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RELUCTANT HEROES
Royal Asiati c Societ y Hon g Kon g S...
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Royal Asiatic Societ y
r
I U T H
*•»-
Mr.
•i-l\
K
RELUCTANT HEROES
Royal Asiati c Societ y Hon g Kon g Studie s Serie s Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Studies Series i s designe d t o mak e widely availabl e importan t contribution s o n th e loca l history , culture an d societ y o f Hon g Kon g an d th e surroundin g region . Generous suppor t fro m th e Si r Lindsa y an d Lad y Ma y Rid e Memorial Fun d make s i t possible t o publish a series of high-qualit y works tha t wil l b e o f lastin g appea l an d valu e t o all , both scholar s and informe d genera l readers , wh o shar e a deepe r interes t i n an d enthusiasm fo r th e area .
RELUCTANT HEROES Rickshaw Pullers in Hong Kong and Canton, 1874-1954
Fung Chi Min g
MM 90
H O N G KON G U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S
Hong Kong University Pres s 14/F Hing Wai Centr e 7 Ti n Wan Pray a Roa d Aberdeen Hong Kon g
© Hon g Kon g University Pres s 200 5 ISBN 962 20 9 73 4 0
All rights reserved. N o portion o f this publication ma y be reproduce d or transmitted i n any form o r by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storag e or retrieval system, withou t prio r permissio n i n writin g fro m th e publisher .
Secure On-lin e Orderin g http://www.hkupress.org
British Librar y Cataloguing-in-Publicatio n Dat a A catalogue recor d fo r thi s book i s availabl e fro m th e British Librar y
Printed an d boun d b y Liang Yu Printing Co . Ltd., i n Hon g Kong , Chin a
Contents
List o f Illustration s vi
i
Map o f Pear l Rive r Delt a — Canto n an d Hon g Kong , circ a 191 0 vii
i
Foreword x
i
Preface xii
i
Acknowledgements xvi
i
Editorial Convention s xi
x
Introduction 1 PART ONE: Acros s th e Colonia l Matri x 7 1 A City o f Sojourner s an d Transient s 9 2 Th e Urba n Workplac e an d Stree t Politic s 2 3 Britis h Rul e an d Chines e Valiancy , u p t o 192 6 3
1 7
PART TWO: Republica n Canton , 1911-3 8 5
7
4 Evolutio n o f a New Civi c Paradig m 5 5 Partisa n Politic s an d th e 192 7 Insurrectio n 7 6 Reform s o n th e Municipa l Agend a i n th e 1930 s 9
9 7 5
PART THREE: Withi n a Fast-Changing Contex t 11
1
7 Growin g Passio n fo r Change , up t o 194 1 11 8 Survivin g i n th e Pacifi c War , 1937-4 5 12 9 Ris e t o th e Postwa r Zenit h o f Activism 14 10 Establishin g a New Agenda, u p t o th e 1950 s 15
3 9 3 9
Conclusion 17
1
Abbreviations 18
1
Bibliography 18
5
Index 20
1
Illustrations
TABLES
2.1 Fare s fo r publi c rickshaw s i n Hon g Kong , 1882-193 9 2 2.2 Ricksha w accident s i n Hon g Kong , 1922-3 9 2 3.1 Fee s fo r Hon g Kon g ricksha w licences , 1901-3 9 4 4.1 Numbe r o f rickshaw s i n Canton , 1929-3 3 6 6.1 Hirin g rate s o f public rickshaw s i n Canton , Augus t 193 5 9 7.1 Wholesal e pric e inde x i n Hon g Kong , 1919-3 9 11 7.2 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1896-193 9 11 8.1 Licenc e fee s o f vehicles i n Hon g Kong , 1941-4 5 13 8.2 Retai l price s o f foo d i n Hon g Kong , 1941-4 2 13 9.1 Fee s fo r ricksha w maintenanc e an d repairs , 194 6 14 9.2 Retai l price s i n Hon g Kong , 1939 , 194 6 an d 194 7 14 9.3 Numbe r o f registere d vehicle s i n Hon g Kong , 1946-4 7 15 10.1 Retai l price s o f rice i n Canton , 194 8 16
3 9 0 6 7 6 9 2 5 6 9 0 1
FIGURES
2.1 Gathering s a t roadsid e foo d stalls , 195 2 3 7.1 Cartoo n depictin g downwar d socia l mobility , 193 5 12 8.1 Receip t o f Hon g Kon g an d Kowloo n Ricksh a Syndicate , 1943 13
3 0 1
PHOTOS
2.1 Queen' s Road , lookin g wes t fro m Hillie r Street , 1910 s 2 2.2 Waitin g t o offe r service o n Hon g Kong' s Praya , 193 7 2 2.3 Commuter s a t th e ferr y pie r o f Tsimshatsui , 193 7 2 2.4 Takin g a break fro m ricksha w pulling , 193 7 3 4.1 Demolishin g th e ancien t cit y walls o f Canton , 191 8 6 4.2 Ya t Tak Road, forme r sit e o f th e Souther n Oute r Wal l 6 4.3 A stretch o f Canton' s celebrate d Pear l River , 1920 s 6 4.4 Recruitin g me n a s carriers fo r arm y transport , 1920 s 7 4.5 Act s o f violence o f th e Canto n Polic e Force , 1920 s 7
2 7 8 4 3 3 5 2 4
Paoan
Estuary of Pearl River
Shumchun Mirs Bay
\« Namta u Deep Bay.
0
New Territories
c>
o
0 Pearl Rive r Delt a — Canto n an d Hon g Kong , circa 191 0 (Adapted fro m Ra y 1916 )
?0
Foreword
I
T i s with th e greatest pleasure tha t I write thi s Foreword t o th e first volum e in th e Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch) Hong Kong Studies Series. The serie s ha s bee n create d b y th e Counci l o f th e Societ y t o enabl e th e publication o f importan t an d hig h qualit y academi c wor k i n Englis h i n Hon g Kong studies , an d thereb y t o encourag e scholar s t o work i n thi s field . A Trust Fun d ha s been formall y an d legall y establishe d i n th e nam e o f Sir Lindsay an d Lad y Ride, in memory o f the Society' s first Vice-President ; donor s have generously an d substantiall y increase d th e sum se t aside for th e purpose , and an agreement has been reached with the Hong Kong University Press setting out th e term s an d condition s under whic h th e Press will partner th e Society in the publicatio n o f thi s serie s o f works. Now th e Societ y see s th e firs t fruit s o f its planning, thi s curren t excellen t work by Fung Ch i Ming. Further volume s are in hand, an d we look forwar d t o seeing a steady flo w o f volumes i n th e series comin g fro m th e Press eac h year. At thi s poin t I would lik e t o expres s th e Society' s grea t gratitud e t o thos e donors, b y whose generosit y th e su m originall y se t asid e by th e Societ y fro m its ow n fund s fo r thi s Trus t Fun d ha s bee n doubled . Especia l thank s i n thi s regard mus t g o t o th e Trustee s o f th e Clagu e Trus t Fund , whos e generosit y t o the Fun d ha s bee n ver y great . Finally, I would lik e t o wish ever y reader o f thi s and subsequen t volume s in thi s serie s health , happiness , an d intellectua l stimulation !
Dr Patric k H . Has e President Royal Asiatic Society , Hon g Kong Branc h February 200 5
Preface
T
H IS BOO K sets out i n detai l a narrative accoun t an d comparativ e overvie w of the history o f rickshaw pullers in Hong Kon g and Canton . M y interest in this topic stemmed fro m th e discovery, long ago, of a pre-World War II news report o f the physical fights fo r clientele that broke out between two rival gangs of Canto n puller s (Kung Sheung Daily News July 31, 1935). Reading abou t thi s bitter brawl prompted my desire to find ou t more about the pullers who seeme d to hav e bee n lon g forgotten , th e leas t know n o f th e unknow n broa d masses . Only later , afte r a treasur e trov e o f informatio n ha d bee n ferrete d ou t fro m a range o f primar y materia l relatin g t o th e rickshaw , di d 1 resolve t o g o abou t writing o n thi s topic , with no sense of the size of the undertaking. What bega n as an experimenta l stud y mushroome d int o a book-length monograph . This narrative start s in 1874 , when th e rickshaw mad e it s first appearanc e in Hon g Kong , the n a British crow n colon y fo r som e thirt y years . Th e stor y continues t o 1954 , whe n th e Hon g Kon g puller s spare d n o effor t i n a fina l attempt t o forc e th e rickshaw owner s t o yield t o thei r demands , a n episod e of urban socia l movement tha t make s th e year a logical termina l date . In Canto n after 1949 , rickshaws were abolishe d a s a symbol o f imperialism an d capitalis t exploitation. Th e work presente d her e attempt s t o chronicl e th e history o f th e rickshaw i n thes e tw o places , i n th e contex t o f th e twist s an d turn s o f loca l history. Rangin g acros s tw o worl d wars , thi s book fixe s pivota l development s not onl y within th e political framewor k o f th e entir e perio d 187 4 t o 195 4 bu t also within the social and cultural contexts. In this way, a remarkable continuu m in th e unfoldin g o f history i s revealed . The fact , albei t littl e known , i s tha t th e ricksha w puller s i n Hon g Kon g and Canto n launche d man y collective protests in the time span with which thi s book i s concerned, a s many a s any other grou p o f thei r contemporaries . Thei r shows o f strength too k man y forms, a s varied as economic strikes , anti-foreig n boycotts, patriotism-inspired walk-outs , anti-government rallies, and a hopefull y revolutionary insurrectio n tha t shoo k a n imperiou s government . Th e pullers ' activity, o r inactivity , i s reassurin g a s a n indicatio n o f th e socio-economi c organization an d politica l developmen t o f th e regio n an d provide s fascinatin g
XIV
PREFACE
glimpses o f th e everyda y lif e o f th e Chines e community , particularl y a t th e grassroots, that has, up t o now, been under-studied. Thi s study will, it is hoped, take u s a ste p close r t o understandin g th e Chines e self-perceptio n a s well a s the worl d aroun d the m a s it was before an d immediatel y afte r Worl d Wa r II . Concerning urba n workforce s i n Hon g Kon g an d Canton , muc h ha s bee n written about , inter alia, the mechanics i n factory premise s (L i and Re n 1955) , the seafarer s o n boat s (Kan i 1967) , th e seame n o n boar d shi p (Glic k 1969) , the sho p worker s i n retai l an d wholesal e undertaking s (Chane y 1971) , th e artisans i n craf t productio n (Cha n 1975 ; Cooper 1980) , and th e outworker s a t home (Lu i 1994) . Thi s boo k trie s t o loo k beyon d th e conventiona l fo r it s inspiration. Th e focu s i s place d primaril y o n th e street , whic h i s a-mi x wit h the sights, sounds, and smells of the market econom y and urban workplace. I n South China , where employin g establishment s wer e relatively small in size an d number, i t i s perhap s mos t reassurin g t o brin g ou r attentio n t o bea r o n th e person o n the street, both fo r its own sake and because it would help t o furnis h a broader an d firme r basi s fo r furthe r enquir y o f th e pett y urbanite s o f Sout h China a s a whole. Historical accounts of Canton / Hong Kong hardly mention rickshaw pullers, and eve n i f the y do , the y ad d onl y a few scattere d an d fragmentar y piece s t o the puzzle . Th e fe w intensive studie s o f rickshaw histor y vary considerabl y i n their approach . James Warren (1986 ) explore s ho w th e puller s wer e confine d to a low-paid an d hazardous trad e in a city outside China . David Strand (1989 ) features th e unfolding o f a public sphere that culminate d i n th e Beijing pullers' tramcar-wrecking rio t in 1929 . Tim Wright (1991 ) dwell s on a trade under th e rule (simultaneously ) o f racketeers and foreign powers . Lu Hanchao (1999 ) ha s a rather different focu s on the rickshaw trade as a part of the commercial cultur e of old Shanghai. This book is a treatise on how the pullers took part in collective action tha t arose out of social group relations, and how the British colonial an d Chinese authoritie s becam e involve d i n th e everyda y lif e o f th e commo n folk . The work presente d her e will, at least i n a small way, show th e possibilit y of the heretofore seldo m used old newspapers that are now deposited in differen t university o r institutional collections . Either complet e o r fragmentary, availabl e in har d cop y o r preserve d o n microfilm , thes e newspaper s hav e remained , b y and large , neglecte d fo r to o long , whether fo r a n empirica l investigatio n int o earlier Hon g Kon g societ y unde r Britis h administratio n o r fo r a study o f th e developmental processe s o f Canto n Cit y tha t take s int o accoun t it s very clos e and long-existin g relationshi p wit h th e neighboring Pear l River Delta towns . It is no exaggeratio n t o sa y that, without thi s primary sourc e o f information, o n which th e substanc e o f th e entir e boo k i s based , thi s stud y woul d no t hav e been conceive d an d coul d no t hav e been completed .
PREFACE
xv
Everyone wh o read s thi s book will , it is hoped, com e away with th e sam e sense o f eagernes s t o kno w mor e abou t thing s Chin a / Hon g Kon g a s I did . Admittedly, some source materials potentially useful fo r thi s study were probably lost t o posterity . Fo r instance , we lack th e pre-World Wa r I I archives fro m th e police, wh o ha d responsibilit y fo r th e pullers . Whil e ora l evidenc e i s ver y valuable, i t i s onl y partial . Th e owner s o f rickshaws , eve n i f aliv e an d stil l accessible, shunne d interviews . Significan t a s personal memoir s are , they ten d to stress successes far more heavily than the y do failures. This study is made all the more difficult b y the paucity o f rickshaw union archives. These constraints , of course, did not discourage my efforts a t researching th e topic at every step of the way ; the y ar e part o f th e challenge .
Acknowledgements
T
HIS BOOK is a revised version of my PhD dissertation, the research for which was undertake n wit h financia l suppor t provide d b y a Postgraduat e Studentship (1990/91-1992/93 ) grante d b y th e Researc h Fund s Selectio n Committee o f th e Universit y o f Hon g Kong . I hav e als o benefitte d fro m a n Evergreen Scholarshi p (1990/91-1993/94 ) fro m a n anonymou s dono r t o th e History Departmen t o f th e Universit y o f Hong Kong . It i s a pleasur e workin g wit h m y forme r colleague s o f thi s university . Mention mus t b e mad e o f Jonathan Grant , who m I was privileged t o hav e a s my dissertation supervisor . Thank s are also due t o (i n alphabetical order ) Min g Chan, Cha n La u Kit Ching , Stephe n Chiu , Fo k Ka i Cheong, Alfred Lin , Kerri e MacPherson, and Elizabeth Sinn for intellectual stimulation an d collegiality. For support o f a different nature , I am thankfu l t o Yen-Chin g Hwang , Ada m Lui , and Thoma s Stanley . I wish t o registe r m y gratitud e t o oversea s friend s wh o hav e been helpfu l at various stage s o f m y study . John Carrol l an d Christophe r Mun n hav e rea d different chapter s of my dissertation while it was an ongoing study. James Warren shared hi s research experienc e with me . Takeshi Hamashita ha s brought t o my attention item s that I might otherwise have missed. Frederic Wakeman, Jr. too k time t o discus s th e topi c with me . Coli n Mackerras provide d usefu l comment s on a n earlie r draf t o f th e study . In preparing my dissertation, I have had t o rely heavily o n pre-World Wa r II materials fo r m y information . L u Gan g an d Lian g Liya o o f Fun g Pin g Sha n Library were o f gracious hel p i n m y attempt t o plough throug h ol d newspape r collections, not yet microfilmed a t the time o f my research fo r th e dissertation . Successive librarian s o f Hun g On-T o Memoria l Library , namely , Pete r Yeung , Wan Yi u Chuen , an d Iri s Chan , hav e kindl y an d assiduousl y facilitate d m y inquisition o f close-stacke d materials . The staf f o f th e Hon g Kon g Governmen t Informatio n Servic e an d Hon g Kong Transport Departmen t prove d eage r t o place at my disposal thei r records . The ex-Registra r o f Trad e Unions , T o Sau Hong , responde d personall y t o m y request for information. Acces s to the library holdings of the Hong Kong Tourist
xvm
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Association wa s facilitate d b y Dorothy La m and Ann e Wu. Also t o th e staff o f the Publi c Record s Office , Hon g Kong , goe s sincer e thank s fo r thei r patienc e with m y searc h fo r archives . I als o wis h t o expres s her e m y gratitud e t o th e Reveren d Loui s Ha , bot h for his congenial attitude and for his permission to give me access to the archives of th e Catholi c Dioces e o f Hong Kong . I also much appreciat e th e kindness of Ivy Lau and Jenny Leun g in arranging my access to the well-preserved archive s at th e Tun g Wah Museum . Rosan a Leun g an d Vick y Lu i hav e bee n graciou s and helpfu l i n arrangin g acces s t o th e equall y substantia l collection s i n th e P o Leung Ku k Archives . I too k pleasur e i n havin g me t severa l informant s an d member s o f th e rickshaw trade , som e o f the m o f very advance d years , who wer e unsparingl y generous o f thei r tim e an d memories . Th e informatio n s o derive d help s t o fil l certain gap s i n othe r evidence , an d m y gratitude goe s t o all in equa l measure . My greatest sadnes s i s tha t som e o f the m ar e now decease d an d unabl e t o se e this book published. This made me more aware of the great urgency of preserving oral evidenc e tha t wa s quickl y disappearing . During m y researc h i n Canton , I felt a s if I was someho w comin g home . Two member s o f m y cla n accompanie d m e i n m y fieldwork . Th e staf f o f Zhongshan University Library was helpful upo n my request t o use their archiva l collections. I am also grateful t o Huang Jianping for he r speedy arrangement of my interview with a retiree who helped me reconstruct some sense of the pullers' concerns i n th e time s lost . I fel t i t a grea t privileg e t o hav e ha d suc h a n experience. Finally, I wish t o than k al l th e many friend s o f th e Hon g Kon g Branch of the Roya l Asiatic Society , including bu t no t limite d t o Patric k Has e an d Jason Wordie, for thei r encouragement an d attention. At Hong Kong University Press, Colin Da y an d Phoeb e Cha n hav e bee n helpfu l alon g th e way . And , thanks , too, t o the three anonymous referee s who read the manuscript an d made usefu l suggestions. I must, however, haste n t o add tha t I alone am responsible fo r th e contents o f thi s book, includin g an y error s tha t ma y be present .
Editorial Convention s
T
HE ADOPTIO N of any single system of transliteration fo r thi s text is probably impractical, especiall y as many Chines e names are missing from historica l records an d onl y th e romanized Englis h form s remain . I n thi s text , we have t o deal with term s fo r whic h a regional-speech spellin g has been well established , so any attemp t t o standardiz e romanizatio n woul d onl y be counterproductive , creating mor e confusion . Thu s th e followin g ar e th e rule s o f transliteration : 1. Name s of Chinese newspapers (extensivel y referred t o in this text) ar e given in thei r origina l name s i n English , i f the y ar e available , but parenthetica l translations rendere d int o Englis h ar e als o given ; thus , Wah Tsz Yat Po (Chinese Mail). Those without correspondin g title s in English are rendered in pinyin romanization , no w officiall y recognize d i n th e People' s Republi c of China , bu t als o with Englis h translation s give n in parentheses . 2. Primarily , I have used th e English spellings curren t a t th e time fo r Chines e names an d places . Thus "Canton " i s used instea d o f "Guangzhou " which , although more popularly used nowadays, is out of period. It should be noted that m y pictur e o f Canto n i s u p t o 195 0 o r so . Excep t fo r on e o r tw o paragraphs, nothin g refer s t o a later date . 3. Whereve r possible , I am loya l t o th e sources , thu s "Hongkong Telegraph" rather than "Hong Kong Telegraph". Name s and characters that apply to Hong Kong and Canto n ar e given the official spellin g in English. Onl y those tha t have no origina l English names or translations ar e romanized i n pinyin. So, too, ar e th e name s o f dialec t groups , which ar e indicated i n th e for m tha t most frequentl y appear s i n th e literature . 4. Wher e non-pinyin romanize d form s ar e used, th e first referenc e t o the ter m is followe d b y th e pinyin spellin g an d Chines e characte r equivalent , i n brackets. In quoted matter, the pinyin is placed in square brackets followin g the firs t referenc e t o th e term . 5. Chines e persona l name s ar e presented a s being read in Mandarin Chinese , surname first, forenam e second , if that is the order followed by their bearers, but no t i f th e nor m i s t o giv e th e surnam e afte r th e forenam e (a s i t i s i n the United States) .
XX EDITORIA
L CONVENTION S
6. Th e ter m "rickshaw " appear s i n English-languag e historica l source s a s "ricsha", "ricksha" , "rikisha" , "jinricksha" , "jinrickshaw " o r "jinrikisha" ; the spelling varies. Where origina l text s are quoted, th e old usage is left i n the origina l forms .
Introduction
I
N 1867 , th e firs t ricksha w wa s throw n togethe r i n Japan b y a n America n Baptist missionary , Jonathan Gobl e (1827-96) . A cycle transpor t balance d on two wheels and pulled by the strength o f one person, th e rickshaw foun d it s way t o Hon g Kon g i n 1874 , onl y severa l year s afte r it s inventio n (Hongkong Times January 23 , 1874) . I n th e nearb y cit y of Canton , th e rickshaw wa s trie d out fo r publi c transpor t a t leas t a s fa r bac k a s 1906 , when a road connectin g the cit y prope r wit h th e easter n subur b som e mile s awa y wa s constructe d t o completion (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 29 , 1906) . Sinc e then , profoun d change s have take n plac e i n th e region' s socio-economi c landscape . Today , rickshaw s have disappeared unde r th e effect o f urban sprawl , but a century ag o the y were everyday transport. A stroll around tow n at all hours of the day and night would prove thei r popularity , thei r numbe r o n th e rise, reaching 3,41 1 i n Hon g Kon g and 3,600 in Canton in 192 4 respectively (Hongkong Administration Report 1924, K-9; GZSSZGB January 1 , 1924 , 8-10) . This boo k i s a n expositio n an d analysi s o f th e histor y o f thos e plyin g rickshaws fo r hire . I t i s a t th e sam e tim e a stud y o f th e developmen t o f th e Chinese communit y an d th e relationship betwee n people , and betwee n societ y and state. Hong Kong and Canto n are selected fo r consideration , partl y because rickshaws were more densel y utilized i n thes e tw o citie s tha n anywher e i n th e delta o f th e Pear l River . Also , th e critica l mas s o f puller s therei n ha d a lot i n common. The y shared in a regional cultural paradigm, in particular concernin g a historic patter n o f native-place an d speech-grou p alignment . Important , too , is the fact tha t Hong Kong and Canto n were two very different, ye t interwoven , metropolises i n China' s souther n frontier . A s Canto n i s just eight y mile s northwest o f Hong Kong , and i t take s onl y an hour's trave l by train t o go fro m one place to another, th e twin cities have frequent contac t of various sorts. This interconnectedness make s the m a n idea l pair fo r comparison . There existed , withou t bein g immediatel y apparent , a noticeable leve l o f rickshaw activism , in ways we never though t possible . Although i n many case s it was less advanced i n leadership an d organization , i t came t o th e forefront o f the publi c domain , perhap s mos t spectacularl y i n Hon g Kon g i n 188 4 an d i n
2
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Canton i n 1927 , when th e puller s clashe d wit h th e stat e authoritie s i n on e of the mos t violen t insurrection s eve r recorded . I n assertin g an d defendin g thei r interests i n th e workplace , lik e an y othe r socia l grou p i n th e city , ricksha w pullers wer e capabl e o f effectiv e mobilizatio n fo r th e attainmen t o f commo n goals. I f i t i s recognize d tha t a t leas t a sizabl e numbe r o f puller s di d pla y a n active role in urban socia l movements, then on e thing that is obviously missin g is a nuance d accoun t o f th e circumstance s tha t drov e the m i n tha t direction . The crucial question i s not only what happened a s such, but rather why and for what. Exactly how labor organization emerged , on what scale and in what forms , is unquestionably wort h exploring . In undertakin g a stud y o f thi s nature , th e genesi s o f mobilizatio n ha s o f necessity t o be dealt with. We have occasion t o elucidate th e subcultures o f th e pullers, bu t fo r th e present , a fe w o f thei r characteristic s ar e worth attention . Although th e pullers (mos t ofte n o f rural origin ) me t with a n initia l uprootin g from thei r home, they were not cu t off fro m th e traditional safety net s that the y could resor t t o in time s o f need o r trouble . I n th e urba n milieu , the y pursue d new goals by renewing old contacts and making new ones. This pattern of urban assimilation involved a network of kin/quasi-kin loyalties, which interacted wit h other factor s t o dea l with th e problem s arisin g fro m th e urba n workplace . A n illustration o f thi s is Canton i n th e mid-1920s, when politica l activists enliste d their kin by manipulating dialect, home place, and boarding-house bases of joint action. Similarly, the Hong Kong pullers, on their own initiative, formed a union on a native-plac e basi s i n th e lat e 1930s , i n protes t o f a n increas e o f vehicl e rent an d lodgin g charges . Low skilled yet partially self-employed, th e pullers relied on entrepreneuria l flair an d physica l stamin a t o pl y fo r business , thu s bridgin g th e cultur e o f hawkers an d pur e physica l labor . Withou t ownin g th e rickshaw s the y drew , they wer e "proletarian " — le t u s provisionall y retai n thi s ter m establishe d b y usage — in the true sense of lacking possession o f the means of their livelihood . It follow s fro m thi s analysi s tha t the y ha d th e objectiv e condition s conduciv e to radical mass movement. Yet, as most pullers had been tenant farmers deprive d of thei r traditiona l mean s of living because o f misfortunes, lan d hunger, and/o r banditry, the y ha d littl e o r n o prio r experienc e wit h moder n wage-wor k an d were fa r fro m bein g par t o f th e progressive working class. They were therefor e proletariat an d ye t ver y non-proletariat , suc h tha t nea t an d exac t definition s and delineations are difficult an d elusive . Perhaps no other occupatio n ha s such stark duality . N o wonde r just suc h enigmati c an d periphera l — i f tha t i s th e word — ye t centrall y importan t peopl e nee d t o b e give n muc h mor e proportionality. If ther e i s somethin g exceptiona l abou t th e pullers , wa s ther e anythin g unique an d unusua l abou t thei r style s o f joint actio n an d thei r relation s wit h
INTRODUCTION
3
state authorities ? I t wil l b e observe d tha t th e puller s wer e vulnerabl e t o th e brutal act s o f thos e i n unifor m an d th e competitio n o f othe r mean s o f conveyance, everythin g fro m car s t o pedicabs . Thes e fact s remin d u s t o thin k about how the workplace put the common people right in the midst of a volatile urban process , and how extensivel y an d i n what ways the shifts i n th e holder s of political powe r cam e int o play . The work presente d her e will, I think, lea d towards a richer understandin g o f urban livin g throug h a comparative stud y of the historic patter n o f adaptation int o th e urban workplace , th e powers o f th e state, an d th e repertoir e o f mas s activism . B y glimpsing ho w certai n "smal l potatoes" o f th e cit y population struggle d agains t thei r adversitie s an d becam e a political forc e t o be reckoned with , thi s book wil l fin d muc h t o distur b th e prevailing wisdo m o f a familia r insurrectio n an d th e ol d paradig m o f powe r relations imbedde d i n clas s o r capital . This boo k let s ricksha w puller s tak e cente r stag e an d explore s th e experiences o f livin g tha t th e puller s fel l bac k on . A s the puller s deal t wit h a clientele tha t comprise d peopl e fro m hig h t o low classes , of both sexe s an d al l ages and races , they offer a n ideal locus for explorin g th e dynamics and politic s occurring o n th e street . Th e pullers face d an d felt , first-han d an d ver y deeply , the consequenc e o f changin g custome r taste s an d th e tyrann y o f th e machin e age that affecte d the m financially, an d th e entry into thei r business from amon g the jobless. Partiall y self-employe d o r privately employed , the y were subjecte d not jus t t o patron-clien t an d employer-employe e problem s bu t als o t o th e directives and regulations of the state, and th e state's main arm, th e police. This book wil l produc e a more comple x an d dynami c accoun t o f th e labo r worl d than th e mor e conventiona l vie w o f alienatio n an d clas s stratificatio n woul d suggest. Beyond the dualism of opposing class interests, there is a need to explore the ensembl e o f curiously ambivalen t relationships , throug h a n analysi s o f th e defining characteristic s o f th e urban workplace . The choic e of the book titl e is not without forethought . Agai n and again i t will b e foun d tha t ther e woul d see m t o b e a n involuntary , eve n unwanted , element t o th e pullers ' activism , a s well a s thei r positio n an d participatio n i n urban mas s movements . Thei r collectiv e show s o f forc e were , if no t a definit e solution to , a n authenti c expressio n o f thei r grievance s agains t destitutio n — out o f shee r economi c necessity . Pu t differently , thei r preoccupatio n wit h problems o f livelihood , income , an d price s constitute d a common dominato r that le d al l othe r cause s o f protest s b y a wide margin . A t various times , the y were spurre d int o collectiv e actio n tha t hardl y escape d th e eye s o f th e publi c but wer e simultaneousl y pushe d int o th e quagmir e o f cit y politics , sufferin g great losses in th e political storms. Possibly, they would hav e preferred leadin g quiet — almost anonymous — lives instead of undergoing the moments of cheers and tear s an d becomin g victimize d b y th e reshuffle s o f power , i f the y ha d a choice. Henc e th e titl e o f thi s book, Reluctant Heroes.
4
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Hong Kon g an d Canto n ar e culturall y clos e an d ye t conceptuall y ver y distinct. Fo r al l it s fam e (o r notoriety ) a s a Britis h crow n colon y wo n fo r mercantile interests, Hong Kong was a thriving yet comparatively stable entrepo t where colonia l laissez-faire too k roo t an d flourished . However , th e showcas e image o f perpetua l prosperit y an d sustaine d stabilit y reveal s onl y half-truths . Social cohesion and material advancement were in danger of going up in flames , and th e proliferation o f fissures du e t o societal complexit y could , and did , lea d to civi l unrest . Returnin g t o th e subjec t o f thi s study , a s tim e wen t by , whe n owners and contractors of rickshaws gradually lost their self-acclaimed legitimac y as protectors for th e pullers, the pattern of strikes and boycotts of short duratio n was followe d b y th e occurrenc e o f mor e protracte d maneuverings . T o thro w light o n th e wa y o f lif e o f colonia l Hon g Kong , on e need s t o examin e th e European idea s of law and order , racism and dogmatism , an d a criminal justice system reinforce d b y th e powe r o f a non-native minority . In th e recen t past , Canto n wa s a base are a o f uprising s agains t th e Qin g Dynasty, th e headquarter s o f th e Norther n Expedition , an d th e site o f some of the larges t strike s i n th e histor y o f China . Th e warlor d regime s i n earl y Republican times were followed by the reforming an d revolutionary governmen t of Su n Ya t Sen (Su n Yixia n m&flil , 1866-1925 ) whic h sough t mas s suppor t through promise d assistanc e t o worker s an d peasants . Later , th e Nationalis t authorities trie d t o conciliat e labo r wit h certai n compromises , proposal s fo r reforms, an d rule s fo r interes t groups . During th e second hal f o f the 1940s , the social contro l mechanis m undermine d th e strengt h o f unionis m an d eclipse d to som e exten t employer-employe e conflicts . Sinc e 1949 , societal chang e ha s proceeded a t a far greate r rat e tha n eve r before. I n this book, attentio n i s given to ho w th e facto r o f stat e interventio n affecte d th e situation , an d I mak e comparisons acros s both spac e an d time . As this book involve s colonia l Hon g Kong, in contras t t o national-cum-nationalistic Canton , th e changin g qualitie s of everyda y lif e brough t fort h b y political parameter s canno t b e overlooked . Hong Kon g was a British emporiu m gaine d throug h imperialis t conquest , whereas Canto n wa s a treaty port opene d by force o f arms t o foreign trad e an d residence. A n analysi s o f th e tw o citie s wit h suc h a marke d presenc e o f Westerners woul d almos t immediatel y prope l u s into a reflection upo n th e al l too familia r subjec t o f China' s intercourse with th e West, which was somethin g of a love-hat e relationship. 1 I n thi s book , a n emphasi s i s place d o n wha t relationships ther e were between importe d initiative s an d loca l circumstances , and wher e treaty-por t colonialist s an d capitalist s (Chines e an d Western) fitte d in. Thes e ar e importan t no t onl y i f on e wishe s t o gai n a mor e balance d perspective o f th e actua l influenc e o f foreignism ; the y als o provid e foo d fo r 1. Fo r an exploration of different perspectives , see Cohen (1984, 97-147); Ho (1991, 87-104); Scalapino (1999 , 1-15).
INTRODUCTION
5
thought o n th e relativ e influenc e o f exogenou s force s i n contras t t o nativ e elements. I t will be seen , o n clos e examination , tha t certai n foreigner s — an d Chinese — got involved in activities based on considerations tha t the y believed to be beneficial t o Chines e peopl e rathe r tha n a t thei r expense . The forma t o f thi s book combine s themati c an d chronologica l approaches . Part One ("Acros s th e Colonial Matrix") set s Hong Kong in its historical setting. The openin g chapte r plunge s th e reade r headfirs t int o th e immigran t an d sojourning urba n Chines e communit y i n Hon g Kon g an d th e socio-economi c accommodation o f rural in-migrant s t o lif e i n th e urban workplace . Chapte r 2 pieces togethe r th e multitud e o f environment s o f th e workplace o n th e street , a contested socia l drama i n which peopl e fro m al l walks o f life cam e into play. Chapter 3 stand s b y itsel f a s a historica l an d socio-structura l analysi s o f th e colonial wa y o f lif e i n th e contex t o f th e Europea n sens e o f mastery , th e government rule s an d regulation s place d o n th e residin g Chinese , th e administration o f law and judicial penalties , racial prejudices, an d stereotypes , thus bringing togethe r man y facet s o f th e old colonia l situation int o a readable focus. Part Two concerns itsel f with Republica n Canton . Chapte r 4 elucidates th e mixture of new and old influences, th e inhabitants and new constructions rapidly on th e increase , an d a ne w socio-politica l situatio n tha t mean t greate r opportunities fo r elit e an d mas s participation i n cit y politics. In chapte r 5 , we analyze th e growin g radicalizatio n o f ricksha w activis m durin g th e earl y an d mid-1920s, on a scale and degree of militancy not seen in the past. This chapte r explains ho w th e puller s becam e politicall y engage d an d produce d th e revolutionary epi c o f th e short-live d Canto n Sovie t i n 192 7 — a n experienc e both heroi c an d heart-rending fo r them . Chapte r 6 delineates th e impulse s fo r and ultimat e failur e o f ricksha w reform s unde r th e auspice s o f th e Canto n administration up to 1938 , an experience that impresses upon us the importance of favorabl e stat e interventio n fo r majo r an d rapi d advanc e i n reforms . Part Thre e ("Withi n a Fast-Changing Context" ) examine s a period whe n clouds hun g ove r th e fat e o f th e rickshaw . Chapte r 7 dwells o n th e effort s t o lessen th e sum o f human miser y in inter-war Hon g Kong. In so doing, we she d some light on the priorities for governmental action . Chapter 8 gives an accoun t of th e wartim e whe n th e street s were , rathe r awkwardly , cleare d o f moto r vehicles t o th e benefi t o f rickshaws . Chapte r 9 deliberate s o n th e repeate d negotiations betwee n puller s and owner s fo r a settlement o n th e rickshaw ren t question i n post-wa r Hon g Kong . Chapte r 10 , focusing o n Canton , discusse s the increasing use o f pedicabs i n place of rickshaws tha t had led , over a period of years , t o a shar p reductio n i n th e populatio n o f pullers . Thi s boo k i n conclusion place s th e subject o f study into th e wider theoretica l debate s o f th e social science s an d bring s ou t broade r issue s whos e significanc e extend s fa r beyond Canto n an d Hon g Kong .
