Psychology in Practice: Environment

PSYCHOLOGY in Practice Environment Karon Oliver Series Editor: Hugh Coolican Hodder Arnold A MEMBER OF THE HODDER H...

Author: Karon Oliver

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PSYCHOLOGY

in Practice

Environment Karon Oliver

Series Editor: Hugh Coolican

Hodder Arnold A MEMBER OF THE HODDER HEADLINE GROUP

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author and publisher would like to thank the following for permission to reproduce photographs: Figure 2.2 Pascale Goetgheluck/Science Photo Library; Figure 3.2 Stephanie Maze/Corbis; Figure 4.2 Peter Turnley/Corbis; Figure 4.3 Neil Tingle/Action Plus; Figure 5.1 Sean Dempsey/PA Photos; Figure 5.2 Carmen Taylor/AP Photo; Figure 7.2 Bill Varie/Corbis.

Orders: please contact Bookpoint Ltd, 130 Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4SB. Telephone: (44) 01235 827720. Fax: (44) 01235 400454. Lines are open from 9.00 – 6.00. You can also order through our website: www.hoddereducation.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library ISBN-10: 0 340 84495 7 ISBN-13: 978 0 340 84495 3 First Published 2002 Impression number 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 Year 2007 2006 2005 Copyright © 2002 Karon Oliver All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher or under licence from the Copyright Licensing Agency Limited. Further details of such licences (for reprographic reproduction) may be obtained from the Copyright Licensing Agency Limited, of 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Typeset by Dorchester Typesetting Group Limited, Dorset, England Printed in India for Hodder Education, a division of Hodder Headline Plc, 338 Euston Road, London NW1 3BH.

CONTENTS Introduction 1 Environmental stress – noise 2 Climate and weather 3 Density and crowding 4 Crowds and collective behaviour 5 Environmental disaster and technological catastrophe 6 Personal space and territory 7 Architecture and behaviour 8 Environmental cognition References Index

1 13 39 65 89 111 137 165 191 217 239

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Introduction Have you ever thought about how the environment affects the way you feel and behave? I am sure that you have noticed that some situations make you feel very uncomfortable, for example being stuck in unexpected traffic jams on hot and airless days when you are in a hurry. On the other hand, some situations may make you feel relaxed and peaceful and give you a sense of well-being, such as lying on a comfortable sunbed on a tropical beach, sipping pina coladas and listening to the surf lapping onto the sand. You may also have noticed that the way you respond to a certain situation is very different from the way another person may respond. Some people enjoy the buzz of busy inner-city life, whilst others long for the peace and solitude found only up the side of a mountain. Your idea of heaven might be a hot, crowded nightclub with loud music and flashing lights; on the other hand, it might be walking on the Brecon Beacons with a couple of friends. Some of us enjoy the close proximity of others; some feel more comfortable with solitude. Have you ever considered why people respond differently to different situations or asked yourself whether they will always feel the same or whether their feelings will change throughout the course of their lives? You may wonder why your parents enjoyed rock concerts and heavy metal music when they were younger and yet now seem to spend half their lives telling you to turn your music down or telling your friends to go home. Have you considered whether males or females are more sensitive to some environmental situations, such as crowding or invasions of personal space? The nature of the situation in which you find yourself can also influence the way you interact with others. If you are at a party and only about a dozen people turn up, that party will probably be a flop because people will be less willing to interact with each other, whereas, even if the music is dreadful, the presence of lots of people will change the atmosphere totally. Similarly, if you leave the lights on full, people will be less willing to talk to each other, but if the lights are dim, they become more sociable. Have you noticed the lighting in fast-food restaurants – the lights are bright and the chairs are

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Psychology in Practice: Environment

uncomfortable (and fixed to the floor), perhaps in order to ensure that we don’t become too comfortable and decide we want to stay. If we feel comfortable within an environment, we are happy to maintain the status quo, and this will probably lead to best performance or more social behaviour. However, if we feel anxious or over-aroused, we do the best we can to restore ourselves to a state of equilibrium where we feel comfortable. If we cannot do that, we become so preoccupied with trying to deal with our own discomfort that dealing with other issues becomes a pain in the neck. Let me give you an example. If I asked you to perform a task, say a memory test or a series of mathematical problems, whilst sitting in a very hot room, you would very likely get to the stage where you wouldn’t care how well you were performing because you would be more concerned with how hot and uncomfortable you felt. Really, the whole of environmental psychology rests on the issue of how comfortable an environment is, because levels of comfort or discomfort affect any subsequent response. Take, for example, feelings of discomfort, perhaps caused by high levels of anxiety; these can lead to lack of performance, lack of friendly and sociable behaviour, and also ill-health. This anxiety (or arousal) can be caused by any number of issues; where we live, the numbers of people around us, lack of privacy, extreme weather conditions and so on. In order to assist your understanding of the topics discussed in this book, I have outlined below some of the theories we will refer to as we look at environmental psychology.

Biological psychology Understanding what causes the feeling of arousal, and the ways we deal with it, are fundamental to understanding most of the topics within the area of environmental psychology. The nervous system consists of the central parts (brain and spinal cord) and the peripheral nervous system which, very simply, deals with the remainder of the body (including the vital organs). Part of this peripheral system (the autonomic branch) is responsible for our fight/flight response when faced with stressful situations – do we fight the danger or do we run away? We are all aware of the pounding heart and dry mouth that comes with fear or excitement – this is the sympathetic division of the autonomic system preparing us for activity by pumping adrenaline into the bloodstream. This is what we mean when we talk about becoming aroused or anxious in response to a stressful situation. It may be exhilarating in the short term, but if it continues, we will find such high levels of arousal begin to cause discomfort and make us very tired. Therefore it is essential that the body maintains a balance, and the mechanism which returns us to a ‘normal’ state is the parasympathetic division of the autonomic nervous system. The fight/flight mechanism prepares the body to respond to a threatening situation. This involves reducing all unnecessary processes and increasing the energy supply available to all major muscles, increasing blood glucose and

Introduction

constricting blood vessels in the skin to limit any potential blood loss. This process is initiated by the hypothalamus which responds to stress signals of any type by secreting CRH (corticotrophin-releasing hormone) which acts as a kind of messenger, causing the pituitary gland to release ACTH (adrenocorticotrophic hormone). This then sends a ‘message’ to the adrenal glands. The adrenal cortex releases cortisol which acts in a number of different ways to help the body cope with prolonged stress such as reducing the excretion of salts by the kidney and stimulating the liver to increase blood sugar. At the same time, the adrenal medulla produces catecholamines, adrenaline (epinephrine) and noradrenaline (norepinephrine), which increase heart rate, blood pressure, respiration rate and oxygen metabolism. Consequently, by measuring someone’s hormone levels, psychologists can gain an insight into their levels of arousal. If we return to the idea of the environment and its effects on our overall behaviour, we can see how any situation that results in higher levels of arousal than are comfortable will cause a change in our behaviour. In general, we would expect to see a detrimental effect on performance (especially on complex tasks) and an impairment of our ability to take in information from the outside world – we often ignore extra information as we are too busy dealing with our own discomfort. If people impose themselves on us and thus increase our levels of arousal still further, we may become more aggressive, and may well become less willing to make relationships with others. If we are uncomfortable ourselves, we are also less willing to help others, if indeed we actually notice that they need help in the first place. Finally, prolonged levels of arousal will cause us to feel continually stressed, and prolonged stress leads to illness which can lead to death. STRESS

I always maintain that ‘stress’, or rather the term ‘stress’, was invented about 20 years ago. When I was at school, people didn’t suffer from ‘stress’; they got ‘worried’ or ‘nervous’ or ‘anxious’. However, stress seems to be another name for the response we get when the demands of our environment are greater than the capacity we have to deal with them – so at the end of the day, I would suggest that it is really the same condition but goes under a different name. When we talk about any sort of environmental issue, we look at the kind of responses it produces. The main response to any kind of extreme or prolonged environmental discomfort is stress, therefore we need to understand exactly what is meant by the term stress and why it is a subjective issue. By subjective, I mean that we do not all respond in the same way or with the same degree of stress, because we all have different experiences and different coping strategies which will dictate how well we deal with that issue. It is also worth mentioning here that the measurement of stress is another topic in itself, and I will briefly touch on this in Chapter 1.

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The stress experience has two major components, ‘a stressor’ and ‘a stress response’. The stressor is some kind of stimulus that will necessitate an organism to adjust or adapt its behaviour in order to deal with it, e.g. an extremely loud noise. The stress response is a relatively stereotyped set of biological and psychological reactions, e.g. the heart starting to pound. Of course, stressors do not necessarily have to be external factors such as noise or heat, but can be internal processes, such as thoughts and feelings. Anyone faced with a very stressful situation, for example witnessing a road accident, will experience an immediate physiological response (the fight/flight response) which tends to take a long time to subside. This means that anyone who has had a stressful experience will remain in a heightened state of arousal and anxiety for some time after the initial event. Imagine, then, what happens if something else ‘arousing’ occurs. The person is already aroused (even though they may not feel too bad), so they need less stimulation to make them reach the same level of extreme arousal; this helps to explain why little things, which would not normally affect us, can take on greater significance and prove to be so upsetting in such a situation. A prolonged state of arousal can have quite damaging consequences physically. Have you noticed that if you are really worried (or stressed) about something for any length of time, for example impending examinations, you get mouth ulcers or cold sores? These are physical manifestations of stress and they occur because long-term stress not only causes us mental anguish, but it also causes physical changes. general adaptation syndrome (GAS) This relationship between prolonged stress and physical health was recognised about 50 years ago by Dr. Hans Selye, who recognised the mind–body connection involved with stress. All of his patients had similar physiological and psychological characteristics, and he came to the conclusion that stress is ‘the non-specific response of the body to any demand placed upon it’. Selye claimed that it is not stress that harms us but distress. Distress occurs when we experience prolonged emotional stress and do not deal with it in a positive manner, and it therefore produces long-term physiological changes. These physiological changes, which are the body’s mechanisms for coping with the stress, are collectively known as the General Adaptation Syndrome.

Introduction

Theme link ( The

physiological results of prolonged stress )

One well-known piece of evidence supporting the idea that stress has an effect on health came from the unpleasant ‘executive monkey’ study conducted by Brady (1958). This study demonstrated that prolonged stress led to gastric ulcer formation. Pairs of monkeys were confined in a chair-like apparatus and each had electrodes attached to one of its feet. They both received an electric shock every 20 seconds unless one of the monkeys (known as the executive monkey) prevented it by pressing a lever that was located in front of it. This procedure continued for six hours at a time, twice a day, day in, day out. The executive monkey learned how to prevent the shocks and managed to effectively prevent any further shocks. However, the executive monkeys were found to develop ulcers, although the passive monkeys did not. Although this study has a number of methodological flaws which were later addressed in follow-up studies, the findings of this and other studies suggest that the ulcers came from the prolonged, elevated state of arousal that the executive monkeys experienced in maintaining constant vigilance. The implications of this research to the world of work are evident. Managers can be assumed to suffer more stress than the powerless workers, because they carry the responsibility for the welfare of their companies and employees at all times. Perhaps we should take workrelated pressures far more seriously and provide opportunities for executives to deal with their high levels of arousal in a more effective way. Seyle’s syndrome consists of three stages of physiological response to stressful events. 1 The alarm reaction stage The function of this stage is to mobilise the body’s resources as an initial reaction to a threatening event. Initially, arousal briefly drops below normal and then rapidly rises above normal. This can be seen by looking at blood pressure, which momentarily drops and then rises well above normal. The other physical responses follow, including the sensation of the stomach ‘turning over’, which actually comes from the reduction of blood flow to the digestive organs. The body cannot sustain this alarm reaction for long, and depending on the severity of the response, will either result in death or entry into stage 2 of the syndrome. (This is why it is so important to treat people for shock if they are involved in accidents, because if the shock is too great, heart failure can occur.)

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2 The resistance stage The second stage occurs if the stress continues and it involves the body adjusting or adapting to a higher level of arousal in order to resist the threat but still function effectively. At this point the body attempts to revert to normal functioning whilst coping with the effects of the additional adrenaline in the bloodstream. The problem is that although arousal has decreased, it is still higher than normal. It may not be obvious that the person is suffering from stress, but perhaps they are more short-tempered or easily upset than usual. Also, their resistance to new stressors will be lowered.

A Level of arousal

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B

Level of arousal which may produce negative long-term consequences

Normal level of arousal

Time Arousal level caused by stressful event A = the difference between normal levels of arousal and arousal after stressful event B = here we see that a smaller stimulus is required to produce the same level of arousal • Figure 0.1: Illustration of the gradual decline in arousal levels after a traumatic or stressful event

High levels of arousal result in what Seyle described as diseases of adaptation. These are the kinds of effects demonstrated by Brady’s executive monkeys such as ulcers and high blood pressure; in turn, these can lead to an abnormally enlarged heart as it tries to deal with the constant overload. In fact, hormones released by the endocrine system during stress can cause the heart to beat erratically and may even lead to sudden death. People under stress feel tired and weak and are less able to resist illness (this is often the time when we develop mouth ulcers and cold sores or catch colds). Other disorders which may be exacerbated or triggered by high levels of stress are asthma, eczema and psoriasis. 3 The exhaustion stage If the situation continues, the body’s energy reserves finally become depleted and this lowers resistance still further. Stress hormones compromise the effectiveness of the immune system by reducing the number of cells that form

Introduction

anti-bodies. Infection is dealt with less effectively by the body’s immune system and may even prove fatal through diseases such as pneumonia or septicaemia. Continued high blood pressure may result in heart attacks or even strokes and the likelihood of death becomes much higher. All these effects will feed back to our psychological responses and the resultant anxiety and depression will continue the process by influencing our behaviour. We may take less care of ourselves, eat irregularly, smoke and drink too much and be unable to sleep. The likelihood of having an accident will also increase proportionately. Although the General Adaptation Syndrome is a useful model to explain the experience some people have of long-term stress, it still has its critics. The idea that we all have the same response irrespective of the stressor is actually a little too simplistic. After all, extreme environmental catastrophes are not the same as being exposed to high levels of noise, having a dispute with your next-door neighbour or taking part in a sports competition, and yet the response, according to the theory, would be the same. In fact there are so many factors that can intervene in the development of stress (such as severity and duration of the stressor), and also coping mechanisms available to each person as a way of dealing with the stress response, that everyone’s experience of stress is going to be different. yerkes–dodson theory What we must remember is that the kind of autonomic arousal (or stress response) which results from some kind of stressor can have both beneficial and detrimental effects. In fact without some level of arousal, our performance and motivation would be distinctly lacking. However, over-arousal has been shown to produce detrimental effects. Below are three different situations to help explain what I mean: •

•

•

Imagine you are due to take an examination in psychology but you have no real interest in the subject and therefore little interest in the exam. You therefore have a low level of arousal and this will influence the amount of revision you feel you ought to do, and how well you actually perform in the exam itself. Now imagine that you are highly interested in the subject and you want to do well because you need a good grade for university. However, you have worked consistently throughout the year and know lots of the topics reasonably well. You will feel a little anxious because it is important to do well (so you have a moderate level of arousal), but you are not completely freaked out because you feel in control. Finally, you are very anxious – you haven’t done much work, you desperately need to get a grade A or you won’t be able to get into the university of your choice and you are under tremendous pressure from

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your family. You have therefore crammed for the last two days, have had virtually no sleep, are totally over-aroused and you don’t seem to be able to remember anything. Can you predict which student is going to do best in the examination? Yes, you are right, the second student is most likely to perform best. This can be explained by the Yerkes–Dodson theory which predicts that as our arousal increases, so does our performance, until it reaches an optimal level, whereupon we become over-aroused and performance starts to decline. Interestingly, the optimum level of arousal is different for each person and what makes one person feel exhilarated might scare the life out of the next!

High

Optimal level of performance

Performancce

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Low Low

High Arousal

• Figure 0.2: Illustration of the inverted U of the Yerkes–Dodson theory

Many researchers consider the theory to be an excellent description of how arousal influences performance. Nevertheless, it is very difficult to support because there always seems to be a ‘get-out clause’. For example, if a researcher failed to show that heightened arousal caused a decrement in performance, it wouldn’t disprove the theory because it could be argued that he had not succeeded in arousing his participants sufficiently for the task he gave them. Another problem is that the methods required to ‘over-arouse’ the participants may breach ethical guidelines.

Introduction

factors that influence the way that we deal with stressful events Individual differences There are a number of factors which mediate the effects of stress and these lie within the individual concerned. In fact, Sarafino (1994) defined stress as ‘the condition that results when the person–environment transaction leads the individual to perceive a discrepancy – whether real or not – between the demands of a situation and the resources of the person’s biological, psychological and social systems’ (Sarafino, 1994, p.74). The key word here is ‘perceive’ because each one of us sees a situation slightly differently and this perspective will be based on our past experiences, even though we may actually be equally as effective at dealing with the situation. Lazarus and Folkman (1984) suggest that we initially appraise or evaluate an event, and if we think it exceeds our resources for dealing with it, this will cause us stress. Therefore the interpretation of stressful events is more important than the events themselves. Control (actual and perceived) Actual control refers to whether or not we can actually stop an event from happening by doing something about it, whereas perceived control is the belief that we have control (even if we would find it very difficult to do anything about a situation). This type of perceived control is usually found in people with what is known as an internal locus of control, the belief that they are responsible for their own destiny because they can make decisions which will influence events. On the other hand, people with an external locus of control believe that they have no influence on events and that their lives are controlled by external forces. They are less likely to fight back in times of hardship and will just accept that they cannot influence or affect a situation in any way. You can see how people with an external locus of control can become very depressed and unlikely to try to resolve an unpleasant situation because they believe they would not be able to do anything even if they tried. The concept of locus of control was first described by Rotter in 1966. Most people lie in between the two extremes of external and internal locus of control. Self-efficacy and learned helplessness Seligman’s (1975) theory of learned helplessness suggests that past experience makes us believe we are helpless to change the course of events and this, he claims, is one of the main characteristics of depression. It generally begins with childhood experiences where a young child’s wishes or needs have no effect on the behaviour of others. The child grows up having learned that they are helpless. This cycle of learning has been demonstrated in

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animals and humans alike and is an accurate predictor of responses to situations of environmental stress (Hiroto, 1974). People who have this outlook will also be low in self-efficacy, which, put simply, means that they believe they are ineffective so therefore will be unlikely to succeed at or achieve a given task. On the other hand, people who do believe that they can succeed have high self-efficacy. Again, these self-efficacy beliefs seem to arise from early childhood experiences and the observation of the behaviour of other people, so that we make estimates as to how likely we are to succeed or fail at given tasks. If we think we will succeed (high selfefficacy), we will try harder, but if we think we will probably fail (low selfefficacy), we may not even bother to try. Evidence has shown that people with high self-efficacy and an internal locus of control are the ones who will experience fewer negative consequences as a result of environmental stressors. Other factors There are a number of other factors which will influence our appraisal of stressful events such as the amount of social support we have. Evidence has indicated that social support can moderate the appraisal of a stressful situation and also help to reduce the long-term effects of stressful events. If we believe we are loved and valued by others and that they will support us in times of need, we can often deal with situations which would otherwise cause us distress. The resources that are available to us, both material and psychological, may also influence how we feel about a stressful event. Material factors such as how affluent we are, or psychological factors such as how intelligent we are, will influence the way we cope. For example, if you are the victim of a hurricane and your house has been destroyed, having considerable money in the bank would reduce the effects of such a disaster. You would know that you could stay in a hotel and get your house repaired with or without the help of the insurance company, whereas if you were extremely poor you would have nowhere else to go and may not even have been able to afford insurance in the first place.

In conclusion In the past students have come to me and said they think that environmental psychology is going to be a really difficult topic because they cannot understand what it is going to cover. I hope from this outline of the potential effects of the environment on us, you will see that it isn’t difficult at all. Although different people respond differently to each situation, which very much relates to their past experiences and personality, ultimately, we are all affected by environmental events. Therefore remember that the topic of environmental psychology aims to address the interaction of the individual and

Introduction

the environment and tries to explain, using psychological theories, why certain environments produce different effects. We also have to bear in mind that the term ‘environment’ means not only the buildings around us, but also the numbers of people present and the climate, noise and pollution levels at the time. We must also consider how psychological knowledge can help us deal with the stressful environments in which we live and use this understanding to help us create better environments for the future. KEY TERMS autonomic arousal control (actual and perceived) diseases of adaptation external locus of control fight/flight response General Adaptation Syndrome internal locus of control learned helplessness measurement of stress resources self-efficacy social support stress response stressor subjective Yerkes–Dodson theory

Further reading Kalat, J. W. (1988). Biological Psychology. Belmont: Wadsworth, pp.325–329. Sarafino, E. (1994). Health Psychology: Biopsychosocial Interactions (2nd ed.) New York: Wiley, Chapter 4.

Websites http://collections.ic.gc.ca/heirloom_series/volume4/222-223.htm http://www.stressdoctor.com/ http://www.dushkin.com/connectext/psy/ch12/bio12.mhtml These are all sites giving information on stress.

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one

1 Environmental stress – noise

Introduction Environmental stressors can be described as factors in the environment which cause us prolonged discomfort. The immediate sound of a car alarm or a police siren may result in an immediate response, but if they are rare and short-lived, they would not really qualify as environmental stressors. On the other hand, if they persist over time or we have to deal with them on a relatively regular basis, they could then be categorised in this way. Environmental stressors come in many forms but perhaps the most pervasive form is noise, from the examples given above to the sound of an alarm clock ticking incessantly through the night when all you want to do is go to sleep. What makes it worse is that the more we want the noise to go away, the more pronounced it seems to become as our level of arousal increases. This arousal may have a number of consequences by influencing our performance, affecting our social behaviour or even resulting in a decline in health. However, if we can control it in some way, we tend to find the noise far less stressful. THIS CHAPTER EXAMINES:

• definitions and sources of noise • negative effects of noise on performance, social behaviour and health • positive uses of sound (music).

Definitions One of the most pervading elements of our lives is noise and it is one of the most effective environmental stressors, from the irritating sound of the ticking alarm clock or the car alarm going off in the middle of the night, to the constantly barking dog, to the man next door playing strange music on his

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electric organ at 3 o’clock on a Sunday afternoon. What these sounds have in common is that they are unwanted and this really is the definition of noise – it is unwanted sound. However, this should make you realise immediately that it is a very subjective definition because, for instance, some people may actually enjoy electric organ music and find it a pleasant interlude on a Sunday. Noise has other characteristics (besides simply being wanted or unwanted) and these are its physical characteristics. Sound is actually created by the brain’s interpretation of rapidly changing air pressure at the eardrum. When air molecules are forced together this produces an increase in air pressure and this level of pressure, the frequency of its changes from high to low, and how extreme the changes are, all cause changes in the vibration of the eardrum. This vibration ultimately causes activation in the sensory receptors of the ear that is interpreted by the nervous system and perceived as different types of sound. Due to their physical characteristics, there are some sounds which those people with normal hearing would define as noise (or even pain) – sounds containing unpleasant physical characteristics such as very high pitch or excessive loudness causing overstimulation of the ear’s sensory receptors. • Table 1.1: Decibel scales

Decibels 140 Painful e.g. jet engine aircraft taking off next to you 130 120 110 Car horn at 1 m 100 Shouting 15 cm away from the ear 95 Sound of a train arriving at an underground station 90 Heavy lorry at 15 m or sound of a lawnmower (N.B. this level causes hearing damage after 8 hrs) 85 Pneumatic drill at 15 m 80 75 Goods train at 15 m 60 55 50 Average conversation 40 Background noise in a library 30 Very quiet (clock ticking or whisper at 5 m) 20 10 Barely audible 0 Hearing threshold

Environmental stress – noise

In order to consider these different aspects of sound, a scale of loudness has been developed which measures the different pressures in one simplified measurement called a decibel (dB). What we must remember is that because a decibel is a simple measurement, it cannot accurately compare different levels of sound because although one sound might have ten times more pressure than another sound, the pitch or frequency might vary and we are more sensitive to some pitches than others. However, it is the one most commonly used when assessing levels of noise. For an idea of decibel scales, see Table 1.1.

Sources of noise TRAFFIC NOISE

Surveys conducted to find out what is the most frequently cited type of noise pollution all indicate that traffic noise comes at the top of the list and can reach potentially harmful levels (Lawson and Walters, 1974). Trains are another potentially damaging source of noise with people living close to busy mainline railways being exposed to noise as high as 100 dB (Raloff, 1982). Aircraft noise has been associated with hearing problems and high blood pressure in those living near airports. The same people also reported high levels of annoyance which were not altered by the fitting of double glazing – which suggests that the annoyance was not totally volume-related but may have had more to do with predictability and control (Isling et al., 1990). O C C U PAT I O N A L N O I S E

The other main source of noise is occupational noise. The kinds of noise you might experience in a factory or an office may be somewhat different. Office noise especially tends to be wide-band noise (noise consisting of many different frequencies), with the sounds of office machinery and conversation merging into a constant hum. On the other hand, noise from factory machinery or construction sites or even coal mines are often greater than the legal ceiling of 90 dB and may be as high as 120 dB (Raloff, 1982). In fact evidence from the American Occupational Safety and Health Administration found that in 1981, more than half of US production workers were being exposed to levels of noise likely to result in permanent hearing loss (OSHA, 1981). Although in the UK there are strict guidelines for the protection of workers in noisy industries (having to wear ear-protectors etc.), the potential for hearing damage is ever-present. MISCELLANEOUS NOISE

Noise is also present in our everyday environment with neighbours’ conversation, loud music, doors slamming, dogs barking, lawnmowers and so on. In fact, surprisingly, we often expose ourselves to high levels of sound in

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the form of loud music, either from live concerts or simply from stereos or Walkmans. If we add the different sounds together, it is understandable that such a mixture of stimulation must have some effect on our lives. Section summary

•

•

•

Noise can be defined as unwanted sound but this is a very subjective definition as one person’s noise is another person’s joy. Noise has a number of physical characteristics such as volume and frequency although these are usually referred to collectively by a measurement called a decibel. Sources of noise include traffic, occupations and miscellaneous noises such as talking, dogs barking and other environmental activities.

The effects of noise Although not all noise effects are negative, in the next section we are going to consider the negative effects of noise in three main areas: • • •

effects on performance effects on social behaviour effects on health.

It will soon become evident that noise can be a chronic environmental stressor (Glass and Singer, 1972) and even though we may seem to become used to it, it still affects our levels of stress over time by making us less tolerant and more likely to become frustrated. Noise has arousing properties and we may find it necessary to deal with our own discomfort at the arousal, either by removing ourselves or by managing over time to ‘block out’ the noise. This will result in us taking less notice of other environmental information (narrowing our field of attention) as we use our processing capacity (see theme link box below) to cope with the situation and consequently constrain what would be our normal behaviour. Theme link to ( the

information-processing approach )

The information-processing approach to psychology is based on the suggestion that we process sensory information (acquired by sight, sound, smell, touch or taste) through a number of different stages, in order to interpret it and decide whether it requires some kind of response. The information-processing approach uses the analogy of the


way a computer processes information, either serially (where one process is completed before the next is started) or in parallel (which means that lots of processes can occur at the same time). The approach focuses on trying to define the processes or structures used to process the information. Donald Broadbent (1958) proposed one of the first informationprocessing theories when he described his filter model of attention. He suggested that we have a limited capacity for processing information (processing capacity) and that is why we cannot pay attention to everything that is going on in our environment. According to Broadbent, we select information on the basis of its physical characteristics and it is this information which receives further processing. This suggestion that we have limited capacity has never been disputed; however, other aspects of Broadbent’s theory have been challenged, not least, how we select information for further processing. The implications of the idea that we have limited processing capacity help to explain why we may ignore some information when we are attending to something else (especially if we were to accept Broadbent’s idea that we select information on the basis of its physical characteristics, for example how loud it is!). The environmental load approach has been developed from the work of Broadbent and suggests that if the amount of information available exceeds the person’s capacity to process it, we develop a kind of sensory tunnel vision. The amount of processing required for each piece of information will depend on the nature of the information and whether or not it is familiar to us. Thus a piece of information which is unfamiliar will take up more processing capacity and result in less processing of any other information. This would explain why something novel will distract us from doing anything else. We will expend all our efforts on dealing with that one piece of information.

EFFECTS OF NOISE ON PERFORMANCE

Most of us believe that noise impairs performance – the noisier it is, the more mistakes you tend to make. Research evidence has demonstrated that this is not always the case (see Bell et al., 1996, for a comprehensive discussion). It depends very much on the task you are performing and also the nature of the noise. If the task is a simple task, then noise is less likely to affect the way you perform and may even facilitate performance by keeping you more alert. However, if it is a more complex task, you may spend more time dealing with the levels of arousal that the noise has produced and this will use up processing capacity, which means that you are less likely to perform well. Predictability will also affect performance, so that if you are able to predict when noise occurs, you are less likely to be distracted by it.

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Performance has been measured in both naturalistic settings and within the laboratory. Bell et al. (1996) claim that laboratory research indicates that noise as high as 100 dB has little effect on participants’ performance for simple motor or mental tasks. If another component is added, such as lack of predictability, this seems to upset performance of more complex tasks where people have to concentrate (e.g. memory tests, vigilance tasks and tasks which require participants to do more than one thing at a time). However, if people think they have some sort of control over the noise, this will produce far less interference. workplace performance Broadbent and Little (1960) found that when noise was reduced by 10 dB, workers in a film-producing factory made fewer errors. The problem here is that there are numerous confounding variables which may have caused the results, making the findings inconclusive. In fact what may be happening is that the reduction of noise simply boosts employee morale and this in turn increases productivity. Employees may be able to talk to each other without straining to hear what the other person is saying and this may result in them being able to put more effort into their work. Evidence has demonstrated that low-level noise in open-style offices results in higher levels of stress and lower task motivation (Evans and Johnson, 2000). Forty experienced female clerical workers, with an average age of 37, were randomly assigned to either a quiet office or one with lowintensity office noise (including speech) for three hours. The workers in the noisy office experienced significantly higher levels of stress (as measured by the amount of epinephrine in their urine) and made 40 per cent fewer attempts to solve an unsolvable puzzle, than did the control group in the quiet office. The researchers found, however, that typing performance was not affected, but this may have been because typing becomes an automatic process and therefore requires less processing than more cognitive tasks. Evans and Johnson also discovered that the workers in the noisy offices were much less likely to adjust their chairs, footrests, whiteboards and document-holders than workers in quiet offices. Evans suggests that the reason for this is because people who are suffering from stress, and are therefore highly aroused, tend to focus on the main task and don’t have sufficient processing capacity to pay attention to anything else. Interestingly, loud background conversation is more disruptive to performance than noise of the same volume but not consisting of conversation. This is probably because when lots of people are talking at the same time, we may have problems discriminating speech as each ‘signal’ masks the next. In order to make sense of the information we require considerable processing capacity which will take that capacity away from other tasks.


