Dialectical Anthropology(2005)29:85 121 3-z DOI I 0.I 007/s10624-005-417
@ Springer2005
Shifting Boundariesof 66Nativi...
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Dialectical Anthropology(2005)29:85 121 3-z DOI I 0.I 007/s10624-005-417
@ Springer2005
Shifting Boundariesof 66Nativity"and "Modernity" in South Asian Women's Clothes VINAY BAHL Integrated Studies, Pennsylvania College o./ Technology, Williantsport, PA, USA ( E-mail: vbahl@,pct.edu ) Abstract. In the last two decadesthe postmodernist (POMO) scholarshave popularized the concepts of subjectivity, authenticity, modernity, and nativity in academia while rejecting the role of larger structural, institutional and historical fbrces (referred as meta-narrative) in understanding social and cultural issues. This essay challenges POMO scholar's approach by focusing on the case of South Asian women's personal experiencesand choices (subjectivity) historically with their every day clothes (everyday culture),both nationally and trans-nationally.This essayhighlightsthe role of various local, historical, social, economic, political, colonial, and international forces that contributed in creatingparticular dresscode and style (socialreproductionofcustoms) for women of different social groups in South Asia in different historical times. With this approach it was possibleto eliminate the binary conceptsof nativity/modernity,progressive/primitive,developed/undevelopedetc., and treat all societiesin the world with the same yardstick, while at the same time acknowlcdging the unequal relationship between the colonizers and colonized. This essay is also an attempt to suggest how everyday cultural issuescan be historically explaincd in an inclusive manner without sacrificing the role of human agency, (human creativity, human capabilities, actions, and subjectivity), the role of imagination (creativity), the role of structural and institutional forces (meta-narrative), and the role of cultural forces (religion, nationalism, customs, and others), and cultural experiencesin everyday life. At the same time everyday cultural issues are contextualized historically (time and space locally and globally), politically, culturally, and economicallyas well.
lntroduction It is not easy to define a "modern (as "progressive")" or a "native (as "backward")" dress becausesame "native" style of dress can be the most visiblesymbol of defiance,as in the caseof lran feminists,AfricanAmerican Muslim women, as well as of conformity, as in the case of Afghan women under Taliban rule. In many societiesparticular style of attire is usedsometimesas a socialcontrol mechanismand sometimesas a ploy to change social norms. Besidesthe political and social usesof women's dress,how a person usesher/his dress,and in what context, is equally important.' For example,one generallyfinds that men's formal dressin most contemporary societiesis Westernized.But it is not nec-
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essarilythe samefor woman's formal dress.What does this mean?Are "promen being conformists to western fashion or, are they being to conformists being gressive"*ltttin their own society?Are women wearing "native" culture or resistingthe pressureof Westernculture by so-called"traditional" dress?Do women wear "traditional" dress bepolitics causeof personalchoice or, as a consequenceof larger global gender social to ascribed (oildiplomacy and relatedwars), or sirnplydue on to the t^tr.prevailingidea of beauty and style,as well as, to hold 1.ote, so-callednative "tradition"?F o r e x a m p l e , s o m e l n d i a n r e l i g i o u s d o c u m e n t s'caste/class' provideaclear stipulation for women to wear clothes according to their and marital status. One Sanskrit manual, titled The Guide to Religious Statusand Dulies of Women,which was written between600 and 400 statedthat marriedwonen (and BCE and latercompiledin 1720-1780,3 wear a bodice. Women of the not widows) of higher status should middle strata should wear no bodice but should cover their breastswith the looseend of the sari. Women of lower statusshoulclleavethe breast uncovered.As Hardgrove maintains,in Kerala the rules of breastcloth lbr women were consideredas a mark of respectto