In th e earl y 1880s , som e fort y year s afte r th e foundin g o f colonia l Hong Kong , increasin g number s o f rickshaw puller s roame d abou t anywhere the y chos e t o tout , especiall y i n th e street s adjacen t t o the commercia l quarter s wher e the y seize d opportunitie s fo r business, regardles s o f traffi c rules . "Keep t o th e left " wa s th e rul e draw n t o th e attentio n o f th e pullers; th e penalt y fo r non-observanc e coul d b e a fin e o f $2 5 o r imprisonment fo r thre e months , accordin g t o Sectio n 5 o f Th e Vehicles an d Publi c Traffi c Ordinance , 1883 . A humorou s poe t hung ou t a sig n saying : The rule s o f th e roa d ar e a parado x quite , If h e keep s t o th e left h e i s sur e t o g o right, But, i f o n th e roa d h e i s jogging along , If h e keep s t o th e right, h e i s sur e t o g o wrong. Quoted fro m Hongkong Daily Press, Novembe r 10 , 188 3
PART ON
E
ACROSS THE COLONIAL MATRIX
1 A City of Sojourners and Transients
H
ONG KON G wa s a constituen t par t o f a globa l Chines e diaspor a an d a regional sub-community i n South China . After bein g founded a s a British settlement, i t graduall y develope d int o a commercial an d financia l hu b i n th e region. A majority o f the transients and sojourners were single males from Sout h China. The y flocke d int o Hon g Kon g where , generally , lif e wa s comparabl y tolerable. As the border was normally unguarded in the pre-World War II period, there wa s n o limi t o n th e numbe r o f asylum-seeker s wh o coul d come . Hon g Kong has gon e throug h fluctuation s i n th e siz e o f its population, triggere d b y bubonic plagues , economi c setbacks , an d mas s boycotts; however, i t emerge d more competitiv e i n th e lon g run . A city that , i n 1841 , had jus t ove r 7,45 0 inhabitants gre w by leaps an d bound s t o well ove r 139,00 0 b y 187 6 (Chinese Repository 1841, 286-9; Hongkong Government Gazette February 24 , 1877 , 81).
Ethnicities an d Identitie s The main , o r a t leas t a very major , portio n o f th e Chines e i n pre-wa r Hon g Kong though t o f themselve s a s transient s an d sojourners . Fo r them , contact s with Chines e relative s stil l i n thei r nata l hom e (China ) wer e maintaine d b y remittances, occasionall y accompanie d b y famil y letters, 1 an d retur n visit s t o their ancestra l lan d fo r a week o r tw o o n majo r festival s o r persona l event s if their financial situatio n permitted (Chu n 1990 , interview). Hong Kong was their refuge, no t thei r home . Th e censu s o f 193 1 showe d a domicile d Chines e population o f 399,608 persons, the larger percentage (ove r sixty-seven percent ) not locall y born . Furthermore , a government repor t fro m 193 9 reveale d tha t the "eb b an d flow " o f th e Chines e populatio n o f 700,00 0 amounte d t o 8,00 0 daily (HKLCSP 1931, 129; Hongkong Government Gazette March 4 , 1949 , 7) . 1. Thi s i s quite ofte n show n i n th e letters (i n gras s script ) boun d u p wit h famil y remittances, of various dates in the early decades of the twentieth century , in the Ma Tsui Chiu Commercia l Correspondence.
10
RELUCTANT HEROE S
The Hong Kong Chinese constituted a diverse lot of cultures. The Cantones e dialect spoken by the majority o f the population, locall y known a s "Punti Kwa" (Bendi hu a ^ i f i M , loca l tongue) , i s in fac t furthe r divisibl e int o sub-regiona l variants spoke n i n Canto n Cit y and neighborin g area s (Qia n an d Wang 1950) . The Chiucho w (Chaozho u MJM) natives ha d bee n livin g i n Hokkie n (Fujia n ?§lt) befor e the y settle d i n th e regio n o f Chiusha n (Chaosha n $$?llj) . Th e Chiuchow speec h sound s simila r t o th e Souther n Mi n (fUl^l ) dialect , a s Chiuchow i s geographically clos e t o Min (tha t is , Hokkien). The Hoklo (Fula o ?Mf^), meanin g "chap s fro m Hokkien, " cam e originally, thoug h no t necessaril y directly, from Hoi-Luk-Fung . "Hoi-Luk-Fung " i s short fo r Hoifun g (Haifen g $H H ) an d Lukfung (Lufen g H H ) , whic h were all too often ravage d by calamitie s and civi l strife i n modern times . The Hakka (Keji a 3lrli0 , the literal meaning of which is "guest family," wer e long-time land gypsies of China speaking a unique dialect (Cohe n 1968 , 237-92; Jian 1980 , 34-53). Geographic an d dialec t difference s le d t o th e developmen t o f "we " versus "they" perception s amon g th e subethni c groups . Th e Hokl o dialec t i s "no t s o soft an d musical as the Cantonese , having many nasal twangs" (Bal l 1903, 346). Although th e Chiucho w coul d ofte n pic k up th e local Cantonese dialect withi n a fe w year s afte r thei r arriva l i n Hon g Kong , mos t o f the m retaine d a heav y accent, eve n afte r man y decade s o f cit y residenc e (Chu n 1990 , interview). I n dialect difference , Chiucho w an d Hokl o ar e mutuall y understandabl e bu t Chiuchow and Cantones e are not. "Whe n a person from Hoifung meet s a person from Chiucho w an d the y convers e i n thei r ow n dialects , the y ca n ge t o n wel l enough, and both sides are very sure of the peculiarities of his or her own dialect" (Tsui 1991 , interview). In early Hong Kong society, where job option s availabl e to th e unskille d worker s wer e limited , certai n dialec t group s tende d t o concentrate i n particular occupations . For instance, th e Punti had a stronghold in th e oyste r fishery ; bea n cur d makin g and ston e cuttin g were almost entirel y done b y Hakka me n an d wome n (Hongkong Annual Report 1947, 10) . The multiplicit y o f languag e groups , whe n combine d wit h negativ e stereotypes, created divisions within th e shifting population . The Tanka (Danji a SMy "eg g family"), i n contradistinctio n t o shore-dwellers, were nomadic boa t people who wen t ashor e onl y occasionall y t o sell thei r catc h o r sho p fo r dail y necessities (Anderso n 1970 , 248-56). Floatin g a s they were fo r generation s o n sampans o r river barges, the y experience d prejudic e a s "a tribe o f social exiles, banished fro m respectabl e society. " The y retained much of the superstition of the past an d wer e see n a s "littl e remove d fro m thei r suppose d barbaria n origins, " engaging in "immora l and un-Chinese activities" (Kan i 1967 , 1-11; Ward 1967 , 287). I n contrast, th e Hoklo ha d th e notoriety (perceived ) o f being " a rougher, wilder se t o f me n tha n th e Cantonese " (Bal l 1903 , 346). The y wer e labele d "fierce" an d "uncivilized " an d "easil y ou t o f tempe r an d quarrelsome. "
A CIT Y OF SOJOURNER S AN D TRANSIENT S
11
"Whenever dispute s hav e t o b e settled , the y d o no t spea k bu t figh t first . Peopl e have eve n describe d thei r bullyin g characte r a s hereditary " (Wan g 1982 , 196) . Whether pushe d fro m th e villag e b y economi c povert y o r pulle d t o th e cit y by prospect s o f a better life , thos e fres h fro m Chin a neede d persona l recognitio n and economi c security . Onc e i n Hon g Kong , the y staye d wit h kin . Perceivin g themselves a s settler s i n a n u n k n o w n foreig n land , the y als o sa w a pressin g need t o defen d thei r in-grou p interests . A t th e harbo r front , wher e thos e engage d in menia l labo r wer e employe d loadin g an d unloadin g carg o vessels , man y regional an d speec h group s compete d fo r wor k consignments . Thei r conflict s brought ou t ope n expression s o f animosity , leadin g t o bitte r battle s tha t mad e headlines i n th e pres s (Lih Pao July 26 , 1940 ; Xing Bao Novembe r 23 , 1941) . No wonde r th e competitio n fo r jobs strengthene d thei r feelin g o f self-protection , leading t o eve n greate r feudin g a m o n g them . A s note d i n a stud y o f th e Chiuchow an d thei r relation s wit h othe r group s i n Hon g Kong : The Cantonese , althoug h grea t i n number , ar e no t organize d a s a whole, wherea s thes e peopl e wh o fee l the y ar e separate d fro m othe r Chinese becaus e o f thei r specialit y o f dialect , grou p themselve s wel l into a whol e unit . A s unit y i s strength , thei r problem s an d thei r influence o n societ y woul d b e great . O n th e othe r hand , althoug h their dialec t ha s throw n the m together , thei r languag e an d cultura l background ma y b e a barrier t o livin g i n harmon y wit h othe r dialec t groups. (Le e 1969 , 125 ) Many o f th e first-generatio n immigrant s lande d i n Hon g Kon g with pitifull y few belongings , som e eve n empty-handed . Bu t a t suc h a critica l juncture the y were blesse d wit h th e presenc e o f a guarante e o f protectio n fro m th e familia l o r clannish circles . Th e followin g i s a n attemp t t o discus s th e problem s face d b y the rura l emigres o n thei r entr y int o Hon g Kon g an d th e patriarcha l practice s in pre-Worl d Wa r I I times . I t explain s an d consider s mor e closel y ho w th e earl y immigrants' repertoir e o f cultura l tradition s suc h a s commonalitie s i n dialect , surname, o r nativ e plac e functione d wit h tenemen t house s t o organiz e work , to offe r assistanc e t o th e ne w arrivals , an d t o becom e a sourc e o f organizationa l strength fo r join t action .
Business an d Tradin g Network s In Hon g Kong , a s elsewhere , th e ownershi p o f publi c rickshaw s wa s separat e from thei r revenu e operation , a s th e cos t o f ownershi p wa s prohibitiv e fo r th e ordinary pullers . A s o f 1940 , a second-hand ricksha w cos t abou t $50 0 (Ta Kung Po April 15 , 1940) . Th e majorit y o f rickshaw s wer e customaril y lease d throug h various level s o f subletting . Th e puller s thu s rarel y rente d rickshaw s directl y
12
RELUCTANT HEROE S
from th e owner s bu t lease d the m fro m go-between s o r job brokers , know n variously as fumu (tfc @ , "head coolies"), chetou C$SS, "carriage chiefs") o r erlu tongjia (Hj$r~MM, "sub-hosts") , term s tha t indicat e thei r intermediar y role . As rickshaws were sublet to their various destinations, on many levels and at inflated prices, ther e i s n o questio n o f a job broke r tha t migh t b e though t o f a s a "subcontractor" o r a "sub-subcontractor. " Som e job broker s wer e foreme n o f the Sanitar y Board; still many other s were police who used thei r power s t o ge t sub-standard rickshaw s o r those with bad fittings approve d for licensing (Leun g 1990, interview) . Although ricksha w owner s were predominantly male , a few women appea r in historica l record s i n earl y twentieth-centur y Hon g Kon g a s "proprietresses " of rickshaw firms, as the wives of owners, or as widows. Wong Yick Mui (Huan g Yimei Hc^MS), who marrie d a rickshaw owne r in 192 7 and died in 198 9 at age 78 after a n illness, was described i n th e press as an office-beare r o f a syndicate formed b y owners o f rickshaws (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 24 , 1944) . Ngan Chi m Shi, th e lawfu l wido w o f Nga n Win g Ch i (o f who m mor e i s give n below) , managed tw o ricksha w firm s (a t 11 4 Canto n Roa d an d 3 K i Ling Lane ) an d one lodgin g hous e fo r puller s durin g th e 1900 s an d 1910 s with th e assistanc e of her lat e husband's brother, Nga n Luk (Ya n Liu JH/\). The other example s of female owner s includ e Cheun g Yim Sze (Zhang Yanshi 3ilJltR), Lai Im Sze (Li Yanshi HrHcR) , an d Won g Leun g Sz e (Huan g Liangsh i Hc^cR) , wh o figure d as the possessors o f rickshaw firm s a t 7 Triangle Street, 364 Queen's Road West, and 4 8 Queen' s Roa d Eas t respectively . The interests of rickshaw owner s were diverse and expansive. Cha u l u Tin g (Zhou Yaotin g MMM), fo r instance , owne d a rickshaw factor y an d a pullers' hostel (chezaiguan JJifyffO, thu s entrenching himself i n the trade from th e time the rickshaws were produced unti l th e time they were ready for letting . Ip Ting Fun (Y e Tingfen 11115? ) was managing proprietor o f J. Gibbs & Co. , Importers, Exporters an d Commissio n Merchants . Tong Wan Ting (Tan g Yunting S U t ^ - ) was owner o f a dried good s shop a t 1 4 Bonham Stran d West. Wong Kam Foo k (Huang Jinfu jPC^fe ) manage d th e Kowloo n Warehouse an d wa s secretary o f the Ka m Hin g Knittin g & Weavin g Factor y (^JlJtl£icJ§D . Won g I m (Huan g Yan llcife ) wa s keepe r o f Win g O n Cha n (Yong'anzha n T K : ? ? ^ ) , a boardin g house fo r emigrant s tha t wa s o n clos e term s wit h broker s an d charterer s o f emigrant ships, both thos e overseas and in Hong Kong. Ngan Shing Kwan (Yan Chengkun H l $ W , 1903-2001) , busines s tycoo n o f th e day , joined wit h hi s father-in-law an d a grou p o f othe r me n t o operat e Hon g Kon g Island' s bu s services unde r th e franchis e grante d b y th e governmen t i n 1933 . Numerous ricksha w owners , unbeknown t o many, held th e title Justices of the Peace in Hong Kong. Some among them, including Ngan Shing Kwan, Tong Wan Ting, Wong Kam Fook, and an Australian Chinese named Frederick Charle s
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Mowfung, alia s Chun g Mo w Fun g (Zhon g Maofen g ItjcSIl), 2 ha d serve d a s directors of the Tung Wah Hospital Committee and/or the Po Leung Kuk (Society for th e Protection of Women and Children) , both eminent charitable institution s in whic h sa t leader s o f th e Chines e community . Perhap s th e mos t prominen t was Nga n Shin g Kwan , wh o i s particularly remembere d fo r hi s Chin a Moto r Bus Co . Ltd. I n additio n t o holdin g office s i n variou s publi c committee s an d advisory boards , Nga n sa t o n th e Legislativ e Counci l i n 1951-6 1 an d th e Executive Counci l in 1959-61 . Nga n was also awarded th e Order o f the British Empire (OBE ) an d Commande r o f the British Empir e (CBE) , in recognitio n o f his long years of public service. Ngan's success is evident in the relative synonymity of his name with "rickshaw. " "Sto p an y ricksha w pulle r o n th e stree t an d h e would no d knowingl y a t th e meres t mentio n o f Nga n Shin g Kwan' s name, " said a former pulle r (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
Economic Livelihoo d an d Adjustmen t The initia l experienc e o f work migh t no t b e th e job itsel f bu t th e dynamic s o f clanship tha t le d t o th e acquisitio n o f tha t job. Chai n migratio n serve d a s a significant mechanis m in job recruitment and resulted in subethnic occupationa l specialization. I n selectin g a migratio n destination , th e would-b e migrant s followed i n th e footstep s o f thei r cla n member s o r villagers who ha d precede d them, a facto r tha t playe d som e par t i n thei r caree r choice . I n a governmen t report fo r 1901 , there wa s mentio n o f a headma n name d N g A Tong , th e possessor o f some fort y publi c seda n chairs , who rendere d assistanc e t o thos e from hi s hometown by recommending jobs and helping them deal with problems posed b y alie n surroundings . Whe n N g recruited coolie s t o operat e hi s seda n chairs, he always gave preference t o those who were from th e area of Haiphon g (Haifang JSKf ) wher e h e had live d before h e moved t o Hong Kon g at twenty one years o f ag e (HKLCSP 1901, 75-6). Another exampl e o f th e persistence o f patriarchal connection s i n th e labo r market ca n b e foun d i n Nga n Win g Chi , owne r o f tw o ricksha w firm s an d a contractor responsibl e t o Jardine's Sugar Refinery an d Hong Kong and Kowloo n Wharf, fo r securin g laborers an d overseein g th e work, until his death o n Marc h 9, 1905. Ngan periodically sent recruiting agents back to Chiuchow to bring other villagers to Hong Kong to join the rickshaw trade or other transport undertakings. Through th e "credit-ticke t system, " a deed o f employment was drawn up in th e 2. Brothe r of Edward Mowfung, who was a partner of Der A Wing & Co. and an active sportsman, a familiar figur e of the Craigengower Cricket Club, and one of the founders of the Clay Pigeon Shooting Club at North Point.
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presence of the village elders, whereby the indentured employe e pledged t o work for Nga n for a t least six months. The recruiting agents advanced th e travel cost s of the employee, which th e village elders were obligated to repay if the employe e left th e service during th e contrac t period . When si x months were up, th e ma n who had come to Hong Kong on contract was free t o continue employment wit h Ngan o r obtai n employmen t elsewher e (HKLCSP 1901, 89-90). For th e most part , th e taipan s (bi g business bosses) o f European merchan t houses did not wish t o be bothered with th e difficulties o f the Chines e languag e or customs . When the y wante d t o hir e offic e coolie s fo r unskille d work , the y would always refer the case to their Chinese compradors. Playing the role of trading partners or purchasing agents between the European management and the Chinese staff or customers, the compradors would delegate the recruitment and negotiation for work t o their truste d subordinates, who all too often go t new men from thei r own clan or village. This situation is best exemplified b y the following commen t of a comprador o f the Germa n fir m o f Messrs. Siemssen & Co . (havin g opene d a branch i n Hon g Kong in 1855) : " I just sen d som e o f the ol d hands t o go an d engage new coolies. . .. I think the y go to the coolie houses to get them. If I send them out , the y woul d g o an d ge t thei r ow n countryme n — a Chow-cha u [Chaozhou] ma n — t o come" (HKLCSP 1901, 73).
Tenement House s an d Segregatio n By the en d o f th e nineteent h century , th e wester n en d o f Hon g Kon g Islan d (the sit e o f th e bubonic plagu e o f 1894 ) ha d grow n int o a n are a o f tenement s for Chinese , places tha t were decrepit, densel y packed, and deficient i n sanitar y facilities (Smit h 1969 , 26-32 ; Evan s 1970 , 69-78) . Th e crampe d tenemen t houses, often divide d into cubicles and sublet, were much criticized by the health authorities a s "unfi t fo r huma n habitation, " "out-of-dat e i n desig n an d construction," "dark , ill-ventilated , extremel y dirty , an d i n som e cases , mer e dens of filth." "Wher e sanitary provision was made, it was extremely primitive; for th e most part, however, it was completely lacking." On the eve of the Pacifi c War, a medica l office r foun d th e sam e condition s prevailin g (HKLCSP 1888, 384-438; 1938 , 265, 280). A majority o f the Chines e immigrants, illiterate an d unskilled me n who ha d falle n o n hard times , were found packe d i n bunk bed s inside. The crowded tenemen t houses led to neighborly and subethnic involvemen t in dail y life . A puller remarke d i n 193 9 tha t h e wa s residin g i n on e o f thes e houses, which thirtee n peopl e crammed into , each paying about $ 1 a month a s rent. Apar t fro m sharin g th e monthl y ren t i n th e su m o f $17 , the y prepare d meals sid e b y sid e ove r charcoa l an d firewoo d stove s (HKLCSP 1939 , 160) .
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Reflecting o n hi s severa l year s o f erstwhil e bachelorhoo d befor e th e Pacifi c War , a retire d pulle r recalle d tha t h e wa s lodge d an d provisione d b y a contracto r who rente d a ricksha w t o him . H e share d lodging s wit h Chiucho w kinfolk s i n a "K u L i Kun " (guliguan PSffllt , literally , lodgin g h o u s e fo r coolies ) i n Saiyingpun (th e waterfront wes t o f th e Taipingsha n area) , then thickl y populate d with half-residential , half-commercia l house s (Chu n 1990 , interview) . I n thi s way, subethni c grouping s base d o n cla n loyalt y an d dialec t differentiatio n wer e preserved an d perpetuate d throug h residentia l proximity . The tenemen t house s afforde d a sens e o f solidarit y t o th e dwellers . W h e n the Chines e emigrant s cam e t o th e colony , thei r firs t sto p wa s usuall y th e tenement house , ofte n manage d b y someon e fro m thei r ow n nativ e place , wher e they expecte d assistanc e i n job seeking . Th e housekeeper s playe d varyin g role s as mai n tenant s o f houses, cla n member s o f thos e i n th e houses , an d job broker s who too k car e o f th e newcomer s i n a n unfamilia r an d foreig n land . The y woul d recommend job s fo r th e recen t arrival s an d represen t the m i n dealin g wit h th e colonial authoritie s i f necessary . Throug h givin g a mean s o f surviva l t o othe r regionals, the y appeare d a s fathe r figure s wh o gaine d fo r themselve s th e rol e o f headmen. Fo r a vivid descriptio n o f thi s scen e a t th e lowe r strat a o f Hon g Kon g society, attentio n i s invite d t o a 190 1 remar k o f Franci s Henr y Ma y ( 1 8 6 0 1922), the n captai n superintenden t o f th e police , wh o late r becam e governo r of Hon g Kon g i n 1912-19 : [Sedan chai r bearer s an d ricksha w pullers ] wh o com e t o th e Colon y to look fo r wor k ar e strangers t o th e place an d rarel y have any mone y to kee p the m whil e lookin g fo r work . Wha t woul d probabl y happe n would b e tha t the y would as k th e keepe r o f th e lodging-hous e wher e their clansme n sto p i n th e Colon y an d whithe r the y woul d g o o n first arrived , probabl y unde r th e guidanc e o f som e clansme n wh o had bee n her e before , o r perhap s som e headme n o f license d chai r and jinricksha coolie s t o pu t the m i n th e way o f gettin g license d an d to pa y th e necessar y fee . . . . Hardly an y o f the m hav e eve n th e smal l capital necessar y t o ow n an d pl y a chai r o f thei r own . The y loo k t o headmen t o supply the m wit h th e chairs , their photograph s an d thei r licenses. Thes e headme n ar e th e licensee s o f th e chairs , an d i t i s th e same wit h th e publi c jinrickshas. (HKLCSP 1901 , 143-4 ) The lodgin g hous e provided a sense o f security throug h strengt h i n numbers . From tim e t o tim e th e dweller s collecte d fund s t o undertak e religiou s rituals . Designed t o bles s th e communit y an d t o repa y th e grac e o f patro n saints , thes e rituals provide d joyou s occasion s fo r socia l interaction , break s fro m routine , and opportunitie s t o identif y wit h other s fro m thei r hometow n (Chu n 1990 , interview). Ther e wer e puller s who , firs t workin g o n thei r ow n an d the n hire d by th e Pea k household s o n a contrac t basis , stil l paid ren t t o th e lodgin g house s
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where the y ha d lived . W h e n the y wen t t o d o th e marketing , the y woul d spen d a nigh t i n th e lodgin g house s whil e waitin g fo r daw n th e nex t day , befor e returning t o th e Pea k t o atten d t o th e need s o f thei r masters . I f the y wer e face d with th e charg e o f refusin g obligator y work , contrar y t o th e order s o f th e master , they woul d preven t othe r coolie s fro m servin g th e master ; a t th e sam e time , the housemate s woul d hel p pa y th e fine . Th e hous e als o helpe d th e dweller s over period s o f unemploymen t wit h fre e lodging ; an d i f the y died , som e mone y would b e pai d ou t toward s buria l expense s (HKLCSP 1901 , 42, 52 , 57-8 , 88-9) . The ricksha w depo t generall y consiste d o f a hal l stacke d wit h tool s an d repair item s o n th e groun d floor ; th e uppe r floor s serve d a s livin g quarter s furnished fo r th e puller s (Chu n 1990 , interview) . Fro m th e poin t o f vie w o f the depo t keepers , i t coul d b e tha t th e tendenc y o f providin g livin g quarter s i n the depo t wa s relate d t o th e natur e o f th e trad e itself . Economie s o f scal e woul d apply certainl y t o th e stockin g o f spar e part s o f vehicles . Th e amalgamatio n o f operations, whil e obviatin g u n d u e competition , shoul d als o mak e fo r mor e efficiency an d reduce d overhead . Th e depo t keeper s gaine d significan t profi t b y providing accommodation , thu s makin g mone y o n lodgin g rent , cantee n food , opium an d tobacc o sales , an d loa n sharking . Oligarchi c contro l gav e the m mor e power t o influenc e th e settin g o f rent , an d henc e profit . Thu s th e larg e profi t i n the trad e woul d accru e t o thos e wit h th e mean s t o operat e o n a larg e scale , i n contrast wit h th e profit s mad e b y middlin g an d smal l contractors , wit h sa y tw o or thre e rickshaw s an d withou t th e provisio n o f lodgin g t o th e pullers . From th e evidenc e culle d fro m variou s sources , it was foun d tha t th e puller s tended t o liv e a shor t distanc e fro m th e plac e o f work , eve n i f the y di d n o t reside i n th e ricksha w depo t (Hongkong Government Gazette Jul y 19 , 1935 , 7 5 6 7; HKLCSP 1939 , 160) . Similarly , th e coolie s wh o worke d fo r th e Kowloo n Godown Co . tende d t o settl e i n th e house s nea r th e harbor , whic h wa s moore d with vessel s o f variou s size s plyin g betwee n Hon g Kon g an d othe r China-coas t ports, dischargin g thei r cargoe s an d replenishin g thei r holds . Thi s patter n o f proximity betwee n hom e an d wor k wa s show n i n working-clas s budgets . A survey o f lower-incom e household s i n Hon g Kon g i n 193 9 reveale d tha t foo d was a majo r ite m o f expenditure , an d fe w i f an y o f the m spen t an y mone y o n personal transpor t (HKLCSP 1939 , 140) . Th e Praya , th e waterfron t the n site d in Connaugh t Road , wa s a plac e o f domicil e fo r thos e wh o trade d thei r labo r for cash . A n officia l repor t o f 193 8 put s it : The unskille d labourin g classe s . . . [tended ] t o fin d dwellin g place s as clos e a s possibl e t o th e scen e o f thei r work , wit h th e resul t tha t the wester n par t o f th e Cit y o f Victoria , whic h house s th e nativ e business quarte r an d which closel y adjoins tha t portion o f the harbou r where th e traffi c fro m th e Wes t Rive r an d fro m th e Chines e coasta l ports i s handled , i s seriously overcrowded . (Hongkong Administration Report 1938 , 14 )
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We hav e anothe r statement , fro m a n officia l repor t give n i n 1939 , o n th e economies o f travelin g t o work : Although th e grea t majorit y o f factorie s i s situated i n urba n an d sub urban areas , well furnished wit h roads and bus services and a tramwa y from en d t o en d o f th e urba n are a i n Hon g Kon g an d ferr y service s between Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon , mos t worker s canno t affor d transport expense s an d ar e compelle d t o liv e i n proximit y t o thei r place o f employment. Certai n o f the larger employers provide housin g accommodation nea r thei r work . (HKLCSP 1939 , 111 )
Patronage an d Protectiv e Mechanism s The Chiucho w pioneer s o f th e Wester n Distric t mad e thei r fortune s a s trader s of rice , herbs , wine , te a leaves , an d drie d seafood , settin g u p firm s i n Bonha m Strand an d nearb y Win g Lo k Stree t (o r "ric e street" ) an d organizin g themselve s around th e guil d o f Na m Pa k Hon g Kun g Shu k (Nanbeihen g gongsu o r % Jfcfi1 &BT) i n 1858 , fo r cooperatio n fo r trade . Stil l othe r Chiucho w wer e attracte d to th e neighborhoo d nativ e banks , opiu m dens , brothels , ricksha w depots , an d retail shop s fo r dail y necessities , whic h greatl y prospered . Consequently , th e Chiuchow informall y monopolize d th e lifebloo d o f th e district . Formerly , ther e was a n alleywa y nea r Bonha m Stran d West , Chiucho w Ho n (Chaozho u xian g ilMl^ir), wher e on e foun d stall s al l servin g Chiucho w snacks . A t De s Voeu x Road Wes t an d Pray a Wes t (now , Kenned y Tow n Praya) , wher e ocea n liner s were docke d mid-stream , load s o f carg o transi t b y mean s o f lighte r o r nativ e j u n k s wer e handle d b y Swato w (Shanto u tlljH ) coolies. 3 By the twentiet h century , Hon g Kon g ha d emerge d a s a prosperous entrepo t of trade . Th e coas t o f Tsimshatsu i a t th e souther n ti p o f Kowloo n Peninsula , beginning a t th e Sta r Ferr y an d endin g somewher e nea r th e forme r Jordon Roa d Ferry, wa s th e sit e o f a deep-wate r pier . Ocean-goin g steamship s coul d g o alon g this are a withou t fea r o f runnin g aground , a s was s o frequentl y th e cas e a t Wes t Point i n th e pre-Worl d Wa r I I days . Her e wa s th e sit e o f numerou s warehouse s of Hon g Kon g an d Kowloo n Wharf , whic h provide d employmen t opportunitie s to thousand s o f Chiucho w coolie s engage d b y a Chiucho w contractor , Nga n Wing Ch i (previousl y mentioned) . Thes e laborers , who mad e thei r wa y t o Hon g Kong wit h th e ai d o f Ngan , worke d a t differen t point s o f thei r live s a s whar f coolies an d ricksha w pullers . If the y were physicall y strong , the y would abando n 3. Th e followin g documentar y vide o shows images of people a t work o n th e street an d the wharf, including coolies who shouldered loads of cargo from junks to wharf by means of th e gangplank . Hongkong 1939: Home-movie of Daniel Wang taken around Hongkong before the Pacific War.
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rickshaw wor k an d provid e labo r fo r th e Kowloo n Godow n Co. , where the y could get a higher daily rate, $1 or above in the early twentieth century (HKLCSP 1901, 121) . Due t o th e cohesiv e influenc e o f hometow n an d occupationa l networks , the Chiucho w dialec t was used a s the lingu a franc a i n Tsimshatsu i aroun d th e Kowloon Godow n i n th e past (Le e 1969 , 62). Indeed, th e Chiucho w tende d t o interact by choice with Chiucho w more often tha n with Cantonese . The vibrant festival of Yu Lan CtiEfit), better known by Westerners as Hungry Ghosts Festival, a thanksgivin g servic e hel d annuall y fo r peace , was revere d b y th e Chiucho w in Haiphon g Road , where altar s fo r patro n divin e guardian s wer e set up an d a temporary ma t she d wit h a stage was built fo r performin g ritua l opera s (Tsu i 1991, interview) . A s a matte r o f fact , pre-Worl d Wa r I I Tsimshatsu i wa s a concentrated are a o f Chiuchow , an d everywher e on e turned , on e sa w stall s serving Chiucho w dishes . Formerly , ther e wa s a sayin g tha t whil e th e fairl y well-to-do Chiucho w wer e promotin g thei r wealt h an d influenc e i n Na m Pa k Hong, thei r les s well-off cla n member s wer e unified a s a coolie communit y i n the sit e o f th e Kowloo n Godow n Co . (La u 1969 , 48). The people sharing a surname (whic h one normally bears for life) ma y for m a descen t grou p o r "alliance " base d o n a n actua l o r fictiv e commo n ancestor , though i n fac t peopl e wit h th e sam e surname migh t b e patrilineally unrelated . A subscription lis t o f 18 7 persons, which appeare d i n a local newspape r (Wah Kiu Yat Po September 29 , 1947 ) a s a note o f recognition t o their generou s cas h donations give n i n ai d o f thei r beleaguere d compatriot s i n easter n Kwangtun g (Guangdong JlcJ^Q, on the Chinese mainland, may throw light on this particular aspect. When, i n 1947 , torrential rains inundated village s and left destitut e par t of th e populatio n i n an d aroun d Chiuyeun g (Chaoyan g S B lit), th e Chiucho w natives then residing in Hong Kong aided in the distribution of relief, in response to the urgency of relief work. The subscription list, a partial membership registe r of th e Associatio n o f Ricksh a Worker s o f Hon g Kon g (Xianggan g renlich e zonggonghui ^ § A ^ ^ $ § I 1 i O, showe d thirt y surnames in all, but those who bear th e sam e surnam e Nga n numbere d twenty-thre e (twelv e percent ) o f th e total. In a n ora l interview , a Ngan-surnamed elde r informe d th e autho r tha t h e was familia r wit h mos t o f th e name s o f th e Ngan s wh o ha d mad e thei r wa y into th e subscriptio n lis t o f 1947 , confirming tha t mos t o f the m ha d belonge d to th e Hon g Kon g Ngan Clanspeople' s Associatio n (Xianggan g Yanshi zongqi n zonghui ^ ^ M R ^ I S J i N I O . Eve n i f they di d not , i n a few exceptiona l cases , they wer e a t leas t Chiucho w regionals . Establishe d i n 1969 , th e Hon g Kon g Ngan Clanspeople' s Associatio n aime d a t th e furtheranc e o f fraternit y amon g Hong Kong inhabitants all surnamed "Ngan " — rich and poor, leader or followe r — there being no marked demarcation between the two. The twenty-three Ngans
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previously referre d t o gaine d ricksha w job s throug h a pattern o f clan-base d migration an d chain recruitment. Littl e educated, the y accepted low-skilled jobs that require d onl y brie f practica l experienc e t o learn , rentin g rickshaw s fro m the above-mentione d Nga n Shin g Kwan , wh o wa s a cla n patriarc h an d a respectable ma n unde r Britis h rul e i n Hon g Kong , an d recognize d a s such b y his compatriot s (Nga n 1991 , interview). Educated a t Queen's College , Hong Kong, and the n at St. John's University, Shanghai, Ngan Shing Kwan was proficient i n both Chines e and English. Ngan's father die d a t th e heigh t o f hi s powers , leavin g hi s wif e t o rais e a famil y o n inadequate means . Nga n wa s th e owne r o f tw o ricksha w firms , whic h h e inherited fro m hi s late father a s family business , it having been ru n a s such by his mothe r an d uncle . H e als o provide d premise s t o accommodat e th e puller s and assiste d the m i n obtainin g drivin g license s fro m th e police authorities . H e did s o wit h a n ey e t o makin g a profit an d fulfillin g th e a priori an d morall y cultivated ki n obligatio n (Won g 1991 , interview). Ful l o f benevolenc e an d magnanimity, h e allowe d som e o f his hometown compatriots , whom h e calle d as laozong (^STK , literally , "ol d folks") , t o ren t hi s rickshaw s fo r hir e withou t paying a cas h deposi t (anguijin Scftl^:) , whic h woul d b e applie d a s compensation fo r an y unpaid rent. Thus Ngan built up a trust relationship wit h his less fortunate compatriot s an d had many loyal Chiucho w supporter s (Chu n 1990, interview) . To sum up , i t would see m tha t clanspeopl e o f differen t statu s level s wer e nominally divide d b y clas s interest s ye t boun d b y amicabl e relationship s tha t were reciprocated with mutual benefit. Regiona l and speech-group ties , whether real o r not , integrate d the m int o a compac t community . Th e senio r cla n members' economi c superiorit y was defined no t solely by wealth but was fuse d with network s o f occupatio n base d o n a n actua l o r fictiv e commo n ancesto r through whic h cla n solidarit y an d tightnes s migh t be fortified . Th e paternalis t pretensions an d mutua l devotio n amon g clanspeople , mediate d throug h membership in kin or quasi-kin institutions, offered som e sort of support withi n a subethnic group . Indeed, in Hong Kong, pullers' joint action s t o defy owner s and job broker s emerge d relativel y late. There were pullers' complaints agains t archaic managemen t practices , bu t thes e instance s wer e fe w an d fa r betwee n before th e Pacifi c War .
Conclusion The earl y Chines e urba n settlement s evince d a wide spectru m b y hometow n and speech-group origins. Notwithstanding its cosmopolitan allure, early colonial Hong Kon g witnessed th e formatio n o f an ego-centere d relationshi p note d fo r
20
RELUCTANT HEROE S
the prevalenc e o f business , dialect , hometown , an d marriag e ties . Th e manipulation o f kin/quasi-ki n cultura l identitie s fo r surviva l i n th e cit y environment wa s very muc h i n evidence . Th e earl y immigrant s wer e a t hom e with closely knit networks, based on clan, dialect, and hometown commonalities . They tende d t o see k shelte r i n parochia l enclave s i n orde r t o overcom e th e difficulties t o adjust t o a new life, thereby retaining traditional elements of social organization. The tenement house, which offered accommodatio n t o the laborers near their place of work, proved to be useful fo r job seeking and brought comfor t to many anxiou s hearts . I n a diversity o f domestic an d non-domestic contexts , such a s recruitmen t networks , residentia l proximity , an d workplac e neighborhoods, th e congregatio n o f cla n member s prevailed . Subethnic solidarit y serve d a s a mean s o f self-protectio n agains t th e prejudice o f competitive groups . The tenemen t hous e was a hub o f communa l activity an d a refuge agains t oppression , wher e everyon e kne w everyon e else . To be employe d shoul d b e understoo d no t merel y a s i n a relationshi p wit h someone who had contro l ove r th e means of production, a s cultural conformit y to clan obligations cu t across class lines and constituted a n essential element i n the establishmen t o f wor k relations . Th e recours e t o socio-cultura l resource s played a n importan t rol e i n cementin g th e benevolen t imag e o f owners , jo b brokers, and housekeepers, who were duty-bound t o provide benevolent service s to th e less well of f cla n member s an d gran t the m a means o f survival. I t is fo r these reasons tha t th e cooli e headmen wer e fondly remembere d a s fellow folk s (instead o f direc t opposites ) wh o provide d basi c car e an d afforde d hop e i n adversity. Beyond the dualism of capital and labor, the workforce poo l reinforce d subethnicity i n adversit y an d garnere d unit y throug h diversity .