Theme link ( Measurement

of stress )

The issue of stress measurement is an extremely controversial topic with many people suggesting that it is virtually impossible to get at how someone really feels. Measurement of autonomic arousal, mentioned earlier (e.g. blood pressure and pulse) is one potential method. Another technique involves using a pencil-and-paper rating of stressors, with the stress responses as separate variables. One well-known method is to identify potential stressors and ask people to identify which stressors they have experienced. If each of the • Table 1.2: Holmes and Rahe’s (1967) social readjustment rating scale

Life event 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Mean value

Death of a spouse 100 Divorce 73 Marital separation 65 Jail term 63 Death of close family member 63 Personal injury or illness 53 Marriage 50 Fired at work 47 Marital reconciliation 45 Retirement 45 Change in health of family member 44 Pregnancy 40 Sex difficulties 39 Gain of new family member 39 Business readjustment 39 Change in financial state 38 Death of close friend 37 Change to different line of work 36 Change in number of arguments with spouse 35 Mortgage over $10,000 31 Foreclosure of mortgage or loan 30 Change in responsibilities at work 29

Life event

Mean value

23. Son or daughter leaving home 24. Trouble with in-laws 25. Outstanding personal achievement 26. Wife begins or stops work 27. Begin or end school 28. Change in living conditions 29. Revisions of personal habits 30. Trouble with boss 31. Change in work hours or conditions 32. Change in residence 33. Change in schools 34. Change in recreation 35. Change in church activities 36. Change in social activities 37. Mortgage or loan less than $10,000 38. Change in sleeping habits 39. Change in number of family get-togethers 40. Change in eating habits 41. Vacation 42. Christmas 43. Minor violations of the law

29 29 28 26 26 25 24 23 20 20 20 19 19 18 17 16 15 15 13 12 11

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stressors is given a ‘stress’ rating then it is possible to calculate the total stress rating of all stressors experienced to produce an overall stress score. In fact this was done by Holmes and Rahe (1967) in their social readjustment rating scale which was produced by asking about 400 adults of different ages, genders, religion and ethnicity to rate 43 different life events for the amount of adjustment needed to cope with them. They found that in general, the participants were in strong agreement as to the most distressing events. The conclusions from a number of studies which used both retrospective and prospective methods (where stress ratings were taken and then medical records checked at a later stage), were that there was a positive correlation between high stress scores and illness. However, the correlation was quite weak which suggests that there may have been other factors that contributed to ill health. Holmes and Rahe also concluded that the higher the total stress score, the more likely people were to develop an illness. The items on the list are very much age-related. For example, if you are middle-aged or older, you stand a greater chance of experiencing some of the events listed here, like a son or daughter leaving home. More to the point, what happens if you haven’t experienced any on the list but are still extremely anxious? Also what does ‘trouble with boss’ actually mean? Many of the events are extremely ambiguous, culturally specific and even out of date, and take no account of the different coping strategies used by each of us to offset the effects of stressful experiences. There are many other pencil-and-paper stress tests which all suffer from similar problems. The most important thing to remember when evaluating their use is to consider whether they really are a reliable and valid method of finding out how people feel.

c h i l d r e n ’s p e r f o r m a n c e Cohen et al. (1973) conducted a number of field studies looking for a correlation between traffic noise and reading ability of 55 school-age children living in a number of residential buildings in New York. The buildings chosen were high-rise blocks located near busy highway junctions. Having controlled for social class and air pollution, it was discovered that the children on the lower floors had a lower level of reading ability and poorer hearing discrimination than the children on the upper floors. These ‘lower’ children had to adapt to the high levels of noise and had done this by learning to ignore auditory signals. The trouble was, this also affected their ability to pick up information which would help them with reading performance. More supporting evidence comes from Bronzaft (1981) who compared the reading ability of children at a New York school, one group being taught in


classrooms which were next to a noisy railway line. The second group of children from quiet classrooms had significantly higher reading scores than the other group of children. One year after the local government fitted rubber sound-reducing materials to the railway tracks, the performance score differences no longer existed. Further research has looked at the performance of children living near airports. Cohen et al. (1986) and Evans et al. (1993) all found that children attending the noisier schools showed significantly poorer performance levels when solving complex problems. They also discovered that the children from the noisier schools were on the whole less motivated and less tolerant of frustration. However, there could have been any number of other variables which influenced performance such as the nature of the teaching and the socio-economic background of the children. laboratory performance Laboratory studies which have considered the effects of noise on performance have suggested that noise may have an immediate effect on performance, but it may also have more long-term consequences such as ill health, especially if the participants have no control over the noise. Glass et al. (1969) found that participants exposed to unpredictable, uncontrollable, high-intensity noise (108 dB) showed poorer performance at proofreading, a decreased ability to resolve cognitive problems and poor tolerance levels in comparison with controls. Further research has supported the idea that degree of control affects task performance. Sherrod et al. (1977) manipulated the amount of control over noise exposure given to three groups of participants. The aftereffects of the study were that the participants who had the least control had the lowest levels of tolerance of frustration in a puzzle-solving task. T H E E F F E C T S O F N O I S E O N S O C I A L B E H AV I O U R

Noise, as we have already seen, affects the way we deal with different types of external stimuli, because it takes up our attention and influences our levels of arousal. It would therefore make sense to expect that noise is going to have an effect on our social behaviour, especially in the areas of attraction, affiliation, aggression and helping behaviour. the effects of noise on attraction and affiliation Attraction is the state of being drawn to another person, either in a sexual way or simply in order to strike up some kind of friendship or affiliation. Psychologists frequently measure attraction and affiliation by looking at interpersonal distance: we would expect people who like each other or are attracted to each other to sit or stand closer together. Consequently if noise interferes with these processes, we would expect it to produce a change in interpersonal distancing. Take the example of noise producing high levels of

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stress. If you feel stressed, you are less likely to be as friendly to someone as you would when you are quite relaxed. Therefore you would (if the measure is a valid measure) keep a greater distance between yourself and another person. You would not want to have to deal with the increase in arousal produced by them getting close to you (see Chapter 6). Mathews et al. (1974) found that subjecting participants to high levels of noise (80 dB) increased interpersonal distancing. However, these results seem more likely with males as Bull et al. (1972) found when they exposed their participants to 84 dB of background noise. Although the participants generally reported that the high noise led to less liking of each other, the females actually expressed a greater liking for others who had been exposed to the same noise levels. This may be because women are generally more willing to share their feelings of discomfort, especially with another person who has had the same unpleasant experience. More conclusive evidence on the way noise affects social behaviour has been demonstrated using studies of aggression. It would make sense that if an individual has a predisposition to aggression when they are aroused, then they are likely to become aggressive in a noisy environment which acts as a means of arousal. Research has indicated that this is the case: individuals who have a predisposition to aggression are more affected by noise (Zillman, 1979). One study, conducted by Geen and O’Neal (1969) discovered that giving participants a burst of white noise made them more aggressive than watching an aggressive film. They divided the participants into two groups, one watching a prize fight and the other a sports film. Half the participants in each of these two groups simply experienced the normal noise level of the laboratory but the other half were given a two-minute burst of 60 dB white noise (a broad band of frequencies which sounds like a television without the aerial plugged in, a really horrible crackling noise). The participants were then given the chance to be aggressive to a confederate of the researcher by giving them electric shocks which were

Aggressive film of a violent prize fight

Normal noise

2-minute burst of white noise

Non-aggressive sports film

Normal noise

2-minute burst of white noise

• Figure 1.1: The experimental groups in Geen and O’Neal’s (1969) experiment


5 Average number of shocks

4.5 4 3.5 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 No noise – sports film

Noise – sports film

No noise – violent film

Noise – violent film

• Figure 1.2: Results of Geen and O’Neal’s (1969) experiment into the effects of noise on aggression, showing the average number of shocks given to the ‘victim’ in each experimental condition.

measured for intensity, duration and number (even though no shocks were actually given). The results supported the expectation that people who saw the violent film and experienced the white noise would give the most shocks. However, those who experienced the white noise with the non-aggressive sports film were actually more aggressive than the participants who had seen the film but hadn’t experienced the noise. Further research by Donnerstein and Wilson (1976), who used a similar design, indicated that unpredictable noise has a greater impact on aggressive behaviour than predictable noise. Later research demonstrated that even when participants were angry, if they were given control over the noise it was less likely to result in aggressive behaviour. It therefore seems that noise increases aggression only when people are already angry – it does not produce anger. the effects of noise on helping behaviour Noise has been shown to reduce helping behaviour, probably because we are more concerned with dealing with our own discomfort rather than helping others. In fact we may not even notice that others are in distress. In 1975, Matthews and Canon demonstrated the effects of noise on helping behaviour by conducting two experiments, one in a laboratory and one in a natural environment. In the laboratory study, each participant waited to take part in an experiment with a seated confederate who was reading a journal with a pile of books on his lap. Whilst waiting, they were exposed to either 48 dB of everyday noise, or 65 dB or 85 dB of white noise which came from a hidden

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80 Percentage who helped

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60 40 20 0 48 dB

65 dB

85 dB

Level of noise • Figure 1.3: Percentage of participants who gave help at different noise levels in Matthews and Canon’s (1975) laboratory experiment

speaker. The researcher called to the confederate who stood up, dropping the books on the floor in front of the subject. It was expected that helping behaviour would be associated with the lower levels of noise, and sure enough, this was what the researchers found. As you can see, as noise levels go up, helping goes down, with helping rates varying from 72 per cent at the lowest noise level to 37 per cent at the highest noise level. The second study was a field experiment that required a confederate to drop a box of books while getting out of a car. In half the trials he had a plaster cast on his arm and in the other half he had no cast – the idea being that he would look more needy with the cast. Noise was manipulated by the presence of a lawnmower which was either running extremely noisily (producing approximately 87 dB) or was silent, just leaving the background noise at about 50 dB. The no-cast condition produced similarly low levels of helping, irrespective of noise. The results in the plaster-cast condition are probably the most surprising. When the lawnmower was silent, passers-by helped 80 per cent of the time, but when the lawnmower was running, only 15 per cent of passers-by assisted the confederate. It seems that most evidence tends to suggest that noise reduces helping behaviour. No plaster cast

Lawnmower running (87 dB)

Lawnmower silent (50 dB)

Plaster cast

Lawnmower running (87 dB)

Lawnmower silent (50 dB)

• Figure 1.4: The experimental groups in Matthews and Canon’s (1975) naturalistic study


Percentage who helped

90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 50 dB – no cast

50 dB – plaster cast

87 dB – no cast

87 dB – plaster cast

• Figure 1.5: Percentage of participants who helped the victim in the different conditions in Matthews and Canon’s (1975) naturalistic study

The issue of control again mediates the effects of noise as shown by Sherrod and Downs (1974) who asked participants to proofread in one of three conditions whilst monitoring (paying attention to) a series of random numbers played over a tape recorder. The first two groups had no control over noise levels, one experiencing pleasant sounds of the sea, the second hearing jazz music and someone reading out loud at the same time (an irritating combination which would make it very hard to monitor the numbers). The third group also had the irritating combination of noise but were told they could stop the distracting noise if they wished. On leaving the laboratory, the participants were approached by a confederate who asked for help filling in a form. The seashore group offered the most help, the group that had control came next and the group offering the least help was that subjected to the dreadful noise without any means of control! In conclusion, it seems that there are a number of factors which influence helping behaviour and these are the amount of control we have over the noise, the volume of noise, and the characteristics of the person needing help. Although the Matthews and Canon study involved the use of someone with a plaster cast (which involved deceiving participants into thinking the confederate really needed help), it seems that much of the research on helping behaviour has involved people who need help more as a matter of politeness than real urgency. It would be interesting to do a ‘Piliavin’-type experiment involving someone collapsing in situations of varying noise levels, rather than simply dropping books!

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T H E E F F E C T S O F N O I S E O N H E A LT H

One of the most obvious health risks of high levels of noise is hearing loss. Most damage occurs with levels of noise between 90 and 120 dB because of temporary or permanent damage to the tiny hair cells in the cochlea of the inner ear. Temporary damage usually recovers within 16 hours after exposure. A report by Rosen et al. (1962) found that if you live in a relatively quiet environment, your hearing will not deteriorate. He found that 70-year-old Sudanese tribesmen had hearing abilities comparable to those of 20-year-old Americans. The effects of noise can be found not only in adults and teenagers but also in the unborn. In one study, Lalande et al. (1986) found that children tested between the ages of four and ten who showed high-frequency hearing loss, were more likely to have been born to women who were exposed consistently to occupational noise in the range of 85 to 95 dB during pregnancy. This study, however, involved asking the participants to estimate the noise levels they had been exposed to and, as you will realise, retrospective evidence is rarely reliable. Evidence from both animal and human studies has suggested a link between noise exposure during pregnancy and foetal abnormalities although the evidence is not consistent. Further research has demonstrated an increased link between premature births and high noise levels. A retrospective Danish study of babies born to women aged between 20 and 34, found that mothers who lived in areas of high aircraft noise gave birth to babies with significantly lower birthweight (Knipschild et al., 1981). The study controlled for socio-economic status by assessing health insurance applications, and matched the two groups for the sex of the baby, but the researchers did not look at whether the mothers smoked or not and this may have been extremely relevant when looking at birthweight. One of the most effective ways of damaging hearing is long-term exposure to high levels of noise such as that produced by Walkmen and CD players which can produce sound levels as high as 100 dB. Playing in a rock band or working as a disc jockey has also been shown to effectively damage hearing as the music exposure can be as high as 110 to 120 dB. In fact regulations say that the maximum exposure you should have for this level of noise is 30 minutes per day. High levels of noise can produce an increase in physiological arousal and consequently result in stress, and as we saw in the introduction, long-term stress can lead to illness. Rosen (1970) described the involuntary human reactions to loud noises which include the constriction of blood vessels, skin becoming pale, pupils dilating and so on. Ward (1953) discovered that this typical stress response occurs in humans while they are awake, asleep, under anaesthesia and even after the cerebral hemispheres have been removed! In support of this idea, Jerkova and Kremorova (1970) discovered that workers exposed to occupational noise have more stomach ulcers, a physical symptom of high levels of stress.


Noise can also indirectly affect health by encouraging unhealthy behaviours such as smoking and drinking. In a laboratory experiment, Cherek (1985) discovered that there was a direct relationship between volume of noise and smoking. Participants undertaking a laboratory task took more puffs and each puff was larger with an increase in noise volume. Theme link ( The

diathesis–stress paradigm )

Davison and Neale (1996) suggest that one way of understanding the development of stress and stress-related illness is to use the diathesis– stress paradigm. This paradigm or concept suggests that some people have a predisposition for developing stress-related illnesses because they have either a genetic or biochemical imbalance. This results in them being more vulnerable than the rest of the population to high levels of stress, and that this vulnerability is relatively permanent (diathesis). This was supported by a study by Theorell (1990) who showed that noise effects on blood pressure were only seen in families who had a history of hypertension (high blood pressure).

There is also evidence that noise affects mental health. Abey-Wickrama et al. (1969) found that psychiatric admission rates in areas around Heathrow airport correlated with levels of noise pollution, although Chowns (1970) pointed out that these findings may have been due to the nature of the area rather than the noise. However, Kryter (1990) concluded that aircraft noise is significantly and positively related to admission to psychiatric hospital (because of the stress associated with airport noise). Industrial studies have also supported the idea that high-intensity noise is associated with headaches, nausea, instability, anxiety, mood changes and sexual impotence (Cohen et al., 1977). Other research, such as that conducted by Stansfield et al. (1993), looking at the effects of traffic noise on 2398 men in the UK, suggests that noise generally leads to increases in annoyance rather than psychological disorders. However, with all of these studies there could be other factors involved which may relate to increased stress. If everyone exposed to noise suffered with problems and people who lived in quiet environments were fine, then we could directly relate the problems to noise. As this is not the case, we must remember that there are other influential factors in our lives which may act as stressors. Also the nature of the person and the nature of the situation may mediate the effects of the noise.

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FA C T O R S A F F E C T I N G O U R R E S P O N S E T O N O I S E

Having considered some of the research which suggests that noise has detrimental effects, we need to be aware that there are a number of factors which actually mediate the effects of noise (or in fact any kind of environmental stressor). Source of the noise Artificial noise (remember we mean unwanted sound) is known to cause more annoyance than natural noise such as a bird screeching. Characteristics of the noise Have you noticed that an alarm clock ticking in the middle of the night is far more irritating than when it ticks during the day? The reason is that during the day, the noise is masked (covered up) by numerous other noises of everyday living, and although it still has the same volume and frequency, it is difficult to differentiate. Duration of event Knowledge about the duration of the noise will influence how well you deal with it: if it is short term, it is much easier to cope with. Predictability If a noise is predictable, it is less disturbing. If you imagine a fire alarm being tested every Friday at 12 noon, you will find it less distressing than one going off at random times. Congruity Imagine that you arrive at your holiday hotel, only to find it is right next door to a building site where men are shouting at each other and the sounds of diggers, drills and lorries fill the air. Holidays are meant to be a time of relaxation and therefore this unexpected noise is incongruous in that situation and will increase your annoyance. Controllability Another mediating factor is perceived control. If you believe you have some control over a noise, even though you may choose not to do anything, you will feel less anxious. Interestingly, if we have an internal locus of control and high self-efficacy beliefs, our perception of our ability to control the situation will be increased, even if the situation remains the same. Necessity If we perceive the cause of the noise to be necessary, we are far less intolerant.


Responses of others Other people’s response to the noise may have an influence on how we feel – either to increase or decrease our levels of arousal. Past experience If we grow up in an environment with high levels of noise, we are far less likely to find it as unpleasant as a person who has had the opposite experiences. We also habituate to noise, i.e. we get used to it – this is common amongst people who live near railway lines and no longer notice the trains. People who have lived in towns or by busy roads often find that a move to the country is ‘too quiet’ and that they find the silence equally upsetting. Physiological differences Evidence from a number of sources suggests that we may have differing sensitivity to noise (Bell et al., 1996). People with high sensitivity are more likely to respond negatively to noise whereas people with low sensitivity show greater resistance to the effects of noise. This does not mean that they have different hearing abilities, however. Stansfield et al. (1993) found that highly noise-sensitive people showed higher rates of anxiety and psychological disorders although these may not be directly related to noise levels. This may be because people described as neurotic have difficulty in habituating to noise and may therefore react more strongly to it. Feelings about the environment If you were dissatisfied with your environment, unwanted sounds would probably make it worse, whereas if you liked your environment, you would tend to discount or ignore the noise. Evidence has also suggested that if we think that people making noise are actually concerned about our feelings, it will make us far more tolerant. Perceived health risks If you believe that the noise you experience is likely to affect your health, this will influence your feelings towards the noise. In fact it is the perception of health risks that is all-important here; if you make a habit of walking around with a Walkman plugged into your ears, you will be more likely to play down the health risks to enable yourself to go on using the device. Age As we get older, it seems that our responses to noise change. When I was in my teens, I really enjoyed listening to rock bands but now I no longer enjoy that kind of music because my definition of noise has changed over time. The evidence to suggest that age influences the effects of noise, however, are less clear-cut. Vallet (1987) discovered that children have fewer physiological

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responses to noise than older people. Consequently they suffer less sleep disturbance. However, there is no conclusive evidence to suggest that performance is better in younger children working in noisy conditions than older people. Gender Lukas (1975) found evidence to show that young girls suffered more sleep disturbances than males in noisy conditions although studies using older subjects have produced no conclusive differences. It would seem that there are other factors besides gender which interact with noise levels to produce the varied results. Locus of control People with an internal locus of control seem to be able to ignore noisy conditions and can perform better on cognitive tasks (Collins-Eiland et al., 1986). Personality type According to Eysenck (1967), there is a relationship between levels of autonomic arousal and personality type. He suggested that we all have an optimum level of arousal at which point we are comfortable and this is directed by the reticular activating system (RAS) in the brain. If our RAS reduces the ‘volume’ of the incoming stimuli, we fall below the optimum level. This under-arousal may result in boredom, sleepiness and general nonmotivation. On the other hand, if our RAS amplifies the incoming signals, we become over-aroused which, as you know, will result in us becoming stressed and anxious. Eysenck proposed that extroverts have low levels of autonomic arousal and therefore seek excitement and stimulation in order to increase their arousal levels to comfort, whereas introverts are already highly aroused and therefore seek lifestyles which are peaceful and quiet in order to lower their arousal levels. This theory therefore predicts that introverts would be less able to deal with highly arousing environmental situations than extroverts. Campbell (1992) discovered that extroverts perform better in noisy conditions. Geen et al. (1985) demonstrated that introverts are more affected by highintensity noise than extroverts when performing a vigilance task. Type A and Type B personalities Friedman and Rosenman (1974) compared the lifestyles of heart disease patients and those who were healthy, and found that there seemed to be two types of people, who displayed different patterns of behaviour. They called these Type A and Type B personalities. Type A personalities were very competitive, and drove themselves tirelessly in order to achieve self-set goals. They always tried to pack too much into a day because for them there was


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never enough time, and they would get really annoyed if they were held up or if things got in the way of them achieving their goals. It was this group who suffered the highest levels of heart disease. Type B personalities were essentially the opposite, being far less competitive, much more laid back about time and showing little if any hostility to others. Consequently, they felt far less stressed and upset about external events and suffered very low levels of heart disease. With regard to noise and personality type, the Type As deal with noise far better than Type Bs and show less performance decrement for complex tasks. Moch (1984) suggested that this is because they seem more able to ignore the noisy environment.

•

•

•

•

•

• •

Section summary Noise is a chronic environmental stressor and may influence our ability to process information, which in turn may affect our normal behaviour. Noise has a detrimental effect on complex task performance but can improve performance on simple tasks because it is arousing. Control over the noise will help mediate the negative effects, and reductions in noise in the workplace have resulted in an increase in employee morale. Children who live in environments with high levels of noise often have poorer reading ability and hearing discrimination, which has been explained by their having learnt to ignore auditory signals. Noise can affect social behaviour, with high levels of noise leading to reduced affiliation in men (measured by increased interpersonal distancing), but not in women. It also influences aggression in people who are already angry, as measured by the administration of electric shocks after experiencing a burst of white noise, but it does not actually produce anger. High levels of noise decrease altruistic behaviour in both laboratory and field studies, in spite of the nature of the needy person. Noise has been shown to affect physical health. People subjected to high levels of noise have shown a decline in hearing. Babies and young children who were exposed to high noise levels before they were born have shown a number of hearing problems. High levels of noise are associated with high levels of stress and mental illness. There are a number of factors which affect our response to noise and these relate to the nature of the person and the nature of the situation.

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Positive uses of sound – music If we accept the fact that unwanted sounds can have a negative effect on our lives, it stands to reason that perhaps the opposite is also true. Perhaps wanted sounds produce positive effects. When I was studying in my teens and early twenties, I remember always playing my stereo or having the television on. I also remember my mother throwing up her hands in despair – unable to understand why I found I could study more effectively with some kind of sound than in silence. Does this sound familiar to you? I doubt that any of you would dispute that music is an integral part of the lives of most hearing people; in fact, many of us listen to music most of the time while going about our everyday activities. Music is not only an enjoyable sound, it has many more functions. Our choice of music can form part of our social identity because certain types of music are often associated with certain social groups. It can set the atmosphere at a social event, it can influence our moods by reminding us of past experiences, it can change our level of activity, our perceptions of an environment, it can alter consumer behaviour and it can alter our level of concentration. In fact, it is because music is believed to have such powerful effects that many stores and hospitals have their own personal ‘in-house’ radio stations. Contemporary music research has focused so far on the behaviour of people in different environments to see how different types of music may affect them. Volume, type (classical music, pop music and what is known as easylistening music, together with cover versions of original artists) and tempo have been manipulated and have produced relatively robust findings. We are going to continue by looking at three of these areas. THE EFFECTS OF MUSIC ON CONSUMER ACTIVITY

Smith and Curnow (1966) found that the quieter the music, the more time people spend in a supermarket. However, there was no overall difference in sales. Millman (1982) found that the number of beats per minute (tempo) of music also influenced consumer behaviour. He played two different pieces of music and measured the time it took shoppers to move between two points in a store. The slower music produced on average a slower speed of movement and also resulted in the same customers spending more money. There is also evidence that speed of music influences speed of eating and drinking (Roballey et al., 1985; McElrea and Standing, 1992). These studies suggest that music, by the very nature of its properties (such as complexity, volume or tempo), can influence the autonomic nervous system and lead to an increase in arousal. Obviously these findings could be used in a positive way by retailers to influence the way they would like their customers to behave. We associate different types of music with different experiences – what is known as musical fit. It can be explained by the fact that hearing a particular


piece or type of music automatically acts as a cue to activate a ‘neural network’ or schema which contains information about either the music or the situation. (This explains why a particular piece of music can conjure up memories of specific holidays but seems out of place when played in a different environment.) Consequently, certain music can strongly influence our perception of a situation, even though we are unaware of it happening. Areni and Kim (1993) effectively demonstrated the effects of musical influence in a wine cellar by playing either classical music or music taken from the Top 40. Although there was no difference in the quantity of wine purchased, people tended to buy more expensive wine when classical music was playing. Perhaps we all associate classical music with quality and expense which consequently influences our behaviour. North and Hargreaves (1998) supported this idea with their study looking at the effects of three different types of music on the perceived image and purchases made by visitors to a student cafeteria. Classical music seemed to create a sophisticated, up-market image, pop music produced an image of the cafeteria as a lively, fun place, and easy-listening music resulted in the place being seen as ‘tacky’. The music also influenced the amount of money customers spent, with classical music resulting in the most money being spent, and easy-listening the least. THE EFFECTS OF MUSIC ON WAITING TIME

Research has suggested that the old adage ‘time flies when you are having fun’ is not actually correct. When we are bored, or waiting for something to happen, such as the arrival of a bus, we have time to encode and process lots of information about our environment (such as counting the bricks on a wall) as there is nothing else to do. We are aware of this processing and this means that the time actually seems to go quite slowly. In contrast to this, Matlin and Stang (1978) suggest that time seems to go more slowly if we are having a positive experience (at least in retrospect) because they suggest that we remember positive experiences more readily than negative experiences (known as the Pollyanna principle). Therefore if we reflect back on a situation, we are more likely to recall something good than the number of bricks on the wall. This contradiction suggests that there must be a trade-off between enjoyment and time perception – if you make the waiting good fun then you will think you have been waiting for longer, so perhaps the answer is to make the waiting unpleasant. This has been investigated by looking at the effects of the spoken word, no music and different types of music played down the telephone when people are waiting in a queuing system to be connected. Ramos (1993) found that, compared with a spoken voice, playing music made people hold on for longer. North et al. (1999) discovered that the type of music made a difference to the length of time participants would stay connected when waiting to take part in a

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300 250 Seconds

34

200 150 100 50 0 Beatles

Pan pipes

Recorded messages

• Figure 1.6: Average length of time people were willing to wait to answer an attitude questionnaire, in North et al.’s (1999) experiment

make-believe telephone questionnaire on attitudes. The study involved deceiving the participants who were told they would be paid to take part in the questionnaire, and simply timing how long they hung on in each of the three conditions. The first condition involved playing original Beatles songs, the second condition played cover versions of Beatles music performed on pan pipes and the third used recorded spoken messages. Interestingly, the participants who heard the pan pipes waited for longest which could be explained by the fact that the Beatles music may have made them think their waiting time was longer as it was more enjoyable. On the other hand, they reported the fact that they found the pan pipes more relaxing and this might have made them more willing to wait. It seems that if we want to produce an overall method of reducing perceived waiting times, it would certainly be best to play disliked music. However, we must be careful not to make it too loud or of a particularly fast tempo as these characteristics may increase arousal levels and quantity of processing and therefore increase perceived waiting. THE EFFECTS OF MUSIC ON PERFORMANCE

Research by Adrian North focusing on the effects of music in the workplace has also produced generally positive findings. Workers at an assembly area in a large computer company in Stevenage were played either liked music (as rated by workers) or neutral music (easy-listening music), or they worked in silence. Their morale measurements were taken by rating scale in each of the three conditions. The morale scores increased with the music, the liked music producing the higher scores, and this may in turn reflect on productivity. Further research has indicated that music improves performance of simple tasks by increasing arousal, but reduces performance of complex tasks probably due to over-arousal (or simply by being distracting).


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The final conclusions from these findings are that music can be used for arousal modification, to stimulate memories or associations and to influence mood. However, the type of music and the nature of the listener will all have some influence on the overall effects the music produces. Therefore, when you are sitting in a traffic jam and someone pulls up beside you playing some very loud, very fast music, just keep your distance, because his or her level of arousal may well be at danger level! •

• •

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•

Section summary Music has been shown to influence consumer behaviour. Slow music encourages slow movement around a supermarket and therefore gives more time for browsing, resulting in more money spent, whilst fast music speeds consumer walking. These findings are caused by the effect of music on the autonomic nervous system. We associate different types of music with different experiences, a phenomenon known as ‘musical fit’ and this can influence perceptions, e.g. classical music can produce the perception of a place being more expensive and up-market. Liked music requires more processing, making us perceive waiting times as shorter. People realise how long they have been waiting if they pay attention to the music they hear over the telephone. Music in the workplace increases worker morale and improves performance of simple tasks.

KEY TERMS decibels diathesis–stress model environmental load approach extroverts habituating hypertension introverts musical fit parallel processing performance decrement Pollyanna principle processing capacity reticular activating system serial processing Type A and Type B personalities wide-band noise

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EXERCISE 1

The effects of different types of music on performance Choose a task such as a wordsearch or maze and assess participant performance according to type of background music, using an independent subject or matched pairs design. Wordsearch scores could be calculated by recording the number of words found in a given time, and maze scores could be calculated using length of time taken to reach the end of the maze. Music types used could be classical, pop or rock music with a control group performing in silence. EXERCISE 2

The effects of music on autonomic arousal Find yourself two groups of participants (or one group randomly divided into two groups). Explain to participants that you are interested in the effects of music on blood pressure and take their blood pressures as a baseline measure. Play the first group some rock or heavy metal music for five minutes and then take their blood pressures again. Play the second group some relaxing music such as Reiki tapes or mood sounds for five minutes at the same volume and then take their blood pressures. Look for a significant difference in the changes in blood pressure between the two groups. EXERCISE 3

The effects of music type on consumer spending Ask the manager of a local store to allow you to investigate whether music will increase consumer spending. The store can be a village shop or even a large supermarket although the owners of small to medium-sized shops are usually more willing to help. You should choose the same day of the week for both trials (possibly a Saturday) which would prevent day becoming a confounding variable. The data measured would be the amounts of money taken at the end of each of your two days according to the music played.


EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Outline one study of noise in which high levels of noise decreased helping behaviour. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the ethical implications of studying the effects of noise on helping behaviour. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe psychological evidence which demonstrates the negative effects of noise on human behaviour. [10 marks] (b) Evaluate psychological evidence which demonstrates the negative effects of noise on human behaviour. [16 marks] (c) Explain positive ways in which music has been used to influence behaviour in commercial settings. [8 marks]

Further reading Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 5. Bonnes, M. and Secchiaroli, G. (1995). Environmental Psychology, A Psychosocial Introduction. London: Sage, pp.97–105. Cassidy, T. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Behaviour and Experience in Context. Hove: Psychology Press, pp.69–78. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, pp.249–252 (classroom noise), pp.91–92 (noise sensitivity), pp.279–286 (noise in the workplace). Hargreaves, D. J. and North, A. C. (Eds) (1997). The Social Psychology of Music. Oxford: Oxford University Press. North, A. C. and Hargreaves, D. J. (1998). ‘The effect of music on atmosphere and purchase intentions in a cafeteria’. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 28, 2254–2273.

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North, A. C., Hargreaves, D. J. and McKendrick, J. (1999). ‘Music and on-hold waiting time’. British Journal of Psychology, 90, 161–164. Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995). Environmental Psychology: An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 8.

Websites http://www.aap.org/policy/re9728.html). A review of the studies on the effects of noise on the hearing of the foetus and newborn. www.enn.com/news/enn-stories/2001/03/03302001/noise_42363.asp Office noise – an environmental hazard http://www.nonoise.org/ Noise Pollution Clearing House http://stress.about.com/library/weekly/aa072401a.htm Ten ways to reduce environmental stress http://www.news.cornell.edu/releases/march98/noise.stress.ssl.html Airport noise and children http://www.news.cornell.edu/Chronicles/2.1.01/low-level_noise.html Office noise http://www.worldrevolution.org/Resources.asp?CategoryName=Noise+Pollution The World Revolution – noise pollution

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2 Climate and weather

In the UK, warm spring days are a welcome change after the short days and cold temperatures of the winter months.The changing weather seems to have an effect not only on our behaviour but also on the way we feel. Warm sunshine makes us look and feel healthier, but if it is accompanied by oppressive humidity, the beneficial effects are reduced. It is at times like this that the lifestyles of people in different parts of the world seem to make sense. It has been suggested that climate determines our lifestyles and there is some truth in this suggestion. After all, when it’s bitterly cold, we don’t spend our time doing the same things as we would do on warm summer days. THIS CHAPTER EXAMINES THE FOLLOWING ISSUES:

• definitions of climate and weather: types of climate and weather; climatological determinism • effects of climate and weather on performance and social behaviour (focus on one aspect of climate/weather only) • effects on health such as seasonal affective disorder.

Definitions Environmental psychologists differentiate between climate and weather by considering climate to refer to the average temperature we would expect over a long period, and weather to refer to the day-to-day changing conditions, such as rain or wind or sunshine. Consequently it is much easier to investigate climatic influences because, as they are relatively stable, it is possible to control for other factors such as socio-economic differences. On the other hand, we are all aware of how the weather can influence mood and behaviour in the short term – we are much happier when the sun shines, yet often become very short-tempered when it is extremely hot. Yet trying to isolate the causes of behaviour in relation to the weather is more difficult.