the Llppercaste.But under the influenceoI Christian missionarieslower casteNadar women attempted to wear breast cloth and this led to a.major controversyin Travancore in the first half of the lgth century.aRestrictionsalso affected the choices of different women's clothes in different areas in particular historical time. Similarly, the conversion to lslam was metaphorically referred to as "wearing a shirt". For the lower castesthe conversion to lslam marked'-in fact, an end to the semi-nakedness imposed by casterestrictions.) Theseexamplesshow that pattern of clothing also signi[y a variety of social and poliiical ideas hierarchy,seclusionand respect,a relationgenship betweendressand social order in tenns of power, authority' South a Pannikar, K.N. issue this der, status,and class.6Explaining Asian historian, points out that the body cloth relationshipin lndia as in other cultures, was contingent upon the "prohibition and commandments" internal to the culture. ln support of his argument, he explainshow the interaction of internal and externalviews were taking place during the British times. Pannikar's explanationsare uset-ulin understandingthe processof interaction betweeninternal and external views, but it omits many important unresolvedissues' For example, do people choose to follow certain ways of wearing clothes becausethey iimply accepttheir gender,caste roles, and resist any external force to change it? Do people reproducetheir daily lives
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through their choicesof clothes, rituals, and related norms which are necessaryto deal with their lives at that point in time, and do they keep on adjusting their choicesof clothes as the pressuresof life situations grow or diminish, both internally and externally? To what extent are people "free" to make choicesof their life styles and clothes?Simply highlighting differencesand how people use them or impose them for controlling the social status,is not sufficient.Nobody is free to choose their individual clothes becausesuch freedom is restrictedby: (a) the economic condition of the society, (b) the colonial/non-colonial/neocolonial statusof the society,the economicpurchasingpower of people, (c) control over personalchoice,(d) variety of alternativeclothing style available(and availability of technology),(e) the existenceof the notion of conspicuousconsumption, (0 the ability to experiencesatisfaction from one's choice. In postcolonial times dress as a symbol of establishingso-called "authenticity", identity, and freedom is getting more complicated.This trend is a product of another global historical process- which is also created through the interactions betweensocieties- that is changing the organization of work and labor globally leading to the large scale migration of both labor and capital. Such a large-scalemobility of people has complicated the meaning of identity, subjectivity' and has also increased the importance of the role of larger forces in shaping individualidentitiesand freedomof choices.For example,the daily task of choosing a dress to fit into a society one has adopted is itself a tedious,oppressive,and even frightening one for an immigrant Indian woman. Dress,including hair style - both aspectsof the material culture of every societyin every historical time - arousesstrong feelings,some intensely pleasant and others very disagreeable.Unfortunately, they are also the most important elementin making a first impressionwhich is why it is very frightening. Moreover, dress gives contradictory messagesdepending on the gender, age, nationality, ethnicity, and class of the audience. For example,Indian males find an lndian female in Western attire as less accessiblethan the one in the "lndian" style attire. Whereas Indian females, wearing Western dress assume that females wearing lndian dressesmust be very conservativein their outlook (also called desi home grown-narrow minded - and penjilbhenji - sister - as not "sexy"). Obviously, one cannot win the appreciationof both Indian males and femalesat the same time, and this does not include the third problem of getting accepted in the American (or any other) society. This means Indian women within America have to perform a juggling act to please
