Aid for International Development (AID/UN), 589 Air Canada, 629 Aircraft development/industry World War I, 45, 239 World War II, 630–632, 647, 657, 680, 706, 740, 753, 772, 844, 913, 939, 951–952, 953 See also Aviation Aircraft Production Board, 45

B

Index

Air Raid Precautions (ARP/ Britain), 843, 950 Aitken, Sir Max (Lord Beaverbrook), 112, 243, 348, 349, 353–354, 355, 369, 425, 911, 945 Alaskan Coal Leasing Act (U.S., 1914), 131 Alaskan Railroad Act (U.S., 1914), 131 Albert, Heinrich, 448 Albert, King (Belgium), 175 Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence, 80 Alcohol Canadian temperance organizations/Prohibition, 150, 151 King’s temperance speech (document, 1942), 1277–1283 U.S. campaign against, 255, 256 U.S. military and, 54, 75 See also Prohibition (U.S.) Aldiss, Brian, 926, 927 Alexander, Joshua Willis, 170 Alexandria, Princess of Wales, 80 Algonquin Round Table, 716 Alien Act (U.S., 1918), 73, 220 Alien Anarchist Act (U.S., 1918), 92 Alien and Sedition acts (U.S., 1800), 92, 233 Alien Enemy Act (U.S., 1800), 892 Alien Registration Act (U.S., 1940), 855, 897 Allen, Gracie, 704 Allen, Ralph, 909, 924 Allenby, Edmund, 347 Allied Reparations Committee, 691 Allister, William, 925 Alton, Charles, 766 Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (ACWA), 401, 619 Amateur Athletic Association (AAA), 548 Ambler, Eric, 663 America First Committee, 896, 965

America First movement, 341 America First Party, 759 American Agriculturalist (journal), 673 American Air Corps, 772 American Alliance for Labor and Democracy, 222 American Birth Control League, 178 American Bolshevik Information Bureau, 266–267 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 60, 64, 73, 77, 167, 229, 261, 262–263, 804 legal cases, 263 American Commission for Relief in Belgium, 106 American Communist Party, 73, 314, 410, 547 American Defense Society, 284, 285, 438 American Expeditionary Force, 41, 46, 119, 164, 165, 222, 224, 227, 228 American Farm Bureau Federation, 757–758 American Federation of Labor (AFL/World War I), 52, 90–91, 197–198, 248, 333, 399, 453, 454, 468–469, 882, 960 overview, 222–224 American Federation of Labor (AFL/World War II), 701, 750–751, 753, 1043, 1044 overview, 759–759, 760 See also Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO/U.S.) American Federation of Musicians (Canada/U.S.), 67, 587, 758–759 American Film Institute Life Achievement Award, 86 American Fund for Public Service (Garland Fund), 73 American Indian Federation (AIF), 962–963 Americanization campaign/ programs, 123, 230–232, 331, 332–333 American Jewish Congress, 804

Index

American Journal of International Law, 132 American Labor Party, 620 American Lead Company, 764, 765 American League to Limit Armaments, 33, 190 American Legion, 224–225, 877 American Liberty League, 527 American Library Association, 75 American Magazine, 171 American Opinion newsletter, 572, 692 American Peace Society, 407 American Protective League (APL), 58, 92, 260, 438, 459, 489 overview, 225–226 American Psychological Association, 97, 465 American Red Star Animal Relief, 100 American Relief Administration, 106 American Social Hygiene Association (ASHA), 75, 235, 255 American Socialist (newspaper), 31 American Socialist Party, 56–57 American Society of International Law, 79, 132 American Union Against Militarism (AUAM), 64, 167, 191, 260, 261, 262, 337 overview, 229–230, 229 Anarchists government definition of, 220 overview, 232–234, 233 in U.S., 55, 89–90, 108, 234, 410 See also Red Scare; specific individuals Anderson, Ida Lou, 677 Anderson, Louisa Garrett, 500 Anderson, Marian, 521–522, 522, 755 Anderson, Maxwell, 481, 716, 1041 Anderson, Sherwood, 10–11, 65, 137 Andrew, A. Piatt, 221 Andrews, Samuel, 172

B

1441

Andrews, Sir John, 971 Andrew Sisters, 954, 1049 Anger, Lou, 12 Anthony, Susan B., 164 Antibiotics, 1040 Anti-preparedness Committee, 229, 262 Anti-Semitism/World War I, 72, 76, 92, 235–237, 346, 763 Anti-Semitism/World War II Europe, 577, 759, 989 U.S., 540, 577, 578, 657, 659, 682, 692, 703, 759–763, 856, 883, 907, 964–965, 966, 969, 1005–1006, 1006, 1007 U.S. overview, 759–763 See also Holocaust Antitrust action (U.S./World War I), 54, 91–92, 288, 415 Clayton Anti-Trust Act (U.S., 1914), 199, 288, 417, 487 Antitrust action (U.S./World War II), 524–525, 534–535 overview, 763–765 Apaches, 201 Apfel, Oscar, 57 APL. See American Protective League (APL) Appeal to Reason (newspaper), 257 Arbuckle, Roscoe “Fatty,” 11–13, 12 Architectural Record, 49 Ardizzone, Edward, 946 Armaments industry/World War I artillery/machine guns use, 3, 96, 97, 165 Britain, 113, 142, 299, 559 Britain’s “Shells Scandal,” 15, 135, 142, 299, 484 Canada, 113, 297, 382, 383 private armament makers, 237, 238, 239 research, 238 U.S., 237–240, 465 “war profiteering,” 239, 895 See also Mobilization/World War I Armaments industry/World War II Britain, 939 Canada, 629, 644, 664–665

U.S., 578, 680, 740, 844, 941–942, 952 Armed Forces Radio, 575 Armistice (1918), 96, 144, 165, 175, 240–241 Armstrong, Louis “Satchmo,” 156, 159, 215, 396, 598, 953 biographies, 13–14, 13, 522–524, 523 Army Appropriations Act (U.S., 1916), 82, 88, 195, 321 Arnaz, Desi, 872 Arnold, Henry “Hap,” 1056 Arnold, H.H., 594 Arnold, Thurman, 524–525, 764 Arthur, Chester A., 801 Arts, visual/World War I censorship, 243 fine art, 242–243 overview, 241–244 posters (overview), 241–242, 244 propaganda and, 241–244 Arts, visual/World War II corporate support, 769 European artists coming to U.S., 766 mass-produced art, 768 modernism, 765–766 overview, 765–769 regionalism, 765–766 sculpture, 767 social realism, 765 Arts Council of Great Britain, 125, 643 ASHA (American Social Hygiene Association), 75, 235, 255 Ashley, Lady Sylvia, 71 Asian Americans (non-Japanese/ World War II) military participation, 771 overview, 770–772 white anger and, 770–771 Asians and exclusion laws (U.S.), 770, 771 Asquith, Anthony, 868 Asquith, Herbert Henry, 135, 136, 141–142, 152, 272, 273, 278, 279, 292, 298, 299, 349, 357, 364, 365, 427, 484, 559 biography, 14–16, 15

1442

Asquith, Raymond, 16 Associated Press, 65, 130, 350, 913 Association for a League to Enforce Peace, 229 Astaire, Fred, 613 Astor, Lady Nancy, 641 AT&T, 82, 83 Atlantic Charter, 627, 780, 1046 document (1941), 1241–1242 Atlantic Monthly (magazine), 392 Atomic bombs/World War II, 655–656, 703, 730, 827, 890–891, 1061 Einstein and, 582, 582 ORSD and, 549, 561 overview, 1037–1039 target selection, 561 testing, 684, 938, 1061 use/effects, 562, 591, 730, 891, 938 See also Manhattan Project Atomic Energy Commission (U.S.), 656, 859 Attlee, Clement, 517, 525–527, 526, 844, 851, 919 Atwater, Helen, 742 AUAM. See American Union Against Militarism (AUAM) Automotive industry (U.S.), 44, 74, 579, 647, 680, 705–706, 825, 953, 1033–1034 See also Ford, Henry Avery, Milton, 763 Avery, Sewell, 527–528, 1010 Aviation/World War II, 535–536, 772–774, 773, 946 U.S., 535–536 See also Aircraft development/ industry Axson, Ellen, 198 B & O Railroad, 194, 195–196 B-17 bombers, 772, 773 Bacall, Lauren (Betty Joan Perske), 529–530, 541 “Back to Africa Movement,” 80, 168, 329 Bacon, Frank, 480 Badoglio, Pietro, 725 Bailey Bridge, 828 Baird, Grace, 617

B

Index

Baird, Mary, 29 Bairns, Bruce, 395 Baker, Newton Diehl, 17–18, 18, 235, 247, 401, 444 Balch, Emily Greene, 9, 229, 408, 506 Balchin, Nigel, 926 Balcon, Michael, 868 Baldwin, Roger, 226, 230, 263 Baldwin, Ruth Standish, 101 Baldwin, Stanley, 136, 556, 820 Balfour, A. J., 427 Balfour-Declaration, 237, 347 Balkan Wars (1912–1913), 385 Ball, Joseph, 530–531 Ballin, Clara, 71 Bankhead, Tallulah, 872, 1042 Banking Act (U.S., 1933), 87 Banking Act (U.S., 1935), 775–776 Banking/finance overview (World War I), 245–247 overview (World War II), 775–777 See also specific individuals; specific legislation Bara, Theda (Theodosia Goodman), 18–19 Barbour, Dave, 654 Barker, William S., 452 Barkley, Alben, 531–532, 836 Barnes, George, 357 Barnet, Charlie, Band, 628 Baron, Alexander, 927 Barrie, James, 480 Barrow, Ed, 572 Barry, Gerald, 910 Barry, Joan, 37 Barrymore, John, 19–20, 204 Barrymore family, 19, 480 Barton, Clara, 226 Baruch, Bernard M., 41, 42, 249, 250–251, 302, 478, 493, 552 biographies, 20–21, 532–533, 533 Baseball integration in, 685–686, 778 Negro Leagues, 685–686, 778 women’s league, 778 World War I, 43–44, 43, 116, 181, 247

World War II, 685–686, 777–779, 778 See also specific players Baseball Hall of Fame, 44, 116, 572, 686 Basie, William “Count,” 533–534, 623, 954, 953 Bates, H. E., 926 Battle of Bataan, 771 Battle of Britain, 516, 939–940 See also London/World War II Battle of the Bulge, 584 Battle of the Somme (film), 317, 319 Batts, Robert L., 91 Baucq, Philippe, 500 Baziotes William, 766, 768 BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation), 791–793, 911, 912 Beard, Charles A., 21–22, 21, 262, 438 Beat movement, 812 Beatty, Warren, 172 Beauchamp, Aletha, 39–40 Beaverbrook, Lord (Sir Max Aitken), 112, 243, 348, 349, 353–354, 355, 369, 425, 911, 945 Bebop, 598, 686, 687, 779–780, 833 Behrman, S.N., 716 Belgium Treaty of London (1841), 386 Treaty of Versailles (1920), 413 Bellamy Nationalism, 84 Bell Labs, 83 Belmont, August, 148 Benchley, Robert, 716 Benedict, Wallace, 64 Benedict XV, Pope, 440, 441 Bennett, Genevieve, 40 Bennett, R.B., 643 Benny, Jack, 704 Benson, Allan, 22–23, 305, 460 Bentley, Amy, 862 Benton, Thomas Hart, 763, 769 Berge, Wendell, 534–535, 764 Berger, Ignatz and Julia, 23 Berger, Victor, 23–24, 437, 438, 461 Bergman, Ingrid, 563, 871, 873 Berkman, Alexander, 89, 109, 234

Index

Berle, Adolf, 535–536 Berlin, Irving (Isidore Baline), 395, 480–481, 564, 607, 888, 953, 1055 biographies, 24–25, 536–537, 536 Berlin Olympic games (1936), 549, 751, 965 Bernhardt, Sarah, 85 Bernstorff, Count Johann von, 448 Bethune, Mary McLeod, 735 Bevan, Aneurin, 537 Beveridge, William, 526, 561, 780–781 Beveridge Report, 526, 560–561, 821, 869, 919, 920, 971 document, 1266–1271 overview, 780–782 Bevin, Ernest, 357, 560, 780, 851, 919, 950 biography, 537–539, 538 Biddle, Francis, 528, 624, 625, 764, 897 Bidwell, John, 421 Bielaski, A. Bruce, 225 Big Bands/Era, 637, 672, 672, 687, 954, 956 “Big Four,” 530, 531, 569 Bilbo, Theodore, 539–540, 539 Bilboism, 539 Billany, Dan, 927 Billing, Pemberton, 348 Billings, Warren, 153, 233–234 Binet, Alfred, 465 Birney, Earle, 924 Birth control, 89, 178, 191, 456, 457, 504, 1018 Birth Control Review (magazine), 178 Birth of a Nation, The, 85, 93, 94, 94, 216, 397, 432, 957 Blackface performances, 395–396 Black internationalism, 753 Black market, 782–784, 843 Black Power groups, 702 “Black Sox” scandal, 116, 247 Black Star Line Steamship Company, 80 Blackstone’s Commentaries, 473 Black Tom Island, New York bombing, 32, 449

B

1443

Blitz/World War II, 700, 1022 Coventry bombing, 829–830, 830 definition/description, 784 London, 784–785, 786–787, 933–934 overview, 784–787 See also Battle of Britain Bliven, Bruce, 887 Bloch, Felix, 606 Blondell, Joan, 873 Blumenfeld, Ralph, 348 Board of Control of Labor Standards for Army Clothing (U.S.), 401 Board of Economic Warfare (BEW/U.S.), 732, 733 overview, 787–788 Board of Grain Supervisors (Canada), 297 Boas, Franz, 98 Boer wars, 14, 95, 126, 141, 271, 317, 348 Bogart, Humphrey, 529, 530, 540–542, 871, 872 Bohr, Niels, 606 Bolshevik Revolution, 66, 81, 103, 118, 190, 233, 236, 240, 266, 438 Bonaparte, Charles J., 313 Bonds. See War bonds Bone, Muirhead, 243 Bonhoffer, Detrich, 1007 Bonneville Dam, Columbia River, 827, 828–829 “Bonus Army/Bill” (U.S.), 225, 687, 878 Booth, Clare, 1042 Booth, William, 452 Boothe, Clare, 661 Borah, William E., 103, 117, 118, 443, 542–543, 542 Borden, Sir Robert Laird, 27, 112, 113, 134, 135, 269, 270, 276, 296, 353, 363, 383, 424, 813–814 appeal for national service (document), 1101–1102 biography, 25–26 speech to Canadian Club (document), 1085–1090

Boston Police Strike (1919), 47, 52, 247–249, 410 political corruption/World War I era, 72 Boston City Club, 72 Boston Red Sox, 735 Boston Social Club, 52, 248 Boston Symphony Orchestra, 156, 157 Bothwell, Robert, 629 Bottomley, Horatio, 348 Bourassa, Henri, 26–28, 423 Bourassa, Napoleon, 26 Bourjaily, Vance, 929 Bourke, Minnie, 543 Bourke-White, Margaret, 543–544, 543, 585, 982 Bourne, Randolph, 28–29, 337 Bowen, Elizabeth, 926 Bowering, Marilyn, 371 Bowes-Lyons, Elizabeth, 596, 597 Bowles, Chester, 544–545, 782, 844, 976 Boxer Rebellion, 106 Boxing, 58–59, 58, 196–197, 660 Boxing Hall of Fame, 197 Boy-Ed, Karl, 448 Boy Scouts, 70 Bracero Program (U.S.), 757, 921, 1061 document (1943), 1257–1260 overview, 790–791 Bracken, Brendan, 945, 989, 990 Brady, Matthew, 871, 982 Bragg, Melvyn, 927 Braine, John, 927 Brandeis, Louis, 72, 76, 234, 472, 473, 474 Brandt, Bill, 787 Brecht, Bertolt, 624 Bretton Woods conference, 125, 642–643, 673, 843, 918 document, 1297–1298 Brewster, Janet, 677 Brewster, Mary, 191 Briand, Aristide, 122, 122 Brice, Fanny, 185, 203 Bricker, John, 545–546, 850 Bridges, Harry, 546–547 Briggs, Albert M., 225, 226

1444

Briggs, Lyman, 936 Britain Acts to help lower classes (late 1930s), 556 Palestinian immigration, 556 Britain/World War I 1918 election (overview), 365 ambulance drivers in, 221, 222 anti-Bolshevik views, 357 anti-Semitism and, 235–237 declaration of war, 298 declaration of war/reason, 386 economy overview, 298–301 food subsidies/rationing, 143, 298, 299–300 “khaki” campaign/election, 364, 365 merchant ships requisitioning, 299 Royal Army size and, 385, 386 royal family name change, 81, 81 Shells Scandal, 15, 135, 142, 299, 484 taxes, 298–299 U.S. loans to, 154–155, 155, 300 Britain/World War II appeasement policy, 39, 515, 516, 580 breaking German military codes, 829–830, 830 economy (overview), 842–844 intelligence organizations/ operations, 624 postwar economy, 844 See also Battle of Britain British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), 791–793, 911, 912 British Commonwealth Air Training Plan (BCATP), 698 British Daily Mirror, 354 British Fabian Society, 84, 808 British Memorials War Committee (BMWC), 243 British North American Act, 151 British Royal Air Force (RAF), 772, 784–785, 786 British Union of Fascists (BUF), 560 Broadway, 45, 46, 99 Brooke, Rupert, 371

B

Index

Brooke, Sir Basil, 971 Brookings, Robert S., 249, 466 Brooks, Victor Lee, 91 Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, 169, 216, 701, 753, 860, 1044 Browder, Earl, 267, 547–548, 592–593, 808 Brown, Harry, 929 Brown, Prentiss March, 976 Brown, William Slater, 50, 51 Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, 263, 398, 687–688, 959 Brundage, Avery, 548–549 Bryan, William Jennings, 127, 132, 190, 287–288, 350, 407, 576, 635 biography, 29–30 Bryant, Clara, 74 Bryant, Louise, 171, 172 Bubley, Esther, 983 Bucareli Agreement (1923), 381–382 Buchanan v. Warley, 957 Buchenwald concentration camp, 883, 907 Budd, Ralph, 996 Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, 196 Buford (“Soviet Ark”), 410, 439 Buitenhuis, Peter, 369 Bullitt, William C., 133 Bunyan, John, 393 Burchfield, Charles, 763 Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA/U.S.), 400, 962–963 Bureau of Insular Affairs (U.S.), 76 Bureau of Investigation (BOI/U.S.), 314 Bureau of Labor Standards (U.S.), 467 Bureau of Motion Pictures (U.S.), 991–992 Bureau of Public Information (Canada), 986–987 Bureau of the Budget (U.S.), 720 Burke, Father John, 446 Burleson, Albert Sidney, 30–31, 220, 260, 309 Burn, John Horne, 929

Burnham, Lord Edward, 348 Burns, William John, 31–33, 109 Burr, Aaron, 732 Bus boycott, Montgomery, Alabama, 810, 959 Bush, Vannevar, 549–551, 550, 561 Business (U.S./World War I) accelerated growth, 251–252 corporatism, 280–282 overview, 249–253 structure of economy, 252–253 See also War Industries Board (U.S.) Business (U.S./World War II) corporatism, 824–826 overview, 793–795 Butler, Nicholas Murray, 9, 21, 21, 33 Butler, R.A., 821 Byrnes, James, 533, 551–553, 552 Cabarets, 254 Cacchione, Peter, 807 Cagney, James, 873 Cain, James M., 873 Calder, Alexander, 767 Calder, Alexander Milne, 767 Calder, Angus, 786 Calder, A. Stirling, 765 Caldwell, Erskine, 543, 1027 Calloway, Cab, 598, 832 Calmer, Ned, 929 Calvert, Phyllis, 870 Calvin Austin, 459 Campaign for social purity, 255–256 Campbell, Joseph, 767 Campbell, William Wilfred, 368 Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 88 Canada, Le (newspaper), 909 Canada/World War I economy overview, 295–298 French-English divisions in, 26, 27, 134, 135, 270, 275–276, 363, 368–369, 649–650, 813–814, 946 independence from Britain, 363 taxes, 296, 383

Index

Canada/World War II Britain comparison, 517 British Commonwealth Air Training Plan (BCATP), 698 economy (overview), 840–842 French-English divisions in, 517, 644, 650–651, 699, 814, 909, 948, 1245 Canadian Authors Association, 151 Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), 151, 629, 987–988 Canadian Daily Record, The, 354 Canadian Defense Quarterly, 946 Canadian Press Ltd., 354–355 Canadian War Memorials Committee (CWMC), 243, 244 Canadian War Records Office (CWRO), 353–354 Canadian Wheat Board, 297 Canadian Women’s Army Corps, 1063 Canadian Women’s Auxiliary Air Force (RCAFWD), 1064, 1065–1066 Canadian Women’s Auxiliary Corps (CWAC), 1065 Canegata, James and Lydia, 652 Cannon, Joseph, 40 Cannon, Poppy, 735 Cantor, Eddie, 203, 395–396 Capa, Cornell, 555 Capa, Robert (Endre Erno Friedmann), 554–555, 585, 887–890 Capone, Al, 422 Capra, Frank, 555–556, 890, 978–979, 992 Cardin, P.J.A., 650, 699 Carman, Bliss, 368 Carnegie, Andrew, 33, 407, 466 Carnegie Corporation, 79 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 33, 61, 133, 229 Carnegie Hall recitals, 67, 68, 587 Carranza, Venustiano, 188, 189, 380, 381 Carrier, Roch, 371 Carson, Edward, 136, 278

