Romance Linguistics 2009: Selected Papers from the 39th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Tucson, Arizona, March 2009 (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory)

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Author: Sonia Colina | Antxon Olarrea and Ana Maria Carvalho (Editors)

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ROMANCE LINGUISTICS 2009

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F.K. KOERNER Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie und Universalienforschung, Berlin [email protected] Series IV – CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY Advisory Editorial Board Lyle Campbell (Salt Lake City) Sheila Embleton (Toronto) Elly van Gelderen (Tempe, Ariz.) John E. Joseph (Edinburgh) Manfred Krifka (Berlin) Martin Maiden (Oxford) Martha Ratliff (Detroit, Mich.) E. Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.) Joseph C. Salmons (Madison, Wis.)

Volume 315

Sonia Colina, Antxon Olarrea and Ana Maria Carvalho (eds.) Romance Linguistics 2009. Selected papers from the 39th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Tucson, Arizona, March 2009

ROMANCE LINGUISTICS 2009 SELECTED PAPERS FROM THE 39TH LINGUISTIC SYMPOSIUM ON ROMANCE LANGUAGES (LSRL), TUCSON, ARIZONA, MARCH 2009

Edited by

SONIA COLINA ANTXON OLARREA ANA MARIA CARVALHO University of Arizona

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA

8

TM

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (39th : 2009 : Tucson, Arizona) Romance linguistics 2009 : selected papers from the 39th linguistic symposium on romance languages (LSRL), Tucson, Arizona, March 2009 / Sonia Colina, Antxon Olarrea and Ana Maria Carvalho (eds.). p. cm. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current Issues in Linguistic Theory, issn 0304-0763 ; v. 315) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Romance languages--Congresses. I. Colina, Sonia. II. Olarrea, Antxon. III. Carvalho, Ana Maria. IV. Title. PC11.L53â•…â•… 2010 440--dc22 isbn 978 90 272 4833 6 (Hb ; alk. paper) isbn 978 90 272 8764 9 (Eb)

2010032379

© 2010 – John Benjamins B.V. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publisher. John Benjamins Publishing Co. · P.O. Box 36224 · 1020 me Amsterdam · The Netherlands John Benjamins North America · P.O. Box 27519 · Philadelphia pa 19118-0519 · usa

Table of contents Foreword & acknowledgments

ix

List of contributors

xi

Editors’ introduction

1

part i. Phonetics/Phonology Correcting the record on Dominican [s]-hypercorrection Barbara E. Bullock & Almeida Jacqueline Toribio

15

V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French: Evidence for gradience and locality Christopher Carignan & Zsuzsanna Fagyal

25

The production and provenance of palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

43

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

63

Alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish: Effects of contact with Catalan? Miquel Simonet

81

Units of speech production in Italian Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

95

Pitch polarity in Palenquero: A possible locus of H tone John M. Lipski

111

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance Fernando Martıʹnez-Gil

129

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French Jean-Pierre Montreuil

153

part ii. Syntax Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish: The case of the Focalizing Ser (FS) structure Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo

169

ïš© Romance Linguistics 2009

Anaphoricity, logophoricity and intensification: The puzzling case of son propre in French Isabelle Charnavel

187

More on the clitic combination puzzle: Evidence from Spanish, Catalan and Romanian Anahí Alba de la Fuente

203

The Spanish dative alternation revisited John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

217

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps Ion Giurgea

231

To agree or not to agree: Beyond quintessentially syntactic agreement in Spanish Julio Villa-García

249

Variation in subject expression in Western Romance Ana de Prada Pérez

267

A phase-based analysis of Old French genitive constructions Deborah Arteaga & Julia Herschensohn

285

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan: The role of fronted clauses Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

301

part iii. Morphology and interfaces The loss and survival of inflectional morphology: Contextual vs. inherent inflection in creoles Ana R. Luís

323

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan: An output-based analysis Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

337

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian Piacentine dialects Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

353

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French Heather Burnett

369

Detours along the perfect path Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

387

Table of contents ïš©ïš©

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare “to begin” in French and Italian Jason Brazeal

405

Index of subjects, terms and languages

423

Foreword & acknowledgements The thirty-ninth annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) was held for the first time at the University of Arizona 27–29 March 2009. The by-now traditional parasession was devoted to Variation and Change in Romance. Romance linguistics has significantly evolved since the first LSRL took place in Florida in 1971, and it is undeniable that the LSRL has played a role in forging an identity for the field in North America, if not internationally. We trust that this LSRL has served to continue that tradition by bringing together researchers, and facilitating the sharing of ideas. It is our hope that the present volume will serve the purpose of disseminating the best work presented at the conference among those who were unable to attend and, of course, among current and future generations of Romance linguists in general. Of a total of 124 submissions, 58 were selected for presentation, along with three plenary talks. It was an honor that Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Gillian Sankoff, and Karen Zagona accepted our invitation to be the plenary speakers. This volume contains a selection of 24 peer-reviewed articles presented at the conference. We express our most sincere appreciation to the many anonymous reviewers who lent their time and expertise to assist us with the selection of conference presentations and of the papers included here. Numerous people were involved in many different forms in the organization of the conference. We are extremely grateful for the tireless efforts and dedication of the conference graduate assistant, Miriam Díaz. We would also like to thank all the graduate students who donated their work and volunteered to host conference participants, as well as Mary Portillo and the staff of the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, for their help and support, and Mark Bryant for his technical assistance with PASHA, the online abstract submission application. Our appreciation goes to the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, in particular, to Malcolm Compitello, Department Head, and to the College of Humanities for their support, financial and otherwise. The following organizations and units provided much needed financial support in very difficult economic times: Program for Cultural Cooperation between Spain’s Ministry of Culture and United States Universities, Associate Vice President for Research, College of Humanities, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, Department of Linguistics, Department of Anthropology, Department of French, Center for Latin American Studies, Program in Cognitive Science, Program in Second Language Acquisition and Teaching, Center for Educational Resources in Culture, Language, and Literacy. Finally, we must thank series editor Professor E.F.K. Koerner and his advisers as well as the

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Romance Linguistics 2009

team at John Benjamins, in particular Anke de Looper, for their advice and assistance with this project. We are grateful to both the series editor and the publisher for their respective roles in the long-standing relation between the Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (CILT) series and the volumes resulting from the annual LSRL meetings. Tucson, Arizona June 2010

Sonia Colina N.N.

List of contributors Ryan Shosted Department of Linguistics University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 4080 Foreign Language Building 707 S. Mathews Avenue Urbana, IL 61801 USA [email protected] José Ignacio Hualde Department of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign School of Literatures, Cultures and Linguistics 4080 Foreign Languages Building MC-176 707 S. Mathews Avenue Urbana, IL 61801 USA [email protected] Miquel Simonet Department of Spanish and Portuguese University of Arizona Modern Languages 545 P.O. Box 210067 Tucson, AZ 85721 USA [email protected]

Barbara E. Bullock Department of French and Italian The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station B7600 Austin, Texas 78712 USA [email protected] [email protected] Chris Carignan & Zsuzsanna Fagyal Department of French University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 2090 FLB 707 S. Mathews Avenue Urbana, IL 61801 USA [email protected] Irene Vogel Department of Linguistics University of Delaware Newark, DE 19716 USA [email protected] Linda Wheeldon University of Birmingham United Kingdom [email protected]

ïš¸ïš©ïš© Romance Linguistics 2009

John Lipski Department of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese 237 Burrowes Building The Pennsylvania State University University Park, PA 16802 USA [email protected]

Fernando Martínez-Gil Department of Spanish and Portuguese The Ohio State University 298 Hagerty Hall 1775 College Road Columbus, OH 43210–1340 USA [email protected] Jean-Pierre Montreuil Department of French and Italian The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station B7600 â†œ Austin, Texas 78712 USA [email protected]

Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo Department of Foreign Languages West Virginia University Chitwood Hall P.O. Box 6298 Morgantown, WV 26506–6298 USA [email protected]

Isabelle Charnavel University of California, Los Angeles/Institut Jean Nicod-Ecole Normale Supérieure, Paris Department of Linguistics 3125 Campbell Hall UCLA Los Angeles, CA 90095–1543 USA [email protected] Anahí Alba de la Fuente Department of Modern Languages and Literatures University of Ottawa 70 Laurier East Unit #134 Ottawa, Ontario K1N 6N5 Canada [email protected] Chiyo Nishida Department of Spanish and Portuguese The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station B3700 Austin, Texas 78712–0192 USA [email protected] John Beavers Department of Linguistics The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station, B5100 Austin, TX 78712–0198 USA [email protected]

List of contributors ïš¸ïš©ïš©ïš©

Ion Giurgea Dept. of Linguistics FB Sprachwissenschaft Universität Konstanz Fach D 185 78457 Konstanz Germany [email protected]

Barbara Vance Department of French Indiana University Ballantine Hall 617 1020 E. Kirkwood Ave Bloomington, IN 47405–7103 USA [email protected]

Julio Villa-García 337 Mansfield Road U-box 1145 Department of Linguistics Arjona Building University of Connecticut—Storrs Storrs, CT 06269–1145, USA [email protected]

Heather Burnett Linguistics Department 3125 Campbell Hall University of California, Los Angeles Los Angeles, California, USA, 90024 [email protected]

Ana de Prada Pérez 170 Dauer Hall P.O. Box 117405 Gainesville, FL 32611–7405 USA [email protected] Deborah Arteaga Department of Foreign Languages University of Nevada Las VegasÂ€89154–5047 USA [email protected] Julia Herschensohn Department of Linguistics University of Washington Box 354340 Seattle, WA 98195–4340 USA [email protected]

Ana R. Luís Rua do Peneireiro 10 3040–716 Coimbra Portugal [email protected] Patrícia M. Amaral SOCLAS, University of Liverpool Cypress Building Chatham Street Liverpool, UK L69 7ZR [email protected] Chad Howe Department of Romance Languages University of Georgia Gilbert Hall Athens, GA 30602–1815 USA [email protected]

ïš¸ïš© Romance Linguistics 2009

Jason Brazeal Department of French and Italian The University of Texas at Austin 1 University Station B7600 â†œ Austin, Texas 78712 USA [email protected]

Anna Cardinaletti Dipartimento di Scienze del linguaggio Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia Ca’ Bembo, Dordoduro 1075 30123 Venezia Italy [email protected]

Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit Filologia Catalana, Edifici B Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 08193 Bellaterra Spain [email protected]

Lori Repetti Department of Linguistics SUNY Stony Brook, NY 11794–4376 USA [email protected]

Editors’ introduction The purpose of this introduction is two-fold: first, to situate this volume within the field of Romance linguistics and, second, to examine the contributions included within the context of the field and as they relate to others in the volume.

1.â•… Romance linguistics Romance linguistics has evolved significantly from its 19th-century origins in philoÂ� logical studies and its focus on historical phonology and morphology to where it currently stands. It has been observed that Romance linguistics today follows the developments of linguistic theory (Posner 1998; Dworkin 2000; Klausenburger 2006), attracting not only scholars who specialize in Romance languages, but also linguists who may do occasional work in Romance. Posner notes “the emphasis is on ‘linguistics’ rather than ‘Romance’” and that “there is comparatively little that can serve to demarcate Romance linguistics as a separate branch of study” (1998:Â€ 352). A brief examination of recent LSRL volumes reveals that certainly the emphasis tends to be on linguistic theory. Yet, we would like to argue that, despite the changes, there exists a common identity to Romance linguistics, even if this identity is not quite the same as that of the 19th century. First, one must realize that the changes, significant as they may appear, are not exclusive to Romance linguistics, as linguistic theory has also seen an evolution from its origins in philology to the generative theories of the present. Klausenburger makes a similar point in his 2006 introductory retrospective of the field “just as the ‘giants of the field in the 19th century successfully applied the dominant paradigm of (historical) linguistics of their time […] today’s practitioners […] avail themselves of current linguistic advances to achieve equally significant results” (2006:Â€14). Second, despite the less prominent position occupied by philological and historical studies, Romance linguistics today still integrates up-to-date linguistic research with a focus on the Romance languages. Most Romance linguists see themselves as scholars who are cognizant of linguistic theory, but who also believe that the in-depth study of a language or language family has much to offer to the theory. This comparative tradition is a crucial and defining feature of the field in an era that finally seems to realize the significance of cross-language research. Recent developments in linguistic theory have arguably played a role in this change of outlook: for instance, within the

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framework of Optimality Theory (OT), synchronic and diachronic divisions among languages consist only of differences in the language-specific rankings of universal constraints; linguistic separation is therefore only a matter of factorial typology (e.g. the number of possible rankings). In this context, demonstrating that the theory can account for cross-linguistic variation, be it synchronic or diachronic, through constraint re-ranking becomes crucial, encouraging cross-dialectal and historical comparisons. The value of cross-linguistic research exemplified by work in the Romance languages is cited as the main reason for this focus in a current volume on laboratory phonology: This focus on Romance languages is motivated by our belief that there is a need for multilanguage data to test current theoretical claims and models, which often lack precisely this sort of broad-cross-linguistic basis… The virtue of cross-linguistic research is that it constitutes a valuable tool to explore similarities and differences between languages and thus allows us to construct general linguistic theories, while at the same time ensuring that the peculiarities of individual languages can be characterized within the theory. (Prieto, Mascaró & Solé 2007: vii)

As we show below, the papers included here demonstrate the vitality and the defining nature of the cross-linguistic aspect of Romance linguistics. Another factor that has contributed to the increased relevance of cross-linguistic research and that defines Romance linguistics today is the growth of experimental and quantitative studies. The volume just cited is a good indication of this (Prieto, MascaróÂ€& Solé 2007). The same conclusion can be reached by looking at recent LSRL volumes, including the present one. As Prieto et al. argue, experimental studies and Romance linguistics stand in a mutually beneficial relationship based on the need of the former for multilanguage data and on the cross-linguistic interest of the latter, facilitated by experimental techniques. Before concluding this brief overview of Romance linguistics today, it is important to observe that historical work is still very much a part of Romance linguistics, although its presence may not be as obvious as it was over a century ago. As one will notice by examining the table of contents of recent LSRL volumes, diachronic research in Romance linguistics generally appears not as a separate subfield, but integrated with other areas of linguistic analysis. The data under analysis may be diachronic, and it may capture variation in time or describe older stages of various Romance languages, yet the contributions are often included under syntax, phonology, or morphology. This volume is a good illustration of this. Despite a parasession on Language Variation and Change and sufficient contributions based on diachronic data and/or older stages of the language, the need for a cohesive table of contents, as well as the nature of the contributions, required that we place these papers in one of three sections: phonetics/ phonology, syntax, or morphology/interfaces, rather than a separate section on Variation and Change. We will comment on the historical contributions in SectionÂ€2.


2.â•… Contributions to the present volume The papers included here are organized in three main sections: phonetics/phonology, syntax, and interfaces, including morphology. Within each section, they are grouped in clusters according to common threads, such as subject matter and framework.

2.1â•… Phonetics/Phonology All but two of the papers (those by Montreuil and Martínez-Gil) in this section are experimental. The experimental papers reveal the relevance of this type of work for the field of Romance linguistics: some serve to correct wrong assumptions about the data (cluster one); others use the data to attain a better understanding of cross-language and cross-dialectal issues, including diachronic evolution of Romance varieties; finally, the third cluster investigates prosodic phenomena. In the first cluster, two articles, Bullock & Toribio and Carignan & Fagyal present empirical evidence that challenges previously held assumptions regarding two wellknown and much discussed processes, [s]-hypercorrection in Dominican Spanish and Vowel Harmony in French. Theoretical linguistic treatments of Dominican [s]-hypercorrection assume that lexical forms in popular Dominican Spanish no longer contain any trace of coda or final /s/ and, thus, speakers randomly insert them into syllable- and word-final position. Yet, on the basis of data from naturalistic recorded interviews, Bullock & Toribio argue that [s]-hypercorrection is inaccurately described as a rule that targets the syllable coda and is instead much more complex – phonetically motivated in some contexts, and in others, potentially deployed to mark an intonation boundary. Dominican [s]-hypercorrection is therefore not a random process and most likely it is not a feature of lost-coda speakers, as speakers in the study who deleted /s/ categorically also showed no occurrences of hypercorrect [s]. Carignan & Fagyal’s contribution evidences the need to consider experimental data in determining the phonetic or phonological nature of specific processes. Most descriptions of Vowel Harmony (VH) in French have been based on disyllabic tokens. Under the hypothesis that VH could be a local, gradient phenomenon due to the articulatory influence of the final stressed vowel on the preceding vowel, rather than a phonological word-level processs, Carignan & Fagyal investigate the temporal extent of VH in trisyllabic words. Acoustic measurements taken at the midpoint of target vowels reveal that word-medial vowels are significantly more fronted and less open when followed by a word-final /i/ than a word-final /a/, while word-initial vowels do not show this effect. This suggests that VH in French might not be a word-level phenomenon, but rather the local coarticulatory effect of the final vowel on the vowel immediately adjacent to it. Results also show an increase of the degree but not the temporal extent of assimilatory influence as the trigger becomes longer.

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In the second cluster of experimental papers, two papers relate experimental data with historical explanations and cross-linguistic evidence: “The production and provenance of palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish” by Shosted & Hualde, and “Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan” by Hualde, Nadeu & Simonet. A third paper dealing with cross-linguistic/cross-dialectal data is “Alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish” by Miquel Simonet. Shosted & Hualde present acoustic evidence bearing on the articulation of the palatal nasal consonants in Portuguese and Spanish. Historically, one class of Portuguese palatal nasals arose from a nasalized palatal approximant – the phonetic leftovers of a historical process (typical of GalicianPortuguese but not Spanish) that nasalized vowels and deleted nasal consonants. Some descriptions of Brazilian Portuguese suggest that this nasalized approximant is still extant; in order to investigate this possibility, the authors compare the articulation of palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish in a variety of vocalic contexts to determine the degree of occlusion. The findings suggest that that the nasalized approximant of medieval Galician-Portuguese may have been retained in Brazilian Portuguese, thus reflecting a conservative trait passed down from Galician-Portuguese. The matter of the Brazilian Portuguese palatal nasal relates to the larger question of diachronic merger and incomplete neutralizations, and to what extent synchronic variation may persist in categories of sounds even after these categories have collapsed into a single phonological unit. Hualde, Nadeu & Simonet examine the /b/ and /v/ contrast in Majorcan Catalan. It has been reported that in Catalan dialects with phonemic /v/, the phoneme /b/ tends to be realized as a stop in the same contexts where dialects without the contrast (i.e. Central Catalan) exhibit approximant realizations (Rafel 1976:Â€62). This situation has been explained in the literature as contrast preservation (Recasens 1991; Wheeler 2005), with weakening of /b/ being prevented in order to maintain its contrast with /v/. However, the authors of this paper argue that no special preservation-of-contrast constraint is involved in the phonetic facts, which follow from different dialects being at different stages in the Western Romance historical weakening of intervocalic oral stops. The experimental part of the paper seeks to confirm that /b/ is more constricted in Majorcan Catalan than in Central Catalan. The results show that in Majorcan Catalan intervocalic /b/ is realized with significantly greater constriction than in Central Catalan, and /b/ is also more occluded than /d/. Simonet analyzes the effects of contact with Catalan on the production of alveolar laterals in the Spanish spoken in Majorca. Traditionally, Majorcan Catalan alveolar laterals have been described as velarized (dark), while (Castilian) Spanish laterals have been described as non-velarized (clear) (Recasens, 1987, 2004; Recasens & Espinosa, 2005). The existing sociolinguistic research has stated that dark laterals are a receding feature while clear ones are diffusing across groups of speakers, including the Catalandominant Catalan-Spanish bilinguals residing in Majorca (Pieras, 1999). Simonet’s


results indicate that Spanish-dominant bilinguals produce clear lateral allophones while Catalan-dominant bilinguals differ as a function of gender, with young females using clear allophones and males using dark laterals. These findings suggest that although dark allophones might be receding in favor of clear ones, they are not doing so in as fast a pace as indicated in previous studies. While the previous papers all treated segmental process (with the exception of vowel harmony that can be considered suprasegmental), the third cluster of experimental papers focuses on prosody, dealing with units of speech production (Vogel & Wheeldon) and intonation (Lipski). Vogel and Wheeldon investigate the nature of the units of speech production in Italian. The findings for Italian are essentially those previously reported for Dutch, despite substantial prosodic differences between Romance and Germanic languages. It is shown that in order to account for these findings, a prosodic unit between the Phonological Word and the Phonological Phrase is needed. Given that there are problems with taking the Phonological Word as the unit of speech encoding in Italian, as in Dutch, the authors argue for an alternative that appears to be valid for both languages, the Composite Group. Lipski’s “Pitch Polarity in Palenquero: A possible locus of H tone” is a second experimental paper that deals with the phonology of contact varieties (Simonet examiÂ� ned Spanish in contact with Catalan). Palenquero, an Afro-Iberian creole language of Colombia, exhibits intonational patterns that differ notably from the surrounding regional dialects of Spanish. Authors like Hualde & Schwegler (2008) have observed that “Palenquero is best analyzed as an accentual language, rather than as a language with lexical tone” (p. 25). Lipski offers more detailed data on a particular configuration that may signal a final vestige (or the incipient development) of a phonologically distinctive tone, directing his attention to the phrase-final negator -nú, the post-nominal possessive clitics -mí “my” and -sí “your”, and the dative and accusative clitics -mí “me” and -bó “you”. His data reveal a systematic process of tonal dissimilation between the two tonic syllables, which in turn suggests the presence of a distinctively specified High tone on these clitics. The final two papers in the phonology section do not use experimental methods, yet some of their concerns can be linked to those of the authors of the experimental contributions discussed above. Fernando Martínez-Gil also intends to correct the record regarding the metrical system in Hispano Romance that was thought to be, since the Hispanic Vulgar Latin stage and at least up to pre-apocope Old Spanish, quantity-insensitive. He argues that the failure of two otherwise regular sound changes to materialize in Hispano Romance, namely, final -m deletion, and identical vowel simplification, provides strong support to the hypothesis of a minimal prosodic word requirement in this branch of Ibero-Romance, and that the relevant metrical unit correlated with the minimal word was a bimoraic foot, not a disyllabic one, as had been suggested in the recent literature on the topic. He proposes that the two sound changes

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failed to apply in order to avoid the reduction of a prosodic word below a minimum, yielding a form smaller than a bimoraic foot. “Multiple Opacity in Eastern Regional French” by Jean-Pierre Montreuil, offers an OT-CC (i.e. OT with so-called candidate chains) account of the opaque interaction between lengthening and consonant devoicing and schwa epenthesis in Eastern Regional French. It contributes to the theoretical discussion on how to account for opacity in OT, arguing that a model like OT-CC that reintroduces derivational evaluations in the model and performs local evaluations rather than global ones, makes more accurate predictions than the alternatives (Stratal OT, Harmonic Serialism or LP-OT) which fail to handle opacity. In line with the comparative nature of Romance linguistics, Montreuil’s article points to the desirability of an analysis that finds new coherence in bringing together historical derivations, synchronic chains and geographical variation. Both contributions in this last group refer to historical data to some extent, although to a much greater extent in “Wordminimality and Sound Change in Hispano-Romance”.

2.2â•… Syntax As we did with the phonology papers, we group the articles in this section in clusters. The first cluster contains two papers, by Méndez-Vallejo and Charnavelle, that address issues in information structure. Information structure is an area of syntax that often intersects with phonology, more specifically with prosody. This is the case with the other two articles on information/grammatical structure, which therefore appear in the Interfaces section (Cardinaletti & Repetti & Burnett). The chapter “Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish: the case of the Focalizing Ser (FS) structure” by Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo, examines some of the syntactic properties of the Focalizing ser (FS) structure in Colombian Spanish. Although the FS shows some resemblance to the pseudo-cleft construction, the syntactic analysis she proposes is based on the premise that the two forms are syntactically different. Looking at the syntactic contexts in which this form may occur, Méndez Vallejo shows (i)Â€that the FS may precede any kind of phrase, serving any kind of syntactic function, and (ii), that the agreement relation between FS ser and other sentential constituents is predictable. This strongly suggests, as claimed in her analysis, that the FS is in a TP-internal Focus Phrase, generated below TP and above vP. “Anaphoricity, Logophoricity and Intensification: The puzzling case of son propre in French” by Isabelle Charnavel argues for the existence of an interaction between binding and intensification in light of French possessive son propre (“his own”). Propre (“own”) has two possible interpretations: its semantic effect consists of contrasting either the possessor or the possessum with a set of contextually determined alternatives. Crucially, these double intensifying properties of propre correlate with the binding properties of son propre. When son is associated with possessor propre, son


propre behaves like an anaphor that can be long-distance bound if the antecedent is a logophoric center. However, when son is associated with possessum propre, son propre lacks both anaphoric and logophoric properties. This correlation shows that there is an interaction between the modules of binding and intensification: it is only when the referent of its antecedent is intensified that son propre needs to be bound. The second syntax cluster contains five articles that focus on pronouns: clitics and subject pronouns. Alba de la Fuente, Beavers & Nishida, and Giurgea treat clitics, while Villa-García and de Prada Pérez focus on subject pronouns. Three of these contributions, those by Giurgea, Villa-García, and de Prada Pérez, also address the topic of null vs. overt distribution. It is also worth mentioning the cross-linguistic element present in the chapters by Alba de la Fuente, Giurgea and de Prada Pérez. Anahí Alba de la Fuente’s chapter, “More on the Clitic Combination Puzzle: Evidence from Spanish, Catalan and Romanian”, tackles the difficult issue of the combination of first and second person plural clitics in Romance. Its main contribution is to bring new empirical data to the discussion, calling attention to the relevance of the feature [number] on (im)possible combinations. Spanish, Catalan and Romanian accept, in general, combinations of 1st and 2nd person clitics. However, not all 1st and 2nd person combinations are possible: although two single clitics can be combined, the combination of two plural clitics results in ungrammaticality in Spanish and Romanian. On the other hand, all three languages accept clitic combinations that include a plural dative and a singular non-dative and systematically reject combinations that include a singular dative and a plural non-dative. Alba de la Fuente argues that clitic restrictions are drawn by the degree of markedness of the dative clitic with respect to the other clitic in the cluster and proposes a Plural Blocking Effect as a restriction that captures those generalizations. “The Spanish Dative Alternation Revisited” by John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida discusses an interesting set of data concerning alternating frames for ditransitive verbs in Spanish, with or without a doubling clitic. They argue that, even though many of the types of semantic effects observed for dative-shift alternations in English are also associated with the clitic-doubled variant of the Spanish constructions, previous analyses of English cannot be extended to Spanish. They propose a “Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle”, stating that the dative alternant must have a monotonically strengthened set of truth conditions in comparison to those of the corresponding oblique. This proposal predicts both the similarities and differences between the languages. Ion Giurgea, in “Romanian Genderless Pronouns and Parasitic Gaps”, argues that the distribution of (overt) object clitics and null objects in Romanian can be explained if we assume that the so-called ‘neuter pronouns’ of Romanian are genderless. Romanian has a null object used as a bound variable with a neuter pronoun antecedent. This item differs from parasitic gaps by the fact that it does not require an A-bar moved antecedent and can only occur with neuter pronouns, while overt clitics are excluded in

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this context. Giurgea proposes that this is due to the fact that object clitics are always marked for gender, while neuter pronouns are genderless. His analysis presents independent evidence for the proposal that the so-called ‘neuter pronouns’ of Romanian and other Romance languages, definite as well as indefinite and quantificational, lack a value for Gender. In “To Agree or Not to Agree: Beyond quintessentially syntactic agreement in Spanish” Julio Villa-García examines the agreement relationship between the verb and the (overt/null) subject in Non-Caribbean Spanish. In doing so, this chapter addresses a developing area of syntactic theory concerning the interface of grammatical and performance systems. Villa-García shows that, in some cases, certain acceptable sentences contain an anomalously-agreeing subject in terms of one of the three agreement/φfeatures, namely person, number, and gender. He proposes that in Spanish there is a condition on the output of the operation Agree, which posits that, if full/optimal agreement between the verb and the subject does not obtain, at most one feature can be left unchecked/unvalued syntactically. The remaining unvalued feature of T0 is deleted/ valued for convergence through alternative agreement mechanisms available in the grammar, including default agreement and semantic/pragmatic agreement. From this, it follows that agreement in Spanish is not a quintessentially syntactic phenomenon handled exclusively by a probe-goal system like Agree. In an important contribution to a well-studied variable, de Prada Perez analyzes and compares patterned variation in the distribution of null and overt subjects in Spanish and Catalan in “Variation in Subject Expression in Western Romance.” Based on quantitative treatment of naturalistic data collected among Spanish monolinguals in Valladolid and among Catalan-Spanish bilinguals in Minorca, the author analyzes, ranks, and compares the weight of internal factors that condition null and overt pronominal subjects in both languages. She finds that although there are no significant differences between the languages regarding overall rates, multiple regression analyses point to different variable and constraint hierarchies across them. The two articles in the third and final syntax cluster focus on diachronic data, both on Old French (Arteaga & Herschensohn and Vance, Donaldson & Steiner). In “A Phase-based Analysis of Old French Genitive Constructions” Deborah ArteagaÂ€& Julia Herschensohn consider two types of genitive constructions in Old French, one in which the possessor is introduced by a preposition and another, the so-called juxtaposition genitive, in which no overt preposition is found and the possessor is invariably in the oblique case. They propose a minimalist analysis for each construction. Their analysis provides an account not only of the variation found in the determiner that surfaces in the juxtaposition genitive, but also shows that this genitive is not really different from the prepositional ones, there being no clear categorical distinctions between genitive and prepositional possessive constructions. In “V2 Loss in Old French


and Old Occitan: The role of fronted clauses” Vance, Donaldson & Steiner contribute to the controversy regarding the analysis of Old French as a verb-second language (V2). Contrary to Kaiser’s (2002) suggestion that Old French was not a true V2 language, the authors show, based on quantitative analysis of thirteenth-century literary, historical, and legal texts in French, that V2 was indeed present and beginning a gradual loss. By analyzing data that capture the trajectory from V2 to non-V2 syntax, the authors find that fronted subordinate clauses were an important factor favoring V2 loss. An original data set from Old Occitan is also examined and compared with patterns found in the evolution of V2 loss in French. “V2 Loss in Old French and Old Occitan” is one of two quantitative studies in the syntax section (see also the chapter by de Prada Pérez).

2.3â•… Morphology and interfaces We organize the articles in this section in three subgroups. The first one contains two chapters on morphology (Luís and Bonet & Torres Tamarit); the second one deals with the syntax-phonology interface, more specifically information structure, intonation and vowel quality (Cardinaletti & Repetti and Burnett); finally, the third subgroup analyzes diachronic data (Amaral & Howe and Brazeal). In the morphology subgroup, we find two somewhat different papers. “The Loss and Survival of Inflectional Morphology: Contextual vs. inherent inflection in creoles” by Luís studies a contact variety, Korlai Creole Portuguese. This adds to the collection of papers in this volume that study contact data (Lispki, Simonet, and de Prada Pérez). The chapter by Bonet & Torres Tamarit, “Allomorphy in Pre-Clitic Imperatives in Formenteran Catalan” is, on the other hand, an optimality-theoretic study of allomorphy in Catalan. The phonology section of this volume also contains an optimality theoretic analysis, in this case of Eastern Regional French. Luís examines Korlai Creole Portuguese’s overt inflectional morphology in an attempt to understand how creole inflections differ from non-creole inflections. She finds that the use of purely formal inflections, such as theme vowels (interpreted as instances of inherent inflection), is retained, while person-number agreement affixes (interpreted as contextual inflection) are absent, thereby countering McWhorter’s (2001) claim that the survival of creole affixes is determined by their semantic values. Thus, Luís’s analysis corroborates the conclusions of Kihm (2003), Arends et al. (2006), and Plag (2008) that creole languages are more likely to retain inherent morphology than contextual morphology. Bonet & Torres-Tamarit offer an output-based analysis of the extension patterns exhibited by Formenteran Catalan in imperatives in enclisis. It is argued that the appearance of the extension is caused by a phonological constraint requiring a rightaligned moraic trochee. The form of the imperatives with the extension coincides with

ïœ¹

ïœ±ïœ° Romance Linguistics 2009

the inflectional stem that is found in other forms of the imperative paradigm. Lexical Conservatism and Uniform Exponence play a key role in the analysis. In the subgroup dealing with the phonology/syntax interface, Cardinaletti and Repetti study the nature of the preverbal schwa in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Piacentine dialects of Italian. They show that these preverbal vowels are two different syntactic entities, an interrogative vowel and a “subject field” vowel whose realization depends on phonological considerations (the quality of the following segment) as well as on the presence of other clitics (both types of vowels are incompatible with other preverbal clitics). The second article on the phonology/syntax interface is Heather Burnett’s “Pitch Accent, Focus, and the Interpretation of Non-WH Exclamatives in French”. She examines the cross-linguistic realization of the class of exclamatives in the Romance languages and makes the novel claim that exclamative operators are not uniquely licensed by wh-morphology, but also by prosody (contrastive focus) on gradation quantifiers. Exclamations with focused gradation quantifiers display many of the same semantic properties that have been observed with wh-exclamatives. Using Quebec French data, she proposes that the semantic content of this type of exclamative is a gradation construction with an implicit threshold clause and focus on the quantifier: the exclamative operator binds the threshold yielding an extreme degree reading, and the presence of this operator is licensed by the focus structure of the sentence. The final cluster in the Interfaces section addresses morphosyntactic topics from a historical perspective: the diachrony of the present perfect in Portuguese and the grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare in French and Italian. Based on diachronic data drawn from 16th- and 19th-century Portuguese corpuses, Amaral & Howe analyze the process that led to the contemporary use of present perfect in Portuguese (pretérito perfeito composto) to express iterative or durative actions extending to the moment of speech. The paper questions the appropriateness of the prevailing model of the diachrony of the perfect in Romance (first proposed by Harris in 1982) to explain the evolution of this form in Portuguese, first, by pinpointing semantic differences between Portuguese and Mexican Spanish perfects (lumped together in Harris’s continuum) and, second, by revealing semantic details in the development of Portuguese not previously accounted for. In “Grammaticalization of Commencer/Cominciare ‘To Begin’ in French and Italian” Brazeal examines aspectualizers. The author explains commencer/ cominciare as grammaticalized forms that developed from full verbs in Latin. Through a cogent diachronic explanation based on grammaticalization theory, Brazeal reveals these verbs’ current properties as having both lexical and functional categories, and contributes to solving the ambiguous grammatical status of aspectualizers as both full verbs and auxiliaries. He suggests, instead, that these verbs have undergone desemanticization and decategorization and currently occupy intermediate positions in the continuum between full verbs and auxiliaries.


3.â•… Conclusion The contributions in this volume point to a cohesiveness in Romance linguistics that lies in the integration of up-to-date linguistic research with a comparative tradition and the in-depth study of a language family. Much of Romance linguistics today, including the papers in this collection, rests on the belief that multilingual, cross-linguistic research, both synchronic and diachronic, has the ability not only to test but also to advance current theoretical claims and models. We trust that these studies will continue the LSRL tradition of simultaneously defining and contributing to the advance of the field of Romance Linguistics.

References Arends, Jacques, Josje Verhagen, Eva H. Van Lier, Suzanne Dikker & Hugo Cardoso. 2006. “On the Presence Versus Absence of Morphological Marking in Four Romance-based Creoles”. The Structure of Creole Words: Segmental, syllabic and morphological aspects ed. by Parth Bhatt & Ingo Plag, 223–241. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Dworkin, Steven N. 2000. “Introduction”. New Aproaches to Old Problems: Issues in Romance historical linguistics ed. by Steven N. Dworkin & Dieter Wanner, ix–xiv. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Harris, Martin. 1982. “The ‘past simple’ and ‘present perfect’ in Romance”. Studies in the Romance Verb ed. by Martin Harris & Nigel Vincent, 42–70. London: Croom Helm. Hualde, José Ignacio & Armin Schwegler. 2008. “Intonation in Palenquero”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23.1–31. Kaiser, Georg A. 2002. Verbstellung und Verbstellungswandel in den romansichen Sprachen. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Kihm, Alain. 2003. “Inflectional Categories in Creole Languages”. Phonology and Morphology of Creole Languages ed. by Ingo Plag, 333–63. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Klausenburger, Jurgen. 2006. “Introduction: From Romance philology to (historical) Romance linguistics?” Historical Romance Linguistics: Retrospective and perspectives [Selected papers from the 34th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Salt Lake City, March 2004] ed. by Randall S. Gess & Deborah Arteaga, 1–15. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. McWhorter, John H. 2001. “The World’s Simplest Grammars are Creole Grammars”. Linguistic Typology 5.125–166. Pieras, Francesc. 1999. Social Dynamics of Language Contact in Palma de Mallorca: Attitude and Phonological transfer. Ph.D. thesis, Pennsylvania State University, College Park, Pa. Plag, Ingo. 2008. “Creoles as Interlanguages: Inflectional morphology”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 28: 1.101–130. Posner, Rebecca. 1998. “Romance Linguistics in the Nineties”. Romance Philology 51.326–355. Prieto, Pilar, Joan Mascaró & Maria-Josep Solé. 2007. “Introduction”. Segmental and Prosodic Issues in Romance Phonology ed. by Pilar Prieto, Joan Mascaró & Maria-Josep Solé, v–xv. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

ïœ±ïœ±

ïœ±ïœ² Romance Linguistics 2009 Rafel, Joaquim. 1976. “Fonologia diacrònica catalana: Aspectes metodològics”. Problemes de llengua i literatura catalanes: Actes del II colloqui internacional sobre el català, 47–65. Montserrat: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Recasens, Daniel. 1987. “An Acoustic Analysis of V-to-C and V-to-V Coarticulatory Effects in Catalan and Spanish VCV Sequences”. Journal of Phonetics 15.29–312. Recasens, Daniel. 1991. Fonètica descriptiva del català. (Assaig de caracterització de la pronúncia del vocalisme i consonantisme del català al segle XX). Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Recasens, Daniel. 2004. “Darkness in [l] as a Scalar Phonetic Property: Implications for phonology and articulatory control”. Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics 18: 6/8.593–603. Recasens, Daniel & Espinosa, A. 2005. “Articulatory, Positional and Coarticulatory Characteristics for Clear /l/ and Dark /l/: Evidence from two Catalan dialects”. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 35: 1.1–25. Wheeler, Max. 2005. The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

part i

Phonetics/Phonology

Correcting the record on Dominican [s]-hypercorrection Barbara E. Bullock & Almeida Jacqueline Toribio The University of Texas at Austin

Theoretical linguistic treatments of Dominican [s]-hypercorrection all assume the hypotheses, advanced by Terrell (1986), that lexical forms in popular Dominican Spanish no longer contain any trace of coda or final /s/ and, thus, speakers randomly insert them into syllable- and word-final position (Terrell 1986; Núñez-Cedeño 1988, 1989, 1994; Harris 2002; Bradley 2006; Vaux 2001, 2002). We demonstrate that Terrell’s premises ensue from an inadequate description of Dominican [s]-insertion and, as a consequence, phonological theories based on them cannot account for the range of actual, as opposed to hypothesized, exemplars that occur in Dominican speech. Using natural data, we argue that [s]-hypercorrection is inaccurately described as a rule that targets the syllable coda and is instead much more complex.

1.â•… Background A salient and stigmatized trait of popular Dominican Spanish is the sporadic realization of an [s] in a lexical item in which it does not occur underlyingly (e.g. priesto < prieto “very black”). In the Dominican Republic, speakers who produce an intrusive [s] are said to be attempting to hablar fisno ( éclairer /eklere/ “to clarify” code /kfd/ “code” > décoder /dekode/ “to decode” aveugle /avœgl/ “blind” > aveugler /avøgle/ “to blind” terre /tεt/ “land” > territoire/teritwat/“territory”

(Tranel 1987:Â€61)

(Walker 2001:Â€54)

In light of these examples, one can conclude that the extent of VVA in long words remains little understood. As opposed to disyllabic words, morphological complexity arising from the presence of a prefix in trisyllabic words is likely to play a role. In addition, local assimilatory effects might not be tied to word-final stress. It is possible that the assimilatory effect of a front vowel, if any, operates regardless of the location of the triggering vowel in the word. Since actual realizations of VVA in trisyllabic words have not yet been studied acoustically, the present study is designed to investigate this phenomenon in a restricted and controlled set of existing words in French.

V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French ïœ²ïœ·

2.â•… Research questions and hypotheses In this study, we investigate the extent of regressive VVA in French, using acoustic phonetic methods in existing trisyllabic words with comparable phonetic structure. We follow previous work by Nguyen and Fagyal (2008) showing that VVA in disyllabic words is grounded in gradient coarticulatory patterns (see also Ohala 1994; Benus & Gafos 2007; Cole 2009). Our first research question is whether there is extensive anticipatory coarticulation between the word-final stressed, or trigger, vowel (henceforth, V1) and the preceding target vowel (henceforth, V2) in a trisyllabic word, as has been shown for disyllabic words. Our second research question targets the prosodic domain of VVA, i.e. whether the assimilatory influence of the stressed vowel (V1) extends to the wordinitial vowel (henceforth, V3). Our hypothesis for the first research question is that, in agreement with previous findings on disyllabic words, there will be extensive local assimilation of V2 to V1 in longer words. Given that findings from previous studies do not authorize precise predictions of the extent of VVA in long words, we consider the second research question an empirical question that results from our experiment; nevertheless, there are expected answers for a restricted set of target words. We expect that if the domain of VVA is the word, we should find acoustic evidence of coarticulation triggered by V1 on both V2 and V3. If VVA is local and non-subject to feature-spreading rules, however, then vowels non-adjacent to V1 in long words would not show regressive assimilation to V1. In this case, one would more likely conclude that VVA in French is restricted to local coarticulatory assimilation, confirming observations in ExamplesÂ€(3b–e).

3.â•… Methodology A corpus of sixty trisyllabic French words was generated using the phonetic search feature of the electronic version of the Petit Robert dictionary (see Appendix for the complete word list). Words were either vowel or consonant-initial and each of the three syllables contained either /a/ or /i/ as their nucleus. Although we were primarily interested in observing the results of VVA in i-i-a and a-a-i type words, there were no entries of i-i-a type words in the dictionary. Therefore, we examined results from all words which contained /a/ in V1 position, of which we found sixty entries in the dictionary. Therefore, we are focusing in this study on words with /a/ in word-initial and word-medial positions, in order to compare the effect of the word-final trigger vowel (/a/ or /i/) on the same target vowel. Target words contained a variety of intervocalic consonants to make sure no single consonant or consonant type could exert a biasing

ïœ²ïœ¸ Christopher Carignan & Zsuzsanna Fagyal

coarticulatory influence on any of the target vowels. Additionally, although VVA has been defined as applying to mid vowels in French, we expect the phonetic mechanisms of VVA to be fundamentally the same when the target vowel is an open /a/ rather than a mid vowel. Thus, this experiment is based exclusively on /a/ as target vowels (V3 and V2) and /i/ vs. /a/ as trigger vowels (V1) in order to guarantee uniformity in acoustic information about the vowels in each position in the word. The participants recruited for this first study were three native speakers of European French: 2 female speakers from the North East of France and 1 male speaker from the North-West of France, all exchange students at the University of Illinois. The speakers were recorded in the recording booth of the Phonetics Lab at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign using an AKG C 520 head-mount condenser microphone, positioned 3–5 cm from the corner of the mouth. Words from the list were presented visually to the participants as a series of slides in Power Point which they were instructed to read aloud in a normal voice and volume, and at a normal speaking rate. The target word was first presented in the carrier phrase “Il retape (target word) parfois” (“He retypes (target word) sometimes”). The target word was then presented in isolation in the next slide, followed by a blank slide (see Figure 1 for an example of the series of slides). We will, henceforth, refer to the first presentation type as in-sentence and the second as isolated conditions. Two of these series were included for each of the 75 words, in randomized order, resulting in 4 tokens for each target word (2 in the in-sentence condition and 2 in the isolated condition), and an overall total of 300 combined tokens for the experiment. The experiment was selfpaced: participants could determine the amount of time they took between each slide. One break was built into the presentation of the slides, and none of the participants took more than one five to ten minutes break to complete his/her readings. The experiment typically lasted about 15 minutes. The acoustic analysis was performed in Praat. Syllable and phone boundaries were segmented using a Praat plugin implementing Jean-Philippe Goldman’s EasyAlign automatic segmentation algorithm for French,1 and were verified and corrected manually, if needed. A Praat script was used which measured the formant values in Hertz (Hz) at the midpoint of each of the three vowels in the target word; the midpoint was chosen as the location where the formant values would be measured in order to minimize any coarticulatory acoustic effects on the formant values from the neighboring consonants. These values were cross-checked manually for outliers, and the manually measured values were used as replacements for the outliers, if the outlier values were deemed to be incorrect. These changes amounted to less than one percent of all formant

ïœ±.â•… Jean-Philippe Goldman’s webpage is available at: http://www.unige.ch/lettres/linguistique/ goldman/

V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French ïœ²ïœ¹

values, and concerned primarily /i/ that was sometimes devoiced word-finally. For the purposes of statistical analyses, the vowel formant frequencies in Hz were converted to the perceptually more relevant auditory frequency scale, called Bark scale,2 using Traunmüller’s formula (Traunmüller 1990, cited in Nguyen & Fagyal 2008:Â€7).

11 retape cagibi parfois

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Figure 1.â•‡ Example of the series of Power Point slides presented to the speakers to read aloud

4.â•… Results 4.1â•… Extent of V-to-V assimilation influence in French In order to test whether coarticulatory influence from the trigger vowel can extend to the left edge of the target word, words featuring /a/ as both target vowels (V3 and V2) and the two different trigger vowels (V1) were selected. Figure 2 shows V1, V2 and V3 formant frequencies measured at the vowel midpoints in a-a-i type words for each speaker and both conditions. F1 frequencies are plotted along the y-axis, F2 along the x-axis,3 using the originally measured Hz scale. Ellipses represent productions of each vowel within two standard deviations. What we can observe immediately from these figures is that, for all speakers, the vowel space for V2 indicates, in general, lower F1 and higher F2 values than the vowel space for V3. In other words, /a/ is more closed and more fronted in word-medial than in word-initial positions before /i/ for all speakers. Differences between the distributions of V3 /a/ and V2 /a/ in the two word conditions are shown in Figure 3. The corresponding distributions for the three speakers are distinguished by different shades and patterns. In each case, the left-hand pairs

ïœ².â•… The human auditory system’s response to frequency is non-linear. A difference in 500 Hz between two sounds is perceived differently, for instance, below and above 2 kHz. In order to normalize for these discrepancies, the use of the Bark or Mel scales is recommended (Johnson 2003:Â€51; Stevens 2000:Â€237). ïœ³.â•… All formant plots were generated using JPlotFormants v1.4. The program can be downloaded from the following web site: http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/grads/billerey/ PlotFrog.htm

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ïœ³ïœ° Christopher Carignan & Zsuzsanna Fagyal

V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French ïœ³ïœ±

display the distribution for V3 /a/, with the leftmost plot of each pair corresponding to the in-sentence condition. The general tendency of lower F1 and higher F2 is again confirmed for V2 /a/ in comparison to V3 /a/. Given the negative correlation between F1 frequency and tongue height, and positive correlation between F2 frequency and fronting of the tongue body, these findings strongly suggest that V2 /a/ is more fronted and closed than V3 /a/ and, therefore, that V1 /i/ has, at the very least, an extensive coarticulatory influence on this word-medial vowel. However, the distribution of F1 values in isolated condition for speaker F2 and the distributions of F1 and F2 values for speaker M1 in both word conditions show subtle but clear differences, which called for inferential statistics. We ran Paired Samples t-tests to verify statistically if /a/ in V2 was, on average, significantly more /i/-like than its corresponding counterpart in V3 (Hypothesis 1).4 Statistics were calculated separately for each speaker, vowel type, formant, and word condition. Results of individual t-tests and descriptive statistics shown in Table 1 (see Appendix) confirm observations depicted in Figures 2 and 3: on average /a/ immediately preceding /i/ had significantly lower F1 and higher F2 than /a/ in word-initial position for each speaker and both word conditions. While in most paired comparisons, V3 and V2 were not correlated, which means that realizations of /a/ could be assumed to be independent in each syllable, in three out of four comparisons formant values in V3 and V2 showed weak but statistically significant correlation (p < 0.05) in speakers’ F1 and M1 speech. This indicated that formant values in the two word conditions could not be collapsed and analyzed jointly, but rather word condition had to be kept as a separate independent variable in further statistical analyses.5 A comparison of V3 and V2 in a-a-i type words, as performed above, can help determine whether the word-final trigger vowel has a significant effect on the wordmedial vowel, as we have just seen by observing the greater closing and fronting influence of V1 /i/ on V2 /a/ than on V3 /a/. However, this type of comparison cannot fully describe the extent of this influence, namely, whether V1 /i/ has any effect on the production of V3 /a/. Therefore, a comparison of V3 /a/ and V2 /a/ in a-a-i type words to those in a-a-a type words is needed, in order to observe possible differences due to the trigger vowels. The plots in Figure 4 display F1 and F2 formant frequency ellipses within two standard deviations from mean values (denoted by the symbols indicated in the legend) of V3 /a/ and V2 /a/ in a-a-a and a-a-i words. We can observe, for all speakers, that

ïœ´.â•… Statistical analyses reported in this paper have been performed using the software package SPSS 17.0. ïœµ.â•… Measurements from the in-sentence and isolated conditions are collapsed in Figures 2 and 4 for easier reading of the multiple data points and/or ellipses.

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ïœ³ïœ² Christopher Carignan & Zsuzsanna Fagyal

V-to-V assimilation in trisyllabic words in French ïœ³ïœ³

V2 /a/ in a-a-i type words has a lower F1 and higher F2 than any of the other three instances of /a/. However, we can also observe that the mean of the word-initial V3 vowel in a-a-i words is not any higher or lower than the mean of the initial V3 vowel in a-a-a words. Taken together, these observations highlight the likelihood that wordmedial V2 /a/ is more fronted and more closed than the other three vowels. This suggests that there is no regressive assimilatory influence of the trigger vowel V1 /i/ on V3 /a/ in the speech of any of the three speakers. To test for the statistical significance of these tendencies, we conducted Repeated Measures ANOVAs6 with position of target vowel (V3 and V2), type of trigger (/i/ and /a/), and word condition (in-sentence and isolated) as independent within-subject factors and F1 and F2 values as dependent variables. This 2x2x2 design yielded separate comparisons for each formant and speaker. The relative contribution of each source of variance tested is shown in Table 2 in the Appendix. Cells depicting statistically significant (at p < 0.05) single or joint factors are shaded. For speaker M1, tests of within-subject effects revealed that for the first formant, there were significant main effects of position of /a/ in the word for the first formant (F(1, 28) = 62.836, p < 0.001), type of triggering vowel (F(1, 28) = 14.197, p < 0.001), and word condition (F(1, 28) = 17.288, p < .001). Among the interactions, only the interaction of the position of /a/ in the word and the type of trigger was significant (F(1, 28) = 7.240, pÂ€ Port. vinha, Sp. viña “vineyard”, senior > Port. senhor, Sp. señor “sir”). Despite this change, which would seem to remove any nasal plus palatal glide sequences, palatalized alveolar nasals do exist in both modern Portuguese and Spanish. Forms like Port. gardênia, Sp. gardenia “gardenia” entered the language after the palatalization of Class II words had already occurred. Their phonetic realization is uncontroversially [nj] (ifÂ€the following /i/ does not receive lexical stress). The phonemic palatalized alveolar thus stands in contrast to the phonemic palatal nasal, e.g. in Port. insânia “insanity” vs. sanha “fury”, Sp. uranio “uranium” vs. huraño “unsociable”. Another origin (Class II) of Portuguese 〈nh〉 and Spanish 〈ñ〉 is the Latin sequence -gn- or -ng-, e.g. pugnu > Port. punho, Sp. puño “fist” and ungula > Port. unha, Sp. uña “fingernail”.6

ïœ¶.â•… The phonetic bases of the Class II palatalization deserve greater attention than we can provide here. The -ng- sequence would normally result in a velar nasal rather than a palatal (particularly if followed by a non-front vowel, as in ungula). The divergent formant transitions associated with velar and palatal places of articulation are well known (Fant 1960) making a listener-based error improbable as the source of the sound change. However, Williams (1975:Â€94) proposes that the change only occurred before front vowels, a context where /g/ systematically palatalizes, and moreover that in Portuguese these were Spanish borrowings, e.g. ringire > (Sp. *[renjLir] >). [re\ir] reñir > Port. renhir “dispute, contend”. For forms like ungula, without a front vowel, the standard account is that the lateral had previously palatalized

ïœ´ïœ¶ Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

Class III words gave rise to palatal nasals in G-P (but not Spanish) and involved original sequences where an alveolar nasal was preceded by the palatal vowel /i/ and followed by another vowel. Examples include gallina > galinha “hen”, molinuÂ€ > moinho “mill”, regina > rainha “queen”, caminu > caminho “road”, vinu > vinho “wine”, vicinu > vizinho “neighbor”, etc. vs., Sp. gallina, molino, reina, camino, vino, vecino, with an alveolar nasal as in Latin. The simplest hypothesis for this development is that as the alveolar nasal stop occlusion weakened, the resulting nasal approximant was colored by the preceding palatal vowel, e.g. vinu > [vĩjo]. To the extent that the nasal approximant subsequently “hardened”7 to a palatal nasal stop it would be by convergence with the palatal nasal stop that arose in other contexts (Williams 1975:Â€71). A parallel development can be observed in the feminine article, where assimilation has produced a bilabial nasal: una > *ũw˜â†œæ¸€å±®â†œa > Port. uma “one.fem” (in Galician we find a velar nasal instead, /u]a/). In other Portuguese VNV sequences, the nasal consonant has disappeared leaving at most vowel nasalization as its only trace.8 Examples include lana > lã “wool”, manuÂ€> mão “hand”, luna > lua “moon”, bona > boa “good.fem.sg”. Exceptionally, we also find 〈nh〉 in the word mea > minha “mine, fem”, by progressive nasalization. Teyssier (1980:Â€35–36, 51) notes that the hiatus of nasal and oral vowels was “by nature very unstable”; accordingly it was resolved by either excrescence (dégagement) of a nasal consonant or by oralization of the first vowel. Spanish 〈ñ〉 arose from one Class of words which did not give rise to 〈nh〉 in Portuguese. We will categorize these as Class IV etyma. Here, the intervocalic geminate -nn- palatalized in Spanish but merely degeminated in G-P, where as we just saw, singleton -n- was lost: annu > Sp. año, Port. ano “year” cf., manu > Sp. mano, Port. mão “hand” (Penny 2002:Â€71, for Spanish). The change in point of articulation in Spanish, from alveolar to palatal, may be attributed a larger or more palatalized contact area in the production of a geminate (Payne 2006). The modern reflexes of the four types of Latin etyma are summarized in Table 1. One class of words uniquely gave rise to a phonemic palatal nasal in G-P and Spanish (Class III in G-P; Class IV in Spanish). All languages share Classes I and II. Based on the absence of Class III palatal reflexes in Spanish (which uniquely gave rise to Â�nasalized glides in G-P) it is perhaps unsurprising that no one claims the existence of

by analogy with singulariu > senlheiro (ibid.). Palatalization of the -gn- sequence in words like pugnu > punho is similarly perplexing from an acoustic-perceptual standpoint. ïœ·.â•… We borrow the term from Hajek (1997) who uses it to describe the development of Bolognese palatals. Ferreiro (1999) has suggested that the emergence of the palatal consonant was somehow geared towards preventing vowel hiatus, referring to it as “[…]a consoante palatal anti-hiática” (39, fn. 149) (our thanks to Fernando Martínez-Gil for pointing this out). ïœ¸.â•… Nasal vowels were later lost in Galician (García de Diego 1984).

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœ´ïœ·

Spanish nasalized glides. At no stage in the development of the Spanish palatal nasal has /â†œJ˜/ been posited. Table 1.â•‡ Etymological classes that gave rise to a phonemic palatal nasal in Portuguese, Spanish, and Galician. Starred forms represent classes without a phonemic palatal nasal reflex Etymological Class Class I: -nj- Class II: -gn-, -ng- Class III: -in- Class IV: -nn-

vinea pugnu vinu annu

Portuguese

Spanish

Galician

> vinha > punho > vinho > ano*

> viña > puño > vino* > año

> viña > puño > viño > ano*

For Class III (vinu) reflexes in Portuguese, the original alveolar nasal consonant was deleted after nasalization of the high vowel had occurred (Sampson 1999). The palatal nasal stop reemerged or “hardened” thereafter and has until lately gone unchallenged as the canonical realization of this phoneme (Azevedo 1981; Cruz-Ferreira 1997). In articulatory terms, this so-called “hardening” means that linguopalatal contact increased in degree and/or duration. If we are to believe that hardening occurred at some point, along with reports that the palatal approximant articulation is currently favored (Perini 2002) then the lenition /\/ > /â†œJ˜/ must be posited, as well. We offer an alternative, more parsimonious account9 whereby the merger of early G-P Class III nasal approximants with palatal nasal stops from Class I–II is still incomplete, with perhaps substantial variation between the two articulations (although there is no indication that the etymological lexical distribution of these two articulations has been preserved). We submit that Class I and II forms developed a palatal nasal stop (as evidenced by Spanish) early in Ibero-Romance and that only afterwards did G-P develop the nasalized glide in Class III words. We claim that this sound is still present in Portuguese phonology, particularly in Brazil, where it was perhaps transported in the 15th and 16th centuries, before the palatal nasal stop was settled upon as the preferred articulation by speakers of EP (and presumably Galician). Thus, we argue that the palatal nasal approximant with reduced linguopalatal contact in BP is a conservative linguistic trait of Portuguese rather than a New World innovation. However, our account does not assume that Class I and II reflexes were also realized as nasal approximants at an earlier stage in Portuguese. Instead, we believe that lenition of Classes I and II (/\/ > /â†œJ˜/) has resulted in at least a partial merger with the Class III nasal approximant /â†œJ˜/. In other words, we propose that at some stage there was a phonemic contrast between Class III /â†œJ˜/ on the one hand and Class I–II /\/ on

ïœ¹.â•… Besides its parsimony, our account has the additional advantage of not singling out the palatal nasal (to the exclusion of other nasal consonants) as a target of lenition on an ad hoc basis.

ïœ´ïœ¸ Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

the other (as Williams 1975 also claims). The contrast was later lost (perhaps very early on), but [J˜] and [\] have both survived as allophonic variants in BP. According to Williams (1975), the distinction between nasal approximant and stop is found in the 14th-century Cancioneiros (collections of G-P troubadour poetry) where Class I and III reflexes do not rhyme (Williams 1975:Â€82). Speakers in the Middle Ages produced the reflexes of e.g. vinu and vinea with two different nasal consonants, the approximant for vinu (Class III) and the stop for vinea (Class I). Soon afterwards, however, both the palatal consonants of Class I and Class III were written as 〈ĩ〉 or 〈 y˜〉 in Medieval manuscripts, sometimes alternating with 〈nn〉, 〈ñ〉 suggesting that the sounds were quickly confounded (Maia 1986:Â€489–490, García de Diego 1984 [1909]: 57). The collapse of the Class I/III distinction could have come about for two reasons: either Class III “hardened” to /\/ or Class I “softened” to /â†œJ˜/. A third possibility is that the merger is still only partial and both [\] and [â†œJ˜] exist today in some as-yet-undetermined variation.10 Because the synchronic facts of BP nasal palatal occlusion are largely unknown and because instrumental data in this area are scarce, our goal is to collect evidence through a study examining acoustic and aerodynamic differences between BP 〈nha〉 (palatal) and 〈nia〉 (palatalized alveolar followed by glide) sequences, contrasting these with Spanish 〈ñ〉 and 〈nia〉. Because of limitations inherent to the present methodology, we intend to follow up with a comprehensive electropalatographic (EPG) study of the sounds in the future.

2.â•… Methods 2.1â•… Speakers Three speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish (PRS; P1–3) and three speakers of BP (two from São Paulo (B2 and B3), one from Rio de Janeiro (B1)), aged between 25 and ïœ±ïœ°.â•… There is some dialectal evidence that European Portuguese (EP) has developed and even reinforced a fully occluded palatal nasal stop: palatal [\] may still vary with alveolar [n] in certain villages of the Algarve, including Santa Luzia and Monte Gordo (Hammarström 1953:Â€ 176). More modern evidence on this point has yet to be uncovered. An anonymous reviewer has suggested two other relevant differences between EP and BP. The word camião “truck/lorry” comes from French camion, so no intervening palatal nasal stage may be posited. In EP hiatus or an optional rising diphthong separates 〈i〉 and 〈ão〉. In BP either a palatal nasal stop or a palatal nasal glide intervenes. (This may, however, be a case of folk etymology whereby speakers form an augmentative based on caminho “path”.) The second case is the realization of nasality in words like põem “put.3pl.” and têm “have.3pl.” In EP these words have two diphthongs while in BP there is only one, such that, e.g. têm and tem “have.3sg” are non-contrastive. These observations make it clear that our study could be usefully extended to an examination of differences between EP and BP, as well.

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœ´ïœ¹

30Â€participated in the study. The Brazilians had all been in the continental United States for less than three years at the time of the experiment, as had the speakers of PRS. As we mentioned above, some Spanish dialects, including Buenos Aires Spanish (Quilis 1993:Â€243, Colantoni & Kochetov 2010), show a tendency to merge the palatal nasal and the sequence alveolar nasal plus palatal glide so that the contrast between uranio “uranium” and huraño “unsociable” or unión “union” and uñón “big fingernail” is lost or unstable. This tendency has not been reported for Puerto Rican Spanish, which therefore seemed like an appropriate choice for our study.

2.2â•… Materials We set out to build a list of natural tokens in Portuguese and Spanish that included the phonemic palatal nasal (whether stop or approximant), palatalized alveolar stop, and palatal approximant in comparable positions (e.g. Port. canha “left hand”, Tânia “(personal name)”, saia “skirt”). We selected [a] as the word-final vowel and then sought to balance the quality of the preceding vowel in the VCa sequences between [i e a o u] (e.g. Port. minha “my.fem”, manha “cunning”, grenha “mop of hair”) using reverse dictionaries (Bosque & Pérez Fernández 1987; d’Andrade Pardal 1993). We were able to complete sets of five (5) -aCa, -oCa, and -eCa tokens (where C ranged between the palatal approximant, palatalized alveolar and palatal nasal; = 45 tokens) with additional sets of five (5) -iCa and -uCa forms (where C was limited to the phonemic palatal nasal; = 10 tokens). Portuguese and Spanish cognates were used whenever possible. In total, 55 lexical items were chosen. The tokens are listed in Appendices A and B. During the aerodynamic recordings (see Section 2.3) a partial list was inadvertently presented to speaker B1 who therefore pronounced only 46/55 tokens (five 〈nh〉 three 〈i〉, and one 〈ni〉 token are missing). Items not pronounced by B1 are marked with an asterisk in Appendix A.

2.3â•… Procedures Tokens were repeated three times in randomized order in the carrier phrase, Digo ____ para ti “I say ___ to you” (the same phrase worked for both languages with only minor, and for our purposes irrelevant, differences in pronunciation of the non-test material). Audio was recorded using an AKG c520 head-mounted condenser microphone in an audiometric booth at the Illinois Phonetics & Phonology Laboratory. The audio recordings were made at a sampling rate of 44.1 kHz using a Marantz PMD570 solid-state recorder and a Grace preamplifier. The audio data were labeled and measured in Praat 5.0.03. On a separate occasion, tokens were recorded using a Â�Glottal Enterprises oral flow mask fitted with a heated Fleisch pneumotachometer (Fleisch 1925; Farquharson & Anthony 1970:Â€ 813). Cannulae from the pneumotachometer head were attached to the leads of a Biopac TSD-160 differential pressure transducer. Resulting signals were digitized using software developed for the Signal Processing

ïœµïœ° Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

Toolbox in Matlab 7.0.1. Airflow signals were labeled and measured using routines written by the first author for use in Matlab R2007b (7.5.0.342).

2.4â•… Measures Our primary interest lies in the occlusive characteristics of the BP phonemic palatal nasal consonant: whether it is realized as [\] or [J˜]. Based on the assumption that greater oral impedance will lower the intensity of the sound radiated from the vocal tract, we sought to measure the difference in acoustic intensity between the test consonants (palatal nasal, palatalized alveolar nasal, and palatal glide) which have varying degrees of oral impedance. We could not determine beforehand whether a BP palatal nasal would be realized as a stop or an approximant. To the extent that the palatal nasal patterns with /j/, we might say that it is an approximant (low oral impedance); to the extent that it patterns with /nj/ we may call it a stop (high oral impedance). Measurements of relative intensity as an acoustic correlate of degree of constriction have been used by Cole et al. (1999), Soler & Romero (1999), Ortega-Llebaria (2004) and Carrasco (2008), among others, for Spanish /b d g/. The same has been done using oral flow (Shosted & Willgohs 2006). Acoustic intensity curves were generated for the test tokens using standard settings11 in Praat 5.0.03 (Boersma & Weenink 2008). Next, the intensity curves corresÂ� ponding to [VCap] (e.g. the underlined portion in the Portuguese phrase: digo senha para ti “I say password to you”) were extracted and analyzed. The depression in intensity associated with the test consonant was measured with respect to the following vowel [a]. We measured the maximum intensity value during [a] and the minimum value during the test consonant. Figure 1 shows how these measures were taken in three BP tokens demonstrating the three test consonants. We anticipated that the depression would be deepest for an occluded test consonant due to increased oral impedance. We call this an “over-the-curve” (OTC) measure. Where OTC is the difference between the maximum intensity of [a] and the minimum intensity of the test consonant, OTCstop > OTCglide. One limitation of our acoustic method is that nasal sound emission may compensate for reduced oral sound emission in nasal consonants. This will be discussed in greater detail in Section 4.2. To validate results based on acoustic measures we also recorded oral flow. As above, oral flow during the vowel following the test consonant was taken as a maximum and the difference between this value and the minimum during the consonantal depression was measured. This resulted in a measure comparable to OTC acoustic intensity difference, i.e. OTC oral flow difference. ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Minimum pitch = 100 Hz; Time step = 8 ms; mean pressure subtracted (cf. Praat 5.0.03 online manual, “Sound: To Intensity…”).

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish 47

5

44.5

2.5

42

0 a

a

\ min

max 0.398

Time (s)

5

47

2.5

44.5

0

42 a

n

0

p

ja max

min

0.3581

Time (s)

5

60

57.5

2.5

55

0 a

j min

0

Time (s)

a

Intensity (dB)

Frequency (kHz)

p

Intensity (dB)

Frequency (kHz)

0

Intensity (dB)

Frequency (kHz)

p

max 0.398

Figure 1.â•‡ Examples of annotated tokens from BP Speaker B1: (top) banha ‘bathe.3p.sg’; (middle) insânia ‘insanity’; (bottom) saia “skirt” (stop closure from the next word in the carrier phrase is included for reference). The position of minima during the test consonant and maxima during the following vowel were collected through custom-written scripts in Praat 5.0.03 once consonantal boundaries had been demarcated

ïœµïœ±

ïœµïœ² Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

2.5â•… Statistical tests Data were fitted to linear mixed-effects models with speaker as random effect (using the NLME package’s LME function in R 2.8.1; Baayen 2008). The models were submitted to repeated measures ANOVA with measures from each speaker’s three word repetitions averaged. The independent variable was test consonant and the acoustic and airflow measures were dependents. Repeated measures ANOVAs were also conducted with language as independent variable and acoustic and airflow measures of the palatal nasal as dependent variables, using a generalized linear model (R’s GLM function). Tukey HSD tests for significant differences between consonants were implemented using the Multcomp package’s GLHT (General Linear Hypotheses) function in R.

3.â•… Results Boxplots for acoustic intensity (Figure 2) and oral flow (Figure 3) show differences between consonants for each speaker. Larger values for these measures may be interpreted as a greater degree of oral impedance. Details of the statistical models, including

OTC Int diff (dB)

PRS P2

P3

j nh nj

j nh nj

j nh nj

15 10 5 0

BP

Palatal Nasal

B1

B2

B3

j nh nj

j nh nj

j nh nj

5 4 3 2 1 0

OTC Int diff (dB)

OTC Int diff (dB)

P1

5 4 3 2 1 0 BP

PRS

Figure 2.â•‡ Boxplots of OTC acoustic intensity differences (between the test consonant and following [a]) for consonants in PRS (right) and BP (lower left). Boxplots of acoustic intensity differences for the palatal nasal in both languages appear at lower right. A higher value is to be interpreted as greater degree of oral impedance

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœµïœ³

significant differences between test consonants, are given in Tables 2, 3, and 4. For convenience and consistency in the results section we will represent the palatal nasal consonants of both Spanish and Portuguese with the digraph nh, the palatal glide with j, and the palatalized alveolar with nj.

OTC OF Diff (ml/s)

PRS P1

P2

600 500 400 300 200 100 j nh nj

600 500 400 300 200 100

B2

j nh nj

B3

OTC OF Diff (ml/s)

OTC OF Diff (ml/s)

BP B1

P3

j nh nj j nh nj

Palatal Nasal 600 500 400 300 200 100 BP

j nh nj j nh nj

PRS

Figure 3.â•‡ Boxplots of OTC oral flow (OF) differences (between the test consonant and following [a]) for consonants in PRS (right) and BP (lower left). Boxplots of oral flow differences for the palatal nasal in both languages appear at lower right. A higher value is to be interpreted as greater degree of oral impedance

Table 2.â•‡ ANOVA results for PRS and BP based on a linear mixed effects model with test consonant as fixed effect, speaker as random effect, and measure as dependent variable. *** = p < 0.001, ** = p < 0.01, * = p < 0.05, n.s. = not significant; nDF = numerator degrees of freedom; dDF = denominator degrees of freedom Language

Measure

nDF

dDF

F

p(F)

PRS

Oral Flow Intensity Oral Flow Intensity

2 2 2 2

160 160 151† 160

93 150 18 7

*** *** *** **

BP

† There are only 156 observations in this model. Recall that nine tokens were missing from Speaker B1’s data. The value for denominator degrees of freedom (dDF) is calculated by subtracting the number of groups in fixed effects (Consonant = 2) and random effects (Speaker = 3) from the number of observations. For recording sessions that went as planned there are 55 × 3 = 165 observations and therefore a dDF of 160.

ïœµïœ´ Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

Table 3.â•‡ ANOVA results for the palatal nasal consonant based on a generalized linear model with language as independent variable and measure as dependent Consonant

Measure

nDF

dDF

F

p(F)

Palatal nasal

Oral Flow Intensity

1 1

143‡ 148

0.01 58

n.s. ***

‡ There are 145 observations for this model. Recall that five nh tokens were missing from Speaker B1’s data. Since speakers were supposed to produce 25 nh tokens the total number of observations is (25 × 6) – 5 = 145 for Speaker B1. Appendix A marks with an asterisk those tokens not produced by B1.

Table 4.â•‡ Statistically significant differences (Tukey HSD) between test consonants in terms of two measures (oral flow difference and acoustic intensity difference). In general “x > y” may be read, “x is more occluded than y” Language

Measure

PRS

Oral Flow Intensity Oral Flow Intensity

BP

j–nh j > nh *** j > nh *** j < nh *** n.s.

j–nj j > nj *** j > nj *** j < nj *** j < nj **

nh–nj nh > nj *** n.s. nh < nj * nh < nj ***

In general, the oral flow measure corroborated and refined the results of the acoustic intensity measure. We find, for example, that while no difference between j and nh was uncovered for BP using acoustic intensity alone, it can be argued that nh is more occluded than j by reference to oral flow. In general, we can say that j is the most occluded of the three consonants in PRS, more so than both nh and nj. Furthermore, In PRS, nh is more occluded than nj. In BP, the opposite is true: nj is more occluded than nh and nh is more occluded than j. This is not true for speaker B3, for whom the difference between nh and nj in terms of both aerodynamic and acoustic measures failed to achieve significance at an alpha-level of 0.05.

4.â•… Discussion and conclusions 4.1â•… Summary and significance of results If intensity as measured here is taken as an acoustic correlate of occlusion, we may state the following: (1) PRS /\/ is realized with an occlusion comparable to that of the PRS palatalized alveolar /nj/; (2) BP /\/ is less occluded than BP’s palatalized alveolar /nj/ while sharing characteristics of occlusion with the palatal approximant; (3) PRS /\/ is more occluded than BP /\/. Finding (2) is confirmed by the more direct correlate of oral airflow while findings (1) and (3) are not. Analysis of oral flow suggests that PRS /\/ is actually more occluded than /nj/ but fails to suggest that there is a significant difference between PRS /\/ and BP /\/.

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœµïœµ

Confirmation of finding (2) using both acoustic and aerodynamic evidence supports Perini’s (2002) assertion that BP may have a palatal nasal glide /â†œJ˜/ instead of a palatal nasal stop /\/. We observe that for one of three BP speakers (B3) this was not true. We cannot ascribe this to dialectal variation, since B3 is one of two speakers from São Paulo. B2, the other paulista, also seems to produce a nasal approximant. Our results are consistent with the hypothesis that the BP palatal nasal approximant is a conservative linguistic trait passed down from medieval G-P. While it is indeed Â�possible that the sound underwent a “round-trip” change from palatal glide to stop back to glide, the evidence that all Portuguese palatal nasals were at some point realized as full palatal stops (the intermediate stage) is supported, so far as we can tell, by assumption only. We posit a simpler, more elegant solution that is grounded in experimental evidence. Of course, further study is necessary to corroborate the physiological validity of this hypothesis and judge the diffusion of the sound in the Lusophone world. The high OTC acoustic intensity and OTC oral airflow differences associated with PRS /j/ bespeak the fact that this phoneme is often realized as a fully occluded [j] or [jë N] (Hualde 2005:Â€165–172). For our PRS speakers, the realization of /j/ varied unpredictably between occlusive and approximant but with enough occlusive realizations to raise the OTC acoustic intensity substantially (i.e. indicative of greater oral impedance). This phenomenon also varied between speakers, with P1 producing the most frequent occlusions. Initially it seems puzzling that PRS /j/ should have a higher degree of impedance than /nj/, since both presumably have equivalent degrees of oral occlusion. If the statistically significant differences for the PRS occlusives /j/ and /nj/ are in error this of course calls into question our results regarding differences between BP /nj/ and 〈nh〉. For now, we present some alternative explanations for these results and plan further articulatory evidence to shore up our case. For the acoustic measures of PRS /j/ and / nj/ we might explain the discrepancy by citing the fact that the intensity under observation is derived from both oral and nasal sound pressure. During a nasal consonant the intensity depression occasioned by oral occlusion is mitigated by the nasally-emitted sound wave (cf. the different intensities of voiced stops and nasals). Ideally, oral flow could resolve the issue, insofar as it truly eliminates the ambiguity caused by nasal acoustic emission. Perplexingly, however, the results of the oral flow measure mirror those of the intensity measure: /j/ is still more occluded than /nj/ in PRS. Because the airflow results corroborate the patterns seen in the acoustic results, the discrepancy between /j/ and /nj/ can be explained only by reasoning that PRS /nj/ actually manifests less oral occlusion than occluded /j/, a claim we did not intend to test at the outset. We note, however, that intervocalic nasal lenition in Iberian Spanish has been demonstrated (Honorof 2003) and may be operative in PRS or other varieties. The airflow differences between /nj/ and /\/ in PRS may have an alternative explanation. In Catalan and Russian, Recasens & Romero (1997:Â€43) observe a “transitional event resulting from alveoprepalatal closure release for [\] occurring at the alveolar

ïœµïœ¶ Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

zone earlier than at the prepalatal zone.” If the tongue indeed peels away from the hard palate in an anterior-to-posterior direction during the palatal nasal, the aerodynamic consequence will be a slightly negative pressure in the anterior cavity as the volume circumscribed by the mask increases. This will lower oral flow minima during the palatal nasal consonant and thereby increase the measured differences. A “peel-back” articulation might explain why /\/ appears to have greater oral impedance for PRS Speakers P1 and P2 (though not P3). On the other hand, we have no reason to believe that negative airflow can account for the observed differences in impedance between BP /\/ and /nj/, since in this case /nj/ manifests greater impedance. Ultimately these questions must be addressed by investigating the linguopalatal contact patterns and lingual dynamics of the palatal nasal in dialects of Spanish and Portuguese. For nasal consonants, at least, it appears that there is ample reason to be wary of both acoustic and aerodynamic measures of oral impedance. Ideally, the phonetic aspects of speech should be measured using a variety of channels (e.g. acoustic, aerodynamic, articulatory, etc.) to ensure the reliability of the data gathered and to avoid over-speculating on the implications of one’s experimental findings. In the present study, we have used acoustic intensity and oral flow as proxies for the characteristic we truly wish to measure: degree of oral impedance. The inference that acoustic intensity may stand in for degree of impedance has been put to good use, particularly in studying the differences between oral approximant and stop articulations (Soler & Romero 1999; Cole et al. 1999; Ortega-Llebaria 2004; Carrasco 2008). To our knowledge, ours is the first study to use acoustic intensity as a means of inferring oral occlusion during nasal approximants and stops. However, here the circumstances are somewhat different. To wit, there is a substantial limitation in our acoustic method when applied to nasals: the acoustic energy sampled using a conventional microphone setup is a combination of both oral and nasal output. Let us digress for a moment to consider the implications of this method. In the present study, we found, for example, that acoustic intensity was similarly high for the oral palatal approximant /j/ and palatal nasal 〈nh〉 of BP. This brought us to the conclusion that the palatal nasal of this language is likely an approximant. However, any loss of acoustic energy in the oral cavity may be compensated by shunting air through the nasal cavity. Nasal stops have higher intensity than voiced oral stops for precisely this reason. Thus, the explanation for the similar intensity of /j/ and 〈nh〉 may not stem from their similar oral occlusion (as we have inferred) but from velopharyngeal port opening during /\/, which compensates for the high impedance of the oral cavity. While this methodological impediment necessarily restrains our conclusions, we do not believe it invalidates them. This is particularly true of those conclusions that are confirmed by using the more direct oral airflow method, which, though prone to unique experimental artifacts, reassures us by replicating the intensity patterns. Recall, moreover, that our experimental design allowed for the comparison of three test

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœµïœ·

consonants: one oral and two nasals. If our conclusions were based merely on the comparison of an oral and a nasal consonant, methodological problems may have undercut them indeed. However, we present acoustic evidence that two nasals differ significantly from one another, e.g. in BP where the OTC acoustic intensity difference is higher for /nj/ than for /\/, i.e. acoustic intensity is lower for /nj/ than for /\/ (see FigureÂ€ 2). While without physiological data we cannot be certain, we know of no reports suggesting that velopharyngeal port size varies systematically with place of articulation for nasal consonants. Hence, we must assume that the simplest explanation of the difference we have discovered is dependent on oral occlusion rather than increased nasal sound emission. Similarly, we present evidence that the Portuguese nasal has greater acoustic intensity than the Spanish nasal. We feel safe in regarding this difference as a function of oral occlusion, not velopharyngeal aperture. Because of the inherent limitations of acoustic speculation on articulation, we recommend that future studies of this phenomenon use other physiological methodologies like EPG, for which we present preliminary evidence in Figure 4.12 These data, collected from Speaker B1 using a WinEPG system (copyright 2005; Articulate Instruments Ltd.), confirm our hypothesis that complete palatal closure does not obtain during the BP palatal nasal. Further quantitative analysis of these data is forthcoming. We believe that it will also be fruitful to consider familiarity and frequency effects for the tokens examined. Tróia

fronha

acrimônia

Figure 4.â•‡ Linguopalatal contact configurations during /j/, /\/ (realized as [˜ȷ]), and /nj/ (in the words Tróia “Troy”, fronha “pillowcase”, and acrimônia “acrimony”) produced by Speaker B1. Shading is proportional to the absolute duration during which a particular contact was maintained (darker shading indicates longer period of contact)

4.2â•… Phonological implications In BP it has been observed that before the nasal consonants [m n] vowels must be stressed in order to undergo allophonic nasalization (e.g. sino [sı˜ńu] “bell” but pinoia [pinf´ja] “bad deal”) (Wetzels 2006:Â€ 28–29). However, Abaurre & Paggotto (1996) ïœ±ïœ².â•… In their report on the consonants and vowels of BP, Reis & Espesser (2006:Â€194, Fig. 15) present a single palatogram of /\/ from the word canhada “a narrow plain between mountains”. The postpalatal occlusion in the consonant is complete, though covering only a single horizontal row of electrodes.

ïœµïœ¸ Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde

found that before the palatal nasal, vowel nasalization was general and independent of lexical stress. Wetzels (2006:Â€ 29) accounts for this asymmetry by reasoning that palatal nasals occur in the syllable coda, since Portuguese tautosyllabic VN sequences are said to result in vowel nasalization. In order to simultaneously place the palatal nasal in the onset of the following syllable (obeying the Maximal Onset Principle, cf. Blevins 1995 inter alia), Wetzels argues that BP /\/ must be geminate. Hence, canhoto “left-handed” is not underlyingly /ka.\f´.tu/ but /ka\.\f´.tu/ with an ambisyllabic nasal, otherwise /a/ would not surface as [ã].13 Wetzel’s analysis singles out the palatal nasal as a unique nasal consonant in an ad hoc fashion. Our results suggest that the palatal nasal can be singled out based on its phonetic content, viz. it is an approximant, not a stop. We might expect a nasalized glide to influence the nasality of preceding vowels more heavily by contributing to the length of the preceding nucleus.14 Indeed, a host of experimental studies affirm that “the perception of vowel nasalization is favored by increasing vowel duration,” a percept that may be more readily imparted by a nasal approximant than a nasal stop (Hajek 1997:Â€89).

References Abaurre, Maria Bernadete & Emílio Gozze Pagotto. 1996. “Nasalização no Português do Brasil”. Gramatica do Português Falado VI ed. by Ingedore G. Villaça Koch, 495–526. Campinas: Editora da UNICAMP. d’Andrade Pardal, Ernesto. 1993. Dicionário inverso do português. Lisboa: Edições Cosmos. Azevedo, Milton. 1981. A Contrastive Phonology of Portuguese and English. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Baayen, R.H. 2008. Analyzing Linguistic Data: A practical introduction to statistics using R. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Blevins, Juliette. 1995. “The Syllable in Phonological Theory”. The Handbook of Phonological Theory ed. by John A. Goldsmith, 206–244. Oxford: Blackwell. Boersma, Paul & David Weenink. 2009. Praat 5.0.03. Bosque, Ignacio & Manuel Pérez Fernández. 1987. Diccionario inverso de la lengua española. Madrid: Gredos.

ïœ±ïœ³.â•… It has been argued that European Portuguese intervocalic oral glides may be ambisyllabic, as well (Vigário & Falé 1993; Mateus & Andrade 2000). ïœ±ïœ´.â•… An anonymous reviewer has correctly pointed out that our methodology does not allow us to test whether a nasal approximant is followed by a nasal occlusive. We have measured the minimum oral airflow and oro-nasal acoustic intensity which are at best indicative of maximum oral occlusion only. We might assume that the transition from a vowel to a nasal consonant will inevitably yield some short period in which the tongue is close enough to the hard palate to produce a nasalized glide, given sufficient velopharyngeal opening. More fine-grained observations of the length, nasality, lingual posture, and linguopalatal contact of BP’s palatal nasal should come from EPG or EMA (electromagnetic articulometry) signals sampled in sync with nasal flow.

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœµïœ¹

Carrasco, Patricio. 2008. An Acoustic Study of Voice Stop Allophony in Costa Rican Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Colantoni, Laura & Alexei Kochetov. 2010. “Palatal nasals or nasal palatalization?” Paper presented at LSRL 40, Seattle, WA, March 26–28, 2010. Cole, Jennifer, José I. Hualde & Khalil Iskarous. 1999. “Effects of Prosodic Context in /g/ Lenition in Spanish”. Proceedings of LP’89 ed. by Osamu Fujimura, 575–589. Prague: The Karolinum Press. Cruz-Ferreira, Madalena. 1997. “Portuguese (European)”. Handbook of the International Phonetic Association ed. by International Phonetic Association, 126–130. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fant, Gunnar. 1960. Acoustic Theory of Speech Production. The Hague: Mouton. Farquharson, I.M. & J. K. F. Anthony. 1970. “Research Techniques in Voice Pathology”. The Journal of Laryngology and Otology 84. 809–817. Ferreiro, Manuel. 1999. Gramática histórica galega. Santiago de Compostela: Edicións Laiovento. Fleisch, A. 1925. “Der Pneumotachograph–ein Apparat zur beischwindigkeitregistierung der Atem luft”. Pflügers Archiv für die gesamte Physiologie des Menschen und der Tiere 209. 713. García de Diego, Vicente. 1984 [1909]. Elementos de gramática histórica gallega (= Verba, Appendix 23). Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela. Hajek, John. 1991. “The Hardening of Nasalized Glides in Bolognese”. Certamen PhonologicumÂ€II: Papers from the 1990 Cortona Phonology Meeting ed. by Pier Marco Bertinetto, Michael Kenstowicz & Michele Loporcaro, 259–278. Turin: Rosenberg & Sellier. Hajek, John. 1997. Universals of Sound Change in Nasalization. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Hammarström, Göran. 1953. Phonetique auditive sur les parlers de l’Algarve. Uppsala: AlmqvistÂ€& Wicksells. Hay, Jennifer, Paul Warren & Katie Drager. 2006. “Factors Influencing Speech Perception in the Context of a Merger-in-Progress”. Journal of Phonetics 34. 458–484. Honorof, Douglas N. 2003. “Articulatory Evidence for Nasal De-occlusivization in Castilian”. Proceedings of the XVth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS XV) ed. by Maria-Josep Solé, Daniel Recasens & Joaquin Romero, 1759–1762. Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Hualde, José Ignacio. 2005. The Sounds of Spanish. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kilpatrick, Cynthia, Ryan Shosted & Amalia Arvaniti. 2007. “On the Perception of Incomplete Neutralization”. Proceedings of the XVIth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS XVI) ed. by Jürgen Trouvain & William Barry, 653–656. Saarbrücken: Universität des Saarlandes. Lipski, John M. 1975. “Brazilian Portuguese Vowel Nasalization: Secondary aspects”. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 20. 59–77. Maia, Clarinda de Azevedo. 1986. História do galego-português: estado linguístico da Galiza e do noroeste de Portugal desde o século XIII ao século XVI: com referência à situação do galego moderno. Coimbra: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica. Mateus, Maria Helena & Ernesto d’Andrade. 2000. The Phonology of Portuguese. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ortega-Llebaria, Marta. 2004. “Interplay between Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Degree of Spirantization of Voiced Stops: Comparing intervocalic /b/ and intervocalic /g/ in Spanish and English”. Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonology ed. by Timothy L. Face, 237–253. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Payne, Elinor M. 2006. “Non-durational Indices in Italian Geminate Consonants”. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 36. 83–95. Penny, Ralph J. 2002. A History of the Spanish Language. 2nd Ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ïœ¶ïœ° Ryan Shosted & José Ignacio Hualde Perini, Mário A. 2002. Modern Portuguese: A Reference grammar. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Quilis, Antonio. 1993. Tratado de fonología y fonética españolas. Madrid: Gredos. Recasens, D. & Joaquín Romero. 1997. “An EMMA Study of Segmental Complexity in Alveopalatals and Palatalized Alveolars”. Phonetica 54. 43–58. Reetz, Henning & Allard Jongman. 2009. Phonetics: Transcription, Production, Acoustics, and Perception. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Reis, César & Robert Espesser. 2006. “Estudo eletropalatográfico de Fones Consonantais e Vocálicos do Português Brasileiro”. Estudos da Lingua(gem) 3. 181–204. Sampson, Rodney. 1999. Nasal Vowel Evolution in Romance. New York: Oxford University Press. Shosted, Ryan & Beatriz Willgohs. 2006. “Nasals Unplugged: The aerodynamics of nasal deocclusivization in Spanish”. Selected Proceedings of the 2nd Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonetics and Phonology ed. by Manuel Díaz-Campos, 14–21. Somerville, Mass.: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Soler, Antonia & Joaquín Romero. 1999. “The Role of Duration in Stop Lenition in Spanish”. Proceedings of the XIVth International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS XIV) ed. by John J. Ohala, Yoko Hasegawa, Manjari Ohala, Daniel Granville & Ashley C. Bailey, 483–486. Berkeley, CA: University of California Berkeley. Teyssier, Paul. 1980. Histoire de la langue portugaise. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Vigário, Maria & Isabel Falé. 1993. “A sílaba do português: Uma descrição e algumas considerações de ordem teórica”. Actas do IX Encontro Nacional da Associação Portuguesa de Lingüística, 465–478. Coimbra, Portugal: APL. Warner, Natasha, Allard Jongman, Joan Sereno & Rachèl Kemps. 2004. “Incomplete Neutralization and Other Sub-Phonemic Durational Differences in Production and Perception: Evidence from Dutch”. Journal of Phonetics 32. 251–276. Wetzels, W. Leo. 2007. “Primary Word Stress in Brazilian Portuguese and the Weight Parameter”. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 5: 1. 9–58. Williams, Edwin B. 1975. Do Latim ao Português. 3rd Ed. Rio de Janeiro: Tempo Brasileiro.

Appendix A. Portuguese tokens The nine tokens (five /\/, three /j/, and one /nj/ token) which Speaker B1 did not produce are marked with an asterisk. praia saia* raia maia vaia manha sanha canha banha* aranha România

urânia melânia insânia cizânia jóia cóia Tróia sequoia* póia ronha* dronha*

cronha* fronha monha colônia Polônia* peônia cerimônia acrimônia meia veia teia

cheia* areia lenha penha grenha senha brenha ténia vénia gardênia Armênia

Eugênia vinha tinha minha linha pinha unha empunha* cunha testemunha gadunha

Palatal nasals in Portuguese and Spanish ïœ¶ïœ±

Appendix B. Spanish tokens playa saya raya maya vaya maña saña caña baña araña ucrania

Alemania insania Romania tania joya boya Troya secuoya hoya roña doña

carroña zampoña bisoña colonia Polonia peonia ceremonia acrimonia plebeya epopeya omeya

bella sella leña peña greña seña Breña tenia venia gardenia Armenia

Eugenia viña tiña riñaguiña aliña uña Coruña empuña acuña pezuña

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan* José Ignacio Hualde1, Marianna Nadeu1 & Miquel Simonet2 1University

of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign/2University of Arizona

It has been claimed that in Majorcan Catalan /b/ tends to be realized as a stop in contexts where Central Catalan /b/ has approximant realizations. Here we test this claim using two continuous dimensions that we take as acoustic correlates of degree of constriction. We also examine the relative degree of constriction of Majorcan /b/ with respect to /d/ and /g/. We argue that Majorcan Catalan is less advanced in the historical weakening of /b/ than other dialects. Against other proposals, we maintain that a principle of contrast preservation is not required in order to explain the phonetic facts.

1.â•… Introduction In most Catalan varieties, like in Spanish, the voiced obstruent phonemes /b d g/ have approximant realizations intervocalically and in many postconsonantal prevocalic contexts (Mascaró 1984, among others). In a few other Catalan dialects, however, plosive allophones, especially of /b/, are common in all contexts, including the intervocalic position. Rafel (1976:Â€62) points out that those dialects where stop realizations of /b/ are found are precisely those that preserve an independent phoneme /v/. These dialects are Balearic (including Majorcan, Minorcan and Eivissenc), parts of Valencian, and Algherese, spoken in Sardinia (Recasens 1991). The contrast is also alive to a certain extent, but receding, in the Camp de Tarragona area (Recasens 1971/75, 1985, 2009). Wheeler (2005) appeals to a principle of preservation of contrast to explain why /b/ fails to lenite in dialects with phonemic /v/, such as Balearic (see also Recasens 1991). According to Wheeler (2005:Â€320–321),

*We are grateful to Ryan Shosted, to Jesús Jiménez, to members of the audience at LSRL 39, and to two anonymous reviewers for this volume for comments that have helped us improve the quality of this paper.

ïœ¶ïœ´ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

There can be little doubt that the much greater frequency of the bilabial plosive [b] in lenitable contexts in Balearic reflects a principle of maintenance of contrast between this phoneme and the voiced labio-dental fricative, a phoneme which is lacking in the eastern continental variety.

Wheeler argues that the high rate of occurrence of [b] in contexts of lenition in Majorcan cannot be attributed simply to higher conservatism, because the dental and velar voiced plosives are less frequently realized as stops in these contexts. A first objective of this paper is to obtain a more accurate view of the variation in the realization of /b/ in contexts of lenition in Majorcan and in Central Catalan. Existing dialectological work is based on impressionistic transcription that forces the transcriber to choose between one of two symbols: a stop or a fricative/ approximant. Such transcriptions, although valid as a first approximation, simplify phonetic reality in nontrivial ways. Arguably, the spirantization of /b d g/ in languages like Catalan and Spanish involves a continuum of weakening. Realizations of these phonemes across phonological contexts can range from very constricted to vocalized realizations, rather than representing an alternation between two distinct allophones, stop and approximant (or ‘fricative’), in complementary distribution. In this paper, instead of classifying tokens as either stops or approximants, we use two continuous acoustic features derived from the intensity curve, which we take to be reliable correlates of the degree of constriction of the consonant (see Soler & Romero 1999; Cole, HualdeÂ€& Iskarous 1999; Lavoie 2000; Ortega-Llebaria 2004; Carrasco 2008; Kingston 2008; Colantoni & Marinescu 2008; Eddington 2009, for similar approaches). In a first study we compare the degree of constriction of the consonants orthographically represented as b and v in Majorcan and in Central Catalan. In Majorcan these two symbols correspond to two different phonemes /b/ and /v/, whereas in Central Catalan these are two orthographic representations for the same phoneme /b/. The hypothesis is, thus, that Majorcan Catalan speakers will produce more constricted realizations of /b/ than Central Catalan speakers and that this will be reflected in a reduction of acoustic energy in the portion of the sound wave corresÂ� ponding to the consonant. In another study, limited to Majorcan and using a different corpus, we examine the degree of constriction of /b/ relative to other segments, seeking to confirm whether in fact /b/ is more constricted than /d/ and /g/ in this Catalan variety. As we will see, our acoustic results by and large agree with previous impressionistic characterizations. The second goal of this paper is to offer an explanation of the facts. Here we depart from other authors and argue that no contrast preservation principle needs to be invoked to explain the facts.

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ¶ïœµ

2.â•… Majorcan vs. Central Catalan /b/1 2.1â•… Experimental methods and research hypotheses For this study we have analyzed unscripted speech data from oral interviews that were conducted for the Atles interactiu de l’entonació del català (Prieto & Cabré 2007–2010). In particular, we have analyzed map task data from this source. A map task is a collaborative task in which a pair of native speakers participate. One of the participants has a map with a marked route and must orally indicate how to draw this route to the other participant, whose map only shows landmarks. From this corpus we have selected the map tasks data of four towns in Majorca (Manacor, Pollença, Sineu, and Sóller) and four towns from the Central Catalan dialectal area (Barcelona, Banyoles, Berga, and Ripoll). We thus have data from a total of 16 speakers, two for each town. All speakers are female, between 19 and 55 years of age (average age isÂ€32.6 years). From these recordings, we have segmented all instances of orthographic b and v in traditional lenition contexts, namely between vowels, and after a liquid or /s/ and before a vowel, both word-internally and across a word boundary. We did not include tokens where b or v was utterance initial or was preceded by a nasal or a plosive. Using the intensity display in PRAAT (Boersma & Weenink 2008), we have manually marked the minimum in the intensity curve within the duration of the consonant, b or v, and the maximum during the following vowel. We have taken two measurements, based on the intensity curve, as correlates of degree of constriction. One measurement, “Intensity Difference” (IntensDiff) is the difference in decibels between the target consonant and the following vowel. This is calculated by subtracting the intensity minimum during /b/ or /v/ from the intensity maximum in the portion corresponding to the following vowel. The more open the constriction, the smaller the difference in intensity with respect to the following vowel is expected to be. Although several other studies have used a measurement of intensity difference or ratio in CV transitions (Soler & Romero 1999; Carrasco 2008; Colantoni & Marinescu 2008; Eddington 2009) or in a larger window (Cole, Hualde & Iskarous 1997; OrtegaLlebaria 2004), our measurement adds certain controls and focuses exclusively in measuring energy above the voice bar in the transition between the target consonant and the following vowel. Intensity was calculated after applying a pass Hann band filter

ïœ±.â•… The data that we present in this section (but not those in SectionÂ€3, which are from a different corpus) are also discussed in Hualde & Nadeu (to appear), which is written in Catalan. However, here we have completely redone the analysis, introducing what we believe are important improvements both in the acoustic analysis and in the statistical treatment of the results. In SectionÂ€4 we also expand on the argumentation in that earlier paper.

ïœ¶ïœ¶ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

between 500 and 10,000 Hz to the signal in order to exclude from the calculation of the intensity curve possible effects of high frequency and low frequency noise. This filtering procedure excludes the effects of the voice bar (F0). Exclusion of low frequency sound is hypothesized to maximize the intensity difference between approximants and more constricted voiced obstruents. Our second measurement is “Maximum Rising Velocity” (MaxVel). This is based on the procedure proposed in Kingston (2008), albeit with some important modifications. The intensity curve is extracted with the same settings as in our IntensDiff measurement. After that, we calculate the first difference of the intensity curve in 0.001Â€s steps. Finally, we extract the maximum value of the first difference that is found between the intensity minimum corresponding to /b/ or /v/ and the maximum corresponding to the following vowel. The maximum of the first difference indicates the maximum rising velocity between the midpoint of the consonant and the midpoint of the following vowel. This measurement reduces possible effects of variation in the intensity of the vowel and focuses on the abruptness of the transition between consonant and vowel. More lenited consonants have a less abrupt transition irrespective of the time from the intensity minimum to the intensity maximum or the absolute intensity values of these two points. Importantly, we deviate from Kingston’s (2008) procedure in not distinguishing frequency bands. Kingston’s method includes extracting six frequency bands per token and then three dependent variables per frequency band per speaker, which requires 3Â€×Â€6Â€=Â€18 statistical models per speaker. For a large number of speakers, like we have in this experiment and in the one reported in SectionÂ€3, the number of statistical models can be unmanageable, increasing the likelihood of chance results. A first hypothesis concerns the relative intensity values of b and v in each of the two dialects separately. The hypothesis is that Majorcan b and v will differ in their relative intensity, since these are two different phonemes in this dialect. For Central Catalan, on the other hand, no difference is expected, since these are two graphemes for a single phoneme. Our second, and more crucial, hypothesis is that Majorcan /b/ will also be more constricted than Central Catalan /b/ (which corresponds to Central b and v).