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C L I M AT E

There are really three different types of climate: hot, cold and temperate, and these are dictated by global position. The highest temperatures are found at the equator, which lies in closest proximity to the sun, and the coldest are found near the Poles. Britain is considered a temperate climate because we do not experience either extreme (although with global warming it is likely that we will experience higher temperatures over the coming decades). W E AT H E R

There are, as you know, endless permutations in the weather during the course of a year. Hot weather can be humid or dry; cold can be caused by wind chill or simply due to very low temperatures; rainfall can be heavy or drizzle; winds can be extreme gales or hurricanes, or they can be the kind of hot dry winds of the desert, and sunshine can be scorchingly hot or simply hazy. All these factors are influenced by atmospheric differences, such as higher or lower levels of oxygen, and so to try to identify one single variable is extremely difficult. However, environmental psychologists tend to focus on temperature, wind and sunlight for most of their research, but have to remain aware of the fact that we can rarely accept one single factor to be responsible for subsequent behaviour. C L I M AT O L O G I C A L D E T E R M I N I S M

The idea that the climate directly determines our behaviour (climatological determinism) is one that has been around since the times of the great Greek philosophers. Hippocrates and Aristotle believed that both the weather and the overall climate influenced our bodily fluids (humours), making us more likely to be hot-headed, cool and calculating and so on. Although we have moved beyond the idea of bodily fluids as behavioural determinants, it does make some sense to think that the climate will have some influence on our behaviour. If you live in an area where the midday sun is too strong to bear, you may adapt your lifestyle to work when the sun is much lower in the sky. Similarly, if it is extremely cold during the winter months, your activity during the summer may well focus on gathering food and belongings in order to make trips in zero temperatures unnecessary. Henry Buckle, a geographical determinist, suggested in his book The History of Civilisation in England (1857–1861) that there is a strong relationship between type of climate and the amount of labour undertaken by the population – suggesting that climates indirectly determine lifestyles. He suggested that cold climates would inhibit the amount of work undertaken (probably due to practicalities such as cold hands and having to wear lots of clothing), while people who lived in hot climates were generally more lethargic. Consequently, temperate climates were seen to be the most favourable, not only because the population find the physical act of work less unpleasant, but

Climate and weather

also because they are far more productive agriculturally. In temperate climates, crops grow readily and result in production often being greater than requirements. If this is the case, the people who live in temperate climates do not need to work all the time in order to survive, and once they have free time to spare, it gives them the opportunity to develop culturally. The kind of climatological determinism described so far is only weakly supported by correlational evidence. There is, on the other hand, much stronger biological evidence to suggest that when exposed to extreme climatic conditions, we do adapt physiologically. Frisancho (1979) found evidence that people living at high altitudes, such as in Tibet or Peru, have larger hearts in order to compensate for the relatively lower atmospheric concentration of oxygen. Perhaps we ought to consider a more simple approach to climatological determinism – that is, to look at the effects of the climate on the physical environment in which people live and the effects these environments have on their lives. It is certainly the case that climate influences farming practices because certain crops can only be grown in certain areas (Gärling and Golledge, 1993), and Henry (1994) described how changes in climate resulted in changes in the locations of prehistoric human encampments in order to enable survival. Other researchers have suggested that changes in climate may account for the disappearance of some of the native American tribes due to depletion of food and resources (Frazier, 1986). Populations who live in the inhospitable areas of the Poles or the dry and barren areas near the equator, have to work extremely hard to scrape a fairly meagre existence. In order to provide the basic necessities of life, the aspirations and behaviours of the people involved will be very different from those who can provide for themselves and then have time to spare. Maslow (1954) explained the idea in his theory of the hierarchy of needs when he emphasised that without the basic physiological needs being fulfilled, we cannot gain what he called self-actualisation. Figure 2.1 illustrates the hierarchy and shows how basic physiological needs such as food and drink come at the bottom of the hierarchy and need to be fulfilled in order for us to climb the next step of the ladder which is the need for safety. Towards the top of the hierarchy we find the higher-order cognitive and aesthetic needs and finally reach the state of self-actualisation when all the other component stages have been satisfied. According to Maslow, we all strive to reach our full potential and achieve all we are capable of achieving, but very few people actually reach this state of self-actualisation because we are too busy trying to meet the lower-level needs. Few of us will be unaware of the pleas for aid to help support famine victims who are at the mercy of the elements. Lack of rainfall and excessive heat may well result in crop failure – resulting in the population’s basic necessities being unfulfilled.

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Selfactualisation Realising one’s full potential ‘becoming everything one is capable of becoming’. Aesthetic needs Beauty – In art and nature – symmetry, balance, order, form. Cognitive needs Knowledge and understanding, curiosity, exploration, need for meaning and predictability. Esteem needs The esteem and respect of others, and self-esteem and self-respect. A sense of competence. Love and belongingness Receiving and giving love, affection, trust and acceptance. Affiliating, being part of a group (family, friends, work). Safety needs Protection from potentially dangerous objects or situations (e.g. the elements, physical illness). The threat is both physical and psychological (e.g. ‘fear of the unknown’). Importance of routine and familiarity. Physiological needs Food, drink, oxygen, temperature regulation, elimination, rest, activity, sex.

• Figure 2.1: Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (based on Maslow, 1954)

Maslow suggested that we measure self-actualisation by focusing on the number of peak experiences we have. By peak experiences, Maslow was referring to those rare occasions when all seems right with the world and we feel an inner feeling of pure elation and joy. Maslow’s theory is often criticised for being too simplistic and there is little research evidence in its support, especially for the seven distinct categories of the hierarchy. For example, Wahba and Bridewell (1976) reviewed 17 studies and found that there was some evidence for the existence of only two of the categories, those of deficiency and growth. Later work by Baumeister and Leary (1995) found that motives which are lower in Maslow’s hierarchy do take

Climate and weather

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precedence over the higher motives, but as Hall et al. (1998) pointed out, there are always exceptions. Hall stated that even when the lower-level needs are unmet, some people seem to continue to be motivated by the higher-order needs, ignoring some of the more basic requirements. There will always be the case of the starving artist or the homeless missionary who achieves fulfilment. In the meantime, it provides an interesting perspective to use when considering climatological determinism. Most of the arguments put forward to support the idea of climatological determinism tend to focus on overall lifestyles rather than day-to-day behaviours. There is no doubt that climate does influence lifestyles but our lifestyles are made up of day-to-day experiences. What we must remember is that there are many other variables that influence our lives, for example the type of person we are (individual differences), and factors in the environment such as pollution and crowding. Trying to look at the link between one variable and the next is extremely difficult. For example, climate may influence building design, which in turn influences behaviour. Socio-economic influences can also dictate how we cope with extreme climatic conditions. If we are wealthy and it is extremely hot, we can install air-conditioning, whereas if we are living in poverty, there is no escape from the heat and the way we subsequently feel and behave will be influenced accordingly.

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Section summary Climate is the average temperature over a long period of time and can be generally classified as either hot, cold or temperate. Weather is considered to be the rapid and therefore short-term variations of the condition of the air within a specific climate. It is affected by atmospheric differences. Climatological determinism is the idea that the climate determines our behaviour. This may be as a result of the direct effect of the physical characteristics of climate on our behaviour. Alternatively, it may be due to the influence of the climate on the physical environment, which makes it very fertile, or dry and arid, for instance, and requires a modification in lifestyle in order for people to survive.

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Effects of temperature and light on performance and social behaviour • •

In order to consider the effects of the climate on performance and social behaviour, we will focus on temperature. In order to consider the effects of weather on performance and social behaviour, we will focus on light.

The reason for choosing these factors is because in natural environments, temperature is usually associated with the light provided by the sun. In fact, temperature has attracted a tremendous amount of research in terms of its effect on performance and social behaviour, and light has been the focus of research into health. Although we are going to look at both of them separately they do, in fact, overlap. T E M P E R AT U R E

Past studies have either looked at the natural effects of seasonal and daily variations in temperature, or manipulated temperature within the laboratory. As we have already mentioned, prolonged extremes of heat or cold can influence not only behaviours but lifestyles. However, the question is, do fluctuations in the ambient (surrounding) temperature influence our behaviour? The answer is a resounding ‘yes’. perception of temperature Temperature perception involves both physical and psychological components. If we look outside and it is cold and frosty, we will expect to feel cold. We perceive exactly how cold it is by the stimulation of skin receptors, some of which are sensitive to lower temperatures and others to higher temperatures. Both types respond to a change in temperature more than to the absolute (i.e. constant) temperature. In order to explain this, imagine being outside on a cold winter’s day and then coming inside. You will perceive the room as much warmer than it feels to others who have been in that room for some time. Sometimes other factors influence our perception of temperature. If it is very humid, we find the heat uncomfortable. This is because one of the ways we cool our bodies is to produce sweat, which evaporates into the air, cooling the skin. If it is very humid, the air is already saturated with water and so cannot absorb any more, leaving us feeling clammy and uncomfortable. the effects of temperature on performance Research evidence has tended to use the same types of tasks to determine the effects of temperature. These tasks are usually either memory tests, mathematical calculations, tests of reaction times or vigilance tasks, and

Climate and weather

research has been carried out in both laboratory and field settings. According to Bell et al. (1996), overall findings indicate that temperatures above 32°C impair mental performance after two hours and physical performance after an hour of exposure in participants unused to that temperature. However, the performance decrement is not always linear and some studies have supported the idea of the Yerkes–Dodson inverted U proposal which suggests that as temperature increases, performance increases to a certain level and then declines. Poulton (1970) discovered that temperatures below 13°C (which is not particularly low) can affect performance which requires physical movement such as tactile discrimination, fast reaction times and muscular dexterity. However, if the hands are kept warm, these effects are minimised. Research conducted in industrial settings has focused on the possibility that temperature might impair productivity or affect safety and accident risks. Link and Pepler (1970) found that the productivity of women making clothes declined as temperatures increased, and Crockford (1967), Kobrick and Sleeper (1986) and Meese et al. (1984) found that high ambient temperatures resulted in reduced visual acuity and attention, and an impairment of cognitive functioning. Theme link ( Applications of psychological research: heat casualties amongst army personnel )

Tromp (1980) suggests that it takes between three and 14 days to adapt to a very different environmental temperature, for example moving from a temperate to a tropical climate. The length of time required depends on the person’s cardiovascular fitness. If this is the case, then army personnel who are expected to commence operations upon arrival in war zones are likely to suffer, despite their high level of cardiovascular fitness. In fact, British military studies have reported that between 20 and 25 per cent of troops flown into tropical regions have suffered considerable deterioration in combat effectiveness during the first three days of arrival. In order to prevent the occurrence of ‘heat casualties’, troops should be allowed several days to acclimatise before being asked to take part in active duties (Adam, 1967).

If we consider temperatures within a classroom, you will be aware that on some days the classroom is very humid whilst on other occasions there may be a stifling dry heat. Therefore if we are looking at indoor temperatures, there are other variables that may also affect performance such as humidity and air circulation.

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Theme link ( Quasi-experimental

method of sampling )

In order to investigate classroom temperature, Pepler (1972) conducted a quasi-experiment. This is an experiment in which participants are not allocated randomly to one or other condition. The reason for this is often ethical but random allocation may actually be impossible. In his study he compared student performance in air-conditioned and nonair-conditioned schools that were matched geographically and in the socio-economic status of students. He compared the performance of participants in areas ranging from spelling to languages to mathematics. He found that the students from non-air-conditioned schools fared worse with their performance showing more variability as temperatures rose, whilst this variability in test performance was not evident in the students from the air-conditioned schools. This suggests that temperature change affects some people more quickly than others, but ultimately, extremely high temperatures affect everyone. However, we cannot be sure that the students were matched academically and differences between the teachers may have influenced student performance.

From the evidence so far, it would be a reasonable assumption that the most comfortable climate produces the best performance. However, several studies have challenged this idea. Auliciems (1972) examined arithmetic and intelligence test scores in British classrooms. The best performance was found when the temperature was slightly below the optimal comfort level. Performance was also better when humidity was low and air circulated moderately. The study, however, was correlational and not well controlled, so the findings must be considered tentative. In another study, children read in controlled temperatures ranging from 68°F to 86°F. Their reading performance declined as the temperature rose, but at the higher temperature, the performance rose again slightly. This suggests that there is not a linear relationship after all. In summary, the main conclusions are that the warmer the temperature, the poorer the performance, but that cooler temperatures do not produce such a marked performance decrement. However, we must remember that the type of task set may be more suited to some people than others, for example on average extroverts do not score well in vigilance tasks. Supposing the task set is a physical task. In high temperatures this may result in an increase in metabolic rate and possible dehydration which will interfere with the body’s functioning, whereas if the task is mental, this is less likely. Also the nature of the temperature variations may exaggerate responses; for example, high

Climate and weather

humidity can influence temperature perception by making it seem even hotter and more unpleasant. Theme link ( Should we sit exams in the hot summer months? )

High temperatures can result in high levels of arousal due to feelings of discomfort, and also potentially cause dehydration. These physiological effects on the body can be used to explain why we show a performance decrement in high temperatures. Therefore conducting the annual round of examinations in the height of the summer may not be ideal. However, winter may also not be ideal as windows are closed to maintain classroom heat, reducing the levels of oxygen in the air. Perhaps we should consider having examinations in the spring, when the days are getting longer but the ambient temperature is just below optimal comfort level. the effects of temperature on social behaviour The effects of temperature on attraction and affiliation When it is excessively hot or cold, we begin to feel uncomfortable. Our response is to try to return to a more comfortable, unaroused state by either cooling off if it is too hot, or warming ourselves if it is too cold. If we are unable to change the situation, our response is to try to find some way of dealing with our feelings. In fact, the last thing we want is to deal with even higher levels of arousal, like those caused by the presence of others. Therefore it would make sense to suggest that extremes of temperature are likely to reduce affiliative social behaviours, and this is, in general, what has been found. Ruback and Pandey (1992) found that rickshaw passengers in India reported more negative feelings towards others as the temperature become uncomfortably hot. Interestingly, they also found that if the passengers told other people about their sense of discomfort, they felt less negative. This may have been because simply by expressing their discomfort, they felt they were more in control of the situation, even though they were unable to do anything to escape. One study which illustrates how different temperatures can influence the way that we evaluate strangers was conducted by Griffitt (1970). Past research has indicated that we are likely to rate strangers more highly if we think they share our attitudes. Therefore, by manipulating the ambient temperature, we should be able to observe the effects on the way that participants feel about these strangers. If temperature can affect affiliation, we would expect to see that uncomfortably high temperatures would override our feelings for others, irrespective of the similarity in attitudes. Griffitt gained a

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measure of participants’ attitudes and then manipulated the situation by dividing them into two groups. He subjected one group to a temperature of 20°C and the other to one of 32°C. Half the 20°C-group were told that the strangers they had to evaluate agreed with 25 per cent of their attitudes and the others were told that the strangers agreed with 75 per cent of their attitudes, and the same was done for the 32°C-group. The strangers they were asked to evaluate (in terms of ‘likeableness’) were actually hypothetical – not real people. • Table 2.1: Results of Griffitt’s (1970) study

Temperature 20°C (normal)

Temperature 32°C (high)

Strangers agreed with 25% of attitudes

Rated as relatively unattractive


Strangers agreed with 75% of attitudes

Rated as relatively attractive


Results of the study show that in the normal temperatures the attitudes of the strangers influenced attractiveness ratings whereas in the high-temperature group, the high temperatures reduced the ratings for the strangers irrespective of their attitudes. However, the participants were rating hypothetical strangers who were not actually present and if someone shares your experience of discomfort, this decrease in attractiveness rating does not seem to take place. This is one of the biggest criticisms of the Griffitt study. Bell and Baron (1974, 1976) suggested that heat will have a much smaller influence on attraction when the people to be rated were real people. In order to investigate this, they manipulated the situation by having a stooge present to either insult or compliment the participant whilst varying the heat of the room. In effect the design was very similar to the Griffitt study described above. The results indicated that the participants were more likely to vary their attractiveness ratings of the stooge according to whether the stooge had insulted or complimented them, with lower ratings coming with insults and higher ratings with compliments, but the temperature, in this case, had no significant effects. So this study implies that heat makes no difference to interpersonal attraction because the complimenting stooge’s ratings were the same irrespective of room heat. However, another explanation may be that if we share an environment with someone else and they are subjected to the same unpleasant experience, we may feel far more positive towards them, because the positive feelings towards that person actually cancel out the negative feelings towards the environment (Bell et al., 1996).

Climate and weather

Effects of temperature on aggression There has always been speculation that there is a relationship between heat and aggression, but it became evident during the urban and campus riots which occurred in the US during the 1960s. The US Riot Commission (1968) noted that the temperature on the days when all but one of the 1967 riots started was at least 27°C and this became known as ‘the long hot summer effect’, resulting in considerable research into the relationship between temperature and aggressive behaviour. Goranson and King (1970) supported this association in their more formal study which compared the incidence of riots with temperature. They indicated that the riot outbreaks occurred when the temperatures rose considerably over a short period, whereas during years when temperatures remained more constant, there were no riot outbreaks. Many of the major riots in British history have occurred during the hot summer months: the Notting Hill riots in August 1976 (19°C); the Toxteth riots in July 1981 (21°C); the Brixton riots in September 1985 (21°C); the Handsworth riots, the same month (21°C). The second wave of Toxteth riots which occurred in October 1985, took place in a 27°C-heatwave. Further evidence for the relationship between temperature and aggression has come from murder rates in London, where statistics have indicated that the murder rate peaks in the summer months. Further statistical indicators of the effects of heat on aggressive behaviour have come from Michael and Zumpe (1986) who analysed 27,000 instances of women being abused by their live-in male partners. He concluded that the frequency of abuse is closely related to annual changes in ambient temperature. A 1983 study, by the US National Institute of Mental Health, found that July and August were the peak months for incidents of rape after analysing 50,000 rapes in 16 different locations. In fact, the relationship between heat and aggression was recognised in law in eighteenth-century Italy where the effect of the sirocco, which is a hot humid wind that sweeps annually through the Mediterranean, was used in court as a mitigating circumstance in criminal trials.

Theme link ( The correlational method of studying temperature and crime )

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Compare crime rates across geographical regions to see if there is a relationship between temperature and crime rates. However this does not take into account socio-economic differences between areas as temperature often dictates socio-economic status with the poorer regions being the ones with extremely high temperatures. Compare crime rates in the same area over time and see if they bear any relationship to temperature. This method has produced evidence

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that there is a relationship between the two, but it has also shown that violence is rising over time in any event (Rotton and Frey, 1985). It also does not take into account at what time in a given day a crime occurs – the temperature on a given day can vary considerably, being cool in the early morning and at night and extremely hot at midday. Concomitant temperature, or temperature which accompanies an event, has been used in studies which record the temperature at the time the aggressive behaviour occurs. This is the best method to use as it gives the relevant information necessary to look for a relationship between the crime and actual temperature, and can be applied to both field and laboratory studies.

We must be aware that there could be other factors which influence the relationship between temperature and crime. When it is hot, people gather together outside, they drink more, they wear fewer clothes, and leave their house or car windows open. In fact, looking at the evidence of the types of crime which increased with temperature, collected over a four-year period by Baron and Ransberger (1978), we can see the importance of these factors. Assault, burglary, collective violence and rape all increase with temperature up to about 85°F. Anderson (1989) also found that murder, rape, assault and wife beating increased with temperature, while on the other hand Rotton (1993) found fewer sex crimes were reported on cold days. Concomitant field studies have given considerable evidence of a link between temperature and aggressive behaviour. Baron (1976) found automobile drivers honked their horns (demonstrating irritation or hostility) more when temperatures exceeded 29°C. Kenrick and MacFarlane (1986) studied horn honking in moderate and extremely hot temperatures (above 38°C) in Arizona. They arranged for a car to pull up repeatedly at a set of traffic lights and refuse to go when the lights turned green. Just to make matters worse, the occupants then got out of the car and took out their clipboards, measuring how long it took for someone to sound their horn (and how often they did so), before getting in and moving their car. They found a linear relationship between temperature and promptness of horn honking, and that the number of honks also increased according to temperature. However, both studies showed that if the cars were air-conditioned, the heat did not affect levels of horn honking (so we should always look for confounding variables which might moderate the relationship between heat and aggression). A study by Baron and Bell (1975) supports what is known as the negative affect escape model which suggests an inverted U relationship between arousal and response. This model suggests that as discomfort increases, so will negative responses such as aggression, but beyond a certain level, these

Climate and weather

negative responses will decline as people become more focused on alleviating their own discomfort. They arranged for participants to be either insulted or complimented by a stooge and then gave participants the opportunity to give the stooge electric shocks. The experiment was carried out by different groups operating in different ambient temperatures. • Table 2.2: Results of Baron and Bell’s (1975) study

Temperature 23°C

Temperature 35°C

Participants complimented Gave fewer shocks to by a stooge complimenting person

Gave more shocks to complimenting person

Participants insulted by a stooge

Gave fewer shocks to insulting person

Gave more shocks to insulting person

As you can see from the table above, the 23°C participants, as expected, gave more shocks to the insulting person and fewer to the complimentary person, but in the 35°C-condition, the opposite occurred. In fact they actually reduced the shocks given to the insulting stooge and gave more shocks to the complimentary one. This can be explained by the idea that the combination of the insulting stooge and the high temperature raised the arousal level of the participants over the top of the peak of the inverted U, so they began to feel less aggressive, whereas the complimentary stooge neither increased nor decreased their levels of arousal. Effects of temperature on altruism If extremes of temperature make us feel uncomfortable, we are less likely to help others as we are coping with our own negative feelings. On the other hand, if we are feeling distressed and others are too, we may feel more drawn towards them and actually want to help them as a way of distracting ourselves from our own discomfort. Despite these speculations, there is no conclusive evidence to show that heat affects helping in any significant way; some studies suggest it increases helping behaviour while others suggest the opposite. Perhaps variables like the nature of the person and the nature of the situation have a greater effect on helping behaviour than temperature. Two studies which found some relationship between temperature and helping indicated that if people are comfortable they are more willing to help irrespective of the situation. The first study compared two groups of participants who had been taking part in experiments. One group had been in an uncomfortably hot room whilst the other group had been in a room with a more equable, comfortable temperature. The ones who had been in the hot room were significantly less likely to offer to take part in a further experiment than the other group (Page, 1978). The second study discovered that

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participants were less likely to help in an interview as temperatures increased in the summer but were more likely to help when temperatures increased in the winter months (Cunningham, 1979). Schneider et al. (1980), on the other hand, found no relationship between temperature and the amount of help offered. In order to ensure that the findings were relatively robust, they decided to vary the nature of the incident which required some kind of help. The confederates needing help either dropped a book whilst using crutches, needed help finding a lost contact lens, dropped a sack of groceries or asked people to take part in a survey. factors affecting our response to temperature Physiological differences Recent research has indicated that during the first months of life, we develop enough sweat glands to deal with the ambient temperature of the region in which we are born. After that time, we are no longer able to adjust the number of sweat glands we have. This could be why some people are far more tolerant of high temperatures than others, and why some feel the cold more, though it is possible to acclimatise over time. Clothing There are other confounding factors like how much clothing you are wearing and your level of physical activity (obviously, the more active you are, the lower the temperature you require). Source of the heat We tolerate higher heat from the sun than from a heater, partly because we perceive it to be safer and more natural. Characteristics of the heat We find humid heat less tolerable than dry heat. Characteristics of the person If a person has a predisposition to be aggressive, for example, over-arousal will probably make that aggression worse, whereas it is less likely to cause an effect in non-aggressive people. Similarly, people with an internal locus of control will be less likely to feel powerless and therefore will not become so over-aroused by high temperatures. If we expect the occurrence of extremes of temperature, we find them less distressing. Also the duration of the exposure to extreme temperatures influences our ability to deal with them. Perhaps the most important factor is whether or not we have any control over the temperature.

Climate and weather

LIGHT

You will probably be aware that in natural environments, temperature is usually associated with the light provided by the sun. We go on holiday to the Mediterranean, for example, seeking sunshine and warmth – the two seem to go hand in hand. Similarly, we usually associate cold temperatures with dark winter evenings or shortened days. Interestingly, light has far more subtle effects on our health than any other environmental factor and it is actually quite difficult to look at temperature in naturalistic environments without introducing the confounding effects of light. We know that the changing patterns of sunlight and temperature throughout the course of the year have a direct influence on the behaviour of plants and animals. In the winter months, when the days are shorter and the temperature is lower, some animals hibernate, and even when the temperature remains mild, they may still become sleepy, responding simply to the length of the day. The changing seasons, marked by day length and temperature, influence migratory patterns and affect the growth of plants. Length of daylight also affects humans by influencing body temperature, hormone levels and sleep and wakefulness. Gwinner (1986) found that captive migratory birds, kept in a constant temperature and given 12 hours of daylight and 12 hours of darkness throughout the year, would still become restless every spring and autumn when they would normally be migrating. These findings suggest that mammals have internal or endogenous rhythms which act irrespective of day length and temperature. In fact, to support this idea, evidence has been obtained from human volunteers who have lived in total darkness for periods of time with no external cues as to time of day. By keeping a log of their activities over time, it was discovered that their body clock seemed to follow a 25-hour pattern rather than the 24 hours of our normal day. Although this difference is insufficient to disadvantage us significantly, it does explain why, when given the opportunity, we often rise later and go to bed later than we would when having to get up early to go to work or college. Light therefore seems to act as a zeitgeber (from the German word which means ‘timegiver’), moderating the circadian (daily) and circannular (yearly) internal rhythms and preventing them from going too fast or too slow. It does this by affecting the suprachiasmatic nuclei (SCN) which have been identified as the master biological clock’s probable site. The SCN are a cluster of about 10,000 cells just in front of the hypothalamus, which receive information about the amount of light coming in through the eyes. In fact its name simply means that it lies above (supra-) the optic chiasma (‘chiasmatic’), which is the place in the brain where tracts of fibres originating at the retinae of the eyes cross over each other. This cluster of cells acts as an oscillator producing a signal which varies sinusoidally (in a sine-wave form) over a 24-hour period. In effect, our master clock uses this available visual information as a way of coordinating the

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rhythms of our inner world with the rhythm of the light–dark cycle in the outer world. The SCN’s signal affects a small gland at the base of the brain known as the pineal gland which produces melatonin, the hormone responsible for making us feel sleepy. Therefore melatonin levels follow the sinusoidal SCN variation, rising in the evening to put the brain to sleep with a peak output occurring at around 4 a.m. Melatonin is produced by the conversion of serotonin. When it is light, melatonin production decreases allowing an increase in serotonin levels. In fact, they are extremely similar chemically but they have almost the opposite effect on the brain – melatonin makes you sleepy whilst serotonin increases levels of alertness. In fact serotonin also controls the levels of many of the other neurotransmitters. It would seem that animals’ internal sense of length of day is also based on changing melatonin levels and it is this which affects their behaviours in a number of different ways according to the species. Sheep, for example, begin mating activity with the shortening of the days, whereas Syrian hamsters stop mating as the days shorten in autumn. It seems likely, then, that the amount of light (and melatonin production) has some influence on the behaviour of human beings. All studies of light should take into account the fact that light exposure has three dimensions: intensity or brightness, timing of exposure to light and finally the spectrum of light being provided, from the short wavelengths of ultraviolet to the long wavelengths of infra-red. However it was not realised how important light intensity was to the production of hormones (and consequently arousal) until scientists began to study the effects of light on hormone production. Therefore some of the early studies into the effects of light did not control these variables. effects of light on performance In an American study, Mayron et al. (1974) compared 98 first-graders in four classrooms. Two classrooms had cool white fluorescent lamps and two had daylight fluorescent lamps. The ‘daylight’ children were observed to pay more attention to the teacher. However, only one of the daylight classes scored better than the other three groups on tests including reading. It was concluded that the classroom conditions were not sufficiently controlled in terms of lighting and the children were not randomly assigned so the differences may have been present before the study commenced. Further studies have been designed taking into account potential confounding variables. Dalezman et al. (cited in Fletcher, 1983) investigated the performance of college women at information-processing tasks. The women performed better under daylight (full-spectrum) fluorescent lamps than under common cool white fluorescent lamps. Another well-controlled longitudinal study supported the idea that light affects performance. Munson and Ferguson (1985) compared the physical performance of elementary

Climate and weather

schoolchildren under cool white and daylight bulbs after two weeks and then again seven to eight weeks later. The results were that the children who worked under daylight bulbs made fewer mistakes on a hand-steadiness task (such as taking a hoop of wire on a handle over another piece of wire without letting them touch). These results suggest that the children working in the cool white light had higher levels of physiological arousal than the other group. Further studies support the idea that cool white light bulbs are more physiologically arousing (see Gifford, 1997) which has implications for the kind of lighting provided within educational institutions. If we accept that melatonin is related to levels of arousal, this suggests that there could be a problem with the level of alertness maintained by night-shift workers. Similarly night driving results in the highest rate of accidents per car on the road, peaking at around 3 or 4 a.m., again corresponding with peak melatonin output for most of us. In Chapter 5 you will read about the disaster at Three Mile Island which happened in the early hours of the morning. Similarly Chernobyl, the Bhopal chemical disaster, and the Exxon Valdez oil spill all occurred during the night. effects of light on social behaviour Cunningham (1979) suggested that sunlight not only leads to good moods in people, but is also associated with increased altruistic behaviour. In one experiment, people in Minneapolis, USA were greeted by an experimenter as they walked outdoors and were asked to answer a few brief questions. Participants were more willing to answer the questions the brighter the day, regardless of any other weather conditions, in both summer and winter. In the second experiment, waitresses in a restaurant were found to receive more tips during periods of increased sunlight. This relationship was found, even though customers were indoors and were not experiencing direct sunlight at the time of leaving the tip. Theme link ( Correlations

do not show cause and effect )

Cunningham’s (1979) research into the size of tips left for waitresses used a correlational design. The research also found that the mood of the waitresses positively correlated with the amount of sunlight. We must remember here that this is correlational evidence and correlations do not necessarily show cause and effect. Remember that the sunlight may not have been the cause of the waitresses’ good humour. They may simply have been more heavily tipped by happy customers which in turn may have improved their mood considerably, and so on.

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Section summary

•

•

•

Temperature • Research studies into temperature and light have been either naturalistic or laboratory-based but the effects of temperature and light overlap. Therefore any naturalistic research must take into account the influence of both. The effects of temperature may be confounded by humidity and air circulation. Overall findings on the effects of temperature indicate that high temperatures impair mental performance after two hours and physical performance after an hour of exposure, and that temperatures below 13°C can affect performance which requires physical movement. Social behaviour is influenced by temperature with extreme temperatures reducing affiliative responses. However, the effects of temperature on affiliation are negated if another person shares the unpleasant environment. There is a relationship between heat and aggression with evidence indicating a higher incidence of riots with extreme temperatures (although there may be other variables involved such as social behaviours and consumption of alcohol). There is no conclusive evidence to show that heat affects helping, with some studies suggesting an increase in helping with temperature while others suggest the opposite. Individual differences will affect our response to temperature variations.

Light • Light acts as a zeitgeber, or timegiver, by moderating the circadian and circannular internal rhythms of both plants and animals. • Lack of light influences the production of melatonin which is the hormone responsible for making us feel sleepy. With an increase in light, melatonin production decreases allowing serotonin levels to rise, which in turn raises our level of alertness. • Evidence suggests that some kinds of light can affect performance by increasing physiological arousal and this can relate to the performance of night-shift workers. High levels of sunlight correlate with improved mood and an increase in altruistic behaviour.

Effects of the climate and weather on health T E M P E R AT U R E

It is inevitable that both the weather and the climate will have effects on our health. When the ambient temperature becomes excessively high we may

Climate and weather

suffer from heat exhaustion, which is characterised by headaches, feelings of faintness, nausea and mental confusion. The reason for this is due to dehydration and the consequent low blood pressure. When we are hot, we need to lose heat. We sweat profusely resulting in loss of water and salt from the blood. The blood circulates near the skin to allow convection of heat from the skin’s surface but because of the increase in metabolic functioning, more blood is required by the vital organs but is just not available. Rest and water are sufficient to recover from heat exhaustion. This is not the same as what is known as hyperthermia or heat stroke, which results in headaches, confusion, staggering, delirium and can lead to death. Heat stroke is caused by the breakdown of the heat-loss processes such as sweating, which in turn causes an elevated body temperature. Because body heat cannot be lost, the activity of the hypothalamus (which is the heat control centre in the brain) is depressed due to overheating. Consequently, the feedback loop which normally regulates temperature ceases to function effectively. This in turn increases the metabolic rate, which increases heat production resulting in the body temperature spiralling upward. Heat stroke can be fatal unless it is dealt with by artificially cooling the body (for example, by immersion in cool water) and administering fluids. Conversely, prolonged exposure to extremely cold temperatures ultimately results in hypothermia, where the body’s core temperature drops. Respiration rate, blood pressure and heart rate fall, cell activity becomes reduced and the body finally exhausts its heat-generating ability. The sufferer ultimately becomes drowsy and shivering stops when the core temperature reaches 30–32°C, by which point they no longer feel uncomfortable. The person will ultimately fall into a coma and death will follow when body temperatures fall to about 21°C. SUNLIGHT

physical health Calcium is essential, not only for strong bones but also for normal neuromuscular function, blood clotting and tooth formation. Vitamin D is an essential ingredient in the process which allows us to absorb calcium from ingested food. We obtain vitamin D through either diet (e.g. fish liver oils, egg yolk and fortified milk) or production in the skin by exposure to natural ultraviolet light. Rickets, a disease that was recognised during the industrial revolution, was a result of the lack of vitamin D in children who were working in factories, away from natural sunlight. Their symptoms were bowed, weak and deformed leg joints, bony projections along their ribcages and deformities of the pelvis. In fact we only need about 15 minutes’ daily exposure to the midday sun on the face and the backs of our hands to produce sufficient vitamin D.