B

1445

Carson, Sir Edward, 427 Carter, Jimmy, 894 Cartoonists Guild, 574 Cartoons, 265, 573–574, 595–596, 668, 979, 1031, 1055 See also Comics Caryll, Ivan, 395 Casement, Sir Roger, 291 Castle, Irene (Irene Foote), 34–35, 68 Castle, Vernon (Vernon Blythe), 34, 68 Castle House Studio, 34 Cather, Willa, 35, 374, 375 Catholicism Italian Americans and, 897 World War I, 440, 441, 441, 442, 446, 447 World War II, 1006–1007 Catt, Carrie Chapman (Carrie Clinton Lane), 35–36, 416, 501, 503, 504 women’s suffrage speech to Congress (document), 1105–1108 Cavalcanti, Alberto, 869 Cavell, Edith, 500–501 CBC (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation), 151, 629, 987–988 CBS radio, 677, 678 Ceannt, Eamonn, 291 Cecil, Lord Robert, 427 Censorship/World War I Britain, 152, 348–349, 352, 426 Canada, 353–354, 369–370, 423 civil liberties organizations and, 262–263 U.S., 51, 66, 243, 256–257, 317, 351, 460 See also Committee on Public Information; Espionage acts (U.S.) Censorship/World War II Canada, 908 code-books, 797 film, 798–799 journalists, 913–914 Office of Censorship (U.S.), 796–798, 797, 799, 914, 983 U.S., 796–799, 797, 914–913

Central Committee for National Patriotic Organizations (CCNPO/Britain), 427 Century of the Common Man, 732–733 Chagall, Marc, 766 Chamberlain, Austen, 272, 580 Chamberlain, Dorothy and Frank, 556 Chamberlain, Joseph, 556 Chamberlain, Neville, 526, 842, 850–851, 919 appeasement policy, 39, 516, 580, 609, 610 biography, 556–558, 557 Conservative Party and, 820–821 Chambers, Ernest J., 423 Chandler, Albert Benjamin “Happy,” 778 Chandler, Raymond, 621 Chaney, James, 811 Channing, Grace, 84 Channing, Margo, 529 Chaplin, Charles, Sr., 36 Chaplin, Charlie, 12, 70, 94, 100, 139, 264, 316, 319, 338 biography, 36–38, 37 Chaplin, Norman Spencer, 37 Chaplin, Sydney (brother of Charlie), 36 Chaplin, Sydney (son of Charlie), 37 Chaplin Jr., Charles, 37 Chapman, Everett, 543 Chapman, J. Wilbur, 181 Chernow, Ron, 174 Chicago crime “Outfit,” 422 Chicago Cubs, 742 Chicago Daily News (newspaper), 350, 645 Chicago Defender, The (newspaper), 328, 343–344 Chicago Sun-Times (newspaper), 668 Chicago Tribune (newspaper), 350, 351, 797–798 Chicago White Sox, 116, 181, 247 Child, Philip, 370 Child labor, 367, 392, 393, 410, 416, 417, 487, 502 Child Labor Act (U.S.), 417, 502

1446

Children’s Bureau (U.S.), 417, 418, 695, 863, 1043 Children’s Crusade circular (O’Hare, document), 1184–1190 Children/World War II overview, 799–801 China Japan/World War II, 633, 634 pre–World War II, 106, 111, 132, 200, 905, 906 Chinese Exclusion Acts (U.S., 1882, 1902), 331, 358, 770, 771, 899, 903 repeal, 801–803 repeal document (1943), 1286–1287 Chinese in U.S. railroad work and, 802, 899 U.S. discrimination against, 801–803 See also Chinese Exclusion Acts (U.S., 1882) Cholera, 362 Christadelphians, 268 Christian, Charlie, 779 Christian Front (U.S.), 966 Christian realism, 681 Christy, Howard Chandler, 242 Chronology World War I, 1383–1389 World War II, 1391–1398 Churchill, John, 38 Churchill, Lord Randolph, 38 Churchill, Odette, 1069–1070 Churchill, Winston, 15, 88, 152, 537–538, 584, 610, 780, 820, 821, 830, 830, 843, 885, 949 biographies, 38–39, 558–561 “Blood, Toil, Tears and Sweat” speech (document, 1940), 1210–1211 council for defense, 88 Lusitania and, 377–378, 379 victory speech (document, 1945), 1359–1360 World War II overview, 516–517 Church League of America (CLA), 527 Church of the Brethren, 268, 812 “Cigar” bombs, 449 Cigar Makers Union, 90

B

Index

Cinematograph Committee (Britain), 317, 318 Citizen Kane, 562 Civil Air Patrol (U.S.), 648, 774 Civilian Conservation Corps, 694, 812 Civilian Pilot Training Program (CPTP), 772 Civilian Production Administration (U.S.), 681 Civilian public service (CPS/U.S.) camps, 812 Civil Liberties Bureau (U.S.), 73, 229, 260, 261–263 Civil Liberties Public Education Fund (U.S.), 894 Civil Rights Act (U.S., 1988), 894 document, 1368–1369 Civil rights/liberties (World War I) overview, 257–261 post–World War I impacts, 260–261 pre–World War I, 258 progressivism and (overview), 418–419 U.S. mail privileges and, 31, 66, 66, 190, 230, 257, 258, 260, 309, 351, 461 See also espionage/sedition acts; specific leaders; specific organizations Civil rights/liberties (World War II) U.S., 697, 701–702, 713 U.S. overview, 803–805 See also Japanese Americans; specific leaders; specific organizations Civil Rights Movement (U.S.) Anderson’s concert and, 522 See also specific leaders; specific organizations Civil War (U.S.), 274–275, 578, 982 Clark, Grenville, 1015, 1016 Clark, James, 242 Clark, James “Champ,” 39–41, 40 Clark, Joel Bennett, 41 Clark, John Hampton, 39 Clark, Jonas, 98 Clark, Maurice, 172

Clark, Walter Van Tilburg, 873 Clarke, Augustine Joseph, 291 Clarke, John Hessin, 473 Clarke, Thomas J., 291 Clarkson, Grosvenor, 41–43 Classical music, 396 Clayton Anti-Trust Act (U.S., 1914), 199, 288, 417, 487, 763 Clef Club, New York, 68 Clemenceau, Georges, 240, 323, 412 Cleveland, Grover, 57, 472, 835 Clift, Montgomery, 1042 Clinton, William J., 567, 704, 984 Clynes, John, 357 Coal Act (Britain), 556 Coal production/miners (World War II), 654. See also United Mine Workers of America Cobb, Ty, 43–44, 43, 116 Cocteau, Jean, 194 Code of War-time Practices for the American Press, 914 Codman, Ogden, 194 Coffin, Howard E., 41, 42, 44–45, 82 Cohan, George M., 45–47, 395, 463, 480, 481 “Over There” (document), 1109 Colbert, Claudette, 577 Coldwell, M.J., 823 Cole, Anne Vere, 556 Collier, John, 963 Collier’s (magazine), 350, 392, 554 Collingwood, Charles, 994 Collins, Michael, 291 Collins, Ted, 721 Colored Waif’s Home/Band, 14, 523 Colton, Wendell P., 750 Coltrane, John, 779 Columbia Records, 133 Combined Productions and Resources Board (Allies), 629 Comics World War I, 263–264, 265 World War II, 766, 805–806, 1031–1032 See also Cartoons Comiskey, Charles, 116

Index

Commission on the War-time Relocation and Internment of Civilians (CWRIC/U.S.), 894, 902, 903 Committee for Immigrants in America, 123 Committee for Improving the Industrial Conditions of Negroes in New York (CHCN), 101, 399 Committee on Industrial Preparedness (U.S.), 82 Committee on Medical Research (U.S.), 551 Committee on Patriotism through Education (U.S.), 405 Committee on Public Information (U.S.), 54, 138–139, 205, 211, 231, 242, 257, 288, 338, 351, 390, 394, 429, 430, 431, 436, 462, 480 overview, 264–266 Committee on the Cause and Cure of War, 36 Committee on Training Camp Activities (CTCA/U.S.), 75, 255, 457 Committee on Urban Conditions among Negroes, 101, 399 See also National Urban League Committee to Defend America by Aiding he Allies, 681 Commoner, 29, 350 Communism/U.S. American Legion and, 224, 225 anti-communist forces, Russia and, 41 communism disillusionment, 65, 67, 89–90, 103 deportations to Russia and, 89–90, 109, 234, 410, 411, 439 Hoover and, 107–109, 107 House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 102, 571, 571, 574, 577, 578, 625 Red Scare, 52, 64, 73, 77, 123, 161, 162, 220, 224, 225, 234, 261, 267, 305–306, 314, 338, 390, 461, 490 See also Palmer Raids; specific communists

B

1447

Communist International, 172, 266 Communist Labor Party, 56, 172, 267 Communist Party (CPUSA) World War I, 266–268, 437, 461 World War II, 547, 548, 625, 806–808 Communist Political Association, 548 Como, Perry, 953 Compton, Karl, 550, 936 Compulsory Military Service Bill (U.S.), 40 Computer development, 550, 550 Comstock, Anthony, 258 Comstockery, 262 “Comstock Law” (U.S., 1875), 258 Conant, James B., 561–562, 936 Conflict resolution, 123 Congressional Medal of Honor, 46 Congressional Record, 170 Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage, 162 Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO/U.S.), 546, 571, 604, 605, 620, 676, 705, 706, 728, 740, 751, 760, 759, 824, 882, 960, 1044 discrimination and, 809 overview, 808–810 Political Action Committee (PAC) of, 620, 676, 807 priorities of, 809 See also American Federation of Labor (AFL) Congress of Racial Equality (CORE/U.S.), 398, 810–811 Connolly, James, 290, 291, 292, 293 Connor, Ralph, 368 Conrad, Casper H., 286 Conscientious objectors/World War I Britain, 124, 143, 152, 272, 642 U.S., 40–41, 55, 268–269, 274, 275, 408, 441 Conscientious objectors/World War II, 811–813 Conscription/World War I bounty hunters and, 275

Britain, 15, 124, 152, 271–274, 279, 280, 356, 364–365, 387–388, 558 Canada, 25–26, 27, 134, 135, 269–271, 276, 363, 368–369, 383–384, 424, 650, 813–814, 946 hiring substitutes and, 274–275 Ireland, 272, 273, 365 U.S., 40–41, 40, 51, 55, 75–76, 234, 262, 274–275, 310–311, 405, 1103–1104, 1134–1137 U.S. conscription policy (Gompers, document), 1103–1104 U.S. proclamation establishing (Wilson, document), 1134–1137 voluntary enlistment and, 25–26, 27, 41, 125–126, 126, 134, 210, 269, 271, 273–274, 363, 382, 383, 386–387, 388 Conscription/World War II Britain, 556, 815–817, 949, 950–951 British women, 816, 950 Canada, 27, 517, 616–617, 644, 650–651, 699, 813–815, 909, 946–948, 947, 1245–1251 draft and family, 818–819 Ireland, 970 King’s national security/ conscription plebiscite address (document, 1942), 1245–1251 U.S., 817–819 See also Selective Service/World War II; specific legislation Conservation of supplies. See Rationing Conservative and Union Party (Canada), 276 Conservative Party/World War I Britain, 15, 135, 136, 141–142, 152, 272, 277–280, 357, 364, 365, 517 Canada, 26, 27, 112, 134, 270, 275–277, 362, 367 Conservative Party/World War II Britain, 820–822 Canada, 617 “Conspicuous consumption,” 187

1448

Control of Employment Act (Britain), 851 Coogan, Jackie, 602 Coolidge, Calvin, 52, 80, 99, 106, 109, 111, 122, 224, 248, 249, 306, 418, 710, 895 biography, 47–48, 47 Coolidge, John Calvin, 47 Cooper, Gary, 873 Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (Canada), 822–824 Copland, Aaron, 522 Copyright Act (U.S.), 759 Corcoran, Corky, 637 CORE (Congress of Racial Equality/U.S.), 398, 810–811 Cornell, Joseph, 767 Corporatism (U.S.) World War I, 280–282 World War II, 824–826 Corps of Engineers (U.S.) mapping, 828–829 overview, 826–829, 827 Corrupt Practices Act (U.S.), 405 Coser, Lewis, 890 Cosmopolitan (magazine), 392 Cotton, Joseph, 562–563 Cotton Club, 67, 254, 587, 628 Coudert, Frederic R., 404 Coughlin, Father Charles, 314, 687, 761, 762, 762, 854, 966, 969, 1006 Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA/Britain), 125, 643 Council of National Defense (U.S./World War I), 20, 42, 45, 54, 82, 87, 88, 91, 132, 176, 194, 223, 249, 493 overview, 282–283 See also War Industries Board (U.S.) Count Basie’s Orchestra, 534, 623 Country music roots, 395 Courier (newspaper), 753 Couzens, James, 74 Coventry bombing, 829–830, 830, 939–940 Coward, Noel, 869 Cowley, Malcolm, 48–49, 221, 563–564

B

Index

Cox, James, 306–307, 411, 710 Cozzen, James Gould, 929–930 Craig, Sir James (Viscount Craigavon), 970–971 Cramer, Richard Ben, 572 Credit unions, 72 Creel, George, 257, 265, 351, 394, 429, 430, 431, 436, 462, 480, 492 Crerar, T. A., 643 Crime, organized Dewey and, 569, 570 Prohibition (U.S.), 254, 421–422 Crisis, The (magazine), 63, 328, 397–398, 432, 957 discrimination editorial (document), 1132–1133 Crissman, Maxine, 606–607 Croly, Herbert, 49–50, 337, 658 Croly, Jane Cunningham, 49 Cronkite, Walter, 994 Crosby, Bing (Harry Lillis), 626, 704, 715, 954, 953, 1049 biography, 564–565, 565 Crowder, General, 51 Crusaders (U.S.), 527 Cugat, Xavier, 718 Cultural conformists, 232 Cultural pluralists, 232 Cumann na Mban, 291 Cummings, Bob, 873 Cummings, e.e., 35, 50–52, 50, 61, 221 Currie, Arthur, 113 Curry, John Steuart, 763 Curtis, Edwin Upton, 52–53, 248–249 Curzon, Lord Nathaniel, 174, 272, 278 Czechoslovakia Germany and, 557, 610, 665, 850, 910 Treaty of Versailles, 414 Daily Express, 911 Daily Herald, The (newspaper), 357 Daily Mail (newspaper), 426 Daily Mirror, 910, 912 Daily News (newspaper), 700 Daily Worker, The, 855, 910 Daladier, Edouard, 557, 557

Dali, Salvador, 769 Dalton, Hugh, 919 Dalton, Reverend J. N., 80 Daly, Ned, 291 Dancing cabarets/World War I, 254 U.S./World War II, 832–833 See also specific dancers/music Daniels, Josephus, 44, 54–55, 466, 478 Dardinelles expedition (1915), 15 Darlan, Jean, 725 Darrow, Clarence, 55–56, 103, 262 Dasch, George, 624 Daugherty, Harry, 32, 109, 306 Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR), 284–285, 521, 522, 755 Davidson, Henry P., 227 Davies, Robertson, 371 Davis, Benjamin, Jr., 566–567, 807 Davis, Benjamin, Sr., 995 Davis, Bette, 567–568, 1049 Davis, Elmer, 798, 914, 978, 979, 991, 994 Davis, John W., 418–419 Davis, Mildred, 140 Davis, Peter, 14, 523 Davis, Stuart, 65, 763 Davis, William H., 568–569 Davis Jr., Sammy, 534 Dawes Plan (1924), 47, 111, 155 Day, Barbara, 618 Day, William Rufus, 473 D-Day (Operation Overlord) invasion, 583, 584 Dearborn Independent (newspaper), 762 Debs, Eugene V., 22–23, 105–106, 130, 153, 198, 234, 308, 309, 334, 417, 431, 437, 438, 460, 461, 474, 576 anti-war speech (document), 1154–1165 biography, 56–57, 56 Debs v. United States, 474 Defense of the Realm Act (Britain, 1914), 348, 364, 387, 854 Defense Act (Britain, 1939), 843 Defense Act (U.S., 1916), 127, 274

Index

Defense Savings Program (DSP/U.S.), 788–789 De Gaulle, Charles, 650 Deighton, Len, 926 Delano, Jack, 983 Dell, Floyd, 171 DeMille, Cecil B., 57–58, 70, 530 Demobilization U.S./World War I, 42, 285–287 U.S./World War II, 833–835, 962, 1027, 1030 Democratic Party (U.S.) pre–World Wars history, 835–836 Democratic Party (U.S.)/World War I, 29, 52, 86, 114, 118, 127, 128, 149, 150, 162, 198 overview, 287–289 platform of 1916 (document), 1093–1096 See also specific individuals; United States elections Democratic Party (U.S.)/World War II, 615 overview, 835–837 platform of 1940 (document), 1203–1205 platform of 1944 (document), 1288–1291 See also specific individuals; United States elections Dempsey, Jack, 58–59, 58, 196–197 Department of Commerce and Labor (U.S.), 416–417 Department of Information (DoI/Britain), 243, 425, 427 Department of Labor (U.S.), 417 Depression. See Great Depression Derby Scheme (Britain, 1915), 272 Descartes, Rene, 366 Detroit Automobile Company, 74 Detroit Tigers, 43, 116 DeValera, Eamon, 291, 971 Devoir, Le (newspaper), 27, 909 Dewey, Archibald Sprague, 59 Dewey, John, 59–60, 262, 337, 768 Dewey, Thomas A., 851–853 Dewey, Thomas E., 530, 545–546, 569–570, 569, 1009, 1010 Dial (magazine), 28

B

1449

Diaz, Jose, 922 Dickerson, Earl, 860 Dickerson, Phoebe, 98 Dickey, James, 931 Dies, Martin, 570–571, 571, 577 Dies, Olive and Martin, 571 Dietrich, Marlene, 1049 Dillinger, John, 314, 624 DiMaggio, Joe, 572, 685, 777 Dinah Shore shows, 718 Dirk, Rudolph, 263 Disarmament policy, 122 See also Kellogg-Briand Pact Disney, Walt, 572–574, 573, 978–979 Displaced Persons, 1005 Displaced Persons Acts, 1005–1006 Dixieland jazz, 133, 343, 344 Dixon, Thomas, 93 Dobbs, Farrell, 728–729 Dodds, Johnny, 159 Dodds, Warren “Baby,” 159 Dodge brothers, 74 Dominion Income War Tax (Canada, 1917), 296 Donald, Sir Robert, 348 Donald Duck, 573–574 Donoghue, Jack, 909 Donovan, William, 389, 624 Doolittle, Hilda (H.D.), 375, 376 Dorsey, Jimmy, 574–575 Dorsey, Tommy, 574–575, 718, 954, 953 Dos Passos, John (Jack Madison), 35, 60–62, 221, 338, 377, 450 biographies, 60–62, 575–577, 576 Dos Passos, John, Sr., 60 Doubleday, Robert Edric, 927 “Double V/Victory” campaign, 753, 882, 891, 958 Doughnuts, 453 Douglas, Keith, 927, 928 Douglas, Melvyn (Melvyn Hesselberg), 577–578 Dove, Arthur, 763 Dowling, Eddie, 721 Draft. See Conscription Dreiser, Theodore, 375 Dr. Seuss (Theodor Geisel), 595–596

DuBois, W. E. B., 80, 101, 168, 212, 314, 397–398, 633, 957–958 biography, 62–63 discrimination editorial (document), 1132–1133 Duchamp, Marcel, 763 Duhamel, Marcel, 621 Duke Ellington Band, 67 Dunant, Jean Henri, 226 Dunbar-Nelson, Alice, 502, 504 Dunlap, Elizabeth, 549 Dunn, Harvey Thomas, 243–244 Dunn, James, 873 Dunne brothers, 728–729 Duplessis, Maurice, 650, 699 Dupont, E. I., 479 DuPont Company, 764, 765 Du Pont family, 578–579 Duquesne, Frederick, 867 Durfee, Minta, 12 D’Usseau, Arnaud, 1041 Dust Bowl/conditions, 756 Dyer, L. C., 398 Dyn (magazine), 766 Eastern Europe beginnings, 241 Easter rebellion, 16, 279, 440 Easter Rising, 290–293 Eastland steamboat sinking, 171 Eastman, Crystal, 64–65, 65, 229, 230, 262 Eastman, Max Forester, 65–67, 66, 171, 337 Eastman, Samuel and Bertha, 64 Eccles, Merrimer, 776 Eckardt, Heinrich von, 510 Eckstine, Billy, 687 Economic Stabilization Act (U.S., 1942), 975 Economic Stabilization Board (U.S.), 568–569 Eddy, Mary and Frances, 123 Eden, (Robert) Anthony (Earl of Avon), 580–582, 885, 949 Edison, Thomas, 375, 478 Edison Illuminating Company, 74 Edmonton Equal Franchise League, 151 Ed Sullivan Show, 524, 722 Education Act (Britain, 1918), 143