2 The Urban Workplace an d Stree t Politic s
I
T i s th e inten t o f thi s chapte r t o giv e a rea l impressio n o f th e hope s an d dreams governin g th e live s o f ricksha w puller s i n commo n publi c places . Filled wit h peopl e o f various nationalitie s an d fro m al l walks o f life, th e stree t was a contested o r even politicized geographica l domai n where a vibrant mosai c of people — and thei r emotions , ideologies an d attitude s — co-existed bu t no t always i n harmony . Thei r varie d interest s crosse d i n man y way s an d mingle d extensively. Th e hustl e an d bustl e o f th e stree t was suffused wit h rivalrie s an d skirmishes, jealousie s an d envy , bickerin g an d maneuvers , bellicosit y an d turbulence, al l of which constitute d th e perils an d possibilitie s o f metropolita n life. Somethin g o f a unity o f purpose an d supportiv e networ k wa s nurtured i n public social discourse, which necessitated resorting to assistance from workplac e peers and neighbors perpetually in the streets, sometimes in circumstances unde r which othe r mechanism s coul d no t help . Throughout thi s chapter , th e focu s i s on th e street .
Men wit h a Differenc e In th e ol d days , Hon g Kon g wa s a cit y o f immigrant s wh o worke d har d an d contributed t o buildin g society . Apar t fro m boatmen , shi p crews , operator s o f launches and junks, and thos e engaged in agriculture an d marine-related trades , there wer e fokis (huoji {^CW£, "employees") i n shop s an d stevedore s i n wharfs . Artisans and tradespeopl e made their livelihood by applying the skills and craft s they possessed in the production o f goods and services. In pea sorting and ginger preserving, which were seasonal trades, child labor predominated. Doc k laborers received wage s fo r differen t grade s o f work. Constructio n workers , lik e man y others, were paid o n a daily rate. The fees fo r emptyin g nightsoil bucket s wer e paid monthly , th e scal e o f charge s i n 194 0 a s follows : groun d floo r ($0.50) , first floo r ($1.00) , and secon d floo r ($1.50 ) (Guomin rihao October 25 , 1940) . One for m o f manual labor , th e carryin g of construction material s up t o Victoria Peak o n a pol e wit h basket s a t eac h end , continue d unabate d befor e th e widespread us e o f mechanize d transpor t (HKLCSP 1939, 134-5) .
22
RELUCTANT HEROE S
By the tur n o f th e nineteenth an d twentiet h centuries , rickshaws presente d a feas t fo r th e ey e a t al l hour s o f th e day . We ca n fin d the m i n ol d album s o f pictures o n Hong Kong (Phot o 2.1) . "Stands for Jinrikishas," from wher e peopl e could tak e a ride, were increasing in number an d geographical distribution . Th e rickshaw wa s usuall y take n ou t o n tw o shift s o f twelv e hour s each , normall y 3 a m t o 3 pm (i n som e cases , fro m 4 am t o 4 pm) fo r th e mornin g shif t an d 3 p m t o 3 am (o r 4 pm t o 4 am) fo r th e evening shift (Kung Sheung Daily News June 14 , 1937 ; Ta Kung Po April 15 , 1940) . I n wintertime , th e puller s o n th e night shif t woul d retur n hom e in th e small hours o f the morning, when th e sk y was stil l dee p black , du e t o th e scarcit y o f customers . "Tha t i s a part o f ou r daily routine, " sai d a puller no t identifie d b y name (Tai Chung Yat Po February 5, 1937) . Similarly , thos e wh o maintaine d th e scavengin g servic e bega n thei r day a t dawn ; nightsoi l collector s labore d unti l lat e at night , o r throughou t th e night, when th e population a t large was still asleep (Lih Pao January 21 , 1939).
Photo 2. 1 Queen' s Road , lookin g wes t fro m Hillie r Street , 1910s . Today , abou t 9 0 year s later, th e rickshaw s ar e gon e an d th e shophouse s ar e n o more , havin g give n wa y t o high-ris e flats. Th e on e unchangin g par t i n th e entir e landscap e i s th e bend , a t th e en d o f thi s sectio n of th e road , i n th e fa r distance , whic h remain s th e sam e toda y a s i t wa s then . Courtes y o f Public Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
23
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
The job o f ricksha w pullers , lik e tha t o f hawkers , porters, an d shoeshin e boys, was a matter o f self-employment. Thei r incom e wa s performance-based , depending o n th e numbe r o f passengers , a situatio n tha t inculcate d a n entrepreneurial spiri t amon g them . Ricksha w fee s wer e payabl e accordin g t o the perio d o f hire . So , for example , i n 191 2 th e fee s wer e $0.1 0 fo r a quarte r hour, $0.1 5 fo r hal f a n hour, $0.2 0 fo r a n hour, an d $0.2 0 for eac h subsequen t hour, a s shown i n Tabl e 2.1. Table 2. 1 Fare s fo r publi c rickshaw s i n Hon g Kong , 1882-193 9 Time
1882
1891
1912
1924
1939
Quarter hou r
$0.05
$0.05
$0.10
$0.15
$0.15
Half hou r
$0.10
$0.10
$0.15
$0.20
$0.20
One hou r
$0.15
$0.15
$0.20
$0.30
$0.30
Each subsequen t hour
$0.15
$0.15
$0.20
$0.30
$0.30
Compiled fro m variou s edition s o f Hongkong Government Gazette
If the rickshaw was engaged within th e Cit y of Victoria an d discharge d outsid e the eas t o f Ba y Vie w Polic e Statio n afte r 9 pm , a n extr a hal f far e woul d b e chargeable. Fo r tw o o r thre e pullers, th e fare was double o r trebl e respectively . Payment wa s mad e i n man y form s o f currency : Chines e cas h coins , Mexica n silver coins , the colony' s regal coins, or cas h coupon s tha t were sold an d coul d be redeeme d o n presentatio n a t th e Treasury . Rickshaw fares , like any independent smal l business transactio n an d retai l sale, were open t o bargaining. An old-time Hong Kong resident reminisced tha t he use d t o se e old-fashione d Chines e amah s wit h children , havin g don e thei r marketing, agre e o n th e term s wit h th e puller s befor e climbin g int o thei r rickshaws. " I will give you s o much t o tak e me t o so and so [sic] ," the wome n said, an d th e puller s ofte n agreed . A puller recalled : "Som e o f the m [Chines e customers] say , for instance , when th e far e i s five cents , they bargain with yo u for thre e o r four cents , but when you deman d th e full fare , the y pay" (HKLCSP 1901, 44) . Thos e wh o hire d rickshaw s t o serv e a s thei r leg s sa w th e pullers ' services a s similar i n qualit y but differen t enoug h t o justify "talking " pric e t o them. Th e condition s o f th e rickshaw s wer e no t uniform , an d thi s influence d the amoun t o f fares . The rickshaws offere d effectivel y fas t conveyanc e ove r short distances , an d their ready availability at many a street corner probably more than compensate d for thei r low speed. As described by a resident: "Ricksha s are a very convenien t form o f transport in streets not served by the Bus Company, and in wet weather residents ar e i n a positio n t o sa y tha t ricksha s ar e a rea l blessin g fo r shor t journeys" (Hongkong Hansard September 27 , 1934 , 170) . The passengers wer e
24
RELUCTANT HEROE S
carried ver y clos e t o thei r destination . "Yo u ca n trus t you r childre n wit h hi m [the puller ] an d fo r an y distance , yo u ca n leav e hi m wit h you r parcels , o r h e will follo w yo u fro m sho p t o shop , o r furthe r stil l i f you tel l hi m correctl y h e will tak e the m hom e fo r you, " sai d a long-time resident . "I f you ar e out lat e at night, o r earl y in th e morning h e is there and willing t o carr y you about. " Thi s resident di d no t see m t o car e which wa y he travele d providin g h e wa s i n th e rider's seat: "I f you shoul d get drun k . . . you hav e only t o chuck yoursel f int o his conveyanc e an d leav e i t t o him " (Blun t 1928 , 23). The pullers were prone t o make private agreements with thei r patrons ove r the pric e o f thei r labor . A puller sai d h e ofte n demande d $0.7 0 (tha t is , $0.1 0 above th e normal rate ) fo r a ride fro m th e Fire Brigade Station (a t th e juncture of Quee n Victori a Stree t an d Jubile e Street ) i n Centra l t o Arsena l Stree t i n Wanchai. "O f course, " h e wen t on , " I mus t hav e a littl e margin , an d i f the y offer m e sixt y cas h I take it " (HKLCSP 1901, 124). There were differen t kind s of passengers, with varied interests an d values, so there was plenty o f scope fo r different appeals . When the puller knew how to please his customer, for example, providing a guide t o th e best place s t o eat , drink , an d dance , o r was lucky, h e could get a tip. Some others would dispens e advice, solicited o r not, t o holida y merrymakers who seemed unsure o f what t o purchase. For th e pullers, one way to be rewarde d wit h a coin extr a wa s t o keep th e vehicles pleasin g t o th e eye , cleaning up the seat and cushion for the comfort o f the passengers (Madamoisell e 1928, 27) . In additio n t o cordia l exchanges , altercation s wer e unavoidable . A fe w examples, culle d fro m newspapers , ar e illustrative . I n a n 188 1 case , a pulle r was arrested fo r allegedl y assaultin g a Mr Dare and almos t tearin g apar t Dare' s coat, in the course of a quarrel over rickshaw hire outside MacEwen & Frickel' s Store (China Mail April 8, 1881) . Two years later, a puller wa s fined fo r refusa l to accep t th e hir e o f a Mr Degene r withou t a reasonable explanatio n (China Mail August 24 , 1883) . I n a later case , a Chines e lad y sough t damage s fro m a puller wh o wa s sai d t o hav e knocke d he r dow n wit h a ricksha w a t Queen' s Road. Th e wheel o f th e rickshaw, sh e said , ha d ru n ove r he r bod y (Zhongguo ribao November 5 , 1907). In yet another case , a traffic inspecto r stoppe d a figh t between a puller an d a vendor, wh o wa s sai d t o hav e engage d th e pulle r fo r $0.50 t o tak e he r fro m Centra l Marke t t o Secon d Street ; however , th e pulle r asked for $0.9 0 on completion o f the trip. A quarrel began and then blows were struck betwee n the m (Wah Kiu Yat Po March 1 , 1952) . Usually, th e puller s wer e regarde d wit h littl e respec t o r eve n cheate d b y their clientele . I n a court cas e of 1881 , mention wa s made o f a male ricksha w passenger o f Europea n descen t wh o lef t withou t payin g th e fare . A polic e inspector wh o gav e evidence a s a witness in cour t sai d th e expatriat e ma n wa s
THE URBAN WORKPLACE AN D STREE T POLITIC S
25
influenced b y alcoho l an d kep t o n using filth y languag e when h e was brough t to th e charg e roo m b y th e pulle r (China Mai l January 21 , 1881) . I n anothe r case, a man who had engage d a rickshaw t o take him from Wanchai t o Taihan g paid less than th e normal rate, without establishin g a prior agreemen t (HKLCSP 1901, 124) . In 1905 , a case was mentioned i n which Auguste Richter , fireman , and Gu s Rene , seama n o f th e steamshi p Queen Louise, wer e arreste d i n Bowrington Cana l (the n a hug e nulla h nea r th e waterfront ) afte r allegedl y refusing t o pay at the end of their rickshaw trip (South China Morning Post March 10, 1905) . A n articl e i n th e Hongkong Sunday Herald (Novembe r 3 , 1929 ) lamented: "Th e ricsha pulle r i s far mor e familiar wit h kicks and curse s tha n h e is with sympathy. " Conflicts ove r fare s t o charg e fo r th e hir e o f ricksha w servic e coul d fue l and give pseudo-rationale t o racial prejudices. At 3 pm o n a spring day in 1927 , Li Chor Ch i (th e Chines e secretar y o f Ho Hong Bank) an d hi s Western touris t friends engage d fou r publi c rickshaws a t the upper terminu s o f th e Peak Tram. Having gon e fo r a semi-circula r rid e alon g Harlec h Roa d immediatel y t o th e right of a shady shelter fo r seda n chai r coolie s (no w adaptively reused as a cafe for local s an d tourists) , L i paid $0.2 0 t o eac h o f th e pullers. Nevertheless , th e pullers complaine d tha t $0.2 0 cent s fo r eac h was not enoug h an d pestere d Li' s friends fo r "cumshaw " — a gift o f money for services rendered. 1 Moment s later , about fiftee n othe r coolie s spran g t o th e hel p o f th e fou r pullers , an d on e o f them furiousl y remarke d t o Li : "Yo u thin k yo u ar e ver y importan t takin g foreigners around " (Hongkong Daily Press January 31 , 1927). Certain pullers , i n orde r t o ge t som e extr a money , were lure d int o crime . To cite but on e example , T o Kwai Ting was brought befor e th e magistrat e fo r snatching $1.5 0 fro m th e pocke t o f a M r Dettman , wh o wa s aslee p i n th e rickshaw, being a little drunk a t th e time (China Mail June 16 , 1881). Anothe r puller wa s sentence d t o twenty-on e day s i n jail fo r tippin g of f hi s patro n o n how t o get around th e law to call illegal prostitutes (Wah Tsz Yat Po August 29 , 1936). Man y other s pushe d opiu m o r ra n prostitutio n ring s a s a lucrativ e sideline. There were passengers who, while ridin g in rickshaws , were set upo n by thugs, allegedly at the instigation of the pullers (Hongkong Government Gazette March 4, 1904 , 301; Hongkong Telegraph May 4, 1927; Tai Chung Yat Po January 7, April 2 , 1937) . Th e puller s wer e no t regarde d a s sufficientl y reliabl e t o b e entrusted wit h th e carriage , especiall y afte r dark , o f passengers. Symptomati c of th e gangster proble m wa s a press report, i n 1941 , of th e police requiremen t for a mandatory re-registratio n o f al l pullers, apparentl y a n attemp t t o protec t 1. Th e English ter m "cumshaw " i s derived fro m th e Cantones e expressio n kam-tse (ganxie ifSIU), the literal rendering of which is "grateful thanks " (Couling 1917 , 137).
26
RELUCTANT HEROE S
the commuting public from fallin g prey to the criminal elements who ostensibl y worked a s pullers (Nanhua ribao June 19 , 1941) . The puller s ha d t o b e equippe d wit h competen t knowledg e o f th e urba n built environment. Fo r them, an object with an easily identifiable attribut e coul d be viewed as an obvious landmark. O n one occasion, a puller too k a sailor down to what was better known t o him as the "blue building," tha t is, the Royal Naval Canteen the n situate d i n Causewa y Bay, now long gone. For many years, Elgin Street, whic h wa s dee p i n mu d wit h ever y showe r o f rain, wa s know n b y th e local Chines e a s Nijie ($BHJ , "mud street") . Sixty years ago, the area o f Kwon g Hon Terrac e wa s know n t o ricksha w puller s a s Sajian CJtfW , "thirt y houses" ) because o f the presence o f thirty houses there , and th e pullers rarely referred t o this are a by th e rea l Chines e nam e — Kwong Hon To i (La m 1991 , interview). An awareness o f distance was inevitably built u p durin g th e working hour s o n the street, a s reflected i n a puller's claim tha t he coul d normally ear n mor e in a short-distance hir e tha n i n a long-distance hir e (HKLCSP 1901, 124). In orde r to us e thei r tim e mor e wisely , th e puller s too k shortcut s o r circuitou s route s that wer e more cost-effectiv e i n relation t o th e tim e fo r leavin g an d returning . Crawling throug h th e streets, the pullers knew when an d where they coul d make th e mos t money . Th e mornin g wa s a peak perio d fo r rickshaws , whic h were muc h require d fo r travelin g betwee n hom e an d work . I n th e noontim e came a second wave of customer s rushin g fo r lunch , an d perhaps a third wav e in th e evening after offic e employee s got off work (Chu n 1990 , interview). Th e cocktail parties, dinner cruises , and horse races in Happy Valley, which occupie d important places on the social and sporting calendars of the upper class , Chinese and European , wer e exceedingl y goo d revenu e period s fo r th e pullers . Whe n brothel-goers too k prostitute s ou t fo r th e night , the y hire d rickshaw s a s well. Accordingly, th e pullers were drawn t o Shektongtsui (ofte n referre d t o as early Hong Kong's "Moulin Rouge" because of its profusion o f brothels) lik e a magnet, with th e resul t tha t th e signal bells o f th e rickshaws ran g ou t acros s th e stree t and broke the stillness of the night. This made sleep difficult fo r residents, much to thei r annoyanc e (C O 131/49, July 3 , 17 , 1913) . The tourists and the well-to-do Chinese and Europeans living in Hong Kong, whether fo r busines s o r fo r pleasure , wer e amon g thos e wh o too k rickshaws . Indeed, a popular guidebook strongly recommended t o its readers an "interestin g ricsha ride " to be taken ove r Jubilee Roa d to the fishing villag e of Aberdeen, i n order t o sightse e i n ful l th e picturesqu e scene s o f Hon g Kong , whic h stoo d comparison wit h an y othe r touris t cit y i n th e Fa r Eas t (Cro w 1921 , 288-9). Every day , one witnesse d joyful visitor s wit h gleefu l expression s ridin g i n th e rickshaws. Th e puller s hunte d fo r customer s wh o woul d pa y handsome rates . Said a resident: "I f there was a chance of a gentleman i n th e bar [Hote l Bar], or
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
27
a captain in Jardine's [Jardin e House], 2 the y would not take you" (HKLCSP 1901 , 44, 91 , 123-4). The y lounge d aroun d outsid e th e railwa y stations , nightclubs , live musi c venues , caf e bars , restaurants , ferr y piers , an d offic e buildings , a s shown i n Photo s 2. 2 an d 2.3 , where the y waite d fo r business . I n additio n t o keeping a shar p lookou t fo r business , the y woul d repeatedl y cr y ou t t o pedestrians: "Ricksha w here ! Rickshaw? " From momen t t o moment, stree t lif e wa s risky. For example , a puller wa s robbed o f a purs e containin g $0.7 0 an d a drivin g licence , b y thre e me n o n Shaukiwan Roa d (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 12 , 1898 , 231) . I n another incident , thre e men thre w pepper int o th e eye s of a coolie the n pullin g a rickshaw o n Kowloo n Cit y Road, causing him t o drop th e shaft s s o tha t the y could intercep t th e ricksha w an d ro b th e passenge r (South China Morning Post March 12 , 1915) . I n 1940 , a pulle r wa s sentence d b y a magistrat e t o thre e months' imprisonment an d a fine o f $25 as compensation t o another pulle r wh o had bee n physicall y chastise d becaus e o f th e latter' s refusa l t o join a crimina l gang (Lih Pao September 29 , 1940) . Some amon g th e pullers fel l victi m t o th e racketeering method s o f robbe r gang s o f thre e t o fiv e me n an d wer e force d t o
Photo 2. 2 Waitin g t o offe r servic e o n Hon g Kong' s Praya , 1937 . Thi s i s Connaugh t Roa d Central, th e "Praya " a s i t wa s called , whic h ha s undergon e a metamorphosi s throug h redevelopment an d reclamation . Th e colonnade d building s ar e flanke d wit h rickshaw s read y for hire . The y are , fro m th e left , King' s Building, Unio n Building , an d th e Genera l Pos t Offic e (now al l gone). Courtes y o f Publi c Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong . 2. Th e "Princel y Hong " o f Jardine, Matheso n & Co. , a tradin g fir m wit h it s beginning s in th e colonia l histor y o f Hon g Kong .
2 8 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Photo 2. 3 Commuter s o n th e ferr y pie r o f Tsimshatsui , 1937 . Th e "Hongkon g Ferry " wa s so name d t o infor m passenger s tha t i t wa s th e boardin g poin t fo r ferrie s o f Th e "Star " Ferr y Co. Ltd . t o leav e Kowloo n fo r Hon g Kon g Island . Th e hug e canopy , o n th e left , i s a shad y shelter fo r ricksha w pullers t o wait fo r an d pick up ferr y passengers . Courtes y o f Public Record s Office, Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
pay "tributes " t o the m fo r protection . Th e gangs ' gri p o n th e puller s wa s s o strong tha t th e polic e wer e kep t fro m makin g a rea l den t i n th e proble m o r even beginnin g t o solv e i t (Chu n 1990 , interview) . The street market was a competitive arena . Making its appearance i n Hon g Kong in 1908 , the ca r was a symbol o f luxury fo r th e wealthiest. Fro m a tota l of 1,34 8 car s in 192 7 the figure ros e to 3,231 in 1933 . The taxicab was anothe r competitor o f th e rickshaw . O n April 9, 1928 , a number o f pullers an d taxica b drivers wer e caugh t u p i n a disput e a t th e Sta r Ferr y Pier , wher e th e puller s pelted th e taxicab s with stones , thoug h th e specifi c reaso n fo r th e troubl e wa s unclear. Th e polic e arrive d an d steppe d betwee n th e tw o hostil e parties , bu t not befor e som e damag e t o th e taxicab s was done (Hongkong Daily Press April 10, 1928) . A puller sai d in 193 7 that th e commuters who had paid $ 2 to $3 fo r a ricksha w rid e fro m Tsimshatsu i t o Tsue n Wa n wer e lure d awa y b y taxica b drivers wh o demande d onl y $1.2 0 t o $1.4 0 fo r th e sam e distance . A s he go t fewer customers , th e pulle r said , hi s incom e droppe d t o $ 1 o r onl y $0.5 0 a day, eve n thoug h h e neede d $1.3 0 t o $1.4 0 eac h da y t o maintai n hi s healt h and physica l abilit y necessar y t o pull hi s rickshaw (Tai Chung Yat Po February 5, 1937) .
29
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
Motor conveyance s wer e a sourc e o f physica l dange r t o th e puller s wh o plied fo r trade . Accident-at-work figure s ar e given in Table 2.2, in which i t ca n be see n tha t injurie s i n 193 8 reache d a n all-tim e high , a s twenty-on e puller s were injured. Th e threa t t o life cause d by cars , dreaded by the local s as if the y were "cit y tigers" (shihu rfffm) , wa s especially grea t in th e nighttime, s o muc h so that , i n 1927 , the Kowloon Residents ' Association calle d o n th e governmen t to improv e publi c lightin g o f roadways an d us e mor e powerful ca r headlights . An official repor t in 193 8 noted: "it would be unwise further t o defer th e revision of ou r moto r traffi c legislatio n an d th e inclusio n therei n o f provisio n fo r compulsory insurance agains t third-party risks" (Hongkong Hansard October 13 , 1938, 126) . Roa d accident s rate d n o mor e tha n a coupl e o f paragraphs , o r received n o mentio n a t al l i n th e newspapers . Ye t thei r effec t coul d no t b e underrated. Th e term s of rickshaw hiring offere d n o insurance t o th e puller fo r medical coverage , and a single accident coul d destro y th e fragile securit y o f his family. I f a puller wa s t o make a livelihood, n o matte r ho w humble , he had t o have shar p eye s an d t o kee p aler t t o th e danger s arisin g fro m th e workplace . Table 2. 2 Ricksha w accident s i n Hon g Kong , 1922-3 9 Year Acciden
1922 1923 1924 1925 1926
6 5 0 5 1
t Injur
y Deat
0 2 -
h
0
1927-32 (n o dat a available )
1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1939
1 2 1 1 2 5 5
2 5 7 9 2 7 2
4
1
8
0
14
0
15
1
14
0
21
0
11
0
Compiled fro m Hongkong Administration Reports, 1922-3 9
For man y years , the pullers were held i n lo w estee m an d i t was said the y were "huma n beast s o f burden" (Hongkong Sunday Herald November 3 , 1929) . Perhaps th e reaso n wa s tha t the y wer e alway s unaestheticall y barefoote d an d barebacked and , mos t often , thei r ski n wa s darkene d b y th e blazin g midda y sun. For them, however, to make a livelihood by being pullers is not as degrading as conventiona l wisdo m insists . Th e live s o f man y migrant s di d improv e a s a result o f immigrating . On e pulle r wa s quote d a s sayin g i n 193 9 tha t h e wa s
30
RELUCTANT HEROE S
"better of f i n Hon g Kon g tha n i n Swatow, " wher e h e ha d worke d a s a farme r (HKLCSP 1939 , 160) . Indeed , th e puller s wer e fre e t o choos e whe n t o wor k and whe n t o relax . A retiree wh o ha d earne d hi s livin g b y being a pulle r fo r some fifty year s remarked: "Contrar y to general belief, my work does not require heavy physica l exertion , bu t a littl e skill. " "Pullin g th e ricksha w i s self employment. I don't fee l being a puller has robbed m e of my dignity. Ricksha w pulling wa s a low-status occupation , bu t I have no regret s a t havin g spen t m y life a s a puller" (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
Extra-Familial Socia l Circle s In th e earl y colonia l perio d o f Hong Kong , th e lowes t working clas s was mos t commonly th e subject o f victimization by Triad racketeers. A government repor t in 190 1 remarked tha t mos t ricksha w puller s belonge d t o on e o r othe r o f th e Triad gangs. Freedom from intimidatio n o f the criminal underworld was difficul t to attain ; som e o f th e puller s face d assaul t fo r refusa l t o b e enliste d int o membership, an d man y headme n wh o lease d ou t publi c rickshaw s wer e "members o f th e Tria d Society " (HKLCSP 1901, 11, 58, 88-9). Othe r evidenc e (Ta Chung Pao August 2 , 1946 ) indicate s tha t a helmsman representin g som e 700 Chiucho w puller s was a member o f the Yee On Employees' and Employers ' Association (Yfa n gongshan g zonghui H:?cljSflltllt), a group tha t was banned and deregistere d b y th e governmen t i n 1947 . It later evolve d int o th e crimina l syndicate o f Su n Ye e On (Xi n Yi'an §ffii:S: , Ne w Righteousnes s an d Peacefu l Society) tha t survive s t o thi s day . The police were obligate d t o serve th e general public. I n a traffic incident , for instance , a police office r intercepte d a drunk drive r wh o ha d crashe d hi s car int o a pulle r o n Henness y Road , Wanchai (Kung Sheung Daily News Ma y 15, 1940) . But it is questionable whethe r thes e were th e exception o r th e rule. Those who wer e suppose d t o protec t wer e ofte n th e one s who inflicte d harm . For example, in answer to a charge of street obstruction in a court case on March 18, 1928 , a Chinese coolie stated that he had been arrested because of his refusa l to yield t o th e "squeeze " aske d fo r b y a police officer . Th e magistrate accepte d the stor y o f th e coolie , wh o wa s discharge d (Hongkong Daily Press March 19 , 1928). Moreover , a retire d pulle r recalle d tha t individua l polic e officer s ha d "tolerated" th e existenc e o f unlicensed rickshaw s o n th e streets, in earl y post World War I I Wanchai, i n return fo r bein g able t o sau-shui (shoushui ^ / X ) — sou, collect and shui, water — Cantonese slang for "solicitin g bribes" (Lam 1991, interview). In th e rhyth m o f dail y life , th e puller s picke d thei r wa y dow n th e street , stopped a t one parking lot, and went t o another. While touting fo r clients , each
THE URBA N WORKPLACE AN D STREE T POLITIC S
31
went o n hi s ow n wa y an d wa s accompanie d onl y b y hi s rickshaw , barel y speaking wit h thos e who m h e me t o n th e street . B y looking a t th e licens e plat e on a rickshaw , however , th e puller s kne w a t leas t wher e th e operato r o f th e rickshaw cam e from . A pulle r coul d b e nickname d afte r th e firs t digi t o f a rickshaw license . Fo r instance , th e pulle r wh o rente d a publi c ricksha w wit h the licens e n u m b e r 38 1 wa s k n o w n amon g hi s friend s a s Sanzitou ( H ^ H , literally "three-worde d head") . I n addition , th e licens e numbe r reveale d th e ownership o f th e ricksha w — th e propert y o f a businessman name d Ton g Yin g Ching (Tan g Yingzhe n fJUSltt ) (La m 1991 , interview) . Throug h argo t an d affectionate nickname s o f person s an d thing s derive d fro m everyda y lif e i n th e workplace, a sens e o f brotherhoo d amon g th e puller s coul d b e nurtured , an d a certain in-grou p solidarit y an d fraternit y create d an d reaffirmed . The stree t wa s no t jus t a plac e o f wor k bu t als o a plac e o f socializin g an d interaction fo r th e neighborhood' s assortmen t o f residents . Tim e spen t a t th e vehicle parkin g zones , o n th e roads , an d i n fron t o f cinema s an d hotel s mean t a chanc e t o ge t o n i n a jungle o f relations . Th e space s i n th e city' s sid e street s were sometime s a plac e t o mee t an d chat , wher e th e puller s ha d som e leisur e for fantan ( § 1 $ ) — a gamblin g gam e playe d wit h dic e — a s a brea k fro m routine. O n Marc h 11 , 1905 , a seda n chai r cooli e wa s sen t t o th e Governmen t Civil Hospita l sufferin g fro m injurie s receive d durin g a street fight , th e outcom e of a gamblin g disput e (South China Morning Post Marc h 12 , 1915) . A femal e traveler, Bell a Sidne y Woolf, wh o lef t fo r Canto n b y way o f Hon g Kon g i n 1927 , recognized "th e raucou s voice s o f wome n chatterin g an d quarrellin g i n th e narrow alley s o r ricksha w an d chai r coolie s squabblin g ove r gamblin g game s i n dark corners " (Hongkong Daily Press Septembe r 6 , 1927) . The cooli e communitie s were , a t times , i n collisio n an d reconciliation . Th e pullers' attempt s t o solici t fare s a t th e expens e o f work peer s wer e a n indicatio n of thei r money-mindedness , whic h coul d lea d t o grievou s injurie s o r eve n death . Reaching dee p insid e t o unleas h thei r anima l instincts , seda n chai r an d ricksha w coolies tende d t o "rus h a t passenger s an d invariabl y a fierc e struggl e amongs t them ensue s a s t o wh o shal l devou r th e passenger. " "Th e passenge r meanwhil e runs th e ris k o f havin g hi s o r he r hea d o r rib s broke n o r sustainin g som e injur y while th e figh t i s goin g o n betwee n th e coolie s a s t o wh o shal l secur e th e hire " (Hongkong Hansard Novembe r 23 , 1891 , 59). O n Apri l 10 , 1903 , thre e puller s in De s Voeu x Roa d ha d a disput e ove r fare s an d fough t i t ou t wit h brut e force , leaving on e o f the m dea d i n hi s ricksha w (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 4, 1904 , 298 , 314). An ite m i n Hongkong Telegraph (Novembe r 30 , 1911 ) reads : The ricksha w coolie s wh o congregat e outsid e th e Victori a Theatr e have bee n makin g themselve s ver y objectionabl e o f late . Whe n th e patronage o f th e cinematograp h com e ou t th e coolie s mad e a wid e rush fo r th e entrance, regardless of the danger o f knocking pedestrian s down.
32
RELUCTANT HEROE S
The stree t was a place where individualistic self-interest s an d materialisti c values wer e ofte n reinforce d b y th e nee d t o see k allie s a s par t o f defensiv e strategies. On e day , th e verba l insult s exchange d betwee n a pulle r an d a stevedore at a crossroads led t o a fistfight o f thirty pullers and a similar numbe r of stevedore s (Kung Sheung Daily News Octobe r 12 , 1947) . Th e puller s ofte n worked alone , and sometimes the y had t o face difficul t customers . O n a winter day, a puller trade d blows with tw o Europeans in front o f a nightclub i n Natha n Road. I n a few minutes , fou r othe r puller s cam e an d spran g t o th e ai d o f thei r comrade i n th e fight , eve n thoug h the y di d no t kno w eac h othe r (Hwa Shiang Pao January 19 , 1948). Understandably, th e pullers who had no othe r resource s but cla n networks most directl y at their disposal could look only to work peer s for protection . I n th e even t o f competitio n wit h riva l element s i n th e marketplace, the y sough t allie s fro m withi n thei r ow n ethnic-socia l world . The cooli e communitie s an d other s performin g menia l labo r kne w fro m their defensive action s that peer cohesiveness could work, not only against street bullies but als o agains t unrul y passenger s an d unwelcome polic e authorities a s well. For instance, any Western (o r Chinese ) firm/househol d i n the urban area s of Hong Kon g Island tha t succeeded i n prosecuting a Chinese cooli e was likely to be boycotted by the convicted coolie's work peers; as a result, the complainan t and hi s o r her famil y coul d no t ge t an y cooli e service for a t least tw o o r thre e months (HKLCSP 1901, 42, 52 , 57-8 , 88-9) . O n on e occasion , a t lunchtime , the vicinity o f Sta r Ferr y Pie r was denuded o f rickshaws, a s the puller s stage d a strik e ove r allege d polic e abus e agains t on e o f thei r numbers . Th e puller s refused t o go back t o work unti l reassure d by the police that the y would suffe r no furthe r abus e (South China Morning Post April 13 , 1948). The geographic and dialect groups turned up mutual acquaintances, perhaps as close as relatives. Their sens e of communal cohesio n someho w got mixed i n with thei r jobs. One example is a Hoifung pulle r named La m Shu Cheung , wh o used to go daily to the Macao Ferry Pier where he awaited patronage and became acquainted wit h othe r puller s wh o spok e hi s hom e dialect ; th e topi c o f gossi p revolved aroun d jobs an d famil y (La m 1991 , interview). O n completio n o f hi s twelve-hour shift , L i Kwai would han d ove r hi s ricksha w t o th e second-shif t puller, a migrant from th e same Chiuchow clan, who too k th e remaining twelv e hours (HKLCSP 1901, 121) . I n thei r off-hours , th e Chiucho w coolie s foun d comfort b y hanging ou t wit h tongxiang (MM, "hometow n acquaintances" ) a t sidewalk teahouses and cooked foo d stall s (dapaidang ^cW$t), where they too k mounds o f Chiucho w tidbit s an d "chop-suey " tha t allowe d the m t o fee l th e closeness amon g kin an d shar e in thei r communit y lif e (Tsu i 1991 , interview). A realistic representatio n o f suc h ordinar y sight s an d scene s tha t hav e lon g occupied a place i n th e histor y o f thi s cit y was shown i n a newspaper cartoo n (Figure 2.1) .
Figure 2. 1 Gathering s a t roadsid e foo d stalls , 195 2 (Source : Ta Kung Po March 3 , 1952 )
Communal cohesion bore on collectivist solutions to daily problems. During the tim e covere d i n thi s book, a major shar e o f th e ricksha w trad e wa s i n th e hands o f th e Chiucho w an d th e Hoklo , and a certain par t playe d b y th e Punti , though thei r exac t proportio n canno t b e ascertaine d (HKLCSP 1901 , 2, 85 ; Hongkong Chines e Genera l Chambe r o f Commerc e 1935 , 6-11). Th e pullers ' interethnic competitio n o f clientel e coul d brin g ou t ope n manifestation s o f animosity, ofte n expresse d i n th e for m o f fights . A n illustration i s Saiyingpun , where th e Chiucho w ha d establishe d contro l ove r certai n market s an d busines s quarters. Th e puller s exchange d custome r informatio n whil e a t th e sam e tim e using al l surviva l strategie s a t thei r disposal , brut e forc e i f necessary , t o figh t over territoria l monopolies o f the trade . "Everythin g possible was done," sai d a retiree, a former pulle r who ha d been working an d livin g in Saiyingpun shortl y before th e Pacifi c War , "t o preven t riva l outsider s fro m snatchin g awa y passengers wh o woul d otherwis e g o to us. In thi s way, we th e Chiucho w wer e assured o f ou r clientel e i n ou r ow n territor y an d looke d afte r eac h other' s wel l being" (Chu n 1990 , interview) .