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t h r e e c a t e g o r i e s o f p e o p l e : l n d i a n m a l e s- ' t n d i a n f elndian m a l e s- - yoro u nger any peer group (because group, older group, in-tu*', and group of gtoup judg? Y.o*tn :tl^t1.:ge society - women ,tt tu"h ogt juggle those For all.lndian wolrlan to differently)and Americun ,Jcie1y. often exhausting,if she has not conflicting o.*anor^is Jifficutt'and adopted society' -lmpletely "assimilated" in the ;i;Jy who wear lndian style dress The confusion of those lndian women age and regional groups.of lndian meaning various things to various complicatedby the confusion that women - within ttt. JSR is further about the definition of an prevails within ttre tndian subcontineni or so' within Indian society' "authentic" lndian 0""' tn the last decade t h e m e a n i n g o r , o . " u r l e d . . a u t h e n t i c ' ' l n d i a n d r e s s h a s aktuneezl l s o d r a shas tically callecl sttlt|ur changed. no, .*u-iit,l"t "gionur.Otttt of the regionalethnic clothes everl acquireda national Jtuiu' untt 'iost of more fashLnable in 'the designing when ethnic stylesare becoming it lnterestingly' by young Indian girlst8 solv,urkameez- are abandoned on local identity, authentic is happening at a ti-rnewhen the-focui This North lnclian dressis considethnicity, and so on, f'u' increased' whereas'other regionztldressesare ered as "progressivtl' onO modern' For instance,Mundu tmd vesti, a south seenas..backward,;or-.:;xotic,,. r-elegatedto a women' Indian regional dress for young .has leen .backward'Statusandsttlwtl.rktun.eez-Northwesternregionaldress"progressivean! m1dern". But has becometne raJion of the so-called atthesametimestllv,ttktuneezistreatedasless..progressive''thanblue jeans or westerndresses' W h i l e N o r t h e r n d r e s s e s a r e n r o v e d t o t h e S t a t u s o f b e i n g . . and progreselite is pushingthe conceptof.indigenism sive", the lndian.i*o*O *ni"n are also different for the "authenticity" through ethnic dresses' popular Mass media especiallyTV and elite within the acadJmicworld. the important ways to the imaging of cinema have also contribr'rtedin that takes up elementslrom diverse new "indig.nir-'",;n-indigenism them as "local", ';tp;.ifr."rin rraditions and presents and continuaily cnungi;g has ..authentic,' uno The internationalization of markets new it demands the formation of played an importani 'ott in this as i d e n t i t i e s , w h i c h h a s r e s u l t e d i n t h e r e i n v e n t i o n o fconsumerism a l l t h e l o c a l disr e s s e s lnterestingly'new according to the nt* "on'u-erism' ..traditional" or "ethnic" clothes, which are presentedin the i".and ethnic gui tt "i is mass production of "traditional" mass_produ".o. ,.indlganourn.rr" a commonplace. Thus a neoclothes has made to multinationals while the struggle nationalism is ueing cr.it.d for opposite two ..mod.rr,, ;;i..;;gressive,' is also increasingwith look
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widely styles:denim jeans, the American style, and salwar kameez' also worn in Islamiccountries. a lt is interesting to note how in India these dresseshave acquired ..progreisive" even when they represent opposite values' lt status of thesetwo seemsthat there is a hierarchical "progressive" status between than dresses:a woman wearingjeans is consideredto be more outgoing more considered is kameez salwar the one with salwar kameez. But ..progressive"than sari and other regional lndian dresses.Besidesthis idea of hierarchical status of denim jeans and salwar kameez,the basic whereas keepingIndian women in "traditional" dressesis quite intact. create a which pressures other many in the LSA., Indian women face ethworkplace' of constant need for balancing contradictory demands degeographically nic, regional,and nationalldentities. Thus, it seems defined fined r-egionalistidentities are closely linked to^geographically realities ground These time.e present the markets,and relatedvaluesof lndian cannot be ignored while understandingthe pressureson the and India in women (for expressingsubjectivity and being creative) It lndian women ln the us to selecta dress