1450

Education Act (Britain, 1944), 821 Education/World War II (U.S.) attendance/enrollment, 849–850 federal government involvement, 848 GI Bill of Rights and, 877–880 overview, 847–850 teaching patriotism, 848–849 Edward, Prince of Wales (father of King George V), 80 Edward, Prince of Wales (son of King George V), 81, 596 Edward R. Murrow with the News (radio show), 678 Edwards, Henrietta Muir, 151 Edwards, Jonathan, 445 Edwards, Mena, 449 Edward VII, King (England), 80 Edward VIII, King (England), 38–39 Eggan, Ray, 395, 463 Eighteenth Amendment (U.S.), 256, 421 Einstein, Albert, 338, 606, 859, 890, 936, 1037 biography, 582–583, 582 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 574, 668, 725, 907 biography, 583–585, 583 victory speech to British Parliament (document), 1365–1367 Eisenstaedt, Alfred, 585 Eisenstein, Sergei, 71 Eisler, Hanns, 624 Elections U.S. 1916, 304–305 U.S. 1920, 305–308, 307 U.S. 1940, 850–851 U.S. 1944, 851–853 Eliot, Catherine, 586 Eliot, Charles, 586 Eliot, Samuel Atkins, 586 Eliot, T.S., 180, 338, 374, 375, 376 Eliot, Charles W., II, 586 Ellington, (Edward Kennedy) Duke, 67–68, 586–587, 628, 954 Elliot, Walter, 1013

B

Index

Ellis, Havelock, 456 Ellison, Ralph, 587–589, 588, 751–753 Elson, Bob, 797 Emergency Banking Bill (U.S.), 552 Emergency Fleet Corporation (EFC/U.S.), 114, 453, 458 Emergency Food Production Act (U.S., 1917), 218 Emergency Powers (Defense) Act (Britain, 1920), 853, 854 Emergency Powers (Defense) Act (Britain, 1939, 1940), 560, 949 overview, 853–856 Emergency Price Control Act (U.S., 1942), 974 Emergency War Agencies manual (document, U.S.), 1320–1355 Employment Act (U.S., 1946), 611, 675, 839, 918, 967, 1004, 1045 Enemy Alien Registration (U.S.), 108 Energy policy/World War II (U.S.) fuel/oil, 860–861 overview, 860–861 See also Rationing/World War II Engels, Friedrich, 120 English Whigs, 366 “Enigma” military codes (German), 830 Enlightenment, 366 Enormous Room, The (cummings), 50, 51 Environmental conservation, 675–676 Epidemics Commission, 362 Equal Rights Amendment (ERA/U.S.), 64, 402 Equal Rights (journal), 64 Equal Rights League (U.S.), 193 Ernst, Max, 767 Espionage Act (U.S., 1917), 56–57, 84, 92, 161, 256–257, 259–260, 262, 334, 338, 390, 408, 450, 547 document, 1138 overview, 308–309

Espionage Act (U.S., 1918), 56–57, 797 Espionage and sedition acts (U.S.), 23, 31, 65, 66, 73, 103, 103, 105, 130, 168, 171–172, 191, 234, 261, 288, 438, 473–474 Essential Works Order (Britain, 1941), 843 Ethridge, Mark, 860 Europe, Henry J., and Lorraine, 68 Europe, James Reese, 68–69, 344–345, 396 Evacuation Claims Act (U.S., 1948), 902 Evans, Walker, 983 Evening Standard, 910, 911 Evers, Medgar, 959 Everybody’s (magazine), 392 Executive Office of the President (U.S. Executive Order 8268), 670, 845 Executive Order 8268 (U.S.), 670, 845 Executive Order 8804 (U.S.), 701, 735, 891 document (1941), 1235–1236 Executive Order 9017 (U.S.), 959 Executive Order 9066 (U.S.), 800, 892, 901, 905 document (1941), 1243–1244 Executive Order 9102 (U.S.), 892 Executive Order 10001 (U.S.), 702 Exile’s Return: A Narrative of Ideas (Cowley), 48, 563 Expressionism (abstract), 765, 766 Ezekiel, Mordecai, 589–590 Factory Acts (Britain), 556, 560 Fairbanks, Douglas, Sr., 36, 94, 100, 166, 316, 319, 338 biography, 70–71, 71 Fairbanks, John, 70 Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC/U.S.), 539, 539, 540, 701, 713, 735, 754, 807, 866, 881, 891, 922, 944, 958, 1030 overview, 860–861

Index

Fair Labor Standards Act (U.S., 1938), 620, 694, 1043 Family and World War II (U.S.) child care, 863–864 government campaigns, 862–863 overview, 862–864 sexual standards and, 863 Far East Co-Prosperity Sphere, 844 Farley, James, 850 Farmer, James, 810, 811 Farm Loan Act (U.S., 1916), 417 Farm Security Administration (FSA/U.S.), 756, 982, 1001 Farnsworth, Arthur, 568 Fascism in 1930s, 314 anti-fascists, 707, 708, 725, 887, 897 Crusaders and, 527 Spanish Civil War and, 745–746 Fashion/World War I France, 312, 313 U.S., 312–313 Fashion/World War II France, 864, 865 U.S., 864–866 Fatman, Elinor, 673 Faulkner, William, 10, 11 Faut, Jean, 778 Federal Art Project (FAP/U.S.), 890 Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI/U.S.) World War I, 31, 32–33, 313–315 World War II, 866–867, 1032 See also Hoover, J. Edgar Federal Censorship Board (U.S.), 256 Federal Council of Churches (U.S.), 101, 441, 446 Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC/U.S.), 86 Federal Emergency Relief Administration (U.S.), 694 Federal Employment Stabilization Act (U.S.), 961 Federal Farm Loan Act (U.S., 1916), 87

B

1451

Federal Oil Conservation Board (U.S.), 325 Federal Reserve Act (U.S., 1913), 40, 86, 87, 199 Federal Reserve Banks (U.S.), 245 Federal Reserve Board (U.S.) World War I, 87, 149, 199, 315 World War II, 776 Federal Reserve Districts (U.S.), 245 Federal Reserve Note (U.S.), 87 Federal Reserve System (U.S.) World War I, 86, 87, 149, 288, 302, 315–316, 417 World War II, 775, 776–777 Federal Trade Commission (FTC/U.S.), 114, 199, 288, 466 Federal Trade Commission Act (U.S., 1914), 199, 763 Federal Water Power Act (U.S., 1920), 131 Federated Department Stores, 72 Federation of British industries, 281 Feist, Leo, 394, 462, 463 Feller, Bob, 572, 685, 777 Fellowship of Reconciliation, 230 Ferber, Herbert, 767 Ferdinand, Archduke Francis, 232, 385 Fermi, Enrico, 606, 859, 890, 936, 937, 1039 Festal, Louis, 148 Fianna, 291 Fibers, synthetic, 578 Fields, Gracie, 1070 Fields, W.C., 203 Filene, Edward, 71–73, 72, 599 Filene, Lincoln, 71, 72 Filene Cooperate Association, 72 Filene’s Bargain Basement (store), 71–72 Filibuster, 129, 130 Film/World War I Britain (overview), 316–318 overview, 316–318 U.S., 102, 459–460 See also specific films; specific individuals

Film/World War II Britain (overview), 868–870 U.S., 318–320, 573–574, 870–874 See also specific films; specific individuals Finch, Stanley W., 313 Findley, Timothy, 371, 924 Finlay, George, 72 Finney, Charles, 445 First Aid Nursing Yeomanry (FANY/Britain), 499, 500, 1069 Fisher, Jack, 135, 377 Fisher, Orpheus, 522 Fisk, Clinton B., 420–421 Fiske, Harlan, 1034 Fitzgerald, Ella, 534, 953 Fitzgerald, F. Scott, 338, 375, 376–377 Five-Power Naval Treaty, 111 Flagg, James Montgomery, 242, 244, 430 “Flanders Field,” 369 Flavelle, Sir Joseph, 297, 383 Fletcher, Duncan, 693 Fletcher, F. F., 249 Floyd, Pretty Boy, 314, 624 Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley, 73, 262 Flynn, Errol, 872 Foch, Ferdinand, 95, 96 Fonda, Henry, 205, 873, 890 Food Administration (U.S./World War I), 9, 78, 106, 211, 217, 218–219, 285, 294, 302–303, 390 overview, 320–322, 321 Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO/UN), 589, 590 Food and Fuel Control Act (U.S., 1917), 218 Food Control Order (Britain), 843 Food for Freedom (U.S.), 940, 941 Food Production and Food Control Acts (U.S., 1917), 110 Foot, Michael, 910 Ford, Ford Madox, 377

1452

Ford, Gerald, 618 Ford, Glen, 613 Ford, Henry, 221, 375, 408, 493–494, 759, 761, 963, 964, 965 biography, 74–75, 74 Ford, John, 734, 890 Ford Motor Company, 74 Formby, George, 869 Forrestal, James, 591–592, 689 Fortune (magazine), 543, 660, 661, 913 Fosdick, Raymond, 75–76 Foster, Eleanor, 132 Foster, George “Pops,” 159 Foster, William Z., 267, 592–593, 808 Four Freedoms/speech, 750, 766, 788, 874–875 document (1941), 1219–1224 “Four-Minute Men”/Four-Minute Man Bulletin, 265, 429, 492 speech (document), 1149 Four-Power Treaty, 111 Fourteen-Points of Peace Program, 118, 138, 139, 200, 240–241, 288, 311, 322–324, 337, 338, 360, 412–413, 414 document, 1150–1152 overview, 322–324 Foxx, Jimmie, 778 Fraina, Louis, 266, 267 France/World War I ambulance drivers in, 220–221, 222 U.S. loans to, 154–155 Francis, Prince, Duke of Teck, 80 Franco, Francisco, 745 Frank, Waldo, 337 Franken, Rose, 1041 Frankfurter, Felix, 76–77, 262, 303, 439, 450, 619 Frankfurter, Leopold, 76 Frayn, Michael, 926 Frayne, Hugh A., 249 Free speech, 262 La Follette defense of (document), 1145–1148 See also Civil rights/liberties; espionage/sedition acts Free Speech League, 260, 262

B

Index

Free Trade Union Committee (FTUC), 760 French, Chester, 1054 French, Sir John, 15, 95 Freud, Sigmund, 98, 338, 456 Frick, Henry Clay, 89 Fridley, William, 929 Friendly, Fred, 678 Friends of the Russian Revolution, 266–267 Friends Service Committee, 9 Froboese, George, 966 Frost, Robert, 375 Fuchs, Klaus, 606 Fuel Administration/Fuel Board (U.S.), 303, 324–325 Fuel/World War I, 78, 218, 303, 324–325 Fuller, Walter, 64 Fullerton, Morton, 194 Fussell, Paul, 369 Gable, Clark, 594–595, 873, 890, 1049 Gahagan, Helen, 577, 578 Galbraith, John Kenneth, 890, 974 Gale, Zona, 230 Gallipoli battle, 15, 38, 126, 135, 526, 558–559 Gambling, 648 Gandhi, Mahatma, 544, 810 Garbo, Greta, 205, 577 Garcia, Hector, 921 Gardiner, A.G., 348 Gardiner, Jimmy, 643 Garfield, Harry, 78–79, 303, 324, 325 Garfield, James A., 78, 324 Garfield, James Rudolf, 78 Garfield, John, 568 Garland Fund (American Fund for Public Service), 73 Garner, Hugh, 924 Garner, John Nance, 850 Garner, Peggy Ann, 873 Garrison, Lindley, 17, 88, 127 Garrison, William Lloyd, 189 Garson, Greer, 871 Garvey, Marcus, 168, 193, 215–216, 329, 432, 701 biography, 79–80, 79

speech on East St. Louis riot (document), 1139–1144 Garvin, J. L., 348 Gary, Elbert, 251, 466, 494 Gauguin, Paul, 766 Gealic Leagus, 290 Geddes, Eric, 142 Geisel, Helen, 595 Geisel, Theodor (“Dr. Seuss”), 595–596 Gelhorn, Martha, 930 General Electric, 741 General Leasing Act (U.S., 1920), 131 General Maximum Price Regulation (General Max/ U.S.), 974–975 General Motors, 740 General Strike (Britain, 1931), 81 General Wartime Commission (U.S.), 441 Geneva Conventions, 986 Geneva League of Nations meeting (1938), 151 Gentlemen’s Agreement (U.S.Japan, 1907), 331, 358, 901 George, Henry, 59 George IV, King (England), 524 George V, King (England), 80–82, 81, 596 George VI, King (England), 39, 596–598, 597, 721, 886, 940 Gerigan, Bunny, 954 German-American Alliance, 326, 332 German-American Bund, 314, 648, 761, 762, 856, 876, 963–964, 964, 965–966 German Americans/World War I discrimination against, 20, 157, 161, 225–226, 236, 258–259, 259, 260, 264, 314, 326–327, 331, 332, 405, 428–429, 448, 480, 489, 876 overview, 326–327 renaming German food, 327, 332, 429 German Americans/World War II discrimination against, 892, 897 overview, 876–877

Index

German Workers are our Comrades, 356 Germany/World War I merchant shipping, 115 postwar loan to, 155 propaganda, 350 Spring 1918 offensive, 273 Treaty of Versailles/effects, 241, 286, 323, 338, 412–414, 483, 506, 557 “war guilt” clause (Treaty of Versailles), 414 Germany/World War II humiliation from World War I and, 515 racism and, 515 surrender, 833 Geronimo, 201 Gershwin, George, 480, 715 Gibbons, Cardinal James, 446 GI Bill of Rights (U.S., 1944), 518, 834, 850, 877–882, 1004 document, 1294–1296 Gibson, Charles Dana, 265, 338 Gibson, Josh, 778 Gifford, Charles L., 1009 Gifford, Walter, 82–83 Gillespie, Dizzy (John Birks), 598–599, 598, 687, 779, 833 Gillette-Rogers bill (U.S.), 659 Gilliat, Sidney, 868 Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, 83–84, 83 Gilman, George Houghton, 84 Gimbel family, 599–600, 599 “Ginger Group” (Canada), 822 Giovannitti, Arturo, 334 Gish, James, Mary, and Dorothy, 85 Gish, Lillian (Diana de Guiche), 85–86, 85 Gladstone, William, 14, 367 Glass, Carter, 86–87, 149 Globe and Mail, 909 Glossary of terms World War I, 1399 World War II, 1401–1403 Godbout, Adélard, 650 Goddard, Henry H., 464, 465 Goddard, Paulette, 37

B

1453

Godfrey, Hollis, 45, 87–88 Goebbels, Josef, 585, 609 Goering, Hermann, 609, 965 Goldman, Emma, 88–90, 89, 109, 234, 439 Gold standard Britain and, 38, 124, 642 U.S. and, 87 Goldwyn, Samuel, 57, 146 Gompers, Samuel, 45, 190, 223, 248, 303, 486, 487, 604, 759 biography, 90–91, 90 U.S. conscription policy (document), 1103–1104 Goodman, Anthony, 811 Goodman, Benny, 623, 637, 653, 654, 718, 954, 953 biography, 600–601 Goodman, David, 49 Good Neighbor Policy (U.S.), 111, 634 Gordon, Mary Lamar, 61 Gore-Booth, Constance (Countess Markiewicz), 291 Gorky, Arshile, 766 Gottlieb, Adolph, 767, 768 Government of Ireland Act (1920), 970 Governor Dingley, 459 Gow, James, 1041 Grable, Betty, 601–602, 613, 637, 1019 Grable, John C. and Lillian, 601 Graham, Martha, 602–604, 603, 832–833 Grammy awards, 53, 654, 720 Granatstien, J. L., 823 Grange (U.S.), 757–758 Granger, Stewart, 870 Grant, Cary, 613, 872, 873 Grant, Douglas, 927 Grant, Madison, 432 Grant, William, 971 Graves, Harold N., 788–789 Gray, John, 371 Gray, Pete, 778 Great Depression, 611 Banking Act (U.S., 1933), 87 Britain, 81, 517 Canada, 370 photos of, 543

U.S., 45, 87, 101, 106, 187, 217, 219, 294, 314, 483, 524, 638, 655, 710–711, 867, 917 See also New Deal (U.S.) Great Migration, 212, 214, 215, 219, 399 overview, 327–330, 343–345, 432–434 Green, Henry, 926, 927 Green, Lucille E., 168 Green, William, 604–605, 604, 619, 676, 860 Greenberg, Hank, 572 Greene, Bette, 932 Greenstreet, Sidney, 872 Greenwich House, 64 Greenwood, Arthur, 851 Gregory, Francis and Mary, 91 Gregory, Thomas W., 91–92, 161, 309 Grew, Jane Norton and Henry Sturgis, 154 Grey, Lita (Lillita McMurray), 37 Grey, Sir Edward, 15, 310, 365 Grey, Zane, 92–93 Grierson, John, 868, 987 Griffith, D.W., 36, 85, 86, 93–94, 166, 397, 957 Griffiths, James, 920 Groulx, Abbé Lionel, 27 Groves, Leslie, 562, 684, 826, 827, 937, 938, 1039 biography, 605–606 Guggenheim, Peggy, Art of This Century, 766–767 Guinn and Beal v. United States, 957 Guterson, David, 932 Guthrie, Woody, 606–608, 607 Gwynn-Browne, Arthur, 926 Gwynne, H. A., 348 Habeas Corpus, 1034 Hackett, James, 481 Hadden, Briton, 660 Hahn, Otto, 1037 Haig, Douglas (Earl of Bemersyde), 15–16, 95–97, 96, 127 Haldane, R. B., 348 Hale, George Ellery, 465, 478

1454

Halifax, Lord (Edward Frederick Lindley Wood), 609–610, 820 Hall, Anna Ludlow, 708 Hall, Granville and Abigail, 97 Hall, G. Stanley, 97–98 Halleck, Charles Abraham, 610–611 Hallinan, Charles, 229 Halton, Matthew, 909 Hamilton, Alice, 9 Hamilton, Patrick, 926 Hammett, Dashiell, 104, 621, 887 Handy, W.C., 345 Hanford, Washington (Manhattan Project), 938–940, 1061 Hanley, James, 926 Hanly, James, 305 Hannegan, Robert, 733 Hansen, Alvin, 611–612 Hansen, Ole, 436, 454 Hardie, Keir, 356, 357 Harding, George T., 98 Harding, Warren, 56, 57, 102, 106, 108, 109, 111, 224, 418, 710, 895 biography, 98–99, 99 election of 1920 (overview), 306, 307, 307 speech for “return to normalcy” (document), 1179–1180 Hardy, Bert, 787 Harlem, 79, 329 Harlem Renaissances, 329, 632, 766 Harmsworth, Alfred (Viscount Northcliffe), 348, 349, 425, 910 Harmsworth, Harold (Viscount Rothermere), 348, 349 Harper’s Bazaar (magazine), 529 Harper’s (magazine), 392, 577, 914 Harris, Mildred, 37 Harris, Sam H., 46 Harrison, Charles Yale, 370 Harrison, Hubert, 333 Hart, Moss, 1042 Hart, William S., 99–100, 317 Harvard Monthly, 171 Hassan, King (Morocco), 573

B

Index

Hate strikes/World War II, 754, 881–882 Hawkins, Coleman, 598 Hawkins, Erick, 603 Hawks, Slim and Howard, 529 Hayek, Friedrich von, 612–613, 612 Hayes, Alfred, 929 Hayes, Helen, 480 Haymarket Riot (1886), 55, 232, 233 Haynes, George Edmund, 100–101 Hays, Mary, 60 Hays, Will H., 101–102 Hayter, Stanley William, 766 Haywood, William “Big Bill,” 102–104, 103, 334, 576 Hayworth, Rita (Margarita Carmen Cansino), 613–614, 614 Health insurance (U.S., national), 675, 676 Hear It Now (radio show), 678 Hearst, William Randolph, 350, 428, 600 Hearst King Syndicate, 692 Held, Anna, 203 Held, Martha, 449 Heller, Joseph, 930 Hellman, Lillian, 1041 Hemingway, Ernest, 10, 11, 338, 375, 376–377, 555 biography, 104–105 Henderson, Arthur, 272, 356–357 Henderson, Fletcher, 623, 954 Henderson, Leon, 614–615, 844, 976 Henry Ford Company, 74 Henry Street Settlement, 121, 191–192 Hepburn, Katherine, 541 Hepburn, Mitchell F., 615–617 Hepburn Act (U.S., 1906), 131 Herald Tribune, 139 Herbert, Victor, 480 Hermann, Rena, 153 Hersey, Frances Ann, 618 Hersey, John, 617–618, 912, 929, 930, 931 Hersey, Roscoe Monroe, 617