34
RELUCTANT HEROE S
Similarly, a t Win g Lo k Wharf , o r Three-Cornere d Whar f (Sanjia o mato u H^fiSiijf), i n Sheun g Wan , stevedor e hand s o f variou s geographi c origin s congregated t o await customer s an d orchestrate d gan g wars towar d capturin g a greater marke t share . Sometime s eve n th e pres s foun d i t difficul t t o identif y with certaint y wha t grou p dynamic s entere d int o th e conflic t proces s (Lih Pao July 26 , 1940 ; Zhongguo wanbao November 23 , 1941) . An essayist , writin g i n 1937, spoke o f an observabl e phenomenon o f his own lifetime: rickshaw puller s of different hometow n origin s wore hats o f different styles . As a rule o f thumb , the bambo o hat s o f Hokl o native s wer e cone-shape d wit h shar p point s a t th e top. Those with hats that were rounded an d flat at the top were Chiuchow (Kung Sheung Daily News June 14 , 1937) . Thi s litera l representatio n i s unexpectedl y shown i n a historic photograph , take n abou t th e year 1937 , which i s in Hon g Kong's Publi c Record s Offic e (Phot o 2.4) .
Photo 2. 4 Takin g a brea k fro m ricksha w pulling , 1937 . Thi s i s Connaugh t Roa d Central , as it looke d som e 7 0 years ago , where no w eigh t lane s o f traffi c ar e busy almos t continuously . Presumably, th e pulle r wearin g a hat tha t i s rounde d an d fla t a t th e to p (secon d t o th e right ) is a Chiuchow native . Those wearing conica l hat s are pullers o f Hoi-Luk-Fung origin . Courtes y of Publi c Record s Office , Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
The fac t tha t Chiucho w an d Hokl o wer e minorit y dialec t group s i n Hon g Kong fro m th e lat e nineteent h t o earl y twentiet h centurie s bear s significantl y on our understanding o f their defensive cultura l repertoire. In 1931 , for instance , there were only 11,37 3 Chiucho w an d 7,84 9 Hokl o in Hong Kong in a Chines e
THE URBA N WORKPLAC E AN D STREE T POLITIC S
35
population o f 821,429 , o f whic h a t leas t 648,15 4 (o r 78. 9 percen t o f th e tota l Chinese livin g i n Hon g Kong ) wer e Cantones e speakin g (HKLCSP 1931 , 128) . Deprived o f th e chanc e o f obtainin g job s requirin g technica l skills , th e less well-off C h i u c h o w a n d H o k l o w e r e m o s t l y confine d t o m e n i a l w o r k . Communicating i n thei r ow n dialects , th e Chiucho w an d Hokl o wer e al l to o conscious o f thei r numericall y smalle r strengt h an d th e pressin g nee d t o stic k together wit h othe r regional s t o defend thei r collectiv e interests. They understoo d themselves no t simpl y a s unskille d laborer s bu t a s me n i n a minorit y positio n in a Cantones e hos t society . N o wonde r the y readil y affiliate d wit h on e another , as par t o f a brotherhoo d network , fo r protectio n an d enhancemen t o f mutua l interests. In a n earlie r phas e o f H o n g Kon g society , certai n geographi c group s exercised thei r influenc e o n som e occupations , eithe r i n complet e monopol y o r in partia l dominance . Fo r instance , sedan-chai r coolie s wer e originall y mainl y natives o f Yanping (Enpin g H ^ P ) nea r Canton , thoug h earlier , mos t wer e native s of Haiphon g o r Hoi-Luk-Fun g (HKLCSP 1901 , 75-6; China Mail Ma y 30 , 1925 ; Ta Kung Po Apri l 13 , 1940) . Native s o f Tungku n (Donggua n jfcS: ) h a d a stronghold i n th e manufactur e o f firecracker s an d th e wholesal e o f frui t an d vegetables, thu s th e existenc e o f Tun g Ku n Stree t nea r th e Yaumate i Wholesal e Market. Fo r stree t laborer s an d traders , traditiona l socia l tie s accentuate d thei r communication an d henc e organizationa l strength , essentia l fo r the m t o liv e life i n th e urba n workplace . Thi s poin t ha s bee n pu t well , i n a rathe r differen t context, b y a n anthropologist : The Chines e attac h grea t valu e t o th e identit y o f thei r ow n o r thei r ancestral birthplace . Th e relevanc e o f nativ e plac e fo r ethni c grou p organization occur s i n th e contex t wher e on e grou p move s int o th e native domai n o f anothe r group , o r wher e tw o loca l system s shar e a common borde r an d wher e ther e i s a tendenc y towar d mutua l encroachment upo n o r exchang e acros s borders . (Blak e 1980 , 11-2 ) The anthropologis t ha d i n min d th e marke t tow n situatio n o f th e 1970s , i n the the n predominantl y rura l Ne w Territories . Bu t clearl y thi s descriptio n i s applicable t o th e establishe d downtow n area s in Hong Kon g Island an d Kowloo n Peninsula wherei n th e cla n an d territoria l group s wer e wel l awar e o f th e nee d for acquirin g kin/quasi-ki n resource s t o resolv e conflict s arisin g fro m th e urba n workplace. Th e proximit y o f hom e an d work , th e rudimentar y gathering s a t rickshaw parkin g zone s an d commoners ' teahouses , an d th e selectio n o f othe r regionals a s partners i n wor k shift s consequentl y le d t o littl e functiona l o r socia l contact amon g person s o f differen t dialect s o r place s o f origin . Economi c rivalr y in th e marketplac e le d t o furthe r mutua l animosity , whic h alway s involve d a hostile attitud e vis-a-vis othe r people , eve n i n th e sam e occupation .
3 6 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Conclusion The workplace o n th e stree t provide d a fertile groun d fo r th e emergenc e o f a n esprit de corps. The transportatio n coolie s cashe d i n o n variou s opportunities . They had t o stay on full alert , expect the unexpected, an d meet the expectation s of th e peopl e tha t the y worked wit h an d for , whe n th e situatio n permitted . A business flair was particularly necessary for th e partially self-employed ricksha w pullers, who tende d t o haggl e wit h thei r passenger s abou t rates . Men wit h a n entrepreneurial spirit , th e puller s ha d t o know thei r wa y around town , i n par t to kno w fee s t o charge , i n par t t o reac h client s a t th e righ t plac e a t just th e right moment . T o do well, the y had t o perfect th e ar t o f haggling an d winnin g customers. Considerin g th e need to fetch mor e fares and t o bargain o n the rate, and t o b e attentiv e an d sensitiv e t o custome r needs , th e puller s wer e mor e comparable t o seda n chai r bearers , hawkers, an d taxica b driver s tha n t o mos t employees workin g i n industry . Living th e vida loca on th e stree t is a life journey throug h a n intricate we b of relationship s i n which joy an d despai r a s well a s dangers an d opportunitie s are entwined . Fo r th e pullers , th e struggl e wit h machin e technolog y wa s just one twis t i n th e rando m tension s o f th e urban workplace . Thei r awarenes s o f being self-employe d wa s reinforce d b y th e nee d t o mak e extensiv e us e o f ki n loyalties t o handl e dail y situations . Th e cla n ties , which stresse d cooperation , mutual aid , an d avoidanc e o f dealings with officialdom , wer e inviting t o thos e who struggled t o survive economically and socially as minorities in an ethnicall y diverse environment. Working their way in a competitive urban workplace, the y tended t o co-identify b y choice with compatriots. Ethnic solidarity was manifes t in a flurry o f activities involving various spheres of life: social, home, and work . This i s a reflectio n o n th e pullers ' positio n betwee n worlds , patriarcha l an d individualistic.
3 British Rule and Chinese Valiancy, up to 1926
H
ONG KON G (meanin g "Fragran t Harbor " i n Chinese) , formerl y a crow n colony under British sovereignty and now a Special Administrative Region of China , i s situated of f th e southeaster n coas t o f Kwangtun g Province , a t th e mouth o f the Pearl River Estuary. 1 A European traveler , on a trip to South Chin a before World War II, was impressed with Hong Kong's "order and thoroughness , its civil and social organization and all the best and most modern improvements " (Sewell 1933 , 77) . Th e orderl y runnin g o f th e crow n colon y was , however , disturbed b y man y problems . Th e colonia l administrator s foun d themselve s constantly surrounde d b y Chines e faces . Althoug h the y mad e Hon g Kon g a trading pos t an d followe d th e policy o f minimal effor t t o regulat e commercia l life, the y di d fee l tha t th e introductio n an d impositio n o f certai n "rule s an d regulations" o n th e colonia l subject s (tha t is , th e residin g Chinese ) wer e "necessary fro m tim e t o time " (Norton-Kysh e 1898 : I, 4-6) . The British ruling class found muc h caus e for dissatisfaction i n the behavior of th e Chinese . Th e itineran t hawkers , wh o operate d roadsid e stalls , wer e conceived of as a source of nuisance: "obstructive, noisy, unhygienic individuals" (McGee 1973 , 22). Before th e promulgatio n o f th e Privat e Coolie s Ordinanc e of 1902 , whic h specifie d th e contrac t o f servic e betwee n a cooli e an d hi s employer, th e private-chai r cooli e earne d th e infamou s imag e a s "on e o f th e most impudent and unruly members of this community," and "neither his master nor th e Police have direct control over him." The police regarded "th e licensin g of privat e chai r coolie s a t an y rat e a s a mos t desirabl e an d eve n necessar y measure in the interests of law and order" (Hongkong Government Gazette March 16, 1895 , 193) . I t was considere d tha t registratio n coul d hel p i n weedin g ou t "rogues masqueradin g a s privat e coolies " (HKLCSP 1901 , 4-5) . Similarly , rickshaw puller s ha d a tainted imag e as " a low, dirty, abusive class , who extor t from th e foreigne r fa r mor e tha n i s accepted fro m th e native, any protest bein g met wit h vulga r abuse " (Bal l 1903 , 309). 1. A n earlier version of this chapter was published in David Faure (ed.) Hong Kong: A Reader in Social History (Hon g Kong: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp. 393-425. The chapter has been revised for the present publication.
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From a n officia l poin t o f view , i t i s necessar y t o forc e th e "rowdy " Chines e to m e n d thei r ways , t o kee p the m i n line , an d t o preven t the m fro m errati c behavior Thi s le d t o a bewilderin g rang e o f lega l restriction s tha t migh t b e inconsistent t o th e "culture " tha t th e native s foun d perfectl y acceptabl e Th e strike o f 1844 , a n occasio n whe n carg o coolie s lodge d a protes t wit h domesti c servants agains t a bil l t o requir e compulsor y registratio n o f inhabitants , ha d parallels i n late r years A n ordinanc e m 1860 , which mad e i t a punishable offenc e for carg o boa t worker s no t t o registe r wit h th e government , provoke d anothe r strike I n 1863 , the sedan-chai r bearer s ros e u p i n protes t a t a syste m providin g the licensin g o f publi c vehicle s an d thei r operator s T o thes e coul d b e adde d the strike s o f 1866 , 1867 , 187 2 an d 188 8 (Tsa i 1993 , 77-81 ) Thes e strikes , m different ways , revealed a pattern o f protest s agains t th e overbearin g pretension s of colonia l official s To th e annoyanc e o f th e traffi c enforcers , th e ricksha w puller s seeme d t o prefer takin g th e la w i n thei r ow n hand s The y wildl y cu t i n fron t o f othe r vehicles an d sho t ou t o f sid e road s ont o ma m roads , alway s withou t a glanc e a t oncoming traffi c Ther e wer e persisten t tout s wh o solicited , pestered , an d obstructed tourist s an d resident s alik e B y law, touting fo r client s was prohibited , however, thi s wa s m u c h ignore d A n anonymou s reade r corresponden t wrot e (Hongkong Observer Januar y 28 , 1928 ) We hav e ha d a numbe r o f prosecution s o f Chines e motor-ca r tout s during recen t weeks , bu t ther e i s anothe r kin d o f tout s tha t I shoul d like t o se e take n i n han d b y th e authoritie s I refe r t o th e toutin g ricksha coolie s I n spit e o f th e effort s o f al l section s o f th e Hon g Kong Polic e Forc e i t i s difficul t t o wal k fift y yard s withou t bein g pestered b y a dozen o r s o coolie s — an d th e chai r coolie s ar e just a s bad, i f no t wors e Indeed, fro m tim e t o time , th e puller s wer e brough t befor e th e magistrate s (th e judicial official s wh o preside d ove r th e lower crimina l courts ) fo r unrul y behavio r and pett y crime s Ther e wer e view s expresse d i n th e Englis h pres s an d i n th e official paper s o n th e necessit y t o impos e mor e sweepin g regulation s o n th e pullers o n th e basi s o f th e Wester n concep t o f orderlines s A notabl e exampl e of thi s i s foun d i n Thoma s Henderso n Whitehea d ( 1 8 5 1 - 1 9 3 3 ) , honorar y member o f th e (mostl y European ) Chambe r o f Commerc e an d manage r o f th e Chartered Ban k o f India , Australia , an d Chin a H e mad e a speec h m 189 1 i n his capacit y a s a n unofficia l membe r o f th e Legislativ e Council , a part o f whic h reads a s follow s Jinrickshas an d chair s ar e allowed b y th e Polic e t o loiter abou t plyin g for hir e without le t o r hindranc e m th e streets , and i n th e roads , an d many o f the m ar e no t require d t o hav e thei r lam p li t afte r darknes s
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has se t i n . . . . I s i t no t possibl e t o hav e jinricksh a stand s a s i n Shanghai? I n th e Mode l Settlemen t n o jinricksha cooli e i s permitte d to mov e hi s vehicl e ou t o f prope r turn , an d whe n suc h vehicle s ar e in motio n thos e goin g i n on e directio n hav e t o kee p i n line , o r i n turn, an d t o on e fixe d side , th e lef t sid e o f th e road , whil e thos e moving i n th e opposit e wa y have t o kee p th e othe r sid e o f th e street . In thi s an d i n man y othe r respect s th e Polic e Superintenden t o r authorities woul d d o well t o follo w Shanghai . It s system o f Municipa l Government i s a mode l an d woul d wor k admirabl y i n Hongkong . (Hongkong Hansard Novembe r 23 , 1891 , 59 ) By th e en d o f th e nineteent h century , th e puller s wer e give n designate d parkin g areas b y th e Polic e Department , i n a numbe r o f stree t section s an d intersection s where the y coul d awai t th e chanc e o f obtainin g fare s withou t causin g stree t obstructions. Extr a stand s tha t subsequentl y appeare d i n al l part s o f th e tow n were indicate d b y gazett e notice s (Hongkong Government Gazette Marc h 9 , 1901 , 477; July 23 , 1909 , 506-7 ; Marc h 8 , 1912 , 157 ; Octobe r 7 , 1921 , 4 2 6 - 9 ) . The Licensin g Ordinanc e No . 8 o f 1887 , Vehicle s an d Traffi c Regulatio n Ordinance No . 4 0 o f 1912 , an d variou s regulation s empowere d th e polic e t o control th e issuin g o f ricksha w an d sedan-chai r licenses , th e fee s fo r suc h licenses, th e amoun t o f far e fo r rides , an d th e dres s an d conduc t o f th e coolies . There wer e severa l type s o f licens e fo r rickshaws : thos e fo r th e publi c one s i n the Cit y o f Victoria , o n th e Mid-Levels , an d i n Kowloon ; thos e fo r "Ts z Yon g Che" (ziyongche=f H ffi$, "rickshaw s fo r self-use, " whic h wer e symbolicall y use d as conveyance s fo r th e nouveaux riches) an d "S z K a Che " (sijiache ^LM^, th e then officia l nam e fo r "brothe l rickshaws") . A fe e pe r a n n u m wa s charge d o n each licens e fo r a rickshaw , whic h ha d t o b e take n ou t quarterl y o r half-yearly , and th e polic e woul d hav e t o ensur e tha t bot h th e ricksha w an d th e cooli e wer e in a fi t stat e fo r passenge r traffi c befor e renewa l (Tabl e 3.1) . Th e licens e wa s valid fo r on e year , an d an y chang e o f ownershi p o r abod e ha d t o b e reporte d t o the polic e fo r endorsement . Vehicl e examinatio n wa s mandatory , normall y o n a yearly basis, and an y vehicle considere d "unfi t fo r publi c use" would b e refuse d a licens e (Hongkong Blue Book, 1901-39) . During th e earl y year s o f Hon g Kon g unde r th e Britis h flag , th e masses ' contact wit h th e administratio n wa s ofte n mediate d throug h th e polic e forc e — a hybri d o f th e Englis h metropolita n mode l an d a paramilitary occupatio n forc e stemming fro m nineteenth-centur y imperialisti c conquest . I f any strike occurred , the polic e woul d b e calle d i n t o pacif y o r suppres s th e agitator s an d quickl y put a n en d t o th e problem . A s th e polic e carrie d ou t thei r wor k i n th e ful l glar e of publicity, thei r unrul y behavio r woul d caus e a worsening o f relations betwee n them an d member s o f th e public , especiall y whe n polic e discretionar y us e o f power seeme d t o b e inequitabl e an d arbitrary . Wrot e a Hon g Kon g residen t i n
4 0 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Table 3.1 Fee s for Hon g Kong rickshaw licenses, 1901-3 9 Annual fe e for : Every publi c ricksha w i n Victori a Every publi c ricksha w i n Ne w Kowloo n Every cooli e o f a ricksha w Every duplicat e licens e fo r a ricksha w Every duplicat e licens e fo r a cooli e Every Upper-Leve l ricksha w Every Pea k ricksha w Every Ts z Yon g Ch e Every S z K a Ch e
Since 1901
Since 1919
Since 1921
Since 1930
Since 1934
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $10.00
$72.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $10.00 $72.00
$36.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10 $24.00 $24.00 $2.00 $72.00
$36.00 $24.00 $0.30 $1.00 $0.10
-
$2.00
-
-
-
$2.00 $72.00
Compiled fro m Hongkong Blue Book, 1901-3 9
1928, "th e ricksha cooli e might be served ou t with mor e o f the milk o f huma n kindness an d les s of the truncheon , especiall y fro m th e Indian element " (Blun t 1928, 23). 2 A s the main ar m o f th e state, the police were almost a synonym of the colonial administration, naturall y perceived as the embodiment o f the entire established orde r and legal system. The resentment fel t by the recipient of police brutality wa s toward s authorit y rathe r tha n concentrate d o n a n individual . In earl y colonia l Hon g Kong , th e Chines e wh o ra n afou l o f th e la w wer e subject t o stif f an d humiliatin g treatmen t a t th e hand s o f th e judges o f th e Magistrate's Court , wh o wer e typicall y non-Chinese . Th e convictions , whic h led t o fine s o r priso n term s an d therefor e los s o f earnings , ofte n lef t painfu l memories an d deep-seate d grievances . I n a n 188 1 cour t case , N g A Lo k (rickshaw puller ) wh o ha d dragge d a Mr Dar e fro m th e ricksha w an d nearl y tore hi s coa t apar t wa s fine d $ 5 ( a hug e su m i n thos e days) , th e alternativ e being thre e weeks' jail wit h har d labo r (China Mail April 8 , 1881) . In anothe r case heard a t th e Magistrate' s Court , twelv e pullers wer e summarily convicte d of plyin g o n th e wron g sid e o f th e road . The y wer e fine d $ 1 each , o r t o b e shackled i n th e cangue , a wooden placar d explainin g thei r crimes , an d the n sent ou t t o b e expose d i n th e marke t squar e t o publi c ridicul e fo r si x hour s (China Mail April 1 , 1881) . O f frequen t occurrenc e i n th e earl y day s o f Hon g Kong, th e use o f th e cangu e as judicial tortur e ensure d tha t th e prisoner, apar t from pain , fel t shame . The majority o f Hong Kong's population was of Chinese descent, but people of other nationalities such as Indians and Portuguese hurried t o the colony soon 2. Se e also the documentary video titled Hongkong 1898, produced by Thomas Edison in 1898 , wherein ther e is historical black-and-white footag e o n an Indian-like police officer arme d with a stick to straighten th e line of Chinese cargo coolies.
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after i t cam e unde r th e Britis h flag . Ther e wer e proponent s o f a sympatheti c effort t o embrac e th e Chines e wit h th e civilizin g influenc e (o r "mission" ) o f the Wes t (Eite l 1895 , iv-v) . However , th e racis t indignitie s committe d agains t the Chines e stoppe d wel l shor t o f thi s goal . Lik e man y othe r Britis h colonie s i n Africa an d Asia , Hon g Kon g sa w legalize d racia l segregatio n tha t manifeste d itself i n th e Hil l Distric t Reservatio n Ordinance , passe d i n 1904 , t o reserv e th e Peak fo r European-typ e dwelling s (Hongkong Government Gazette Apri l 29 , 1904 , 752). Th e Pea k wa s a n aristocrati c residentia l are a tha t overlooked , bu t kep t itself awa y from , th e h u b b u b o f th e "Chinatown " neighborhood . A n editoria l item i n Hongkong Daily Press (Jun e 29 , 1933 ) reads : "I t is , i n fact , possibl e fo r a Europea n t o liv e a lifetim e her e and , a t th e end , t o kno w nex t t o nothin g about China , neve r t o hav e eate n a Chines e meal , t o hav e n o Chines e friends , to b e entirel y ignoran t o f Chines e customs , beliefs , ar t an d history. " Some expatriate s hel d th e puller s i n contempt , despit e th e fac t tha t the y hired the m fo r transport . Reminiscin g abou t hi s experienc e i n offic e i n pre-Worl d War I I Hong Kong , a police office r wrot e tha t h e ha d "actuall y see n a Europea n ricksha passenge r thro w hi s far e mone y t o th e groun d rathe r tha n ris k touchin g the ricksha-coolie " (Andre w 1975 , 122-3) . "Yo u canno t b e tw o minute s i n a Hong Kon g street, " wrot e a n earl y Victoria n travele r i n 1878 , "withou t seein g Europeans strikin g coolie s wit h thei r cane s o r umbrellas " (Quote d i n Morri s 1988, 141) . "Certainly, " sai d a local resident , "i t i s no t ver y nic e t o se e drunke n soldiers sometime s kic k an d ill-trea t ricksh a coolies " (South China Morning Post May 1 , 1931) . Reflectin g th e arrogan t attitud e o f som e expatriates , on e Abelard o Castaneda wa s convicte d o f makin g a n attac k wit h hi s fis t o n th e pulle r w h o m he ha d engage d (South China Morning Post Ma y 1 , 1931) . O n anothe r day , a man presumabl y o f India n descen t gav e a ricksha w puller , w h o m h e di d no t know, a hi t o n hi s hea d wit h a n umbrell a (Kung Sheung Daily News Ma y 12 , 1931). Suc h prejudic e lie s behin d comment s lik e th e following , expresse d i n a letter t o th e edito r i n South China Morning Post o n Jul y 23 , 1941 , an d signe d Lookkam: When goin g fo r a walk, an d bein g continuall y followe d an d solicite d by a ricksh a puller , notwithstandin g m y repeate d refusals , I occasionally los e m y temper , ste p of f th e footpat h an d upse t th e ricksha wit h th e man betwee n th e shafts. Thi s I have don e o n severa l occasions, becaus e I kno w tha t althoug h I d o a littl e damage , th e puller woul d rathe r hav e thi s tha n tha t I have him arrested , hav e hi s license cancelle d wit h th e consequen t imprisonment . What w e se e her e i s no t just th e discriminator y attitud e o f som e Europea n (an d Asian) resident s an d tourist s t o th e lowe r clas s Chinese , o r th e Chines e i n general, bu t th e il l feeling s o f th e latte r agains t unfai r treatmen t tha t forme d a
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RELUCTANT HEROE S
real p h e n o m e n o n i n Hon g Kong' s colonia l period . I t wa s i n thi s contex t tha t the intransigenc e o f th e Chines e populatio n occurred .
Protest Agains t Ne w Regulations , 188 3 The first-eve r join t protes t o f puller s occurre d i n 1883 , against a backgroun d o f stricter enforcemen t o f contro l o f ricksha w transport . Th e ricksha w tha t bega n to ru n fo r publi c hir e aroun d 187 9 gre w wit h stunnin g rapidit y an d raise d i n acute for m th e questio n o f maintenance o f vehicular order . Fro m th e tria l record s culled fro m China Mail fro m Novembe r 8 , 188 0 t o Apri l 22 , 188 1 inclusive , a t least te n puller s wer e summone d a t th e magistracy , convicte d o f traffi c offence s and le t of f wit h fines . I n 1883 , the the n captai n superintenden t o f police, Walte r Meredith Dean e ( 1 8 4 0 - 1 9 0 6 ) , propose d t o reduc e th e n u m b e r o f publi c rickshaws fro m 89 8 t o 50 0 a t an y on e time , ou t o f concer n fo r traffi c contro l (Hongkong Government Gazette Novembe r 3 , 1883 , 843) . However , th e puller s continued t o roa m abou t o r just par k thei r rickshaw s anywher e the y chose , a s shown i n th e followin g newspape r editorial : Is ther e a "rul e o f th e road " fo r jinrickshas o r i s ther e not ? I f ther e i s — a s I understand t o b e th e cas e — wha t means , i f any, ar e take n t o enforce it s observance ? I may safel y answe r — judging b y result s — no mean s whateve r beyon d perhap s i n th e immediate neighbourhoo d of th e [Hongkong ] Club , an d eve n thi s i s ver y doubtful . Ther e i s practical chao s a s regard s an y knowledg e o r observanc e o f "th e rul e of th e road, " an d jinrickshas ru n o n th e lef t o r righ t sid e o f th e roa d just a s thei r inclinatio n prompt s th e drawers . Th e result is , confusio n worse confounded , collision s an d genera l los s o f temper , an d abominably ba d languag e al l round. (Hongkong Daily Press November 10, 1883 ) In a bid t o exercis e close r supervisio n o f ricksha w traffic , th e polic e steppe d u p law enforcement . Th e puller s commonl y bor e grievance s agains t traffi c laws , for th e effect s o f conviction s woul d lea d t o imprisonmen t o r fine s an d therefor e lost incomes . On Ma y 2 1 , 1883 , Victoria Pea k wa s plastere d wit h inflammator y circular s and handwritte n bill s o f a virulently anti-Europea n nature . Th e puller s an d th e hawkers, dissatisfie d wit h th e newl y promulgated regulation s t o limit th e numbe r of rickshaw s an d t o cur b hawkin g activities , wer e suspecte d o f havin g don e this. Thi s wa s a short-live d protes t bu t n o trad e unio n involvement . T o voic e their grievances , th e protester s marche d t o th e Tun g Wa h Hospital , a charitabl e i n s t i t u t i o n tha t wa s give n statutor y an d officia l recognitio n a n d widel y "recognized b y th e Chines e a s a kin d o f tribuna l t o whic h petition s fo r redres s of grievance s shoul d b e addressed " (C0129/19 9 Marc h 20 , 1882) . Emotion s
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ran highe r a s the y demande d t o b e allowe d int o th e hospita l office , bu t th e protest faile d t o elicit th e hoped-for response , or indeed an y response, becaus e the hospital gate s were shut, an d th e protesters palavered fo r som e tim e befor e leaving th e sit e (China Mail May 22, 1883) .
The Anti-Frenc h Insurrection , 188 4 It can perhaps be said that , i n th e 188 3 protest agains t traffi c rules , th e puller s were onl y beginning t o challeng e th e regulator y measure s o f th e police . Inflammatory material s ha d thei r plac e i n th e articulatio n o f grievances , bu t mass protest s wer e no t limite d t o thi s mediu m fo r expression . Bot h walkout s and stoppage s wer e channel s fo r protest . Whe n crowd s o f peopl e too k t o th e street ove r discontentmen t wit h th e police , thei r protest s gaine d a degre e o f public visibility . The first-eve r an d mos t illuminatin g politica l strik e take n by Hong Kong' s rickshaw puller s occurre d i n 1884 , whe n Chin a suffere d defea t i n th e Sino French War over a dispute abou t Annam. On August 23 , a French naval vessel, La Galisonniere, tha t had defeate d th e Chines e forces i n Fujian Province , put i n at Hong Kong for repairs. From September, dockworkers spontaneously refuse d to wor k o n th e warship . A few day s later , carg o boatme n joined th e boycott , and new s o f th e even t sprea d ver y fas t (L i 1958 , 89-90). Unde r th e influenc e of th e Tria d Society , which possesse d a n estimate d 20,00 0 members , worker s in other occupations joined the all-out strike in remonstrance against the French attack o n Chin a (Chesneau x 1971 , 126). Although no t ye t represente d b y an y guil d o r trad e union , a s fa r a s th e evidence shows, 3 man y puller s wen t o n strik e t o registe r thei r oppositio n t o imperialism, refusin g t o serve Europeans. Stone s were throw n a t the m passin g in seda n chair s an d rickshaws ; fo r example , when a Mr Dic k wa s ridin g i n a rickshaw h e ha d hire d alon g Pray a Eas t — now Johnston Roa d an d Henness y Road — he was stopped an d attacke d b y some men, who upse t th e vehicle. As the unrest mounted , troop s move d i n t o dispers e th e crowds , only t o provok e the latte r t o ac t i n a more xenophobi c manner . Whe n anti-foreig n resurgenc e spread, fou r polic e officer s wer e force d t o see k shelte r i n a hotel, whic h wa s besieged for some time. Later on, the police filed charge s against some attackers, who were fined o r sent to jail (China Mail October 3, 1884). The demonstration s persisted fo r a few days , before th e Frenc h warshi p wa s towe d t o Japan.
3. A n informed police official i n Hong Kong stated (but cited no authority) that, as late as 1901, there were "no regular guilds of chair and ricksha coolies." Quoted from HKLCSP (1901, 57-8).
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The pullers ' identificatio n o f bein g Chines e migh t b e reinforce d b y th e popular hostility to Westerners tha t arose out of social relations. A few example s may make the point clearer . A puller was denied fare and beaten by one Hugene Pholant, a mariner (China Mail January 8 , 1880) . In another case , Louis Legros, a 22-year-ol d seama n o n th e Frenc h man-of-wa r vesse l Themis, was convicte d before N g Cho y (Wu Ca i {£/f , 1842-1922) , the n a temporar y stipendiar y magistrate i n Hon g Kon g wh o late r joine d th e Chines e administration , o f assaulting a puller an d doin g willful damag e t o hi s vehicle. Th e accused , wh o admitted th e charge , wa s fine d $0.5 0 an d ordere d t o pa y $3.5 0 t o th e pulle r (China Mai l January 3 , 1881) . O n a summer day , a puller brough t on e James Murphy t o a polic e station . The n unde r th e influenc e o f alcohol , Murph y screamed obscenitie s a t th e pulle r an d th e polic e office r o n dut y (China Mail June 16 , 1881) . Anothe r disput e ove r a rickshaw fare , whic h le d t o physica l struggles between a puller an d one Nikolai Clay, seaman of the Russian ironcla d Minin, resulte d i n th e seama n bein g convicte d o f damagin g a ricksha w an d inflicting assaul t o n th e pulle r wit h hi s fis t (China Mail April 21 , 1881). These four incidents, just four o f many, indicate that the pullers, both relying on th e fare s o f th e non-Chines e clientel e fo r makin g a living an d obsesse d b y the personal feelin g tha t the y were unfairly treated , were eventually draw n int o anti-foreign activities . More reasonably, in 1884 , their mundane desire to redress economic grievance s foun d expressio n i n a politica l appea l agains t foreig n imperialism.
Strike Agains t Ne w Housin g Tax , 189 5 In 1895 , the Hon g Kon g Chines e wer e involve d i n a strike i n oppositio n t o a new law that impose d o n tenemen t hous e owner s and occupier s th e obligatio n of the payment of a house tax , mainly with a view to collecting funds t o improve public sanitation . Th e house dweller s were enrage d b y the rumored likelihoo d of havin g t o pa y furthe r taxe s (China Mail Marc h 25 , 1895) . Th e strik e wa s fomented b y keepers o f unregistered house s i n protest agains t th e summonse s issued against them. Several thousand "carryin g coolies, then the market coolies, then th e house-boys , includin g ricksh a an d chai r coolies " joine d wit h housekeepers in a move to oppose the tax (China Mail March 29, 1895). A largescale strike occurred on March 28-29 when the waterfront wa s entirely deserte d and became unusually quie t and peaceful, a s if it were a Chinese holiday. Trade was seriously hampered , an d garriso n force s an d convict s wer e calle d t o assis t cargo loading . Thus th e presumabl y well-meanin g legislatio n o f 189 5 wa s plainl y no t popular with thos e for whose welfare i t was designed. The strike stemmed fro m
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a measur e fo r th e improvemen t o f publi c sanitation . Howeve r tiny , a measur e that was perceived to affect th e livelihood of the Chinese populace was sufficien t to ignite a strike.
Protest Agains t Traffi c Rules , 190 3 One Saturda y morning , o n Septembe r 27 , 1903 , about 1,50 0 ricksha w puller s walked of f th e job. Th e reaso n fo r thi s weekend inciden t wa s allege d t o hav e been the action of the police in enforcing th e regulations dealing with road traffic . The puller s proteste d that , i n recen t days , a large numbe r o f the m ha d bee n issued summonse s an d fine d fo r breache s o f traffic regulations , such as leaving the stand s t o searc h fo r busines s an d keepin g o n th e wrong sid e o f th e road . Large numbers o f pullers cam e of f th e road a t 2 pm. Puller s who continue d t o work wer e me t b y picket s an d advise d t o join th e strike . I n mos t cases , th e pullers complied with the wishes of the majority, but in others a little persuasion and intimidatio n wa s needed t o secur e cooperation . The 190 3 strike, which began with police enforcemen t o f traffic rules , was eventually disrupte d by police dispersal of pickets and police exercise of arrests. Informed tha t a strike was on, the police sent for th e "headmen " o f pullers an d had the m u p a t th e polic e station , wher e th e cause s leadin g u p t o th e strik e were investigated . I n addition , th e police kep t a sharp ey e ope n t o detec t th e strikers. A number o f pullers , wh o wer e incitin g other s t o sto p plyin g fo r business, wer e prosecute d o n th e charg e o f damagin g rickshaws , committin g assaults, and throwin g stones. The strike ended a t 9 pm (China Mail September 28, 1903) . As enforcers o f the law, the police were the embodiment o f the entir e established order and legal system, and they were perceived as such and disliked. In the September 27 walkout, the pullers struck in protest during a weekend, at a time when ricksha w servic e was in greates t demand . Th e wealthy people , who ha d been in th e habit o f taking weekend ride s in orde r t o escape th e feti d air of the Cit y of Victoria t o Happy Valley, were greatly disappointed whe n the y found th e streets empty of rickshaws. Those who wished to go to the polo match or ou t t o play golf were also robbed o f their pleasure , if they had t o depend o n the pullers to pull them t o the scene of the sport activities. In many cases, these people rented bicycles or took whatever means of transportation the y could find . The sedan-chai r coolie s reape d a harvest, havin g mor e tha n the y coul d d o t o accommodate th e man y wh o wante d thei r services. 4 4. Seda n chairs co-existed with rickshaws, sometimes in a symbiotic relationship, in view of the hilly terrain on Hong Kong Island. Rickshaws swamped the low-lying area. Sedan chairs continued to reign supreme on many parts of Hong Kong Island that "rises in terraces to the heights of the Peak" (Quoted from The Times May 24, 1911).