and a mode of fashion. choice of means these women's creativitiesare expressedonly in the and designs contemporary dress they prefer to wear from available religion. and region, stylesbasedon their class,caste,profession,status, some They can use their creativity only in very minimal ways by_using color accessories,putting a patch here or there or find some different combinations. .,progressive"label: blue jeans and salwar kamcez competing for the "progressive The prevailing idea about the image of Western dressas ago with and modern,' is not new, as this processstarted a long time and the colonial rule. Today in lndia, as well as in the US, regional ..native" dressesur" raap as exotic or as costumes,tnmeaning "backwarcl" or, fit for theater or museum only, In spite of thesehierarchical and images of different dressesmost of the lndian women abroad "native" within India choose to wear distinctly contemporary lndian adopted styles,when most of the women in the world have long since lndian young the it is lndia, ilestern styles of clothes. Generally, in skirts, style woman wht prefers to wear, or can afford to wear Western "progressive" image blue jeans and long boots to establishtheir more of while distancingfr6m women wearing lndian style clothes. ln spite people lndian the clothes, Western a large number of women wearing
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or "backward" vallles to these in general do assign "progressive" dresses. T h e s e v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i z a t i o.'traditional" n s o f l n d i a n w o m e n ' s d r e product s s e s a c cof ompa..pro!;.rri".- ;. status are a ttrelr nied with such hierarchicalstatusupon unorft., historicai p,J"t", which bestows t h o s e w o m e n " c h o o s i n g " t o w e a r w e s t e r n o r l n d i a n c l o t h e sin 'Thus'the of.certain colors and styles cre.ui:..,i". choice or *."aring clothes the same it"tf acceptable'comfortable' and at --ouing ative ways cun muke ont upward'- is not simply an individual time, appear to U" : though I do not deny the role of the psychologicut 'pty"^tt"i"gf.al ptttnJ-tt"t or another style at conditionsof a personin choosingone in the historicalti.res thesewomen I gi".n oie point in time. lt isiooted style' and fonls.rr according learn to chooseclothesof particular colors' t o h o w t h e y a r e p f u " t O i n s o c i e t y - t h e i r r o l e s ' t h e i r s o c iwotnen a l s t a t it-t us'and The location of these their age and location ih.y .onll. f.om. societyisalso,intu'n,inRuenceobytheinteractionofpeoplewithother c u l t u r e s a n d s o c i e t i e s ' c o l o n i a l o r n o n . c o l o n i a l s t a t u s o f t has e swell o c i as ety.For of popular films-in tndia' example,the role oi tt'tfV, the role from the export quota of the availability of ,,rrpiu, clothes discarded important impact in creating a new Western style clothes''ut'o nuut an and the concept of beauty' condition lo, .f'ung., in *omen's clothes by tons of used.clothesin-rported The fashion t..nor?r. also influenced the US - in various Third World from the West as '"gt cast offs trorn loosenedthe standardof decencyfor countriesi,rctualnfindia, that has more acceptablein their claily women,sclothes,;r^d.;g;esrern styles I2 lives. influences'many Indian womell At the same time, in spite of these a r e s t i l l c h o o s i n g t o k e e p t h e i r d i s t i n c t l n d i a n s t y l e ' e s p e c i a l l y these theethnic women. How can we explain Inclian the^elite bt promoted styles and broader Oi*tn'ions of subjectivity'crealivity' variouscontra<Jict'o.y wolnen are Indian number of historical forces wittrln which a large simplv as lt.cannot b" wearing particular-;ititt of clothes? :i{:Td there are various social and hisdifferencesbetween*o-.n,, choices; toricalforcesthatarecreatingdifferentpressuresfordifferentgroupof Indianwomenbasedoncaste,class'age'region'.religion'typeofwork' andmanyothersociallocations'Tounderstandthisquestionwithits fullimplicatlon,o*needstolookftrrtheratthelonghistoryofthe subcontinen.u.*.rr,anditsinteractionwithothersocieties,tolindout howvariouslndianwomen'sclothes-..traditional,'andnon-traditional - evolved over the centuries?