Hershey, Lewis B., 818 Hesselberg, Edouard, 577 Heydrich, Reinhard, 928, 978 Heym, Stefan, 929 Higgins, Andrew Jackson, 618–619, 751 Higgins, Annie Long and John Gonegle, 618 Higgins, Jack, 928 Higginson, Henry L., 157 Hightower, Rosalind, 577 Hill, Hannah, 36, 37 Hill, Joe Haaglund, 334 Hillary, Richard, 928 Hillman, Judith and Schmuel, 619 Hillman, Sidney, 619–620, 647, 680 Hillquit, Morris (Moses Hillkowitz), 105–106, 461 Himes, Chester, 620–621 Hines, Earl, 687 Hirabayashi v. United States, 892, 1033 Hiroshima, 562, 730, 891, 938 Hirst, F.W., 348 Hiss, Alger, 625 Hitchcock, Alfred, 562, 563, 621–622, 872 Hitler, Adolf, 609, 660, 677, 681, 693, 751, 890 Munich Agreement, 557, 558 Treaty of Versailles and, 414, 556–557 U.S. caricature of, 759 U.S. religious pacifism and, 442 Hodges, Frank, 357 Hoffa, Jimmy, 729 Hofmann, Hans, 766, 768 Hogg, Quintin, 821 Holiday, Billie (Eleanora Fagan Gough), 622–623, 623, 953 Holidays with Pay Act (Britain), 556 Hollywood Citizen’s Committee, 577 Holm, Celeste, 1042 Holmes, LeRoy, 637 Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 76, 234, 472, 473, 474

Index

Holocaust, 882–885, 883, 907, 1041 U.S. response to, 761, 763 Home Guard/Auxiliaries (Britain), 581, 885–887, 934 Home Intelligence Unit (HIU/ Britain), 990 Homosexuality Hoover and, 624, 625 World War II era and, 882, 887–888, 1018–1019 YMCA and, 508–509 Honolulu Star-Bulletin, The, 914 Hoover, Herbert Clark, 9, 45, 78, 111, 218–219, 234, 302–303, 321–322, 390, 439, 533, 726, 895 biography, 106–107 Hoover, J. Edgar, 32, 37, 162, 234, 267, 314, 410, 546, 708, 713, 731, 897 biographies, 107–109, 107, 624–626 Custodial Detention List, 624, 867 Hoover Commission, 9 Hope, (Leslie Towns) Bob, 205, 564, 626, 1049 Hopkins, Harry, 626–628, 716–717, 732 Hopper, De Wolf, 481 Horgan, Viola E., 675 Horizon, 911 Horn, Werner, 449 Horne, Lena, 628–629, 778, 890 Horse racing, 148–149 Houde, Camillien, 650 House, Edward M., 30, 309–310, 403 House-Grey Memorandum (1916), 310 Houseman, John, 716 House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), 102, 571, 571, 574, 577, 578, 625 Housing Act (Britain, 1925), 556 Houston, Charles, 398 Houston, David F., 109–110 report on U.S. readiness for World War I (document), 1112–1119

B

1455

Howard, Leslie, 541, 868 Howard, Sidney, 716 Howard, Trevor, 870 Howe, Clarence Decatur, 629–630, 643, 644, 841 Hozier, Clementine, 38 Hudson Motor Company, 41, 42 Hughes, Charles Evans, 33, 64, 108–109, 176, 288, 305, 326, 403, 443, 473, 1034 biography, 110–111 Hughes, Howard, 630–632, 631, 691 Hughes, Langston, 632–633, 633 Hughes, Sir Sam, 111–113, 382–383 Hukriede, Theodore, 41 Hull, Burt E., 861 Hull, Cordell, 314, 536, 633–634, 787 Hull House, Chicago, 9, 10, 120–121, 123, 694 Hulton, Sir Edward, 348 Humphrey-Hawkins Act (U.S., 1978), 1045 Hurley, Edward Nash, 114–115 Hurley Machine Company, 114 Hurricane fighter planes, 557–558 Hurst, Florence, 530 Huston, John, 541, 890 Hutments, 452 Hyde Park Declaration (1941), 629, 644 Ickes, Harold, 655, 691, 732, 755, 860, 961 biography, 635–636 speech for U.S. participating in World War II (document, 1941), 1229–1232 Ida B. Wells Club, 193 Idaho Statesman, 103 I.F. Stone’s Weekly newsletter, 725 I.G. Farbenindustrie (Germany), 764 Ilsley, J.L., 643 Imagism literary movement, 696 Immigrants (World War II/U.S.) Germans, 659, 892 Italians, 659, 892, 897–898

Jewish immigrants/refugees, 659, 673, 682, 856–860, 883–884, 1005–1006 Koreans, 770, 771 Latinos, 921–923 overview, 856–860 Immigrants (World War I/U.S.) Americanization campaign/ programs, 123, 230–232, 331, 332–333 before World War I, 331–332 censorship and, 257 CPI and, 265 excluded groups, 220, 331 Irish Americans, 332 Italians, 341–342 Jews and, 762 Latinos, 358–360 literacy test, 331–332, 359 restrictions, 145, 220, 231, 232, 762 rights, 123, 191 Slavic immigrants, 341 See also German Americans; Settlement houses/ movement; specific legislation Immigration Act (U.S., 1917), 220, 331, 359 Immigration Naturalization Service (U.S.), 898 Imperial Chemical Industries (Britain), 764 Imperial Munitions Board Britain, 113 Canada, 297 Imperial War Museum, London, 244 Ince, Thomas, 99–100, 317 Independent Labour Party (ILP/Britain), 356 Indian Reorganization Act (U.S., 1934), 635 Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, “Wobblies”), 73, 102, 103, 103, 153, 232, 234, 258, 259, 266, 437, 439, 468, 469, 486–487, 490, 729 overview, 333–335 Influenza Epidemic (1918), 335–337, 336 Inglis, Elsie, 500

1456

Intellectuals World War I (overview), 337–339 World War II (overview), 887–891 See also specific individuals Inter-Allied Munitions Council, 83 Inter-Allied Petroleum Conference, 173 Inter-Allied Purchasing Commission, 303 Internal Revenue Service (IRS/ U.S.), 477 Internal Security Act (U.S., 1950), 220 International Association of Theatrical Stage Employees (IATSE), 758 International Bank for Reconstruction and development (World Bank), 720–721, 918, 1298 International Bible Students, 268, 407 International Brigade, 745–746, 886 International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT/U.S.), 728, 729 Roosevelt’s speech to (document, 1944), 1299–1303 International Civil Aviation Organization, 536 International Conference of Symphony and Opera Musicians (ICSOM), 759 International Congress of Women, The Hague, 9 International Labor Organization, 694 International Labor Organization (ILO), 90, 91, 361 International Ladies Garment Worker’s Union, 179 International law, 122 International League of Garment Workers Union (ILGWU), 402 International Longshoremen’s and Warehousemen’s Union (ILWU), 546, 760

B

Index

International Monetary Fund, 125, 642–643, 673, 918 document, 1297–1298 International Olympic Committee (IOC), 548, 549 International Peace Congress (1915), 417 International Review, 145 International Woman Suffrage Alliance, 36 International YMCA/Colored Men’s Department, 100–101 Internment/World War II Italian Americans testimony to House of Representatives on internment (document), 1370–1385 Japanese Americans, 636, 673, 703, 712, 770, 800–801, 804, 892–894, 893, 901–903, 905, 1312–1319 Korematsu v. United States (document), 1312–1319 Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC/U.S.), 131 Intolerance, 93–94 Invisible Man (Ellison), 587, 588, 751 Iowa Woman Suffrage Association, 36 IQ concept/testing, 432, 464–465 Ireland Easter rebellion, 16, 279, 440 Easter Rising, 290–293 Éire (southern Ireland), 970, 971 independence and, 365, 675 IRB, 290, 291 Northern Ireland, 970–972 See also Northern Ireland Iris, 459 Irish Americans and discrimination, 332 Irish Citizen Army, 290 Irish Free State Treaty (1921), 279 Irish Home Rule/Bill, 15, 273, 277, 279, 280, 290 Irish Nationalist Party, 279 Irish Volunteers, 290 Irwin, Baron of Kirby Underdale. See Halifax, Lord

Isolationism definition/history, 339–340 overview, 339–340 U.S./World War I and, 40, 99, 111, 117, 117, 118, 127, 129–131, 130, 339–340 Isolationism/World War II, 542, 641, 656–657, 657, 726 U.S. overview, 895–897 See also specific individuals Italian immigrants internment, 892, 897–898, 1370–1385 testimony to House of Representatives on internment (document), 1370–1385 World War I, 341–342 World War II, 659, 892, 897–898 Italy Austrian/German attack on, 144 Ethiopia and, 895 “It’s a Long Way to Tipperary” (document), 1081–1082 Ives, Charles, 396 IWW. See Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, “Wobblies”) Jack, Donald, 371 Jack, Richard, 242 Jackson, A. Y., 243 Jackson, George and Martha, 116 Jackson, James, 925 Jackson, Joseph “Shoeless Joe,” 116–117 Jackson, Tony, 156 James, Harry, 602, 637–638, 718, 953 James, Henry, 194, 954 James, William, 59, 97 Janis, Elsie, 481 Japan Gentlemen’s Agreement, 331, 358 pre–World War II, 111, 122, 132, 174, 200, 286, 389, 510, 980 Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty, 174

Index

Japanese Americans/pre–World War II discrimination, 802–803, 899, 900–901 history, 899–901 Japanese Americans/World War II camp release/questionnaires, 902–903 discrimination against, 628, 770–771, 804, 866, 867, 900 internment of, 636, 673, 703, 712, 770, 800–801, 804, 892–894, 893, 901–903, 905 Korematsu v. United States (document), 1312–1319 Nisei generation, 901, 902–903 overview, 900, 901–903 See also Executive Order 9066 (U.S.) Japanese Canadians, 151, 665 Japan/World War II atomic bomb attacks, 562, 591, 730, 891, 938 China and, 633, 634 Far East Co-Prosperity Sphere, 844 surrender, 662, 799, 833 U.S. negative/positive images of, 904–906 See also Pearl Harbor attack Jarrell, Randall, 930 Jazz cabarets and, 254 development of, 344 Dixieland jazz, 133, 343, 344 overview, 343–346 “roaring twenties” and, 345 See also Great Migration; specific musicians “Jazz Age,” 330, 338 “Jazzbo/Jazzboes,” 344 Jefferson, Thomas, 835, 895 Jehovah’s Witnesses (Russellites), 260, 263, 812, 1033 Jennings, Humphrey, 787, 869, 946 Jennings, Mary, 606 Jerome, Jeannette “Jenny,” 38 Jewell, Edward Alden, 766 Jewett, Frank, 936 Jewish Chronicle, The, 347

B

1457

Jewish Welfare Board, 441 Jewish Welfare League, 75 Jewish World, The, 236, 347 Jews and Balfour-Declaration, 237, 347 Jews/World War I anti-Semitism, 72, 76, 92, 235–237, 346 in Britain, 346–347 religion, 440, 441, 442 Russia and, 346–347 Jews/World War II as immigrants/refugees, 659, 673, 682, 856–860, 883–884, 1005–1006 Kristallnacht, 636, 856, 882 in U.S. (overview), 906–908 See also Anti-Semitism/World War II; Holocaust “Jim Crow” laws/views, 213, 219, 328, 399, 652, 678–679, 754–755, 994–995, 1036 Jim Crow unions, 754–755 Jitterbug, 832 John Birch Society, 692 John Bull (newspaper), 348, 426 John Reed Clubs, 172 Johnson, Andrew, 835 Johnson, Bill, 345 Johnson, Celia, 870 Johnson, Hiram, 117–118, 117, 306, 416, 455 Johnson, Jack, 196 Johnson, James P., 156 Johnson, James Weldon, 734 Johnson, Lyndon, 656, 691, 725, 921 Johnson, Robert Edwin, 242 Johnson, Tom, 17, 416 Johnston, Stanley, 797–798 Johnston, Thomas, 1013–1014 Joint Committee on National Recovery (U.S.), 101 Jolson, Al, 185, 395–396, 480 Jones, Eugene Kinckle, 101 Jones, James, 931 Jones, Jesse, 638–639, 733, 788 Jones, Jessie, 159 Jones, Mary “Mother,” 333 Jones, Samuel, 416 Joplin, Scott, 344 Joseph, Keith, 613

Journalism/World War I Britain (overview), 348–349 Canada (overview), 352–355 muckrakers, 138, 235, 265, 350, 351, 416 U.S. (overview), 350–352 See also specific journalists; specific journals Journalism/World War II Britain (overview), 910–912, 911 Canada (overview), 908–910 journalists as targets, 913 U.S. (overview), 912–916 See also specific journalists; specific journals Journal of Psychology, 97 Judge, Jack, 1081 Jung, Carl, 98 Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC), 849 Junnosuke, Inouye, 905 Kahn, David, 510 Kahn, Lawrence, 929 Kahn, Roger Wolfe, 715 Kaiser, Henry J., 640–641, 751, 860 Kalesh, Charles, 184 Kamikaze suicidal attacks, 905 Kansas City Star (newspaper), 104 Kate Smith shows, 721 Katz, Wilhelm, 71 Keaton, Buster, 12, 119–120, 139 Kelley, Florence, 84, 120–121, 189, 230, 262, 401, 694 Kelley, Gene, 613 Kellogg, Frank B., 121–122, 122 Kellogg, Paul U., 64, 230, 262 Kellogg-Briand Pact/Treaty for the Renunciation of War (1928), 79, 121, 122, 122, 506 Kellor, Frances, 101, 123–124, 231 Kennedy, David, 76, 944 Kennedy, John F., 618, 641, 668, 691, 709–710, 725 Kennedy, Joseph Patrick, 641, 963, 964–965 Kennedy, Ken, 653 Kennedy Jr., Joseph, 641 Kenrick, Florence, 556 Kent, Rockwell, 763 Kenworthy, Joseph M., 377

1458

Kenyon, William Houston, 568 Kern, Jerome, 480 Keshen, Jeffrey, 370 Kesselring, Joseph, 873 Keynes, John Maynard, 124–125, 152, 559–560, 613, 842, 878, 917, 918, 1003, 1053 biography, 641–643 Keynesianism, 611, 842, 878, 917–918, 974, 1003 Keystone Kops/Studios, 11–12 Khan, Nora, 1069–1070 Kid Ory’s band, 14, 159, 523 Kiesler, Frederic, 767 Kijuro, Shidehara, 905 Kilbourn, William, 629 Killanin, Lord, 549 Killen, John O., 929 Kimmel, Husband Edward, 646 King, William Lyon Mackenzie, 151, 517, 616, 617, 618, 649, 813, 814–815, 909, 947–948, 986, 987 biography, 643–645 national security/conscription plebiscite address (document, 1942), 1245–1251 temperance speech (document, 1942), 1277–1283 King-Lapointe pact, 644, 650 King Oliver’s band, 14, 159, 523 Kingsland, New Jersey bombing, 449–450 Kipling, Rudyard, 349 Kirkland, Lane, 1042 Kirkpatrick, George, 22 Kitchener, Lord Horatio Herbert, 15, 141, 142, 242, 244, 271, 349, 352, 354, 386–387, 429 biography, 125–127, 126 Kitchin, Claude, 127–128, 475 Klee, Paul, 766 Knight of the Garter, 16 Knobel, Harry, 354 Knowlton, James S., 680 Knox, Frank, 645–646 Knudsen, (Wilhelm Poul) William, 620, 646–647, 951–952, 977

B

Index

Koenig, Paul “Triple X,” 448 Kogawa, Joy, 925 Kooning, Willem de, 766, 767 Korda, Zoltan, 653 Korean immigrants, 770, 771 Korean War, 738 Korematsu v. United States (document), 1312–1319 Kosinski, Jerzy, 930 Kristallnacht, 636, 856, 882 Krupa, Gene, 954, 953 Kuhn, Fritz Julius, 876, 965, 966 Ku Klux Klan, 31, 33, 80, 92, 93, 216, 397, 398, 432, 435, 438, 811, 957 Kunze, Wilhel, 966 Kuralt, Charles, 700 Kurys, Sophie, 778 Labor Department (U.S.), 197–198 Labor Herald (newspaper), 547 Labor rights/World War I (U.S.) early leaders, 64, 72, 73, 74, 76–77, 89, 102–104, 103, 153, 161, 179, 191 unions, 52, 68, 73, 74, 90–91, 105–106, 143, 152, 179, 197–198, 209, 232, 233, 303 workers’ compensation, 64, 72, 417, 473 See also specific individuals; specific organizations; specific unions Labor rights/World War II (U.S.), 546, 694–695 unions, 569, 705 See also specific individuals; specific organizations; specific unions Labor/World War I child labor, 367, 392, 393, 410, 416, 417, 487, 502 corporatism and, 280–281 home/tenement house work, 401 Mexican Americans/Mexicans and, 219, 358–359 military clothing and, 401 National Consumers’ League (NCL), 400–402

technological improvements and, 183–184 U.S. labor boards (overview), 469 See also Strikes Labor/World War II U.S., 759–759, 760 See also specific industries; specific unions; Strikes/World War II Labour Party/World War I (Britain), 15, 81, 142, 272, 365, 517 overview, 356–358, 357 Labour Party/World War II (Britain), 526, 527, 821 overview, 919–920 Lacky, Al, 185 LaFollette, Robert, 118, 339, 416, 417, 418–419, 443, 475, 1008, 1010 biography, 129–131, 130 defense of free speech in wartime (document), 1145–1148 LaFollette Jr., Robert M., 130 LaGuardia, Fiorello, 352, 648–649, 649, 701, 973, 991 Lamour, Dorothy, 564, 626 Lampman, Archibald, 368 Lampoon, 171 Land, Emory Scott, 1020 Land Campaign (Britain), 141 Landis, Frederick, 610 Landis, Kenesaw Mountain, 247, 777, 778 Landon, Alfred, 645 Lane, Cornelia, 10 Lane, Franklin, 131–132 Lange, Dorothea, 983 Lansdowne, Lord Henry, 278 Lansing, Robert, 132–133, 190, 200 Lansing-Ishii Agreement, 132–133, 200 Lapointe, Ernest, 643–644, 649–651, 699 Larkin, Jim, 290 LaRocca, Nick, 133, 344 Lasch, Joseph, 625 Lasker, Albert, 102 Lasky, Jesse L., 57

Index

Lasswell, Harold Wright, 651–652 Lathrop, Julia, 120–121, 502 Latin America, 111, 199–200, 339, 634, 733 U.S. BEW and, 787–788 Latinos discrimination against, 219, 359–360, 921, 1076–1078 drafting of, 359–360 World War II immigrants, 921–923 World War II overview, 921–922 World War I overview, 358–360 See also Bracero Program (U.S.); Zoot suiters Laurent, Arthur, 1041 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 25–26, 27, 112, 275, 276, 362–363, 367, 653 biography, 133–135 Law, Andrew Bonar, 15, 135–137, 272, 277, 278, 556 Law, Oliver, 745 Lawrence, Jacob, 763 LCVP (Landing Craft, Vehicle, Personnel) boats, 619 Lea Act (U.S.), 758 Leacock, Stephen, 368 League for Independent Political Action, 60 League for Social Reconstruction (Canada), 822 League of Nations American views/action on, 5, 9, 33, 36, 41, 50, 72, 75, 91, 98, 117, 118, 133, 145, 155, 192, 200, 285, 340, 360, 442, 444, 551, 895, 1046 British views of, 580 interventions of, 362 Lodge speech against (document), 1172–1173 meeting, 151, 241 munitions trade and, 239 overview, 360–362, 361 Wilson speech in defense of (document), 1174–1178 writing/proposal of, 138, 311, 323 See also Treaty of Versailles