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The strik e di d n o t las t ou t th e firs t day . Partly , th e puller s wer e n o t enthusiastic abou t stoppin g wor k and , a s a matte r o f fact , a strik e mean t a los s of income . Perhap s mor e importantly , th e shor t duratio n o f th e strik e indicate d the pullers ' stron g bargainin g power . I t shoul d b e remembere d that , a t thi s time , the street s i n th e Cit y o f Victori a wer e onl y give n ove r t o seda n chairs , hors e carriages, bicycles , bulloc k carts , an d hand-trucks . Th e European s an d th e wealthy Chines e continue d t o rel y heavil y o n rickshaws . Tram s di d no t begi n to r u n o n regula r schedule s unti l 1904 , th e yea r afte r th e strike . Th e firs t motorcar di d no t appea r unti l 1908 , fiv e year s afte r th e strike . I n fact , a s lat e a s 1919, th e Hon g Kon g street s were : The unchallenge d huntin g groun d o f th e pedestrian , th e chair-cooli e and th e commo n carrie r humpin g hi s loa d upo n hi s shoulder . Eve n the fe w horse-draw n vehicle s hav e gon e thes e man y years , an d th e only wheele d traffic , beside s th e trams , i s provide d b y th e rickshaw , the truc k an d th e Sanitar y Board dust-cart s draw n b y oxen an d water buffaloes. Th e reade r mus t therefor e visualiz e a ver y differen t an d slower city , a cit y i n whic h petro l pump s an d traffi c sign s giv e plac e to shad y banya n tree s — an d th e clatte r an d speec h o f gea r an d brake t o th e so b o f th e strainin g coolie . (Saye r 1975 , 109 )
The "Anti-American " Boycott , 190 5 The introductio n o f American immigratio n polic y t o restric t th e entr y o f Chines e into th e Unite d State s fo r economi c venture s le d t o wave s o f boycott s agains t American good s tha t bega n i n th e sprin g o f 190 5 i n man y Chines e treat y ports , including Canto n an d Shangha i (Fiel d 1957 , 63-98). I n Hon g Kong , too , a serie s of boycott s occurred . A cal l wen t ou t t o boycot t th e H o n g k o n g Tramwa y Company, allegedl y finance d b y America n capital . Th e suggestio n tha t th e tramway compan y wa s a n America n concer n (indeed , i t was a British enterprise ) had som e effec t o n th e Chines e employees , an d th e tramwa y compan y ha d som e difficulty i n procurin g th e servic e o f th e salarie d Chinese . Then , th e manage r of th e tramwa y company , J. Gra y Scott , state d that , s o far , h e di d no t thin k tha t the tra m busines s ha d bee n seriousl y affecte d b y th e boycott . Bu t h e too k har d to disabus e th e Chines e publi c o f th e ide a tha t ther e wa s an y America n capita l in connectio n wit h th e company' s busines s (China Mail Augus t 22 , 1905) . The reactio n o f th e pullers t o th e cal l for boycot t wa s par t o f a much broade r nationalistic coalitio n i n whic h busines s people , students , an d th e intelligentsi a played ke y roles . However , th e principa l cause s o f thei r action s wer e economi c pressure, popula r an d patrioti c sentiment s playin g a comparativel y impoten t role. Mos t affecte d a s the y wer e b y th e tramcar s tha t starte d r u n n i n g fro m Shaukiwan t o Kenned y Tow n i n 1904 , th e puller s too k th e chanc e o f postin g
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boycott notices urging Chines e not t o ride the tramcars. A detective o n duty i n Des Voeu x Roa d West , wh o cam e acros s a boycott cartoo n poste d o n a wall, attempted t o tea r it down, but immediatel y a crowd o f pullers gathere d aroun d him. One , apparentl y th e leade r o f th e band , trie d t o preven t hi m an d use d obscene language. The detective arrested him, and, calling for assistance, arrested some others as well. Charged with behaving in a disorderly manner, tw o pullers were sentence d t o pa y a fin e o f $2 5 each , th e alternativ e bein g si x weeks ' imprisonment (Hongkong Daily Press August 22 , 1905) .
Conflict Betwee n Puller s an d Owners , 190 8 In th e lat e nineteent h century , ther e wa s cleare r an d mor e sharpl y define d conflict o f economic interest s between employer s an d employees . In th e 1880 s and 1890s , guilds reminiscent o f trade unions engage d in economic strikes over employer's prerogatives : thos e o f th e tailor s (1883) , th e mason s (1889) , th e carpenters (1891) , the rattan-chair maker s (1891) , and th e coopers (1894-95) . These wer e followe d b y sporadi c strike s o f bras s smiths , dyers , painters , bricklayers, an d sandalwoo d maker s demandin g bette r wage s an d workin g conditions (Tsa i 1993 , 95). During thes e years, the cos t o f living was rising. A sedan-chair beare r i n 190 1 sai d hous e ren t cos t hi m $0.7 0 an d foo d wa s $ 6 every month ; however , fiv e year s earlier , i n 1896 , h e ha d bee n payin g onl y $0.30 fo r ren t an d $ 4 for foo d (HKLCSP 1901, 115-6). The pre-union dispute s between ricksha w owner s an d ricksha w puller s ca n be trace d a t least t o 1908 , the year when the Chinese Mechanics' Union was formed in response to a protest against a Europea n forema n a t Swire' s Taiko o Dock , wh o bea t u p a Chines e employee. On January 6 , 1908 , som e 2,00 0 pullers , includin g bot h Chiucho w an d Hoklo, went on strike. Although crowds of pullers congregated a t street corner s to prevent anyone from underminin g th e effectiveness o f the protest, th e pullers on the whole awaited a peaceful settlemen t of the dispute. The strike arose fro m an attemp t b y owner s t o increas e th e dail y rent o f a rickshaw, which the n wa s $0.35 t o $0.4 0 fo r a n ordinar y vehicl e an d $0.5 0 fo r a better qualit y one . To justify th e ren t increase , th e owner s sai d the y ha d t o pa y th e governmen t a license fee of $72 (Hong Kong currency) per rickshaw per annum, but the pullers paid th e owner s i n Chines e coins . Give n th e lo w exchang e rate , th e owner s lost a considerable su m by converting Chines e coins into Hon g Kong currenc y to pay license fees . Th e second reaso n fo r increasin g rent was the introductio n of new rubber-tired rickshaws . The owners, who were upgrading thei r vehicles, decided tha t th e puller s ough t t o shar e thi s extr a expens e wit h the m (South China Morning Post January 7 , 1908) .
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The pullers ' January 6 strik e was th e firs t fo r reason s o f industria l relations . It wa s als o interestin g t o se e ho w th e strik e ended , whe n th e Chines e leader s were calle d u p o n t o giv e advice . Late r th e sam e day , Registrar-Genera l Arthu r Wimbolt Brewi n (1867-1946 ) an d Captai n Superintenden t o f Polic e Frederic k William Lyon s convene d a meetin g ove r whic h the y presided . I n attendanc e were th e representative s o f owner s an d puller s an d tw o influentia l spokesme n of th e Chines e community , H o Ka i (H e Q i fajgfc, 1859-1914) an d We i Yu k (We i Yu # 3 L , 1849-1921) , wh o wer e a t th e tim e servin g o n th e Legislativ e Council . The owner s withdre w thei r deman d fo r a ren t increas e an d agree d t o consul t the governmen t shoul d i t b e necessar y i n th e futur e t o increas e th e rent . Wit h these assurances , th e puller s too k u p wor k agai n a t 6 pm (Wah Tsz Yat Po January 7, 1908) . If w e tak e th e ren t questio n a s ou r objec t o f analysis , w e ma y wel l deduc e that "class " wa s a manifestatio n o f pullers ' allegiance s i n thi s period . However , if w e not e tha t th e puller s di d no t reall y ac t i n concert , w e begi n t o se e tha t there wer e shiftin g loyaltie s betwee n clas s an d ethnicity . I t wa s brough t ou t a t the aforesai d meetin g tha t th e Chiucho w puller s wer e mor e willin g t o submi t to th e owners ' terms . Th e Hokl o pullers , however , remaine d resolute . Th e internal spli t amon g th e earl y immigrant s alon g native-place/dialec t line s wa s a persistent featur e o f earl y Hon g Kon g society. 5 Th e desir e t o preven t a ricksha w rent increas e wa s analogou s t o th e class-consciousnes s emergin g i n Hon g Kon g at tha t time ; however, i t was to o weak t o have been anythin g mor e tha n a passin g sense o f grievance . Th e pullers ' unit y o f purpose wa s superficia l an d short-lived , and th e divergen t group s showe d a flexibilit y i n ethni c an d clas s boundaries . The 190 8 strik e wa s a n isolate d protes t agains t th e owners , an d a strik e o f thi s kind wa s rarel y repeated .
Strike Agains t Increase d Fines , 191 2 On Octobe r 29 , 1912 , som e 1,10 0 ricksha w puller s an d 67 0 sedan-chai r bearer s went o n strike . The y proteste d th e increasin g severit y o f th e fine s impose d a t the magisteria l leve l tha t ha d bee n show n o f lat e t o th e coolie s convicte d o f such offence s a s obstructio n an d demandin g mor e tha n th e lega l fare . A shor t while befor e th e strike , a minimu m fin e o f $ 3 ha d bee n imposed , raise d fro m
5. Regardin g thi s point, attentio n i s drawn t o th e 189 4 disturbances between peopl e of two clans , Tungkun an d Szeya p (Siy i E S ) , resultin g i n on e ma n bein g shot dea d an d several other s wounde d b y gunshot an d knives . Th e figh t bega n i n a collision betwee n the tw o clans durin g th e Lantern Festival . Se e Hongkong Government Gazette March 16 , 1895, 193 .
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as low a s $0.5 0 an d a caution i n on e magistrate' s court , o r betwee n $ 1 and $ 5 on average . However, a s these were foun d inadequat e t o suppress th e offence s complained o f by the public, th e fine s wer e increased, th e minimum bein g $3. Hearing o f th e impendin g strike , th e tramwa y compan y arrange d fo r extr a tramcars t o be runnin g fro m th e earl y hours . The strike commenced a t 5 am, and presumably i t was carefull y arranged . The existenc e o f some ringleaders amon g th e coolies was evidenced by the fac t that, on Sunday, the police knew it was slated for October 29 . During the cours e of th e strike, not on e public chai r o r ricksha w was seen plying for busines s o n Hong Kong Island. Th e fac t tha t rickshaw pullers and sedan-chai r coolie s alik e were strikin g produce d a n advers e effec t o n roa d traffi c an d prove d " a grea t inconvenience t o th e public" excep t thos e individual s wh o coul d boast privat e conveyances, and , "no t a few ladie s an d gentleme n wh o ha d busines s o n th e upper level s o r ha d call s t o make decide d t o leave the m fo r anothe r occasion " (Hongkong Daily Press October 30 , 1912) . As th e weathe r o f th e da y wa s ho t and sultry , th e absenc e o f rickshaw s an d seda n chair s wa s al l th e mor e felt . Tourists wer e unabl e t o commandee r th e vehicles t o tak e the m around . The strike o f 191 2 was reported by a newspaper t o have been instigated b y a fe w "guilds " o f a n unclea r nature . Ther e was , however , a limi t o n cooli e solidarity. I t wa s downtow n tha t th e strik e wa s th e mos t pronounced . Ou t a t Jardine's Wharf, West Point, the coolies stopped and resumed work, then stopped and resume d wor k again . O n th e firs t day , severa l ricksha w puller s wer e assaulted by other puller s fo r continuin g t o ply for business . In one instance, a striker called out to a puller: "Don' t pull ricshas or you will be killed" (Hongkong Daily Press October 31 , 1912). I f th e "guilds " coul d no t exten d thei r edic t t o their members , the y coul d impos e les s disciplin e o n th e privat e coolie s wh o spent " a splendid day " servin g thei r master s a s usual. Furthermore , th e strik e did not affec t th e pullers in Kowloon Peninsul a wh o di d not share, it was said , the grievance s o f thei r counterpart s o n th e Island . The captai n superintenden t o f polic e a t th e time , Franci s Joseph Badele y (1868-1920), cooperate d wit h th e aforesai d registrar-general , Arthu r Wimbol t Brewin, in investigating the matter and considering methods of inducing a return to work . The y approache d th e owner s o f seda n chair s an d rickshaw s wit h a view t o urgin g measure s fo r th e en d o f th e strike . Thi s strike , looke d a t a s " a display against constituted authority " continued for thirty-six hours before man y coolies finall y agree d t o resume work i n th e afternoo n o f th e second day , afte r they were tol d tha t i f they had an y actual grievances thes e should receiv e ever y consideration, o n conditio n tha t the y had t o return t o thei r calling s (Hongkong Daily Press Octobe r 30-31 , 1912) . The 191 2 protes t wa s no t "th e sillies t o f affairs, " a s labele d b y a pres s reporter (South China Morning Post October 31 , 1912). Significantly, thi s strik e
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is anothe r exampl e o f th e Chines e masses ' protes t agains t unwelcom e stat e encroachment int o thei r lif e an d work . Th e increas e i n fine s impose d b y th e court ha d obviousl y displease d th e coolies . A s pointe d out , thei r earning s wer e already restricte d b y th e introductio n o f tramcar s i n 190 4 and , a s a result , the y could no t maintai n themselves , contribut e periodi c fine s o f $ 3 o r $ 5 t o th e g o v e r n m e n t treasury , an d sen d m o n e y h o m e t o thei r familie s i n China . A newspaper accoun t o f th e even t concluded : $5 exacte d fro m th e averag e Europea n her e di d no t seriousl y affec t him bu t suc h a su m impose d o n a cooli e woul d rui n him . Tak e th e fines impose d o n thos e wh o driv e motor-car s t o th e dange r o f th e public: a millionair e migh t visi t th e Colony , brea k ever y regulation , and pa y al l fines . Fine s ar e a n incentiv e t o punishment , an d beside s are a sourc e o f revenue . Unwittingl y ther e ma y b e a n inclinatio n t o punish tha t way . A fine doe s no t strik e him , th e magistrate , probabl y as a very heavy sentence , but t o th e cooli e it is. (South China Morning Post Octobe r 30 , 1912 )
The Chines e Seamen' s Strike , 192 2 Labor activis m i n th e earl y 1920 s wa s characterize d b y a wav e o f economi c strikes an d rapi d unionization . Th e victor y o f th e eighteen-da y strik e stage d b y the Chines e mechanic s i n Hon g Kon g i n 192 0 (involvin g som e 6,00 0 worker s from twenty-si x establishments ) serve d a s a n inspiratio n t o trad e unionis m i n other occupation s (Glic k 1969 , 46-84) . Afterwards , ne w group s o f employee s came int o being , an d successfu l strike s calle d b y othe r type s o f labore r increase d in number . I n Septembe r 1921 , the Chines e Seamen' s Unio n (th e successo r t o the United Virtu e Societ y set up i n 1913 ) presente d it s demand fo r wag e increase s to offse t post-Worl d Wa r I inflation. Th e seame n returne d t o Canto n wher e the y were immun e fro m th e oppressio n o f th e colonia l authoritie s an d wher e the y met wit h a considerabl y lowe r cos t o f livin g tha n i n Hon g Kon g (Cha n 1975 , ch. 10) . The seamen' s strik e (fro m Januar y 1 2 t o Marc h 8 ) sa w th e mobilizatio n o f support beyon d th e seamen . Th e firs t roun d o f sympath y strikes , whic h bega n in mid-January , wa s stage d b y various guild s o f stevedores, lightermen , tallymen , coal coolies , an d others , w h e n th e talk s betwee n shippin g companie s an d seamen's delegates ende d withou t fruition . Eve n th e Chines e Carg o Junk Owners ' and Employees ' Association i n Canto n joined th e seamen' s strik e an d suspende d the transportatio n o f al l cargo t o Hon g Kon g fro m January 24 . Also, th e Chines e Seamen's Unio n wire d th e seame n i n Shangha i an d th e Strait s Settlements , askin g them t o help an d no t t o accep t employmen t fro m th e affecte d shi p owners . Fro m late February, th e strike assume d wide r dimensions . Th e me n o n sympath y strik e
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included butchers , offic e workers , houseboys , Chines e staf f o f hotels , employee s of ric e shops , an d ricksha w puller s (China Mail Februar y 28 , 1922) . The unprecedente d sho w o f labo r solidarit y i n th e second , mor e encompassing, wav e o f strik e action s no t onl y quickene d th e settlemen t o f th e strike t o th e victor y o f seame n (wh o wo n wag e increase s o f up t o thirt y percent ) b u t als o mad e a dee p impressio n o n th e colonia l official s an d th e Europea n merchants. A newspape r editoria l noted , u p o n th e en d o f th e seamen' s strike : There ar e probabl y ver y fe w peopl e i n th e Colon y wh o ar e no t surprised a t th e wonderfu l powe r show n b y th e Chines e fo r combination. Ther e is , o f course , som e significanc e i n th e fac t tha t the seamen le d th e way fo r th e first rea l demonstration i n thi s Colon y of th e strengt h o f th e Chines e worker . . . . Ther e wa s th e perfec t unanimity wit h whic h th e othe r guild s joine d in , th e methodica l manner i n whic h th e scre w wa s tightened . Thu s ther e seem s t o b e evidence o f a systemati c organisatio n whic h mus t hav e bee n i n preparation fo r som e tim e past . Again , wha t a t firs t sigh t i s eve n more surprisin g i s th e fac t tha t th e Chines e guild s hav e show n themselves capabl e o f a n eve n greate r degre e o f co-operatio n tha n the trad e unions a t Home. (South China Morning Post March 9 , 1922 )
Resistance Agains t Prosecution , 192 4 On th e mornin g o f Apri l 29 , 1924 , th e polic e o n poin t dut y o n Victori a Pea k stepped u p effort s t o enforc e a traffi c regulatio n tha t require d th e operator s o f public rickshaw s an d seda n chair s t o presen t thei r drivin g license s o n deman d for polic e inspection . Thi s polic e action , whic h le d t o th e arres t an d prosecutio n of man y coolie s wh o ha d illegall y solicite d fare s o n th e street , seeme d t o hav e been greatl y resente d an d wa s sai d t o hav e triggere d a strike . Givin g th e excus e that the y woul d retur n t o thei r livin g quarter s t o ge t thei r drivin g licenses , som e eighty sedan-chai r bearer s an d fort y ricksha w puller s hastene d hom e bu t di d not retur n t o th e parkin g areas . It wa s understoo d tha t som e o f th e striker s wer e privat e coolies , unde r th e employ o f Pea k households , wh o ha d a t on e tim e o r anothe r discarde d thei r uniforms an d take n a shif t o n a publi c vehicl e t o mak e a n extr a income , i n violation o f th e law . Certai n o f thei r master s ha d complaine d abou t th e non appearance o f privat e coolie s whe n give n instructions , wit h th e resul t tha t th e police too k actio n agains t thes e coolie s (China Mail Apri l 30 , 1924) . Th e police , realizing tha t i t wa s thei r deman d t o b e show n license s tha t le d t o th e strike , got int o communicatio n wit h th e headme n o f th e coolies . Th e latte r interceded , and th e strik e ende d tw o hour s afte r i t started . Th e requiremen t tha t drivin g licenses b e readil y availabl e fo r polic e inspectio n wa s "satisfactoril y adjusted " (Hongkong Telegraph Apri l 29 , 1924) . Understandably , th e coolie s wer e kee n t o
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act in a collective fashio n t o fen d of f what was viewed a s undue intrusio n int o their work . If th e protest o f the coolie s in 192 4 was onl y " a storm i n a teacup" (China Mail Apri l 30 , 1924) , a s th e polic e dubbe d it , i t wa s a n importan t stor m nonetheless. Togethe r wit h som e o f th e earlie r strike s an d boycotts , th e wor k stoppage of 1924 showed that the Chinese had long been discontent with certain aspects o f th e so-calle d "rule s o f th e road " (traffi c rules) , s o tha t eve n a n additional regulatio n wa s capabl e o f incitin g the m t o voic e protest s an d ac t against th e colonia l administration . Th e boundar y rol e o f indigenou s labo r headmen betwee n coolie s an d polic e was important. The y acted a s negotiator s with the Police Department, which rarely communicated directl y with the native population. Whil e th e strike against th e owners in 190 8 reflected th e existenc e of an emerging class-consciousness, on an occasion such as this the pullers were ready t o loo k t o thei r hometow n headme n t o fin d a solutio n t o thei r wor k problems. The year o f thi s strike , 1924 , was th e year th e rickshaw reache d it s zenit h with a n all-tim e recor d o f 3,411 i n number. Thereafter , th e ricksha w gav e way to th e increasin g competitio n fro m motor-drive n vehicles , particularly privat e cars an d taxicabs. 6 I n consequence , th e availabilit y o f alternativ e mean s o f transport forestalle d th e effectivenes s o f strike action . Thu s th e strik e o f 192 4 is perhaps bes t see n a s a moment tha t marke d th e beginning o f th e declin e i n the pullers' propensity t o strik e i n subsequen t years .
The Canton-Hon g Kon g Strike , 1925-2 6 The economi c strike s o f th e earl y 1920 s prepared th e groun d fo r th e outbrea k of strikes and boycotts of a more genuine patriotic overtone in subsequent years. In 1925 , after a n anti-foreig n campaig n withi n China , attendan t o n th e killin g of nin e Chines e demonstrator s b y British-officered polic e i n th e Internationa l Settlement i n Shanghai o n May 30, people everywher e starte d protest s (N g Bar Ling Diary June 11 , 14, 1925). Over 2,000 Chines e cooks, houseboys, and others in th e islan d o f Shamee n (Shamia n iPW, meanin g "sand-face, " a sand spi t i n Canton on which were the residences of foreign merchants and consular officials , who were not under t o Chinese jurisdiction) wen t on strike. Shortly afterwards , Chinese worker s i n nearl y ever y lin e o f wor k turne d ou t i n recor d number s (some 500,000 ) t o boycot t al l ship s havin g British-rule d Hon g Kon g a s thei r 6. Detaile d statistics of different type s of vehicle licensed in Hong Kong in 1896-193 9 can be obtained from various editions of Hongkong Administration Report. Se e Table 7.2 in chapter 7.
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destination (Chun g 1969 , 217-8). The godowns aroun d tow n were closed an d business completel y suspended . Th e strike tha t bega n i n June 192 5 was calle d off, nominally , i n October 1926 . Afterwards, th e laborers returned t o work an d the por t o f cal l returned t o mor e o r les s normal conditions . Much is unknown abou t th e pullers' participation i n th e strike o f 1925-2 6 (the largest an d longes t eve r recorded i n China) , and th e best reconstructio n I can offe r a t present remain s t o be fully verified . However , a Chines e housebo y then i n th e emplo y o f a European famil y o n th e Pea k recalle d tha t th e puller s were "involved " i n thi s strike . He also learned fro m a coolie tha t a "union " o f Hoifung puller s ha d existe d i n Hon g Kon g fo r a short spel l i n th e 1920s . Stil l later, thi s union was raided b y the government, an d sinc e the n i t has not bee n able t o resum e it s activities (La m 1991 , interview).7 Ther e i s no documentar y record of this union, but, from anothe r source, we know that a communist leade r named Pen g Pa i (USE , 1896-1929) , wh o ha d mobilize d th e peasant s i n collective protests fo r ren t reduction i n his native home in Hoifung, ha d a brief sojourn i n th e 1920 s i n Hon g Kong , wher e h e wa s warml y receive d b y th e rickshaw puller s o f Hoi-Luk-Fung origi n an d wa s give n funds fo r th e Peasan t Association o f Kwangtun g (PPWf 1981 , 166). During the strike of 1925-26, Chinese labor pickets clashed repeatedly with the strikebreaking police. When mor e tha n 500,00 0 Chines e from a wide range of occupations went on strike, the police stations relied almost entirely on thos e who had stayed at their jobs to fill transport duties for them . Whether voluntar y or coerced , quit e a numbe r o f ricksha w puller s wer e workin g unde r th e protection o f the police and th e military, against th e wishes o f th e arme d labo r pickets. I n on e instance , a rickshaw wa s sen t ou t t o delive r a n India n polic e officer t o hospital. On the way the rickshaw, with the officer i n it, was intercepted and fire d o n with pistol s by labor pickets . Again, th e next day , when a furthe r attempt was made to send th e officer t o hospital, an exchang e o f fire broke ou t between fou r striker s an d a n escor t o f polic e wh o accompanie d th e ricksha w (Hongkong Administration Report 1925, K-21 t o K-22) .
Conclusion The ordinar y Chinese , i n particular , i n pre-Worl d Wa r I I Hon g Kong , wer e weighed dow n wit h intrusiv e rule s an d racia l prejudices . Th e pullers ' strike s against heav y fine s fo r parkin g an d traffi c infraction s reveale d tha t stat e 7. Thi s information was obtained from a puller of Hoifung origin by word of mouth in the 1940s . The puller gave no information o n the background, size, leadership, method of organization, or political persuasion (i f any) of this union.
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oppression, instea d o f capitalis t exploitation , ultimatel y explaine d th e popula r protests an d socia l disturbances . I t was not onl y in interaction wit h owner s o r job brokers but with healt h measures , traffi c regulations , and judicial penaltie s that th e puller s openl y stage d protest s t o resis t o r eve n valiantl y challeng e colonial power an d authority. Frequently , the deciding factor wa s the stereotyp e that th e foreigners hel d al l along. The British overlords held definite view s an d bias vis-a-vis the residing Chinese and tried t o impose outside standards on ho w they should behave . Another significan t facto r i n th e colonia l situatio n wa s it s cohesive effec t o n differen t section s o f th e Chines e population . Th e resistanc e to advers e rule s serve d a s a facto r unifyin g disparat e group s o f cooli e communities, thoug h thi s kin d o f interethni c solidarit y wa s maintaine d onl y on a temporar y basis . Even without th e marke t advantag e o f technica l skill s an d th e custom s o f the old guilds, the pullers were capable of taking collective action. Their protests, at times associated with the struggles that the Chines e staged during thi s period against foreig n penetration , too k th e for m o f strike s an d walkouts , eac h tim e involving a measure o f traffi c chaos . O n occasion , coolie s o f sedan chair s an d rickshaws joined hand s t o bargain fo r preferre d policie s an d agains t unpopula r police measures. Thei r stron g industria l powe r ofte n le d t o a quick solutio n o f the disputes and helped t o preempt even larger-scale protests. In a general sense, the strike s an d boycott s provide d the m wit h a brief glimps e o f th e valu e o f collective struggle . Mor e reasonably , the y reflecte d broader , endemi c racia l feelings i n a colonial setting and represented a combined expressio n o f national and economi c interests. In th e 188 4 anti-French insurrection , th e pullers acte d as something lik e a rear-guard o f carg o boatmen . Th e 190 5 boycott struc k a t the tramcar , th e economi c riva l t o th e rickshaw . The cultura l pluralis m o f th e populatio n o f resident s an d visitor s wa s a source o f unhappy skirmishes . Foreigner s fro m al l points o f th e compas s rod e in rickshaws an d frequentl y treate d th e pullers badly, thus introducin g racism , both over t an d covert , a s a facto r int o th e shapin g o f street-leve l politics . Expatriate resident s an d visitor s migh t becom e victim s o f malicious attack s if trouble flared . Th e source materials about th e 188 4 insurrection offe r fe w direc t clues o n motivation. On e might expect , however, tha t if the pullers did not se e their mor e immediate , short-ter m aspiration s t o b e wel l serve d b y activ e participation i n th e insurrection , the y woul d no t hav e bee n s o motivated . I t would be that the common incidents of abusive and arrogant behavior by unruly passengers, such a s drunken sailors , became a significant sourc e o f frustratio n in th e live s o f th e pullers . I n thi s manner , th e pragmati c consideratio n o f channeling one' s persona l grievance s — seekin g reveng e agains t foreigner s — became temporaril y tie d t o th e political goal of eradicating foreign imperialism .
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5
If the pullers' participation in the 188 4 insurrection represented coalescenc e of interests betwee n th e notio n o f "Chineseness " an d anti-foreig n sentiments , their involvemen t i n th e 190 5 boycott agains t th e tramwa y compan y wa s eve n more limite d i n vision an d economi c i n motivation . Th e mass actio n involve d in th e 190 5 boycott wa s substantiall y politica l agitation , i n spit e o f th e initia l economic cause s i n th e eye s of th e pullers, who sa w th e boycott i n pragmati c terms and were preoccupied abov e all with the competition fo r client s and fares . Competitive hostility towar d th e tramcar, rather tha n th e question o f patriotism or racia l discriminatio n per se, woul d appea r t o hav e rendere d th e puller s susceptible t o th e propagand a o f boycott activists . The pullers' protes t agains t the tramwa y compan y ( a British rathe r tha n a n American enterprise ) stemme d less fro m th e succes s o f a n organizin g elit e tha n fro m thei r long-standin g grievances agains t th e tramcar , though t t o b e th e culpri t o f th e declin e o f rickshaw incomes , findin g a channel i n th e large r boycot t movement .
PART TW
O
REPUBLICAN CANTON 191 1-3 8
4 Evolution of a New Civic Paradigm
C
ANTON, ON E of th e oldes t citie s i n Sout h China , wher e Eas t an d Wes t commingled, wa s once regarded a s the "Londo n o f China," an d th e Pear l River wit h it s ow n estuar y provide d th e major waterwa y betwee n Canto n an d nearby district s (Brown e 1901 , 55). " A city of contrasts between th e ol d Chin a and th e ne w idea s o f Europe " wa s a remark o n Canto n mad e b y a columnis t for The Times o f London , i n 1919 , th e yea r o f th e importan t Ma y Fourt h Movement (The Times May 14 , 1919) . Along with a labyrinth o f asphalt road s meant fo r moto r traffi c wer e windin g alleyway s withi n th e cit y blocks . High rises shared th e neighborhoo d wit h quain t open-fronte d house s attache d righ t behind, wher e mos t peopl e lived . Ther e wa s a blen d o f institutions , lik e commercial associations, trade guilds, and mixed guilds of masters and servants. Although ne w idea s cam e in , age-ol d pattern s o f belie f an d socia l relation s remained pervasive , influencin g everythin g fro m migratio n pattern s t o labo r procurement. Th e followin g i s a n attemp t t o illustrat e somethin g o f a civi c reorientation tha t wa s takin g shap e amon g th e Chines e populatio n i n earl y republican Canton , leadin g t o th e evolutio n o f a ne w civi c paradig m tha t transcended ol d socia l divisions .
Sojourning an d Chai n Migratio n Over the last two centuries, Kwangtung Province has seen massive out-migratio n in consequenc e o f th e commercializatio n o f th e rura l economy , th e hig h leve l of tenanc y an d th e population explosion . Rura l folk , instea d o f being stuck i n poverty-ridden villages , opted for out-migratio n a s a means t o escape economi c hardship. Th e larg e urban center s o f Kwangtun g foun d themselve s floode d b y vagabonds, who wandered aroun d like swarms of locusts. Some headed back t o their hometown s whe n th e trouble s wer e over . Fo r man y others , Canto n wa s the place the y intended t o settle. A city of high in-migration that , in 192 1 had numbered just ove r 790,00 0 inhabitants, grew to well over 1. 2 millio n by 193 2 (Ng 1936 , 11) . Other migrants went elsewhere in the Pearl River Delta, such as
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the easter n side , which encompasse s Tungkun , an d it s sout h an d wester n sides , comprising Chungsha n (Zhongsha n ^LLl ) an d Fatsha n (Fosha n ft ill) . The migrant s wer e differentiate d accordin g t o thei r place s o f origi n an d their differen t dialect s tha t adde d variet y t o th e multiethni c an d multilingua l metropolis. Group s o f cla n member s wer e s o n u m e r o u s an d s o differen t i n their trait s a n d habit s t h a t the y create d a richl y multifariou s variet y o f s u b c u l t u r e s . H o w thes e divers e t r a d i t i o n s i n t e r a c t e d w i t h on e a n o t h e r embraced a dazzlin g arra y o f factors . Particularl y i n southeaster n China , o f which Canto n wa s a principa l por t an d gateway , th e sens e o f lineag e unit y was strong . Th e differen t speec h groups , whethe r th e intentio n wa s t o becom e p e r m a n e n t settler s o r temporar y sojourners , wer e loca l minded , evincin g a tendency t o b e linke d t o thei r particula r hometown s an d displayin g a sens e of "loca l patriotism, " a s a n astut e observe r o f Canto n lif e described : When tw o Chines e meet , a fe w moments ' tal k i s enoug h t o revea l where the y com e from . An d i f the y ar e both fro m Fukie n [Fujian ] o r Chekiang [Zhejiang] , Szechua n [Sichuan ] o r Shans i [Shanxi] , if the y like thei r glaze d duck , thei r sharks ' fins , o r bambo o shoot s cooke d in th e sam e way , the y fee l themselve s t o b e fellow-countrymen , lik e a coupl e o f Finn s o r Spaniard s meetin g fa r fro m home . I f the y spea k different dialect s and do not like the same dishes, they will not unben d to on e another . (Marti n 1934 , 139-40 ) The greenhorn s wh o ende d u p i n Canto n differe d widel y i n thei r abilitie s to adap t t o th e urba n environment . Generally , thos e w i t h o u t skill s and/o r networking ha d t o tak e longer t o adjust an d foun d i t more difficult . Man y others , however, di d no t lac k fo r introductio n o r guidance , lik e Zen g Zhaoji n CeB S $$), age d 7 0 i n 1991 , who ha d bee n a farme r i n th e villag e o f Chiken g (zfctt ) in th e Eas t Rive r area . Befor e hi s arriva l i n th e cit y i n 1947 , Zen g wa s unabl e t o speak Cantonese . H e made th e decisio n t o move because h e ha d a distant relativ e living i n Canto n befor e then . Zeng' s firs t sto p i n Canto n wa s a lodgin g hous e where hi s distan t relativ e ha d take n u p residence . Aide d b y thi s relative , Zen g found th e wa y t o tak e u p ricksha w pullin g fo r " a mer e living " an d the n learne d the traffi c rules , picked u p certai n colloquia l expression s t o become linguisticall y competent t o dea l wit h th e job , an d becam e skilfu l a t ricksha w operation , fo r instance, ho w t o slo w down , ho w t o ru n fast , ho w t o tur n an d brak e (Zen g 1991, interview) . In th e hard-bitte n worl d o f earl y twentieth-centur y Canton , wher e th e lif e of th e urba n poo r wa s brutall y hard , th e carg o coolie s i n dock s tende d t o roa m in gang s (bang Ht , a n expressio n fo r "dialec t groups " i n th e Canto n context) . The coolie s lai d heav y stres s o n th e importanc e o f subethni c togethernes s an d came t o regar d violenc e a s a natural an d accepte d par t o f thei r lives . There wer e two riva l dialect-base d union s tha t stoo d ou t adamantl y i n opposition . Name d
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Chap Yin Stevedores Union (Jixia n qiluohu o gonghu i ^ R ® ^ ^ X # 5 se t u p by a Tungkun labo r leade r i n 1922) , an d th e Canto n branc h o f th e Tun g Ta k Coolies' Union (Tongd e fuli gonghui I^IlHlfe^JIIlr , whic h included coolies who spoke th e Chiucho w dialect) , thes e tw o union s harbore d smolderin g distrus t of eac h other . Thei r rank-and-fil e ignite d int o inter-ban g antagonis m an d occasional fighting fo r hegemony over contested jobs in wharves, godowns, and railway station s (Kung Sheung Daily News May 25 , 29, June 5 , 11 , 1928). The immigrants o f common geographi c origin s and dialects lived in spatia l proximity, a pattern tha t ofte n overlappe d wit h job classification . I n th e earl y part o f the twentiet h century , th e area o f East Bund (Dongd i 3M*1 ) was host of the livin g quarter s o f ricksha w puller s (chefuguan JpLftff O o f Hoi-Luk-Fun g geographic origin . No t surprisingly , i t wa s als o wher e a "fre e schoo l fo r th e poor" (yixue UMP ) wa s ru n b y th e Hoifun g Hometow n Associatio n (Haifen g gonghui $Sit£Hlt ) (Kung Sheung Daily News March 19 , 1936) . Living in Eas t Bund for ove r fifty years , a retired puller recalls that it was, and still is, a habitat of succeeding generation s o f natives of Hoi-Luk-Fung, a reservoir o f emigrants. Asked wh y thi s wa s th e case , h e replie d tha t i t wa s traditio n (Zen g 1991 , interview). Similarly , Ta i Ho n Roa d (^M$&) an d Ma n Foo k Roa d (ilpHI^r ) had a heavy concentratio n o f cooli e lodgin g house s (inhabite d b y Chiuchow ) and ricksha w depot s tha t benefited fro m distributio n economie s gaine d fro m a fast deliver y o f their for-hir e vehicles . Domicile and work intermingle d i n suc h a compacte d wa y tha t localis m prevaile d an d persisted . All to o often , th e immigrant s attache d themselve s t o hometow n an d interpersonal network s (xiangyi guanxi $$tt!f ^) fo r easie r adaptation int o th e alien Canto n environment . The y maintained traditiona l value s o f clan, mutua l regard an d service , an d certai n altruis m whe n dealin g with othe r townspeopl e or provincials . Multifariou s type s o f cla n o r territoria l association , buil t alon g geographic line s and forme d wit h th e expresse d aim s to exchang e informatio n and brin g benefit t o thei r ow n members , mediated between th e individual an d the society . I n most cases , these hometow n association s concerne d themselve s with settling disputes between members , giving assistance with th e expenses of burial o f migrant s fro m th e sam e village o r clan , etc. , an exampl e o f which i s found i n th e Swato w Guil d Hal l i n Shi k Kun g Stree t (Ker r 1918 , 44) . Th e Chinese ter m normall y use d fo r thi s i s Chaozho u bay i huigua n (MJM AlsH* ffO, a n umbrell a associatio n o f th e "Eigh t Districts " fro m wher e cam e almos t all Chiucho w emigrant s t o Canto n (GZDGL 1919, 16) . Still, som e Canto n inhabitant s fostere d intra-communit y self-help . Fo r example, the y forme d an d joine d fraterna l societie s suc h a s yinhui (iHH' , "rotating-credit associations" ) an d gaine d acces s t o th e materia l suppor t an d insurance tha t th e municipa l governmen t ha d faile d t o provide. Privatel y ru n by mutual friend s an d neighbor s withi n thei r ow n circles , th e yinhui coul d b e
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as small a s just nin e o r te n member s o r a s large a s several hundred . Wha t ca n be regarde d a s extendin g fro m th e cla n networks , th e yinhui operate d o n th e basis o f th e trustworthines s o f participant s an d i n a spirit o f fraternity , thrift , and mutua l aid . Eac h membe r regularl y se t asid e som e o f hi s ow n mone y fo r the yinhui, whic h gav e bonuses t o th e participant s o n th e maturity dat e (Zen g 1991, interview). The yinhui induced the acquaintance's peers to save, and helped them survive periodic personal crises such as debt, sickness, and unemployment . The existenc e o f a sizeable population o f Cantones e host people reinforce d the parochial etho s o f th e "non-natives. " Th e sea-based sampa n dweller s wer e used t o livin g o n boats alon g th e Pear l River , where the y "marry , live and die , without minglin g with th e population o f th e earth " (Brown e 1901 , 57). At th e other extrem e were th e land-dwellin g indigenou s local s who spok e th e dialec t of Canto n Cit y an d it s immediat e environs . Know n a s Punti , the y were bor n into families tha t had settled in Canto n and occupied th e centuries-old artisana l jobs. Thei r long-ter m residenc e resulte d i n a one-stree t one-trad e tradition , certain street s devote d t o th e manufacture an d sal e of same kinds o f handicraf t such a s jade an d ivor y carvings , sil k piec e goods , gol d jewelry , porcelain , silverware, and blackwood furnitur e (Gei l 1911 , 81). The new immigrants fro m outside th e Pear l Rive r Delt a wer e al l to o awar e o f thei r vulnerabl e positio n compared t o th e entrenche d locals .