2.2â•… Results The IntensDiff and MaxVel results are plotted in Figure 1 and Figure 2, respectively. In both figures, the left panel corresponds to the Majorcan data and the right figure to the Central Catalan data. The data were submitted to several Mixed Effects regression models (Baayen 2009; Johnson 2008) with IntensDiff and MaxVel as response, respectively. The only fixed factor was a combination of consonant (b vs. v) and dialect (Majorcan vs. Central), which resulted in a four-level factor: Majorcan b (Mb), Majorcan v (Mv),

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ¶ïœ· Central

12 n = 128

n = 102

b

v

consonant

10

10

12

Intensity Differance 14 16 18

Intensity Differance 16 18 14

20

20

22

22

Majorcan

n = 67 b

n = 38

v consonant

Figure 1.â•‡ Intensity difference of 〈b〉 and 〈v〉 in Majorcan and Central Catalan Central

n = 128

n = 102

b

v

consonant

800 700 600 400

400

500

500

Maximum Rising Veloctiy 700 600 800

Maximum Rising Veloctiy

900

900

1000

1000

Majorcan

n = 67 b

n = 38

v consonant

Figure 2.â•‡ Maximum Rising Velocity of 〈b〉 and 〈v〉 in Majorcan and Central Catalan

ïœ¶ïœ¸ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

Central b (Cb) and Central v (Cv). This allowed for checking several pair-wise comparisons without sending the data to an initial two-factor analysis of variance and a subsequent post-hoc analysis. The Mixed Effects model considered individual speaker as a random factor. This is a very significant conceptual improvement over simple linear regression models, on which traditional analyses of variance are based, since the latter do not allow for the inclusion of random factors. Regarding MaxVel as response, the model, with Mb (Majorcan b) as intercept (i.e. the level against which other levels are contrasted in pair-wise comparisons), revealed Mb (βÂ€=Â€812.5) tokens to be significantly different from all other levels: Mv (βÂ€ =Â€ −262.6, t = −5.83, p < 0.001), Cb (β = −247.3, t = −2.53, p = 0.01), and Cv (βÂ€=Â€−256.1, t = −2.45, p = 0.01). In order to find out whether Cb and Cv differ from each other, the Mixed Effects model was refitted with Cb as the intercept. The latter model revealed that Cb (β = 565.1) was not different from Cv (β = −8.7, t = −0.12, ns) or Mv (β = −15.3, t = −0.15, ns), but it was different from Mb (β = 247.3, t = 2.53, pÂ€=Â€0.01), as already revealed by the previous model. In sum, MaxVel data indicated that Mb tokens differ from all other tokens while the other three levels do not differ from each other. Regarding IntensDiff, the model in which Mb was used as intercept revealed no significant differences, although two of the pair-wise comparisons approached significance at the 0.05 alpha level: Mb-Mv (β = −1.97, t = −1.86, p = 0.06), Mb-Cb (βÂ€=Â€−3.86, t = −1.83, p = 0.06), Mb-Cv (β = −3.53, t = −1.54, ns). A second model with IntensDiff as response but Cb as the intercept also revealed no significant differences, although the Cb-Mb comparison approached significance (β = 3.86, t = 1.83, p = 0.06). In sum, the clear patterns revealed by MaxVel arise as mere tendencies when IntensDiff is used as the dependent value. This might be due to the fact that, when acoustic measures are used as correlates of constriction degrees in the comparison of alleged fricatives (Mv), approximants (Cb, Cv) and voiced stops (Mb), measures based on rate of change (MaxVel) are more reliable than those based on absolute intensity minima and maxima (IntensDiff). Examples of spectrograms of Central Catalan and Majorcan /b/, showing different degrees of constriction, are given in Figures 3 and 4.2

ïœ².â•… In Figures 3–7, the dark line represents the intensity curve expressed in decibels. In all four spectrograms, the intensity minimum is set to 30 dB (the lowest point along the y axis), and the maximum value is set to 100 dB. All four curves are represented within this range (30–100 dB).

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ¶ïœ¹

6

a

ö

n

s

0

0.4389 Time (s)

Figure 3.â•‡ Spectrogram of a token of abans “before” produced by a speaker of Central Catalan

s 0

6

b

�

b

6

ò

Time (s)

i

6 1.037

Figure 4.â•‡ Token of sa barberia “the barber shop” produced by a speaker of Majorcan Catalan

To summarize, our results indicate that, as predicted, in Majorcan Catalan b is more constricted than v (as revealed by the acoustic measurements that we have taken as correlates of articulatory constriction), whereas there is no difference in constriction between b and v in Central Catalan, where these are two orthographic representations

ïœ·ïœ° José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

for the same phoneme. The data also show that Majorcan /b/ is more constricted than Central Catalan /b/ (orthographic b and v).

3.â•… Is /b/ more occluded than /d/ and /g/ in Majorcan? 3.1â•… Methods and hypotheses As mentioned before, Wheeler (2005:Â€320–321) points out that, although all of /b d g/ in lenition contexts are transcribed as stops in Majorcan dialectological texts (Veny & Pons i Griera 1998) much more often than in texts for other Catalan dialects, this is particularly so in the case of /b/, which shows much higher rates of stop allophones in contexts of lenition than /d/ and /g/ in such texts. Wheeler attributes this phonetic behavior to the need to maintain the contrast between /b/ and /v/. To investigate the degree of constriction of /b/ when compared to other relevant segments, we have employed a second data source of spontaneous speech. This source is a collaborative task in which two speakers engage in a game known as “20 questions”, where one of the participants has to guess the identity of a celebrity by asking fewer than 20 yes/no questions. From this corpus, which contains speech of 20 native speakers of Majorcan Catalan (balanced for gender), we have segmented all tokens of /b/, /d/, /g/ and /v/ as well as, for comparison, all tokens of intervocalic /p/, /t/ and /k/. As before, IntensDiff (the difference in intensity between the target consonant and the following vowel) and MaxVel were calculated with PRAAT using a script. The hypothesis would be that /b/ would show higher values for these measurements than /d/ and /g/, indicating a more constricted realization. A total of 866 tokens have been analyzed. We have excluded from the study three tokens of poble “village” and one of futbolista “soccer player”, which contain geminate [bb].3

3.2â•… Results The results are visually presented in Figure 5 and Figure 6 for IntensDiff and MaxVel, respectively. The number of tokens analyzed for each consonant is also indicated in the figures. The levels are organized from left to right in alphabetical order. The validity of the energy measurements that we have taken is confirmed by the fact that the voiceless stops /p t k/ have greater values for both measurements of constriction than /b v d g/. It can be seen in the figures that, according to both measurements, /b/ occupies an intermediate position between the voiceless stops /p t k/ and /v d g/, which is consistent with our hypothesis. ïœ³.â•… This corpus was used in Simonet (2008) for a study of intonational contours. The reader is referred to this source for details.

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ·ïœ±

5

10

Intensity Difference 20 15

25

30

For the statistical analysis of the data, the results of the two intensity measurements were fitted with Mixed Effects regression models (Baayen 2009; Johnson 2008), with /b/ tokens as intercept (i.e. the other levels are compared to /b/ in pair-wise comparisons). Markov Chain Monte Carlo sampling was used to calculate the reported p-values. Both individual speaker and word (i.e. lexical item) were used as random factors. Only Mixed Effects regression models allow for the use of several random factors, which results in a very significant improvement over other statistical methods. The statistical results revealed /b/ to be significantly different from all other consonants in its MaxVel values, having significantly smaller MaxVel values than the voiceless stops /p t k/, but significantly greater ones than the voiced obstruents /d g v/. In particular, /b/ (β = 746.28) was significantly more occluded than /d/ (β = −267.62, tÂ€=Â€−4.98, p < 0.01), /g/ (β = −196.48, t = −2.97, p < 0.01) and /v/ (β = −242.75, tÂ€=Â€−3.73, p < 0.01), and less occluded than /p/ (β = 349.02, t = 5.95, p < 0.01), /t/ (β = 309.83, tÂ€=Â€5.57, p < 0.01) and /k/ (β = 302.19, t = 5.45, p < 0.01). An identical pattern is revealed by the results of the model in which IntensDiff was taken as the response or dependent variable. In particular, /b/ (β = 20.25) was significantly more occluded than /d/ (β = −6.98, t = −4.78, p < 0.01), /g/ (β = −4.64, tÂ€=Â€−2.61, p < 0.01) and /v/ (β = −7.74, t = −4.39, p < 0.01), and less occluded than /p/ (β = 8.7, t = 5.48, p < 0.01), /t/ (β = 3.34, t = 2.22, p = 0.02) and /k/ (β = 4.96, tÂ€=Â€3.31, p < 0.01).

n = 57 n = 265 n = 52 n = 144 n = 103 n = 171 n = 74 b

d

g

k phone

p

t

v

Figure 5.â•‡ Intensity Difference between consonant and following vowel in Majorcan Catalan

200

Maximum Rising Velocity 400 600 800 1000

1200

ïœ·ïœ² José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

n = 57 n = 265 n = 52 n = 144 n = 103 n = 171 n = 74 b

d

g

k phone

p

t

v

Figure 6.â•‡ Maximum Rising Velocity between consonant and following vowel in Majorcan Catalan

Note that, while MaxVel values provided robust and interpretable results in both experiments, IntensDiff values were only usable in the second experiment, since no tendencies reached statistical significance in the first experiment (although the tendencies were the same as for MaxVel). In the discussion of the results of the first experiment, we suggested that acoustic approaches based on rate of change could be more reliable than those based on absolute maxima and minima. It is possible that the larger amount of data of the second experiment might have affected the IntensDiff values, making them usable, or that the fact that two random factors instead of only one were used in the statistical models might have improved the predictive power of the models.

4.â•… Against preservation of contrast as an explanatory factor The results of our first experiment show that Majorcan Catalan intervocalic /b/ is realized with significantly greater constriction than in other Catalan dialects, such as Central Catalan, that do not have a /b/-/v/ contrast. The results of the second experiment show that /b/ is also more occluded than /d/ and /g/ (and also than /v/). This is in agreement with the frequent presence of phonetic [b] in dialectological transcriptions of Majorcan Catalan texts in contexts where an approximant [β] is normally found in

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ·ïœ³

other dialectal variants. As mentioned in the introduction, Wheeler (2005) attributes the presence of [b] in Majorcan Catalan in intervocalic and other contexts of lenition to a principle of contrast preservation. The preservation of the contrast between the phonemes /b/ and /v/ would act against the weakening of the plosive. This principle of contrast preservation between the phonemes /b/ and /v/ as an explanation for the resistance of /b/ to lenite is also mentioned by Recasens (1991). Ortega-Llebaria (2004) also appeals to preservation of contrast with /v/ to explain why intervocalic /b/ undergoes less lenition in English than in Spanish. Our interpretation is somewhat different. Historically, intervocalic /b/ was a stop in all Catalan dialects, as it was in Spanish. This phoneme /b/ contrasted with either bilabial /β/ or with labiodental /v/, depending on the area. Thus, in the original Castilian area where bilabials were the norm instead of labiodentals, intervocalic /b/ in cabeça /kabétsa/ “head” < capitia, sabe /sábe/ “s/he knows” < sapit, etc. contrasted with phonemic /β/ in, for instance, cavallo /kaβáô/ “horse” < caballu, deve /déβe/ “s/he should, owes” < debet (see Alonso 1962:Â€189–190; Penny 2002:Â€72–74; Lapesa 1981:Â€39 n.27; Lloyd 1987:Â€237–241; but see Martínez-Gil 1998 for a different view). Lenition of /b/ led to the loss of the contrast. The neutralization can be hypothesized to have started in those contexts that favor the weakest realizations of /b/: in positions of weak stress and between open vowels, spreading from there to other contexts. The same process took place in areas of the Iberian Peninsula where /v/ was found instead of /β/, which originally may have included most of the Catalan-speaking area, perhaps excluding only varieties in contact with Aragonese. The difference in point of articulation between [v] and [β] < /b/ may have acted to slow down the complete merger between the two historical phonemes. Although in Catalan the only varieties that have preserved [b] in intervocalic contexts are found in areas where this segment contrasts with [v], it should be noticed that in the Castilian Spanish area a contrast between /b/ and /β/ has been preserved up to the present day in Serradilla, Cáceres (Ariza 1993 [1990, 1992]). We may conclude that the more constricted realizations of /b d g/ that are found in Majorcan Catalan simply reflect a more conservative stage in the evolution of the language. Wheeler (2005:Â€320–321) also affirms that the greater frequency of stop allophones of /b d g/ in Majorcan Catalan than in other varieties may have this cause, but, as mentioned above, argues that the higher frequency of plosive realizations of /b/ is due to a principle of maintenance of phonemic contrast. If we consider the evolution of intervocalic obstruents in Western Romance in a little more detail, it is clear that contrast preservation fails to explain the facts. Instead there must be other reasons that explain why /b/ tends to show more resistance to weakening than /d/ and /g/. Stop and approximant configurations of voiced obstruents have been around for almost two thousand years in Latin and Ibero-Romance, at some stages as allophones

ïœ·ïœ´ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

of the same phonemes and at other stages in phonemic opposition. Their evolution shows little evidence of maintenance of contrast as a pertinent factor. Regarding the labials, the first relevant change is the lenition of intervocalic /b/, which subsequently results in merger with /w/. Whereas we cannot be sure when /b/ started to admit approximant realizations or even when these approximant realizations of intervocalic /b/ became the usual articulatory target, we know that /b/ merged with /w/ by the first century of our era. This is because around this time the graphemes b and v start getting confused (Allen 1978:Â€ 41). We also know that all Romance languages have merged the results of the Classical Latin intervocalic -vand -b- phonemes. The details of this evolution appear to have been the following. First, /b/ acquired approximant allophones in intervocalic position: [b] 〉 [β]/V__V, as in habeâ†œæ¸€å±®re [abe:re]Â€> [aβe:re]. At this point, we would still have a contrast between /b/ and /w/, since habeâ†œæ¸€å±®re [aβe:re] would contrast with lavaâ•›re [lawa:re]. Then the contrast was lost, through another change affecting [w], which became labiodental, [w] > [v], as in [lawa:re] > [lava:re], thus reducing the distance between the two phonemes. A subsequent process was the merger between [β] and [v], which is found in all Romance languages: Latin habeâ†œæ¸€å±®re  lavâ†œâ†œare

Italian avere lavare

French avoir laver

Spanish [aβer] haber, Old Sp. aver [laβar] lavar

Eventually, thus, -v- and -b- merged in /v/ in French and Italian, and in all or most of Catalan, and in /β/ in (northern) old Castilian Spanish.4 No Romance language has preserved this contrast. The next relevant change is the lenition of Latin voiced-internal intervocalic -p(as well as -t- and -c-) in Western Romance. In French this resulted in merger with existing /-v-/ in word-internal intervocalic contexts. In Ibero-Romance, on the other hand, -p- > [-b-], which at this point contrasted with the results of -v-, -b-. In Central and Southern Portuguese, this contrast has been preserved as /-b-/ vs. /-v-/. In Castilian Spanish as well, a contrast between /β/ and /b/ was created by the voicing of -p-: Latin habeâ†œæ¸€å±®re  lavâ†œâ†œare sapeâ†œæ¸€å±®re

French avoir laver savoir

Portuguese haver lavar saber

Old Spanish /aβer/ aver /laβar/ lavar /saber/ saber

ïœ´.â•… Notice that if we assume that northern Castilian had both voiced and voiceless bilabial fricatives instead of labiodentals the subsequent change to [h] of the voiceless bilabial fricative in this area appears rather more natural.

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ·ïœµ

This contrast between /β/ and /b/ was maintained in Old Spanish, but was later lost by the subsequent weakening of /-b-/, in a process that probably lasted several centuries. In fact, the contrast between /b/ and /β/ has been preserved to the present day in the town of Serradilla in Extremadura (Ariza 1993 [1992]). The /b/-/v/ contrast in Majorcan Catalan mirrors the evolution in Central and Southern Portuguese, whereas other Catalan varieties have undergone subsequent merger, like in Spanish. The different historical developments that we have briefly traced show that there is little reason to believe in a principle of maintenance of contrast. The merger of all of Latin -v-, -b- and -p- as /v/ in French and as /b/ [β] in Spanish rather argues against that principle. Why is it then that /b/ shows somewhat more resistance to weaken than /d/ and /g/ in Majorcan Catalan if it is not a desire to preserve the contrast with /v/? What we notice is that the same tendency is found elsewhere. Labials show greater resistance to weakening than consonants with other places of articulation (see Foley 1970, although not in every language, Hyman 1975:Â€ 164–169, Kirchner 2001:Â€ 6). For instance, in French, Latin intervocalic -t- and -c- were regularly lost, as in vita > vie, secuâ†œæ¸€å±®â†œæ¸€å±®ru > sûr, but labial -p- has been preserved as /-v-/, as we have just noted (Nyrop 1899). In Catalan as well, labials are more resistant to deletion than dentals and velars. Although we find instances of both preservation and of loss of all of Latin -b-, -d-, -g-, the labial has been preserved more regularly than the other two consonants. Latin intervocalic -d- and -g- were frequently lost: sudaâ•›re > suar, leâ•›gaâ•›le > lleial (although -d- gives /z/ in some contexts, Badia Margarit 1981:Â€187–189, Coromines 1973:Â€209–216, and -g- is also sometimes preserved, especially in posttonic position), but -b- and -v- have been normally preserved, caballu > cavall, nova > nova, except in some specific morphological contexts, such as the imperfect past and sometimes in contact with a rounded vowel. What we see is a greater resistance of intervocalic labial obstruents to weaken, regardless of the possible consequences of this lenition for the system of phonological oppositions. Ohala & Riordan (1979) provide evidence from other, non-Romance, languages in which /b/ is immune to other processes affecting voiced plosives (see also Solé, Sprouse & Ohala 2009). For example, in Nubian the voiced plosives /d, 3, g/ lengthen and devoice in certain morphological contexts. The labial /b/, on the other hand, increases its duration without devoicing. In Bantu languages, as well, /b/ is kept voiced in certain contexts where /d/ and /g/ devoice. According to Ohala & Riordan (1979), these asymmetries between labial and non-labial voiced plosives are due to aerodynamic conditions needed for the production and maintenance of voicing. In order for the vocal folds to vibrate, they must be adducted and the airflow through them must be sufficient. For the vibration to be maintained, there must be a certain difference between subglottal and oral pressure.

ïœ·ïœ¶ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet

In the case of the voiced plosives, the constriction that blocks the passage of air increases the pressure in the vocal tract, reducing the difference between oral and subglottal pressure. This explains the tendency of voiced plosives to either devoice or weaken. Ohala (1983, 1997) and Ohala and Riordan (1979) have referred to this phenomenon as the Aerodynamic Voicing Constraint (AVC). The AVC explains the difference between labial and other voiced plosives (OhalaÂ€& Riordan 1979). Labial /b/ permits the continuation of voicing during a longer period than the other plosives. This is not due to the existence of a larger oral volume but rather to the compliance of the surface of the part of the vocal tract involved in the production of the consonant. Labials have a larger surface of compliance than dentals or velars (the entire surface of the tongue and part of the cheeks), which allows reduction in oral pressure. Although Ohala’s AVC is most directly concerned with differences in the likelihood of devoicing of plosives depending on place of articulation, we believe that this account can be extended to our case, explaining the place asymmetries that we find in the weakening of /b d g/. In our interpretation of the AVC, a spirantization process would affect /d/ and /g/ before it affects /b/ for aerodynamic reasons, since [b] offers less aerodynamic diffiÂ� culties. This would be independent of whether or not the language has a phoneme /v/ with which /b/ is in contrast. Let us now consider the fact that those Catalan varieties where noncontinuant realizations of /b/ in intervocalic position and other contexts of lenition have been observed are precisely those that also preserve a phoneme /v/. That is, it would seem that we need to be able to explain why in Catalan varieties we find the two states of affairs in (a) and (b) but not those in (c) or (d) in Table 1: Table 1.â•‡ Possible realizations of b and v in intervocalic position in Catalan dialects

a. b. c. d.

roba

nova

[-β-] [-b-] [-b-] [-β-]

[-β-] [-v-] [-β-] [-v-]

Central Catalan, etc. Majorcan, some Valencian, Algherese ? Camp de Tarragona?

As we have noticed, the situation in (c) is in fact essentially the one that appears to have obtained in Old Spanish, later changed to that in (a) through the lenition of [-b-], and that has been preserved in Serradilla up to our days.5 Old Catalan — or, at

ïœµ.â•… Outside of Ibero-Romance, but within the Iberian Peninsula, a contrast [-b-] vs. [-β-], albeit limited to the context after [u], is nowadays found in the Basque dialect spoken in Arbizu, Navarre (Hualde 1996).

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ·ïœ·

least, most of the Old Catalan territory —, on the other hand, had the distribution inÂ€(b), still preserved in Majorca. The contrast in (d), which, in principle, could have also resulted from (b) through lenition, seems more difficult to maintain through time, also because of aerodynamic reasons. Rafel (1976) points out that in those Catalan varieties that have a phoneme /v/, its allophonic range includes frictionless bilabial realizations in intervocalic position. This weakening would appear to also obey aerodynamic conditions. The production of voiced fricatives requires a strong airflow inside the oral cavity in order to produce friction, but, at the same time, the air pressure must be low in the oral cavity in order to maintain vibration of the vocal folds (as expressed in the AVC). The difficulty to satisfy both requirements simultaneously leads to either devoicing or loss of friction, giving rise to approximants (Johnson 2003; Ohala 1983, 1997). A contrast between /-β-/ and /-v-/ would be difficult to preserve through time if the second phoneme is actually realized as [-v-] ~ [-β-]. Rafel (1976) observes that the weakening of /b/ leads to the confusion of the two phonemes, since there is too much overlap between their dispersion fields (see also Alonso 1962:Â€187–188). That is, the situation in (d) is not impossible, but it seems clear that a contrast between a phoneme realized as [-β-] and another phoneme variably realized as [-v-] ~ [-β-] would tend to lead to phonemic merger (as we saw happened with the successors of Latin -b- and -v- in all Romance languages).6 We thus conclude that the different allophonic realizations of /b/ in Majorcan Catalan and in Central Catalan can be explained as different stages in a historical evolution involving the weakening of the voiced plosives and that no special principle of maintenance of contrast needs to be invoked.7

References Allen, W. Sidney. 1978. Vox Latina: The pronunciation of Classical Latin, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Alonso, Dámaso. 1962. La fragmentación fonética peninsular (Enciclopedia Lingüística Hispánica, vol. I, supplement). Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. Ariza, Manuel. 1990. “Diacronía de las consonantes labiales sonoras en español”. El cambio lingüístico en la Romania, 11–26. Tarragona. (Repr. in Ariza 1993:Â€47–63.)

ïœ¶.â•… A reviewer points out that the situation in (d) was the one found in the Camp de Tarragona dialect in the 20th century. As noted above, the phonemic contrast is in fact disappearing from this dialectal area. Martínez-Gil (1998) also assumes the contrast in (d) for Old Spanish, against the majority opinion. ïœ·.â•… As a reviewer points out, the view that sound change is purely conditioned by phonetic factors, without reference to phonological notions such as preservation of contrast, is indeed the Neogrammarian position (see, e.g. Hock 1991). Our view is thus somewhat different from that of Martínez-Gil (this volume).

ïœ·ïœ¸ José Ignacio Hualde, Marianna Nadeu & Miquel Simonet Ariza, Manuel. 1992. “/b/ oclusiva y /(/ fricativa en Serradilla, Cáceres”. Anuario de Letras 30. 173–176. (Repr. in Ariza 1993:Â€65–70.) Ariza, Manuel. 1993. Sobre fonética histórica del español. Madrid: Arco/Libros. Baayen, Harald. 2009. Linguistic Data Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Badia Margarit, Antoni. 1981. Gramàtica històrica catalana. Barcelona: Tres i Quatre. Boersma, Paul & David Weenink. 2008. PRAAT: Doing phonetics by computer (Version 5.0.35), University of Amsterdam. Downloaded 15 Oct. 2008 from http://www.praat.org/. Carrasco, Patricio. 2008. An Acoustic Study of Voice Stop Allophony in Costa Rican Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Cole, Jennifer, José I. Hualde & Khalil Iskarous. 1999. “Effects of Prosodic Context in /g/ Lenition in Spanish”. Proceedings of the 4th International Linguistics and Phonetics Conference ed. by Osamu Fujimura, Brian D,. Joseph & B. Palek 575–589. Prague: The Karolinum Press. Colantoni, Laura & Irina Marinescu. 2008. “The Scope of Stop Weakening in Argentine Spanish”. Paper presented at the 4th Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonology Conference, Austin, Texas, September 2008. Coromines, Joan.1973. Lleures i converses d’un filòleg. 2nd ed. Barcelona: El Pi de les Tres Branques. Eddington, David. 2009. “A Gradient Analysis of Spanish Voiced Approximants: New data undermine some traditional notions”. Poster presented at the 4th Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia Conference, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain 2009. Foley, James A. 1977. Foundations of Theoretical Phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press. Hyman, Larry. 1975. Phonology: Theory and Analysis. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Hock, Hans Henrich. 1991. Principles of Historical Linguistics, 2nd revised ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Hualde, José I. 1996. “Arbizuko euskararen zenbait soinu bereizgarriz”. Uztaro 18.49–60. Hualde, José I. & Marianna Nadeu. to appear. “Lenició i contrast fonèmic en català central i en mallorquí”. Homenatge a Max Wheeler (provisional title) ed. by Clàudia Pons & Maria Rosa Lloret. Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Johnson, Keith. 2003. Acoustic & Auditory Phonetics. Oxford: Blackwell. Johnson, Keith. 2008. Quantitative Methods in Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. Kingston, John. 2008. “Lenition”. Selected Proceedings of the 3rd Conference on Laboratory Approaches to Spanish Phonology ed. by Laura Colantoni & Jeffrey Steele, 1–31. Somerville, Mass.: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Kirchner, Robert M. 2001. An Effort Based Approach to Consonant Lenition. New York & London: Routledge. Lapesa, Rafael. 1981. Historia de la lengua española. 8th ed. Madrid: Gredos. Lavoie, Lisa. 2000. Phonological Patterns and Phonetic Manifestations of Consonant Weakening. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca, N.Y. Lloyd, Paul M. 1987. From Latin to Spanish. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. Martínez-Gil, Fernando. 1998. “On the Spelling Distinction b vs. u/v and the Status of Spirantization in Old Spanish”. Theoretical Analyses on Romance Languages: Selected papers from the 26th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages ed. by José Lema & Estela Treviño, 283–316. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Martínez-Gil, Fernando (this volume). “Word-Minimality and Sound Change in HispanoRomance”. Mascaró, Joan. 1984. “Continuant Spreading in Basque, Catalan, and Spanish”. Language Sound Structure ed. by Mark Aronoff & Richard T. Oehrle, 110–121. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Lenition and phonemic contrast in Majorcan Catalan ïœ·ïœ¹

Nyrop, Kristoffer. 1899. Grammaire historique de la langue française. Copenhague: Det Nordiske Forlag. Ohala, John. 1983. “The Origin of Sound Patterns in Vocal Tract Constraints”. The Production of Speech ed. by Peter F. MacNeilage, 189–216. New York: Springer. Ohala, John. 1997. “Aerodynamics of Phonology”. Proceedings of the 4th Seoul International Â�Conference on Linguistics [SICOL], 92–97. Seoul: Linguistic Society of Korea. Ohala, John & Carol J. Riordan. 1979. “Passive Vocal Tract Enlargement During Voiced Stops”. Speech Communication Papers ed. by Jared L. Wolf & Dennis H. Klatt, 89–92. New York: Acoustical Society of America. Ortega-Llebaria, Marta. 2004. “Interplay between Phonetic and Inventory Constraints in the Degree of Spirantization of Voiced Stops: Comparing intervocalic /b/ and intervocalic /g/ in Spanish and English”. Laboratory approaches to Spanish phonology ed. by Timothy Face, 237–253. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Penny, Ralph. 2002. A History of the Spanish Language, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Prieto, Pilar & Teresa Cabré, coords. 2007–2010. Atles interactiu de l’entonació del català. http:// prosodia.upf.edu/atlesentonacio/ Rafel, Joaquim. 1976. “Fonologia diacrònica catalana: Aspectes metodològics”. Problemes de Â�llengua i literatura catalanes: Actes del II col·loqui internacional sobre el català, 47–65. Montserrat: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Recasens, Daniel. 1971/1975. “Notes entorn del rendiment fonològic de l’oposició /b/-/v/ al Tarragonès: Estat actual”. Estudis Romànics 16. 163–183. Recasens, Daniel. 1985. Estudi lingüístic sobre la parla del Camp de Tarragona. Montserrat: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat. Recasens, Daniel. 1991. Fonètica descriptiva del català. (Assaig de caracterització de la pronúncia del vocalisme i consonantisme del català al segle XX). Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Recasens, Daniel. 2009. “Sobre la rellevància del detall articulatori i acústic en l’explicació del canvi fonètic”. Diachronic Linguistics ed. by Joan Rafel, 115–134. Girona: Editorial Documenta Universitaria. Simonet, Miquel. 2008. Language Contact in Majorca: An experimental sociophonetic approach. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Solé, Maria-Josep, Ronald Sprouse & John Ohala. 2009. “Adjustments in Voicing Control and Cross-linguistic Patterns”. Paper presented at the 4th Phonetics and Phonology in Iberia Conference, Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Spain 2009. Soler, Antonia & Joaquín Romero. 1999. “The Role of Duration in Stop Lenition in Spanish”. Proceedings of International Congress of Phonetic Sciences 99, San Francisco ed. by John Ohala, Yoko Hasegawa, Manjari Ohala, Daniel Granville & Ashlee C. Bailey, 483–486. Berkeley, CA: Univ. of California, Berkeley. Veny, Joan & Lídia Pons i Griera. 1998. Atles lingüístic del domini català. Etnotextos del català oriental. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Wheeler, Max. 2005. The Phonology of Catalan. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish Effects of contact with Catalan? Miquel Simonet

University of Arizona This paper offers a sociophonetic profile of the production of alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish, a dialect of Spanish spoken in the island of Majorca, where Catalan is also spoken. Traditionally, Catalan alveolar laterals have been described as being “dark”, i.e. velarized, while (Peninsular) Spanish laterals have been described a “clear”, i.e. non-velarized. Thus, it could be hypothesized that Catalan-dominant bilinguals speaking Spanish would tend to use velarized laterals. However, some recent literature has shown that velarization is a receding feature in Majorcan Spanish with young Catalan-dominant bilinguals leaning towards the use of clear variants. This paper discusses acoustic data gathered from several groups of Majorcan speakers, classified as a function of their dominant language, age and gender. The results indicate that all these three factors affect the degree of velarization of laterals, with Catalan-dominant bilinguals using more velarized variants, and younger subjects (especially females) using the least velarized variants.

1.â•… Introduction Variationist studies whose goal is to assess the effects of sociolinguistic contact on the Spanish spoken in the Catalan linguistic area are rather scarce (Boix & Vila 1998). Specifically referring to the Balearic Islands, much more common are the studies that deal with language attitudes or issues of language choice, such as what are the social factors and/or communicative situations that lead to the choice of Catalan instead of Spanish or vice versa (Querol 2005; Villaverde 2005). The purpose of the present paper is to investigate one of the sociophonetic characteristics of the Spanish variety spoken in Majorca, where a conservative dialect of Catalan is spoken alongside a dialect of Spanish. Particularly, the present paper analyzes the potential effects of linguistic contact on the production of alveolar laterals. Majorcan Spanish has undergone dramatic sociodemographic restructuring in the last decades. During the 1950s and 1960s, massive numbers of Spanish-speaking monolinguals immigrated to the island of Majorca from the Iberian Peninsula, mostly

ïœ¸ïœ² Miquel Simonet

from the South, e.g. Andalusia, Murcia, Extremadura, Castilla-la-Mancha (Salvà 2005). Consequently, the use of Spanish increased dramatically during those decades and, most importantly, was extended to the informal registers. In Majorca, prior to the 1950s, Spanish was used only in the highly formal registers, mostly by bilinguals whose first language was Catalan and who tended to use Spanish only in the public spheres. After the arrival of the migrants, the social norms of the 1950s and 1960s considered Spanish as the de facto language to be used with Spanish speakers; that is, there was an obvious situation of asymmetrical bilingualism according to which Catalan-dominant bilinguals would unexceptionally switch to Spanish in the presence of Spanish speakers (Boix & Vila 1998). Furthermore, due to the arrival of immigrants from the mainland, non-Catalan-accented Spanish became an integral part of the pool of variation present in Majorcan Spanish. Majorcans who were born during the 1960s grew up in a bilingual society in which Spanish was the only language used in all spheres of communication (both formal and informal) while Catalan was exclusively used in the informal settings and only amongst Majorcans of islander origin. This situation has been progressively changing since the early 1980s (Querol 2005; Villaverde 2005). The degree to which the sociolinguistic situation in Majorca resembles that of other Catalan-speaking regions is still largely unknown. This is important because the social, political and demographic fabric of Majorca is different from that of both Catalonia and Valencia. According to Querol (2004), the amount of use and positive evaluation of Catalan in Majorca lies somewhere in between those on Catalonia and those in Valencia. Thus, while in Catalonia Catalan is largely transmitted to the following generation (45%), its transmission lags significantly behind in both the Balearic Islands (38%) and Valencia (26%) (Querol 2004:Â€46). When subjects are asked if they like or would like to speak Catalan, 65% of the respondents answer in the affirmative in Catalonia, while only 40% and 35% do in the Balearic Islands and Valencia, respectively (Querol 2004:Â€48). Finally, we may add that, in the same way that the fact that Catalan receives a positive evaluation and is largely transmitted to the next generation does not imply that Spanish-like linguistic features will not affect it, as the spread in Barcelona of the so-called xava sociolect of Catalan shows, the fact that Spanish is widely used and positively evaluated in Majorca does not imply that Catalan-like features will not be found in it. The goal of the present paper is to investigate one of the phonetic characteristics of the Spanish spoken in Majorca and possibly relate its use to the sociolinguistic background of the participants. Alveolar laterals were selected as the focus of the present sociophonetic investigation because previous phonetic descriptions have suggested that there are robust differences in the production of /l/ between (Peninsular) Spanish (Chafcouloff 1972; Fernández Planas 2000; Recasens 1987) and (Majorcan) Catalan (Recasens 2004; Recasens & Espinosa 2005). In particular, Spanish laterals have been described as being “clear”, while Majorcan Catalan laterals have been characterized as being “dark”

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¸ïœ³

(Recasens & Espinosa 2005). Recasens (2004: 593) explains that “darkness” in laterals refers to a phonetic property “according to which an alveolar lateral may sound darker (and thus, more [u]-like) or clearer (and thus, more [i]-like).” This difference makes alveolar laterals a potential feature for cross-linguistic transfer in an intensive SpanishCatalan contact situation, such as the one in Majorca. Pieras (1999) conducted the only other variationist investigation to date on lateral production in Majorca. Pieras recorded semi-spontaneous speech of a total of thirty-one Catalan-Spanish bilinguals from Palma, the capital city of Majorca. Fourteen speakers considered themselves native speakers of Spanish and seventeen considered themselves native speakers of Catalan, even though they were all highly proficient bilinguals who were exposed to their non-dominant language on a daily basis. The bilinguals were all recorded in Spanish. The analysis consisted of the binary classification of laterals based on auditory and visual (spectrographic) inspections. It was found that, of the 14 Spanish-dominant bilinguals, only one pronounced dark laterals, while the rest consistently used clear laterals. Interestingly, the only participant using dark laterals had been heavily exposed to Catalan-accented Spanish during childhood, since his parents were Catalan-dominant bilinguals but chose to speak exclusively in Spanish with him. Of the 17 Catalan-dominant bilinguals, 10 systematically used clear laterals. The other 7 speakers variably used dark and clear alveolar laterals. Interestingly, there was a strong effect of age within the Catalan-dominant data subset, according to which the older participants were more likely to use dark laterals than the younger ones. According to Pieras’ data, the Catalan-dominant speakers born before 1960 remained frequent users of dark, Catalan-like laterals, while those born after 1960 systematically used clear, Spanish-like laterals, although they remained Catalan-dominant bilinguals in adulthood. What might have caused this age difference? Why are younger speakers, according to Pieras’ data, less likely to transfer the dark laterals of their native language (Catalan) to their non-native language (Spanish)? Bibiloni (1985) claims that young Catalan speakers residing in the large metropolitan areas are likely to prefer clear, Spanish-like laterals instead of the traditional Catalan dark laterals even when using their native language, Catalan. That is, according to Bibiloni, the dark lateral allophone is receding while the clear one is spreading. Taking these two observations into account, one might hypothesize, as Pieras (1999) does, that a factor that may have favored the borrowing of clear laterals by Catalan-dominant bilinguals in both their first (Catalan) and second (Spanish) languages is the possibility that dark laterals are stigmatized in Majorca. Indeed, according to Pieras, the production of dark laterals is stereotypically imitated when Spanish speakers joke about Catalan-accented Spanish. In other words, dark laterals seem to be salient in indexing the Catalan-speaking origin of a speaker of Spanish. Furthermore, according to Pieras, dark laterals may be perceived as characteristic of rural Majorcan speakers. As a consequence, Pieras claims that Catalan

ïœ¸ïœ´ Miquel Simonet

speakers are likely to adopt clear laterals in their speech, including both their Spanish and Catalan. However, while anecdotal observations of both Pieras and myself point towards the possibility that velarized laterals are stigmatized in Majorca, experimental evidence is still lacking. A decade has passed since Pieras conducted his sociolinguistic interviews. In opposition to what Pieras found for alveolar laterals, recent sociophonetic research has shown that some Catalan phonetic features are spreading to the Spanish variety spoken in Majorca (Simonet 2008). The present paper addresses the following research questions: Do Catalan-dominant bilinguals use clear allophones when speaking Spanish or are they likely to transfer dark allophones from Catalan? Do Spanish-dominant bilinguals use clear laterals or are some likely to borrow dark allophones from Catalan? Are there age or gender effects? One important improvement of the present paper over previous work is that a detailed acoustic analysis is carried out here. Existing research (Pieras 1999) is based on impressionistic transcription that only acknowledges two possibilities for which phonetic symbols to employ. Phonetic symbols, however, simplify phonetic reality. Importantly, there are reasons to believe that darkness in alveolar laterals is a gradient (and not discrete) property (Recasens 2004). Thus, only an acoustic analysis can reveal evidence that considers the velarization degree inherent in laterals.

2.â•… Method 2.1â•… Participants A language background questionnaire (LBQ) was administered to 40 Catalan-Spanish bilingual participants. The LBQ was based on the one used in Flege & MacKay (2004). The participants were asked questions regarding demographic information such as gender, age (year of birth), time spent outside of Majorca, and place of birth. Additionally, they were asked the following language-background questions: (1) “Which language do you consider to be your native language?” (2) “Which language did you use to speak at home, as a child, with your family?” (3) “Which language do you use mostly in your daily life?” (4) “Rate the percentage of use of Spanish/Catalan in your daily life: (i) with family, (ii) with friends, (iii) at work/school, (iv) when shopping, (v) with strangers.” The LBQ was administered in the language of choice of the participants. Two groups were created as a function of their dominant language, a group of Catalan-dominant and a group of Spanish-dominant subjects. This classification was based on the responses to the LBQ. A bilingual speaker was classified as Catalan-dominant if s/he answered “Catalan” to the first three questions and had higher percentages of use of Catalan in all of the communicative situations about which the questionnaire inquired. The opposite was true for the bilinguals classified as Spanish-dominant.

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¸ïœµ

Within each dominant-language group, two age groups were created, one mainly consisting of speakers in their fifties or early sixties (older [O]) and another mainly consisting of speakers in their twenties or early thirties (younger [Y]). Only the younger speakers were recorded in both their dominant and non-dominant languages, since several of the older speakers resisted being recorded in their nondominant language. Consequently, Spanish data is available for only 30 participants, divided into three main groups: (i) 10 Catalan-dominant speakers in their twenties or early thirties, (ii) 10 Spanish-dominant speakers also in their twenties or early thirties and, finally, (iii) 10 Spanish-dominant speakers in their fifties or early sixties. Five males and five females were recruited in each of the three groups. In sum, there were a total of six sub-groups: SPMY (Spanish-dominant males, younger), SPFY (Spanish-dominant females, younger), SPMO (Spanish-dominant males, older), SPFO (Spanish-dominant females, older), CTMY (Catalan-dominant males, younger), and CTFY (Catalan-dominant females, younger). (See Simonet (2008) for further details.).

2.2â•… Recordings The 30 speakers were asked to read a list of Spanish sentences. The speakers read aloud a total of nine (9) target sentences five times from a printed list (9 *5 = 45). Each speaker recorded five randomizations. Each list included many (50) distracters, which had different prosodic configurations so as to minimize the use of repetitive list intonation (Simonet, 2008). A total of 1350 sentences were recorded: 9 [sentences] *30 [speakers] *5 [iterations]. There was a theoretical ceiling of 225 data points per cell or subgroup. The materials controlled for: (1) prosodic context [utterance-initial, utterancemedial, utterance-final], and (2) surrounding vowels [/i, a, u/]. The complete list of sentences is provided in Table 1. The materials were adapted from the Catalan materials used in Recasens & Espinosa (2005). The general design also follows Recasens & Espinosa (2005). Table 1.â•‡ Spanish materials read aloud by the 30 Catalan-Spanish bilingual speakers Sentence

Translation

Context

litros de leche laca muy buena lupa francesa pedí líquido se pondrá laca habla zulú bien venden dos mil el menor mal hecho de tul

“liters of milk” “very good hair spray” “French lens” “s/he ordered liquid” “s/he will put hair spray on” “s/he speaks Zulu fluently” “they sell two thousand” “the smaller damage” “made out of tulle”

lilalu-ili-ala-ulu-il -al -ul

ïœ¸ïœ¶ Miquel Simonet

The speakers were recorded in their home or workplace using a solid-state digital recorder (Marantz PMD660) and a head-worn dynamic microphone (Shure SM10A). The productions of the participants were digitized at 44.1 kHz (16-bit quantization) and later down-sampled at 22.05 kHz in order to save disk space.

2.3â•… Analysis The acoustic analysis of the laterals was based on an investigation of the second formant (F2). F2 is generally taken as an optimal acoustic correlate of degree of darkness in alveolar laterals since it “is positively related to tongue dorsum raising and fronting and dorsopalatal contact size, and inversely related to the length of the back cavity behind the primary constriction and to back constriction narrowing” (Recasens & Espinosa 2005:Â€10). Formant tracks were calculated with Praat software (Boersma 2001), which applies a Gaussian-like window, and computes the LPC (linear predictive coding) coefficients with the algorithm by Burg (cf. Praat’s help manual). For each sentence, two or three temporal landmarks were hand-marked by inspecting synchronized displays of sound waves and spectrograms. Specifically, the steady state of the lateral (based on F2 trajectories) was identified, together with the midpoint or steady state (also based on F2 trajectories) of the flanking vowels. Thus, in VCV sequences, three time points were marked, while in VC and CV sequences, only two were. Formant values from the selected time points were extracted in Hz and then converted into Bark units (Zwicker 1961) using the Hz-to-Bark function available in Praat (cf. Praat’s help manual for the formula used by the function). Therefore, F2 values were extracted from all laterals, as well as from their flanking vowels /i, a, u/. The Bark scale is a logarithmic psychoacoustic scale believed to reflect human perception. Due to the fact that formant values were to be compared across speakers, they were further transformed (normalized). The S-procedure was used (Watt & Fabricius 2002; Fabricius 2007). This procedure calculates the speaker’s F2 centroid (and F1, if necessary) and expresses all F2 values with reference to the centroid. First, the mean F2 for /i/, which is the most fronted vowel, and the mean F2 for /u/, which is the less fronted vowel, are calculated for each individual speaker, from the vowels surrounding the target lateral consonants. This provides the theoretical limits of the vowel space for each speaker. Second, the F2 centroid, which is the mean of the /i/ and /u/ F2 means, is calculated for each speaker. Third, all the F2 values of the laterals are divided by the F2 centroid of each speaker. This normalization procedure results in F2 values expressed with reference to “1”, which represents the speaker’s F2 centroid of their vowel system. This normalization procedure has been used in research on the acoustics of vowels (Watt & Fabricius 2002; Fabricius 2007). In the present investigation, however, we use it for the study of lateral consonants. The procedure allows for an acoustic analysis of laterals that relates them with the vowel space of each individual speaker (Recasens 2004).

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¸ïœ·

Prior to the analysis of the laterals, which is provided in the following section, we analyzed the formant values of the flanking vowels. This is especially important in this case because the S-normalization procedure expresses F2 values in the laterals with respect to F2 values in the flanking vowels. Table 2 provides the F2 differences between the mean F2 values of the cardinal vowels /i/ and /u/ as a function of the six groups (cf. Simonet 2008). A cursory examination of Table 2 reveals that males have narrower vowel spaces than females; that is, the distance in Bark units between the mean F2 for /i/ and the mean F2 for /u/ is greater for females than for males. This is not understood here as a social, but as a physiological difference. Table 2.â•‡ Mean F2 difference in Bark between /i/ and /u/ as a function of group Group

F2 difference

SPMO SPFO SPMY SPFY CTMY CTFY

5.687 6.251 5.048 6.057 5.590 6.287

The statistical analyses of the F2 values of the laterals were performed on both S-normalized and Bark F2 values. There were 29 missing data points, due to vowel devoicing or formant tracking errors. Therefore, the analyses discussed below are based on a total of 1321 data points. At this juncture, it needs to be added that a high F2 value (both Bark and S-normalized) indexes a clear alveolar lateral, while a low F2 lateral (both Bark and S-normalized) indexes a dark value (Recasens 2004). However, absolute F2 values need to be interpreted with care since higher/lower values also index physiological differences (related to vocal tract size) between, for instance, males and females.

3.â•… Results Three extra-linguistic factors were considered: age, gender, and dominant language. Since the experimental design is not fully orthogonal, two data subsets were extracted in order to investigate the effects of each one of the factors within a balanced data set. First, in order to investigate the effects of age and gender, a subset was extracted from the main corpus consisting of only the data gathered from the Spanish-dominant speakers (SP subset). In other words, age is considered a factor exclusively for the Spanish-dominant speakers of Spanish, for which we have a balanced number of older and younger participants. Second, in order to investigate the effects of dominant language and gender, a subset was extracted consisting of only the data gathered from the younger speakers (Y subset). That is, dominant language is considered a factor exclusively for the younger

ïœ¸ïœ¸ Miquel Simonet

0.95 0.85

0.90

F2 Normalized

11.2 10.8 10.4

F2 Bark

11.6

1.00

Spanish-dominant and Catalan-dominant speakers, who have comparable ages. Gender is considered a factor in both data subsets since we have balanced numbers in both. For each of the two subsets, F2 Bark and F2 S-normalized values extracted from the steady state of laterals were submitted to two independent two-way ANOVAs, one for each of the two main dependent variables or normalization procedures. Regarding the SP subset, the ANOVA carried out on the F2 Bark values revealed significant effects of gender (F[1,873] = 74.2; p < 0.001), and age (F[1,873] = 15.3; p < 0.001), but no significant interaction (F[1,873] = 2.2; ns). These effects arise from the following two facts: (1) younger Spanish-dominant speakers tend to have higher F2 Bark values than the older Spanish-dominant speakers, and (2) females have much higher F2 Bark values than males. The gender difference obtains in both age groups, which is revealed by the lack of a significant interaction. FigureÂ€1 displays the direction of the effects and their relative strength. The ANOVA carried out on the S-normalized F2 values also revealed significant effects of gender (F[1,873] = 36.4; p < 0.001), and age (F[1,873] = 23.1; p < 0.001), and no significant interaction (F[1,873] = 2.4; ns). These effects arise from the following two facts: (1) younger Spanish-dominant speakers tend to have higher S-normalized F2 values than the older Spanish-dominant speakers, and (2) males have higher S-normalized F2 values than females. FigureÂ€1 displays the direction of the effects and their relative strength.

SPFO SPFY SPMO SPMY Group

SPFO SPFY SPMO SPMY Group

Figure 1.â•‡ Means and 95% confidence intervals of F2 (Bark and S-normalized) values as a function of age and gender of the speakers, Spanish-dominant data subset (SPFO Spanish-dominant Females Older, SPFY Spanish-dominant Females Younger, SPMO Spanish-dominant Males Older, SPMY Spanish-dominant Males Younger)

Notice that the factor gender triggers contradictory effects for each of the two normalization procedures, i.e. F2 Bark and S-normalized F2. Thus, while the F2 Bark values reveal that females use clearer laterals than males, the S-normalized F2 values seem to show that it is males who use clearer allophones than females. We offer an interpretation of this apparent contradiction in the Discussion section.

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¸ïœ¹

9.5

F2 Bark 10.0 10.5 11.0 11.5

F2 Normalized 0.80 0.85 0.90 0.95 1.00

Regarding the Y subset, the ANOVA carried out on the F2 Bark values revealed significant effects of gender (F[1,874] = 154.3; p < 0.001), and dominant language (F[1,874] = 174.1; p < 0.001), and a significant interaction (F[1,874] = 23.3; p < 0.001). These effects arise from the following two facts: (1) females have higher F2 Bark values than males, (2) the Spanish-dominant speakers have higher F2 Bark values than the Catalan-dominant ones, and (3) the difference between Catalan-dominant males and Catalan-dominant females is much larger than that between Spanish-dominant males and Spanish-dominant females. The latter finding causes the interaction revealed by the ANOVA. Figure 2 displays the direction of the effects and their relative strength. Overall, it could be affirmed that Catalan-dominant males use dark lateral allophones while the other three groups of speakers use clear allophones. Catalan-dominant females and Spanish-dominant males use laterals with F2 Bark values that are intermediate between the two extremes, represented by the Spanish-dominant females (on the “clear” side) and the Catalan-dominant males (on the “dark” side). The ANOVA carried out on the S-normalized F2 values also revealed significant effects of gender (F[1,874] = 6.73; p < 0.01), and dominant language (F[1,874] = 188.01; p < 0.001), and a significant interaction between the two factors (F[1,874] = 30.9; p < 0.001). These effects arise from the following two facts: (1) the Spanish-dominant speakers have much higher S-normalized F2 values than the Catalan-dominant speakers, and (2) males differ from females, but this difference varies as a function of language dominance, which causes the interaction. That is, Catalan-dominant females have slightly higher S-normalized F2 values than Catalan-dominant males while Spanish-dominant males have higher S-normalized values than Spanish-dominant females. Figure 2 displays the direction of the effects.

CTFY CTMY SPFY SPMY Group

CTFY CTMY SPFY SPMY Group

Figure 2.â•‡ Means and 95% confidence intervals of F2 (Bark and S-normalized) values as a function of dominant language and gender of the speakers, younger-speaker data subset (CTFY Catalandominant Females, CTMY Catalan-dominant Males, SPFY Spanish-dominant Females, SPMY Spanishdominant Males)

ïœ¹ïœ° Miquel Simonet

Once again, notice that the factor gender triggers contradictory effects for each of the two normalization procedures, i.e. F2 Bark and S-normalized, but only within the Spanish-dominant data subset. Thus, while the F2 Bark values reveal that the Spanishdominant females use clearer laterals than the Spanish-dominant males, the S-normalized F2 values seem to show that it is males who use clearer allophones than females. An interpretation is offered below.

4.â•… Discussion The present paper reported on acoustic data obtained from six groups of Catalan-Spanish bilinguals residing in the Mediterranean island of Majorca, where Spanish and Catalan are spoken. Data were gathered from Catalan-dominant as well as Spanish-dominant bilinguals, from both males and females and also from two age groups. The acoustic analyses revealed the findings discussed below. The Spanish-dominant younger speakers seemed to use slightly clearer laterals (higher F2 values) than the Spanish-dominant older participants. The age difference was seen with both normalization procedures (Bark and S-normalized units). On the one hand, the Spanish-dominant females presented higher F2 Bark values than the Spanish-dominant males. On the other hand, the Spanish-dominant males presented higher S-normalized F2 values than the Spanish-dominant females. In other words, while one normalization procedure suggests that females use clearer allophones than males, the other one suggests that males use clearer allophones than females. The Catalan-dominant speakers use darker allophones than the Spanish-dominant ones. This is more obvious for the Catalan-dominant males than for the Catalan-dominant females. In other words, the Catalan-dominant males use dark allophones while the Catalan-dominant females use somewhat clearer allophones that resemble (or have similar F2 Bark values to) the ones used by the Spanish-dominant males. The Spanishdominant females use extremely clear allophones, as compared to the other groups. First, it is unclear what might have caused the age differences amongst the Spanish-dominant speakers. The fact that both normalization procedures reveal the same effect suggests that the age difference is robust, though small. This indicates that the younger speakers not only use laterals with higher overall (F2 Bark) values, but also with values that situate them in a more fronted position within their own vowel space (S-normalized F2). It appears that the older speakers analyzed here have slightly wider vowel spaces than the younger ones (see above). Thus, the fact that the older speakers use lateral allophones with less fronted values (F2 Bark) may not be due to the fact that they have narrower vowels systems and therefore cannot front their laterals more, but to an intentional centralizing gesture. We might speculate, regarding this finding, that the younger speakers are using clearer laterals than the older

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¹ïœ±

ones probably because they attempt to dissimilate from Catalan-accented speakers who tend to use darker lateral allophones. Recall that Pieras (1999) suggested that dark laterals are stigmatized in Majorca. Thus, it is possible that young Spanish-dominant speakers try to make sure their laterals are not perceived as dark. A way to test this hypothesis would be to compare the laterals used by the young Spanish-dominant speakers residing in Majorca with those produced by monolingual speakers of Spanish residing in the Iberian Peninsula. Our speculation would predict that the laterals produced by young Spanish-dominant, Majorcan bilinguals are clearer than the ones produced by monolinguals. This is left for future research. Second, we will offer an interpretation of the fact that the two normalization procedures seem to reveal contradictory findings for the Spanish-dominant males and females. Recall that the females use alveolar laterals that are overall (F2 Bark) clearer than the ones used by the males. However, since males have much narrower vowel spaces than females (less F2 difference between /i/ and /u/) (Simonet 2008), a normaliÂ� zation procedure that expresses the position of a lateral with respect to its distance from an F2 centroid (calculated from /i/ and /u/ means) will likely show that males need to approximate their laterals to their /i/ more than females do in order for their laterals to “sound” clear. On the other hand, since females have a wider vowel space, their laterals do not need to be so fronted (with respect to their own /i/) for them to sound very clear, i.e. with a high F2 value. In other words, males and females use two different strategies to achieve a very similar goal: to use a clear alveolar lateral in their Spanish. In our opinion, this explains the gender differences within the Spanish-dominant group and suggests that these are not due to sociolinguistic factors. Our interpretation is that the two findings (extrapolated from the two normalization procedures) cancel each other out. Thus, a relevant gender difference within the Spanish-dominant group does not need to be postulated. Third, the results of the analyses revealed strong effects of the dominant language, with the Catalan-dominant speakers using overall darker allophones than the Spanishdominant ones. These effects were strong, but more obvious for the Catalan-dominant males than for the females. In other words, the Catalan-dominant females used lateral allophones that were somewhere between the clear allophones used by the Spanish-dominant females and the dark allophones used by the Catalan-dominant males. Recall that we have argued that the gender differences encountered within the Spanish-dominant group obey two different strategies to achieve a similar goal and thus do not need a sociolinguistic interpretation. However, the gender differences found within the Catalan-dominant group are wide and robust. This suggests that a sociolinguistic interpretation of the effects of gender within the Catalan-dominant group is needed. Pieras (1999) found that both Catalan-dominant males and females residing in Palma (Majorca’s major city) who were born after 1960 were likely to use clear allophones

ïœ¹ïœ² Miquel Simonet

instead of dark ones, which were used only by the older speakers. From this finding, Pieras inferred that the young Catalan-dominant speakers in Palma had made an effort to learn the clear lateral allophone from the Spanish-dominant bilinguals and were making sure to use it in their Spanish. Bibiloni (1985) claimed that Catalan-like, dark laterals are receding in Catalan and Spanish-like, clear laterals are being adopted by Catalan speakers in Majorca. The Catalan-dominant speakers who participated in the present experiment, however, did not all use clear allophones even though they are all in their twenties or early thirties, and thus born after the 1960s. The evidence presented here suggests that young Catalan-dominant males are “resisting” the adoption of clear lateral allophones even when speaking Spanish, their non-dominant language. Catalan-dominant females, on the other hand, were found to borrow clear laterals from Spanish, although their laterals were not as clear as the ones used by the Spanishdominant females in their age group. Thus, if a change in progress exists, as Pieras (1999) affirms, it is in a less advanced stage than claimed.

5.â•… Conclusion The present paper has offered a sociophonetic profile of the production of alveolar laterals in Majorcan Spanish, a dialect of Spanish in intensive contact with Catalan. Traditionally, Majorcan Catalan alveolar laterals have been described as being dark, i.e. velarized, while (Peninsular) Spanish laterals have been described as being clear, i.e. non-velarized (Recasens 1987, 2004; Recasens & Espinosa 2005). The Spanish productions of six groups of Catalan-Spanish bilinguals (30 individuals) were analyzed. The individuals were classified as a function of their dominant language, gender and age. The existing sociolinguistic research has suggested that young Majorcan speakers tend to use clear laterals irrespective of whether they are dominant speakers of Spanish or Catalan (Pieras 1999). That is, while older generations of Catalan-dominant bilinguals have a tendency to transfer dark laterals from Catalan and thus use dark laterals in Spanish, young Catalan-dominant bilinguals tend not to do so (assuming they use dark laterals in Catalan) (Pieras 1999). The results of the experiment reported here indicate that Spanish-dominant bilinguals produce clear lateral allophones while Catalan-dominant bilinguals differ as a function of gender, with young females using clear-like allophones and males using dark laterals. The data presented here do not allow us to verify whether a change in progress affecting laterals is in effect or whether the situation obeys a phenomenon of gender differentiation. While there is reason to believe that Catalan-dominant speakers are borrowing Spanish-like, clear laterals, our data also suggest that dark laterals are (still?) a reality of Majorcan Spanish. Interestingly, the age difference revealed within the Spanish-dominant group suggests that Spanish-dominant speakers may be

Laterals in Majorcan Spanish ïœ¹ïœ³

progressively diverging from (rather than converging with) Catalan speakers. This is an unexpected contact effect, although not an unattested one. Finally, it is shown here that an acoustic analysis is able to provide more information than an analysis based on phonetic transcription and frequency counts, especially since lateral velarization is a scalar property (Recasens 2004). In particular, the acoustic data discussed here showed that some Catalan-dominant speakers, who could be impressionistically perceived as borrowing clear laterals from Spanish, are still using allophones that differ acoustically from the ones used by the Spanishdominant bilinguals.

Acknowledgements Thanks are due to the editors and reviewers of this volume for their comments, which have significantly improved the quality of the paper. The usual disclaimers apply.

References Bibiloni, Gabriel. 1983. La llengua dels mallorquins. Anàlisi sociolingüística. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona. Boersma, Paul. 2001. “Praat, a Aystem for Doing Phonetics by Computer.” Glot International 5.341–345. Boix, Emili & Francesc X. Vila. 1998. Sociolingüística de la llengua catalana. Barcelona: Ariel. Chafcouloff, Michelle. 1972. “Recherches sur la structure acoustique de /l/ et ses corrélations articulatoires”. Travaux de l’Institut de Phonétique d’Aix 1.101–110. Fabricius, Anne. 2007. “Variation and Change in the ‘trap’ and ‘strut’ Vowels of RP: A real time comparison of five acoustic data sets”. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 37.293–320. Fernández Planas, Ana M. 2000. Estudio electropalatográfico de la coarticulación vocálica en estructuras VCV en castellano. Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat de Barcelona. Flege, James E. & Ian R. MacKay. 2004. “Perceiving Vowels in a Second Language”. Studies in Second Language Acquisition 26.1–34. Pieras, Francesc. 1999. Social Dynamics of Language Contact in Palma de Mallorca: Attitude and phonological transfer. Ph.D. dissertation, Pennsylvania State University. Querol, Ernest. 2004. “Comparació dels usos i les representacions de les lengües a les Illes Balears, Catalunya, el País Valencià i Andorra”. Treballs de Sociolingüística Catalana 18.43–62. Querol, Ernest. 2005. Els balears i el català: usos i representacions socials. Palma: Documenta Balear. Recasens, Daniel. 1987. “An Acoustic Analysis of V-to-C and V-to-V Coarticulatory Effects in Catalan and Spanish VCV Sequences”. Journal of Phonetics 15.299–312. Recasens, Daniel. 2004. “Darkness in [l] as a Scalar Phonetic Property: Implications for phonology and articulatory control”. Clinical Linguistics and Phonetics 18.593–603.

ïœ¹ïœ´ Miquel Simonet Recasens, Daniel & Aina Espinosa. 2005. “Articulatory, Positional and Coarticulatory Characteristics for Clear /l/ and Dark /l/: Evidence from two Catalan dialects”. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 35.1–25. Salvà, Pere. 2005. “La nova realitat geodemogràfica de les Illes Balears al començament del segle XXI: creixement de la població i fluxos migratoris”. Treballs de Sociolingüística Catalana 18.131–141. Simonet, Miquel. 2008. Language Contact in Majorca: An experimental sociophonetic approach. Ph.D dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Villaverde, Joan A. 2005. “L’enquesta sociolingüística 2003. Principals resultats”. Treballs de Sociolingüística Catalana 18.83–96. Watt, Dominic & Anne Fabricius. 2002. “Evaluation of a Technique for Improving the Mapping of Multiple Speakers’ Vowel Spaces in the F1-F2 plane”. Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics 9.159–163. Zwicker, Eberhard. 1961. “Subdivision of the Audible Frequency Range into Cricital Bandwidths (Frequenzgruppen)”. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 33.248.

Units of speech production in Italian Irene Vogel1 & Linda Wheeldon2 1University

of Delaware/2University of Birmingham, UK

When speakers produce a prepared utterance, the amount of time required to initiate the utterance reflects the number of units in the utterance. In this paper, we investigate the nature of this unit on the basis of Italian experimental data, and compare our findings to previous studies of Dutch. We demonstrate that the findings for Italian and Dutch are essentially the same, despite substantial prosodic differences between Romance and Germanic languages. It is shown that in order to account for these findings, a prosodic unit between the Phonological Word and the Phonological Phrase is needed. Two possibilities are considered, a recursive Phonological Word and a more recently proposed constituent, the Composite Group.

1.â•… Introduction1 It has been proposed that when speakers produce a prepared utterance, the number of units contained in the utterance will determine the amount of time required to initiate the production (Sternberg et al. 1978; Sternberg et al. 1980). This raises the question of what type of units must be counted in this process. On the basis of previous research, it has been suggested that the relevant unit is a prosodic one, as opposed to a morphological or syntactic one, specifically the Phonological Word (e.g. Levelt 1989), and experimental studies of Dutch have been conducted to provide psycholinguistic support for this position (Wheeldon & Lahiri 1997, 2002). It appears, however, that in some cases the results reveal a complication with regard to the claim that the PhonoÂ� logical Word is the appropriate unit of speech encoding. In the present paper, we further investigate the nature of this unit on the basis of Italian experimental data, and demonstrate that the findings for Italian are essentially the same as those for Dutch, despite substantial prosodic differences between Romance and Germanic languages. In the following sections, we first present a brief summary of the issues related to speech encoding and production that are relevant for the present paper. We then discuss the experimental design and main findings of the Dutch experiments, since the

ïœ±.â•… We would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments.

ïœ¹ïœ¶ Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

Italian experiment we conducted was based on this previous research. Subsequently, we discuss the methodology and present the results of the Italian experiment. Given that there are problems with taking the PW as the unit of speech encoding in Italian, as in Dutch, we suggest an alternative that appears to be valid for both languages, a constituent in the prosodic hierarchy between the Phonological Word and the Phonological Phrase – the Composite Group (Vogel 2009, submitted).

2.â•… Background 2.1â•… Speech production When a speaker wishes to produce an utterance, the articulation of this utterance is planned in groupings or units of speech. Thus, there is a correlation between the number of units that compose an utterance and the amount of time needed to begin to articulate it. Different properties of an utterance may contribute to the amount of time needed to encode it. For example, an utterance with more syllables would take longer to encode than one with fewer syllables. Thus, (1a) will be encoded more quickly than (1b) (e.g. Meyer, Roelofs & Levelt 2003).

(1) a.

catσ1

b.

caσ1taσ2maσ3ranσ4

Beyond the number of syllables, it appears that other aspects of the complexity of an utterance play a role in the time required for its encoding. Thus, in the hypothetical case in (2), it can be expected that (2a) would require less time to encode than (2b), although they both contain the same number of syllables.

(2) a.

[caσ1taσ2maσ3ranσ4]?

b.

[caughtσ1 inσ2 theσ3]? [rainσ4]?

The question that arises at this point is what determines the additional complexity of some structures with respect to others. It has been proposed that in the final stages of preparation prior to articulation, the relevant property is phonological – as opposed to morphological or syntactic. More specifically, when producing a prepared utterance, complexity is determined by the number of Phonological Words (PWs) the utterance contains (Wheeldon & Lahiri 1997, 2002). Thus, if the question marks used as bracket labels in the examples in (2) are taken to be PWs, it is predicted that the presence of two such constituents in the second item will result in a longer preparation time than the presence of a single PW unit in the first item. This possibility was tested experimentally with Dutch, as described in the next section.

2.2â•… Speech encoding in Dutch Wheeldon and Lahiri (1997, 2002) present a series of experiments conducted with speakers of Dutch aimed at testing the claim that the PW is the constituent that

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ¹ïœ·

determines the relevant type of complexity in the phonological encoding of speech for production. They demonstrated that in a prepared speech paradigm, the more PWs an utterance contains, the more time a speaker will require prior to beginning the actual production of the utterance. In this paradigm, subjects saw a stimulus word or phrase on a computer screen, and then used this item as part of their response to a recorded question played through headphones (e.g. wat zoek je? = “what do you seek?”; wat doe je? “what do you do?”), or simply as part of a generic response (Het was… = “It was…”). Following the stimulus presentation, three beeps were heard, the last of which was preceded by a variable pause duration, to prevent the development of an automatic response rhythm. The subjects were instructed to prepare their utterance and to wait until the last beep to begin their answer. In Wheeldon and Lahiri (1997) (Study 1) the five stimulus structures shown in (3) were investigated. The brackets indicate the PW structures that were posited. It should be noted that in this study, the placement of the clitic in the first PW with the verb was one of the experimental conditions, however, in the present study, what is crucial is that there is a single PW following the first portion of the reply in this case. (3) Visual Display (Structure) a.

V + Clitic

het water “the water”

Response (Example) [Ik zoek het] [water] “I seek the water”

b. A + N Phrase

vers water “fresh water”

c.

Single word

water “water”

[Ik zoek] [vers] [water] “I seek fresh water” [Ik zoek] [water] “I seek water”

d. Pronoun

het “it”

e.

Null (control)

zoek “seek”

[Ik zoek] [het] “I seek it” [Ik zoek] [Ø] “I seek”

In Wheeldon and Lahiri (2002) (Study 2), some of the same structures were included, along with some new ones. The stimulus structures tested in this study are those in (4), where the last two differ in the position of primary stress.

ïœ¹ïœ¸ Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

(4) Structure

a. b. c. d.

Example

N + N compound A + N phrase single word (sw) single word (ws)

[oog] [lid] [oud] [lid] [orgel] [orkaan]

Number of PWs

“eye lid” “old member” “organ” “hurricane”

2 PW 2 PW 1 PW 1 PW

The procedure followed was similar to that in Study 1. The responses were all given in the generic response structure shown in (5). (5) a. Response – part 1: Het was… (“It was…”) b. Response – part 2: ooglid/oud lid/orgel/orkaan

As Wheeldon and Lahiri hypothesized that the number of PWs in an utterance is what determines the amount of time needed to prepare to produce it, it was expected that the stimuli would fall into three groups, as shown in (6), which combines the structures of the two studies. The control was predicted to exhibit the shortest lag or latency as the subjects prepared to produce it, while the items with two PWs (i.e. the phrases and the compounds) could be expected to exhibit the longest response latencies. The remaining items, all consisting of a single PW, were predicted to require an intermediate amount of preparation time. (6) a. 2 PWs SLOW (longest latencies) (items 3b; 4a, b) b. 1 PW FAST (shorter latencies) (items 3a, c, d; 4c, d) c. Ø FASTEST (shortest latencies) (item 3e – control)

The results confirmed most of these predictions, however, the response latency observed with the compounds was not what was expected if we simply count the number of PWs, as shown in Table 1. It should be noted that what is relevant for the present comparison is the number of PWs following the first portion of the response in StudyÂ€1, so in the V+clitic structures, we list here only the PW that followed this portion. Table 1.â•‡ Response rates for different structures in Wheeldon and Lahiri (1997) = Study 1; (2002) = Study 2 Study 1 Response Rate

Structure

Slow

A + N phrase

Fast

(V + clitic) +N Pron Word

Fastest

Control

Study 2 Example

Structure

[vers][water] “fresh water” [water] “water” [het] “it”

A + N phrase

[water] “water” Ø

N+N Compound Word

Example [oud][lid] “old member” [oog][lid] “eye lid” [orgel], [orkaan] “organ, hurricane”

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ¹ïœ¹

As can be seen, the compounds exhibited a faster response time than the phrases, despite the fact that both constructions contain two PWs. In fact, the compounds behaved like single words in the amount of time required to produce a prepared response containing these stimuli. The fact that the number of PWs did not accurately predict the response patterns with the compounds led Wheeldon and Lahiri (2002) to introduce an additional statement to their proposal regarding the units of speech encoding. First, they specified that compounds involve an additional layer of prosodic structure, such that the individual PWs are grouped into a larger, recursive PW. By contrast, the PWs of a phrase are directly grouped into a Phonological Phrase (PPh), as shown in (7a) and (7b), respectively.

(7) a.

[[oog]PW [lid]PW]PW

b.

[[oud]PW [lid]PW]PPh

With this difference in structures, it was then proposed that in compounds it is only the outer PW that counts in the determination of the response latencies. Aside from requiring an additional specification, the recursive PW analysis potentially involves several more general drawbacks, including the introduction of recursion, a property generally associated with syntax, into the phonological component. It turns out moreover that the structures that are claimed to be recursive do not actually conform to the usual definition of recursion, which requires that a constituent of a particular type be embedded within a larger constituent of the same type, that is, one that exhibits the same characteristic properties (e.g. Pinker & Jackendoff 2005; Jackendoff & Pinker 2005; Neeleman and van de Koot 2006). In the case of the recursive PWs, the outer level is crucially different in its properties from the inner level, and thus does not meet the requirement of recursion that constituents must be embedded in larger ones with the same properties (Vogel 2009, submitted). As will be seen below, an alternative proposed to account for the Italian data also accounts for the Dutch findings, and avoids the problem with the definition of recursion.

3.â•… Experiment – speech encoding in Italian A study similar to the Dutch research was conducted with Italian, both to determine if compounds pattern like single words or like phrases, and to investigate the crosslinguistic properties of speech encoding. That is, since Germanic and Romance languages exhibit substantial differences in their overall prosodic structure and patterns, the question was whether these differences would lead to different results in speech encoding, or whether the phenomenon of speech encoding is so basic that it is not sensitive to such cross-linguistic variation.

ïœ±ïœ°ïœ° Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

3.1â•… Procedure As in the Dutch studies, a prepared speech paradigm was used in the Italian experiment. The subjects saw the target word or phrase on the computer and then, after three beeps, responded with the item they had seen. Again, the third beep followed a pause of variable duration, so as to avoid anticipatory responses. In this study, only the simplest form of response was used, that with just the stimulus previously seen on the screen. The experiment was presented using e-prime software, which recorded the response time following the third beep. Prior to the actual experiment, practice items were presented so the subjects could become familiar with the task.

3.2â•… Subjects The participants were 17 students at the University of Bologna. They were tested individually in a quiet room at the University. None of the subjects reported a history of hearing or language problems.

3.3â•… Stimuli 3.3.1â•… Structure of stimuli The target stimuli were pairs of Verb + Noun compounds and matched V + Noun phrases. In addition, control stimuli consisting of a single word were used for comparison. Words with internal structure (other than an inflectional marker) referred to here as “derived” items, and words without such structure were used. The control structures were included to permit us to examine the possibility that morphological complexity plays a significant role in speech encoding in Italian, although this was not found for Dutch. All stimuli consisted of four syllables, with primary prominence on the penultimate syllable. The words in each condition were also matched for their onset segments to avoid differences in the triggering of the voice key. The compounds and phrases, as well as the two types of words were organized in groups with as much phonological consistency as possible, as illustrated in (8).2 The brackets indicate PWs;

ïœ².â•… It should be noted that the prosody of the compounds and phrases is essentially identical since phrasal prominence as well as compound prominence are on the last stressed syllable in Italian. Other lexical prominences to the left are somewhat reduced in both cases, although this does not lead to vowel raising of [ε, f] to [e, o] in either the compounds or phrases (cf. BertinettoÂ€& Loporcaro 2005; Nespor & Vogel 1986). A similar stress pattern is observed in the individual lexical items tested here since they have penultimate stress and an earlier, weaker, secondary prominence; however, as single words, they are susceptible to vowel raising in syllables without primary stress.

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ±ïœ°ïœ±

all suffixes in Italian form part of the PW with their root (Nespor & Vogel 1986; Vogel 2009, among others). Each condition contained twelve items, for a total of 48 responses per subject.

(8) Structure

a. b. c. d.

V + N compound V + N phrase Non-derived word Derived word3

Example [cava][tappi] [caccia][talpe] [calamari] [calzolaio]

“cork screw” “(he) hunts moles” “calamari” “shoe maker”

Number of PWs 2 PW 2 PW 1 PW 1 PW

Prior to the actual experiment, a practice session was conducted with 12 items (3 sets of compounds, phrases and words). These were similar to the experimental stimuli although not as closely matched, and were not used in the experiment itself. (See Appendix for the full list of stimuli.)

3.3.2â•… Frequency of stimuli It is well known that the frequency of a word has an effect on how quickly people respond to it in different types of tasks. It would therefore be desirable for the stimuli in any experiment, including the present one, to contain words of relatively similar frequencies. This is problematic, however, when comparing words, even compounds, with phrases, since phrases – unless they are idiomatic expressions – do not tend to arise in precisely the same form with any degree of frequency. Moreover, a commonly cited reference on Italian word frequency, Juilland and Traversa (1973), is based on written texts, and thus does not list many items that are very frequent in the spoken language, such as scolapasta “pasta colander”. Indeed, the dictionary contains relatively few compounds, and those that are included (e.g. aeroplano “airplane”, capolavoro “masterpiece”) are generally not the type used in the present study (i.e. Verb + Noun). Some of the individual words (derived and underived) were found, but, of course, no phrases were listed in the dictionary. We thus also consulted an on-line source of word frequencies in Italian based on the spoken language, BADIP (Banca dati dell’italiano parlato). This source was found to contain more of the Verb + Noun type of compounds used in our study, as well as individual word stimuli. We therefore made use of the BADIP counts for the purpose of evaluating the relative frequency of the items used in the present study. Specifically,

ïœ³.â•… Not all of the items with internal morphological structure were derived by productive word formation rules, however, they were nevertheless considered distinct from those in which no such structure was present at all. Since it was crucial to keep stress and syllable structure as similar as possible across matched items, it was necessary to be somewhat more flexible with regard to internal morphological structure.

ïœ±ïœ°ïœ² Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

we considered the word form frequencies of (a) the compounds, (b) the derived words, and (c) the non-derived words. In addition, we considered the frequencies of the two word components of the compounds, and the two words in the phrases. The mean frequency counts for each condition are given in Table 2. Table 2.â•‡ Comparison of word form frequencies from the BADIP database Condition Compounds Phrases Non-derived Derived

Word Frequency 0.3 14.9 7.0

First word/morpheme 31.0 41.2

Second word/morpheme 27.0 17.8

It should be noted that not all of our stimulus items appeared in the BADIP list, and in these cases the frequency was considered to be zero. We chose to include less frequent items in certain cases since it was crucial that the stimuli conform to specific phonological characteristics with regard to their segmental, syllabic and stress properties. Since the purpose of controlling for frequency is to ensure that any differences we observe in speech latency can be attributed to prosodic structure rather than frequency of use, the use of less frequent items is only an issue to the extent that the latency data pattern with mean word frequency for each condition. Based on the word frequencies for the single words, this would predict that the production latencies for the nonderived words should be faster than for the derived words and that the compounds should be the slowest. In contrast, the component frequencies for the compounds and phrases do not differ greatly, predicting similar production latencies for these conditions. As we show below neither of these frequency-sensitive patterns occurs.

4.â•… Results and analysis While seventeen students participated in the study, it was necessary to exclude the data from three of these individuals from our analysis. This was done since these subjects had a mean response time, or response latency, of more than one second, which indicated either that they did not respond immediately after the third beep, or did not respond at all to a substantial number of items. In addition, we removed one of the single words with internal morphological structure across all subjects: lamentele “complaints”. This item was frequently misread by the subjects as a construction ending in a clitic sequence, lamen-tele, analogous to lavar- tele “wash them for yourself ”. Since lamen does not in fact exist, many subjects showed false starts and then corrections with this item, and it thus seemed most appropriate to remove it for all subjects.

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ±ïœ°ïœ³

We excluded several additional data points from the reaction time analysis. Specifically, we excluded error trials which were the result of false triggers, or responses that were initiated before the third beep and timeouts, and failures to respond within the maximum window allowed, 2 seconds. These exclusions resulted in the loss of 7% of the data. The percentage error rate was similar across all conditions (Compounds 7%, Phrases 8%, Non-derived, 6%, Derived 8%). An analysis of variance on percentage error rates yielded no significant difference between conditions. Finally, all data points that fell two standard deviations from the mean were counted as outliers and excluded from the analysis. These exclusions resulted in the loss of a further 5% of the data points. Thus, on the basis of the responses of fourteen subjects, with the exclusion of the items mentioned, we observe the following response patterns. Figure 1 shows the mean response times for each of the four types of stimuli.

Mean onset latency (ms)

850.00 800.00 750.00 700.00 650.00 600.00

Compound

Phrase

Nonderived

Derived

Figure 1.â•‡ Mean response latencies for four stimulus categories

As this figure shows, the amount of time required for encoding the phrases is approximately 30 ms. longer than the time required for all of the other types of stimuli. Thus, it can be seen that, as with the Dutch data, the compounds patterned with the single words, not with the phrases. An ANOVA was run on the reaction time data for the four experimental conditions with subjects as the random factor. The main effect of condition was significant, F(3,39) = 3.99, p < .05. Bonferroni post hoc pairwise comparisons were conducted to determine which conditions differed significantly from each other. Response latencies

ïœ±ïœ°ïœ´ Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

for the phrases were significantly slower than for the compounds (p < .05) and the nonderived words (p < .05). The difference between the phrases and the derived words was marginally significant (p = .053). No significant differences were observed between the response latencies for the compounds, non-derived and derived words.

5.â•… Discussion As the results show, the response patterns for Italian were similar to those for Dutch. Crucially, it was found in both languages that the response latencies for phrases are longer than for compounds and for single lexical items. That is, despite the fact that compounds contain two Phonological Words, the time required to encode them for speech production is similar to that of grammatical words consisting of a single Phonological Word. The fact that the response patterns for Italian and Dutch are the same is particularly interesting given that these languages, as representatives of the Romance and Germanic families, otherwise exhibit quite different prosodic properties. Such properties include, but are not limited to (a) the fact that Germanic languages are generally considered “stress timed” as opposed to the “syllable timing” of Romance languages, and (b) the presence of substantial marking of word boundaries in Germanic languages, while in Romance languages the tendency is to syllabify and apply phonological phenomena across words, typified by liaison in French.4 Thus, the finding that compounds pattern like single words rather than phrases with regard to the amount of time needed for their encoding for production appears to be independent of the basic prosodic structure of a language. More generally, it seems that the processes involved in speech production are not sensitive to differences among languages, but rather may be seen as constituting universal principles of linguistic organization. With regard to the question of the unit involved in speech encoding, the original proposal that this is the Phonological Word is challenged by the Italian findings, as by the Dutch findings involving compounds. Since compounds pattern with individual lexical items, and not with phrases, the fact that compounds and phrases both comprise

ïœ´.â•… Of course, languages that exhibit additional prosodic differences will ultimately need to be examined to further evaluate the proposal that language-specific prosodic differences do not affect the overall process of speech encoding. In the meantime, preliminary results with another Romance language, but one that is rather different prosodically from Italian, Romanian, reveal a similar pattern of response latencies to those reported thus far (cf. VogelÂ€& Spinu 2010).

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ±ïœ°ïœµ

two Phonological Words appears not to be the relevant property in determining the response latencies. As was seen above, Wheeldon and Lahiri (2002) originally proposed for Dutch that the difference between compounds and phrases meant that a recursive PW was needed for compounds. It must then be specified that for the purposes of speech encoding only the outer PWs are counted. Given that Italian showed the same response pattern, a similar interpretation could be offered for this language as well. Aside from problems associated with introducing recursion into the phonological component of grammar, and other problems with recursive PWs in particular (cf. Vogel 2009, submitted), this solution relies on a stipulation regarding the relevant level of PW structure in the determination of response latencies. As with any stipulation, one must then ask why this particular requirement exists, and not some other one (see Lahiri and Wheeldon, submitted). Since the number of PWs does not allow us to predict the response latency patterns without a distinction between two levels of PW structure, we must raise the question as to whether the PW is indeed the appropriate unit for speech encoding. At first glance, it might appear that what is relevant instead is whether or not the items coincide with a single lexical entry available for lexical access. This seems uncontroversial with regard to the non-compounds, and it also seems plausible for the compounds since they involve structures and meanings that are not necessarily morphologically and/or syntactically transparent. This would distinguish the two types of words and compounds from the phrases, as the latter would involve the lexical accessing of two individual components. However, the findings of Wheeldon & Lahiri (1997, 2002 summarized above) have demonstrated that the prepared speech task is sensitive to the number of prosodic units not the number of lexical items or indeed the number of content words that must be produced. Thus, the question remains as to the nature of the unit involved in speech encoding. Since the process of encoding treats compounds and individual grammatical words in the same way, regardless of the number of PWs they contain, a unit is required that does not crucially distinguish between these structures.5 In recent analyses of constructions involving affixes and clitics, as well as compounds, it has been proposed that a phonological constituent is required between the Phonological Word and Phonological Phrase levels in the prosodic hierarchy, the Composite Group (cf. Vogel 2009,

ïœµ.â•… As one of the reviewers suggests, it would be particularly interesting to test longer compounds, which abound in Germanic, but not Romance, languages. Since the number of syllables in the response is relevant, it would be crucial that any longer compounds be matched with single words and phrases with similar syllabic properties (e.g. teapot lid/tabulate).

ïœ±ïœ°ïœ¶ Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

submitted).6 This unit replaces the Clitic Group in the prosodic hierarchy of Nespor and Vogel (1986), and differs from it in several ways. For example, it allows the skipping of prosodic levels which was not originally permitted by the Strict Layer Hypothesis, and crucially for the present purposes, it not only groups together the members of compounds, it also groups together words and associated clitics. The Composite Group thus provides a unified account for the Italian and Dutch patterns in which lexical items, compounds and phrases behave in the same way. That is, it can be seen that the number of Composite Groups in the various constructions in Dutch and Italian, shown in (9)–(11), predicts precisely which items exhibit longer and shorter response latencies.7

(9) Dutch – Study 1

a. (V+clitic) + N (…)[water] PW/CompG

“water” 1 CompG

b. A + N phrase [vers]PW/CompG [water]PW/CompG

“fresh water” 2 CompG

c. Single word [water]PW/CompG

“water” 1 CompG

d. Pronoun [het]PW/CompG

“it” 1 CompG

e.

Ø

Null (control)

---

(10) Dutch – Study 2 a.

N + N compound [[oog]PW [lid]PW]CompG

“eye lid”

1 CompG

b. A + N phrase [oud]PW/CompG [lid]PW/CompG

“old member” 2 CompG

ïœ¶.â•… It should be noted that even if one does not accept the introduction of the Composite Group into the prosodic hierarchy, the analysis must include a constituent that is greater than the single PW and smaller than the PPh, such as the recursive PW (cf. Lahiri and Wheeldon submitted). By the same token, an approach such as Itô and Mester’s in which minor and major words may be used to differentiate compounds from phrases – despite other potential differences – crucially requires a level of phonological organization that is neither the Phonological Word nor the Phonological Phrase (cf. Itô & Mester 2009). ïœ·.â•… It will be recalled that in Wheeldon and Lahiri (2002), the verb and clitic were also of relevance. They are not shown here since what is crucial for the present study is what follows this first portion of the response.

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ±ïœ°ïœ·

c. Single word (sw) [orgel]PW/CompG

“organ” 1 CompG

d. Single word (ws) [orkaan]PW/CompG

“hurricane” 1 CompG

(11) Italian Study a. V + N compound [[cava]PW [tappi]PW]CompG

“cork screw” 1 CompG

b. V + N phrase [caccia]PW/CompG [talpe]PW/CompG “(he) hunts moles” 2 CompG c. Non-derived word [calamari]PW/CompG

“calamari” 1 CompG

d. Derived word [calzolaio]PW/CompG

“shoe maker” 1 CompG

Only those structures with two Composite Groups require longer times for encoding. All the other structures have faster response times since they contain a single Composite Group (or none in the case of the control structure in the first Dutch study). Thus, not only are the findings in the Italian study accounted for without stipulations regarding the counting of inner and outer PW structures, the full set of findings in Dutch, shown above in Table 1, is accounted for without additional specifications.

6.â•… Conclusions In this paper, we have investigated the question of what linguistic unit is relevant for speech encoding. We first considered two studies involving Dutch, and then presented our research on Italian. The Italian study used the same type of prepared speech paradigm as the Dutch studies, and measured the response latencies with different types of structures: compounds, phrases, and derived and non-derived words. The main finding – that Italian showed the same patterns as Dutch – is particularly interesting in that it demonstrates that the basic process of speech encoding appears to be the same cross-linguistically, since the prosodic systems of Germanic and Romance languages are quite different in general. With regard to the question of what the relevant unit for speech encoding is, it was shown that simply counting the number of PWs in a string does not yield the correct predictions. One possibility is that proposed in Lahiri and Wheeldon (2002), where it is specified that for compounds a recursive PW structure is needed, and it is the outer PW in this case that is

ïœ±ïœ°ïœ¸ Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

relevant as the unit for speech encoding. We also considered an alternative analysis in which it was proposed that the appropriate unit for speech encoding is a constituent between the Phonological Word and the Phonological Phrase in the prosodic hierarchy – the Composite Group. In both types of analysis, what is crucial is that there is a grouping of elements that is larger than the basic PW, but smaller than the Phonological Phrase.

References BADIP (Banca dati dell’Italiano Parlato = “Database of Spoken Italian”): http://languageserver.uni-graz.at/badip/ Bertinetto, Pier Marco & Michele Loporcaro. 2005. “The Sound Pattern of Standard Italian, as Compared with the Varieties Spoken in Florence, Milan and Rome”. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 35.131–151. Itô, Junko & Armin Mester. 2009. “The Onset of the Prosodic Word”. Phonological Argumentation: Essays on Evidence and Motivation ed. Steve Parker, London: Equinox. Jackendoff, Ray & Stephen Pinker. 2005. “The Nature of the Language Faculty and its Implications for the Evolution of Language”. (Reply to Fitch, Hauser, and Chomsky). Cognition 97.211–225. Juilland, Alphonse & Vincenzo Traversa. 1973. Frequency Dictionary of Italian Words. The Hague: Mouton. Lahiri, Aditi & Linda Wheeldon. submitted. “Phonological Trochaic Grouping in Language Planning and Language Change”. Levelt, Willem J. M. 1989. Speaking: From Intention to Articulation. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Meyer, Antje S., Ardi Roelofs & Willem J.M. Levelt. 2003. “Word Length Effects in Picture Naming: The role of a response criterion”. Journal of Memory and Language 47.131–147. Neeleman, Ad & Jan van de Koot. 2006. “On Syntactic and Phonological Representations”. Lingua 116.1524–1552. Nespor, Marina & Irene Vogel. 1986. Prosodic Phonology. Dordrecht: Foris. Pinker, Stephen & Ray Jackendoff. 2005. “The Nature of the Language Faculty and its Implications for the Evolution of Language”. (Reply to Fitch, Hauser, and Chomsky). Cognition 97.211–225. Sternberg, Saul, Stephen Monsell, Ronald L. Knoll & Charles E. Wright. 1978. “The Latency and Duration of Rapid Movement Sequences: Comparisons of speech and typewriting”. Information processing in motor control and learning ed. George E. Stelmach, 117–152. New York: Academic Press. Sternberg, Saul, Charles E. Wright, Ronald L. Knoll & Stephen Monsell. 1980. “Motor Programs in Rapid Speech: Additional evidence”. The Perception and Production of Fluent Speech, ed. Ronald A. Cole. 507–534. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Vogel, Irene. 2009. “The Status of the Clitic Group”. Phonological Domains: Universals and Deviations ed. Janet Grijzenhout & Baris Kabak, 15–46. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Vogel, Irene. submitted. “Recursion in phonology”.

Units of speech production in Italian ïœ±ïœ°ïœ¹

Vogel, Irene & Laura Spinu. 2010. “The Composite Group as the Domain of Speech Encoding in Romanian”. Paper presented at 8th Annual Hawaii International Conference on Arts and Humanities. Honolulu, HI. Wheeldon, Linda & Aditi Lahiri. 1997. “Prosodic Units in Speech Production”. Journal of Memory and Language 37.356–381. Wheeldon, Linda & Aditi Lahiri. 2002. “The Minimal Unit of Phonological Encoding: Prosodic or lexical word”. Cognition 85.B31–B41.

Appendix: Stimuli a.â•… Experimental Stimuli Compound

Phrase

Simple Word

Complex Word

cavatappi “cork screw”

caccia talpe “(he) hunts moles”

calamari “calamari”

calzolaio “shoe maker”

ficcanaso “busy body”

faccio nodi “(I) make knots”

fazzoletto “handkerchief ”

fidanzato “fiancé”

giradischi “record player”

gioca calcio “(he) plays soccer”

generale “general”

giardiniere “gardener”

guardaroba “wardrobe”

gusta vini “(he) tastes wines”

gorgonzola “gorgonzola”

godimento “enjoyment”

guastafeste “kill joy”

guida treni “(he) drives trains”

Guatemala “Guatemala”

guarnizione “decoration”

lavapiatti “dishwasher”

lascio Pisa “(I) leave Pisa”

labirinto “labyrinth”

lamentele “complaints”

reggiseno “brassiere”

rode piante “(it) gnaws plants”

rubinetto “faucet”

rotazione “rotation”

rubacuori “heart breaker”

rompe vetri “(he) breaks windows”

religione “religion”

relazione “relation”

scaldabagno “water heater”

scopro perle “(I) discover pearls”

scarafaggio “cockroach”

scadimento “expiration”

scolapasta “colander”

spendo soldi “(I) spend money”

scarabocchio “scribble”

scocciatura “annoyance”

segnalibro “book mark”

serve lepre “(he) serves rabbit”

secolare “secular”

sentimento “sentiment”

spazzaneve “snow plough”

spengo luci “(I) turn out lights”

scaramuccia “skirmish”

scatoletta “can”

ïœ±ïœ±ïœ° Irene Vogel & Linda Wheeldon

b.â•… Practice Stimuli Compound

Phrase

Simple Word

Complex Word

grattacielo “sky scraper”

mangio mele “(I) eat apples”

maresciallo “marshal”

cambiamento “change”

lanciafiamme “flame thrower”

legge libri “(he) reads books”

elefante “elephant”

legatura “binding”

schiaccianoci “nut cracker”

cerca funghi “(he) seeks mushrooms”

argomento “argument”

durazione “duration”

Pitch polarity in Palenquero A possible locus of H tone John M. Lipski

The Pennsylvania State University In the Afro-Iberian creole language Palenquero, tonic syllables receive a level HÂ€tone, and lexical words have at most one H tone per word. According to previous studies, the final H tone of a phrase is usually either maintained as a level tone with no L% boundary tone, or is downstepped to a mid tone. The present study examines phrase-final combinations of words ending in tonic vowels followed by one or more negative, possessive, or object clitics, all of which receive an H tone. Field data reveal a systematic process of tonal dissimilation between the tonic syllables, most frequently involving pitch upstepping of the clitic, and less frequently downstepping of the clitic. This systematic pitch dissimilation, not found elsewhere in Palenquero (including other phrase-final combinations of successive tonic syllables that do not involve clitics), suggests the operation of the Obligatory Contour Principle, in turn pointing to the emergence of an H tone lexically attached to Palenquero enclitics.

1.â•… I ntroduction: Level and downstepped phrase-final high pitch in Palenquero The Afro-Iberian creole language Palenquero, spoken in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia, exhibits intonational patterns that differ notably from the surrounding regional dialects of Spanish. In their analysis of Palenquero intonation, Hualde and Schwegler (2008) observe that accented syllables receive a level H tone, and lexical words have at most one H tone per word. The authors conclude (p. 25) that “Palenquero is best analyzed as an accentual language, rather than as a language with lexical tone.” The present study, while essentially grounded in Hualde and Schwegler’s conclusion, offers more detailed data on a particular configuration that may signal a final vestige (or the incipient development) of a phonologically distinctive tone. Attention will be directed specifically at the phrase-final negator -nú, the post-nominal possessive clitics -mí “my” and -sí “your,” and the dative and accusative clitics -mí “me” and -bó “you.”

ïœ±ïœ±ïœ² John M. Lipski

The data show a process of tonal dissimilation, which in turn suggests the presence of a distinctively specified High tone on these clitics. Among the many ways in which Palenquero intonation differs from patterns found in Spanish is the behavior of phrase-final oxytonic words. Hualde and Schwegler (2008:13–15) observe the frequent absence of an L% boundary tone: “a level high tone on the final syllable, without the final fall that is nearly obligatory […] in final declarative sentences.” An alternative resolution is downstepping of the phrase-final H tone to a mid tone: “[…] the H tone of the last syllable is sometimes downstepped, so that it is pronounced at the same level tone as the preceding (toneless pretonic) syllable” (p. 15) The authors note (p. 15) that “from the data available it is not yet entirely clear what pragmatic or other factors trigger this downstepping of utterance-final highs.” They document a similar phenomenon (p. 17) when the sentence ends in two stressed monosyllables.1

2.â•… Palenquero tonic clitics Palenquero negation is carried out by the negative particle -nú affixed to the end of the negated clause. The negator -nú has been described as a stressed element having a high pitch, and the pitch tracks offered by Hualde and Schwegler (2008:11, 17) are consistent with this observation. The data collected for the present study reveal that other enclitics also receive a high tone (i.e. always pronounced with a higher pitch than immediately preceding atonic syllables, and at least as high as preceding tonic syllables),2 and therefore should be considered as stressed items. This group includes the postnominal possessives -mí “mine,” -sí “your (s.),” -éle “his, her,” -súto “our,” and the corresponding dative and accusative clitics (identical to the possessives except for the 2-s -bó “your”). It should be noted from the outset that whereas in Palenquero (as in Spanish) a pitch accent may be phonologically distinctive in polysyllabic words (e.g. mína “mine” vs. miná “to see,” cása “house” vs. casá “to marry”), there are no

ïœ±.â•… Moniño (2003:524) asserts that the difference in pitch between accented and unaccented syllables remains constant throughout a phrase: five semitones or two and a half whole musical tones. The data collected for the present study do not confirm this observation; the difference between high and low pitch, normalized by F0 to equivalent intervals on the musical scale, is typically on the order of 1–3 semitones, although inter- and intra-speaker variation is considerable. ïœ².â•… Throughout this study I use a heuristic determination of high and low pitch similar to that stated by Prieto et al. (2005:375): “In order for a syllable to be perceived as high, the pitch level needs to stay high or rise for a good portion of the accented syllable,“and conversely.

Pitch polarity in Palenquero ïœ±ïœ±ïœ³

corresponding atonic/low pitched clitics and therefore no true minimal-pair verification of the high pitch on the aforementioned clitics.3 The claim of a high tone is based primarily on their consistent behavior similar to demonstrably phonological high pitch on other words, and with their participation in pitch-polarity phenomena.4 When following an oxytonic word, phrase-final negative, possessive, and object clitics reveal a nuanced behavior. In particular, the pitch of the final clitic is almost always distinct from the pitch of the immediately preceding tonic syllable (at least by the average F0 difference between other tonic and atonic syllables) and this difference is often expressed as upstep with respect to the preceding syllable. The same observation does not hold across the board for other sequences of phrase-final non-clitic tonic syllables. Moreover, phrase-final monosyllabic enclitics often depart from the aforementioned level high tone ending, and may exhibit a L% (or HL%) boundary tone, often with upstepped ¡H*on the final clitic. As with final downstepping, the precise factors responsible for the boundary tone are not yet known, but in the present corpus this configuration is found most often in utterances that appear to be emphatic or contrastive.5

ïœ³.â•… Quasi-minimal pairs are easy to find, e.g. queléba “want-IMP” vs. quelé bó “to want you,” etuléno “let’s study” vs. etulé nú “to not study,” with the clitics consistently higher in pitch than the corresponding final atonic syllables. ïœ´.â•… It may be that the mora rather than the syllable is the attachment point for the H tone (cf. the discussion in Prieto et al. 2005). For example phrase-final mái [mai ] mí “my mother”  is nearly always realized with a high tone on the nuclear vowel [a] followed by a sharp dip to a very low tone on the offglide and a sharp rise to a high tone on mí. Similarly, phrase-final bái [bai ] “go” always ends with a sharp tonal dip, unlike the usual absence of a low boundary tone  with other verbs ending in a single tonic vowel. ïœµ.â•… Despite their assertion of the absence of boundary tones following phrase-final oxytones, Hualde and Schwegler (2008:12) present a pitch track of utterance-final majaná mí “my children” in which the upstepped possessive clitic -mí is followed by a L% boundary tone; the authors note without further explanation that -mí is “emphasized.” In Prieto (2009)’s analysis of Catalan intonation, the HL% boundary tone is associated with obviousness statements and requests. The fact that the Palenquero data were produced in response to a seemingly arbitrary request may have triggered an “obviousness” response, although I have frequently observed the same pattern in spontaneous speech. The (H)L% boundary tone is even more common when phrase-final clitics follow an atonic syllable, and not always correlated with emphatic or contrastive usage, but simply in line with the L% boundary tone following phrase-final atonic syllables: éle a sendá abuélo mí “he is my grandfather” or í téng cása nú “I don’t have a house.” The exact distribution of (H)L% boundary tones following phrase-final clitics remains to be determined.

ïœ±ïœ±ïœ´ John M. Lipski

3.â•… Data collection for the present study In order to obtain a reasonable number of samples, including phrase-final combinations of two or three clitics, data were obtained by means of a questionnaire. Interviews were conducted with twenty five young Palenquero speakers (fifteen male, ten female), all of whom had learned Palenquero in school; some also had learned the rudiments of the language at home by listening to older relatives, but none had routinely spoken Palenquero before attending school. The ages of the interviewees ranged from eighteen to twenty-two. A second set of interviews was conducted with twenty five traditional Palenquero speakers (thirteen men and twelve women), all considered true native speakers, with ages ranging from forty five to over ninety.6 Both sets of interviewees were recommended by the same colleagues who had assisted in the initial data collection. Each interviewee was asked to translate a number of sentences from Spanish into Palenquero, designed to produce the required clitic sequences. They were also asked specific questions to elicit the appropriate clitic combinations. Phrase-final position was chosen for analysis, to observe the interaction between high pitch and final downstep, and to remove from consideration any possible sandhi or assimilatory effects. Many of the phenomena described in the following sections can also be observed in phrase-internal contexts, but the patterns are not always as clear-cut due to the effects of following syllables. The bisyllabic1-pl súto and the 3-s éle were excluded from consideration, except in the rare double object constructions of the type ndá bó éle “to give it to you,” which normally occur only with éle. Possible differences between traditional and younger speakers are the subject of ongoing research and will be reported elsewhere. The following sections, necessarily brief because of space limitations and subject to the vicissitudes of field data collection under less than ideal conditions, present the initial findings and offer a possible interpretation.