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Moreover, what is an Indian traditional dress?This is important to point out becausethe way we understand India today is a recently constructed entity and there was no such concept before the arrival of the British. ls there any one such traditional dress or was it created deliberately for other purposes?How are traditions formed and expressed through different styles of clothes? What forces contribute to these cultural changes manifesting in women's clothes for different classesand castes?These questions are also closely connected with the issues relating to a large number of Indian women who are settled abroad and are struggling to maintain their distinct stylesof clothes also referredas "ethnic" clothes.Thesewomen, living in the UK and the US, are not only maintaining their Indian style clothes but are also helping in the promotion of an "ethnic clothes" industry. At the same time, many younger women born in thesecountriesare looking for an "authentic" (imaginary) Indian identity through newly manufactured ..ethnic" styles,also called"ethnic chic". Interestingly,not long ago the same lndian women living abroad used to resentwearing "traditional" Indian dresses.l3
Changing attire of South Asian women since antiquity Three simultaneousprocessesinfluenced the changes in the Indian women's clothing throughout the long history of the Indian subcontinent. Major cultural diffusion in clothes as well as in other cultural fields took place mostly when Indian society faced an intrusion by invasionor colonization.At the sametime it is important to notice that the change in clothing was always an adaptation to new styles.This meansthat peopledid not just throw away their earlier styles(customs) under new circumstances.They tried to make senseof their new circumstances,new social,political, cultural, and economicneedsand then adapted to those needsas and when they felt it necessaryor useful to their daily existence.ln that sense,the changesin clothing was a three way process in which the human capacity for ingenuity was most important along with the choices and actions of people in any given circumstances.But all these actions and choices were mostly made within two set of circumstanceswhich were created by (l) people to people interaction within a society for fulfilling daily human needs; (Z; iociety's interaction with other societieseither by trade, or foreign invasion or colonialism.In other words:
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needs'changing social (a) Clothing changedby the changing social institutionsandchangingcustomswithinthelndiansocietyin people' ih, p.o".rt of social interaction of of' and interaction with' (b) Clothes ung.d ;nJe' tht influence "t forced by invasion' or by other societie"swhen it was either of a noble or a local trade and commerce,or by the initiative king. (c)cloi-heschangedbythecreativityofindividuals:tailors,women clothing styles and of upper clzrss,village women creating include customs' market embroidery for various reasonswhich through clothing forces, n..plng tlzt" und "caste"14distinction styles,religiou-sinfluencesand entrepreneurship'
the lndian society Changesdue to people'sinteraction within I n t h e a b s e n c e o f d e t a i l e d i n f o r r n a t i o n a b o u t t h e c o n t e x t i r rand which gender in the Mohenjodaro clothes were designated for each I suggest the following' These Harappa (app' 3250-u c n) societiei' a long period of time in the highly urban societiesdeveloped over p r o c e s s o f p e o p l e i n t e r a c t i n g w i t h o n e a n o t h e r w h i l e i r r l f i l l i nltg tis h eini r b a s i c social reproduction. human needsincluaing tn.L survival and their own societiesas well as this processof social Interaction within were flourishing during the their interaction with ott,.. ,o,i.ties' which sametimeperiodinthemiddleeastAsiaandNorthAfrica ,tlratthey customs (and craft of making created various .o"ial institutions and of wearing specific.Ynes 31 clothes for clothes) including tt',. "u'to* various artifacts from Harappa each gender.lnformation derived from andMohenjodaro'no*'thatwomenduringthistimeworeclosefittirrg s a r i a b o v e t h e k n e e , a n d t h e w i d t h o f t h e . f r o n t p o r t i o n owaist f t h i swith s r l l .ai w a s lt wzrstied to the much lessthan that of the back portion.r5 were in vogue though some hisgirdle. lt also seemsthat sewn clothes lndia with Muslim rulersonly'r6 torians claim that sewnclothescame to E x t i n c t i o n o f t h e s e t w o e a r l i e r s o c i e t i e s S e e m s t o b e s o c o m parea letethat who migrated to the szlme they had no interactionwith the Aryans a long time. Aryans learned to later on and lived'un ugruriun rife ior with local. people and fulfill their daily humair needs by interacting findingwaystosurviveintheirnewsurroun.ling'.lnthisprocessof interactiontheyimbibedfromlocalculturesaswellascreatedtheirown newsocialinstitutionsandsocialcustoms'rituals,andtaboosaccording