Economics o f Urba n Spraw l There is an old Chines e saying that "everythin g new originates in Canton." Thi s is a complimen t t o th e Canto n inhabitant s wh o wer e know n fo r thei r entrepreneurial cas t of mind, innovative ideas, and receptivity t o new ideas tha t set a n exampl e fo r thei r compatriot s t o follow . I n respec t t o cit y refor m an d improvement o n Wester n lines , thi s ol d sayin g ha s prove n t o b e unusuall y perceptive. A new epoc h fo r Canto n bega n wit h th e formatio n i n 191 8 of th e Municipal Counci l (Shizhen g gongsu o ^fifc^Bx, literally , "Municipa l Publi c Meeting Hall") . The firs t o f its kind i n China , th e Municipa l Counci l heralde d the modernists ' desir e fo r progres s alon g Western line s an d happene d t o b e a catalyst fo r socio-economi c change . It too k charg e of the demolition o f the ol d city walls (forty-thre e fee t a t th e base and fro m twenty-fiv e t o fort y fee t high) , the utilizatio n o f th e ol d wal l site s fo r moto r roads , a s wel l a s othe r civi c responsibilities suc h a s sewage an d publi c healt h tha t wer e citywid e i n scop e and reformis t i n spirit . Beginning i n 1918 , the ol d cit y walls o f Canto n wer e tor n dow n t o mak e way fo r ne w roads , whic h provide d roo m fo r furthe r expansio n o f suburba n public transpor t (Photo s 4. 1 an d 4.2) . Sinc e January 1921 , single-deck buse s
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Photo 4. 1 Demolishin g th e ancien t cit y wall s o f Canton , 1918 . Th e cit y wall s o f Canto n were almos t totall y demolishe d b y 1922 , and i n thei r plac e cam e a new arrangemen t o f wid e asphalt road s mean t fo r bot h moto r an d pedestria n traffic . Fro m Edwar d Bing-Shue y Lee , Modern Canton (Shanghai : Th e Mercur y Press , 1936) .
Photo 4. 2 Ya t Tak Road , forme r sit e o f th e Souther n Oute r Wall . Th e ricksha w puller s wer e hit i n th e pocke t whe n gasoline-powere d buse s bega n operatio n i n January 1921 , along th e site o f th e forme r cit y walls. Bus far e wa s $0.0 5 fo r a ride o f an y distance . Fro m Edwar d Bing Shuey Lee , Modern Canton (Shanghai : Th e Mercur y Press , 1936) .
6 4 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
began operatio n alon g th e street s betwee n th e Canton-Kowloo n Railwa y an d the Ta i Pin g (Taipin g zfc^p ) gat e west . B y 1922 , th e ol d cit y wall s wer e almos t totally demolished , an d i n thei r plac e a numbe r o f roads , pave d wit h brick s and stone s fro m th e ol d wall , wer e lai d out . Som e o f th e ol d streets , mad e o f uneven cobbleston e an d buil t back-to-bac k i n earlie r day s o f th e cit y when tow n planning wa s littl e practice d eve n i n Europe , wer e re-pave d u p t o a width o f 8 0 and 15 0 fee t an d si x miles long . Gon e wer e th e day s when "non e o f th e alleyway s was mor e tha n nin e o r te n ft . wide , an d mos t o f the m s o narro w tha t yo u hav e only t o sprea d you r arm s i n orde r t o touc h th e wal l a t bot h sides " (South China Morning Post Octobe r 22 , 1912) . As th e 1920 s proceeded , th e boundar y o f th e municipalit y wa s stretched , and th e reform s o f th e cit y prope r an d th e outskirt s kep t pac e wit h th e increasingly larg e populatio n an d th e progres s o f publi c works . Canto n als o witnessed th e introductio n o f telephones , moder n sewage , improved wate r work s and electri c lightin g service , an d a nightl y wireles s broadcast . Eas y profit s inspired a frenz y o f propert y speculation , whic h wa s ofte n mor e attractiv e tha n productive investments . Owner s o f land situate d o n bot h side s o f th e Pear l Rive r were give n th e privileg e o f reclaimin g th e par t o f th e foreshor e adjacen t t o thei r landed property . O n th e rive r frontag e area , new-styl e building s wer e erecte d in accordanc e wit h th e surve y plan s prepare d b y th e Financ e Burea u (Caizhengj u MSfcMf), an d risin g abov e th e olde r types , a s show n i n Phot o 4.3 . Ther e wer e different type s o f activit y t o enlive n th e Bund , a landmark sightseein g are a alon g the Pear l River , an d t o kee p th e tourist s engage d an d enthralled : Shrieks, shouts , an d chao s ar e constan t i n thi s rive r o f screamin g coolies o f rattling , buggy-wheele d rickshaws , carrier s o f heav y pole borne burdens , peddlers , beggars , boatme n — mor e ofte n women , quite a s sturdy an d capabl e i n th e struggl e fo r existenc e — clamorin g for passengers , ungrease d autobuse s constantl y snortin g t o an d fro m Tung Sha n [Dongshan] , dreadfu l thing s wit h atrociou s woode n seat s in n o wa y suite d t o a foreigner' s sittin g posture , jolting an d jumpin g beneath thei r inexper t chauffeurs , causin g fe w death s onl y by miracle. (Franck 1925 , 222-3 ) The progres s mad e toward s publi c work s an d th e effort s wer e ver y welcome . A visitor c a n n o t hel p b u t ge t th e i m p r e s s i o n tha t C a n t o n entere d int o a westernizing proces s a t last : The moder n spiri t i s no w fermentin g mor e activel y a t Canto n tha n elsewhere. Th e dominatin g youn g Chiname n ar e thos e wh o hav e returned fro m visitin g th e Unite d States , an d ther e ar e n o mor e determined agitator s i n Chin a tha n these . Tall , moder n house s ar e rising fas t alon g th e rive r banks . Th e rampart s hav e bee n levelle d with th e ground . (Bonnar d 1926 , 295 )
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Photo 4. 3 A stretch o f Canton' s celebrate d Pear l River , 1920s . Th e cit y proper , bordere d b y the boa t population , i s o n th e botto m left . I n th e subur b o f Hona m Island , o n th e fa r right , new-style building s wer e erecte d an d ris e abov e th e olde r types . Courtes y o f Publi c Record s Office, Governmen t Record s Service , Hon g Kong .
Urban construction , alon g with th e advent o f new modes o f transport an d the rapi d growt h o f population , mean t mor e variet y an d choic e o f publi c services wer e available . Wherea s non-wheele d carriage s suc h a s seda n chair s (which ha d existe d i n Canto n lon g before an y othe r typ e o f vehicle) fel l int o disfavor, th e rickshaw capture d th e heart o f the city to become a favorite mod e of cycl e transport. 1 Fro m a tota l o f 3,00 0 i n 192 0 th e numbe r o f rickshaw s rose t o 3,20 0 i n 192 2 an d 3,60 0 i n 1924 , an d i n 192 9 reache d 4,100 . Th e single-deck bu s servic e expande d i n al l directions . Statistic s sho w tha t bu s service wa s o n a firml y upwar d trend , carryin g u p t o 16,11 4 rider s dail y i n 1928-29. Car s soon became one of the symbols of prosperity, along with buses. The dignitarie s offere d a n expandin g marke t t o cars , whose numbe r wen t u p to 62 5 i n 1924 , fro m 39 6 i n 192 0 (GZSSZGY 1921 , 19; GZSSZGB January 1 , 1924, 8-10) . A s of 1929 , Canto n ha d mor e tha n fift y mile s o f road s passabl e for al l form s o f vehicles . Then , ther e wer e 62 5 moto r vehicle s o n th e city' s roads, o r abou t on e pe r 1,00 0 populatio n (GZSSZF 1929 , 294-5) .
1. I t i s interestin g t o not e tha t a "guid e t o Canton " publishe d i n Chines e i n 191 9 give s the rate s fo r rickshaw s t o cove r th e requirement s o f a resident/visito r wh o intende d t o travel b y ricksha w alon g th e Canto n Bun d (Zhangd i H S 1 ) alon g th e waterfron t o f th e Pearl River . Se e GZDGL (1919 , 35) .
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Despite th e rapi d growt h o f motor traffic , th e ricksha w showe d n o sign s of dying; o n th e contrary , th e numbe r wa s goin g u p instea d o f comin g down , a t least u p t o th e mid-1930 s whe n th e Pear l Rive r Bridg e commence d operatio n to facilitat e passenge r an d good s traffic . Thi s serve d t o promote th e growt h o f the islan d o f Honam (Hena n fifm, "sout h o f th e river") , once o n th e outskirt s of Canton , whic h ha d previousl y depende d upo n ferrie s an d sampans . Th e number o f rickshaws gradually rose from 4,33 1 to 5,315 durin g th e period 192 9 to 1931 . Two years later, ther e were 5,80 6 registered rickshaw s i n operatio n i n Canton's streets, of which 20 6 were licensed t o run fo r privat e use, as shown i n Table 4.1 . Called ziyongche ( § f l | $ , self-us e vehicles) , th e privat e rickshaw s were operate d b y coolie s directl y employe d a s domesti c servant s t o Chines e households o r foreig n institution s i n Shameen . Table 4. 1 Numbe r o f rickshaw s i n Canton , 1929-3 3 Year Privatel
y use d Publicl
y hire d
1929 23
1 4,10
1930 24
0 4,60
0 0
1931 21
5 5,10
0
1932 21
3 5,10
0
1933 20
6 5,60
0
Compiled fro m GZSZFXS (1934 , 95-7 )
An increase i n moto r traffi c withou t a corresponding diminutio n o f rickshaw s indicated tha t th e political disorde r o f th e 1920 s had thwarte d roa d works, an d that roa d constructio n i n densel y populate d Canto n wa s expensiv e i f jus t remuneration wa s to be given for th e vehicular rights-of-wa y acquired . The road plans usually required th e demolition o f the front par t of houses, and thu s ofte n met th e opposition o f house owner s (GZSSZL 1922, 71-2). Thus, th e relativel y small roa d mileag e impede d a wide r expansio n o f moto r traffi c an d gav e rickshaws room for survival . Not only was the bus service restricted t o the mai n roads, it was not appealin g t o status seekers . Put differently , n o singl e mean s of conveyance capture d al l o f th e difference s amon g th e commuters ' need s an d preferences. Despit e th e competitio n fo r th e poo l o f clientele , th e cumulativ e effect o f urban spraw l an d populatio n growt h ha d th e effec t o f increasing tota l demand. However competitiv e th e rickshaw was, as road traffi c wa s growing heavier , the threa t fel t b y th e pullers, real or perceived, becam e notable . Both th e risin g costs o f livin g an d th e expandin g bu s servic e wer e puttin g a squeez e o n th e rickshaw trade . The puller s fel t thei r pocket s hi t whe n th e bus starte d i n 192 1 and cos t onl y $0.0 5 fo r a ride o f any distance. I n February 1922 , when th e bu s
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companies too k a grea t dea l o f th e pullers ' busines s b y addin g third-clas s seat s to thei r vehicles , th e puller s responde d wit h th e threa t o f a strike an d complaine d that the y coul d ear n onl y hal f o f wha t the y ha d befor e (South China Morning Post Februar y 22 , 1922) . When bu s service s wer e furthe r expande d i n Decembe r 1926, man y puller s responde d wit h th e complain t tha t thei r dail y incom e dropped fro m $1.2 0 t o $0.6 0 (Guangzhou minguo ribao Decembe r 20 , 1926) . These action s wer e ofte n coordinate d throug h labo r unions , whic h emphasize d direct actio n an d bargaining . A pres s repor t bear s witnes s t o this : Recently, th e Coolies ' Unio n demanded , unde r threa t o f a genera l strike, tha t th e Governmen t shorte n th e bu s line s an d no t allo w th e buses t o sto p mor e tha n onc e o n eac h trip . Th e reques t wa s grante d a fe w day s ago , but th e Union leader s were stil l not satisfie d an d the y then communicate d t o th e bu s companie s tha t unles s a mor e satisfactory repl y t o thei r demand s wer e given , the y woul d no t b e responsible fo r th e safet y o f th e companies ' staff. (Hongkong Telegraph January 26 , 1927 ) Urban spraw l seeme d t o explai n th e initia l succes s an d late r trouble s o f th e rickshaw, whic h eventuall y becam e lik e th e seda n chai r i t ha d replaced . I n th e circumstances, som e benefite d fro m th e changes ; other s woul d b e victims . Th e affected individuals ' attitud e towar d th e resul t o f ne w technolog y depende d o n whether the y wer e mor e impresse d wit h it s wonder s o r it s blunder .
Private Capita l an d th e Stat e Canton wa s a strategi c poin t i n Sout h China , politicall y an d commercially . Located a t th e confluenc e o f inlan d river s an d wel l serve d b y waterway s an d a materially ric h interior , i t stoo d ou t a s a focal poin t o f navigation. It s geopolitica l location an d commercia l vigo r combine d t o produc e th e smar t merchant s wel l known fo r busines s finess e an d farsight . Fro m tim e t o tim e the y pu t forwar d investment project s t o mee t o r eve n creat e marke t need s rathe r tha n just respon d to officia l requests . Especiall y wit h regar d t o thi s las t point , th e peroratio n o f an observe r remain s apposite : The people o f Kwangtung an d Kwangs i [Guangxi ] hav e th e reputatio n of bein g th e mos t enterprisin g an d industriou s i n al l China . Som e o f the adjective s whic h variou s writer s hav e use d i n describin g the m are brave , energetic , enterprising , active , independent , radical , an d fiery. Th e inhabitant s o f thi s regio n includ e severa l groups , an d thes e terms apply particularly t o th e Cantones e who dominat e th e economi c and politica l life . (Cresse y 1934 , 366 )
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In th e Lat e Qin g period , th e Canto n merchant s too k a stronger , mor e independent stan d t o safeguar d thei r ow n interes t vis-a-vis th e government , directly an d openl y participatin g i n politica l affair s an d becomin g a n aspec t o f the functionin g o f China' s ancien regime. 2 Thei r influenc e a s a politica l forc e was clearl y evidence d i n th e anti-America n boycot t o f 190 5 unde r th e leadershi p of merchants , supporte d b y student s an d worker s (Fiel d 1957 , 6 3 - 9 8 ) . Thi s boycott wa s no t confine d t o Canton , bu t ther e th e patrioti c questio n assume d greater visibilit y du e t o Canton' s statu s a s a treat y por t an d it s strategi c centralit y to foreig n imperialism . W h e n th e Lat e Qin g constitutiona l reform s wer e underway, th e Canto n merchant s acte d mor e publicl y i n th e politica l arena . I n the wak e o f th e 191 1 Revolution , the y organize d collectivel y t o forc e th e Vicero y of Kwangtun g an d Kwangs i t o ste p dow n fro m offic e an d rendere d financia l support t o th e newl y forme d republic . Initially, th e Municipa l Counci l sough t ou t provider s o f essentia l service s through a negotiated-contrac t process . Followin g a revamp o f th e municipalit y in 1921 , public utilitie s wer e contracte d ou t t o th e privat e secto r vi a th e tende r exercise tha t ofte n seeme d comple x an d frustratin g t o thos e desirou s o f tendering fo r th e same . Dependin g o n ho w fierc e th e biddin g was , th e contract s went fo r differen t price s i n eac h auction , bu t alway s abov e th e botto m price . As o f Marc h 1923 , biddin g abov e al l competitors , thirtee n Chines e firm s obtained franchise s t o kee p rickshaw s fo r publi c hire , an d fo r eac h vehicl e a n annual fe e o f $13 7 t o $14 0 woul d b e pai d t o th e municipality , makin g a n impressive tota l o f $173,600 . Th e governmen t restricte d th e ter m o f franchis e to a fixe d tim e spa n an d periodicall y invite d intereste d partie s t o sen d i n tenders, t o mak e sur e o f fetchin g highe r an d highe r prices . A n officia l o f th e Finance Bureau , i n charg e o f th e issuanc e o f suc h licenses , wa s quote d a s having sai d tha t th e auctio n syste m coul d guarante e a stabl e yiel d o f publi c revenues (GZSSZGB Marc h 26 , 1923 , 4 1 - 2 ) . The governmen t extracte d income , a t th e expens e o f selle r profitability , a s was th e cas e whe n bu s companie s complaine d tha t the y coul d no t affor d th e funds neede d t o budge t fo r replacement s (Hongkong Daily Press 1 5 June 1928) . Even whe n a busines s wa s makin g profits , a s i n th e cas e o f ricksha w firms , heavy levie s resulte d i n highe r operatin g cost s tha t wer e passe d alon g t o th e pullers a s highe r rent . Th e introductio n i n 1924-2 5 o f a "polic e tax " (jingjuan Irfli) o f $1. 5 millio n pe r annum , impose d o n al l houses , triggere d a publi c outcry (Hongkong Telegraph Ma y 15 , 1924) . O n Marc h 10 , 1925 , ove r ^0,000 boat dweller s turne d ou t fo r a protes t marc h t o th e Mayor' s Office , clamorin g
2. O n a comparable proces s elsewher e i n republican China , se e Cobl e (1980) , Schopp a (1982), Ranki n (1986) , an d Man n (1987) .
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for th e repea l o f a "boa t dee d tax " (chuanbo qishui jj|q LJt6§§$iL) (Wah Tsz Yat Po March 12 , 1925) . A s o f June 15 , 1926 , a heft y ta x o f $ 2 o n eac h te n gallon s o f kerosene sol d wa s enforced , despit e th e importers ' vociferou s oppositio n (South China Morning Post J u n e 26 , 1926) . I n orde r t o surviv e financia l crises , th e government implemente d man y extortionat e measures . A n attentiv e travele r i s merciless i n hi s criticis m o f th e nascen t Canto n republic : To begin wit h a sensitiv e spo t i n al l huma n societies , th e Cantones e during th e las t year s o f Su n Yat-se n wer e almos t certainl y th e mos t heavily taxe d peopl e o n earth . . . . The mai n reaso n fo r th e incredibl e taxes, fo r th e farmin g ou t o f monopolie s o n th e vice s tha t wer e rare r under th e Manchu s who m Su n boaste d o f havin g chase d out , fo r confiscations an d officia l robberies , wa s th e need , th e absolut e necessity fo r mone y t o kee p i n hi s pa y mercenar y troops , mainl y from Yunna n an d Hunan , i n orde r t o hol d hi s territor y agains t hi s rivals. (Franc k 1925 , 266 , 274 ) The military-backe d Canto n administration , kee n t o secur e fund s fo r th e maintenance an d equippin g o f armies , increasingl y tappe d th e busines s sector . A governmen t orde r o f July 1927 , providin g fo r th e levyin g o f a ne w ta x o n luxury good s an d a 100-percen t increas e i n custom s ta x o n al l categorie s o f imported goods , wa s greatl y resente d b y th e public . Th e merchant s reacte d wit h a strea m o f denunciation s o f th e ne w impositions , whic h struc k a ra w nerv e i n a cit y stil l strugglin g wit h recession . Th e pres s conferenc e hel d i n th e hal l o f the Canto n Chambe r o f Commerc e (Guangzho u zongshanghu i H i j^MM^t) wa s filled t o overflowin g wit h delegate s o f man y differen t guild s wh o complaine d that thei r businesses , regardles s o f ho w muc h capita l wa s invested , woul d b e downright ruine d b y th e exorbitan t taxe s an d levies . So , eithe r th e governmen t had t o ben d th e rule s t o cance l th e levies , o r thei r businesse s merel y coul d no t survive. Th e proprietor s o f differen t background s wer e u p i n arms . Th e followin g description i s revealing : The merchan t o f Canto n ha s bee n a s patien t a s Job, sufferin g muc h oppression a t th e hand s o f th e Government , bu t i n th e increase d ta x on article s whic h ha s been pu t i n th e luxur y class , he see s "th e stra w that wil l brea k th e camel' s back. " Th e Canto n busines s me n ar e o f one min d s o fa r a s thi s questio n i s concerned ; eithe r th e ta x mus t b e repealed, o r the y wil l clos e thei r door s an d brin g o n a suspension o f commercial activity . (South China Morning Post July 26 , 1927 ) On Augus t 2 , 1927 , ove r 20,00 0 sho p owner s an d storekeeper s marche d throug h several crowde d street s i n Canton , t o vo w t o figh t agains t th e increase d stam p duty an d ta x o n luxur y goods . Compose d o f 11 1 row s o f disgruntle d protesters , they ende d a t th e headquarter s o f th e Kwangtun g provincia l government , wher e
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they prevented th e exi t o f government official s therein . Th e merchants campe d outside th e buildin g bu t wer e finall y repulse d b y hose s afte r thre e hours ' confrontation wit h th e polic e o n sit e (Wah Tsz Yat Po August 4 , 1927) . The merchant-stat e relation s tha t ha d seeme d a t time s t o b e hoverin g o n the brin k o f outrigh t animosit y wer e indee d a changin g phenomeno n rathe r than a given. The merchants ha d t o tolerate unreasonably hig h taxe s and levie s imposed b y th e stat e bu t did , a t th e sam e time , rel y o n th e ver y protectio n o f the state for thei r ability to put up a defensive front . A t one time, when Canton' s labor activist s gaine d momentar y politica l influence , th e merchant s supporte d police actio n t o prohibit radica l unionist s fro m blockadin g busines s house s o r seizing goods fro m them . Similarly , in th e aftermat h o f the Canton-Hon g Kon g Strike o f 1925-26 , th e Canto n Chambe r o f Commerc e volunteere d t o help th e Canton administratio n rais e some $ 4 million i n an effor t t o pay off an d ge t ri d of th e 28,00 0 strikers , man y fro m Hon g Kong . I n Marc h 1927 , th e Canto n business interest s obtaine d governmen t approva l t o se t u p th e Merchan t Delegates Congress for th e purpose of concentrating their efforts i n their struggle with labo r union s fo r th e right t o dismiss employees (South China Morning Post March 11 , May 7 , 1927) .
Police an d La w Enforcemen t Agent s The moder n polic e i n Canto n wa s founde d i n 190 2 t o replac e th e baojia (f S ^F), mutual-securit y system . Tha t sam e year , th e newl y establishe d Polic e Headquarters (Jhigwutin g I f f ^ l i ) wen t o n a recruitment drive , and th e Polic e Training Schoo l (Yubeiyin g S^HrHf ) wa s opene d a t Littl e Nort h Gat e (Xiaobeimen ^MfcPj ) t o giv e trainin g t o ne w recruit s fo r a period o f thre e t o six months. The police were required t o comply with th e rules contained i n th e Police Duties Manual. Their primary duties , so the manual lai d down, include d the detection o f crimes and th e protection o f life and property. As in 1922 , 4,381 summonses wer e issue d agains t person s suspecte d o f crimina l offense s (GZSSZGY 1922, 139-42). The expansion o f the city was reflected b y the growth of its police force . Fro m Marc h t o October 1921 , Canton spen t $808,79 4 o n its police force, which reached a total of 5,067 of all ranks in twelve police precincts (GZSSZL 1922). From July 1926 , a tax was imposed on each shop and household of th e cit y fo r th e purchas e o f bette r firearm s fo r th e Publi c Securit y Burea u (Gong'anju ^>SM ) (Wah Tsz Yat Po July 8 , 1926) . The Canto n inhabitant s hel d ambivalen t attitude s toward s th e police, who acted a s protectors an d oppressor s a t different times . It was a duty o f the police to make rounds i n th e streets t o see that crime s were prevented/suppressed an d applicable law s enforced . Al l to o often , however , thes e dutie s se t th e polic e a t
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odds wit h th e broa d masses , especiall y thos e makin g a livelihoo d o n th e street . Under th e Vehicl e an d Traffi c Regulation s (1921 , 1922 , 1929 ) an d th e Pena l Codes fo r Traffi c Offence s (1923) , fo r example , th e Publi c Securit y Burea u ha d to mak e effectiv e th e rule s regardin g th e fare s fo r ricksha w ride s an d t o monito r w h e t h e r th e holder s o f drivin g license s abid e b y th e traffi c by-laws . Al l component part s o f th e rickshaw , suc h a s chassis , cushio n seat , footrest , foldabl e rain hood , shafts , springs , an d tire s wer e subjec t t o inspectio n t o ensur e tha t passenger safet y coul d b e protecte d (GZSSZGB Apri l 4 , 1921 , 9-19; Marc h 13 , 1922, 29-36 ; Ma y 7 , 1923 , 38-40; March 26 , 1929 , 31-47). I t was ver y commo n to hav e th e puller s arreste d b y th e polic e i n cas e o f an y violatio n o f traffi c rules . The qualit y o f th e Canto n polic e wa s fa r fro m satisfactory . Apar t fro m othe r reasons, thi s wa s cause d b y th e recruitmen t o f unqualifie d person s (take n fro m among th e lowes t classe s o f th e population ) t o staf f th e forc e fo r financia l considerations (Huan g 1927 , 49) . Th e Canto n inhabitant s varie d i n thei r perceptions o f th e police , fro m thos e wh o fel t i n harmon y wit h them , t o thos e who fel t rule d b y them , t o thos e wh o pursue d vengefu l fantasies . I n lat e 192 4 and agai n i n mid-1926 , whe n Canto n addresse d itsel f t o th e tas k o f launchin g expeditions agains t th e regiona l militarists , a lot o f human resource s were neede d to serv e i n th e expeditionar y army . Whe n voluntar y conscriptio n fel l shor t o f the demand , th e loca l warlor d authoritie s fel l bac k o n th e tacti c o f forcibl y recruiting me n everywher e the y chos e i n orde r t o enrol l the m a s unpai d cooli e carriers (fuyi ftfic) fo r arm y transpor t (Phot o 4.4) . A newspape r reporte r remarked wit h disgus t o n th e infamou s kidnapping : The Polic e Commissioner , upo n th e reques t o f th e military , recentl y ordered th e polic e station s i n th e cit y t o recrui t som e 1,50 0 coolie s for carryin g luggage and military supplies for th e expeditionary troops . Certain station s hav e bee n pressin g coolie s t o joi n thes e service s instead o f recruitin g volunteers . Th e 11t h statio n i n Hona m wa s on e thus executin g orders , and thi s afternoo n a batch o f some 3 0 coolies , tied wit h ropes , was sen t t o Polic e Headquarters , wit h th e familie s o f the victims, who wer e cryin g bitterly, following . (South China Morning Post June 28 , 1926 ) Backed b y coerciv e force , th e me n unde r arm s eve n burs t int o house s t o her d away m e n o f fightin g ag e an d demande d mone y befor e releasin g them , thu s giving th e cit y a thril l o f horror . Thei r despoti c conduc t cause d a publi c uproa r and a scuffle wit h som e o f th e laborer s working a t th e railwa y statio n o f Wongsh a (Huangsha H c ^ ) , a s reveale d i n th e loca l press : Yesterday afternoo n a battle occurre d betwee n th e polic e an d a gan g of 6 0 coolie s o n th e Ch i Chi n malo o [malo o mean s "horse-road"] . Another inciden t o f simila r natur e too k plac e i n Wongsh a to-day , and tw o policeme n wer e kille d b y th e coolies . Th e strik e picket s
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Photo 4. 4 Recruitin g civilian s a s carrier s fo r arm y transport , 1920s . Thi s practic e o f th e early republica n militarists , whic h too k plac e i n twentieth-centur y Canton , occurre d i n al l periods o f Chines e imperia l history . Fro m Harr y A . Franck , Roving Through Southern China (New York : Th e Centur y Company , 1925) .
nearly cam e t o an arme d clas h with th e militia o f Honam thi s mornin g when th e picket s wen t t o surroun d th e militi a headquarters , demanding th e releas e o f thre e o f thei r comrade s detaine d there . I t i s reported tha t th e thre e picket s concerne d wer e arreste d b y th e militi a while the y were tryin g t o rob two pedestrians. The result o f the troubl e was tha t th e militi a release d th e thre e pickets . (South China Morning Post June 29 , 1926 ) Military kidnappin g neve r wen t unnotice d b y th e municipa l authoritie s a t the time , causin g eve n som e high-rankin g cit y official s t o balk . Thi s wa s s o widespread an d s o notoriou s tha t Mayo r Su n F o (Su n K e J^f4 , 1891-1973 ) proclaimed i n Septembe r 192 3 tha t anyon e wh o enliste d force d labo r fo r arm y transport woul d b e court-martiale d (GZSSZGB Septembe r 3 , 1923 , 18) . W u T e Chen (W u Tiechen g ^ilcfcSc , 1888-1953) , commissione r o f publi c security , admitted th e misconduc t o f thos e unde r hi s comman d an d sai d tha t ther e wa s no excus e fo r suc h a n ac t an d thos e involve d woul d b e penalize d (GZSSZGB October 29 , 1923 , 30) . Althoug h W u di d issu e notification s t o prohibi t th e
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pressing o f civilian s int o wa r service , an d actuall y release d som e o f th e victims , abuses an d lawlessnes s prevailed , an d able-bodie d me n continue d t o b e presse d in th e street s (South China Morning Post Jun e 29 , 1926) . Befor e th e Norther n Expedition go t underwa y i n Jul y 1926 , th e dictatoria l method s o f th e polic e made lif e o n th e stree t a terror . The lac k o f disciplin e amon g th e polic e mad e th e keepin g o f la w an d orde r difficult, an d ther e wa s a prover b i n ol d Canto n tha t goes : "goo d boy s d o no t wear polic e uniforms " (haozai wu dangchai %r f7pnHrH) (H o 1990 , interview) . One da y i n 1923 , two puller s narrowl y escape d bein g hi t b y a bus whos e drive r had steere d throug h a stree t an d elbowe d hi s wa y ahea d o f th e pullers , withou t blasting hi s horn . A polic e office r o n patro l dut y shoute d somethin g a t th e pullers, condemnin g the m fo r "no t runnin g fas t enough " (GZSSZGB Ma y 7 , 1923, 2-3) . I n a quarre l ove r a traffi c accident , a bicyclis t raine d severa l blow s upon a puller, causin g bruise s o n hi s fac e an d forehead . Th e polic e office r wh o arrived a t th e scen e ordere d th e pulle r t o pa y fo r th e repair s o f th e bicycle , before takin g an y tim e t o stud y th e caus e o f th e inciden t (Zhongshan ribao December 13 , 1946) . Thu s th e polic e adjudicate d dispute s o n th e spot , alway s on ver y doubtfu l evidence , an d usurpe d th e judicial function s o f th e court . Th e difference lie s no t onl y i n greate r simplicit y an d i n spee d o f procedure ; mor e specifically, th e Canto n polic e ha d m u c h greate r power s o f actio n than , fo r example, thei r Europea n counterparts , an d everythin g proceede d i n a n informal , extra-legal manner . The polic e wer e notoriou s fo r fallin g bac k o n barbari c tactic s o f policing , which le d t o worsene d relation s betwee n the m an d th e public . The y showe d no decenc y an d n o sens e o f respec t fo r othe r human s unde r thei r jurisdiction . Their atrocitie s wer e s o flagran t tha t th e governmen t proclaime d a notificatio n on Ma y 23 , 1921 , t o th e effec t tha t individua l polic e officer s wer e explicitl y denounced fo r havin g hi t ricksha w puller s wit h whip s an d damagin g thei r vehicles. However , eve n thos e i n hig h offic e simpl y coul d no t kee p th e conduc t of thei r subordinate s i n check . Polic e power s continue d t o b e abused , a s show n in Phot o 4.5 . Stree t coolie s wer e incessantl y harasse d eve n fo r mino r errors , al l in ful l vie w o f a n attentiv e onlooker : The Canto n polic e ar e les s gentl e wit h th e rickshaw-me n tha n ar e those o f Ne w Yor k towar d it s taxica b drivers . Tw o rickshaw-coolie s fall t o fighting ove r their place in the long line shrieking at the wharve s or th e entranc e t o Shamee n fo r th e fe w fare s i n sight . I t i s not , o f course, a fist-figh t afte r th e fashio n o f th e West ; th e Eas t doe s no t "double it s hands " an d strike . Instea d ther e i s som e slappin g an d much screaming , teet h showin g lik e angr y monkeys . (Franc k 1925 , 229)
7 4 RELUCTAN
T HEROE S
Photo 4. 5 Act s o f violenc e o f th e Canto n Polic e Force , 1920s . Th e ma n unde r arrest , a moment befor e th e phot o wa s taken , grimace d i n pai n whe n h e wa s struc k wit h a stick hel d by th e plainclothe s polic e officer . Fro m Harr y A. Franck, Roving Through Southern China (Ne w York: Th e Centur y Company , 1925) .