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Most people are now aware of the dangers of ultraviolet light and its relationship with increasing levels of skin cancer. Ultraviolet light can cause changes in DNA molecules and it is this which may lead to cancer. In the UK, the incidence of skin cancer has been rising steadily over the last 30–40 years with around 84,000 new cases being diagnosed each year. While skin cancers can be found on any part of the body, about 80 per cent appear on the face, head or neck, where, as well as being dangerous, they can be disfiguring and therefore produce serious psychological effects. mental health In the northern hemisphere during spring and summer, the fact that our days are longer means our levels of melatonin are lower than at any other time of the year, because it can be secreted only during the hours of darkness. As you know, we have about six to seven hours of darkness in a 24-hour period during the lighter months. In the winter months, melatonin secretion is at its highest as there is less daylight. If you remember, as melatonin increases, serotonin decreases and these changes correspond to how many of us feel during different times of the year. In the summer, when the sun shines and the air is warm, we seem to have more energy, feel happier and want to eat less, whereas in the winter we may feel slightly depressed, have less energy and crave carbohydrates in the form of stodgy foods. Panin and Sokolvo (1988) undertook a study of the effects on men of living in polar conditions where it is continuous night during the winter season. They found that the men showed increases in emotional tension, introversion and neuroticism together with poor social adaptation during the polar night. Some people experience an exaggerated form of these winter symptoms where they may feel ‘down’, have an increased need for sleep, an increased appetite especially for sweets and carbohydrates and experience weight gain. It has been suggested that this condition, known as seasonal affective disorder (SAD) affects up to 20 per cent of people. Severe cases result in mood changes with some people becoming quite melancholy, experiencing real grief, high levels of anxiety or irritability. Others become so irritable that they are actually violent, which may help to explain why the incidence of child abuse increases during the winter (although we have to bear in mind that children are also in the house for a greater proportion of the day). At the same time, physical activity decreases with the sufferer having no energy and feeling sluggish. Most people with SAD end up sleeping for very long periods, almost as if they were hibernating. Rosenthal et al. (1984), working at the National Institute of Mental Health in the US, first described and named this disorder, having discovered a relationship between day length and mood. They noted how mood decreased with shortening days and improved with the increase in daylight in spring. To make sure that this association between change in mood and amount of light

Climate and weather

was more than just mere coincidence, they decided to see if light could reverse the negative moods of their participants. In order to ensure that the Hawthorne effect was not responsible for their decrease in depression, they used two lights of different intensities. (The Hawthorne effect is where people behave differently because they know they are being observed or investigated.) The first was a dim yellow light which had no effect, whilst the second light was much brighter with a frequency spectrum more or less simulating that of natural sunlight. The latter produced a marked improvement in mood in the majority of patients who received that treatment. The disorder is now classified in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th edition (DSM-IV) as a ‘seasonal pattern’ for unipolar and bipolar mood disorders. It seems that 70–80 per cent of SAD sufferers are women and the common age of onset is in the thirties (Watkins, 1997). However, cases of childhood SAD have been reported. It seems that SAD is more common the further north people live, but only up to a point. This may be because people living in the north have developed an ability to adapt to the available daylight hours. However, some people can be so vulnerable to lack of light that they may experience symptoms simply during long stretches of cloudy weather or working inside offices or factories where there is no natural light. Treatment The major treatment for SAD is light therapy or phototherapy, which has proved effective in up to 85 per cent of diagnosed cases. This kind of treatment involves exposing patients each day to an average of one to two hours of bright light which must be at least ten times the intensity of ordinary domestic lighting. In fact ordinary light bulbs emit light at an intensity of 200–500 lux (lux is strength divided by distance) whereas the minimum dosage necessary to treat SAD is 2500 lux (on a bright summer’s day, the light intensity can be as high as 100,000 lux). Treatment involves sitting two to three feet away from a specially designed light box, see Figure 2.2, allowing the light to shine directly into the eyes, although the user can carry out other activities at the same time, such as reading. It is best started in early autumn and continued throughout the winter and into spring when the days begin to lengthen. It can also be used during dull periods in the summer months. The amazing thing is that treatment can be effective within three or four days from commencement of treatment although the user has to continue to use the light every day. Anything which interferes with the light’s access to the eye, such as sunglasses, will render the treatment less effective (Watkins, 1997).

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• Figure 2.2: Woman reading a book as she undergoes phototherapy in front of a light box

Another form of treatment, and one which is actually more effective, is outdoor light which, even when the sky is cloudy, provides more light than a light box. One study indicated that SAD sufferers improved simply by walking for an hour in the natural daylight with no other treatment, during the winter months. One of the biggest problems with light therapy is that long-term treatment compliance is often difficult to achieve. One of the ways of encouraging this is to have professional monitoring by visiting health professionals, as it has been shown that being held to account for your behaviour is a powerful motivator. Another method of encouraging compliance is to have an objective individual, perhaps a family member, to help monitor the patients’ responses to the treatment. The effects of weather changes on most measures of psychological and behavioural response are small in relation to other possible influences such as social pressures. Therefore if weather does have a negative influence on behaviour, it is probably only as one of a number of stressors. Although suicide rates increase when the weather is good, this may be caused by the increased time available to interact in stressful social situations than by the weather alone. On the other hand, weather changes may simply act as another added stressor to our experiences.

Climate and weather

• •

•

•

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Section summary Weather and climate affect health, both physically and psychologically. High temperatures can lead to heat exhaustion or possibly hyperthermia, and low temperatures can lead to hypothermia, both of which may be fatal. Sunlight helps the production of vitamin D in the skin which is essential for the metabolism of calcium. Lack of calcium can, amongst other things, lead to rickets. Exposure to sunlight is also directly related to skin cancer, which has been steadily increasing over the last 30–40 years. SAD, more common in the northern hemisphere, can result in serious depression, weight gain and lack of energy. Light therapy is an effective treatment for SAD as it ‘tricks’ the brain into reducing production of melatonin.

KEY TERMS circadian circannular climate climatological determinism concomitant Hawthorne effect hierarchy of needs hyperthermia hypothermia lux melatonin negative affect escape model seasonal affective disorder (SAD) self-actualisation serotonin sinusoidally temperate climate unipolar and bipolar mood disorders weather zeitgeber

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EXERCISE 1 Temperature perception One of the ways of demonstrating temperature perception is to prepare two buckets of water, one containing very cold water and the other mildly warm water. Put your hands into the bucket of extremely cold water for about three minutes and then put them straight into the warm water. You will perceive the warm water as being hot. EXERCISE 2 Temperature and crime Look at the national newspapers over the next few months and see if there is a relationship between the temperature on the day and the number of crimes committed. Although this is very weak evidence for a direct relationship between temperature and crime, it might be an interesting project and also a way of provoking thought as to other potential causes of crime besides weather conditions. EXERCISE 3 Weather and mood Why not investigate whether weather has an influence on your mood? Make a chart upon which you can score the weather in terms of light (on a seven-point scale with very bright at one end and extremely dull and overcast at the other) and your mood (on another seven-point scale with extremely happy at one end and very depressed at the other). EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Describe two studies which suggest the link betwen high temperature and aggression. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the problems associated with research into temperature and aggression. [10 marks]

Climate and weather

Section B (a) Describe psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of either weather or climate on behaviour. [10 marks] (b) Evaluate psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of either weather or climate on behaviour. [16 marks] (c) Based on the evidence you have presented above, suggest ways in which psychologists can moderate the effects of weather or climate on behaviour. [8 marks]

Further reading Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 6. Cassidy, T. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Behaviour and Experience in Context. Hove: Psychology Press, pp.91–99. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapter 11. Moos, R. H. (Ed.) (1976). The Human Context: Environmental Determinants of Behaviour. New York: Wiley, pp.73–107. Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995) Environmental Psychology, An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 6.

Websites http://www.driesen.com/temperature_and_violence.htm http://psych-server.iastate.edu/faculty/caa/abstracts/Aggression/Temp.html Temperature and aggression www.i5ive.com/article.cfm/coping_with_shiftwork/57274 www.teaching-biomed.man.ac.uk/student_projects/1999/sanders/intro.htm Circadian rhythms

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www.mentalhealth.com/fr00.html www.sada.org.uk/index.htm http://www.ncpamd.com/Epidemiology%20of%20SAD SAD http://www.bio-immuno-development.com/books/daylight/book.htm Sunlight and health

three

3 Density and crowding

Introduction Some situations which seem extremely crowded can produce feelings of severe discomfort, for example travelling on the tube in the rush hour. On the other hand, nightclubs or parties which have the same density of people do not induce the same negative feelings. Nightclubs may be perceived as slightly uncomfortable as movement is restricted, but I am sure that most people would prefer to go to a nightclub where there are lots of people to one that is relatively deserted. The issues surrounding the topic of crowding and density have provoked considerable research. Although this research has endeavoured to explain why the situations described above are very different, there is another and perhaps more important long-term issue involved. The world’s population is increasing annually and it is inevitable that in order to provide housing, high-density accommodation may well become the norm in all of the world’s major cities. We already know that there are higher crime rates in areas of high-density accommodation which will be discussed in Chapter 7, but we need to identify any other long-term detrimental effects and address them before they become impossible to remedy. In order to focus on these issues, this chapter will look at the following areas:

• definitions, measurements and animal studies • effects on human health, social behaviour and performance • preventing and coping with the effects of crowding.

Definitions, measurements and animal studies DEFINITIONS

The two situations which have been described above actually involve approximately the same number of people in the same amount of space, and

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yet the feelings you have in each situation are likely to be totally different. Using this example should help you understand that density and crowding are not quite the same. Density can be described as a physical condition which can be measured objectively and involves counting the number of people who are present in a specific area. Therefore the density in the train and in the nightclub may well be the same. Crowding, on the other hand, is the perception of the physical condition and can therefore only be measured subjectively. This explains why the train might feel unpleasantly crowded whereas the nightclub feels fine. It also explains why I might find a certain situation unbearable but you might find the same situation totally acceptable. MEASUREMENT

If we accept that crowding is a subjective phenomenon, research investigations become fraught with all sorts of confounding variables due to the individual differences between the participants and the nature of the situation involved. One person might consider a certain situation to be overcrowded whilst the next person might not. As a result, research into this topic area has generally involved manipulating density and then focusing on the effects that these manipulations produce. The effects can be observed either by naturalistic observation or by using some kind of laboratory methodology in which people are put in situations where there are smaller or larger numbers of others and then performance of tasks is measured or subsequent behaviour is observed. Generally, density is manipulated in one of two ways, by manipulating either social density or spatial density. The way social density is manipulated is by varying the group size whilst keeping the area constant (e.g. varying the number of people at a nightclub) whilst spatial density is manipulated by maintaining the group size but varying the area (e.g. giving tube passengers another carriage to allow them to spread out). The manipulations involve changing the ratio of space to person and can result in low spatial density which is where each person has a large area or high spatial density where each person has a much smaller area. The method chosen really depends on the investigation being undertaken as both have advantages and disadvantages. Social density manipulations involve including or removing participants and this alone can produce some confounding variables. Although by removing people you will increase the available space per person, this may not seem to cause any effects. I am sure you will have noticed that by taking one person out of a class or putting a new person into the class, you change what is

Density and crowding

known as the group dynamic, or rather the unspoken relationships within that group which dictate the way members interact. Spatial density manipulations get over this particular problem but may produce different confounding variables. If you have suddenly been given a larger area in which to spread, the effect of the new environment may influence the way that you feel (perhaps there are better facilities or more windows or the area is cooler), and the nature of this new environment will produce the effects rather than simply having more space. An example of this would be if you had always had the smallest bedroom in a house and you were suddenly given your elder sister’s room as she had just got married. Not only would you have more space but you might have a bigger window, the room might be at the back of the house and so be quieter, there might be a fitted sink and a massive built-in wardrobe too. Would the increase in space alone change how you felt, or would all the other things play their part too? I am sure that at this point you will realise that any investigations of density in naturalistic environments are going to be fraught with all sorts of uncontrollable variables. In snapshot studies or laboratory research, the nature of the participants and the nature of the environment are two such problems. What happens if we want to look at the long-term effects of high density on populations? These confounding variables become even more important because comparing the extremely high-density housing generally found in the poorer areas of cities will involve looking at very different populations from the ones who live in low-density (and hence much more expensive) housing which is usually located on the outskirts. Theme link ( Designing experiments )

research into density – quasi-

In order to control the nature of participants and therefore manipulate density effectively, would it be possible to take one group of people and place them in high-density living conditions whilst a similar group is given low-density accommodation? Ethically this would be unacceptable unless participants were in agreement, and this is extremely unlikely. Even if they did agree, the knowledge that they were taking part in research would affect their responses. As touched on in Chapter 2, one way of getting round this situation would be to undertake a quasi-experiment. Quasi-experiments do not allocate participants randomly to each condition because they come from a pre-categorised group. In studies looking into density, it may be possible to compare groups already living in varying densities who are matched as closely as possible on such factors as personality and socioeconomic status. Finding such groups is obviously very difficult.

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ANIMAL STUDIES

One method which has been used to get over the methodological problems of density manipulation is to look at long-term effects of naturally occurring density variations in animal populations, both in the wild and in laboratory environments. naturalistic research Many of you will be familiar with the computer game ‘Lemmings’ where you spend your time trying to stop them throwing themselves in the sea. This game was based on the Norwegian lemming which is a small mouse-like rodent with a short tail and furry feet. These lemmings, according to mythology, went off in search of a new home, but ended up attempting to commit suicide by throwing themselves in the sea. There is no question that they do appear to commit suicide. Dubos (1965) gave the following account: According to an ancient Norwegian belief, the lemmings periodically experience an irresistible “collective urge” either to commit suicide or to search for their ancestral home on the lost Atlantic sea . . . The migration of Norwegian lemmings was so massive in 1960–61 that a steamer entering the Trondheim Fjord took one hour to pass through a two-milelong pack of swimming and sinking rodents! (Dubos, 1965, p.103) However, the idea that they were committing suicide was untrue. Lemmings do migrate periodically from their home area when their population begins to exceed the food supply. Despite the original ideas that their march was orderly, closer inspection showed it was no such thing and that they often run in a totally disorganised way, becoming completely disoriented. During these migrations, they swim across streams and rivers in order to find land with food and may even try to swim bodies of water that are too deep such as the sea, which results in them drowning in great numbers. Dubos concluded that the increase in lemming population produced high densities, which in turn influenced adrenal and therefore brain functioning. This resulted in a kind of non-directed or random activity manifesting in the disorientation observed whilst running. Before I explain why this happened, let us consider another example of naturalistic research that observed high density resulting in a similar problem. Christian et al. (1960) recorded the activities of a herd of Sika deer which had been introduced to James Island off the coast of Maryland, USA (principally as a source of prey for hunters). A few deer were released in 1916 and they bred successfully until by 1955 the population had reached about 300 in number. In 1958 there was widespread interest in the deer because for no obvious reason over half the herd died within a short space of time. Christian and his co-workers had started to investigate the deer in order to


identify what was happening but found that their carcasses appeared fit and healthy with shiny coats and lots of muscle. However the mortality rates continued until 1960 when there were about only 80 deer from the remaining herd. Detailed examinations of the deers’ vital organs found that there were no obvious abnormalities besides the size of the adrenal glands, which in some cases were ten times the size of control samples. The suggested reason for the death of the deer and the abnormal behaviour of the lemmings was that their deaths were indirectly due to overactive adrenal functioning caused by overcrowding. This makes perfect sense if we go back to the idea discussed in the Introduction, of uncomfortable situations causing high levels of autonomic arousal. Imagine that you are back on the train – how do you feel? Is your heart beating faster than normal? Do you have a dry mouth? Are your pupils dilated? Do you feel the need either to jump off the train or to push everyone out of the way? Here your autonomic nervous system is working overtime, pumping adrenaline into the bloodstream as part of the fight/flight mechanism in direct response to your physical environment. In the Introduction I also talked about Selye’s General Adaptation Syndrome which explained that high levels of stress may ultimately lead to physical changes in body organs and abnormalities in endocrine functioning. Being overcrowded is stressful. If the situation remains the same, the adrenal gland will increase in size in order to maintain production of the higher-than-usual levels of adrenaline. This has two consequences. High stress levels over the long term can lead to heart failure or a breakdown of the body’s defence mechanisms which may ultimately result in death. On the other hand, high levels of adrenaline also affect clarity of thought (remember how you feel when you are very aroused – can you think clearly and rationally?). This may therefore be an explanation of why the lemmings’ judgement as to where to go was seriously compromised. laboratory research One of the most famous studies into crowding was undertaken by Calhoun (1962) using Norway rats. Calhoun designed a ‘rat universe’ and in a series of six trials installed populations of Norway rats and watched what happened as population size increased. The rat universe consisted of a rectangular box, 10⬘ ⫻ 14⬘ in size, divided into four cells which could each house 12 rats in comfort. Each rat universe was provided with sufficient food and fresh water and nesting materials as required (see Figure 3.1). If the pens are spread in a line, it is obvious that cells B and C are really thoroughfares for all the rats and that A and D are the only pens with defensible space; that is, space which is defendable by the rats who live there. The rats in each universe began to breed and were left alone until they reached 80 in number. At this point any infants that survived weaning were

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• Figure 3.1: Illustration of rat universe in Calhoun’s (1962) study

removed in order to maintain the numbers. Calhoun observed that once overcrowding occurred, the behaviour of the rats changed and the patterns of family groups which successfully raised their young no longer existed, especially in the middle pens. The more dominant males claimed cells A and D and defended their territory, thus limiting numbers, and their behaviour was as normal as possible even though the pens were more crowded than normal. The remaining rats had to inhabit cells B and C which became known as the ‘behavioural sink’ and it was here that there was most evidence of both physiological and behavioural abnormalities. Both male and female behaviour in the sink changed considerably. Nest building and the rearing of young, although attempted, were inadequate, resulting in infant mortality rates as high as 96 per cent (compared with 50 per cent in the less-crowded pens). The middle pens also produced four other groups of males. The first consisted of a number of very aggressively dominant males who constantly pursued oestrous females, fighting for the most dominant position. These fights resulted not only in battle wounds between the males, but on occasions in the wounding of females and young. This behaviour also led to a high rate of mortality from diseases in pregnancy with almost half the females in cells B and C dying by the sixteenth month of the study. The second group of males made advances to anything that moved, irrespective of its age or gender. The third group, on the other hand, was completely passive and ignored the other


rats of both sexes. The final group was described by Calhoun as ‘probers’ and these were hyperactive, hypersexual, sometimes homosexual and occasionally cannibalistic. Many of the effects on the rats can also be explained by Selye’s General Adaptation Syndrome. Male rats in dense conditions produce fewer sperm and female rats start oestrus at a higher age, and their reproductive cycles occur less frequently and are of shorter duration than rats kept in much lowerdensity conditions. This may well explain one way in which animals in the wild maintain optimum population size without the need to throw themselves into the sea! The conclusions reached by Calhoun, that high density led to the observed changes in behaviour, has received considerable criticism. One of the biggest criticisms addresses the fact that he was not only studying the effects of high social density, but also territoriality. The rats in cells A and D had an environment which was easier to defend and therefore they were protecting their territory, whereas the rats in the centre two cells were severely disadvantaged. Perhaps an answer would have been to make each cell have a separate entrance and an exit so that all the rats were subjected to the same environmental conditions, and this would have removed the confounding variable of territoriality. It is also questionable whether these results relate to real-life situations because Calhoun manipulated a number of factors in the study. The first was removing any surviving young after the population reached the 80-rat level. The second was that in the wild, overcrowding would result in the rats leaving and finding a new environment and they were prevented from doing that in this study. In fact, in an earlier naturalistic observation, Calhoun had found that wild rats seemed able to limit population size according to available space without any human intervention. In defence of the study, other research with animals has provided similar evidence of behavioural change in terms of increased aggression and social withdrawal. Theme link ( Ethics )

There are ethical issues involved in studying long-term high density in humans. We cannot control human environments in the long term and cannot observe reproductive cycles as humans take considerably longer than animals to raise their offspring to maturity. Finally humans are extremely likely to change their behaviour if they have some idea that they are participating in research and yet we would be unlikely to gain informed consent to carry out such work. Consequently animal research has been undertaken as a way of dealing with these issues and has allowed for speculation about similarities between human and animal responses.

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What we must remember is that the research with animals has given us some clues to the potential effects of high density on human behaviour. If we consider their responses and draw parallels with our own likely behaviour, we can see that we too are likely to become agitated and uncomfortable if we find ourselves in a situation where there is unwanted high social density and we are unable to escape. This in turn may make us choose to withdraw socially in order to lower our levels of arousal, reducing interactions with others, and therefore decreasing the likelihood of forming any kind of affiliative relationship, which reduces the likelihood of conceiving and giving birth. We also know that high levels of arousal can cause other health problems and evidence suggests that high levels of anxiety increase the chance of miscarriage and limit lifespan. Alternatively, high levels of arousal may make us feel more short-tempered and aggressive. We may even attack others physically or verbally if they provoke us, whereas in less arousing circumstances, we would simply turn the other cheek. The next section will consider research which looks at the effects of high density on humans, and will give you food for thought on whether animal research really can give us an insight into human behaviour. Section summary

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Density is a physical condition and is the number of people who are present in a specific area. Crowding is the subjective feeling about density. Research involves manipulating either social or spatial density and then focusing on the effects that these manipulations produce, although such research often involves confounding variables. Animal studies have been used to overcome some of the methodological problems of density manipulation and studies have been conducted either in natural environments or within laboratories. Research has shown that if animal populations are allowed to multiply unchecked, high-density conditions lead to disease and behaviour disorders, even when other aspects of the environment are ideal. These effects may be explained by high levels of arousal and stress leading to changes in endocrine function. Research with animals has given us some insight into the potential effects of high density on human behaviour.


The effects of high density on human health, social behaviour and performance When looking at the effects of high density on humans we must always remember that humans, unlike captive animals, have ways of escaping or adapting to high density. Escape mechanisms range from simply getting into a car or catching a train to visit the countryside, or moving to another area that is less populated. Adaptation may involve building a house extension or having a loft conversion in order to increase available space. We should also be aware that laboratory studies tend to produce artificial situations and field studies tend to furnish us with correlational data. Theme link ( Control

of confounding variables )

When investigating density with human beings, it is essential to remember that manipulating density involves either increases or limitations in space, and with a change in environment there will be confounding variables. Generally the limitations occur inside a building. According to Schmitt (1966), there are often instances where, though placed in conditions of high inside density, we can look out of a window and see that it is relatively deserted outside (i.e. has low outside density). Unless we are locked in a room with no windows, this knowledge can mediate the effects of high density and also give us a sense that we have some kind of control over the situation, which in turn mediates the feeling of crowding. T H E E F F E C T S O F H I G H D E N S I T Y O N H U M A N H E A LT H

mental health Let us return to the idea of the underground train for a moment and recall the discomfort that is caused by being jammed into a confined space with a large number of people that we don’t know. That sort of situation can affect our mental state by producing what is known as negative affect, which basically means that we feel bad. This negative feeling might take the form of extreme anxiety, a bad mood or it might even result in feelings of depression if the situation were to continue for a prolonged period of time. Evidence that gives some support to the effects of high social density (or crowding) on mental state comes from studies such as that undertaken by Saegert et al. in 1975. They asked male and female participants in a railway station in Manhattan to perform a number of tasks, such as looking up a telephone number, finding the ticket counter or buying something at a newsstand, which required referring to their cognitive maps of the area. Cognitive

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maps, which are internalised maps, held in memory, of areas with which participants are familiar, would have to be referred to in order for participants to walk around the station to fulfil the various tasks. They were also asked to fill out a mood adjective checklist. Crowding was varied by getting participants to visit the station either in the middle of the morning or during the evening rush hour, and number counts of people present verified the differences in social density. The results indicated that participants completed fewer tasks in the rush hour and the mood adjective checklist showed that participants were more anxious and more sceptical about achieving success in crowded situations. However, more crowded conditions would make it difficult for the participants to make their way physically around the station, so some of the results must be accepted with caution. Further research by Freedman et al. (1972) indicated that the mood of females is affected less than that of males in areas of high social density, with males reporting worse moods with crowded conditions. It has been suggested that this is because females are socialised to be more affiliative whereas men are socialised to be more competitive (Maccoby, 1966). However, males are also more affected by high spatial density – they dislike being in confined spaces to a greater extent than females – which will become evident in Chapter 6 when we look at personal space. We have already discussed that there are physiological changes as a result of crowding in animals. If humans also demonstrate physiological changes this would suggest that prolonged crowding may have implications for long-term health. In order to investigate such physiological changes, researchers focus on measuring levels of autonomic arousal. physical health Pulse and blood pressure Measures of pulse and blood pressure show an increase with higher levels of arousal. D’Atri (1975) reported that prison inmates’ blood pressure increased when they were required to share a cell with another prisoner but that it returned to normal when they were again put on their own. Although there may have been other reasons for this increase in blood pressure, for example perhaps the prisoners did not get on with the other occupant, the findings indicate that being confined with another person will affect arousal. Another study, perhaps slightly better designed but demonstrating the same results, was conducted by Evans (1979). In this study, the blood pressure of ten students (five males and five females) was taken at the beginning and the end of a three-and-a-half-hour period in either a larger or smaller room. The results showed higher pulse rate and blood pressure for those in the high-density condition.


Levels of cortisol or adrenaline By collecting blood or urine samples, the changing or elevated levels of cortisol and adrenaline, both of which indicate high levels of stress, can be measured. Cortisol is a steroid compound produced by the adrenal cortex. The most significant results have been found with males. For example, Heshka and Pylypuk (1975) discovered that male students who stayed for a day on an uncrowded college campus had lower levels of cortisol than males who had spent the day shopping in a crowded area. Interestingly, the cortisol levels of two groups of females put into the same conditions showed no significant difference. This would indicate that males are more aroused by crowded conditions than females, but, on the other hand, an alternative explanation is that males just don’t like shopping! Lundberg (1976) collected urine samples from male passengers on a commuter train travelling in either high- or low-density conditions. Even though there were seats available in the high-density train, Lundberg found that the more crowded the train, on average the higher the levels of adrenaline in the urine. One further interesting finding came to light from this study. The train journey in question was 72 minutes long and we would expect that the passengers who boarded the train at the beginning of the journey rather than at later stops would experience the highest autonomic arousal as they would be on the train for longer. However, this did not prove to be the case. Lundberg found that the passengers who boarded the train at the start of the journey had lower levels of adrenaline than the passengers who boarded half way through. It was suggested that this was because the first passengers chose where and with whom to sit which made them feel they had some kind of control over the situation.

• Figure 3.2: A crowded commuter train

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Further studies have indicated that high levels of density lead to reports of illness. McCain et al. (1976) found that prisoners who were sharing their cells with others complained of illness more often than prisoners in low-density cells. Also students in high-density dormitories visited the student health centre more frequently than students living in low-density dormitories (Dean et al., 1978). These findings may be due solely to real illness but perhaps both the students and prisoners used illness as an excuse to escape high-density conditions. T H E E F F E C T S O F H I G H D E N S I T Y O N S O C I A L B E H AV I O U R

If we accept that crowding is a subjective feeling, it is reasonable to suggest that in certain situations it can be seen as positive whereas in others it can be seen as extremely unpleasant. Generally speaking, concerts and parties have more atmosphere if they are full to capacity but crowded shops and commuter trains produce feelings of irritation and annoyance. This should give you some indication that the effects of density will vary according to the situation – in some instances they make us more affiliative whereas in other situations we try to deal with our discomfort by withdrawing. One way of explaining these differences in response is to look at the density–intensity model (Freedman, 1975). This model suggests that if you have a certain feeling about a situation – either positive or negative – high density will intensify that feeling. For example, if you hate going shopping, and the shops are extremely crowded, this will intensify the negative affect. However, later work looking at variations in social density in households suggested that the association was only found with negative affect and that positive feelings were not enhanced or reduced by the number of people present (Duckitt, 1983). the effects of high density on affiliative behaviour Considerable research evidence seems to support the influence of crowding on social behaviour and in some cases, simply the expectation of having to share with a large number of other people is sufficient to affect how we feel about them. Baum and Greenberg (1975) told students who were waiting to take part in an experiment that they would be sharing the experimental room with either four or ten other people. They were later asked how much they liked the people they were waiting with for the experiment to begin. The students said they liked the people who shared the waiting room with them more if they believed they were going to share with only four others. Griffitt and Veitch (1971) asked participants to evaluate strangers when they were in either densely populated or spacious conditions. They gave more negative evaluations when they were in high-density conditions. Another study by Baron and Bell (1976) found similar results when they compared students’ responses to their room-mates when sharing with one or two others in rooms designed for two. They found that the students who


shared with two others evaluated their room-mates more negatively and were themselves less sociable and talkative. The negative evaluation may have been because three people living together often results in one being left out – hence the expression ‘two’s company, three’s a crowd’. On the other hand, it may have been because some participants chose to withdraw (as a way of reducing their level of autonomic arousal). Further research has indicated, not surprisingly, that people who are in situations of high social density are less likely to discuss intimate topics (Sundstrom, 1975) and in general, seem to prefer greater interpersonal distances (Baum and Greenberg, 1975). One way of reducing social interaction is to avoid eye contact or by using body language by turning one’s head away from others. It is very hard to start a conversation with someone who will not look at you, and if people fail to keep eye contact during a conversation, we tend to think they aren’t listening and the conversation will tail off. Eye contact has been assessed in situations of high and low social density in a number of different settings and there is considerable evidence to indicate that high density leads to decreased eye contact (Baum and Greenberg, 1975; Baum and Koman, 1976; McCauley et al., 1977; Newman and McCauley, 1977). the effects of high density on altruism If we accept the idea that high social density in some situations causes discomfort, then we would expect instances of altruistic or prosocial behaviour to decrease as density increases. This may be due to focusing on our own discomfort and therefore missing environmental cues, or due to the diffusion of responsibility between the people present. Diffusion of responsibility is where we share (or diffuse) the responsibility for an event with others who are present. This may be because having more people present makes the attribution of responsibility more ambiguous, or it may be because we feel it is much easier for us to take part or opt out of a situation if we know that we are not going to be held solely responsible. This idea of diffusion of responsibility has been demonstrated in studies on altruistic behaviour and is well documented in research, such as that by Darley and Latané (1968), who found that helping behaviour exhibited by members of a discussion group decreased as the numbers in the group increased. Many studies investigating prosocial behaviour have focused on comparing rural and urban areas. Although we would hope these field studies would produce ecologically valid results, there are many confounding variables which may influence the findings, such as fear of personal safety in densely populated urban areas (Fischer, 1976), or high levels of stimulation in busy cities which may make it more difficult to notice the fact that others need assistance. Milgram (1977) discovered that people living in small towns were more likely than people living in cities to allow someone who needed help into their houses. In fact 75 per cent of small-town dwellers opened their front

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doors to a needy person whereas 75 per cent of city dwellers responded only by shouting through a closed door. This suggests that overstimulation is not the real reason why people don’t help, because no matter where you live, you are less likely to be over-aroused in your own home. However, you may be more fearful if you live in a city area and this fear may be a better explanation for the difference in findings. One study which does support the notion of reduced prosocial behaviour in situations of increased spatial density, comes from Bickman et al. (1973). This study compared the number of prosocial acts carried out by people in dormitories that had high, medium or low spatial density. Stamped addressed envelopes were dropped in the dormitories and helping behaviour was measured by how many of the envelopes were posted to the addressee. The manipulation of spatial density kept the number of people in each dormitory constant (if social density had been manipulated by increasing the number of people, this might have resulted in a greater chance of the letters being posted as more people would have been available to post them). The results show that for the high spatial density group, only 58 per cent of letters were posted, for the medium group 79 per cent of letters were posted and for the low-density group, 88 per cent of letters were posted. If you remember, feeling crowded depresses mood and helping behaviour is related to mood state. Perhaps, then, the explanation for this and other studies which indicate that increases in density reduce prosocial acts has more to do with mood than anything else. the effects of high density on aggressive behaviour Another response to increased arousal and negative mood may be demonstrations of aggression. Lorenz (1950) proposed that aggression is innate and builds up within all species, both humans and animals, until

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• Figure 1.3: Results of Bickman et al.’s (1973) study showing percentage of posted envelopes by groups of varying spatial density


something happens to trigger its release. Dollard et al. (1939) supported this idea with the frustration–aggression hypothesis which suggests that aggression only appears when we are frustrated in achieving some kind of goal. Perhaps living in high-density conditions from which we cannot escape produces frustration, and this may explain any relationship between density and aggression. Evidence to support a relationship between density and aggression is inconsistent and there are possibly two reasons for this. The first is that measurements of aggression (e.g. electric shocks and blasts of white noise) are not necessarily valid. The second is that much of the research has been confounded by the failure of researchers to take the mood of the participants into account and, as we know, high density causes negative affect states. Evidence which indicated a relationship between density and aggression came from work with children who demonstrated higher levels of aggression in high-density play situations (Aiello et al., 1979; Ginsburg et al., 1977). However, further work indicated that density was not the cause and that it could be attributed to scarcity of resources. Rohe and Patterson (1974) found that high density produced more aggressive behaviour when the play situation failed to provide enough toys for the increased numbers of children, but when there were enough toys, increases in density had no effect on aggressive behaviours. Evidence with adults found some gender differences, with males generally becoming more aggressive with increases in density, but even these findings were inconsistent. Males rated themselves as more aggressive in small rooms (a situation of high spatial density), whilst the females rated themselves as more aggressive in large rooms (Stokols et al., 1973). However, when social density was manipulated and subjects had prior warning of possible crowding, neither gender acted aggressively and both tended to withdraw (Baum and Koman, 1976). These differences relate to the different personal space requirements of the genders which will be described in Chapter 6. Research has found that men in long-term high-density situations such as prisons are more likely to demonstrate aggressive behaviour. Gifford (1997) describes research in the US into whether there was a relationship between the numbers of prison inmate assaults and the changing size of the prison population. He discovered that a 30 per cent reduction in prison population over a few months resulted in a 60 per cent drop in inmate assaults. The prison later increased its population by 19 per cent and this yielded a 36 per cent increase in assaults. Although there may have been other factors that influenced these results, research into aggression in psychiatric units in Sweden also discovered a relationship between social density and aggression (Palmstierna et al., 1991).