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to their daily needsof that time. Over a period of time, Aryans using their creativity while interacting with nature and other people were able to improve tethniques of agricultural production, which in turn created large agricultural surplus(about 3000B.C.E.).This large surpluswealth foi the formation of new social differentiation within "."-ut.J"onditions the Aryan society. These social differentiations were also reflected in different people'sclothing styles' Pandey'sstudy suggeststhat women of the upper strata wore three garments vlsa (garment), arlivasa (over garment), and nivi (a piece of Jloth tucked round the waist like dhoti), and it was also worn by men. Prutidhi a garment covered the breastsmade of one or two strips of cloth worn by brides at the time of marriage. The author claims that during guddilist times (600 B.c.E.) upper class women wore silk in appropriate seasonsas sarus(lion cloth) and sheets.But heavy clothes were worn in winter.'' Berween 6th century B.C.E. to the third century B.C.E. cloth industry was highly developedin lndia due to the growth of commerce and subsequentgrowth of large towns. But the growth of commerce also led to further socialdivisionsof societybasedon "class/caste"'The social groups that controlled the social and economic resourcesfelt the need to prolect their authority over labor and labor supply which led to the rigidity of "class/caste"division. Probably that was also the reason that d-uringthis time period garments of different kinds were prescribed to be worn by different sectionsof society. Female household wore a kunthuka(tunic) and a sari.The tlhotiswere worn in different stylesand individual creativity was reflected in various forms of sari draping around the body. In this period, not surprisingly, shoes and sandals formed an important part of dress.It continued in the Maurya period (3ZS 232 g.C.f.) and did not change much under foreign rulers After the Mauryan rule, the Sarvahanand Sungas(184-105B.C.E.).18 central authority declinedand urban centersstarteddecayingleadingto the formation of a closed economy and the rise of self-sufficientregional productionunits. Larer during 335-530 A.C.E. (Gupta Period) lndian society was becomingprosperousleading to the creation of many regional cultural units, distinct languages,and literature, while at the same time, it witnessedthe emergenieof a "feudal" structurein labor relations'This formation of a "feudal" structure made iati system (also known as "caste system") further rigid which is why the "class/caste"distinction in clothesis clearerin the Gupta period' More information about dress and ornaments is also available ior this time period.re lt seemslower
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(resemblingmodern classpeople wore only one garment'. the Kanclnrlra came maxij worn by women mostly came down to the feet" Kurpusuku' This was from Central Asia, was worn by both men and women' in chinese brought to India by lJzgarTurks and Hunas who had settled Lr svusthuttu. worn: were Th..e kinds of trousers Turkistan beforehand.tO of circumferences pair of trouserssticking to the calveswith a narrow like the rnodern ih. lo*., opening, pingu was a loose pair of trousers also called sotula and calves, the to up srtlwar and covered the legs as the regarded be can lt ardhoruka (similar to modern underwear). up to only legs the Indianisedform of sunsthctnaor pinga, but it covered the kneesand not uP to the heels''' Duringthistimetheimagesofgoddessesinthetempleshowedno perrlitted to garment lor the upper part o? their bodies.Nuns were not also not were They i"ear suri either in froni or behind like housewives. gannents lower allowed to wear a girdle. Other women wore upper and wor-rndround generttlly was garment upper and sometimesa tunic. The garn-Ient stitched a wore also the left arm.22 Upper class women These liirpusuku' a with lranchukctthat was foose and long compared Women women also wore many types of iunics of different lengths.23 garments'The sari was worn as a sarong did not generallywear upper -protruding from at the rear' as it is worn by or a tlhotiwith one end a manner that some males in 20th century lndia' The sariwas worn in which are navel the navel and the three wrinkles of skin above the did not cover regardedas a mark of beautymight not be covered,and it which circumference wide a with peiticoat the heelsand the anklets.The chtm4ttr'ktt.24 called coveredonly the upper half oi the thigh was
Changesdue to people'sinteraction with other societics Withthecomingofforeignrulers,ln