We ar e indebte d t o th e sam e sourc e fo r a n impressio n o f th e brutalit y b y th e Canton polic e towar d th e pullers : A policeman step s up , flail s bot h me n acros s th e back s wit h th e kin d of riding-cro p tha t take s th e plac e o f a bill y i n Canton , an d the n snatches a cushio n ou t o f eac h vehicle . I t migh t no t wor k o n Broadway, eve n wit h automobil e cushions , bu t i n th e Eas t i t save s argument an d i s an effectiv e for m o f bail, fo r i f th e me n d o no t com e to th e police-station an d pa y their fin e th e cushion s wil l go as squeez e to som e one . S o n o doub t th e guardian s o f suc h la w an d orde r a s exist i n Canto n ar e onl y to o gla d whe n thi s indirec t summon s t o court i s no t obeyed . This lo w opinio n o f th e Canto n polic e i s consonan t wit h ora l evidence . Retrieving unpleasan t memories , a retire e ( a pulle r i n Canto n fo r tw o years ) stated tha t th e polic e wer e ver y hars h o n member s o f hi s forme r profession . W h e n bilked , th e puller s tende d t o refrai n fro m reportin g i t t o th e police . I t was difficul t t o marsha l an d submi t lega l evidence , a s witnesse s wer e cowe d and perpetrator s wer e al l bu t har d t o roun d up . Fo r th e slightes t misdemeano r of th e pullers , tru e o r alleged , th e polic e woul d tak e th e sea t cushio n away , a practice tha t kep t the m fro m takin g fares . Thi s pulle r wa s a littl e emotiv e i n tone whe n recollectin g th e rud e behavio r o f th e police , a s i f i t ha d happene d
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yesterday: "Befor e faul t wa s fully established , the y shouted a t us an d kicke d u s around, treatin g us like dogs! What's the point o f arguing with them ? Tha t will only brin g mor e punishment s t o you . W e di d no t trus t them . Ther e wer e problems wit h corruptio n an d nepotis m i n th e polic e force, " h e sai d a t th e thought o f hi s pas t experience . No t surprisingly , th e Canto n polic e wer e derogatorily nickname d heigou (HI$3, literally, "blac k dogs" ) b y th e puller s of the da y (Zen g 1991 , interview). Of relevanc e ar e th e observations , mad e durin g th e 1930s , tha t th e polic e were using too much violence in dealing with thos e under arrest , even for sligh t infractions. I n 1931 , a Canto n polic e office r wa s foun d guilt y o f murde r fo r opening fire on a hawker, an incident tha t aroused considerable public attentio n (South China Morning Post March 18 , 1931) . "O n th e way," a visitor t o Canto n observed, " a policeman on point duty . . . chastised a rickshaw puller for dartin g across th e roa d i n th e fac e o f oncoming traffic " (Sewel l 1933 , 76). I n orde r t o avoid a traffi c jam , th e policeme n bea t th e puller s mercilessl y fo r toutin g fo r hire. Thi s happene d o n Shake e Roa d (SNI^fr , no w "6/23rd " Road , wher e a notorious shootin g incident occurre d o n June 23 , 1925) an d th e brothel area of Chan Ton g (Chentan g Rftt ) tha t wer e kept ope n t o rickshaw s unti l midnigh t only. The pullers wh o waited aroun d wit h empt y rickshaw s a t railway station s were dispersed with hardwood sticks applied across their shoulders (Kung Sheung Daily News Februar y 7 , 25, 1935) .
Conclusion Canton, apar t fro m absorbin g element s fro m othe r culture s t o enhanc e it s growth, retained many customs and old-world charm as ancient as Canton itself. The emigres who lef t thei r birthplace s wer e not comfortabl y acculturate d int o the hos t communit y i n whic h Cantones e cultur e ha s bee n dominant . Draw n from th e declasse who were almost entirel y from Sout h China' s countryside, th e pullers lacke d capita l o r technica l skill s and wer e force d t o bear th e trial s an d tribulations o f th e volatile socio-politica l environment . Life' s possibilities wer e reflected i n th e choice of jobs and residence. Regionals clun g to thei r respectiv e subethnicity i n forma l network s (suc h a s hometown association s an d fraternal mutual assistanc e clubs ) an d informal network s (suc h as sub-dialect gang s an d rudimentary groupings) tha t brought resources — both monetary and emotiona l — to the aid of their group members. In an age of population growth , resourc e competition, an d neglecte d socia l services, subethnic network s were importan t sources o f socia l an d economi c support . The formation o f the Canton Municipality spawned an era of the expandin g role fo r th e state , whic h wa s mainl y administrate d the n b y th e militar y
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authorities. Interferenc e b y th e stat e extende d fro m th e political spher e t o th e economic, oversteppin g th e bounds an d sparkin g a tren d o f fe e an d ta x rises , to the extent tha t the populace at all levels — as diverse as merchants, boatmen, and coolie s — wa s affected . Thoug h th e modernist s preache d th e nee d fo r building a modern Canto n an d th e urgency o f social cohesion, i n actuality th e incessant civi l strif e tha t ha d gon e o n fo r year s represente d th e true r stat e o f affairs. Disconten t was running deep among the city population. The harassment of undiscipline d polic e an d soldier s provide d fertil e groun d fo r popula r radicalism an d provoke d muc h bitternes s an d violent confrontation . Whe n th e public cam e ou t i n larg e number s ove r discontentmen t wit h unwelcom e stat e actions, an d exerte d collectiv e pressur e o n a numbe r o f policie s suc h a s th e modification o f taxes , th e stree t becam e a forum fo r collectiv e mobilization . It wa s abou t thi s tim e tha t urba n spraw l brough t fres h socia l challenge s and rendere d th e strugglin g masse s a destabilizin g socio-politica l force . Th e dispossessed fro m th e countrysid e turne d t o work o n th e street with thousand s of rickshaw s whos e numbe r gre w with roa d construction . Force d t o mov e en masse t o th e cit y an d face d wit h variou s difficultie s i n makin g a living , the y became receptive to radical appeal. Gross violence to the pullers led to animosity against, serious contemp t for , an d severe ridicule of, thos e in uniform. Withou t outside organization , th e anger an d indignation o f the pullers was not normall y channeled int o battle s agains t tyranny ; withou t th e existin g target s o f wrath , the partisa n organizer s coul d hav e don e littl e t o wo o th e suppor t o f labo r constituencies. A discussion o f just ho w th e puller s develope d a s a collectiv e political actor must wait until th e next chapter, when we examine in detail ho w the partisan organizer s mad e use o f thi s social an d politica l milieu t o build u p their networ k o f actio n an d propagand a an d supplie d th e kin d o f leadershi p the puller s needed .
5 Partisan Politics and the 1927 Insurrectio n
T
H E SOUTHER N city of Canto n has a tradition o f dissent activity and is called "the cradl e o f th e Chines e revolution " (Zhongguo geming ceyuandi 4 ^ 8 ^1wMM$L) fo r it s strategic centralit y t o Chines e politic s i n th e storm y year s of the Late Qing and afterwards, als o in remembrance o f the "martyrs " of many generations an d politica l inclinations . Canto n wa s face d wit h a severanc e o f relations wit h th e centra l authorit y i n th e north . Th e Cantones e people , a s a n observer expresse d it , "posses s al l th e Irishmen' s ingraine d penchan t fo r conspiracies, al l his talen t fo r politica l organization . The y are traditionall y an d by temperamen t 'agi n th e government' , heir s o f ages of revolt agains t Peking' s [Beijing's] constitute d authority , courageous, no respecters of persons, impatient of restraint, sullen in their political antipathies invincibly cheerful i n their dail y lives" (Quote d i n Clewlo w 1981 , 155). Republican Canto n wa s a battle-zone rif e wit h competin g politica l forces . In th e wak e o f th e 191 1 Revolution , afte r littl e fighting , th e cit y wa s mad e a part o f th e ne w Republic . However , th e Revolutio n di d no t creat e democracy , at leas t no t a s tha t ter m i s usuall y understood . I n July 1913 , the Kwangtun g militarists proclaimed thei r independenc e fro m th e Beijing government , a s part of th e "Secon d Revolution " t o oppos e th e monarchis t pla n o f Yuan Shikai (M tttsd, 1859-1916) . Shortl y afterwards , i n 1915 , th e warlor d authoritie s i n Kwangsi Province (t o th e west o f Kwangtung), led by the Yunnanese militarist , Lung Cha i Kwon g (Lon g Jiguang H$iBfe , 1876-1925) , occupie d Canto n an d cancelled th e declaratio n o f independence. A year later , when furthe r trouble s arose over Yuan's attempt t o restore the monarchy and ascend the throne himself, the militarist s i n th e sout h regroupe d an d a ne w separatis t Kwangtun g administration wa s established . Between 191 7 and 1923 , Canton's political leadershi p change d fou r times . The government between Septembe r 191 7 and May 1918 , founded fo r th e sake of "protectin g th e constitution " (hufa tlSfe ) o f th e Chines e Republic , wa s followed by four years of warlord rule and, in 1921 , by a second hufa government which garnere d th e suppor t o f th e militaris t Che n Chiun g Min g (Che n Jiongming PfcttPJ , 1878-1933) . O n June 16 , 1922 , Che n too k ove r Canton ,
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forcing Su n Yat Sen to tak e refuge i n th e French Concessio n i n Shanghai . Thi s very experienc e pave d th e wa y fo r Sun' s decisio n t o all y wit h th e newbor n Chinese Communis t Part y (CCP ) an d receive Soviet military and organizationa l aid. It was not until February 192 3 that Sun, with the support of shifting warlor d alliances united onl y by their commo n oppositio n t o Beijing, was able to regain power i n Canton . In th e mids t o f regim e change s an d militar y confrontations , Canto n nevertheless saw an increase in urban social movements. During the first decad e of th e ne w republic , economi c strike s occurre d o n a muc h large r scal e tha n before — to no small extent an outcome of the great fluctuations o f prices caused by th e outbrea k o f World Wa r I and th e warlor d fightin g i n thes e year s (M a 1955, 23-5) . Th e anarchist s organize d barber s an d teahous e employee s int o unions a s early as 191 7 and staged Internationa l Labo r Day, perhaps th e first of its kin d i n China , th e nex t yea r (Cha n 1975 , 41-2; Dirli k 1991 , 15) . Havin g regained powe r i n 1921 , Sun Ya t Sen repeale d Articl e 22 4 o f th e Provisiona l Criminal Code that had rendered the unionization of workers very difficult (Fan g 1931, 67) . The Trade Union Regulation s promulgate d i n Canto n i n Novembe r 1924 put trad e union s o n th e sam e lega l basis a s employers' associations . From th e Ma y Fourt h Movemen t t o th e 1920s , a variet y o f ideologie s characterized Canton . A t on e tim e ther e wa s mor e roo m fo r urba n socia l movements. Ther e were rea l dreams there , an d plan s o f a wanted future . Thi s chapter open s u p a detailed pictur e o f ho w th e working-clas s activist s wooe d the rickshaw puller s int o thei r fol d an d include d the m i n th e political process. The newly mobilized ricksha w puller s not onl y followed th e general pattern of union-directed mas s movement s bu t als o joine d th e Chines e Communis t revolution, a n event that was almost totally unknown before. Thi s account end s with a retrospec t o f th e ris e an d fal l o f th e short-live d Canto n Insurrection , amid immens e bloodshed , whic h marke d th e broke n dream s tha t ha d bee n eagerly sought after b y the pullers at the time. In a nutshell, th e pullers became both beneficiarie s an d victim s o f political struggles .
Incipient Effort s t o Combin e Coolie Laborers ' Missio n In 1913 , starting i n Shanghai, foreign Christian s founde d a mission t o help th e pullers in the city. The destitute were fed and clothed, the homeless given shelter, and th e sic k give n medica l treatment , fre e o f charge . These pioneerin g effort s served bot h i n principl e an d i n activit y a s a mode l fo r other s t o follow . I n Canton, a Chinese convert to Christianity named Cheun g Tsoh Kei (Zhang Zuoji SlfeSI) bega n i n earnes t t o gathe r ricksha w puller s i n open-ai r meeting s i n
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1917, when no formatio n o f any regular guild s o r unions o f pullers existed . H e preached th e Gospe l b y personal contact s an d informa l addresse s whereve r a group could be induced t o listen. His first sermo n was given on a summer day ; the pulpit wa s a granite boulder o n a vacant lo t i n th e easter n subur b o f Tun g Shan (Dongshan jftlll), a base of missionary enterprises in Canton. This marked the beginning o f a religious effor t t o rebuil d th e lives of th e pullers, what wa s later known a s the "Cooli e Laborers' Mission" (Kul i budaohui f±f^H$Stilt) , a s a Chines e sourc e call s it (GZSSZGY 1922 , 57). Considerable succes s crowne d thi s mission , an d quit e a numbe r o f th e toiling masses were baptized. Fo r more careful stud y of the Gospel by means of Bible classes an d meetings , Cheun g gathered th e eage r listeners togethe r i n hi s little hom e i n th e easter n suburb , where h e live d wit h hi s wife . Afterwards , a pastor i n Canto n recognize d th e possibilitie s o f Cheung' s effort s an d rendere d financial assistanc e to the mission. Still later, a small house on Tungchuen maloo (jKJ'lliiSfr) wa s secured an d furnishe d t o accommodate th e increasing numbe r of inquirers . B y crowding, a n audienc e o f twent y t o twenty-fiv e peopl e coul d be seated. For this room a rental of $2.50 per month was paid. Eventually, som e 200 puller s wer e enrolle d a s member s o f th e mission . Throug h Chines e an d European financia l aid , th e missio n erecte d a church o n Tungchue n malo o t o meet the needs of the eager listeners (South China Morning Post March 15 , 1920). When the road widening plans of the Municipal Council reached Tungchuen maloo, th e fron t par t o f th e churc h use d b y th e missio n wa s marke d fo r demolition, t o make way for road development. I n order to keep the missionar y work running , a Chines e contracto r an d landowner , als o a Christian , grante d the us e o f privat e lan d fo r th e relocatio n o f th e church . I n spit e o f man y vicissitudes, the work grew, and the Canton Cit y Union Evangelistic Association stepped i n t o help . Finally , a two-stor y buildin g havin g a seatin g capacit y o f 300 wa s erecte d o n a spot fiv e minutes ' walk sout h o f th e Kun g Ye e Medical College an d Hospita l (Gongy i xuexiao 4*f | ilt. 1935 . Hongkong Chinese General Chamber of Commerce Monthly Magazine ^M^$\$S$&ilf M fll (in Chinese , origina l Englis h title) . Hon g Kong : Hongkon g Chines e Genera l Chamber o f Commerce . Hongkong Dail y Pres s Office . 1885 . Events in Hongkong and the Far East, 1875 to 1884. Hon g Kong : Hongkon g Dail y Pres s Office . . 1912-40 . The Directory & Chronicle of China, fapan, Corea, Indo-China, Straits Settlements, Malay States, Siam, Netherlands, India, Borneo, The Philippines & C. Hong Kong : Hongkon g Dail y Pres s Office . Hongkong Genera l Chambe r o f Commerce . 1902 . Report of the Committee of the Hongkong General Chamber of Commerce. Hon g Kong : Noronh a & Co . Honig, Emily . 1986 . Sisters and Strangers: Women in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 19191949. Stanford , CA : Stanfor d Universit y Press . Honkon Niho n Shok o Kaigish o WM 0 ^ i § f X # j ^ # f, Ed . 1941 . Honkon nenkan 1 ? S r ^ l l i (Hon g Kon g Almanac) . Hon g Kong : Honko n Niho n Shok o Kaigisho . Hsieh, Jian . 1980 . "Persistenc e an d preservatio n o f Hakk a cultur e i n a n urba n situation: A preliminar y stud y o f th e voluntar y associatio n o f th e Waicho w Hakka i n Hon g Kong, " fHKBRAS, 20 : 34-53 . Huang Lia n HclS . 1942 . "Xi n Xianggan g d e toushi " SWfirKJlS^ E (Perspectiv e o f new Hon g Kong) , Xin Dongya SPfjftln l (Ne w Eas t Asia) , 1,1 : 64-70 . Huang Semin g ikm^i. 1955 . Hong Kong Schools and Colleges Directory W t S ^ I S : IIIm (i n Chinese , origina l Englis h title) . Hon g Kong : Huan g Seming . Huang Yanpe i l l c i ^ p . 1927 . Yisui zhi Guangzhoushi ~*^^JK^Hrf r (On e yea r i n the cit y o f Guangzhou) . Guangzhou : Shangw u yinshugua n MM^fi^ltWi. Huang Yunb o ikKfc. 1972 . "Guangzho u dans u zatan " ft^HSr§WI^ (Gossi p o n the boat trib e in Guangzhou) . I n Zho u Kangxu e M l Jit IB, Ed., Guangdong fengsu zhuilu ftSMfrJIitil (Compilatio n o f record s o f Guangdon g customs) . Hon g Kong: Chongwe n shudia n #^Cll f j£ . Huang Zhaodon g H c ^ t f . 1933 . "Guangdon g jingj i d e wenti " I g S l f f i ^ P ^ J I (Guangdong's economi c problems) , Guangda zhilu S l A ^ i ^ , 1 : 1-5 . * Hunter, Willia m C . 1911 . Bits of Old China. Shanghai : Kell y & Walsh , Ltd . Jarrett, Vincen t H . G . (pseud . 'Colonial') . 1933-35 . Old Hong Kong. Hon g Kong : South Chin a Mornin g Post . Fou r vols . Jiang Lu o ?X^P L 1935 . "Guangzhoushi shouchef u d e jingji zhuangkuang " J8cji | rfT^ $ f t WM^jlicS l (Economi c condition s o f rickshaw pullers in Canton) . In Kung Sheung Daily News XpS j 0 $g.. February 25 : 4.
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tLiiA*tbHg^.
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Index
Aberdeen, 2 6 Agrarian crisis , 9 6 Alcohol, 17 , 25 , 44, 97n l Amahs, 2 3 Anarchism an d anarchists , 78 , 9 5 Anguijin firffifjfe (cas h deposit) , 19 , 124, 145-8 , 150 , 16 2 Animals, cruelt y to , 11 5 Anle %M, 10 0 Anti-Mui Tsa i Societ y (Fandu i xubihu i & U * * * # ) , 11 5 Anton Street , 12 2 Arrests of Communists , 85 , 89, 9 1 of pedica b owner , 14 0 of ricksha w passenger , 2 5 of ricksha w pullers , 21 , 41, 45, 47, 51, 71 , 75, 14 0 of suspecte d politica l exiles , 11 3 Arsenal Street , 2 4 Artisans, xiv , 62 , 17 7 Assassination, 8 9 Assault. See Intimidation ; Kidnapping ; Violence Association o f Ricksh a Worker s o f Hong Kon g (Xianggan g renlich e
zonggonghui ^ t A A ^ i t tX # ) , 18 , 146-8 , 151- 4 Association o f Workers , Peasants , an d Soldiers (Gongnongbin g banshichu l i f t i f l ) , 9 0 Automobile. See Moto r ca r Badeley, Franci s Joseph, 4 9 Baker, Kennet h Alan , 152- 3
Ball, James Dyer , 10 , 3 7 Bang H f (gang) , 60- 1 Bank o f Canton , 10 7 Baojia $: ¥ (mutua l securit y system) , 70 Beggars in Canton , 64 , 8 9 in Hon g Kong , 11 8 Beijing (Peking ) 3tM, xiv , 77-8 , 95 , 178 Bergere, Marie-Claire , 16 7 Billingsley, Phil , 17 2 Blackouts, 130 , 133- 4 Boat o r sampa n dweller s in Canton , 62 , 64-5 , 68-9 , 7 6 in Hon g Kong , xiv , 10 , 21 , 38, 43, 54 Bonham Strand , 12 , 1 7 Border control , 9 , 13 0 Bowrington Canal , 2 4 Boycotts anti-American, 46-7 , 54-5 , 6 8 anti-British, 52-3 , 113- 4 anti-French, 43-4 , 54 , 12 6 (See also Protests ) Brewin, Arthu r Wimbolt , 48- 9 Bribery. See Corruptio n British an d Foreig n Bibl e Society , 8 0 British Malaya , 11 6 Brothels, 17 , 26 , 39 , 7 5 Brotherhood, sens e of , 31 , 35, 17 2 Bubonic plague , 9 , 1 4 Burial expenses , 16 , 61 , 87 Burkwall, Rev d H . O . T. , 79-8 0 Burma, 13 0
202
INDEX
Bus, 12-3 , 17 , 23 , 62, 63p , 65-8 , 73 , 82, 85 , 87-8 , 93 , 96, 105 , 130-1, 133 , 144 , 150 , 167 , 17 7 Butters, Henr y Robert , 114 , 12 3 Buzhumi Mfifj ^ (relie f ric e ration) , 164 C. C . Clique , 16 8 Cadet officer , 114 , 12 4 Cai Fangon g HflMfc , 10 1 Caine Road , 11 7 Cangue, 4 0 Canton (Guangzhou ) S.JM alleyways in , 59 , 64 , 10 6 ancient wall s in , 62- 4 boat o r sampa n dweller s in , 62 , 64-5, 68-9 , 7 6 comparison o f Hon g Kon g with , 4 , 37, 92 , 172 , 175 , 17 8 mayors, 68 , 72 , 81 , 99-100, 108 , 166, 16 8 migrants fro m outside , 59-62 , 65 , 96, 129 , 16 0 missionary activitie s in , 78-80 , 17 6 and neighborin g districts/towns , xiv, 5 9 as revolutionar y base , 4 , 71 , 77- 8 Sun Ya t Se n in , 4 , 69 , 78 , 84 , 8 9 as treat y port , 4 , 6 8 Canton Bun d (Zhangd i H ^ i ) , 65n l Canton Chambe r o f Commerc e (Guangzhou zongshanghu i MJM «Si8f#), 69-70 , 10 7 Canton Cit y Unio n Evangelisti c Association, 7 9 Canton-Hong Kon g Strik e (1925-26) , 52-3, 7 0 , 9 1 , 11 3 Canton Insurrectio n (1927 ) failure of , 86n2 , 90- 1 historiography of , 91 , 17 7 popular characte r of , 9 0 - 1 , 177- 8 repression of , 90- 1 rickshaw pullers ' rol e in , 2 , 78 , 90-2 as watershe d i n Canto n history , 102 Canton-Kowloon Railway , 6 4
Canton merchants , 67-70 , 83-4 , 165-6 Canton Road , 12 , 13 1 Cantonese dialect of , 10 , 60 , 12 4 employment an d occupation , 10-1 , 62 host society , 35 , 62 , 7 5 movie, 12 3 rickshaw owners , 14 4 slangs, 30 , 11 5 teahouses, 84- 5 traits i n character , 10-1 , 18, 67 , 7 7 Cargo coolies , 11 , 17 , 37-8, 60- 1 Castaneda, Abelardo , 4 1 Causeway Bay , 2 6 Censorship o f th e press , 16 2 Central Market , 2 4 Chan Ch i Ton g (Che n Jitang) S ^ j t , 99 Chan Li m Pa k (Che n Lianbo ) R M S , 83-4 Chan Ton g (Chentang ) ftliS, 7 5 Chang Fa h Kwe i (Zhan g Fakui ) 3fj?jt ' ^ , 15 9 Changsha -§$> , 9 0 Chaozhou. Se e Chiucho w Chaozhou bay i huigua n S i # | A S # I & (Swatow Guil d Hall) , 6 1 Chap Yi n Stevedore s Unio n (Jixia n qiluohuo gonghu i MK&^M^Tl #),6 1 Chartered Ban k o f India , Australi a an d China, 3 8 Chau l u Tin g (Zho u Yaoting ) MMU, 12 Chauvin, Hecto r Frederi c George , 15 5 Chazi 5K8 t ("tea-money") , 148 , 16 2 Chefu anjisuo $ f t $ ^ 0 f (ricksha w pullers' hostels) , 10 0 Chefu youqiche $ f t ^ f S $ (ricksha w ownership scheme) , 101 , 106 , 179 Chefuguan $ f t f f (ricksha w pullers ' lodging houses) , 6 1 Chen Chiun g Min g (Che n Jiongming ) BfcHW, 77-8 , 8 4
INDEX
Chen Duxi u WM^, 82 , 8 4 Chen Kun g P o (Che n Gongbo ) W^ W, 10 3 Chen Sh u WM, 8 6 Chen Yannia n R ® ¥ , 84- 5 Chen Youshen g E f e £ £ , 8 5 Chen Zhu o HC^ , 14 0 Chengdu J&fP , 11 6 Chesneaux, Jean, 43 , 17 3 Chetou $ £ B ("carriag e chiefs") , 1 2 Cheung Tso h Ke i (Zhan g Zuoji ) 3 f t ^ K , 78-8 0 Cheung Yi m Sz e (Zhan g Yanshi ) 3SJSK, 1 2 Cheung Yue n Fun g (Zhan g Yuanfeng )
W&&, 9 9 Chezai gonghu i ifLf f X'H* (ricksha w union), 8 0 Chezaiguan ^ff If f (ricksha w pullers ' hostel), 1 2 Chi dantiaofan ffeH^tK . (eatin g onl y one mea l pe r day) , 9 8 Chiang Ka i She k (Jian g Jieshi) IfefhS , 89, 10 5 Chikeng ^X, 6 0 China Moto r Bu s Co . Ltd. , 1 3 Chinese Carg o Junk Owners ' an d Employees' Association , 5 0 Chinese Communis t Party , 78 , 82-4 , 89-93, 17 0 (See also Communists ) Chinese i n Hon g Kon g colonial view s of , 5 , 37-41 , 53-4 , 173 community leaders , 12-3 , 19 , 38, 48, 14 8 composition of , 9 - 1 1 , 2 1 everyday lif e of , xiii-xiv , 11 , 14-8 , 19-20, 21-36 , 38-4 2 housing condition s of , 14- 6 population, 9 , 118 , 139 , 17 1 segregation fro m Europea n community, 4 1 (See also Hon g Kong ) Chinese Labo r Unio n La w (1929) , 10 3 Chinese Literar y Renaissance , 9 5 Chinese Mechanics ' Union , 4 7
203
Chinese Nationalis t Party . Se e Guomindang Chinese Representativ e Counci l (Huamin daibiaohu i ^ R f t S # ) , 136 , 13 8 Chinese Seamen' s Union , 50 , 113 , 14 3 Chiuchow (Chaozhou ) fSJt l celebration o f Yu Lan Festival , 1 8 dialect, 10 , 18 , 32-5 , 6 0 - 1 , 86, 9 8 employment an d occupation , 10-1 , 13-4, 17-9 , 32- 5 funds fo r relie f o f victim s in , 1 8 migrants from , 10-1 , 13-4 , 17- 9 rickshaw puller s from , 15 , 17-9 , 32-5, 48 , 61 , 86, 98n2 , 145- 6 secret societies , 3 0 Chiuchow Ho n (Chaozho u xiang )
\mm, 1 7
Chiuon (Chao'an ) M%, 98n 2 Chiushan (Chaoshan ) $8fill , 1 0 Chiuyeung (Chaoyang ) tUBI , 1 8 Choa Sh i Shian g (Zho u Shuxuan ) m m , 14 5 Chongqing S l B , 16 5 Chop-suey, 32 , 9 8 Chou Shouso n (Zho u Shouchen ) ffl#E, 11 7 Chu Fa t Ya t (Zh u Huiri ) T M ¥ H , 9 0 Chuanbo qishui jt q $&§?!& (boa t dee d tax), 6 9 Chukiang Lan e (Zhujian g Lane )
airm, 83
Chung Mo w Fun g (Zhon g Maofeng ) i l J K I i . See Mowfung , Frederick Charle s Chungshan (Zhongshan ) tf* ill, viii , 60 Civil Affairs Departmen t (Minzhengb u KDfcSP), 131-2 , 135-6 , 138- 9 City landscap e cognitive mapping , 26-7 , 36 , 6 1 as conteste d space , 3 , 5 , 21 , 23-36 , 60-2 landmarks in , 26 , 6 4 City o f Victoria , 16 , 23 , 39, 45- 6 Class consciousness, 47-8 , 52 , 9 3
204
INDEX
ethnicity and , 19-20 , 47-8 , 93 , 144, 156 , 17 2 power relation s and , 3 , 104 , 17 8 problem o f traditiona l approache s to, 4 , 17 3 (See also Identity ; Proletariat ) Clay, Nikolai , 4 4 Clay Pigeo n Shootin g Club , 13n 2 Coble, Park s M. , Jr., 68n 2 Collective action . See Mobilization ; Protests Colonial Office , 115 , 12 7 Commander o f th e Britis h Empir e (CBE), 1 3 Communists activities i n Hon g Kong , 53 , 86n2 , 113, 143-5 , 155 , 15 7 persecution of , 89-90 , 113-4 , 143 4, 155 , 15 7 post-1949 urba n reforms , 168-70 , 179 rickshaw puller s and , 53 , 82-93 , 168-70, 175- 9 (See also Chines e Communis t Party; Guomindang ) Compradors, 14 , 83 , 17 4 Connaught Road , 27p , 34 p Conquered Territor y o f Hongkon g (Xianggang zhanlingd i WSfe^J l Jft), 13 0 Conscription, 71-3 , 107- 8 Corruption in Canton , 75 , 167- 8 in Hon g Kong , 3 0 Craigengower Cricke t Club , 13n 2 Credit-ticket system , 1 3 Criminal justice. See Magistrary ; Punishments Crow, Carl , 2 6 Cumshaw ("gratefu l thanks") , 2 5 Dangzhengjun lianxi huiyi MMCW^l^ Hfm (join t meetin g o f civilian party-military government) , 10 7 Dapaidang ^Cltf ^ (cooke d foo d stalls), 3 2 De Yi Tang t l S S ("Unio n o f Virtu e and Righteousness") , 8 0
Deane, Walte r Meredith , 4 2 Department o f Worker s an d Peasant s (Nonggongting H X S ) , 83 , 88-9 Der A Wing & Co. , 13n 2 Des Voeu x Road , 17 , 31 , 47 Dialect. See Cantonese ; Chiuchow ; Hakka; Hokl o Dichotomous mode l o f society , 17 3 Difang zhuyi i&^ f ±H (localism) , 8 6 Dingshoufei I H ^ S ("carrying-o n fee"), 15 5 Dipi J&^ r ("loca l roughs"), 16 3 District Bureaux , 137- 8 Dock laborers , 21 , 43, 6 0 East Bun d (Dongd i JK^I) , 61 , 83, 99 , 164 East Parad e Grounds , 7 9 East Rive r area , 60 , 84 , 122 , 15 5 East Rive r Guerrill a Forc e (Dongjian g zongdui MKfflB), 15 5 Eitel, Ernes t John, 4 1 Elgin Street , 2 6 Emergency Regulation s Ordinanc e (1927), 11 4 Emigration, throug h Hon g Kong , 1 2 Erliguan X j g f t , 8 5 Erlu tongjia H^^M ("sub-hosts") , 12 Ethnicity. See Class ; Dialect ; Identity ; Native plac e Executive Council , 1 3 Fandongfenzi KlS&fiH P ("reactionar y elements"), 8 7 Fang Sho u ^filP , 12 2 Fantan H H , 3 1 Fatshan (Foshan ) ffijLl, viii , 60 , 16 6 Feng Na n 8§|% , 86 Feng Zhuoxua n 3§#?jfi , 167- 8 Fewsmith, Joseph, 16 7 Finance Burea u (Caizhengj u M S M ) , 64, 68 , 88 , 96 , 10 9 Fire Brigad e Station , 2 4 First Street , 14 5 Fokis #Cf E (employees) , 2 1
205
INDEX
Fong Ta i Yeung (Fan g Taiyang )
-ffXm, 15 2
Food costs of , 47 , 115-6 , 121-3 , 132 , 135-8, 141 , 149 , 161-2 , 16 4 income spen t on , 16 , 4 7 rationing, 134-5 , 137 , 16 4 of ricksha w puller s an d thei r preparation, 14 , 3 2 - 3, 9 8 supplies, 129 , 134-8 , 141 , 160 , 164 Forster, Lancelot , 96 , France, 118 , 17 5 French, 43-4 , 54 , 78 , 118 , 126 , 17 5 Fu'an ta$:, 10 0 Fujian. See Hokkie n Fuli xiezuoshe tef !]t&f^ ± ("mutual aid welfar e society") , 8 3 Fumu ijiS (hea d coolies) , 12 , 10 4 Fung Cheu k Ma n (Fen g Zhuwan )
mum, 8 9
Fuyi ftS (cooli e carriers) , 71 , 72 p Gambling disputes over , 3 1 a failur e o f character , 11 7 in ricksha w pullers ' hostels , 8 8 on th e street , 3 1 Gangjiu renlich e gongtua n weiyuanhu i