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THE EFFECTS OF HIGH DENSITY ON PERFORMANCE

As we know, high levels of arousal generally lead to decrements in performance, and this has been shown with research on the effects of high density on performance in a number of different tasks. Earlier I talked about the study by Saegert et al. (1975) which demonstrated that participants who were asked to perform a number of tasks which involved referring to their cognitive maps of an area showed a performance decrement according to social density. This study supports the idea that the increased arousal caused by crowded conditions clouded the participants’ mental image. A further study by Langer and Saegert (1977) involved giving some participants, but not others, information about the numbers of people they would find in a grocery shop before they actually entered. The task they had to undertake was to find a number of specified items. The researchers found that task performance was poor with high density, but the participants who had been given advanced information about crowding performed better and reported a more positive emotional experience. It was suggested that they had been able to prepare themselves mentally and use appropriate coping strategies in order to deal with the situation and this had resulted in them feeling more confident. There are numerous other studies which indicate the detrimental effects of high density on performance. For example, Karlin et al. (1979) found that students who had been sharing a bedroom, designed for two but housing three, showed an increase in grades when they were reallocated to a room with only one other person. This was explained by suggesting that sharing a room with two others had caused an overload of information which consequently affected performance. However, Evans (1979) discovered that this occurred only with tasks requiring higher-level cognitive skills as no impairment was shown in simple task performance. Theories of social facilitation may explain how high social density could in fact influence performance in some way. Social facilitation is an improvement in performance and occurs when we work in a group rather than alone. We are able to gauge how well we are doing in relation to others (we can make social comparisons). One of the first studies into the effect of the presence of others was conducted by Triplett (1898) when he looked at the influence of competition on the average time it took children to complete 150 winds of a fishing reel. The children worked alone or in pairs and Triplett found that when they worked in pairs, performance improved. Audience effects are another type of social facilitation, and these may also result in improved performance. Audience effects are, very simply, an improvement or impairment of a person’s performance caused by the presence of others. We are more likely to have an audience in situations of high social density. If the presence of others seems to improve performance, this is generally because we are good at something. If performance declines this is usually because we aren’t very competent and the presence of others


has resulted in us becoming over-aroused and our performance consequently declines – remember the inverted U (see the Yerkes–Dodson theory discussed in the Introduction). FA C T O R S A F F E C T I N G O U R R E S P O N S E T O H I G H D E N S I T Y

The research into density and crowding has illustrated that there are a number of factors which can influence the findings. situation If we are in a situation where we expect to be crowded, we will find it more acceptable. Duration of exposure will also have an influence on the effect. Physical aspects of the environment may also influence how we feel about high density. If there are large windows and high ceilings we will find high spatial density less unpleasant (see Chapter 6). affect Affect is feeling or emotion. If we like the situation we are in, we will feel less upset by high density. In fact this kind of subjective feeling is more important than the numbers of people present according to Arkkelin et al. (1982), who varied the type of people with whom the participants were crowded (by gender, nature of relationship and type of activity). gender Generally speaking, males appear to be more affected by high density than females, especially high spatial density. They also have different methods of dealing with high social density, with men removing themselves from the situation more frequently than women (Aiello et al., 1981). culture There are cultural differences in the perception of crowding with some nationalities being more tolerant of crowded conditions than others. Gove and Hughes (1983) reported that black Americans are more sensitive to crowding than white Americans, with Hispanics being the least sensitive. Nasar and Min (1984) reported that Mediterraneans experience feelings of crowding more than Asians when put in a single dormitory room. characteristics of the person People with high levels of autonomic arousal are more likely to find high density uncomfortable (for example, introvert personalities). Similarly, if a person is predisposed to be aggressive, high density may increase the likelihood for that aggression to appear.

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controllability If we know we can escape from a situation, we find it far less unpleasant. In fact, people who have an internal locus of control are less affected by crowding because they will not feel as powerless as those with an external locus of control. This was demonstrated by Rodin et al. (1978) in both laboratory and naturalistic surroundings (see next section). Responses of others Other people’s response to the crowding may affect our responses as we look to them for social comparisons. If others are beginning to panic in crowded situations, we may conform to their responses. Conversely, we may find that large crowds of people provide a sense of social support, especially if we experience the same feelings as them at the same time. However, one way of reducing arousal is to withdraw and this may, in turn, affect social support networks. Evans and Lapore (1993) found participants sought less social support from a confederate when they lived in crowded homes, even though they may have benefited from the social support as a way of helping them deal with the discomfort of crowded conditions. Presumably this was because they preferred to reduce their arousal by distancing themselves from others when the opportunity arose. They also rated the confederate as being less supportive, suggesting that the discomfort caused by crowding led to negative feelings towards others. Section summary

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High density produces feelings of negative affect and this may be responsible for some of the results rather than the density itself. Research into gender differences in mental states indicates that males are more affected by density than females and this may be due to socialisation. High density causes physiological changes which indicate an increase in autonomic arousal. Studies have demonstrated increases in blood pressure, pulse rate, cortisol and adrenaline levels and skin conductance and further work has suggested a relationship between high density and reports of ill health. Social behaviour is affected by density with high density generally reducing prosocial behaviour. Comparisons of urban and rural areas, however, have produced contradictory responses. Evidence to support any relationship between density and aggression is inconsistent as issues such as scarcity of resources may confound the results. However, men generally display more aggression than women in situations of high density.


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Further research suggests that increases in social density are not responsible for increased aggression and that it is really caused by decreased spatial density. High density generally leads to performance decrement, due to either over-arousal or social comparisons. However, audience effects may improve performance.

Preventing and coping with the effects of crowding Because crowding is a subjective issue, there are no universal solutions – what may work for one person might be ineffective for the next. Below are a number of measures that may help to deal with issues of crowding and density, but each solution may only be of benefit according to the situation and the nature of the person concerned. PRIOR WARNING

Perhaps one of the most successful ways of preventing the effects of crowding is providing people with prior warning. This was illustrated in the study by Stokols et al. (1973) when he gave his participants prior warning of possible crowding and found that neither gender acted aggressively. Similarly the study by Langer and Saegert (1977) demonstrated that participants who had been given advanced information about crowding performed better and reported a more positive emotional experience. Not only does it prepare people mentally, and allow them to focus on strategies to deal with the potential effects of crowding, but it gives them an element of choice in whether or not to participate in the situation. An ideal way to give participants prior warning would be to broadcast information on potential high-density situations such as traffic jams via the media. This in turn will reduce the feeling that the situation is unpredictable and undesirable. If you expect a jam, you can leave home earlier or take a number of tapes with you to play on your Walkman or in the car. The jam will still be unpleasant, but you have prior warning and can make the necessary arrangements to warn others of your delay. COGNITIVE CONTROL

We have discussed already how perceived control influences stress levels. In fact people who have an internal locus of control are less affected by external events as they believe they can take command of the situation if they need to. Simply, the knowledge that they have control reduces the stress response, even though the person may not choose to act on it. This was demonstrated by Sherrod et al. (1977) when he gave his participants the chance to leave a

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crowded room to complete a study in a more spacious setting. Even though none left, they reported fewer after-effects than a group that was told no one could leave. Rodin et al. (1978) also illustrated how important perceived control was in mediating density when they positioned people in lifts of varying densities and manipulated perceived control by varying their proximity to the lift control buttons. People who stood nearer the buttons were less affected by high density. Therefore people who are given an element of control over a situation will respond far less negatively and, even if they have no control but are led to believe they have, this will also be effective. Perhaps by being given a number of options, all of which are relatively undesirable, we feel we have a choice. If our choice is unpleasant, we can rationalise the situation by telling ourselves we have only ourselves to blame because we made the choice and perhaps the other choices would have been less unpleasant. This would also deal with the issue of behavioural constraint (where our behaviour is constrained or limited by the situation), because even though none of the choices are acceptable, we have had a choice. BUILDING DESIGN

It seems that the level of density people perceive rather than the actual level is all-important in issues of crowding. Consequently, any sort of building which does not take this into account seems to be associated with negative feelings. In fact there is a large body of evidence to suggest that environments can be designed or modified to alleviate the effects of crowding and their consequences, and we will now consider some of that evidence. Most research into the architectural features which influence crowding has been conducted in dormitories in US colleges (hardly a generalisable location). Baum and Valins (1977), amongst others, investigated high-rise dormitories and discovered that dormitories with long corridors led to more stress and more feelings of crowding. In order to see if it was possible to influence these feelings, Baum and Davis (1980) arranged for a wall and double doors to be installed in the middle of a long dormitory corridor, effectively cutting the floor into two halves. After several weeks the residents felt less crowded than on a non-divided corridor. This suggests that areas that are subdivided give people the impression that they are more alone than when the whole environment is clearly visible. A number of studies suggest design features that can be incorporated into new or existing structures. We have seen how males experience the effects of increased spatial density more than females and research has indicated that greater ceiling height is associated with less crowding (see personal space), so perhaps the function of rooms, and whether there is to be a gender-related use planned for them, should be taken into account in the design. Rectangular rooms are perceived as being less crowded than square rooms (Desor, 1972),


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and rooms with curved walls are perceived as being less spacious (Rotton, 1987) even when the floor area is the same. Rooms where we can see a potential means of escape, such as windows and doors, are also rated as less crowded. Not surprisingly, then, high-rise buildings are perceived as being more crowded than low-level buildings. Presumably, in low-level buildings, we believe we have more control over the situation in terms of escape (McCarthy and Saegert, 1979). Cox et al. (1984) concluded that high social density produced more negative effects for prison inmates than low spatial density. In fact, prisoners reported that small single-inmate cells were preferable to larger cells with shared occupancy. Therefore in new prison designs, perhaps the issues of privacy and sole occupancy would improve the mood of the prisoners and reduce any aggressive outbursts. In existing prisons, partitions and movable walls which reduce the ability to be ‘spied upon’ would presumably have a similar effect. C O P I N G S T R AT E G I E S

When the physical environment cannot be changed dramatically, perhaps the answer is to teach coping strategies, such as adjustments to social behaviours, in order to reduce unwanted social interactions and the resulting stimulus overload. As mentioned earlier, averting the gaze and using body language to block potential intrusions have some effect. The organisation of furniture can serve as a means of providing more privacy and Baum et al. (1982) discovered that people who manage to screen themselves by using physical objects such as furniture, or who read newspapers, were far less affected by high density. The most important issue to deal with the effects of high density and crowding is to reduce the effects of over-arousal and any technique which achieves this will have some degree of effectiveness. •

• • •

•

Section summary There are no universal solutions to crowding because what may work for one person may not be successful for the next. If we are warned to expect crowded conditions, this will reduce the negative effects as it gives us the opportunity to prepare for them. If people believe they have control over a situation, they will react less negatively and find it less stressful. Buildings designed or modified to reduce the perception of high density will influence our responses to crowding, for example increased ceiling height and the numbers of windows and doors will produce the belief that there are means of escape. If it is impossible to change the physical environment, coping strategies can be used, such as screening yourself, reading or listening to a Walkman.

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KEY TERMS affect audience effects behavioural constraint cognitive map defensible space density–intensity model diffusion of responsibility frustration–aggression hypothesis galvanic skin response group dynamic negative affect performance decrement social density social facilitation spatial density

EXERCISE 1

In order to consider the effects of crowding on autonomic arousal, take a measure of autonomic arousal (e.g. blood pressure or pulse) of participants when they are alone or in small groups. Arrange to meet the same people in a busy canteen or refectory and remeasure their autonomic arousal. Compare the two readings to see if crowded situations have increased their levels of arousal. EXERCISE 2 Construct a questionnaire containing rating scales (perhaps a sixpoint Likert scale) to gain a measure of mood. Hand the questionnaires out to people in different situations and look for a difference in ratings in areas of high or low social density. Ideally, you would need a large number of participants for such a study as there are bound to be individual differences in participants. You could extend this study by giving the same individuals personality tests such as the EPI (Eysenck Personality Inventory) to measure


introversion/extroversion. You could correlate extroversion scores with mood scores in places of high density (with the expectation that extroverts would have more positive mood ratings in high density).

EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Briefly describe one animal study investigating the effects of high density on behaviour. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the problems of generalising the findings of the animal study to human behaviour. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of crowding on human behaviour. [10 marks] (b) Evaluate psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of crowding on human behaviour. [16 marks] (c) Based on the evidence you have presented above (evidence demonstrating the effects of crowding), suggest ways in which psychologists can reduce the effects of crowding. [8 marks]

Recommended reading Banyard, P. and Grayson, A. (2000). Introducing Psychological Research (2nd ed.). Basingstoke: Palgrave, pp.107–111. Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 9. Cassidy, T. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Behaviour and Experience in Context. Hove: Psychology Press, pp.141–152, 152–162. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapter 7. Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995). Environmental Psychology, An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 9.

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Websites http://stud4.tuwien.ac.at/~e8826423/LemmZool.html Lemmings http://www.dnr.state.md.us/wildlife/sikadeer.html Sika deer http://www.academicpress.com/www/journal/psnojs.htm Journal of Environmental Psychology http://www.friends.org/issues/density.html http://weber.ucsd.edu/~jmoore/publications/DensityInfanticide.html Density debate

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four

Crowds and collective behaviour

Introduction This chapter focuses on crowd behaviour and how, simply by becoming part of a crowd, people can behave very differently from the way in which they would normally behave. Understanding the reasons for crowd behaviour helps us to look at potential methods of dealing with different types of crowds. In order to consider the types of crowds and their behaviour, and ways in which we can influence them, we are going to consider the following topics:

• definitions and types of crowds • crowd behaviour; crowds in emergency situations • controlling crowds and preventing problems.

Definitions and types of crowds There is a very distinct difference between looking at the topic of crowding (the perception of social density – see Chapter 3) and the subject of crowds. We could define a crowd as a number of people who come together for a limited period of time, often with no clear organisational structure, usually for a specific purpose such as watching a football game or listening to a rock concert, and as a result seem to take on a common or group mentality. The problem is that there is no definitive number of people required to comprise a crowd – it is more to do with their behaviour and purpose than the actual number of people present. If we look at an example of two different groups of people, you will be able to see what I mean. If you have a number of people who are all in the same location, e.g. having picnics on a beach, you may argue that the beach is crowded, but you could not say that those people comprise a crowd. Each group is separate or autonomous from the next and is unconcerned with the others’ behaviour. Now imagine that another group of people arrive on the

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beach with stereo systems, blaring out really dreadful music at an excessive volume that the majority of people on the beach find offensive. At this point, the people seem to develop a commonality which is that they want to get rid of these intruders and go back to their peaceful Sunday afternoon picnics. They have now become a crowd because they have a purpose and their behaviour has developed a kind of commonality. At this point, perhaps, they either charge the offending intruders and drag them off the beach, or else take great delight in throwing the stereo into the sea! When the situation returns to normal, they may still retain a commonality of interest and retain their group status, or they may simply drift back to their individuality. There are many different types of crowds, the nature of each depending on its common goal. The formation of crowds seems to result in either positive or negative behaviours, irrespective of the reason for their initial formation. For example, crowds who gather together to support a political cause or a sports team may act in either a totally peaceful or extremely violent way. The May Day Countryside Alliance march in London in 2000 started peacefully but resulted in clashes with the police and damage being caused to property (although the violent behaviour was caused initially by a small faction who were not part of the Countryside Alliance). On the other hand, peace marches have involved orderly groups of people walking hand in hand or carrying candles to make the point that violence is not an effective method of achieving goals. Behaviour is often governed by a set of values which make it relatively predictable. An example of this is the demonstrations by women concerned by the deployment of US nuclear weapons on British soil. They began a nonviolent protest around the perimeter fences of the Greenham USAF base beginning in 1981 and continuing for some time after all the weapons were removed in 1991. Other crowds gather with the aim of supporting a football A crowd of people meet together for a common cause

Unpredictable crowds: Behaviour which has no code of conduct

Positive outcome, e.g. spontaneous peaceful demonstration

Negative outcome, e.g. looting or rioting

• Figure 4.1: The crowd analysis model

Predictable crowds: Behaviour which is governed by a set of rules or code of conduct

Positive outcome, e.g. planned peaceful demonstrations

Negative outcome, e.g. football hooliganism


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team or other sports competitors. These can also be orderly and positive, although we cannot fail to be aware of the times when they become unruly and violent. However, even when violent behaviour occurs, crowds are often governed by an unwritten code of behaviour which we will discuss later in the chapter when we look at the work of Marsh et al. (1978), who investigated the behaviour of the Oxford United football fans. • •

•

•

Section summary There is a considerable difference between the topics of crowding and crowds. Crowds come together for a limited period of time, usually for a specific purpose, such as watching a football game or listening to a rock concert, and take on a common or group mentality. The behaviour of crowds will be either predictable or unpredictable, and either positive or negative, irrespective of the reason for their initial formation. Many crowds engage in behaviour that appears uncontrolled but is actually very controlled and ritualistic.

Crowd behaviour One of the most interesting pieces of information regarding crowd behaviour is that frequently crowds, despite outward appearances, have well-defined codes of behaviour. Initially this argument was not accepted and crowds were believed to have almost a primitive mentality which was totally irrational and dangerous. In fact, one of the first people to try to suggest a theory to explain the psychology of crowd behaviour was a French journalist called Le Bon in his book The Crowd: A Study of Popular Mind. This is now in its 47th edition, and has been translated into 16 languages. Writing in 1895, he emphasised the point that crowds were dangerous. He suggested that when a crowd develops, it seems to act in accordance with primitive impulses and lacks any sort of rationality. He continued by saying that a crowd can be induced to commit irrational acts that its individual members would not normally engage in. Le Bon suggested that crowd members act according to the law of mental unity; that is, they become as one person without thinking for themselves. He also explained that this occurs because they lose their identities and become anonymous, they become extremely suggestible, and an overriding, often irrational mentality spreads amongst the crowd members which he called the process of social contagion. This process implies that people don’t actually think about their feelings but simply ‘catch’ the beliefs and behaviours of the rest of the group. McDougall (1920) explained this contagion by suggesting that we interpret the facial expressions and body

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language of others and this causes us to feel the same. Therefore, according to McDougall, if you see someone looking happy, or hostile, this will encourage you to feel the same way. Le Bon’s theory of crowd behaviour was extremely influential and even today, crowds are frequently regarded with suspicion. However we must remember that this idea has little supporting evidence. In fact, in many cases the behaviour of crowds is very orderly and lacks any potential threat, but this information rarely reaches the public attention. We are therefore left to base our judgement on the negative or sensational reports that are reported by the press. The problem is that theories such as that of Le Bon, and the reports that are available, may well affect our perception of crowds and cause us to see them in a more negative light. It has also been suggested that by promoting the idea that crowds are unruly, they are more likely to be overcontrolled by the authorities which in turn prevents any possible antiestablishment demonstrations (Hayes, 1998). Theme link ( Retrospective

studies )

Investigating crowd behaviour has to involve retrospective studies because it is impossible to try to organise a crowd for research. After the event, evidence and information collected is reliant on the memories of the people concerned and so retrospective evidence is rarely accurate. Considerable research (e.g. Loftus and Palmer, 1974) has demonstrated that memories are fragile and can be easily distorted, and therefore when asked to recount behaviours, participants are likely to elaborate events. It is also impossible to have a control group with crowd studies; therefore, many of the conclusions drawn are open to speculation. The issue of hindsight may also influence memories. After all, it is very easy to be wise after an event or to reinterpret the event in the light of further information. According to Reicher (1982), even using data from different sources and then putting it together to reconstruct the course of events is not always effective, because often people are not honest about their behaviour, especially if it has involved breaking the law.

The crowds who gathered to mourn the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, in 1997, completely contradicted the Le Bon theory that crowd behaviour descends ‘several rungs in the ladder of civilisation’. Prior to the funeral, the crowd members gathered together in a unified state of loss and mourning, waiting as long as twelve hours to hear the tribute prayers at St. James’s


• Figure 4.2: Mourners at Princess Diana’s funeral with floral tributes

Palace, where her body lay in the Chapel Royal for private viewing. On the day of the funeral, 6 September 1997, thousands of people gazed in tearful silence as the coffin, draped in the maroon, yellow and blue Royal Standard, was escorted by soldiers through the streets on a gun carriage drawn by six horses. Despite the numbers of people present, the atmosphere was one of grief and solemnity and there were no incidents which could have been considered in any way unruly. The belief that crowds are unreasonable may well have been partially responsible for the behaviour of the police at Hillsborough. You may remember the tragedy that occurred at the Hillsborough Football Stadium where almost a hundred football supporters were crushed to death against barriers designed to control them. It has been suggested by the media that the police made errors of judgement in their crowd control measures, believing the supporters to be typical of a mob who could not be reasoned with. Two officers were subsequently convicted of wilful negligence as a result of the Hillsborough disaster. Perhaps if it had been possible to explain to the crowd what was happening, a totally different outcome may have occurred. Because it is often difficult to predict a pattern of crowd behaviour before it occurs, research is often retrospective and open to speculation. However, when instances of extreme crowd behaviours are analysed, the results suggest that Le Bon’s theory is misguided and point to the fact that crowds rarely behave in a totally random way but actually follow a relatively predictable pattern.

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T H E O R I E S E X P L A I N I N G C R O W D B E H AV I O U R

We have already mentioned Le Bon’s theory of social contagion, which suggests that the group ‘catches’ a mood, surrendering to a kind of ‘collective consciousness’ and thereby evading their personal responsibilities. There are a number of other theories which may also help to explain the behaviour of crowds. theories explaining unpredictable behaviour Deindividuation Perhaps the best-known theory explaining crowd behaviour is the theory of deindividuation. Festinger et al. (1952) first introduced the concept of deindividuation which he defined as a state of affairs in a group where members do not pay attention to other individuals as individuals and, correspondingly, members do not feel they are being singled out by others. What he meant was that people in groups seem to lose their own sense of identity and just seem to merge with the whole. This results in them becoming free from normal behavioural restraints, less inhibited in their behaviour and more liable to indulge in forms of behaviour that they would not indulge in under other circumstances. It is worth remembering that although individual people in crowds are less identifiable by observers who are not part of the crowd, they are often easily identified by other crowd members and may actually choose the crowd activity in order to express their identity (see social identity theory). Diffusion of responsibility This merging of individuals in crowds has implications for subsequent behaviour, in that it seems to cause a diffusion of responsibility; that is, where responsibility for any action is shared between the group members. What happens if the behaviour of that group is different from the behaviour the individual would normally have adhered to if he were alone, for example looting shop windows? The individual no longer feels solely responsible for his actions because he is sharing that responsibility with the others, and because he is no longer identifiable. The normal constraints on his behaviour, which come from being held responsible for his own actions, no longer exist. Zimbardo (1969) used the concepts of deindividuation and identification with the mob together to explain crowd behaviour. He suggested that when people are no longer governed by their individual consciences they will act differently from the way they would as autonomous individuals. He claimed that if people believe that they can be identified, they have to take responsibility for their behaviour and therefore they will control their aggressive impulses. The larger the group, the less likelihood there is of being recognised, and therefore the more extreme the behaviour.


Zimbardo (1969) investigated whether deindividuation (anonymity) affected demonstrations of aggression by comparing the intensity of shock female undergraduates gave to another female (a confederate of the researcher) after seeing her interviewed. Some groups saw a ‘pleasant’ woman being interviewed, whilst others saw an ‘obnoxious’ female who was argumentative and the shocks were intended as a kind of evaluation of the interview. The participants observed the behaviour of the interviewee through a one-way mirror as they received the shocks (although no shocks were actually given). Half the participants were dressed in bulky lab coats and hoods and not referred to by name (thus hiding their identities), and the other half were identifiable because they were wearing name tags and their own clothes. Zimbardo found that the deindividuated participants pressed the shock button for twice as long as the identifiable participants. He also discovered that the identifiable participants shocked the ‘obnoxious’ interviewee more than the ‘nice’ one, whereas the deindividuated participants were indiscriminate: they shocked both equally. One criticism of this study is that the participants’ outfits may have encouraged them to be aggressive and this was investigated by Johnson and Downing (1979). They suggested that the outfits worn by the women in the Zimbardo study were very like those worn by the Ku-Klux-Klan. They replicated the study, but this time dressed one group as nurses, and discovered that although the nurses were wearing identical uniforms and therefore lacked individuality, they actually gave fewer and less severe shocks. Further research supports the idea that deindividuation increases aggressive behaviour. Mullen (1986) analysed the newspaper reports of 60 lynchings in the United States between 1899 and 1946. He found that the numbers of people present influenced the level of crowd brutality – the more people there were in the mobs, the greater the savagery shown when they killed their victims. Mann (1981) analysed newspaper reports which detailed the behaviour of crowds watching suicidal people threatening to jump from different locations. He found that in ten out of 21 cases, the crowd actually shouted and jeered at the potential victim, and encouraged the person to jump but that this behaviour usually occurred when the crowd was large or it was dark (thus making identification of crowd members unlikely). A recent example of how a crowd can encourage a suicide attempt occurred on the Seattle Bridge in the US in August, 2001. Here a suicidal young woman was urged to jump from the bridge by angry commuters who shouted at her to ‘jump, bitch’. The commuters had been caught in a traffic jam caused by the police closing lanes over the bridge, as they tried to talk her to safety. The commuters, from the anonymity of their cars, jeered and taunted the woman who jumped 150 feet into a canal, fracturing her spine and sustaining chest and abdominal injuries.