ïœ¶.â•… All Palenquero speakers were recorded in San Basilio de Palenque in 2008–2009, with the able assistance of Víctor Simarra Reyes and Bernardino Pérez Miranda. These two colleagues recommended the interviewees on the basis of their known fluency in Palenquero. The format was free conversation supplemented by directed questions. I conducted all interviews, using both Spanish and Palenquero; during each interview I was assisted by one of the aforementioned colleagues. All recordings were made on a Marantz PMD620 digital recorder using an Audio-Technica ATR-55 directional microphone. The digitized tokens were analyzed using PRAAT software.

Pitch polarity in Palenquero ïœ±ïœ±ïœµ

4.â•… The behavior of Palenquero phrase-final clitics In Palenquero phrase-final oxytones followed by a high-pitch clitic, three possible configurations of adjacent tonic syllables are possible: (1) two identical high pitches (i.e. no tonal differential); (2) an upstepped second pitch; (3) a downstepped second pitch. In an initial rough tally, upstep or downstep was defined as a pitch differential at least equal to the average pitch difference between word-internal tonic and atonic syllables for a given speaker. Using this heuristic criterion, nearly all of the phrasefinal post-oxytonic enclitics undergo systematic tonal dissimilation (upstep or downstep) with respect to the preceding tonic vowel. To give a more detailed account of the behavior of phrase-final sequences of tonic syllables, individual pitch measurements were taken at the midpoint of each tonic vowel,7 and the pitch value of the second vowel was subtracted from the pitch of the first vowel. The data revealed no consistent differences in behavior between the corresponding object and possessive clitics, and therefore the two groups of clitics were analyzed as a single category.8 The negator -nú showed greater variability, in particular a higher proportion of downstep, and was analyzed separately.9 Since the average F0 of male voices is lower than the average F0 for female voices and the average difference in Hz between high and low pitch is correspondingly smaller, male and female data were computed separately. Qualitatively, male and female speakers treat phrase-final sequences of tonic syllables identically; for purposes of illustration, only data from male speakers are included below. FiguresÂ€1 and 2 show the behavior of phrase-final sequences of two tonic vowels, the first of which belongs to a (non-clitic) noun or verb. The data represent the 1-s object or possessive -mí (in the utterances é a sendá posá mí “that is my house” and bó quelé ablá mí “you want to speak to me”), the negator -nú (in í a teng posá nú “I don’t have a house” and í quelé ablá nú “I don’t want to speak”), and the non-clitic má “more” (in í quelé ablá má “I want to speak more”).10

ïœ·.â•… In those instances in which the phrase-final clitic was followed by a L% boundary tone, the vowel of the clitic was also lengthened, and the pitch drop occurred well after the midpoint (e.g. Figure 7), thus not affecting the measurement of pitch differential with respect to the preceding syllable. ïœ¸.â•… Two-tailed t-test: df = 90, t = 1.99, p =.90. ïœ¹.â•… Two-tailed t-test comparing the behavior of object/possessive clitics vs. nú: df = 282, tÂ€= 1.97, p /ej/, and yod augmentation in four present 1st person verb forms: soy, doy, voy and estoy. It is suggested that two otherwise regular sound changes, -m deletion and identical vowel simplification (/ee/Â€>/e/), failed to occur in a small number of lexical items in order to avoid their impeding reduction to a subminimal size, and that yod accretion in the Old Spanish monosyllabic forms do, so, vo, and estó was also driven by compliance with a minimal word requirement. In support of this analysis is the empirical evidence from the historical evolution of Hispano-Romance, which points to a weight-sensitive metrical system in which the bimoraic foot can be identified as the minimal prosodic word.

1.â•… Introduction It is well known that many languages impose a minimal size restriction on lexical words, which can be identified with the canonical metrical foot. This paper explores the role of word minimality on sound change in the historical development of HispanoRomance (hereafter, HR), focusing primarily on its role in altering the regular outcome of two HR sound changes: (a) the deletion of Latin word-final -m; and (b) the simplification of a sequence of identical vowels.1 An analysis in terms of word minimality is

*I am grateful to three anonymous reviewers, whose valuable comments and criticism have significantly improved the final version of this paper. All errors are my own. ïœ±.â•… In this paper, the term Hispano-Romance is used to designate the Central and Western branches of Ibero-Romance, consisting of the three major Ibero-Romance varieties: GalicianPortuguese, Leonese, and Castilian (= Spanish).

ïœ±ïœ³ïœ° Fernando Martínez-Gil

shown to provide a simple and direct explanation for the failure of both word-final -m deletion and identical vowel simplification to take place in the transition from Latin to HR whenever the result would have been subminimal lexical word. Instead of the regular outcome, certain HR forms exhibit alternative historical developments, which can be readily analyzed as strategies to avoid their impending reduction to a subminimal prosodic size. Thus, whenever these two sound changes would have resulted in a monomoraic word, a word-final nasal was preserved, not deleted, in a number of monosyllabic words, and instead of identical vowel simplification, the second member in a sequence of identical mid-front vowels underwent desyllabification, becoming a glide: /ee/ > /ej/. Another strategy to deal with identical vowel sequences is found in Old Galician-Portuguese, where such sequences were maintained for a relatively long period in disyllabic words, when otherwise regular simplification would have resulted in violations of prosodic minimality. To this date, such exceptional developments have remained unexplained. In addition to the blocking effects on the two sound changes just outlined, it is suggested that word minimality requirements are also at work in promoting, rather than blocking, another HR sound change, the accretion of a word-final glide in a handful of monosyllabic 1st person singular present indicative verb forms, a sound change that took place in the transition from Old to Modern HR, turning the early medieval HR forms so “I am”, do “I give”, vo “I go”, and estó “I am, stand”, into Modern Spanish soy, doy, voy, estoy, and Galician-Portuguese sou, dou, vou, estou. The facts just outlined are reminiscent of a common manifestation of minimal prosodic word requirements in synchronic grammars; namely, blocking effects on some phonological process emerge when such process would truncate the word below a minimum size, thereby yielding a form smaller than a binary foot. The proposed analysis claims that the word-minimal prosodic requirement that impelled such alternative historical developments can be formally identified as a bimoraic foot, not disyllabic one. If the minimal word coincides with the metrical foot, as alleged by the theory of Prosodic Morphology, such a result refutes the hypothesis of a disyllabic quantity-insensitive foot as the basic metrical unit throughout the historical development of HR, and up to the emergence of medieval apocope (Holt 1997; Lipski 1997). The implications of the present analysis are twofold. From the point of view of the linguistic history of the HR languages, it presents a unified prosodic account of three historical developments that traditionally have been viewed as unconnected sound changes. From a more general perspective, it presents an illustration of how sound change can be driven by prosodic constraints. Thus, a general thrust of the account put forth in this paper is that while word minimality may not have the clear-cut status of an absolute restriction on the size of lexical items throughout the historical development of HR, it still represents a force to be reckoned with in historical change.

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ³ïœ±

The rest of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents a brief introduction to the minimal word and how it relates to the metrical foot in Prosodic Morphology. Section 3 surveys the impact of word minimality on three historical developments in HR, inhibiting word-final -m deletion and identical vowel simplification in some cases, and promoting yod augmentation in others, providing crucial empirical evidence for the minimal word as a bimoraic foot. Section 4 surveys the basic facts of Latin prosody, and argues for the preservation of the moraic trochee as the canonical metrical foot in the transition to HR. Section 5 discusses some apparent exceptions to word-minimality in modern HR. Finally, SectionÂ€6 contains some concluding remarks.

2.â•… The minimal word in Prosodic Morphology The notion of word minimality attempts to capture the empirical observation that morphological units in many languages must fulfill a minimal-size requirement, which can be readily identified as prosodic in nature. A principled account of word minimality within the theory of Prosodic Morphology crucially appeals to the universal Prosodic Hierarchy (1a) (cf. Nespor & Vogel 1986; McCarthy & Prince 1990, 1993, 1995a, 1995b, 1998, 1999; Inkelas 1990; Itô 1990; Nespor 1999, and much related work), in conjunction with strict Foot Binarity (1b) (McCarthy & Prince 1990, 1993, 1995a; Mester 1994; Hayes 1995). The category Prosodic Word embodies the correlation between phonological and morphological structure.

(1) a.

Prosodic Hierarchy: PrWd (Prosodic Word) F

(Foot)

σ

(Syllable)

μ

(Mora)

b.

Foot Binarity: Feet are binary under either a syllabic or a moraic analysis

In the moraic theory of the syllable (Hyman 1985; Hayes 1989a; Broselow 1995), the mora is the timing unit that mediates between the syllabic and the segmental levels. As a stress-bearing unit, each vowel is associated with a mora; moreover, in some languages, such as Latin, a consonant or a glide located in the syllable coda receives a mora by position (Allen 1973; Hayes 1989a; Mester 1994; Sherer 1994). As shown in (2), moras encode syllable weight. In quantity-insensitive languages all syllables are monomoraic (i.e. light). In languages sensitive to syllable weight, a light syllable (i.e. an open syllable containing a short nuclear vowel), as in (2a), is monomoraic;

ïœ±ïœ³ïœ² Fernando Martínez-Gil

a heavy syllable (one with a long nuclear vowel or closed by a consonant or glide), as in (2b), is bimoraic:2

(2) a.

Light syllable:

p

b.

Heavy syllables:

σ

σ

σ

μ

μ μ

μ

μ

a

s

a

p

a˜

p

σ

p

μ

μ

a

j

Three major types of binary metrical feet, shown in (3), have been proposed in the prosodic phonology and morphology literature (cf. Hayes 1995; McCarthy & Prince 1993, 1995a, 1995b,1998):

(3) Foot types under strict Foot Binarity (H = heavy syllable; L = light syllable) a. Moraic Iamb: (μ μ´) = LH, H, LL L b. Moraic trochee: (μ´ μ) = H, LL c. Syllabic trochee: (σ´ σ)

(quantity-sensitive systems) (quantity-insensitive systems)

The formal distinction between the two types of prosodic feet relevant for our purposes is illustrated in (4) with the Spanish words casa “house”, pan “bread”, and rey “king”. As shown, all three can be parsed as a bimoraic trochee, as shown in (4a), but, for obvious reasons, only casa would qualify as a syllabic trochee (4b):

(4) a.

Bimoraic foot (= moraic trochee):

b.

Disyllabic foot (= syllabic trochee): F

F μ

μ

σ

σ

ká

sa

ká

sa

pá

n

* pán

r- é

j

r- é j

ïœ².â•… In some languages (e.g. Modern Spanish), lexical diphthongs are counted as heavy (Harris 1983, 1995; Dunlap 1991; Roca 2006). Whether this was the case also in the medieval period remains to be determined. As an anonymous reviewer points out, under this hypothesis, and given the binary limit on foot size, it is unclear what the precise moraic status of a triphthong, as in buey “ox”, would be.

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ³ïœ³

In Prosodic Morphology the notion of “minimal word” is derived directly from the combination of the Prosodic Hierarchy and strict Foot Binarity (see, e.g. McCarthyÂ€& Prince 1995b: 321). Thus, given the premises: (a) the prosodic word immediately dominates the foot in the Prosodic Hierarchy; and (b) the foot is universally binary, it follows that the minimal prosodic word must coincide with the metrical foot, and that monomoraic feet are either highly marked or prohibited outright, since they do not belong to any of the metrical types of the universal inventory in (3). The restriction that the minimal prosodic word be coextensive with the metrical foot, dubbed here the Prosodic Minimality Condition, is formulated schematically in (5) following (OrieÂ€& Pulleyblank 2002:Â€108): (5) Prosodic Minimality Condition (PMC):â•… PrWdmin = Foot (the minimal prosodic word coincides with a metrical foot)

It is important to point out that while the PMC is an absolute and inviolable restriction in some languages (Latin and Modern English are well-known examples), in other languages it is only a strong tendency which reflects the unmarked case. The presence of a handful of subminimal forms in Modern Spanish, such as fe, va “(s)he goes”, ve “(s)he sees”, dé “I give-subj.”, di “I gave”, etc. would seem to indicate that Spanish belongs to the latter category. In SectionÂ€5 below, I discuss some evidence from the contemporary HR languages which suggests that prosodic word minimality may not be infringed at all in such apparently monomoraic forms. For over two decades now, word minimality has played a critical role in the study of a wide range of phenomena in the phonology-morphology interface, including templatic morphology, reduplication, prosodic circumscription, word truncation, word augmentation by epenthesis, and blocking of apocope (cf. McCarthy & Prince 1990, 1993, 1995a, 1995b; Orie & Pulleyblank 2002; Downing 2005, 2006, and references therein). While such work has significantly advanced our understanding of prosody-related phenomena in synchronic grammars, relatively little research has been devoted to the role of word minimality in sound change. The present paper represents an attempt to fill this gap.

3.â•… The evidence for the minimal prosodic word as a bimoraic foot in HR We turn now to the three HR sound changes claimed here to have been affected by a prosodic constraint that can be identified with a bimoraic minimal word, but not with a disyllabic one. The first of these changes is the loss of word-final -m, which typically marked the Latin accusative, the case generally assumed to be the source

ïœ±ïœ³ïœ´ Fernando Martínez-Gil

of most Romance non-verb forms. The nasal was subject to regular deletion in the transition to HR, as illustrated by the following representative examples from the five Latin conjugational classes: aâ†œr a neam “spider” > Gal., Sp. araña, Port. aranha; amicum “friend” > Gal., Port., Sp. amigo vinum “wine” > Gal. viño, Port. vinho, Sp. vino; noctem “night” > Gal., Port. noite, OLeon. nueyte, nue(y)che, Sp. noche; ma num “hand” > Gal. man, mao, Port. mão, Sp. mano.3 There are, however, a handful of exceptions to word-final nasal deletion in the HR, listed in (6), which consistently involve monosyllabic forms.4 (6)

quem “who” > Gal. quen, Port. quem [kẽâ†œJ˜], Sp. quien re m “thing” > OGal. ren, OPort. rem “nothing” (from rem (natam) lit. “born thing”) cu m “with” > Gal., Sp. con, Port. com [kõ]; tam “so”> Gal., Sp. tan, Port. tão [tãw ˜â†œ] (but cf. iam “already” > Gal. xa, Port. ja, Sp. ya)

While most treatises on the history of the HR languages mention the failure of the final consonant to delete in such monosyllables, in our knowledge no attempt to explain such exceptional behavior has been made to date. If a bimoraic foot is proposed as the minimal prosodic word, the preservation of the word-final nasal simply follows from the fact that deletion would have rendered these words monomoraic, and thus prosodically subminimal. One might suspect that deletion of final -m was morphologically conditioned; namely, that it applied only just in case the nasal was the accusative marker or the first person marker in verbs (e.g. amaba-m “I used to love”). Since the final nasal in con and tan does not derive from the accusative suffix, the failure of -m to delete would be thereby explained. Notice, however, on the one hand, that rem and quem are indeed ïœ³.â•… Here and in subsequent examples throughout this paper, the following abbreviations are used: VLat. = Vulgar Latin; Gal. = Galician; Leon. = Leonese, Port. = Portuguese; Sp. = Spanish; M = Modern; O = Old. ïœ´.â•… The forms ren, rem, are well attested in Old Galician-Portuguese (García de Diego 1984 (1909): 15, 43, 101; Ferreiro 1999:Â€144, 270; Williams 1947:Â€97, 121, 158; but cf. the deletion of the nasal in OSp. so. The variants soo, soon are documented in Old Galician (García de Diego 1984 (1909): 43), and so are sõ, sõo, and são in Old Portuguese (Williams 1938:Â€233). That some function words can occasionally exhibit prosodic word behavior is well documented (Selkirk 1995). In both Gal. and Port. there are some examples of non-lexical words that have undergone some sort of moraic augmentation, which is likely to be the result of a word-minimality effect, since deletion of the final consonant would have rendered them monomoraic: nec “no(t)” > *ne > Gal. nen, Port. nem [nẽâ†œJ˜], sic “thus” > *si > Port. sim [sĩ] “yes”, pro “for” > Sp., Gal., Port. por, que > dial. Leon. quéi [kéj] “what” (García Arias 2003:Â€97). Interestingly, although OSp. had two interrogative pronouns qui (< qui) “who” and quien (< quem) “who(m)”, monomoraic qui was dropped around the 15th century, and only bimoraic quien remains in Modern Spanish.

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ³ïœµ

accusatives, and on the other, there are some polysyllabic nonlexical words, such as numquam (= ne + umquam) “never” > Sp. nunca, in which the final -m was not a case marker, and yet it still underwent deletion. The second sound-change claimed in this paper to have been inhibited by wordminimality is the simplification of two adjacent identical vowels, a sound change arguably driven by hiatus resolution throughout the history of HR. The process is well attested in Vulgar Latin, including the Appendix Probi. Grandgent (1907:Â€94–96) provides abundant examples of the simplification of i i > i and uâ†œu > u in Vulgar Latin: audii (for audivi) > audi “I heard”; julii > Juli “Julius-gen.”; consilii > consili “consultation-gen.”; e qu us > ĕcus “horse”; antiqu us > anticus “old”; co qu us > cŏcus “cook”, etc. (see also Väänänen 1968:Â€84–88, among others). Identical vowel simplification was widespread, both throughout the historical development of HR (where such sequences quite generally came about by the deletion of an intervening consonant), and in the transition from the old to the modern HR languages: fastidiu “loathe, disgust” > *fastiio > OSp. fastío > MSp. hastío “weariness”; digitu “finger” > *degedo > *deedoÂ€> Sp., Gal., Port. dedo; sigillu “small figure, image” > OSp. seello, MSp., MGal. sello, Port. sêlo “seal”; prehendere “to seize, grasp” > preendere > prendere > Sp. prender; fide > *fe[ð]e > OSp., OGal.-Port. fee > MSp., MGal., MPort. fe. “faith”; co o perire “to cover” > OSp., OGal.-Port. cobrir > MSp. cubrir; articu lu “small joint” > OGal-Port. artigoo > MGal, MPort. artigo “article”; do lo re “pain” > OGal-Port. door > MGal., MPort. dor; viginti “twenty” > OGal.-Port. viinte > MGal, MPort. vinte; vigila re “to watch” > *vegelare > *veelare > Sp., Gal. Port. velar; palatiu “palace” > OGal.-Port. paaço> MGal., MPort. paço; frigidu “cold”> *friidu > fridu (attested in Pompeii; Menéndez Pidal 1980:Â€ 94) > Sp., Gal.-Port. frío, etc… Simplification of identical vowels is also pervasive in modern colloquial Spanish, especially when such sequences are intramorphemic (alcohol [alkól] “alcohol”, zoología [boloxía] “zoology”), or when they straddle word boundaries (Navarro Tomás 1977:Â€152). Significantly, however, identical vowel simplification in HR did not take place in sequences of identical front mid vowels, whenever the result would have been a monomoraic word; instead, the second vowel underwent desyllabification, becoming a glide, as shown in (7):5 (7)

lege “law” > lee > OLeon. llei, Sp. ley (y = [j]), Gal, Port. lei rege “king” > ree > Sp. rey, OLeon., Gal., Port. rei grege “herd” > gree > Sp. grey, Leon., Gal., Port. grei bo ve “ox” > OLeon. buee > buee MLeon., Sp. buey (OGal.-Port. boe > boi) sede “seat” > OGal-Port. see, sei > MGal., MPort. sé “headquarters”

ïœµ.â•… The intermediate forms lee, ree, gree, and buee, attested in the earliest and GalicianPortuguese Leonese documents, reflect the early loss of the intervocalic consonant prior to gliding of the final vowel (Menéndez Pidal 1980:Â€79; García de Diego 1984 (1909): 31, 41, 43).

ïœ±ïœ³ïœ¶ Fernando Martínez-Gil

It is instructive to note that no other known instances of the change /ee/ > /ej/ are otherwise found in the history of HR. On the other hand, the outcome in (7) is particularly striking for Spanish, a language in which falling diphthongs quite regularly underwent monophthongization in its early (i.e. preliterary) history, not only /ej/ >/e/ (e.g. laicu “layman” > *laigo > Gal., Port., OLeon. leigo, Sp. lego; cant avi “I sang” > *cantai > Gal.-Port. cantei, OLeon. cantey, Sp. canté; ba seu “kiss” > *baiso > Gal. beixo, Port. beijo, OLeon. beiso, beixu, Sp. beso; ca seu “cheese” > *caiso > Gal. queixo, Port. queijo, OLeon. queiso, Sp. queso; materia “matter” > *mateira > Gal., Port. madeira, Sp. madera “wood”, etc.), but also /oj/ > /o/ (no cte “night” > Gal., Port. noite, OLeon. nueche, nueyche, Sp. noche; tru cta “trout” > OGal.-Port. truita, MGal. troita, truita, MPort. truta, Sp. trucha; mu ltu “much” > OGal.-Port. muito, MGal. moito, muito, MPort. muito, Sp. mucho), and /ow/ > /o/ (alteru “(an)other” > *aut(e)ro > Gal., Port. outro, Sp. otro; falces “sickle, scythe” > *fauce > Gal., Port. fouce, Sp. hoz; saltu “forest pasture” > *sauto > Gal., Port. souto, Sp. soto “grove, thicket”; causa “cause, reason” > Gal., Port. cousa, Sp. cosa “thing”; auru “gold” > Gal., Port. ouro, Sp. oro). Such diphthongs have been preserved in modern Galician and Portuguese (indeed, they are the most common type of diphthongs), but they are extremely rare in Spanish (in fact, /ow/ does not occur at all); a conspicuous exception are the items in (7).6 Apparently, the need for prosodic words to preserve a minimal size effectively impeded the notorious

Of course, an alternative to both desyllabification and simplification would be to preserve both vowels unaltered. In fact, this outcome is found in several verb forms, in which paraÂ� digmatic factors appear to have favored the preservation of both vowels. Thus, an Old Spanish (heterosyllabic and heteromorphemic) identical vowel sequence has survived in two common modern Spanish verbs, both in the infinitive: creer “to believe” (< credere), leer (< legere) “to read”, and in the 3rd person singular of the present indicative: cree “(s)he believes” (< credit), and lee “(s)he reads” (< legit) (oddly, simplification did take place in another common verb: OSp. veer > MSp. ver). In addition, the preservation of an identical vowel sequence is attested in certain modern Asturian dialects of Leonese: cruu (beside cruo) (< cruâ†œæ¸€å±®du) “raw”, too (for todo) (< toâ†œæ¸€å±®tu) “all-masc.” (García Arias 2003:Â€24–25). The period in which monophthongization of HR /ej/ came about in Proto-Spanish is not known. The HR dipthong /aj/, however, is documented in 10th century Mozarabic forms such as carrayra, carraira (< carraâ†œæ¸€å±®ria; Zamora Vicente 1979:Â€ 35; Lapesa 1981:Â€ 176), a historical stage not too distant from the change /ee/ > /ej/. ïœ¶.â•… There are only two known exceptions to such early monophthongization of /ej/ in Spanish: peine “comb” (< pectine), and seis “six”(< sex), for which there is no straightforward explanation. Interestingly, there is another class of MSp. words, three in total, that contain the diphthong /ej/, namely: veinte “twenty” (< viginti), treinta “thirty” (< triginta), reina “queen” (< regina). However, they are not exceptions to monophthongization; here, the diphthong derives from the resolution of the OSp. hiatus /e.í/ by means of syllable merger (ve.ín.te > véin.te, tre.ín.ta > tréin.ta, re.í.na > rei.na, etc.), a sound change that occurred in the transition to Modern Spanish (c. the 14th or 15th centuries; cf. Menéndez Pidal 1980:Â€84). Notice, incidentally, that given the prohibition against long vowels in HR, identical vowel

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ³ïœ·

aversion for falling diphthongs in Spanish throughout its history. In sum, a bimoraic minimality condition on lexical words provides a straightforward explanation for the failure of identical vowel hiatus in (7) to be resolved historically by the otherwise regular process of simplification. Instead, the identical vowel hiatus was changed into the unusual falling diphthong /ej/, thus effectively avoiding the impending creation of monomoraic words, had hiatus avoidance been carried out by identical vowel simplification, while still satisfying the bimoraic word minimality requirement. Of course, one could easily imagine a number of different alternative ways to avert a imminent violation of word minimality in such disyllabic words. A logically possible strategy, for example, would be to do nothing, namely, to maintain the identical vowel sequence and endure the potentially undesirable hiatus configuration. In fact, this solution was adopted in two Spanish verb forms: cree “(s)he believes” and lee “(s)he reads”, but for reasons which are not clear, it somehow fell through in OSp. vee “(s)he sees” > MSp. ve (see n. 5; cf. also early OSp. fee > MSp. fe). A much more substantial instance of this seemingly procrastinating strategy is abundantly attested in Old Galician-Portuguese disyllabic words containing a sequence of identical vowels created by the deletion of an intervening /n/ or /l/, a sample of which is given in (8) (García de Diego 1984 (1909): 30, 41, 43, Williams 1938:Â€94–95, 125–127, 170–171, Ferreiro 1999:Â€44–45, 62–63, 66–67, 84–90). (8)

Latin soâ†œæ¸€å±®lu “alone-masc.” boâ†œæ¸€å±®nu “good-masc.” noâ†œæ¸€å±®du “knot” nu â†œæ¸€å±®du “naked-masc.” soâ†œæ¸€å±®nu “noise, sound” doâ†œæ¸€å±®nu “gift”

OGal.-Port. soo boo noo nuu soo doo

Latin mulu “donkey” pede “foot” lana “wool” sana “healthy-fem.” ala “wing” rana “frog”

OGal.-Port. muu pee laa saa aa raa

It was only in the transition to modern Galician and Portuguese that the identical vowel sequences in the disyllabic words in (8) underwent simplification, resulting in vowel-ending monosyllables, apparently in contravention of word minimality. This issue is briefly addressed in SectionÂ€ 5, where we suggest that such words undergo moraic lengthening, and or laxing, and suggest that they may not be legitimate counterexamples to word minimality at all.7

simplification can be formally interpreted within a general process of hiatus resolution by syllable merger. ïœ·.â•… With regards to items such as those in (8), García de Diego notes that in Modern Galician the vowel is realized as long if speakers analyze it as a combination of two identical vowels: “la lengua actual las hace todas monosílabas; con vocal larga si dura la conciencia de la composicion…” (1984 (1909): 31).

ïœ±ïœ³ïœ¸ Fernando Martínez-Gil

To summarize so far, the evidence provided by the failure of both -m deletion and identical vowel reduction to materialize in HR also lends strong support to the hypothesis that the prosodic unit that satisfied word-minimal requirements in HR is a bimoraic foot, not a disyllabic one. There is one final historical puzzle that can be given a straightforward account under a bimoraic minimal-word analysis, but does not fit under a disyllabic minimalword counterpart. Early HR exhibited a handful of monosyllables for the 1st person singular of the present indicative in some very common verbs, shown in (9), all of which end in a high offglide in the modern HR languages: a front glide /-j/ in Spanish, and a round one /-w/ in Galician and Portuguese.8 (9)

Latin OGal-Port. do do (> dou) sto *estó (> estóu) suâ•›m son/som vaâ†œæ¸€å±®do (> vau >) vou

OSp. do estó so vo

Msp. doy estoy soy voy

Gal./Port. dou estou son (sou)/sou vou

“I give” “I am” “I am” “I go”

Many attempts have been made in the past to explain the historical emergence of the /-j/ marker in Spanish (see Wanner 2006 for a comprehensive review). While these accounts may differ significantly in some relevant aspects, they all share one overarching aim, namely, that of establishing the origin of the accretive yod, which according to Wanner (2006) initially appeared in soy around the 13th century, and subsequently extended analogically to the other monosyllabic forms. As for Old Galician-Portuguese, the traditional view is that the /-w/ in vou, created by regular sound change from Latin vaâ†œæ¸€å±®doâ†œæ¸€å±®, was adopted by the other forms also through analogical extension (Williams 1938:Â€219–223, 233). All former accounts suffer from a significant shortcoming: they fail to establish any formal connection between the final yod and the prosodic structure of the verb form to which it was agglutinated, and therefore they are unable to explain why the yod was not also added (analogically or otherwise) to polysyllabic verb forms morphologically and semantically related to those in (8); compare, for example, doy “IÂ€give” with entrego “I hand in” and otorgo “I grant” (not *entregoy, *otorgoy), or voy

ïœ¸.â•… The Spanish existential present indicative form hay “there is, there are” (OSp. ha) should probably be added to the set in (8). On the other hand, modern theoretical approaches to Spanish phonology analyze both OSp. estó and MSp. estoy as monosyllabic at the underlying level, /sto/ and /stoj/, respectively (cf. Harris 1983, 1987). In addition, because it ends in a stressed vowel, under the analysis that Old Spanish metrical structure is based on a moraic trochee, as proposed in this paper, the stressed final syllable in estó is monomoraic just as the monosyllabic forms in (9).

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ³ïœ¹

“I go” with salgo “I leave”, parto “I depart” (not *salgoy, *partoy). Thus, while the search for the elusive source of the accretive glide is in itself an interesting topic of research, one can argue that the nature of glide augmentation in (9) cannot be fully understood, nor adequately explained, without taking into account minimal-word constraints on prosodic structure. Yet, it is clear that the early Old Spanish forms so, do, vo, estó and ha were prosodically marked, since they failed to reach the bimoraic minimal size. As shown in (10), such requirement is satisfied by a monosyllabic word such as soy, but not by one like so, which consists of only one mora. If we compare the prosodic structure of OS. so in (10a) with that of MSp. soy in (10b), the former evidently violates the bimoraic minimal word requirement, while the latter satisfies it. (10) a.

PrWd

b.

F

F

σ

σ

μ s

PrWd

ó

s

μ

μ

ó

j

In short, glide augmentation in (9) is fully consistent with an analysis of the minimal prosodic word in HR as a bimoraic foot, but not as a disyllabic one. Whatever its origin and the analogical mechanism by which it reached the other monosyllabic forms, the primary motivation for yod augmentation in our analysis lies in the drive to satisfy the prosodic requirement that lexical words consist minimally of two moras; the accretive yod is the mechanism that restored prosodic well-formedness to such HR subminimal verb forms. In this view, then, the crucial event is the insertion of a glide increment; the disputed origin of the yod, while an interesting topic in its own right, becomes epiphenomenal. Space constraints prevent us from exploring here the grounds for the failure of yod augmentation to apply to a handful of monomoraic lexical items in Modern Spanish, briefly discussed in SectionÂ€ 5 below. They include a few defective verb forms, which either remained monomoraic throughout the Old Spanish period and up to contemporary Spanish, such as da (< dat) “(s)he gives”, va “(s)he goes”, etc., or were bimoraic in Old Spanish but uncharacteristically underwent identical vowel simplification in the transition to the modern language, such as OSp. vee > MSp. ve “(s)he sees”, as well as one vernacular noun, early OSp. fee > MSp. fe “faith”. The existence of such exceptions presents a problem for any previous analyses, as much as it does for the present one. Conceivably they are the result of a variety of factors, both linguistic (e.g. paradigmatic conditions in verb forms) and sociolinguistic (perhaps involving dialect contact), which are not well understood at present. Although we cannot offer an illuminating solution here to the problem posed by such handful of exceptions, it is still the

ïœ±ïœ´ïœ° Fernando Martínez-Gil

case that, unlike previous analyses, the prosodic account of yod augmentation put forth in this paper provides a principled explanation for the incremental glide.

4.â•… On the metrical system of Latin and its historical evolution into HR In order to demonstrate our claim that the three sound changes discussed in the previous section came about in order to avoid a potential infringement of the PMC (cf. (5) above), namely, one in which the minimal word equals a bimoraic foot, one needs to show that the phonological system of Proto-HR was indeed sensitive to syllable weight, and that the canonical metrical foot in the proto-language was the moraic trochee. Such a demonstration is crucial because it has been explicitly argued in the literature that: (a) sensitivity to syllable weight disappeared in spoken Latin; (b)Â€during its formative period, and up to the apocope stage, the canonical metrical unit in Spanish was the syllabic trochee (Lipski 1997; Holt 1997; see also Roca 1990). There are compelling reasons to suspect that syllable weight (i.e. the light vs. heavy syllable distinction) was indeed an active property in the phonology of Proto-HR. The phonological conditioning of two historical changes in Spanish, pre-tonic vowel syncope and obstruent voicing, provide solid support for such a claim. First, pre-tonic vowel syncope in Spanish took place when the vowel in question was located in an open (i.e. light) syllable (ve.r(i).ta .te > ver.dad “truth”, de.l(i).ca .tu > del.ga.do “thin”; ci.v(i).ta .te >cib.dad > ciu.dad “city”; for clarity, syllable boundaries are indicated by periods), but failed to occur when the preceding syllable was closed by a consonant, a fact pointed out by Pensado Ruíz (1984:Â€311) (tem.pes.ta .te > tem.pes.tad “storm”; *im.pig.na .re > em.pe.ñar “to pawn”; mi.nis.te.ri.u > me.nes.ter “need, want”; li.ber. ta .te > li.ber.tad “freedom”). And second, voicing affected obstruents whey they were immediately preceded by a light syllable (i.e. one ending in a nuclear vowel: lu.pu > lo.bo “wolf ”; vi.ta > vi.da “life”; fo .cu > fue.go “fire”), but not when it was preceded by a heavy syllable, i.e. a syllable ending in a consonant (co r.pu > cuerpo; po n.te > puente, al.tu > alto; cir.ca > cerca), or a glide (au.tum.nu >otoño “autumn”; pau.co > poco “little”; sal.tu > *sa[w].to > soto “grove”; al.t(e).ru > *a[w].tro > otro “(an)other”; sa.pi.at > *sa[j].pa > sepa “I know-subj.”; ca.pu.it > *ca[w].pe > cope > cupe “I fitted”). As is well known, the Latin metrical system included the following properties: (a)Â€ primary stress is based on a left-headed bimoraic foot (= a moraic trochee) placed on the word’s right margin, coupled with extrametricality of the final syllable; (b)Â€Weight-to-Stress: stress falls on the penult if heavy (i.e. bimoraic), and on the antepenult if the penult is light; and (c) word-minimality is an absolute restriction: a prosodic word consists minimally of a bimoraic foot (cf., Allen 1973; Mester 1994; Hung 1995; Apoussidou & Boersma 2003; Jacobs 2000, 2003; Roca 2006). In addition, monosyllabic (though bimoraic) lexical words lexical words were common in Latin in

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ´ïœ±

the nominative case of 3rd declension imparisyllabic nouns (e.g. mons “mountain”, rex “king”, l ac “milk”, mel “honey” etc.), but they invariably added a syllable in the other cases, including the accusative (cf. montem, regem, l actem, mellem, respectively), the source of the overwhelming majority of HR nouns and adjectives. Thus, when the word final accusative marker -m was dropped in Vulgar Latin, these words still remained disyllabic.9 A series of historical events have undoubtedly led scholars to suspect that in the transition to HR, the quantity-sensitive system of Latin must have turned into a quantity-insensitive one, at least up to the emergence of medieval apocope. The following four are among the most consequential: (1) the loss of phonemic quantitative distinctions among vowels, which obliterated (but by no means entirely; see below) the systematic interdependence between stress locus and a heavy/light penult in a vast number of trisyllabic or larger lexical items; (2) Vulgar Latin desyllabification of a short front vowel in the penultimate syllable, which turned a large number of proparoxytones into paroxytones (vi.ne.am > VLat. ví.nia > Sp. ví.ña “vineyard”; plu.vi.am > VLat. plú.via > Sp. llú.via “rain”; stress marks supplied for clarity); (3) the analogical rightward shift of the stress from the antepenult to the penult in a considerable number of verb forms from the Latin 3rd conjugation in -ere: tra here > *traére > MSp. traér “to bring”; bibere > *bebére > MSp. bebér “to drink”; fugere > *fugére > MSp. huír “to flee”; renego > *renégo > reniégo “I deny” > MSp. reniégo “I renounce”; recipit > *recípit > Sp. recíbe “(s)he receives”); and (4) syncope of the post-tonic vowel, which effectively shifted the stress pattern of a large number of lexical items from a proparoxytonic to a paroxytonic one: do m(i)nu “lord” > duéño “owner”; fra x(i)nu > frésno “ash (tree)”; o c(u)lu > ójo “eye”, etc. Because of their contribution to the regularization of penultimate stress, these events lend strong support to a scenario in which during a relatively long period in its historical transition from Hispanic Latin, an overwhelming majority of items in the HR lexical vocabulary were minimally disyllabic, and stress almost invariably fell on the penult. The mayority of exceptions comprise a handful of words with proparoxytonic stress, in which the vowel /a/ failed to undergo

ïœ¹.â•… A vast majority of monosyllabic functional words in Latin were also bimoraic: demonstrative pronouns, such as hic, hoc, is, id, adverbs, such as iam, sīc, hic, nunc, prepositions, such as ad, ex, ob, cu m, comparative particles, such as tam, plus, interrogative particles, such as num, negative particles ne, non, etc. Monomoraic words were not lexical, and they had to be enclitic to a lexical word (i.e. they were prosodically dependent on lexical words), as is the case, for example, with the coordinative conjunction -que (see Mester 1994). On the other hand, the vast majority of Latin verb forms were also minimally disyllabic, with very few exceptions, including some present and preterit indicative singular forms of īre “to go”: īs “you go”, it “(s)he goes”, etc. (which were quickly replaced in Hispanic Latin by those of vado “to walk”), and esse “to be”: sum “I am”, es “you are”, est “(s)he is”.

ïœ±ïœ´ïœ² Fernando Martínez-Gil

post-tonic vowel syncope, and thus preserved their original antepenultimate stress: o rpha nu > Sp. huérfano, OGal. órfao, órfoo > MGal. orfo, Port. órfão; ra pha nu > Sp., Gal. rábano, Port. rábano, rabão, etc. Thus, the combination of a lexical vocabulary containing almost exclusively disyllabic or larger words in combination with nearly systematic penultimate stress appears to have led to the inevitable conclusion that during its formative period HR must have had exhibited a quantity-insensitive system, one in which the syllabic trochee was the canonical metrical foot, as explicitly argued in Holt (1997), and Lipski (1997). Presumably keeping with this line of reasoning, Lipski (1997) surmises that “[q]uantity sensitivity disappeared in late Latin, and played no role in Old Spanish stress assignment (p. 573),” and he concludes that in the pre-apocope period: “only bisyllabic feet were acceptable; and therefore the quantity of individual syllables was irrelevant” (1997:Â€579). It can be shown, however, that the Spanish stress system prior to apocope is fully amenable to an analysis based on the moraic trochee, by simply assuming weight by position, which we motivated on independent grounds earlier with the pre-tonic vowel syncope and obstruent voicing facts. Consider the prosodification of three representative Proto HR items: *pane “bread” (< pane), with a light penult vs. campo “field” ( Sp. ponér in (12f)); final stress on a closed (i.e. heavy) syllable correlates with a moraic trochee, not with its syllabic counterpart.10 In sum, the evidence from medieval apocope clearly indicates that this sound change is entirely compatible with an analysis of the minimal prosodic word based on a bimoraic trochee, and thus with a quantity-sensitive analysis in which the bimoraic foot is the minimal prosodic word, but it cannot be reconciled with a quantity-insensitive system based on the syllabic trochee. In fact, one can argue that the description of the Spanish stress system at any stage of its historical evolution, before or after medieval apocope, is fully consistent with moraic trochee as the unit identifiable with the minimal prosodic word.

5.â•… The status of prosodic word minimality in modern HR We have seen that prosodic minimality, correlated with the canonical bimoraic foot, was an absolute restriction on lexical words in Latin, and overwhelmingly strong tendency in the HR languages up to and throughout the medieval period, though not strictly an absolute restriction. An inspection of the lexical vocabulary of the modern HR languages confirms the presence of a small number of vowel-ending monosyllables; however, word minimality, identified with a bimoraic foot, continues

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… I thank an anonymous reviewer for bringing this point to my attention.

ïœ±ïœ´ïœ¶ Fernando Martínez-Gil

to be an extremely strong tendency. While the existence of minor exceptions is relatively common across languages and should not invalidate an otherwise evident and well-grounded linguistic generalization, there is some robust phonetic evidence in support of the claim that the minimal prosodic word in the modern HR languages is indeed the bimoraic foot, and that the few apparent violations of prosodic minimality are not true counterexamples to this generalization. This conclusion is based on the following facts. In all three major modern HR languages, Spanish, Galician, and Portuguese there is a relatively large number of monosyllabic words that either contain a nuclear (rising or falling) diphthong or are closed by a consonant: Spanish pie “foot”, fui “I went”, hoy “today”, ley “law”, mar “sea”, sal “salt”, or Galician/Portuguese dou “I give”, vai “(s)he goes”, dor “pain”, mel “honey”, etc. (the monosyllabic noun pie “foot”, as well as verb such as forms fui “I was/went”, fue “(s)he was/went”, dio “(s)he gave”, and vio “(s)he saw”, would be bimoraic under the assumption that rising diphthongs make heavy syllables; see n. 2). According to Navarro Tomás’ survey (1966:Â€ 54) on the relative frequency of the Spanish vocabulary according to prosodic type (any combination of stress and syllable count) monosyllabic words closed by a consonant are relatively common; they make up around 13% of all the Spanish words that bear primary stress, although still considerably less frequent than disyllabic items such as casa “house”, which comprise around a 30% of all lexical words. By contrast, vowel-ending monosyllables are extremely rare. We have found 15 such words in Spanish: 2 nouns, of which, only one, fe “faith”(< Lat. fide), is from the native vocabulary (the other, té “tea” is a Chinese loanword), the personal pronouns yo “I” and tú “you”, and a total of 11 mostly defective verb forms (i.e. verbs that either lack a root vowel, such as dar “to give” and ver “to see”, or are heavily suppletive, such as ir “to go”, and ser “to be”); they include 7 present and preterite forms (1st or 3rd p. sg.): da “(s)he gives”; dé “I/(s)he give-subj.”; di “I gave”; ve “(s)he sees”; vi “I saw”; va “(s)he goes”; sé “I know” (from saber “to know”), and 4 imperatives: di “say!”; ve “go!”; da “give!”; sé “be!” (the monosyllabic forms of haber “to have” have been disregarded here due to its auxiliary status). As for modern Galician and Portuguese, their lexical stock also contains a handful of monomoraic nouns and adjectives. The following 17 tokens include all nonverb forms I have been able to find, some of them are rarely used in colloquial language (the phonetic form given for each item is common to both Galician and Portuguese unless indicated otherwise): nú [nú] “naked” (< nu du), mú [mú] “donkey” (< mu lu); crú [krú] “raw” (< cru du); cú [kú] “buttocks” (<cu lu); sé [sε´] “headquarters” (< se de “seat”); fé [fε´] “faith” (< fide); té [tε´] “tea” (cf. te [te] = pronominal clitic); pé [pε´] “foot” (< pede); Port. mó [mf´] “molar tooth” (Gal. moa) (< mo la “millstone”) (cf. Gal. mo [mo] < me + o = pron. clitic + masc. sing. def. article); só [sf´ “alone” (< so lu); dó [df´] “grief, sorrow” (< do lu); nó [nf´] “knot” (< no du); pó [pf´] “dust” (< *pu l(v)u for pu lvis); pá [pá] Gal. “baker’s peel”, Port. “shovel” (< pa la); Gal. lá [lá˛] (more commonly, lan), Port. lã [l!˜´] “wool” (< l a na); Gal. rá [rˉá˛] (more commonly, ran), Port. [rˉ!˜´]

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ´ïœ·

“frog” (< ra na); Gal. sá [sá˛] (more commonly, san), Port. sã [s!˜´] “healthy-fem.” (< sa na). Monomoraic verb forms in Galician and Portuguese do not seem to differ significantly in number from those listed above for Spanish; notice that for some of such Spanish monomoraic verb forms, the corresponding forms in Galician and Portuguese are bimoraic: e.g. cf. Sp. va, sé, dí, vi vs. Gal., Port. vai, sei, dei (dial. Gal. din), vin (Port. vim), respectively; and vice versa: cf. Gal.-Port. monomoraic rí “(s)he laughs”; é [ε´] “(s)he is”; dí “(s)he says”; cre “(s)he believes”; le “(s)he reads” vs. Spanish bimoraic ríe, es, dice, cree, lee, respectively. Interestingly, there is synchronic evidence in the modern HR languages that the vowel in such monosyllables is subject to certain phonetic modifications, such as lengthening and changes in vowel quality, which can be readily interpreted as manifestations of a process of moraic lengthening, whose most significant outcome is the satisfaction of word minimality in surface representations. We take this evidence to provide phonological motivation for the prosodic representations in (13), in which an item such as Sp. fe “faith” (13a) is a structurally a heavy syllable, just as a vowel-final oxytone (13b), or a consonant-final monosyllable (13c): (13)

a.

μ f

b.

σ

é

μ

σ

c.

μ μ k a f

é

p

σ μ

μ

á

n

Two phonetic facts related to vowel duration and vowel quality lend compelling support to the bimoraic representation in (13): 1. Vowel duration. As is well known, the HR languages exhibit a robust phonetic connection between stress and duration: stressed vowels tend to be longer than unstressed ones. Significantly, according to Navarro Tomás (1977:Â€201, vowel duration in Spanish stressed monosyllables, such as tú “you”, fe, “faith”, té “tea”, etc., is around 200 milliseconds, about twice the duration of a stressed vowel closed by a consonant in disyllabic words such as cerca, torta (80–95 mls.), and considerably longer than stressed vowels in open penults, such as cebo, pasa, puro, mora (120–150 mls.) (cf. also Monroy Casas 1980; Martínez Celdrán 1984:Â€244–245). Although we have not been able to find similar studies on stressed-vowel duration in Galician and Portuguese, a priori there is no reason to suspect they would differ significantly from Spanish. In fact, the spectrographic evidence presented in Porto Dapena’s (1977) detailed study of a northwestern Galician dialect indicates that the low vowel /a/ in the items pá [pá˛] “baker’s peel” and rá [rˉá˛] “frog”, not only exhibits an extremely open quality that clearly distinguishes it from stressed /a/ in polysyllabic words, but its duration is approximately equal to the (bimoraic) falling diphthong in pau [páw] “stick”, and considerably longer than the stressed

ïœ±ïœ´ïœ¸ Fernando Martínez-Gil

vowel in casa [kása] “house.” Freixeiro Mato (1998:Â€73) explicitly alludes to the lengthening of /a/ in Galician rá “frog” and lá “wool”, and transcribes it as long in these items: [Ära˜], [Äla˜]. Finally, Sá Nogueira (1958:Â€37) observes that nasalized vowels in Portuguese are perceived as longer than oral vowels. 2. Vowel quality. A striking feature that can be observed in the 17 vowel-ending monosyllabic nouns and adjectives in modern Galician and Portuguese mentioned earlier is that when the vowel is mid, its quality is predictably lax (for laxing in Galician, see Carballo Calero 1979:Â€28–29, Porto Dapena 1977:Â€14, 18, García de Diego 1984 (1909): 8–9, Álvarez, Regueira, and Monteagudo 1986:Â€19–20, Freixeiro Mato 1998:Â€73; for Portuguese, see Williams 1938:Â€33; Sá Nogueira 1938:Â€59–60, 1958:Â€37). While in some of such items the lax mid vowels can be traced directly to a Latin short mid vowels, in the remaining instances the Latin ancestor contains a long mid vowel, and thus an explanation for the lax quality is not readily available in terms of regular sound change. Not surprisingly, Williams (1938:Â€33) observes with regards to fé “faith” in Portuguese that “[t]here is no apparent reason for the opening of ẹ in fé (from fĭdem).” In Galician laxing also affects the low vowel, whose extremely open articulation is explicitly alluded to in several studies of the language (see, e.g. Porto Dapena 1977:Â€14, 18). Even in Spanish, which lacks a phonemic tense-lax contrast, at least for some speakers the vowel in té, fe, is noticeably more open than that of /e/ in polysyllabic words. To my knowledge, the only exception to this systematic correlation is Gal. bó [bó], Port. bom [bõ] “good-masc.”; here, tensing of the mid lax vowel when followed by a nasal is a rather regular developÂ� ment in the history of Galician-Portuguese. Laxing, on the other hand, does not occur in monosyllabic verb forms; instead, we find both tense and lax vowels (cf. é [ε´] “(s)he is” vs. le [lé] “(s)he reads”), presumably due to requirements of paradigm uniformity. The phonetic correlation between vowel quality and duration is well established, although the particular vowel quality that combines with longer duration appears to be subject to interlinguistic variation. In English, for example, tense vowels are significantly longer than their lax counterparts. On these grounds, Demuth et al. (2006:Â€140) analyze the tense vowels of English as bimoraic, and the lax ones as monomoraic. In contrast, Martínez Celdrán (1984:Â€245) suggests that the opposite correlation is more common: lax vowels tend to be longer than their tense counterparts. Indeed, one is led to conclude that in Galician and Portuguese, in addition to increased duration, laxness is a property associated with the prosodification of monosyllabic vowel-ending words as bimoraic feet.

6.â•… Conclusion This paper has argued that a minimal prosodic word requirement provides a simple unified account of three seemingly exceptional developments in the history of HR

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœ´ïœ¹

which traditionally had not been considered related sound changes. We have identified the relevant metrical unit correlated with the minimal word as a bimoraic foot, counter to recent proposals that postulate a disyllabic one. It has been shown that two otherwise regular sound changes, -m deletion and identical vowel simplification, failed to occur when the prosodic word would have been reduced to a form smaller than a bimoraic foot; instead of the expected changes, alternative historical developments took place that can be analyzed as strategies to avoid the reduction of the target words to a subminimal prosodic size. This account has obvious implications for the historical analysis of the HR metrical system, especially because it runs counter to the standard view, which holds that since the Hispanic Vulgar Latin stage, and at least up to preapocope Old Spanish, stress was quantity-insensitive, and based on a syllabic trochee. The analysis presented here casts serious doubts on the validity of such a claim. Further evidence countenancing the moraic trochee as the word-minimal prosodic constituent in HR is provided by the early medieval process of apocope, whereby word-final -e underwent deletion when preceded by a single coronal consonant, thus turning many disyllabic words into monosyllabic consonant-ending ones. If the minimal prosodic word indeed coincides with the metrical foot, as alleged by Prosodic Morphology, a proposal that identifies such minimal prosodic unit as a disyllabic foot in HR makes the counterfactual prediction that apocope should not have occurred; on the other hand the facts on apocope are entirely compatible if the bimoraic foot is identified with the minimal word in HR. Similar considerations have been advanced to explain glide augmentation as a word minimality effect. In modern HR, on the other hand, the rare cases of monosyllabic vowel-ending words avoid prosodic word subminimal size by either moraic lengthening (Spanish), and both lengthening and/or change in vowel quality (Galician and Portuguese). The facts considered in this paper naturally raise the question: given a variety of strategies, all of which fulfill the goal of avoiding the reduction of a lexical word below the required minimum, what determines the choice of a particular mechanism? For example, why did 1st person monosyllabic verb forms resort to yod augmentation in order to satisfy minimality (as in soy or doy) in the transition to modern Spanish, but other monosyllabic verb forms, such as va or ve, etc., stayed monosyllabic and undergo moraic lengthening instead? These are intriguing issues, but space limitations prevent us from addressing them here in any meaningful way, and thus they must await future research.

References Allen, W. Sidney. 1973. Vox Latina: the Pronunciation of Classical Latin. New York: Cambridge University Press. Álvarez, Rosario, X.L. Regueira & H. Monteagudo. 1986. Gramática galega. Vigo: Galaxia. Apoussidou, Diana & Paul Boersma. 2003. “The Learnability of Latin Stress.” Proceedings of the Institute of Phonetic Sciences 25.101–148. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam.

ïœ±ïœµïœ° Fernando Martínez-Gil Broselow, Ellen. 1995. “Skeletal Positions and Moras.” The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. by John Goldsmith, 175–205. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell. Carballo Calero, Ricardo. 1979. Gramática elemental del gallego común. Vigo: Galaxia. De Lacy, Paul. 1997. Prosodic Categorization. M.A. thesis, University of Auckland. Demuth, Katherine, Jennifer Culbertson & Jennifer Alter. 2006. “Word-Minimality, Epenthesis, and Coda Licensing in the Early Acquisition of English.” Language and Speech 49.137–174. Downing, Laura J. 2005. ìMorphological Complexity and Prosodic Minimality.” Catalan Journal of Linguistics 4.83–106. Downing, Laura J. 2006. Canonical Forms in Prosodic Morphology. New York: Oxford University Press. Dunlap, Elaine. 1991. Issues in the Moraic Structure of Spanish. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst (distributed by University of Massachusetts GLSA). Ferreiro, M. 1999. Gramática histórica galega. Santiago de Compostela: Edicións Laiovento. Freixeiro Mato, Xosé Ramón. R. 1998. Gramática da lingua galega, Vol. I: Fonética e Fonoloxía. Vigo: Edicións A Nosa Terra. García Arias, Xosé Luis. 2003. Gramática histórica de la lengua asturiana. Uviéu (Oviedo): Academia de la Llingua Asturiana. García de Diego, Vicente. 1984 (1909). Elementos de gramática histórica gallega. (Anexo 23 de Verba.) Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela. Gordon, Mathew. 1999. Syllable Weight: Phonetics, phonology, and typology. Doctoral dissertation, UCLA. Gordon, Mathew. 2004. “Syllable Weight.” Phonetically-Based Phonology, ed. by Bruce Hayes, Robert Kirschner & Donca Steriade, 277–312. New York: Cambridge University Press. Grandgent, C.H. 1907. An Introduction to Vulgar Latin. Boston: D. C. Heat & Co. Harris, James W. 1983. Syllable structure and Stress in Spanish: A nonlinear analysis. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Harris, James W. 1995. “Projection and Edge Marking in the Computation of Stress in Spanish.” The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. by John Goldsmith, 867–887. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. Hayes, Bruce. 1989a. “Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology.” Linguistic Inquiry 20.253–306. Hayes, Bruce. 1989b. “The Prosodic Hierarchy in Meter.” Rhythm and Meter, ed. by Paul KiparskyÂ€& Gilbert Youmans, 201–260. Orlando: Academic Press. Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical Stress Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Holt, Eric. 1997. The Role of the Listener in the Historical Phonology of Spanish: An optimalitytheoretic account. Doctoral Dissertation, Georgetown University, Washington D.C. Hung, Henrietta H. 1995. The Rhythmic and Prosodic Organization of Edge Constituents: An optimality theoretic account. Bloomington, Indiana: I.U.L.C. Hyman, Larry. 1985. A Theory of Phonological Weight. Dordrecht: Foris. Inkelas, Sharon. 1990. Prosodic Constituency in the Lexicon. New York: Garland Press (Stanford University Doctoral Dissertation, 1989). Itô, Junko. 1990. “Prosodic Minimality in Japanese.” Chicago Linguistic Society 26: Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology, ed. by K. Deaton, M. Noske & M. Ziolkowski, 213–239. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Jacobs, Haike. 2000. “The Revenge of the Uneven Trochee: Latin main stress, metrical constituency, stress-related phenomena and OT.” Analogy, Levelling, Markedness, ed. by Aditi Lahiri, 333–352. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Word-minimality and sound change in Hispano-Romance ïœ±ïœµïœ±

Jacobs, Haike. 2003. “The Emergence of Quantity-Sensitivity in Latin.” Optimality Theory and Language Change, ed. by D. Eric Holt, 229–247. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Kager, René. 1992. “Are There Any Truly Quantity-Insensitive Systems?” Berkeley Linguistics Society 18.123–132. Kager, René. 1999. Optimality Theory. New York: Cambridge University Press. Lapesa, Rafael. 1981. Historia de la lengua española (9a ed.). Madrid: Gredos. Lipski, John M. 1997. “Spanish Word Stress: The interaction of moras and minimality.” Issues in the Phonology and Morphology of the Major Iberian Languages, ed. by Fernando Martínez-GilÂ€& Alfonso Morales Front, 559–593. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Martínez Celdrán, Eugenio. 1984. Fonética (con especial referencia a la lengua castellana). Barcelona: Editorial Teide. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1990. “Foot and Word in Prosodic Morphology: The Arabic broken plural.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 8.209–283. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1993. Prosodic Morphology: Constraint interaction and satisfaction. Ms., Technical Report, Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1995a. “Prosodic Morphology.” The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. by John Goldsmith, 318–366. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Blackwell. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1995b. “Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity.” University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18: Papers in Optimality Theory, ed. by Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey & Suzanne Urbanczyk, 249–384. Amherst, Massachusetts: GLSA. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1998. “Prosodic Morphology.” The Handbook of Morphology, ed. by Andrew Spencer & Arnold Zwicky, 283–305. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince 1999. “Faithfulness and Identity in Prosodic Morphology. The Prosody-Morphology Interface, ed. by René Kager, Harry van der Hulst & Wim Zonneveld, 218–309. New York: Cambridge University Press. Menéndez Pidal, Ramón. 1980. Manual de gramática histórica española (16th ed.). Madrid: Espasa Calpe. Mester, R. Armin. 1994. “The Quantitative Trochee in Latín.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12.1–61. Monroy Casas, Rafael. 1980. Aspectos fonéticos de las vocales españolas. Madrid: SGEL. Navarro Tomás, T. 1966. Estudios de fonología española. New York: Las Américas Publishing Co. Navarro Tomás, Tomás. 1977. Manual de pronunciación española (19th ed…). Madrid: C.S.I.C. Nespor, Marina. 1999. “Stress Domains.” Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe, ed. by Harry van der Hulst, 117–159. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Nespor, Marina & Irene Vogel. 1986. Prosodic Phonology, Dordrecht: Foris. Orie, Olanike Ola & Douglas Pulleyblank. 2002. “Yoruba Vowel Elision: Minimality effects.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 20.101–156. Pensado Ruíz, Carmen. 1984. Cronología relativa del castellano. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. Porto Dapena, J. Álvaro. 1977. El gallego hablado en la comarca ferrolana. Anexo 9 de Verba. Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela. Roca, Iggy. 1999. “Stress in the Romance Languages.” Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe, ed. by Harry van der Hulst, 658–811. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Roca, Iggy. 1990. “Diachrony and Synchrony in Spanish Word Stress.” Journal of Linguistics 26.133–164. Roca, Iggy. 2006. “The Spanish Stress Window.” Optimality-Theoretic Studies in Spanish Phonology, ed. by Fernando Martínez-Gil & Sonia Colina, 239–277. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

ïœ±ïœµïœ² Fernando Martínez-Gil Sá Nogueira, Rodrigo de. 1938. Tratado de fonética portuguesa. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional. Sá Nogueira, Rodrigo de. 1958. Tentativa de explicação dos fonómenos fonéticos em português. Lisbon: Livraria Clásica Editora. Selkirk, Elisabeth. 1995. “The Prosodic Structure of Function Words.” University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 18: Papers in Optimality Theory, ed. by Jill Beckman, Laura Walsh Dickey & Suzanne Urbanczyk, 439–469. Amherst, Mass.: GLSA. Sherer, Tim D. 1994. Prosodic Phonotactics. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst (Distributed by University of Massachusetts GLSA). Väänänen, Veiko. 1968. Introducción al latín vulgar. Madrid: Gredos. Wanner, Dieter. 2006. “An Analogical Solution for Spanish soy, doy, voy, and estoy.” Probus 18.267–308. Williams, Edwin B. 1938. From Latin to Portuguese. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Zamora Vicente, Alonso. 1979. Dialectología española (2a ed.). Madrid: Gredos.

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French* Jean-Pierre Montreuil

The University of Texas at Austin Several processes collaborate in Eastern Regional French to create a case of multiple overapplication which challenges current treatments of opacity. Their interaction has not been discussed in the literature. All processes – lengthening, devoicing and epenthesis – are clearly synchronic, productive, and apply beyond the level of phonetic implementation. An OT-CC analysis is presented which explains in detail how valid candidate chains are constituted, why the valid chains not leading to the winner are eliminated, and how precedence constraints account for opacity.

1.â•… Introduction Recent developments in Optimality Theory (OT) have sought to reintroduce derivational evaluations into the model and it has been argued (McCarthy 2006, 2007, 2008; Jesney 2009; Kimper 2008; Pruitt 2008) that versions of OT which perform local evaluations rather than global ones make more accurate predictions regarding the range of variation and the typology of phonological phenomena. Models like Harmonic Serialism (HS), Lexical Phonology-OT (LP/OT) or Stratal OT fail to handle opacity adequately, as McCarthy (2007) demonstrates. OT with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) is a faithfulness-based version of derivational OT which, like HS, constrains the grammar by imposing at each iteration a requirement of harmonic improvement, thus limiting the candidate set to just a few competing forms. McCarthy (2008) discusses at great length the extent to which it can provide a unified account of opacity (see also Lee 2007, but Riggs 2008). In this context, this paper presents an OT-CC treatment of multiple opacity and dialectal variation in the regional French spoken in Lorraine and Alsace, areas which have long been in contact with German and whose substratal dialect is most often Germanic. In Lorraine, vowel lengthening and consonant devoicing interact opaquely and in Alsace, schwa epenthesis adds another layer of opacity in final CL

*I would like to thank the LSRL audience for their questions and several anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions.

ïœ±ïœµïœ´ Jean-Pierre Montreuil

clusters. These are synchronic processes which, by themselves, are all productive and exceptionless; opacity arises only when they interact.1 The OT-CC account developed here shows how opacity can be accounted for and how variation can result from Â�Precedence constraints. In SectionsÂ€2 and 3, I present the basic markedness constraints that regulate moraic association in Lorrain French and examine the interaction between devoicing and lengthening. The geographic repartition of forms in atlases shows the opaque form as being the most prevalent. In SectionsÂ€4 and 5, I move to Alsatian French, where epenthesis comes into play. I discuss the nature of the candidate chains, their LUM sequences (sequences of unfaithful mappings) and the Precedence constraints required in OT-CC.

2.â•… Vocalic length and consonantal voice In the regional French of Lorraine (Lanher et al. 1979–1989) and Alsace (Carton et al. 1983; Philipp 1965; Wolf 1983), as is common in many languages of the world, vowels lengthen before voiced consonants. From the literature on the topic, it appears that lengthening is more than just a matter of phonetic implementation. This contextual lengthening is usually reflected in transcriptions of words such as [ba˜:] bague “ring”, not *[ba:]. In parallel, there is clear evidence of lexical length.2 The data in (1) are illustrative of Western Lorrain, an area which comprises just a small sliver of villages in the maps of the Atlas Linguistique de la Lorraine Romane (ALLR), representing less than 15% of Lorraine. (1)

[o˜Š] [∫mi˜z], [∫mε˜˜z] [vc˜z], [va˜z] [ti˜d], [tje˜d]

auge chemise vase tiède

“trough” “shirt” “mud” “tepid”

[ba˜v], [bc˜v] [no˜Š], [nfâ†œ˜â†œŠ] [a∫], [c∫] [ft], [hft]

bave neige hache hotte

“drool” “snow” “axe” “sack”

Autosegmental theory has contributed important insights on the proper structural representation of the relationship between length and voice and suggested that it best be translated through the concepts of weight-bearing codas and of mora-sharing. In Moraic Phonology (Hayes 1989), Weight-by-Position (WbyP) allows some coda

ïœ±.â•… These facts constitute a case of multiple overapplication. All technical terms, e.g. opacity, overapplication, transparent, counterbleeding are used in their traditional meaning. McCarthy (2007, esp. Ch. 1) provides a useful overview of related terms and issues. ïœ².â•… Lexically long vowels will thus be underlying bimoraic, but it does not follow that unmarked vowels should be viewed as underlyingly moraic, since the grammar can provide their weight by default. As a result, there can be dep-µ constraints, but no max-µ constraints (except in possible cases of long vowel shortening, which do not concern us here).

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœµïœµ

consonants to project a mora and mora-bearing is often sonority related. It is now well substantiated in contemporary research, notably in Zec (2003), that the more sonorous voiced consonants tend to bear weight while voiceless consonants do not. Defining WbyP is the first step; the second step consists in spreading the mora associated to the coda consonant onto the vowel, which results in vocalic length. To benefit from the insights of moraic theory, constraints that refer to mora association will be preferred to constraints like *vC[vce] (= No short vowels before voiced consonants), or ident-long, which merely restate distributional facts and lack explanatory power. WbyP is represented here by a constraint on the positional weight of d (=Â€voiced obstruents). The grammar fragment related to weight states the following: a. vowel weight (intrinsic markedness): Vµ 〉〉 depµ(v), so vowels bear weight (Vµ is undominated and not included in Tableau 1.) b. coda weight (positional markedness): dµ]σ 〉〉 depµ(c), so final voiced codas bear weight. c. lengthening: in this framework, lengthening results from mora-sharing. When a mora is shared, a faithfulness violation occurs since a new association is created. Following Shaw (2008), we call the violated constraint dep-link-µ; a lengthy discussion regarding the status of dep-link-µ (and, more generally, the relationship between moras and faithfulness) is included in SectionÂ€ 5. What triggers mora-sharing is the dominance of µhead over dep-link-µ. This ensures, at the expense of creating a new association, that moras anchor preferentially to vowels. In TableauÂ€1, candidate c., phonetically interpreted as [ba˜:], is the winner because it satisfies µhead, both moras being associated to the vowel. Given these premises, the OT grammar unfolds as shown in Tableau 1. Tableau 1.â•‡ Length and weight / ba: /

dµ]σ

a.

µ | b a :

*!

b.

µµ | | b a :

 c.

µµ |â•›/â•›| b a :

Markedness: Faithfulness:

µhead

dep-µ(c)

*!

dep-µ(v)

*

*

*

*

*

*Vµµ = no bimoraic (long) vowels dµ]σ (= wbp): voiced coda consonants are moraic µhead = moras link to vowels dep-µ(v): do not insert moras on vowels dep-µ(c): do not insert moras on consonants dep-link-µ = do not insert new associations to µ

dep-link-µ

*Vµµ

*

*

ïœ±ïœµïœ¶ Jean-Pierre Montreuil

3.â•… Lengthening and devoicing: Simple opacity There is no interaction of rules in Western Lorrain that can create opacity. However, in most other areas of Lorraine and in all of Alsace, devoicing comes into play and interacts opaquely with lengthening. Final consonants are devoiced, as they tend to be in Germanic and many other Indo-European languages (Brockhaus 1995; Itô & Mester 2003; Rubach 1990; Wiese 1996 for German, van Oostendorp 2008 for Dutch), including several Romance languages e.g. Old French, Occitan, Catalan, Romansch. Alternations like [frεs] or [frε˜s] fraise “strawberry” vs. [frεzje] fraisier “strawberry bush” are created.3 For instance, Pt 54, Pierre-la-Treiche, shows the following forms: (2) bave [bε˜f] “drool” tiède [tje˜t] “tepid” fraise [frε˜s] “strawberry”

chemise [∫mẽ˜∫] “shirt” blouse [blu˜s] “overshirt”

The simplest positional markedness analysis in OT (Prince & Smolensky [1993] 2004) will interpret devoicing as resulting from a *vcecoda 〉〉 ident-vce 〉〉 *vce/obs constraint ranking. We see no reason to diverge from this assumption here. Tableau 2.â•‡ Devoicing / ba: /

*vcecoda

a.

a. bag

*!

 b.

b. bak

Markedness: Faithfulness:

ident-vce

*vce/obs *

* *vcecoda = codas are voiceless *vce/obs = obstruents are voiceless ident-vce = faithfulness to input voice

In (1), lengthening occurred without devoicing. In all other areas, devoicing does occur. In the devoicing zone, large areas show the same long vowels we find in some voicing zones, and this of course leads to phonological opacity. In such areas, length contrasts occur and minimal pairs can be observed, as in [vit] vite “quickly” vs.[vi˜t] vide “empty” or [vœf] veuf “widower” vs. [vœ˜f] veuve “widow”. This is somewhat reminiscent of the Friulan situation discussed in Hualde (1990) where lengthening

ïœ³.â•… In most variants of Alsatian French, a [p], [t], [k] transcription represents a simplification of the data. For instance, Philipp (1965) notes that in the French of Blaesheim devoiced fricatives are properly represented as voiceless, ex. [f] rather than [v] but that such is not the ˚ case for plosives. Blaesheim has no voiced plosives /b d :/ and displays exclusively unvoiced aspirated plosives in strong position: [bâ†œæ¸€å±®h], [dâ†œh] and [:h] and unvoiced non-aspirated plosives ˚ ˚ ˚ in weak position: [b], [d] and [:]. Carton et al. (1983:Â€62–65) make similar remarks for the ˚â†œ ˚ ˚ French spoken in Riquewihr, with a slightly different notation. These facts do not invalidate our analysis.

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœµïœ·

and devoicing create gender alternations such as [lo˜f] vs. [lovә] “wolf ” m./f., [ru˜t] vs. [rudә] “pure” m./f., [fre˜t] vs. [fredә] “cold” m./f., [bea˜t] vs. [beadә] “blessed” m./f.4 The geographical distribution of these forms needs to be clearly understood, as we observe that the forms which are generated by opaque rule orders are in fact the most prevalent across Lorraine. The lengthening isogloss cuts Lorraine diagonally in two roughly equal halfs. Thus four areas emerge: zone A (Southern Lorrain): lengthening, no devoicing. Ex: [ba˜:] zone B (Eastern Lorrain): lengthening, devoicing. Ex: [ba˜k] zone C (Western Lorrain): no lengthening, no devoicing. Ex: [ba:] zone D (Northwestern Lorrain): no lengthening, devoicing. Ex: [bak]

Two examples, tiède “lukewarm” and lessive “wash”, are shown in (3), which illustrate the relative areal importance of each manifestation of final-VC.

(3)

V:D (zone A) 16.4% V:T (zone B) 29.1% â•‡ 5.1% VD (zone C) 49.4% VT (zone D) Example of area breakdown for MapÂ€692 tiède (final occlusive) V:D (zone A) 11.4% V:T (zone B) 57% VD (zone C) 10.1% VT (zone D) 21.5% Example of area breakdown for MapÂ€701 lessive (final fricative)

The devoicing isogloss is relatively stable, while the length isogloss fluctuates and may respond to the featural structure of the final consonant (and possibly the preceding vowel). Namely, fricatives encourage lengthening. Accordingly, a number of points that are found in zone D for occlusives belong to zone B with fricatives. The challenging grammar is that of zone B, where opacity occurs. To the extent that we normally observe vowel lengthening before voiced consonants, a [frε˜s]/[frεzje] alternation seems paradoxical. The issue is not that we lack phonetic explanations to correlate vocalic lengthening and consonantal devoicing: consonantal voice has been

ïœ´.â•… In his often-cited analysis, Hualde explains this phenomenon by appealing to the sonority associated with moraic elements: as codas devoice, they lose their ability to bear weight. Consequently, their association with µ is severed, and µ is free to reassociate with the preceding vowel, causing lengthening. Our discussion in SectionÂ€ 4 will exploit the concept of morasharing, rather than Hualde’s mora-stranding; see also Blumenfeld (2006), Kavitskaya (2002) and Morén (2001).

ïœ±ïœµïœ¸ Jean-Pierre Montreuil

shown to decay at the end of long syllables. Here, length and voicelessness appear clearly distinct and occur in all possible combinations, as different grammatical choices are made. In zone B, vowel-lengthening and consonant devoicing interact in an opaque fashion: lengthening overapplies. If devoicing had occurred first, the motivation for lengthening would have been non-existent. The counterbleeding scenario, in which /ba:/ bague first lengthens to [ba˜:], then devoices to [ba˜k], is a familiar one in derivational theory (DT). The absence of intermediate forms in OT makes such situations problematic for this theory. In the simplest case, each process is the result of a markedness contraint, or set of contraints, dominating a faithfulness constraint, and while this allows for several possible constraint rankings, none of them succeeds in writing a grammar in which the opaque candidate is optimal. For instance, Tableau 3 offers a ranking consistent with the M 〉〉 F scenario to evaluate the candidates which we encounter in the four dialectal zones defined earlier. These four forms also correspond to the sympathetic (S), opaque (O), faithful (F), and transparent (T) candidates in a standard opacity analysis tableau. The grammar in Tableau 3 generates the transparent form as the winner, i.e. with the devoiced consonant but no length on the vowel, and could apply to zone D. Tableau 3.â•‡ Unsuccessful tableau for /ba:/: [ba˜k] (largest zone) / ba: / S

zone A[ba˜:]

O

zone B[ba˜k]

F

zone C[ba:]

T

zone D[bak]

µhead

*vcecoda

ident-vce

*!

* *

*!

dep-link-µ *!

* *

Other constraint rankings presumably apply in other zones. For instance a ranking like µhead, identvce 〉〉 dep-link-µ, *vcecoda would select [ba˜:] as in zone A, while a ranking like dep-link-µ, identvce 〉〉 µhead, *vcecoda would select [ba:] as in zoneÂ€C. The crucial point is that no ranking of these four constraints can generate [ba˜k], since the transparent candidate will always violate a subset of the violations incurred by the opaque candidate. The grammar of zone B, – again, the largest zoneÂ€– where the opaque candidate surfaces, requires that enhancements to the theory be properly defined.

4.â•… Interaction of multiple processes: Double opacity in Alsatian French As far as lengthening and devoicing are concerned, Alsace mostly patterns after zone B of Lorraine: both processes interact opaquely and the favored form for /ba:/ is [ba˜k]. However, Alsace adds to this mix a third process which is not common in Lorraine: schwa epenthesis (and subsequent resyllabification.) While Lorrain final

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœµïœ¹

obstruentÂ€+ liquid clusters tend to simplify through deletion of the liquid: /kupl/ [kup] “couple”, Alsatian repairs these sonority-defying clusters with schwa-epenthesis: /sikl/ [sikәl] “cycle”, /kupl/ [kupәl] “couple”. The [i] vowel in [sikәl] is short, which is what is expected; recall that the source of length is the mora generated by a voiced coda in the input, and this does not apply to /sikl/. The interesting interaction occurs of course in words that end in a voiced consonant cluster, like /tabl/ “table”. The surface form is [ta˜pәl]. The DT sequence runs as follows: (4) 1. input: / tabl / “table” 2. length: [ta˜bl] counterbleeding 3. devoicing: [ta˜pl] counterbleeding 4. epenthesis: [ta˜pәl] feeding 5. (resyllabification) [ta˜. pәl]

Epenthesis clearly needs to follow devoicing. In the reverse order, the labial consonant would no longer be in coda position and would fail to devoice: the output form would be *[ta˜bәl]. Forms like [ta˜pәl] show that devoicing does not occur simply because of some phonetic correlation between greater vowel length and lesser consonantal voice in word-final position, since [p] is word-internal in the output. The facts concerning resyllabification are not entirely clear, and precise phonetic measurements and psycholinguistic experiments will need to be performed. There is no suggestion in the literature that the output is anything other than the expected Romance pattern, with resyllabification into [si.kәl] and [ku.pәl]. There is also no indication that the epenthetic vowel might be a low-level, intrusive vocalic element with no syllabic value, as can sometimes be demonstrated from the timing of gestures, notably in the case of metathesis (Hall 2006); here no pre-existing source of vocalicity exists. These are important points to keep in mind since the second round of overapplication is induced not by epenthesis itself, but by the resyllabification that it entails. A turbidity treatment (Goldrick 2001) could be contemplated.5 Since devoicing and epenthesis are also in a counterbleeding relationship, the total result is double opacity within the root. In OT, epenthesis means that sonseq 〉〉 dep-ә, where the markedness constraint penalizing reverse sonority codas dominates phonotactic faithfulness.

ïœµ.â•… Goldrick (2001) argues for an OT model with enriched outputs in which segments and mora are associated by directional Projection and Pronunciation lines. This results in what he terms ‘turbid’ representations which can account for a number of cases where opacity is generated by misalignment or ambiguous alignment (ambisyllabicity, late resyllabification…)

ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ° Jean-Pierre Montreuil

A Stratal OT analysis would require three different strata, even though there is no morphology involved. In (5), I only consider a subset of the constraints, and omit dµ]σ, which dominates in all strata, and dep-µ(v), vµµ and dep-link-µ which are dominated in all strata.6 (5)

Stratum One links input /tabl/ to [ta˜bl] µhead, dep-ә 〉〉 identvce, dep-µ(v) 〉〉 *vcecoda, sonseq Stratum Two links /ta˜bl/ to [ta˜pl] µhead, dep-ә 〉〉 *vcecoda 〉〉 dep-µ(v), identvce, sonseq Stratum Three links /ta˜pl/ to [ta˜pәl] µhead, 〉〉 *vcecoda, sonseq 〉〉 dep-µ(v), identvce, dep-ә

5.â•… OT-CC and legitimate paths While Stratal OT, as a multi-grammar serial model, makes a major contribution to the analysis of alternations in morphologically complex words, it fails to convince in the present case, where opacity affects even the simplest environments, roots and monomorphemic words. In 2006, 2007, 2008, McCarthy presented OT-CC, a singlegrammar, faithfulness-based, version of OT which evaluates not single forms or even sets of forms, but rather candidate chains. In candidate chains, each link differs from the previous one by a lum (localized unfaithful mapping); from the initial form to the terminal link, gradualness and harmonic improvement are required. As in Harmonic Serialism, chains keep growing until convergence is reached. Again, the ranking order remains stable. The requirements of the theory (informally stated) are that (1) the initial form be the most harmonic faithful parse of the input, (2) gradualness prevail: each new link has all the lums of the preceding link, plus (only) one, and (3) harmonic improvement obtain: each new link must be more harmonic than the preceding one and the most harmonic option for that lum. For instance, in the Lorrain matching of /ba:/ to [ba˜k], the following chains would be invalid, even though they lead to the winner: skips lums, i.e. an intermediate lum is missing is not initiated by the faithful candidate the last step is not harmonically improving

ïœ¶.â•… Depending on one’s analysis of resyllabification, a further stratum might be required involving the reranking of alignment constraints. This point will not be pursued here.

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ±

The following chains, on the other hand are valid, but not all of them lead to the most prevalent winner. In fact they correspond to the four zones we delineated earlier: Valid chains faithful: transparent sympathetic opaque but winning

zone C zone D zone A zone B

lum sequences need to be formulated strictly in terms of faithfulness. The first steps are not controversial and for zones C and D, moraic structure unfolds in the way indicated in (6):

(6) a.

 sequence:

b.

µ  sequence:

c.

µ

µµ

zone C

 sequence: d.

µ

µ

zone D

 sequence:

The controversial item is the terminal link in (8a), which calls for discussion. We have adopted the view that a matching between an input VC and output A represents two violations of faithfulness, namely dep-µ(v) and dep-µ(c), as shown in (7), while the matching between the same input and output B represents three violations of faithfulness, namely dep-µ(v), dep-µ(c) and dep-link-µ, since in the latter matching there exists in the output a µ-to-V association which is not present in the input.

(7)

µ µ input: V C output A: V C two F-violations

µ µ output B: V C two F-violations

ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ² Jean-Pierre Montreuil

Shaw (2008) expresses a slightly different view. He argues that although a candidate with a shared mora does not violate dep-link-µ with respect to an input that has no mora on the final consonant, dep-link-µdoes play a role in the lum sequence, since the mora and the segment are in correspondence in the structure of the previous link.

(8) a.

µ

µµ

µµ

zone A

 sequence: b.

µ

µµ

µµ

µµ

zone B  sequence:

In acknowledging that moras have always had a somewhat difficult status in faithfulness theory, McCarthy (2007:Â€ 76–77) argues that the “problem lies in the fact that moras perform two main functions: they mark the distinctions between long and short and between syllabic and non syllabic segments; and they “make position”, designating some CVC syllables as heavy. Quantity and syllabicity are matters of faithfulness, since they are both contrastive in some languages, but weight-by-position is probably not, since the weight of codas never seems to be contrastive within a language (though see Elfner 2006). It follows that changing a segment’s quantity or syllabicity is a lum, but, say, resyllabifying a moraic coda as a nonmoraic onset is not”. In this view, adding or deleting moras should come at no cost to faithfulness, but changes in quantity violate ident constraints. Lengthening could have been presented as resulting solely from the interaction of markedness constraints, for instance from having µhead dominate such constraints as *µshare and *V˜, thus suggesting that (6c) and (8a) represent not two different lum sequences, but a single one. OT-CC however requires that each change (1) correspond to an M 〉〉 F scenario and (2) alter the lum sequence. Our approach (as well as Shaw’s original dep-linkµ proposal) is consistent with this OT-CC’s requirement. It provides the path within which precedence can intervene to deal with opacity.7

ïœ·.â•… One anonymous reviewer agrees that “in a chain such as (8a), and with respect to the second mora, there is a definite Faith violation between the initial link [ba:] and the final link [ba˜:]” but suggests that “the formalism using lines to connect moras and segments gets in the way of expressing things properly.” This may indeed be a case where the expository convenience of autosegmental associations could be challenged.

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ³

The forms in zones A and C where devoicing does not come into play, since identvce dominates *vcecoda, are not problematic. The challenge is to explain why in the areas where *vcecoda dominates identvce, the transparent forms are not always preferred to the opaque forms: why is there a zone B? This is where Precedence comes into play. In McCarthy (2007), Precedence constraints “favor certain relations among the constituent lums of a sequence and penalize others”. In zone B, the opaque form wins over the transparent form because Prec(dep-link-µ, identvce), named prec1 in Tableau 4, requires that any violation of identvce be preceded by a violation of deplink-µ. While [ba˜k] satisfies this requirement (8b), [bak] fails to do so (6d), and thus incurs a fatal violation of Prec(dep-linkµ, identvce). Precedence refers to the lum sequence, not to the tableau: it is the lum sequence in (6d) which fails to show the right precedence, while the lums in (8b) are properly sequenced. In addition, a metaconstraint B 〉〉 Prec (A,B) ensures that B is never affected by the precedence constraint. This means that in Tableau 4, Prec(dep-linkµ, identvce) must find its place between identvce and dep-µ. In Tableau 4, only the terminal links (TL) are indicated and lum sequences are not repeated. Again, the (now optimal) opaque candidate is the zone B winner with the lum sequence given in (8b). Tableau 4.â•‡ The role of precedence / ba: /

*vcecoda

identvce

 opaque: TL [ba˜k]

*

transparent: TL [bak]

*

prec1

dep-µ *

*!

(9) Prec 1 = prec(dep-linkµ, identvce), after identvce do not devoice unless lengthening has occurred

As we move to Alsatian and consider the additional opacity generated by the epenthesis process, we will not observe a sudden increase in the complexity level of the grammar, as we would in a Sympathy analysis of multiple opacity. Simply, a second Precedence constraint will need to come into play. An OT-CC analysis of the Alsatian facts can be sketched as follows: here again, some potential chains will be declared invalid and remain out of consideration, for reasons that were discussed earlier. For instance, sequences like or are guilty of skipping links and/or failing the gradience test. Others show a lack of harmonicity, even as they lead to the winner: last step unharmonic third step unharmonic third and last steps unharmonic

ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ´ Jean-Pierre Montreuil

The grammar of the zone in which the optimal mapping /tabl/: [ta˜pәl]Â€is generated will show two distinct parts: a. the strongest constraints remain the regular markedness constraints, namely the constraints on moraic association, as well as sonseq and *vcecoda. Together they eliminate chains ending in schwaless terminal links: and violate sonseq, while the faithful violates all three. b. Precedence constraints, in interaction with faithfulness constraints, evaluate chains ending in outputs with a schwa. Just as prec1 responded to the opacity in the length/voice interaction, a second precedence constraint, prec2, will reflect the opacity of voice and sonority. It will penalize any chain where epenthesis occurred without prior devoicing, i.e. where the dep-ә lum is not preceded by a identvce lum. The grammar is summarized in (10) and (11). (10) Constraint order: µ-head, sonseq, *vcecoda 〉〉 dep-ә 〉〉 prec2 〉〉 identvce 〉〉 prec1 〉〉 dep-link-µ (11) Prec 2 =prec(identvce, dep-ә), after dep-ә do not epenthesize unless devoicing has occurred

Tableau 5 presents a close-up on the appropriate grammar fragment, as it applies to several chains. The (non-pertinent) higher constraints (µ-head, sonseq, *vcecoda) are omitted to the left, while the various (non-determining) faithfulness constraints to moras are implied on the right side. Tableau 5.â•‡ Two precedence constraints in Alsatian / tabl/“table”

dep-ә

prec2

identvce

 a.

*

b.

*

*!

c.

*

*!

d.

*

*!

*

*!

*

e.

*

f.

*

prec1

dep-µ

*

*

*

* *

*

* *!

* *

6.â•… Conclusion While transparent orders do not need special grammatical stipulations, opaque orders do, but they must be accounted for by a mechanism which is itself constrained. OT-CC reserves intervention to opaque orders. The same grammar stays in place, while the candidate set is tailored to just a few plausible chains. More importantly, OT-CC forces

Multiple opacity in Eastern Regional French ïœ±ïœ¶ïœµ

a rethinking of what we evaluate: not mere phonetic forms, but paths. Not just what segments are, but how they synchronically come to be.

References Blumenfeld, Lev. 2006. Constraints on Phonological Interactions. Stanford: Ph.D. dissertation. Brockhaus, Wiebke. 1995. Final Devoicing in the Phonology of German. Linguistische Arbeiten, 336. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Carton, Fernand et al. 1983. Alsace. Les Accents des français. pp. 14–18. Paris: Hachette. Elfner, Emily. 2006. “Contrastive Syllabification in Blackfoot”. West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 25. ed. by Donald Baumer, David Montero & Michael Scanlon, 141–149. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. Goldrick, Matthew. 2001. “Turbid Output Representations and the Unity of Opacity”. Northeastern Linguistics Society 30. ed. by M. Hirotani, A. Coetzee, N. Hall & J.-Y. Kim. Amherst, 231–245. MA: GLSA. Hall, Nancy. 2006. “Cross-linguistic Patterns of Vowel Intrusion”. Phonology 23: 3. 387–429. Hayes, Bruce. 1989. “Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology”. Phonology 7. 31–71. Hualde, José I. 1990. “Compensatory Lengthening in Friulian”. Probus 2: 1. 31–46. Itô, Junko & Armin Mester. 2003. “On the Sources of Opacity in OT: Coda processes in German”. The Syllable in Optimality Theory, ed. by Caroline Féry & Ruben van de Vijver, 271–303. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Jesney, Karen. 2009. “Positional Faithfulness, Non-locality and the Harmonic Serialism Solution”. Rutgers Optimality Archives: ROA-1018. Kavitskaya, Darya. 2002. Contemporary Lengthening: Phonetics, phonology, diachrony. London: Routledge. Kimper, Wendell. 2008. “Local Optionality and Harmonic Serialism”. Rutgers Optimality Archives: ROA-988. Lanher, Jean et al. 1979–1989. Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Lorraine Romane. Paris: CNRS. Lee, Minkyung. 2007. OT-CC and Feeding Opacity in Javanese. Studies in Phonetics, Phonology and Morphology 13: 2. 333–350. McCarthy, John J. 2006. “Slouching towards Optimality: Coda reduction in OT-CC”. Phonological Studies7. 89–104. McCarthy, John J. 2007. Hidden Generalizations: Phonological opacity in Optimality Theory. London: Equinox. Advances in Optimality Theory. McCarthy, John J. 2008. “The Gradual Path to Cluster Simplification”. Phonology 25: 2. 271–319. Morén, Bruce. 2001. Distinctiveness, Coercion and Sonority: A unified theory of weight. Routledge: New York. Philipp, Marthe. 1965. Le système phonologique du parler de Blaesheim: étude synchronique et diachronique. Université de Nancy doctoral thesis. Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky [1993] 2004. Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Oxford: Blackwell. Pruitt, Kathryn. 2008. “Iterative Foot Optimization and Locality in Stress Systems”. Rutgers Optimality Archives: ROA-999.

ïœ±ïœ¶ïœ¶ Jean-Pierre Montreuil Riggs, Daylen. 2008. “Opacity in Icelandic: Transparency and OT with candidate chains”. Northeastern Linguistics Society. New York: Ithaca. Rubach, Jerzy. 1990. “Final Devoicing and Cyclic Syllabification in German”. Linguistic Inquiry 21: 1. 79–94. Shaw, Jason. 2008. “Compensatory Lengthening via Mora Preservation in OT-CC: Theory and predictions”. Rutgers Optimality Archives: ROA-916. van Oostendorp, Marc. 2008. “Incomplete Devoicing in Formal Phonology”. Lingua 118. 1362–1374. Wiese, Richard. 1996. The Phonology of German. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Wolf, Lothar. 1983. Le français régional d’Alsace. Etude critique des alsacianismes. Paris: Klincsieck. Zec, Draga. 2003. “Prosodic Weight”. The Syllable in Optimality Theory. ed. by Caroline Féry & Ruben van de Vijver, 123–143. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

part ii

Syntax

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish The case of the Focalizing Ser (FS) structure* Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo West Virginia University

This article examines some of the syntactic properties of the Focalizing ser (FS) structure in Colombian Spanish. The FS has been reported in only a few dialects of Spanish (Venezuelan, Colombian, Ecuadorian, Dominican, and Panamanian), and it is not stigmatized, despite being dialectally marked. Although the FS shows some resemblance to the pseudo-cleft construction, the syntactic analysis included here is based on the premise that the two forms are syntactically different. Looking at the syntactic contexts in which this form may occur, I show that the FS may precede any kind of phrase, serving any kind of syntactic function, as long as it is post-verbal. Furthermore, I illustrate that the agreement relation between FS ser and certain sentential constituents is not random. At the end, I present compelling evidence to suggest that the FS is in a TP-internal Focus Phrase, generated below TP and above vP. Key words:â•‡ TP-internal focus; functional projection; information structure; dialectal variation

1.â•… Introduction Pseudo-cleft constructions are often used in Spanish to focalize certain constituents within a sentence. A sentence such as (1), for example, can be transformed into a pseudo-cleft sentence such as (2), where the direct object (lingüística “linguistics”)

*I am grateful to Iván Ortega Santos, Mary Kato, and Chad Howe for stimulating feedback. I am also grateful to the audience at LSRL 39 for their comments and interest on this topic. All errors and shortcomings are my own.

ïœ±ïœ·ïœ° Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo

is the focused constituent and is c-commanded by the copula verb fue “was” (> ser “to be”):1 (1) Juan estudió lingüística Juan study.3sg.pret linguistics “Juan studied linguistics” (2) Lo que Juan estudió fue lingüística the.neut comp Juan study.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret linguistics “What Juan studied was linguistics”

In certain Spanish dialects (i.e. Venezuelan, Ecuadorian, Panamanian, Colombian, and Dominican), a sentence involving the same focus interpretation can also be created without the relative clause (lo que “what”), as shown in (3): (3) Juan estudió fue lingüística Juan study.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret linguistics “It was linguistics that Juan studied”

The structure in (3), here referred to as the Focalizing Ser structure (henceforth FS), has not been widely studied. It has been reported to occur in Brazilian Portuguese (Mikolajczak 2003; Oliveira & Braga 1997), Venezuelan Spanish (Sedano 1988, 1990, 1994, 1995, 2003a, 2003b), Colombian Spanish (Albor 1986; Curnow & Travis 2003), Caribbean Spanish (Bosque 1999; Camacho 2006), and Dominican Spanish (Toribio 1992, 2002). In terms of the syntactic study of the FS, Bosque, Toribio, and Camacho have each proposed their own theoretical analyses of this dialectally-marked form. However, all of these proposals fail to account for many empirical facts and present some serious conceptual problems. The aim of this paper is to provide an account of the syntactic properties of the FS, specifically in terms of the kind of constituents that can (or cannot) be FS-focused and the morphology of FS ser. Based on the data here presented,2 I briefly discuss my

ïœ±.â•… Pseudo-clefts have been extensively studied in Spanish (e.g. Guitart 1989; Sedano 1990; Toribio 1992, 2002). Toribio (2002:Â€139), in particular, suggests that pseudo-clefts in Spanish comprise an FP (Focus Phrase) complement whose head selects a CP or IP. Hence, the focused constituent is generated in [Spec, FP], ser (‘to be’) moves from F to I, and the embedded CP raises to [Spec, IP]. ïœ².â•… Some of the examples presented here are based on documented utterances from naturallyoccurring conversations that took place in Bucaramanga, Colombia, in the summer of 2008. Other examples come from acceptability judgments on 125 sentences (84 containing the FS and 41 containing distracters such as clefts and pseudo-clefts). These sentences were evaluated by 45 university students from Bucaramanga after having completed a series of tutorial tasks. The sentences were part of a mini-dialogue which was presented in audio format, and the participants were asked to rate them using a scale from 1 (least acceptable) to 5 (most acceptable). The participants heard the mini-dialogue and were prompted to choose

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ·ïœ±

theoretical proposal for the FS, as I show that the FS needs to be analyzed as a TPinternal focus structure. This paper is organized as follows: SectionÂ€2 provides some evidence supporting the idea that the FS is not a pseudo-cleft and must be analyzed as an independent syntactic structure; SectionÂ€3 describes what can (and cannot) be FS-focused and the agreement relation found between FS ser and certain sentential constituents; SectionÂ€4 introduces my theoretical proposal for the FS; and, SectionÂ€5 states some conclusions and generalizations.

2.â•… The FS as an alternative focus structure According to some studies (Albor 1986; Sedano 1988, 1990, 1994, 1995, 2003a, 2003b; Toribio 1992, 2002), the FS is viewed as structurally equivalent to the pseudo-cleft. The common claim established in all these studies is that while CP elements (a relative pronoun and a complementizer) are pronounced in the pseudo-cleft, they are not pronounced in the FS. Albor, for example, describes the FS as a syntactic derivation of the pseudo-cleft. Hence, an FS-sentence such as (4) would result from a series of transformations, as shown in (5): (4) Él necesita es descansar he need.3sg.pres be.3sg.pres rest.inf “It is resting that he needs” (5) Deep structure: DESCANSAR ES DESCANSAR Y ÉL NECESITA DESCANSAR “To rest is to rest and he needs to rest” Transposition of the goal: Descansar es descansar y DESCANSAR él necesita “To rest is to rest and to rest he needs” Relativization of the goal: *Descansar es descansar QUE él necesita “To rest is to rest that he needs” Transposition of the antecedent: *Es descansar DESCANSAR que él necesita “It is to rest to rest that he needs” Pronominalization of the antecedent: Es descansar LO que él necesita “It is to rest what he needs”

a number (from 1 to 5) by clicking on a computer screen. See Méndez Vallejo (2009) for a discussion of methodological issues and for a complete description of the data collection.

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The goal of ser becomes a subject: LO QUE ÉL NECESITA es descansar “What he needs is to rest” The relative pronoun is omitted: QUE él necesita es descansar “That he needs is to rest” Que is omitted: El necesita es descansar “He needs is to rest”

[Albor 1986:Â€184]

Sedano (2003a, 2003b), based on her statistical analysis of the FS in Caracas Spanish, suggests that although the FS and the pseudo-cleft are practically equivalent, the FS is structurally simpler (it lacks a relative clause), which facilitates the production of focus (i.e. it allows last-minute focalization). Finally, Toribio proposes a unified syntactic analysis of the FS and the pseudocleft, and claims that the FS “is the null operator counterpart of the traditional pseudocleft.” (Toribio 2002:Â€134). Thus, according to her analysis, Examples (2) and (3) above would be structured as shown in (6) and (7), respectively: (6) Lo que Juan estudió fue [lo (pro) [cp op que [ip Juan estudió t… the.neut that Juan study.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret lingüística linguistics “What Juan studied was linguistics” (7) Lo que Juan estudió fue [lo (pro) [cp op que [ip Juan estudió t… the.neut that Juan study.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret lingüística linguistics “What Juan studied was linguistics”

[Toribio 2002:Â€134]

Although analyzing the FS as an incomplete form of the pseudo-cleft seems to be a simple and appealing solution, later research shows that the FS is indeed an independent syntactic structure. Following Curnow and Travis (2003), for example, it is clear that the pseudo-cleft is sensitive to clitic climbing (8)–(9), whereas the FS is not (10)–(11): (8) okLo que quiero es irme the.neut comp want.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres go.inf-cl “What I want is to leave” (9) *Lo que mei quiero es iri the.neut comp cl want.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres go.inf “What I want is to leave”

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ·ïœ³

(10) okQuiero es irme want.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres go. inf-cl “It is leaving that I want to do” (11) okMei quiero es iri cl want.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres go.inf “It is leaving that I want to do”

In addition, both Curnow and Travis and Bosque (1999) claim that the pseudo-cleft cannot focus negative polarity items (12), whereas the FS can (13): (12) *El que no vino fue nadie the.masc comp not come.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret nobody “The one who did not come was nobody” (13) okNo vino fue nadie not come.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret nobody “It was nobody who came”

Bosque also shows that focused constituents can be extracted out of a pseudo-cleft structure (14), but not out of an FS structure (15): (14) ok¿Quién fue el que salió? who be.3sg.pret the.masc comp leave.3sg.pret “Who was it that left?” (15) *¿Quién salió fue? who leave.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret “Who was it that left?”

Finally, I have observed that progressives cannot be focalized by the pseudo-cleft (16), but they can by the FS (17): (16) *Lo que ha estado es haciendo frío the.neut comp have.3sg.pres be.perf be.3sg.pres do.progr cold “What it has been doing is cold” (17) okHa estado es haciendo frío have.3sg.pres be.perf be.3sg.pres do.progr cold “It is being cold that it has been”

Looking at the data in (8)–(17), it becomes evident that the FS and the pseudo-cleft do not react similarly to certain syntactic phenomena (e.g. occurring in cases of clitic climbing and focusing negative polarity items, extracted constituents, and progressives). Thus, the fact that the FS and the pseudo-cleft are not interchangeable in all syntactic contexts strongly suggests that they do not share the same structural configuration. Given this, the analysis that I present in this paper takes as a starting point the

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assumption that the FS is not a pseudo-cleft but a completely independent syntactic structure. In fact, as I will propose in SectionÂ€4, the FS is a TP-internal functional projection, which clearly suggests that the FS does not correlate with a separate clause (as it is the case in the pseudo-cleft structure).

3.â•… Syntactic properties of the FS Previous analyses on the FS have discussed some of the syntactic contexts in which this form may and may not occur (e.g. Sedano 1990, 2003a, 2003b; Bosque 1999; CurnowÂ€& Travis 2003). Sedano, for example, has conducted several statistical studies of the FS in Caracas Spanish and has concluded that it is more commonly found when it precedes prepositional phrases, adverbs, and adjectives. Curnow and Travis also provide a quantitative analysis of the FS in Colombian Spanish and suggest that it tends to occur more often before adjuncts (i.e. prepositional phrases and adverbs). Bosque, following a more theoretical approach, shows some syntactic contexts in which the FS may (or may not) occur, which he takes as evidence against the idea that the FS is a pseudo-cleft. Although these are some interesting findings, it is still unclear exactly where the FS can be placed and which constituents can (and cannot) be FS-focused. Furthermore, the morphology of FS ser has been loosely mentioned in some studies (Bosque 1999; Curnow & Travis 2003), but it has not been properly described and explained. In this section, I will define not only the type of constituents that can be FSfocused (SectionÂ€3.1), but also the agreement pattern found between FS ser and the matrix verb, and between FS ser and the focused element (SectionÂ€3.2). The analysis that I offer in this paper is purely syntactic and does not intend to draw any kind of quantitative results.