B

1459

League of Women Shoppers (U.S.), 574 League of Women Voters (U.S.), 36, 574 Leahy, William, 627 Leaving Certificate (Britain), 484–485 Le Carré, John, 663 Lee, Canada (Leonard Canegata), 652–653 Lee, Peggy (Norma Deloris Egstrom), 653–654 Lee, Robert E., 532 Leete, Alfred, 242 Lend-Lease Act (U.S., 1941), 646, 693, 694, 753, 774, 776, 896 overview, 923 Lend Lease Program, 39, 118, 627, 640, 681, 711, 751, 774, 836–837, 843, 844, 874 Lenin, Vladimir, 66, 103, 266 Lenroot, Irvine, 306 Leon, Daniel De, 334 Leonard, Buck, 778 Lepke, Louis, 570 Lerner, Max, 887 Leslie, Miram, 36 Lever Act (U.S., 1917), 482 Lever Food and Fuel Act (U.S., 1917), 294, 321, 324, 325 Levine, Jack, 763 Levine, Norman, 924 Lewis, Alun, 927 Lewis, Cecil Day, 926, 927, 928 Lewis, John L., 619, 676, 808, 809, 1025, 1026, 1033 biography, 654–655 Lewis, Sinclair, 137, 375, 576 Lewis, Wyndham, 243 Lewisohn, Alice, 230 Liberal Conservative Party (Canada), 275 Liberalism, overview, 366–368. See also specific individuals Liberal Party/Canada World War II, 615–616, 617 Liberal Party/World War I Britain, 14–15, 15, 81, 135, 140, 141, 142, 152, 272, 277–280, 278, 279, 356, 358, 363–366, 366–367

Canada, 25, 27, 112, 134, 135, 151, 270, 276, 362–363 Liberator, The, 66 Liberia, 80 Libertarians, 364 Liberty airplane motor, 171 Liberty Bonds/Loans background, 210–211, 245–246, 491–492 promoting/buying, 12, 12, 18, 70, 71, 100, 149–150, 166, 170, 193, 210–211, 231, 242, 245–246, 247, 285, 294–295, 303, 317, 476, 480, 789 See also War bonds Liberty engine (aircraft), 45 Liberty (magazine), 62 Liberty Union Defense letter (document), 1166–1168 Lichtenstein, Roy, 769 Life (magazine), 62, 543, 543, 544, 554, 555, 577, 585, 618, 660, 661, 716, 766, 812, 833, 913, 915, 978, 982, 983 Lilienthal, David, 655–656 Limitation of Supplies Order (Britain, 1940), 843, 950, 1000 Lincoln, Abraham, administration, 258, 397, 835, 1034 Lincoln Memorial/Anderson’s concert, 521–522, 522, 755 Lindbergh, Charles Augustus, 595, 641, 832, 896, 963, 965 biography, 656–657, 657 speech against U.S. participation in World War II (document, 1941), 1225–1228 Lindsay, Jack, 927 Lindsay, Vachel, 137–138 Lindy/Lindy Hop, 832 Linetsky, Jennie, 184 Lippmann, Walter, 138–139, 139, 264, 337, 351, 352 biographies, 138–139, 139, 657–659 Lipton, Seymour, 767 Lismer, Arthur, 243 Literary modernism, 375–377

1460

Literature/World War I Britain, 371–374 Canada (overview), 368–371 Canadian women writers, 370–371 “Confederation Poets,” 368 U.S. (overview), 374–377 “village school” (poets), 137 See also specific writers Literature/World War II Britain (overview), 925–928 Canada (overview), 923–925 U.S. (overview), 928–932 See also specific writers Lithuania and Treaty of Versailles, 413–414 Little, Frank, 334 Little Steel case, 960 Lloyd, Harold, 139–140 Lloyd, Henry Demarest, 173, 174 Lloyd George, David, 15, 16, 96, 97, 135, 136, 152, 240, 243, 272, 273, 278, 279, 298, 299, 323, 349, 354, 357, 364, 365, 412, 427, 484, 556, 558, 559, 945 biography, 140–145, 141 Local Defence Volunteers (LDV/Britain), 885, 949 Local Government Act (Britain, 1924), 556 Lockwood, Margaret, 870 Lodge, Henry Cabot, 145–146, 403, 443, 1008 speech against the League of Nations (document), 1172–1173 Loeb, Albert, 176 Loew, Herman, Arthur M., and David L., 146 Loew, Marcus, 146–147 Loew’s theaters, 146 Lomax, Alan, 607–608 Lombard, Carole, 594, 595 London Times, 15, 317 London/World War II Blitz and, 784–785, 786–787, 933–934 overview, 933–935 See also Battle of Britain Long, Breckinridge, 659

B

Index

Long, Huey, 314, 624, 687 Long, Walter, 272 Longoria, Felix, 921 Look (magazine), 982 Loomis, Edward, 929 Lopez, Vincent, 715 Lorant, Stefan, 911 Lorre, Peter, 872 Los Alamos/Manhattan Project, 606, 683, 684, 827, 890–891, 936, 938, 1061 Los Angeles Times (newspaper), 32, 350 “Lost Generation,” 338, 377, 563 Louis, Joe, 660, 778, 979 Louis, Prince of Battenberg, 348 Lovestone, Jay, 267 Lovett, Robert S., 249 Lowden, Frank, 306 Lowell, Amy, 375 “Loyalty campaign” of AFL, 222–223 Luce, Henry, 351, 352, 543, 660–661, 732–733, 915 Luciano, Charles “Lucky,” 421, 570 Ludlow, Louis, 896 Ludlum, Robert, 663 Luftwaffe bombing campaign in Europe, 516, 933, 939–940 bombing campaign in Spain, 745 statistics on, 772 See also Battle of Britain; London/World War II Lunceford, Jimmie, 623 Lusitania riots, 235, 236 Lusitania sinking conspiracy theory/military cargo, 377–379 impacts of, 29, 30, 50, 284, 288, 299, 304, 309, 337, 350, 388, 389, 402–403, 426, 429, 440, 443, 458, 471 overview, 377–379, 378 Lusk, Clayton R., 438 Lusk Committee, 438 Lvov, Prince Georgi, 240 Lydecker, Charles E., 405 Lynchburg News, 86

Lynching of African Americans, 328, 329, 398, 434–435, 490 antilynching laws/efforts, 101, 189, 193, 539, 668 German-Americans, 259, 327 Lynn, Dame Vera, 1070 MacAdam shovel, 112 MacArthur, Douglas, 662, 663, 850 MacDermott, Sean, 291 MacDonagh, Thomas, 291 Macdonald, Angus, 643 Macdonald, John A., 296 MacDonald, Manly, 243 Macdonald, Ramsay, 81, 356, 580 MacDonald, Ross, 621 MacInnes, Helen, 663–664 Macintyre, Robert, 1014 Mack, Connie, 116 Mackenzie, Alexander, 134 Mackenzie, Ian, 664–666 Maclean’s (magazine), 909 MacLeish, Archibald, 769, 991 MacMillan, Lord, 945 MacMurray, Fred, 873 MacNamara, Paul, 759 MacNeil, Eoin, 290–291 Madero, Francisco, 189 Madison, Lucy, 60 Mahan, Alfred Thayer, 470 Mailer, Norman, 666, 887, 931 Malden, Karl, 1042 Malins, Geoffrey, 317 Mallin, Michael, 291 Manhattan Project, 562, 582, 605–606, 683–684, 684, 703, 826, 829, 860–861, 890–891, 1039 main project locations, 936, 1039 overview, 936–938 See also Atomic bombs Mann, James R., 444 Mann, Thomas, 314, 624, 859 Mann Act (U.S., 1910), 157, 235, 314 Manner, J. Hartley, 46 Manning, Olivia, 928 Man o’ War, 148–149

Index

Marable, Fate, 14, 523 Marbury, Elizabeth, 34 March on Washington (1963), 169, 398, 522, 702, 811 March on Washington Movement (MOWM), 701–702, 753–754, 860, 861 Marine Corps demobilization, 286 Marion, Will, 345 Maritime Rights Movement (Canada), 643 Marlowe, Julia, 481 Marsh, Reginald, 62, 763 Marshall, George C., 555, 583, 720, 1048, 1055–1056 biography, 666–667, 667 Marshall, Thurgood, 984 Marshall Plan, 667, 844 Martin, Franklin H, 45 Martin, Homer, 727 Marx, Karl, 120 Marxism American criticism of, 67 Americans adopting, 84 Marxist movement, Europe, 103 Mary, Queen (Mary of Teck), 80, 596, 721 Mason, James, 870 Masons, 140 Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 458–459 Masses, The (journal), 28, 31, 65–66, 66, 171, 337 Massingham, H.W., 348 Masterman, Charles, 316–317, 349, 945 Masters, Edgar Lee, 137 Mathias, Jack, 637 Maugham, Robin, 927 Mauldin, Bill, 667–668, 767 Maurice, General, 144 Maurice Debate (1918), 144, 365 Maverick, Maury, 668–669 Maximiliam, Prince of Baden, 240, 311, 323 Maxse, James Leopold, 236 Maxwell, Sir John, 292 May, Billy, 637 May, Mabel, 243 May Act (U.S., 1941), 1029

B

1461

Mayer, Louis B., 146, 873–874 Mazia, Marjorie, 608 McAdoo, Eleanor Wilson, 503 McAdoo, William, 87, 303, 306, 411, 475, 491, 492 biography, 149–150 McCall, Samuel, 52 McCarran Act (U.S., 1943), 770 McCarthy, Joseph, 67, 625, 678 McClennan, Hugh, 371 McCloy, John, 794 McClung, Jack, 151 McClung, Nellie, 150–151, 370 McClung, Robert Wesley, 150 McClure’s (magazine), 235, 392 McCormick, John, 531 McCormick, Medill, 117 McCormick, Wright, 61 McCurdy, Letitia, 150 McDougall, Colin, 925 McDowell, J.B., 317 McElroy, Robert, 405 McEwan, Ian, 926 McGinnis, Edgar W., 370 McGinnis, James Joseph, 971 McIntyre, Marvin H., 669–670 McKenna, Joseph, 473 McKenna, Reginald, 152–153, 365 McKenna duties, 365 McKibbin, Ross, 869 McKinley, William, 29, 98, 174, 233, 396, 416–417 McKinney, Louise, 151 McKissick, Floyd, 811 McNair, Leslie J., 1056 McNutt, Paul V., 1057 McRae, John, 369 McReynolds, James Clark, 472 McShann, Jay, 687 Meade, Edward, 924 Meany, George, 706, 728, 760, 760 Meat Inspection Act (U.S., 1906), 392, 393, 417 Medicine/medical technology, 551, 1040 Meeks, Freddie, 984 Meighen, Arthur, 643, 823 Melody Maker (magazine), 623 Mencken, Helen, 541 Menken, S. Stanwood, 404, 405

Mennonites, 268, 269, 407, 441, 812 Menuhin, Yehudi, 890 Mercury Theatre Company, 562 Meredith, Burgess, 871–872 Merriam, Charles, 670–671 Merrill, Francis, 942–943 Messenger, The/Black Worker, 168, 216, 432, 701 Messerschmitt planes, 772 Metcalf, Nelson, 750 Methot, Mayo, 541 Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer (MGM), 85, 146, 719 Metronome, 715 Metropolitan Magazine, 171 Mexican Revolution, 171, 188, 189, 200, 314, 359, 380, 381 Mexican War, 440 Mexico German spies and, 450 Punitive Expedition (U.S.), 165, 690 U.S. avoiding war with, 230, 262 U.S. invasion overview, 380–382, 381 Zimmermann Telegram, 200, 310, 337, 381, 389, 418, 429, 510–512 See also Bracero Program (U.S.); Villa, Pancho (Doroteo Arango) MGM (Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer), 85, 146, 719 Michelson, Albert A., 98 Mickey Mouse cartoons, 573 Microsoft antitrust suit, 535 Midgley, Harry, 971 Midlands, Britain World War II, 939–940 Midwest, U.S. (overview/ World War II), 940–942 Military awards/medals, 566, 668, 674–675, 674, 688, 704, 723, 834, 921, 1069–1070 Military Conscription Act (Canada), 363, 424 Military Intelligence Service (U.S.), 450 Military Service Act (Britain, 1916), 272, 364–365, 387

1462

Military Service Act (Britain, 1918), 273 Military Service Acts (Britain), 272, 273, 364–365, 387 Military Training Act (Britain, 1939), 815, 843, 949 Military Training Camps Association (MTCA/U.S.), 1015–1016 Millay, Edna St. Vincent, 450 Mille, Agnes de, 1041 Miller, Arthur, 932 Miller, Betty, 928 Miller, Clyde, 72 Miller, Elmer and Mattie, 671 Miller, Glen, 575, 671–672, 672, 833, 954–953 Miller, Henry, 377 Miller, Owen, 758 Milner, Lord Alfred, 278 Milwaukee Leader (newspaper), 23, 24, 31 Miners’ strike (Britain, 1926), 38 Ministry of Information (MoI/Britain) World War I, 243, 425, 945 World War II, 792, 944–946, 988–990 Minute Men, 226, 489 Miranda, Carmen, 832 Miró, Jean, 766 Mississippi’s Freedom Summer, 811 Mitchell, Arthur, 1033 Mitchell, John H., 32 Mixed Claims Commission, 450 Mobilization/World War I Britain, 125, 143, 144, 280, 281, 385–388 Canada, 111–113, 382–384 Keynes on, 125 report on U.S. readiness (document), 1112–1119 U.S. (overview), 388–391 U.S. industry, 41–42, 44–45, 82–83, 87–88, 114, 115, 223, 280–281, 294, 302, 453, 465–466 See also Armaments industry/ World War I; Council of National Defense (U.S./

B

Index

World War I); Preparedness movement; War Industries Board (U.S.) Mobilization/World War II Britain, 559–560, 948–951, 1066–1069, 1067 Canada, 616, 629–630, 644, 946–948, 947, 1062–1064 U.S., 579, 680, 720, 740, 756, 968, 969, 976–977, 1060–1061, 1070–1075, 1071 U.S. industry/troops (overview), 951–954, 952 Model T automobile, 74 Modernism (art), 765–766 Mohammed, Duse, 79 Mondrian, Piet, 766 Monk, Thelonious, 779 Monroe, Marilyn, 572 Monroe, Rosie Will, 1011 Monroe Doctrine (U.S., 1825), 339, 895 Montgomery, Bernard, 584 Montgomery, C.H., 945 Montgomery, Lucy Maud, 368, 370 Montgomery Ward Company, 527–528 Mooney, John, 150 Mooney, Tom, 153–154, 233–234, 450 Moor, Victoria, 47 Moore, Henry, 946 Moore, Marianne, 375 Moran, George “Bugs,” 422 Morgan, John Pierpont, 154 Morgan, J.P., 32, 154–156, 155, 284 Morgan v. Virginia, 958 Morgenthau, Henry, 672–673 Morgenthau Jr., Henry, 672–673, 746, 788, 992, 1053, 1054 Morgenthau Plan for postwar Germany, 673 Moroccan Crisis (1911), 385 Morris, William, 184–185 Morrison, Herbert, 919, 950 Morton, Jelly Roll (Ferdinand Joseph Lamothe), 156, 345 Morton, William and Louise, 156 Mosley, Sir Oswald, 560

Mother Earth (journal), 89, 234 Motherwell, Robert, 766, 768 Motion Picture Association of America, 102 Motion Picture Producers and Distributors of America (MPPDA), 102 Motion Picture Production Code, 102 Moyer, Charles, 102, 103 Muck, Karl, 156–158 Muckrakers, 138, 235, 265, 350, 351, 416 overview, 392–393, 393 Multiculturalism in U.S., 137 Mundy, Jimmy, 637 Munich Agreement, 557, 557, 610, 665, 820, 821, 910 Munich Olympic Games (1972), 548, 549 Munitions Act (Britain, 1915), 299, 484 Munitions and Supplies Act (Canada), 629 Munitions industry. See Armaments industry Munitions of War Act (Britain, 1915), 364 Munro, Ross, 909 Munsey’s (magazine), 392 Murphy, Audie, 673–675, 674 Murphy, Emily, 151 Murphy, Frank, 1033 Murphy, William H., 74 Murray, Flora, 500 Murray, James E., 675–676 Murray, Philip, 676–677, 728, 808, 860 Murrow, Edward R., 677–678, 677, 912, 913, 994 Museum of American History, 244 Music/World War I, 395 U.S. overview, 393–396, 462–464 U.S. songs overview, 462–464 See also specific musicians; specific music types Music/World War II overview, 954–956 Mussey, Henry R., 230

Index

Mussolini, Benito, 515, 557, 557, 695, 696, 725, 897 Muste, Abraham, 262 Myrdal, Gunnar, 678–679, 751–753 NAACP. See National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Nagasaki, 562, 730, 891, 938 Naked and the Dead, The (Mailer), 666 Nalle, Julia, 91 Nash, Paul, 787, 946 Nathan, Robert, 61 Nathan Hale Volunteers, 489–490 Nation, The, 349, 681, 725 National Academy of Science (U.S.), 478 National Air Transport, 45 National Americanization Day, 123 National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), 36, 120, 121, 162, 164, 416 National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP/World War I era), 60, 63, 120, 121, 168, 189, 191, 216, 328, 329, 435, 490, 635 overview, 397–398 See also Crisis, The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP/World War II era), 734, 735, 804, 810, 861, 891 Legal Defense Fund, 984 overview, 957–959, 958 National Association of Manufacturers (U.S.), 825 National Association of the Motion Pictures Industry (NAMPI/U.S.), 317 National Catholic War Council (U.S.), 441, 446 National Civil Liberties Bureau (NCLB/U.S.), 64, 229, 230, 258, 260–261, 262

B

1463

National Club (Jamaica), 79 National Consumers’ League (NCL/U.S.), 694 overview, 400–402 National Council of Defense (U.S.), 487 National Defense Act (U.S., 1916), 45, 195, 402–404 National Defense Act (U.S., 1920), 286, 951, 1015 National Defense Advisory Commission (NDAC/U.S.), 527–528, 647 National Defense Program investigation, 729, 1016–1018 National Defense Research Council (NDRC/U.S.), 551, 561–562, 936, 1037 National Educational Association (U.S.), 98 National Farmers’ Union (U.S.), 757–758 National Film Board of Canada (NFB), 573, 987, 988 National Gallery of Canada, 244 National Guard (U.S.), 52, 403 National Industrial Conference Board (NICB/U.S.), 197–198 National Industrial Recovery Act (U.S., 1933), 527, 763, 961 National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST/ U.S.), 171 National Insurance Acts (Britain), 141 Nationalist Party (Quebec), 276 National Labor policy (U.S.), 77 National Labor Relations Act (U.S., 1935), 694, 808 National League for the Protection of Colored Women (NLPCW), 101, 399 National Mental Health Foundation (U.S.), 812 National Motor Vehicle Theft Act (U.S., 1919), 314 National Negro Congress, 701 National Origins Act (U.S., 1924), 145 National Park Service Act (U.S., 1920), 131

National Publishers Association (U.S.), 759 National Recovery Administration (U.S.), 494, 614, 742, 967 National Recovery Administration Labor Advisory Board (U.S.), 179, 604 National Registration Act (Britain, 1915), 272, 364 National Research Council (NRC/U.S.), 338, 465, 478 National Resources Committee (NRC/U.S.), 961 National Resources Mobilization Act (Canada, 1940), 644, 814, 946–948, 947 National Resources Planning Board (NRPB/U.S.), 586, 611, 671, 961–962 National Review, The, 236, 348 National Rip-Saw, The Kate O’Hare article (document), 1091–1092 Kate O’Hare circular (document), 1184–1190 National Security League (U.S.), 36, 229, 284–285, 403, 438 overview, 404–406 National Selective Service’s Women’s Division (Canada, 1942), 1062 National Service (Armed Forces) Act (Britain, 1939), 815, 843, 949 National Service Board for Religious Objectors (NSBRO), 812 National Service League (Britain), 271 National Urban League (U.S.), 101, 328, 398–399 National War Aims Committee (NWAC/Britain), 427 National War Labor (U.S.), 959–960 National War Labor Board (NWLB/U.S.), 281, 294, 303, 487–488, 568, 654, 729, 959–960, 1032, 1033 National Woman’s Party (NWP/U.S.), 162–163, 164

1464

Nation (newspaper), 190 Nations, 31 Native Americans in/after World War I, 286, 400 in/after World War II, 962–963 Indian Reorganization Act (U.S., 635), 635 tribal pride, 400 Naturalization Act (U.S., 1791), 802, 899 Naval Consulting Board (U.S.), 41, 44, 82 Navy League (U.S.), 403 Nazi regime beginnings, 856 groups persecuted by, 882, 884 Kristallnacht, 636, 856, 882 Native American languages and, 963 See also Holocaust Nazi sympathizers (U.S.), 856, 963–966, 964 Nearing, Scott, 230 Neatby, H.B., 643 Nef, John Ulric, 98 Negro Leagues (baseball), 685–686, 778 Negro World, The (newspaper), 80 Neilan, Mickey, 100 Nelson, Baby Face, 624 Nelson, Donald, 680–681, 750, 794 Neutrality Acts (U.S.), 542, 1193 Neutrality Acts (U.S., 1939) document, 1193–1195 Nevelson, Louise, 767 Nevinson, C.R.W., 243, 946 New Deal (U.S.), 45, 91, 101, 149, 150, 154, 155, 161, 162, 192, 531, 671, 710, 756, 775, 878, 961, 1043 Henderson and, 614–615 labor and, 759 opposition to, 527, 528, 614, 645, 692, 726–727, 739, 760, 793, 825, 836, 887 overview, 966–968, 967 support of, 539, 552, 732, 733, 742, 806, 807, 808 New Democratic Party (NDP/ Canada), 824