«XAA^XHS*#
(Committee o f Ricksha w Labo r in Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon) , 152-3, 15 6 Gaojilai IRJ3§0|€ , 16 3
Gao Xi n ifiifff , 16 8 Gendarmerie Headquarter s (Xianbingdui benb u ft^W^f SP), 131 , 137 , 139-4 0 General Labou r Associatio n o f Hon g Kong (Ki u Kon g Kun g Tu n Tsung U i f H I S t ) , 11 3 General Pos t Office , 27 p Germany, 17 5 Goble, Jonathan, 1 Government permissive, 4 , 78 , 8 0 - 1 , 103-4 , 156-7
repressive, 70 , 71-3 , 89-90 , 102 , 113-4, 143- 4 155-7 , 17 8 Government Civi l Hospital , 3 1 Grassroots o f society , xiii-xiv , 91 , 172-3 (See also Pett y urbanites ) Green Gang , i n Shanghai , 17 5 Gresson Street , 14 5 Guangdong. See Kwangtun g Guangdong Academ y o f La w an d Political Scienc e (BM^yLfe^L *ra*«),8 2 Guangdongsheng canyihu i JllJ^i t Jl-til H~ (Kwangtung Provincia l Assembly), 10 1 Guangdongsheng hezu o shiy e weiyuanhui S i J l i t l E r { ^ ( l H H JiH* (Kwangtun g Provincia l Commission fo r th e Promotio n of Cooperativ e Affairs) , 10 1 Guangdongsheng zhengzh i yanjiuhu i
jingjizu U^m&M%^MM
ffi. (Economic Branc h o f th e Kwangtung Researc h Institut e for Politica l Studies) , 101 , 10 5 Guangzhou. See Canto n Guangzhou shif u canshish i jfl^tlTffJ ^ J H ^ S (Canto n Municipa l Advisory Council) , 10 1 Guangzhou shizhen g weiyuanhu i H e JM fl: J$t3IJi11 t (Canto n Municipa l Administrative Council) , 10 1 Guangzhou shouchef u gonghu i MJM ^ $ ^ X # (Canto n Ricksha w Pullers'Union), 85-8 , 9 2 Guangzhoushi canyihu i MJM^^-mit (Canton Municipa l Affair s Council), 100 , 106 , 16 6 Guangzhoushi renl i shouchey e zhiy e
gonghui BjmAjj^mwtM
X # (Canto n Hand-Ricksha w Trade Union) , 162-6 , 16 9 Guangzhoushi shouch e zhiy e gonghu i K W T f r ^ ¥ « H l # (Canto n Rickshaw Trad e Union) , 102-9 , 178-9
206
INDEX
Guangzhoushi zonggonghu i JfOlflLil l X # (Federatio n o f Canto n Laborers), 16 2 Guilds absence of , 43n 3 anti-Christian an d Bolshevist , 11 7 composition of , 5 9 labor strike s and , 47 , 49-51 , 5 4 membership of , 11 4 opposition t o taxe s by , 6 9 Guomindang H S S (Chines e Nationalist Party ) alliance wit h CCP , 78 , 83- 4 break wit h CCP , 89 , 17 8 Canton branc h of , 103-5 , 162 , 168, 17 8 factionalism within , 89 , 16 8 labor movemen t and , 4 , 78 , 83-4 , 89-91, 102-4 , 161-3 , 178- 9 Haifeng gonghu i ^ M ^ # (Hoifun g Hometown Association) , 6 1 Hailiushe $|$K% t (Se a Curren t Society), 15 5 Haiphong (Haifang ) J$$j , 13 , 3 5 Haiphong Road , 1 8 Hakka (Kejia ) ^ g C , 1 0 Haozai wu dangchai tf ff Ppllrl t (goo d boys d o no t wea r polic e uniforms), 7 3 Happy Valley , 26 , 45 , 13 4 Harlech Road , 2 5 Hawkers, 2 , 23 , 36-7, 42 , 75 , 127n 4 Hawkins, Bria n Charle s Keith , 124 , 153 He Yan g fa#, 8 6 Heaven an d Eart h Society , 17 2 Hee Won g Terrac e (He i Won g Toi) , 86n2 Heigou H ^ J ("blac k dogs") , 7 5 Hennessy Road , 30 , 43 , 14 0 Hershatter, Gail , 17 5 High Street , 130 , 14 4 Hill Distric t Reservatio n Ordinanc e (1904), 4 1 Hillier Street , 22 p Ho Hon g Bank , 2 5 Ho Ka i (H e Qi ) fajgfc, 48
Hoifung (Haifeng ) 7 $ l t . See Hoi-Luk Fung Hokkien (Fujian ) ffiH, 10 , 43, 6 0 Hoi Lu k Fun g Schoo l (Hailufen g xuexiao « S I I ¥ K ) , 14 5 Hoi-Luk-Fung (Hailufeng ) fftgtl l emigration pressure s of , 1 0 peasant movement s in , 53 , 83, 9 0 rickshaw puller s from , 32-5 , 48 , 53, 61 , 83, 86, 92 , 122 , 15 5 sedan chai r bearer s from , 3 5 Hoklo (Fulao ) ffifg dialect an d origins , 1 0 employment an d occupation , 34- 5 (See also Hoi-Luk-Fung ) Hometown visits , 9 , 121 , 15 2 Honam (Henan ) M S , viii , 65p , 66 , 71-2, 84 , 9 0 Honghuagang StfEjaj } (Re d Flowe r Hill), 8 9 Hong Kon g as asylu m fo r politica l exiles , 86n2 , 113 census an d registration , 9 , 25 , 35, 37-8, 40- 1 colonial situatio n of , 4 - 5 , 37-52 , 173 Communist activitie s in , 53 , 86n2 , 113, 143-5 , 155,15 7 comparison o f Canto n with , 4 , 37 , 92, 172 , 175 , 17 8 as entrepot , 4 , 17 , 11 3 migrants fro m outside , 9-11 , 13-5 , 4 0 - 1 , 86n2 , 113 , 121 , 126 , 17 2 missionary activitie s in , 115 , 117 8, 127 , 17 4 (See also Chines e i n Hon g Kong ) Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Ricksh a Pullers' Unio n (Xianggan g Jiulong shouch e gonghu i H f S M i ? - $ X # ) , 145-7 , 149-54 , 157 Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Waicho w and Chiucho w Ricksh a Pullers ' Union (Gangji u Huicha o shouche gonghu i S ^ l S H ^ ^ X # ) , 145 , 154-5 , 15 7
INDEX
Hong Kon g an d Kowloo n Wharf , 13 , 17-8 Hong Kon g Chiucho w Chambe r o f Commerce, 148 , 15 3 Hong Kon g Federatio n o f Trad e Unions, 143 , 146n2 , 15 5 Hong Kon g Nga n Clanspeople' s Association (Xianggan g Yansh i zongqin zonghu i ^ S M R ^ S . H # ) , 18- 9 Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ' Mutua l Assistance Unio n (Qiaogan g shouche gongre n huzhush e
mm^xAKm±), 145
,
151-2, 15 4 Hong Kon g Ricksh a Trad e Employer s (On-Hang) Associatio n (Xianggang renlich e anhen g shanghui # ^ A A ¥ ^ f f f # ) , 125, 144-5 6 Hong Kon g Seamen' s Union , 14 3 Hong Kon g Shrin e (Xianggan g shenshe # S t t ? ± ) , 13 4 Hong Kon g Trad e Union s Council , 143, 145 , 146n 2 Hong Kon g Trave l Association , 11 6 Hongkong Club , 4 2 Hongkong Tramwa y Company , 46 , 49 , 55 Horse carriages , 46 , 132- 3 Horse racing , 26 , 13 4 Housing income spen t on , 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8 , 121, 16 2 (See also Tenemen t house ) Hu Hanch i tftWlfc, 8 0 Hu Sh i iM IS, 9 5 Huang Zho u WM, 8 6 Hufa H f e (protec t th e constitution) , 77,89 Human beast s o f burden , 2 9 Hunan, 6 9 Identity class and , 3-4 , 19-20 , 47-8 , 52 , 93, 104 , 144 , 156 , 172-3 , 17 8 ethnicity and , 9-20 , 30-6 , 60-2 , 86, 171- 3
207
expressions of , 2 , 14-5 , 53 , 60, 83 , 86, 93 , 122 , 143 , 144-5 , 171 , 176 multifaceted, 15 , 20, 17 2 as strategy , 33 , 17 1 at workplace , 10-1 , 13-4 , 17-8 , 32-6, 48 , 6 0 - 1 , 98, 171-2 , 17 6 Illegal Strike s an d Lock-out s Ordinance (1927) , 114 , 17 3 Imperial Gendarmeri e Polic e Forc e (Huangjun jingbeidu i : £ ¥ l f fit W), 13 4 Imperialism impact of , 43-4 , 52-3 , 107-8 , 174-5 indigeneous force s and , 4 - 5 , 17 4 nature of , 4 n l , 5 International Labo r Day , 78 , 86 , 11 4 International Settlement , 39 , 5 2 Intimidation, 30 , 45 , 114 , 16 3 (See also Kidnapping ; Violence ) Ip Tin g Fu n (Y e Tingfen) M&^, 1 2 Isogai, Rensuke , 13 8 Italy, 17 5 J. Gibb s & Co. , Importers , Exporter s and Commissio n Merchants , 1 2 Japan, 1 , 99, 108 , 12 1 Japanese invasion o f Canton , 107-9 , 126 , 129 occupation o f Hon g Kong , 130-41 , 153 military yen , 131 , 134-8 , 141 , 144 , 153 use o f rickshaw s by , 13 2 Jardine, Matheso n & Co. , 27n 2 Jardine's Suga r Refinery , 1 3 Jardine's Wharf , 4 9 Ji Y i Tang ftHS (Mutua l Benefit s Guild), 10 4 Jiang Jieshi. See Chian g Ka i She k Jiaoyuhui SStWH * (educationa l associations), 10 0 fingjuan ISfJ I ("polic e tax") , 6 8 Jingwuting WMM (Polic e Headquarters), 70- 1 Jordan Road , 140 , 15 2
208
INDEX
Jubilee Road , 2 6 Jubilee Street , 2 4 Judiciary. See Magistrary ; Punishment s fulebu flr^oP ("recreatio n club") , 8 3 Justices o f th e Peace , 12- 3 Kam Hin g Knittin g & Weavin g Factory ( ^ H H o S l t ) , 1 2 Kangdi tongzhihu i iftilStlH l i f e# (Wa r Comrades Association) , 10 8 Kennedy Town , 17 , 46, 13 4 Ki Ling Lane , 1 2 Kidnapping, 71-3 , 115 , 16 0 (See also Intimidation ; Violence ) King's Building , 27 p Kiu Kon g Sa u Ch e Kun g Ya n Wu Ch o
She M « ¥ $ X A 5 : S M ±
(Mutual Ai d Clu b o f Sojournin g Hong Kon g Ricksh a Coolies ) origins an d activitie s i n 1939-41 , 121-7 reregistered i n 1946 , 14 5 Kotewall, Robert , 11 7 Kowkong (Jiujiang ) fhtL, vii i Kowloon City , 27 , 11 8 Kowloon Godow n Co. , 16- 9 Kowloon Residents ' Association , 2 9 Ku L i Ku n P r o f i t (cooli e houses) , 1 5 Kuli budaohu i i ^ j f f c l l # (Cooli e Laborers' Mission) , 78-8 0 Kung Hu i XH * (labo r union) , 12 1 Kung Ye e Medical Colleg e an d Hospital (Gongy i xuexia o ^ l f *«),7 9 Kwangsi (Guangxi ) S H , 67-8 , 7 7 Kwangtung (Guangdong ) jftjl l emigration from , 5 9 floods in , 18 , 96 , 146 , 16 0 military, 69 , 71-3 , 77-8 , 84 , 89 , 105-6 Kwong Ho n Terrac e (Kwon g Ho n Toi) , 26 Kwong Wa i Roa d JKi f j&, 8 5 Kwongmoon (Jiangmen ) fllPI, viii , 166 Lache peiyuk J i $ l j £ # ("Humiliatio n of Ricksha w Pulling") , 12 3
Lachewei S $ M ("pul l th e tai l o f a rickshaw"), 9 7 Lai I m Sz e (Li Yanshi) 3 g i £ R , 1 2 Laissez-faire, 4 , 17 8 Lam Ch u Heun g (Li n Zhuxiang ) # f t * , 15 5 Land Communicatio n Departmen t (Jiaotongbu 3 e f i ^ ) , 133 , 135 , 137-8 Lao Sh e ^ # , 12 3 Laogong xunlianb u # I g l l | ^ n P (Labor Trainin g Bureau) , 104 , 108, 17 8 Laogong zhansh i gongzuotua n ^ X J H P | X # H (Wartim e Labo r Corps), 10 8 Laozong ^5I K ("ol d folks") , 1 9 Lashiche fiff^ ("trul y pul l a rickshaw"), 9 7 Lee Ka u Ya n (Li Qiu'en ) ^ t J § l , 11 5 Legislative Council , 13 , 38, 48, 114 , 117 Legros, Louis , 4 4 Lei Fu k La m (Li Fulin ) ^ ? S # , 9 0 Lenin, Vladimir , 9 2 Li Cha i Su m (L i Jishen) ^WM, 8 9 Li Cho r Chi , 2 5 Li Helin g ^ H K , 10 8 Li Huiquan ^ J R | | , 14 0 L i j i e z h i ^ f ; £ , 10 8 Li Kwai , 3 2 Li Laogon g ^ H X , 83-4 , 8 6 Li Peiqu n ^Wffi, 8 6 Li P o Lun g Path , 86n 2 Li Shouzh u ^ F t f c , 8 6 Li Zhongzhe n $ f t f i ! , 10 1 Lianfa Pullers ' Hoste l ( I B f AJJ^ft It), 9 1 Liang Jingquan S c U H , 8 0 Licensing Ordinanc e (1887) , 3 9 Lin Chan g # i , 16 5 Lin Mushen g # # M 8 , 12 1 Lin Qilu n #fflfi% , 12 5 Lin Wunon g # ^ M , 8 4 Lin Ye e Min (Li n Yimin ) # H ! K , 10 6 Liu Che n Hua n (Li u Zhenhuan )
f!]««, 84
INDEX
Liu Ch i We n (Li u Jiwen) M&X, 9 9 100, 10 8 Liu Chun g Ho i (Lia o Zhongkai ) * ms ,8 3 Liu Shif u filWft , 9 5 Lodging house . See Tenemen t hous e Lower Alber t Road , 13 1 Lu Dengyin g g H ? l , 16 5 Lu Hanchao , xi v Lukfung (Lufeng ) P I S . See Hoi-Luk Fung Lung Cha i Kwon g (Lon g Jiguang )
tmyt, 7
7
Lyons, Frederic k William , 4 8 Ma Cha k Ma n (M a Zemin ) J§?SrS , 148 Macao, 32 , 146 , 15 2 MacEwen & Frickel' s Store , 2 4 Magazine Gap , 11 6 Magistrary cases before , 25 , 27 , 30 , 38 , 40, 44 , 48-9 criticism of , 5 0 (See also Punishments ) Maichetou J t ^ S C ("bu y th e hea d o f a rickshaw"), 9 7 Man Foo k Roa d Hffij& , 61 , 8 2 Mann, Susan , 68n 2 Mao Ts e Tun g (Ma o Zedong ) &MJ^, 169-70 Marco Pol o Incident , 107 , 129 , 17 3 Mark Ken t Chu n (Ma i Jianzeng) # » § , 10 6 May Day . See Internationa l Labo r Da y May Fourt h Movement , 59 , 78 , 92, 95, 176-7 May Road , 11 6 McDouall, John Crichton , 144- 5 Mechanics, xiv , 47 , 50 , 14 3 Memorial Garde n t o th e Martyrs , 8 9 Merchant Delegate s Congress , 7 0 Merchant Voluntee r Corps , 83- 4 Messrs. Andre w Harpe r & Co. , 129-30 Messrs. Siemsse n & Co. , 1 4 Mid-Levels, 3 9
209
Migration effects o n receivin g community , 9 11, 59-60 , 76 , 96-7 , 121 , 160 , 172 employment and , 10-1 , 13-5 , 1 7 9, 6 0 - 1 , 171- 2 increases in , 9 , 59-60 , 96 , 121 , 160 kin network s and , 2 , 11-2 , 13-4 , 17-8, 60- 1 reasons for , 9-10 , 59-60 , 86n2 , 96 , 121, 16 0 rural-urban, 59-60 , 75 , 96, 171 , 176 Militarists. See Warlord s Military expense s an d supplies , 69 , 71-3, 78 , 84 , 106 , 14 0 Minsheng rS# i (People' s Livelihood) , 100 Mission t o Ricksh a an d Chair-men , 117-8 Missionaries, 1 , 78-80 , 115 , 117-8 , 127, 174 , 17 6 Mobilization, 2 , 16 , 32-3, 76, 78 , 8 3 9, 104-5 , 113 , 162-4 , 171- 9 (See also Protests ) Mongkok, 13 1 Moscow, 8 4 Motor ca r (i n Canton ) competition wit h rickshaw , 65-7 , 150 seized b y th e Japanese, 13 0 Motor ca r (i n Hon g Kong ) accidents, 28-9 , 14 0 advent of , 28 , 4 6 competition wit h rickshaw , 3 , 28 , 52, 118 , 15 0 competition wit h seda n chair , 115 6 Mowfung, Edward , 13n 2 Mowfung, Frederic k Charles , 12- 3 Mui-tsai Wif (indenture d girls) , 115 , 127, 17 5 Municipal Counci l in Canton , 62 , 68 , 79-8 1 in Shanghai , 99 , 17 4 Murphy, James, 4 4 Murray, Dia n H. , 17 2
210
INDEX
Nam Pa k Hon g Kun g Shu k (Nanbeiheng gongsu o ftdtfr yA Bf\ 17- 8 Namhoi (Nanhai ) T$P$i , viii Namtau (Nantou ) S S S , vii i Nanchang ffiH, 9 0 Nanjing ^M, 103 , 16 5 Nanyang [ S # (Sout h Sea) , 9 6 Nathan Road , 3 2 Native plac e as determinan t o f unio n formation , 2, 53 , 83, 86, 93 , 122 , 143 , 144-5 nostalgia for , 12 1 recruitment and , 13-4 , 18-20 , 53 , 6 0 - 1 , 83 , 86, 122 , 143 , 145-6 , 155, 17 2 remittance o f mone y to , 9 social organizatio n and , 10-1 , 1 3 20, 30-6 , 48 , 60-2 , 98 , 171-2 , 176 (See also Migration ) Neijie W S (inne r alleys) , 10 6 Ng A Lok, 4 0 Ng A Tong, 1 3 Ng Cho y (W u Cai ) ffi^, 4 4 Ng Si u Tin g (W u Shaoting ) ^ \ 6 , 146 Ngan Chi m Shi , 1 2 Ngan Lu k (Ya n Liu ) MA, 1 2 Ngan Shin g Kwa n (Ya n Chengkun ) H j 3 p K 12-3 , 19 , 14 4 Ngan Win g Chi , 12-3 , 1 7 Nightsoil carriers , 21- 2 Nijie W& ("mu d street") , 2 6 Nonghui H H t (farmers ' associations) , 100 North Point , 13n 2 Northern Expedition , 4 , 73 , 84, 8 9 Oberschall, Anthony , 17 6 Old Baile y Street , 14 0 Opium addiction, 97nl , 10 3 dens, 17 , 8 8 trade in , 16 , 25 , 9 8 Order o f th e Britis h Empir e (OBE) , 1 3 Outworkers, xi v
Ouyang Ju If c Rife, 16 8
Palembang, 11 6 Paoan (Bao'an ) H:?c , i x Pawning, 9 8 Peak households , 15 , 21 , 41, 51, 5 3 Peak Tram , 2 5 Pearl River , viii , 37 , 59 , 64-5 , 8 9 Pearl Rive r Bridge , 6 6 Peasant Movemen t Institute , 8 3 Peasants activism of , 53 , 83, 9 0 emigration t o cities , 9 6 view o f urba n life , 29-3 0 Pedicab (tricycle-rickshaw) , 133 , 1 6 5 70 Peking Student s Socia l Servic e Club , 95 Penang, 11 6 Peng Pa i WM, 53 , 8 3 Peng Sh i ^ t t , 8 9 Perry, Elizabeth , 17 7 Petty urbanites , xi v (See also Grassroot s o f society ) Philanthropic acts , 79 , 16 2 Pholant, Hugene , 4 4 Plague. Se e Bubonic plagu e Po Leun g Kuk , 1 3 Police (i n Canton ) abuses of , 71-6 , 85 , 8 7 budget an d revenu e bas e of , 68 , 7 0 call fo r mor e policing , 10 2 compared wit h polic e i n th e West , 73 negative imag e of , 71- 5 origins an d earl y growt h of , 7 0 Police (i n Hon g Kong ) abuses of , 28 , 30 , 32 , 39-4 0 arrests by , 25 , 39 , 41 , 43, 45, 47 , 51, 71 , 75, 89, 113-4 , 14 0 corruption of , 3 0 origins of , 3 9 responses t o nee d fo r help , 3 0 Poling (Puning ) I N K 14 6 Political Scienc e Cliqu e (zhengxuexi W&J&\ 16 8 Pong-paan (bangban) HtH , 12 5 Porters, 23 , 127n 4 Portuguese, 4 0 Praya, 16-7 , 27p , 4 3
INDEX
Prince Edwar d Road , 13 1 Private Coolie s Ordinanc e (1902) , 3 7 Proletariat, Marx' s definitio n of , 2 Prostitutes, 25- 6 Protector o f Juvenile Labour , 11 4 Protests changing characte r of , 4 , 52 , 127 , 144, 17 3 effectiveness of , 1-2 , 32 , 52 , 54 , 76, 17 7 forms of , 32 , 38 , 42-53 , 67-70 , 85 , 87-8, 9 0 - 1 , 105, 121-6 , 139 , 161, 163-4 , 16 8 Provisional Crimina l Code , limit s o n union power , 7 8 Public Securit y Burea u (Gong'anj u ^ $ M ) , 70 , 81 , 101 , 107 , 109 , 161, 16 4 Public Utilitie s Burea u (Gongyongj u ^ f f l M ) , 100-1 , 164 , 166- 8 Public Work s Burea u (Gongwuj u X ^ M), 105-6 , 16 7 Public Work s Department , 11 6 Punishments cangue, 4 0 fine, 6 , 27 , 40, 42-5 , 47-8 , 50 , 74 , 140, 15 0 hard labor , 4 0 imprisonment, 6 , 25 , 27 , 4 0 - 3, 47, 140 Punti (Bendi ) ^Kitf e dialect, 10 , 35, 8 6 employment an d occupation , 10 , 62 relations wit h othe r dialec t groups , 10-1, 62 , 8 6 as ricksha w pullers , 33 , 8 6 (See also Cantonese ) Punyu (Panyu ) Hi§l , viii , 8 2 Qing Min g ^n^M ("Tomb-Sweeping Day"), 15 2 Queen Victori a Street , 2 4 Queen's College , 1 9 Queen's Pier , 12 1 Queen's Road , 12 , 22p , 24 , Quyisuo WL&BT (Distric t Bureaux) , 137-8
211
Racial prejudice , 5 , 37-41 , 44 , 53-5 , 139, 17 3 Rankin, Mar y Backus , 68n 2 Refugees, 9 , 59-60 , 76 , 96 , 113 , 117 , 121, 126 , 129 , 16 0 Rehabilitation Committe e (Shanho u chuli weiyuanhu i I f fJtjilSSIJ i # ) , 13 6 Remittances, 9 Rene, Gus , 2 5 Renli shouch e gonghu i A ^ J ? - $ X # , 86 Rents of housing , 2 , 14 , 47, 97-8 , 121 , 162 of rickshaw , 2 , 47-8, 97 , 100-1 , 107-8, 121-6 , 135-8 , 144 56, 16 3 Revenue (o f Canto n government ) insufficiency of , 106 , 10 9 sources of , 68-9 , 10 6 Richter, Auguste , 2 5 Rickshaw abolition of , xiii , 116-7 , 165-70 , 17 9 as everyda y transport , 1 , 22-3 , 6 5 inspection of , 12 , 39, 71 , 131 , 16 4 introduced t o Canton , 1 introduced t o Hon g Kong , xiii , 1 invention of , 1 as symbo l o f capitalis t exploitation , xiii as symbo l o f imperialism , xiii , 165 , 169 Rickshaw owner s associations of , 125 , 130-1 , 14 4 background of , 12-3 , 1 9 negotiations wit h ricksha w pullers , 47-8, 121-5 , 144-56 , 16 4 paternalistic rol e of , 19 , 122 , 14 4 presence o f wome n among , 1 2 Rickshaw puller s accidents a t work , 29 , 73 , 134 , 14 0 alliance wit h seda n chai r bearers , 48-9, 51-2 , 5 4 beriberi among , 9 8 Communists and , 53 , 82-93, 168 70, 175- 9
212
INDEX
competition among , xiii , 31 , 33, 55, 98- 9 concern fo r ricksha w rents , 2 , 4 7 8, 121-6 , 136-8 , 16 3 declasse characte r of , 75 , 17 6 defining characteristic s of , 2-3 , 11-2, 16 , 29-3 0 income an d livin g standard s of , 23 , 67, 88 , 96-9 , 118-21 , 133-8 , 145, 149 , 160- 2 kin/quasi-kin network s of , 2 , 13-9 , 21-36, 48 , 83 , 86, 93 , 145 , 148 , 156, 171-2 , 175- 7 linked t o crime , 25-8 , 30 , 3 8 nicknames of , 3 1 pastimes of , 31 , 97nl, 11 7 previous occupation s of , 2 , 13 , 30, 60,96 relations wit h passengers , 3 , 21, 23-7, 32 , 41 , 172- 3 residence of , 14-7 , 6 1 self-image of , 29-3 0 suicide of , 12 1 traffic rule s and , 6 , 23-4 , 38-9 , 42-3, 45-6 , 48-5 2 tuberculosis among , 9 8 union activitie s of , 2 , 18 , 49, 53, 67, 81-91 , 102-5 , 121-6 , 145 56, 162- 5 use o f opiu m by , 97- 8 use o f violenc e by , xiii , 24 , 31-3, 49, 86 , 89-91 , 98-9 , 15 5 venereal diseas e among , 9 8 vulnerability t o hea t stroke , 10 0 (See also Mobilization; Protests ) Rickshaw reform s attempts t o devis e o r implementation o f (i n Canton) , 95-109, 168-70 , 17 9 campaigns fo r implementatio n o f (in Hon g Kong) , 117-8 , 121-6 , 149-55, 174- 5 government officials ' attitude s toward, 99-102 , 106-9 , 124 , 127, 17 5 obstacles t o implementing , 106-9 , 124, 127 , 178- 9
Rickshaw subcontracting , 11-2 , 16 , 97, 107 , 16 2 rickshaw pullers ' resentmen t toward, 83 , 121- 5 Rickshaw union s affiliation of , 82 , 85-6 , 146n 2 factionalism within , 86 , 126 , 15 3 formation of , 2 , 53 , 80-2, 85 , 102 3, 121 , 145 , 155 , 16 2 functions of , 80 , 82 , 103-4 , 145-6 , 178-9 fund-raising activitie s of , 18 , 12 2 funds of , 10 5 leadership of , 49 , 67 , 104-5 , 122 , 125, 145 , 16 3 membership of , 18 , 122 , 14 6 repression of , 53 , 89, 10 2 Ricsha Committee , i n Shanghai , 9 9 Roper, Myra , 16 9 Roux, Alain , 17 5 Royal Nava l Cantee n ("blu e building"), 2 6 Sai Ho Ha u (Xiha o kou ) H * P , 9 6 Sai Wah Roa d H^fi& , 16 4 Saikwan (Xiguan ) H S 1 , 84, 96 , 99 , 164 Saiyingpun, 15 , 33, 14 5 Sajian M R ("thirt y houses") , 2 6 Sakai, Takashi , 13 1 Samshui (Sanshui ) H/JC , vii i Sands Street , 86n 2 Sanitary Board , 12 , 4 6 Sanjiao mato u H f t H S (Three Cornered Wharf) , 3 4 Sanzitou X ^ S j f ("three-worde d head"), 3 1 Sau-shui ft/JC ("solici t bribes") , 3 0 (See also Corruption ) Sayer, Geoffre y Robley , 4 6 Scavengers, 2 2 Schoppa, R . Keith , 68n 2 Scott, J. Gray , 4 6 Seamen, xiv , 25 , 44, 5 0 - 1 , 89-90, 96 , 113, 14 3 Second Street , 2 4
213
INDEX
Secret societies . See Triad s an d Tria d Society Sedan chai r as a mean s o f transport , 13 , 45n4, 115-6, 16 6 Sedan chai r bearer s competition among , 115- 6 geographic origin s of , 3 5 images of , 37 , 115- 6 strikes of , 38 , 48-9, 51-2 , 5 4 squabbled ove r gambling , 3 1 Segregation occupational, 10-1 , 13-4 , 62 , 17 1 residential, 14-7 , 41 , 17 2 Shakee Roa d 9>SBfr , 7 5 Shameen (Shamian ) $>ffi , 52 , 66 , 73 , 79, 113 , 17 6 Shanghai ±M, xiv , 39 , 46 , 50 , 52 , 78 , 85, 107 , 113 , 17 4 Shanghai Street , 13 0 Shanghui MOf (merchants ' associations), 10 0 Shanxi UjW , 6 0 Shaukiwan, 27 , 4 6 Shejizu flitffi . (Desig n Board) , 10 7 Shekki (Shiqi ) 5 f t , vii i Sheklung (Shilong ) 5 s l , i x Shektongtsui 5 P A , 2 6 Shen Houku n £fcJ?St , 8 2 Shen Houpe i t t f f ® , 8 2 Shen Qin g i f c ^ , 8 2 - 3 , 85 , 8 7 Shen Xuewe n t f c P X 8 2 Shen Xuexi u tfc^W , 8 2 Shephard, Anthon y John, 127n 4 Sheung Wan , 3 4 Shi X i 5 1 1 , 8 6 Shihu Tfrjft , ("cit y tigers") , 2 9 Shipbuilding workers , 13 4 Shiziban l H ^ S : ("literac y classes") , 163 Shiuhing (Zhaoxing ) H W , 9 8 Shiukwan (Shaoguan ) ISM , 16 6 Shoeshine boys , 2 3 Shop workers , xi v Shophouse, 22 p (See also Tenement house ) Shouche gonghui ^ $ X 1 § f ("ricksha w union"), 82- 3
Shouchefu ful i hezuosh e ^ $ t t ? H ^ l l ^ f f ^ ± (Pullers ' Welfar e Cooperative), 10 6 Shouchefu gonghu i ? - $ f t X # , 8 6 Shouchexiang ^ ^ | | n | (ricksha w tax) , 100 Shouting kouxie ^ f f P ifc (livin g fro m hand t o mouth) , 9 8 Shumchun (Shenzhen ) S # l | , ix , 13 3 Shumshuipo, 122 , 14 8 Shuntak (Shunde ) JHflfS , vii i Sichuan HJI| , 60 , 11 6 Singapore, 116 , 172- 3 Sino-French War , 4 3 Siulam (Xiaolan ) /hfit , vii i Smith, Carl , 1 4 Social Affair s Burea u (Shehuij u ttUt M), 98n2 , 99 , 106 , 109 , 161 , 166 Socialist Yout h Leagu e (Shehu i zhuy i qingniantuan ? i # X ^ W ^ H ) , 82 Societies Ordinanc e (1911) , 113-4 , 173 Soldiers, 41 , 71-3, 76 , 84 , 89-91 , 159-60 South Bun d (Nand i S 4 6 ) , 8 3 South Gat e (Nangua n S I U ) , 9 1 Southeast Asia , 9 6 (See also British Malaya ; Palembang; Penang ; Singapore ) Southern Mi n Rjffi , 1 0 Soviet Consulat e i n Canton , 8 9 Spring Garde n Lane , 15 5 St. John's University , i n Shanghai , 1 9 St. Vincen t D e Paul' s Society , 11 7 Stanley, 13 1 Star Ferry , 17 , 28 , 3 2 Stevedores, 21 , 32-4, 50 , 6 0 - 1 , 11 4 Straits Settlement , 5 0 Strand, David , xiv , 17 8 Student protest , abroad , 11 8 Sun F o (Su n Ke ) S f 4 , 7 2 Sun Ya t Se n (Su n Yixian ) S M I ] , 4 , 69, 78 , 84 , 89 , 17 0 Sun Ya t Sen Universit y o f Medica l Sciences (Zhongsha n yik e daxu e
+ U4lf#^:¥),7 9
214
INDEX
Sun Ye e On (Xi n Yi'an ) § f * $ , 3 0 Sunwui (Xinhui ) 0fH' , vii i Surname commonality , 11 , 18- 9 Swatow (Shantou ) ftliSS, 17 , 30, 8 4 Swires' Taiko o Dock , 4 7 Sz K a Ch e feSc$ ("brothe l rickshaws"), 39-4 0 Szeyap (Siyi ) P S B , 4 8 n 4 Tai Ho n Roa d #fltS& , 61 , 82 Tai Pa k Terrace , 86n 2 Tai Ta k Roa d AtMM, 8 6 Taihang, 2 5 Taipans (bi g busines s bosses) , 1 4 Taiping ^CX , i x Taipingshan, 1 5 Taiwan ^ if , 16 8 Tak Sue n Roa d Centra l H f i + S ^ , 8 5 6 Tan Zhisha n ifJifelJLl , 16 2 Tanka (Danjia ) S ^ , 1 0 (See also Boa t o r sampa n dwellers ) Taxicab, 28 , 36, 52 , 73 , 15 0 Tenement hous e as headquarter s o f a leftis t group , 155 neighborly relation s in , 14-6 , 60- 1 opium den s in , 8 8 as recruitmen t ground , 15 , 60, 8 6 as refug e fo r Communis t hideouts , 86n2 rents for , 2 , 14 , 97-8 , 121 , 16 2 Teng Che n T e (Den g Zhende ) § K H , 99 Teochiu. See Chiucho w Thomas, S . Bernard, 9 1 Tianjin AW, 17 5 Tilly, Charles , 17 5 Tin Lo k Lane , 14 0 To Kwai Ting , 2 5 Toishan (Taishan ) n ill , vii i Tokyo Nogy o Daigaku , 9 9 Tong Wan Tin g (Tan g Yunting )
mm^, 1 2
Tong Yan Po (Tan g Yinpo) UMISi , 144 Tong Ying Ching (Tan g Yingzhen)
mtti, 3i
Tongxiang [R1$ P ("hometow n acquaintances"), 3 2 Topping, Seymour , 16 9 Trade Union s an d Trad e Dispute s Ordinance (1948) , 14 3 Trade Union s Regulation s (1924) , 7 8 Tramway Strik e (1950) , Hon g Kong , 144 Triads an d Tria d Society , 30 , 4 3 Triangle Street , 1 2 Trotsky, Leon , 8 9 Tseng Yan g Fu (Zen g Yangfu ) H H i f , 108 Tsimshatsui, 17-8 , 2 8 Tsoi P o (Ca i Bao ) H $ s 14 8 Tsuen Wa n 3 3 1 , 2 8 Tsz Yong Ch e1= 5 ffi^ ("rickshaw s fo r self-use"), 39-4 0 Tung Hin g Fon g (Tongqingfang ) [*lft«f, 9 1 Tung Ku n Street , 3 5 Tung Sha n (Dongshan ) ||€[J4 , 64 , 79 , 96 Tung Ta k Coolies ' Unio n (Tongd e ful i
gonghui [ p J l l ^ i j X I I X 6 1
Tung Wah Hospital , 13 , 4 2 Tungchuen malo o jftJ H JSii&, 7 9 Tungkun (Dongguan ) jfl^: , ix, 35 , 48n4, 60- 1
Unemployment, 3 , 16 , 62 , 83 , 102-3 , 117, 121 , 160 , 16 2 Union Building , 27 p United States , 6 4 Vagabonds, 5 9 Valtorta, Bisho p Henr y Paschal , 117-8 , 174 Vehicles an d Traffi c Regulatio n Ordinance (1912) , 3 9 Victoria Peak , 21 , 42, 45 , 51 , 11 6 Victoria Theatre , 3 1 Violence competition fo r jobs le d to , xiii , 11,31,33-4,60-1,98-9 disputes ove r gamblin g le d to , 3 1 gangsters' us e of , 25 , 30, 125 , 155 , 163
INDEX
in Lanter n Festiva l 1894 , 48n 4 policemen's us e of , 32 , 40 , 71-6 , 85,87 rickshaw passengers ' us e of , 24-5 , 41, 44 , 12 5 rickshaw pullers ' us e of , xiii , 24 , 31-3, 49 , 86 , 89-91 , 98-9 , 15 5 struggles against , 32 , 47, 87-8 , 93, 113, 155 , 16 3 (See also Assassination ; Kidnapping) Wai O i Roa d Wes t M$£$S&, 9 0 Wai Su n Roa d Sout h $ l $ f S K r , 16 3 Wailoy (Huilai ) S55fc , 14 6 Waiyeung (Huiyang ) M$B, 84 , 98n 2 Wanchai, 24-5 , 30 , 122 , 12 4 Wang Chin g We i (Wan g Jingwei) ffiflf*. 8 9 Wang Mingxua n X ^ t l i , 16 5 Wang Shiwe n X 1 i ± X 8 9 War Memoria l Towe r (Zhonglingt a J & ® £ ) , 13 4 Warlords, 4 , 71-2 , 75-8 , 99 , 10 6 Warren, James, xiv , 172- 3 Wei Yu k (We i Yu ) # X , 4 8 Western District , 17- 9 Whampoa (Huangpu ) Militar y Academy i l c i i f f ft, 8 4 White, Harrison , 17 1 Whitehead, Thoma s Henderson , 3 8 Wing Lo k Street , 1 7 Wing Lo k Wharf , 3 4 Wing O n Cha n (Yong'anzhan ) 7 ] C $ ^ , 12 Wolfe, Edwar d Dudle y Cascarden , 117n2 Wong I m (Huan g Yan ) frjfe , 1 2 Wong Ka m Foo k (Huan g Jinfu )
fr^ffi, 12
Wong Ka r Chu n (Huan g Jiazhen ) *-gCi£, 14 5 Wong Leun g Sz e (Huan g Liangshi )
irigR, 12
Wong Yic k Mu i (Huan g Yimei ) *S5tt, 1 2 Wongsha (Huangsha ) iRl^ , 7 1 Woolf, Bell a Sidney , 3 1 Woosung Street , 14 6
\
215
Wright, Tim , xiv , 17 5 Wu T e Che n (W u Tiecheng ) ^= M$ML, 72 Wu Tingfang . See N g Cho y Wyndham Street , 11 6 Xiandai zhiye tuanti MiXWMMWL (professional associations) , 10 0 Xiangdu lin g # # ^ (Governor' s Order), 13 1 Xiangj iu renl i cheye zuh e ^JrfhAJJ^ Hffl/£ (Hon g Kon g an d Kowloon Ricksh a Syndicate) , 130-1, 133 , 136-4 0 Xiangyi guanxi f ^ f f i M ^ (hometow n and interpersona l networks) , 6 1 Xianqiandui Tfe^ft K ("leadin g troops") , 84 Xiaobeimen /J^fcP I (Littl e Nort h Gate), 7 0 Xiaoxue 4^9^ (schoo l fo r primar y education), 16 4 Xie'an 1&£ , 8 8 Xiejin fl^f e ("shoe-money") , 9 7 Yan'an M £ , 16 5 Yang Hs i Mi n (Yan g Ximin ) H # W , 84 YangSijiHEi^, 8 6 Yanping (Enping ) J S X , 3 5 Yat Tak Roa d — H5&, 63 p Yaumatei, 35 , 14 6 Yee On Employees ' an d Employers ' Association (Yi'a n gongshan g zonghui * $ X f f i I | # ) , 3 0 Yinhui HlU t ("rotating-credi t associations"), 61- 2 Yixue itlP ^ ("fre e schoo l fo r th e poor"), 6 1 YMCA, i n Chengdu , 11 6 Yu Han Mo u (Y u Hanmou) skWM, 105 Yu Lan S L K (Hungry Ghost s Festival) , 18 Yuan Shika i M tit0l, 7 7 Yubeiying SHlfl f (Polic e Trainin g School), 7 0 Yunnan, 69 , 7 7
216
INDEX
Zeng Ya n I'ifc , 8 6 Zhang Min g ?S§fl , 8 6 Zhejiang W\£L, 6 0 Zheng Qina n $ P ^ f , 8 6 Zhigong juluobu H X f t | ? t S P (Staf f Recreation Club) , 8 8 Zhong Xiusha n M i l ill , 12 6 Zhongguo geming ceyuandi ^ H ^ I I P J S S t t . ("th e cradl e o f th e Chines e revolution"), 7 7
Zhongshan liul u 4 5LLJ7NB&, 9 0 Zhou Zhaoli n J f ^ M , 16 5 Ziyongche l l f f l $ (self-us e vehicles) , 66 Ziyou zhiye tuanti § i H ^ H H i l (trade associations) , 10 0 Zongdubu ISHPR P (Governor' s Office) , 132 Zongwuzu iSS-ff i (Genera l Affair s Board), 10 7