3.1â•… What gets focused by the FS? The FS is used in Colombian Spanish to focalize a wide variety of phrases. For example, it can be found preceding prepositional phrases (PPs), as shown in (18)–(19): (18) Vamos es para la casa go.1pl.pres be.3sg.pres to the house “It is home that we are going to” (19) Nevó fue en Berlín snow.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret in Berlin “It was in Berlin that it snowed”

The FS can also be used to focus single adjectives (20), or entire adjectival phrases (21):

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ·ïœµ

(20) La blusa me quedó fue grande the blouse cl fit.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret big “It was big that the blouse was on me” (21) Los visitantes están es súper cansados the visitors be.3pl.pres be.3sg.pres super tired “It is super tired that the visitors are”

Furthermore, the FS may precede single adverbs (22), or entire adverbial phrases (23): (22) Llegaron fue ayer arrive.3pl.pret be.3sg.pret yesterday “It was yesterday that they arrived” (23) En ese entonces ganaba era casi siempre lo mismo in that time win.1sg.imp be.3sg.imp almost always cl same “At that time, it was almost always that I used to win the same thing”

The adverbs in (22)–(23) have been referred to in the literature as “VP-adverbs” (cf. Zagona 2002) or “lower adverbs” (cf. Cinque 1999). As shown, this kind of adverbs is felicitously FS-focused. However, as illustrated in (24)–(25), “IP-adverbs” (cf. Zagona 2002) or “higher adverbs” (cf. Cinque 1999) must not be FS-focused: (24) *No veo es francamente nada not see.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres frankly nothing “It is frankly that I do not see anything” (25) *Estás es naturalmente loca be.2sg.pres be.3sg.pres naturally crazy “It is naturally that you are crazy”

In addition to VP-adverbs, the FS may precede determiner phrases (DPs) serving as direct objects (26), indirect objects (27), and even subjects (28):3 (26) La tía Carmen nos trajo fue una torta the aunt Carmen cl bring.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret a cake “It was a cake that my aunt brought for us” (27) Nos mostraron las fotos fue a nosotros cl show.3pl.pret the pictures be.3sg.pret to we “It was we to whom they showed the pictures”

ïœ³.â•… Toribio (1992, 2002) claims that post-verbal subjects must not be focused by the FS in Dominican Spanish. However, based on the acceptability judgments that I conducted and data that I have gathered from T.V. programs, I have found that FS-focused post-verbal subjects are completely acceptable in Colombian Spanish.

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(28) Esta mañana habló fue el alcalde this morning speak.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret the mayor “It was the mayor who spoke this morning”

Importantly, the FS may not precede DPs that have moved to positions higher than T’, such as CP or Spec, TP. For example, in sentences (29)–(30), the object DPs have moved from vP to a Topic Phrase above TP, and the subject DP has moved from vP to Spec, TP:4 (29) *Una tortai la tía Carmen nos trajo fue ___ a cake the aunt Carmen cl bring.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret “It was a cake that my aunt brought for us” (30) *A nosotros nos mostraron las fotos fue ___ to we cl show.3pl.pret the pictures be.3sg.pret “It was we to whom they showed the pictures” (31) *El alcalde esta mañana habló fue ___ the mayor this morning speak.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret “It was the mayor who spoke this morning”

Besides DPs, the FS may precede in-situ interrogative words, specifically those uttered in echo-questions: (32) A: Carlitos y Marinita aprendieron inglés en Cambridge “Carlitos and Marinita learned English in Cambridge” B: ¿Aprendieron inglés fue dónde? learn.3pl.pret English be.3sg.pret where “It was where that they learned English?” (33) A: El profesor dijo que había examen y trabajo final “The teacher said that there was an exam and a final paper” B: ¿Dijo fue qué? say.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret what “It was what that he said?”

ïœ´.â•… Much debate still remains regarding the final placement of pre-verbal subjects in Spanish. It has been proposed, for example, that pre-verbal subjects check nominative case within VP and later move to Spec, IP (TP) to check EPP features (e.g. Contreras 1991). Other authors argue that pre-verbal subjects are placed in a Topic Phrase and move to Spec, IP (e.g. Mejías-Bikandi 1992) or above IP (e.g. Ordóñez 1997). Given that the placement of pre-verbal subjects does not affect my theoretical proposal for the FS, I will simply assume here that pre-verbal subjects move to Spec, TP.

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ·ïœ·

However, as initially pointed out by Bosque (1999), the FS may never precede interrogative words that have been extracted to CP: (34) *¿Dóndei aprendieron inglés fue ____ where learn.3pl.pret English be.3sg.pret Carlitos y Marianita? Carlitos and Marianita “It was where that Carlitos and Marianita learned English?” (35) *¿Quéi dijo fue ____ el profesor? what say.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret the teacher “It was what that the teacher said?”

Finally, I have observed that the FS may focus perfectives (36), progressives (37), or a combination of a perfective and a progressive (38): (36) La porción la han es aumentado the portion cl have.3pl.pres be.3sg.pres increase.perf “It is increased that the portion has become” (37) Voy es saliendo go.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres leave.progr “It is leaving that I am doing” (38) Había era estado estudiando toda la noche have.3sg.imp be.3sg.imp be.perf study.progr all the night “It was studying that he had been doing all night”

Interestingly, the FS cannot focus auxiliary verbs that have moved to T: (39) *Era había estado estudiando toda la noche be.3sg.imp have.3sg.imp be.perf study.progr all the night “It was studying that he had been doing all night”

So far, I have shown that the FS may focus a wide variety of phrases (e.g. PPs, AdjPs, AdvPs, DPs, PerfPs, ProgrPs). Looking in particular at FS-focused DPs, it is clear that a phrase may be FS-focused, irrespective of its syntactic or semantic role within the sentence (e.g. subject, direct object, indirect object). However, as illustrated in ExamplesÂ€(24)–(25), (29)–(31), (34)–(35), and (39), the FS never precedes a constituent that has moved to a pre-verbal position, or a verb placed in T (i.e. a matrix or an auxiliary verb). Based on these empirical observations, the generalization that I will establish here is that the FS may focus any type of constituent as long as it is post-verbal. This finding will become particularly crucial for my syntactic analysis of the FS. As I will explain in more detail in SectionÂ€4, having the FS preceding only post-verbal elements clearly suggests that it constitutes a TP-internal functional projection.

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3.2â•… The morphology of FS ser The morphological characteristics of FS ser have been very little discussed in the literature. Although Bosque (1999) and Curnow and Travis (2003) have mentioned a few peculiarities regarding FS ser morphology, there seems to be certain tendency to evade this topic or to treat it as an unimportant issue. In this paper, I would like to emphasize the complexity of FS ser morphology and to describe two agreement processes that I have unveiled: one, observed between FS ser and the verb in T, and another, between FS ser and the focused constituent.5 In terms of the first agreement process, FS ser must agree in tense with the verb in T. As shown in (40)–(41), for example, the sentence becomes felicitous only when both the matrix verb and FS ser agree in tense: (40) okEsa actriz está es loca that actress be.3sg.pres be.3sg.pres crazy “It is crazy that that actress is” (41) *Esa actriz estaba es loca that actress be.3sg.past be.3sg.pres crazy “It is crazy that that actress was”

Furthermore, FS ser and the verb in T must also agree in aspect:6 (42) okEsa actriz estaba era haciéndose la loca that actress be.3sg.imp be.3sg.imp do.progr-cl the crazy “It was pretending to be crazy that that actress was doing” (43) *Esa actriz estaba fue haciéndose la loca that actress be.3sg.imp be.3sg.pret do.progr-cl the crazy “It was pretending to be crazy that that actress was doing”

ïœµ.â•… Given the brevity of this article, I will only focus on describing the agreement pattern between FS ser and the verb in T, and between FS ser and the focused constituent. For a more complete account of FS ser morphology and a theoretical explanation of such agreement, please see Méndez Vallejo (2009). ïœ¶.â•… One of the reviewers reports a case of non-agreement (Yo dije a las doce era por la radio) occurring in natural discourse from a corpus of Colombian Spanish. In this case, it seems that the verb in T (dije [1.SG.PRET]) does not agree with FS ser in Aspect (era [3SG.IMP]). Personally, I find this sentence completely unacceptable and it is difficult to understand its meaning in isolation. Looking at the results of my acceptability judgment tests, I find that sentences similar to this one are ruled out by my informants. For example, a sentence such as Ellos eran es buceadores profesionales has an average score of 1.7 and a sentence such as El comité olímpico había premiado es a los atletas has an average score of 2.1 (the acceptability judgment scale goes from 1 [least acceptable] to 5 [most acceptable]).

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ·ïœ¹

However, FS ser does not agree with the verb in T in either person or number: (44) okLes traje fue unas empanadas de queso cl bring.1sg.pret be.3sg.pret some empanadas of cheese “It was some cheese empanadas that I brought for them” (45) *Les traje fui unas empanadas de queso cl bring.1sg.pret be.1sg.pret some empanadas of cheese “It was some cheese empanadas that I brought for them” (46) okLes trajimos fue unas empanadas de queso cl bring.1pl.pret be.3sg.pret some empanadas of cheese “It was some cheese empanadas that we brought for them” (47) *Les trajimos fuimos unas empanadas de queso cl bring.1pl.pret be.1pl.pret some empanadas of cheese “It was some cheese empanadas that we brought for them”

As for the second agreement process, FS ser shows a more complicated pattern as it appears to hold different agreement relations with post-verbal subjects and objects (DOs and IOs). First, when the FS focuses post-verbal subjects, FS ser agrees with them in both person and number:7 (48) okSaqué la basura fui yo take-out.1sg.pret the garbage be.1sg.pret I “It was I who took the garbage out” (49) *Saqué la basura fue yo take-out.1sg.pret the garbage be.3sg.pret I “It was I who took the garbage out” (50) *Saqué la basura fuimos yo take-out.1sg.pret the garbage be.1pl.pret I “It was I who took the garbage out”

ïœ·.â•… Notice that the verb in T must agree with the post-verbal subject in person and number, regardless of FS ser. Although it is possible to suggest that FS ser agrees with both the verb in T and the post-verbal subject in person and number, I argue here that it only maintains this kind of agreement with the latter, given that in cases such as (44)–(46) FS ser does not agree with the verb in T in either person or number. I recognize that it is difficult to show that FS ser only agrees with the post-verbal subject in person and number, as there are no cases of disagreement between the subject and the verb in T. For a lengthier discussion on FS-focused post-verbal subjects, see Méndez Vallejo (2009).

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Second, when the FS precedes direct objects, it optionally agrees with them in number. For example, when the DO is plural FS ser may remain in singular (51), or become plural too (52):8 (51) okTengo es dos gatos have.1sg.pres be.3sg.pres two cats “It is two cats that I have” (52) okTengo son dos gatos have.1sg.pres be.3pl.pres two cats “It is two cats that I have”

Importantly, FS ser does not establish any person agreement with the DO. As shown in (53)–(54), the sentence is felicitous only when FS ser is conjugated in third person: (53) okA Hilda le habías comprado era dos periquitos to Hilda cl have.2sg.imp buy.perf be.3sg.imp two parakeets “It was two parakeets that you had bought for Hilda” (54) *A Hilda le habías comprado eras dos periquitos to Hilda cl have.2sg.imp buy.perf be.2sg.imp two parakeets “It was two parakeets that you had bought for Hilda”

The agreement variation shown between FS ser and DOs (in (51)–(52)) may reside entirely on contrast. That is, if the FS is used in a non-contrastive context (55) number agreement is not required. However, if the FS is used in a contrastive context (56), number agreement is required:9 (55) A: ¿Tienes mascotas? “Do you have any pets?” B: Sí, tengo (ok es/*son) dos perros y un gato yes have.1sg.pres be.3sg/3pl.pres two dogs and a cat “Yes, it is two dogs and a cat that I have” (56) A: ¿No tenías dos gatos y un perro? “Did you not have two cats and a dog?” B: No, tengo (*es/ok son) dos perros y un gato No have.1sg.pres be.3sg/3pl.pres two dogs and a cat “Yes, it is two dogs and a cat that I have”

ïœ¸.â•… In cases of FS-focused singular DOs, FS ser always takes singular morphology ([3SG]). As discussed in Méndez Vallejo (2009), I argue that this is a case of default morphology rather than a case of agreement with singular DOs. ïœ¹.â•… A more detailed discussion concerning the relation between contrastive focus and FS ser morphology can be found in Méndez Vallejo (2009).

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ±

Interestingly, FS ser never establishes person or number agreement with IOs (57), or with DOs that have Differential Object Marking (58): (57) Les habíamos comprado un videojuego cl have.1pl.imp buy.perf a videogame (ok era/*eran) a mis primos be.3sg/3pl.imp to my cousins ‘It was my cousins to whom we had bought a videogame’ (58) Besó (ok fue/*fueron) a mis primos kiss.3sg.pret be.3sg/3pl.pret to my cousins ‘It was my cousins whom he kissed’

In fact, this lack of agreement between FS ser and IOs (and DOs with Differential Object Marking) holds in both non-contrastive (59) and contrastive (60) contexts: (59) A: ¿A quién le diste tus joyas? “To whom did you give your jewelry?” B: Se las di (ok fue/*fueron) a los revendedores cl cl give.1sg.pret be.3sg/3pl.pret to the scalpers “It was the scalpers to whom I gave them” (60) A: ¿No les diste tus joyas a los fabricantes? “Did you not give your jewelry to the manufacturers?” B: No, se las di (ok fue/*fueron) a los revendedores no cl cl give.1sg.pret be.3sg/3pl.pret to the scalpers “No, it was the scalpers to whom I gave them”

Until this point, the data here presented shows that FS ser establishes two separate agreement relations: one the one hand, it agrees with the verb in T in both tense and aspect; on the other, it agrees in person and number with post-verbal subjects, and in number with DOs (with no Differential Object Marking). It is important to clarify that the FS does not establish any kind of agreement with IOs or with DOs that have Differential Object Marking. Also, the number agreement variability found between FS ser and DOs may be explained in terms of contrastive focus. That is, if the FS is produced in a non-contrastive context, it does not agree with the DO in number; but if the FS is uttered in a contrastive context, it must agree with the DO in number. To summarize this section, I will now point out my main findings: (a) Any constituent may be FS-focused as long as it is post-verbal; (b) FS ser agrees with the verb in T (the matrix verb or the auxiliary verb) in both tense and aspect; (c) FS ser agrees with post-verbal subjects in person and number, and with DOs (without Differential Object Marking) only in number; and (d) FS ser does not establish any agreement with IOs or with DOs that have Differential Object Marking.

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4.â•… What is the FS? Starting from a view of the FS as an independent structure (not as an incomplete form of the pseudo-cleft), Bosque (1999) and Camacho (2006) have proposed their own syntactic accounts of this form. Bosque, for example, argues that the FS is a Focus Phrase generated inside VP, where the non-copulative verb ser functions as the head of the focus projection. Hence, a sentence such as (61) is analyzed by Bosque as shown in (62): (61) Juan comía era papas Juan eat.3sg.imp be.3sg.imp potatoes “It was potatoes that Juan used to eat” (62) [ip Juani [vp ti [v comía [fp [[f0 era ] papas ]]]]]

[Bosque 1999:Â€4]

Although this proposal correctly predicts most of the cases shown in SectionÂ€3, it fails to account for FS-focused auxiliaries (see (36)–(38)), as these would not be located inside VP, but immediately above it.10 Camacho, on the other hand, claims that the FS is an equative structure (i.e. a Copula Phrase) that originates as an adjunct of VP. In this kind of construction, the subject is null and the predicate is the focused VP. Thus, following this proposal, a sentence such as (63) is derived as illustrated in (64): (63) Los pájaros se comieron fue las migas the birds cl eat.3pl.pret be.3sg.pret the crumbs “It was the crumbs that the birds ate” (64) [ip Los pájaros [I’ se comieron [vp [vp [v] ei] [ip cop x [i’cop fue [las migasi]]]]]]

[Camacho 2006:Â€19]

Under this view, Camacho also argues that the FS must only focus single, domainfinal constituents. Given this, sentences such as (65)–(66) are ruled out by Camacho because in the former case there are more than two constituents being focused, and in the latter the focused constituent is not placed at the end of the relevant domain (the TP clause): (65) *Marta le compró fue pan a su abuela Marta cl buy.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret bread to her grandmother “It was bread to her grandmother that Marta bought” (66) *Marta le compró fue pan a su abuela Marta cl buy.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret bread to her grandmother “It was bread that Marta bought for her grandmother” [Camacho 2006:Â€20]

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… As suggested in the literature (e.g. Klein 1968; Zagona 2002), auxiliary verbs are generated inside Auxiliary Phrases (Perfective Phrases, or Progressive Phrases) above vP.

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ³

Although Camacho’s proposal seems to correlate with certain informational properties found in Spanish (e.g. focus aligns with the nuclear peak of the sentence, which is typically domain-final), it runs into some serious empirical problems. First of all, his theoretical proposal (exemplified in (64)) cannot account for FS-focused perfectives and progressives (see (36)–(38)). Furthermore, contrary to Camacho’s claim, I have found that the FS can focus more than one constituent, or a constituent that is not domain-final. Thus, sentences such as (65)–(66) above are, in fact, perfectly acceptable in Colombian Spanish. Based on the observations that I have made so far, and following previous research evidencing the existence of TP-internal functional projections (cf. Horvath 1986; Yanagida 1995; Belletti 2004; Hsu 2008), I propose here that the FS generates as a Focus Phrase (FocP), below T and above vP. Thus, a sentence such as (67) should be analyzed as sketched in (68): (67) Carolina nació fue en Málaga Carolina born.3sg.pret be.3sg.pret in Málaga “It was in Málaga that Carolina was born” (68) [tp Carolinai [t′ naciój [focp fue [vP ti [v tj [pp en Málaga ]]]]]]

Analyzing the FS as a TP-internal Focus Phrase correctly accounts for the data shown in SectionÂ€3, as it predicts that: (a) only post-verbal subjects may be FS-focused; and (b) constituents placed above vP and below T (e.g. PerfPs, ProgrPs) may be FS-focused. Hence, having the FS in a TP-internal Focus Phrase placed below T allows us to explain why the FS may not occur sentence-initially (69), before pre-verbal subjects (70) or above matrix verbs (71): (69) *Fue a Cecilia le entregaron el diploma be.3sg.pret to Cecilia cl deliver.3pl.pret the diploma “It was Cecilia to whom they delivered the diploma” (70) *En esa época era Ximena iba a las clases de ballet in that time be.3sg.imp Ximena go.3sg.imp to the classes of ballet “It was Ximena who went to Ballet classes at that time” (71) *Es estudia en Medellín be.3sg.pres study.3sg.pres in Medellín “It is in Medellín where he studies”

In turn, placing the FS above vP (not inside vP) further allows us to account for FSfocused perfectives and progressives: (72) [ip Valentina [i′ había [focp era Valentina have.3sg.imp be.3sg.imp [perf soñado [vP mucho]]]]] dream.perf much “It was dreaming that Valentina had done a lot”

ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ´ Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo

(73) [ip Valentina [i′ estaba [focp era [progrp soñando]]]] Valentina be.3sg.imp be.3sg.imp dream.progr “It was dreaming that Valentina was doing”

Finally, based on the assumption that both focus and topic projections occur TPinternally (cf. Belletti 2004; Hsu 2008), and taking into account cases such as (74),11 I will further claim that the FS may be preceded by a Topic Phrase (TopP) where discourse-old constituents can move to: (74) A: ¿Si te contaron que Horacio está podrido en plata? “Did they not tell you that Horacio is filthy rich?” B: Lo dudo… tendrá plata será la familia cl doubt.1sg.pres have.3sg.fut money be.3sg.fut the family “I doubt it…It might be his family who has money”

In brief, the syntactic structure that I propose for the FS can be illustrated as in (75) below: (75)

TP T′ T

TopP FocP SER

PerfP ProgrP nP n′ υ

V V

XP

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Notice that I have already shown similar cases in SectionÂ€3 (see Examples (32), (48), and (57)).

Syntactic variation in Colombian Spanish ïœ±ïœ¸ïœµ

5.â•… Conclusions The FS has been reported and described in the literature (Albor 1986; Sedano 1990), but its formal properties have not been completely clarified, despite several efforts (Bosque 1999; Toribio 1992, 2002; Curnow & Travis 2003; Camacho 2006). This dialectally-marked form has been previously examined as an incomplete form of a cleft structure (Albor 1986; Sedano 1990; Toribio 1992, 2002), but later research shows that it is syntactically unrelated to clefts (Bosque 1999; Curnow & Travis 2003; Camacho 2006). The study presented in this paper maintains this latter claim, according to which the FS and the pseudo-cleft are different syntactic structures. Based on data presented in SectionÂ€3, I have drawn some important generalizations regarding the syntactic configuration of the FS: (1) the FS may focus any type of constituent as long as it is post-verbal; (2) FS ser agrees with the verb in T (a matrix or an auxiliary verb) in both tense and aspect; (3) FS ser agrees with post-verbal subjects in both person and number, and with DOs (with no Differential Object Marking) only in number; (4) the agreement variability found between FS ser and DOs directly correlates with contrastive focus; and (5) FS ser does not establish any kind of agreement with IOs and with DOs showing Differential Object Marking. Given these empirical observations, and taking into account certain problems observed in other syntactic accounts (Bosque 1999; Camacho 2006), I have proposed that the FS should be examined as a functional projection placed outside vP. Specifically, following Belletti’s (2004) research according to which both topic and focus projections may be found within the internal periphery of IP, I have claimed that the FS is generated inside a Focus Phrase (FocP), placed below T and above vP. The structure that I propose in this paper is innovative and it correctly predicts what has been observed in the data.

References Albor, H.R. 1986. “Uso e interpretación de ser en construcciones galicadas y en Él necesita es descansar”. Thesaurus XLI: 173–186. Belletti, A. 2004. “Aspects of the Low IP Area.” In The structure of IP and CP. The Cartography of Syntactic Structures. Ed. by L. Rizzi. New York: Oxford University Press. 16–51. Bosque, I. 1999. “On Focus vs. Wh-movement: The Case of Caribbean Spanish.” Sophia Linguistica 44–45: 1–32. Camacho, J. 2006. “In Situ Focus in Caribbean Spanish: Towards a Unified Account of Focus.” Proceedings of the 9th Hispanic Linguistics Symposium. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Cinque, G. 1999. Adverbs and Functional Heads: A Cross-linguistic Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press.

ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ¶ Dunia Catalina Méndez Vallejo Contreras, H. 1991. “On the Position of Subjects.” Syntax and Semantics: Perspectives on Phrase Structure 25: 63–79. Curnow, T. & C. Travis. 2003. “The Emphatic es Construction of Colombian Spanish.” 2003 Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society. Guitart, J. 1989. “On Spanish Cleft Sentences.” Studies in Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the Seventeenth Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages XVII: 129–154. Horvath, J. 1986. Focus in the Theory of Grammar and the Syntax of Hungarian. Dordrecht: Foris. Hsu, Y.-Y. 2008. “The Sentence-internal Topic and Focus in Chinese.” 20th North American conference on Chinese linguistics (NACCL-20), Columbus, OH: The Ohio State University. Klein, P. 1968. Modal Auxiliaries in Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington. Mejías-Bikandi, E. 1992. “The VP-internal Subject Hypothesis and Spanish Sentence Structure.” Contemporary Research in Romance Linguistics. Papers from the 22nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. 123: 275–289. Méndez Vallejo, D.C. 2009. Focalizing ser (“to be”) in Colombian Spanish. Ph.D. dissertation. Indiana University. Mikolajczak, S. 2003. “Os tipos das construções com clivagem em portugués.” Studia Romanica Posnaniensia: 187–196. Oliveira, M.A. & M.L. Braga. 1997. “On Focusing Sentences in Brazilian Portuguese.” Towards a Social Science of Language: Papers in honor of William Labov, ed. by G. Guy, C. Feagin, D.Â€Shiffrin & J. Baugh. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins.2: 207–221. Ordóñez, F. 1997. Word Order and Clause Structure in Spanish and other Romance Languages. Ph.D. dissertation, CUNY. Sedano, M. 1988. “Yo vivo es en Caracas: Un cambio sintáctico.” Studies in Caribbean Spanish Dialectology. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. 115–123. Sedano, M. 1990. Hendidas y otras construcciones con ser en el habla de Caracas. Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela. Sedano, M. 1994. “Presencia o ausencia de relativo: Explicaciones funcionales.” Thesaurus 49.3: 491–518. Sedano, M. 1995. “A la que yo escribí fue a María vs. Yo escribí fue a María: El uso de estas dos estructuras en el español de Caracas.” Boletín de Lingüística 9: 51–80. Sedano, M. 2003a. “Más sobre seudohendidas y construcciones con verbo ser focalizador en el habla de Caracas.” Lengua, variación y contexto: Estudios dedicados a Humberto López Morales. F. Moreno Fernández et al. (eds.), Madrid: Arco Libros. 2: 823–847. Sedano, M. 2003b. “Seudohendidas y oraciones con verbo ser focalizador en dos corpus del español hablado de Caracas.” Revista Internacional de Lingüística Iberoamericana 1. 1: 175–204. Toribio, A.J. 1992. “Proper Government in Spanish Subject Relativization.” Probus 4: 291–304. Toribio, A.J. 2002. “Focus on Clefts in Dominican Spanish.” Structure, Meaning, and Acquisition of Spanish, ed. by J. Lee, K. Geeslin & C. Clements, Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press. 130–146. Yanagida, Y. 1995. Focus Projection and Wh-head Movement. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. Zagona, K. 2002. The Syntax of Spanish. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

Anaphoricity, logophoricity and intensification The puzzling case of son propre in French* Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS

The goal of this paper is to show the existence of an interaction between binding and intensification in light of French possessive son propre (“his own”). Propre (“own”) has two possible interpretations: its semantic effect consists in contrasting either the possessor (possessor propre) or the possessum (possessum propre) with a set of contextually determined alternatives. Crucially, these double intensifying properties of propre correlate with the binding properties of son propre. When son is associated with possessor propre, son propre behaves like an anaphor that can be long distance bound if the antecedent is a logophoric center. However, when son (“his”) is associated with possessum propre, son propre lacks both anaphoric and logophoric properties. This correlation shows that there is an interaction between the modules of binding and intensification: it is only when the referent of its antecedent (i.e. the possessor) is intensified that son propre needs to be bound.

1.â•… Introduction The goal of this paper is to explore the properties of French possessive son propre (“his own”) to shed light on the interaction between binding and intensification. At first glance, son propre exhibits a puzzling behavior with respect to binding: depending on the cases, it behaves like an anaphor (e.g. 1), a logophor (e.g. 2) or lacks anaphoric properties altogether (e.g. 3) as shown by the differences of anaphoric domains in (1)–(3). In (1), son propre has to be locally bound by its antecedent; inÂ€(2), it can be long distance bound if the antecedent is a center of perspective; but in (3), son propre exhibits neither of these requirements: the antecedent does not locally c-command son propre and is not a center of perspective either.

*I would like to thank Dominique Sportiche for very useful advice and discussions.

ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ¸ Isabelle Charnavel

(1) a.

[Cet hôtel]k protège sak (propre) plage sans se préoccuper this hotel protects its own beach without se care

des plages des hôtels voisins. of_the beaches of_the hotels neighboring

“This hotel protects its (own) beach without caring about the beaches of the neighboring hotels.” b. Les clients de [cet hôtel]k préfèrent sak (*propre) plage à the guests of this hotel prefer its â•‡â•›own beach to

celles des hôtels voisins. the_ones of_the hotels neighboring

“The guests of this hotel prefer its (*own) beach to the beaches of the neighboring hotels.” (2) a.

[Ce pont]j a bénéficié du fait que les autorités this bridge has benefited of_the fact that the authorities

ont donné plus d’ avantages à sonj (*propre) architecte have given more of benefits to its â•‡â•›own architect

qu’ à celui du musée. than to the_one of_the museum

“This bridge benefited from the fact that the authorities provided more benefits to its (*own) architect than to the architect of the museum.” b. [Le patron de cette entreprise]j a bénéficié du fait que les the boss of this company has benefited of_the fact that the

autorités ont donné plus d’ avantages à sesj (propres) authorities have given more of benefits to his own

employés qu’ à ceux de son concurrent. employees than to the_one of his competitor

“The boss of this company benefited from the fact that the authorities provided more benefits to his (own) employees than to the employees of his competitor.”

(3) [Ce pont]i a l’ air très fragile. Soni (propre) architecte this bridge has the air very fragile its own architect

a demandé un contrôle de sécurité. has asked a control of security “This bridge looks very fragile. Its (own) architect asked for a safety check.”

I argue that this apparently mixed behavior of son propre with respect to binding can be understood if it is correlated with the interpretive properties of propre (“own”). It will first be shown that propre behaves like an intensifier which can have two different targets for intensification. Then, I will present the binding properties of son propre and show that they crucially correlate with the double intensifying properties

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¸ïœ¹

of propre. This demonstrates that the modules of binding and intensification interact with each other. This empirical result should have important consequences on linguistic theory, given that binding and intensification are not supposed to apply at the same level: the syntactic principles of binding theory deal with the distribution of pronominal and anaphoric elements (cf. Chomsky 1981; Pollard & Sag 1992; Reinhart & Reuland 1993; Huan & Liu 2001…etc) while the semantic and pragmatic principles of intensification deal with the distribution of intensifiers, which belong to focusing devices (cf. König & Siemund 2000; Eckardt 2001; Bergeton 2004…etc). Therefore, this paper leads to question the locus and the principles of binding theory and the intensification module. However, these crucial theoretical issues cannot be addressed in detail here, since this would go far beyond the scope of this paper. The aim of this article is mainly to establish empirical facts: it presents new data and correlations that raise crucial issues for binding theory and intensification.

2.â•… The interpretive properties of propre: Two cases of intensification First, I show that propre (“own”)1 behaves like a flexible intensifier specialized in possessive DPs: its semantic effect consists in contrasting either the possessor2 (possessor propre) or the possessum (possessum propre) with a set of contextually determined alternatives.

2.1â•… Possessor propre Let’s compare the two following sentences: (4) a.

Clairei a pris sai voiture pour aller au travail. Claire has taken her car for go to_the work “Claire took her car to go to work.”

b. Clairei a pris sai propre voiture pour aller au travail. Claire has taken her own car for go to_the work “Claire took her own car to go to work.”

ïœ±.â•… The adjective propre has other uses in French (in particular ‘clean’, ‘peculiar to’, ‘liable to’), but I will concentrate on propre meaning ‘own’ here. This propre is identifiable by its DPinternal distribution: it only occurs in the prenominal position of a definite possessive DP (cf. Charnavel 2009b). ïœ².â•… Here, I assume as is standard that the relation of possession denotes a broad range of relations. The possessor corresponds to the possessing entity and the possessum to the possessed entity (for references about possessives, see for example Storto 2003).

ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ° Isabelle Charnavel

Both sentences are true in the same situation where Claire has a car and she took this car to go to work: the presence of propre does not change the truth-conditions of (4b) as compared to (4a). However, the two sentences do not have the same felicity conditions: (4b) is felicitous only if there is some other referent in the discourse background whose car is or has been under discussion with respect to its use by Claire to go to work. For example, (4b) could be felicitous in the following context: Claire usually takes her husband’s car. Thus, propre requires some other contextually salient referent(s) that play(s) the role of alternative(s): propre imposes a contrastiveness condition. More specifically, the alternatives induced by propre in this case target the possessor;3 that’s why I call this first case possessor propre. Thus in (4b), the referent of Claire is contrasted with another contextual possessor, i.e. Claire’s husband. This means that possessor propre has an effect similar to focusing the possessor by stressing it: (5) Clairei a pris SAi voiture pour aller au travail. Claire has taken her car for go to_the work “Claire took her car to go to work.”

However, as opposed to focus particles which trigger focal stress on their associates, propre bears focal stress itself; it is in this sense that I call it an intensifier (cf. Eckardt 2001 for further details about intensification, and Charnavel 2009a, 2009b for a semantic analysis of possessor propre).

2.2â•… Possessum propre In the first case called possessor propre, the semantic effect of propre consists in contrasting the referent of the possessor with a contextually determined set of alternatives. We observe a second case in which the alternatives target the possessum, as illustrated by the following example. I call it possessum propre.

ïœ³.â•… Note that propre can also target the possessor if it is expressed by a prepositional phrase de X (“of X”), although it is not judged as good as the other case by all native speakers of French. (i)

Donc me voilà débarquant dans un appartement plus grand que le so me here turning_up in a apartment more big than the

propre appartement de mes parents en France! [attested on google] own apartment of my parents in France

“And then, I was turning up at an apartment that was bigger than my parents’ own apartment in France!”

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ±

(6) a.

Arnaudi est devenu si insupportable que sai fille Arnaud is become so unbearable that his daughter

a cessé de lui rendre visite. has stopped of him visit

“Arnaud has become so unbearable that his daughter stopped visiting him.”

b. Arnaudi est devenu si insupportable que sai propre fille Arnaud is become so unbearable that his own daughter

a cessé de lui rendre visite. has stopped of him visit

“Arnaud has become so unbearable that his own daughter stopped visiting him.”

As in the case of possessor propre, both sentences are true in the same situation, but they have different felicity conditions: alternatives come into play in (6b). However, it is not the referent of the possessor that is targeted in this sentence: Arnaud – the possessor – is not contrasted with other fathers. Rather, it is Arnaud’s daughter – thus the possessum – that is contrasted with other individuals. For example, (6b) would be felicitous in the following context: Arnaud’s friend and Arnaud’s cousin have already stopped visiting Arnaud because he is too bad-tempered. Thus, propre targets the possessum in this case4 since it is the referent of the whole possessive DP sa fille (“his daughter”) that is contrasted with other individuals.5 Furthermore, as opposed to possessor propre, possessum propre requires an ordering of the alternatives

ïœ´.â•… As in the previous case, the possessum can also be targeted when the possessor is expressed by a prepositional phrase de X (“of X”): here, the referent of the victim’s son is contrasted with other individuals: (ii)

Le meurtrier présumé qui a été placé en hôpital psychiatrique the murderer presumed who has been placed in hospital psychiatric

n’ est autre que le propre fils de la victime. [attested on google] ne is other than the own son of the victim

“The presumed murderer who has been placed in a psychiatric hospital is no other than the victim’s own son.” ïœµ.â•… The example (6b) could suggest that it is not the possessum individual, but rather the relation (‘daughter’) that is contrasted with other relations (‘friend’ or ‘cousin’ in the context). But this is incorrect: it is not necessary that the alternatives be related to the possessor as shown by the following example. In (iii), at least one of the salient alternatives – the witness – does not stand in a specific relationship to John. Therefore, the relation of motherhood cannot be contrasted with other relations; it is rather the individual referent of John’s mother that is contrasted with other individuals.

ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ² Isabelle Charnavel

on a scale of likelihood: the individual intensified by propre corresponds to an unlikely one in the context: in (6b), Arnaud’s daughter is less likely than his cousin or his friend to stop visiting him. This means that in this case, propre has an effect comparable to focusing the possessum by stressing it as shown in (7). But as in the first case, propre is an intensifier in that it bears focal stress itself.6 (7) Arnaudi est devenu si insupportable que sai FILle Arnaud is become so unbearable that his DAUGHter a cessé de lui rendre visite. has stopped of him visit “Arnaud has become so unbearable that his daughter stopped visiting him.”

To sum up this section, propre has two possible interpretations: it can contrast either the possessor (possessor propre) or the possessum (possessum propre) with a contextually determined set of alternatives. That’s in this sense that propre can be considered as a flexible intensifier specialized in possessive DPs.7

3.â•… The binding properties of son propre In this section, I argue that the intensifying properties of propre correlate with the binding properties of son propre: it is only in the case of possessor propre – as opposed to possessum propre – that son propre exhibits anaphoric properties.

(iii)

Ce n’ est pas la victime qui a dénoncé Jeani, ni un témoin, it ne is not the victim who has denounced John nor a witness

c’est sai propre mère qui l’ a dénoncé! it is his own mother who him has denounced

“It’s not the victim who denounced John, nor a witness, it’s his own mother who denounced him!” ïœ¶.â•… This is at least the case in my dialect of French. But in the case of possessum propre, some French speakers prefer to put stress on the possessum itself (as it seems to be the case in English and German). ïœ·.â•… For space reasons, I cannot provide a precise analysis of propre as a flexible intensifier in this paper (see Charnavel 2009a, 2009b for a semantic analysis of propre). But it is sufficient for my purposes here (i.e. to show the correlation between binding and intensification) to pinpoint the double intensifying properties of propre.

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ³

3.1â•… Possessor son propre: Anaphoric and logophoric properties First, I show that son propre exhibits anaphoric or/and logophoric properties when son is associated with possessor propre (possessor son propre, henceforth): when it is the possessor that is intensified by propre, son propre behaves like an anaphor that can be long distance bound if the antecedent is a logophoric center.

3.1.1â•… First case: Anaphoric son propre When the referent of the possessor, i.e. the antecedent, is inanimate, possessor son propre has anaphoric properties, unlike the pronoun son. As stated by principle A of binding theory, this means that son propre needs to be locally bound, i.e. it requires a locally c-commanding and coindexed antecedent.

(8) Principle A of Binding Theory (cf. Chomsky 1981, 1986 and subsequent revisions of it): an anaphor must be bound in its domain.

The following sentences, which involve possessor propre, illustrate the c-command requirement. (9) [=1] a. [Cet hôtel]k protège sak (propre) plage sans se this hotel protects its own beach without se

préoccuper des plages des hôtels voisins. care of_the beaches of_the hotels neighboring

“This hotel protects its (own) beach without caring about the beaches of the neighboring hotels.” b. Les clients de [cet hôtel]k préfèrent sak (*propre) plage à the guests of this hotel prefer its own beach to

celles des hôtels voisins. the_ones of_the hotels neighboring

“The guests of this hotel prefer its (*own) beach to the beaches of the neighboring hotels.”

In (9a), both sa propre plage (“its own beach”) and sa plage (“its beach”) license cet hôtel (“this hotel”) as antecedent. However, in (9b), cet hôtel (“this hotel”) is only a possible antecedent for sa plage (“its beach”), not for sa propre plage (“its own beach”). Since the crucial difference between the two sentences is that cet hôtel (“this hotel”) does not c-command sa (propre) plage (“its (own) beach”) in (9b), but does in (9a), this means that sa propre plage as opposed to sa plage needs to be c-commanded by its antecedent.

ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ´ Isabelle Charnavel

Moreover, the binder must be local, as exemplified by the following sentence. (10) [=2a]

[Ce pont]j a bénéficié du fait que les autorités this bridge has benefited of_the fact that the authorities

ont donné plus d’ avantages à sonj (*propre) architecte have given more of benefits to its â•‡ own architect


“This bridge benefited from the fact that the authorities provided more benefits to its (*own) architect than to the architect of the museum.”

In (10), son architecte (“its architect”) licenses the long-distance antecedent ce pont (“this bridge”), but son propre architecte (“its own architect”) does not. Therefore, the following generalization holds: (11) In the case of inanimate possessors, possessor son propre is a complex possessive anaphor obeying principle A of Binding Theory (as formulated by Chomsky 1981, 1986 and subsequent revisions).

3.1.2â•… Second case: Logophoric son propre However, the generalization (11) does not hold for animate possessors, as illustrated by the following contrast: (12) [=2] a. [Ce pont]j a bénéficié du fait que les autorités this bridge has benefited of_the fact that the authorities



“This bridge benefited from the fact that the authorities provided more benefits to its (*own) architect than to the architect of the museum.” b. [Le patron de cette entreprise]j a bénéficié du fait que the boss of this company has benefited of_the fact that

les autorités ont donné plus d’ avantages à sesj (propres) the authorities have given more of benefits to his own



(12b) shows that ses propres employés (“his own employees”) licenses a long-distance antecedent le patron de cette entreprise (“the boss of this company”) as opposed to

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¹ïœµ

son propre architecte (“its own architect”) in (12a). Since the crucial difference is that the possessor is animate in (12b), this means that son propre does not require a local binder when the possessor antecedent is animate.8 Similarly, it is not always true that son propre must be c-commanded by its antecedent in the case of animate possessors: (13) a.

L’ opinion de Sébastienj portait autant sur saj (propre) the opinion of Sébastien was_about as_much on his own

mère que sur la mère de sa femme. mother than on the mother of his wife

“Sébastien’s opinion was as much about his (own) mother than about his wife’s mother.” b. Le sujet de [l’ article]j portait autant sur sonj (*propre) the topic of the article was_about as_much on its â•‡â•›own

titre que sur le titre du film en question. title than on the title of_the movie in question

“The topic of the article was as much about its (*own) title than about the title of the movie in question.”

(13a) contrasts in this respect with (13b) since sa propre mère (“his own mother”) licenses the animate non c-commanding antecedent Sébastien in (13a), while son propre titre (“its own title”) cannot have the inanimate non c-commanding l’article (“the article”) as antecedent in (13b). So, in the case of animate antecedents, son propre does not require a locally c-commanding antecedent. Therefore, son propre seems to fall into the class of long-distance anaphors such as Mandarin Chinese ziji (cf. Huang & Liu 2001), which pose a challenge to the standard theory of anaphor binding. The hypothesis that has been proposed in such cases is the theory of logophoricity (cf. Huang & Liu 2001; Giorgi 2007…etc): long-distance anaphors are logophoric, i.e. they do not have to obey the syntactic constraints of binding, but the constraints of logophoricity requiring that the antecedent be a center of perspective of the sentence. This idea is based on the fact that some West African languages have specific pronouns used to express the perspective of the person they refer to. The term logophor has been originally coined for such cases (cf. Hagège 1974) and has then been extended to situations in other languages where the usual rules of binding do not apply, that is in the case of long distance anaphors, which have their antecedents outside their binding domains (e.g. Mandarin Chinese ziji).

ïœ¸.â•… It would be worth defining the notion of locality and the anaphoric domain in detail; but since I do not have space to investigate all the relevant examples here, I simply assume for now that the anaphoric domain is the clause; this approximation is sufficient for my purposes here.

ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ¶ Isabelle Charnavel

I propose that possessor son propre supports this hypothesis: possessor son propre can be long distance bound if it is logophoric. This means that in such cases, son propre refers to a specific type of antecedent, namely a logophoric center: the antecedent refers to a person whose words, thoughts or point of view are being reported.9 More specifically, I argue that son propre belongs to the class of logophors that require a de se reading.10 The distinction between de re and de se readings corresponds to the distinction between the report of the knowledge of the speaker and that of the knowledge of the referent of the antecedent (cf. Chierchia 1989). This means that the antecedent of son propre corresponds to a logophoric center if and only if its referent is aware of the reflexivity of the possession, i.e. if and only if its referent could knowingly say mon propre (“my own”). Thus, I propose that the de se reading is the primitive property defining son propre as a logophor. This property is therefore sufficient as a diagnostic for logophoricity. However, for methodological reasons, I will also use two other properties that derive from this one to identify logophoric son propre, because they are clearer diagnostics, i.e. animacy and consciousness of the referent of the antecedent. De se reading entails consciousness of the referent of the antecedent since it is necessary to be conscious to be able to knowingly say mon propre. Moreover, consciousness entails animacy, and therefore, by transitivity, animacy of the referent of the antecedent is also entailed by the de se reading. That’s why following Huang & Liu (2001), I will use the following three criteria as diagnostics for the logophoricity of possessor son propre: (a) animacy of the referent of the antecedent; (b) consciousness of the referent of the antecedent; (c)Â€de se reading. a. Animacy of the referent of the antecedent. As already suggested in the pair (2) repeated here as (14), the referent of the antecedent has to be animate to license logophoric son propre. Put another way, possessor son propre does not require a locally c-commanding antecedent if the referent of the antecedent is a center of perspective, and this is possible only if it is animate.

ïœ¹.â•… Sells (1987) proposes three primitive roles for the antecedent of logophors and he suggests that these roles characterize certain cross-linguistic variations: a. Source: the one who is the intentional agent of the communication, b. Self: the one whose mental state or attitude the proposition describes, c. Pivot: the one with respect to whose (time-space) location the content of the proposition is evaluated. ïœ±ïœ°.â•… Mandarin Chinese ziji in Huang & Liu’s dialect (2001:19) or Italian proprio (cf. Giorgi 2007:Â€333) also belong to this class of logophors.

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ·

(14) [=2] a. [Ce pont]j a bénéficié du fait que les autorités this bridge has benefited of_the fact that the authorities



“This bridge benefited from the fact that the authorities provided more benefits to its (*own) architect than to the architect of the museum.” b. [Le patron de cette entreprise]j a bénéficié du fait que the boss of this company has benefited of_the fact that

les autorités ont donné plus d’ avantages à sesj (propres) the authorities have given more of benefits to his own



Ses propres employés (“his own employees”) in (14b) licenses a long distance antecedent le patron de l’entreprise (“the boss of the company”), but the long distance antecedent ce pont (“this bridge”) in (14a) for son propre architecte (“its own architect”) is ungrammatical. This is so because “the boss of the company” can be a perspective-holder in (14b) as opposed to “this bridge” in (14b). This difference can be easily diagnosed by the animacy of the referent of le patron de l’entreprise vs ce pont. b. Consciousness of the referent of the antecedent. Similarly, the center of perspective of a sentence has to be conscious; therefore, if the referent of the antecedent is not conscious, logophoric son propre is not possible, as shown by the following contrast: (15) a. [Le pharaon]i a beaucoup aimé les embaumeurs qui à the Pharaoh has a_lot liked the embalmers who at présent prennent soin de soni (*propre) corps. present take care of his â•‡ own body “The Pharaoh had liked a lot the embalmers who are now taking care of his (*own) body.” b. [L’ esprit du pharaon]i devait penser que les embaumeurs the spirit of_the Pharaoh must think that the embalmers

prenaient bien soin de soni (propre) corps. took well care of his own body

“The Pharaoh’s spirit was probably thinking that the embalmers were taking great care of his (own) body.”

ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ¸ Isabelle Charnavel

In (15a), the Pharaoh is dead, therefore not conscious, and this diagnostic shows that the Pharaoh cannot be the center of perspective of the sentence. Thus, son propre corps (“his own body”), which is not locally c-commanded by le pharaon (“the Pharaoh”), is not possible, as predicted by the logophoricity hypothesis. However in (15b), son propre corps (“his own body”) can be long distance bound by l’esprit du pharaon (“the Pharaoh’s spirit”) because the referent of this antecedent is conscious, thus a possible center of perspective. c. De se reading. The de se reading is the strictest criterion to define the logophoric center in the case of possessor son propre. The context of Beaumarchais’s Marriage of Figaro can exemplify this property: in this setting, the maid Marceline knows that Suzanne will marry Figaro, but she does not know until the end of the play that Figaro is her son. In this context, the following contrast holds: (16) a.

Marcelinei disait que Suzanne allait épouser soni (#propre) fils. Marceline said that Suzanne was_going_to marry her â•‡ own son “Marceline said that Suzanne would marry her (#own) son.”

b. Marcelinei disait que Suzanne avait épousé soni (propre) fils. Marceline said that Suzanne had married her own son “Marceline said that Suzanne had married her (own) son.”

If (16a) is uttered at the beginning of the play, the de se reading is not available since Marceline does not know yet about her motherhood. Therefore, as predicted by the logophoricity hypothesis, she cannot be the center of perspective and Marceline cannot long-distance bind son propre fils (“her own son”): son propre cannot be logophoric in this case. However, if (16b) is uttered at the end of the play, the sentence is appropriate because Marceline knows at that time that Figaro is her son; thus, Marceline is the center of perspective according to the criterion that I propose, which licenses the long distance anaphor son propre fils (“her own son”). This contrast demonstrates that the de se diagnostic appears to be the most relevant one to define the notion of logophoric center in the case of possessor son propre. Conversely, this means that if the de se reading is not available, possessor son propre cannot be logophoric and has therefore to be an anaphor requiring a locally c-commanding antecedent. To sum up, the following generalization holds for possessor son propre: (17) Possessor son propre is either an anaphor obeying the syntactic constraints of anaphoricity (local c-commanding antecedent) or a logophor obeying the discourse-related constraints of logophoricity (antecedent as perspective holder).11

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Note that the sets of anaphoric and logophoric uses of son propre are not in complementary distribution, but overlap since their properties are not exclusive of each other. Thus,

On French son propre ïœ±ïœ¹ïœ¹

3.2â•… Possessum son propre: No anaphoric properties While possessor son propre exhibits anaphoric properties, I show in this section that possessum son propre does not. This argues for the presence of an interaction between binding and intensification: when the possessor, i.e. the referent of the antecedent of son propre, is intensified, anaphoric properties arise, but it is not the case when it is the possessum that is intensified. As illustrated by the following examples, possessum son propre lacks both anaphoric and logophoric properties: (18) [=3] a. [Ce pont]i a l’ air très fragile. Soni (propre) this bridge has the air very fragile its own

architecte a demandé un contrôle de sécurité. architect has asked a control of security

“This bridge looks very fragile. Its (own) architect asked for a safety check.” b. [Ce pont]i a l’ air très fragile. Soni (*propre) architecte this bridge has the air very fragile its â•‡â•›own architect

a reçu moins de moyens que tous les autres architectes has received less of means than all the other architects

des ponts de la région. of_the bridges of the area

“This bridge looks very fragile. Its (*own) architect got less means than all the other architects of the bridges of the area.” c. [Cet enfant]i a l’ air très perturbé. Sai (propre) mère this child has the air very disturbed his own mother

passe moins de temps à la maison que toutes les autres spends less of time at the house than all the other

mères des enfants de la classe. (m’ a-t-il dit.) mothers of_the children of the class me has he said

“This child looks very disturbed. His (own) mother spends less time at home than all the other mothers of the children in the class. (he said)”

In (18b), son propre architecte (“its own architect”) is a case of possessor propre: this bridge is contrasted with other bridges as “possessors” of an architect. In (18a) however, propre intensifies the possessum: the bridge’s architect is opposed to other individu-

possessor son propre can be both anaphoric and logophoric if its antecedent both locally c-commands it and is the center of perspective (de se reading).

ïœ²ïœ°ïœ° Isabelle Charnavel

als who would ask for a safety check too, and he is an unlikely individual among the alternatives to express such a request since he designed the bridge himself. Crucially, this difference in intensification correlates with a difference in binding: (18b) is ungrammatical if it includes propre because son propre architecte (“its own architect”) is an anaphor requiring a local antecedent, but (18a) is grammatical because son propre architecte (“its own architect”) does not exhibit binding properties. In other terms, this contrast shows that possessum propre does not require a local antecedent and therefore argues for the non anaphoric status of possessum son propre. Moreover, the same example shows that possessum son propre also lacks logophoric properties. Recall that possessor son propre may be long distance bound if the antecedent is a logophoric center and we established that a logophoric center has to be animate. That’s why (18b), which presents the inanimate ce pont (“this bridge”) as antecedent of possessor son propre, is ungrammatical with propre, while (18c), in which possessor son propre has the animate cet enfant (“this child”) as antecedent, is grammatical: it is because a child, unlike a bridge, can be a center of perspective that (18c), unlike (18b), is well-formed; this is further suggested by the fact that the parenthesis in (18c), which explicitly makes the child the source of the sentence, improves the grammaticality of the sentence. However, the sentence (18a), in which propre does not intensify the possessor, but the possessum, is crucially grammatical, even if son propre architecte (“its own architect”) has the inanimate ce pont (“this bridge”) as long distance antecedent. This demonstrates that possessum son propre, unlike possessor son propre, lacks anaphoric and logophoric properties altogether. So as opposed to possessor son propre, possessum son propre does not obey any binding constraints:12 its antecedent does not have to c-command it, nor to be local. Moreover, it does not have to be non c-commanding or non local either, as shown by the following example:

ïœ±ïœ².â•… Note that the fact that possessum son propre obeys neither the constraints of anaphoricity nor the constraints of logophoricity does not mean that possessum son propre is not constrained at all. In particular, as shown in (iv), it seems that possessum son propre requires that the closest c-commanding DP be its antecedent when there is one available. But the important point for our purposes is that possessum son propre does not exhibit any anaphoric or logophoric properties as opposed to possessor son propre. (iv)

[Ce pont]i a donné lieu à la rumeur que [le maire]j se this bridge has given rise to the rumor that the mayor se

méfie de sonj/*i propre architecte. distrusts of its/his own architect

“This bridge has given rise to the rumor that the mayor distrusts his/*its own architect.”

On French son propre ïœ²ïœ°ïœ±

(19) Dans un moment de folie, après avoir tué les voisins, in a moment of madness after have killed the neighbors Micheli a tué sesi propres enfants. Michel has killed his own children “In a moment of madness, after he killed the neighbors, Michel killed his own children.”

To sum up, possessor son propre obeys the constraints of anaphoricity or/and the constraints of logophoricity while possessum son propre does not. As shown in the second section, possessor son propre intensifies the possessor, i.e. the referent of the antecedent of son propre, while possessum son propre intensifies the possessum. Crucially, this correlation therefore shows that there is an interaction between the modules of binding and intensification:13 it is only when the referent of its antecedent is intensified that son propre needs to be bound.

4.â•… Conclusion At least three empirical results come out of the study of the properties of son propre. First, it documents the existence of an anaphor in French (where otherwise, anaphoric properties are mainly encoded by the reflexive clitic se). Moreover, it reveals the Â�existence of a logophor in French, which supports the theory of logophoricity. Thirdly – and this is the main result of this paper, – it sheds light on the existence of an interaction between binding and intensification. Further investigation should show how the connection works and what the consequences of this finding are for the architecture of the grammar.

References Bergeton, Uffe. 2004. The Independence of Binding and Intensification. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California. Charnavel, Isabelle. 2009a. “On the Intensifier propre (“own”) in French: a Counterpart of même (“self ”) in Possessive DPs?”, to appear in Proceedings of SALT 19. Charnavel, Isabelle. 2009b. Linking Binding and Focus: on Intensifying son propre in French. Master Thesis, UCLA.

ïœ±ïœ³.â•… Some typological studies (cf. König & Siemund 2000) suggest the existence of a link between binding and intensification, but very few theoretical studies do; moreover, when they do, they argue for the independence between binding and intensification (cf. Bergeton 2004). So to my knowledge, the result provided in this paper is new.

ïœ²ïœ°ïœ² Isabelle Charnavel Chierchia, Gennaro. 1989. “Anaphora and Attitudes De Se”. Semantics and Contextual Expression, ed. by R. Bartsch, J. van Benthem & P. van Emde Boas, 1–31, Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht: Foris. Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. New York: Praeger. Eckardt, Regine. 2001. “Reanalyzing selbst”. Natural Language Semantics 9: 4. 371–412. Giorgi, Alessandra. 2007. “On the Nature of Long-Distance Anaphors”. Linguistic Inquiry 38:Â€2.Â€321–342. Hagège, Claude. 1974. “Les Pronoms Logophoriques”. Bulletin de la Société Linguistique de Paris 69.287–310. Huang, C.-T. James & C.-S. Luther Liu. 2001. “Logophoricity, Attitudes and ziji at the Interface”. Long Distance Reflexives, ed. by Peter Cole et al., Syntax and Semantics 33, 141–195. New York: Academic Press. König, Ekkchard & Peter Siemund. 2000. “Intensifiers and Reflexives: A Typological Perspective”. Reflexives: Forms and Functions, ed. by Zygmunt Frajzyngier & Traci Curl, 41–74. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Pollard, Carl & Ivan A. Sag. 1992. “Anaphors and the Scope of Binding Theory”. Linguistic Inquiry 23. 261–303. Reinhart, Tanya & Eric Reuland. 1993. “Reflexivity”. Linguistic Inquiry 24: 4. 657–720. Sells, Peter. 1987. “Aspects of Logophoricity”. Linguistic Inquiry 18. 445–479. Storto, Gianluca. 2003. Possessives in Context: Issues in the Semantics of Possessive Constructions. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles.

More on the clitic combination puzzle Evidence from Spanish, Catalan and Romanian Anahí Alba de la Fuente University of Ottawa

Languages like Spanish, Catalan and Romanian accept combinations of 1st and 2nd person clitics. However, not all 1st and 2nd person combinations are possible. Although two single clitics can be combined, the combination of two plural clitics results in ungrammaticality (Rivero 2008; Nevins & Săvescu 2008). This is true for Spanish and Romanian, but only partially for Catalan. On the other hand, all three languages accept clitic combinations that include a plural dative and a singular non dative and systematically reject combinations that include a singular dative and a plural non-dative. In view of this, I argue that there is a number-case restriction that parallels the Person Case Constraint, first proposed by Bonet (1991), and, in more general terms, I defend that clitic restrictions are drawn by the degree of markedness of the dative clitic with respect to the other clitic in the cluster.

1.â•… Introduction Clitics and clitic combinations have been subject to a great deal of research. However, the restrictions that arise when clitics are combined constitute a puzzle that continues to intrigue and challenge linguists. Many explanations have been proposed in order to account for the combinatorial possibilities of clitics, including linear ordering templates (Perlmutter 1971), syntactic accounts (Anagnostopoulou 2003, 2005; OrmazabalÂ€ & Romero 2007; Adger & Harbour 2007), morphologic accounts (Rivero 2008; Heap 1998, 2005), Optimality Theory accounts (Grimshaw 1997, 2001), etc. This paper aims to contribute to the ongoing discussion with novel data from Spanish, Catalan and Romanian, and a new analysis of the effect of marked features on clitic combinations. More specifically, this paper deals with combinations of 1st and 2nd person clitics and the effect of the [Plural] feature in such combinations, which has recently begun to receive more attention by researchers (Anagnostopoulou 2005; Rivero 2008; Nevins & Săvescu 2008). The paper is structured as follows: SectionÂ€1 presents the Person Case Constraint, as first proposed by Bonet (1991), and proposals by Anagnostopoulou (2005) and

ïœ²ïœ°ïœ´ Anahí Alba de la Fuente

Rivero (2008), with respect to 1st/2nd person clitic combinations. Section 2 provides novel data from Spanish, which show that there is an asymmetry with respect to the combination of singular and plural clitics. In addition, two possible accounts for this asymmetry are presented in this section: Heap’s (1998, 2005) Least Leafy to the Left constraint, and Alba de la Fuente’s (2007) Plural-Blocking Effect. Section 3 includes a discussion of novel data from Catalan, Romanian and Italian, as well as the implications for the proposals presented in SectionÂ€3. Section 4 presents a revised version of the PBE, which implies that two aspects – namely, case and feature markedness – are responsible for the combinatorial patterns of object clitics in Spanish, Catalan and Romanian. Finally, SectionÂ€5 provides the general conclusions of the paper.

2.â•… The effect of person and number in clitic combinations The Person Case Constraint, proposed by Bonet (1991), divides languages into two types: Strong and Weak PCC languages. The Strong version of the constraint, which refers to languages like French, is reproduced in (1) and the Weak version, which refers to languages like Spanish, is reproduced in (2).

(1) Strong PCC: “In a combination of a weak direct object and an indirect object [clitic, agreement marker or weak pronoun], the direct object has to be third person.”

(2) W eak PCC: “In a combination of a weak direct object and an indirect object [clitic, agreement marker or weak pronoun], if there is a third person it has to be the direct object.”

Thus, both Strong and Weak PCC languages allow for 3rd person clitic combinations and reject combinations in which the indirect object is 3rd person and the direct object is 1st or 2nd, as we can see in (3) and (4), respectively. On the other hand, Weak PCC languages accept combinations of 1st/2nd person clitics, whereas Strong PCC languages reject them, as shown in (5). (3) a.

Je vais le lui donner. I go 3.sg.acc 3.sg.dat give “I’m going to give it to him”

b. Yo se lo voy a dar I 3.sg.acc 3.sg.dat go to give “I’m going to give it to him” (4) a. *Il me lui presentera à la fête. He 1.sg.acc 3.sg.dat introduce-fut at the party “He will introduce me to him”

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ°ïœµ

b. *Él me le presentará en la fiesta.1 He 1.sg.acc 3.sg.dat introduce-fut in the party “He will introduce me to him at the party” (5) a.

Tú te me presentaste en la fiesta.2 You 2.sg.acc 1.sg.dat introduced at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

b. *Tu te m’est presenté à la fête. You 2.sg.acc 1.sg.dat-pst introduced at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

Anagnostopoulou (2005) claims that 1st/2nd person clitic combinations are possible because Weak PCC languages allow for Multiple Agree. Anagnostopoulou (2003, 2005) proposes a competition analysis for these contexts, in which both the DO and the IO try to check features (person and number) against the same head, which is transitive v. In these cases, the high IO moves to transitive v first and checks features against it. In Strong PCC languages, the derivation crashes when both the IO and DO are 1st or 2nd person, since we have two elements trying to check features against one head. Weak PCC languages, on the other hand, allow for Multiple Agree, which implies that both the DO and the IO can check features simultaneously against transitive v and, therefore, the combination of 1st/2nd person clitics becomes possible. This explains the grammaticality of the Spanish sentence in (5a) (Weak PCC) and the ungrammaticality of the French sentence in (5b) (Strong PCC). However, not all combinations are possible and Anagnostopoulou (2005) argues that there is a condition for Multiple Agree to take place:

(6) A Condition on Multiple Agree: “Multiple Agree can take place only under non- conflicting feature specifications of the agreeing elements.”

Independent evidence for this condition comes from Icelandic long distance agreement in expletive constructions: the dative and the nominative elements can only agree when they are both plural and when they are both singular. It is impossible for the

ïœ±.â•… Sentences like the one in (4b) are considered to be grammatical in leísta dialects of Spanish. In Standard Spanish, le is an IO clitic. However, in these cases, le is not functioning as an IO, but as a DO (which in Standard Spanish would be the form lo). Thus, the acceptance of these sentences does not pose problems to the PCC since, functionally, the 3rd person clitic is still the DO, as required by the Weak PCC. ïœ².â•… The clitic te in (5a) can be both analyzed as accusative and reflexive. In fact, as Nicol (2005) indicates, the reflexive reading seems to be the favoured one among Spanish speakers. In line with this preference, this type of clitic will be labelled refl – rather than acc – in the remainder of the paper.

ïœ²ïœ°ïœ¶ Anahí Alba de la Fuente

nominative and dative to enter into a Multiple Agree relation when the nominative is [+plural] and the dative is [–plural].3,4 With respect to Spanish, Rivero (2008) notes, in her discussion about Quirky Person Restrictions (QPR), that there is an asymmetry between singular and plural clitic clusters, which is not accounted for by the PCC. According to the Weak version of the constraint, the two sentences in (6) should be acceptable. However, the sentence with two singular clitics (6a) is correct and the sentence whose clitics are both plural is not possible in Spanish (6b). (7) a.

Te me antojaste tú 2.sg.refl 1.pl.dat fancied you “I took a fancy on you”

b. *Os nos antojasteis vosotros 2.sg.refl 1.pl.dat fancied you-pl “We took a fancy on you (pl)”

This contradicts Anagnostopoulou’s Condition on Multiple Agree, according to which (7b) should also be grammatical, since there are no conflicting feature specifications (both clitics are [+Person] and [+Plural]). Rivero (2008) defends that 1st/2nd person clitics are marked with the [+Participant] feature and, additionally, 1st plural and 2nd plural clitics also have a [+Plural] feature. Thus, 1st plural and 2nd plural are the most marked clitics in terms of features, which prevents them from combining. However, examples (8a) and (8b) show that there is yet another asymmetry with respect to 1st and 2nd person clitic combinations and that the ungrammaticalities found in these examples cannot be due to markedness alone since the clusters in both (8a) and (8b) carry the same amount of marked features – namely, two [+Participant] and one [+Plural] – and, yet, (8a) is grammatical and (8b) is ungrammatical. (8) a.

Te nos presentaste en la fiesta. 2.sg.refl 1.pl.dat introduced at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

b. *Os me presentasteis en la fiesta. 2.pl.refl 1.sg.dat introduced-pl at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

ïœ³.â•… Anagnostopoulou (2005: 223) argues that the opposite case cannot be tested, since these verbs surface as 3rd person singular when they do not enter long-distance Agree with the nominative. ïœ´.â•… Anagnostopoulou (2005) refers to Holmberg and Hróarsdottir (2002) for further discussion on this matter.

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ°ïœ·

3.â•… A Singular-Plural asymmetry in Spanish 3.1â•… Th e Plural-Blocking Effect (preliminary version) (Alba de la Fuente 2007) As it is the case in (8a) and (8b), the clusters in (9b) and (9d) both contain one singular clitic and one plural clitic. However, one sentence is grammatical and the other one is ungrammatical. This indicates that the asymmetry cannot be caused by a mere accumulation of marked features in the cluster. (9) a.

¡Huy, que te me ensucias! Oops that 2.sg.refl 1.sg.dat stain “You are staining yourself ” (and I am affected by it)

b. ¡Huy, que te nos ensucias! Oops that 2.sg.refl 1.pl.dat stain “You are staining yourself ” (and we are affected by it) c. *¡Huy, que os nos ensuciáis! Oops that 2.pl.refl 1.pl.dat stain “You are staining yourselves” (and we are affected by it) d. *¡Huy, que os me ensuciáis! Oops that 2.pl.refl 1.sg.dat stain “You are staining yourselves” (and I am affected by it)

Moreover, the same restrictions surface with different structures, such as accusativedative and reflexive-dative, as in (8),5 and reflexive-ethical dative,6 as in (9). Crucially, in all the ungrammatical examples the first clitic in the cluster is plural. In fact, the grammaticality status of sentences like the ones in (9) seems to depend on the position of the plural clitic in the cluster.7 In view of this, I proposed the PluralBlocking Effect (preliminary version) (Alba de la Fuente 2007): (10) In a combination of 1st and 2nd person clitics, the first clitic cannot be plural.

ïœµ.â•… As indicated in FootnoteÂ€2, the clitics te (5a, 8a) and os (8b) can be both analyzed as accusative and reflexive. ïœ¶.â•… Ormazabal and Romero (2007) argue that ethical datives are not affected by the PCC, since they are non-argumental. However, we can see from the examples in (9) that they are both subject to the PCC and to a restriction regarding the combination of singular and plural clitics. ïœ·.â•… Reversing the order of the clitics in the cluster would not improve the ungrammatical sentences, since this would violate the ordering template of Spanish clitics. As defended by Perlmutter (1971), clitics in Spanish are ordered by person and not by case. Specifically, Spanish clitics must be arranged according to the following template: se > 2 > 1 > 3. Thus, if the order of the clitics is reversed in (9c) and (9d), the sentences will still be ungrammatical.

ïœ²ïœ°ïœ¸ Anahí Alba de la Fuente

Further evidence for this proposal comes from feature impoverishment and the case of “spurious se” (Perlmutter 1971). As shown in (11), the spurious se appears in combinations of 3rd person clitics and it implies the replacement of the dative clitic le or les by the form se.8 (11) a. *Los libros les los dimos a mis padres The books 3.pl.dat 3.pl.acc gave to my parents b. Los libros se los dimos a mis padres The books se 3.pl.acc gave to my parents “The books, we gave to my parents”

Se is underspecified for person and, therefore, it creates no conflicts with other adjacent clitics, since it has poor feature content (Jackubowicz et al. 1998; Rivero 2008). In fact, se is the most underspecified pronoun of the entire inventory in Spanish, since it is underspecified for both number and case. Moreover, along the lines of feature impoverishment, we have a similar situation with the use of usted in Spanish. In (12) we have two sentences, each containing a clitic cluster whose first clitic refers to a 2nd person plural entity. In contrast with (9c) and (9d), the two sentences in (12) are grammatical. (12) a.

Pasen ustedes, que se nos van a enfermar si Pass all that se 1.pl.dat go to get_sick if

siguen en la calle. continue on the street

“Come in, you (pl.,formal) are going to get sick (on us) if you keep waiting out in the street” b. Pasen ustedes, que se me van a enfermar si Pass all that se 1.sg.dat go to get_sick if

siguen en la calle. continue on the street

“Come in, you (pl.,formal) are going to get sick (on me) if you keep waiting out in the street”

This is possible because, even though the first clitic is equivalent to a 2nd person plural, the actual clitic form used in the sentence is underspecified for number. As in the case of (11b), the selected form is se. In (13), on the contrary, we have the same pair of sentences, this time with a cluster whose first clitic is fully specified for person and number. As expected, the two sentences are ungrammatical. ïœ¸.â•… Nevins (2007) also deals with the notion of spurious se- and leísmo- in his discussion of the effects that the representation of 3rd person has in clitic combinations.

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ°ïœ¹

(13) a. *Pasad todos, que os nos váis a enfermar Pass all that 2.pl.refl 1.pl.dat go to get_sick

si seguís en la calle. if continue on the street

“Come in, you (pl) are going to get sick (on us) if you keep waiting out in the street” b. *Pasad todos, que os me váis a enfermar si Pass all that 2.pl.refl 1.sg.dat go to get_sick if

seguís en la calle. continue on the street

“Come in, you (pl) are going to get sick (on me) if you keep waiting out in the street”

In sum, the contrast between (12) and (13) can be taken as further support for the Plural Blocking Effect (henceforth PBE), since the language is using a strategy that chooses to impoverish the first clitic of the cluster. This choice eases the way for the second clitic and, therefore, the resulting combination is grammatical.

3.2â•… The Least Leafy to the Left constraint (Heap 1998, 2005) In an attempt to account for clitic ordering in both standard and non-standard Spanish, Heap (2005) proposes a Feature Geometric analysis applied to clitic combinations. More specifically, he proposes a model based on Harley and Ritter (1998) with elements from Bonet (1991). The structure proposed by Heap (2005) is reproduced in (14): (14)

CL PARTICIPANT

OTHER

[speaker] [group]

CLASS

GENDER

CASE

[feminine] [dative] [Extracted from Heap 2005: 90]

Heap (1998, 2005) proposes that the linear ordering of clitics follows the Least Leafy to the Left (LLL): (15) Arrange clitics from the morphologically least specified to most specified.

ïœ²ïœ±ïœ° Anahí Alba de la Fuente

According to this constraint, the least specified clitics must precede the most specified clitics.9 In other words, when it comes to number, singular clitics must precede plural clitics, as indicated by the PBE. In sum, both the PBE and the LLL constraint account for the clitic combination patterns in Spanish.

4.â•… Evidence from other Romance languages 4.1â•… Romanian Romanian presents exactly the same restrictions as Spanish and in the same contexts, which may lead us to assume that the PBE – and the LLL – is active in Romanian the same way it is in Spanish. However, the linear ordering of clitics in Spanish and Romanian are not the same. Thus, in Romanian, the dative clitic must precede the accusative one and, crucially, the 1st person clitic must precede the 2nd person one (see Săvescu 2007; Nevins & Săvescu 2008). In Spanish, on the other hand, 2nd person must precede 1st person, as we have seen in (5), (7), (8), (9) and (13). This implies that the ordering of clitic clusters in Spanish mirrors that of Romanian.10 (16) a.

Mi te-ai prezentat la petrecere. 1.sg.dat 2.sg.acc-past introduce at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

b. Ni te-ai prezentat la petrecere. 1.pl.dat 2.sg.acc-past introduce at the party “You introduced yourself to us at the party” c. *Ni v-aţi prezentat la petrecere. 1.pl.dat 2.pl.acc-past introduce at the party “You introduced yourselves to us at the party” d. *Mi v-aţi prezentat la petrecere. 1.sg.dat 2.pl.acc-past introduce at the party “You introduced yourselves to me at the party”

ïœ¹.â•… With respect to the Feature Geometry, specificity – or markedness- correlates with structure and, so, more complex structures are more marked (Heap 2005:Â€91). ïœ±ïœ°.â•… Given the fact that clitics are ordered by person and not by case, in Spanish, a sentence such as Te me presentaron is potentially ambiguous, since it could be interpreted as “They introduced you to me” (teACC meDAT) or as “They introduced me to you” (teDAT meACC). However, in these cases, the acc dat order is preferred over dat acc, so Spanish effectively mirrors Romanian with respect to clitic ordering.

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ±ïœ±

Thus, examples like (16b) and (16d) contradict both the LLL constraint and the PBE as defined above. Contrary to the predictions of these two constraints, (16b) is grammatical, despite containing a plural clitic in first position, and (16d) is ungrammatical, even though the first clitic is singular. However, it is essential to remark that the ungrammaticalities surface in the same contexts in both Spanish and Romanian, so the same restrictions must hold for the two languages, regardless of the fact that the offending plural clitic is in first position in Spanish and in second position in Romanian. Nevins & Săvescu (2008) argue that the singular/plural asymmetry found in Romanian is an effect of case syncretism. In Romanian, 1st and 2nd singular clitics show an accusative-dative distinction, whereas 1st/2nd plural clitics are case syncretic.11 However, as we can see in Table 1, Spanish 1st /2nd clitics, both singular and plural, are case syncretic, and, yet, the restrictions are the same in both languages. Therefore, the fact that Spanish shows case syncretism both in the singular and in the plural necessarily indicates that case syncretism cannot explain the asymmetry observed when combining singular and plural clitics. Table 1.â•‡ Accusative and dative clitics in Romanian and Spanish Romanian Accusative 1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl 2pl 3pl

mă te l/o ne vă i/le

Spanish Dative mi ţi i ne/ni vă/v/vi le/li

Accusative

Dative

me te lo/la nos os los/las

me te le nos os les

4.2â•… Catalan In general, Catalan behaves like Spanish and Romanian with an important exception. Catalan marginally accepts the combination of two plural clitics, in contrast with Spanish and Romanian. (17) a.

Tu te’m vares presentar a la festa You 2.sg.refl-1.sg.dat past introduce at the party “You introduced yourself to me at the party”

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Nevins & Săvescu (2008) explain that, in order to diagnose syncretism, dative clitics must be looked at in isolation.

ïœ²ïœ±ïœ² Anahí Alba de la Fuente

b. Tu te’ns vares presentar a la festa You 2.sg.refl-1.pl.dat past introduce at the party “You introduced yourself to us at the party” c.

?Vosaltres us ens vàreu presentar a la festa You.Pl 2.pl.refl 1.pl.dat Past introduce at the party “You introduced yourselves to us at the party”

d. *Vosaltres us me vàreu presentar a la festa You.Pl 2.pl.refl 1.sg.dat Past introduce at the party “You introduced yourselves to me at the party”

This marginal acceptance of two plural clitics contrasts with the observations in Spanish and Romanian discussed above, and constitutes a challenge for the PBE. On the other hand, it corresponds with the acceptance of the Italian cluster vi ci (18), as defended by authors such as Bonet (1991). (18) Vi ci manderà 2.pl.dat 1.pl.acc send-fut “S/he will send us to you”

The sentence in (18) combines two 1st/2nd plural clitics and, even though this is a violation of the PBE, the sentence is Grammatical in Italian. However, ci can also be a locative, which means that the sentence could be interpreted as “S/he will send us to you”, but also as “S/he will send us there”. In fact, the analysis of ci as a locative – rather than a 2nd person plural clitic – seems to be the preferred interpretation provided by Italian speakers when presented with this example. However, even though the example in (18) is potentially ambiguous, given that ci can either be an object clitic or a locative, both clitics in the Catalan clusters in (17) are unambiguously object clitics. So, whereas the ambiguity of Italian ci may not be considered as a robust piece of evidence against the PBE, the Catalan examples in (17) pose a real challenge for the proposal.

5.â•… The Plural-Blocking Effect (PBE) As discussed in SectionÂ€2, Anagnostopoulou (2005) argues that 1st/2nd clitic combinations are allowed in Weak PCC languages because such languages allow for Multiple Agree. In addition, in order for Multiple Agree to take place, the two pronouns must not have conflicting feature specifications. At the same time, Icelandic shows a blocking effect regarding plural in long distance agreement in expletive constructions. More specifically, Anagnostopoulou (2005: 224) explains that “Multiple Agree in Icelandic is possible when both the dative and the nominative are [–plural] and impossible when the dative is [–plural] and the nominative [+plural].”

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ±ïœ³

When 1st and 2nd person clitics are combined in Spanish and Romanian, the dative can be either singular or plural, whereas the non-dative element can only be singular when combined with a dative. In view of all this, it becomes obvious that the restrictions presented in SectionÂ€3 must be reformulated in order to successfully account for all the data from Spanish, Romanian and Catalan discussed in SectionsÂ€3 and 4. These data show that the acceptability of the clitic combinations presented in this paper depends on two notions: case and feature markedness. The data, thus, show that there is a blocking effect regarding number and that the acceptance of a cluster also depends on the case of the clitic carrying the [+Plural] feature. On the other hand, we have seen that Catalan and Italian also seem to accept combinations in which both elements are plural, which is also the case in Icelandic long distance agreement, according to Anagnostopoulou (2005). Therefore, if we consider the PBE again, we may rephrase it as follows: (19) General Plural-Blocking Effect: In a combination of 1st and 2nd person clitics which includes a dative, the non-dative clitic of the cluster cannot outrank the dative in number.

This general restriction is common to all the languages discussed in this paper. However, languages such as Spanish and Romanian reject combinations in which the non-dative clitic contains a marked [Plural] feature. Thus, we may argue that these languages adopt a more rigorous version of the restriction, stated in (20): (20) Narrow Plural-Blocking Effect: In a combination of 1st and 2nd person clitics which includes a dative, the non-dative clitic cannot be plural.

It is crucial to note that this restriction in two versions actually parallels the PCC, by which the direct object (i.e. the non-dative element) always has to be third person (Strong PCC) or, alternatively, when there is a third person in the cluster, it has to be the direct object (Weak PCC). In other words, the Strong version of the PCC states that the non-dative clitic cannot be 1st or 2nd person and the Weak PCC states that the non-dative clitic cannot be more marked than the dative in terms of person. Thus, we have two parallel restrictions on clitic combinations which deal with case and feature markedness and always affect the same part of the cluster (the non-dative clitic); the PCC refers to person and the PBE to number.12,13 In fact, this analogy points towards

ïœ±ïœ².â•… With respect to person restrictions, authors such as Ormazabal & Romero (2007) and Nevins & Săvescu (2008) defend that, rather than person, we are, in fact, dealing with an animacy constraint, since they assume that 1st and 2nd person carry the [+animate] feature. ïœ±ïœ³.â•… The parallelism between the PBE and the PCC was also noted and pointed out to me by Eulàlia Bonet (p.c.) and Oana Săvescu (p.c.).

ïœ²ïœ±ïœ´ Anahí Alba de la Fuente

the possibility that both the PCC and the PBE may actually be part of a larger, more general constraint drawn by case and feature markedness.

6.â•… Conclusion There is an asymmetry regarding the combination of singular and plural clitics that surfaces in a number of Romance languages, such as Spanish, Romanian and Catalan. In these languages, a combination of 1st/2nd clitics with a dative is always ungrammatical if the non-dative clitic outranks the dative. This number-case restriction, the PBE, parallels the person-case restriction proposed by Bonet (1991) (the PCC), it is not due to case syncretism (contra Nevins & Săvescu 2008), and it does not depend on linear ordering (contra Heap 1998, 2005). Further research is now required in order to investigate the validity of the PBE with combinations including 3rd persons. More specifically, given the parallelism between the PCC and the PBE, it seems necessary to investigate whether the PBE and the PCC can be unified into one general restriction, and, more generally, to what extent case and feature markedness are responsible for all the restrictions that arise when two clitics are combined.

References Academia Română, Institutul de linvistică “Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti”. 2005. Gramatica limbii române I, Cuvântul. Bucarest: Editura Academiei Române. Adger, David & Harbour, Daniel. 2007. “Syntax and Syncretisms of the Person Case Constraint”. Syntax 10: 1. 2–37. Alba de la Fuente, Anahí. 2007. “As Time goes by… A Diachronic Analysis of Clitic Restrictions in Spanish”. Paper presented at the Hispanic Linguistics Symposium 2007, University of Texas at San Antonio, November 1–4. Anagnostopoulou, Elena. 2003. The Syntax of Ditransitives: Evidence from Clitics. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Anagnostopoulou, Elena. 2005. “Strong and Weak Person Restrictions: A Feature Checking Analysis”. Clitic and Affix Combinations ed. by Lorie Heggie & Francisco Ordóñez, 199–235. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Bonet, Eulàlia. 1991. Morphology after Syntax: Pronominal Clitics in Romance Languages. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, Mass. Grimshaw, Jane. 1997. “The Best Clitic: Constraint Conflict in Morphosyntax.” In Elements of Grammar ed. by Liliane Haegeman, 169–196 Dordrecht: Kluwer. Grimshaw, Jane. 2001. “Optimal Clitic Position and the Lexicon in Romance Clitic Systems.” In Optimality Theoretic Syntax ed. by Géraldine Legendre, Jane Grimshaw & Sten Vikner, 105–240. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.

More on the clitic combination puzzle ïœ²ïœ±ïœµ

Harley, Heidi & Elizabeth Ritter. 1998. “Meaning in Morphology: Motivating a Feature-Geometric Analysis”. Ms. University of Calgary and University of Pennsylvania. Harley, Heidi & Elizabeth Ritter. 2002. “Person and Number in Pronouns: a Feature-Geometric Analysis”. Language, 78: 3. 482–526. Heap, David. 1998. “Optimalizing Iberian Clitic Sequences”. Theoretical Advances in Romance Linguistics ed. by José Lema & Esthela Treviño, 227–248. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Heap, David. 2005. “Constraining Optimality: Clitic Sequences and Feature Geometry”. Clitic and Affix Combinations ed. by Lorie Heggie and Francisco Ordóñez, 81–102. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Holmberg, Anders & Thorbjörg Hróarsdottir. 2002. “Agreement and Movement in Icelandic Raising Constructions”. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 69. 147–168. Jakubowicz, Celia, Lea Nash, Catherine Rigaut & Christophe-Loic Gérard. 1998. “Determiners and Clitic Pronouns in French-Speaking Children with SLI”. Language Acquisition 7, 113–160. Nevins, Andrew. 2007. “The Representation of Third Person and its Consequences for PersonCase Effects”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25. 273–313. Nevins, Andrew & Oana Săvescu. 2008. “An Apparent Number Case Constraint in Romanian: The Role of Syncretism”. Paper presented at the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL 38), University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, April 4–6. Nicol, Fabrice. 2005. “Romance Clitic Clusters: On Diachronic Changes and Cross-linguistic Contrasts”. Clitic and Affix Combinations ed. by Lorie Heggie & Francisco Ordóñez, 199–235. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Ormazabal, Javier & Juan Romero. 2007. “The Object Agreement Constraint”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 25, 315–347. Perlmutter, David M. 1971. Deep and Surface Structure Constraints in Syntax. New York: Rinehart and Winston. Rivero, María Luisa. 2008. “Oblique Subjects and Person Restrictions in Spanish: A Morphological Approach”. Agreement Restrictions ed. by Roberta D’Alessandro, Susan Fischer & Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, 215–250. Berlin: De Gruyter. Săvescu, Oana. 2007. “Challenging the Person Case Constraint: Evidence from Romanian”. Romance Linguistics 2006. Selected Papers from the 36th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL 36), New Brunswick, March-April 2006 ed. by José Camacho, Nydia Flores-Ferrán, Liliana Sánchez, Viviane Déprez & María José Cabrera, 255–269. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins.

The Spanish dative alternation revisited* John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida The University of Texas at Austin

We examine Spanish dative alternations, and argue that although there are parallels to English, Harley’s (2003) analysis of English cannot be extended to Spanish, contra Bleam (2001). We propose an alternative based on the Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle of Beavers (2006, in press b), wherein the thematic role of the dative argument is a truth conditional strengthening of the thematic role of the corresponding oblique, which follows from the dative vs. oblique case alternation. We support this analysis by showing that it accounts for a range of less-oft discussed Spanish dative/oblique alternations. We then subsume Harley’s phrase structural analysis of English and our case-based analysis of Spanish under a more general notion of relative morphosyntactic prominence, predicting both the similarities and differences between the languages.

1.â•… Introduction We examine dative DP/PP alternations in Spanish, as in (1), where the PP a María “to Mary” in (1a) alternates with dative a María in (1b) doubled by the dative clitic le. We refer to the theme in (1) as the direct object (DO) and the dative in (1b) as the indirect object (IO). We refer to (1a) as the Prepositional Dative Construction (PDC) and (1b) as the Indirect Object Construction (IOC). This alternation corresponds to a semantic contrast: (1a) can have a caused motion reading but (1b) has only a caused possession reading. (1) a.

Juan envió la carta a María. Juan sent the letter to María “Juan sent the letter to María.”

b. Juan lei envió la carta a Maríai. Juan cl.dat.3sg sent the letter to María “Juan sent María the letter.”

*We are grateful to two native speakers of Spanish, Jocelly Guie-Meiners and Iera Zinkunegi Uzkudun, who helped us with the data. We also thank Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin, and Heidi Harley for their feedback.

ïœ²ïœ±ïœ¸ John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

Due to similarities with the English glosses, many researchers (Demonte 1995; Bleam 2001; Cuervo 2002, 2003; de Pedro Munilla 2004, inter alia) have proposed that variants of the standard English shell analysis (Larson 1988) also apply to Spanish: in both (1a) and (1b) the complements form a constituent projected by a null head that generates the appropriate semantics and ensures that the first XP asymmetrically c-commands the second. We agree that the alternations share a common core. However, we review the data supporting the shell analysis and conclude that it is not appropriate for Spanish, since the predicted c-command asymmetries do not obtain. Rather, what is common is not the syntactic relationship between the complements within each clause, but how the goal/recipient is realized across clauses: oblique vs. direct argument. Following Beavers (2006, in press b), when this contrast is semantically significant, it conforms to (2).

(2) Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle (MAP) (Version 1): In an argument/ oblique alternation of argument x of some verb, the direct argument realization of x has monotonically stronger truth conditions associated with it than the corresponding oblique realization.

We show that (2) underlies the Spanish and English data in (1), reflecting a contrast between an oblique goal vs. an IO recipient, where recipient is a semantic subtype of goal. We also show that Spanish datives alternate with more obliques than just a PPs, but always conforming to (2), thus providing more substantial support for (2) than English dative alternations. In §1 we discuss the basic facts of the alternation, and review evidence for a shell analysis. In §2 we discuss some syntactic problems with applying this analysis to Spanish and propose an alternative that does not take the languages to be wholly parallel. In §3 we discuss some novel semantic generalizations about the alternation and suggest that the shell analysis does not account for them either. In §4 we propose an alternative based on (2) that preserves the universal syntax-to-semantics mapping as a relation of thematic roles to various argument-coding properties, of which phrase structure is just one. We argue that the differences between the languages fall out of a contrast in how IOs are coded – positionally in English but morphologically in Spanish. We conclude in §5.

2.â•… Background Harley (2003:Â€33) (building on Larson 1988; Pesetsky 1995:Â€135–136; see also Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2008) proposes that the English alternation in the translation to (1) follows from two different syntactic event decompositions. The analysis of English (1a) is in (3a), where the two arguments form a small clause-type predication headed by a

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ±ïœ¹

null P that takes the theme the letter as a specifier and the goal to María as a complement. The analysis of English (1b) is in (3b), where the small clause is instead headed by a null P indicating possession, taking the recipient Mary as specifier and the theme as complement. (3) a. [vP Juan [v’ vCAUSE [PP the letter [P’ PLOC [PP to María ] ] ] ] ] b. [vP Juan [v’ vCAUSE [PP María [P’ PHAVE [DP the letter ] ] ] ] ]

This predicts that the variants should differ in whether caused possession is entailed (following Oehrle 1976) and c-command asymmetries between the complements (following Larson 1988). Based on apparent parallelisms therein with English, Bleam (2001) extends this analysis to Spanish data as in (1); we outline these arguments in parallel. Semantically, in both languages there is a meaning contrast. In Spanish a Londres “to London” is felicitous in (4a), indicating the inanimate goal of the theme, but not in (4b), unless Londres refers to a possessor (e.g. Scotland Yard); this also holds in English (cf. the glosses): (4) a.

Juan envió la carta a Londres. John sent the letter to London “John sent the letter to London.”

b. #Juan le envió la carta a Londres. John cl sent the letter to London #“John sent London the letter.” (OK on Scotland Yard reading)

Second, Bleam notes that both languages exhibit asymmetric c-command. For example, in the PDC a DO can bind into the oblique PP but not vice versa (5), while an IO can bind into a DO, but not vice versa (6). (Note that in Bleam’s data the IO precedes the DO; we return to this below). (5) a.

El editor envió [cada libro]i a sui autor. the editor sent each book to its author “The editor sent [each book]i to itsi author.”

b. *El editor envió sui libro [a cada autor]i. the editor sent his book to each author *“The editor sent hisi book to [each author]i.” (6) a.

El editor le envió [a cada autor]i sui libro. the editor cl sent to each author his book “The editor sent [each author]i hisi book.”

b. *El editor le envió a sui autor [cada libro]i. the editor cl sent to its author each book *“The editor sent itsi author [each book]i.” (Bleam exx. (14)–(17))

ïœ²ïœ²ïœ° John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

However, there are two issues with applying this analysis to Spanish, one syntactic and one semantic. We start with the syntactic issue.

3.â•… Problems with shell approach and an alternative syntactic analysis As noted, Bleam’s Spanish IOCs crucially are IO DO, replicating the English order. However, the neutral order in Spanish is DO IO. (See below for corpus data findings.) Yet as Bleam herself admits the English/Spanish parallels disappear in this order, e.g. in (7) the DO can bind into the IO. (7) El editor le envió [cada libro]i a sui autor. the editor cl sent each book to its author

(Bleam ex. (18))

To account for this, Bleam argues that DO IO is derived from IO DO by moving the DO across IO, yielding two possible IOCs in Spanish: (8) a. [ cl V [ IO … [ DO … ] ] ] b. [ cl V [ DOi … [ IO … [ ti … ] ] ] ]

She gives (9) to argue for this, where the IO backwards binds into the DO, suggesting it c-commands it at some stage: (9) (?) El editor le envió sui libro a cada autori. the editor cl sent his book to each author

(Bleam ex. (19))

Bleam does not discuss how this comes about, but de Pedro Munilla (2004) proposes that it results from optional reconstruction at LF. Thus the Spanish pattern is as in (10), which is not parallel to English: Spanish has an extra IOC showing symmetric c-command (cp. (7) and (9)). (10) a. PDC: V DO PP: PP goal; DO binds into PP b. IOC: cl V IO DO: IO possessor; IO binds into DO c. IOC: cl V DO IO: IO possessor; IO/DO bind into each other

Yet (8) is problematic for two reasons. First, neither author discusses what motivates DO movement. Cuervo (2002) proposes that ditransitives have uninterpretable EPP/ ACC(usative) features that attract the DO to its specifier position. But on the assumption that ACC must be obligatorily checked, it is not clear how she handles IO DO word order. Second, more fundamentally, (8) assumes that the neutral word order is derived. However, the null hypothesis is that it is basic. This conforms to data gathered from the Spanish Royal Academy corpus CREA (written and oral) constituting 518 tokens of clitic doubled constructions for enviar “send”, entregar “give/turn in”, poner, “put”, quitar “remove”, and vender “sell”, all past perfective with 3SG clitic le and 3SG/3PL

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ²ïœ±

subject. In these data DO IO order (393 tokens) is clearly unmarked, whereas IO DO order (125 tokens found) is used overwhelmingly (81.6%) when the DO (underscored) is heavy (see Wasow 2002), as in the following: (11) …se le quitó a Landívar el derecho a hablar a nombre de esa comisión. “they took away from Landívar the right to speak on behalf of that comission”

This suggests that the IO comes before the DO for processing. In other cases, DO IO is the only possibility, as when the verb and the DO form a semantic unit, as in (12). (12) a.

Juan le puso fin a la relación/#a la relación fin. John cl.3sg put end to the relation/to the relation end “John put an end to the relationship.”

Thus (10b,c) are not free variants, contra previous authors. Given the marked contexts of IO DO order, (13) is a preferable analysis, where the neutral order (13a) is underived, and the marked order (13b) is an alternate base-generated/scrambled option constrained to certain contexts. (13) a. [ cl V [ DO … [ IO … ] ] ] b. [ cl V [ IOi … [ DO … [ (ti) … ] ] ] ]

Prima facie, though, (13a) does not capture symmetric binding. However, we argue that a simple, independently motivated assumption generates the correct results: the dative clitic can be a binder in Spanish. Evidence for this comes from (14), where the reflexive DP inside the PP complement must be interpreted as coreferent with the clitic, thus, the latter binds the former. (14) Los fracasos lei arrebataron la confinza en sí mismai. the failures cl.3sg took.away the confidence in herself “The failures wrenched from her (her) confidence in herself.”

With this assumption symmetric c-command follows for free from (13a). In (13a) the clitic c-commands the DO, which c-commands the IO, and thus the clitic can bind into the DO, which can bind into the IO, predicting symmetric c-command as the byproduct of two asymmetric c-command relations. Conversely, in (13b) both the clitic and the IO DP c-command the DO, ruling out symmetric binding. Thus (13), with the independently motivated assumption that clitics can bind, captures (10c). However, Cuervo (2003) argues against such an analysis. First, she states that “… such an approach would predict that in [DO IO] constructions, the accusative should also be able to bind into the lower dative DP.” (p.42) She gives (15) (her (51)) to show that this is impossible. (15) */??La policía les entregó los bebés a sus (respectivos) padres. the police cl.3pl gave the babies to their respective parents “The police gave the babies to their respective parents.”

ïœ²ïœ²ïœ² John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

However, (15) is independently marginal for having two 3PL animate objects competing to be linked to les. If we have an inanimate DO, the DO can bind into the IO, contra Cuervo. (See also Bleam’s (7) above): (16) La policía les entregó las carteras a sus (respectivos) dueños. the police cl.3pl gave the wallets to their (respective) owners “The police gave the wallets back to their respective owners.”

Next, Cuervo argues that a DO IO analysis cannot account for the ungrammaticality of (17a). Cuervo suggests that (17a) is explained on the IO DO analysis as a Weak Crossover (WCO) violation, where the DO has been extracted across the coindexed possessive as in (17b), an explanation not available in (17c). (17) a. *[Qué (libro) ]i le entregamos a sui dueño? what book cl we.gave to its owner “Intended: What (book) did we give to its owner.” b. [ [ Qué (libro) ]i le entregamos a sui dueño ti ] c.

[ [ Qué (libro) ]i le entregamos ti a sui dueño]

However, the facts are not this clear cut, since (17a) is acceptable to our consultants (when given contextual information), supporting (17c). Thus WCO does not argue against a DO IO analysis. Finally, Cuervo argues that the clitic cannot be a binder since this would require it to be a pronoun and stand for an argument. We agree that clitics are not DPs and assume that they are verbal affixes (Miller & Sag 1996), adjoined to a verb. However, we argue that clitics can stand for an argument. Unlike French and Italian, Spanish allows clitic doubling, which has posed difficulty for defining what clitics are and how the IO is realized. In the generative tradition, Spanish IOs are always defined as lexical XPs and clitics as functional categories, e.g. case absorbers (Jaeggli 1982), agreement markers (Suñer 1988), heads of AGRIO (Franco 1993), heads of ApplP (Cuervo 2003). In contrast, we take the more empirically transparent position: the IO can be instantiated by a clitic alone (without postulating a phonologically-null element pro) or clitic/ DP pair, both contributing to the interpretation of the argument, as in (18). (18) El profesor nos/os/les dio la A a la clase entera. the professor cl.1pl/2pl/dat.3pl gave the A to the class entire “The professor gave us/you all/them the entire class an A.”

In (18) the choice of clitic gives critical information about the referent of the IO not provided by the DP, and the clitic is thus a partial instantiation of the IO. For space reasons we do not exhibit how the IO is syntactically instantiated by the clitic alone or clitic + DP; however, e.g. an analysis proposed by Steele (1988) for Luiseño subjects can be extended to Spanish IOs.

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ²ïœ³

To summarize, with a simple, independently-motivated assumption – that the clitic can be a binder – we can capture (10) without ad hoc movement. We turn next to a semantic issue regarding shell analyses.

4.â•… The morphosyntactic alignment principle The Harley-style analysis also fails to fully capture the semantics of the dative alternation. On this analysis the semantic contrast is between caused possession and PLOC, though Harley never defines the latter relation. However, there is an interesting property underlying the contrast between IOCs and PDCs. Consider (19) with an inanimate goal/ recipient. As noted above, the IOC is ruled out since an inanimate cannot be a possessor (except on a repair reading). But crucially, the PDC allows both caused motion and caused possession readings, the latter again on a repair reading. (19) a. John sent a book to London. b. #John sent London a book.

(Caused motion or possession) (Only caused possession)

Thus (19b) encodes a subset of the readings of (19a). How is this possible? We suggest that the PLOC-type relation in (19a) is a type of abstract co-location subsuming multiple types of coincidence relationships between entities, which we equate with Hale and Keyser’s (2002: 208) central coincidence relation (which underlies literal and metaphorical give and with). A recipient is something that enters into a central coincidence relationship with the theme and comes to possess it (see also Pesetsky 1995:Â€ 135–136; 141); a literal goal involves central coincidence plus co-location. Relevant to our data, the truth conditions that constitute possessor-hood entail central coincidence, but not conversely, so that, representing each thematic relation as a relationship between two arguments and an event, the implicational thematic hierarchy in (20) arises. (20) ∀x∀y∀e[possessor’(x,y,e) → central.coincidence’(y,x,e)]

Thus (19b) entails (19a) but not conversely, explaining the interpretative patterns in (19). However, Harley (2003: 41ff.) suggests that PDCs do not always encode everything IOCs can, giving light verb and idiom pairs such as gave John a kick/*gave a kick to John and threw Mary a glance/*threw a glance to Mary (ibid.: ex. (13)) as evidence. However, in all of her cases IOCs are possible, provided the goal/recipient is heavy (cp. She gave a kick (in the pants) to every boy who ever did her wrong). This shows that PDCs can encode everything IOCs encode (see Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2008:Â€ 150–160 for an extensive discussion); we offer an alternative explanation for cases where IOCs are preferred below. Interestingly, as Beavers (2006, in press b) shows, implicational relationships between variants are not restricted to datives; similar effects are also found with DO/oblique and

ïœ²ïœ²ïœ´ John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

subject/oblique alternations (albeit with thematic roles not having to do with possession). Of course, not every alternation shows a truth conditional contrast (as Rappaport Hovav & Levin 2008 show for the dative alternation with verbs of giving such as give and hand). But the generalization Beavers proposes is that when an argument/ oblique alternation is semantically contentful, it encodes a monotonic strengthening/ weakening of the truth conditions that comprise the thematic role of the alternating participant along an independent implicational hierarchy of the sort in (20): (21) Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle (MAP) (Version 2): In an argument/ oblique alternation of argument x, in the direct argument realization x bears stronger truth conditions along some implicational thematic hierarchy than in the oblique realization.