B

Index

New Hampshire Society of the Cincinnati, 192 Newman, Barnett, 767, 768 New Masses (magazine), 576 New Republic, 28, 48, 49–50, 76, 337, 563, 577, 658, 725, 887 News, 618 News Chronicle, 910 Newspapers competition with, 352 See also specific newspapers News Photos, 913 New Statesman, The, 910, 911 Newsweek (magazine), 766 New York Call (newspaper), 31 New York Central Railroad Co. v. White, 473 New York crime “families,” 421, 422 New York Daily Compass (newspaper), 715 New Yorker (magazine), 350, 618, 641 New York Evening Journal (newspaper), 19 New York Evening Post (newspaper), 189, 190 New York Herald Tribune (newspaper), 350, 352, 658 New York Journal (newspaper), 350 New York Mail and Express, 41 New York Moderns, 766 New York Motion Picture Company, 99–100 New York Peace Society, 407 New York Post (newspaper), 725 New York School (art), 763 New York Times (newspaper), 350, 379, 448, 471, 766 New York Tribune (newspaper), 321, 350 New York World (newspaper), 350 New York World (newspaper), 658 Niagara Movement, 63 Nicholas II, Tsar, 33, 81, 240, 346 “Nickelodeons,” 319 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 681–682, 891, 1007 Nine-Power Treaty, 111 Nineteenth Amendment (U.S.), 36, 162, 164, 442–443

Nixon, Richard, 578 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics, 613 Nobel Prize for Literature, 39 Nobel Prize for Peace, 9, 39, 122, 174, 506, 633, 634, 667 Nobel Prize for Physics, 582 No-Conscription League, 234 Noguchi, Isamu, 603, 767 Nonaggression Pact/Nazi Germany–Soviet Union, 806, 887 Norris, George E., 239 North American Review, 145 Northcliffe, Viscount (Alfred Harmsworth), 348, 349, 425, 910 Northeast region of U.S. (overview/World War II), 968–970 Northern Ireland, 970–972 Noseworthy, Joe, 823 Nowlan, Alden, 371 Nuremburg trials, 72, 884 Nye, Gerald P., 595, 895 Nylon invention, 578 Oak Ridge facility, Manhattan Project, 655–656, 826, 890, 936, 937 O’Brian, Lord John, 534 O’Brien, John Lord, 108 O’Connor, George, 396 October Revolution, Russia, 171, 240, 438–439 Odegard, Peter H., 1053–1054 Odets, Clifford, 1042 Office for Emergency Management (OEM/U.S.), 845, 959 Office of Censorship (U.S.), 796–798, 797, 799, 914, 983 Office of Civilian Defense (OCD/U.S.), 648, 991 overview, 973–974 Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply (OPACS/U.S.), 544–545, 614–615, 669, 782–784, 824, 825, 845–844, 1000–1001 overview, 974–976, 975

Index

Office of Production Management (OPM/U.S.), 647, 669, 720, 976–977 Office of Scientific Research and Development (ORSD/U.S.), 549–550, 550, 551, 562, 683, 826, 1037, 1038, 1039 Office of Strategic Services (OSS/ U.S.), 624, 625 Office of War Information (OWI/ U.S.), 518, 746, 875, 914, 983, 991–992, 1031 overview, 977–979, 978 Office of War Mobilization (OWM/U.S.), 551, 552, 552, 712 Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion (U.S.), 552, 1003 Official Bulletin CPI (newspaper), 265 Official Press Bureau (Britain), 349 Ogdensburg Agreement (1940), 644 O’Hare, Frank, 1184 O’Hare, Kate, 22, 461 Children’s Crusade circular (document), 1184–1190 “I Denounce” article by (document), 1091–1092 Oil Code (U.S.), 325 Oil production in Gulf of Mexico, 691 Oliver, Joseph “King,” 14, 159–160, 345, 523 Oliver, Laurence, 868 Olmstead, Frederick Law, 586 Olympic games Berlin (1936), 549, 751, 965 Munich (1972), 548, 549 Ondaatje, Michael, 923–924 O’Neill, Agnes Boulton, 37 O’Neill, Eugene, 37, 1042 O’Neill, Oona, 37 One of Ours (Cather), 35 Open Door, 111, 200 Oppenheim, James, 337 Oppenheimer, J. Robert, 606, 683–684, 683, 890, 938, 1039 Orchard, Harry, 102–103

B

1465

Orlando, Vittorio Emanuele, 240, 323, 412 Orozco, Jose Clemente, 763 Orwell, George, 746, 911, 911 Ory, Edward “Kid,” 14, 159 Oskar II, 75 Ottawa Journal (newspaper), 369 Ouimet, Marcel, 909 Overman, Lee, 438 Overman Act (U.S., 1918), 294, 482 “Over There,” 46 document, 1109 Overthrow Act, 56 Ovington, Mary White, 397 Owen, Frank, 910 Owens, Jesse, 751 “Pachucos,” 1077, 1078 Pacific War, 133 Pacifists in 1920s/1930s, 409 Pacifists/World War I, 9, 10, 36, 64, 65–66, 66, 74–75, 83, 83, 84, 89, 89, 120, 121, 169, 170, 178, 189, 190 AFL and, 222 civil liberties and, 261–262 overview, 407–409 See also specific organizations; specific pacifists Pacifists/World War II, 582 See also specific organizations; specific pacifists Page, Walter, 534 Paige, “Satchel,” 685–686 Palmer, A. Mitchell, 108–109, 220, 306, 314, 341, 409, 410, 411, 436, 438, 439 biography, 161–162 Palmer Raids, 73, 109, 161, 162, 220, 225, 267, 341, 390, 410 overview, 409–412, 438–439 “Pal’s Battalions” (Britain), 387 Pan American Airways, 536 Pan American Games, 549 Pan-Americanism, 111, 199–200 Papa Laine Reliance Band, 133 Papen, Franz von, 448 Papineau, Louis-Joseph, 26 Paramount Pictures, 12, 57, 204, 205

Paris Peace Conference, 76, 77, 91, 92, 133, 200, 323, 341, 360, 532 overview, 412–414, 413 participating/excluded countries, 412, 413 treaties of, 412 See also Treaty of Versailles Parker, Charlie, 598, 686–687, 686, 779, 833 Parker, Daisy, 14 Parker, Dorothy, 716 Parker, Gilbert, 425 Parker, John J., 734 Parker, Sir Gilbert, 369 Parkman, Francis, 145 Parks, Gordon, 983 Parks, Rosa, 959 Parlby, Irene, 151 Parliamentary Recruiting Committee (PRC/Britain), 426, 427 Parliament Bill (Britain, 1911), 81 Partisan Review, 887 Patent Cross-License Agreement (U.S., 1915), 44 Pathé Frères Phonograph Company, 395 Patman, John N. and Emma, 687 Patman, Wright, 687–688 Patrick, Luther, 1027 Patrie, Le (newspaper), 909 Patterson, Robert P., 668, 688–690, 689, 764 Patton, George S., 389, 584, 690–691, 690 Pattullo, Duff, 617 Paul, Alice, 162–164 Pauley, Edwin, 691 Payne-Aldrich Tariff (U.S., 1895), 481 Peace and Bread in Time of War (Addams, document), 1181–1183 Pearl Harbor attack, 624, 914, 1009, 1010, 1031 effects, 515–516, 712, 892, 896, 901, 904, 905, 907, 913, 951, 981–982, 981 investigation, 646 overview, 980–982, 981

1466

Pearse, Padraig, 290, 291, 292, 293 Peck, Gregory, 563 Pegler, Westbrook, 692–693 Peixotto, Ernest Clifford, 243–244 Penn Central Railroad, 688 Pentagon construction, 605 Pentecostal movement, 446–447 People (magazine), 530 Pepper, Claude, 693–694, 693 Perkins, Frances, 694–695, 732 Perkins, Frederick Beecher, 83 Perkins, Milo, 787 Pershing, John J., 76, 188, 188, 189, 380, 381, 388–389, 390, 391, 408, 433–434, 452 biography, 164–165 Perske, William, 529 Person, Arthur, 56 Persons Case (Canada), 151 Pétain, Philippe, 650 Peters, Andrew, 52, 248, 249 Peterson, Eric, 371 Petrillo, James, 758, 759 Petroleum Administration for War (U.S.), 860 Petroleum Defense Administration (U.S.), 325 Pettibone, George, 103 Phelan, James, 802 Philadelphia Record (newspaper), 725 Philanthropy, 173–174, 177, 185, 638–639 Philippines, 76 Philips, Mary, 541 Philosophy in the United States (Hall), 97 Phonograph invention/use, 394 “Phony War,” 559, 616, 644, 698, 814 Photographic War Pool, 913 Photography photojournalists/ photojournalism, 554, 555, 585, 661, 982–983 World War II (overview), 982–984 Physical Training Act (Britain), 556 Pianola (player piano), 394, 462 Picasso, Pablo, 746, 766

B

Index

Pickford, Mary (Gladys Mary Smith), 36, 70, 71, 94, 100, 204, 316, 319, 338 biography, 165–166 Picture Post, 911 Pierce, Palmer E., 249 Pinchot, Amos, 166–167, 230 Pinchot, Gifford, 167 Pinchot-Ballinger controversy, 167 Pinkerton detectives, 490 Piper, John, 787 Pitney, Mahlon, 473 Planned Parenthood Federation of America, 178, 1018 Playground and Recreation Association, 75 Playwright’s Company, The, 716 Plessy v. Ferguson, 959, 1033–1036 Plunkett, Joseph, 291 PM (newspaper), 725 Poetry (journal), 375 Poison gas, 96 Poland German invasion of, 515, 517, 557 Treaty of Versailles and, 414 Political Action Committee (PAC) of CIO, 620, 676, 807 Politic Equity League (Canada), 150 Pollak, Ben, 637 Pollock, Jackson, 767, 768 Popular Front, 887 Populist platform, 54 Port Chicago explosion/mutiny, 984 inquiry findings (document, 1944), 1304–1311 Porter, Cole, 185 Post, Louis, 108, 411 Post Office Welfare Department (U.S.), 102 Potsdam Conference (1945), 39, 581, 627 Pound, Ezra, 376, 695–697, 696, 963, 964 Powell, Dilys, 869 Powell, Gladys, 734 Powell, Michael, 868, 869 Powell Jr., Adam Clayton, 697–698, 807

Powell v. McCormack, 697 Power, C.G. “Chubby,” 650, 698–699 Power, Tyrone, 613 Prager, Robert, 327 Preparedness movement (U.S.) report on readiness for World War I (document), 1112–1119 World War I, 41, 42, 65–66, 82, 127, 153, 167, 202, 229, 230, 274, 403 See also Mobilization; National Security League (U.S.) Presley, Elvis, 956 Pressburger, Emeric, 868, 869 Price, Byron, 796–797, 798, 799 Price Fixing Committee (U.S.), 466 Priest, Oscar S. De, 566 Prima, Louis, 704 Printers’ Ink, 759 Prisoners of War (POWs/World War II) American POWS, 986 Axis prisoners in U.S., 985–986 Profits Tax Act (Canada, 1917), 296 Progressive Conservative Party (Canada), 276 Progressive Party (U.S.), 49, 54, 60, 108, 109, 117–118, 149, 166, 167, 175, 305, 403, 416 Progressive Republican League (U.S.), 417 Progressivism/Progressive Era (U.S.), 26, 54, 59, 76, 98, 129, 130, 137, 166–167, 191–192, 301, 337, 338, 392, 393, 393, 401, 410, 473 civil liberties and (overview), 418–419 description, 414–416 origins, 415, 416–417 overview, 414–419, 415 peace and (overview), 417–418 Prohibition (U.S.), 181, 235, 254, 256, 288, 418 organized crime and, 254, 421–422 overview, 419–422, 420

Index

Prohibition Party (U.S.), 416, 420–421 Propaganda/World War I Americanization programs and, 231 Britain, 270, 278, 316–318, 349, 350, 369, 425–428, 425, 429 British agencies (overview), 425–427 British prowar organizations (overview), 426–427 Canada, 422–425, 423, 908 U.S., 231, 241–244, 257, 319, 320, 338, 351, 428–431, 428, 430, 651 See also Advertising; Committee on Public Information; Office of War Information (OWI/U.S.) Propaganda/World War II Britain, 946, 988–990 Canada, 986–988 U.S., 573–574, 575, 594, 595–596, 652, 871, 890, 914, 977–979, 978, 990–993, 994–995, 1071–1072 See also Advertising; Office of War Information (OWI/ U.S.) Prostitutes anti-prostitution campaign, 54, 234–235, 255–256 military and, 54, 75–76, 235, 255, 456–457 Protestantism revivalism, 444–447 World War I (overview), 440, 441, 442 World War II, 1006–1105, 1029 Psychoanalysis/psychological studies, 97–98 PT (Patrol-Torpedo) boats, 619 Public Debt Act (U.S., 1941), 788 Public Opinion (Lippman), 139 Public Utility Holding Company Act (U.S., 1935), 775–776 Public Works Administration (PWA/U.S.), 635–636 Pulitzer Prize, 194, 375, 480, 617, 618, 666, 668, 692, 700, 716, 717, 722, 913, 1042

B

1467

Pullman Company, 534–535 Pullman Strike, 57 Punch (magazine), 369 Punitive Expedition (U.S.), 165, 690 Pure Food and Drug Act (U.S., 1906), 393, 417 Purity campaign, 255–256 Purvis, Melvin, 624 Putnam, George Haven, 404 Pyle, Ernie, 555, 699–700, 912 Quakers (Society of Friends), 268, 407, 441, 812 Quinn, Anthony, 87 Quota and National Origins Acts (U.S., 1924), 232 Rabban, David M., 258 Race riots/World War I, 193, 215, 328, 329, 397, 398, 410, 490 factors contributing to (overview), 432 Marcus Garvey speech on (document), 1139–1144 overview, 432–436 “Red Summer” (1919), 328, 329, 398, 435, 436 Race riots/World War II, 648–649, 733, 734, 881, 969 overview, 994–996 See also Zoot suit riots Racial equality/World War II era, 566–567, 628, 633, 652–653, 668, 676, 689, 751, 956, 960, 1033–1036, 1044 Congress of Racial Equality (CORE/U.S.), 398, 810–811 desegregation of federal government, 636, 959 integration in baseball, 685–686, 778 military and, 567, 689, 697, 702 See also specific organizations Racism “Jim Crow” laws/views, 213, 219, 328, 399, 652, 678–679, 754–755, 994–995, 1036 Ku Klux Klan, 31, 33, 80, 92, 93, 216, 397, 398, 432, 435, 438, 811, 957

See also Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC/ U.S.) Racism/World War I era against Italian/Slavic immigrants, 341–342 against Latinos, 359–360 Anderson and, 521–522, 522 anti-Semitism, 72, 76, 92, 235–237, 346, 761 Birth of a Nation, The, 85, 93, 94, 216, 397, 432 blackface performances, 395–396 Carter Glass/voting and, 86 fighting against, 101, 181 films and, 216 Liberty Loans and, 789 Marcus Garvey and, 79–80 segregation, 189–190, 191, 212, 213, 213, 214, 288, 328, 399, 539 U.S. vs. Europe, 345 W.E.B. Dubois and, 62–63 See also African Americans/ World War I; Lynching Racism/World War II era by AFL, 750–751, 753 against African Americans, 539–540, 539, 551, 552, 628, 652–653, 679, 685–686, 687–688, 702, 703, 742–743, 750–755, 778, 809, 810–811 American Creed and, 678–679 by Germany, 515 hate strikes, 754, 881–882 by Japan, 515 Nazi use of U.S. segregation, 804 segregation, 551, 552, 702, 703, 753, 1030 See also African Americans/ World War II; Anti-Semitism/ World War II; Japanese Americans/World War II Radar/antiradar technology, 1038, 1039–1040 Radio, first listener-sponsored stations, 812–813. See also specific broadcasting companies

1468

Radio/World War II Canada and, 987–988 music and, 954 overview, 996–997 Raft, George, 872 Ragtime dances/music, 68, 344 Railroad Administration (U.S.), 294, 324–325 Railroad Bracero Program, 791 Railroads/World War I Adamson Act (U.S., 1916), 209–210 companies, 149, 194, 195–196 report on wartime railroad transportation (document), 1120–1121 segregated cars, 213 strikes, 57, 209 Willard and, 194, 195–196 Railroads/World War II, 996–999 Railway War Board, 195, 303 Rains, Claude, 871 Raleigh News and Observer (newspaper), 55 Raleigh North Carolinian (newspaper), 54 Ralston, J. L., 630, 643, 645 Ramsden, John, 278 Randolph, Asa Philip, 80, 216, 398, 432, 735, 753, 754, 860, 891, 1044 biographies, 168–169, 701–702 Rangers, The, 715 Rankin, Jeannette, 169–170, 305, 431 Rankin, John E., 702–704 Ratings and Evaluations Act (Britain, 1925), 556 Rationing/World War I Britain, 143, 298, 299–300 Canada, 384, 424 U.S., 312–313, 320–322, 321, 502 See also Food Administration (U.S./World War I) Rationing/World War II Allies overview, 516, 518, 999–1002, 1003 black market, 782–784, 843, 1209

B

Index

Britain, 560, 792, 842–843, 948, 950, 999–1000 Canada, 908, 1000 gasoline/car sharing, 750, 782–783, 859 ration book one-warning (document), 1209 recycling, 750, 862, 973, 1074 Roosevelt’s radio appeal on scrap-rubber campaign (document, 1942), 1252–1253 scrap metal collections, 750, 800, 805, 973 shellac/phonograph records, 779 U.S., 544–545, 569, 595, 648, 746, 750, 779, 782–784, 800, 801, 825, 839, 844, 861, 864, 865, 953, 974, 975–976, 975, 986, 1000–1002, 1001, 1074, 1076–1077, 1209, 1252–1253 See also Office of Price Administration and Civilian Supply (OPACS/U.S.); Office of War Mobilization (OWM/U.S.) Rayburn, Sam, 531 Raye, Martha (Margy Reed), 704–705 Reader’s Digest, 613, 641, 965 Reagan, Ronald, 722, 894 Real Estate Record and Builders’ Guide, 49 Reclamation Extension Act (U.S., 1914), 131 Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC/U.S.), 638 Reconversion of U.S. economy, 681, 1002–1004 Recording Industries Music Performance Trust Funds (U.S.), 758–759 Red Cross ambulance drivers and, 222 raising money for, 46, 70, 166 Red Cross, American, 247, 336, 481 overview, 226–228, 227, 228 Red Cross, International, 191, 226, 361 Red Cross ship, 226

Redfield, William Cox, 88, 170–171 Red Scare, 52, 64, 73, 77, 123, 161, 162, 220, 224, 225, 234, 261, 267, 305–306, 314, 338, 390, 461, 490 IWW and, 334 overview, 436–440, 437 See also Industrial Workers of the World; Palmer Raids “Red Summer” (1919), 328, 329, 398, 435, 436 Red Tails, 566 Reed, Carol, 869 Reed, John, 65, 103, 171–172, 267 Reed-Johnson Immigration Act (U.S.), 342 Reformers (Canada), 362 Reform Party (Canada), 275 Refugees/World War II Jews as immigrants/refugees, 659, 673, 682, 856–860, 883–884, 1005–1006 overview, 1005–1006 “Regina Manifesto,” 822–823 Regionalism (art), 763 Reifenstahl, Leni, 555 Reifsneider, Agnes, 521 Reith, Sir John, 791, 911 Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UN), 649 Religion revivalism/World War I era, 444–447 U.S./World War II overview, 1006–1007 U.S./World War I overview, 440–442 Rent Restriction Act (Britain, 1925), 556 Reorganization Act (U.S., 1939), 961 Repington, Colonel, 135 Representation of the People Act (Britain, 1918), 143, 278, 357 Republican Party (U.S.)/World War I, 41, 47, 52, 98, 101–102, 111, 118, 128, 155, 175, 192, 198, 287 criticism of Wilson (overview), 442, 443, 444