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Arousal There is another explanation for the behaviour of groups and this relates to the previous chapter where we looked at the effects of crowding on behaviour. If we are in a large group, we may become increasingly aroused, and as you know, when we are aroused, it makes it less easy to think rationally. We are less able to make sense of what is going on around us and we may therefore become less self-aware and more impulsive. Diener (1979) suggested that this high level of arousal may lead to the following outcomes: • • • •

We are less able to monitor our own behaviour and this will make us more impulsive. We are much more sensitive to external cues such as other people’s emotions or the situation. We have a much lower level of concern about whether others approve of our actions. We find it much harder to plan subsequent behaviour rationally.

theories explaining predictable behaviour Emergent norm theory This theory suggests that the behaviour of a crowd is triggered by the first people to show a certain type of behaviour (Turner and Killian, 1993). This is because if we are unaware of how to behave, we look to others for guidance. Therefore the first person to act in what is perceived as a legitimate way will influence the behaviour of the rest of the crowd. Social identity theory Social identity theory deals with the idea of in-groups and out-groups and can help to explain group behaviour. Social identity theory suggests that we have a social identity which is linked to our membership of certain groups. We therefore need to believe our group is superior in order to increase our selfimage and ultimately our self-esteem (the value we place on ourselves). Tajfel (1981) suggested our self-image has two parts, our own personal identity and our identity as a member of a group. If someone perceives their group to be of low status, they will feel their social identity to be relatively worthless and this will reflect on their self-image. On the other hand, if they believe that the group has high status, this will make them value their social identity and in turn will increase their self-image. A positive self-image will consequently increase self-esteem. If we belong to a group that we know others perceive to be worthless, this will reflect on our self-image. Therefore we may convince ourselves that the status of our group is actually quite high in order to make ourselves feel better. This suggestion that we see our group as superior means that we


tend to hold negative stereotypical views of the out-groups. This is what lies behind the in-group/out-group idea – we increase the value of our own group and decrease the value of other groups in order to create for ourselves a positive social identity. Although this is an unconscious process, it helps to explain why group behaviour is often directed and ordered rather than irrational and irresponsible – we are maintaining the status of our own group over another group as a way of maintaining our belief that we are in a superior position. Once we are part of a group, the group will dictate the norms of our behaviour. If the group is a transitory group, the norms will be decided as time goes on; therefore a group which has started peacefully could become violent. Therefore one person, acting as an individual, who was in no way planning to become involved in aggressive behaviour, may actually find themselves involved because they have responded to the norms of the group. According to Reichter (1982), crowd behaviour often occurs because the individuals within the crowd focus on the other members of the crowd to provide clues on how to behave. Reichter (1982) conducted an experiment to show how important people’s social identity was to them. The participants (who were either science or social science students) were told they were going to take part in a study looking at the relationship between attitudes and behaviour, and that the subject under consideration was vivisection (which is the practice of operating surgically on living animals for the purposes of research). They were shown a five-minute video which presented the views and arguments of four groups of students towards vivisection. The video showed that scientists were in favour of vivisection whilst the social scientists were consistently against it. The participants were then tested on their attitudes towards vivisection, either as individuals sitting round a table in full view of each other, or they were deindividuated by wearing baggy overalls and cloth masks of different colours denoting group membership. The results showed that first, scientists gave more pro-vivisection responses under group than under individual conditions, whereas the social science students gave more anti-vivisection responses under group than individual conditions. For the scientists, being hooded increased the number of pro-vivisection responses. Reichter concluded that these results suggested that people, when put in a group, adopt the attitudes of the group to which they belong and these attitudes become more important than their own individual attitudes because they give the individuals a sense of social identity. The concept of social identity was investigated by Reichter (1982) in a detailed case study of a famous incident which occurred in the St. Paul’s area of Bristol in 1980. St. Paul’s is a deprived inner city area with a predominantly black population. The police raided ‘The Black and White Café’ which was the social centre for the area with a warrant to search for drugs, and arrested the

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owner. According to an observer, the police were loading some items into a police van when onlookers began throwing bricks at them and so they retreated into the café, calling for reinforcements. By the time the reinforcements arrived, the crowd numbered 2–3000 and a series of violent incidents occurred with police cars being set on fire and several people being seriously injured. Reichter collected data from a number of different sources including the official reports of the Chief Fire Officer and the Police Authority lawyer, television reports, journalists’ interviews and interviews with 26 adult residents of the area and 20 eleven-year-old children. He acknowledged it was difficult collecting some of the data and that some of the adults interviewed were suspicious of his motives. Despite this fact, it became evident that the actions of the crowd, which appeared uncontrolled and random, were actually focused. The violence occurred only in a limited area, and did not involve attacks on anything other than what were perceived as legitimate targets such as the police and their cars. The only other damage that occurred was a bus window being smashed by accident, and the crowd members regarded this with disgust. The people present had taken on a social identity with a common purpose – to remove the police presence from St. Paul’s. Reichter argued that the participants weren’t deindividuated; their group identity was important to them and they were willing to participate in events because they shared a common identity and were proud of it. Conformity Another theory used to explain the behaviour of crowds is that of conformity. Conformity has been described as ‘yielding to group pressure’ (Crutchfield, 1962). This definition implies direct pressure from others although this is not always the case. Aronson (1976) suggested it was a ‘change in a person’s behaviour or opinions as a result of real or imagined pressure from a person or group of people’. The perception of pressure, real or otherwise, would make more sense because rarely do others tell us to conform. One explanation for this behaviour is that we often conform because it reduces our feelings of anxiety. If we are in a group and it is behaving in a certain way, unless we are very confident and self-assured, we will tend to go along with the group rather than feeling the discomfort of standing alone. Probably the most famous studies on conformity were undertaken by Asch (1951) when he demonstrated that people would deny the evidence of their own eyes, rather than contradict the people they were with. His participants were required to sit round a semi-circular table with six stooges (confederates of the experimenter) so that they were second to last. They were shown a number of cards on which were drawn three lines of different lengths, labelled A, B and C. They were then asked to say which line corresponded to another line presented on a separate card. Each of the participants answered the


researcher in turn, often giving a blatantly incorrect answer, and in one-third of trials the participants agreed with the answer of the rest of the group. Asch interviewed his participants after the trials to try and find out why they conformed to the group responses and many of them indicated that one of the reasons why they had gone along with the others was that they did not want to cause problems within the group and wanted to maintain a kind of ‘group harmony’. If we extend this idea to group behaviour, it would suggest that people are not swept away by social contagion after all. Instead it suggests that they actually rationally decide to behave in a certain way within a group rather than feeling the discomfort of going against group norms and risking being ostracised. Context and ritualisation One of the explanations for crowd behaviour relates to the context or situation surrounding an event. If a group of people come together for a particular purpose, for example to cheer on their football team, this particular context will dictate the behaviour of the crowd. According to theories of territorial behaviour (see Chapter 6), if a team is playing at home, the fans are more likely to behave in a territorial manner, showing a kind of ritual resentment of the opposing team’s supporters as they arrive on their home ground by shouting, jeering and gesticulating towards them in a hostile way. On the other hand, if the team is playing away, its supporters will appear to become quite defensive and less overtly hostile (unless they are in the majority). Football hooliganism has always been an easy target for the media, and crowd behaviours which result in disturbances within stadiums have usually been videoed. According to Marsh et al. (1996), journalists since the 1960s have sometimes been sent to football matches to report on crowd behaviour, rather than just the game. Headlines such as ‘Mindless Morons’ and ‘Savages! Animals!’, as displayed in the Daily Mirror, have done nothing to improve the public perception of football fans, and may in fact perpetuate and even encourage the stereotypical images. In fact, as pointed out by Marsh et al., the 1978 Report on Public Disorder and Sporting Events, carried out by the Sports Council and Social Science Research Council, observed that: It must be considered remarkable, given the problems of contemporary Britain, that football hooliganism has received so much attention from the Press. The events are certainly dramatic, and frightening for the bystander, but the outcome in terms of people arrested and convicted, people hurt, or property destroyed is negligible compared with the number of people potentially involved. Peter Marsh is probably best known for his early work on football hooliganism, conducted in the late 1970s and early 1980s. He demonstrated that football

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crowds are not the unruly, disorganised, anarchic groups that we often believe them to be. Marsh et al. (1978) undertook a longitudinal study of Oxford United football fans by videoing the supporters at the London Road end of the stadium and interviewing them over time. He found that the social groupings remained virtually the same from match to match but changed gradually over time. The groups reflected the different types of fans, for example ‘The Rowdies’ were aged between 12 and 17 and were the noisiest and dressed in the most identifiable outfits (the hooligans). Another group was labelled ‘The Town Boys’ and were older and wore less distinctive clothing. Marsh et al. identified four other groups and concluded that they provided a kind of career structure for the fans who demonstrated their readiness to move to the next group by certain behaviours. Therefore the fans’ behaviour was not random and disorganised; it was subject to set patterns of behaviour. The fans’ aggressive behaviour was actually ritualised, even though at first appearance it looked disorganised. One explanation for ritualistic behaviour, taken from a comparative perspective (a perspective which compares the behaviour of humans and animals), is that ritualistic behaviour serves the purpose of preventing serious damage. Perhaps one way of explaining this is to take dogs as an example. They often use ritualised aggression rather than making all-out attacks, initially snarling at each other and then possibly going for the neck until one rolls over and submits to the other. This is a ritual of aggression to determine who has superiority but prevents any real damage. After all, if they seriously pursued these actions, they would be quite capable

• Figure 4.3: Ipswich fans watching a Division 1 playoff between Ipswich and Barnsley at Wembley


of killing each other. The problem is that when this ritualised and selfregulating behaviour is interfered with, the likelihood that it becomes destructive is increased. Once the patterns and their subsequent responses have been disrupted, the participants do not always know what ‘happens’ next and are therefore left to their own devices. Similarly in situations where football fans shout or gesture to each other, and even chase the ‘intruders’, actual acts of aggression are less common. I N T E R V E N T I O N L E A D I N G T O D I S R U P T I O N S I N B E H AV I O U R PAT T E R N S

As you will see in the next section, there are times when crowds are prevented from following the pattern of behaviour they would expect to follow, either by natural events or by outside agencies, and in instances like these, behaviour can degenerate into mayhem. An example of a situation where police intervention resulted in considerable conflict is the Trafalgar Square Poll Tax riot of March 1990 which was examined by Stott and Drury (1997). The function of politically motivated crowds is to increase public awareness of perceived grievances although these politically motivated gatherings only infrequently result in some kind of violent behaviour. On this occasion, a demonstration was organised to protest about the poll tax, which was an extremely unpopular flat-rate tax, due to be imposed by the Conservative Government. The demonstration was to consist of a march from Kennington Park to Trafalgar Square where a rally was to be held. It was estimated that 250,000 people would attend the rally and, prior to the march leaving from Kennington Park, the demonstrators agreed by a show of hands that the whole rally would be non-violent. The march was uneventful until it passed along Whitehall where people stopped and began a sit-down protest opposite Downing Street. This meant that others could not continue on to Trafalgar Square and it was at this point that the police intervened by re-routing the rest of the demonstration, and then using riot police and horses to move the seated crowd from Whitehall in the direction of Trafalgar Square. The result was as many as 5000 people becoming involved in running battles with the police and damaging property in and around the area. Although the police at the time understood that the demonstration was legitimate, they were obviously concerned that the crowd would become irrational and violent even though it was known that there were probably very few extremist factions present at the march. Consequently they acted against the whole crowd rather than the potentially dangerous few. This in turn affected the perceptions of members of the crowd who believed that their safety was now under threat and this changed the way they felt towards the situation. They now began to respond (legitimately in their eyes) in a collective manner in order to defend themselves, either by acting or by cheering on those who did take part in any action. Before the police intervention, the

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collective consciousness (or rather, the universal feelings) of the crowd was much less obvious – they had come together initially for one purpose, but were composed of a few small groups of extremists and the main body of ‘others’. Suddenly they shared a common feeling of antagonism towards the police. At this point, the group members began to behave in ways they would not normally have considered acceptable; they felt empowered by their membership of the group and became offensive rather than defensive which resulted in looting of properties around the area. C R O W D S I N E M E R G E N C Y S I T U AT I O N S

Crowds in emergency situations often behave very differently from the relatively structured behaviour which we have discussed so far. This is by no means to suggest that all crowds behave in a civilised and orderly way, but it would seem that there are rules and laws which govern what appears to be even the most unruly crowd. However, there are times when crowd behaviour is less likely to follow any predictable pattern and that is when it finds itself in a situation which requires immediate and urgent action – an emergency. First, emergency situations, if they are perceived as such, increase levels of arousal. This in turn will prevent the individual members thinking as rationally as they would normally, because as we know, high levels of arousal reduce performance of cognitive tasks, and thinking of an adequate response is a complex task. This might explain why incorrect actions may be taken by some crowd members. Others may follow, either due to social contagion, where people blindly follow others, or because they have made a decision (perhaps without being aware) to conform. As we have already mentioned, Asch (1951) suggested that we conform to group norms rather than feel anxiety by going against the decisions or behaviour of the rest of the group, even when we know the decision that group has made is incorrect. Sherif (1935) also demonstrated that participants will accept the judgement of others as their own if the situation is ambiguous. If the emergency situation has no obvious solution, we will take our cues from the behaviour of others in order to cope. This is why people often start to head for an emergency exit if they need to escape from an area, but are unable to stop the stampede if the way is barred. We could argue that panic behaviours in emergency situations do have an element of rationality about them. After all, if you are in a burning building, your overriding wish would be to escape to freedom. Taking the most immediate and fastest route is no more than a survival mechanism and should therefore be understood as such rather than being seen as a kind of irrational response. On the other hand, if you have had past experience of escaping from emergency situations, your behaviour would probably take on a very different nature, because you would have a bank of knowledge or schematic representation of what you should do. This is why many of the people trying to


escape from the World Trade Centre in the USA in September 2001 reported that the crowds filed down the stairs in an orderly fashion to try to get to the street below. Many of them had had the experience of a bomb in the basement several years beforehand and remembered the procedure. In this instance, the emergent norm was to walk in an orderly fashion without pushing in order to reach safety. The idea of previous experience affecting behaviour in emergency situations was investigated by Donald and Canter (1992) when they interviewed relatives and friends of the 31 victims who died in the Kings Cross underground fire which occurred on 18 November 1987. The fire started in one of the shafts of the wooden escalator that carried passengers from the platforms to the ticketing hall. The fire, which was initially quite localised, suddenly erupted at 7.45 p.m. and produced severe conditions like those of a flashover, with flames and thick smoke obscuring vision and preventing any further rescue attempts. Donald and Canter accounted for the movements of 24 of the victims and suggested that they behaved during the fire as they would normally have behaved when travelling on the underground. They appeared to have referred to stored memories or scripts which dictated behaviour almost as if they were acting out a play. Many of the victims either followed their usual journeys or retraced their steps and it was, in this instance, their lack of panic that may have increased the death toll because they did not take the situation seriously. Mintz (1951) researched panic situations and discovered that panics are actually produced by what can be identified as rational behaviour on an individual level. An example would be the 1903 Chicago theatre fire where over 300 people died as a result of a rush for the exits. Most of the dead were trampled or smothered by others trying to escape and when the building was searched after the fire, bodies, seven or eight deep, were found on the stairwells. Therefore the victims were actually behaving in what seemed to be a rational way to them, by getting to the exits as quickly as possible. With hindsight it is easy to see that the best idea would be for people to take turns, but each individual was acting for his or her own self-interest and these individual behaviours, when totalled together, resulted in negative consequences. Mintz (1951) undertook research to examine this explanation of panic behaviours using very simple experiments. In one experiment, he attached strings to aluminium cones which were fed into a large bottle. The neck of the bottle was narrow and would allow only one cone at a time to be extracted. Participants were given a string with a cone attached and the bottle was slowly filled with water which entered the bottle from the base. They were told that they would be fined if their cone got wet, but rather than negotiating to extract each one at a time until they were all removed in a dry condition, the participants all pulled at the same time, all the cones got jammed in the neck

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and all got wet. This research, conducted in the relatively relaxed environment of a laboratory, still produced irrational responses. If we imagine the same participants trying to make the same kinds of decisions in an emergency situation, the responses we looked at earlier become much easier to understand. Section summary

• •

• •

•

• Crowds often have well-defined codes of behaviour although they may act on impulse as a result of an overwhelming belief that spreads by social contagion. Investigations into crowd behaviours suggest that Le Bon’s theory is incorrect. The perception that crowds are unruly often leads to overcontrol and this can have negative consequences. Crowd behaviour can be predictable or unpredictable. Unpredictable behaviour can be explained by theories of deindividuation, diffusion of responsibility and high levels of arousal. Predictable behaviour can be explained by emergent norm theory, social identity theory, conformity, context and ritualisation. Sometimes crowds appear to behave in an irrational way and this can be explained by interference to their normal patterns of behaviour causing them to act unpredictably. Crowds in emergency situations may behave in an unstructured way as high levels of arousal lead to difficulty thinking clearly. They may conform to group norms or stored patterns of behaviour if there is no obvious solution to the situation, or people may simply act according to the fight/flight mechanism as a way of escape. There are instances when crowd behaviour in emergency situations is actually quite rational for individuals, but when taken by groups of people will result in negative consequences.

Controlling crowds and preventing problems As we have already suggested, responses to crowd behaviour often reflect Le Bon’s theory that crowds are unruly and unreasonable. This means that agencies such as the police frequently work on the premise that all crowds are uniformly dangerous and must be controlled. Any unexpected behaviours are therefore regarded as threatening and must be dealt with in case they escalate. However, this is not always the case, as we have shown from the previous studies, suggesting that many crowd behaviours are actually quite rational and controlled and follow a predictable pattern. It therefore seems that any kind of intervention from an outside agency can cause the crowd to ‘lose its way’ because the situation has become different from that which has been learned from previous events – the crowd has no prior experience on which to


base its actions, as suggested by Marsh et al. (1978). Therefore perhaps the first priority when trying to control crowds and prevent problems would be to identify the nature of the crowd concerned. If a crowd has prior experience of meeting, it is likely to have developed some kind of ritual behaviour which should provide guidance as to how it will behave. Crowd dissent usually occurs in situations where there are factions present, such as minority action groups or trouble-makers, which upset the usual patterns. Although we cannot easily (or ethically) control the movement of such individuals, their presence would indicate the potential for antisocial behaviour. If the crowd is transitory, there will be no group norms of behaviour and this may lead to a situation where its members look to each other for guidance, as described by emergent norm theory. In this case, the likelihood of antisocial or undesired types of behaviour is higher, although by no means inevitable. However, it would be more justifiable for agencies to keep a wary eye on this type of crowd. As deindividuation may be a contributory factor in crowd disturbances, if it could be prevented or reduced by making the crowd aware that its members are identifiable, this should in turn reduce some potentially destructive behaviours. The installation of CCTV is one technique that can be used, although the crowds concerned would need to be aware that the cameras are in operation. There are many media images of people involved in antisocial acts who retain their anonymity by wearing facemasks and balaclavas, and this can obviously make this method less effective. However, an analysis of crime statistics has demonstrated the effectiveness of CCTV surveillance by showing a reduction of antisocial acts in areas where it has been installed. However, on some occasions, people cease to be aware of the cameras, either because they have habituated to them or because they are too aroused and focused on what is going on to take notice of them. Perhaps the best way to control crowds and prevent problems occurring is to analyse past events and learn from them. Waddington et al. (1987) proposed a model which could be used to analyse past examples of social disorder. They suggest that there are six different levels which should be taken into account. They claim there has to be an interaction between some or all of these factors which will determine the behaviour of the crowd, but that no one level alone is sufficient on its own. Analysis should involve considering the following levels: • Structural levels: looking at the social structure of the groups involved, for example whether they perceive themselves as being disadvantaged • Political/ideological levels: looking at the politics or ideology of the crowd members • Cultural levels: looking at any underlying cultural issues • Contextual levels: looking at events that have preceded the current event

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• •

Spatial levels: looking at the environment in which disturbance has occurred and see if that has contributed to events Interactional level: looking at the kind of interactions that have occurred between the people present.

Using these six levels as a basis for analysis of any future crowd event, it may be possible to predict in advance what might happen and therefore take the best possible course of action to avoid negative consequences. Waddington et al. had previously compared two public rallies, both of which took place in the same town during the miners’ strike in 1984. One rally resulted in violence between the police and the demonstrators while the other • Table 4.1: Waddington et al.’s (1987) six levels of analysis, with suggested questions to be asked about prospective events

Structural

Political/ ideological

Cultural

Contextual

Spatial

Interactional

Are there any long-term underlying issues of importance to the crowd, such as housing or unemployment? Do the members of the crowd oppose the views of the current government or another important organisation? An example is the action taken by lorry drivers in protest against fuel prices in September 2000. Are there any cultural issues involved, such as common beliefs or attitudes that are relevant to a particular cultural group? The context in which the event takes place may be important. Has there been any event or activity prior to the current event that may be of relevance in predicting its outcome? Have the police preconceptions as to the likely behaviour of the crowd that might make them over-sensitive to the current event? Where is the event to take place? The environment in which the crowd gathers may influence events due to people feeling crowded and having no escape route, or because they are directed into a confrontational situation with others. Have the police or other authorities been briefed as to how to handle crowd members and told to use an appropriate interpersonal style? Past experience has shown that the nature of the interactions between the people involved will have a significant effect on subsequent events.


was peaceful. Data were collected prior to both events, allowing analysis of context, and the researchers became participant observers as the events progressed. They also interviewed members of the crowd at the time as to how they perceived the event. They concluded that the only differences between the two meetings were contextual, spatial and interactional. The second meeting was planned after consultations with the police; the location was decided allowing for barriers to be erected rather than confronting the crowd with police; and the organisers rather than the police controlled the crowd. Using the levels of analysis to predict the likely behaviour of a planned gathering, Waddington et al. suggested five courses of action which could be taken to help in its control: 1 2 3

4

5

The crowd should be self-policing if possible. There should be contact between the police and the organisers before the event. The police should agree to using minimal force and keep a low profile rather than arriving in riot gear. If they arrive with equipment which indicates they expect a confrontation, it may incite the crowd members to respond accordingly. The people in charge should have some experience in interpersonal communication rather than simply arousing antagonism by using an inappropriate tone or manner. The police or authority in charge must be seen by the crowd to be accountable for their behaviour and not simply a law unto themselves. This would mean that their behaviour would be less likely to be seen as extreme.

The one disadvantage with Waddington et al.’s suggestion is that crowds often gather spontaneously and therefore this analysis is not possible. It would seem that the original theories of Le Bon are far too simplistic and that crowd behaviour, far from being unruly and out of control, is generally both predictable and controllable. Even in emergency situations, if at least some of the people present are experienced in the situation, the crowd should use their behaviour as a model as to what to do. It is only when the crowd experiences a new and alarming situation, with insufficient role models to provide a clear pattern of behaviour and they are too aroused to hold onto any rational thought, that the sort of panic we sometimes associate with mobs may occur.

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Section summary

• • • •

•

Crowds are often rational and controlled and it is only external intervention which causes a crowd to behave

irrationally. In order to prevent inappropriate intervention, the nature of the crowd should be considered. Deindividuation should be reduced as far as possible, perhaps using technological measures such as CCTV. Analysis of past events is a good predictor of future behaviours. Action to prevent potential trouble should be carefully planned before the event itself.

KEY TERMS collective consciousness comparative perspective context deindividuation diffusion of responsibility hindsight law of mental unity ritualisation scripts self-esteem social contagion

EXERCISE 1

Observe different groups of people in and around where you live or where you go to college and see if you can identify behaviours that are specific to each group. Compile a questionnaire describing these observed behaviours and then ask people from each of the observed groups if they would take part in the described behaviours, giving reasons for their answers. Look at the answers and analyse whether the reasons given are a result of group identity, or as a result of individual choices of participants.


EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Briefly describe two explanations that psychologists would give for unruly crowd behaviours. [6 marks] (b) Discuss how effective these explanations are in explaining unruly crowd behaviours. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe what psychologists have found out about the behaviour of crowds. [10 marks] (b) Discuss what psychologists have found out about the behaviour of crowds. [16 marks] (c) Using your psychological knowledge, suggest ways in which an event organiser could reduce the possibility of a riot occurring. [8 marks]

Further reading Eysenck, M. W. (2000). Psychology, a Student’s Handbook. Hove: Psychology Press, pp.575–581. Gifford, R. (1996). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, pp.142–143.

Websites http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/special_report/1999/11/99/greenham_comm on/newsid_503000/503602.stm Greenham Common http://www.biols.susx.ac.uk/home/Sam_Hutton/teaching/WSfP/8a.htm http://psy.plym.ac.uk/staff/freid/student/lecturenotes/psy333/psy3333/psyc33 33notes.pdf Discussion of Le Bon

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http://shs.tay.ac.uk/aetcs/BSA%20paper.htm The intergroup dynamics of empowerment: A social identity model http://www.redpepper.org.uk/mkisby.html May Day riots http://www.sirc.org/publik/football_violence.html Football hooligans http://ad2004.com/Biblecodes/Hebrewmatrix/hillsborough.html Hillsborough disaster http://www.guardian.co.uk/Archive.Article/0,4273,4247537,00.html ‘Woman plunges from bridge after taunts’, by Duncan Campbell of the Guardian http://www.firetactics.com/KINGS%20CROSS.htm Kings Cross Railway fire

5 five

Environmental disaster and technological catastrophe

Introduction At 8.48 a.m. on Tuesday 11 September 2001, people on their way to work in the central area of New York’s Manhattan Island witnessed what can be described as the most horrific terrorist attack in history. They watched in disbelief as first one and then another passenger airline flew into the two towers of the World Trade Centre which housed 400 firms from 25 countries employing about 50,000 people. The events of 11 September 2001 are unlikely ever to be forgotten. Certainly the sheer enormity of the events that took place in New York have overshadowed many environmental disasters that have occurred over the centuries. The high death toll and the speed of events due to an unimaginable situation left survivors with no time to come to terms with what happened. The subsequent reactions to the events that unfolded over the following weeks, first the denial, then the blame and finally, slowly, the acceptance, seemed to follow a predictable pattern. However, the day-to-day lives of a great many people were affected in their own individual ways and they have had to use as many strategies as they can to help them deal with the events. All disasters and catastrophes cause similar types of problems to the victims and their families. Often the difference between the events themselves is no more than magnitude. There are times when disasters are predictable, allowing preparation time, but often the preparations are inadequate or events take unexpected turns. Once the event is over, the survivors need support and the nature of this support will affect how they manage to come to terms with the events that have occurred. In order to consider this area of environmental psychology we are going to focus on the following:

• definitions, characteristics and causes • behavioural and psychological effects of disasters and catastrophes • psychological intervention before and after events.

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Definitions, characteristics and causes We are all familiar with the kinds of environmental events which cause either excessive destruction of property or the loss of human life or both. Earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, fires, storms and avalanches have caused untold human misery. Similarly, events such as the terrorist activity in New York and Washington, leaks of radioactive material such as those that occurred from Chernobyl and Three Mile Island, chemical spills or leakage, the King’s Cross underground fire, and even the sinking of the Titanic have also claimed their share of human lives and have caused long-term suffering. The first group are considered to be natural disasters because human beings theoretically have no part in their occurrence, but the second group are all results of the impact of humans on the environment in which we live. Before we continue, it would be useful to elaborate slightly on the last points. Although disasters caused by naturally occurring events generally have no human input, there are times when there is an interaction between natural events and our effects on the environment. For example, the 1984 drought in

• Figure 5.1: A flooded street in Cambridge after prolonged rainstorms, thought to be the worst in the area for 100 years


Ethiopia was made worse by wind erosion of the more fertile top soil as a result of deforestation. Cutting corners in the building construction industry resulted in huge losses of life and property in the earthquake that occurred in northern Turkey in 1999. Even the floods of October 2000 which occurred in the south-east of England were so destructive in part because we have built on land which is flood plain. Defining these events as either natural or technological is no simple task. If we simply accept that they are all environmental disasters irrespective of the cause, then the definition provided by Veitch and Arkkelin (1995) seems reasonable: A disaster is something that has extreme negative consequences for those affected by it and is brought about as the result of the interaction of natural events and social systems. (Veitch and Arkkelin, 1995, p.355) This definition recognises that a natural event can only really be called a disaster if it affects us. An avalanche that causes damage to an area uninhabited and unvisited by humans may not be defined as a disaster. I have included below three examples of natural disasters and technological catastrophes. When you read them, focus on the psychological effects on survivors, such as the continuing fear and depression that often occurs for years after the events. We will be referring back to these examples later in the chapter. C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S A N D C A U S E S O F A N AT U R A L D I S A S T E R

Although natural disasters are relatively infrequent, because of their dramatic nature we remember them vividly. They are caused by natural events, such as extreme weather conditions or movements of the earth’s surface, which tend to be localised in certain areas of the world. Earthquakes are found in areas along fault lines in the earth’s crust, whereas hurricanes form over moisturerich oceans and coastlines, for example the Atlantic Ocean, Caribbean Sea and Gulf of Mexico. Disasters may also be caused by avalanches of snow, or excessive rainfall leading to flooding. The magnitude of a disaster may be enhanced by human intervention in certain areas, but humans are not directly responsible for the events. The recognised characteristics of natural disasters are: • They are sudden. • They are usually unpredictable and even when we have some warning, it does not specify exactly when the event will occur and what the results will be. • They are uncontrollable. • They are extremely powerful.

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They are usually acute which means that they usually last only for a very short time rather than days.

Portrait of a natural disaster

Turkish earthquake, September 1999 Approximately 15,000 people were killed in the earthquake that occurred in northern Turkey in September 1999. They were crushed in their sleep or died of wounds, dehydration or exhaustion as they lay trapped under the rubble of their homes. It is believed that the degree of destruction was due to shoddy building work which left the buildings unable to withstand the size of the tremors. Approximately 24,000 were injured and 600,000 were left homeless. Damage caused by the earthquake totalled in the region of $6.5 billion. Oil refineries caught fire, explosions rocked the rubble as leaking gas ignited, and in the weeks after the shock, health workers from more than 21 countries worked to prevent the spread of typhoid fever, cholera and dysentery. One year after the earthquake, the International Red Cross reported that the survivors were suffering from not only physical privation as a result of temporary and inadequate housing, but also psychological trauma. Only 27 per cent of the private houses remained erect; since then many of the survivors have been too frightened to live under a solid roof. Thomas Doyle of the Red Cross explained that the survivors were showing symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) as a result of their experiences. He also explained that the subsequent unemployment, poverty and poor living conditions have resulted in depression and boredom. Inadequate mental health facilities and denial of any fears or problems by the sufferers could result in recovery taking as long as ten years.

Portrait of a natural disaster

Hurricane Mitch, 24 October to 5 November 1998 On 21 October 1998, a tropical depression formed in the south Caribbean Sea. On the following day, it developed into a tropical storm and was named Mitch. By 26 October, it had strengthened to a hurricane with winds in the region of 180 mph. It was the worst Atlantic hurricane for 200 years and within ten days had caused damage in the region of $5 billion, killed over 11,000 people and left more than 3,000,000 homeless as it made its way from Honduras slowly inland. As the winds weakened it caused floods and landslides across central America, and finally entered the southern Gulf of Mexico where the warm waters rejuvenated it into a tropical storm. It then entered Florida where raging flood waters swept away bridges and devastated crops.


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Portrait of a Flooding in the UK, October 2000 natural disaster Almost constant rain falling in the south-east of England during October 2000 resulted in some of the worst flooding seen for decades and produced widespread damage. The land had already been saturated by higher than normal levels of rainfall and further rain meant rivers overflowed and flooded houses and businesses, cut off roads and brought some areas virtually to a standstill. The police ran out of road flood warning signs and rush-hour motorists waited on their car roofs for rescue workers who were evacuating residents of low-lying villages by boat and helicopter. Local borough councils were faced with providing temporary accommodation for people who had nowhere else to go whilst the water levels continued to rise. Weeks after the water levels began to fall, people were still unable to return to their homes as they were no longer habitable. When they finally regained temporary access to see if they could reclaim any of their possessions, they found them ruined and treasures lost in the foul-smelling water, which contained both dirt and sewage that the floods had picked up as they coursed their way through the towns.

CHARACTERISTICS AND CAUSES OF A TECHNOLOGICAL C ATA S T R O P H E

The difference between natural disasters and technological catastrophes is that technological catastrophes are the direct result of some kind of human activity. They may be caused by intention, such as bombings, or they may result from an error of judgement or miscalculation as in the cases of radiation leaks or poisoned rivers. Technological catastrophes are relatively uncommon, but according to Baum et al. (1983), they seem to have more pervasive longterm effects, both physically and psychologically, on their victims. This is probably because they can be seen as being directly attributable to someone who can be blamed and made to pay for their mistake. Often the perpetrator of the original mistake cannot be directly identified, for example if the mistake is caused by someone working for a company who hides under the company umbrella. There are also cases where no one person is guilty, but scapegoats (people used to take the blame) are often sought. The characteristics of technological catastrophes are: • They are artificially caused and not the product of natural forces. • They are not selective in where they might occur (i.e. they may occur in any geographical locations). • They vary in duration.

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•

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They may have no obvious low point, so that we cannot be sure when the worst point is reached and when things are likely to start getting better. They may lack visible destruction; for example, radioactive contamination.

Portrait of a technological catastrophe

Three Mile Island, March 1979 In March 1979 an accident occurred in Unit 2 at the Three Mile Island nuclear power station in the USA. As a result of equipment failures and human errors, the core of the reactor was exposed, generating extreme temperatures. Damage to fuel and equipment inside the reactor resulted in approximately 400,000 gallons of radioactive water collecting in the reactor building, together with radioactive gases which had become trapped in the concrete containment surrounding the reactor. The people living around the area became fearful of a possible nuclear explosion or a meltdown leading to radiation contamination. Information released was contradictory or inconsistent and when people were advised to evacuate the area, the level of stress amongst the people living near the plant became unbearable. The population continued to remain fearful as both the water and radioactive gas remained trapped inside the building for more than a year after the accident. The gas was released by the authorities in controlled bursts whilst the water took a number of years to be decontaminated. Studies investigating the long-term effects of stress on the surrounding population suggested that it persisted for as long as six years after the event. It was more evident in people who had little social support and was linked with higher levels of chronic illness.

Portrait of a technological catastrophe

Chernobyl, April 1986 Chernobyl is considered the largest and most hazardous nuclear accident in history. Its cause – two power workers who had fallen asleep in the early hours of the morning failed to notice a malfunction in the plant’s water circulation system which cooled the uranium rods. The meltdown that resulted from overheating caused a nuclear explosion that produced ten times as much radiation as the bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki and resulted in a radioactive cloud which swept across Europe as far as Wales and Cumbria.


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Not surprisingly, research has shown that the Chernobyl workers, when compared with a group of controls (from another power plant), demonstrated more symptoms of distress which increased over time. They were assessed using the MMPI (which uses scales of clinical symptoms) and showed an increase in distress levels from 18 per cent to 33 per cent (compared with 10 per cent in the controls) when measured three, six, 12 and 20 months after the accident (Koscheyev et al., 1993).

Portrait of a Buffalo Creek Flood, February 1972 technological On 26 February 1972, a dam constructed by a mining catastrophe company at Buffalo Creek in West Virginia, USA gave way after heavy rain, unleashing a wave of millions of gallons of water. The company had been dumping coal slag in the creek, and this, together with the water, poured through the creek, washing away several mining villages, killing 125 people and leaving 5000 homeless. The valley itself was left scoured and unrecognisable. Psychological studies which were carried out over the next three years found that no one who survived escaped some kind of psychological trauma. Many survivors suffered from PTSD, complaining of vivid memories and nightmares of the flood and the death and destruction it caused. Many found that they were unreasonably fearful and anxious and became phobic about changes in the weather. Guilt was another common symptom which led to feelings of depression and apathy and interfered with social relationships which should have been supportive. Memory lapses, general lethargy and despair were still evident two years after the event (Chamberlain, 1980).

•

•

Section summary Natural disasters are relatively infrequent and are caused by natural events such as extreme weather conditions or movements of the earth’s surface. They are usually unpredictable and uncontrollable and their results are obvious. Technological catastrophes are the direct result of some human factor and may be intentional or accidental. Because they are attributable to a person or group of people (i.e. someone is to blame), and are therefore perceived as avoidable, they have more pervasive long-term effects. They may vary in duration and their effects may be invisible to the naked eye.