Note that we view dative alternations as lexicalized rather than derived, and more generally (21) is a lexicalization principle predicting what kinds of lexicalized alternations will be possible. Furthermore, this principle does not predict which verbs will alternate, e.g. it does not explain why certain verbs (costar “to cost”) lack one of the two variants, since that is due to the idiosyncrasy of these verbs. It simply predicts what semantic contrast will be instantiated when an alternations is lexicalized. The MAP underlies Spanish dative alternations as well: (22a) is also compatible with both motion/possession readings, but (22b) has only a possession reading, mirroring (19) and strengthening the parallelism. (22) a.

Juan envió la carta a María/Londres. Juan sent the letter to María/London “Juan sent the letter to M./London.”

(London or Scotland Yard)

b. Juan lei envió la carta a Maríai/#Londresi. Juan cl gave the letter to María/London. “Juan sent María/#London the letter.”

(Only Scotland Yard)

In fact, we show that not only does the MAP apply in (22), it is significantly more pervasive than in English. We discuss several IO/oblique alternations in Spanish that do not have English parallels and encode contrasts other than goal vs. recipient. Yet in each case the MAP holds, suggesting its generality in Spanish. Partly for space reasons and partly because these results are tentative, we leave the relevant roles vague, although greater or lesser affectedness (perhaps modeled as in Beavers in press a) is usually key. The crucial point is that the conditions for the IO always subsume those of the oblique, but additional constraints also necessarily obtain. De “from/off ” Alternations. Consider first the IO/de alternation in (23), where in (23a) the tablecloth is removed (weak reading), while in (23b) the table has additionally been made bare (e.g. has lost an integral part; strong reading), reflecting monotonic strengthening (this also occurs with sacar “take out”, arrancar “pull out”, confiscar “consfiscate”, extraer “extract”, etc.).

(23) a.

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ²ïœµ

Juan quitó el mantel de la mesa. Juan removed the tablecloth from the table “John removed the tablecloth from the table.”

b. Juan le quitó el mantel a la mesa. Juan cl removed a chair to the table “John removed the tablecloth from the table.” (affecting it)

To illustrate the semantic contrast we need a way of ruling out readings to see which reading each variant allows. Consider taking an instrument out of a glass case, where (presumably) an instrument never constitutes an integral part of a glass case. Here the PDC is acceptable but crucially the IOC is unacceptable as in (24). (24) a.

El dentista extrajo el instrumento de la vitrina. the dentist extracted the instrument from the glass case “the dentist took out the instrument from the glass case.”

b. #El dentista le extrajo el instrumento a la vitrina. the dentist cl extracted the instrument to the glass case

This mirrors the IO/a facts. However, we also expect the PDC to be compatible with both readings. To see this, we need a context where the strong reading must hold, for example extracting a molar from the mouth, assuming a molar is an integral part of the mouth. As expected, the IOC is acceptable. But here the PDC is unacceptable, contra the MAP: (25) a. #El dentista extrajo la muela del niño. the dentist extracted the molar from the boy b. El dentista le extrajo la muela al niño. the dentist cl extracted the molar to. the boy “The dentist extracted the boy’s molar.”

This suggests that the MAP does not hold here – rather, the PDC encodes the weak reading and a denial of the strong one. Is this problematic? We suggest not. Rather, it could be that the existence of a dedicated variant for encoding the strong reading in (25b) blocks this reading from obtaining in (25a). Indeed, for distinct, competing variants, we might expect three types of relationships: (26) a. The oblique variant is compatible with weak and strong readings. b. The argument variant blocks the strong reading in the oblique. c. The oblique variant implicates a denial of the strong reading.

As Beavers (2006, in press b) shows, English alternations generally have the property in (26a). But so far Spanish has some alternations with the property in (26a) (IO/a) and some with (26b) (IO/de). Indeed, English may also exhibit some blocking: this would account for the light verb and idiomatic data above where IOCs are preferred (but not

ïœ²ïœ²ïœ¶ John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

categorically) over PDCs (thanks to Heidi Harley, p.c., for pointing this out to us). If (as Harley 2003 suggests) these are cases where strong readings are obligatory, and the IOC is the canonical way to encode this, it may block the PDC unless other factors (heaviness) intervene (providing a cleaner analysis than the Heavy-NP shift + to – insertion analysis of Harley 2003: fn.9). Finally, it is not hard to imagine languages where (26c) might hold (Beavers 2006:Â€226ff. suggests that certain accusative/dative alternations in Spanish hacer causatives may instantiate this). Thus IO/de alternations do follow the MAP if blocking is taken into account, suggesting commonality with IO/a alternations. We do not propose here an explanation for when blocking does or does not occur, leaving this for future work. En “in/on/into/onto” Alternations. Other verbs show IO/en alternations. An example is in (27), where in the PDC the entailment is that the tablecloth is on the table (weak reading), but in the IOC there is an additional entailment that it has entered into the appropriate setting relationship with the table, namely covering it (strong reading) (other such verbs are meter “insert/put in(to)”, colocar “place”, etc.). (27) a.

Juan puso un mantel en la mesa. Juan put the tablecloth in the table “John put the tablecloth on the table.”

b. Juan le puso un mantel a la mesa. Juan cl put the tablecloth to the table “John put the tablecloth on the table.” (covering it)

To test the MAP we must force weak/strong readings. For putting fruit in a fridge (which presumably does not affect the fridge) we predict only the PDC to be possible. Alternatively, when stuffing a turkey, i.e. turning it into a dish, we expect the IOC to be fine and the PDC to either also allow this reading or be blocked. These are shown in (28)–(29), with blocking. (28) a.

Juan metió la fruta en el frigo. John inserted the fruit in the frige “John put the fruit into the fridge.”

b. #Juan le metió la fruta al frigo. John cl inserted the fruit to.the frige (29) a. #Metes el relleno en el pavo y lo cueces en el horno. You.put the stuffing in the turkey and it you.cook in the oven b. Le metes el relleno al pavo y lo cueces en el horno. cl you.put the stuffing to.the turkey and it you.cook in the oven “You put the stuffing in the turkey and you cook it in the oven.”

Another such alternation has a stative meaning: in (30a) Juan discovers something strange in the box (weak reading), while in (30b) the box is characterized by strangeness (strong reading) (encontrar “find”, detectar “detect”, reconocer “recognize”, oír “hear”, sentir “feel” also show this).

(30) a.

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ²ïœ·

Juan vio algo extraño en la caja. Juan saw something strange in the box “John saw something strange in the box.”

b. Juan le vio algo extraño a la caja. Juan cl saw something strange to the box “John found the box strange.”

This again follows the MAP, if containing something strange means having a strange quality, while being characterized by strangeness means having a strange quality characteristic of the entire participant. Examples (31)–(32) illustrate the meaning differences: IDs do not characterize wallets, but arrogance characterizes people (and again we see blocking). (31) a.

Mi padre siempre encuentra el carnet en la cartera. My father always finds the id in the wallet “My father always finds his id in his wallet.”

b. #Mi padre siempre le encuentra el carnet a su cartera. My father always cl finds the id to his wallet (32) a. #Juan encuentra cierto aire de arrogancia en su nuevo jefe. John finds certain air of arrogance in/about his new boss. b. Juan le encuentra cierto aire de arrogancia al nuevo jefe. John cl finds certain air of arrogance to.the new boss “John finds certain air of arrogance in/about his new boss.”

Para “for” Alternations. Finally we have IO/para alternations. Consider (33), where (33a) possession may but does not necessarily obtain (i.e. a benefactive reading is possible), while in (33b) possession must also obtain. Thus in the PDC hijo primogénito may be a non-existing or existing person, while in IOC the first son must exist. Therefore, the MAP is met (and no blocking occurs; this also occurs with dibujar “draw”, hacer “make”, encontrar “find”, comparar “buy”, buscar “search”, etc.). (33) a.

Juan construyó una casa de campo para su hijo primogénito. Juan built a country house for his son first-born. “John built a country house for his first son.” (who may not exist)

b. Juan le construyó una casa de campo a su hijo primogénito. Juan cl built a country house to his son first-born “John built his first son a country house.” (who exists)

5.â•… The Syntax/Semantics mapping What these alternations bear in common is the weak/strong to PP/IO correlation predicted by the MAP, which varies by the factors in (34).

ïœ²ïœ²ïœ¸ John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida

(34) a. Whether the PP is goal (a, en, para), source (de), or location (en); b. The verb-specific extra io entailment, e.g. type of affectedness.

Thus the MAP links Spanish and English. However, the PHAVE/PLOC analysis does not capture this, at least not at an appropriate level of generality. First, it only predicts a different predication relationship between the two arguments, but not necessarily that the roles assigned to the PP and IO should be related, much less by monotonic strengthening. It also does not extend to the other dative alternations in Spanish, since more MAPtype relationships than just possession vs. central coincidence are involved. One could posit more heads that stand in more alternations like (34), though the MAP only emerges as an ad hoc fact. Of course, we can say that the MAP is a general constraint on possible alternations of theta-role assigning heads, which is the analysis we propose to capture the above data. But there is a bigger problem with the shell-type analysis, namely the morphosyntax. The MAP relates a semantic contrast to different realization options for just one participant (even if the semantic relations are dyadic). Yet in the PHAVE/PLOC alternation the only obligatory morphosyntactic correlate is a change in specifier/complement relations between the arguments. While it may be appropriate for English, this correlation does not hold for Spanish, where the contrast is between a clitic doubled dative DP and a PP, regardless of the positional relation to the DO (see §2). So how can we preserve the MAP – or any uniform syntax-to-semantics mapping – while maintaining cross-linguistic applicability? We need a grammatical distinction that is (a) a priori to phrase structure and morphology and (b) able to compare realization options for a single argument, not just co-arguments. Following Beavers (2006) (who builds on Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2005), we suggest that the relevant distinction is the more general one of morphosyntactic prominence. It is well known that various argument coding devices – case, grammatical function, and syntactic position – can be ranked relative to one another by criteria appropriate for each category. For example, cases are ranked according to their relative morphological markedness, grammatical functions are ranked according to behavioral properties such as (but not limited to) accessibility to operations such as relativization, and syntactic positions are ranked by c-command asymmetries, as summarized in (35). (35) a. Case Markedness – Nom > Acc > Dat > Obl b. NP - Accessibility – SU > DO > IO > OBL c. C-command – SU > IO > DO > OBL

(Croft 2003:Â€142ff.) (Keenan & Comrie 1977) (Pesetsky 1995:Â€160–163)

Crucially, we can link monotonic strengthening to an increase in an argument’s morphosyntactic prominence along one or more hierarchies. In both English and Spanish obliques are coded as PPs. The difference – by which the word order and c-command facts follow – is how IO is encoded: in English it is coded positionally,

The Spanish dative alternation revisited ïœ²ïœ²ïœ¹

relative to other DP positions, while in Spanish it is coded by case, i.e. a dative clitic with optional doubling. This difference has an effect on the syntactic diagnostics expected of dative alternations. In English, the positional fact is that the IO always c-commands the DO (since English does not allow VP-internal scrambling of two DPs). In Spanish the positional relationship of IO and DO DPs is not part of IO or DO encoding and is not restricted by any other categorical factors. This is not to say that IO coding in Spanish is not also partly positional, only that it is not relative to other DPs. Thus no particular c-command relationship must obtain in the alternation; rather, the alternating heads constrained by the MAP in Spanish vary instead in the case they assign the relevant argument (and are not necessarily syntactically dyadic). Thus by generalizing the universality claim from categorical c-command relationships between co-arguments to relative morphosyntactic prominence of ways of encoding a single argument (which may manifest as c-command), we can maintain a universal syntax/semantics mapping across languages, with the Harley-type analysis being one of many instantiations.

6.â•… Conclusion We have supported the parallelism view that English and Spanish dative alternations. However, the similarity goes only as far as the relationship between semantics and morphosyntactic prominence (a cross-linguistic variable) for one argument, with a single Morphosyntactic Alignment Principle governing both alternations. This raises the question of what we expect cross-linguistic parallels to be: can we apply analyses appropriate for one language wholesale to another, or should we use cross-linguistic comparison to isolate the factors needed to state universal principles?

References Beavers, John. 2006. Argument/Oblique Alternation and the Structure of Lexical Meaning. Ph.D. thesis, Stanford University. Beavers, John. In press a. “On Affectedness”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Beavers, John. In press b. “The Structure of Lexical Meaning: Why Semantics Really Matters”. Language. Bleam, Tonia. 2001. “Properties of the Double Object Constructions in Spanish.” A Romance Perspective of Language Knowledge and Use, ed. by Rafael Nuñez-Cedeño, Luis LópezÂ€& Richard Cameron. 233–253.Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Croft, William. 2003. Typology and Universals. Cambridge: CUP. Cuervo, María C. 2002. “Structural Asymetries but Same Word Order.” (Asymmetry in Grammar VolumeÂ€ 1: Syntax and Semantics, ed. by Anna M. Di Sciullo. 117–144. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

ïœ²ïœ³ïœ° John Beavers & Chiyo Nishida Cuervo, María C. 2003. Datives at Large. Ph.D. thesis, MIT. Demonte, Violeta. 1995. “Dative Alternation in Spanish”. Probus 7.5–30. De Pedro Munilla, Mónica. 2004. “Dative Doubling Structures in Spanish: Are they Double Object Constructions?” WCCFL 23, pp. 169–182. Somerville: Cascadilla Press. Franco, Jon. 1993. On Object Agreement in Spanish. Ph.D. thesis, University of Southern California. Hale, Kenneth & Samuel J. Keyser. 2002. Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Harley, Heidi. 2003. “Possession and the double object construction, Linguistics variation Yearbook, ed. by P. Pica & J. Rooryck 2. 31–70. Jaeggli, Osvaldo. 1982. Topics in Romance Syntax. Dordrecht: Foris. Keenan, Edward. & Bernard Comrie. 1977. “Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar”. Linguistic Inquiry 8.62–100. Larson, Richard. 1988. “On the Double Object Construction”. Linguistic Inquiry 2.333–378. Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 2005. Argument Realization. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Miller, Philip H. & Ivan Sag. 1996. “French Clitic Movement Without Clitics or Movement”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 15.573–639. Oehrle, Richard T. 1976. The Grammatical Status of the English Dative Alternation. Ph.D. thesis, MIT. Pesetsky, David. 1995. Zero Syntax: Experiencers and Cascades. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Rappaport Hovav, Malka & Beth Levin. 2008. “The English Dative Alternation: A Case for Verb Sensitivity”. Journal of Linguistics 44.129–167. REAL ACADEMIA ESPAÑOLA, Corpus de referencia del español actual (CREA), http://www.rae.es. Steele, Susan. 1988. “Subject Values”. Language 65.537–577. Suñer, Margarita. 1988. “The Role of Agreement in Clitic-doubled Constructions”. Natural Language and Linguistics Theory 6.391–434. Wasow, Thomas. 2002. Postverbal Behavior. Stanford: CSLI Publications.

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps Ion Giurgea

Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy & University of Constance I argue that the distribution of (overt) object clitics and null objects in Romanian can be explained if we assume that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian are genderless. I show that Romanian has a null object used as a bound variable with a neuter pronoun antecedent. This item differs from parasitic gaps by the fact that it does not require an A-bar moved antecedent and can only occur with neuter pronouns, while overt clitics are excluded in this context. I propose that this is due to the fact that object clitics are always marked for gender, while neuter pronouns are genderless. I present independent evidence for the proposal that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian and other Romance languages, definite as well as indefinite and quantificational, lack a value for Gender.

1.â•… Introduction In this paper, I will show that the distribution of (overt) object clitics and null objects in Romanian can be explained if we assume that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian are genderless. In addition to the null anaphors licensed by verbs which take propositional objects, Romanian has a null object which is only used as a bound variable with a neuter pronoun antecedent. This very restricted use explains the fact that this type of object has gone unnoticed until now, being misinterpreted, in some of its contexts, as a parasitic gap. However, this item differs from parasitic gaps by the fact that it does not require an A-bar moved antecedent but instead requires its antecedent to be a neuter pronoun. On the other hand, overt clitics are excluded in the context where this item appears. This distribution can be explained by assuming that Romanian object clitics are always marked for gender, while neuter pronouns are genderless. After presenting the evidence for anaphoric object pro in Romanian (SectionÂ€2), I will argue for the existence of genderless pronouns in Romanian as well as other Romance languages (SectionÂ€3). Crucial evidence for the lack of gender comes from definite “neuter” pronouns. In languages with a binary masculine/feminine gender

ïœ²ïœ³ïœ² Ion Giurgea

opposition, genderless pronouns are used for reference to entities which do not fall under a nominal concept – either uncategorized perceptual objects, or propositions and state-of-affairs introduced by clausal projections. The genderless pronouns of Romanian are pro, the demonstratives asta/aceasta and aia/aceea (formally identical to the feminine singular, but distinguished from the feminine singular by their syntactic behavior with respect to agreement, clitic-doubling and accusative marking) and the so-called neuter indefinite and quantificational pronouns (ceva “something”, ce “what”, nimic “nothing”, orice “anything”, tot(ul) “everything”). In SectionÂ€ 4 I will briefly address the implications of the findings in this article for the analysis of the Romanian so-called “neuter nouns”, a class of nouns which trigger masculine agreement in the singular and feminine agreement in the plural and have sometimes been analyzed as constituting a third gender.

2.â•… Null objects in Romanian vs. parasitic gaps As known at least since Dobrovie-Sorin (1994), Romanian does not have arbitrary object pro. The correspondent of (1)a in Romanian is agrammatical:1 (1) a.

Questa musica rende pro allegri this music makes happy.mpl “This music makes people happy”

(It.) (Rizzi 1986)

b. *Muzica asta face fericiţi music-the this makes happy.mpl

(Ro.)

However, I will argue that Romanian has anaphoric object pro. The evidence for this type of pronoun comes from a construction which resembles parasitic gaps. The received view on parasitic gaps in Romanian is that they exist in the language, but are restricted to non-clitic-doubled Ā-chains (Dobrovie-Sorin 1990, 1994; Cornilescu 2002; Alboiu 2002): (2) a.

Ce-ai aruncat fără să citeşti? what have.2sg thrown without subj read.2sg “What did you throw away without reading?”

ïœ±.â•… The following abbreviations are used in this paper 1,2,3 1st, 2nd, 3rd person acc accusative art genitival article (a genitive and possessive marker agreeing with the possessee)

cl clitic dat dative f feminine imper imperative inf infinitive m masculine

neg negative clitic (French) neut neuter pro-n-cl pro-N-clitic sg singular subj subjunctive particle

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ³ïœ³

b. *Pe care l-ai aruncat fără să citeşti? obj which it-have.2sg thrown without subj read.2sg

However, for me and many other people I consulted, the contrast does not oppose clitic-doubled and non-clitic-doubled fronted elements. What looks like a parasitic gap is only possible with neuter pronouns (ce “what”, nimic “nothing”): (3) a.

Ce-ai aruncat fără să citeşti?/ fără a citi? what have.2sg thrown without subj read.2sg/ without to read

b. Ce-ai mâncat fără să tai?/ fără a tăia? what have.2sg eaten without subj cut.2sg/ without to cut “What did you eat without cutting?” (4) NIMIC n-am mâncat fără să tai nothing not-have.1sg eaten without subj cut.1sg “I ate nothing without cutting it”

All other types of non-clitic-doubled fronted phrases – DPs of the form [ce NP] “what NP”, fronted bare NPs, the animate wh-pronoun cine –, although non-D-linked, exclude an object gap: (5) a.

Ce carte ai aruncat fără să ??(o) citeşti?/ fără what book have.2sg thrown without subj(it) read.2sg/ without

a *(o) citi? to (it) read

“What book did you throw away without reading?”

b. Ce aliment ai mâncat fără să â•›*(-l) tai?/ fără what aliment have.2sg eaten without subj(it) cut.2sg/ without

a *(-l) tăia? to â†œ(it) cut

“What aliment did you eat without cutting?”

(6) MACAROANE am mâncat fără să â•›*(le) tai pasta(fpl) have.1sg eaten without subj (themFPL) cut.1sg “It is pasta that I ate without cutting” (7) Pe cine ai admirat înainte de a%*(-l) cunoaşte? obj who have.2sg admired before of to â•›(him) know “Whom have you admired before meeting?”

The explanation I propose for this distribution is that Romanian (or at least the idiolect in which the contrast in (3)–(7) is found) does not have parasitic gaps at all, and what looks like a parasitic gap in constructions with ce or nimic is in fact a genderless object pro. The idea is that every time the accusative object can have a value for the category gender, it will appear in the form of a clitic. In (5)–(6), where there is a nominal antecedent, the pronoun takes the gender of the noun (pronouns anaphoric to expressions

ïœ²ïœ³ïœ´ Ion Giurgea

which contain a noun can always take the grammatical gender of the noun of their antecedent). In case the antecedent does not contain a noun but is animate, like inÂ€(7), the pronoun can take the masculine as a “natural” (interpretable) gender, since in Romanian, like in the other Indo-European languages which have inflectional gender, the masculine as a natural gender is interpreted as +animate (and +male by an implicature). In (3)–(4), the antecedent is a neuter pronoun. As will be shown in the next section, neuter pronouns are arguably genderless, so the anaphoric pronoun cannot take the gender of its antecedent. Moreover, since natural gender is restricted to animates (the masculine is interpreted as +animate, and the feminine is interpreted as +female),2 the anaphoric pronoun cannot appear with a gender feature interpreted as natural gender. It follows that the anaphoric object must be genderless. The fact that we find in this case null objects instead of clitics can be explained if we assume that clitic forms are always marked for gender in Romanian (i.e. there are no morphological defaults for the category gender in the paradigm of accusative clitics), while object pro is genderless. Notice indeed that overt pronouns are excluded in (3)–(4): (3′) a. *Ce-ai aruncat fără să-l/o citeşti? what have.2sg thrown without 3rdmsg.acc/3rdfsg.acc read.2sg b. *Ce-ai mâncat fără a-l/o tăia? what have.2sg eaten without to 3rdmsg.acc/3rdfsg.acc cut (4′) *NIMIC n-am mâncat fără să-l/o tai nothing not-have.1sg eaten without subj 3rdmsg.acc/3rdfsg.acc cut.1sg

The data presented so far allow an alternative explanation: one may say that the parasitic gap construction exists in the language but is just dispreferred, and the speakers only use it as a last resort when no gender is available for the object pronoun. We may decide between the two explanations using contexts where the antecedent of the pronoun has not undergone movement. If the object in (3)–(4) is a genderless pro, we expect it to appear also in these cases, while if it is a parasitic gap, it should not be allowed if its binder has not undergone A-bar movement. The following examples support the pro hypothesis, showing null objects anaphoric to indefinite pronouns which have not undergone A-bar movement: (8) a.

Au adus ceva ca să monteze mâine have.3pl brought something in-order-to subj fix/mount.3pl tomorrow “They brought something to mount tomorrow”

b. Au adus o sculă ca s- â†œ*(o) have.3pl brought an equipment in-order-to. subj (it)

ïœ².â•… On the so-called ‘neuter gender’ of Romanian, see SectionÂ€4.

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ³ïœµ

monteze mâine fix/mount.3pl tomorrow

“They brought a device which they should mount tomorrow”

(9) a.

N-atinge nimic fără să strice not-touches nothing without subj breaks “(S)he doesn’t touch anything without breaking it”

b. N-atinge nici o jucărie fără s-â•‡ *(o) strice not-touches no toy without subj (it) breaks “(S)he doesn’t touch any toy without breaking it” c.

Încearcă, te rog, să atingi ceva fără să strici try.imper please subj touch.2sg something without subj break.2sg “Would you try to touch something without breaking it?”

These examples, together with the sharp deviance of object gap with A-bar antecedents containing an N or an animate pronoun ((5)–(7)) provide sufficient evidence against analyzing the null objects in (3)–(4) as parasitic gaps. However, this type of null object does not behave like regular pronouns either. Thus, the antecedent cannot be in another sentence: (10) Au adus cevai. *O să monteze proi mâine have.3pl brought something fut subj fix/mount.3pl tomorrow

I conclude that anaphoric genderless objects are restricted to a bound variable use. This idea can be formalized using Kratzer’s (1998, 2006) proposal that at least some instances of pronouns with a bound variable reading represent bare indices with φ-features inherited via Agree from the binder. Adopting this theory, what we called null object pro can be considered to be the spell-out of a bare index with unvalued Gender. Kratzer uses this theory to explain the existence of bound variable readings for 1st and 2nd person pronouns, as reflected in the sloppy reading of an example such as: (11) I’m the only one who takes care of my children (sloppy reading = the others do not take care of their children)

Notice that the null objects in (3)–(4) and (8)–(9) are inside subjunctive adjunct clauses (introduced by “without”, “before”, “in order to”). If the assimilation of these objects to Kratzer’s bare indices is correct, we predict that these environments should allow for bound variable readings of 1st and 2nd person pronouns. The following example shows that this prediction is borne out: (12) Numai eu am plecat fără să ştie only I have left without subj knows supraveghetorul meu supervisor-the my

(sloppy reading)

ïœ²ïœ³ïœ¶ Ion Giurgea

In conclusion, Romanian null objects are used as bound variables which have neuter pronouns as antecedents.3 This can be explained by the fact that neuter pronouns do not have gender, while object clitics are always marked for gender.

3.â•… Genderless pronouns in Romance and Romanian In this section, I provide evidence for the proposal that the so-called “neuter pronouns” of Romanian and other Romance languages are genderless. I will first consider definite neuter pronouns. In Romance languages, including Romanian, definite neuter pronouns are used for referents which do not fall under a nominal concept. There are two situations of reference to entities which do not fall under a nominal concept: (i) the referent is a perceptual object which has not been categorized (“identified”) yet (see (13)) or (ii) the referent is a propositional object, introduced in the discourse by a clausal projection (see (14)): (13) a.

Ce-i asta? what is that

(Rom.)

b. Qu’est-ce que c’est ça? c.

Qué es esto?

(14) a.

Nu cred asta. not believe.1sg this

(Fr.) (Sp.) (Rom.)

b. Cela je ne le crois pas this i neg it believe not

(Fr.)

ïœ³.â•… Null object pronouns must be distinguished from the sequence null D + noun-ellipsis (i.e. nominal ellipsis in bare nouns). As Giannakidou and Merchant (1996) and Panagiotidis (2002) have shown for Greek, and Giurgea (2008) for Romanian, what looks like an indefinite null object in examples such as (i) is to be analyzed as the null D of bare nouns (cf. Longobardi 1994) followed by noun ellipsis. One argument for this analysis is the possibility of having overt modifiers of the noun, like in the other instances of noun ellipsis as shown (ii)–(iii): (i)

Nu mai sunt pahare. – Lasă că aduce [Ø] Maria not more are glasses let.imper that brings Maria ‘There are no more glasses’ â•›â•›– ‘Don’t worry, Mary will bring some’

(ii)

Ai luat trandafiri galbeni? Eu aş fi vrut [Ne] roşii. have.2sg bought roses yellow I would have liked red ‘Did you buy yellow roses?’ ‘I would have preferred red’

(iii)

Aici se construiesc numai case din lemn. Noi avem şi [Ne] de cărămidă here refl build.3pl only houses in wood we have also of brick ‘Here people build only wooden houses. We also have brick houses’

c.

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ³ïœ·

Esto no lo creo this not it believe.1sg

(Sp.)

Gender on definite pronouns can reflect either the gender of their antecedent (“anaphoric gender”) or a property of the referent (“natural gender”). Romance languages have a binary gender opposition on pronouns between masculine and feminine, and as these names suggest, these genders, as natural genders, reflect properties of animates (i.e. sex; the masculine is the unmarked term, see above). Gender on pronouns can also be anaphoric (this being the only option for inanimates). In this case, the gender of the pronoun reflects the gender of the nominal concept under which the referent falls, if the pronoun is referential, or the gender of its binder, if the pronoun has a bound variable reading. If the pronoun has an antecedent in the discourse, it will take the gender of (the noun of) its antecedent. Since gender is a property of nouns, this indicates that besides co-reference the pronoun has a relation of identity-of-sense anaphora with its antecedent, which we may call “nominal anaphora” (see Corblin 1995 on this notion).4 (15) a.

Am pus paltonuli pe scaun. Peste eli am have.1sg put coat(m)-the on chair over 3rd.msg have.1sg

pus umbrela. put umbrella-the

(Rom.)

b. J’ai laissé mon manteaui là-bas. Ili doit I have left my coat(m) over there 3rd.msg must

être nettoyé be cleaned

(Fr.)

If the pronoun is used deictically, it will have the gender of the nominal concept under which the referent falls: (16) [before a bill fallen on the ground] a.

Ia-o, ce mai aştepţi take-3rd.fsg what still wait.2sg. “Take it, what are you waiting for?”

b. Prends-le, tu hésites encore? take-3rd.msg you hesitate still

(Rom.) (hârtie “bill” – fem.)

(Fr.) (billet “bill” – masc.)

ïœ´.â•… Therefore it has been proposed that personal pronouns contain an empty N, which provides the gender (see Panagiotidis 2002, a.o.). There are also pronouns whose only relation with their antecedent is nominal anaphora – the so-called ‘laziness pronouns’. For an overview of the various cases in which the only relation between the pronoun and their antecedent is nominal anaphora, see Elbourne (2005).

ïœ²ïœ³ïœ¸ Ion Giurgea

Since noun ellipsis can also involve a concept which is salient in virtue of its presence in the communication situation rather than in the discourse (what has been called “pragmatic antecedent” by Hankamer and Sag (1976)), as shown in (17) below, the facts in (16) confirm the idea that gender in pronouns may come from nominal anaphora.5 (17) [before a hat on a shop display] a.

Am şi eu una aşa have.1sg also I one.f like-this

(Rom.) (pălărie “hat” – fem.)

b. Moi aussi j’en ai un me too I pro-n-cl have one.m

comme ça like this

“I too have one like this”

(Fr.) (chapeau “hat” – masc.)

But, as we have seen in (13)–(14), there are cases in which pronouns must refer to entities for which there is no nominal concept available (either they are perceptual objects not yet categorized, or propositional objects introduced into the discourse by CPs). What gender can these pronouns have? Nominal anaphora cannot provide gender, since there is no nominal concept under which the referent falls, and natural gender cannot be used either, because it is restricted to animates. Then we expect to find forms lacking gender. Before providing evidence that the forms with this use – which I will call anominalÂ€ – are indeed genderless, I would like to point out that languages which have a neuter gender typically use the neuter in this case: (18) a.

Ich glaube es nicht I believe it not

(Germ.)

b. Nonne mauis illud credere (…) (Latin) not-inter prefer.2sg that.neut believe.inf “Don’t you prefer to believe that…” (Cicero, De Natura Deorum, III.12)

ïœµ.â•… Discourse anaphora and deixis are arguably two facets of the same phenomenon: reference to a contextually salient entity, or, in the case of identity-of-sense anaphora, recovery of a contextually salient concept. An entity or concept may be salient either by having been mentioned in the discourse (discourse anaphora) or by its presence in the utterance context (deixis). This explains why there are no demonstratives specialized for contextually salient non mentioned entities, but languages consistently use the same expressions for reference to previously mentioned entities and to contextually salient non mentioned entities.

(19) a.

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ³ïœ¹

Nescio id quid est not-know.1sg that.neut what is

(Latin)

b. Was ist das? what is that.neut

(Germ.)

The use of the neuter may be explained by the fact that it is the semantically unmarked gender, used both for inanimates and for maximal generality. In other words, the −animate interpretation is the result of an implicature, so that the neuter can be said to be devoid of any descriptive content in its use as natural gender: (20) Ex nihilo nihil from nothing nothing

(Latin)

(21) mens, quae (…) supponit ea omnia non existere de quorum mind which supposes those.neut all.neut not exist.inf of whose existentia vel minimum potest dubitare (lat.) existence even very-little can doubt.inf (Descartes, Meditationes de prima philosophia, Synopsis, 12) “The mind, which supposes that everything it can doubt does not exist”

Now I will proceed to the discussion of “anominal” pronouns in Romance, arguing that they are genderless. As anominal pronouns, we sometimes find special forms (see Meyer Lübke, Rom. Gr. III, § 87, 98–99, II § 98). Iberic languages use a special inflection, -o, restricted to the singular: (22) Sp.: 3rd person

masc.sg. fem.sg. anominal él ella ello

(“neuter” pronoun):

demonstratives:

este ese aquél

esta esto esa eso aquella aquello

(close to the speaker) (close to the hearer) (remote)

esta isto essa isso aquela aquilo

(close to the speaker) (close to the hearer) (remote)

Port.: demonstratives: este esse aquele

In French, Catalan and Italian we find a special root: French ce/ça (demonstrative and weak pronoun), ceci, cela vs. celui-ci/celle-ci, celui-là/celle-là (demonstratives), it. ciò, cat. això (demonstratives), ho (clitic), prov. çoÂ€: (23) a.

C’est impossible that/it is impossible

b. Ho crec 3rd.neuter believe ‘I believe it’

(Fr.) (Cat.)

ïœ²ïœ´ïœ° Ion Giurgea

Under the hypothesis that anominal pronouns lack gender, the existence of special forms is expected: the difference between these forms and the other pronominal forms corresponds to a difference in gender. For Spanish, Picallo (2002) already argued that -o- pronouns are not marked for Gender. But we may also find forms from the paradigm of one of the genders: i.

masculine accusative clitics in western Romance (except Catalan, see (23)):

(24) a.

Je le sais I 3rd.m know

(Fr.)

b. Lo so

(It.)

Lo sé

(Sp.)

c.

ii. pro in null subject Romance languages: (25) a. Ce-i what is b. pro e is

asta? pro e un cal/*El e un cal that is a horse 3rd.m is a horse imposibil impossible.m.sg.

(Romanian)

(26) Decidieron [pro producir aquellos documentales]i aunque proi decided.3pl produce.inf those documentaries although no les proporcionara nunca ningún beneficio (Picallo 2002: NoteÂ€13, (i)c) not them provide.3sg never no benefit ‘They decided to produce those documentaries although it wouldn’t ever provide them with any benefit’

iii. PP clitics: (27) a.

Nous y pensons we to-it think

b. Ci pensiamo c.

Hi pensem

(Fr.) (It.) (Cat.)

iv. Romanian doesn’t productively use object clitics as anominal pronouns. The feminine form o appears in anominal use only with some of the verbs which take propositional objects and states of affairs (see (28)). In most cases where Western Romance uses a neuter object clitic, in Romanian there is no overt object at all: (28) a.

Ţi-am spus-o de mult you.dat-have.1 told-3rd.fsg of/since much “I told you long ago”

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ´ïœ±

b. E, acum am făcut-o well now have.1 done-3rd.fsg “Well, now I/we did it” (29) a.

Nu (*o) ştiu not (3rd.fsg) know.1sg

/sper/ (?o) cred /hope.1sg/(3rd.fsg) believe.1sg

(without a nominal antecedent for o)

b. Je ne le sais /espère/crois pas i neg 3rd.msg know/hope/believe not

(Fr.)

v. As demonstratives, Romanian uses forms identical to the feminine singular: (30) a.

Ce e aia? what is that.fsg “What’s that?”

b. Nu cred asta not believe.1sg that.fsg

We may suppose that the fact that some forms with an adnominal use are identical with forms of the paradigm of one of the genders is due to morphological underspecification.6 The crucial evidence for this hypothesis comes from Romanian, where anominal demonstratives and the homonymous feminine demonstratives have a different syntactic behavior. First, and most importantly, singular anominal demonstratives do not trigger feminine agreement on a predicative adjective, but masculine agreement: (31) Asta e imposibil /*imposibilă (in anominal use) this.fsg is impossible.msg impossible.fsg

The most likely explanation for this agreement mismatch is that the apparent masculine agreement represents a morphological default, used when the controller is unmarked for gender (Cornilescu 2000; Giurgea 2008). The idea that the masculine singular form of adjectives is a morphological default is supported by the fact that this

ïœ¶.â•… This applies to all the forms listed in (i)–(v). Therefore, I analyze the apparent masculine clitics used ‘anominally’ in Romance languages other than Romanian (ex. (24)) as genderless forms, assuming that le/lo is a form used both for masculine and for genderless clitics. In the Distributed Morphology formalization, one may use an underspecified vocabulary insertion rule: [clitic, 3rd, sg.]→ le/lo.

ïœ²ïœ´ïœ² Ion Giurgea

form is used with clausal subjects (see (32)) and, for most adjectives, may also be used adverbially (see (33)):7 (32) a.

[A-ţi iubi duşmanii] e imposibil to you.dat love enemies-the is impossible “To love one’s enemies is impossible”

b. [Să-ţi iubeşti duşmanii] e imposibil subj-you.dat love.2sg enemies-the is impossible (33) Scrie greu /încet/ frumos writes difficult.msg /slow.msg/ beautiful.msg “He writes with difficulty /slowly/beautifully”

This idea is confirmed by the special behavior of the predicate “good”. When applied to propositional objects or state of affairs, the adjective “good” has the special form bine, which also appears as an adverb (“well”). This form has a further restriction: it cannot appear with nominal subjects (the form bine used with nouns has a different meaningÂ€ – “respectable” –, normally applied to humans). This restriction cannot be explained by semantics, because it applies even if the nominal subject refers to a proposition or state of affairs (see (34)c). The explanation I propose is that bine lacks gender, and an adjectival predicate must copy the gender of its subject. The only DPs which may appear as subjects of bine are neuter pronouns (see (34)a), confirming the hypothesis that these pronouns are genderless: (34) a.

Asta/pro e bine/*bun this is bine/bun “That’s good”

b. [Să-ţi iubeşti duşmanii] e bine subj-you.dat love.2sg enemies-the is bine “To love one’s enemies is good” c. *Întoarcerea noastră /*Iubirea de duşmani e bine returning-the our love-the of enemies is bine

Note moreover that neuter indefinite and quantificational pronouns may appear as subjects of bine, confirming our proposal in SectionÂ€2 that these pronouns lack gender (ex. (35)). When referring to concrete objects, these pronouns take bun (see (36)), which shows that bine is not simply the genderless form of bun, but has in addition a semantic restriction to propositional objects:

ïœ·.â•… Romanian does not have a productive adverbial suffix, like western Romance -ment(e), except in the case of the suffix -esc, which adds an -e in the adverbial use (resulting in -eşte).

(35) a. b.

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ´ïœ³

Ce-i mai bine? Nimic nu-i bine what is more bine nothing not-is bine “What’s better? Nothing is good” Ceva e bine în ce-a făcut something is bine in what has done “There IS something good in what he did”

(36) Adu-mi ceva bun bring.imper-me.dat something good

Another difference between feminine and anominal demonstratives is that while the former take the differential object marker (pe) even if they refer to objects, in case of noun ellipsis,8 the latter never take pe: (37) a.

Ia(-l pe) ăsta ! (e.g. pantof “shoe” – masculine) take(3rd.m obj) this.msg “Take this one!”

b. Ia(-o pe) asta ! (e.g. pălărie “hat” – feminine) take(3rd.f obj) this.fsg “Take this one!” c.

Ia asta! (without a nominal antecedent) take this

d. N-am spus(*-o pe) asta (without a nominal antecedent) not-have.1sg said(3rd.fsg-obj) this “I didn’t say this!”

Another peculiarity of anominal demonstratives is that they are never clitic-doubled when fronted (as noticed by Cornilescu (2000)). They are in fact the only instance of a definite DP which is not clitic-doubled when fronted – in Romanian, clitic doubling is obligatory with definites and partitive indefinites, whether they are topics or foci: (38) a.

Asta aşteptam! this waited.1sg “That’s what I was waiting for”

b. Ocazia asta *(o) aşteptam! opportunity-the this 3rd.fsg.cl.acc waited.1sg “That’s the opportunity I’ve been waiting for”

The hypotheses in SectionÂ€2 provide a straightforward explanation for this behavior: anominal demonstratives lack gender, while accusative clitics always spell-out gender.

ïœ¸.â•… pe is impossible with inanimates with an overt noun. With ellipsis, absence of pe is marginally possible with inanimates, and obligatory with animates.

ïœ²ïœ´ïœ´ Ion Giurgea

An accusative bare index with unvalued gender will have a null spell-out. If we assume that bare indices are the same thing as clitics or represent a pro associated with a clitic, the null object found with genderless antecedents indicate that a genderless clitic has a null spell-out. By recognizing the existence of genderless clitics with a null spell-out, we may keep the generalization that definite and partitive indefinites are clitic-doubled when fronted in Romanian: anominal demonstratives are not an exception, but are clitic-doubled by a null clitic. Note that anominal neuters can be doubled by the feminine clitic o exactly with those verbs which allow a feminine clitic denoting a state of affairs or proposition: (39) Asta n-am făcut-o/spus-o this not-have.1sg done-3rd.fsg/said-3rd.fsg

This seems to suggest that these verbs allow an anominal pronoun marked as feminine. The fact that anominal demonstratives do not allow feminine adjectives (except in the affective idiomatic expression asta-i bună lit. “that’s good.fsg”, meaning “I can’t believe that!”) (see (31)) can be explained by assuming that the anominal interpretation of feminines can only be licensed by the verb (perhaps via a sort of contextual recovery of a null N), so that feminines in an anominal use are only possible in the object position of certain verbs. In the absence of the licensing verb, the anominal interpretation is only possible with genderless pronouns, therefore singular anominal demonstratives cannot trigger feminine agreement on predicative adjectives (except in the aforementioned expression, where the same contextual recovery of an N can be invoked).9 ïœ¹.â•… In the plural, Romanian allows a null N with the interpretation −animate – e.g. multe ‘many.fpl’ = ‘many things’, altele ‘other things’, toate ‘everything’, cele ce… ‘the.fpl that…’ = ‘the things that’ etc. (see Giurgea 2008 for discussion). As expected, this N can also combine with demonstratives, giving the impression of plural forms of anominal pronouns – astea ‘these (things)’, alea ‘those (things)’. Since no nominal content is recovered by ellipsis and the meaning is −animate, these forms may indeed have what I called ‘anominal use’. Note however that in this case the interpretation comes from the properties of the feminine plural null N and not from the absence of gender (the existence of this null N is shown by the combination with adnominal determiners and modifiers, e.g. cele din cer şi de pe pământ ‘the.fpl of-in sky and of on earth’ = ‘the things in the sky and on the earth’). Therefore we predict clitic doubling to be possible, and indeed these DPs are doubled by feminine plural clitics when the conditions for doubling are fulfilled: (i)

Toate le ştie all.fpl 3rd.fpl knows ‘(S)he knows everything’

(ii)

Astea le uitase these.fpl 3rd.fpl had forgotten ‘These things, (s)he had forgotten’

Romanian genderless pronouns and parasitic gaps ïœ²ïœ´ïœµ

Another peculiarity of genderless pronouns appears in relative clauses (Al. Grosu, p.c.). While DPs containing a (lexical or elliptical) N as well as animate pronouns only allow the care strategy of object relativization in contemporary Romanian, a strategy which involves obligatory clitic doubling, neuter indefinite and quantificational pronouns only resort to the ce- strategy, which allows lack of clitic doubling: (40) a.

o carte [pe care am cumpărat-o la târg] a book(f) obj which have.1sg bought-3rd.f at market “a book I bought at the market”

b. *o carte [ce-am cumpărat la târg] a book what have.1sg bought at market (41) a.

ceva [ce am cumpărat la târg] something what have.1sg bought at market “something I bought at the market”

b. *ceva [pe care l-am cumpărat la târg] something obj which 3rd.m-have.1sg bought…

The most likely explanation of this contrast is that pe- marking requires the presence of gender, as can also be inferred from the absence of pe- marking on anominal demonstratives, shown in (37) above. The problem in (41)b does not come from care: when ce relativization cannot be used, like in PP-relativization, we may find care with a neuter pronoun. We may also find it in subject position, although in this case ce seems to be more frequent:10 (42) a.

ceva cu care să scriu something with which subj write.1sg “something I can write with”

b. ceva ce/care s-a stricat something what/which refl-has broken “something which got broken”

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… A similar phenomenon has been used as an argument for the idea that ‘neuter pronouns’ are unmarked for gender by Picallo (2002), for Spanish. She notes that the interrogative cuál ‘which’ is compatible only with masculine or feminine nominals, but not with neuter pronouns or sentences (in this case, only the neuter interrogative qué ‘what’ is allowed): (i) *Cuál quieres, esto o aquello? which want.2sg this.neut or that.neut

(Picallo 2002:Â€22)

(ii) *Cuál prefieres, salir a dar una vuelta o quedarte en casa which prefer.2sg go-out.inf for a walk or remain.inf-refl at home ‘What do you prefer, to go out for a walk or to stay home?’ She explains this contrast by assuming that cuál is always marked for gender.

ïœ²ïœ´ïœ¶ Ion Giurgea

To conclude, we have argued that definite anominal pronouns (i.e. definite pronouns referring to entities which do not fall under a nominal concept), as well as indefinite and quantificational neuter pronouns (which may also be qualified as “anominal”) are genderless in Romance languages.

4.â•… Consequences for the analysis of Romanian “neuter” nouns Romanian has a large class of nouns, traditionally called “neuter”,11 which trigger masculine agreement in the singular and feminine agreement in the plural: (43) un scaun/două scaune a.m chair/two.f chairs

Pronouns anaphoric to these nouns also have masculine forms in the singular and feminine forms in the plural. In traditional grammar, these nouns have either been analyzed as ambigeneric (masculine in the singular and feminine in the plural) or as constituting a third gender, the neuter.12

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… This class continues the Latin neuter (although some Latin words have changed their gender class during the evolution leading to Romanian, it has been shown that most inherited Latin neuters have been included in the Romanian ‘neuter’ class (86% according to Windisch 1973), while inherited masculine inanimates have become ‘neuter’ in a percentage of around 50% (see the counting in Windisch 1973), and almost a half of them kept their gender; the endings characterizing the Romanian ‘neuter’ continue the forms of the Latin neuter – see especially the plural -uri, old Romanian -ure

(T0, [uNumber] [uPerson] [uGend.] [PlNumber] [?Person] [MascGender]

los ciudadanos) [PlNumber] [3Person] [MascGend.] [uCase] [NomCase]

(T0, [uNumber] [uPerson] [uGender] [?Number] [3Person] [MascGender]

los lagrimones) [PlNumber] [3Person] [MascGender] [uCase] [NomCase]

(22) Se me cae los lagrimones (=(14b)) Agree (T0, los lagrimones) = [uNumber] [PlNumber] [uPerson] [3Person] [uGender] [MascGender] [uCase] =>

ïœ¹.â•… The typographical convention used throughout is thus: strikethrough signals deleted features; bold indicates valued features.

ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ° Julio Villa-García

(23) Ha llamado (=(18a)) Agree (T0, null subject) = [uNumber] [SgNumber] [uPerson] [3Person] [uGender] [?Gender] [uCase] =>

(T0, [uNumber] [uPerson] [uGender] [SgNumber] [3Person] [?Gender]

null subject) [PlNumber] [3Person] [?Gender] [uCase] [NomCase]

Hence, it is not at all clear how the purely syntactic Agree system can deal with the features under consideration. Moreover, the Spanish facts challenge Chomsky’s (2001: 15) Maximize Matching Effects Condition.10

4.â•… A constraint on the output of Agree The generalization gleaned from the Spanish data discussed hitherto is that in the absence of optimal agreement (i.e. person, number, and gender features of T0 being deleted/valued by means of Agree) between the verb and the (overt/null) subject, two φ-features seem to be handled via the Agree operation, the remaining φ-feature of T0 being deleted/valued by alternative mechanisms. As a matter of fact, the derivations under consideration ultimately converge, which assumes that the feature left syntactically unchecked must be dealt with by some operation other than Agree, if we wish to retain the Agree system, mutatis mutandis. Therefore, I propose the following condition on the output of Agree, which is operative (at least) in Spanish, and possibly in related languages like Asturian and Catalan: (24) At most one φ-feature may be left syntactically unchecked/unvalued, and this φ-feature may be handled by alternative mechanisms.

I submit that Spanish is a split-phi probe language. Similarly, Agree is deemed to be an operation (rather than a configuration, e.g. spec, head). Thus, it is possible for two φ-features to probe without the third one, in the spirit of Béjar (2003).

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… As has been pointed out, Corbett (2006) has proposed an analysis according to which a nominal like los ciudadanos in (5b) is not necessarily third-person plural, as is standardly assumed. This intuition has been implemented syntactically by Sauerland (2004), who assumes that the DP has a Phi/Ф Phrase layer on top of it, which is responsible for agreeing with T0. In cases of number disagreement, however, it is difficult to motivate the stipulation that a nominal morphologically marked as plural bears singular features in sentences like those in (14)/(15). Instead, I will entertain the hypothesis that los ciudadanos in examples like (5) is third-personplural, along the lines of Olarrea (1996) and Camacho (2006), as mentioned above.

To agree or not to agree ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ±

At this point, however, a non-trivial question which arises concerns the way in which the feature which does not probe is handled (except in the cases of default agreement). As far as the feature person is concerned in cases like (5b) and (5c), where the subject includes the speaker or the hearer, the person feature is not dealt with by means of Agree, but possibly by a mechanism of semantic/pragmatic agreement. Although this possibility will not be explored in detail here for reasons of space, it is in accordance with the recent view that certain manifestations of agreement may be determined in the post-syntactic component (see Bobaljik 2008 and references therein). With respect to gender in finite sentences with null subjects, I assume that the null subject (cf. pro) is a full DP, though it is underspecified for gender. This is motivated by the observation that in sentences like (18a), it is clear that the subject is third-person singular, but no information is disclosed about its gender. Therefore, the gender feature is handled by a mechanism other than Agree, which deals both with the gender feature of the unpronounced nominal, and with the corresponding feature carried by T0. This type of approach seems reasonable provided that we adopt a Bobaljik/ Brody-style Single Output Syntax model whereby Agree is assessed at LF, and the two interfaces communicate (see, for instance, Fox & Nissembaum 1999 and Bobaljik & Wurmbrand 2005). Other authors who assume that agreement is not a purely syntactic phenomenon in Spanish include Demonte (in preparation), who discusses concord within the nominal phrase. Likewise, drawing on work by Miyagawa (2005) and Chomsky (2008), who contend that C0 is the locus of agreement features, which are then handed over to T0, Jiménez (2008) claims that in terms of agreement, Spanish is situated in the middle of a continuum between agreement-prominent languages like English, and discourse-prominent languages like Japanese, which lends further credence to the analysis advocated here. This move raises a number of complications, however, including the assumption that the syntax-pragmatic interface is beyond the syntax-semantics/LF interface. Thus, I leave this as an open possibility for future research.11

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Despite the fact that I have assumed throughout the paper that Spanish overt/null subjects enter into an Agree relationship with the verb, it is important to note that a prominent line of research in Spanish hypothesizes that the actual subject is either pro (cf. Baker 1996; Olarrea 1996), or the inflectional endings of the verb (cf. Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 1998, among many others). On this view, overt subjects do not establish an agreement relationship with T0. However, questions arise as to why the subject and the verb conventionally display agreement (cf. (1)), and, granting that pro/the verbal endings are the ‘actual’ subject, how the relationship between these and the overt subject (e.g. clitic doubling or connectivity à la Cinque 1990) can be characterized. If this turns out to be the correct analysis, the proposal advocated here can be salvaged by assuming that a relationship along the lines of Agree occurs between the overt subject and the actual subject.

ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ² Julio Villa-García

Lastly, with regard to number, a mechanism of default agreement is at work in cases where the subject is plural and the verb is singular (cf. (14)), while a semantic/pragmatic agreement explanation is in order for cases where the opposite is apparent (cf. (16)). It is important to note that in a system like the one proposed in (24), if valuing only two features were enough for a derivation to converge, we would encounter the problem of overgeneration. For this reason, it appears that it is necessary to have the generalization in (24) as well as a list of which mismatches are (not) attested. In other words, (24) seems to be a necessary but not a sufficient condition. Some possible outcomes permitted by (24) which are clearly ungrammatical in Spanish include the following, in addition to those in (1b) and (4b): (25) a. *Se venden libro cl. sell-prs-3.pl book-3.sg “*A book are sold.” b. c.

*Nosotros / vosotros saben … we-1.pl / you-2.pl know-prs-3.pl … “We/you know …” *El ciudadano estoy / estás harto de tanto papeleo the citizen-3.sg be-prs-1.sg/ be-prs-2.sg fed up of so much paperwork “*The citizen am/are fed up with so much paperwork.”

d. *Vinisteis a verme tú come-pst-2.pl to see + cl. you-2.sg “You came to see me.”

Nevertheless, cases like (25) can receive an independent explanation. By way of illustration, utterances like (25a) are ruled out because default agreement is never third-person plural. Ill-formed outcomes like (25c), for their part, can be excluded by arguing that first-person plural refers to a group that includes the speaker, while second-person plural is a set that comprises the hearer. However, third-person singular carries the featural make-up [-speaker, -hearer], which implies that neither the speaker (first-person) nor the hearer (second-person) can be included. Overall, Spanish seems to be a composite of two types of languages, those with discordant person subjects (cf. (5b)/(5c)), a point of independent variation observed in other languages, and those exhibiting mismatches in number with postverbal subjects (cf. (14)), a pervasive phenomenon across the world’s languages (cf. Greenberg 1966; Ortega-Santos 2008). A logical question to pose at this juncture, however, is whether the generalization in (24) is true or spurious. This issue is principally posed by the observation that gender is never expressed in the verbal inflection, so it is not possible to determine whether a person or number mismatch is in reality a case of two features out of three being valued via Agree, as opposed to, say, total semantic agreement in the NP…V-first-/second-plural cases, or total absence of agreement in the postverbal plural NP cases.

To agree or not to agree ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ³

The data and analysis provided in this paper cannot tackle this question straightforwardly, and for this reason cross-linguistic research is needed at this point. To this end, consideration of the realm of mismatches found across the board in the world’s languages is imperative.

5.â•… Conclusion This paper took as its point of departure the presumption that subjects (whether overt or null) in Spanish enter into an Agree relationship with the verb (Chomsky 2000, 2001, 2004, 2008). Spanish is a standard textbook example of a null-subject language. Overt and null subjects conventionally enter into an agreement relationship with the verb, whose inflectional endings bear person and number morphemes. Since Spanish nominals carry different features, and three of those are person, number, and gender φ-features, I have pursued the possibility that the head T0 in Spanish hosts person, number, and (abstract) gender φ-features. It has been seen that in non-Caribbean Spanish, certain grammatical sentences exhibit mismatches/lack of agreement between the verb and the subject in terms of person or number. Further, it has been shown that the status of the gender feature in the case of null subjects in finite contexts is not obvious, showing that pro is not just a pronominal deprived of phonological content. In light of the above, this paper has advanced the hypothesis that agreement (in Spanish) is not a quintessentially syntactic phenomenon (i.e. it is not always the result of a probe-goal relationship). In much the same way, it is not at all clear that (the strongest version of) Chomsky’s (2001) Maximize Matching Effects Condition is operative in Spanish, assuming that the operation Agree underlies agreement processes in natural language. It seems that in Spanish (at most) one feature can be handled by a mechanism other than Agree, so I postulated a condition on the output of Agree which states that if optimal agreement (i.e. person, number, and gender φ-features being deleted/ valued syntactically by means of Agree) fails to obtain, at most one feature can be left syntactically unchecked/unvalued, and this remaining feature is handled by alternative mechanisms. These include default agreement in cases of verbs carrying third-person singular morphemes and plural nouns (cf. (14)), and possibly semantic/pragmatic agreement to account for cases of singular quién “who” with a plural verb (cf. (16)), discordant person subjects (cf. (5b)/(5c)), as well as the “missing” gender of null subjects (cf. (18)). Another consequence of this paper is that pro – assumed to be the empty category representing null subjects – is not exactly a pronominal without phonological material, but a full DP whose gender feature is underspecified. Throughout the paper, a number of questions were raised, including whether the generalization put forward in this article is true or spurious, an issue which future

ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ´ Julio Villa-García

comparative research should care to address. Likewise, although this paper has focused solely on subject-verb agreement, the issue of subject-predicate agreement is also worthwhile exploring, since this will definitely shed light on the checking of gender features. For the time being, however, the fact still remains that Spanish exhibits a number of acceptable cases of anomalous agreement between grammatical and lexical/null subjects which any theory of language should endeavor to explain. The preliminary suggestions made in the present paper are intended to be a small step toward this end.

References Alexiadou, Artemis & Elena Anagnostopoulou. 1998. “Parameterizing AGR: Word Order, V-Movement and EPP-Checking”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 16. 491–539. Baker, Mark. 1996. The Polysynthesis Parameter. New York: Oxford University Press. Béjar, Susana. 2003. Phi syntax. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto. Bobaljik, Jonathan David & Susi Wurmbrand. 2005. “The Domain of Agreement”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 23. 4. 809–865. Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 2008. “Where’s Phi? Agreement as a Post-Syntactic Operation”. Phi-Theory: Phi Features Across Interfaces and Modules, ed. by D. Harbour, D. Adger & S. Béjar. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 295–328. Bošković, Željko. To appear. “On Unvalued Uninterpretable Features.” Proceedings of NELS 39. Camacho, José. 2003. The Structure of Coordination: Conjunction and Agreement Phenomena in Spanish and Other Languages. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers. Camacho, José. 2006. “Do Subjects Have a Place in Spanish”. New Perspectives in Romance Linguistics, ed. by J-P. Montreuil & C. Nishida. Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 51–66. Chomsky, Noam. 2000. “Minimalist Inquiries: The Framework”. Step by Step: Essays on Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik, ed. by R. Martin, D. Michaels & J. Uriagereka. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 89–156. Chomsky, Noam. 2001. “Derivation by Phase”. Ken Hale: A Life in Language, ed. by M. Kenstowicz. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 1–52. Chomsky, Noam. 2004. “Beyond Explanatory Adequacy.” Structures and Beyond. The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, ed. by A. Belletti. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 104–131. Chomsky, Noam. 2008. “On Phases”. Foundational Issues in Linguistic Theory: Essays in Honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud, ed. by R. Freidin, C. Otero & M.L. Zubizarreta. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 133–166. Cinque, Guglielmo. 1990. Types of A′-dependencies. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Corbett, Greville. 2006. Agreement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Demonte, Violeta. In preparation. “Number Agreement and Conjoined Nouns in (Spanish) DPs with and without Adjectives. AGREE at the Syntax-semantics Interface”. Ms., CCHS-Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Spain. Fernández Soriano, Olga. 1989. Rección y Ligamiento en Español: Aspectos del Parámetro del Sujeto Nulo. Ph.D. dissertation, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. Fox, Danny & Jon Nissenbaum. 1999. “Extraposition and Scope: A Case for Overt QR”. Proceedings of the 18th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL 18), ed. by S. Bird, A. Carnie, J.D. Haugen & P. Norquest. Somerville, Mass.: Cascadilla Press. 132–144.

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Greenberg, Joseph. 1966. “Some Universals of Grammar with Particular Reference to the Order of Meaningful Elements”. Universals of Language, ed. by J. Greenberg. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. 73–113. Holmberg, Anders. 2005. “Is There a Little pro? Evidence from Finnish”. Linguistic Inquiry 36.4. 533–564. Hurtado, Alfredo. 1984. “La Hipótesis de la Discordancia”. Los Clíticos del Español y la Gramática Universal. Supplement of Revista Argentina de Lingüística. Jiménez, Ángel. 2008. “A Discourse/Agreement-based Approach to Peripheries”. Paper presented at the Mediterranean Syntax Meeting 2, Boğaziçi University, Istanbul, October 2008. Miyagawa, Shigeru. 2005. “On the EPP”. Perspectives on Phases, ed. by M. McGinnis & N. Richards. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics. 201–236. Olarrea, Antxon. 1996. Pre and Postverbal Subjects in Spanish: A Minimalist Account. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, Seattle. Ortega-Santos, Iván. 2005. “On Locative Inversion and the EPP in Spanish”. Actas del VIII Encuentro Internacional de Lingüística del Noroeste de la Universidad de Sonora, ed. by R.M. Ortiz Ciscomani. Universidad de Sonora, México. 131–150. Ortega-Santos, Iván. 2008. Projecting Subjects in Spanish and English. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Maryland, College Park. Pesetsky, David & Esther Torrego. 2007. “The Syntax of Valuation and the Interpretability of Features”. Phrasal and Clausal Architecture: Syntactic Derivation and Interpretation, ed. by S. Karimi, V. Samiian & W. Wilkins. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 262–294. Rizzi, Luigi. 1982. Issues in Italian Syntax. Dordrecht: Foris. Rodríguez-Mondoñedo, Miguel. 2007. The Syntax of Objects: Agree and Differential Object Marking. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut, Storrs. Sauerland, Uli. 2004. “A Comprehensive Semantics for Agreement”. Paper presented at the Phi-Workshop, McGill University, Montreal, Canada, August 2004. Sobin, Nicholas. 1997. “Agreement, Default Rules, and Grammatical Viruses”. Linguistic Inquiry 28. 318–343. Villalba, Xavier. 2000. The Syntax of Sentence Periphery. Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions. Zagona, Karen. 2002. The Syntax of Spanish. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Variation in subject expression in Western Romance* Ana de Prada Pérez University of Florida

Syntactic-theoretic accounts report variation across languages on the availability of null pronominal subjects. As a result, languages are classified as null and non-null subject languages. However, the homogeneity or heterogeneity of null subject languages is not discussed. Variationist research, on the other hand, indicates that variation is attested across different varieties of null subject languages. This paper expands on this research comparing the distribution of null and overt pronominal subjects in two null subject Western Romance languages: Spanish and Catalan. Naturalistic data collected via sociolinguistic interviews in Valladolid and Minorca, Spain, were explored using a variationist approach, with a total of 7,025 tokens. The weight of eleven different internal factors relevant to this distribution were analyzed and ranked, revealing differences between the two languages. This variationist analysis succeeds in locating the contexts where the languages differ in their favoring of overt and null forms.

1.â•… Introduction Syntactic theoretic accounts differentiate between languages that require the presence of an overt subject (non-null subject languages) and those that allow for an empty category, known as pro (null subject languages). This typological distinction was first introduced by Perlmutter (1971). A null subject is a syntactically present subject that

*This work was funded by the NSF dissertation research improvement grant 0746748. Thanks to Almeida Jacqueline Toribio, Diego Pascual Cabo, the editors of this volume, and two anonymous reviewers for her helpful comments and to Analia Alcolea, Pepe Álvarez, Mark Amengual, Ernesto Carriazo-Osorio, Carmen Castro, Eva Florit Pons, Lorena Cuya Gavilano, César Giraldo, Natalia Guzmán, Bonnie Holmes, Elizabeth Finanger, Araceli de Prada, Britton Smith, and Arthur Wendorf for their invaluable assistance. Finally, a special thanks to the participants of this study. All errors are my own.

ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ¸ Ana de Prada Pérez

is phonetically unpronounced. It can be thematic (1a) or expletive (1b). Crucially, only thematic subjects can be overt.1 (1) a.

Ø Llevaré impermeable. “I’ll wear a raincoat.”

b. Ø Parece que Ø va a llover. “It seems it will rain.”

While both thematic and expletive null subjects must be licensed, only thematic subjects must also be identified, i.e. associated with phi-features to establish the reference of the argument (Rizzi 1986). Licensing is regulated by the morphological uniformity principle (Jaeggli & Safir 1989:Â€29), which states that only languages with homogeneous (only underived or only derived) paradigms can license null pronominal subjects. Identification is achieved locally in Spanish through strong agreement (an Agr-S+T complex with overt phi-features and a strong nominative case feature), which provides the null subject with referential value. Syntactic theoretic accounts focus on the parametric variation attested across languages regarding the availability of null pronominal subjects. However, the alternation between null and overt pronominal subjects, which is available only with thematic subjects, goes largely unexplored. This distribution is a variable phenomenon, i.e. subject expression cannot be reduced to a rule. Variationist studies examine this variability, mainly with naturalistic corpora collected via sociolinguistic interviews. They examine subject expression (the dependent variable) as a function of multiple variables or factor groups simultaneously, be they language-internal or language-external.2 This line of research has revealed that differences in pronominal expression may emerge as a function of regional dialect (Cameron 1996; Otheguy et al. 2007), speech genre (Travis 2007), extent of language contact (Otheguy et al. 2007), or language-internal factors (Bentivoglio 1987; Enríquez 1984; Morales 1997; Silva-Corvalán 1982, 1994, 2001), to name but a few variables. Interestingly, this methodology is amenable to comparisons between null subject languages of the same type. Thus, this project applies this methodology to the

ïœ±.â•… Notice, however, the occurrence of overt ello in Dominican Spanish (Toribio 2000). ïœ².â•… For instance, the language-external variable or factor group Gender has two possible constraints or factors, Male and Female. As can be discerned from the example, constraints are the different levels in a variable. A variationist approach would examine whether Gender is significant in subject expression and whether being a Male or a Female correlates with a higher or lower incidence of overt subjects. Likewise, language-internal variables, such as Co-reference, with the constraints Co-referent (same subject as the previous clause) or Non-co-referent (different subject from the previous clause), are examined.

Variation in subject expression ïœ²ïœ¶ïœ¹

comparison of Spanish and Catalan, two null subject languages that identify thematic pro locally. In summary, the large body of existent research on null subject languages compares parametrically-different languages (and null subject languages that identify thematic pro locally with those which do so non-locally) from a theoretical point of view, or compares different varieties of the same language from a variationist approach. The present project expands on both approaches comparing two parametricallysimilar languages, Spanish and Catalan, regarding the distribution of null and overt pronominal subjects.

2.â•… Factors involved in subject expression in Spanish Numerous variationist studies have examined the factors that predict the distribution of null and overt pronominal subjects. These factors are mainly discourse – or morphology-related. Some studies additionally address language-external factors, such as age and gender. The role of the latter, however, remains largely controversial. The literature on the variable distribution of pronouns in Catalan is scant; to the best of my knowledge, it is reduced to Casanova (1999). In general, Catalan is assumed to behave like Spanish. Null thematic subjects are licensed and identified syntactically in Spanish and Catalan. In contrast, the alternation between null and overt pronominal subjects is largely constrained by the discourse context. Null subjects are associated with notions of continuity, while overt subjects introduce new information or add emphasis to a previously mentioned topic. Among these discourse-related factors or variables are topic continuation, distance from referent, co-reference (i.e. switch reference in the work of Cameron and his colleagues), Tense/Aspect/Mood (TAM) continuity, speech connectivity, person, and clause type. There are some lexico-semantic and morphology-related variables that play a role in the distribution of null and overt subjects in Spanish. Among these are person and number, semantic and syntactic verb type, animacy, and verb form ambiguity. Subject expression has been widely proven to be regulated by the variable topic continuation, that is whether the subject has been mentioned (topic continuation), it is new, or it has been mentioned but it is expressing contrast (e.g. Bayley & PeaseÁlvarez 1996, 1997; Bentivoglio 1987; Enríquez 1984; Otheguy et al. 2007; Silva-Corvalán 1982, 1994). Null subjects are favored in contexts of topic continuation while new topic and contrast contexts favor overt subjects (Bentivoglio 1987; Cameron 1994, 1995; Cameron & Flores 2004; Flores-Ferrán 2004; Silva-Corvalán 1994; Travis 2005, 2007). Co-referentiality or switch reference (in Cameron’s terminology) determines whether the subject is co-referential with the preceding subject. Therefore,

ïœ²ïœ·ïœ° Ana de Prada Pérez

co-referentiality is different from topic continuation in that the former takes the syntactic function of the referent into account. Consider the following example, from Silva-Corvalán (2001): (2) Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Pepe/él/Ø vive cerca de mi casa. “I came to the office with Pepe today. Pepe/he/Ø lives close to my house.”

In this example there are two clauses. The subject of the first clause is the first person singular, while in the second clause the subject is Pepe; thus, the subjects are nonco-referential. But Pepe is mentioned in the first clause, thus, there is topic continuity. Co-reference (3) has been found to favor null subjects (Bayley & Pease-Álvarez 1996, 1997; Flores-Ferrán 2004; Otheguy et al. 2007; Silva-Corvalán 1994). (3) Pepe vino hoy a la oficina. Pepe/él/Ø vive cerca de mi casa. “Pepe came to the office today today. Pepe/he/Ø lives close to my house.”

The variable Distance from previous mention is measured by the number of intervening subjects between the subject of the clause and its referent. For instance, Examples (2) and (3) have a distance of 0 intervening subjects, since the referent is found in the previous clause. In (4), however, the distance is 1 intervening subject:

(4) Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Pepe/él/Ø vive cerca de mi casa. “I came to the office with Pepe today. I have a lot of work to do. Pepe/he/Ø lives close to my house.”

Studies conclude that the further the referent is, the more probable it is to induce an overt form (Cameron 1995; Cameron & Flores-Ferrán 2004; Flores-Ferrán 2004; Travis 2005, 2007). The variable clause type distinguishes between main and embedded clauses. Returning to Example (2), the target subject is in a main clause. An example of an embedded clause subject is given in (5).

(5) Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Pensaba que Pepe/él/Ø vivía cerca de mi casa pero no. “I came to the office with Pepe today. I thought that Pepe/he/Ø lived close to my house but he doesn’t.”

Embedded clauses favor null subjects (Margaza & Bel 2006:Â€92; Morales 1997:Â€157), while main clauses do not favor either form (see, however, Silva-Corvalán 1994:Â€152). The variable Tense-Aspect-Mood (TAM) continuity indicates whether the tense of the target clause and that of the preceding clause are the same or different. In Example (2) the tense is different; the first clause (Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina) is in the preterit while the target clause (Pepe/él/Ø vive cerca de mi casa) is in the present

Variation in subject expression ïœ²ïœ·ïœ±

indicative. In Example (5), however, the target clause (Pepe vivía cerca de mi casa) is in the imperfect and so is the preceding verb form (pensaba), thus, it is a case of same TAM. TAM continuity has been found to correlate with the distribution of null and overt subjects (Ávila-Shah 2000; Bayley & Pease-Álvarez 1997; Paredes Silva 1993): TAM continuity favors null subjects (Otheguy et al.2007; Silva-Corvalán 1982, 1994; Travis 2007). Paredes Silva (1993) proposes to combine the variables TAM continuity and co-reference, distinguishing between six degrees of speech connectedness, in her work on Brazilian Portuguese. Bayley & Pease-Álvarez (1997) and Otheguy et al. (2007) simplify Paredes Silva’s (1993) six degrees in their studies of Spanish in the US. Otheguy et al. (2007), for instance, use three degrees: same referent and same TAM, same referent and different TAM, and different referent. Person can be considered a discourse variable because first and second person subjects are always given information (Chafe 1994). The predictions would, therefore, be that third person would exhibit more overt subjects than first and second person. Results, however, show the opposite trend: first person singular favors overt subjects (Bentivoglio 1987; Davidson 1996; Enríquez 1984; Morales 1997; Otheguy et al. 2007; Silva-Corvalán 1982, 1994; Travis 2005, 2007). In particular, the use of overt forms is increased in conjunction with estimative verbs, which express the opinion of the speaker (Bentivoglio 1987; Enríquez 1984; Silva-Corvalán 1994; Travis 2005). BayleyÂ€& Pease-Álvarez (1996) also find that first person singular forms favor overt pronominal subjects. However, they report the same trend for third person singular and, therefore, they argue that it is due to the lack of saliency of singular endings. Singular forms have been reported to favor overt subjects more than plural forms (Cameron 1992; Enríquez 1984; Flores-Ferrán 2004; Silva-Corvalán 1994). Spanish does not exhibit an overt pronominal form for inanimates. As a consequence of the categorical distribution of null and overt pronominal subjects with inanimate referents, variationist studies typically do not consider the variable animacy. Nonetheless, null pronominal subjects alternate with overt lexical subjects with inanimate referents. Lozano (2009) analyzes written data from a large corpus of L2 learners of Spanish (CEDEL) and finds an overproduction of overt pronominal subjects with third person singular animate subjects. Importantly, this overproduction is not attested with third person singular inanimate subjects. The variable semantic verb type classifies verbs according to their meaning. Numerous authors have shown that verbs that express the speaker’s opinion favor overt subjects more than other verb types (Bentivoglio 1987; Enríquez 1984; Silva-Corvalán 1994; Travis 2007). Similarly, the variable syntactic verb type has been shown to be significant in the distribution of subjects. Casanova (1999) finds that copulative verbs favor overt subjects more than predicative verbs in Catalan, an effect that she ascribes to the lack of semantic content of this type of verb. But Serratrice & Sorace (2003) and

ïœ²ïœ·ïœ² Ana de Prada Pérez

Serratrice et al. (2004) found that syntactic verb type was not a significant factor group in the distribution of null and overt subjects in Italian. The variable verb form ambiguity characterizes verb forms as ambiguous or unambiguous (i.e. whether the verb inflection is exclusive to one person or not). In many studies, overt subjects have been found to appear more frequently with verbal forms that are ambiguous than with unambiguous ones (Bayley & Pease-Álvarez 1996, 1997; Silva-Corvalán 1994; Travis 2005). However, this effect has not always been found, leading some researchers to conclude that other variables override verb form ambiguity (Casanova 1999; Morales 1997; Ranson 1991). Ranson, for instance, found that ambiguous forms exhibited fewer overt pronominal subjects than unambiguous ones in the Andalusian dialect she examined. She attributes this to the fact that the subject of ambiguous forms were identifiable in the context (the morphological ambiguity was resolved contextually). These variables have been examined in contexts of dialectal variation and language contact. The following section reviews the results reported in these studies.

3.â•… Dialectal variation and language contact Differences across dialects with respect to subject expression are widely present in the variationist literature. Initially, the difference that garnered most attention was the overall percentage of overt subjects (see Cameron 1992, 1993; Lipski 1994; OtheguyÂ€& Zentella 2007; Otheguy, Zentella & Livert 2007; Travis 2007). The following table (adapted from Silva-Corvalán 2001) presents an overview. Table 1.â•‡ Dialectal variation in overall rates of pronominal subject expression (adapted from Silva-Corvalán 2001) Study

Place

Enríquez (1984) Otheguy et al. (2007)

Madrid Mainland (Mexico, Colombia and Ecuador) Newcomers in New York Sevilla Los Ángeles Buenos Aires Caribbean Newcomers in New York Boston Santiago Caracas Puerto Rico San Juan

Miró Vera & Pineda (1982) Silva-Corvalán (1982) Barrenechea & Alonso (1977) Otheguy et al. (2007) Horchberg (1986) Cifuentes (1980) Bentivoglio (1987) Morales (1982) Cameron (1992)

Percentage of overt subjects 21% 24% 27% 35% 36% 36% 37% 38% 40% 40% 45%

Variation in subject expression ïœ²ïœ·ïœ³

In general, Caribbean and Santiago de Chile Spanish exhibit the highest rates of overt subjects, and Peninsular Spanish the lowest. Nonetheless, these percentages are difficult to compare. As Silva-Corvalán (2001) explains, even though most of the studies draw on data from sociolinguistic interviews, not all the studies include the same factors, and they aim to answer different questions. Thus, comparisons across different studies are not reliable. Exploring differences in patterns, on the other hand, offers more viable comparisons. Cameron (1996) reveals patterning differences between Puerto Rican and Madrid Spanish regarding non-specific second person singular; Puerto Rican Spanish favors overt pronominal subjects while Madrid Spanish disfavors them. Otheguy et al. (2007) report differences between two varieties of NewÂ€York Spanish, Caribbean and Mainland. They found that second person singular is the constraint that favors overt pronominal subjects the most in Caribbean varieties while it is third person singular in Mainland varieties. Thus, contrasts in patterns constitute a better comparative tool than contrasts in overall percentages. Contact has been argued to act as an accelerator of linguistic change, targeting areas where variation exists in monolingual speech (Silva-Corvalán 1994). The discussion on rates of pronominal expression across contact vs. non-contact varieties is as unproductive as it is for comparisons across regional varieties. Bayley & Pease-Álvarez (1996, 1997), Flores-Ferrán (2004), Silva-Corvalán (1994), Torres-Cacoullos & Travis (forthcoming) and Travis (2007) reveal no increase in subject expression in Spanish in the U.S. Lapidus & Otheguy (2005a, b), Lipski (1996), Montrul (2004), OtheguyÂ€& Zentella (2007), Otheguy et al. (2007), Toribio (2004), on the other hand, report an increase. Otheguy et al. (2007), for instance, report a 36% overall pronominal subject rate in recently arrived immigrants from the Caribbean (Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba) in New York. New York born and raised Spanish speakers of Caribbean heritage, however, exhibited a 42% rate. In the case of Mainland (Mexico, Colombia, and Ecuador) Spanish speakers, those recently arrived displayed 24% overt pronominal subjects, while those born and raised in New York produced 33% overt pronominal subjects. Due to these inconsistencies across studies, some researchers have resorted to comparisons based on patterns. By way of illustration, consider Silva-Corvalan’s (1994) study, where she employed the same methodology with diverse communities; monolingual speakers in Mexico and bilingual Spanish speakers in L.A.. She did not report an increase in overt pronominal subjects in contact varieties. She, did, however, find patterning differences between monolingual and bilingual speakers regarding the variable person. While monolingual speakers favor overt pronominal forms the most in first person singular, bilingual speakers favor overt subjects the most in third person singular. To conclude this section, research indicates that a large number of variables play a significant role in the distribution under study here. Crucially, comparison between different regional varieties or monolingual and bilingual varieties are better reflected in patterning differences than in differences in rate of overt subjects.

ïœ²ïœ·ïœ´ Ana de Prada Pérez

4.â•… The present project The syntactic theoretic literature does not report differences across null subject languages, possibly due to the lack of interest in the alternation between null and overt subjects. This alternation has been thoroughly studied in the variationist literature, with an emphasis on regional variation. The present project, thus, extends the application of variationist methodologies to the comparison of two null subject Western Romance languages: Spanish and Catalan.

4.1â•… The sociolinguistic context The data for this project was collected in Spain: the Spanish data was collected in Valladolid and the Catalan data in Minorca. Valladolid is a largely monolingual community with little immigration. Data from el Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2006 Census) indicates that the monolingual regions with the smallest rates of immigration are Cantabria and Castilla y León. Since no important differences exist between these two regions, Valladolid, in Castilla y León, was selected for convenience. Minorca was selected because of its little immigration (as compared to other Catalan-speaking communities) and the extensive use of Catalan. Importantly, Catalan monolinguals do not exist. Thus, data was collected from Catalan-dominant bilinguals that live in Catalan-dominant communities. Among the Catalan Countries, Minorca reports the lowest number of foreign-born among its population (2006 Census). Blas Arroyo (2007) reports that immigration rates correlate with knowledge of Catalan, i.e. places with more immigrants have lower numbers of Catalan speakers. In addition, Minorca also exhibits extensive use of Catalan (cf. 2003 Sociolinguistic Survey, carried out by the Conselleria d’Educació i Cultura del Govern de les Illes Balears). Minorca exhibits three distinct varieties: Maó, Ciudadella and ‘pobles’, the villages in the center of the island (Mascaró i Pons 1987). The participants for this study are from three villages in the center of the island: Ferreries, Fornells, and Alaior.

4.2â•… Method In order to compare Valladolid Spanish and Minorcan Catalan distributions of null and overt subjects, 12 Valladolid Spanish speakers, two males and two females in each of the three age groups, and 12 Minorcan Catalan speakers, also with two males and two females in each of the three age groups, were recorded during an oral interview. The oral interview included a language history, used for participant profiling, a sociolinguistic interview, the target materials for this study, and a survey of language attitudes and ideologies. The sociolinguistic interview was based on Tagliamonte (2006) and adapted to the target culture. Participants were asked about their personal experiences (their studies, jobs, families, trips, hobbies) as well as about their home town, traditions, celebrations, typical dishes, etc. Some sample items appear in (6).

Variation in subject expression ïœ²ïœ·ïœµ

(6) Ethnolinguistic interview, sample items

a. ¿Cómo se celebran las fiestas patronales aquí? “How do you celebrate your patron saint here?” b. ¿Has tenido la oportunidad de ir a la escuela? Háblame un poco de cómo era tu vida cuando eras pequeño/a. ¿Cómo era un día normal en la escuela? ¿Recuerdas algún profesor que te haya marcado positivamente? ¿Cómo era? ¿Y uno que no te gustara mucho? ¿Por qué? ¿Cómo era?¿En qué lengua eran las clases? ¿Tenías un grupo de amigos en la clase con los que jugaras en el recreo o por la tarde? ¿Cuántos erais? ¿Cómo eran tus amigos? ¿A qué jugabais? ¿Cómo se jugaba? “Have you had the opportunity to go to school? Tell me a little bit about your life when you were a child. How was a regular day at school? Do you remember a teacher that marked you in a positive way? What was s/he like? And did you have one that you did not like that much? Why? What was s/he like? What language were classes held in? Did you have a group of friends in class to play during recess or in the evening? How many were there? What were your friends like? What did you play? How did you play that?”

The full interviews were transcribed and the sociolinguistic interview was coded for subject form and 10 language-internal variables. The following table summarizes the variables and their associated constraints: Table 2.â•‡ Coding scheme: Variables and Associated Constraints Variables

Constraints

Example

Subject Form

Overt lexical Overt pronominal Null subject

Topic Continuation

Topic continuation New topic Contrast

Overt lexical: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Pepe vive cerca de mi casa. Overt pronominal: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Él vive cerca de mi casa. Null subject: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Topic continuation: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. New topic: Pepe vino hoy a la oficina. Contrast: Me vine con Pepe y María hoy a la oficina. Él vive cerca de mi casa. (Continued)

ïœ²ïœ·ïœ¶ Ana de Prada Pérez

Table 2.â•‡ Coding scheme: Variables and Associated Constraintsâ•‡ (Continued) Variables

Constraints

Example

Co-referentiality/ switch reference

Co-referential Non-co-referential

Distance from previous mention

0 clauses 1 clause 2 clauses…

Clause type

Main Embedded

TAM continuity

Same TAM Different TAM

Speech connectivity (connect)

Same referent, same TAM Same referent, different TAM Different referent

Co-referential: Pepe vino hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Non-co-referential: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. 0 clauses: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. 1 clause: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Pepe vive cerca de mi casa. 2 clauses: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Mi jefe lo quiere para mañana. Pepe vive cerca de mi casa. Main: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Embedded: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina porque Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Same TAM: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø me llamó esta mañana porque se le había estropeado el coche. Different TAM: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Same referent, same TAM: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Tuve un problema con el coche esta mañana. Same referent, different TAM: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Different referent: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. (Continued)

Variation in subject expression ïœ²ïœ·ïœ·

Table 2.â•‡ (Continued) Variables

Constraints

Example

Person

First (Singular/Plural), Second (Singular/Plural) Third (Singular/Plural)

Animacy

Animate Inanimate

Semantic verb type

Psychological Speech Motion Copulative Other

Syntactic verb type

Transitive Unergative Unaccusative Copulative

Verb form ambiguity

Ambiguous, Unambiguous

First person singular: Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Second person singular: Ø Tienes mucho trabajo. Third person singular: Ø Tengo mucho trabajo. Etc. Animate: Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Ø vive cerca de mi casa. Inanimate: Me he comprado un jarrón nuevo. Ø Es muy bonito. Psychological: Quiero que vengas. Speech: Dice que viene. Motion: Viene. Copulative: Es muy alto. Other: Vive cerca de mi casa. Transitive: Compró un regalo Unergative: Vive cerca de mi casa. Unaccusative: Llegó ayer. Copulative: Es alto. Ambiguous: Comía mucho entonces. Unambiguous: Vive cerca de mi casa.

The data was coded for all these variables. Example (2), repeated here for convenience, exemplifies how the data was coded: (7) Me vine con Pepe hoy a la oficina. Pepe/él/Ø vive cerca de mi casa. ‘I came to the office with Pepe today. Pepe/he/Ø lives close to my house.’

The variable subject form has been mostly studied with respect to the alternation between null and overt pronominal forms. We also included lexical overt subjects in our study. In the second clause in (7) the subject can be null or overt. When it is overt, it can be pronominal (él) or lexical (Pepe). Example (7), for instance, would be coded as topic continuation, since the referent is already mentioned in the context and non co-referential, since the subject of the preceding clause is different. There are 0 intervening subjects, since the referent is mentioned in the preceding clause. It is produced in a main clause. The TAM (present indicative) is different from the TAM in the preceding clause (preterit). Regarding speech connectivity, it is a different

ïœ²ïœ·ïœ¸ Ana de Prada Pérez

referent. The subject is in the third person singular and it is animate. The verb falls under the semantic category other and the syntactic category unergative. The verb form is morphologically unambiguous. A total of 3,439 Spanish tokens and 3,586 Catalan tokens were submitted to statistical analysis using SPSS to compare overall rates and Goldvarb X to compare patterns.

4.3â•… Results and discussion The overall rates of overt lexical, overt pronominal, and null subjects in Valladolid Spanish and in Minorcan Catalan were examined. A 3 (subject form: null, overt pronominal, overt lexical) x 2 (language: Spanish, Catalan) repeated-measures ANOVA indicated a significant main effect for subject form (F(2,46) = 751.744, p < .01), no main effect for language (F(1,23) = .470, p > .05) and no interaction (F(2,46) = .772, pÂ€> .05). Bonferroni post-hoc tests revealed that all participants produced more null than overt subjects and more overt lexical than overt pronominal subjects (all pÂ€ 2 orders to be a natural part of V2 in Medieval Romance because of the combination of V-to-C movement and a complex left-periphery allowing for the filling of multiple specifier positions. However, since even Benincà acknowledges that OFr has a rather strict descriptive V2 order relative to other medieval Romance varieties, we will delay treatment of her position until SectionÂ€4, where it becomes relevant for our comparison of OFr to OOc. For purposes of the present discussion, we need to distinguish between two very frequent types of descriptively V3 clauses: (1) [[fronted clause] SV] constructions that alternate with [[fronted clause]V(S)] and therefore may reflect the beginnings of a non-V2 grammar, as in (2b) above; and (2) examples in which a fronted clause is followed by the adverb si (“thus”, “then”) or a similar adverb (e.g. donc/adonc “then”, lors “then”) and V(S): (4) a.

Quant je avrai les dois d’une main ars, si ardrai when I will-have the fingers of-one hand burnt, then will-burn

je les autres. I the others

“When/if I burn the fingers of one hand, then I will burn the others.” (Cassidorus p. 341)

b. si tost conme il virent le jour, si cueillirent leur voiles … so soon as they saw the day then gathered-3pl their sails “As soon as they saw daylight, they gathered their sails …” (Villehardouin l. 1623)

In purely descriptive terms, both (4a) and (4b) appear to be V3 clauses.6 However, the postverbal subject pronoun in (4a) can be generated only by a V-to-C grammar; (4b) likely has parallel structure. The “resumptive” adverb si appears to sum up the content of the fronted clause and then function as the actual initial element of the main clause. From this point of view, such sentences, which could not be generated by a simple SVO grammar, confirm the general V2 nature of OFr rather than providing evidence of a non-V2 grammar. Significantly, similar examples are also found in Modern German, even if they are not particularly common. Kaiser himself gives two examples from modern German Bible translations (2002:142), in which he attributes the use of the . Note that these examples could be considered descriptively V2 under analyses such as Ferraresi & Goldbach 2002 or Ledgeway 2008 in which si is treated as a special grammatical X0 element. However, we prefer the traditional adverbial analysis of si (see also Poletto 2005) for reasons we cannot go into in this paper.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan 

resumptive adverb dann ‘so’ to the unusual length of the fronted material. Our own internet search turned up many examples (with dann, so, or da) from a variety of contexts and without especially long fronted subordinate clauses: (5) Wenn man seinen Wohnsitz im Ausland anmeldet, so muss man if one his residence in abroad declares thus must one ja auch sein Auto umschreiben lassen. surely also his car re-register let “If you declare your (primary) residence as being abroad, then you must of course also have your car [registration] transferred.” (from the financial advice site “Finanzfrage.net”)

In previous studies of fronted subordinate clauses in OFr, two main approaches have been taken to classifying data such as these. Skårup 1975 considers the true initial constituent in examples like (4) to be the adverb si; the preceding fronted clause is simply irrelevant for V2. On the other hand, adherents to Kaiser’s approach (Kaiser 2002; Rinke 2003; Rinke & Meisel 2009) as well as Becker’s independent study (2005), count clauses like (4) in OFr as V3, exactly as they count clauses like (2b). We propose here to use a third approach. From the point of view of the innovative non-V2 grammar that will eventually triumph, XSV orders (as in (2b)) are permitted but XsiV(S) orders (as in (4a–b) are not. Furthermore, even Modern German, a strict V2 language, resorts to the resumptive adverb strategy occasionally. We therefore classify our clauses according to whether they are compatible with the innovative grammar or not. XSV is a progressive order, but XVS and XsiV(S) are conservative and hence – theoretically speaking – V2. Applying this approach to the data reported in the previous literature could change some interpretations significantly. In Becker’s study, for example, where the statistics are broken down very finely, two thirds of the total examples of fronted quant clauses are of the resumptive adverb type but are counted as V3. We will see in SectionÂ€3 that counting this type of example as V2 allows a robust pattern of language change to emerge from our statistics. Before presenting our study, let us complete our inventory of attested word orders after fronted subordinate clauses in OFr. Thus far we have examined three possibilities: inversion (VS), non-inversion (SV), and the resumptive adverb strategy (si V(S)). In addition to these possibilities, we find verb-initial orders in which the subject is unexpressed, as in (6), and non-verb-initial orders in which the first constituent is neither a subject nor a resumptive adverb, as in (7).7

. We have excluded from consideration, at this stage of our research, examples in which the fronted clause is (a) itself preceded by material which is likely to be independently or jointly responsible for word order choices in the following main clause; (b) embedded (together with following main-clause material), usually under a bridge verb; or (c) part of an imperative or interrogative.

 Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

(6) VX (null subject)

et pour ce que il sevent que nule gent n’ont si grant and for this that they know that no people neg-have such great pooir conme vous et la vostre gent, vous prient por dieu power as you as you and your people you beg-3pl for God que vous aiez pitie de la terre d’outremer. that you have pity on the land overseas “and because they know that no people have such great power as you and your people, they beg you for God’s sake to have pity on the lands overseas.” (Villehardouin l. 22)

(7) XV (non-resumptive)

et se l’espee ne li fust tornee en sa main, ocis and if the-sword neg to-him were turned in his hand killed l’eust sanz faille. him-would-have without fail “and if the sword hadn’t been turned in his hand, he would have certainly killed him.” (Queste 56, 10)

Null-subject examples such as (6) could be problematic to treat statistically, since a missing subject cannot be counted with certainty as coming either before or after the verb when both orders are possible with overt subjects, as is true of OFr just in the case of fronted clauses (but not generally). However, since null subjects are overwhelmingly linked with postverbal position at this stage of OFr, and since we have relatively few examples of this type, we will take the step of counting them as V2. Examples like (7) appear to demonstrate a true V3 pattern. However, since the element that immediately precedes the verb is not the subject, such patterns cannot be produced by a non-V2 SVO grammar. We therefore consider these examples V2, noting that a clausal structure with two slots before the verb, as in Benincà (1995, 2006), may be necessary to treat them satisfactorily. Such examples are relatively rare in our data.8 To summarize, we give an inventory in Table 1 of possible word orders following a fronted clause in our texts, along with our interpretation of their status in a V2 grammar. Here, and in the presentation of our statistics below, we place the construction [fronted clause [VSp]] (where Sp is a subject pronoun) in a separate cell because it is a

. In addition, it is sometimes difficult to identify a resumptive adverb with certainty. Some of our OFr XV tokens may ultimately be found to fit better into the siV (resumptive) category.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan 

completely uncontroversial case of classic V2 behavior (that is, filling of one preverbal position and incontrovertible V to C movement). Table 1.â•‡ Categorization of word orders following fronted clause Word order

abbreviation

example #

grammar

conservative/ progressive

Pronominal Inversion Non-inversion Verb-initial with null or non-pronominal inverted subject Resumptive adverb Preverbal XP constituent

VSp SV V (Sn)

2a 2b 5 (null)

Si V or si VS XV

3 6

V2 non-V2 probably V2 V2 V2

conservative progressive probably conservative conservative conservative

This variety of possibilities suggests a situation of competition (Kroch 1989) in which two constructions, one generated by a conservative grammar (V2, with V-to-C movement) and one generated by a progressive grammar (non-V2, without V-to-C), compete over time. Throughout most of our data, the V2 and nonV2 word-order choices are interchangeable in terms of meaning. For example, the subject of the fronted clause is typically co-referential with the subject of the following main clause; this can be expressed by any of the orders described above. (Like any such competition, however, there may be subtle pragmatic or semantic factors that increase the probability of one of the alternates in a specific environment; see FootnoteÂ€16.)

3. E mpirical study: The effect of fronted clauses on word order in Old French For the present study of OFr, we chose two texts from each of three different prose genres, one from the first half of the 13th century and one from (roughly) the second half, to track any potential diachronic developments. The genres are (a) literary texts [La Queste del Saint Graal (1225) and Le Roman de Cassidorus (1267)], (b) historical texts [Villehardouin’s Conquête de Constantinople (1206) and Joinville’s Vie de Saint Louis (1306)], and (c) legal texts [charters (1231–1271)]. The dialects represented are from the Northeastern area of French-speaking Europe, mainly Champagne. We focused on the following fronted tensed subordinate clauses: se (“if ”), quant (“when”), por ce que (“because” “so that”), en ce que (“so that”), endementiers que (“while”), (aus)si tost com/que (“as soon as”), einsi com/que (“just as”), and avant que (“before”).

 Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

Since we did not find clear differences between the literary and historical genres, we have grouped them together in SectionÂ€3.1; legal texts are discussed in SectionÂ€3.2.9

3.1 Results and discussion: Old French literary and historical texts In Tables 2–5, the data from literary and historical texts are organized by date and type of fronted clause. Quant- and se-clauses were chosen because of their overall high frequency in our texts, and por ce que for comparison with the legal texts. The other subordinate clauses present lower token counts and are combined and reported as “mixed clauses”. Table 2 presents the most frequent fronted clause type – quant. In matrix clauses following a quant clause, the preference in the early texts is for the Si V(S) wordorder (108 out of 128 tokens in Villehardouin and 170 of 202 tokens in the Queste).10 Cassidorus, from mid-century, provides evidence that a shift is beginning to take place, with a rise in SV tokens (102/409) and slightly fewer SiV(S) tokens (281/409) compared to the two early texts. Finally, in Joinville, the data point toward the completion of this shift, with a strong preference for the progressive SV word-order (118/128 tokens) and very few tokens of the conservative Si V(S) order. Table 2.â•‡ Word order after fronted quant-clauses (‘When ….,___’) Quant … Villehardouin (1206) Queste (1225) Cassidorus (1267) Joinville (1306)

V Sp

V(Sn)

Si V(S)

0 0 0 0

3 0 8 1

108 (84%) 170 (84%) 281 (69%) 12 (9%)

XV(S) 1 0 18 0

SV 16 (13%) 32 (16%) 102 (25%) 115 (90%)

Total 128 202 409 128

Sp = subject pronoun, Sn = nonpronominal subject, S = all subjects, () = optional constituent, Si = resumptive adverb such as si, lors, (a)donc.

Table 3 demonstrates that se-clauses show a preference for the progressive SV word-order across all time periods, from which we conclude that se-clauses are the

. However, we do recognize a still somewhat puzzling syntactic difference between our two earliest texts, Villehardouin and the Queste, when an adverb or prepositional phrase begins the utterance (hence, in environments that do not directly concern us here). In the Queste, the order SV after such constituents is vanishingly rare except after a restricted set of expressions already identified by Foulet 1928, while in Villehardouin there is more variability. This difference has clearly contributed to different analyses proposed in Vance 1997 and e.g. FerraresiÂ€& Goldbach 2002. The fact that the Villehardouin text also lacks robust statistics for subject pronoun inversion (after fronted clauses, in the data presented here, and more generally), suggests to us that it may share some archaic features with verse texts (see also FootnoteÂ€16). ïœ±. Our data for quant- and se- clauses in the Queste come from pages 1–91 only.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan 

most progressive of the fronted clauses in question (despite the less robust than expected preference in Cassidorus). Table 3.â•‡ Word order after fronted se-clauses (‘If …, _____’) Se… Villehardouin (1206) Queste (1225) Cassidorus (1267) Joinville (1306)

V Sp

V(Sn)

Si V(S)

1 0 2 1

2 0 2 0

0 2 10 6

XV(S) 1 7 10 1

SV 29 (88%) 29 (76%) 32 (57%) 48 (86%)

Total 33 38 56 56

Table 4 presents the por ce que data, where (even leaving Villehardouin aside due to a low token count), one sees the same evolution from conservative to progressive word order as reported for quant-clauses. However, we consider por ce que to be even more conservative than quant, given that the early text Queste shows a significant preference for the most clearly conservative order – VSp – and no SV orders at all, and that VSp is still well-represented in the later two texts. Table 4.â•‡ Word order after fronted por ce que clauses (‘Because …, _____’) Por ce que

V Sp

Villehardouin (1206) Queste (1225) Cassidorus (1267) Joinville (1306)

0 23 3 4

V(Sn) 1 7 2 6

Si V(S)

XV(S)

SV

Total

2 1 2 2

0 3 2 0

0 0 10 (53%) 22 (65%)

3 34 19 34

Finally, Table 5 presents the mixed group of other fronted clauses. These clauses pattern similarly to both quant and por ce que, demonstrating an evolution from the conservative to progressive word-orders over time. However, unlike quant, a relatively strong presence of the conservative word orders is still found in the latest text, Joinville, and unlike por ce que, the rise of SV begins with the Queste. Thus, we consider these to be more conservative than quant, for which the change to the progressive SV order appears to be nearly complete at this same time period, and less conservative than por ce que. Table 5.â•‡ Word order after mixed other fronted clauses Other fronted clauses

V Sp

V(Sn)

Si V(S)

XV(S)

SV

Total

Villehardouin (1206) Queste (1225) Cassidorus (1267) Joinville (1306)

0 9 12 8

1 20 30 6

12 53 6 0

1 1 14 2

0 (0%) 24 (22%) 34 (35%) 48 (75%)

14 107 96 64

ïœ± Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

Table 6 presents an overview of the emergent patterns discussed, focusing only on the percentage of the progressive order SV in each text for each clause type. Table 6.â•‡ Overall results for OFr: frequency of SV after fronted clause Type of fronted clause Villehardouin (1206) Queste (1225) Cassidorus (1267) Joinville (1306)

Por ce que …, 0% SV* 0% SV 53% SV 65% SV

mixed clauses

Quant …,

Se …,

0% SV 22% SV 35% SV 75% SV

13% SV 16% SV 25% SV 90% SV

88% SV 76% SV 57% SV 86% SV

*There are only 4 por ce que tokens from this text.