Index

overview, 442–444 platform of 1916 (document), 1097–1100 See also United States elections Republican Party (U.S.)/World War II, 610–611, 726 overview, 1008–1011 platform of 1940 (document), 1206–1208 platform of 1944 (document), 1292–1293 See also United States elections Requa, Mark, 325 Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC), 262, 402, 403, 849 Reuss, Mariann, 549 Reuther, Valentine, 705 Reuther, Walter Philip, 705–706, 705, 727 Reveille (magazine), 1019 Revenue Act (U.S., 1916), 475 Revenue Act (U.S., 1917), 475–476 Revenue Act (U.S., 1918), 476 Revenue Act (U.S., 1940), 794 Revenue Act (U.S., 1942), 839, 844 Revivalism, 444–447 Revolt, The (newspaper), 153 Reynolds, Quentin, 692 Reynolds, Robert R., 1028 Reynolds News, 910 Rice, Elmer, 716 Rice, Grantland, 350 Rich, Buddy, 637 Rich, Lucina Artemesia, 59 Rickey, Branch, 778 Riddell, Lord, 348 Riddle, Samuel, 148 Rider-Rider, William, 354 Riis, Jacob, 75, 694 Rivera, Diego, 763 Rizdon Beezley salvage company, 379 Roach, Hal, 140 Robards, Jason, 529 Roberts, Charles G.D., 368 Roberts, George, 357 Roberts, Lord Frederick, 126, 271 Roberts, Owen, 1033 Robertson, C. P., 945

B

1469

Robeson, Paul, 653, 707–708, 707, 890 Robinson, Albert, 243 Robinson, Edward G., 873 Robinson, Edwin Arlington, 137 Robinson, George Geoffrey, 317 Robinson, Jackie, 685, 686, 778 Robinson, Joseph, 531 Robles, Jose, 62 Roche, Frances, 231 Rockefeller, John D., 172–174, 173, 181, 235, 284, 392 Rockefeller, William and Eliza, 172 Rockefeller Foundation, 75, 173 Rockwell, Norman, 137, 750, 766, 875, 915 Rodgers and Hammerstein, 1041 Rogers, Will, 203 Rollins, Sonny, 779 Romberg, Sigmund, 395, 480 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 179, 577, 673, 692, 701, 735, 755, 797, 1044 Anderson’s concert and, 521 biography, 708–710 Hoover’s investigations and, 625 Roosevelt, Eliott, 708 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 39, 46, 72, 92, 106, 179, 181, 197, 411, 661, 670, 691, 697, 724, 852, 895, 981, 1055 advertising/conserving and, 746–759 “Arsenal of Democracy” radio address (document, 1940), 1212–1218 biography, 710–713, 711 Democratic Party and, 836–837 election of 1920 (overview), 307 election of 1940 (overview), 850–851 election of 1944 (overview), 851–853 executive order/stabilizing national economy (document, 1942), 1261–1265 “Four Freedoms” speech (document, 1941), 1219–1224 policies of, 111, 169, 314

price control message to Congress (document, 1941), 1237–1240 “Proclamation of Unlimited National emergency” (document, 1941), 1233–1234 radio appeal on scrap-rubber campaign (document, 1942), 1252–1253 speech to Teamsters union (document, 1944), 1299–1303 State of the Union Address (document, 1945), 1356–1358 See also New Deal Roosevelt, James and Sara Delano, 710 Roosevelt, Quentin, 175 Roosevelt, Theodore, 41, 49, 55, 131, 145, 164, 175, 198, 284, 472 biography, 174–176 election of 1916 (overview), 305, 443 policies/views, 36, 111, 129–130, 157, 166, 174, 175, 231, 258, 287, 326, 332, 392–393, 403, 404, 416–417, 443 Rough Riders, 201 Root, Elihu, 407, 443, 724 Rosenberg, Harold, 890 Rosenberg, Julius and Ethel, 625 Rosenfeld, Paul, 337 Rosenthal, Joseph, 913 Rosenwald, Julius, 176–177, 176 Rosie the Riveter, 800, 862, 915, 1011–1012, 1011, 1044, 1070, 1072 Ross, Harold, 350 Ross, Malcolm Harrison, 713–714, 754, 860 Ross rifle, 112–113 ROTC (Reserve Officers’ Training Corps), 262, 402, 403, 849 Rothermere, Viscount (Harold Harmsworth), 348, 349 Rothko, Mark, 767, 768

1470

“Rough Riders,” 201, 645 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 366 Roy, Gabrielle, 924 Royal British Legion, 97 Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF), 698, 946 Royal Canadian Navy (RCN), 1066 Royal Navy, 25, 134, 152, 271, 276, 386 Rubber production, U.S., 532–533 Rubber Survey Committee (U.S.), 532 Ruef, Abraham, 32 Russell, Bertrand, 4 Russell, Charles Edward, 461 Russellites (Jehovah’s Witnesses), 260, 263, 812, 1033 Russia World War I, 240, 241 World War II, 627 Russian Civil War, 267 Russo-Japanese Peace Treaty, 174 Rustin, Bayard, 810 Ruth, George Herman “Babe,” 247 Rutkoff, Pete, 767, 769 Sabotage and spies/World War I Britain and, 152 Burns and, 31, 32–33 civil liberties and, 258–259 German Embassy spy ring, 448–450 overview, 448–450 See also espionage acts Sabotage and spies/World War II British women secret agents, 1069–1070 U.S. and, 624, 867, 1031–1032 Sacco, Nicola, 73, 341, 450–451, 451, 576–577 Sakamoto, Kerri, 925 Sallies, 453 Salvation Army, 452–453, 452 Samba, 832 Sandburg, Carl, 65, 374, 375 Sandwell, B. K., 27 San Francisco Chronicle (newspaper), 131

B

Index

Sanger, Margaret, 178, 191, 456, 504 Sansom, William, 926 Sargent, John Singer, 243 Sarnoff, David, 860 Saroyan, William, 1042 Sartre, Jean Paul, 61, 576 Sassoon, Siegfried, 372 Saturday Evening Post (magazine), 392, 750, 800 Saturday Night, 27 Savage, Augusta, 766 Saxe-Coburg Gotha royal family name, 81, 81 Schapiarelli, Elsa, 769 Schenck, Charles, 234, 257, 438 argument in Supreme Court case (document), 1110–1111 Schenck v. United States, 309, 473–474, 1110–1111 documents, 1110–1111, 1169–1171 Schmeling, Max, 660 Schneiderman, Rose, 179–180 School nurses, 191 Schroeder, Theodore, 260 Schwerner, Michael, 811 Science Service press association, 352 Scopes, John, 30 Scopes “Monkey” Trial, 30, 56, 263 Scotland/World War II, 1013–1014 Scott, Duncan Campbell, 368 Scott, Frank, 249, 493 Scott, Frederick George, 368 Scott, James Brown, 61 Scott, William, 767, 769 Scottsboro boys, 101, 398 Scripps, E.W., 352 Sculpture, 767 Seaborg, Glenn, 936 Seabrook, William, 221 Sears, Roebuck, and Company, 176, 176 Seattle general strike, 453–454 Second Liberty Loan Act/ amendment (U.S., 1917, 1935), 788 Second World War, The (Churchill), 39

Securities acts (U.S., 1933, 1934), 775–776 Security Council of UN, 1047–1048, 1047 Sedition Act (U.S., 1800), 92, 258 Sedition Act (U.S., 1918), 92, 257, 259, 338, 351, 408 document, 1153 overview, 454–455 See also Espionage and Sedition Acts (U.S.) Seeger, Alan, 180, 375 See It Now television show, 678 Segregation World War I era, 189–190, 191, 212, 213, 213, 214, 288, 328, 399, 539 See also Racism Selective Service Act (U.S., 1917), 41, 75, 261, 262, 268, 274–275, 310, 459, 473, 1014 Selective Service Act (U.S., 1941), 896 Selective Service and Training Act (U.S., 1940), 811, 817–818, 940, 1014, 1015, 1016 Selective Service/World War II overview, 1014–1016, 1015 See also Conscription/World War II Selznick, David O., 621, 622 Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program, 729, 1016–1018 Sennett, Mack, 11–12, 36 Serling, Rod, 887 Service, Robert, 368, 369, 370 Servicemen’s Dependents Allowance Act (U.S., 1942), 819 Servicemen’s Readjustment Act. See GI Bill of Rights (U.S., 1944) Settlement houses/movement, 64, 75, 121, 191, 192, 193, 416, 694 Henry Street Settlement, 121, 191–192 Hull House, 9, 10, 120–121, 123

Index

Seven Arts, The (magazine), 28, 337 Severeid, Eric, 994 Sèvres Treaty, 412 Sex education, 75–76 Sexuality/U.S. prior to World War I, 455–456 Victorian values, 455–456 Sexuality/World War I (U.S.) “fallen” girls/“lure of khaki,” 255–256, 502 overview, 455–457 Sexuality/World War II (U.S.), 863 overview, 1018–1020 Sexually transmitted disease World War I, 75–76, 255, 456–457 World War II, 1018–1019, 1050–1051 Shahn, Ben, 765, 769 Shakelford, Lena, 577 Shapiro, Lionel, 909, 924 Shaw, Anna Howard, 501, 502 Shaw, Artie, 575, 623, 715–716, 953 Shaw, Irwin, 929 Sheehy-Skeffington, Francis, 293 Sheeler, Charles, 765, 768 Shelley, Elsa, 1041 Shepard, Bert, 778 Sherman Act (U.S., 1890), 763 Sherrod, Robert, 915 Sherry, William, 568 Sherwood, Robert E., 716–717 Shipbuilding Labor Adjustment Board (U.S.), 453 Shipping Act (U.S., 1916), 114, 457, 458 Shipping Board (U.S.), 458 Shipping/U.S. private shipbuilding, 640 World War I (overview), 457–459 World War II (overview), 1020–1022 Ship Registry Act (U.S., 1914), 458 Shirer, William, 994 Shore, (Frances Rose) Dinah, 717–718, 717, 953 Sichel, Ida, 146

B

1471

Simmons, Furnifold, 127 Simon, John, 272, 365 Simple stories, 632 Simpson, Mrs. Wallis Warfield, 39 Sinatra, Frank (Francis Albert), 534, 637, 718–720, 719, 954, 953 Sinclair, Upton, 262, 392, 461 Singer, Isaac Bashevis, 930 Singer, Jack, 913 Sinn Fein, 279 Siqueiros, David, 766 Sissle, Noble, 433 Skelton, O.D., 643 “Slackers” World War I, 459–460, 489, 492 World War II, 1077 Slang/World War II, 1022–1025 Sloan, Alfred P., 740 Small Business Act (U.S., 1942), 794 Smaller War Plants Corporation (SWPC), 669 Smathers, George, 694 Smith, Alfred, 306–307 Smith, Betty, 873 Smith, David, 765 Smith, Harold, 720–721 Smith, Kate, 537, 721–722, 721, 759, 953, 1055 Smith, Katherine, 577 Smith, Mamie, 396 Smith, Matthew, 1032–1033 Smith, W. Eugene, 887, 982 Smith, William and Charlotte Hanley, 721 Smith, Willie, 637 Smith Act (U.S., 1940), 73, 729, 803–804, 806 Smith-Connally Act (U.S., 1943), 1025–1027 Smith-Lever Agricultural Extension Act (U.S., 1914), 110, 217–218 Smithsonian Institute, 244 Smokey the Bear, 750 Snow, C.P., 925 Social Democratic Herald (newspaper), 23 Social Democratic Party (U.S.), 105

Social Insurance and Allied Services report. See Beveridge Report Socialist and Labor International, 105 Socialist International, 103, 266 Socialist Labor Party (U.S.), 105, 120 Socialist movement divisions, 266–267 Europe, 103 overview, 437–438 Socialist Party of America (SPA), 105, 106, 266, 267, 547 Socialist Party/Socialists (U.S.), 22–23, 60, 65, 153, 155, 220, 454, 681, 705 journal articles (documents), 1091–1092 overview, 23–24, 460–462 Social Justice publication, 856 Social realism (art), 764 Social Security Act (U.S., 1935), 592, 694, 967 Social Security Administration, 836 Society of Automotive Engineers, 44 Society of Friends (Quakers), 268, 407, 441, 812 Society of Independent Motion Picture Producers, 681 Society Orchestra, 68 Soil Conservation Service (U.S.), 756 Soleil, Le (newspaper), 909 Somervell, Brehon B., 1056 Somme offensive/battle, 14, 15–16, 81, 95, 96, 180, 273, 317, 319, 390 Sonar technology, 1040 Songs of World War I (overview), 462–464 Soule, George, 887 Southern, E.H., 481 Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 398 Southern region of U.S. (overview/World War II), 1027–1031 Soviet Union beginnings, 241

1472

Soviet Union/World War II American-Soviet friendship (document, 1942), 1272–1276 German invasion, 807 Nonaggression Pact with Nazi Germany, 806, 887 U.S. fears of, 591 Spahn, Warren, 777 Spanish-American War, 87, 164, 167, 174, 192, 201, 645 Spanish Civil War, 745–746 Speakeasies, 254, 421 Spencer, Clarissa Anne, 581 Spender, J.A., 348 Spewack, Samuel, 185 Spies. See Sabotage and spies/ World War I Spirit of Dunkirk, 560 Spirit of St. Louis, The, 656, 965 Spitfire fighter planes, 557–558, 772 Sprout, William, 306 “Spruce Goose,” 631 SS Chicago, 61 Stalin, Joseph, 61–62, 65, 66–67, 515, 627, 807 Stalling, Laurence, 481 Standard Oil, 92, 172–173, 173, 174, 764 Standard Pneumatic Tool Company, 114 Stanford-Binet Test, 464–465 Stanwyck, Barbara, 873 Stark, Freya, 946 Star (newspaper), 98 Starr, Ellen Gates, 9, 120–121 Stars and Stripes, 350, 668, 1019 Statue of Westminster (Britain, 1931), 81 Statutory Instruments Act (Britain, 1946), 855 Steagall, Henry, 87 Steel industry/U.S. overview, 465–467 Steffens, Lincoln, 72, 138, 392, 393, 416, 657 Stein, Gertrude, 338, 376, 377 Steinbeck, John, 555, 607, 722–723, 871, 930 Stern, David, 725 Stetson, Charles Walter, 84

B

Index

Stetson, Katherine, 84 Stettinius, Edward, 536 Steubenberg, Frank, 103 Stevens, Wallace, 375 Stevenson, William, 830 Stewart, Jimmy, 723, 873, 890, 1049 Stewart, William, 909 St. Germain Treaty, 412 Still, Clyfford, 765 Stimson, Henry, 404, 689, 724, 764, 794, 1055–1056 St. Laurent, Louis, 643 St. Louis, 859 St. Louis Dispatch (newspaper), 668 Stocker, Anna, 705 Stock market crash (1929), 155, 204, 842 Stone, Harlan Fiske, 33, 109 Stone, Isador Feinstein “Izzy,” 725 Stone, Robert, 104 St. Paul’s Cathedral, London, 933 Strachey, Joseph, 348 Straight, Michael, 889 Straight, Willard and Dorothy, 49 Strassman, Fitz, 1037 Strayhorn, Billy, 587 Streptomycin, 1040 Strikes/World War I Boston Police Strike (1919), 47, 52, 247–249, 410 Britain, 38, 484–485, 855 Britain’s miners’ strike, 38 General Strike (Britain, 1926), 559, 560 General Strike (Britain, 1931), 81 IWW and (overview), 334 labor strikes overview, 467–470, 468 patterns of economic stressors, 467–468, 468 Seattle general strike, 453–454 table summary, 468 U.S., 47, 52, 57, 161, 179, 184, 209, 247–249, 410, 467–469, 468, 486–488 WLB and, 494, 495 Strikes/World War II (U.S.), 654–655, 705, 727, 728, 809, 818, 824, 866, 1025–1026 hate strikes, 754, 881–882

no strike pledge, 654, 706, 759–761, 793, 808–809, 824, 959, 960, 1025, 1032–1034 overview, 1032–1034 Smith-Connally Act (U.S., 1943), 1025–1027 Stryker, Roy Emerson, 982–983 Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (U.S.), 398 St. Valentine’s Day Massacre, 422 Styron, William, 930–931 Submarine detector, 550 Submarine warfare by Germany/ World War I, 3, 143, 149, 200, 239, 293, 302, 309, 310, 340, 388, 389, 402–403, 457, 458, 510 overview, 470–472 See also specific ships Submarine warfare by Germany/ World War II, 969–970 Suez Canal, 580, 581 Sully, Anna Elizabeth, 70 Summerskill, Edith, 886 Sunday, Billy, 181–182, 181, 445 Sunday, Nell, 181 Supreme Court ideology of justices, 472–473 World War I era overview, 472–474 World War II era, 713, 892 World War II era overview/ cases, 1034–1036 Supreme Economic Council, 114–115 Sussex sinking, 33, 309, 402–403 Swanson, Gloria, 577 Sweatshops, 120, 121, 150 Swing dancing, 832, 833 Swing/Era (U.S.), 67, 954, 956 Sykes, Josephine, 673 Symphony of Negro Music, 68 Synthetic Liquid Fuels Act (U.S., 1944), 861 Szabo, Violette, 1069–1070 Szilard, Leo, 606, 936 Tacoma Daily News, 131 Taft, Robert A., 726–727, 727, 804

Index

Taft, William Howard, 40, 131, 170, 174–175, 198, 287, 303, 417, 443, 472 Taft-Hartley Act (U.S., 1947), 726, 727 Tallents, Stephen, 988 Tarbell, Ida, 173, 174, 338, 392, 416 Tarkington, Booth, 137 Taxation/World War I Canada, 296, 383 U.S. federal income tax, 199, 210, 211, 393, 475 U.S. overview, 475–477 Taxation/World War II Britain, 560, 842, 950 Canada, 616, 841 U.S., 838–839, 844–847 Taylor, Elizabeth, 873 Taylor, Frederick Winslow, 183–184, 184 Taylor, Laurette, 480, 481 Taylor, Robert, 872 Teagarden, Jack, 954 Teapot Dome Scandal, 33, 98 Technology World War I era overview, 477–479 World War II era overview, 1037–1040, 1038 See also specific technologies Tehran Conference (1943), 581, 592 Telefunken Communications, 449 Teller, Edward, 606 TEMPO, 759 Temporary National Economic Committee (TNEC/U.S.), 763 Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA), 655–666, 702–703, 739, 937 Terman, Frederick, 1039 Terman, Lewis, 464, 465 Territorial Troops/Forces (Britain), 385, 386 Thatcher, Margaret, 613 Theater (U.S.) World War I era overview, 479–481 World War II era overview, 1041–1042

B

1473

Theater, U.S./World War I era overview, 479–481 Thomas, David Alfred, 299 Thomas, Dylan, 926 Thomas, Norman, 262, 850 Thomas, R.J., 727–728 Thompson, Johnny, 637 Thorneycroft, Peter, 821 Tiffany Company, 85 Tillich, Paul, 1007 Time and Tide (newspaper), 64 Time (magazine), 351, 352, 554, 618, 660, 661, 700, 768, 915, 1027 Times, The (newspaper), 124, 135, 642, 910 Tindall, George, 1028, 1030 Tin Pan Alley, 393–395, 462–463, 464, 480, 623 Tizol, Juan, 637 Tobey, Mark, 766 Tobin, Daniel J., 728–729 Tobin, Louise, 637 Toller, Ernst, 859 Tolsen, Clyde, 624 Tonight Show, 722 Tony Awards, 529, 628 Torrio, Johnny, 422 Tory, Britain, 38 Tory Reform Committee, 821 Toscanini, Arturo, 521, 855 Totalitarianism definition/description, 515 war effects and, 515 Toynbee Hall, London, 9 Tracy, Spencer, 871 Trade share of world exports, 481–482, 482 U.S./World War I overview, 481–484 Trades Union Congress (TUC/ Britain), 484 Trade Union Educational League (TUEL/U.S.), 267 Trade unions/World War I Britain (overview), 484–486 U.S. (overview), 486–488 Trade unions/World War II, 1042–1045, 1043 Trading with the Enemy Act (U.S., 1917), 31, 260, 482

Treasury Agreement (Britain), 357 Treasury bonds (U.S.), 315 Treasury Department (U.S.) conflict with Federal Reserve, 776–777 World War II, 775, 776–777 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 240 Treaty of London (1841), 386 Treaty of Versailles (1920) effects, 241, 286, 323, 338, 412–414, 483, 506, 556 negotiations/signing, 90, 142, 192, 200, 311 views on, 4–5, 41, 50, 78, 117, 118, 121, 132, 133, 190, 192, 288, 506, 658 See also Paris Peace Conference Tregaskis, Richard, 913 Tresca, Carlo, 333–334 Triangle Film Corporation, 100 Triangle Fine Arts Company, 70 Triangle Shirtwaist Fire, 694 Trianon Treaty, 412 Tribune, 911 Trippe, Juan, 536 Trotsky, Leon, 65, 66, 67 Truman, Harry, 169, 396, 532, 691, 732, 733, 834, 835, 837, 850, 877, 1010, 1017 biography, 729–731, 730 first message to Congress (document, 1945), 1361–1364 Hoover and, 625 “Truman Committee,” 729, 1016–1018 Truman Doctrine, 837 Tubes, the, 149 Tuck, Louis and Albert, 184, 185 Tucker, Sophie (Sonya Kalesh), 184–186, 185 Tunney, Gene, 59 Tupper, Sir Charles, 25 TVA (Tennessee Valley Authority), 655–666, 702–703, 739, 937 Tydings, Senator, 940 Typhus, 362 U-boats. See Submarine warfare by Germany Ullman, Charles and Ella, 70