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Behavioural and psychological effects of disasters and catastrophes The behaviours that occur during and after a disaster or catastrophe are dependent not only on the nature of the event itself, but also on a number of other factors. There may also be additional stressors such as noise either during or as a result of the event, extremes of temperature and the potential for overcrowding to occur in the aftermath, where people are brought together as an immediate safety measure or in temporary accommodation. During the event itself, the behaviour of the people may be affected by the sheer numbers present, as we have seen whilst looking at the behaviour of crowds. However, the behaviours of people who find themselves in a disaster situation follow a relatively set pattern although individual responses may vary. There are a number of dynamic models which have been used to look at the nature of human responses to disasters. They are known as dynamic because they look at the changing patterns of behaviour throughout the course of events. One of the first models was proposed by Tyhurst (1951), where he described the course of a disaster in three overlapping phases which he called the period of impact, the period of recoil and the period of post-trauma. The duration of each of these periods will depend very much on the nature of the disaster itself. There are also other, more complex models which have appeared later, although they still contain these three basic phases. We shall use this as a basis for the following explanation of the behaviours of individuals throughout the course of a disaster and the potential long-term effects. T H E P E R I O D O F I M PA C T

( I M M E D I AT E

EFFECTS)

denial The most obvious response to any sort of disaster is to run and hide, although this does not always seem to be the way that people respond. There are numerous television news reports of people standing watching the destruction of the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York, or even trying to get closer to have a better look, rather than removing themselves to a place of safety. Their immediate response was that of shock – stunned into disbelief and denial at what they saw. The following was taken from the New York Times on 13 September 2001. The responses of eyewitnesses suggested that the events were so horrific that they did not look real. Lakshman Achuthan, the managing director of the Economic Cycle Research Institute, who had just fled from the first tower to be hit, said ‘I looked over my shoulder and saw the United Airlines plane coming. It


• Figure 5.2: A hijacked jet airliner lines up on one of the World Trade Center twin towers in New York, 11 September 2001. Both towers collapsed shortly after

came over the Statue of Liberty. It was just like a movie. It just directly was guided into the second tower.’ Leach (1994) estimates that the most common response of victims is denial, where they refuse to believe the evidence of their own eyes, even when the event is upon them. Despite this cognitive withdrawal, they still respond physiologically to the event with symptoms which range from profuse sweating and a pounding heart to being unable to control their bladders or bowels. Behaviour may become automatic and emotionless and they may have problems thinking rationally. perceptual distortion Even when the first tower started to collapse, some people needed to be told to run to safety before the choking cloud of debris engulfed the streets. They

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seemed to be suffering a kind of perceptual distortion, in which their attention had narrowed to one event only and they were unaware of what else was going on. According to Leach (1994): Perceptual narrowing appears to be a manifestation of a restriction of attention. There is a narrowing of awareness coupled with an intensification on only one task. While this intensification enables a person to better concentrate on the selected task, there is no guarantee that the task so selected is the most appropriate one in the circumstances. Furthermore, this one task can overwhelm the victim blocking out other, perhaps vital, information needed for effective fuctioning and limiting the number of alternative responses available to the victim. (Leach, 1994, p.37) One of the major problems with perceptual distortion is when the focus of attention is relatively unimportant and victims miss the more vital information such as noises or smells and even lose all sense of time. This perceptual distortion may help to explain why some people in the US go out to watch hurricanes approaching and why hurricane parties are not uncommon (where people choose to get together, having stocked up on alcohol, to await the storm). The reasons for these effects are not completely understood, but it is believed they relate to high levels of arousal causing disturbances in rational thought. levels of activity The most common behaviour after a catastrophe is inactivity which can be explained by over-arousal and the inability to make decisions about what should be done. There are also instances where people, instead of becoming inactive, actually become hyperactive. This hyperactivity consists of intense but undirected actions which give the impression of being well thought-out but are often irrelevant or inappropriate. As we discussed in Chapter 4, people sometimes panic and behave in ways that may endanger their own or other people’s lives, such as trampling others underfoot in their haste to escape from a situation, or even jumping from windows when alternative escape methods may have been available. These individual responses relate to the nature of the people involved. As we have discussed in earlier chapters, some have a greater capacity for dealing with stressful situations than others. However, there are instances where the demands of the situation are almost too great for anybody’s resources and this is where irrational behaviour may be the result. rationality Despite such extraordinary behaviours, there are a number of welldocumented cases of victims acting calmly and rationally during disasters


(Quarentelli, 1976) although this only seems to occur in about 25 per cent of survivors (Leach, 1994). Although some of the activities they engage in are not always effective, it seems that people often do their best to limit potential damage. Archea (1990) interviewed Japanese people who experienced a severe earthquake in 1982 about what they actually did during the quake. According to Archea, the average person moved 27 feet and engaged in activities such as turning off gas, trying to prevent furniture from falling over, going outside or trying to help others. Further interviews with victims from different earthquakes reported the same sorts of behaviours but also suggested that though people tried to find a protected position for themselves, this did not seem to be the priority motivation. In fact, Archea speculates that after the first seconds of shock, people tend to try to protect the people or things that are most dear to them rather than considering their own safety. affiliation The importance of loved ones was demonstrated by Drabek and Stephenson (1971) when they studied responses to warnings of a flash flood. They found that when families weren’t together when the warning was issued, instead of evacuating the area, family members were more concerned to find each other, even if this involved taking actions contrary to the advice given. The importance of others to victims of disasters was supported by research undertaken by Sime (1985). Despite the fact that architects and designers assume that everyone will immediately head for emergency exits in dangerous situations if those exits are nearby and visible (a physical science model), Sime’s research has shown that not to be the case. He investigated the effects of a large fire in a shop by interviewing the survivors after fifty peolple had died. He discovered that most of the shoppers moved towards their companions first (an affiliative model), whilst the staff moved towards the exits. Sime suggested that the majority of shoppers would be accompanied by family or friends who were important to them whereas the staff members were alone. Therefore if we have people we are close to nearby, they will be more important to us; but if they are not around, we will behave according to the physical science model. There are two situational factors which may influence individual reactions: • Event duration: The longer an event lasts, the more likely it is that victims will be exposed to threat or harm and therefore the more effects the event will produce. They may start by panicking, but as time continues they may begin to act rationally, or vice versa. • Low point: Does the event have an obvious low point, i.e. a point when things are as bad as they are going to be and can, from that point

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onwards, only improve? If it is essential for people to protect themselves as a first response, then once the low point has been reached, they will be in a position to consider the welfare of others. The problem is that some events such as earthquakes do not have clearly defined low points. There may be further tremors and aftershocks. Each aftershock may produce more fear, upset and apprehension about potential future events. THE PERIOD OF RECOIL

rationalisation According to Leach (1994), once the immediate danger has passed, the period of ‘recoil’ starts which usually begins with a state of confusion where the survivors are not sure what to do. At this point they begin to look around them and realise the extent of damage that has been caused, both to life and property. Some immediately start to question what has happened, whether it is all over, whether anything else is likely to happen and whether anyone is going to help. These questions do not require any reasonable answers but seem to be asked in order to rationalise what has happened by putting the event into some kind of perspective. These rationalisation responses are more common when the disaster is manmade rather than due to natural causes, and when there is no warning. affiliation During this period of recoil survivors cling to each other for support. Families are of crucial importance and the first choice in terms of providing support. Survivors will do their best to reach other family members, even when there is a chance they may have been lost. They will also look to others to care for them as they may become very dependent. Even complete strangers who have shared the experience become of vital importance although the relationships may be transitory. These groups form to help each other deal with what has occurred and are used to go over the events again and again, trying to make sense of what has happened. We also gauge our behaviour on the behaviour of others to see if they are responding in the same way, but what can happen is that people ‘wind each other up’ by developing a kind of mass hysteria. This kind of response can be explained by Le Bon’s (1895) theory of social contagion which was described in Chapter 4 when we talked about the effects of crowds on behaviour. scapegoating This is a time when people become angry at what has happened and, as a way of diffusing that anger, try to find a scapegoat, that is, someone to blame. This kind of scapegoating is very difficult with a natural disaster, but with a technological catastrophe, it becomes easier at least to focus in the right


direction. We attribute all sorts of things to the scapegoat, many of which are incorrect, simply as a way of projecting our anger. Drabek and Quarantelli (1967) report that this process can sometimes prevent us from finding the real cause of the disaster by focusing on personalities rather than causes, which prevents planning to control future disasters. With the New York terrorist disaster, the finger was pointed almost immediately at Osama Bin Laden, although at the time there was little evidence that he was to blame. If there is no obvious target for this anger, which may be completely irrational, it may be projected onto other innocent people such as aid workers who are blamed for their late arrival or for not looking for survivors in the right places. Evidence from other sources besides disasters, for example clinical situations, has indicated that stress is lower when the survivor has someone else to blame (Rubinois and Bickman, 1991). emotional withdrawal Some survivors retire into emotional withdrawal and wander round aimlessly or become fixated on minor things such as where they have left a bag or a book. This period will last only for a few days until the full extent of the events have been realised and outside agencies have come to organise coping strategies. T H E P E R I O D O F P O S T- T R A U M A

(OR

A F T E R M AT H )

The after-effects of a disaster are very much dependent on whether the event was caused by natural or technological means. If an event has an obvious low point, behaviour is adjusted accordingly, but if the event has no obvious low point and no immediate damage, the effects take much longer to manifest themselves. The after-effects may also be influenced by the nature of the person concerned and whether they believe they can cope. Coping mechanisms include such things as personality type, material resources available such as alternative accommodation or money, and finally, levels of social support. The degree of loss in terms of life and property also plays a part with the loss of family members causing more distress than the loss of acquaintances. Similarly, if people have had experience of similar events, the effects will be lessened as they will understand the events which may occur in the aftermath and be prepared for them. Figure 5.3 summarises the factors affecting coping responses. From Figure 5.3 it should be evident that there are many factors which will influence whether or not people will suffer long-term after-effects of a disaster. Everyone will experience some degree of change which may be simply a change of home environment. However, the actual disaster experience coupled with the extent of loss and disruption and the degree of suffering that occurred will influence how extreme these changes may be.

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Disaster Factors influencing perception Objective conditions, such as event duration, intensity, whether there is a low point and whether people were given advanced warning. Also degee of loss of life, physical damage, speed of events and how quickly they have passed.

Perceived coping ability: are the demands of the situation greater than the capacity available to deal with them? • Psychological resources available, e.g. individual differences such as personality, level of arousal, locus of control. • Physical resources available, e.g. alternative housing, money, etc. The resources required will be affected by severity of disaster. • Social support available will affect the coping ability of the people involved. If loved ones have been lost, perceived coping ability will also decrease.

Perception of a disaster

Successful coping leads to adaptation and adjustment to new lifestyle.

Past experience will indicate the potential course of events, the actions required and any possible outcomes.

Unsuccessful coping results in continued arousal and high levels of stress – can lead to breakdown in relationships and illness.

• Figure 5.3: Factors influencing the perception of a disaster and how well victims cope in the aftermath

Theme link ( Naturalistic

investigations )

Research on natural disasters is difficult to conduct for a number of reasons: 1 First, the events are almost always studied after they have actually occurred. Consequently it is impossible to get accurate information about the victims before they were exposed to the disaster as the only information would be retrospective. This results in having no baseline measure of mood or behaviour change. 2 An alternative technique would be to find a ‘control group’ that has not experienced a disaster. This would give a quasi-experimental


design because there could be no experimenter control of the independent variable, which in this case would be the disaster, or lack of it, and there could be no random allocation of participants. This in itself causes problems because we cannot be sure that any differences observed in the people who have experienced the disaster were not present before the disaster occurred. 3 Getting information from children who have been severely traumatised poses problems because there are few available questionnaires for use with children and relying on adults to provide evidence is fraught with all sorts of errors such as misinterpretation by adults of a child’s point of view (Green and Fidell, 1991). There have been a number of attempts to classify disasters in terms of severity of the effects they produce on the population, rather than focusing specifically on the cause. Such frameworks produce a kind of scale that can be used to predict the types of long-term effects on survivors. One such framework has been proposed by Gleser et al. (1981). It was developed following a psychiatric study of the victims of the Buffalo Creek disaster of 1972 described earlier, and consists of looking at six elements: 1 2 3 4 5 6

To what degree was the life of the person threatened? How much bereavement did the person experience? How long did the person suffer for or are they still suffering? Did the person have to move from their home? How much of the community was affected? What was the underlying cause of the disaster – was it manmade or a natural event?

1. to what degree was the life of the person threatened? People who live through the experience of traumatic life-threatening events which they are able to observe (e.g. explosions or earthquakes) are more likely to suffer long-term effects. In comparison, someone who has been exposed to life-threatening toxins is unlikely to be able to observe the extent of the threat and may therefore find it easier to deny how extreme that threat really is. Parker (1977) reported that people who experience the most extreme events are more likely to experience prolonged suffering. This would make sense because the images of the events would be stored in memory and would therefore be recalled with appropriate cues. Hall and Baum (1995) suggested that vivid and horrific images or thoughts can produce the same physiological responses as the event itself, even if the event occurred years beforehand.

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2. how much bereavement did the person experience? If victims lose immediate family members, not surprisingly the effects seem to be most severe. The loss of close friends and colleagues also causes high levels of distress, with survivors feeling guilt at having survived. The removal of the social support system for the survivor increases the stress of having to deal with the aftermath. 3. how long did the person suffer for or are they still suffering? Was the event short in duration or did it continue for a period of time with no evident low point? This has been shown to have an influence on recovery. Seyle’s General Adaptation Syndrome suggests that the length of time stress is experienced impacts on the time it takes to return to normal. Therefore if the event was acute (of short duration), the likelihood is that a person will return to a normal level of autonomic arousal more quickly. 4. did the person have to move from their home? If the disaster resulted in the person having to leave their home this will cause greater long-term problems. In fact having to leave the environment where the person feels some kind of attachment can be as traumatic as some of the events themselves. The impact of leaving an environment and community where the victim felt secure has been researched by Erikson (1976). He suggested that many of the symptoms shown by survivors come from the destruction of the community and consequently the ‘lack of connection’ which results. Bell et al. (1996) suggest that older people may feel acutely the loss of familiar aspects of their old environment, such as buildings or trees which were of importance to them when they were younger. 5. how much of the community was affected? This point is connected to the preceding point. If the community was wiped out, the person will feel a greater sense of loss. If only a small number of people were affected, then the community may tend to work together to resolve the problems, which may make people feel there is a greater support system in place. 6. what was the underlying cause of the disaster – was it manmade or a natural event? It seems that technological catastrophes may be more likely to threaten our feelings of control than natural disasters. One of the reasons why natural disasters may result in fewer long-term effects than technological catastrophes is because we know that natural disasters are uncontrollable whereas technological catastrophes are the result of us losing control of something we have created in the first place. We have already discussed how perceived control is one of the major factors in mediating stress responses and


technological catastrophes are evidence that we have lost the control we usually take for granted. The following table compares the effects of technological disasters and natural disasters in terms of their impact. • Table 5.1: A comparison of natural and technological disasters (Adapted from Bell et al., 1996)

Natural disasters often cause a great deal of highly visible destruction. Natural disasters are almost always abrupt in onset and acute in their effects.

Technological catastrophes often have a distinct lack of visible destruction. Technological catastrophes may or may not be abrupt in onset and are usually more chronic in their effects.

Natural disasters are more familiar to us, occurring at fairly regular rates around the world in an almost predictable way, e.g. the tornado season, or the hurricane season. Natural disasters are selective in where they occur, e.g. hurricanes tend to cause damage in coastal areas while the converse is true of tornadoes. Natural disasters begin very quickly but can often be forecast, so it is possible to avoid the full impact by making appropriate arrangements.

Technological disasters are less familiar to us, they seem to occur less often, but their effects are potentially more widespread.

Natural disasters are powerful, generally have a well-defined low point and pass very quickly. Once they pass, rebuilding and recovery can begin, and once these are complete, a sense of closure may be felt.

Natural disasters do not threaten our feelings of control as they are perceived as uncontrollable from the start.

Technological catastrophes are not dictated by geographical region and can occur anywhere.

Technological catastrophes are unpredictable and we generally have little warning. The speed at which they happen makes them difficult to avoid. Technological catastrophes may have low points, as in the cases of train accidents and mine accidents. BUT some of the most powerful technological disasters may also be those without a low point, e.g. where people believe they have been exposed (or are being exposed) to toxic chemicals or radiation which can go on for a number of years. Technological catastrophes are more likely to threaten our feelings of perceived control because we have lost control over something we have created.

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Other factors which influence the effects of disasters: • Personality: Personality variables affect the way that people deal with disasters. If victims believe they have control over a situation and that they can effect changes in their circumstances, they will find it easier to deal with the effects. Therefore people with an internal locus of control and high self-efficacy are likely to suffer lower levels of stress than those who feel that they have no control at all. • Age of victim: Various studies have reported that children respond to disasters in the same way as adults but frequently recover more quickly. However, it depends on the nature of the disaster and how much social support is available. Crawshaw (1963) reported that children sometimes take their cues on how to react from their parents. A number of studies have found age differences in responses to disasters, with the findings indicating that the middle-age groups show more negative effects than the young or old (Shore et al., 1986 and Gleser et al.,1981). This is probably because the middle-age groups have to take responsibility for the young and old. • Gender: Research has indicated that women tend to be more affected than men and young girls, and Seroke et al. (1986) found that adolescent girls reported more nightmares and fear of being alone than adolescent boys. LONG-TERM EFFECTS

The long-term effects which result from disasters are related to stress responses and there are numerous studies which indicate that these stress responses can continue for years after the event itself. However, there are other studies suggesting that the effects may well be extreme but they are short-lived and disappear soon after the danger has passed. It seems that the short-lived responses are due to primary stressors which are the events of the disaster themselves. Secondary stressors, on the other hand, are the more long-term disruptions which occur, such as loss of housing, jobs, money, cars, life changes and so on. What we do know is that stress responses can result in physical illness; for example, a study of survivors of severe mudslides and flash floods in Puerto Rico in 1985 reported much higher than normal levels of unexplained physical symptoms, for example pain and nausea after the disaster (Canino et al., 1990). This idea, that high levels of stress also lead to poor health-related behaviours, is supported by research conducted by Adams and Adams (1984). They looked into the stress reactions of residents living near the Mount St Helens volcano when it erupted in 1980. They found that increases in alcohol abuse were reported, together with family stress, illness and violence.


P O S T- T R A U M AT I C S T R E S S D I S O R D E R

The most well-documented effect on survivors of traumatic events is posttraumatic stress disorder, which was first included in the DSM-III in 1980. It is an anxiety disorder characterised by a number of symptoms such as frequent intrusive thoughts, feelings that the event is reoccurring, sleep disturbances which may be caused by recurring nightmares, guilt, social withdrawal, loss of concentration and heightened levels of arousal. A survivor will be classified as suffering from PTSD if he or she does not show any signs of recovery and becomes unable to function on a day-to-day basis. Evidence indicates that PTSD can develop from both technological and natural disasters, although it seems to be more common after disasters which had a manmade element. This is probably not only due to the fact that human beings have somehow been responsible for them, but also because they tend not to have the same low points as natural disasters. Survivors of the Buffalo Creek flood demonstrated PTSD symptoms by showing intense fear and anxiety thirteen months after the flood. Vivid memories and nightmares were common, as were feelings of guilt and depression. Two years later there were still cases of despair and apathy and people complained of memory loss and confusion about the events that followed the disaster. Social relationships had been damaged and survivors were unresponsive to social support (Chamberlain, 1980). Titchener and Kapp (1976) reported that traumatic neurosis was seen in more than 80 per cent of the sample studied and found that anxiety, depression, character and lifestyle changes, and developmental problems in children, occurred in more than 90 per cent of the Buffalo Creek sample. Similar findings emerged from studying victims of the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl disasters. Baum et al. (1993) found that residents living around Three Mile Island showed stress symptoms six years after the event with reports of sleep disturbances. Davidson et al. (1987) also found that levels of stress hormone (norepinephrine) in the urine of the residents was high when awake or asleep, whereas a control group showed a significant difference in levels between the two measures. Chernobyl workers had a significantly higher clinical score in a test of mental disorder (i.e. a score that was considered abnormal) compared with a control group and this score actually increased rather than decreased over time (Koscheyev et al., 1993).

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Section summary

•

•

•

•

•

The effects of a disaster or catastrophe may continue over time and may be enhanced by other environmental stressors such as noise, temperature or crowding. The immediate effects on the victims include denial, perceptual distortion and varying levels of activity, both during the event and afterwards. Some behaviours may be very rational whereas other behaviours may be irrelevant or inappropriate. Reaction to the disaster will be affected by the duration of the event and whether or not it has an obvious low point. Immediately after the event comes the period of recoil where people try to rationalise what has happened. Survivors cling to each other for support and try to find a scapegoat to blame. They may withdraw emotionally as a way of dealing with their levels of arousal. The after-effects of a disaster will depend on the cause, and also on the nature of the survivors such as their personality, gender and age. They will also be influenced by the degree of loss they have sustained, both in terms of relationships and also property. Long-term effects may continue for years after the event and may manifest as post-traumatic stress disorder.

Psychological intervention before and after events INTERVENTION BEFORE AN EVENT

If there is evidence of an impending disaster, warnings can be given. If people have been warned about an event, this will affect their immediate responses. Warnings produce two responses – they can reduce the potential for shock and arousal and may result in victims taking measures to ensure their safety. On the other hand, warnings themselves may lead to panic which can, in itself, cause problems. If everyone tried to leave an area at the same time, the resulting crowds could make it physically impossible to leave and may produce panic situations amongst crowd members (see Chapter 4). Warnings do give people some kind of control over how they will deal with the situation. If people live in an area which is likely to become affected by hurricanes or flooding, they can take precautions to help deal with the situation. In Tornado Alley in the US, storm shelters are dug under buildings; flood barriers have been constructed in the River Thames; sand bags are distributed in times of high rainfall, and in areas where earthquakes are likely housing design is generally adapted to withstand likely tremors. Although these measures may not be totally effective, many people seem more philosophical about negative consequences because at least they did what they could, and therefore convince themselves that if they had made no attempt to help themselves, the results would have been worse. However,


there are many instances of events where there was no warning and this left people unprepared and increased the level of shock. The New York disaster is a case in point, where people had no idea of the chain of events which was about to unfold. This consequently increased the sense of disbelief and denial as people tried to make sense of what was going on. INTERVENTION AFTER AN EVENT

instructions Many of the interventions which would ideally be made after a disaster assume that there will be support services present almost immediately. However, this is not always possible as there are often circumstances which put support services at risk and they are unable to intervene immediately for fear of their own safety. There may also be cases where a disaster occurs in a place which is inaccessible. Whatever happens, the most effective way of dealing with the aftermath is for those taking charge to issue clear instructions using plain language. Not only does this provide people with a sense of security, but as we have already discussed, when people are highly aroused, they will have problems in making decisions or thinking clearly about what they should do. Giving people tasks may also act as a displacement activity for their grief and give them something other than the event itself to focus on, thus reducing immediate levels of arousal. If people are given unclear instructions or conflicting information, this will affect their responses. Cutter and Barnes (1982) found that 40 per cent of the people who evacuated the area around Three Mile Island only did so because of uncertainty about the situation, and instead of leaving immediately they took time trying to decide what they should do. There was no obvious pattern in the people who left (we would expect the ones living closest to the plant or those who had young children to have left first), and a week later about half the people returned with most of the remainder returning within a fortnight. Therefore clear instructions are essential to reduce potential damage to life and property and to provide guidance for future responses. remove people from the focal point In order to reduce arousal, people should ideally be removed from the immediate scene and be reassured that the relevant services are dealing with the situation. However, Gifford (1997) reports that attempted compulsory evacuation has not proved successful in any crisis in the last forty years. This may be because people are unwilling to leave a scene where they have lost family members in the belief that they may still be alive. One man who believed his daughter had been buried under the Aberfan landslide of coal slag in 1966, ran three miles to the school and was still trying to dig her out with his bare hands, hours later. This landslide had swept over the village junior school before continuing into Aberfan village. One hundred and forty four people died,

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including one hundred and sixteen children between the ages of seven and ten who had been in the school. social support Social support can decrease after a disaster if the person loses their support network such as family and close friends. There is considerable evidence that strong social support is effective in helping people deal with stress. Imagine having to deal with a traumatic event and feeling that there is no one to turn to – this would naturally increase the despair and distress as there would be no way of discharging the emotions felt. This may result in these emotions being ‘turned inward’ and perhaps repressed, only to emerge at some later stage in the form of a neurosis. The problem is that during a disaster, the other members of a person’s support system may have experienced the same losses and therefore they will be less effective in supporting each other. Therefore an effective method of coordinating social support will help to alleviate these immediate problems. On occasions, social support can make matters worse as Chisholm et al. (1986) discovered when they looked at who was offering the support. It seemed that in the Three Mile Island aftermath, if supervisors offered support, it was effective, but when peers offered support, it actually proved negative. This may have been because the supervisors were perceived as having more information and therefore more control over the resulting situation, whereas peers were perceived as being in the same state as the other victims – relatively powerless. However, the withdrawal of temporary support networks soon after an event is likely to make the long-term situation worse. emotion-focused strategies Dealing with grief, guilt, anxiety, isolation, anger and depression are the major concerns of psychological intervention. Both individual and group counselling have proved effective, and it is now known how important it is to start dealing with the psychological impacts immediately after a disaster. In fact, group therapy has been shown to be most effective for PTSD as Hobfoll (1991) suggested. Here helping others who have shared the same experience within a group therapy session has been shown to be effective, as each person can help the others to address fears and worries which may not be understood by therapists. Survivors should be taught methods of relaxation in order to reduce their feelings of stress and anxiety because they will be unable to think clearly if they maintain a high level of arousal, and may also suffer stress-related health problems. They should also be helped to talk about and confront their guilt and grief, because only by allowing them to find their own answers will survivors finally come to terms with events. problem-focused strategies One of the major problems after a disaster is shortage of housing. Giving people problem-focused strategies has been shown to be effective in reducing


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stress by acting as distractors, and therefore authorities should seek to assist survivors with rebuilding their homes rather than rehousing them. Although temporary accommodation is useful in the short term, the other people present who may initially be supportive, having shared the same experiences, will later become responsible for maintaining higher levels of arousal (due to crowding). In the longer term, efforts to rehouse people away from the area have in the past proved unsuccessful. Gifford reports that victims of Third World disasters have been found to begin the reconstruction of regular dwellings immediately after the event. •

•

•

Section summary If warnings are given about impending events, this will impact on the responses of survivors. Prior warning gives victims some control thus mediating the effects of the event itself. Intervention after an event involves giving instructions, which provides victims with a sense of security. People should be removed from the focal point of the situation and should be offered social support if their families have been lost. Survivors can be given emotion-focused strategies which involve dealing with their emotions. This can be done through counselling and teaching ways of dealing with heightened states of arousal. Survivors can also be given problem-focused strategies which involve dealing with the practical effects of the disaster such as finding housing.

KEY TERMS acute affiliative model anger clinical score denial disbelief dynamic models hyperactive low point panic perceptual distortion physical science model pluralistic ignorance rationally recoil scapegoat stressors – primary and secondary

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EXERCISE 1 Use the Internet to access newspaper reports on major disasters or catastrophes and look at the reporting of events over the period of the first few days, one to two weeks later and finally three months later. See if you can see a pattern in survivors’ responses from denial to anger to seeking retribution and finally to acceptance. EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Describe the differences between natural disasters and environmental catastrophes on human responses, giving examples. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the methodological problems of studying environmental disasters and catastrophes. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe what psychologists have found out about human responses to an environmental disaster and/or technological catastrophe. [10 marks] (b) Discuss what psychologists have found out about human responses to an environmental disaster and/or technological catastrophe. [16 marks] (c) Using your psychological knowledge, suggest ways in which survivors could be helped to come to terms with the effects of an environmental disaster and/or catastrophe. [8 marks]

Further reading Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 7. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapter 13. Leach, J. (1994). Survival Psychology. Basingstoke: MacMillan Press.


Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995). Environmental Psychology, An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 13.

Weblinks http://www.fema.gov The US Federal Government Management Agency http://www.mathstat.usouthal.edu/~lynn/hurricanes/party.html Hurricane parties http://quake.wr.usgs.gov/index.html Earthquakes http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/europe/newsid_422000/422773.stm Turkish earthquake http://www.cnn.com/2000/WORLD/europe/08/17/turkey.quakeanni/index.html#1 CNN News http://www.ag.ndsu.nodak.edu/flood/stress.htm Coping with the stress caused by disasters http://www.learner.org/exhibits/weather/storms.html Weather http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/three/ Three Mile Island http://www.wvculture.org/history/buffcreek/bctitle.html Buffalo Creek flood http://www.world-nuclear.org/info/chernobyl/inf07.htm Chernobyl http://www.gliah.uh.edu/tragedy/index.html Mintz, S. (ed.) University of Houston. ‘Addressing tragedy in the classroom’.

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6 six

Personal space and territory

Introduction Have you noticed that there are some people who seem to get too close to us when we are talking to them, and it makes us feel very uncomfortable when they invade our personal space like this? This kind of occurrence, fortunately, is relatively uncommon in our culture although you may have noticed that people from different cultures seem to have different personal space requirements. Most of us also find it very hard to ask people on trains or buses to move their bags which seem to be marking out some kind of territory, in order for us to be able to sit down. We often choose instead to go and find another vacant seat elsewhere. In order to look at these issues we will consider the following topics:

• definitions, types and measures • effects and consequences of invasion • defending territory and personal space.

Definitions, types and measures P E R S O N A L S PA C E

Robert Sommer (1969) described personal space as an area with invisible boundaries surrounding a person’s body into which intruders may not come, and continued by suggesting that it is a kind of portable territory which varies in size according to the situation, with crowded conditions and unequal relationships requiring a greater distance. This suggests it is like a kind of mobile bubble which stays with us wherever we go and which restricts our interactions with others.

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• Table 6.1: Hall’s four levels of spatial zones (1966), from Bell et al. (1996)

Appropriate relationships and activities Intimate distance Intimate contacts (e.g. (0–1·5 ft) making love, comforting) and physical sports (e.g. wrestling) Personal Contacts between distance close friends, as well (1·5–4 ft) as everyday interactions with acquaintances

Sensory qualities

Intense awareness of sensory inputs (e.g. smell, radiant heat) from other person; touch overtakes vocalisation as primary mode of communication Less awareness of sensory inputs than intimate distance; vision is normal and provides detailed feedback; verbal channels account for more communication than touch Social distance Impersonal and Sensory inputs minimal; (12 ft +) business-like contacts information provided by visual channels less detailed than in personal distance; normal voice level (audible at 20 ft) maintained; touch not possible Public distance Formal contacts No sensory inputs; no detailed (more than 12 ft) between an individual visual input; exaggerated non(e.g. actor, politician) verbal behaviours employed to and the public supplement verbal communication, since subtle shades of meaning are lost at this distance The first part of Sommer’s description is too simplistic, because, as he went on to say, the space between us and others changes according to the situation and according to the person with whom we are interacting. I would like to propose a slight change to the first part of this definition by suggesting that ‘personal space is an area with invisible boundaries surrounding a person’s body into which intruders may only legitimately enter if invited and which changes in size according to the situation’. This takes into account that there are times when we actually want to be very close physically to another person (for example, a lover) to the extent where there is no space between us. types of personal space All of us will be familiar with the fact that we have an ideal range of acceptable distances for each type of interaction. For example, when talking to people in


authority we will stand further away than we would with someone we know really well. We don’t seem to consider these kinds of optimum spacings consciously, and this is because they become so familiar to us that they are automatically adopted without thinking about it. A sense of these kinds of distances must be acquired as part of the socialisation process, because they vary for different cultures and if they were innate, they would be the same for all of us. One of the first people to investigate whether there was a relationship between types of interactions and preferred distance was Hall in 1966 when he looked at the distance Americans kept between themselves and others in different relationships and activities. He suggested that Americans use four levels of spatial zones when interacting with others, dependent on the situation, the relationship with the other person and the activity they are involved in, although he acknowledged that there would be cultural variations in spatial behaviour in different parts of the world. TERRITORY

Territory, unlike personal space, is a relatively stationary area with marked boundaries that limit intrusions. Sommer (1969) claims territory is ‘visible, relatively stationary, visibly bounded, and tends to be home centred, regulating who will interact’. Territories may be temporary areas such as an area on the • Table 6.2: Extent of ownership and personalisation of primary, secondary and public territories, based on Altman (1975), from Bell et al. (1996)

Extent to which territory is occupied/extent of Type of territory perceived ownership by self and others Primary territory High: perceived to be (e.g. home, owned in a relatively office) permanent manner by occupant and others Secondary Moderate: not owned; territory (e.g. occupant perceived by classroom) others as one of a number of qualified users

Public territory (e.g. area of beach)

Amount of personalisation/likelihood of defence if violated

Extensively personalised; owner has complete control and intrusion is a serious matter May be personalised to some extent during period of legitimate occupancy; some regulatory power when individual is legitimate occupant Low: not owned; control is Sometimes personalised in very difficult to assert, and a temporary way; little occupant is perceived by likelihood of defence others as one of a large number of possible users.