The statistics indicating a preference (>50%) for the most progressive SV order are concentrated in just two areas: the se-clauses (far right column) and the latest text (bottom row). Furthermore, there is a general progression across the chart from least progressive clause type (por ce que) to most progressive (se), with some anomalies in the Queste and Cassidorus, perhaps due to the combination of clause types in our mixed category. Finally, the progression over time from Villehardouin to Joinville is quite clear, with the first three clause types preferring SV more and more over time and se-clauses having already reached a somewhat stable state from the beginning of the 13th century. We can now identify a clear change taking place with respect to the participation of fronted subordinate clauses in the OFr V2 grammar. Different fronted clause types achieve a preference for the new grammar at different times, but by the beginning of the 14th century, the conservative pattern is a minority in all contexts. Given the documented spread of SV orders after other types of fronted constituents (adverbs, direct objects, prepositional phrases, etc) over the next two centuries (cf. Vance 1997 and works cited there) we conclude that fronted clauses represent the first discernible wave of V2 loss in OFr.11 The limited yet systematic use of SV after fronted clauses in the early 13th century cannot, in our view, be used to argue that OFr is not a V2 language, but rather indicates a very strong V2 constraint (contra Kaiser 2002) that is only broken down slowly and systematically over several centuries.

ïœ±ïœ±. Our data are not extensive enough at this point to distinguish between a situation in which the change spreads from context to context and a scenario of “simultaneous unequal actuation” across contexts, as promoted by Kroch 1989.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan ïœ±ïœ±

3.2 Results and discussion: Old French legal texts (1251–1271) The use of legal documents for syntactic research is controversial, because of the rather formulaic language that could, in principle, have little in common with the spoken language. However, the OFr Charters are interesting because they can usually be attributed to a precise locality and because some regional variation in their syntax has been found (cf. Dees 1980; Hinzelin 2007). Our charter data are from the northeastern part of French-speaking Europe, including Champagne. Although we collected data from both early and late 13th century charters, we excluded the earlier data because of the limited token counts of the clause types in question. The only type of fronted subordinate clause found in our charters is introduced by por ce que “so that”. (8a) shows following SV order, while (8b) has an inverted subject. (8) a.

Et pour ce que ce soit ferme chose et estable, nous avons and for this that this be firm thing and established we have

fait seeller ces lettres de nostre seel. made to seal these letters of our seal

“And so that this be a firm and established thing, we have sealed these letters with our seal.” (Aube Charter 87) b. Et pour ce que ce soit ferme chose et estable ai and for this that this be firm thing and established have

je seelees ces presentes lettres de mon propre seel en I sealed these present letters of my own seal in

tesmoingnage de veritei. witness of truth

“And so that this be a firm and established thing I have sealed the present letters by my own seal in witness of the truth.” (Aube Charter 89)

Table 7 shows the distribution of word order types following the fronted clause. The categories are the same as for the historical and literary texts, except for XV, which is not found in the legal texts. Table 7.â•‡ Old French Legal Documents by department of origin: word order after fronted clauses beginning with por ce que ‘so that’

Vosges Hainaut Aube Flandres Luxembourg

VSp

V(Sn)

SiV(S)

39 4 2 2 28

6 3 0 0 2

1 49 0 2 3

SV 23 (33%) 22 (28%) 40 (95%) 22 (85%) 36 (52%)

Total 69 78 42 26 69

ïœ± Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

The data from this 20-year period reveal significant regional variation. All the departments except Aube are contiguous to Germanic-speaking areas, where we might expect some contact-induced strengthening of V2, but the percentage of SV orders varies for these four departments from roughly 30% (Vosges and Hainaut) toÂ€85% (Luxembourg). It is possible that variation is due to different writing practices in different localities rather than to regional variation in the spoken language. However, supposing that our statistics represent true regional variation, let us focus on the Aube data. The Aube department is located in Champagne, the probable region of origin of three of our non-legal texts: Villehardouin, Cassidorus, and Joinville.12 Table 8 presents the Aube charter data with the parallel data from the literary and historical texts. Table 8.â•‡ Proportion of SV order after fronted clauses por ce que (all texts) Text

Villehardouin, 1206 Queste, 1225 Cassidorus, 1267 Joinville, 1306 Aube Charters, 1251–1271

SV order tokens

%

0/3 0/34 10/19 22/34 40/42

0% 0% 53% 65% 95%

Table 8 demonstrates that the legal charters are far more advanced in the use of SV order (95%) after por ce que than even the latest literary/historical text (Joinville) despite the fact that the legal texts cover the middle time period. Yet, referring back to the raw numbers for the Aube department in Table 7, we see that variation still exists. One interpretation is that the legal texts in the Aube follow the same general trajectory as the literary/historical texts (from V2 to non-V2) but reflect a more innovative grammar closer to the spoken language than other genres, despite the legal formulas. Additional research is needed before other possible interpretations can be excluded, but these results suggest systematic variation across both region and genre.

ïœ±. As far as we can determine, there are no suitable prose literary texts from Champagne from the early 13th century. We have therefore retained the Queste in this slot, which is from a nearby region (Bourgogne).

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan ïœ±

4. Fronted subordinate clauses in Old Occitan We now examine the word order patters of Old Occitan (OOc), for which our study is necessarily smaller than the OFr study because of lower token counts in the texts. The relatively few published works on OOc syntax (compared to OFr) also provide a less developed backdrop to the study than in OFr. Our detailed study of the effect of fronted subordinate clauses on following word order is intended as a step toward addressing the paucity of data on V2 in OOc and also as a counterpart to the OFr study above. Occitan is of interest because – like French – it has undergone a loss over time of traits associated with a V2 constraint. In traditional treatments of OOc syntax, subject inversion after a fronted non-subject constituent is taken to be a fundamental characteristic, just as in OFr (cf. e.g. Jensen 1994:Â€362). As we noted above, Benincà (1995, 2006) includes OOc in her generative study of Medieval Romance and concludes that all of these languages are V2, although OOc, like various Italian varieties, obeys a descriptively less strict V2 constraint than was active in OFr. A rough idea of the distribution of word-order types in OOc comes from Sitaridou (2005). In a sample of 200 clauses from early OOc legal charters, 36 clauses (18%) are descriptively V3. None of these 36 clauses appear to contain a fronted subordinate clause; our study thus adds a new element to the consideration of V2 versus V3 in OOc. As in the OFr study, we examine five prose texts: an earlier and a later work for both literary and historical (or literary/historical) genres, as well as early charters. The availability of charters in OOc from a century earlier than in OFr allow us to investigate a greater time span. Looking at documents from central Occitania (Provence and Languedoc), we investigate fronted subordinate clauses beginning with si “if ”,13 can “when”, and a small group of mixed types (per so que “because”, “so that”, car “because”, domentre “while”). The same kinds of word orders are found as in OFr:

(9) a.

following SV order

E si tul nos demandas per te o per to mes, nos and if you-it us ask for you or for your messenger we

lot rendrem sas logre. it-to-you will-return without interest

“And if you ask it of us yourself or via your messenger, we will give it back to you without interest.” (Charter 29)

ïœ±. OOc si ‘if ’ (= OFr se) should not be confused with the OFr resumptive adverb si “thus”.

ïœ± Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

b. following V order (subject is null)

E can Karles ausi aysso, passec am los sieus And when Charles heard this, passed-3pl with the his

entro Marelos. as-far-as Marelos

“And when Charles heard this, he went with his men as far as Marelos…” (Gesta Karoli Magni, p. 55, lines 701–704) c.

following resumptive adverb

Cant illi retornava de sos autz raubimens, enaissi si when she returned from her high raptures thus refl

mostrava paura e defallens e humana a totas. showed-3sg poor and feeble and human to all

“When she came out of her holy rapture, then/thus she appeared weak and feeble and human to all.” (Douceline, p. 115) d. following VS order14

La qual cauza plus fizelmens a far e plus veraia, volc the which thing more faithfully to do and more truly wanted

illi aver per lo dechat e.l conseill dell sant paire. she to-have for the words and-the counsel of-the holy father

“To do this thing more faithfully and more truthfully, she wanted to have the words and the counsel of the holy father.” (Douceline, p. 61)

In Table 9, we see that the distribution of these orders differs greatly from OFr. The raw data is presented in the “details” column; the “global” column presents a generalized view of the preponderant (S)V order. There is very little use of inversion after fronted clauses, and the resumptive adverb strategy is so rare that we have not separated it here from the V3 XV order. SV and V orders far outnumber the others in all texts and in all time periods (except in some cells where the data are sparse). Here a clarification is in order: whereas the V-initial orders are all consistent with a V2 grammar, as in OFr, the distribution of null subjects in OOc complicates the interpretation of the V orders. While OFr null subjects have typically been interpreted as necessarily postverbal (since Foulet 1928), OOc null subjects enjoy a much freer distribution (cf. Lafont 1967; Vanelli, Renzi & Benincà 1985; Sitaridou 2005; Vance 2009). Furthermore, Modern Occitan still licenses null subjects. Consequently, the null subject orders in our chart are equally compatible with a modern Occitan grammar. Although some considerations that (for reasons of space) we cannot discuss here might lead us to re-classify a few

ïœ±. This is our clearest example of V2 inversion after a fronted subordinate clause. Because it contains a fronted non-finite clause rather than a finite clause, we excluded it from our statistical count. The VS examples in our data may represent V2, even if ambiguous.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan ïœ±

of our null subjects as postverbal, we have conflated V and SV orders as (S)V in our global view in a way that should not compromise our conclusions. Table 9.â•‡ Word order after fronted subordinate clauses in OOc Text

Cant … (‘when’) details

Chartes 1034–1176 early legal

13 SV

Damiette mid-13th historical Gesta KM mid-13th literary

8 SV 9V 1 XV 32 SV 20 V 1 VS 1 XVS

Douceline late-13thearly-14th literary

49 V 31 SV 4 VS 8 XV 2 XVS 25 S(X)V 17 V 5 V(X)S 1 XVS 5 XV

Jerusalem 14th historical

Si …, (‘if ’)

global

details

100% SV

20 V 18 SV 9 XV 1 VS n/a

94% (S)V

global

Other clauses details

global n/a

79% (S)V

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

30 SV 10 V 2 VS 2 XV 1 XVS 2V 4 SV 1 XV

89% (S)V

96% (S)V

1 SV 1VS

(50% SV)

85% (S)V

6 XV 2V

(25% (S)V)

79% (S)V

1 SV 1V

(100% (S)V)

n/a

(86% (S)V)

n/a

In stark contrast to OFr, the data from OOc do not show evidence of a change in progress. No clear pattern emerges with respect to genre, clause type, or time period; rather, there is a preponderance of orders consistent with the more modern grammar (whenever token counts are robust). One possibility is that OOc is ahead of OFr in losing V2, so that these data attest to a stage where the most advanced contexts have already achieved a fairly stable new order. Another possibility, however, is that V2 loss in OOc cannot be tracked by looking at fronted clauses because they are (fairly) consistently located outside the V2 core of the clause. Recall that Benincà’s (1995) view of the Medieval Romance clause, which we now show in detail, posits two preverbal positions (we abstract away from the more complex version of the left periphery presented in her later works): (10) [TopP _______ [Top′ [CP _______ [C′ Vi [TP (subject) [T′ ti [VP …]]]]]]]

Under this expanded view, the OOc fronted clauses would consistently appear in the Spec TopP position. Other constituents (XP or subject) could occupy Spec CP, and

ïœ± Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

the verb might still move to C. To track loss of V-to-C in OOc, then, we would need to focus on non-subject elements consistently situated in Spec CP, to see if there is a progression over time from VS order (V-to-C movement) to SV order (V2 lost, verb remains in T). Fortunately, our data can be exploited in an additional way that helps confirm that OFr and OOc fronted clauses behave differently syntactically. In our OOc data, but not in our OFr data, there is variation in the position of the object clitic (OCL) in examples where the matrix verb is accompanied by such a clitic. In our OFr examples, the object clitic is always preverbal (see (6), for example), but in OOc it can be either preverbal or postverbal. As Table 10 makes clear, there is a strong tendency in our data for the OCL to be preverbal in OOc when there is some constituent – a subject or other XP – between the fronted clause and the matrix verb. When there is no such constituent, the OCL is nearly always postverbal (and always postverbal if the subject is null).15 Table 10.â•‡ Preverbal vs. Postverbal object clitics after fronted subordinate clauses (OOc) Word order after fronted clause

Subj – initial

XP-initial

S Ocl V vs S V Ocl

X Ocl V vs X V Ocl

â•…

V initial with inversion Ocl V S vs V Ocl S

V initial with null subject Ocl V vs V Ocl

Text

pre

post

pre

post

pre

post

pre

post

Chartes, 11-12c Damiette ~1250 Gesta ~1250 Douceline ~1400 Jérusalem ~1473

28 0 11 12 6

0 0 3 0 0

5 1 2 11 4

0 0 0 0 0

0 0 1 1 0

1 0 3 2 0

0 0 0 0 0

8 2 7 14 5

Total % preverbal

57 90%

3

23 100%

0

2 25%

6

0 0%

36

We interpret this clear pattern as an indication that in OOc the fronted clause, when it is the only constituent before the matrix verb, does not occupy the same position (next to the verb) as the subject or XP. Rather, according to Benincà’s (1995, 2006) and Skårup’s (1975) interpretation of the Tobler-Mussafia Law, object clitics can only be postverbal if the position immediately to the left of the verb is left unfilled, so that the verb behaves as if it were in absolute initial position. If no constituent appears in Spec CP, then an object clitic following a fronted clause in Spec TopP will also follow the verb.

ïœ±. Mériz 1978, Smith & Bergin (1984:114) and Skårup 1975 also note that object clitics are predominately postverbal after a fronted subordinate clause in OOc.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan ïœ±

Returning to our OFr data, we are led to ask why we find only preverbal object clitics after fronted clauses. It seems unlikely that the Tobler-Mussafia Law is simply inactive in our data, since elsewhere in our texts we find postverbal OCLs in absolute verb-initial clauses. Rather, we interpret the large number of examples with resumptive si to indicate that, in contrast to OOc, OFr prefers to fill the Spec CP position. In examples like (6) it is the fronted clause that fills Spec CP, while in examples like (4a–b), the resumptive adverb is in Spec CP. This result suggests to us that the way in which Old French is to be interpreted as a ‘stricter’ V2 language than OOc is that it requires the inner preverbal position to be filled.16 Given that Modern German also permits resumptive adverb constructions after fronted clauses, we find – contra Kaiser – that the presence of descriptively V3 clauses in our data does not force us to abandon the hypothesis that OFr was a V2 language of the same general type as the modern Germanic V2 languages. Indeed, it is precisely in its observance of a strict adjacency between the verb in C0 and the constituent of arbitrary category on its left that OFr departs from Medieval Romance and patterns much more closely with Germanic V2. But if the V2 property were completely stable during the 13th century, we would not expect to find the word order SV gaining ground, first with se clauses, then with quant clauses, and then with other fronted clauses, prefiguring the decline of V2 with other fronted constituents (adverbs, prepositional phrases, etc) that is to characterize the next two centuries. Rather, it seems that the increasingly frequent occurrence of SV order after a fronted clause, as in (2b), identifies this context as the first one in which the finite verb fails to move to C0. ïœ±. A word about Early Old French (12th century and before) is in order here. Because we have limited our study to prose texts within specific genres, we have been constrained to begin our analysis of Old French with the 13th century. This restriction does not necessarily diminish our view of the diachrony of fronted clauses, since it has long been recognized that the syntax of early OFr texts is qualitatively different from that of later narrative prose (Hirschbühler 1990). However, in future work we intend to compare our results with those of Skårup 1975, Grad 1956, and Franzen 1939, who have investigated mainly early verse texts. These authors cite examples of fronted clauses with postposed object clitics similar to those we discovered in our OOc data – evidence, in our view, of a more Romance-like earlier stage. They also suggest that there is a tendency to pair “concessive” fronted clauses (those with meanings such as “even if ”) with inversion more frequently than other types of fronted clauses; here, we find possible confirmation in data such as our (2a). Thus it may be possible to uncover yet another fine-grained distinction within our 13th century data, allowing us to track even more closely the factors affecting the choice between conservative and innovative word orders. Finally, the 12th century data already suggests a basic split between fronted se and quant-clauses, on the one hand, and other types of fronted clauses – a situation that is not unexpected given the advanced state at which we find the syntax of these clauses in the 13thÂ€century, if it turns out to be possible to establish some continuity between these two very different genres of Old French.

ïœ± Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner

5. Summary and conclusion In this study we have sought to bring some new data and statistics to bear on the question of the V2 status of Old French and Old Occitan. Investigating the effect of fronted subordinate clauses on following word order, we have found systematic variation in 13th-century OFr prose but very little variation in 11th–14th century Occitan prose. In OFr, a competition (in the sense of Kroch 1989) appears to be in progress between a Germanic-style V2 grammar – in which fronted clauses are found either in a single preverbal position in the clause (Spec CP) or in a Spec TopP paired with a resumptive adverb in Spec CP – and a progressive SVO grammar in which fronted clauses co-occur with a preverbal subject because the finite verb no longer moves toÂ€C. Several factors are found to favor the more progressive grammar: the genre (legal documents vs. literary/historical texts), the date (later vs. earlier), and the particular type of fronted clause (se-clauses being the most likely to show nonV2 order). For OOc, on the other hand, our study confirms that even in the earliest data, the outer position Spec TopP is the usual landing site for fronted clauses, and Spec CP may be empty. As a result, fronted clauses have little effect on following word order and cannot help us track the evolution of V-to-C movement in OOc (at least not during the time period investigated). In future work, we hope to examine a much wider range of fronted constituents in both OFr and OOc in order to begin filling out the story of V2 loss in these two Romance varieties. Our results thus far make it clear, however, that the instances of V3 with fronted clauses in OFr that have been discussed here and in the previous literature cannot be taken as evidence that OFr was never a V2 language. Neither should we hasten to adopt an analysis in which 13th-century OFr shares with general Medieval Romance, including Occitan, a grammar that is considerably less strict than Modern German in its adherence to descriptive V2 order. Rather, the data point to a systematic evolution, over the course of Medieval French, from a strict V2 grammar to a non-V2 grammar. In the present paper we have documented what is perhaps the earliest available evidence of this change.

References Primary Sources: Old French Coq, Dominique. 1974. Chartes en langue française antérieures à 1271 conservées dans les départements de l’Aube, de la Seine-et-Marne et de l’Yonne. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Joinville, Jehan de. 1977. La Vie de Saint Louis. ed. by Noel Corbett. Sherbrooke: Editions Naaman.

V2 loss in Old French and Old Occitan ïœ±

Lanher, Jean. 1974. Chartes en langue française antérieures à 1271 conservées dans le département des Vosges. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Mantou, Reine. 1987. Chartes en langue française antérieures à 1271 conservées dans les provinces de Flandre orientale et de Flandre occidentale. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Pauphilet, Albert, ed. 1984. La Queste del Saint Graal, roman du XIIIe siècle. Paris: Champion. (Electronic version courtesy of Christiane Marchello-Nizia). Palermo, Joseph, ed. 1963. Le Roman de Cassidorus. Paris: SATF. Volume 2. Ruelle, Pierre. 1984. Chartes en langue française antérieures à 1271 conservées dans la province de Hainaut. Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Stein, Achim, et al. eds. 2006. New Amsterdam Corpus: Electronic corpus of Old French literary texts (ca. 1150–1350), established by Anthonij Dees, reworked by Achim Stein, Pierre Kunstmann & Martin-D. Gleßgen. Stuttgart: Institut für Linguistik/Romanistik. Villehardouin, Geoffroi. 1978. La conquête de Constantinople. éd. Centre de Recherches sur les Arts et le Langage (CRAL), Nancy. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Française, 2137. [Consulted via New Amsterdam Corpus.]

Primary Sources: Old Occitan Brunel, Clovis. 1926. Les plus anciennes chartes en langue provençale: recueil de pièces originales antérieures au XIIIe siècle. Paris: Picard. (plus supplement, 1952). Chabaneau, Camille, ed. 1888–1889. “La Prise de Jérusalem”. Revue des Langues Romanes 32:Â€581–608 and 33: 31–46 & 600–609. Gout, Raoul. 1927. La Vie de Sainte Douceline. Paris: Ars et Fides. Meyer, Paul, ed. 1877. “La Prise de Damiette en 1219”. Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 38:Â€497–571. Schneegans, Friedrich Edward. 1898. Gesta Karoli Magni ad Carcassonam et Narbonam. Halle: Max Niemeyer.

Secondary Sources Adams, Marianne. 1987. “From Old French to the Theory of Pro-Drop”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 5, 1. 1–32. Becker, Martin G. 2005. “Le Corpus d’Amsterdam face à une vieille question: L’ancien français est-il une langue V2?”. Romance Corpus Linguistics II, ed. by Claus D. Pusch, Johannes Kabatek & Wolfgang Raible. 345–358. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag. Benincà, Paola. 1995. “Complement Clitics in Medieval Romance: the Tobler-Mussafia law”. Clause Structure and Language Change, ed. by Adrian Battye & Ian Roberts, 325–344. Oxford: Oxford UP. Benincà, Paola. 2006. “A Detailed Map of the Left Periphery of Medieval Romance”. Crosslinguistic Research in Syntax and Semantics, ed. by Raffaella Zanuttini, Héctor Campos, Elena Herburger & Paul H. Portner. 53–86. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown UP. Besten, Hans den. 1983. “On the Interaction of Root Transformations and Lexical Deletive Rules”. On the Formal Syntax of the Westgermania, ed. by Werner Abraham, 47–131. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Dees, Anthonij. 1980. Atlas des formes et des constructions dans les chartes françaises du XIIIe siècle. Tübingen: Niemeyer.

 Barbara Vance, Bryan Donaldson & B. Devan Steiner Ferraresi, Gisella & Maria Goldbach. 2002. “V2 Syntax and Topicalization in Old French”. Linguistische Berichte 189. 2–25. Foulet, Lucien. 1928. Petite syntaxe de l’ancien français. Paris: Champion. Reprinted 1982. Franzen, Torsten. 1939. Etude sur la syntaxe des pronoms personnels sujets en ancien français. Ph.D. dissertation, Uppsala University. Grad, Anton. 1956. “L’inversion du sujet dans la principale précédée d’une subordonnée en ancien français”. Ljubljana: Razprave Dissertationes II. 1–28. Hinzelin, Marc-Olivier. 2007. Die Stellung der klitischen Objektpronomina in den romanischen Sprachen: Diachrone Perspektive une Korpusstudie um Okzitanischen sowie zum Katalanischen und Französischen. Tübingen: Narr. Hirschbühler, Paul. 1990. “La légitimation de la construction V1 à sujet nul en subordonnée dans la prose et le vers en ancien français.” Revue Québécoise de Linguistique 19, 1. 33–55. Jensen, Frede. 1994. Syntaxe de l’ancien occitan. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Kaiser, Georg A. 2002. Verbstellung und Verbstellungswandel in den romansichen Sprachen. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Kroch, Anthony. 1989. “Reflexes of Grammar in Patterns of Language Change”. Language Variation and Change 1: 3. 199–244. Lafont, Robert. 1967. La phrase occitane. Montpellier: Presses Universitaires de France. Ledgeway, Adam. 2008. “Satisfying V2 in Early Romance: Merge vs. Move”. Journal of Linguistics 44, 2. 437–470. Meriz, Diana. 1978. “Observations on object pronoun collocation with finite verb-parts in Medieval Occitan (to 1300).” Romania 99: 145–182, 289–310. Poletto, Cecilia. 2005. “Si and e as CP Expletives in Old Italian”. Grammaticalization and Parametric Variation, ed. by Montse Batllori, Maria-Lluïsa Hernanz, Carmen Picalle & Francesc Roca. 206–235. Oxford: Oxford UP. Rinke, Esther. 2003. “On the Licensing of Null Subjects in Old French”. Syntactic Structures and Morphological Information, ed. by Uwe Junghanns & Luka Szucsich, 217–247. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Rinke, Esther & Jürgen M. Meisel. 2009. “Subject Inversion in Old French: Syntax and information structure”. Proceedings of the Workshop on Null subjects, Expletives, and Locatives in Romance, ed. by Georg A. Kaiser & Eva-Maria Remberger, 93–130. Arbeitspapier 123. Fachbereich Sprachwissenschaft, Universität Konstanz. Roberts, Ian. 1993. Verbs and Diachronic Syntax. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Sitaridou, Ioanna. 2005. “A corpus-based study of null subjects in Old French and Old Occitan”. Corpora and Diachronic Linguistics, ed. by Claus D. Putsch, Johannes Kabatek & Wolfgang Raible, 359–374. Tübingen: Narr. Skårup, Povl. 1975. Les premières zones de la proposition en ancien français. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. [= Revue Romane Numéro Spécial 6.] Smith, Nathaniel B. & Thomas G. Bergin. 1984. An Old Provençal Primer. New York: Garland. Thurneysen, R. 1892. “Die Stellung des Verbums in Altfranzösischen”. Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie 16. 289–307. Vance, Barbara. 1997. Syntactic Change in Medieval French. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Vance, Barbara. 2009. “The evolution of subject pronoun systems in Medieval Occitan”. Ms, Indiana University. Vanelli, Laura, Lorenzo Renzi & Paola Benincà. 1985. “Typologie des pronoms sujets dans les langues romanes”. Actes du XVIIe Congrès International de Linguistique et Philologie Romanes, 1983, Vol 3. 163–176. Aix: Université de Provence.

part iii

Morphology and interfaces

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology Contextual vs. inherent inflection in creoles Ana R. Luís

University of Coimbra Although recent evidence has shown that creoles are not exempt from overt inflectional morphology, little is yet known about the exact range of inflectional categories expressed by creoles. A detailed analysis of the verbal paradigm of Korlai Creole Portuguese reveals that verbs encode conjugation classes but no subject agreement endings. The same inflectional development has taken place in two more Indo-Portuguese creoles, namely Daman and Diu Creole Portuguese. Cross-linguistic evidence therefore casts serious doubts on the traditional claim that creoles discard semantically dispensable units (McWhorter 2001). In order to understand why creoles select purely formal inflectional categories, this paper draws on the distinction, formulated by Booij (1994, 1996), between inherent and contextual inflection. Based on this distinction, I argue that the retention of conjugation class markers vs. the loss of agreement endings can be subsumed under a wider generalisation about creole languages, namely their preference for inherent rather than contextual inflection (Kihm 2003; Arends etÂ€al. 2006; Plag 2008a). Key words:â•‡ Korlai Creole Portuguese; creole inflection; theme vowels; inherent inflection; contextual inflection

1.â•… Introduction Despite recent attempts to demonstrate that creoles languages are not exempt from overt inflection, the claim that creoles are inflectionally impoverished languages remains largely correct.1 Indeed, creoles which do have overt inflection encode

ïœ±.â•… An earlier version of this study was presented at the 2008 Meeting of the Associação de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola (ACBLPE). I am deeply grateful to the audience and also to Hugo Cardoso, Clancy Clements and John Holm for helpful suggestions. Thanks also to two anonymous reviewers for comments on a previous version of this paper.

ïœ³ïœ²ïœ´ Ana R. Luís

systematically fewer inflectional categories (e.g. tense, number, definiteness, etc.) and thus have fewer inflectional affixes than their lexifier languages. Such inflectional poverty appears to be determined, among other factors, both by psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic forces. For example, assuming that creole grammars are shaped by processes of Second Language Acquisition (SLA), the fact that L2 learners acquire overt inflectional morphology at a later stage of their acquisition process (DeGraff 2005) may explain why creoles contain very little overt inflection. In addition, adults tend to impose on themselves attitudinal restrictions which may inhibit the acquisition of the target language (ThomasonÂ€& Kaufman 1988; Klein & Perdue 1997; Siegel 2004). Research on adult immigrant communities has shown, for example, that unmotivated adults, in an untutored SLA context, tend not to go beyond a rudimentary (i.e. inflectionally poor) variety of the target language (Klein & Perdue 1997; Siegel 2004). While the scarcity of inflectional affixes is beyond dispute, very little is yet known about the exact range of inflectional categories expressed by creoles. In particular, it is not entirely clear why creoles seem to be selective with respect to the inflectional categories they encode or why certain inflectional categories stand a higher chance of surviving creolisation than others. While some studies have observed that subjectagreement endings are among the inflectional endings that are most typically absent from creoles (Kihm 2003; Veenstra 2003; Arends et al. 2006), none of these studies have yet investigated the fate of entirely meaningless inflectional categories, such as conjugation classes. This paper attempts to account for the categorical selectivity of creoles by examining the verbal paradigm of Korlai Creole Portuguese (KP). In KP, verbs have lost subjectagreement endings, but have retained all three Portuguese conjugation classes (including theme vowels and allomorphic alternations). The same inflectional development has taken place in other Indo-Portuguese creoles, casting serious doubts on the traditional claim that creoles discard semantically dispensable units. As part of my goal to understand why creoles select purely formal inflectional markers and discard perfectly meaningful affixes, I will draw on the distinction between inherent and contextual inflection, proposed by Booij (1994, 1996). It will be argued that the retention of conjugation class markers vs. the loss of agreement endings can be subsumed under a wider generalisation about creolization, namely that creoles favour inherent inflection over contextual inflection (Kihm 2003; Arends et al. 2006). This paper is organised as follows: SectionÂ€ 2 provides an outline of the inflectional endings that are attested in the verbal paradigm of KP. Section 3 highlights both empirical and psycholinguistic evidence in favour of Booij’s distinction between inherent and contextual inflection. Section 4, then, argues that the inflectional categories expressed by KP verb forms can be nicely accommodated under the view that creole languages favour inherent over contextual inflectional (Kihm 2003). A summary of our findings will be provided in SectionÂ€5.

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology ïœ³ïœ²ïœµ

2.â•… The internal structure of inflected verbs in KP Spoken on the northwest coast of India, KP has emerged from the contact between two IndoEuropean languages, namely Portuguese (Romance) and Marathi (Indo-Aryan).2 Unlike other Portuguese-based creoles, it has preserved a rare amount of overt inflectional endings:3 verbs inflect for both tense and conjugation class and they also exhibit both stem and suffix allomorphy. I will focus on tense suffixes and suffix allomorphs in SectionÂ€2.1, on theme vowels and stem allomorphs in SectionÂ€2.2. Section 2.3, then, offers contrastive evidence, from two Atlantic creoles.

2.1â•… Tense and aspect suffixes In KP, verbs are overtly marked for progressive, completive and past: (1) a. Progressive suffix: -n b. Completive suffix: -d c. Past suffixes: -[w]

The progressive marker -n is derived from the Portuguese gerund marker -ndo (Ptg.: bebendo “drinking”); the completive marker -d from the Portuguese participle marker -do (Ptg.: bebido “drunk”), and the past marker from the velar glide -[w], which is orthographically represented as -u (Ptg.: bebeu “drank”). While the progressive suffix and the completive suffix are invariable, the past tense marker has two allomorphs which are sensitive to the conjugation class of the verb: the -[w] suffix selects second and third conjugation stems, whereas the suffix -o selects first conjugation stems. Both past allomorphs constitute robust evidence in favour of our claim that Indo-Portuguese creoles have preserved genuine conjugation classes: (2) a.

kat-o sing.cl1-pst “sang”

(KP)

b. kum-e-[w] eat-cl2-pst “ate” c.

sub-i-[w] go.up-cl3-pst “went up”

ïœ².â•… Throughout this paper, the data on Indo-Portuguese has been drawn from Clements (1996), Clements & Koontz-Garboden (2001) and Cardoso (2006). ïœ³.â•… For reasons of space, I will restrict my analysis to KP alone. As alluded to above, however, there are at least two other Indo-Portuguese creoles which exhibit a very similar (if not exactly identical) verbal paradigm, namely Daman Creole Portuguese and Diu Creole Portuguese. For evidence, see Clements & Koontz-Graboden (2002) and Cardoso (2006).

ïœ³ïœ²ïœ¶ Ana R. Luís

2.2â•… Conjugation classes, theme vowels and stem allomorphs As noted by Aronoff (1994:46), conjugations tell us “which inflectional affixes will realise the various morphosyntactic properties that the verb bears in a particular instance”. Conjugation classes, therefore, have formal value, in so far as they help us to predict the inflected forms of a given lexeme. Looking in more detail at Table 1, we see that the verbal paradigm of KP is divided into the three conjugation classes. Table 1.â•‡ Verbal paradigm of KP class 1

class 2

class 3

unmarked forms

kat-a sing-cl1.unm “sing”

kum-e eat-cl2.unm “eat”

sub-i go.up-cl3.unm “go up”

past forms

kat-o sing-cl1.pst “sang”

kum-e-[w] eat-cl2-pst “ate”

sub-i-[w] go.up-cl3-pst “went up”

progressive forms

kat-a-n sing-cl1-prog “singing”

kum-e-n eat-cl2-prog “eating”

sub-i-n go up-cl3-prog “going up”

completive forms

kat-a-d sing-cl1-compl “sang”

kum-i-d eat-cl3-compl “eaten”

sub-i-d go.up-cl3-compl “gone up”

Each conjugation class carries a distinct theme vowel: class 1 takes the theme vowel -a, class 2 takes the theme vowel -e and class 3 the theme vowel -i. All three theme vowels are genuine stem-forming units which combine with the root to form the base to which inflectional endings attach. Unlike most other Romance-based creoles, inflected verbs in KP indeed make the distinction between roots, stems and inflected verb forms. For example, verb forms such as kumeu comprise three distinct morphological units: the root kum-, the stem kume- and the past allomorph -[w]. Further supporting our claim that Indo-Portuguese verb forms are organised into conjugation classes is the fact that verb stems undergo allomorphic variation. As shown in Table 2, verbs belonging to the first and second conjugation classes take two stems: one primary and one secondary stem. Table 2.â•‡ Primary and secondary stems in KP

class 1 class 2 class 3

Primary stem

secondary stem

kata-n kume-n subi-d

kat-o kumi-d –

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology ïœ³ïœ²ïœ·

In the first conjugation (see Table 2), past forms take a theme-less stem (e.g. kant-o), rather than an a-final stem (e.g. kant-a-n); in the second conjugation, verb lexemes take a third conjugation stems in the participle form (i.e. kum-i-d not *kum-e-d), rather than the default e-final stem (e.g. kum-e-n and kum-e-w). Crucially, stem-alternations such as these are not triggered by semantic or morphosyntactic factors, but merely by the formal distinctions underlying the Indo-Portuguese verbal paradigm. Overall, then, conjugation classes in KP determine both the shape of stems (e.g. kume- vs kumi-) and the shape of tense suffixes (i.e. -o vs -[w]).

2.3â•… Theme vowels in other Portuguese-based creoles Although theme vowels have remained inflectionally distinct units in KP (and other Indo-Portuguese creoles, see footnote 3), quite often the borrowing of morphologically complex word forms is associated to the loss of morpheme boundaries or, in the case at hand, to the loss of the inflectional boundary between the verb root and the theme vowel. As I will show next, this is exactly what happened in a number of Portuguesebased creoles, whose theme vowels have been reanalysed as phonemes and integrated into the phonological form of the root. In Guiné Bissau Kriyol, for example, each verb lexeme exhibits only one (unmarked) verb form (Kihm 1994). Unlike in KP, then, Kriyol verb forms are invariable: (3) a.

seta (Kriyol) “accept”

b. kume “eat” c.

bibi “drink”

While each one of the verb forms in (3) appears to contain a verb root which is followed by a theme vowel, closer inspection reveals that each putative theme vowel (-a (in 3a), -e (in 3b) and -i (in 3c)) has lost its inflectional status and has become part of the phonological structure of the verb root. In particular, the lack of verbal suffixes clearly shows that the form of Kriyol verbs does not depend on the conjugation class of the lexeme. So, despite their verb-final vowel, Kriyol verbs are effectively monomorphemic. The same view is formulated by Kihm (1994) who points out that “in no case could these [Kriyol] vowels be analysed as affixes or thematic vowels as in Portuguese”. In Sotavento Kabuverdianu, on the other hand, verbs are not entirely deprived of internal morphological structure. In addition to the bare form, this creole also

ïœ³ïœ²ïœ¸ Ana R. Luís

contains an inflected past form which takes the past marker -ba, as shown in ((4)–(6)) (Baptista 2003; Baptista et al. 2007. Despite the suffixation of -ba, however, the inflected past forms are not sensitive to the verb’s conjugation class. More concretely, not only does the suffix fail to induce allomorphic alternation on the stem but it also fails to undergo allomorphic variation (4a–6a). In other words, the past stem is identical to the base form, and the past suffix is invariable. Based on this data, it seems reasonable to conclude that stem-final vowels constitute indeed lexicalised theme vowels which no longer operate as conjugation class markers in Sotavento Kabuverdianu. (4) a.

falta “miss”

(Sotavento Kabuverdianu)

b. falta-ba “miss-ant” (5) a.

kore “run”

b. kore-ba “run-ant” (6) a.

parti “break”

b. parti-ba “break-ant”

2.4â•… Summary This section has shown that KP is sensitive to conjugation class distinctions, while other Portuguese-based creoles are not. This effectively means that only KP contains genuine theme vowels. On the contary, both Kabuverdianu (spoken in the Sotavento islands) and Kriyol exhibit lexicalised theme vowels, i.e. theme vowels which have lost their inflectional status. In the following sections, I will try to understand why theme vowels may indeed survive creolization, despite their entirely meaningless nature.

3.â•… Inflectional categories in creoles In an attempt to explain why certain inflectional categories are systematically lost whereas others stand a higher chance of being retained, Kihm (2003) has drawn on

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology ïœ³ïœ²ïœ¹

the Â�distinction between inherent and contextual inflection. This distinction, as will be shown below, has allowed a number of scholars within creole linguistics, including Arends et al. (2006) and Plag (2008a), to account for the categorical selectivity of creoles.

3.1â•… Inherent vs. contextual inflectional The distinction formulated by Booij (1994, 1996) emerged within a theory-internal debate about the architecture of grammar. Contextual inflection comprises inflectional categories which a word must have due to the syntactic context within which it occurs (see Table 2). It is “dictated by syntax, such as person and number markers on the verbs that agree with the subject and/or objects, agreement markers for adjectives, and structural case markers on nouns” (Booij 1996:Â€2). Inherent inflection, on the other hand, is “not required by syntax but has syntactic relevance”. Examples are the category number for nouns, comparative and superlative degree of the adjective, and tense and aspect for verbs” (Booij 1996:Â€2). A summary of this distinction is provided in Table 3. Table 3.â•‡ Distinction between inherent and contextual inflection (Booij 1994, 1996) inherent inflection

contextual inflection

nouns

number (in)definiteness

case

adjectives

degree

number (in)definiteness

verbs

tense mood aspect voice infinitive conjugation classes

subject agreement object agreement

Historically, the distinction between inherent and contextual inflection originated as an argument against the view that morphology should be split into two separate components of grammar. Known as the Split Morphology hypothesis, its proponents claimed that derivation should be placed in the pre-syntactic component and apply before inflection, while inflection should be located in the post-syntactic component, after derivation (Anderson 1982; Perlmutter 1988). Booij, however, notes that there are in effect two types of inflectional morphology and that certain types of inherent inflection (e.g. number, degree, infinitive) may also apply before derivation, arguing instead that both derivation and inflection should be kept together in one morphological component (Booij 1996).

ïœ³ïœ³ïœ° Ana R. Luís

Interestingly, a number of creolists have shown that Booij’s bi-partite classification proves useful in accounting for the nature of creole inflection. Kihm (2003), in particular, first noted that creoles “exhibit little or no contextual inflection in comparison with the lexifier or substrate languages” (2003:Â€334).4 Illustrating with data from Louisiana Creole, Kihm shows that the domain of the verb phrase encodes both imperfect and perfect markers, but no subject-verb agreement: (7) a.

Shop-la frem a siz-er. Shop-the close.impf at six hour “The shop (always) closes at six o’clock”

b. Shop-la frem-e a siz-er. Shop-the close-perf at six hour “The shop closed at six o’clock”

(Louisiana Creole)

(see Neumann 1985:Â€196)

Similarly, within the domain of the noun phrase, Kriyol retains plural formation, as shown in (8a), but no nominal agreement, as in (8b). (8) a.

gatu/gatu-s cat/cat-pl “cat”/“cats”

b. gatu-s branku cat-pl white “white cats”

(Kriyol)

(*gatus brankus) (Kihm 2003:Â€354)

So, while inherent categories, both nominal and verbal, tend to survive creolisation, “what creole languages indeed appear to be lacking is contextual inflection, i.e. structural case marking of subjects and direct objects (…) and syntactic noun-adjective and verb-argument agreement” (Kihm 2003:Â€358). In line with Kihm (2003), Arends et al. (2006) provide further evidence in favour of Khim’s generalisation, drawing specifically on four Romance-based creoles – Angolar, Palenquero, Seychellois and Papiamentu. Within the domain of the VP, all four creoles use overt inflection to express TMA categories (e.g. the gerund marker in Palenquero in (9) and Papiamentu in (10), but none expresses subject verb agreement. (9) sosega/soseg-ando rest/rest-ger “to rest”/“resting” (10) pogke suto ta necesit-ando ele because 1.pl prog need-ger 3.pl “because we are needing them”

(Palenquero) (see Kouwenberg & Murray 1994:Â€21) (Papiamentu) (see Lorenzino 2000:Â€39)

ïœ´.â•… Kihm (2003) draws his evidence from (a) Louisiana Creole, Lesser Antillean Creoles and Haitian (French-based), (b) Kriyol and Kabuverdianu (Portuguese-based) and (c) Juba Arabic and Nubi (Arabic-based).

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology ïœ³ïœ³ïœ±

At the level of the NP, there is overt marking of number on nouns, as shown for Palenquero, in (11), and definiteness on articles, but no adjective-noun agreement or case making. (11) a.

ndo muhé -re two woman-pl “two women”

b. ndo papé -le twp paper-pl “two pieces of paper”

(Palenquero)

(Schwegler 1996:Â€261)

Based on these findings, Arends et al. correctly conclude that “the distinguishing property of prototypical creoles indeed lies in the absence of contextual inflectional morphology” (2006:15).

3.2â•… Inherent inflection in SLA The distinction between inherent and contextual inflection has also found psycholinguistic support in recent research on SLA. As argued by Plag (2008a), L2 language learners acquire contextual inflection at a later stage of their acquisition process because contextual inflection involves information exchange either between phrases or within phrases which requires more advance processing procedures. Inherent inflection, on the contrary, “does not presuppose information exchange between different constituents”. The absence of contextual categories in L2 varieties is thus primarily the result of “the limited L2 processing capacities that are characteristic of the early stages of SLA” (Plag 2008b). The observation that L2 varieties and creoles exhibit a similar range of inflectional categories has lent further support to the claim that creole grammars are shaped by SLA processes (Siegel 2004; Plag 2008a). Under an SLA approach to creolisation, then, the survival of inherent inflection and the loss of contextual inflection are assumed to follow from the limited processing competence of the L2 language learners in the early stages of creole formation.5

3.3â•… Summary Contra McWhorter (2001), this section has surveyed evidence which shows that the survival of inflectional morphology in creoles is not dependent on the semantic relevance of inflectional categories, but rather on whether inflectional affixes express inherent or

ïœµ.â•… A similar view has been formulated in Veenstra (2003) and Luís (2008), who argue that the inflectionally poverty of creoles may, in effect, result from the fact that most creoles have derived from ‘basic’ (i.e. inflectionally rudimentary) L2 varieties (Klein & Perdue 1997).

ïœ³ïœ³ïœ² Ana R. Luís

contextual categories. Psycholinguistic evidence further reinforces this view, lending support to the influence of SLA processes on the shaping of creole grammars.

4.â•… The survival of formal inflection in Indo-Portuguese This final section returns to the empirical problem formulated at the outset, namely the fact that KP and other Indo-Portuguese creoles have retained conjugation class markers. Even though not explicitly included in Booij’s early distinction, conjugation classes (and also declension classes) are indeed instances of inherent inflectional categories. As observed by Spencer (1992:11), conjugation classes “serve no other purpose than to help create a base to which inflectional desinences attach and to define the separate morphological classes (conjugations)”. Crucially, conjugation classes provide independent information about the verb and are not forced on the speaker by the syntactic context (see also Katamba 1993:Â€224).6 On the contrary, person and number agreement is assigned to the verb when it occurs in a larger syntactic context. In the case of agreement, the features expressed on the verb are determined by the properties of some other word or phrase in the same clause. Based on this evidence, the survival of purely meaningless conjugation classes in KP (and Indo-Portuguese) nicely shows that creoles target inherent inflection regardless of its semantic content (Luís 2008). Under an SLA approach to creole formation, such retention follows from the fact that inherent inflection is acquired at an earlier stage than contextual inflection (see section 3.2). One caveat however is in order here. Having argued that conjugation classes are not necessarily blocked by creolization, the question as to why these categories are so extremely rare in Romance-based creoles remains open.7 The answer to this question, I believe, can be found in the origins of Indo-Portuguese creoles. Sociolinguistically, for example, Clements (1996) argues that the context within which KP and other Indo-Portuguese creoles emerged differs in a number of ways from that of most other Portuguese-based creoles. In particular, Clements claims that the isolation of substrate speakers from their native community may have encouraged adult Marathi speakers to learn more than just a rudimentary version of the L2.

ïœ¶.â•… Like other inherent categories, conjugation classes are also more likely to appear closer to the root (Booij 1996) and more likely to induce allomorphic shape alternations on the base or stem than contextual inflection (Booij 1996; Haspelmath 2002). ïœ·.â•… I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer for urging me to spell out this idea.

The loss and survival of inflectional morphology ïœ³ïœ³ïœ³

This idea that L2 acquisition may benefit from the language learner’s receptive attitude towards the target language has also been observed by Siegel (2004). As Siegel points out, “limited second language acquisition” may result from “the limits learners impose on themselves due to factors relating to identity or resistance”, rather than from the limited degree of exposure to the Target Language (TL). So, adult language learners who refuse to identify with the TL community tend to learn an L2 variety merely for basic communicative purposes. Assuming, then, that the development of Indo-Portuguese creoles developed within a favourable learning context, it might seem plausible to suggest that these creoles derived from a more elaborate (or advanced) L2 variety, which may have already contained a wider range of inherent inflection (Luís 2008).8 As to the inflectionally more impoverished creoles, I will assume that their grammar derived from ‘basic’ or rudimentary L2 varieties containing hardly any overt inflection. In addition to the sociolinguistic and attitudinal factors, other factors may have played a role in shaping Indo-Portuguese grammar. Clements (1996), for example, notes that Indo-Portuguese creoles differ from most of the other Portuguese-based in two other important ways: (a) they emerged from the contact between Portuguese and only one substrate language (i.e. Marathi for KP and Gujarati for both Daman and Diu Portuguese Creoles), and (b) the substrate languages underlying Indo-Portuguese are typologically inflecting and suffixing. Overall, then, the emergence of a more elaborate kind of inherent inflection in Indo-Portuguese creoles may have had its origins in a more advanced L2 variety spoken by adult substrate speakers prior to creole formation. This L2 variety may have contained a wider range of inherent inflectional categories and it may have been shaped by sociolinguistic, attitudinal and, perhaps to some extent, also typological factors.9

ïœ¸.â•… Such advanced L2 variety is also known as ‘post-basic’ variety (Klein & Perdue 1997; Venstra 2003). ïœ¹.â•… However, the claim that the typological properties of the substrate languages may influence the retention of overt inflection appears to be somewhat problematic. Among Asian creoles, Sri Lanka Creole Portuguese has retained hardly any verbal inflection, even though one of its substrate languages, Sinhala, contains both conjugation classes and tense suffixes. On the contrary, Indo-Portuguese creoles, which have retained theme vowels, derive from substrate languages without conjugation classes. Of course, since both creoles differ in many more ways, it is difficult to exclude the hypothesis that other factors may have triggered the loss of verbal endings in Sri Lanka Creole Portuguese.

ïœ³ïœ³ïœ´ Ana R. Luís

5.â•… Conclusion In this study, I have examined the verbal inflection of KP and investigated the causes determining the loss and survival of its inflectional categories. Of crucial importance has been the presence of purely formal conjugation class markers vs. the loss of semantically meaningful person-number endings. In previous studies, I have highlighted the importance of attitudinal and sociolinguistic forces in triggering the overall emergence of inflectional morphology in creoles (Luís 2008). Drawing on Clements’ (1996) exhaustive discussion of the sociocultural context within which KP took place, in combination with Siegel’s (2004) insights about adult SLA processes, I took with Clements (1996) the view that KP emerged from a favourable socio-linguistic situation which encouraged adult speakers to learn the TL. Such socio-cultural and attitudinal factors however were insufficient to explain why creoles – despite their inflectional poverty – are selective with respect to their inflectional features. Or, put more concretely, why creoles such as KP (and other IndoPortuguese creoles) preserve purely formal theme vowels and discard perfectly meaningful agreement endings. Drawing on recent work by Kihm (2003), I have provided both empirical and psycholinguistic evidence showing that the retention of conjugation class markers follows from the tendency for creoles to favour inherent inflection.

References Anderson, Stephen. 1982. “Where’s Morphology?” Linguistic Inquiry 13. 571–612. Arends, Jacques, Josje Verhagen, Eva van Lier, Suzanne Dikker & Hugo Cardoso. 2006. “On the Presence versus Absence of Morphological Marking in four Romance-based Creoles”. The Structure of Creole Words: Segmental, syllabic and morphological aspects, ed. by Parth BhattÂ€& Ingo Plag, 223–241. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Aronoff, Mark. 1994. Morphology by Itself. Mass.: MIT Press. Baptista, Marlyse. 2003. “Inflectional Plural Marking in Pidgins and Creoles: A comparative study”. Phonology and Morphology of Creole Languages, ed. by Ingo Plag, 315–332. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Baptista, Marlyse, Helena Mello & Miki Suzuki 2007. “Cape Verdean Creole and Guinea-Bissau Creole”. Comparative Creole Syntax, ed. by John Holm & Peter Patrick, 53–82. London: Battlebridge. Booij, Geert. 1996. “Inherent versus Contextual Inflection and the Split Morphology Hypothesis’. Yearbook of Morphology 1995, 1–16. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Booij, Geert. 1994. “Against Split Morphology”. Yearbook of Morphology 1993, 27–49. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Cardoso, Hugo. 2006. “Diu Indo-Portuguese: Change and continuity since 1882”. Paper presented at the Associação de Crioulos de Base Lexical Portuguesa e Espanhola, University of Coimbra.

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Clements, J. Clancy. 1996. The Genesis of a Language: The Formation and Development of Korlai Portuguese. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Clements, J. Clancy & Andrew Koontz-Garboden. 2002. “Two Indo-Portuguese Creoles in Contrast”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 17: 2.191–236. DeGraff, Michel. 2005. “Morphology and Word Order in ‘Creolization’ and Beyond”. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Syntax ed. by Guglielmo Cinque & Richard S. Kayne, 293–372. Oxford: OUP. Haspelmath, Martin. 2002. Understanding Morphology. Oxford: Arnold. Katamba, Francis. 1993. Morphology. London: Macmillan. Kihm, Alain. 2003. Inflectional Categories in Creole Languages. Phonology and Morphology of Creole Languages ed. by Ingo Plag, 333–363. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Kihm, Alain. 1994. Kriyol Syntax. The Portuguese-based Creole Language of Guiné-Bissau. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Klein, Wolfgang & Clive Perdue. 1997. The Basic Variety (or: Couldn’t natural languages be much simpler?). Second Language Research 13.4, 301–347. Kouwenberg, Silvia & Eric Murray. 1994. Papiamentu. München/Newcastle: Lincom Europa. Lorenzino, Gerardo. 2000. The Morphosyntax of Spanish-lexified Creoles. München/Newcastle: Lincom Europa. Luís, Ana R. 2008. “Tense Marking and Inflectional Morphology in Indo-Portuguese Creoles”. Roots of Creole Structures: Weighing the contribution of substrates and superstrates ed. by Susanne Michaelis, 83–121. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. McWhorter, John H. 2001. The World’s Simplest Grammars are Creole Grammars. Linguistic Typology 5. 125–166. Neumann, Ingrid. 1985. Le créole de Beaux Bridge, Louisiane: morphosyntaxe, textes, vocabulaire. Hamburg: Helmut Buske. Perlmutter, David M. 1988. “The Split Morphology Hypothesis: Evidence from Yiddish”. Theoretical Morphology ed. by Michael Hammond & Michael Noonan, 79–100. San Diego: Academic Press, Inc. Plag, Ingo. 2008a. “Creoles as Interlanguages: Inflectional morphology”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23.1. 109–130. Plag, Ingo. 2008b. “Creoles as Interlanguages: Syntactic structures”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 23.2. 307–328. Schwegler, Armin. 1996. Chi ma nkongo: Lengua y rito ancestrales en El Palenque de San Basilio (Colombia). Madrid: Iberoamericana. Siegel, Jeff. 2004. “Morphological Simplicity in Pidgins and Creoles”. Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 19.1. 139–62. Spencer, A. 1992. Morphological Theory. Oxford: Backwell. Thomason, Sarah & Terrence Kaufman.1988.Â€ Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Veenstra, Tonjes. 2003. “What Verbal Morphology Can Tell us about Creole Genesis”. Phonology and Morphology of Creole Languages, ed. by Ingo Plag, 293–313. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer.

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan An output-based analysis* Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

In some Romance languages second person singular imperatives often surface with an added extension, an accretion, when they are followed by enclitics. This paper examines this phenomenon in Formenteran Catalan, where the accretion has different shapes depending on the verb. We argue that the appearance of the accretion is caused by a phonological constraint requiring a right-aligned moraic trochee. The form of the imperative with the accretion coincides with the inflectional stem that is found in other forms of the imperative paradigm. We propose an output-based analysis in which Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1999, 2008) and Uniform Exponence (Kenstowicz 1996, 1997, 2005) play a key role.

1.â•… Introduction In Catalan, 2nd person singular (2sg) imperatives of conjugations II and III consist of a bare stem, which surfaces as such in all contexts except under enclisis, where the form of the imperative changes: additional material appears to the right of the stem; this additional material, an accretion, has a different shape depending on the dialects and

*We wish to thank Florentina Mayans and Vicent Ferrer, our consultants for the Formenteran Catalan data. Special thanks go to Adam Albright and Joan Mascaró for insightful suggestions, and to Donca Steriade for lots of feedback and fruitful discussion. We are also indebted to the audiences of LSRL 39 and the Phonology Circle (MIT) for helpful comments, and to the suggestions and criticisms of two anonymous reviewers that have allowed us to improve the written version of the paper. This research is sponsored by the Spanish Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (project HUM2006-13295-CO2-01 and a grant, to Eulàlia Bonet, from the Secretaría de Estado de Universidades y de Investigación), and also by the Generalitat de Catalunya (research group 2009SGR1079).

ïœ³ïœ³ïœ¸ Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

on the verb. The examples in (1) and (2) illustrate this point with data from Central Catalan, Majorcan and Formenteran (the accretion appears underlined).1 (1) prometre: “to promise” in isolation with enclitics a. Central Catalan b. Majorcan c. Formenteran

[pnuÄmεt] [pnoÄmәt] [pnuÄmәt] “promise!”

(conj.II)

[pnuÄmεtәli] [pnomәtәÄli] [pnumәÄtәli] “promise to him/her!” (Central Catalan)

Cf. [li pnuÄmεt] to him/her promises (Indicative) “(s/he) promises to him/her” (2) bullir: “to boil”

in isolation with enclitics

a. Central Catalan b. Majorcan c. Formenteran

[Äbuˆ] [Äbuˆ] [Äbuˆ] “boil!”

(conj.III)

[Äbuˆәlә] [buÄîlә] [buîÄ>әlә] “boil it(fem)!”

Cf. [lә Äβuˆ] it(fem) boils (Indicative) “(s/he) boils it”

In this paper we focus on Formenteran, which shows three different accretions depending on the conjugation type. They appear illustrated in (3). Conjugation II has two different patterns that depend on the presence (IIb) or absence (IIa) of a velar segment, an extension, in certain forms of the verbal paradigm, and in the context of enclisis. Conjugation III has two subtypes (IIIa and IIIb) that differ with respect to the appearance, in IIIa, of a palatal extension /ә∫/ that avoids lexical stress on the root, a phenomenon common also in other Romance languages. The extension /ә∫/ does not appear when there is enclisis.

(3) Formenteran 2sg imperatives in enclisis conj.

in isolation

with enclitics

accretion

IIa

Äpεnt

pәnÄð-ә#lә

ә

“lose (it(fem))!”

IIb

әÄpnәn

әpnәŋ-Ä:ә#lә

:ә

“learn (it(fem))!”

IIIa

әfәÄŠ-ә∫

әfәŠ-iÄ>ә#lә

i>ә

“add (it(fem))!”

IIIb

Äbuˆ

buˆ-iÄ>ә#lә

i>ә

“boil (it(fem))!”

ïœ±.â•… Majorcan and Formenteran are varieties of Catalan spoken in the Balearic islands.

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ³ïœ¹

In the sections that follow we argue that these accretions appear for phonological reasons but they are taken from other forms of the verb. This idea is best captured resorting to the notions of Lexical Conservatism (Steriade 1999, 2008), and Uniform Exponence (Kenstowicz 1996, 1997, 2005).

2.â•… Phonological motivation for the presence of an accretion In Formenteran, as in some other Romance varieties, the presence of pronominal enclitics triggers stress shift. The resulting pattern is a moraic trochee aligned at the right edge of the V+Cl sequence.2 For space reasons the specific constraints responsible for this pattern are grouped here under the cover constraint µTrochee], stated in (4). For a more detailed analysis see Torres-Tamarit (2008).

(4) µTrochee]: assign one violation mark for any V+Cl sequence that lacks a moraic trochee aligned at the right edge.

In (5) the stress shift caused by the constraint µtrochee] is illustrated with the imperative of conjugation I verb cantar “to sing” followed by one or two clitics. From now on we indicate the boundary between the verb and the clitic with the hash sign, #. (5) a. Without enclisis: b. With enclisis:

[Äkantә] “sing!” [kәn(Ätә#lә)] “sing it(fem)!” [kәn(Ätә#li)] “sing to him/her!” [kәn(Ätә#m)] “sing to me!” [kәntә#(Ämә#lә)] “sing it(fem) to me!”

As can be seen in (5), the 2sg imperative of conjugation I verbs ends in a vowel, an inflectional vowel, and the addition of a clitic allows an unproblematic formation of a right-aligned moraic trochee. However, 2sg imperatives of conjugations II and III end in a consonant belonging to the stem; in these cases it is not possible to construct a moraic trochee at the right edge of the V+Cl sequence, as shown in (6a). The presence of the accretion solves this conflict, as can be seen in (6b). (6) a.

µTrochee] violated b. *[(Äpεnt)#lә] *[ә(Äpnәn)#lә] *[әfә(ÄŠәŠ)#lә] *[(Äbuˆ)#lә]

µTrochee] satisfied [pәn(Äð-ә#lә)] “lose (it(fem))!” [әpnәŋ-(Ä:ә#lә)] “learn (it(fem))!” [әfәŠ-i(Ä>ә#lә)] “add (it(fem))!” [buˆ-i(Ä>ә#lә)] “boil (it(fem))!”

ïœ².â•… A well formed moraic trochee consists of two light syllables (ÄLL) or one heavy syllable (ÄH). See Hayes (1995). A sequence HL cannot be parsed as a perfect moraic trochee because it contains more than two moras.

ïœ³ïœ´ïœ° Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

One might wonder why an accretion is inserted instead of a plain epenthetic vowel: e.g. *[bu(Äˆәlә)]. Epenthesis would equally avoid a violation of µTrochee]. As a matter of fact, even though schwa epenthesis in Catalan is very common in certain contexts, it is hardly ever used to break the contiguity relation between a verb and a clitic, as has been argued in Bonet & Lloret (2005) for Central Catalan. Epenthesis is peripheral whenever possible. For instance, in an underlying sequence like /pәndәm#n/ “let us lose some!”, the consonant of the clitic cannot be syllabified and an epenthetic vowel has to be inserted. There are two possible sites for the schwa: [pәnÄðәmnә], *[pәnÄðәmәn]. Both forms are equally bad with respect to syllabic wellformedness constraints, but only the one which contains a peripheral epenthetic vowel allows the verb and the clitic to be strictly adjacent: [pәnÄðәmnә]. This tight adjacency between the verb and clitics is attributed by Bonet & Lloret (2005) to the very high ranking of the constraint Align (V−Cl), stated in (7).

(7) Align (V−Cl): align the left edge of a pronominal clitic with the right edge of the verb.

It is obvious that the presence of accretions like [:ә] or [i>ә] cannot be attributed to phonological epenthesis, and we have just seen that epenthesis is peripheral to the V+Cl sequence. These facts taken together indicate that even in cases like [pәnÄð-ә#lә], illustrated in (3), the schwa that intervenes between the verb stem and the clitic has a morphological affiliation; it is not an epenthetic vowel.

3.â•… Nature of the accretion At first sight the choice of accretion that can be found, [ә], [:ә] or [i>ә], might seem puzzling. However, once the pre-clitic 2sg imperatives are compared with the imperative paradigm of each verb the puzzle disappears. The examples (8) to (11) are the same ones that were shown in (3), but they appear now next to the whole imperative paradigm.3 Notice that the form of the 2sg imperative in enclisis is the same that is found in the plural forms of the imperative paradigm in isolation, excluding the person/number markers [m] (for 1pl) and [w] (for 2pl), as shown by the underlining. The relevant forms of the paradigm appear shaded; a hyphen isolates the verbal root and person endings from the rest of the verbal morphology. Henceforth, verbal forms in italics indicate the corresponding standard orthographic form.

ïœ³.â•… Catalan, like other Romance languages, has a semantically (polite) 2nd person that is morphologically 3rd person. In Formenteran imperatives this form is incompatible with enclisis, and will be ignored in the rest of the paper.

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ´ïœ±

(8) Perdre “to lose”

Imperative IIa 2sg

Äpεnt

2sg in enclisis 1pl

pәnÄð-ә-m

2pl

pәnÄð-ә-w

(9) Aprendre “to learn”

Imperative IIb 2sg

pәnÄð-ә#lә

әÄpnәn

2sg in enclisis 1sg

әpnәŋ-Ä:ә-m

2pl

әpnәŋ-Ä:ә-w

әpnәŋ-Ä:ә#lә

(10) Afegir “to add” Imperative IIIa 2sg

әfәÄŠ-ә∫

2sg in enclisis 1pl

әfәŠ-iÄ>ә-m

2pl

әfәŠ-iÄ>ә-w

әfәŠ-iÄ>ә#lә

(11) Bullir “to boil” Imperative IIIb 2sg

Äbuˆ

2sg in enclisis 1pl

buˆ-iÄ>ә-m

2pl

buˆ-iÄ>ә-w

buˆ-iÄ>ә#lә

What we have called the accretion, [ә], [:ә] and [i>ә], which appears in 2sg imperatives under enclisis, corresponds to morphological material that appears between the root and the person/number markers (φ-features) in 1pl and 2pl imperatives. There is no consensus in the literature on the morphological status of this verbal material. The schwa in examples like [pәnÄð-ә-m] or [pәnÄð-ә-w], present also in the sequence with enclitics [pәnÄð-ә#lә], in (8), has usually been interpreted as a thematic vowel or conjugation vowel (see, for instance, Mascaró 1986 or Oltra-Massuet 1999). Forms like [әpnәŋ-Ä:ә-m] in (9), also present in [әpnәŋ-Ä:ә#lә], with a clitic, contain in addition the velar extension [:] present in different forms of certain conjugation II verbs in all dialects of Catalan (1sg Present Indicative, all persons of the Present Subjunctive, Imperfect Subjunctive, Participle). This segment has spread to other verbs in Balearic Catalan. The analysis of this velar extension is debated (see, for different interpretations, Wheeler 1985; Mascaró 1986; Pérez-Saldanya 1995; Viaplana 1995, among others). Finally, forms like [әfәŠ-iÄ>ә-m] in (10) or [buˆ-iÄ>ә-m] in (11), also found in [әfәŠ-iÄ>ә#lә] and [buˆ-iÄ>ә#lә], respectively, contain the segments [i>ә]: the last one could be interpreted as the thematic vowel [ә], mentioned above; the segment [>] is the spirantized allophone of the velar extension /:/ present also in conjugation IIb verbs; finally, the first vowel, [i], is typical of conjugation III verbs; alternatively the sequence [i>] can be interpreted as an allomorph of /:/. The exact morphological nature of all

ïœ³ïœ´ïœ² Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

these segments is not relevant for our purposes. What is important is (a) that in accretions like [:ә] and [i>ә] at least two morphs are involved, and (b) that the accretions do not contain morphosyntactic information (such as tense, mood, aspect, person or number); they are some kind of thematic material. As was shown in SectionÂ€ 2, with the examples in (6b), the appearance of the accretion in 2sg imperatives under enclisis allows the construction of a moraic trochee at the right edge of the V+Cl sequence. In 2sg imperatives this addition is possible because the accretion is located after the bare root, where thematic material can appear (compare (12b) with (12b′)). For 1pl or 2pl forms like [buˆ-iÄ>-ә-m] or [buˆ-iÄ>-ә-w] the enclitized forms, like [buˆ-i(Ä>-ә-m)#lә] or [buˆ-i(Ä>-ә-w)#lә], do not surface with a right-aligned moraic trochee. Here the problem cannot be repaired because no accretion, no thematic material, is available to the right of φ-features (compare (12a) with (12a′)).4 (12)

Root – thematic material – φ-features

buˆ buˆ buˆ buˆ

a. a′. b. b′.

1pl: 1pl#Cl: 2sg: 2sg#Cl:

i(Ä>ә i(Ä>ә

m) m)

i(Ä>ә

Cl #lә #lә)

4.â•… Analysis 4.1â•… The role of corrLEX constraints In previous sections we have argued that Formenteran avoids a phonological problem, namely the impossibility of building a right-aligned moraic trochee, not by resorting to phonological epenthesis but by using morphological material that is already present in other forms of the same imperative paradigm. In other words, this phenomenon is an instance of Lexical Conservatism, a notion developed in Steriade (1999, 2008), which can be defined as “a class of grammatical conditions […] promoting the use of preexisting, familiar expressions, or parts or properties of such expressions. They penalize the use of unprecedented, linguistically innovative expressions.” (Steriade 1999:Â€244). CorrLEX constraints evaluate a correspondence relation established between candidates and listed output forms, which constitute the base of an asymmetric relation. The CorrLEX constraint in (13), evaluates a correspondence relation between listed ïœ´.â•… Similarly, infinitives and gerunds (the other verbal forms that allow enclisis), which end in a consonant, violate the constraint µTrochee] in enclisis (cf. [kәn(Ätan)#lә] “singing it(fem)!”). Here the accretion is also impossible because these verbal forms end in a tense marker and no thematic material can be added afterwards.

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ´ïœ³

output inflectional stems (root plus thematic material without φ-features) and imperatives under enclisis. (13) CorrLEX InflstemImp (CorrLEXI): assign one violation mark for any inflectional stem of a pre-clitic imperative that does not have a correspondent in the inflectional stem of an imperative form (the base).

The constraint CorrLEXI is violated by any candidate whose inflectional stem does not correspond to another inflectional stem of the imperative paradigm. This correspondence relation is expressed through subscripts in the tableaux that illustrate the analysis below. The constraint CorrLEXI is highly ranked in Formenteran. A more specific version of this constraint penalizes any candidate whose inflectional stem does not coincide with one that has the same φ-features. This constraint, which is low ranked, is stated in (14). (14) CorrLEX InflstemImp-φ (CorrLEXI-φ): assign one violation mark for any inflectional stem of a pre-clitic imperative that does not have a correspondent in the inflectional stem of an imperative form with the same φ-features (the base).

The fact that the surfacing inflectional stem in pre-clitic 2sg imperatives is always a fully faithful copy of the inflectional stem of other imperative forms (namely 1pl and 2pl forms), and not a partial copy or an imperfect copy, means that all the OO faithfulness constraints Max, Dep and Ident are highly ranked. In (15) they appear as the cover constraint Faith-OO. (15) Faith-OO: cover constraint that includes Max-oo, Dep-oo and Ident-OO.

Summarizing so far, the two CorrLEX constraints we have proposed control what kinds of correspondence relations are permitted, and OO faithfulness constraints control the degree of similarity between two corresponding forms.5 The tableau in (16) illustrates the effects of all the constraints that have been introduced so far. Under Listed output inflectional stems we have included all the inflectional stems that can be found in the imperative paradigm in isolation, the only ones that will be relevant with respect to the constraint CorrLEXI. The form [Äpεnti] is found in the 2sg form; it is a free-standing form that is, at the same time, an inflectional stem. The inflectional stem [pәnÄðәj] is found in 1pl and 2pl and is not a free-standing form; in the listed output forms this inflectional stem appears with person/number markers in parentheses (e.g. [pәnÄðәj (m,w)]).

ïœµ.â•… The CorrLEX constraints and Faith-OO are asymmetrical in the sense that they take as a Base a verb [V] (minus φ-features) and as the derived form the verb plus clitics [V+cl]. For asymmetrical OO relations see Benua (1997).

ïœ³ïœ´ïœ´ Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

(16) Perd-la “lose it(fem)!”: /pεnd#lә/ → [pәnÄðә#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [Äpεnti], [pәnÄðәj (m,w)] /pεnd#lә/

µTrochee]

a.

(Äpεnti) lә

*!

b.

(Äpεni) lә

*

e.

pәn(Äðij lә)

(Äpεn)ðik lә

CorrlexI

CorrlexI-φ

*! (M) *

c. pәn(Äðәj lә) d.

Faith-OO

*! (I) *

* *!

*

Candidates (16a) and (16b) have a correspondent in the listed form [Äpεnti], as shown by the subscript i. These candidates violate neither CorrLEXI (because the listed form [Äpεnti] belongs to the imperative paradigm) nor CorrLEXI-φ, because their corresÂ� pondent belongs to the 2sg and therefore has the same φ-features. Candidates (16c) and (16d) have a correspondent in the listed form [pәnÄðәj (m,w)], and therefore satisfy CorrLEXI; they violate CorrLEXI-φ because their correspondent inflectional stem does not have the same φ-features. The candidate in (16e) violates the two CorrLEX constraints because it has no correspondent in the imperative, as the use of a different subscript (k) indicates. Faith-OO is violated by candidates (16b) and (16d) for different reasons. In (16b) there is a Max-OO violation (M) because the listed form [Äpεnti] contains a consonant that is not present in the inflectional stem of the candidate, [(Äpεni) lә]. In (16d) there is an Ident(f) violation (I) because the inflectional stem of the listed form [pәnÄðәj (m,w)] ends in a schwa, which has a different feature specification from the stem-final [i] of the candidate, [pәn(Äðij lә)]. The three topranked constraints µTrochee], Faith-OO and CorrLEXI ensure that candidate (16c) is the winner, even though it violates the low-ranked constraint CorrLEXI-φ. This tableau also shows that µTrochee] dominates CorrLEXI-φ. In the Standard variety of Catalan the winner would be (16b). This result would be achieved through the promotion of CorrLEXI-φ, which would become a top-ranked constraint; the winner would not be an exact copy of the inflectional stem of the listed output form [Äpεnti] due to the higher ranking of the relevant Markedness constraints on syllable structure over Max-OO. As mentioned in SectionÂ€3, in 1pl or 2pl imperatives nothing is added or deleted to avoid the stress requirement, the need for a right-aligned moraic trochee. For instance, an input like 1pl /pεndәm#lә/ “let us lose it(fem)!” does not surface without the person/number morph, /m/ (to become *[pәn(Äðәj lә)]), but preserves it, [pәn(Äðәjm) lә]. The constraint Max-φ (a specific version of Realize Morpheme, Walker 2000; Kurisu 2001) protects underlying person/number morphs from being deleted, as illustrated in (17). Max-φ dominates µTrochee].

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ´ïœµ

(17) Perdem-la “let us lose it(fem)!”: /pεndәm#lә/ → [pәnÄðәm#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [Äpεnti], [pәnÄðәj (m,w)] /pεndәm#lә/ a. pәn(Äðәjm) lә

b.

pәn(Äðәj lә)

Max-φ

µTrochee]

Faith-OO

CorrLEXi

CorrLEXi-φ

* *!

The whole set of accretions can be obtained with the constraints given so far, as illustrated in tableaux (18) to (20). (18) Aprèn-la “learn it(fem)!”: /әpnәn#lә/ → [әpnәŋÄ:ә#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [әÄpnәni], [әpnәŋÄ:әj (m, w)] /әpnәn#lә/ a.

Max-φ

ә(Äpnәni)lә

µTrochee]

d.

CorrLEXI

CorrLEXI-φ

*! *

b. әpnәŋ(Ä:әj lә)

c.

Faith-OO

әpnә(Änәj lә)

*! (M)

әpnә(Änәi lә)

*

*! (D)

The fully faithful candidate in (18a) is ruled out by µTrochee], and the winner is (18b), the candidate that has an inflectional stem that is otherwise found in 1pl and 2pl forms. The candidates in (18c) and (18d) are phonetically identical, and both violate Faith-OO, but they correspond to different listed output inflectional stems. On the one hand, the candidate in (18c), [әpnә(Änәj lә)], has a correspondent [әpnәŋÄ:әj (m, w)] and therefore incurs a violation of Max-OO (M), because a consonant [:] has been deleted. On the other hand, the candidate in (18d), [әpnә(Änәi lә)], has a correspondent [әÄpnәni] and therefore violates Dep-OO (D), because a vowel [ә] has been inserted. This candidate also shows that Faith-OO (Dep-OO to be more precise) dominates CorrLEXI-φ. The tableau in (19) contains a conjugation IIIb 2sg imperative. Here the form surfaces under enclisis with the accretion [i>ә], which contains the thematic vowel typical of conjugation III verbs [i]. (19) Bull-la “boil it(fem)!”: /buˆ#lә/ → [buîÄ>ә#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [Äbuî], [buîÄ>әj (m,w)] /buˆ#lә/ a.

(Äbuî) lә

Max-φ

µTrochee]

Faith-OO

CorrLEXI

*! *

b. buî(Ä>әj lә) c. d.

bu(Äîj lә)

bu(Äîk lә)

CorrLEXI-φ

*!*(M)

* *!

*

ïœ³ïœ´ïœ¶ Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

In the tableau in (20), below, the verbal form is a conjugation IIIa 2sg imperative. As mentioned earlier, this class has an extension /ә∫/ that is present only to avoid lexical stress on the root. This extension appears in the 2sg imperative in isolation (e.g. [әfәÄŠә∫] “add!”), but not in enclisis (e.g. [әfәŠiÄ>ә#lә] “add it(fem)!”). As shown in (20), the lack of the extension in enclisis is due to the fact that the inflectional stem that is chosen is the one usually found in 1pl and 2pl imperatives, which never surface with the extension. Leaving aside the fully faithful candidate (20a) and the winner in (20b), which have already been accounted for, it is worth wondering why a candidate like (20c), [әfә(ÄŠikÂ€lә)], cannot be the optimal output. Like the winner, this candidate satisfies the stress-related constraint µTrochee]. This candidate lacks the extension but has the thematic vowel typical of conjugation III verbs, [i]. This form is in corresÂ� pondence with other forms of the verbal paradigm (Imperfect Indicative and Subjunctive, Future, Conditional, Gerund, Infinitive), but not with the imperative. For this reason this candidate violates not only CorrLEXI-φ, like the winner, but also the more general CorrLEXI. (20) Afegeix-la “add it(fem)!”: /әfәÄŠә∫#lә/ → [әfәŠiÄ>ә#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [әfәÄŠә∫i], [әfәŠiÄ>әj (m,w)] /әfәŠә∫#lә/ a.

Max-φ

әfә(ÄŠәŠi)lә

µTrochee] *!

Faith-OO

CorrLEXI-φ

*(I) *

b. әfәŠi(Ä>әj lә) c.

CorrLEXI

әfә(ÄŠik lә)

*!

*

Contrary to conjugations II and III, in conjugation I verbs no apparent changes are found in enclisis. A 2sg imperative in isolation like [Äkantә] “sing!” seems to be subject only to predictable vowel reduction to schwa due to stress shift in enclisis, [kәnÄtә#lә] “sing it(fem)!”; no additional phonological material appears. Under the present analysis, the contraint ranking needed to account for conjugations II and III accounts also for conjugation I. As illustrated in (21), the winner surfaces with the inflectional stem corresponding to the plural forms, as we had seen for all the other cases. (21) Canta-la “sing it(fem)!”: /kantә#lә/ → [kәnÄtә#lә] Listed output inflectional stems: [Äkantәi], [kәnÄtәj (m, w)] /kantә#lә/ a.

(Äkan)tәi lә

b. kәn(Ätәj lә)

Max-φ

µTrochee]

Faith-OO

CorrLEXI

CorrLEXI-φ

*! *

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ´ïœ·

4.2â•… The role of Uniform Exponence In previous sections the examples that were given to argue for the constraint ranking that had proved adequate contained the clitic la (3sg fem accusative). Most Catalan pronominal clitics are consonant-initial. Some other examples appear in (22). (22)

Bull-la “boil it(fem)!”: /buˆ#lә/ → [buî(Ä>ә#lә)] Bull-lo “boil it(masc)!”: /buˆ#l/ → [buî(Ä>ә#l)] Bull-me “boil for me!”: /buˆ#m/ → [buî(Ä>ә#m)] Bull-te “boil for yourself!”: /buˆ#t/ → [buî(Ä>ә#t)] Bull-li “boil for him/her!”: /buˆ#li/ → [buî(Ä>ә#li)] Bull-ne “boil some!”: /buˆ#n/ → [buî(Ä>ә#n)]

However, there are two vocalic clitics in Catalan, hi /i/ (locative), and ho /u/ (neuter). In these cases, as shown in (23), the accretion appears even though the fully faithful candidate would not violate µTrochee] or any other relevant phonological constraints. (23) a. /buˆ#u/: [buî(Ä>әw)] “boil it(neut)!” b. /buˆ#i/: [buî(Ä>әj)] “boil here/there!”

Cf. fully faithful *[(Äbuû)] Cf. fully faithful *[(Äbuî)]

As shown in (24), the desired output (with a sad face ) cannot be selected by the constraint hierarchy argued for in SectionÂ€4.1. (24) Bull-ho “boil it(neut)!”: /buˆ#u/ → [buîÄ>ә#w] Listed output inflectional stems: [Äbuî], [buîÄ>әj (m, w)] /buˆ#u/ a. (Äbuîu) b. buî(Ä>әjw)

Max-φ

µTrochee]

Faith-OO

CorrLEXI

CorrLEXI-φ *!

These cases can be accounted for by resorting to the constraint family Uniform Exponence (Kenstowicz 1996, 1997, 2005). The fact that imperatives with the enclitics hi and ho adopt the same inflectional stem as other pre-clitic imperatives is captured through the more specific constraint Uniform Exponence (V+Cl), defined in (25). (25) Uniform Exponence (V+Cl): the inflectional stem of a V+Cl sequence has the same morphs in its various contexts of occurrence.

The table in (26) illustrates the pressure exerted by the contraint Uniform Exponence (V+Cl) with one example of a consonant-initial clitic, /buˆ#lә/ “boil it(fem)!”, and one example of a vocalic clitic, /buˆ#u/ “boil it(neut)!”. The constraint Uniform Exponence (V+Cl) only demands that all forms surface with the same inflectional stem, which makes the pairs (26a) and (26d) adequate. The constraint that decides between these two pairs is µTrochee], violated by [(Äbuˆ)lә], which then favors (26d).

ïœ³ïœ´ïœ¸ Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

We have added the constraint CorrLEXI-φ to show that it must be dominated by Uniform Exponence (V+Cl), since the grammatical forms (26d) fare worse than the other candidates with respect to CorrLEXI-φ. (26) 

a. b. c. d.

[1]

[2]

[(Äbuˆ)#lә] – [(Äbuˆ#u)] [(Äbuˆ)#lә] – [buî(Ä>ә#w)] [buî(Ä>ә#lә)] – [(Äbuˆ#u)] [buî(Ä>ә#lә)] – [buî(Ä>ә#w)]

UE (V+Cl), µTrochee] >> CorrLEXI-φ  * * 

*[1] *[1]  

 * * **

All the cases we have seen up to this point contained only one clitic, but sequences of two enclitics are also possible; these sequences also trigger stress shift, as was illustrated in (5b). For instance the clitic la, seen in previous examples, can be preceded by a 1sg clitic, giving rise to the sequence me la, with stress on the first clitic [Ämәlә], due to the constraint µTrochee]. Since the clitic cluster constitutes by itself a right-aligned moraic trochee, one might expect the imperative to surface without the accretion, as a bare root, for instance *[buˆ(Ämәlә)] “boil it(fem) for me!”. However, the grammatical output surfaces with the accretion, [buî>ә(Ämәlә)]. Assuming Uniform Exponence, this case can be accounted for in the same way we accounted for [buî(Ä>әw)]: the form with two clitics is forced to surface with the accretion because the form with one clitic, like [buîÄ>ә#lә], is bound to surface with it (without the accretion it would surface as *[(Äbuˆ)lә]). The table in (27) is similar to the one in (26) but with the replacement of the clitic ho with the sequence me la (and without CorrLEXI-φ).6,7 (27)

a. b. c. d.

[1]

[2]

[(Äbuˆ)lә] – [buˆ(Ämәlә)] [(Äbuˆ)lә] – [buî>ә(Ämәlә)] [buî(Ä>әlә)] – [buˆ(Ämәlә)] [buî(Ä>әlә)] – [buî>ә(Ämәlә)]

UE (V+Cl) , µTrochee]  * * 

*[1] *[1]  

ïœ¶.â•… Within Formenteran the clitics hi and ho are sometimes realized as [әj] and [әw], as mentioned by an anonymous reviewer. If one assumes an underlying form /j/ and /w/, the need for UE constraints for this particular case would disappear; these clitics would behave like any other consonantal clitic. ïœ·.â•… For ease of exposition, throughout the paper we have ignored plural clitics, which end in a consonant, s. These clitics behave like singular clitics with respect to stress placement. For instance the sequence [buîÄ>әlә] “boil it(fem)!” is realized, with the plural clitic, as [buîÄ>әlәs] “boil them(fem)!”, even though the sequence [lәs] would constitute a right-aligned moraic trochee, *[buî>ә(Älәs)]. Uniform Exponence with respect to stress location, ranked above µTrochee], accounts for these facts. As noted by an anonymous reviewer, with only these two constraints, however, a form like *[buîÄ>әmәlә] “boil it(fem) for me!” would win because it shares the stress location with forms like [buîÄ>әlә]. This unwanted result can be ruled out by a higher ranked constraint that requires two clitics to be parsed into a single foot, a constraint argued for in Torres-Tamarit (2008).

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœ´ïœ¹

5.â•… Problems with stratal approaches The analysis proposed in this paper is based on the comparison between output forms, through CorrLEX, Uniform Exponence and OO faithfulness constraints. In stratal approaches (see the work by Paul Kiparsky, or Bermúdez-Otero in preparation) this type of OO comparison is not possible, and therefore an alternative explanation must be found. A possibility, suggested to us by Bermúdez-Otero (p.c.), is to posit two “theme” allomorphs for 2sg imperatives. Moreover, following Mascaró (2007) and Bonet, Lloret & Mascaró (2007), the allomorphs would be lexically ordered, as indicated by the symbol “>”. The underlying representation (UR) of one example is given in (28). (28) perd-la “lose it(fem)!”: [pәnÄðә#lә] UR: /pεnd+{Ø > ә} #lә/

The constraint Priority, defined in (29), would penalize the choice of the dispreferred allomorph. (29) Priority: Respect lexical priority (ordering) of allomorphs. Given an input containing allomorphs m1, m2, …, mn, and a candidate containing mi in correspondence with mi, Priority assigns as many violation marks as the depth of ordering between mi and the highest dominating morph(s).

For 2sg imperatives in isolation Priority would grant the choice of the Ø allomorph, as shown in (30). (30) perd “lose it(fem)!”: /pεnd/ → [Äpεnt] /pεnd+{Ø > ә}/

µTrochee]

Priority

a. (Äpεnt) b.

pәn(Äðә)

*!

With enclisis, the higher ranked constraint µtrochee] would block the choice of the preferred allomorph, and the candidate with the dispreferred allomorph would win, as shown in (31). (31) perd-la “lose it(fem)!”: /pεnd#lә/ → [pәnÄðә#lә] /pεnd+{Ø > ә}#lә/ a.

(Äpεn)lә

b. pәn(Äðәlә)

µTrochee]

Priority

*! *

A problem with this type of approach arises when trying to account for forms that have the [:ә] or [i>ә] accretions. Recall that these accretions contain two different morphs, one belonging to a velar extension and the other one being a theme vowel; none of

ïœ³ïœµïœ° Eulàlia Bonet & Francesc Torres-Tamarit

them can be considered an allomorph of a single morpheme. Therefore an analysis based on allomorph ordering would not be possible for these cases. Given that our analysis has to make reference to OO relations (an often criticized mechanism), one might wonder whether the evidence for phonological conditioning in the appearance of an accretion is strong enough. In an alternative analysis, suggested to us by an anonymous reviewer, the accretion would be the result of a morphological operation that would take place in the presence of enclitics. An immediate question arises: why should any additional morphology appear in the presence of enclitics? A possible line of approach is suggested by the same anonymous reviewer: since most forms of the imperative paradigm are taken from the Present Subjunctive, the choice of accretion would render a second person imperative closer to the Present Subjunctive. However, for many verbs belonging to conjugations II and III, the singular Present Subjunctive forms do not have the same morphology that is found in enclisis. For instance, although the verb bullir “to boil” has the accretion [i>ә] with enclitics, [buîÄ>ә#lә] “boil it(fem)!”, the singular forms of the Present Subjunctive lack it ([Äbuîs] or [Äbuˆ>әs] “you boil (PS)”, [Äbuî] or [Äbuˆ>ә] “s/he boils (PS)”, cf. *[Äbuî>әs]). Moreover, in dialects like Central Catalan, the accretion is a schwa (see examples like [Äbuˆәlә] “boil it(fem)!”, in (2a)), a vowel that is never found otherwise in conjugation III verbs.

6.â•… Conclusions In this paper we have argued that the appearance of an accretion in 2sg imperatives followed by enclitics in Formenteran Catalan is forced by a phonological constraint requiring a right-aligned moraic trochee. This accretion is morphological material that is present in other forms of the imperative paradigm which is available for candidate construction. The choice of the optimal candidate is regulated by CorrLEX constraints and Uniform Exponence.

References Benua, Laura. 1997. Transderivational Identity. Phonological Relations between Words. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, published as Phonological Relations between Words. New York: Garland, 2000. Bermúdez-Otero, Ricardo. In preparation. Stratal Optimality Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bonet, Eulàlia & Maria-Rosa Lloret. 2005. “More on Alignment as an Alternative to Domains: The syllabification of Catalan clitics”. Probus 17.37–78. Bonet, Eulàlia, Maria-Rosa Lloret & Joan Mascaró. 2007. “Allomorph Selection and Lexical Preferences: Two case studies”. Lingua 117.903–927.

Allomorphy in pre-clitic imperatives in Formenteran Catalan ïœ³ïœµïœ±

Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical Stress Theory: Principles and Case Studies. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Kenstowicz, Michael. 1996. “Base Identity and Uniform Exponence: Alternatives to Cyclicity”. Current Trends in Phonology: Models and Methods ed. by Jacques Durand & Bernard Laks, vol. I, 363–393. Salford: University of Salford. Kenstowicz, Michael. 1997. “Uniform Exponence: Exemplification and extension”. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 5. Selected Phonology Papers from the Hopkins Optimality Theory Workshop 1997/University of Maryland Mayfest 1997 ed. by Viola Miglio & Bruce Morén, 139–155. University of Maryland. Kenstowicz, Michael. 2005. “Paradigmatic Uniformity and Contrast”. Paradigms in Phonological Theory ed. by Laura J. Downing, T. Alan Hall & Renate Raffelsiefen, 145–169. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Kurisu, Kazutaka. 2001. The Phonology of Morpheme Realization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Cruz. Mascaró, Joan. 1986. Morfologia. Barcelona: Enciclopèdia Catalana. Mascaró, Joan. 2007. External Allomorphy and Lexical Representation. Linguistic Inquiry 38. 715–735. Oltra-Massuet, Isabel. 1999. “On the Constituent Structure of Catalan Verbs”. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 33. Papers in Morphology and Syntax, Cycle One ed. by Karlos Arregi, Benjamin Bruening, Cornelia Krause & Vivian Lin, 279–322. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT, Department of Linguistics and Philosophy, MITWPL. Pérez-Saldanya, Manuel. 1995. “Analogia i canvi morfològic: a propòsit de les formes verbals velaritzades”. Caplletra 19. 279–305. Steriade, Donca. 1999. “Lexical Conservatism in French Adjectival Liaison”. Formal Perspectives in Romance Linguistics ed. by Barbara Bullock, Jean Marc Authier & Lisa Reed, 243–270. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Steriade, Donca. 2008. “A Pseudo-Cyclic Effect in Romanian Morphophonology”. Inflectional Identity ed. by Asaf Bachrach & Andrew I. Nevins, 313–360. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Torres-Tamarit, Francesc. 2008. Stress Shift in Formenteran Catalan Verb plus Enclitic(s) Sequences: an OT Approach. MA thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Viaplana, Joaquim. 1995. “Sobre la irregularitat verbal”. Caplletra 19.333–348. Walker, Rachel. 2000. “Nasal Reduplication in Mbe Affixation”. Phonology 17.65–115. Wheeler, Max W. 1985. “Analogia i psicologia: el desenvolupament de la morfologia verbal balear”. Actes del XVI Congrés Internacional de Lingüística i Filologia Romàniques. Palma de Mallorca 7–12 d’abril, 1980. Palma de Mallorca: Editorial Moll.

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian Piacentine dialects* Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

Università Ca’ Foscari Venezia/SUNY Stony Brook In this paper, we discuss preverbal vocalic segments in interrogative and declarative sentences. Their distribution depends on the type of subject (1sg, 1pl, 2pl vs 2sg, 3sg, 3pl), the presence of other preverbal clitics, and the verb tense (present vs present perfect). We show that two different types of preverbal vocalic segments should be differentiated: an “interrogative vowel” (in main wh-questions) and a “subject field vowel” (in embedded wh-questions and in declarative sentences). The two vowels realize different heads of the clausal skeleton (in the CP and the IP layer, respectively), can be found in one and the same dialect, and can co-occur in one and the same clause. Both types of vowels appear to be incompatible with other preverbal clitics in some contexts, and the presence/ absence of the preverbal vowel in sentences with auxiliaries is predictable based on the quality of the auxiliary-initial segment (consonant vs vowel).

1.â•… Introduction In the Emilian dialect of Gazzoli (province of Piacenza), the preverbal vowel [ә] has a very complicated distribution depending on, among other things, the type of sentence (declarative vs interrogative), the subject (1sg, 1pl, 2pl vs 2sg, 3sg, 3pl), the presence of other preverbal clitics, and the verb tense (present vs present perfect). For example, the distribution of the preverbal vowel [ә] is different in wh-questions vs declarative sentences. In wh-questions (with wh-phrases and wh-words), the preverbal vowel is found in all six persons with the following distribution: the presence of the preverbal

*We would like to thank the audience at the LSRL and two reviewers of this volume for their helpful comments, and our Piacentine informants for their time and patience. We use the following abbreviations: sg singular, pl plural, mas masculine, fem feminine, acc accusative, dat dative, loc locative, neg negative, reflex reflexive, scl subject clitic, Z = Zörner (1989), and M = Mandelli (1995).

ïœ³ïœµïœ´ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

vowel is preferred with a 1sg, 1pl, 2pl subject (1a), and the absence of the preverbal vowel is preferred with a 2sg, 3sg, 3pl subject (1b). In declarative sentences, the preverbal schwa is optional with 1sg, 1pl, 2pl verbs (2a),1 and it is ungrammatical with 2sg, 3sg, 3pl verbs (2b).2 (We use the following symbols: ?(ә) = preference for the presence of /ә/, (?ә) = preference for the absence of /ә/, (ә) = optional /ә/.)

(1) wh-questions

a.

1sg, 1pl, 2pl kõ ki ?(ә) Ävo-jә via “with whom am I going away?” kõ ki ? (ә) Änum-jә via “with whom are we going away?” kõ ki ?(ә) Änε:-v via “with whom are you:pl going away?”

b.

2sg, 3sg, 3pl kõ ki (?ә) Ävε-t via kõ ki (?ә) Äva-l via kõ ki (?ә) Ävan-jә via

“with whom are you:sg going away?” “with whom is he going away?” “with whom are they going away?”

(2) declarative sentences

a.

1sg, 1pl, 2pl (ә) Ävo via “I go away” (ә) Änum via “we go away” (ә) Änε via “you:pl go away”

b.

2sg, 3sg, 3pl (*ә) t әskri:v “you:sg write” (*ә) õ Äva via “he goes away” (*ә) i Ävan via “they go away”

The 2sg form of the declarative sentence in (2b) displays a different verb with respect to the rest of the paradigm: [t әskri:v] “you:sg write”.3 We use this verb to clearly show that the preverbal vowel is impossible: *[ә t әskri:v]. In careful speech [әt әskri:v] is acceptable with a slight pause between the subject clitic [әt] and the verb [әskri:v]; Â�however,

ïœ±.â•… Although the 2pl is possible without the preverbal schwa, there is a strong preference for the presence of the preverbal vowel. ïœ².â•… A note on the semantics of the forms with and without the preverbal vowel: for other northern Italian dialects, such as Paduan, it has been suggested that the presence of the preverbal vowel denotes new information (Benincà 1983:Â€28). However, Zörner (1989: 150) notes (and we concur) that this does not appear accurate for the Piacentine dialects. ïœ³.â•… In [t әskri:v], an epenthetic vowel (/ә/) is needed between the subject clitic /t/ and the initial /s/ + consonant cluster of the verb in order to syllabify these consonants. This follows the general rules of epenthesis in this dialect: an epenthetic vowel is inserted before an unsyllabified consonant or between two unsyllabified consonants (see Cardinaletti & Repetti 2004, 2008a for further discussion).

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœµïœµ

the schwa before the /t/ subject clitic in forms such as [әt әskri:v] and [әt Ävε via] “you:sg go away” is epenthetic and not the preverbal vowel discussed above. This Â�follows the general rules of epenthesis in this dialect. See Cardinaletti and Repetti (2004), (2008a) for further discussion. For the 3sg and 3pl forms in (2b) [õ Äva via] and [i Ävan via], as well as the 3sg feminine form [a Äva via] Äshe goes away”, the preverbal vowels /õ/, /i/, /a/ are true subject clitic pronouns and do not enter the typology of functional vowels discussed in this paper. These forms are impossible with the preverbal schwa: *[ә õ Äva via], *[ә i Ävan via], *[ә a Äva via]. In nearby dialects, such as Donceto, the 3sg masculine form – [әl Äva via] “he goes away” – contains an initial schwa that is epenthetic and is needed to syllabify the 3sg masculine subject clitic /l/; it is not the functional vowel discussed in this paper. See Cardinaletti and Repetti (2004), (2008a) for further discussion. In this paper we will discuss the nature of the preverbal schwa in the above data, and its distribution in various contexts. We will show that the preverbal vowels are two different syntactic entities: an “interrogative vowel” (1) and a “subject field vowel” (1a)–(2a). We will further show that the realization of the preverbal vowel(s) depends on other considerations, such as phonological considerations and the presence of other clitics. This paper is organized as follows. In §2 we present our analysis of the preverbal schwa as two different functional vowels, and in §3 we provide data from closely related dialects to support our analysis of the Gazzoli facts. We then discuss the occurrence of preverbal schwa with object clitics (§4) and with auxiliary verbs (§5) to illustrate how various components of the grammatical system are involved in the realization of the preverbal schwa. We conclude the paper in §6.

2.â•… Analysis of the preverbal schwa In this section, we suggest that the preverbal vowel occurring in declarative sentences and the preverbal vowel occurring in interrogative sentences are not one and the same vowel, and that they realize different functional heads in the clausal skeleton. This proposal is supported by the fact that the two vowels occur in different persons of the paradigm in different sentence types (as seen in (1)–(2)), by their distribution in embedded questions (§2.3), and by the fact that the two vowels can cooccur in main wh-questions (§2.5).

2.1â•… Main wh-questions In main wh-questions (1), the preverbal vowel is an “interrogative vowel” which is merged in the Focus head of the CP layer (in Rizzi’s 1997 sense). This explains why it is

ïœ³ïœµïœ¶ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

found in all six persons of the verbal paradigm. The preverbal vowel is the spell out of the complex Q + Foc head found in main questions, following Rizzi’s (2006) analysis of Italian. The interrogative head has an edge feature which attracts the wh-phrase. We exemplify the derivation with the 2sg form.

(3) [FocP kõ ki ә [QP ә [YP vε-t [TP t vε … [VP t vε via kõ ki]]]]]

In interrogative structures, verb – subject clitic inversion is obtained by moving the verb to Y across the subject clitic (see Cardinaletti & Repetti 2008a, 2010, for discussion). We take the Y head to be located in the INFL layer. This is coherent with the widespread proposal that no V-to-C movement takes place in Romance languages. See Kayne (1994: 44, 139, n.15) and Sportiche (1999) for French, Suñer (1994) for Spanish, Guasti (1996) and Cardinaletti (2007) for Italian, Munaro (1999) and Cardinaletti and Repetti (2008a), (2010) for northern Italian dialects. V-to-Y movement is motivated by the need to check the inflectional [wh] feature on the verb (Rizzi 1996, 2001) against the Y head. In §2.6, we will address the issue of preference/dispreference of the preverbal vowel in the different forms of the verb paradigm.

2.2â•… Declarative sentences In declarative sentences, the (optional) preverbal vowel is only found in some persons of the paradigm (2a). We suggest that it is merged in a lower functional head (in (4) we call the head Z) belonging to the IP layer (in Rizzi’s 1997 sense) that hosts the features of 1sg, 1pl and 2pl, namely of the persons that do not have a subject clitic (there is no evidence that the vowel has a different distribution in these three persons). We call this vowel a “subject field vowel”, and in (4) we show the derivation for the 1sg.4

(4) [ZP (ә) [TP pro vo … [VP pro vo via]]]

In §2.6, we will address the issue of optionality vs impossibility of the preverbal vowel in the different forms of the verb.

2.3â•… Embedded wh-questions The patterning of schwa in embedded questions reflects the different behavior of the preverbal vowel in main clauses. In both contexts, the preverbal vowel follows two patterns: it is found in all persons of the paradigm, or it is found with 1sg, 1pl, 2pl forms. In embedded questions, only the subject-field vowel is possible (5a), while the Â�interrogative

ïœ´.â•… For some evidence that the subject field vowel is higher than subject clitics, see Cardinaletti and Repetti (2004).