1474

Ulysses censorship case, 263 “Uncle Sam” poster, 242, 244, 429, 430 Underwood-Simmons Tariff Act (U.S., 1913), 161, 481 Underwood Tariff Act (U.S., 1913), 198–199 Underwood Tariff-Reduction Act (U.S.), 288 UNESCO, 545 Unger, Douglas, 932 UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association), 79, 80, 168, 193, 215, 432 Union for Democratic Action (UDA/U.S.), 681 Unionist War Committee (Britain), 278 Union of Democratic Control (UDC/Britain), 356 Union of Russian Workers, 162 Unions European model of, 91 Jim Crow unions, 754–755 labor rights/World War I (U.S.), 52, 68, 73, 74, 90–91, 105–106, 143, 152, 179, 197–198, 209, 232, 233, 303 See also specific unions; Trade unions United Air Lines, 45 United Artists, 36, 70, 94 United Automobile Workers (UAW/U.S.), 705, 706, 727–728, 740, 807, 882 United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers’ Union, 179 United Communist Party (U.S.), 267 United Electrical Workers Union (U.S.), 807 United Garment Workers (UGW/ U.S.), 619 United Hebrew Trades, 105 United Mine Workers of America (UMWA), 604, 654, 676, 809, 818, 1025, 1026, 1033 United Nations, 362, 530, 581, 589 Aid for International Development (AID), 589

B

Index

Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO), 589, 590 overview, 1046–1048, 1047 Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, 649 See also Bretton Woods conference United Service Organization (USO), 453, 564, 602, 626, 653, 704, 718, 833, 888, 955, 1072 overview, 1048–1049 United States federal income tax (U.S.), 199, 210, 211 integration of troops, 566 “Manifest Destiny” view/effects, 440 United States Chamber of Commerce, 72 United States Commission on Industrial Relations, 64 United States Committee for the Care of European Children (USCOM), 709 United States elections 1916, 304–305 1920, 305–308, 307 1940, 850–851 1944, 851–853 United States Public Health Service, 457 United States Shipping Board, 114, 115 United States Veterans Bureau/ Association, 224 United States/World War I Americans killed in, 275 breaking of relations with Germany (1917), 239, 240, 310, 389 Declaration of Neutrality (document), 1083–1084 Declaration of War speech (Wilson, document), 1123–1127 deportations by, 89–90, 109, 157, 162, 234, 410, 411, 439 economic policy (overview), 293–295 economy overview, 301–304

influence of, 240–241 isolationism following, 99 loans to Allies, 295, 302, 303–304, 310 mediation attempts, 74–75, 309–310, 403, 408, 417–418, 511 merchant ships and, 114, 115, 310, 389, 457–458 taxes, 301–302 transition to peace, 436–438 as unprepared, 274–275, 389–391 United States/World War II conditions at end of war (overview), 518 economic policy (overview), 838–840 economy (overview), 844–847 Emergency War Agencies manual (document), 1320–1355 great migration/effects, 942–944 Midwest (overview), 940–942 military expenditures, 838–839 national debt, 517 neutrality and, 515, 710, 711, 895–896 Northeast (overview), 968–970 overview, 517–518 South (overview), 1027–1031 West (overview), 1060–1062 Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), 79, 80, 168, 193, 215, 432 University on the Air (radio show), 677 Uris, Leon, 931 Urquhart, Jane, 371 USO. See United Service Organization (USO) U.S. Olympic Committee (USOC), 548–549 USS Arizona, 982 USS Missouri, 662 USS Panay bombing, 898 USS Shaw, 981 Vail, Theodore N., 82, 83 Vallee, Rudy, 19

Index

Vandenberg, Arthur H., 732–733, 851, 1010 Van Devanter, Willis, 472 Vanity Fair (magazine), 716 Vann, Robert L., 753 Vanzetti, Bartolomeo, 73, 341, 450–451, 451, 576–577 Variety, 873 Vaughan, Harry, 625 V Discs, 957 Veblen, Thorstein, 187–188 Veeck Jr., Bill, 778 Venereal diseases. See Sexually transmitted disease Versailles Treaty. See Treaty of Versailles (1920) Veterans Administration (U.S.), 878, 879 Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), 224 Victor Records, 68, 133, 159 Victory Corps, 849 Victory Gardens, 800, 862, 863, 1051–1052, 1052, 1062 Victory Loans Canada/World War I, 383 U.S./World War I, 86, 87 Victory Notes/Bonds, 246, 303 Vidal, Gore, 889, 931–932 Vietnam war, 725, 983 Vigilantism/World War I, 489–490 Villa, Pancho (Doroteo Arango), 165, 171, 274, 380, 381, 388–389, 390, 408, 511, 688 biography, 188–189, 188 “Village school” (poets), 137 Villard, Henry, 189 Villard, Oswald Garrison, 33, 189–190, 229, 262, 397, 438 Voice of America, 716, 994 Volstead Act (U.S., 1919), 421 Voltaire, 366 Voluntary Aid Detachments (VADs/Britain), 499–500 Vonnegut Jr., Kurt, 930 Vorticism literary movement, 696 VV (magazine), 768 Wadsworth, James W., 1016 Wage Councils Act (Britain, 1945), 538

B

1475

Wagner, 156, 157, 158 Wagner Labor Relations Act (U.S., 1935), 592 Waksman, Selman A., 1040 Wald, Lillian, 33, 75, 121, 191–192, 262, 337, 438 Wallace, Henry Agard, 531, 532, 589, 591, 787, 851, 852, 1010, 1018 address to Congress/AmericanSoviet friendship (document, 1942), 1272–1276 biography, 732–733 Waller, Fats, 533 Walling, William English, 461 Walsh, Raoul, 734 Walters, Ethel, 778 War Advertising Council (WAC/ U.S.), 746, 759, 750, 795, 991, 992 War Artists Scheme (Britain), 946 War bonds/World War I, 72, 72, 185, 245–246, 338 Canada, 296, 383 overview, 491–493 quotas and, 245–246 See also Liberty Bonds/Loans War bonds/World War II Canada, 841 promotion/selling of (U.S.), 13, 518, 568, 594, 595, 622, 626, 722, 759–750, 778, 839, 847, 992, 1049 U.S. overview, 788–790, 1053–1055, 1054 War Committee on Labor (U.S.), 90, 91 War Cooperating Committee (U.S. filmmakers), 205 War Council (U.S.), 227 War Department (U.S.), World War II, 1055–1057 War Emergency Workers’ National Committee (WEWNC/Britain), 357, 484 Warhol, Andy, 769 War Industries Board (U.S.), 20, 41, 194, 195, 217, 249–251, 252, 280, 283, 288, 294, 302, 466, 478, 479, 482, 794 overview, 249–251, 493–494

War Information Board (Canada), 908 War Labor Board (U.S.), 76, 223, 294, 303, 528, 759, 760, 824, 1071–1072 overview, 494–496 War Labor Conference Board (U.S.), 197–198, 223 War Loan Act (U.S., 1917), 293 War Manpower Commission (WMC/U.S.), 860, 1057–1058, 1071–1072 War Measures Act (Canada/1914, 1939), 629, 840–841 Warner, Rex, 926 Warner Brothers, 568 War Powers Act (U.S., 1941), 826 War Powers Act (U.S., 1942), 776 War Production Board (WPB/U.S.), 680, 764, 779, 837, 845, 861, 952 overview, 1058–1060 War Propaganda Bureau (Britain), 349 War Relocation Authority (U.S.), 892, 893, 983 Warren, Earl, 850 War Revenue Act (U.S., 1917), 293 War Risk Insurance Bureau (U.S.), 458 War Savings Staff (WSS/U.S.), 1054 War Shipping Administration (WSA/U.S.), 1020, 1021 War stamps (U.S.), 210, 211 Wartime Prices and Trade Board (Canada), 644, 784 War Trade Board (U.S.), 482 Washington, Booker T., 62–63, 101, 168, 328, 397, 432, 957 Washington, George, 339, 835, 895 Washington Conference (1922), 286 Washingtonians (band), 67 Washington Post (newspaper), 350, 669 Washington Times, 22 Washington Treaty System, 111 Watergate break-in, 688

1476

Watson, Claude, 851 Watt, Harry, 869 Watters, Mary, 941, 942 Waugh, Evelyn, 925, 926, 927, 945 Wayne, John (Marion Michael Morrison), 733–734, 872, 873 Weaver, Joanne, 778 Webb, Sidney, 357 Webb-Kenyon Act (U.S.), 473 Weber, Joseph, 758 Webster, Milton, 860 Weekly Bulletin for Cartoonists, 265 Weeks, John W., 192 Weinstein-Bacal, Natalie, 529 Weir, Walter J., 759 Weiss, Earl “Hymie,” 422 Welles, Orson, 562, 613, 652 Welles, Sumner, 625 Wells-Barnett, Ida Bell, 193, 193, 214–215, 957 Wescott, Mary Ann Fitch, 83 West, Mae, 205 West, Paul, 930 Western Electric, 82 Western Federation of Miners (WFM), 102–103, 333 Western region of U.S. (overview/World War II), 1060–1062 Westphal, Frank, 185 Wettergren, Mildred, 728 Weyl, Walter, 337, 658 Wharton, Edith, 194, 375 Wharton, Edward, 194 White, E.B., 914–915 White, Edward Douglas, 472 White, J. Maunsel, 183 White, Joseph, 543 White, Thomas, 296 White, Walter Francis, 397, 398, 734–735, 957 White, William, 168 “White label” of NCL, 401 Whiteman, Paul, 564 Whiting, Richard, 395, 463 Whitley, J.H., 485 Whitman, C.O., 98 Wickersham, George W., 314 Wigner, Eugene, 936 Wilbur, Richard, 929

B

Index

Wilder, Thornton, 1042 Wilhelm II, Kaiser, 175, 350, 385, 441, 470 Willard, Daniel, 194–196, 493 report on wartime railroad transportation (document), 1120–1121 Willard, Jess, 59, 196–197 Williams, Harry, 1081 Williams, John H., 611 Williams, John Sharp, 40 Williams, Ted, 685, 735–738, 738, 777 Williams, Tennessee, 1041 Williams, William Carlos, 375 Williamson, Henry, 928 Willkie, Wendell, 611, 711, 726, 836, 850, 851, 1008–1009 biography, 738–739 speech for U.S. participating in World War II (document/1942), 1254–1256 Wilson, Charles Edward, 741–742, 794 Wilson, Charles Erwin, 740–741 Wilson, Eleanor, 149 Wilson, Joseph Ruggles, 198 Wilson, Paul Caldwell, 694 Wilson, William B., 197–198, 487 Wilson, Woodrow, 29–30, 40, 40, 45, 54, 57, 75, 78, 82, 86, 87, 92, 106, 109, 111, 114, 127, 131, 132, 149, 153, 161, 170, 175, 176, 181, 472, 473, 635 Adamson Act, 209–210 Armistice, 240–241, 323 biography, 198–200, 199 CPI and, 264, 265 DAR and, 284, 285 Declaration of Neutrality (document), 1083–1084 as Democrat (overview), 287–288 “Do Your Bit for America” proclamation (document), 1128–1131 economic policies overview, 293–295 election of 1916 overview, 304–305

election of 1920 overview, 305, 307 Fourteen-Points of Peace Program, 118, 138, 139, 200, 240–241, 288, 311, 322–324, 337, 338, 360, 412–413, 414, 1150–1152 Fourteen-Points of Peace Program document, 1150–1152 neutrality policy, 29, 33, 132, 154, 165, 175, 176, 190, 200, 230, 237, 238, 288, 301, 302, 304, 309–310, 337, 339–340, 388, 402–403, 417, 440, 470–471, 1083–1084 “New Freedom,” 287, 288, 417 policies/views, 91, 111, 117, 118, 127, 129, 130, 130, 131, 133, 155, 168, 169, 189–190, 195, 198–200, 231, 250, 256, 258, 321, 326, 380, 381, 433, 481, 482–483 proclamation establishing conscription (document), 1134–1137 Selective Service Act, 75 speech in defense of the League of Nations (document), 1174–1178 war declaration (document), 1123–1127 war declaration (overview), 310, 337 women’s suffrage, 162, 163, 164 Windsor royal family name, 81, 81 Winesburg, Ohio (Anderson), 10, 11 Winnipeg Declaration (1956), 824 Winter, Emma, 76 Winterbotham, F. W., 830 Wintringham, Tom, 886 Wischnewetzky, Lazare, 120 Wisconsin Vorwaerts (newspaper), 23 Wise, Rabbi Stephen, 229, 673 Wittke, Carl, 260 “Wobblies.” See Industrial Workers of the World (IWW/ “Wobblies”)

Index

Wolfe, Thomas, 10, 11 Woman Rebel, The (magazine), 178 Women Air Force Service Pilots (WASPS/U.S.), 774, 1074 Women Home Guard Auxiliaries (Britain), 886 Women in Industry Service (WIS), 504 Women of the Office of Public Safety (WOOPS/U.S.), 656 Women’s Auxiliary Air Force (WAAF/Britain), 1069 Women’s Auxiliary Army Corps (WAACS/Britain), 499, 1068–1069 Women’s Auxiliary Corps (WAC/U.S.), 1019 Women’s Christian Temperance Union Canada, 150 U.S., 255 Women’s Committee of the Council of National Defense (WCCND/U.S.), 501–504 Women’s Franchise Act (Canada/1918), 151 Women’s Home Defence (Britain), 886 Women’s Hospital Corps (Britain), 500 Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), 9, 120, 121, 192, 229, 408 overview, 505–506 Women’s Land Army (Britain), 499 Women’s Peace Parade, 417 Women’s Peace Party (WPP), 9, 36, 83, 84, 120, 121, 192, 229, 230, 417, 505, 506 Women’s Police Service (WPS/Britain), 499 Women’s rights AFL and, 751–752 arresting suffrage picketers, 163 birth control, 89, 178, 191, 456, 457, 504, 1018 Britain/voting, 143, 152, 162, 163, 387

B

1477

Canada, 150, 151 Canada/voting, 134–135, 150, 151, 363, 497 Edward Filene and, 72 Emma Goldman and, 89 “equal pay for equal work,” 504, 960, 1073 Russian Banner incident, 163 sexuality and, 456, 457 U.S., 72, 83, 83, 84, 89, 163, 179 U.S./voting, 35–36, 64, 162–164, 179, 193, 269, 270, 307, 393, 442–443, 503, 1105–1108 women’s suffrage speech to Congress (Catt/document), 1105–1108 Women’s Royal Air Force (WRAF/Britain), 499 Women’s Royal Canadian Naval Service (WRCNS/Wrens), 1064–1065 Women’s Royal Naval Service (WRNS/Britain), 499, 950, 1069 Women’s Social and Political Union, Britain, 162 Women’s Trade Union League (WTUL/U.S.), 179, 191, 1044 Women’s War Conference, Ottawa, 151 Women/World War I British medical work overview, 499–500 British women (overview), 497–501 Canadian women (overview), 496–497 discrimination against, 390 NCL and, 401–402 U.S. women (overview), 501–505, 502, 503 war efforts/war-related jobs of, 4, 303, 387, 390, 401–402, 496–497, 497, 498–501, 501–504, 502 Women/World War II, 709, 912, 915, 940, 942, 962, 1044 African American women and, 754, 1072

baseball league, 778 Britain, 816, 1066–1070, 1067 Canada, 1062–1066, 1063 discrimination against, 750–751, 809 Rosie the Riveter, 800, 862, 915, 1011–1012, 1012, 1044, 1070, 1072 unions and (U.S.), 1073 U.S., 518, 807, 1070–1075, 1071 Wood, Edward Frederick Lindley (Lord Halifax), 609–610, 820 Wood, Grant, 765 Wood, Henry, 404 Wood, Leonard, 20, 88, 201–202, 201, 306, 405 Wood, Peggy, 480 Woodin, William, 673 Woodrow, Janet, 198 Woodsworth, J.S., 823 Woolworth’s lunch counter sit-in, 811, 959 Work Accidents and the Law (Eastman), 64 Workers’ compensation, 64, 72, 417, 473 Workers’ Defense Union (WDU), 73 Workmen’s Compensation Act (U.S.), 417 Works Progress Administration (WPA/U.S.), 710, 836 World Bank (International Bank for Reconstruction and development), 720–721, 918, 1298 World Court, 118, 145, 895 World Federation of Trade Unions, 605, 620 World Herald (newspaper), 29 World Peace Federation, 79 World War Adjusted Compensation (Soldier’s Bonus) Act (U.S., 1924), 224–225 World War I ambulance drivers, 48, 50–51, 61, 220–222, 227 chronology, 1383–1389 glossary of terms, 1399 overview, 3–5

1478

World War I (continued) total deaths/wounded, 240 total war expenditure, 240 World War II chronology, 1391–1398 democracy effects (overview), 516, 517 glossary of terms, 1401–1403 overview, 515–518 reasons for, 515 Wouk, Herman, 928, 932 Wren, Sir Christopher, 786, 933 Wright, Richard, 587, 621 Wright Brothers, 375 Wrigley, Philip K., 742–743778 Wrigley, William/Ada Foote, 742 Wyeth, Andrew, 765 Wyler, William, 750–751 X-ray technology, 1040

B

Index

Yalta Conference (1945), 39, 581, 627, 1047 Yasui v. U.S., 892 “Yellow press,” 348 Yerkes, Robert, 464, 465 YMCA, 75, 100–101, 181 homosexuality and, 508–509 overview, 507–509, 508 York, Alvin C., 268 Yoshikawa, Takeo, 1031 Young Plan (1929), 15, 47, 155 “You’re a Grand Old Flag,” 46 Ypres offensive/battles, 95, 96, 113, 387 YWCA, 75, 507, 508 Zamora, Niceto Alcala, 745 Zanuck, Daryl, 602 Zeebrugge raid (1918), 38 Zellmer, David, 603

Zenneck, Jonathan, 449 Ziegfeld, Florenz, 184–185, 203–204, 204 Ziegfeld Follies, 203–204, 395, 480 Zimmermann, Arthur, 310, 389, 429, 449, 510, 511 Zimmermann Telegram, 200, 310, 337, 381, 389, 418, 429 document, 1122 overview, 510–512 Zionism, 237, 347, 582, 600, 673, 907, 1007 Zoot suiters, 755, 922, 1076–1078, 1077 Zoot suit riots, 921–922, 995, 1077–1078 U.S. military memoranda on, document (1943), 1284–1285 Zukor, Adolph, 57, 146, 204–205 Zukor, Eugene, 205

ABOUT THE EDITORS B

James Ciment is an independent scholar in Los Angeles, CA. His published works include Encyclopedia of American Immigration and Encyclopedia of Third Parties in America, which won the Best Reference award from Library Journal and the Editors’ Choice award from Booklist.

Thaddeus Russell is assistant professor of history at Barnard College, Columbia University, New York, NY. His dissertation, “Out of the Jungle: Jimmy Hoffa and the Remaking of the American Working Class,” was an official nominee for the prestigious Bancroft Prize and was published by Alfred A. Knopf in 2001.

The Home Front Encyclopedia: United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II

The Home Front Encyclopedia: United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II

The Home Front Encyclopedia: United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II

The United States and Britain in Prophecy

Bats of the United States and Canada

Canada And The States

Labor Standards in the United States and Canada

A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada

Constitutional Politics in Canada and the United States

Minimum Wage Policy in Great Britain and the United States

Transparency in Public Policy: Great Britain and the United States

Indian Wars of Canada, Mexico and the United States: 1812-1900 (Warfare and History)

Canada and the United States: Differences that Count, third edition

Poisonous Mushrooms of the Northern United States and Canada

World War II in the Pacific: An Encyclopedia (Military History of the United States)

States of Inquiry: Social Investigations and Print Culture in Nineteenth-Century Britain and the United States

Dry diplomacy: the United States, Great Britain, and prohibition

The United States and Iran

Landscape and Race in the United States

Indian Wars of Canada, Mexico and the United States: 1812-1900

Home Front

Home Front

For Home and Country: World War I Propaganda on the Home Front (Studies in War, Society, and the Military)

Home Front

For Home and Country: World War I Propaganda on the Home Front (Studies in War, Society, and the Militar)

The Formation of National Party Systems: Federalism and Party Competition in Canada, Great Britain, India, and the United States

The Sedimentary Basins of the United States and Canada, Volume 5 (Sedimentary Basins of the World)

The Sedimentary Basins of the United States and Canada, Volume 5 (Sedimentary Basins of the World)

Home Front

Home Front

Home Front

The Home Front Encyclopedia: United States, Britain, and Canada in World Wars I and II