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœµïœ·

vowel is ungrammatical (5b) (see FootnoteÂ€ 4). The vowel occurring in (5c) is anÂ� epenthetic vowel inserted to syllabify the 2sg subject clitic /t/ (see SectionÂ€1). (5) a. õ lә sa mia õ:d (ә) vo “he doesn’t know where I am going” b. õ lә sa mia ko:z (*ә) t әskri:v “he doesn’t know what she is writing” c. õ lә sa mia õ:d әt vε “he doesn’t know where you:sg are going”

The occurrence of preverbal vowels in embedded wh-questions supports our proposal: the CP head realized by the interrogative vowel is not available in embedded clauses, while the IP-internal subject-field vowel found in main declarative clauses (2a) can appear in interrogative embedded clauses, as well as in declarative embedded clauses (6):

(6) õ lә sa mia ke (ә) vo via “he doesn’t know that I am going away”

2.4â•… Functional vowels The two types of vowels discussed above – both the “interrogative vowel” and the “subject field vowel” – are referred to here as “functional vowels” since they realize functional heads of the clausal skeleton. In the chart in (7), we show the contexts in which each of the functional vowels can (optionally) appear. The “interrogative vowel” is possible in main wh-questions in all persons, while the “subject field vowel” is possible in embedded wh-questions and declarative sentences, but only in the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl forms. Nothing prevents the “subject-field vowel” from occurring in wh-questions as well. Below we show that this is indeed the case. (7) Distribution of the preverbal vowels…

1sg, 1pl, 2pl

2sg, 3sg, 3pl

• interrog /ә/

• subj field /ә/

• interrog /ә/

• subj field /ә/

in main wh-questions:

yes

yes

yes

no

in embedded wh-Qs:

no

yes

no

no

in declarative sent.:

no

yes

no

no

Similar distributional patterns of what we call “functional vowels” are found in other Northern Italian dialects and have been previously discussed, e.g. by Chinellato (2004), Goria (2004) and Poletto (2000). However, many properties of the paradigms in (1)–(2) have not been discussed. For example, previous analyses have not examined cases in which a preverbal vowel found in all persons of the paradigm (what have been called “invariable subject clitics” by Poletto 2000) is found in wh-questions. In fact, cases like (1) have been claimed not to exist.5 ïœµ.â•… For a thorough discussion of previous literature, see Cardinaletti and Repetti (2008b). In that paper, we also analyze the distribution of functional vowels in main and embedded yes-no questions.

ïœ³ïœµïœ¸ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

Our data suggest that “functional vowels” can be found in both the CP layer (“interrogative vowel”) and the IP layer (“subject field vowel”), in one and the same dialect (for example, Gazzoli). Hence, there is no reason why they should not be able to co-occur in the same phrase, and this is indeed what is found, as discussed in the following section.

2.5â•… C o-occurrence of the “interrogative vowel” and the “subject field vowel” The preverbal schwa in the 1sg, 1pl, and 2pl can be pronounced as a long vowel in main wh-questions, a fact which can be understood as follows: a long vowel is the simultaneous realization of the “interrogative vowel” and the “subject field vowel”.6 As expected, no long preverbal vowel is found in the 2sg, 3sg, 3pl forms of main whquestions since there is only an “interrogative vowel” but not a “subject field vowel” possible. Furthermore, no long preverbal vowel is found in embedded wh-questions and declarative sentences since the “interrogative vowel” is not available. (8) Distribution of the preverbal vowels…

1sg, 1pl, 2pl

2sg, 3sg, 3pl

…in main wh-questions:

• interrogative vowel • subject field vowel

• interrogative vowel

…in embedded wh-Qs and declarative sentences:

• subject field vowel

• neither possible

2.6â•… On the distribution of the “interrogative vowel” We have noted that in wh-questions (1), the preverbal vowel is preferred in the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl forms (and perhaps it is obligatory in the 2pl form, see FootnoteÂ€2), and it is dispreferred in the 2sg, 3sg, 3pl forms. Why would this be? We can now propose an answer to this question. In 1sg, 1pl, 2pl wh-questions, the preverbal schwa can be either the interrogative vowel or the subject field vowel. Since both functional vowels are optional, there is a higher possibility that (at least) one will be used. Alternatively, in 2sg, 3sg, 3pl wh-questions the preverbal schwa can only be the (optional) interrogative vowel. This may explain why the former are more commonly realized with the preverbal vowel, than the latter.

ïœ¶.â•… Although no phonetic measurements have been done on vowel duration in Piacentine dialects, vowel length distinctions are clearly audible.

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœµïœ¹

3.â•… Cross-linguistic data The patterns observed above for the Gazzoli dialect are also found in other Piacentine dialects.7 Wh-questions are reported both with and without the preverbal vowel: for the dialect of Bobbio, Mandelli (1995) reports wh-questions with the interrogative vowel [a] (underlined a in the following data), while for the dialect of Travo, Zörner (1989) reports forms without the interrogative vowel ([a]). (9) Bobbio: 2sg [ke dŠurnέl a ledŠ-at] “what newspaper did you:sg read?” (M 30) what newspapers a read-you 3sg [kwant a kusta-l] “how much does it cost?” how much a cost-it

(M 30)

Travo: 2sg [kus fε-t] “what are you:sg doing?” what do-you:sg

(Z143)

[kus vø-t] “what do you want?” what want-you:sg

(Z 143)

[duv vε-t] “where do you:sg go?” where go-you:sg

(Z 144)

[parkέ ve\-at maj] “why don’t you:sg ever come?” why come-you:sg never

(Z 145)

3sg [kus vø-l] “what does he want?” what want-he

(Z 143)

(Z 144)

[kwãd \irá-l] “when will he arrive?” when will arrive-he

3pl [da duv ve\an-ja] “from where do they come?” from where come-they

(Z 144)

2pl [iÌ… kwãt si-v] ‘(in) how many are you:pl’ in how many are-you:pl

(Z 144)

In some cases, the status of a preverbal [a] in wh-questions is not clear. In the Piacentine dialects, many wh-words can be realized as monosyllabic (for example, [koz]/ [dõd] “what/where”) or bisyllabic ([koza]/[dõda]). Given these latter forms, it is difficult to analyze the role of a preverbal [a] in the following sentences from Bobbio (Mandelli 1995) and Groppallo (Zörner 1989).

ïœ·.â•… In the Gazzoli dialect the preverbal functional vowel and the epenthetic vowel are both [ә], while in the other Piacentine dialects discussed here (Bobbio, Groppallo, Travo) the functional vowel and the epenthetic vowel are both [a].

ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ° Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

(10)

[koz]/[dõd] + /a/

[koza]/[dõda] without /a/

Bobbio:

[koz a vε\-at ke da fε]

[koza vε\-at ke da fε]

“what do you come here to do?’”(M 30)

Groppallo:

[dõd a vε-t] where a go-you:sg

[dõda vε-t] where go-you:sg

“where are you:sg going?” (Z 171)

[dõd a vum-ja] where a go-we

[dõda vum-ja] where go-we

“where are we going?” (Z 175)

what a come-you here to do

what come-you here to do

Is the underlined /a/ in the data in (10) the preverbal vowel discussed above, or is it part of the wh-word? There are three possible ways to analyze these data. These forms could be interpreted as [koz]/[dõd] followed by a preverbal /a/. There is some evidence in support of this approach. In the Groppallo cases in (10), Zörner (1989) reports the wh-word as monosyllabic, and in the closely related dialect of Travo, [kus] and [duv] can only be interpreted as monosyllabic (9). The problem with this analysis is that in Gazzoli (1), the preverbal vowel is dispreferred with 2sg, 3sg, 3pl wh-questions; however, the forms in (10) would have to be analyzed as including the preverbal vowel. Alternatively, the forms in (10) could be interpreted as [koza]/[dõda] without a preverbal /a/. In fact, the Bobbio form is written by Mandelli (1995) as a bisyllabic word. The problem with this approach is that in Gazzoli (1), 1sg, 1pl, 2pl wh-questions are preferred with a preverbal vowel, but the 1pl question from Groppallo would have to be analyzed as not having the preverbal vowel. A third possibility is that the forms are [koza a] and [dõda a], consisting of a bisyllabic wh-word [koza]/[dõda] plus an interrogative /a/; however, the two /a/’s are not represented as long. Evidence in support of this analysis is that neither of these two authors record long vowels, although these dialects clearly have vowel length distinctions. So, if this vowel is indeed long, we would not expect to see it recorded as such. The analysis of the forms in (10) is possibly a combination of all three options discussed above. However, given the limited amount of available data, a more definitive analysis is not possible at this point.

4.â•… On the occurrence of functional preverbal vowels with object clitics One interesting observation about the Piacentine dialects is that in wh-questions and declarative sentences the presence of the preverbal functional vowel seems incompatible with certain other preverbal clitics. The functional vowels are fully compatible with post-verbal subject clitics (as seen in (1) and (2)), but not with preverbal subject clitics. We would not expect the

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ±

Â� “interrogative vowel” with preverbal subject clitics since subject clitics are post-Â�verbal in interrogatives. And the “subject field vowel” is in complementary distribution with preverbal subject clitics: it is found with 1sg, 1pl, 2pl forms which do not have a preverbal subject clitic, and it is not found with 2sg, 3sg, 3pl forms which do have a preverbal subject clitic. However, the functional vowels are absent with other types of preverbal clitics. Why is the realization of the functional vowel restricted in the presence of another clitic? Is there a syntactic restriction against this combination or a phonological constraint banning these clusters? In §4.1–4.2 we look into the cooccurrence of the functional vowel with other consonant-initial and vowel-initial clitics. In §4.3 we investigate whether the restriction can be phonological, and we conclude that it is not.

4.1â•… Functional vowel + consonant-initial clitic In phrases involving a (potential) functional vowel plus a consonant-initial clitic, the status of the vowel preceding the consonantal clitic is not clear: is this vowel the functional vowel, or is it an epenthetic vowel needed to syllabify the consonantal clitic? The quality of the functional vowel and epenthetic vowel is identical: in Groppallo both are /a/ and in Gazzoli /ә/. In (11), the initial vowel can be analyzed as the subject-field vowel optionally present in the 1sg in a declarative sentence, or it can be analyzed as an epenthetic vowel needed to syllabify the following consonantal clitic. (11) Groppallo: Gazzoli:

/a a /a a /ә ә

m reflex g loc t dat

rikfrd/ “I remember” I-remember so sto/ “I was there” I-am been prumә´t/ “I promise you:sg” I-promise

(Z 274) (Z 276)

The problem was addressed by Vanelli (1984) in response to a series of articles on epenthetic vowels and clitic pronouns in Romance languages. Analyzing the quality of the vowel, Vanelli (1984) concludes that in some cases the vowel preceding the consonantal clitic is a vocalic subject clitic pronoun, while in other cases it is an epenthetic vowel. Since in (11), the quality of the two is the same (i.e. the quality of the functional vowels and the epenthetic vowel is identical), we cannot determine what the nature of the vowel is in these examples.

4.2â•… Functional vowel + vowel-initial clitic We will now look into the possibility of the co-occurrence of the functional vowel(s) and a vocalic clitic. As seen in the data below, the functional vowel is not realized in the presence of another vowel-initial clitic (mas sg acc [õ] Gazzoli, [u] Groppallo, and

ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ² Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

mas/fem pl acc [i] Gazzoli and Groppallo).8 Groppallo and Gazzoli both have the same distribution of preverbal functional vowels illustrated in (1)–(2). In (12)–(15) we provide data showing the lack of a preverbal functional vowel when there is a preverbal vowel-initial accusative clitic. The restriction holds for both the subject field vowel in (12)–(13) and the interrogative vowel in (14)–(15): (12) Gazzoli:

/õ acc /i acc

manŠ/ I eat manŠ/ I eat

(*[ә õ manŠ]) “I eat it” (*[ә i ÄmanŠ]) “I eat them”

(13) Groppallo: /u fávam nœŋ/ “we did it” acc we did we (14) Gazzoli:

/kwand when /a ki to whom /kwand when /a ki to whom

i acc õ acc i acc õ acc

vәd- I see do- I give vәd- you see dε- you give

jә/ I jә/ I әt/ you t/ you

(Z 276)

“when do I see them?” “to whom do I give it?” “when do you see them?” “to whom do you give it?”

(15) Groppallo: /dõd i mә´tam- ja/ where acc we put- we

“where do we put them?” (Z 175)

In conclusion, we have not found evidence of the co-occurrence of the functional vowel with other vowel-initial clitics.

4.3â•… 3sg feminine subject clitic + another clitic Perhaps the restriction on the cooccurrence of the functional vowel with another clitic is phonological. In order to test this hypothesis, we can see if there are restrictions on the cooccurrence of the obligatory 3sg feminine subject clitic /a/ (Gazzoli and Groppallo) with other clitics. We find that the obligatory 3sg feminine subject clitic /a/ can co-occur with some consonantal clitics. In the examples in (16), the initial vowel can only be analyzed as the mandatory 3sg fem subject clitic, and not as an epenthetic vowel (which has the same quality in Groppallo). (16) Groppallo: /a g scl dat Gazzoli:

fáva la sýpa/ “she made them the soup” (Z 272) made the soup

/a s láva/ scl reflex washes

“she gets washed”

ïœ¸.â•… All vowel-initial object clitics are accusative; there is no vowel-initial dative clitic.

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ³

We can now see if there are restrictions on the cooccurrence of the scl /a/ with other vocalic clitics (mas sg acc /õ/ (Gazzoli), /u/ (Groppallo), and gender-neutral pl acc /i/ (Gazzoli and Groppallo)). Since the mas sg acc clitics are realized with a different allomorph (/l/) in the presence of a third person subject (see Cardinaletti and Repetti ms), the only vowel initial clitic we can investigate is 3pl acc /i/. The situation is further complicated by the fact that there are restrictions on the syllabification of a third person scl with a third person acc clitic when they cooccur: the two cannot form a single syllable (see Cardinaletti and Repetti ms). Therefore, we expect that the 3sg feminine subject clitic /a/ cannot syllabify with 3pl accusative clitic /i/. In fact, the 3pl acc /i/ is syllabified by the insertion of a following epenthetic vowel, resulting in the syllable [ja] (Groppallo) or [jә] (Gazzoli).9 (17) Groppallo: /a ja tája/ scl acc cuts Gazzoli:

“she cuts them (fem)”

(Z 174)

/a jә fa le/ “she (emphatic) makes them (mas/fem)” scl acc makes she

Since the mandatory 3sg feminine subject clitic /a/ can co-occur with another vocalic clitic (although they cannot be syllabified together), there is no phonological reason for the restriction on the occurrence of the functional vowels with other vocalic clitics. In conclusion, we have no clear evidence of the co-occurrence of the functional vowels discussed in this paper with another clitic pronoun. There is no phonological reason for this ban since obligatory subject clitic /a/, which is homophonous to the functional vowels in some Piacentine dialects, can co-occur with other clitics. Nor does there seem to be a syntactic reason for this ban: functional vowels and especially the interrogative vowel realize functional heads which do not interfere with object clitic placement. Instead, we propose that this ban is due to an economy principle. As we have seen, the co-occurrence of vocalic subject and object clitics implies the use of different allomorphs for object clitics, or the application of marked syllabification strategies. These marked options can be avoided in the case of a functional vowel: since the functional vowel is optional, it is not used in the presence of other clitics. Things are different with a true subject clitic, which must be obligatorily realized. We hope to develop this point more fully in future research.

ïœ¹.â•… If the 3pl acc clitic /i/ can syllabify with the following vowel-initial verb, it does. Groppallo [a j a fat køz] “she cooked them (mas)” scl acc has made cook The acc clitic /j/ syllabifies as the onset of the following verb.

(Z 274)

ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ´ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

5.â•… On the occurrence of the preverbal vowel with auxiliaries In some dialects, such as the Friulian dialect of San Michele al Tagliamento, preverbal vowels (similar to the functional vowels investigated in this paper) and auxiliaries can co-occur. (18) Friulian: San Michele al Tagliamento a.

(Poletto 2000)

Quantis caramelis *(i) a-tu mangiat? how many sweets i have-you:sg eaten?

(p. 25, 60)

b. Coma (i) a-tu fat il compit? how (i) have-you:sg done the task?

(p. 60)

Renzi and Vanelli (1983: 129) and Poletto (2000: 183,n.19) have claimed that in Emilian dialects, preverbal vowels are not possible with auxiliaries. This claim is correct for the Gazzoli cases like (19) and (20b), but it is not generally true, as shown by the grammaticality of (20a). The data are organized so that the forms in (19) contain the “have” auxiliary, and the forms in (20) contain the “be” auxiliary, and the forms in (a) are 1sg, 1pl, 2pl, and the forms in (b) are 2sg, 3sg, 3pl.10 (19) “have” auxiliary a. (*ә) Äo buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äo-jә buÄvi:d? (*ә) Äum buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äum-jә buÄvi:d? (*ә) Äi buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äi:-v buÄvi:d?

“I have drunk”/“when …?” “we have drunk”/“when …?” “you:pl have drunk”/ “when …?’

b. (*ә) t Äe buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äe–t buÄvi:d? (*ә) l Äa buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äa–l buÄvi:d? (*ә) j Äan buÄvi:d kwã:d (*ә) Äan-jә buÄvi:d?

“you:sg have drunk”/ “when …?” “he has drunk”/’when …?” “they have drunk’/’when …?’

(20)

“be” auxiliary

a. (ә) Äso na via kwã:d (ә) Äso-jә na via? (ә) Äsum ana via kwã:d (ә) Äsum-jә na via? (ә) Äsi na via kwã:d (ә) Äsi:-v na via?

“I am gone away”/“when …?” “we are gone away”/ “when …?” “you:pl are gone away”/ “when …?”

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… In the declarative forms in (19b) and (20b), which are included for completeness, the preverbal vowel is ungrammatical, as with simple verbs (see SectionÂ€1), and confirms the observation that no subject-field vowel is found in the 2sg, 3sg, 3pl. Notice also that the epenthetic vowel is not found; this is because the subject clitic syllabifies with the vowelinitial auxiliary.

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœ¶ïœµ

b. (*ә) t Äe na via kwã:d (*ә) Äe-t na via? (*ә) l Äε na via kwã:d (*ә) Ä ε-l na via? (*ә) j Äen na via kwã:d (*ә) Äen-jә na via?

“you:sg are gone away”/ “when …?” “he is gone away”/“when …?” “they are gone away”/ “when …?”

Two facts are surprising in these paradigms. First, consider the contrast between (19a) and (20a) in both declarative and interrogative sentences: in the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl, the functional vowels are possible with the “be” auxiliary but are not possible with the ‘have’ auxiliary. Second, the interrogative forms in (19b) and (20b) are, surprisingly, ungrammatical if compared with the optionality of [ә] in (1b). We cannot provide a syntactic account of these seemingly complicated patterns. As can be seen in the above data, the choice of the auxiliary (“have” or “be”) does not affect whether or not the preverbal vowel is used: it is never found with the “have” auxiliary, and it is only found with the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl “be” auxiliary forms. In addition, the distribution of the preverbal vowel is identical in declarative sentences and whquestions in (19)–(20), where we claim two different vowels are involved (“subjectfield vowel” and “interrogative vowel”). We propose that the insight behind this seemingly complicated pattern is not syntactic, but phonological in nature. The ungrammaticality of (19) and (20b), is due to a phonological restriction, and specifically a constraint against schwa + stressed vowel: *[ә + ÄV]. Notice that the “be” forms in (20a), which allow the preverbal schwa, are consonant-initial ([so], [sum], [si]), while the “have” forms in (19) and the “be” forms in (20b), which do not allow the preverbal schwa, are vowel-initial.11 Independent evidence of the constraint banning schwa + stressed vowel: *[ә + ÄV] is found. In normal speech an unstressed word-final schwa is deleted when followed by a word-initial stressed vowel.12 (21) Gazzoli: /õ vedә ána/ > [õ ved- ána] “he sees Anna” /әm pja:zә aj/ > [әm pja:z- aj] “I like Ai (town name)”

We predict that the same pattern would hold for lexical verbs beginning with a stressed vowel, namely that the preverbal vowel is not possible with vowel-initial verbs. We cannot test this pattern with vowel-initial verbs (other than auxiliaries or the copula) ïœ±ïœ±.â•… The consonant-initial and the vowel-initial forms coincide with the person split which pervasively shows up in these dialects: 1sg, 1pl, 2pl vs. 2sg, 3sg, 3pl. This seems to be a lexical accident. The Gazzoli paradigm of “be” should be compared with the Italian paradigm of the same verb, which only has one vowel-initial form in the 3sg (è “he/she is”). ïœ±ïœ².â•… Although the schwa in (21) is in a different prosodic context with respect to the functional vowel (word-final vs proclitic), certain important aspects of the two contexts are the same, including the fact that the schwa is before a stressed vowel.

ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ¶ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti

because, to the best of our knowledge, no such verbs exist in the Gazzoli dialect. Common Romance vowel-initial verbs are consonant-initial in the dialect of Gazzoli: It. amare = /vu’le bεŋ/ “to love”, It. entrare = /vni dεntr/ “to enter”, It. uscire = /na føra/ “to exit”, It. incontrare = /tru’va/ “to meet”, It. odorare, annusare = /na’za/ “to smell”, etc. Other Piacentine dialects appear to have the same restriction.13 In Groppallo and Travo (Zörner 1989), none of the sentences with vowel-initial auxiliaries are recorded with the preverbal vowel (22); however, sentences with consonant-initial auxiliaries do allow for the optional subject-field vowel (23). (22) Groppallo: Travo:

[m e–l estó u ta vjaj] “how was your trip?” [m e-la stá a partída] “how was the game?” [kwãd ε-t fat kula vjaj ke] “when did you take this trip?” [kwãd e–l nasýd] “when was he born?” [kwãd e–l nasí] “when was he born?” [m e–l andέ la partída] “how did the game go?”

(23) Groppallo: [a sum \yd da naskús] “we came hidden” [a sum astέ] “we were” [so sto] “I was”

(Z 171) (Z 171) (Z 171) (Z 171) (Z 144) (Z 145) (Z 172) (Z 276) (Z 276)

6.â•… Conclusions In sum, we have shown that the preverbal vocalic segments in the data in (1)–(2) (what we call here “functional vowels”) are of two different types: “interrogative vowels” (1) and “subject field vowels” (1a)–(2a). Our data suggest that “functional vowels” can be found: –â•fi –â•fi –â•fi

in both the CP layer (“interrogative vowel”) and the IP layer (“subject field vowel”), in one and the same dialect (for example, Gazzoli), in one and the same phrase (as shown by the occurrence of long functional vowels in the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl in main wh-questions).

Both types of vowels appear to be incompatible with other preverbal clitics in some contexts, and the presence/absence of the preverbal vowel in sentences with auxiliaries is predictable based on the quality of the auxiliary-initial segment Â�(consonant vs vowel).

ïœ±ïœ³.â•… Zörner (1989) provides data involving subject-field /a/ + an unstressed vowel (although, like Gazzoli, there are no data with a verb beginning with a stressed vowel): Groppallo: [(a) ãdúm] “we go”, [(a) ãdε´ma] “we were going”, etc. (Z 298); Travo: [(a) ãdrâ†œf´] “I will go”, [(a) ãdrís] “I would go”, etc. (Z 299).

Preverbal vowels in wh-questions and declarative sentences in Northern Italian ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ·

References Benincà, Paola. 1983. “Il clitico a nel dialetto padovano”. Scritti linguistici in onore di Giovan Battista Pellegrini ed. by Paola Benincà et al. 25–35. Pisa: Pacini. Cardinaletti, Anna. 2007. “Subjects and Wh-questions. Some new generalizations”. Romance Linguistics 2006: Selected Papers from the 36th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), ed. by Juan Camacho, Nydia Flores Ferrán, Liliana Sánchez, Viviane Déprez, María José Cabrera, 57–79. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Cardinaletti, Anna & Lori Repetti. 2004. “Clitics in Northern Italian Dialects: Phonology, Syntax and Microvariation”. University of Venice Working Papers in Linguistics 14.7–106. Cardinaletti, Anna & Lori Repetti. 2008a. “The Phonology and Syntax of Preverbal and Postverbal Subject Clitics in Northern Italian Dialects”. Linguistic Inquiry 39.523–563. Cardinaletti, Anna & Lori Repetti. 2008b. “Functional Vowels in Main Questions in Northern Italian Dialects”. Paper presented at Going Romance, Groningen, December 2008. Cardinaletti, Anna & Lori Repetti. 2010. “Proclitic vs Enclitic Pronouns in Northern Italian Dialects and the Null-Subject Parameter”. Syntactic Variation. The Dialects of Italy, ed. by Roberta D’Alessandro, Adam Ledgeway & Ian Roberts, 119–134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cardinaletti, Anna & Lori Repetti. Ms. “Clitic Clusters in Northern Italian Dialects”. Chinellato, Paolo. 2004. “La microvariazione del clitico A in alcune varietà venete”. Italia Dialettale LXV. 43–72. Goria, Cecilia. 2004. Subject Clitics in the Northern Italian Dialects. A comparative study based on the Minimalist Program and Optimality Theory. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Guasti, Maria Teresa. 1996. “On the Controversial Status of Romance Interrogatives”. Probus 8.161–180. Kayne, Richard S. 1994. The Antisymmetry of Syntax. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Mandelli, Enrico. 1995. Il dialetto bobbiese. Bobbio: Tipografia Columba. Munaro, Nicola 1999. Sintagmi interrogativi nei dialetti italiani settentrionali. Padova: Unipress. Poletto, Cecilia. 2000. The Higher Functional Field: Evidence from Northern Italian dialects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Renzi, Lorenzo & Laura Vanelli. 1983. “I pronomi soggetto in alcune varietà romanze”. Scritti linguistici in onore di Giovan Battista Pellegrini ed. by Paola Benincà et al., 121–145. Pisa: Pacini. Rizzi, Luigi. 1996. “Residual Verb-second and the Wh-criterion”. Parameters and Functional Heads. Essays in Comparative Syntax, ed. by Adriana Belletti & Luigi Rizzi, 63–90. New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. “The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery”. Elements of Grammar, ed. by Â�Liliane Haegeman, 281–337. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Rizzi, Luigi. 2001. “On the Position “Int(errogative)” in the Left Periphery of the Clause”. Current Studies in Italian Syntax, ed. by Guglielmo Cinque & Giampaolo Salvi, 287–296. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Rizzi, Luigi. 2006. “On the Form of Chains: Criterial positions and ECP effects”. Wh-Movement. Moving On, ed. by Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng & Norbert Corver, 97–133. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Sportiche, Dominique. 1999. “Subject Clitics in French and Romance: Complex inversion and clitic doubling”. Studies in Comparative Syntax, ed. by Kyle Johnson & Ian Roberts, 189–221. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

ïœ³ïœ¶ïœ¸ Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti Suñer, Margarita. 1994. “Verb-Movement and the Licensing of Argumental Wh-phrases in Spanish”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12. 335–372. Vanelli, Laura. 1984. “Pronomi e fenomeni di prostesi vocalica nei dialetti italiani settentrionali”. Revue de linguistique romane 48. 281–295. Zörner, Lotte. 1989. Die Dialekte von Travo und Groppallo.Wien: Der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French* Heather Burnett

University of California Los Angeles This paper examines the cross-linguistic realization of the class of exclamatives in the Romance languages. I argue that, while the syntactic and semantic properties of exclamative sentences are usually viewed as being licensed by wh-morphology, other grammatical features such as f(ocus) marking may serve a similar purpose in the construction of exclamative meaning. In particular, I argue that exclamations with focused gradation quantifiers, such as the Québec French sentence J’ai vu un film ASSEZ bon! “I saw SUCH a good movie!” display many of the same semantic properties that have been observed with wh-exclamatives. I propose that the semantic content of this new type of exclamative is a gradation construction with an implicit threshold clause and focus on the quantifier. I propose that the exclamative operator binds the threshold yielding an extreme degree reading, and that the presence of this operator is licensed by the focus structure of the sentence.

1.â•… Introduction This paper examines the cross-linguistic realization of the class of exclamative sentences, with a special focus on French and other Romance languages. It is well known that, although almost all utterances can be used in the act of exclaiming, certain utterances are syntactically and semantically tied to this use. For example, if I am surprised at the fact that you got your hair cut, I can express this by using the relevant assertion, the French sentence in (1a), with a particular exclamatory intonation (1b).

*I would like to thank David-Étienne Bouchard, Daniel Büring, Jessica Rett, Dominique Sportiche, Daniel Valois, and the audience at LSRL39 for their comments and suggestions. I would also like to thank David-Étienne Bouchard, Caroline Chevalier, Philippe Gagnon, Mireille Tremblay, and Daniel Valois for their judgements on Québec French; Emanuela Sanfelici for her judgements on Italian, and Calixto Agüero-Bautista for his judgements on Spanish. This research was supported in part by a SSHRC doctoral fellowship (#752-2007-2382), and the SSHRC MCRI Les voies du français (PI: France Martineau).

ïœ³ïœ·ïœ° Heather Burnett

(1) a.

Tu t’es fait couper les cheveux. You CL-have made cut the hair “You got your hair cut.”

b. Tu t’es fait couper les cheveux! “You got your hair cut!”

However, some utterances are infelicitous in non-exclamative contexts. These are known as exclamative sentences, and, as discussed in many works such as Michaelis & Lambrecht (1996), Zanuttini & Portner (2003), and Rett (2009), these utterances have particular semantic and pragmatic properties, which will be discussed over the course of this paper. Some examples of sentences that have previously been argued to belong to the exclamative class in French are shown in (2). (2) a.

Qu’est-ce qu’ils sont beaux, tes cheveux! What-is-it that-they are nice, your hair

b. Qu’ils sont beaux, tes cheveux! What-they are nice, your hair c.

Ostie qu’ils sont beaux, tes cheveux! Ostie that-they are nice, your hair “How nice your hair is!”

(Québec French)

In most current theories of the syntax and semantics of exclamative sentences, the force of an utterance used in the act of exclaiming is given by an exclamative illocutionary force operator (ex. Zanuttini & Portner’s F(active) morpheme, and Rett’s Degree E-FORCE). In order to apply, these operators require a specific semantic and discourse structure, and this is licensed by particular syntactic configurations. By far, the most studied of these configurations is the wh-morphology in wh-exclamatives such as those in (2a,b). In fact, some authors have even argued that exclamatives, by definition, contain wh morphology (cf. Obenauer (1994) for French). In this paper, I argue that the exclamative operator can be licensed by other means. In particular, I argue that it can be licensed by prosody, more specifically, by contrastive focus on a certain class of non-wh items with the proper semantics. These elements are gradation quantifiers. Following Heim (2000), I call gradation quantifiers those quantifiers that compare the degree to which a property holds of an individual with a “standard” degree or “threshold” specified by a consecutive clause. The set of English gradation quantifiers includes too…for, so…that, and enough…for. Furthermore, I argue that, while gradation exclamatives are not unheard of in languages like English, they constitute a robust class of exclamatives in the Romance languages. In most of what follows, my data will come from Québec French (QF), where the construction in question is widespread; however, as will be discussed below, we find similar patterns in European French, Italian, and Spanish.

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ·ïœ±

The main goal of my paper is the analysis of the following paradigm of utterances containing gradation quantifiers, exemplified here by assez “enough”: (3) a.

J’ai lu un livre assez difficle (pour moi). “I read a book difficult enough (for me)”

Assertion

b. J’ai lu un livre ASSEZ difficile (pour moi)…pas TROP difficile. Contrastive Focus “I read a book difficult ENOUGH (for me)…not TOO difficult” c.

J’ai lu un livre assez difficile (pour moi)! “I read a book that difficult enough for me!”

Exclamation

d. J’ai lu un livre ASSEZ difficile! Exclamative “I read SUCH a difficult book!/What a difficult book I read!”

(3a) is a simple assertion: it communicates the fact that I read a book that was difficult enough for me. (3b) is another assertion, but one with contrastive focus on assez. It states that I read a book difficult enough, and contrasts the degree of the book’s difficulty with another degree already in the common ground: in this case, the degree of being “too” difficult. (3c) is an exclamation similar to (1c): it expresses the speaker’s surprise at the fact that I read a book that was difficult enough for me (perhaps books are usually too easy). Finally, (3d), I will argue, is an exclamative: it expresses surprise at the degree of the book’s difficulty, namely, that it is extreme. The heart of my proposal concerns the relation between (3b) and (3d): I argue that what assertions with f(ocus)-marked gradation quantifiers have in common with gradation exclamatives, and exclamatives more generally, is their presuppositions: In order to be felicitous, both contrastively focused gradation constructions and exclamatives require that a degree property be salient in the common ground. Following Rett (2009), I assume that this is a precondition on the application of exclamative operator, one that is met in the case of exclamatives and focused gradation constructions, but not in many other constructions. The paper is organized as follows: In SectionÂ€1, I present the basic data on the use of gradation constructions in assertions with and without focus. I present the main proposals from the literature that I adopt for the analysis of the semantics of gradation quantifiers and contrastive focus. In SectionÂ€2, I examine gradation constructions used in the act of exclaiming. Following Rett, I argue that unfocused gradation constructions used in these contexts are simple exclamations: they express surprise on behalf of the speaker at a proposition in the common ground. I then examine sentences used in the act of exclaiming with focused gradation quantifiers. I propose that these utterances form part of a special subclass of exclamations: exclamative sentences. I apply both Portner & Zanuttini (2003)’s and Rett (2009)’s semantic critera for identifying exclamatives, and show that, despite their lack of wh-morphology, exclamations with focused quantifiers satisfy them. Finally, in SectionÂ€ 3, I present a semantic analysis

ïœ³ïœ·ïœ² Heather Burnett

of these gradation exclamatives, and show how it explains two puzzling properties of the construction.

2.â•… Gradation quantifiers in assertions In theories that take into account the communicative function of an utterance (for example Searle (1969)), its meaning is often divided into two components: the semantic content of an utterance, and the illocutionary force with which it is uttered. The semantic content of an utterance is, in simplest terms, its denotation: it is the value that is obtained by combining the various lexical items that constitute the expression together by means of compositional semantic rules like function application etc. The illocutionary force of an utterance has to do with the intention of the speaker: an expression that is uttered with the speaker wishing to communicate its truth is known as an assertion. Assertions can be descriptively correct or incorrect, i.e. true or false. In this section, I present the basic data on the use of gradation quantifiers in assertions in Québec French and other Romance languages, and the analysis of their semantic content that I am adopting. I then consider the sentences in which they are focused, and present the semantic analysis that I am adopting for contrastive focus (CF).

2.1â•… Assertions with no focus As mentioned in the introduction, gradation quantifiers compare the degree to which a property, introduced by an adjective, holds of an individual with a threshold degree given by a consecutive clause. Assertions containing non-focused gradation quantifiers in Québec French are shown below with the quantifiers tellement…que “so much… that”, assez…pour “enough…for”, and trop…pour “too much…for”. (4) a.

J’ai lu un assez bon livre pour l’acheter. “I read a book on this subject good enough to buy it”

b. J’ai lu un livre tellement difficile que j’ai commence à pleurer. “I read a book so difficult that I started crying” c.

J’ai lu un livre trop difficile pour l’apprécier. “I read a book too difficult to appreciate it”

Formally, following von Stechow (1984), I assume that gradeable adjectives like difficile “difficult” denote relations between individuals and degrees. Thus, we can represent the denotation of difficile as the function in (5).

(5) [[difficile]] = λdd λxe. x is d difficult

difficile takes a degree and an individual and yield “true” just in case the individual is difficult to that degree. Gradation quantifiers take a threshold degree to form a

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ·ïœ³

generalized quantifier over sets of degrees. Denotations for assez “enough”, trop “too” and tellement “so” in a model M under an assignment function α, are shown in (6). (6) a. [[assez…pour]]M,α = λd’dλP. max1(P) ≥ d’ and d’ = min({d: it is Â�required for2 P(d) = 1}) b. [[trop…pour]]M,α = λd’dλP. max(P) ≥ d’ and d’ = max({d: it is allowed for P(d) = 1}) c. [[tellement…que]]M,α = λd’dλP. max(P) ≥ d’ and d’ = min({d: it is required for P(d) = 1})

The quantifier assez…pour, for example, states that the maximum degree in a degree property P is greater than (or equal to) another degree, and this degree is the minimum that is required for the property to hold. So, under this account, the truth conditions for a sentence like (7a) are as shown in (7b), i.e. the sentence is true just in case John’s handsomeness is greater than or equal to the handsomeness that is required to date Marie. (7) a. Jean est assez beau pour sortir avec Marie. “Jean is handsome enough to date Marie.” b. 1 iff max({d: Jean is d handsome})≥ ddate Marie

Although gradation quantifiers canonically select for an overt consecutive clause, if the threshold of comparison can be recovered from context, the that/for clause may be left unpronounced. (8) Le prof m’a demandé de lire un livre qui était assez difficile. “The teacher asked me to read a book that was difficult enough.”

ïœ±.â•… As discussed in Rullman (1995), the proper truth conditions for sentences with comparatives and gradation quantifiers are given through comparing the maximum degree to which a property holds with another degree. Since assez, trop etc. apply to sets of degrees, we must make use of a maximality operator such as in (i).

(i) Let DEG be a set of degrees ordered by the relation ≥, the max(DEG) = ιd[d є DEG and for all d’ є DEG [d’ ≤ d]]

(Rullman (1995: 68))

ïœ².â•… It is well known that the quantifiers so, too, and enough and their French and Italian translations involve some type of modality inside the consecutive clause (cf. the discussion in Meier (2003)). In fact, it is in the formalization of the modal in the subordinate clause that the majority of the proposals for the semantics of gradation quantifiers differ. Since, as we will see, the semantic content of the consecutive clause is not going to be of particular importance in the phenomenon that we are analyzing here, in the definitions provided in (6), I have simply stated this modality in English words. For alternative proposals for the semantics of the consecutive clause, see, among others, von Stechow (1984), Heim (2000), Meier (2003), and Harquard (2006).

ïœ³ïœ·ïœ´ Heather Burnett

(8) is good when a phrase headed by pour, for example pour moi “for me”, is straightforwardly supplied by the discourse context. Formally, I represent the filling in of the threshold from context as the insertion of a free variable, say d1, as the first argument of the quantifier.

(9) [[J’ai lu un livre assez difficile]] M,α = 1 iff max({d: I read d difficult book}) ≥ α(d1)

The truth of (9), where the value of the threshold is implicit, is dependent on the value assigned to d1 by the assignment function α. Québec French also contains a number of gradation quantifiers that obligatorily take an implicit threshold, i.e, the value to which the degree of the main predicate is compared is always supplied by context. An example of such a quantifier is pas mal “fairly”. (10) J’ai lu un livre qui était pas mal difficile. “I read a book that was fairly difficult.”

Like assez, quantifiers like pas mal relate degree properties with threshold degrees. However, the latter are lexically specified to take implicit variables as threshold arguments. Thus, the lexical entry for pas mal can be directly given as (11). (11) [[pas mal]]M,α = λddλP〈d,t〉. max(P) ≥ α(d)

A sentence like J’ai lu un livre qui était pas mal difficile is true just in case α maps d to the degree to which a book needs to be difficult in order to count as “fairly” difficult, and the degree to which the book that I read is difficult exceeds the value of d. In summary, I have followed the majority of the literature on comparatives and gradation quantifiers in supposing that they combine with a threshold supplied by a consecutive clause to form a generalized quantifier over degrees: a function from a degree property to a truth value. When the threshold is recoverable from context, or when the threshold is lexically specified to be implicit, I suppose that the quantifier takes a free variable as its first argument, and its value is given by an assignment function.

2.2â•… Assertions with focused gradation quantifiers I now turn to assertions in which these quantifiers are focused, or f-marked. By focus/ f-marking, I simply mean pitch accent (stress) on the quantifier. As shown in (12), asserting a proposition with stress on the degree quantifier results in contrastive focus (CF) on the quantifier. (12) Le prof m’a demandé de lire un livre qui était ASSEZ difficile pour moi…pas TROP difficile. “The teacher asked me to read a book that was difficult ENOUGH for me…not TOO difficult”

Again, the consecutive clause may be dropped if it is clear from context.

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ·ïœµ

(13) Le prof m’a demandé de lire un livre qui était ASSEZ difficile…pas TROP difficile. “The teacher asked me to read a book that difficult ENOUGH…not TOO difficult”

In the analysis of contrastive focus, I follow much recent work that proposes that, in a sentence with focus marking, it is the destressed material, not the stressed material, that is semantically marked. In particular, I assume that this unstressed material must be given (Selkirk (1996), Schwarzchild (1999)) or anaphoric to the context (Büring (2008)). This is stated as the generalization in (14). (14) The absence of f-marking indicates giveness in the discourse. (Schwarzchild (1999; his (10b)))

Schwarzchild gives the following definition of giveness: (15) An utterance U counts as GIVEN iff it has a salient antecedent A and A entails U modulo ∃-type shifting. (Schwarzchild (1999; his (18))

In other words, for sentences with f-marked constituents to be well formed, they must have antecedents in the discourse that are composed of the non-f-marked constituents of the sentence. Therefore, in a sentence with a focused gradation quantifier, for the truth of the entire sentence to be evaluated, the degree property that forms the argument of the focused quantifier must be salient in the discourse. For example, focus on assez in (16a) requires that the book’s difficulty (i.e. the property: λd. I read a book d-difficult) be salient in the discourse. The meaning of (16a) would then be a function from worlds in which we have been talking about the difficulty of a book that I read (the presupposition is indicated by square brackets ([])) to truth values (16b). (16) a.

J’ai lu un livre ASSEZ difficile. “I read a book difficult ENOUGH”

b. λw. [λd λw’. I read a book d-difficult in w’ is salient in the discourse] assez(α(d’))(λd. I read a book d-difficult) = 1 in w.

2.3â•… Summary In summary, in the spirit of von Stechow (1984) inter alia, I assume that gradation quantifiers denote relations between degrees: they relate the maximum degree to which the main predicate holds to a threshold degree that can be overtly specified (in the case of assez, tellement, and trop). Thus, when the threshold is overtly specified, the gradation construction denotes a closed proposition, and when the threshold is given by context, it denotes an open proposition, i.e. a proposition with one free variable of type d. Following Schwarzchild (1999) inter alia, I assume that the role of focus is to mark “new” information. In particular, I assume that, when a constituent smaller than the entire sentence is f-marked, the remaining part of the sentence must be given, i.e. salient

ïœ³ïœ·ïœ¶ Heather Burnett

in the previous discourse. In the case where the gradation quantifier is f-marked, what must be salient in the discourse is a degree property.

3.â•… Gradation quantifiers in exclamations In this section, I present the data on unfocused and focused gradation quantifiers in utterances used in the act of exclaiming. In other words, I consider what happens when we utter an expression denoting a proposition containing a gradation quantifier with the illocutionary force as an exclamation.

3.1â•… Exclamations with no focus In this section, I examine utterances used in the act of exclaiming containing unfocused gradation quantifiers. As is standard, I take the act of “exclaiming” to be the expression of surprise on behalf of the speaker.3 The first type of exclamation is the simple propositional exclamation: when the speaker expresses surprise at the truth of a particular proposition. In English and French etc. these exclamations are simply indicated by uttering the entire expression with exclamational intonation. An example of such an exclamation formed from a gradation construction is shown in (17). (17) J’ai lu un livre qui était assez difficile pour moi! “I read a book that was difficult enough for me!”

Following Kaplan (1999) and Rett (2009), I assume that, while assertions are descriptively (in)correct (true/false), exclamations are expressively (in)correct. Rett provides the following “expressive conditions” for exclamations: (18) “We now have two requirements for what makes the utterance of an exclamation expressively correct: its content must be salient, and the speaker must find this content surprising in some way” (Rett (2009: 3))

Thus, the expressive correctness of an utterance is given by the illocutionary operator PROPOSITION E-FORCE, which is a function from a proposition in the conversational background to a speaker’s expression of surprise. (19) PROPOSITION E-FORCE(p) is expressively correct in context C iff p is salient (Rett (2009; her (15))) in C, and the speaker in C is surprised that p.

So PROPOSITION E-FORCE applied to the proposition J’ai lu un livre assez difficile pour moi yields the exclamation in (17), which is expressively correct just in case the ïœ³.â•… There are many apparent counter examples to this claim; however, I refer the reader to the discussion in Zanuttini & Portner (2003) and Rett (2009) for arguments that surprise is, truly, the right notion.

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ·ïœ·

proposition that I read a book difficult enough for me is salient in the context, and the speaker is surprised at this fact. In the next sections, I examine the use of gradation constructions with focused quantifiers to express speaker surprise. I argue that these utterances are more than simple exclamations; rather, they form part of the class of exclamatives in French. However, I first review the literature on the criteria for classifying utterances as exclamatives.

3.2â•… Identifying exclamatives Propositional exclamations are completely general: PROPOSITION E-FORCE may be applied to any proposition to create one, provided that this proposition is associated with surprise on behalf of the speaker; however, different types of exclamations are more restricted. In particular, exclamatives, utterances of the type shown in (20), have a number of syntactic and semantic restrictions that do not apply to propositional exclamations. (20) Comme t’as de beaux cheveux! “What nice hair you have!”

For Rett, what distinguishes exclamatives from other exclamations is that, as noticed by Milner (1978) and Gérard (1980), the former are subject to the following semantic restriction that the latter are not: (21) The (Extreme) Degree Restriction: Exclamatives may only express the surprise of the speaker at the extreme degree to which a property holds.

While an exclamative like What languages Mimi speaks! (in French: Quelles langues qu’elle parle, Mimi!) is appropriate to express surprise at the degree of difficulty or “exotic-ness” of the languages that Mimi speaks, it is inappropriate to express surprise at what those individual languages are. For example, consider the following scenario described by Rett: You’ve heard that Mimi speaks two Romance languages in addition to speaking English. You know that Mimi’s mother is Swiss, and so you assume that these two languagse are French and Italian. However, you learn that Mimi instead speaks Portugese and Romanian. In this case, the propositional exclamation in (28a) is expressively correct; however, the exclamative is not (22b). (22) a.

(Wow), Mimi speaks Portugese and Romanian! ((Wow), Mimi parle le portugais et le roumain!)

b. #(My), What languages Mimi speaks! (Rett (2009:Â€5), (Quelles langues qu’elle parle, Mimi!)

To account for this defining characteristic of exclamative clauses, Rett proposes that the illocutionary force operator applies not to propositions in exclamatives, but rather to degree properties that are salient in the discourse. Thus, for Rett, the semantic

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content of an exclamative is a function from degrees to propositions, and the exclamative operator, DEGREE E-FORCE, applies to these degree properties. (23) DEGREE E-FORCE(D〈d,〈s,t〉〉) is expressively correct in context C iff D is salient in C and ∃d, d > s [the speaker in C is surprised that λw. D(d) in w]

Thus, in Rett’s theory, “the utterance of an exclamative is expressively correct if its content is a degree property which is salient in the discourse, the speaker is surprised that a specific degree holds of that degree property, and that degree exceeds a contextually provided standard s” (Rett (2009:Â€11)). Zanuttini & Portner (2003) provide two4 other criteria for distinguishing exclamatives from simple exclamations. Firstly, they propose that, since like Rett, they propose that the semantic content of an exclamative is presupposed, i.e. already in the common ground, they may only be appear in factive contexts.5 For example, while English exclamatives can be embedded under know, they are ungrammatical under non-factive verbs like think and wonder. (24) Mary knows/*thinks/*wonders how very cute he is.

Zanuttini & Portner’s second criterium is that exclamative sentences are illicit in both parts of question/answer pairs. As shown below (25a), for an utterance with a wh word to be a question, inversion must take place. If there is no inversion, the utterance must be an exclamative (25b). (25) a.

Quel homme a-t-elle épousé? Which man has-she married “Which man did she marry?”

b. Quel homme (qu’) elle a épousé! Which man (that) she has married “What a man she married!”

Additionally, using an exclamative to answer a question is bizarre.

ïœ´.â•… They actually provide three criteria, but their third one is sufficiently similar to Rett’s extreme degree restriction. ïœµ.â•… This observation needs to be refined somewhat, in particular to upward monotone factive contexts. Note that a downward monotone operator like regrets does not license a wh-exclamative, nor does it license a degree quantifier exclamative either. (i)

a. b.

*Mary regrets how very cute he is! *Mary regrets that he did SO much work!

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ·ïœ¹

(26) A: Est-ce qu’elle a épousé un homme impressionnant? “Did she marry an impressive man?” B: #Quel homme (qu’)elle a épousé! “# What a man she married!”

3.2.1â•… Gradation exclamatives With these properties in mind, I consider exclamations with a focused gradation quantifiers such as (27). (27) J’ai lu un livre ASSEZ difficile! I-have read a book ENOUGH difficult “What a difficult book I read!”

I argue that these constructions display the same properties that Rett and Zanuttini & Portner have noticed with wh-exclamatives. Firstly, exclamations with focused gradation quantifiers display Rett’s extreme degree restriction: Clearly, the speaker’s surprise may only be about the degree to which the adjectival property holds. Additionally, this degree must be “extreme”. For example, suppose Jean is very ugly and, as such, we expect him to marry an ugly girl. If it turns out that he marries someone moderately beautiful, we cannot say (28), even though this fact is surprising. (28) #Jean a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! …mais elle était pas Jean has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful! …but she was not extrêmement belle. extremely beautiful “# Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!…but she wasn’t extremely beautiful”

Secondly, exclamations with focused quantifiers may only be embedded in contexts where the truth of the proposition containing the quantifier is presupposed or asserted. For example, ASSEZ is only possible with the factive savoir “to know” (29a), or c’est vrai “it’s true”. (29) a.

Marie sait que Jean a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! Marie knows that Jean has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “Marie knows that Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!”

b. C’est vrai que Jean a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! It’s true that Jean has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “It’s true that Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!” c. *?Marie se demande si Jean a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! Marie CL wonders if Jean has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “*? Marie wonders if Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!” d. *Marie pense que Jean a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! Marie thinks that Jean has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “*Marie thinks that Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!”

ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ° Heather Burnett

Finally, focused gradation constructions are impossible in questions (30), and are somewhat bizarre when used as answers (31). (30) a. *Jean, il a-tu épousé une fille ASSEZ belle? (Yes/No Question) Jean, he has-Q married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “*Did Jean marry SUCH a beautiful girl?” b. *Qui a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle? Who has married a girl ENOUGH beautiful “*Who married SUCH a beautiful girl?”

(Wh-Question)

(31) A: Jean, il a-tu épousé une belle fille? “Did Jean marry a beautiful girl?” B: ?Jean, il a épousé une fille ASSEZ belle! “Jean married SUCH a beautiful girl!”

In conclusion, I have argued that sentences with focused gradation quantifiers conform to the semantic criteria for identifying exclamatives proposed by both Zanuttini & Portner (2003) and Rett (2009). I therefore propose that this construction, that I will henceforth refer to as the gradation exclamative construction, constitutes a new class of exclamatives, one that does not involve wh-words. In the next section, I show that gradation exclamatives have two rather puzzling semantic and syntactic properties that distinguish them from assertions with contrastively focused gradation quantifiers. Thus, not only do gradation exclamatives have many similarities with wh-exclamatives, they also display many differences from regular and contrastively focused assertions.

3.3â•… Additional syntactic and semantic properties of gradation exclamatives In addition to displaying similar semantic properties to wh-exclamatives, gradation exclamatives further distinguish themselves from assertive gradation constructions in both a semantic way and a syntactic way.

3.3.1â•… Semantic neutralization The most striking property of gradation exclamatives concerns the semantic behaviour of the gradation quantifiers that participate in this construction. In the previous parts of the paper, I have illustrated the construction using the quantifier assez “enough”, which, in its normal assertive use means “sufficiently…for”. In an assertion with contrastive focus, it keeps this meaning. However, as shown in all the examples in the previous section, when focused in an exclamation, it means “extremely”. The change in the meaning of assez is not limited to this lexical item. In fact, in Québec French, all of the gradation quantifiers assez, trop ‘too”, tellement “so”, and pas mal “fairly”, mean “extremely” when used in a gradation exclamative.

(32) a.

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ±

Marie est ASSEZ belle! Marie is ENOUGH beautiful

b. Marie est TROP belle! Marie is TOO beautiful c.

Marie est TELLEMENT belle! Marie is SO beautiful

d. Marie est PAS MAL belle! Marie is FAIRLY beautiful “Mary is SO beautiful!/How beautiful Mary is!”

We find a similar pattern of semantic neutralization in Italian: my speaker tells me that all four quantifiers talmente, tanto “so”, troppo “too”, and abbastanza “enough” all mean “extremely” when focused in an exclamation. (33) a.

Mario è TALMENTE bello! Mario is SO handsome

b. Mario è TANTO bello! Mario is SO handsome c.

Mario è TROPPO bello! Mario is TOO handsome

d. Mario è ABBASTANZA bello! Mario is ENOUGH handsome

However, there seems to be significant dialectal and cross-linguistic variation in which quantifiers can participate in the construction:6 while almost all gradation quantifiers in Québec French and Italian are neutralized into meaning “extremely” when focused in an exclamation, the only quantifiers that can appear in gradation exclamatives in European French (34), Spanish (35) and English (36) are those that mean, roughly, so:7 (34) a.

Elle fut SI serviable! She was SO obliging!

(European French (Gérard (1980:3)))

b. C’est TELLEMENT extraordinaire! It’s SO extraordinary! c.

Il nous a fait TANT de peine! They gave us SO MUCH sadness!

ïœ¶.â•… And indeed, within a single language, why some quantifiers like assez can participate in the construction, but other similar ones like the comparative plus ‘more’, at this point, remains mysterious. ïœ·.â•… However, for some speakers of English, rather also fits this pattern: Hey, that turned out to be a RATHER good film.

ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ² Heather Burnett

(35) Ayer leí un libro TAN bueno! Yesterday (I) read a book SO good!

(Spanish)

(36) a. John is SO tall! b. John is SUCH a tall man!

However, some speakers of European French and English also accept the following examples with too/trop: (37) a. C’est TROP bien!8 b. That’s TOO good!

In summary, gradation exclamatives have different semantic properties from contrastively focused gradation constructions. In particular, with quantifiers that do not have an “extreme” meaning, their meaning becomes extreme. In principle, the quantifiers presented in this section are not the only ones that can form gradation exclamatives. Other elements in QF like the swear word crissement “lit. christly” and the adverb énormément “enormously” work very well in exclamatives. (38) a.

Ta robe est CRISSEMENT belle! Your dress is CRISSEMENT beautiful “Your dress is SO beautiful!”

b. Ta robe est ÉNORMÉMENT belle! “Your dress is ENORMOUSLY beautiful!”

However, since these quantifiers already have an extreme meaning, we do not immediately see their semantic neutralization.

3.3.2â•… Syntactic neutralization The second property that distinguishes gradation exclamatives from contrastively focused assertions was first noticed by Gérard (1980) for European French. Recall that, in CF assertions, the consecutive clause selected for by assez, tellement, and trop may be either overt (Jean est ASSEZ beau pour sortir avec Marie ‘Jean is handsome ENOUGH to date Mary’), or left implicit if it is recoverable from context. Gérard observes that when a gradation construction is used in an exclamation, it becomes an énoncé tronqué “truncated utterance” (Gérard (1980:Â€3)): that/for must be implicit. (39) a.

J’ai lu un ASSEZ bon livre! *pour… I-have read a ENOUGH good book â†œfor…

ïœ¸.â•… cf. Rapper Fatal Bazooka’s 2007 hit J’aime trop ton boule!

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ³

b. J’ai lu un TELLEMENT bon livre! *?que… I-have read a SO good book â•‡ that… c.

J’ai lu un TROP bon livre! *pour… I-have read a TOO good book â†œfor

In other words, despite the fact that tellement, assez, and trop all select for their different consecutive clauses, when used in a gradation exclamative, they all become like pas mal, that obligatorily takes an free variable as a threshold. This syntactic neutralization of gradation quantifiers is also observed in Italian (40a), Spanish (40b), and English (40c). (40) a.

Mario è TROPPO bello *per… Mario is TOO handsome *to…

b. Ayer, leí un libro TAN bueno *que decidí comprarlo! Yesterday, (I) read a book SO good *that (I) decided to buy it! c.

John is SUCH a tall man *that he can dunk a basketball!

In summary, unlike gradation constructions with contrastive focus, where the consecutive clause that specifies the threshold may only be left implicit if it is straightforwardly recoverable from the context, gradation exclamatives may not take an overtly specified threshold.9 Intuitively, this is because, in the exclamative, threshold degree must always be surprisingly extreme, and there is no consecutive clause that can properly denote this degree. I formalize this intuition when I present my semantic analysis of gradation exclamatives in the next section.

4.â•… A semantic analysis of gradation exclamatives In SectionÂ€3.2, I argued that gradation exclamatives display many of the same semantic properties as wh-exclamatives, properties that have been attributed to the presence of an exclamative illocutionary operator, such as Rett’s DEGREE E-FORCE, the definition of which is repeated below.

ïœ¹.â•… The judgements on the possibility of having a consecutive clause with the focused quantifier so are a little tricky: this is because, unlike too or enough, in order for an assertion of the form so P that Q to be true, P has to independently be true. For example, John is so tall that Q entails that John is tall. Therefore, it is easy to add an overt consecutive clause like that it’s surprising to construct an assertion that has a similar content to the exclamative. The point here is not whether, if we change the intonation of the utterance, it is possible to include an overt standard that is, itself, extreme; it’s that, in the basic uses of these quantifiers in exclamatives, the threshold is not coming from the previous discourse, but rather from the act of exclaiming itself.

ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ´ Heather Burnett

(41) DEGREE E-FORCE(D〈d,〈s,t〉〉) is expressively correct in context C iff D is salient in C and ∃d, d > s [the speaker in C is surprised that λw. D(d) in w]

I therefore propose that it is this operator that appears in gradation exclamatives to give them the extreme degree interpretation that we have seen in the previous sections of the paper. Unlike PROPOSITION E-FORCE, that is allowed to apply to any structure whose semantic content is a proposition, and therefore has a very wide distribution, the distribution of DEGREE E-FORCE is more restricted: it only applies to degree properties, and then, only when there is an appropriate degree property salient in the discourse. There are very few syntactic/discourse configurations that meet this description. According to Rett, wh-exclamatives are one of them. I propose that sentences with contrastively focused gradation quantifiers with implicit thresholds are another. Firstly, as shown in (41), the exclamative operator must apply in contexts in which there a degree property is already present in the common ground. As discussed in SectionÂ€ 3.2, focus on the gradation quantifier signals the presence of such a salient property. For example, consider the exclamative in (42). (42) J’ai vu un film ASSEZ bon! I-have seen a film ENOUGH good “I saw SUCH a good movie!”

Pitch accent on the quantifier, requires that the film’s “goodness” be salient in the discourse. (43) λd1. I saw a d1 good movie

Thus, the first condition for expressive correctness given by (41) is met. Secondly, the exclamative operator must apply to a degree property. It then, itself, introduces an objectively high threshold degree and asserts that the values for which the property is true are greater than this threshold. The semantic content of (42), which can be represented as the function in (43), is not directly a degree property. However, it is, as discussed in SectionÂ€4.1., an open proposition: a proposition with a free degree variable, d’. (44) λw. max({d: I saw a d good movie}) ≥ α(d’) in w

In assertions, the truth of (44) is given by looking at the value that α assigns to d’. Thus, the entire expression is equivalent to the degree property in (45). (45) λd’λw. max({d: I saw a d good movie}) ≥ d’ in w

I propose that, in a gradation exclamative, DEGREE E-FORCE applies to the property in (45); in other words, it binds the free threshold variable. Therefore, in my proposal, the expressive correctness conditions for (42) are given in (46).

Pitch accent, focus, and the interpretation of non-wh exclamatives in French ïœ³ïœ¸ïœµ

(46) J’ai vu un film ASSEZ bon! is expressively correct in context C iff λd1. I saw a d1 good movie is salient in C and ∃d2, d2 > s [ I am surprised that max({d: I saw a film d good}) > d2]

In other words, J’ai vu un film ASSEZ bon! is predicted to be expressively correct just in case I am surprised that the film’s “goodness” is extremely high.

4.1â•… Consequences This proposal has a number of consequences, in particular with respect to the properties discussed in SectionÂ€3.3. Firstly, it explains the semantic neutralization facts: In their canonical use in assertions, gradation quantifiers differ in the size of the threshold that the content of the main clause is being compared to. Since, with every quantifier, the exclamative operator binds the threshold and asserts that it is surprisingly high, sentences with assez, tellement, trop, pas mal etc. are all predicted to be expressively correct in the same situations. Secondly, it explains the syntactic neutralization facts: Since the exclamative operator binds the threshold value, it is impossible to add a subordinate clause that would overtly specify it. This analysis also predicts that, when a for-clause is present, the only type of exclamation that is possible is propositional: (47) J’ai bu trop de café pour m’endormir! “I drank too much coffee to get to sleep!”

Unlike an exclamative, (47) is not required to have an “extreme degree” reading: it is felicitous even if drinking only 2 cups of coffee is sufficient to inhibit the speaker’s sleeping, and the fact that she drank this amount is surprising. In summary, I proposed that, in gradation exclamatives, the exclamative DEGREE E-FORCE operator binds the free variable inside a gradation construction with an implicit threshold clause. I proposed that this is possible because focus on the gradation quantifier sets up the proper discourse context for the illocutionary force operator to apply.

5.â•… Conclusion In conlusion, I have presented data and a semantic analysis of a previously undiscussed class of exclamative sentences: gradation exclamatives. I proposed that the semantic content of a gradation exclamative is a gradation construction with an implicit threshold clause and focus on the quantifier. I proposed that DEGREE E-FORCE, argued for in Rett (2009), binds the threshold yielding an extreme degree reading, and that the presence of this operator is licensed by the focus structure of the sentence.

ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ¶ Heather Burnett

I argued that these utterances constitute a robust class of exclamatives within the Romance languages, particularly in Québec French and Italian. I showed that, despite their lack of wh-morphology, gradation exclamations display many of the same semantic properties observed with wh-exclamatives. This result is significant because it shows that the semantic properties that characterize wh-exclamatives are not uniquely due to the presence of wh-morphology in these utterances. This paper thus supports the work of Zanuttini & Portner (2003) and Rett (2009) that define the exclamative clause type on the basis of semantic, rather than syntactic or morphological properties.

References Büring, D. 2008. “What’s New (and What’s Given) in the Theory of Focus.” in the Proceedings of the 2008 meeting of the Berkely Linguistics Society. Gérard, J. 1980. L’ exclamation en français. Niemeyer, Tübingen. Harquard, V. 2006.“Aspects of too and enough Constructions.” Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 15, ed. by E. Georgala & J. Howell. Ithaca, NY: CLC Publications. Heim, I. 2000. “Degree Operators and Scope.” Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 10, ed. by B. Jackson & T. Matthews. Ithaca, NY: CLC Publications. Kaplan, D. 1999. “The Meaning of “ouch” and “oups””. Ms. University of California, Los Angeles. Meier, C. 2003. “The Meaning of too, enough, and so that”. Natural Language Semantics, 11: 69–107. Michaelis, L. & K. Lambrecht, 1996. “The Exclamative Sentence Type in English,” Conceptual Structure, Discourse and Language, ed. by A. Goldberg. 375–389. CSLI. Milner, J-C. 1978. De la syntaxe à l’interprétation: Quantités, insultes, exclamations. Paris: Éditions de Seuil. Obenauer, H-G. 1994. Aspects de la syntaxe A-barre: Effets d’intervention et mouvements desquantifieurs. Thèse d’État. Université de Paris VIII. Rett, J. 2009. “A Degree Account of Exclamatives”. Proceedings of Semantics and Linguistic Theory 18. Ithaca, NY: CLC Publications. Rullman, H. 1995. Maximality in the Semantics of Wh-constructions. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Schawarzchild, R. 1999. “GIVENness, AvoidF, and other Constraints on the Placement of Accent.” Natural Language Semantics, 7: 141–177. Searle, J. 1969. Speech Acts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Selkirk, E. 1996. “Sentence Prosody: Intonation, Stress and Phrasing,” The Handbook of Phonological Theory, ed. By J. Goldsmith. Basil Blackwell: London. Von Stechow, A. 1984. “Comparing Semantic Theories of Comparison.” Journal of Semantics. 3: 1–77. Zanuttini, R. & Portner, P. 2003. “Exclamative Clauses: at the Syntax-Semantics Interface.” Language. 79: 39–81.

Detours along the perfect path Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

University of Liverpool & The University of Georgia The development of periphrastic past constructions in Romance, including those that do not take a reflex of Latin habere as an auxiliary, has been analyzed along a continuum from a resultative construction to a perfect, and in some cases to a perfective (see Harris 1982; Fleischman 1983). This paper argues that the development of the Pretérito Perfeito Composto (PPC) in Portuguese does not adhere to the proposed typologies of periphrastic past evolution in Romance. Using diachronic corpus data, we revisit the proposed resultative > perfect grammaticalization path (see Bybee et al. 1994) and contend that the developmental trajectory of the Portuguese PPC is distinct from other cases of periphrastic past evolution in Romance languages, specifically Spanish. We demonstrate that the iterative meaning unique to the PPC in contemporary Portuguese arises in morphosyntactically ambiguous contexts in which the ter + Past Participle construction co-occurs with semantically plural complements.

1.â•… Introduction1 The functional distribution of periphrastic past (i.e. Perfect) forms in Romance has been treated extensively in the literature on language change. The dominant view (e.g. Harris 1982; Fleishman 1983; Squartini & Bertinetto 2000; Schwenter & Torres Cacoullos 2008) is that the verbal periphrases formed by ‘have/be’ + Past Participle across varieties of Romance form a continuum whose extremes are measured by the degree to which the form has developed uses beyond its source as a small clause construction. It is argued, for example, that the periphrastic past in Sicilian is at one end of the continuum: it retains the original meaning of the resultative construction, referring exclusively to present states resulting from past actions (see Harris 1982). At the other end of the proposed spectrum, the passé composé in Modern French has developed into a perfective past, exhibiting the characteristics typical of perfective

ïœ±.â•… We would like to thank two anonymous reviewers and the audience at the 39th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages in Tucson, Arizona, for their helpful comments on this paper. All remaining errors are our own.

ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ¸ Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

forms cross-linguistically – e.g. compatibility with definite past adverbials and use in sequenced narratives (see Bybee et al. 1994). In the intervening stages of this historical path, the periphrastic past acquires additional meanings characteristic of perfect, or anterior, constructions (see Comrie 1976).2 In this model, the Portuguese Pretérito Perfeito Composto (henceforth PPC) and the pretérito perfecto compuesto in Mexican Spanish (henceforth Perfect) are situated at a stage that precedes the emergence of the prototypical value of the Perfect, “past reference with current relevance”. Both forms are described as referring to “[p]ast situations still ongoing in the present” (SchwenterÂ€ & Torres Cacoullos 2008:Â€ 7). The current analysis focuses primarily on these intermediary stages. This paper revisits the widely cited typology proposed by Harris (1982) and Fleishman (1983) and makes two principle claims. First, the Harris-style approach to categorizing periphrastic past constructions in Romance, though identifying the extreme ends of a robust diachronic pattern, is too coarse-grained a generalization and fails to capture the full range of interpretations found across the Romance varieties. In particular, we show that the characterization of the Portuguese PPC as being functionally parallel to the Perfect in Mexican Spanish overlooks relevant semantic distinctions between the two forms, both in synchrony and diachrony. Second, we argue that the assumption of discrete stages of development obscures semantic details that are important to understand the relation between the aspectual categories included in the diachronic trajectory of periphrastic pasts in Romance. Unlike what happens in other Romance languages, the PPC requires an iterative or durative interpretation, and hence is incompatible with ‘once’ adverbials, as shown in (1) (see Campos 1986; Giorgi & Pianesi 1997; Schmitt 2001). (1) A Ana tem chegado atrasada *uma vez. “Ana has been arriving late *once.”

It is unclear why the aspectual properties of the PPC should represent an archaic stage in the development of the periphrastic past in Romance, as argued by Harris. In fact, there is both synchronic and diachronic evidence for the availability of the “past reference with current relevance” interpretation of the PPC. For Harris and others (e.g. Squartini & Bertinetto 2000), this type of interpretation, characteristic of the periphrastic past constructions found in Catalan and Peninsular Spanish, represents a later stage in the diachronic path of the perfect. Hence, the evidence provided by the Portuguese data runs counter to the predictions of a unidirectional model like the one

ïœ².â•… For the purposes of the current analysis, we distinguish between the aspectual category of “perfective” and the functional category “perfect”, which does indeed display functions akin to perfective forms in some varieties of Romance.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¸ïœ¹

proposed by Harris. The meaning of the PPC offers compelling evidence against the claim that the development of periphrastic past forms is a unified phenomenon across Romance. Rather, it seems that the Portuguese PPC exemplifies a distinct development from the one observed in other Romance languages. The structure of the paper is as follows. In SectionÂ€2 we provide an overview of the PPC in contemporary Portuguese. In SectionÂ€3 we present our proposal regarding the diachronic development of the PPC giving rise to the iterative interpretation found in synchrony, offering quantitative evidence from corpus data to support our claims. Section 4 presents a comparison of the PPC and the Perfect in Mexican Spanish and develops our argument concerning divergent paths of semantic change. We conclude in SectionÂ€5 with a summary of the central claims.

2.â•… The Portuguese PPC in synchrony The Portuguese PPC differs from other Perfect forms in Romance in that it denotes a plurality of events or a continuation of a state.3 Thus, in (2), the stative predicate estar doente “to be sick” allows for (i) an iterative reading in which Pedro has been experiencing periods of illness recently (with gaps during which he was not sick), and may or may not be sick at the present, and (ii) a durative reading in which Pedro’s state of illness started in the past and continued (uninterrupted) into the present, possibly holding at utterance time. (2) O Pedro tem estado doente. “Pedro has been sick.”

While the durative reading of example (2) is also available in other varieties of Romance, as well as for other perfects cross-linguistically (see Comrie 1976; Bybee etÂ€al. 1994, among others), the iterative reading is not as widely attested. This reading of the PPC is the only possible meaning with non-stative verbs; in (1), with the achievement predicate chegar “to arrive”, the PPC requires multiple instances of Ana’s arriving, hence the incompatibility with the adverbial uma vez “once”. Crucially, in synchrony,

ïœ³.â•… The multiple event reading of the PPC in contemporary Portuguese is required only in the Indicative. Non-iterative meanings, such as an existential interpretation, are available in embedded clauses with the verb ter in the Subjunctive, as in Espero que a Ana tenha conseguido um bilhete para o concerto “I hope that Ana has managed to buy a ticket for the concert”. The iterative reading of the PPC is also not required when the reference time is not the same as utterance time (see Peres 1996; Mateus et al. 2003:142).

ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ° Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

the Portuguese PPC cannot be used to refer to a relevant present state resulting from a recent event, as shown in (3): (3) Onde está a Ana? “Where is Ana?” a.

Está aqui: acabou de chegar. “She’s here: she has just arrived.”

(aspectual periphrasis)

b. Está aqui: chegou agora. “She’s here: she has arrived just now.”

(simple past perfective)

c. ??Está aqui: a Ana tem chegado. “??She’s here: she has been arriving.”

(PPC)

In (3c), the use of the PPC does not provide a felicitous response to the question Where is Ana? – i.e. it is not compatible with a resultative interpretation, as in (3a,b). This observation stands in direct contrast with other periphrastic past forms in Romance that do allow for non-iterative/durative meanings. This property of the PPC is essentially aspectual and concerns the distribution of instances of an event (or state) throughout an interval of evaluation.4 Incompatibility with ‘once-only’ events (e.g. “to die”), as in (4a), offers a particularly striking demonstration of this property. However, with a plural subject, as in (4b), the PPC can be used because the possibility of multiple dying events is made available. (4) a. *O animal tem morrido nesta rua. “??The animal has died repeatedly on this street.” b. Muitos animais têm morrido nesta rua. “Many animals have been dying on this street.”

The aspectual requirement of event iteration pertains to the temporal distribution of the described eventuality; the events denoted by the verb must be distributed evenly throughout the interval of evaluation. In other words, (4b) means that the dying events of many animals did not occur simultaneously. The sentences in (5) further illustrate this observation. (5) a.

A árvore tem florido. “The tree has been blooming.”

b. As árvores têm florido. “The trees have been blooming.”

ïœ´.â•… Past and future perfect forms in Portuguese do not share the property of required iterative or durative meaning with the PPC.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ±

In both (5a) and (5b), multiple blooming events are required. With (5a), there must be sequential occasions of blooming in which the same tree participates, precluding the possibility of all of the events occurring at the same time. By the same token, (5b) requires that multiple blooming events (involving multiple trees) are distributed along the interval of evaluation, and hence the sentence cannot be used to describe a scenario in which all the trees bloomed simultaneously. As a result of this requirement of regular temporal distribution, the PPC cannot be used with adverbials denoting a specific cardinality of times. We can observe this effect with the adverbial três vezes “three times”. (6) A Ana tem chegado atrasada *três vezes. “Ana has been arriving late (repeatedly) *three times.”

We will return to this restriction on cardinal adverbials in SectionÂ€4, as it turns out to be critical to our argument against the classification of the Portuguese PPC as functionally parallel to the Perfect in Mexican Spanish. Concerning the temporal properties of the PPC, the interval of evaluation must include utterance time as its right boundary (Campos 1986; Cabredo-Hofherr et al. 2007). Hence, the PPC is not compatible with modifiers that do not include utterance time, as in example (7), from Cabredo-Hofherr et al. (2007:4, exampleÂ€26). (7) Até agora/#Até ontem, tenho andado no mundo de cabeça levantada. “Until now/#Until yesterday, I have been walking around the world with my head held high.”

In what follows, we propose an account of the development of the iterative/durative meaning of the PPC. We show that the evolution of the PPC as a marker of event plurality does not comply with the unidirectional model of the development of periphrastic past forms in Romance broadly accepted in the literature.5

3.â•… The PPC in diachrony Corpus data provide evidence for the availability of a “past reference with current relevance” interpretation of the PPC in the diachrony of Portuguese. In Harris’ proposal, this type of interpretation is characteristic of Peninsular Spanish and Catalan and may be followed by the last stage of the development of periphrastic past constructions, the perfective interpretation (as in the passé composé in French).

ïœµ.â•… For a description of the PPC as a marker of event plurality, or pluractional operator, see Cabredo-Hofherr et al. (2007).

ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ² Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

In the examples below, the verb in the PPC denotes a single event that occurred in the recent past and whose resultant state is pragmatically relevant at the utterance time.6 In (8), taken from the Corpus do Português (CdP, Davies & Ferreira 2006), both the number of the NP a capitania de um dos navios and contextual information provide evidence for a one-time event interpretation: under normal circumstances, someone is chosen as the captain of a ship going on a specific expedition only once. (8) Eu ey por bem que Nicolaao Jusarte, fidalgo de minha casa, a que tenho ffeito merce da capitania de um dos navios que vao pera a India nesta armada d’outubro, vaa no navio do Porto “I order that Nicolau Jusarte, nobleman of my house, to whom I have awarded the honor of being the captain of one of the ships that will go to India in the October fleet, shall go on the ship from Oporto” (CdP, 16th century)

In example (9), the context of utterance makes it apparent that the PPC denotes a single event whose resultant state (the food having been chosen) is under discussion.

(9) [Context: at the Nobleman’s request, the Waiter enumerates what dishes are available and is forced to exhaustively provide the whole list of foods]

MORGADO: Está bem,Â€tenhoÂ€escolhido. Mande-me um pratinho de salada e dez réis de pão. CAREIRO: Sim, senhor (.â•›.â•›.) Â–Abalaram-se os montes, pariram um rato. Tanta coisa para dez réis de pão e um pratinho de salada. “NOBLEMAN: Alright, I have chosen. Give me a little salad plate and ten réis [old Portuguese currency] of bread. CAREIRO: Oh well! (.â•›.â•›.) Â–The mountain hasÂ€labored andÂ€brought forth a mouse. All this just for ten réis of bread and a little salad plate” (CdP, 19th century)

In (8) and (9), the iterative interpretation that would be obtained for the PPC with the same non-stative predicates in synchrony is ruled out by the context. In synchrony, given these contextual premises, examples (8) and (9) would be semantically anomalous. We believe that the non-iterative meaning in example (9), from the 19th century, is in fact a relic of a previous diachronic stage of the ter + Past Participle construction in Portuguese, which is retained with verbs like escolher “to choose”, dizer “to say”, and ouvir “to hear”. It has been claimed that such forms are “frozen” due to high frequency (Squartini 1998:Â€156; Detges 2000). We take the existence of these types of examples as evidence of a stage in the development of the ter + Past Participle construction at which the iterative reading was not required. Such examples are left unaccounted for by Harris’ proposal, since they are instances of the ‘prototypical’ perfects argued to emerge at a later stage than

ïœ¶.â•… Harre (1991:144) also discusses a possible intermediary stage of the development of the PPC in which the form is interpreted as referring to a prior event. We believe that her underlying intuition is consistent with our claim about the resultative perfect interpretation.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ³

the stage attributed to Portuguese. Hence, we argue that the development of the PPC reveals a diachronic path that has been overlooked in the literature. For Harris, the Portuguese PPC and the Mexican Spanish Perfect constitute stalled stages of the development of periphrastic past forms. Instead, we maintain that the Portuguese case represents a distinct semantic trajectory. We claim that for the PPC the iterative interpretation arises out of the resultative interpretation (henceforth resultative perfect),7 instead of preceding it. Perhaps more importantly, assuming discretely ordered diachronic stages obscures the semantic relations between possible interpretations of the periphrastic past form. These interpretations may co-exist and partially overlap during long periods of time. The emergence of the iterative meaning presupposes that the periphrastic form entails the existence of a prior event. Crucially, an ambiguity between a single-event and a multiple-event interpretation may arise due to the presence of pluralizing elements in the VP. Hence, the Portuguese data are problematic for an analysis that assumes a relation of precedence and non-overlap between the iterative and the resultative perfect interpretations. Before presenting our account, we briefly review the properties of the periphrastic construction that is at the origin of the PPC.

3.1â•… The source construction of the PPC The diachronic change undergone by the verb ter (from Latin tene re) is analogous to the development of haver (from Latin habe re), both verbs meaning “to have” (see Viotti 1998). At different points in their respective diachronies, both verbs expressed meanings akin to possession, and selected for the small clause construction that is considered the source of the periphrastic past forms in Romance (Salvi 1987; de Acosta 2006). An example of the small clause construction with habe re is given in (10), from Salvi (1987:226): (10) habeo epistulam scriptam have-1sg letter-fem-sg-acc written-fem-sg-acc

In (10), the past participle has a predicative function and is a complement of the direct object of the verb habēre (i.e. letter), hence displaying morphological agreement with this argument of the verb. There is no obligatory co-indexation between the subject of habeo (i.e. the speaker in (10)) and the logical subject of the participle. This construction was restricted to past participles of telic verbs, in particular change of state verbs.

ïœ·.â•… We adopt the definition of “resultative perfect” from Condoravdi & Deo (2008): “…the relevant state holds at the reference time as a result of an event of the type denoted by the verb having occurred. For instance, John has put the cake in the oven implies that the cake is now in the oven as a result of John’s putting it there” (Condoravdi & Deo 2008:Â€3).

ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ´ Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

At least until the 16th century, both verbs haver and ter occurred in the periphrastic construction with the past participle in Portuguese, with ter eventually becoming the auxiliary for the PPC. Both haver and ter underwent desemanticization, although this process is attested earlier in the distribution of Portuguese haver, reflecting the evolution of Latin habe re (cf. Mattos & Silva 1991; Viotti 1998; Cardoso & Pereira 2003). Wigger (2004) observes that while haver occurs almost categorically with past participles in the 15th century, this distribution is reversed by the 17th and 18thÂ€centuries, where ter is clearly the dominant choice in these constructions (2004:178). In our subsequent analyses of corpus data, we focus on tokens of the ter + Past Participle construction from the 16th century as a locus for the emergent multiple event meaning of the PPC. These data will then be compared to tokens from the 18th century in which the multiple event meaning of the PPC had already generalized.

3.2â•… ter across constructions In contemporary Portuguese (as well as in Spanish and Galician), the resultative construction described above is retained with the verb ter. In (11) and (12) we consider some of its semantic properties, in comparison with the PPC. Sentence (11) denotes a state that holds at speech time (the state of a certain door being closed). The same predicate with the PPC in (12), on the other hand, denotes multiple door-closing events. (11) Tenho a porta fechada. have-1sg the door-fem-sg closed-fem-sg “I have the door closed.” (12) Tenho fechado a porta. have-1sg close-ppart the door-fem-sg “I have been closing the door.”

Accordingly, the two constructions differ with respect to their entailments. Compare (13a) and (13b). (13) a.

??Tenho a porta fechada, mas a porta não está fechada. “??I have the door closed, but the door is not closed.”

b. Tenho fechado a porta, mas a porta não está fechada. “I have been closing the door, but the door is not closed (now).”

In (13a) the coordination of the resultative construction with a clause that negates the asserted state (in this case, the door being closed) yields a contradiction. This is not the case in (13b), since the PPC denotes an eventuality that is distributed over the interval of evaluation and is right-bounded by the speech time, but may or may not be true at speech time. The resultative construction contributes no entailment of a prior event denoted by the verb (although one may infer the existence of an event yielding the resultant state), and hence is not compatible with instrumental phrases, as well as

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¹ïœµ

with adverbial modifiers of the eventive predication. The PPC, on the other hand, may co-occur with such modifiers.8 This is demonstrated in (14a) and (14b): (14) a. ??Tenho a porta fechada com cuidado/com ajuda/rapidamente/frequentemente. “I have the door closed carefully/with help/quickly/frequently.” b. Tenho fechado a porta com cuidado/com ajuda/rapidamente/frequentemente. “I have closed the door carefully/with help/quickly/frequently.”

For the purposes of explaining the diachronic development of the PPC, this distinction is relevant for the following reason. We claim that the resultative construction is the historical precursor of the PPC in Portuguese. The emergence of the iterative interpretation of the PPC requires that the construction ter + Past Participle entails the prior occurrence of the event denoted by the verb, as the PPC in synchrony denotes regular event iteration over a time interval. As the prior occurrence of the event denoted by the verb becomes part of the encoded meaning of the form, we expect to see an expansion in the aspectual verb classes that may occur in the construction: the construction is no longer restricted to telic verbs, as was the case in the purely stative resultative construction. We argue that the aspectual shift from the entailment of existence of a single prior event to the entailment of existence of multiple prior events was induced by contexts in which the interpretation of the VP was compatible with both a single and a multiple event interpretation. In what follows, we will offer corpus-based evidence for these claims regarding the development of the ter + Past Participle construction.

3.3â•… The diachronic path to the iterative interpretation The two constructions introduced in the previous section are exemplified in (15) and (16): (15) is an instance of the resultative construction with a stative interpretation, while (16), from the Tycho Brahe Parsed Corpus of Historical Portuguese (TB), exemplifies the PPC: (15) enfreão potentissimos Reys, tem sogeitas varias nações & resistem ha muitos annos a fortes inimigos “…[they] face very powerful kings, [they] have subjected several nations, and have resisted [lit. resist-pres] for many years to strong enemies” (CdP, 17thÂ€century)

ïœ¸.â•… By the same token, an agentive phrase that denotes the cause of the event is only compatible with the PPC and not with the resultative construction: (i) ??Tenho a porta fechada com o vento. “??I have the door closed with the wind.” (ii)

A porta tem-se fechado com o vento. The door has-se close-ppart with the wind “The wind has been closing the door.”

(Resultative) (PPC)

ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ¶ Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

These constructions are distinct on both semantic and morphosyntactic grounds. In (15), the participial adjective sogeitas agrees in gender and number with the object NP várias nações. Note that the construction ter + Past Participle is coordinated with verbs in the Present tense (i.e. enfrentam and resistem) that denote present states. In (16), on the other hand, there is overt non-agreement between the participle feito and the object NP abomináveis estragos e homicídios: (16) Por ouro tem a ira feito abomináveis estragos e homicídios no mundo “For the sake of gold, rage has inflicted atrocious damages and murder on the world” (TB, 16th century)

The diachronic corpora provide evidence for yet another type of construction with ter + Past Participle: (17) Eu tenho recebido tanto contentamento com vossas cartas, pelas quais tenho visto, e pelas obras sabido, como me tendes bem servido “I have received so much satisfaction with your letters, by which I have seen, and by the works known, how you have served me well.” (TB, 16th century) (18) Com isto tenho dito do sal o que me preguntastes “With this I have said about the salt what you have asked me” (TB, 16th century)

On the basis of morphosyntactic criteria, it is not possible to classify (17) and (18) as instances of either the resultative construction (as in (15)) or the PPC (as in (16)). In (17) and (18), the participle is [masc.sg.] and hence could agree with the complement of the verb, as is the case in the resultative construction. However, (17) and (18) contain atelic verbs, which are not found in the resultative construction. Note also the instrumental phrase com vossas cartas “with the letters from you”, not compatible with the stative resultative construction, hence confirming the emergent eventive interpretation of the ter + Past Participle form. Table 1 below provides an overview of the different morphosyntactic patterns attested in the 16th and 18th centuries data from the TB corpus. All tokens of terÂ€+ Past Participle constructions were extracted from the corpus and coded according to one of three categories based on morphosyntactic features:9 (a) Structurally PPCÂ€– i.e. overt non-agreement between the participle and the complement (as in (16)); (b) Structurally Resultative – i.e. overt agreement between the participle and the complement (as

ïœ¹.â•… The categories used in classifying the tokens for quantitative analysis were chosen as an measurable reflex of the distribution of ter + Past Participle constructions. They do not preclude the possibility, for example, of a structurally PPC token expressing a non-iterative or durative meaning (see Cardoso & Pereira 2003). Cases in which a Past Participle preceded ter were also extracted.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ·

in exampleÂ€15); and (c) Ambiguous (see examplesÂ€17 and 18).10 The results shown in TableÂ€1 suggest considerable expansion of the PPC tokens, 24.1% in the 16th century to 78.4% in the 18th. In the subsequent discussion of corpus results, we will concentrate specifically on the distributional patterns observed with the tokens labelled as PPC. Table 1.â•‡ Overall Distribution of Construction Types by Century (from TB Corpus) Construction Type PPC Ambiguous Resultative Total

16th Century 24.1% (N=68) 61.7% (N=174) 16.3% (N=46) 288

18th Century 78.4% (N=410) 19.9% (N=104) 1.7% (N=9) 523

Our claim regarding the proposed path of development for the PPC makes two important predictions. First, as the iterative meaning of the PPC becomes more general, we should observe patterns of expansion across verb types such that predicates amenable to event duration or repetition are favored. Specifically, we predict that atelic predicates will represent a significant indicator for expansion of the PPC tokens. Furthermore, we argue that the iterative interpretation was induced in contexts in which the resultative construction had acquired an eventive entailment and this entailment was compatible with both a single and a multiple event interpretation. Qualitative analysis of the corpus data suggests that certain features of the nominal arguments of the verb may have given rise to the aspectual profile of the PPC described above, namely the temporal distribution of the events of the type denoted by the verb through the interval of evaluation. We expect that the analysis of the corpus data will reveal specific patterns of interaction between the PPC constructions and the semantic plurality of the verbal complements. Both predictions are borne out. Let us start with the first prediction. Table 2 represents the coding for each PPC token in the 16th and 18th century samples according to its Aktionsart, following the lexical verb classes proposed by Vendler (1967). Table 2.â•‡ Distribution of PPC Tokens by Aktionsart (from TB Corpus) Aktionsart

16th Century

18th Century

Stative Activity Accomplishment Achievement

0%â•… (N=0) 27.9% (N=19) 23.5% (N=16) 48.5% (N=33)

24.6% (N=101) 32.4% (N=133) 9.8% (N=40) 33.2% (N=136)

ïœ±ïœ°.â•… Tokens with intransitive verbs were labelled as PPCs given that these predicates are not compatible with the resultative construction.

ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ¸ Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

Table 2 demonstrates the expansion of the PPC tokens among the group of atelic predicates,11 with statives representing almost 25% of all tokens in the 18th century data despite being non-existent in the 16th century sample.12 The change in the percentage of stative and activity predicates from the 16th century (28%) to the 18thÂ€century (57.1%) and the concomitant decline in the distribution of telic predicates (i.e. from 72% to 43%), taken together, are significant trends in the development of the PPC (χ2 =Â€19.868; pÂ€< 0.00001). The patterns observed in Table 2 are consistent with our claim about the emergence of iterative/durative meaning with the PPC, which would, we argue, result in increased compatibility with atelic predicates. With respect to the second of our predictions, we observe object plurality as a precipitating factor in the emergence of the multiple event meaning, specifically the iterative interpretation that is obtained with telic predicates. Our claim concerns the interaction between the ter + Past Participle construction and potentially pluralizing elements in the context. For example, in (19), the multiple event interpretation is favored both by the meaning of the direct object of the verb and by the plural recipient argument. The clitic pronoun o “it” refers to a proposition expressed in the previous discourse: the assertion that the writer has a gift for drawing. This propositional object is compatible both with a single and a plural interpretation of the eventuality of showing. By the same token, one may infer either a single event of showing to all the mentioned individuals or (more plausibly) multiple events of showing, each corresponding to a different individual to whom the artist’s talent was shown. (19) porque aos serenissimos ifantes e aos môres senhores d’esta côrte o tenho eu, sendo moço, mostrado “since to the most serene princes and to the most important lords of this court (TB, 16th century) I have shown this, while I was a young man”

Similarly, the mass noun contentamento in the NP complement of the verb in (17) above, though morphologically singular, allows for both an interpretation according to which there was a single satisfaction-receiving event or multiple events of this type. Note that, pragmatically, the most natural interpretation would involve a scenario in which the author’s incremental increase in satisfaction was the result of a series of letterreceiving events. This interpretation is strengthened by the adjunct com vossas cartas “with your letters”, which distributes the “portions” of satisfaction over non-overlapping

ïœ±ïœ±.â•… Note that we have not quantified other structural elements that may have had an atelicizing effect on these tokens – e.g. negation and adverbials. Nevertheless, the omission of these elements should not detract from the effects observed in Table 2. ïœ±ïœ².â•… To account for the effects of high frequency verb tokens (e.g. ser ‘to be’), we further calculated the type frequencies for the PPC tokens. The results were parallel to those presented for the raw tokens provided in Table 2.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ³ïœ¹ïœ¹

occasions of receiving individual letters. While it is possible that the author received multiple letters at the same time, it seems that a more plausible scenario is the occurrence of a series of letter-receiving events distributed over some interval of time. The ambiguity arising in the verbal complex stems from the semantic properties of the noun in the object NP. The homogeneity of mass nouns allows for the type of event individuation that could be at the origin of the iterative interpretation: since “portions” of satisfaction are no different in nature from “a sum” of satisfaction, a plural interpretation of this eventuality of satisfaction-receiving amounts to a distribution of sub-events of the same type throughout the interval of evaluation. In order to demonstrate this effect in the data, we coded all of the extracted tokens from the 16th and 18th centuries according to the plurality of the complements (excluding adjuncts; see also Schwenter & Torres Cacoullos 2008). Table 3 presents the distribution of complement types in the PPC tokens. The specific categories are defined as follows: Singular: tokens with singular complements; Plural: complements with overt plural morphology (like (16)); Quantifier: complements that include a quantifier (exampleÂ€20 below, quantifier underlined); Mass: complements that include mass nouns (as in exampleÂ€17); Abstract: tokens with propositional or anaphoric complements (like ExampleÂ€19); and Intransitive: tokens that do not take a complement. (20) E de tudo o que me tendes sprito que la fizestes… “and from everything which you have written to me that you did there…” (TB, 16th century)

In the PPC tokens from the 16th century, there is a clear preponderance of complement types that, according to our claim, would precipitate the type of ambiguity that gives rise to the multiple event reading. Table 3.â•‡ Distribution of PPC Tokens by Complement Type (from TB Corpus) Complement Type

16th Century

18th Century

Singular Plural Quantifier Mass Abstract Intransitive

13.2% (N=9) 45.6% (N=31) 20.6% (N=14) 10.3% (N=7) 4.4% (N=3) 5.9% (N=4)

10.8% (N=44) 21.2% (N=86) 13.8% (N=56) 4.9% (N=20) 5.4% (N=22) 43.8% (N=178)

Total

68

406

Over 75% (N=52) of the PPC tokens from the 16th century occurred with either plural complements, quantifiers, or mass nouns, all of which, we argue, play a role in the transfer of plurality from the nominal domain to the verbal one. The 16th century data also reveal a clear disfavoring of intransitive verbs; at this stage in the diachrony

ïœ´ïœ°ïœ° Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

of the PPC we would still expect to observe the erstwhile structural conditions of the resultative source construction. The distribution of complement types changes considerably in the 18th century data with decreased proportions of pluralizing complements and a significant increase in the compatibility with intransitives (6% to 44%). These results suggest that by the 18th century the iterative meaning of the PPC had generalized and consequently no longer necessitated an overtly plural complement. Since this meaning was merely emergent in the 16th century, it depended on collocational effects, i.e. on the interaction with pluralizing elements within the VP (for semantic accounts of interaction between plurality in the nominal and the verbal domains see Cusic 1981; Van Geenhoven 2004). In fact, we find a higher percentage of such complements in this century. In other words, potential event plurality in the 16th century PPC was still largely a function of the plurality of the complements; by the 18th century, it had become semanticized as part of the conventional meaning of the PPC. We now turn to a brief discussion of the PPC and its purported similarity with the Mexican Spanish Perfect.

4.â•… The perfect path revisited As argued in SectionsÂ€1 and 2, the claimed functional parallels between the Portuguese PPC and the Perfect in Mexican Spanish are limited to the observation that the two structures encode some notion of continuation of a state in the present. This observation, however, fails to distinguish the two forms in terms of their aspectual properties. If we consider modification with specific cardinal adverbials, for example, the Mexican Perfect does not exhibit the same behavior as the PPC. Compare the example from Mexican Spanish in (21a) (from Lope Blanch 1976) with its Portuguese ‘counterpart’ in (22). (21) a.

Sí; he ido dos ocasiones [a su tierra]. “Yes. I have gone on two occasions [to his hometown].”

b. Sí; he ido una vez a su tierra. “Yes. I have gone once to his hometown.” (22) Eu tenho ido *duas vezes [à terra dele]. “I have been going *twice [to his hometown].”

The comparison between (21a) and (22) shows that, unlike the PPC, the Perfect in Mexican Spanish may co-occur with specific cardinal adverbials. The comparison between (21) and (22) suggests that event plurality is in fact not part of the core meaning of the Mexican Perfect, as demonstrated by the acceptability of una vez in (21b).

Detours along the perfect path ïœ´ïœ°ïœ±

For Schwenter & Torres Cacoullos, the Perfect in Mexican Spanish is a “continuative perfect or a perfect of persistent situation” (2008:6, emphasis added; see also Comrie 1976; Dahl 1985). Similarly, according to Thibault (2000:98), the Spanish haber Perfect in some varieties has a plural meaning that developed as function of frequent collocation with indicadores iterativos “iterative indicators” such as algunas veces “sometimes” in (23) (see also Moreno de Alba 1978 for comments on the Perfect in Mexican Spanish). (23) he visto algunas veces que soldados pláticos se burlan de los nuevamente venidos de Spaña “I have seen sometimes that career soldiers make fun of the newly-arrived guys from Spain” (Diálogo de la lengua, cited in Thibault 2000:Â€98, 16th century)

Thibault further comments that “[e]l uso de los indicadores aspectuales … resultaría imposible en portugués … el PC [haber perfect in Spanish] acompaña una iteración, no la determina” (2000:99). This mention of indicadores aspectuales refers to the type of adverbial modification demonstrated in (21a) and (22). In terms of their respective developments, it is only with the PPC that we observe semanticization of the multiple event meaning; with the Perfect in Mexican Spanish, event iteration continues to be a function of the interaction of the haber + Past Participle construction with plural arguments and certain adverbials. Thus, Thibault’s comments are appropriate in that the iterative or durative interpretation with the Perfect in Mexican Spanish is not part of its core meaning; it is made available contextually. In their analysis of the distribution of the Perfect vis-à-vis the simple perfective past (pretérito) in Mexican Spanish, Schwenter & Torres Cacoullos provide quantitative evidence for a number of factors that favor the use of the Perfect, one of which is Aktionsart. Perfects are favored with durative predicates (probability =.52) and disfavored with punctual ones (.39) (2008:20). Of the remaining significant factors, both interaction with frequency adverbials and co-occurrence with plural complements have a greater effect on Perfect usage than Aktionsart, suggesting that the claimed ‘plural’ meaning of the Perfect in Mexican Spanish (see Moreno de Alba 1978; Thibault 2000) is still largely a function of the plurality of co-occurring elements. This observation, coupled with the fact that in Portuguese the functional overlap between the PPC and the simple past (Pretérito Perfeito Simples) is, at the very least, qualitatively distinct from the simple vs. periphrastic past distinction in Spanish, provides further evidence for our claim that the PPC and the Perfect in Mexican Spanish represent divergent developments. In sum, a multiple event meaning is available with two structurally similar forms in two different Romance varieties. With the Perfect in Mexican Spanish, this meaning is part of an inventory of contextually motivated interpretations associated with a perfect (see Comrie 1976) but is not part of the core semantics of the form. Conversely,

ïœ´ïœ°ïœ² Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe

event plurality, as described in SectionÂ€2, is an indelible component of the meaning of the PPC, one that is not subject to the type of contextual factors that license plural or continuative meanings with the haber perfect in Spanish. We maintain that the distinction between the PPC and the Mexican Spanish pretérito perfecto compuesto suggests divergent paths of semantic development. The consequence of this claim in the case of the PPC is that this construction seems to fall outside the scope of the typology of periphrastic pasts as described by Harris (1982).

5.â•… Conclusions We have demonstrated that the emergence of the iterative meaning of the Portuguese PPC was favored by ambiguous contexts in which the semantic properties of the nominal arguments of the verb license the interpretation of event iteration. Using different patterns of distribution as a diagnostic, we have offered quantitative corpus evidence of the development of the multiple event meaning from the resultative source construction with an eventive entailment. The subsequent semanticization of the multiple event interpretation in these cases has given rise to the aspectual properties of the PPC observed in synchrony. Further comparison between the PPC and the Perfect in Mexican Spanish suggests that the plural meaning typically ascribed to these structures is too coarse-grained. Our synchronic and diachronic analyses offer compelling evidence of the potential for strictly categorical treatments of semantic change to obscure deviations among individual languages and varieties. Indeed, these deviations may turn out to reveal something more significant about the nature of pathways of grammaticalization, offering a more nuanced account of the multi-faceted process of semantic change.

References Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins & William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, aspect, and modality in the languages of the world. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Cabredo-Hofherr, Patrícia, Brenda Laca & Sandra de Carvalho. 2007. “When “Perfect” means “Plural”: the Present Perfect in NE Brazilian Portuguese.” (Available at http://web.uni-frankfurt. de/fb10/rathert/forschung/pdfstense/laca.pdf). Campos, Maria Henriqueta C. 1986. “L’opposition du portugais Pretérito Perfeito Simples-Pretérito Perfeito Composto: un cas singulier dans l’ensemble des langues romanes”. Morphosyntaxe des Langues Romanes. Actes et du XVIIe Congrès International de Linguistique et Philologie Romanes (Aix-en-Provence), 411–22. Cardoso, Adriana & Susana Pereira. 2003. “Contributos para o estudo da emergência do tempo composto em Português”. Revista da ABRALIN 2: 159–181.

Detours along the perfect path ïœ´ïœ°ïœ³

Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Condoravdi, Cleo & Ashwini Deo. 2008. “Aspect Shifts in Indo-Aryan”. Paper presented at the Workshop on Formal Approaches to the Relation of Tense, Aspect and Modality, Seoul, Korea, July 2008. Cusic, David. 1981. Plurality and Aspect. Ph.D. Dissertation, Stanford University. Dahl, Östen. 1985. Tense and Aspect Systems. Oxford: Blackwell. Davies, Mark & Michael Ferreira. 2006. Corpus do Português (45 million words, 1300s–1900s). Available at http://www.corpusdoportugues.org. de Acosta, Diego. 2006. HAVE + PERFECT PARTICIPLE in Romance and English: Synchrony and diachrony. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. Detges, Ulrich. 2000. “Time and Truth: The Grammaticalization of Resultatives and Perfects within a Theory of Subjectification”. Studies in Language 24.345–377. Fleischman, Suzanne. 1983. “From Pragmatics to Grammar: Diachronic reflections on complex pasts and futures in Romance”. Lingua 60.183–214. Giorgi, Alessandra & Fabio Pianesi. 1997. Tense and Aspect: From semantics to morphosyntax. New York: Oxford University Press. Harre, Catherine. 1991. Tener + Past Participle: A case study in linguistic description. London: Routledge. Harris, Martin. 1982. “The ‘Past Simple’ and ‘Present Perfect’ in Romance”. Studies in the Romance Verb ed. by Martin Harris & Nigel Vincent, 42–70. London: Croom Helm. Lope Blanch, Juan M. 1976. El habla popular de México: materiales para su estudio. México: UNAM. Mateus, Maria H. M., Ana Maria Brito, Inês Duarte & Isabel Hub Faria. 2003. Gramática da Língua Portuguesa. Lisboa: Caminho. Mattos e Silva, Rosa V. 1991. “Caminhos de mudanças sintático-semânticas no português antigo”. Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos 20.59–74. Moreno de Alba, José. 1978. Valores de formas verbales en el español de México. México: UNAM. Peres, João. 1996. “Sobre a semântica das construções perfectivas do Português”. Congresso Internacional sobre o Português V. 2.33–58. Salvi, Giampaolo. 1987. “Syntactic Restructuring in the Evolution of Romance Auxiliaries”. Historical Development of Auxiliaries ed. by Martin Harris & Paolo Ramat, 225–36. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Schmitt, Cristina. 2001. “Cross-linguistic Variation and the Present Perfect: The case of Portuguese”. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 19.403–453. Schwenter, Scott. A. & Rena Torres Cacoullos. 2008. “Defaults and Indeterminacy in Temporal Grammaticalization: The ‘perfect’ road to perfective”. Language Variation and Change 20.1–39. Squartini, Mario. 1998. Verbal periphrasis in Romance. Aspect, actionality, and grammaticalization. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Squartini, Mario & Pier Marco Bertinetto. 2000. “The simple and compound past in Romance languages”. Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe ed. by Östen Dahl, 403–439. Berlin/ New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Thibault, André. 2000. Perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en español preclásico. Tübingen: M.N. Verlag. Tycho Brahe Parsed Corpus of Historical Portuguese. (approx. 2.3 million words, 1400s–1800s). Available at http://www.tycho.iel.unicamp.br.

ïœ´ïœ°ïœ´ Patrícia Amaral & Chad Howe Van Geenhoven, Veerle. 2004. “For-adverbials, Frequentive Aspect, and Pluractionality”. Natural Language Semantics 12.135–90. Vendler, Zeno. 1967. Linguistics in Philosophy. New York: Cornell University Press. Viotti, Evani. 1998. “Uma história sobre “ter” e “haver””. Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos 34.41–50. Wigger, Lars-Georg. 2004. Die Entwicklungsgeschichte der romanischen Vergangenheitstempora am Beispiel des Pretérito Perfeito Composto im Portugiesischen. Ph.D. Dissertation, Universität Tübingen.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare “to begin” in French and Italian* Jason Brazeal

University of Texas at Austin This study presents a synchronic and diachronic analysis of the French and Italian aspectualizers commencer and cominciare from the perspective of grammaticalization theory. They show properties of both full verbs and auxiliaries, and thus have traditionally proven difficult to analyze. It is argued that these aspectualizers are best explained by taking into account their historical development from Latin initiare “to initiate”. Synchronic and diachronic data are presented in order to locate them on the Verb-to-TAM chain, a continuum ranging from full lexical verbs on one end to purely grammatical tense, aspect, and mood affixes on the other. Their mixed semantic and syntactic properties are due to their position on the continuum between lexical verbs and auxiliaries. The differences between commencer and cominciare with respect to their degree of grammaticalization are also discussed. Key words:â•‡ grammaticalization; aspectualizers; auxiliary; commencer; cominciare

1.â•… Introduction Aspectualizers are predicates like begin, continue, and stop, which convey information about aspect, the internal temporal organization of a situation (Comrie 1976). They add nuances about an event or state such as whether it is just starting, already in progress, or coming to a close. These predicates have traditionally proven difficult to analyze, given that they exhibit properties of both full verbs and auxiliaries. Work in

*I would like to thank Cinzia Russi, Catherine Léger, Antonia Greb, the audience of the 39th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, the Department of French and Italian and the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin, and three anonymous reviewers for their assistance, comments, and suggestions. Any errors that remain are my own.

ïœ´ïœ°ïœ¶ Jason Brazeal

grammaticalization theory has suggested that their syntactic and semantic properties are a result of their evolution from full lexical verbs (Heine 1993). The grammaticalization of aspectualizers and other auxiliary-like structures in Romance languages has been examined, but detailed studies on particular aspectualizers are lacking (Lamiroy 1999). The current study presents an in-depth analysis of the French and Italian aspectualizers commencer/cominciare “to begin” from the perspective of grammaticalization theory. Grammaticalization is a process of language change whereby lexical items take on grammatical functions or grammatical items become more grammatical (Meillet 1912; Kuryłowicz 1965). It is argued that the properties of commencer/ cominciare are best explained with recourse to diachronic data; by examining their historical development, the confusion regarding their status as full verbs or auxiliaries is resolved. Grammaticalization theory allows us to conceive of these two categories as sets of points on a continuum ranging from full lexical verbs on one end to purely grammatical affixes on the other end. It will be shown that the mixed behavior of Â�commencer/cominciare is due to their intermediate position on the continuum between full verbs and auxiliaries. The paper will proceed as follows: section one introduces data on the mixed properties of commencer/cominciare, section two summarizes the previous research, section three gives a brief overview of grammaticalization theory and the development of auxiliary-type structures, section four presents a synchronic analysis of commencer/ cominciare, section five examines their diachronic development from Latin, section six discusses the differences between commencer and cominciare, and section seven concludes and offers suggestions for future research.

2.â•… Data The aspectualizers commencer/cominciare “to begin” have syntactic and semantic properties that make them difficult to classify as full verbs or auxiliaries. Syntactically, they often behave like full verbs, constituting the main predicate of the sentence with or without a direct object NP. Their transitive and intransitive uses are exemplified inÂ€(1) and (2).

(1) a.

Jean commence le livre.

b. Gianni comincia il libro. “John is beginning the book.”

(2) a.

La réunion commence à 8 heures.

b. La riunione comincia alle 8. “The meeting begins at 8.”

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ°ïœ·

Aspectualizers may also take infinitival complements introduced by a preposition, as in (3).

(3) a.

Marie commence à écrire le livre.

b. Maria comincia a scrivere il libro. “Mary is beginning to write the book.”

Semantically, the aspectualizer and the infinitival complement in (3) constitute a single event, ‘begin to X’ (Rochette 1999). A single event interpretation is not possible with other verbs which take infinitival complements. Consider the following examples:

(4) a.

Hier, Jean a promis d’écrire une lettre aujourd’hui.

b. Ieri, Gianni ha promesso di scrivere una lettera oggi. “Yesterday, John promised to write a letter today.”

(5) a. *Hier, Jean a commencé à écrire une lettre aujourd’hui.

b. *Ieri, Gianni ha cominciato a scrivere una lettera oggi. “Yesterday, John began to write a letter today.”

In (4) the presence of distinct time adverbials in the matrix and infinitival clauses is acceptable, while in (5) it renders the sentence ungrammatical. This is evidence that constructions with aspectualizers like (5) consist of a single proposition at the level of semantic representation (Rochette 1999; Newmeyer 1975). With regards to this property, aspectualizers resemble the auxiliaries avoir/avere in (6).

(6) a.

*Hier, Jean a écrit une lettre aujourd’hui.

b. *Ieri, Gianni ha scritto una lettera oggi. “Yesterday, John wrote a letter today.”

These auxiliaries also occur with a nonfinite verb form (past participle) and express a single event, ‘have X-ed’. From these data it is clear that commencer/cominciare share some properties with full verbs (the transitive and intransitive uses in (1) and (2)), and some properties with auxiliaries (the single event interpretation in combination with a nonfinite form in (3)). We will now review some previous analyses of aspectualizers that attempt to account for these mixed properties.

3.â•… Previous accounts There is little agreement in the literature on the analysis of commencer/cominciare. Researchers often focus on the underlying syntax of aspectualizers and attempt to classify them as raising or control verbs based on their semantic and syntactic properties.

ïœ´ïœ°ïœ¸ Jason Brazeal

An example of this type of analysis is Perlmutter (1970), who posits two different subcategorization frames for English begin. He considers the cases with infinitival complements to be raising structures, whose surface subject originates in the embedded infinitival clause and is then raised to the main clause subject position. The transitive and intransitive uses of begin are control structures since agentive nominalization, embedding under other control verbs, and imperatives with begin are all permitted. Perlmutter (1970) maintains that begin enters into two different deep structures, one control and one raising, but leaves open the question of whether there are actually two homophonous verbs begin, although the title of his paper suggests that there are. Ruwet (1972) provides a similar analysis for commencer, presenting much of the same evidence in French as Perlmutter (1970) does in English. Examples of analyses which posit a single deep structure for begin are Newmeyer (1975) and Rochette (1999). They consider all instances of begin and commencer to be raising structures. Newmeyer (1975) accounts for the different surface constructions in which begin occurs by deriving them all from a deep raising structure through several transformational operations, differing from Perlmutter’s (1970) analysis in both the type and the number of transformations in the derivation. Rochette (1999) highlights the mechanism of semantic selection to explain the various surface structures in which begin and commencer occur. She bases her analysis on Pustejovsky’s (1991) model of event semantics, claiming that aspectualizers select the natural class of event-types whose head constitutes a process, corresponding to Vendler’s (1957) activities and accomplishments.1 Rochette (1999) proposes that aspectualizers are raising verbs that select an activity or accomplishment, which may be realized as a nominal or verbal projection and may be ‘concealed’ as in (1). The interpretation of this concealed argument is determined by the context, so (1) may be interpreted, for example, as (7). An accomplishment interpretation like read a book is possible, but not a state or achievement interpretation like have a book or find a book.

(7) a.

Jean commence {à lire/*à avoir/*à trouver} le livre.

b. Gianni comincia {a leggere/*ad avere/*a trovare} il libro. “John is beginning {to read/*to have/*to find} the book.”

ïœ±.â•… Rochette (1999:159) states that “aspectual verbs are characterized as verbs that semantically select a process”, but Pustejovsky’s (1991) ‘process’ corresponds only to Vendler’s (1957) activities. When decomposed into their subeventual structure, however, accomplishments consist of an activity that brings about a change (see Pustejovsky 1991 for a detailed analysis). In this quote and throughout her paper, Rochette’s (1999) use of the terminology ‘process’ is misleading; she uses ‘process’ to refer to event types that contain an activity at any level of their semantic representation, thus encompassing Vendler’s (1957) activities and accomplishments.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ°ïœ¹

As with prototypical raising verbs like seem, the deep subject of the infinitival complement raises to the subject position of the aspectualizer in surface structure. In addition, example (2) illustrates that when the process is a nominal, it must be realized in subject position. While Rochette does not go into great detail about this specific example, she does suggest that an “implicit predicate such as to take place” may be present (1999:162). It is not clear from her analysis exactly how the intransitive uses of these aspectualizers are derived. She also leaves open the question of representing the concealed process in the syntax. Another important account of aspectualizers is Lamiroy (1987); she proposes a semantic hierarchy (8a) with a corresponding syntactic hierarchy (8b) to explain the facts of spatio-temporal expressions in French.

(8) a.

space < aspect < serialization < tense

b. control

<

(Lamiroy 1987:289)

raising

A restricted class of motion verbs (monter, aller, sortir, etc.) is located on the left side of the hierarchy; they indicate motion in space and their infinitival complements describe “an action that will take place where and when the movement has ended” (Lamiroy 1987:289). The future proche usage of aller is located on the right side of the hierarchy; in this usage, aller indicates that its infinitival complement will be realized in the future. The link between the semantic and syntactic hierarchies is explained by the selectional restrictions on the subject. For example, when used as a motion verb, the subject of aller is restricted to an animate NP, a property typical of control verbs. As a marker of future tense, there are no semantic restrictions on the subject of aller, which is Â�charaÂ�cÂ�teristic of raising structures. Lamiroy (1987) accounts for the mixed behavior of aspectualizers by locating them at a intermediate position on the semantic and syntactic hierarchies in (8). Her analysis has the advantage of embracing a continuum of structures; as she points out, it explains the fact that aspectualizers show contradictory properties of both raising and control structures. The idea that the constructions in which aspectualizers occur represent a continuum is, as we shall soon see, one of the key points of the grammaticalization analysis. Before presenting the analysis, we briefly examine the basic tenets of grammaticalization theory.

4.â•… Grammaticalization theory From a diachronic perspective, grammaticalization is a process by which new grammatiÂ� cal elements arise as they evolve from full lexical items or existing grammatical elements take on more grammatical functions (Meillet 1912; Kuryłowicz 1965). Synchronically,

ïœ´ïœ±ïœ° Jason Brazeal

grammaticalization theory provides a useful framework for evaluating membership in grammatical categories and ordering the different subcategories thereof (Lehmann 1995). Although this panchronic view of grammaticalization is rejected by some researchers (e.g. Newmeyer 1998) on the grounds that diachronic statements have no place in synchronic descriptions, I claim that a panchronic approach which takes into account the diachronic development of aspectualizers leads to a better understanding of their mixed properties. Heine (1993) discusses the type of grammaticalization that is most relevant for aspectualizers, the evolution of lexical verbs into markers of tense, aspect, and mood (TAM). These grammatical notions are complex and abstract, and evidence from many typologically different languages has shown that they almost always develop from simpler lexical structures called ‘event schemas’ (Heine 1993). An example of an event schema is the motion schema, as represented in (9). (9) Motion schema ‘X moves to/from Y’

(Heine 1993:31)

The motion schema in (9) contains an agent X, a locative element Y, and a verb of motion (e.g. come, go, walk, pass, etc.). The lexical source verb in the event schema (moves inÂ€(9)) gradually loses properties common to full verbs and develops into an auxiliary, or in more advanced stages of grammaticalization, an affix, while the complement Y comes to be reanalyzed as the main verb. Event schemas provide the source for the development of TAM markers; we now turn to the various stages through which lexical verbs pass on their way to becoming TAM markers. The development of a TAM marker from a lexical verb is a gradual process whereby the verb loses many of the properties typical of a full lexical verb and takes on characteristics of a grammatical marker. The changes are not abrupt; a form undergoes many gradual transitions during the process of grammaticalization. These transitions in each linguistic domain are similar across many unrelated languages, which has led researchers to posit a common pathway of evolution for these grammatical markers, the Verb-to-TAM chain (Heine 1993). Table 1 outlines six stages in the grammaticalization of TAM markers from lexical verbs. Table 1.â•‡ Verb-to-TAM chain (Heine 1993:58) lexical

grammatical

Overall Stage:

A

B

C

D

E

F

Desemanticization Decategorialization Cliticization Erosion

I I I I

II

III II

III

IV II II

V

G

III III

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ±ïœ±

The overall stages of grammaticalization in the Verb-to-TAM chain (capital letters A–G) are not meant to be discrete, but rather represent sets of points on a continuum. Each stage in the overall grammaticalization of an item is characterized by changes in linguistic parameters at the semantic, morphosyntactic, morphophonological, and/or phonetic levels (Roman numerals I, II, etc.). The changes in each domain are manifested as dynamic processes of ‘desemanticization’, ‘decategorialization’, ‘cliticization’, and ‘phonetic erosion’, respectively, all of which work in tandem to reduce the autonomy of the item (Heine 1993; Lehmann 1995). Desemanticization, or semantic ‘bleaching’, is a reduction of the lexical content of a linguistic unit accompanied by a gain in grammatical function. Decategorialization refers to the change from a primary lexical category such as noun or verb to a secondary category such as pronoun or adposition. This process entails a loss of the morphosyntactic privileges typical of primary categories, such as the ability to inflect in all cases or tenses. Cliticization represents a further reduction of syntactic autonomy and eventual fusion to a host. Cliticization is often accompanied by phonetic reduction, but these two processes usually apply only at the later stages of grammaticalization. There is no evidence that the aspectualizers commencer/cominciare have undergone cliticization or erosion. They are not fused to other elements, and their phonetic forms have changed very little since the Old French and Old Italian periods. Given the lack of evidence for these processes, our analysis will concentrate on the earlier stages, A–D, examining in detail the transitions between each stage.

5.â•… Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare: Synchronic analysis As shown in Table 1, the first changes to the lexical verb involve desemanticization (Lehmann’s (1995) semantic ‘attrition’). The event schemas upon which grammaticalization operates lose their connection to the concrete, human world and become more abstract, eventually coming to express the grammatical notions of TAM. Desemanticization may affect the entire construction undergoing grammaticalization, not just the lexical verb. In the source construction, the subject X is typically human, the Y element is a concrete object or location, and the verb expresses a lexical concept. During the passage from stage A to stage B, the Y element comes to express a dynamic situation, often appearing as a nonfinite verb form (Heine 1993). Thus, in addition to the loss of lexical meaning in the verb at the expense of grammatical function, the semantic properties of its arguments also tend to change. Their ability to take non-human subjects and infinitival complements suggests that commencer/cominciare have advanced beyond the lexical verb stage A (see (2) and (3)). The transition from stage B to stage C is characterized by more semantic loss. Â�Consequently, the selectional restrictions on the subject tend to be eliminated, and

ïœ´ïœ±ïœ² Jason Brazeal

the lexical verb comes to express some notion of TAM (Heine 1993). This is certainly the case with commencer/cominciare. In fact, the lack of selectional restrictions on the subject served as an argument for earlier raising analyses of aspectualizers mentioned in section two.2 In stage C, the verb is associated strongly with the infinitival complement (Y), and they must refer to the same time (Heine 1993). This was illustrated for Â�commencer/cominciare in SectionÂ€1 (see (5) and discussion thereof). Another property of stage C items is that finite clausal complements are typically disallowed (Heine 1993). This is also true for commencer/cominciare, as shown in (10). (10) a.

Jean {espère/*commence} que Marie écrira le livre.

b. Gianni {spera/*comincia} che Maria scriva il libro. “John hopes/*begins that Mary will write the book.”

It is likely that commencer/cominciare have not yet arrived at stage D on the Verbto-TAM chain since NP complements are usually not possible at this stage (Heine 1993). Due to their more decategorialized status, stage D items are also much less verblike than items at earlier stages, often appearing in a very restricted set of possible tenses and moods; this phenomenon is called ‘paradigmaticity’ (Lehmann 1995). This is not the case with commencer/cominciare, which may occur in the entire range of tenses and moods. This analysis explains the synchronic properties of commencer/cominciare and resolves the issue of their categorization as full verbs or auxiliaries. As stage C items on the Verb-to-TAM chain, they are between full verbs (stage A) and those which are most commonly classified as auxiliaries like have and be (stage D/E). To complete the analysis, it is ideal to have historical data in order to support the claims made in this section. We will now present the diachronic data relevant for the development of commencer/cominciare.

6.â•… Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare: Diachronic analysis Both commencer and cominciare can be traced back to a reconstructed Vulgar Latin form *cuminitiare or *cominitiare, a compound of the Latin cum “with” and initiare “to initiate” (Rey 1992; Cortelazzo & Zolli 1999). Thus, the verb initiare served as the lexical

ïœ².â•… Lamiroy shows that there do exist some selectional restrictions on the subject, mentioning the ungrammaticality of expletive il when the infinitival complement is s’agir ‘to be important to’ (1987:280). The reader is reminded that the stages are not discrete entities and merely represent sets of points on the Verb-to-TAM chain. Therefore, stage C items may share some properties with both stage B and stage D items with respect to some linguistic parameter(s). See Heine’s discussion on the Overlap Model (1993:48) for details.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ±ïœ³

source concept for commencer/cominciare. The constructions into which it entered are instantiations of Heine’s action schema, shown below in (11). (11) Action schema ‘X does Y’

(Heine 1993:31)

X refers to the agent, Y is the complement NP, and does represents an action verb. In this case, the action schema may have an additional element Z, given the meaning of initiate. The proposed source schema for commencer/cominciare is given in (12). (12) Source schema for commencer/cominciare ‘X initiates Y (into Z)’

This source event schema is concrete and grounded in the human experiences of that epoch. The subject and the object are necessarily human, and in Classical Latin, the Z element originally referred to a secret religious organization or a cult (Lewis & Short 1879; Glare 1983). (13) se pro aegro eo vovisse ubi primum convaluisset, Bacchis eum se initiaturam (Livy, Ab Urbe Condita 39.9, 1st century A.D.) “while he was sick, she had vowed to him that as soon as he had recovered, she would initiate him into the Bacchic rites”

In later Christian writings, initiare was adopted as a general term for baptize (a person), ordain (a priest), consecrate (a church), etc. (Jaberg 1925). The meaning of baptize is exemplified in (14), which refers to John the Baptist. (14) Quis enim corpus domini dignius initiaret…? (Tertullian, De Monogamia 8, 3rd century A.D.) “For who was more worthy to baptize the body of the Lord…?” â•›â•›â•›

Here initiare may be interpreted as an initiation into the Christian religion (the unexpressed Z element), therefore this meaning is quite similar to that in (13). This meaning was extended to refer to the introduction of someone to a practice or skill (Glare 1983). (15) rationes legebam…cursim (aliis enim chartis, aliis sum litteris initiatus) (Pliny the Younger, Epistulae 5.14, 1st century A.D.) “I was reading their accounts…quickly (for I have been introduced to papers and letters of another sort)”

Although the change is subtle, this meaning is more general than those in (13) and (14). In (13) and (14) initiare describes a specific type of rite, the Z element referring to a religious organization. In (15) the semantic scope of initiare and the Z element is broader; it may refer to any practice or skill. This is the beginning of the desemanticization process, which affects both the verb and the Z element in this case.

ïœ´ïœ±ïœ´ Jason Brazeal

As early as the 3rd or 4th century we find the additional meanings of “to originate, begin”, exemplified in (16) and (17). (16) ex his initiata sunt cetera (Tertullian, Adversus Valentinianos XV, 3rd century A.D.) “the others originated from these” (17) ver enim tunc initiatur (Firmicus Maternus, Matheseos Libri VIII, 4th century A.D.) “then spring certainly began”

In (16) and (17), initiare lacks the majority of its original lexical content, that of admission into a cult. This very concrete notion was bleached out in the desemanticization process, and by the 3rd or 4th century initiare had acquired the more general meaning of “begin”. Jaberg (1925) notes that the older meanings of initiare did not disappear as the verb evolved. The meanings of “admit into a cult”, “introduce to a practice or skill”, and “originate, begin” all coexisted at the same time. Examples (16) and (17) suggest that initiare was decategorialized to some extent as well. As a consequence of the desemanticization process, we would expect initiare to undergo paradigmaticization, becoming less verb-like and appearing in a more restricted set of morphological forms (Lehmann 1995). Examples in the passive voice such as (16) and (17) are frequent in Late Latin. Furthermore, due to the bleaching of its lexical meaning, initiare started to appear without a direct object (Y in the source schema). Eventually, the Z element in the source schema, “into a cult” was left unexpressed, reduced to the semantically empty “in space or time”. A sketch of the development of initiare is given in (18). (18) Development of Latin initiare3 X initiates Y (into Z) → X introduces Y to Z → Y is introduced in space or time → Y begins

The first stage is exemplified in (13), the second stage in (15), and the third stage in (16) and (17). Note that the change from the third to the fourth stage does not constitute further semantic change. In fact, this last development probably occurred not as a result of further grammaticalization, but rather the loss of the Latin passive morphology. Grammaticalization is not a process that occurs in isolation; it may

ïœ³.â•… Initiare presents a case of ‘divergence’ (Hopper 1991). In addition to the developments mentioned here, the lexical verb initiare survives in French and Italian as initier and iniziare, respectively.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ±ïœµ

interact with other changes occurring in the language at the same time. Further research, specifically quantitative analyses of Latin corpora, will be needed to verify the claims made in (18). The pattern of development sketched above is not exactly the same as the typical one discussed in Heine (1993). Regarding the types of lexical verbs which tend to grammaticalize into auxiliary-type structures, he cites Bybee, Perkins, & Pagliuca’s (1994) idea that the verbs that tend to be used in source schemas are usually ones with general meanings like go or come, appropriate in a wide range of contexts, rather than ones which denote specific actions like stroll or swim. The case of initiare is one in which the source concept is quite specific, and therefore it is a counterexample to this generalization. Moreover, in most of the source schemas the main verb develops into the auxiliary and the complement Y is reanalyzed as the new main verb. This is clearly not the case with initiare. As previously noted, it seems that grammaticalization interacted with the morphological changes going on at the same time (i.e. loss of synthetic passive), which resulted in the complement Y becoming the new subject. This suggests that our conception of the typical pattern of auxiliary development discussed by Heine (1993) must remain flexible so that it may be adapted to take into account other language-specific changes that occur parallel to grammaticalization. The last change in (18) is, nevertheless, an important development since it was the one which eventually permitted *cominitiare to start taking direct objects and infinitival complements. My claim is that this morphosyntactic change essentially reset the decategorialization process and constituted a return to the original action schema, this time with the form ‘X begins (Y)’. Ideally this claim would be substantiated with data, examples of Â�*cominitiare used intransitively, transitively, and eventually with infinitival complements. As discussed below, though, this data is unfortunately not available. The precise origin of *cominitiare is not known; it is first attested in Northern France in the 10th century as commencier (Jaberg 1925). Because it doesn’t appear in the works of Late Latin authors, Jaberg (1925) posits that *cominitiare arose between the 5th and 10th centuries A.D. He cites several pieces of indirect evidence (see Jaberg 1925:123) but maintains that it is impossible to know the date of origin with absolute certainty. Having already discussed initiare, we now turn to the prefix cum-. The Latin preposition cum “with” functioned as a productive verbal prefix which added nuances such as accompaniment (loqui “to speak”/colloqui “to converse”) and completion (facere “to do, make”/conficere “to finish, accomplish”) in Latin. These are often called expressive or intensive nuances in dictionaries and etymologies (cf. cum intensif in the DAF entry for commencer). They tended to fade in Late Latin, though, with new verbs derived with cum- having no real difference in meaning from the unprefixed form (Ernout & Meillet 1967). Without data on the precise origin of *cominitiare, we are not able to say exactly what the semantic contribution of cum- was, however we

ïœ´ïœ±ïœ¶ Jason Brazeal

can say with some degree of certainty that both before and after the addition of cum-, this verb had the meaning of “to begin”.4 Fortunately, data on commencer/cominciare in early French and Italian are available. All three constructions that we find in the modern languages – transitive (19, 22), intransitive (20, 23), and infinitival complement (21, 24) – were already present in Old French and Old Italian, as the following examples show.5 (19) Henri, roi d’Engletière, ki voloit commencier la gierre “Henry, king of England, who wanted to begin the war” (Philippe Mousket, Chronique, 1243) (20) quant ce fu fait, un grant murmure commence “when it was done, a great murmur began” (Christine de Pisan, Chemin de long estude, 1402) (21) quant li hons commence a nestre “when the man begins to be born”

(Rutebeuf, Oeuvres complètes, 1260)

(22) ne l’ora che comincia i tristi lai la rondinella “at the hour when the swallow begins its sorrowful song” (Dante, Commedia, 14th century) (23) ma però l’adolescenza non comincia dal principio della vita “but adolescence does not start from the beginning of life” (Dante, Convivio, 14th century) (24) amor m’ha coninzato a meritare “love has begun to be deserving to me” (Rinaldo d’Aquino, Per fino amore vao sì letamente, 13th century)

ïœ´.â•… Jaberg (1925) has an interesting hypothesis regarding the formation of *cominitiare. He suggests that it may have originated in the language of the clergy who tended to speak both Latin and a Romance dialect during this period. He gives other examples such as consecrare “to consecrate” and communicare “to partake, participate in (e.g. communion)”, noting that they express collective actions in the church. These use of cum- in these words incorporated the accompaniment nuance, perhaps paving the way for *cominitiare. Furthermore, given the different meanings of initiare which all coexisted, there was an ambiguity between the religious meanings (baptize, ordain, etc.) and non-religious meanings (introduce, begin, etc.) The church wanted to eliminate this ambiguity, and thus new, more specific words were employed for the religious meanings (baptizare “to baptize”, ordinare “to ordain”, etc.). This caused *cominitiare to specialize with the meaning “to begin”, which spread quickly since it eliminated the ambiguity still present in initiare. ïœµ.â•… Examples (19)–(21) are taken from the ARTFL-FRANTEXT corpus of French, and examples (22)–(24) are from the OVI corpus of Italian.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ±ïœ·

These examples show that there were no restrictions on the subject in Old French and Old Italian; both animate (human and non-human) and inanimate subjects were possible. As for the object, recall that initiare permitted only animate objects in classical Latin. In Old French and Old Italian, however, commencer/cominciare could also take inanimate objects and infinitival complements. This suggests that decategorialization has taken place since the further along the Verb-to-TAM chain a verb goes, the more likely it is to take a nonfinite verb as its complement (Heine 1993). Furthermore, when items at stage C on the Verb-to-TAM chain do take NP complements, it is likely that they refer to an activity of some sort (Heine 1993:61). This was pointed out by Rochette (1999) and Lamiroy (1987) for commencer in Modern French, and it applied to Â�commencer/cominciare in Old French and Old Italian as well. The direct objects in (19) and (22), “the war” and “its sorrowful song”, show that NP complements were not concrete objects, but rather some kind of event that occurs or takes place. Finally, in (21) and (24), the aspectualizer and the infinitival complement constitute a single event at the level of semantic representation. This interpretation is similar to that of (7). These semantic and syntactic properties are characteristic of stage C items, suggesting that commencer/cominciare were already at stage C on the Verb-to-TAM chain at the time of these early Romance attestations. Although these aspectualizers do not appear to have progressed to stage D yet, there are some important developments to consider in their evolution from Old French and Old Italian, as well as some interesting differences between modern commencer and cominciare.

7.â•… Differences between commencer and cominciare It is often claimed that grammaticalization in French is, in general, more advanced than in Italian, although auxiliary-type structures sometimes show contradictory results (Lamiroy 1999). When examining the data on paradigmatic variability, auxiÂ� liary selection, and clitic placement for commencer and cominciare, this is exactly what we find. First of all, these verbs show varying degrees of ‘paradigmatic variability’, the possibility of using other lexical items in their place. As an element becomes more grammaticalized, it often becomes more obligatory, meaning that there is less lexical choice to express the same concept (Lehmann 1995). While both French and Italian have inchoative expressions other than commencer/cominciare, they are much more numerous in Italian (Lamiroy 1999). These alternate forms are often less frequent that commencer/cominciare Â� (e.g. there are 36 instances of incominciare in the LIP and 205 of cominciare), but the presence of more lexical choice in Italian suggests that cominciare is less grammaticalized than commencer.

ïœ´ïœ±ïœ¸ Jason Brazeal

Secondly, cominciare occurs with both past tense auxiliaries, but commencer is found only with avoir, as shown in (25). (25) a.

È cominciato a cadere la pioggia. (Lamiroy 1999:36)

b. La pluie a commencé à tomber. “The rain began to fall.”

Infinitival complements in Italian impose their own auxiliary on cominciare, indiÂ� cating a greater degree of syntagmatic cohesion, or ‘bondedness’, than the French construction (Lehmann 1995). This points to a greater degree of grammaticalization, thus the data on auxiliary selection suggest that cominciare is more grammaticalized than commencer. With respect to the clitic placement in (26), the Italian construction again shows a greater degree of bondedness. (26) a.

J’ai commencé à le faire./*Je l’ai commencé à faire.

b. Ho cominciato a farlo./L’ho cominciato a fare. “I began to do it.”

In Italian, when the infinitive has an accompanying clitic, it may be attached to the end of the infinitive or climb to a position before the auxiliary. In French, this clitic must intervene between the aspectualizer and the infinitival complement.6 That the Italian construction exhibits greater syntagmatic cohesion also seems to suggest that Â�cominciare is more grammaticalized than commencer. Why is it that commencer/cominciare show contradictory results with regards to the degree of grammaticalization? It is important to realize that grammaticalization is a gradual, dynamic process, and that each of its components may proceed at different speeds. If we look only at paradigmatic variability, commencer is the more grammaticalized form; if we consider only the parameter of bondedness, it is cominciare. It is not always possible to situate an item at one exact point on the continuum due to the multi-faceted and dynamic nature of the process of grammaticalization. Nevertheless, it is still quite informative to state that commencer/cominciare are both located at an intermediate position on a continuum of structures ranging from full lexical verbs to purely grammatical affixes.

ïœ¶.â•… Clitic climbing, as in the second sentence of (26a), was possible in Old French, but in Modern French it is grammatical only with causative and perception verbs (van Riemsdijk 1999).

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ±ïœ¹

8.â•… Conclusion This study has highlighted the usefulness of grammaticalization theory as an explanatory device for areas of the grammar which prove troublesome for traditional approaches. The aspectualizers commencer/cominciare have properties of both full verbs and auxiÂ� liaries. The analysis from the perspective of grammaticalization theory explains these mixed properties by locating them at an intermediate position on the Verb-to-TAM chain between full verbs and auxiliaries. They show properties of both because they developed from a full verb in Latin and have become more grammatical over time. They have undergone desemanticization and decategorialization and have progressed to stage C on the Verb-to-TAM chain. Thus, they have properties of both lexical and functional categories. On the other hand, the current study leaves several questions unanswered. One is the nature of the element preceding the infinitival complement of commencer/ cominciare, which I have called a preposition. Although I use the traditional term ‘preposition’, this element has been analyzed as a complementizer by many researchers (e.g. Spang-Hanssen 1963; Van Goethem 2005). Regardless of the syntactic analysis adopted, the synchronic and diachronic variation in these elements is in need of a more detailed treatment. Quantitative data from diachronic corpora will be essential for a comprehensive study of these elements, and would also strengthen the grammaticalization analysis presented here. Finally, all the modern examples of commencer/cominciare here were from standard French and Italian. An in-depth study of these aspectualizers in nonstandard dialects as well as in other Romance languages would surely be informative, as they may be more or less grammaticalized in other dialects and languages. The present study has implications for linguistic theory with regards to the classification of linguistic items and the inclusion of diachronic data in linguistic analyses. Many studies have shown that linguistic categories, even well-established ‘universal’ categories like noun and verb, are gradient (see Bybee & McClelland 2005 and references therein). We have seen that by viewing aspectualizers as occupying intermediate points on a continuum, their mixed properties can be more easily accounted for. In addition, diachronic data have often been excluded from linguistic analyses on the grounds that they don’t belong in any synchronic analysis. It is clear that the classification of commencer/cominciare as full verbs or auxiliaries is not at all straightforward based on their synchronic properties alone. I would contend that diachronic data should be included in linguistic analyses, when it is available, as it sometimes provides additional insights not available from synchronic data alone. Grammaticalization provides a framework for integrating the diachronic and synchronic dimensions of linguistic analysis. While obviously not the appropriate framework in every case, this panchronic approach has certainly proven useful in the analysis of commencer/cominciare.

ïœ´ïœ²ïœ° Jason Brazeal

References ARTFL-FRANTEXT (American and French Research on the Treasury of the French Language) – http://humanities.uchicago.edu/orgs/ARTFL/ Bybee, Joan & James L. McClelland. 2005. “Alternatives to the Combinatorial Paradigm of Linguistic Theory Based on Domain General Principles of Human Cognition”. The Linguistic Review 22.381–410. Bybee, Joan, Revere Perkins, & William Pagliuca. 1994. The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect, and Modality in the Languages of the World. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cortelazzo, Manlio & Paolo Zolli, eds. 1999. Il nuovo etimologico: DELI – dizionario etimologico della lingua italiana. Bologna: Zanichelli. DAF (Dictionnaire de l’Académie française, 9ème édition) – http://atilf.atilf.fr/academie9.htm Ernout, Alfred & Antoine Meillet. 1967. Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine: histoire des mots, 4ème édition. Paris: Klincksieck. Glare, P.G.W., ed. 1983. Oxford Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Heine, Bernd. 1993. Auxiliaries: Cognitive Forces and Grammaticalization. New York: Oxford University Press. Hopper, Paul. 1991. “On Some Principles of Grammaticization”. Approaches to Grammaticalization, ed. by Elizabeth Closs Traugott & Bernd Heine, 17–36. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Jaberg, Karl. 1925. “Der Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der Südschweiz und die Bezeichnungsgeschichte des Begriffes ‘anfangen’â†œ”. Revue de linguistique romane 1.118–145. Kuryłowicz, Jerzy. 1965 [1975]. “The Evolution of Grammatical Categories”. Esquisses linguistiques, vol. 2, 38–54. Munich: W. Fink. Lamiroy, Béatrice. 1999. “Auxiliaires, langues romanes et grammaticalisation”. Langages 135.33–45. Lamiroy, Béatrice. 1987. “The Complementation of Aspectual Verbs in French”. Language 63.278–298. Lehmann, Christian. 1995. Thoughts on Grammaticalization. Munich: Lincom Europa. Lewis, Charlton T. & Charles Short, eds. 1879. A Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon. LIP (Lessico di frequenza dell’italiano parlato) – http://badip.uni-graz.at/index.php Meillet, Antoine. 1912 [1948]. “L’évolution des formes grammaticales”. Linguistique historique et linguistique générale, 130–148. Paris: Champion. Newmeyer, Frederick. 1975. English Aspectual Verbs. The Hague: Mouton. Newmeyer, Frederick. 1998. Language Form and Language Function. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. OVI (Opera del vocabolario italiano) – http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/efts/ARTFL/projects/OVI/ Perlmutter, David. M. 1970. “The Two Verbs Begin”. Readings in English Transformational Grammar, ed. by Roderick A. Jacobs & Peter S. Rosenbaum, 107–120. Waltham, Mass.: Ginn. Pustejovsky, James. 1991. “The Syntax of Event Structure”. Cognition 41. 47–81. Rey, Alain, ed. 1992. Dictionnaire historique de la langue française. Paris: Le Robert. Rochette, Anne. 1999. “The Selectional Properties of Aspectual Verbs”. Beyond Principles and Parameters: Essays in Memory of Osvaldo Jaeggli, ed. by Kyle Johnson & Ian Roberts, 145–165. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Ruwet, Nicholas. 1972. Théorie syntaxique et syntaxe du français. Paris: Seuil. Spang-Hanssen, Ebbe. 1963. Les prépositions incolores du français. Copenhagen: GEC Gads Forlag.

Grammaticalization of commencer/cominciare ïœ´ïœ²ïœ±

Van Goethem, Kristel 2005. “La préposition française à et ses correspondants romans (espagnol, italien) et germaniques (néerlandais, allemand)”. Beiträge zum romanisch-deutschen und innerromanischen Sprachvergleich, ed. by Christian Schmitt & Barbara Wotjak, 305–316. Bonn: Romanistischer Verlag. Van Riemsdijk, Henk, ed. 1999. Clitics in the Languages of Europe. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Vendler, Zeno. 1957. “Verbs and Times”. The Philosophical Review 66.143–60.

Index of subjects, terms and languages

A accretionâ•‡ 337–342, 345, 347–350 action schemaâ•‡ 413, 415 affectednessâ•‡ 224, 228 Agreeâ•‡ 178–179, 181, 205–206, 212, 218, 222, 235, 249–251, 253, 257–263, 291, 294, 396 agreementâ•‡ 174, 185, 204–205, 212–213, 222, 232, 241, 244, 246–247, 291, 293, 323–324, 329–332, 393, 396 (dis)agreementâ•‡ 179, 249–251, 254, 256–257, 260 extra-grammatical agreementâ•‡ 249 number agreementâ•‡ 171, 179–181, 185, 203–214, 249–250, 254–264, 286, 291–298, 324, 329–332, 334, 340–344, 377, 385 person agreementâ•‡ 195–196, 203–208, 210, 227, 232, 235, 239, 249–263, 291, 334, 337, 340–344, 350, 363, 365 strong agreementâ•‡ 268 Aktionsartâ•‡ 397, 401 anaphorâ•‡ 187, 192–195, 198, 200–201 , 231–235, 237, 246, 375, 399 nominal anaphoraâ•‡ 237–238 animacyâ•‡ 196–197, 213, 269, 271, 277, 279 anominal pronounsâ•‡ 244, 246 apocopeâ•‡ 130, 133, 138, 140–145, 149 aspectual categoriesâ•‡ 388 aspectual propertiesâ•‡ 400, 402 aspirationâ•‡ 15–16 assimilationâ•‡ 26–27, 39, 46 anticipatory assimilationâ•‡ 25 local assimilationâ•‡ 27, 39 long-distance assimilationâ•‡ 39

regressive assimilationâ•‡ 26–27, 37, 39 vowel-to-vowel assimilation (V-to-V assimilation, VVA)â•‡ 25–28, 35, 39–40 atelic predicatesâ•‡ 397, 398 B bare indicesâ•‡ 235, 244 bindingâ•‡ 187–189, 192–195, 199–201, 221, 292 bleachingâ•‡ 411, 414 bondednessâ•‡ 418 C cardinal adverbialsâ•‡ 391, 400 caseâ•‡ 190–195, 198–199, 203–214, 224–225, 228–229, 236–245, 257–259, 262–263, 285–286, 288–298, 329–332, 371–377, 393–396. Catalanâ•‡ 44, 55, 63–70, 72–77, 81–85, 88–93, 113, 156, 203–204, 211–214, 239–240, 254, 260, 267, 269, 271, 274, 278–281, 337–338, 340–341, 344, 347, 350, 388, 391 Formenteran Catalanâ•‡ 337–340, 342–343, 348 Majorcan Catalanâ•‡ 63–67, 81–83, 92, 338 Minorcan Catalanâ•‡ 274, 278–281 central coincidenceâ•‡ 223, 228 Cibaoâ•‡ 18 changeâ•‡ 305, 310, 318, 387, 393, 406, 410, 411 change in progressâ•‡ 92, 302, 315 linguistic changeâ•‡ 143, 273 morphosyntactic changeâ•‡ 415

semantic changeâ•‡ 389, 402, 414 sound changeâ•‡ 129–130, 133, 135–136, 138, 140, 145, 148–149 syntactic changeâ•‡ 301 clause typeâ•‡ 269–270, 276, 301–302, 308, 310, 315, 386 cliticâ•‡ 97–98, 111–115, 119–125, 203–214, 220–223, 228–229, 232–234, 239–241, 243–245, 339–341, 343, 353–357, 360–364, 398 climbingâ•‡ 172–173, 417–418 cliticizationâ•‡ 410–411 clusterâ•‡ 203, 207–209, 212–213, 348 linear ordering of cliticsâ•‡ 209–210 cluster clitic cluster see Clitic consonant clusterâ•‡ 23, 159, 354 coarticulationâ•‡ 27 coarticulatoryâ•‡ 26, 28–29, 31, 39 Composite Groupâ•‡ 95–96, 105–108 compoundsâ•‡ 98–107, 293 contactâ•‡ 73, 81 83, 92, 273, 281, 325 dialect contactâ•‡ 139 language contactâ•‡ 268, 272 contextual inflectionâ•‡ 323–324, 329–332 continuative perfectâ•‡ 401 contrastâ•‡ 48–49, 63–64, 72–77, 143 contrast preservationâ•‡ 63–64, 73 phonemic contrastâ•‡ 47, 63, 73, 77, 143 controlâ•‡ 407–409 counterbleedingâ•‡ 158–159

 Index of subjects, terms and languages CREAâ•‡ 220 creoleâ•‡ 111, 124–125, 323–334 creole languagesâ•‡ 323–324, 330 Indo-Portuguese creolesâ•‡ 323–325, 327, 332–334 current relevanceâ•‡ 388, 391 D decategorializationâ•‡ 410–411, 415, 417, 419 defective phaseâ•‡ 295, 297–298 definitenessâ•‡ 286, 292, 324, 329, 331 deletionâ•‡ 15–17, 129–131, 134–135, 137–138, 144, 149 desemanticizationâ•‡ 394, 410–411, 413–414, 419 devoicingâ•‡ 75–77, 153–154, 156–159, 163–164 diachronicâ•‡ 2–4, 8–11, 15, 43–44, 387–389, 392–393, 395–396 See also Synchronic and/or diachronic Differential Object Markingâ•‡ 181, 185 discourseâ•‡ 178, 184, 190, 198, 236–238, 250, 261, 269, 271, 303, 370, 374–378, 383–385 distanceâ•‡ 187, 193–198, 200, 205–206, 212–213, 269–270, 276, 279–281 divergenceâ•‡ 414 DPâ•‡ 176, 189, 191, 200, 217, 219, 221–222, 228–229, 243, 260–261, 263, 286, 288, 290–298 Dutchâ•‡ 95–96, 99–100, 103–107, 156 E enclisisâ•‡ 337–343, 345–346, 349–350 epenthesisâ•‡ 133, 153–154, 158–159, 163–164, 340, 354–355 events iterationâ•‡ 390, 395, 401–402 schemasâ•‡ 410, 413 exclamativesâ•‡ 369–372, 377–386 F featureâ•‡ 203–210, 212–214, 220, 234–235, 249–250,

256–264, 281, 285–286, 291–292, 294–298, 334, 341–344, 356, 369, 396–397 interpretable featuresâ•‡ 234, 257–259, 291–292, 295–298 feature spreading rulesâ•‡ 27, 39 focusâ•‡ 169–174, 177–178, 180–185, 190, 258, 355, 369–372, 374–376, 380, 383–385, 394, 407 Frenchâ•‡ 18, 22, 25–29, 39–40, 74–75, 153–154, 156, 158, 187, 189–190, 192, 201, 204–205, 222, 232, 239, 285–286, 301–302, 307–308, 311, 313, 317–318, 330, 356, 369–370, 372–374, 376–377, 380–382, 386–387, 391, 405–406, 408–409, 411, 414, 416–419 fronted subordinate clauseâ•‡ 301–302, 305, 310– 311, 313–31, 318 functional vowelâ•‡ 355, 359–363, 365 G Galicianâ•‡ 45–47, 134, 136–138, 144, 146–149, 394 See also Galician-Portuguese genderâ•‡ 81, 84, 87–92, 231–247, 249–250, 256–258, 260–264, 268–269, 279, 289, 291–292, 294–298, 396 in pronounsâ•‡ 238 in Romanianâ•‡ 234 genderless pronounsâ•‡ 231–232, 236, 244–245, 247 genitiveâ•‡ 232, 285–295, 297–298 Germanicâ•‡ 95, 99, 104–105, 107, 153, 156, 303, 312, 317–318 gradation quantifiersâ•‡ 369–376, 379–381, 383–385 gradienceâ•‡ 25 grammaticalizationâ•‡ 387, 402, 404, 406, 409–412, 414–415, 417–419 H hierarchyâ•‡ 409 constraint hierarchyâ•‡ 280, 347

implicational thematic hierarchyâ•‡ 223–224 prosodic hierarchyâ•‡ 96, 105–106, 108, 131, 133 variable hierarchyâ•‡ 280 hypercorrectionâ•‡ 15–19, 22 I identical vowel simplificationâ•‡ 129–131, 135–137, 139, 149 identificationâ•‡ 250, 268 iterative/durative meaningâ•‡ 390–391, 398 imperativesâ•‡ 337–344, 346–347, 349–350, 408 Indirect Object Constructionâ•‡ 217 inflectional morphologyâ•‡ 258, 323–324, 329, 331, 334 inherent inflectionâ•‡ 323–324, 329, 331–334 initial accent in Frenchâ•‡ 39–40 insertionâ•‡ 139, 293–294, 363 [s] insertionâ•‡ 15–16, 18, 20–22 coda insertionâ•‡ 18, 22–23 intensificationâ•‡ 187–190, 192, 199–201 interrogative vowelâ•‡ 353, 355, 357–359, 361–363, 365–366 IP-adverbsâ•‡ 175 Italianâ•‡ 74, 95–96, 99–101, 104–107, 196, 204, 212–213, 222, 239, 246, 252, 272, 291, 293, 313, 353–354, 356–357, 365, 369–370, 373, 377, 381, 383, 386, 405–406, 411, 414, 416–419 Bobbio dialectâ•‡ 359–360 Donceto dialectâ•‡ 355 Gazzoli dialectâ•‡ 353, 355, 358–366 Groppallo dialectâ•‡ 359–363, 366 Piacentine dialectsâ•‡ 353–354, 358–360, 363, 366 Travo dialectâ•‡ 359–360, 366 J Juxtaposition Genitiveâ•‡ 285, 288 L Latinâ•‡ 23, 44–46, 73–75, 77, 129–131, 133–135, 137–138,

140–143, 145, 148–149, 238, 239, 246, 285, 387, 393–394, 405–406, 412–417, 419 left peripheryâ•‡ 315 legal textsâ•‡ 307–308, 311–312 lengtheningâ•‡ 147–149, 153–158, 162–163 moraic lengtheningâ•‡ 137, 147, 149 lenitionâ•‡ 47, 55, 64–65, 70, 73–77 Leoneseâ•‡ 129, 134–136 lexical conservatismâ•‡ 337, 339, 342 light vs. heavy syllableâ•‡ 132, 140 literacyâ•‡ 15, 17, 19, 21 Logophoricityâ•‡ 187, 193–200, 198, 200–201 Luiseñoâ•‡ 222 M MAPâ•‡ 218, 224–229 markednessâ•‡ 16, 22, 154–156, 158–159, 162, 164, 203–204, 206, 210, 213–214, 228 positional markednessâ•‡ 155–156 minimal wordâ•‡ 130–131, 133, 138–140, 149 word minimalityâ•‡ 129–131, 133, 137, 140, 143, 145, 147, 149 minimalismâ•‡ 290, 294 mora-sharingâ•‡ 154–155, 157 morphological uniformity principleâ•‡ 268 Morphosyntactic Alignment Principleâ•‡ 217–218, 223–224, 229 motion schemaâ•‡ 410 motion verbâ•‡ 409 N nasalâ•‡ 43–50, 55–58, 130, 134, 148 palatal nasalâ•‡ 43–50, 52–58 natural genderâ•‡ 234, 237–239, 258 negative polarity itemsâ•‡ 173 neuterâ•‡ 246 neuter genderâ•‡ 234, 238, 246–247 neuter pronounsâ•‡ 231, 233–234, 236, 242, 245–246

Index of subjects, terms and languages  null objectsâ•‡ 231–232, 234–236 null subjectâ•‡ 240, 254, 257, 260–261, 267–271, 274–275, 278–280, 303, 306, 314–316 null-subject languageâ•‡ 249–250, 252, 263 number See Agreement O object cliticâ•‡ 212, 240, 316, 363 Obligatory Contour Principleâ•‡ 121–123 obliqueâ•‡ 217–219, 223–225, 285–286, 288–290, 295–296, 298 Old Frenchâ•‡ 156, 285, 301–302, 307–308, 311, 317–318, 411, 416–418 Old Occitanâ•‡ 301–302, 313, 318–319 opacityâ•‡ 153–154, 156–160, 162–164 OT-CCâ•‡ 153–154, 160, 162–164 Overlap Modelâ•‡ 412 overtâ•‡ 253, 260–261, 263, 267–275, 277–281, 285, 292, 294–295, 306, 323–325, 330–331, 333, 373, 382–383 P Palenqueroâ•‡ 111–126 paradigmatic variabilityâ•‡ 417–418 parametric variationâ•‡ 268 parasitic gapsâ•‡ 231–233, 235 PCCâ•‡ 204–207, 212–214 perceptionâ•‡ 23, 58 perfect of persistent situationâ•‡ 401 periphrastic pastâ•‡ 387–391, 393, 401–402 person See Agreement Person Case Constraintâ•‡ 203–204 phaseâ•‡ 285, 291, 294–295, 297–298 phonetic erosionâ•‡ 411 phonological phraseâ•‡ 95–96, 99, 105–106, 108 phonological wordâ•‡ 95–96, 104–106 pluractional operatorâ•‡ 391 polarityâ•‡ 113, 117, 120–122, 125, 173

popular speechâ•‡ 18 Portugueseâ•‡ 43–50, 53, 55–58, 60, 74–75, 124, 129–130, 134–138, 144, 146–149, 252, 271, 323–328, 330, 332–334, 387–395, 400–402 Brazilian Portugueseâ•‡ 43, 170, 271 See also BPâ•‡ 43, 44, 47, 48, 50–58 European Portuguese,â•‡ 44, 48, 58 See also EPâ•‡ 44, 47, 48 Galician-Portugueseâ•‡ 43, 45, 129–130, 134–135, 137–138, 144, 146, 148 See also Galician Portuguese-based creolesâ•‡ 325, 327–328, 332 possessiveâ•‡ 111–113, 115, 118, 124–125, 187, 189, 191–192, 194, 222, 232, 289, 293–294 precedenceâ•‡ 153–154, 162–164, 393 prepositionâ•‡ 285–286, 289–290, 292–293, 407, 415, 419 Prepositional Dative Constructionâ•‡ 217 present perfectâ•‡ 353 proâ•‡ 172, 222, 231–235, 238, 240, 242, 244, 252–253, 257, 261, 263, 267, 269, 289, 356, 413 Probe-Goalâ•‡ 249, 263, 292, 294 pronounâ•‡ 171–172, 193, 204, 208, 222, 231–235, 237, 239, 244–245, 253, 257, 294, 304, 306, 308, 398, 411 prosodicâ•‡ 39–40, 85, 95, 99, 102, 104–107, 130–133, 138–139, 142–147, 149 prosodic hierarchy see Hierarchy prosodic wordâ•‡ 130–131, 133–134, 139–140, 144–146, 148–149 Prosodic Minimality Conditionâ•‡ 133 pseudo-cleftâ•‡ 169, 171–174, 182, 185 R raisingâ•‡ 292–294, 407–409, 412 vowel raisingâ•‡ 39, 100 reconstructionâ•‡ 220

 Index of subjects, terms and languages resultativeâ•‡ 387, 390, 392–397, 400, 402 resyllabificationâ•‡ 158–160 Romanceâ•‡ 1–8, 10–11, 22, 74, 77, 95, 99, 104–105, 107, 134, 143, 156, 159, 210, 214, 231, 236–237, 239–241, 246–247, 252, 254, 274, 293–294, 303–304, 317–318, 325–326, 330, 332, 337–340, 356, 361, 366, 369–370, 372, 377, 386–391, 393, 401, 406, 416–417, 419 Hispano-Romanceâ•‡ 129, 144 Ibero-Romanceâ•‡ 47, 73, 74, 76, 129 Medieval Romanceâ•‡ 303–304, 313, 315, 317–318 Western Romanceâ•‡ 73, 74, 240, 242, 267, 274 Romanianâ•‡ 203, 204, 210, 214, 231–234, 236, 240–247, 377 S San Basilio de Palenqueâ•‡ 111, 114 sandhiâ•‡ 22, 114, 126 Second Language Acquisitionâ•‡ 324, 333 semantic attritionâ•‡ 411 semantic verb typeâ•‡ 271, 277, 279–280 Sicilianâ•‡ 387 small clauseâ•‡ 218–219, 387, 393 sociolinguisticâ•‡ 17–19, 23, 81–82, 84, 91–92, 139, 267–268, 273–275, 280, 324, 333 Spanishâ•‡ 15–18, 23, 43–50, 53, 55–57, 61, 63–64, 73–77, 81–85, 87–93, 111–112, 114, 129–130, 132–140, 142–149, 169–170, 172, 174–176, 178, 183, 203–214, 217–222, 224–226, 228–229, 240, 245, 249–257, 260–264, 267–269, 271, 273–274, 278–281, 356, 369–370, 381–383, 387–389, 391, 393–394, 400–402 Caribbean Spanishâ•‡ 170, 249–250, 256, 263, 280

Dominican Spanishâ•‡ 15–18, 20, 22, 169–170, 175, 268, 273 Puerto Rican Spanishâ•‡ 48–49, 273 Valladolid Spanishâ•‡ 274, 278–280 Spanish Royal Academy corpusâ•‡ 220 speech connectivityâ•‡ 269, 276–277 speech encodingâ•‡ 95–96, 99–100, 104–105, 107–108 speech productionâ•‡ 96, 104 spirantizationâ•‡ 64, 76 spurious seâ•‡ 208 stress shiftâ•‡ 339, 346, 348 subject inversionâ•‡ 250, 302–303, 313 subjectsâ•‡ 175–176, 222, 242, 249–252, 256–258, 261–264, 286, 308, 314–315, 330, 411, 417 subject cliticâ•‡ 353–357, 361–364 subject expressionâ•‡ 267–269, 272–273, 278–279 subject formâ•‡ 275, 277–278 thematic subjectsâ•‡ 268–269 switch referenceâ•‡ 269, 276 syllable weightâ•‡ 131, 140, 143, 145 synchronicâ•‡ 130, 143, 154, 290, 402, 406, 410–412, 419 synchronic and/or diachronicâ•‡ 2, 11, 294, 388, 402 syntactic verb typeâ•‡ 269, 271–272, 277, 279 T telic predicatesâ•‡ 398 tenseâ•‡ 178, 181, 185, 256, 269–270, 291, 324–325, 327, 329, 333, 342, 353, 396, 405, 409–410, 418 T-featureâ•‡ 286, 291, 295, 298 Tobler-Mussafia Lawâ•‡ 316–317 topic continuityâ•‡ 270, 279 TP-internal focusâ•‡ 169, 171, 183

trochee moraic trocheeâ•‡ 131–132, 138, 140, 142–143, 145, 149, 339, 342, 344, 348 syllabic trocheeâ•‡ 132, 140, 142, 144–145, 149 Turbidityâ•‡ 159 U Uniform Exponenceâ•‡ 339, 347–350 uninterpretableâ•‡ 220, 257–259, 291–292, 295–298 unitsâ•‡ 323–324, 326–327 V variableâ•‡ 229, 231, 268–272, 275–281 variationâ•‡ 2, 26, 44, , 64, 82, 153–154, 180, 267–268, 272–274, 303, 311–312, 316, 318, 326, 328 synchronic variationâ•‡ 4, 43, 419 variationistâ•‡ 81, 83, 267–269, 271–272, 274, 280–281 verb form ambiguityâ•‡ 269, 272, 277 verb-secondâ•‡ 301 Verb-to-TAM chainâ•‡ 405, 410–412, 417, 419 Vowel Harmonyâ•‡ 25–26 Vowel-to-vowel assimilation See Assimilation VVA See Vowel-to-vowel assimilation VP-adverbsâ•‡ 175 W Weak Crossoverâ•‡ 222 weakeningâ•‡ 64, 73, 75–77 weight-bearing codasâ•‡ 154 Western Romance languagesâ•‡ 267, 274 word orderâ•‡ 220, 228, 292, 302, 305, 307–309, 311, 313, 315–318 Y yod augmentationâ•‡ 139–140

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E. F. K. Koerner, Editor

Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Typologie und Universalienforschung, Berlin [email protected] Current Issues in Linguistic Theory (CILT) is a theory-oriented series which welcomes contributions from scholars who have significant proposals to make towards the advancement of our understanding of language, its structure, functioning and development. CILT has been established in order to provide a forum for the presentation and discussion of linguistic opinions of scholars who do not necessarily accept the prevailing mode of thought in linguistic science. It offers an outlet for meaningful contributions to the current linguistic debate, and furnishes the diversity of opinion which a healthy discipline must have. A complete list of titles in this series can be found on the publishers’ website, www.benjamins.com 315 COLINA, Sonia, Antxon OLARREA and Ana Maria CARVALHO (eds.): Romance Linguistics 2009. Selected papers from the 39th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Tucson, Arizona, March 2009. 2010. xiv, 426 pp. 314 LENKER, Ursula, Judith HUBER and Robert MAILHAMMER (eds.): English Historical Linguistics 2008. Selected papers from the fifteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 15), Munich, 24-30 August 2008.. Volume I: The history of English verbal and nominal constructions. 2010. vii, 281 pp. 313 ARREGI, Karlos, Zsuzsanna FAGYAL, Silvina A. MONTRUL and Annie TREMBLAY (eds.): Romance Linguistics 2008. Interactions in Romance. Selected papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008. 2010. vii, 266 pp. 312 OPERSTEIN, Natalie: Consonant Structure and Prevocalization. 2010. x, 234 pp. 311 SCALISE, Sergio and Irene VOGEL (eds.): Cross-Disciplinary Issues in Compounding. 2010. viii, 382 pp. 310 RAINER, Franz, Wolfgang U. DRESSLER, Dieter KASTOVSKY and Hans Christian LUSCHÜTZKY (eds.): Variation and Change in Morphology. Selected papers from the 13th International Morphology Meeting, Vienna, February 2008. With the assistance of Elisabeth Peters. 2010. vii, 249 pp. 309 NICOLOV, Nicolas, Galia ANGELOVA and Ruslan MITKOV (eds.): Recent Advances in Natural Language Processing V. Selected papers from RANLP 2007. 2009. x, 338 pp. 308 DUFRESNE, Monique, Fernande DUPUIS and Etleva VOCAJ (eds.): Historical Linguistics 2007. Selected papers from the 18th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Montreal, 6–11 August 2007. 2009. x, 311 pp. 307 CALABRESE, Andrea and W. Leo WETZELS (eds.): Loan Phonology. 2009. vii, 273 pp. 306 VIGÁRIO, Marina, Sónia FROTA and M. João FREITAS (eds.): Phonetics and Phonology. Interactions and interrelations. 2009. vi, 290 pp. 305 BUBENIK, Vit, John HEWSON and Sarah ROSE (eds.): Grammatical Change in Indo-European Languages. Papers presented at the workshop on Indo-European Linguistics at the XVIIIth International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Montreal, 2007. 2009. xx, 262 pp. 304 MASULLO, Pascual José, Erin O'ROURKE and Chia-Hui HUANG (eds.): Romance Linguistics 2007. Selected papers from the 37th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Pittsburgh, 15–18 March 2007. 2009. vii, 361 pp. 303 TORCK, Danièle and W. Leo WETZELS (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2006. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Amsterdam, 7–9 December 2006. 2009. viii, 262 pp. 302 FERRARESI, Gisella and Maria GOLDBACH (eds.): Principles of Syntactic Reconstruction. 2008. xvii, 219 pp. 301 PARKINSON, Dilworth B. (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the annual symposium on Arabic linguistics. Volume XXI: Provo, Utah, March 2007. 2008. x, 206 pp. 300 VAJDA, Edward J. (ed.): Subordination and Coordination Strategies in North Asian Languages. 2008. xii, 218 pp. 299 GONZÁLEZ-DÍAZ, Victorina: English Adjective Comparison. A historical perspective. 2008. xix, 252 pp. 298 BOWERN, Claire, Bethwyn EVANS and Luisa MICELI (eds.): Morphology and Language History. In honour of Harold Koch. 2008. x, 364 pp. 297 DOSSENA, Marina, Richard DURY and Maurizio GOTTI (eds.): English Historical Linguistics 2006. Selected papers from the fourteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 14), Bergamo, 21–25 August 2006. Volume III: Geo-Historical Variation in English. 2008. xiii, 197 pp.

296 DURY, Richard, Maurizio GOTTI and Marina DOSSENA (eds.): English Historical Linguistics 2006. Selected papers from the fourteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 14), Bergamo, 21–25 August 2006. Volume II: Lexical and Semantic Change. 2008. xiii, 264 pp. 295 GOTTI, Maurizio, Marina DOSSENA and Richard DURY (eds.): English Historical Linguistics 2006. Selected papers from the fourteenth International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (ICEHL 14), Bergamo, 21–25 August 2006. Volume I: Syntax and Morphology. 2008. xiv, 259 pp. 294 FRELLESVIG, Bjarke and John WHITMAN (eds.): Proto-Japanese. Issues and Prospects. 2008. vii, 229 pp. 293 DETGES, Ulrich and Richard WALTEREIT (eds.): The Paradox of Grammatical Change. Perspectives from Romance. 2008. vi, 252 pp. 292 NICOLOV, Nicolas, Kalina BONTCHEVA, Galia ANGELOVA and Ruslan MITKOV (eds.): Recent Advances in Natural Language Processing IV. Selected papers from RANLP 2005. 2007. xii, 307 pp. 291 BAAUW, Sergio, Frank DRIJKONINGEN and Manuela PINTO (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005. 2007. viii, 338 pp. 290 MUGHAZY, Mustafa A. (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the annual symposium on Arabic linguistics. Volume XX: Kalamazoo, Michigan, March 2006. 2007. xii, 247 pp. 289 BENMAMOUN, Elabbas (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the annual symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume XIX: Urbana, Illinois, April 2005. 2007. xiv, 304 pp. 288 TOIVONEN, Ida and Diane NELSON (eds.): Saami Linguistics. 2007. viii, 321 pp. 287 CAMACHO, José, Nydia FLORES-FERRÁN, Liliana SÁNCHEZ, Viviane DÉPREZ and María José CABRERA (eds.): Romance Linguistics 2006. Selected papers from the 36th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New Brunswick, March-April 2006. 2007. viii, 340 pp. 286 WEIJER, Jeroen van de and Erik Jan van der TORRE (eds.): Voicing in Dutch. (De)voicing – phonology, phonetics, and psycholinguistics. 2007. x, 186 pp. 285 SACKMANN, Robin (ed.): Explorations in Integrational Linguistics. Four essays on German, French, and Guaraní. 2008. ix, 239 pp. 284 SALMONS, Joseph C. and Shannon DUBENION-SMITH (eds.): Historical Linguistics 2005. Selected papers from the 17th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Madison, Wisconsin, 31 July - 5 August 2005. 2007. viii, 413 pp. 283 LENKER, Ursula and Anneli MEURMAN-SOLIN (eds.): Connectives in the History of English. 2007. viii, 318 pp. 282 PRIETO, Pilar, Joan MASCARÓ and Maria-Josep SOLÉ (eds.): Segmental and prosodic issues in Romance phonology. 2007. xvi, 262 pp. 281 VERMEERBERGEN, Myriam, Lorraine LEESON and Onno CRASBORN (eds.): Simultaneity in Signed Languages. Form and function. 2007. viii, 360 pp. (incl. CD-Rom). 280 HEWSON, John and Vit BUBENIK: From Case to Adposition. The development of configurational syntax in Indo-European languages. 2006. xxx, 420 pp. 279 NEDERGAARD THOMSEN, Ole (ed.): Competing Models of Linguistic Change. Evolution and beyond. 2006. vi, 344 pp. 278 DOETJES, Jenny and Paz GONZÁLEZ (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2004. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Leiden, 9–11 December 2004. 2006. viii, 320 pp. 277 HELASVUO, Marja-Liisa and Lyle CAMPBELL (eds.): Grammar from the Human Perspective. Case, space and person in Finnish. 2006. x, 280 pp. 276 MONTREUIL, Jean-Pierre Y. (ed.): New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics. Vol. II: Phonetics, Phonology and Dialectology. Selected papers from the 35th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Austin, Texas, February 2005. 2006. x, 213 pp. 275 NISHIDA, Chiyo and Jean-Pierre Y. MONTREUIL (eds.): New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics. Vol. I: Morphology, Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics. Selected papers from the 35th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Austin, Texas, February 2005. 2006. xiv, 288 pp. 274 GESS, Randall S. and Deborah ARTEAGA (eds.): Historical Romance Linguistics. Retrospective and perspectives. 2006. viii, 393 pp. 273 FILPPULA, Markku, Juhani KLEMOLA, Marjatta PALANDER and Esa PENTTILÄ (eds.): Dialects Across Borders. Selected papers from the 11th International Conference on Methods in Dialectology (Methods XI), Joensuu, August 2002. 2005. xii, 291 pp. 272 GESS, Randall S. and Edward J. RUBIN (eds.): Theoretical and Experimental Approaches to Romance Linguistics. Selected papers from the 34th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Salt Lake City, March 2004. 2005. viii, 367 pp. 271 BRANNER, David Prager (ed.): The Chinese Rime Tables. Linguistic philosophy and historicalcomparative phonology. 2006. viii, 358 pp.

270 GEERTS, Twan, Ivo van GINNEKEN and Haike JACOBS (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2003. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ 2003, Nijmegen, 20–22 November. 2005. viii, 369 pp. 269 HARGUS, Sharon and Keren RICE (eds.): Athabaskan Prosody. 2005. xii, 432 pp. 268 CRAVENS, Thomas D. (ed.): Variation and Reconstruction. 2006. viii, 223 pp. 267 ALHAWARY, Mohammad T. and Elabbas BENMAMOUN (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the annual symposium on Arabic linguistics. Volume XVII–XVIII: Alexandria, 2003 and Norman, Oklahoma 2004. 2005. xvi, 315 pp. 266 BOUDELAA, Sami (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the annual symposium on Arabic linguistics. Volume XVI: , Cambridge, March 2002. 2006. xii, 181 pp. 265 CORNIPS, Leonie and Karen P. CORRIGAN (eds.): Syntax and Variation. Reconciling the Biological and the Social. 2005. vi, 312 pp. 264 DRESSLER, Wolfgang U., Dieter KASTOVSKY, Oskar E. PFEIFFER and Franz RAINER (eds.): Morphology and its demarcations. Selected papers from the 11th Morphology meeting, Vienna, February 2004. With the assistance of Francesco Gardani and Markus A. Pöchtrager. 2005. xiv, 320 pp. 263 BRANCO, António, Tony McENERY and Ruslan MITKOV (eds.): Anaphora Processing. Linguistic, cognitive and computational modelling. 2005. x, 449 pp. 262 VAJDA, Edward J. (ed.): Languages and Prehistory of Central Siberia. 2004. x, 275 pp. 261 KAY, Christian J. and Jeremy J. SMITH (eds.): Categorization in the History of English. 2004. viii, 268 pp. 260 NICOLOV, Nicolas, Kalina BONTCHEVA, Galia ANGELOVA and Ruslan MITKOV (eds.): Recent Advances in Natural Language Processing III. Selected papers from RANLP 2003. 2004. xii, 402 pp. 259 CARR, Philip, Jacques DURAND and Colin J. EWEN (eds.): Headhood, Elements, Specification and Contrastivity. Phonological papers in honour of John Anderson. 2005. xxviii, 405 pp. 258 AUGER, Julie, J. Clancy CLEMENTS and Barbara VANCE (eds.): Contemporary Approaches to Romance Linguistics. Selected Papers from the 33rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Bloomington, Indiana, April 2003. With the assistance of Rachel T. Anderson. 2004. viii, 404 pp. 257 FORTESCUE, Michael, Eva Skafte JENSEN, Jens Erik MOGENSEN and Lene SCHØSLER (eds.): Historical Linguistics 2003. Selected papers from the 16th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Copenhagen, 11–15 August 2003. 2005. x, 312 pp. 256 BOK-BENNEMA, Reineke, Bart HOLLEBRANDSE, Brigitte KAMPERS-MANHE and Petra SLEEMAN (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2002. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Groningen, 28–30 November 2002. 2004. viii, 273 pp. 255 MEULEN, Alice ter and Werner ABRAHAM (eds.): The Composition of Meaning. From lexeme to discourse. 2004. vi, 232 pp. 254 BALDI, Philip and Pietro U. DINI (eds.): Studies in Baltic and Indo-European Linguistics. In honor of William R. Schmalstieg. 2004. xlvi, 302 pp. 253 CAFFAREL, Alice, J.R. MARTIN and Christian M.I.M. MATTHIESSEN (eds.): Language Typology. A functional perspective. 2004. xiv, 702 pp. 252 KAY, Christian J., Carole HOUGH and Irené WOTHERSPOON (eds.): New Perspectives on English Historical Linguistics. Selected papers from 12 ICEHL, Glasgow, 21–26 August 2002. Volume II: Lexis and Transmission. 2004. xii, 273 pp. 251 KAY, Christian J., Simon HOROBIN and Jeremy J. SMITH (eds.): New Perspectives on English Historical Linguistics. Selected papers from 12 ICEHL, Glasgow, 21–26 August 2002. Volume I: Syntax and Morphology. 2004. x, 264 pp. 250 JENSEN, John T.: Principles of Generative Phonology. An introduction. 2004. xii, 324 pp. 249 BOWERN, Claire and Harold KOCH (eds.): Australian Languages. Classification and the comparative method. 2004. xii, 377 pp. (incl. CD-Rom). 248 WEIGAND, Edda (ed.): Emotion in Dialogic Interaction. Advances in the complex. 2004. xii, 284 pp. 247 PARKINSON, Dilworth B. and Samira FARWANEH (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume XV: Salt Lake City 2001. 2003. x, 214 pp. 246 HOLISKY, Dee Ann and Kevin TUITE (eds.): Current Trends in Caucasian, East European and Inner Asian Linguistics. Papers in honor of Howard I. Aronson. 2003. xxviii, 426 pp. 245 QUER, Josep, Jan SCHROTEN, Mauro SCORRETTI, Petra SLEEMAN and Els VERHEUGD (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2001. Selected papers from 'Going Romance', Amsterdam, 6–8 December 2001. 2003. viii, 355 pp. 244 PÉREZ-LEROUX, Ana Teresa and Yves ROBERGE (eds.): Romance Linguistics. Theory and Acquisition. Selected papers from the 32nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Toronto, April 2002. 2003. viii, 388 pp. 243 CUYCKENS, Hubert, Thomas BERG, René DIRVEN and Klaus-Uwe PANTHER (eds.): Motivation in Language. Studies in honor of Günter Radden. 2003. xxvi, 403 pp.

242 SEUREN, Pieter A.M. and Gerard KEMPEN (eds.): Verb Constructions in German and Dutch. 2003. vi, 316 pp. 241 LECARME, Jacqueline (ed.): Research in Afroasiatic Grammar II. Selected papers from the Fifth Conference on Afroasiatic Languages, Paris, 2000. 2003. viii, 550 pp. 240 JANSE, Mark and Sijmen TOL (eds.): Language Death and Language Maintenance. Theoretical, practical and descriptive approaches. With the assistance of Vincent Hendriks. 2003. xviii, 244 pp. 239 ANDERSEN, Henning (ed.): Language Contacts in Prehistory. Studies in Stratigraphy. Papers from the Workshop on Linguistic Stratigraphy and Prehistory at the Fifteenth International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Melbourne, 17 August 2001. 2003. viii, 292 pp. 238 NÚÑEZ-CEDEÑO, Rafael, Luis LÓPEZ and Richard CAMERON (eds.): A Romance Perspective on Language Knowledge and Use. Selected papers from the 31st Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Chicago, 19–22 April 2001. 2003. xvi, 386 pp. 237 BLAKE, Barry J. and Kate BURRIDGE (eds.): Historical Linguistics 2001. Selected papers from the 15th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Melbourne, 13–17 August 2001. Editorial assistance Jo Taylor. 2003. x, 444 pp. 236 SIMON-VANDENBERGEN, Anne-Marie, Miriam TAVERNIERS and Louise J. RAVELLI (eds.): Grammatical Metaphor. Views from systemic functional linguistics. 2003. vi, 453 pp. 235 LINN, Andrew R. and Nicola McLELLAND (eds.): Standardization. Studies from the Germanic languages. 2002. xii, 258 pp. 234 WEIJER, Jeroen van de, Vincent J. van HEUVEN and Harry van der HULST (eds.): The Phonological Spectrum. Volume II: Suprasegmental structure. 2003. x, 264 pp. 233 WEIJER, Jeroen van de, Vincent J. van HEUVEN and Harry van der HULST (eds.): The Phonological Spectrum. Volume I: Segmental structure. 2003. x, 308 pp. 232 BEYSSADE, Claire, Reineke BOK-BENNEMA, Frank DRIJKONINGEN and Paola MONACHESI (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2000. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ 2000, Utrecht, 30 November–2 December. 2002. viii, 354 pp. 231 CRAVENS, Thomas D.: Comparative Historical Dialectology. Italo-Romance clues to Ibero-Romance sound change. 2002. xii, 163 pp. 230 PARKINSON, Dilworth B. and Elabbas BENMAMOUN (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume XIII-XIV: Stanford, 1999 and Berkeley, California 2000. 2002. xiv, 250 pp. 229 NEVIN, Bruce E. and Stephen B. JOHNSON (eds.): The Legacy of Zellig Harris. Language and information into the 21st century. Volume 2: Mathematics and computability of language. 2002. xx, 312 pp. 228 NEVIN, Bruce E. (ed.): The Legacy of Zellig Harris. Language and information into the 21st century. Volume 1: Philosophy of science, syntax and semantics. 2002. xxxvi, 323 pp. 227 FAVA, Elisabetta (ed.): Clinical Linguistics. Theory and applications in speech pathology and therapy. 2002. xxiv, 353 pp. 226 LEVIN, Saul: Semitic and Indo-European. Volume II: Comparative morphology, syntax and phonetics. 2002. xviii, 592 pp. 225 SHAHIN, Kimary N.: Postvelar Harmony. 2003. viii, 344 pp. 224 FANEGO, Teresa, Belén MÉNDEZ-NAYA and Elena SEOANE (eds.): Sounds, Words, Texts and Change. Selected papers from 11 ICEHL, Santiago de Compostela, 7–11 September 2000. Volume 2. 2002. x, 310 pp. 223 FANEGO, Teresa, Javier PÉREZ-GUERRA and María José LÓPEZ-COUSO (eds.): English Historical Syntax and Morphology. Selected papers from 11 ICEHL, Santiago de Compostela, 7–11 September 2000. Volume 1. 2002. x, 306 pp. 222 HERSCHENSOHN, Julia, Enrique MALLÉN and Karen ZAGONA (eds.): Features and Interfaces in Romance. Essays in honor of Heles Contreras. 2001. xiv, 302 pp. 221 D’HULST, Yves, Johan ROORYCK and Jan SCHROTEN (eds.): Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 1999. Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’ 1999, Leiden, 9–11 December 1999. 2001. viii, 406 pp. 220 SATTERFIELD, Teresa, Christina TORTORA and Diana CRESTI (eds.): Current Issues in Romance Languages. Selected papers from the 29th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Ann Arbor, 8–11 April 1999. 2002. viii, 412 pp. 219 ANDERSEN, Henning (ed.): Actualization. Linguistic Change in Progress. Papers from a workshop held at the 14th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Vancouver, B.C., 14 August 1999. 2001. vii, 250 pp. 218 BENDJABALLAH, Sabrina, Wolfgang U. DRESSLER, Oskar E. PFEIFFER and Maria D. VOEIKOVA (eds.): Morphology 2000. Selected papers from the 9th Morphology Meeting, Vienna, 24–28 February 2000. 2002. viii, 317 pp.

217 WILTSHIRE, Caroline R. and Joaquim CAMPS (eds.): Romance Phonology and Variation. Selected papers from the 30th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Gainesville, Florida, February 2000. 2002. xii, 238 pp. 216 CAMPS, Joaquim and Caroline R. WILTSHIRE (eds.): Romance Syntax, Semantics and L2 Acquisition. Selected papers from the 30th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Gainesville, Florida, February 2000. 2001. xii, 246 pp. 215 BRINTON, Laurel J. (ed.): Historical Linguistics 1999. Selected papers from the 14th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Vancouver, 9–13 August 1999. 2001. xii, 398 pp. 214 WEIGAND, Edda and Marcelo DASCAL (eds.): Negotiation and Power in Dialogic Interaction. 2001. viii, 303 pp. 213 SORNICOLA, Rosanna, Erich POPPE and Ariel SHISHA-HALEVY (eds.): Stability, Variation and Change of Word-Order Patterns over Time. With the assistance of Paola Como. 2000. xxxii, 323 pp. 212 REPETTI, Lori (ed.): Phonological Theory and the Dialects of Italy. 2000. x, 301 pp. 211 ELŠÍK, Viktor and Yaron MATRAS (eds.): Grammatical Relations in Romani. The Noun Phrase. with a Foreword by Frans Plank (Universität Konstanz). 2000. x, 244 pp. 210 DWORKIN, Steven N. and Dieter WANNER (eds.): New Approaches to Old Problems. Issues in Romance historical linguistics. 2000. xiv, 235 pp. 209 KING, Ruth: The Lexical Basis of Grammatical Borrowing. A Prince Edward Island French case study. 2000. xvi, 241 pp. 208 ROBINSON, Orrin W.: Whose German? The ach/ich alternation and related phenomena in ‘standard’ and ‘colloquial’. 2001. xii, 178 pp. 207 SANZ, Montserrat: Events and Predication. A new approach to syntactic processing in English and Spanish. 2000. xiv, 219 pp. 206 FAWCETT, Robin P.: A Theory of Syntax for Systemic Functional Linguistics. 2000. xxviii, 360 pp. 205 DIRVEN, René, Roslyn M. FRANK and Cornelia ILIE (eds.): Language and Ideology. Volume 2: descriptive cognitive approaches. 2001. vi, 264 pp. 204 DIRVEN, René, Bruce HAWKINS and Esra SANDIKCIOGLU (eds.): Language and Ideology. Volume 1: theoretical cognitive approaches. 2001. vi, 301 pp. 203 NORRICK, Neal R.: Conversational Narrative. Storytelling in everyday talk. 2000. xiv, 233 pp. 202 LECARME, Jacqueline, Jean LOWENSTAMM and Ur SHLONSKY (eds.): Research in Afroasiatic Grammar. Papers from the Third conference on Afroasiatic Languages, Sophia Antipolis, 1996. 2000. vi, 386 pp. 201 DRESSLER, Wolfgang U., Oskar E. PFEIFFER, Markus A. PÖCHTRAGER and John R. RENNISON (eds.): Morphological Analysis in Comparison. 2000. x, 261 pp. 200 ANTTILA, Raimo: Greek and Indo-European Etymology in Action. Proto-Indo-European *aǵ-. 2000. xii, 314 pp. 199 PÜTZ, Martin and Marjolijn H. VERSPOOR (eds.): Explorations in Linguistic Relativity. 2000. xvi, 369 pp. 198 NIEMEIER, Susanne and René DIRVEN (eds.): Evidence for Linguistic Relativity. 2000. xxii, 240 pp. 197 COOPMANS, Peter, Martin EVERAERT and Jane GRIMSHAW (eds.): Lexical Specification and Insertion. 2000. xviii, 476 pp. 196 HANNAHS, S.J. and Mike DAVENPORT (eds.): Issues in Phonological Structure. Papers from an International Workshop. 1999. xii, 268 pp. 195 HERRING, Susan C., Pieter van REENEN and Lene SCHØSLER (eds.): Textual Parameters in Older Languages. 2001. x, 448 pp. 194 COLEMAN, Julie and Christian J. KAY (eds.): Lexicology, Semantics and Lexicography. Selected papers from the Fourth G. L. Brook Symposium, Manchester, August 1998. 2000. xiv, 257 pp. 193 KLAUSENBURGER, Jurgen: Grammaticalization. Studies in Latin and Romance morphosyntax. 2000. xiv, 184 pp. 192 ALEXANDROVA, Galina M. and Olga ARNAUDOVA (eds.): The Minimalist Parameter. Selected papers from the Open Linguistics Forum, Ottawa, 21–23 March 1997. 2001. x, 360 pp. 191 SIHLER, Andrew L.: Language History. An introduction. 2000. xvi, 298 pp. 190 BENMAMOUN, Elabbas (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume XII: Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, 1998. 1999. viii, 204 pp. 189 NICOLOV, Nicolas and Ruslan MITKOV (eds.): Recent Advances in Natural Language Processing II. Selected papers from RANLP ’97. 2000. xi, 422 pp. 188 SIMMONS, Richard VanNess: Chinese Dialect Classification. A comparative approach to Harngjou, Old Jintarn, and Common Northern Wu. 1999. xviii, 317 pp.

187 FRANCO, Jon A., Alazne LANDA and Juan MARTÍN (eds.): Grammatical Analyses in Basque and Romance Linguistics. Papers in honor of Mario Saltarelli. 1999. viii, 306 pp. 186 MIŠESKA TOMIĆ, Olga and Milorad RADOVANOVIĆ (eds.): History and Perspectives of Language Study. Papers in honor of Ranko Bugarski. 2000. xxii, 314 pp. 185 AUTHIER, Jean-Marc, Barbara E. BULLOCK and Lisa A. REED (eds.): Formal Perspectives on Romance Linguistics. Selected papers from the 28th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL XXVIII), University Park, 16–19 April 1998. 1999. xii, 334 pp. 184 SAGART, Laurent: The Roots of Old Chinese. 1999. xii, 272 pp. 183 CONTINI-MORAVA, Ellen and Yishai TOBIN (eds.): Between Grammar and Lexicon. 2000. xxxii, 365 pp. 182 KENESEI, István (ed.): Crossing Boundaries. Advances in the theory of Central and Eastern European languages. 1999. viii, 302 pp. 181 MOHAMMAD, Mohammad A.: Word Order, Agreement and Pronominalization in Standard and Palestinian Arabic. 2000. xvi, 197 pp. 180 MEREU, Lunella (ed.): Boundaries of Morphology and Syntax. 1999. viii, 314 pp. 179 RINI, Joel: Exploring the Role of Morphology in the Evolution of Spanish. 1999. xvi, 187 pp. 178 FOOLEN, Ad and Frederike van der LEEK (eds.): Constructions in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected papers from the Fifth International Cognitive Linguistics Conference, Amsterdam, 1997. 2000. xvi, 338 pp. 177 CUYCKENS, Hubert and Britta E. ZAWADA (eds.): Polysemy in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected papers from the International Cognitive Linguistics Conference, Amsterdam, 1997. 2001. xxviii, 296 pp. 176 VAN HOEK, Karen, Andrej A. KIBRIK and Leo NOORDMAN (eds.): Discourse Studies in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected papers from the 5th International Cognitive Linguistics Conference, Amsterdam, July 1997. 1999. vi, 187 pp. 175 GIBBS, JR., Raymond W. and Gerard J. STEEN (eds.): Metaphor in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected papers from the 5th International Cognitive Linguistics Conference, Amsterdam, 1997. 1999. viii, 226 pp. 174 HALL, T. Alan and Ursula KLEINHENZ (eds.): Studies on the Phonological Word. 1999. viii, 298 pp. 173 TREVIÑO, Esthela and José LEMA (eds.): Semantic Issues in Romance Syntax. 1999. viii, 309 pp. 172 DIMITROVA-VULCHANOVA, Mila and Lars HELLAN (eds.): Topics in South Slavic Syntax and Semantics. 1999. xxviii, 263 pp. 171 WEIGAND, Edda (ed.): Contrastive Lexical Semantics. 1998. x, 270 pp. 170 LAMB, Sydney M.: Pathways of the Brain. The neurocognitive basis of language. 1999. xii, 418 pp. 169 GHADESSY, Mohsen (ed.): Text and Context in Functional Linguistics. 1999. xviii, 340 pp. 168 RATCLIFFE, Robert R.: The “Broken” Plural Problem in Arabic and Comparative Semitic. Allomorphy and analogy in non-concatenative morphology. 1998. xii, 261 pp. 167 BENMAMOUN, Elabbas, Mushira EID and Niloofar HAERI (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume XI: Atlanta, Georgia, 1997. 1998. viii, 231 pp. 166 LEMMENS, Maarten: Lexical Perspectives on Transitivity and Ergativity. Causative constructions in English. 1998. xii, 268 pp. 165 BUBENIK, Vit: A Historical Syntax of Late Middle Indo-Aryan (Apabhraṃśa). 1998. xxiv, 265 pp. 164 SCHMID, Monika S., Jennifer R. AUSTIN and Dieter STEIN (eds.): Historical Linguistics 1997. Selected papers from the 13th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Düsseldorf, 10–17 August 1997. 1998. x, 409 pp. 163 LOCKWOOD, David G., Peter H. FRIES and James E. COPELAND (eds.): Functional Approaches to Language, Culture and Cognition. Papers in honor of Sydney M. Lamb. 2000. xxxiv, 656 pp. 162 HOGG, Richard M. and Linda van BERGEN (eds.): Historical Linguistics 1995. Volume 2: Germanic linguistics.. Selected papers from the 12th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Manchester, August 1995. 1998. x, 365 pp. 161 SMITH, John Charles and Delia BENTLEY (eds.): Historical Linguistics 1995. Volume 1: General issues and non-Germanic Languages.. Selected papers from the 12th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Manchester, August 1995. 2000. xii, 438 pp. 160 SCHWEGLER, Armin, Bernard TRANEL and Myriam URIBE-ETXEBARRIA (eds.): Romance Linguistics: Theoretical Perspectives. Selected papers from the 27th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL XXVII), Irvine, 20–22 February, 1997. 1998. vi, 349 pp. + index. 159 JOSEPH, Brian D., Geoffrey C. HORROCKS and Irene PHILIPPAKI-WARBURTON (eds.): Themes in Greek Linguistics II. 1998. x, 335 pp. 158 SÁNCHEZ-MACARRO, Antonia and Ronald CARTER (eds.): Linguistic Choice across Genres. Variation in spoken and written English. 1998. viii, 338 pp.

157 LEMA, José and Esthela TREVIÑO (eds.): Theoretical Analyses on Romance Languages. Selected papers from the 26th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL XXVI), Mexico City, 28–30 March, 1996. 1998. viii, 380 pp. 156 MATRAS, Yaron, Peter BAKKER and Hristo KYUCHUKOV (eds.): The Typology and Dialectology of Romani. 1997. xxxii, 223 pp. 155 FORGET, Danielle, Paul HIRSCHBÜHLER, France MARTINEAU and María Luisa RIVERO (eds.): Negation and Polarity. Syntax and semantics. Selected papers from the colloquium Negation: Syntax and Semantics. Ottawa, 11–13 May 1995. 1997. viii, 367 pp. 154 SIMON-VANDENBERGEN, Anne-Marie, Kristin DAVIDSE and Dirk NOËL (eds.): Reconnecting Language. Morphology and Syntax in Functional Perspectives. 1997. xiii, 339 pp. 153 EID, Mushira and Robert R. RATCLIFFE (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume X: Salt Lake City, 1996. 1997. vii, 296 pp. 152 HIRAGA, Masako K., Chris SINHA and Sherman WILCOX (eds.): Cultural, Psychological and Typological Issues in Cognitive Linguistics. Selected papers of the bi-annual ICLA meeting in Albuquerque, July 1995. 1999. viii, 338 pp. 151 LIEBERT, Wolf-Andreas, Gisela REDEKER and Linda R. WAUGH (eds.): Discourse and Perspective in Cognitive Linguistics. 1997. xiv, 270 pp. 150 VERSPOOR, Marjolijn H., Kee Dong LEE and Eve SWEETSER (eds.): Lexical and Syntactical Constructions and the Construction of Meaning. Proceedings of the bi-annual ICLA meeting in Albuquerque, July 1995. 1997. xii, 454 pp. 149 HALL, T. Alan: The Phonology of Coronals. 1997. x, 176 pp. 148 WOLF, George and Nigel LOVE (eds.): Linguistics Inside Out. Roy Harris and his critics. 1997. xxviii, 344 pp. 147 HEWSON, John: The Cognitive System of the French Verb. 1997. xii, 187 pp. 146 HINSKENS, Frans, Roeland van HOUT and W. Leo WETZELS (eds.): Variation, Change, and Phonological Theory. 1997. x, 314 pp. 145 HEWSON, John and Vit BUBENIK: Tense and Aspect in Indo-European Languages. Theory, typology, diachrony. 1997. xii, 403 pp. 144 SINGH, Rajendra (ed.): Trubetzkoy's Orphan. Proceedings of the Montréal Roundtable on “Morphonology: contemporary responses” (Montréal, October 1994). In collaboration with Richard Desrochers. 1996. xiv, 363 pp. 143 ATHANASIADOU, Angeliki and René DIRVEN (eds.): On Conditionals Again. 1997. viii, 418 pp. 142 SALMONS, Joseph C. and Brian D. JOSEPH (eds.): Nostratic. Sifting the Evidence. 1998. vi, 293 pp. 141 EID, Mushira and Dilworth B. PARKINSON (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume IX: Washington D.C., 1995. 1996. xiii, 249 pp. 140 BLACK, James R. and Virginia MOTAPANYANE (eds.): Clitics, Pronouns and Movement. 1997. 375 pp. 139 BLACK, James R. and Virginia MOTAPANYANE (eds.): Microparametric Syntax and Dialect Variation. 1996. xviii, 269 pp. 138 SACKMANN, Robin and Monika BUDDE (eds.): Theoretical Linguistics and Grammatical Description. Papers in honour of Hans-Heinrich Lieb. 1996. x, 375 pp. 137 LIPPI-GREEN, Rosina L. and Joseph C. SALMONS (eds.): Germanic Linguistics. Syntactic and diachronic. 1996. viii, 192 pp. 136 MITKOV, Ruslan and Nicolas NICOLOV (eds.): Recent Advances in Natural Language Processing. Selected Papers from RANLP ’95. 1997. xii, 472 pp. 135 BRITTON, Derek (ed.): English Historical Linguistics 1994. Papers from the 8th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics (8 ICEHL, Edinburgh, 19–23 September 1994). 1996. viii, 403 pp. 134 EID, Mushira (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume VIII: Amherst, Massachusetts 1994. 1996. vii, 261 pp. 133 ZAGONA, Karen (ed.): Grammatical Theory and Romance Languages. Selected papers from the 25th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL XXV) Seattle, 2–4 March 1995. 1996. vi, 330 pp. 132 HERSCHENSOHN, Julia: Case Suspension and Binary Complement Structure in French. 1996. xi, 200 pp. 131 HUALDE, José Ignacio, Joseba A. LAKARRA and R.L. TRASK (eds.): Towards a History of the Basque Language. 1996. 365 pp. 130 EID, Mushira (ed.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume VII: Austin, Texas 1993. 1995. vii, 192 pp. 129 LEVIN, Saul: Semitic and Indo-European. Volume I: The Principal Etymologies. With observations on Afro-Asiatic. 1995. xxii, 514 pp. 128 GUY, Gregory R., Crawford FEAGIN, Deborah SCHIFFRIN and John BAUGH (eds.): Towards a Social Science of Language. Papers in honor of William Labov. Volume 2: Social interaction and discourse structures. 1997. xviii, 358 pp.

127 GUY, Gregory R., Crawford FEAGIN, Deborah SCHIFFRIN and John BAUGH (eds.): Towards a Social Science of Language. Papers in honor of William Labov. Volume 1: Variation and change in language and society. 1996. xviii, 436 pp. 126 MATRAS, Yaron (ed.): Romani in Contact. The history, structure and sociology of a language. 1995. xvii, 208 pp. 125 SINGH, Rajendra (ed.): Towards a Critical Sociolinguistics. 1996. xiii, 342 pp. 124 ANDERSEN, Henning (ed.): Historical Linguistics 1993. Selected papers from the 11th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Los Angeles, 16–20 August 1993. 1995. x, 460 pp. 123 AMASTAE, Jon, Grant GOODALL, M. MONTALBETTI and M. PHINNEY (eds.): Contemporary Research in Romance Linguistics. Papers from the XXII Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, El Paso/Juárez, February 22–24, 1992. 1995. viii, 381 pp. 122 SMITH, John Charles and Martin MAIDEN (eds.): Linguistic Theory and the Romance Languages. 1995. xiii, 240 pp. 121 HASAN, Ruqaiya, Carmel CLORAN and David G. BUTT (eds.): Functional Descriptions. Theory in practice. 1996. xxxvi, 381 pp. 120 STONHAM, John T.: Combinatorial Morphology. 1994. xii, 206 pp. 119 LIPPI-GREEN, Rosina L.: Language Ideology and Language Change in Early Modern German. A sociolinguistic study of the consonantal system of Nuremberg. 1994. xiv, 150 pp. 118 HASAN, Ruqaiya and Peter H. FRIES (eds.): On Subject and Theme. A discourse functional perspective. 1995. xii, 414 pp. 117 PHILIPPAKI-WARBURTON, Irene, Katerina NICOLAIDIS and Maria SIFIANOU (eds.): Themes in Greek Linguistics. Papers from the First International Conference on Greek Linguistics, Reading, September 1993. 1994. xviii, 534 pp. 116 MILLER, D. Gary: Ancient Scripts and Phonological Knowledge. 1994. xvi, 139 pp. 115 EID, Mushira, Vicente CANTARINO and Keith WALTERS (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume VI: Columbus, Ohio 1992. 1994. viii, 238 pp. 114 EGLI, Urs, Peter E. PAUSE, Christoph SCHWARZE, Arnim von STECHOW and Götz WIENOLD (eds.): Lexical Knowledge in the Organization of Language. 1995. xiv, 367 pp. 113 MORENO FERNÁNDEZ, Francisco, Miguel FUSTER and Juan Jose CALVO (eds.): English Historical Linguistics 1992. Papers from the 7th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, Valencia, 22–26 September 1992. 1994. viii, 388 pp. 112 CULIOLI, Antoine: Cognition and Representation in Linguistic Theory. Texts selected, edited and introduced by Michel Liddle. Translated with the assistance of John T. Stonham. 1995. x, 161 pp. 111 TOBIN, Yishai: Invariance, Markedness and Distinctive Feature Analysis. A contrastive study of sign systems in English and Hebrew. 1994. xxii, 406 pp. 110 SIMONE, Raffaele (ed.): Iconicity in Language. 1995. xii, 315 pp. 109 PAGLIUCA, William (ed.): Perspectives on Grammaticalization. 1994. xx, 306 pp. 108 LIEB, Hans-Heinrich: Linguistic Variables. Towards a unified theory of linguistic variation. 1993. xiv, 261 pp. 107 MARLE, Jaap van (ed.): Historical Linguistics 1991. Papers from the 10th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Amsterdam, August 12–16, 1991. 1993. xviii, 395 pp. 106 AERTSEN, Henk and Robert J. JEFFERS (eds.): Historical Linguistics 1989. Papers from the 9th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, New Brunswick, 14–18 August 1989. 1993. xviii, 538 pp. 105 HUALDE, José Ignacio and Jon Ortiz de URBINA (eds.): Generative Studies in Basque Linguistics. 1993. vi, 334 pp. 104 KURZOVÁ, Helena: From Indo-European to Latin. The evolution of a morphosyntactic type. 1993. xiv, 259 pp. 103 ASHBY, William J., Marianne MITHUN and Giorgio PERISSINOTTO (eds.): Linguistic Perspectives on Romance Languages. Selected Papers from the XXI Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages, Santa Barbara, February 21–24, 1991. 1993. xxii, 404 pp. 102 DAVIS, Philip W. (ed.): Alternative Linguistics. Descriptive and theoretical modes. 1996. vii, 325 pp. 101 EID, Mushira and Clive HOLES (eds.): Perspectives on Arabic Linguistics. Papers from the Annual Symposium on Arabic Linguistics. Volume V: Ann Arbor, Michigan 1991. 1993. viii, 347 pp. 100 MUFWENE, Salikoko S. and Lioba MOSHI (eds.): Topics in African Linguistics. Papers from the XXI Annual Conference on African Linguistics, University of Georgia, April 1990. 1993. x, 304 pp. 99 JENSEN, John T.: English Phonology. 1993. x, 251 pp. 98 EID, Mushira and Gregory K. IVERSON (eds.): Principles and Prediction. The analysis of natural language. Papers in honor of Gerald Sanders. 1993. xix, 382 pp.

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