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beach or the seats next to you on a train, or permanent, such as your bedroom, your house or your garden. You can leave your territory and then return to it at a later time, and if your territorial boundaries are effective, they will keep out unwanted intruders while you are away. Territories are generally owned or controlled by people and they produce territorial behaviours which according to Bell et al. (1996) are ‘a set of behaviours and cognitions a person or a group exhibits, based on perceived ownership of physical space’. According to Altman (1975), there are three types of territories which are of different levels of importance to our lives. We also feel very different about each of them and this will influence how well we protect them. They each serve a different purpose and are more or less appropriate depending on the situation. Primary territories provide privacy and give us control over our own space, whatever size that may be. A number of studies have found that feeling in control is associated with feelings of well-being, probably because feeling in control lowers arousal levels. Edney (1975), using Yale undergraduate students as participants, found that residents of rooms rated their rooms as being more relaxing, more pleasant and more private than visitors did. Visitors also rated residents as more relaxed. This is related to what is known as the ‘home court advantage’, where teams playing at home win more matches than when they are away because they experience lower levels of arousal. This keeps their arousal levels nearer the optimum level and prevents them from becoming so anxious that they underperform. Altman (1975) analysed records of the University of Utah football team over a three-year period. He found that the team won two-thirds of its home games. Secondary territories are less important and are usually owned on a temporary basis. These include a desk in a classroom or a cubicle in a changing room. The degree of possessiveness shown by people over their secondary territories varies from person to person. Some people feel very protective over secondary territories whereas others seem unconcerned if they are invaded. Public territories don’t belong to anyone and therefore are ‘up for grabs’ on a first come, first served basis! Examples are places on the beach or spots to have a picnic by the river. They can be occupied only on a temporary basis. Theme link ( Measures

of personal space )

Personal space has been investigated by both laboratory methods and field studies, some of which are more life-like than others. • Laboratory methods have assessed preferred sizes of personal space, for different genders, and in different environments, using the stop-


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distance method. Participants are usually asked to walk towards another person and stop when they begin to feel uncomfortable. Alternatively a researcher will walk towards the participant and will be told when to stop. These methods tend to be reliable, but may not be valid as the people involved know that they are being watched and this may make them behave differently from normal. • Field studies have involved placing people in different situations and watching the effects on passers-by to see if the presence of another person affects how close they will get. However, there are ethical issues here, as the participants are unsuspecting and have therefore not given permission to be observed. Also, unless you mark the ground with a kind of grid, it is quite difficult to estimate accurately how far one person is from the next. • Simulation methods have involved reconstructing situations using inanimate objects such as dolls or cardboard figures and manipulating their positioning. However, these methods require us to remember previous encounters with others and then transfer them to a ‘pretend’ situation. Unless they are life-sized, the person being investigated will have to try to scale their real-life situations to match the size of the dolls, which is unlikely to be accurate.

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Section summary Personal space is really a kind of portable (or mobile) territory which changes according to the situation. According to Hall (1966), there are four types of personal space: intimate distance, personal distance, social distance and public distance. Territory is a relatively stationary area with marked boundaries that limit intrusions. According to Altman (1975) there are three types of territories: primary, secondary and public. They can be investigated by laboratory studies, field studies and simulations.

Effects and consequences of invasion In order to look at the effects and consequences of space or territorial invasion, we really need to understand their function. Rather than try to look at them together, I have described each one separately, although, as you will see, the effects of invading both space and territory are the same.

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T H E F U N C T I O N O F P E R S O N A L S PA C E

It is generally agreed that the function of maintaining personal space is to avoid over-stimulation of the autonomic nervous system. When people get too close to us, we are overwhelmed with information about them – not just their appearance but also their smell, the way they move, and whether there is anything unusual about them. We don’t always think about these characteristics, although the information is processed and we make judgements (often unconscious) about the nature of the person and whether we find them attractive. If someone we like gets very close, we may find this level of arousal acceptable or even pleasing, but if it is someone we don’t like, we will find the situation uncomfortable and even threatening and will automatically move away from them. According to Hall (1966), we use interpersonal space as a kind of non-verbal communication, in the sense that people interpret interpersonal distance as an indicator of type of relationship. If we find someone attractive, we move towards them, but if we find them intimidating or unattractive, we will move away from them. We may also use personal space as a method of maintaining a level of personal freedom, because by keeping distance from other people, we are free to choose where and when we move. T H E E F F E C T S A N D C O N S E Q U E N C E S O F P E R S O N A L S PA C E I N VA S I O N

From these suggestions, it seems obvious that space invasions will produce behaviours which are intended to deal with the resulting effects. The effects are an increase in arousal in either the invader or the invaded, irrespective of whether that invasion is perceived as positive or negative. Research into space invasions has focused on the consequences of being invaded on autonomic arousal, flight behaviour (escaping), altruism and affect, amongst other things, and it is these four that we are going to deal with in the next section. Research has also looked at the effects of individual variables on social distancing such as gender, age, status and personality. It seems that we make attributions (or predictions) about the character of the invader from their appearance and the nature of the situation and this will influence what sort of action we will take. the effects of inappropriate distance on physiological arousal Perhaps the most memorable study in the area of personal space was the study conducted by Middlemist et al. (1976). Past research has suggested that if we are physiologically aroused (anxious), this can result in a delay in the start of urination and also reduces the time of urination. Obviously it is not easy to study such responses (certainly not ethically) because simply by someone knowing they are being watched, they will become anxious.


However, this particular study was conducted in a men’s lavatory in an American University that contained three urinals and a cubicle. The researchers set up a periscope in the cubicle aimed at the appropriate angle so the time delay of onset and duration of micturition (urinating) of the sixty participants could be recorded using two stopwatches. A cleaning bucket was placed in either the centre or right hand urinal to indicate that it was not to be used. There were three conditions; a control group who experienced no invasions, a closely invaded group and an intermediate group. Before the unsuspecting participants entered the toilets, a confederate of the researchers stood at either the right hand urinal leaving the bucket in the centre and thus a bigger gap between himself and the participant (the intermediate group) or next to the participant with the bucket on the right (the closely invaded group) The results indicated that the ‘subjects’ took significantly longer to begin micturating (delay of onset) and continued (persisted) for significantly shorter periods than did control groups, thus supporting the idea that space invasions may increase autonomic arousal and therefore affect micturition. the effects of invasion on flight behaviour One study which investigated the effects of space invasion was conducted by Felipe and Sommer (1966) at a large psychiatric hospital where Sommer worked. The patients there spent quite a lot of time outside and the researchers arranged for a confederate to sit six inches away from patients who were sitting alone, moving with them if they moved away, to maintain that distance. They were matched with a control group of men who were not invaded and the amount of time it took both groups to leave the situation was compared. The results showed that the patients who had their space invaded 30 25 20 Seconds

Delay of onset 15

Persistence

10 5 0 Close

Moderate Distance

Controls

• Figure 6.1: Results of Middlemist et al.’s (1976) study demonstrating mean persistence and delay of onset of urinating

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(invaded group) demonstrated ‘flight behaviour’ in a significantly shorter time than the control group and 65 per cent of them had removed themselves after 20 minutes. 70 60 Percentage of people leaving

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50 40 Invaded group 30

Non-invaded group (controls)

20 10 0

Results after 1 minute

Results after 10 minutes

Results after 20 minutes

• Figure 6.2: Results of Felipe and Sommer’s (1966) research showing percentage of subjects leaving the situation after being invaded

Perhaps it is surprising that more did not leave in a shorter time. What they were seen to do was to adopt defensive behaviour to reduce the effects of the invasion, such as turning away or pulling their arms across their chests. They were also reported to mumble, laugh inappropriately or talk to themselves, perhaps as a way of diffusing their discomfort. Another study by Felipe and Sommer (1966), took place in the study area of a university library. Here the researchers looked at the effects of personal space invasions at different distances on the behaviour of unsuspecting participants. A female experimenter would look for females studying alone at tables in the study area. She would then walk up to an empty chair at the same table and sit down, positioning the chair at either 1 foot (shoulder to shoulder), 2 feet, 32 feet, with one empty chair between them, with two empty chairs between them (approximately 5 feet) or directly opposite the participant, ignoring them all the time. The results were very similar to those of their earlier study, with closer distances producing quicker departures. In this study, participants were described as trying to increase distance either by body orientation or by erecting barriers. They either turned away from the invader so that their back was facing them, or put an elbow on the table, resting their heads in their hands, or used objects like books, bags or coats to


make a barrier between themselves and the invader, either as a means of defence or as a means of perceptual withdrawal. You may wonder why people didn’t simply turn round to the invader and tell them to move away. Having said that, I guess if I found myself in that position I would probably also choose not to say anything. The reason is that we see such a request as being directly confrontational and overtly rude and one which would cause us more discomfort than just removing ourselves. In all the studies investigating personal space, only 2 per cent of the participants asked the invader to move. The last two studies have considered how it feels to be invaded, but a study by Barefoot et al. (1972) investigating invading behaviour, suggested that it also causes anxiety to invade the space of others. This can be observed in the behaviour of people on trains. They often prefer to stand, rather than sit directly next to someone else who is already sitting down. Barefoot et al. positioned a confederate by a drinking fountain, varying their distance from the fountain at 1, 5 and 10 feet away. The results showed that fewer people approached the fountain if the confederate was 1 foot away than if they were 10 feet away because they would have had to invade the confederate’s personal space. However, if the area was crowded, they seemed less concerned and made more frequent visits. The conclusion was that if we are surrounded by a crowd, we become less attentive to social cues, either due to high levels of arousal or a reduced ability to focus attention on every detail of the situation. the effects of invasion on altruism Smith and Knowles (1979) investigated the effects of invasion on helping behaviour. They arranged for a confederate of the researcher to invade an unknowing participant’s personal space by getting too close and then dropping some objects. The participants made no attempt to help the confederate pick up anything, even though some of the objects were important. The more severe the ‘invasion’, the less likely participants were to help others in need of assistance. However, other studies by Baron and Bell (1976) discovered that space invasions actually made people more likely to help, although in this case people were actually asked for help as the confederate stood too close or at an appropriate distance. The explanation for the results of the study by Smith and Knowles may be that the participants became distressed by the invader and simply chose to escape, or attributed negative feelings towards them, whereas in the second study refusing to help would have been embarrassing and so they simply went along with what was asked and later removed themselves without having to have a confrontation.

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the effects of invasions on affect Investigations into the effects of space invasions on affect has provided support for the idea that such invasions generally result in negative feelings towards the invader. According to Gifford (1997), any sort of uninvited space invasion makes us experience negative feelings, even if it involves being in a crowded situation where there is no choice. We would therefore expect that appropriate social distancing would make us feel more positive about a person than them being too far away or too close. It seems that negative feelings are invariably experienced if the distancing is too small, but if the chosen distance is too far away, we are likely to either feel negative or indifferent towards the person. Albert and Dabbs (1970) investigated this idea by manipulating the distance between a person giving out information and the audience. The appropriate distance here would be about 1.5 metres but he was made to stand either 0.6 metres, 1.5 metres or 4.6 metres away. Participants believed him to be more of an authority and paid more attention to him at 1.5 metres. Another study by Boucher (1972) required schizophrenics to assess the amount of attraction they felt for their interviewer. The chairs in which they were asked to sit were fastened to the floor at either personal, social or public distances from the interviewer (see Table 6.1). The findings were that the distance affected the rated attraction of the interviewer, with people who were about 4 feet away rating him more positively. Dabbs (1971) suggested that we find inappropriate social distances stressful and this makes us feel more pressurised, less friendly and more irritated. Aiello and Thompson (1980) found that participants directly blamed the other person for their discomfort. FA C T O R S A F F E C T I N G O U R R E S P O N S E T O S PA C E I N VA D E R S

There are a number of factors that influence the effects of being invaded although the majority of the results of environmental research tend to be gathered from North American populations. Therefore perhaps the first factor we should consider when looking at responses to space invaders relates to culture. culture Watson and Graves (1966) observed groups of male students. Two of each group were Americans and two were Arabs. They were simply told they would be observed although they were not told why. The Americans kept a greater distance between each other than the Arabs and did not touch each other as often. These findings indicate that there are cultural differences and suggest that there are two types of interpersonal distance, high contact and low contact groups. Aiello (1980) suggested that high-contact cultures use smell and touch as well as appearance to make judgements about others and this may explain why they interact at closer distances. However, this distinction is


too simplistic because although it is obvious that people who are brought up in similar cultures have similar learning experiences, there are not only subcultural variations but also individual ones. According to Forston and Larson (1968), it also seems that some non-contact cultures (America) sit closer together than contact cultures (Latin America, Spain and Morocco) and there are huge European variations too. gender Considerable research has indicated that there are gender differences in spatial behaviours. Male/male interactions produce the largest interpersonal distancing and males also respond in a more negative way to space invasions than women (Patterson et al., 1971). There is also evidence that women interacting with women require the next largest amount of space with women interacting with men requiring the least (Gifford, 1997). However, these findings are controversial because they depend on the nature of the relationship between the dyads (pairs) and the situation in which they find themselves. In contrast to Gifford, Aiello (1987) found that in fact women got closer to each other and were more friendly than male/female dyads, which may well reflect Maccoby’s (1966) suggestion that females are socialised to be more affiliative and less competitive than males. It may also reflect that they felt less threatened by each other and more able to interpret non-verbal signals. Maccoby also suggested that men are generally socialised to be less intimate with members of their own sex which would support the findings that they require the greatest distance. Mixed-sex dyads will depend on the kind of relationship they share, with close relationships reflecting minimal interpersonal distance. Interestingly, Gallant et al. (1991) have reported that women during menstruation keep larger distances from men, but get closer in mid-cycle. orientation Gender seems to affect preference for spatial orientation, as there is evidence to show that males prefer to position themselves opposite liked others while females prefer to be next to someone they like. Byrne et al. (1971) conducted two related studies where liking for two confederates of the researcher had been manipulated prior to the start of the study (one confederate was liked and one was disliked). The two studies involved watching participants’ choice of seating distance when they had to sit either opposite the confederates (first study) or next to them (second study). They found that males sat closer to the liked confederate in the ‘opposite’ condition but showed no difference in spacing in the ‘side-by-side’ condition, whereas females showed no preferences in the ‘opposite’ condition but oriented themselves closer to the liked confederate in the ‘side-by-side’ condition. Maccoby (1966) suggested that males are socialised to be more competitive and females more affiliative and this might explain Byrne et al.’s findings. To support this idea further,

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Fisher and Byrne (1975) asked male and female invaders to invade lone students of both sexes who were sitting in a library. The invaders had to place themselves either in a face-to-face situation or by the side of them. After five minutes the invader left. The invaded person was questioned after three minutes of the person leaving, asking about their impressions of the library and people they had recently encountered. The males rated the person placing themselves opposite negatively, irrespective of their gender, and the females rated all adjacent people negatively – presumably because these positions are reserved for more liked people and intimate relationships. age The age of the space invader will affect the responses of the person being invaded. We know that children tend to huddle together and seem less aware of ideal distance. In fact closer distances are maintained between people of similar rather than dissimilar ages. However, Fry and Willis (1971) found that people expect children to have learned a sense of appropriate personal distance by the age of ten. They organised for children aged five, eight and ten to stand 6 inches behind adults in theatre queues. The results showed that the five-year-olds got a positive response, the eight-year-olds were ignored and the ten-year-old children were given a cold reaction. personality Strube and Werner (1984) discovered that Type A people generally claim greater personal space. Extroverts who require higher levels of arousal need less space, whereas introverts found space invasions more upsetting. People with high self-esteem and an internal locus of control feel less threatened by space invasions as they feel they can deal with the situation should it be necessary. (See Chapter 1 for a full discussion.) situation There are a number of architectural influences on personal space. Research has indicated that males need more space when ceiling height is lower (Savinar, 1975) which suggests that the idea of ‘space bubbles’ has some validity. Earlier in this chapter we talked about the fact that we need space around us, almost as if we are inside a bubble which can change shape according to the situation in which we find ourselves. If this is the case, imagine that the bubble can move upwards (becoming taller and narrower) as well as moving outwards. White (1975) found that we seem to need more space in a small room perhaps because we perceive we are less likely to be able to escape easily. This idea is supported by finding that we need to have more space if we are in the corner of a room, more if we are seated, more if it is crowded and more if we are indoors.


THE FUNCTION OF TERRITORY

We have already defined territory – its function is to provide us with privacy as a way of reducing the amount of external stimuli which we have to deal with, and also to limit the interactions we have with others. Territories are often used as a way of displaying our identity which is why people decorate their homes or gardens in their own style. Territories are larger than our personal space although we still keep our personal space within a territory (even if you are in your own home, you don’t like others coming too close). Ardrey (1966) believes that both animals and humans have an instinctive desire to claim and defend territory. We see instances nearly every day of how people will mark themselves off an area separate from others, that they call their territory. It doesn’t matter whether it’s claiming a bedroom in a holiday house, going into a classroom and grabbing somewhere to sit, on the beach or on a train; we all try to claim an area for ourselves. Animals also show territorial behaviours although territorial functioning is more basic. Animals use territories as an area for mating, allowing for an even population distribution and preventing crowding in certain, well-supplied areas. They also provide a sharing mechanism for food supplies, each animal being dependent on their own personal area and having to make do with what is available. Territories provide shelter and a place to raise young without constant fear of competition or aggression. On the other hand, humans regard their territories with more flexibility. They are not essential for survival in the same way as for animals, but they do provide us with security. They give us a sense of identity and therefore are part of our self-concept. They also allow us to predict behaviours because we know how we should behave on other people’s territory and how they should behave when they are in ours. Theme link ( Studying

territoriality )

Territories are usually considered to be places where you have formed some kind of attachment, preferably long term, and obviously this can’t be created within a laboratory. Therefore research is generally limited to real-world settings such as dormitories using controlled field experiments and naturalistic observations. However, these are also fraught with problems. Data interpretation has proved problematic due to participants behaving in a way they think they should behave (displaying demand characteristics) and the observers misinterpreting their intentions and seeing what they want to see (experimenter effects). Therefore, in order to conduct controlled research, many of the studies have involved the use of animals.

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the effects and consequences of territorial invasion There is an overlap between the concepts of personal space and territory and consequently many studies which have looked at ‘invasion’ have sometimes confounded these two elements. After all, if we invade someone’s territory, at the same time we may well invade their personal space. However, both human and animal studies which have looked at territorial invasion and aggressive behaviour have all concluded that well-established territories seem to invite far less invasive actions and consequently aggression than disputed or unestablished territories. This may be because territories provide an organisational function indicating social hierarchies and therefore reduces the need for aggression. However, the potential cost of invading an established territory would be much higher than that of an unestablished territory and the benefits would have to be worthwhile. According to Gifford (1997), there are three types of territorial infringement: • • •

Invasion: this is where an outsider enters a territory with the intention of taking control Violation: a temporary invasion, usually with the intention of annoying the owner (e.g. by vandalism) although the invasion may be accidental Contamination: the deliberate leaving of something on the territory in order to cause annoyance, upset or distress (such as dumping an old car in a field belonging to a farmer).

What we must remember is that invasion causes physiological arousal on the part of the invader and anger from the invaded. The ultimate type of territorial invasion results in war, but wars over territory are relatively uncommon because the costs are so great. Generally speaking, negotiation is usually sufficient to prevent direct confrontation, although of course there are some examples of where negotiation does not produce the required results. An example of a situation where territorial disputes have resulted in overt aggression is the continuing dispute between Israel and Palestine. Despite numerous attempts at negotiation at the time of writing, no mutually satisfactory answer has been found and this has led to the continuation of aggressive acts between the two states. invasion of unestablished territories Evidence to indicate that unestablished territory provokes the most disputes comes from a study by Ley and Cybriwsky (1974) who reported on the effects of ambiguous territorial boundaries on the number of fights by street gangs in Philadelphia. They observed that when the territorial boundaries weren’t clearly defined, the gangs became involved in more fights. However, when the gangs marked their territory by gang graffiti, these were accepted as territorial boundaries and resulted in fewer disputes. Suttles (1968) also found that


ethnic groups from Chicago’s South Side, which is public territory, actually claimed and defended different areas ensuring that both groups did not use unclaimed areas at the same time. Another study by O’Neill and Paluck (1973) looked at levels of aggression in groups of boys who were intellectually less able. Aggression levels between the boys were high until they were given their own identifiable areas. invasion of public territories When we are out, say on the beach or in a park, we may try to claim areas as our own. We may erect territorial markers such as towels or sunshades or windbreaks to make our claim to that space. However, if these public territories are invaded, evidence suggests that we will defend the territory to some degree but not as much as we would a primary territory. Haggard and Werner (1990) suggest that people will sometimes instruct others to get off a public territory if they feel they should not be there, even though in reality it is nothing to do with them. This is the kind of situation where a passer-by may tell you not to walk on the grass in a public park. This is more likely to happen if there are signs saying ‘Keep off the grass’ to support this kind of territorial defence. Other evidence has suggested that people would rather leave than try to defend public territories (Becker, 1973; Becker and Mayo, 1971), probably because they find it too stressful to confront others. invasion of primary territories Primary territories which are central to their owners’ lives are often cared for more than any other territory and provide strong feelings of control. Consequently, uninvited invasions produce the most aggressive responses especially as such invasions are usually intentional, which implies that they are more threatening. In order to mark out territorial boundaries, we will use visible markers such as fences or notices, and back these up with verbal threats. If, however, these are ignored, aggressive responses may follow. Schmidt (1976) also found that people inhabiting permanent territories will challenge invaders more quickly and be more aggressive than if the territory is temporary. As primary territories are usually permanent, this would result in the highest level of aggression. In the UK defence of primary territories (such as our homes) by reasonable force is allowed, although ‘reasonable’ is open to debate. One case which illustrates the point is that of Tony Martin, a Norfolk farmer, who was found guilty and given a life sentence for shooting 16-year-old Fred Barras in August 2000, after confronting him and an accomplice in his farmhouse late at night. The judge in the case, Mr. Justice Owen, was reported as saying after the case:

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This case serves as a dire warning to all burglars. Any citizen is entitled to use reasonable force. A householder in his own home might not be reasonable and that can have tragic consequences. the effects of territorial invasions on performance If we accept that people feel positive about their territories, these feelings may influence the way that people behave. This can be demonstrated by the home court advantage, where people who perform on their own territory do better than when they perform on the territory of someone else, suggesting that territorial invasions cause a reduction in the invader’s performance. Imagine a football team that is aroused by the prospect of playing a match against another team. If they are playing at home, they will not become over-aroused because they are familiar with the environment, they feel in control and they are supported by their fans – providing optimum arousal levels. On the other hand, the team who is visiting has to deal not only with the match itself, but also with being in a new place, which isn’t their territory, finding their way around, and having fewer fans to support them. There is considerable evidence to support the idea of home court advantage. Altman (1975) reported that the University of Utah football team won two-thirds of its home games and only one-quarter of its away games in a three-year period. Schwartz and Barsky (1977) looked at the results of 1880 major league baseball games, 182 professional football games, 542 professional hockey games and 1485 college basketball games over one year. 70 60 Percentage of games

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50 40 Win 30

Lose

20 10 0

Professional baseball

Professional football

College football

Professional hockey

• Figure 6.3: Percentage of home wins and loses in a year (Schwartz and Barsky, 1977)


They found that more than 50 per cent of games played at home were wins which supports the idea of home court advantage, although they acknowledged that home audience support is also relevant. However, if the team is not in the top league, the home advantage may be reduced because the team feels more pressurised by their fans, and their performance may start to decline. FA C T O R S A F F E C T I N G O U R R E S P O N S E T O T E R R I T O R I A L I N VA D E R S

As with personal space, there are factors which will influence our responses to territorial invasions. culture There is some evidence that different cultures have different ways of expressing their territoriality although they may be equally territorial. Smith (1981) looked at the territoriality of Germans, French and Americans on a beach and concluded that the Germans were more likely to mark their territory with sandcastle barriers, or signs claiming that area for the duration of their stay, than the other groups. So maybe the jokes about towels on sunbeds are true! The French were the least territorial. The Germans also claimed the largest areas. gender Findings consistently indicate that males have larger territories than females and are more territorial in their behaviour. One explanation for this territorial behaviour relates to evolutionary theory. If we consider that procreation is essential for the survival of the species, the ideal situation would be an environment where this kind of behaviour carries on undisturbed. Impregnation of females guarantees the continuation of a certain set of genes; therefore males will compete to impregnate the available females. If a male and female are in a defined territory, the male stands a greater chance of successfully mating with the female without the interference of other males. If the territory is small, other males may challenge him before he is able to impregnate the female. Men seem to be happier invading women’s territories, presumably because they expect less retaliation and it may be to their advantage. Jason et al. (1981) reported that women’s territory on a beach was invaded on average at least once per visit. Over half the invasions were unwanted, although about 10 per cent of intrusions resulted in dates! personality Personality may play a part in territorial behaviour because people with high self-esteem may feel entitled to larger territories, but there is another issue

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here and that is the function of territories. If territories provide security, they would be more important to people with an external locus of control, low selfesteem and low self-efficacy beliefs as a way of giving them some control over the environment. Section summary

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The functions of maintaining personal space are to avoid over-stimulation of the autonomic nervous system, as a form of non-verbal communication and as a means of maintaining personal freedom. Research into space invasions has demonstrated that invasions cause an increase in autonomic arousal, that we are more likely to leave a situation (flight behaviour), that we are usually less likely to help (altruism) and that we evaluate people negatively when they invade our space. The factors which influence our responses to space invasions are culture, gender, orientation of the invader, age, personality and situation. The function of territory is to provide privacy and reduce the amount of external stimuli we have to deal with. It limits the interactions we have with others and can give us a sense of identity. Gifford (1997) claims there are three types of territorial infringement: invasion, violation and contamination. Research into territorial invasions has shown that unestablished territories provoke the most disputes and that performance is improved on home turf. The factors which influence our responses to territorial invasions are culture, gender and personality.

Defending territory and space D E F E N D I N G P E R S O N A L S PA C E

Defending personal space is virtually impossible as there is nothing concrete we can do to prevent someone invading us, short of walking around in a wire frame. We do know that people are often unwilling to invade the personal space of a person of high status because they would be seen as more intimidating than someone of lower status. Another method is to maintain some kind of barrier, such as a newspaper, furniture, briefcase or bag between ourselves and any potential invaders. It seems that if we feel protected in some way, we are likely to become less antisocial. If you are standing or sitting alone in a waiting room, and someone comes and sits next to you, you may find it hard to talk to them


(especially if you are female) because they have invaded your space (threatening), and because we find it hard to talk to someone without eye contact. Similarly, if that person sits directly opposite you, and you are male, you will probably respond negatively. However, if someone sits opposite but oriented slightly to one side, you will feel less threatened, have eye contact and will be more likely to make social contact. Just to reinforce this point, it may be worth describing the work of Sommer and Ross (1958) who were asked to visit the newly decorated ward of a hospital in Canada to find out why it seemed to be having a depressing and isolating effect on the patients. The layout of the chairs, which were lined up along the walls, resulted in people only being able to sit in rows, and therefore making virtually no social contact. Simply by rearranging the chairs into small, circular groups, the whole situation changed and patients began to interact with each other. Therefore perhaps another way of maintaining personal space would be to adopt what is known as sociofugal spacing, which is spacing that separates people, like the straight rows of chairs in waiting rooms, instead of sociopetal spacing, which is the kind of arrangement that makes people more likely to interact such as small circular groups. In fact the positioning of furniture is not the only method of moderating social interactions; the presence of other people seems to help maintain personal space and can also moderate potential intrusions. Have you ever noticed how hard it is to try to walk through a group of people if they are all standing together? Knowles (1973) found that people who wanted to pass a group in a hallway generally walked around the group if there were four people present, but walked through a two-person group. One way to deal with intrusions into personal space is to adopt behaviours that make invasions tolerable. These might involve altering body orientation, such as turning away, or the direction that we look (avoiding eye contact). We can also use other defence mechanisms such as holding something in front of us or speaking to the invader. In fact Quick and Crano (1973) found that by saying ‘Hello’ to a person they were going to invade, the number of victims who fled was reduced. Asking permission can make a difference to how the victim perceives the invader, as this action would make them seem less threatening. This is also supported by the fact that females find it easier to invade someone’s space if they are smiling (a kind of ‘don’t-worry-I’m-notthreatening’ message) but the opposite is true for males (but then again they may fear misinterpretation!). DEFENDING TERRITORIES

As we have seen, a well-defined territory reduces intrusions and therefore results in less likelihood of having to adopt some kind of defence mechanism. The way we signal that the territory belongs to us depends on what kind of territory we are protecting – is it primary, secondary or public? Knapp (1978)

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suggests that there are two types of territorial defence, prevention defences and reaction defences. Prevention defences are markers to indicate that territory has been claimed. Reaction defences are responses to infringements of territorial boundaries and are intended to remove the person from the invaded territory, and include physical violence and legal action. We will focus here on prevention defences for both primary and secondary/public territories. When we have claimed ownership of a territory, we need to communicate this, whether that territory be a house, a room within a house, a seat in a classroom, a seat in a library or a place on the beach. (The first example is primary territory and the last, public territory.) We also need to consider that simply providing territorial markers does not always prevent territorial violations because, as with personal space, there is always a cost/benefit analysis on the part of the invader. communicating territorial claims In a really busy situation, when you want to sit down, if you find a coat hanging over a seat, you may feel justified in moving it if there is nowhere else to sit. Sommer (1969) looked at how density affected the value of territorial markers in a library and discovered that in low density, any kind of marker works, such as a book or a newspaper, but in high density, more personal markers were needed, such as notebooks with names or coats hung on the chairs. It appears that potential invaders tend to evaluate the markers in highdensity conditions. If they are personal and valuable (and aren’t removed by thieves), territorial ownership tends to be respected, but if the markers are non-personal, they are more likely to be ignored. Gender-related markers also influence territorial boundaries. If the markers are conspicuously masculine, this will result in fewer invasions, perhaps because the invaders weigh up the likelihood of aggressive repercussions. Some studies have looked at the effectiveness of non-verbal and nonphysical markers on territories. It seems that by touching something, we communicate a claim to that object. Truscott et al. (1977) found that people eating in restaurants touch their plates when they want to prevent the waiter from removing them – which acts as a kind of territorial claim. Werner et al. (1981) also found that people playing video games in arcades would touch the machines as a kind of claim to prevent others from trying to use them. Another way is to stand your ground and not be intimidated into moving by invaders. Ruback and Snow (1993) found that the nature of the territorial invader influenced how readily their participants gave way by removing themselves from a drinking fountain. They found that same-race invaders seemed to influence the drinkers to leave the fountain more quickly than cross-race invaders. Also cross-race invaders took longer to make their invasions than same-race invaders, which again may be due to the discomfort


they felt at directly challenging someone in a potential ‘out-group’ although none of these behaviours were conscious. One further study which considered the defence of public territory was that by Ruback et al. (1989) which looked at the defence of telephone boxes. Have you ever been in a phone box when someone is waiting outside to use it? Did you find yourself getting irritable and antagonistic and almost taking longer on principle? You will be pleased to know that the study showed that people spent more time on the phone (or possibly pretending to be on the phone) when someone was outside threatening to invade them, than a control condition. Perhaps this study shows that we simply enjoy the element of control this kind of behaviour has over others. The defence of primary territory, especially homes, has provoked considerable research. Imagine a newly painted house with a well-tended garden, a fence around the garden and a gate which is closed. It is fairly evident to others that it belongs to someone and is therefore less likely to be invaded. On the other hand, imagine a flat on the tenth floor of a large highrise block. Can you picture the stairwells and lifts and landings that need to be crossed to get to that flat? These areas are public spaces and as such belong to no one. This lack of ownership means they are far more likely to be vandalised and are often covered by random graffiti, have broken doors and often suffer from the pervading smell of urine. Newman (1972) identified just such areas as being prime targets for high levels of crime. In fact, he reported that in 1969, residents of the New York City Housing Authority projects, which were just such high-rise buildings, experienced 8611 criminal offences such as robberies and assaults, and of these, 44 per cent were committed in the interior public areas of buildings. Newman’s concept of ‘defensible space’ evolved as a result of watching the decline of the 3000-unit, Pruitt-Igoe public housing high-rise development in St Louis, USA. Its design followed the planning principles of Le Corbusier and the International Congress of Modern Architects, who believed that highrise buildings, which were lifted on pillars leaving the ground level free, would produce feelings of space for the residents. The Pruitt-Igoe development consisted of eleven-storey buildings which had communal corridors on every third floor for communal rooms, laundry rooms, storage and rubbish and were occupied mainly by single-parent welfare families. According to Newman: … the design proved a disaster. The common grounds, which were disassociated from all units, were unsafe. They were soon covered with glass and garbage. The mailboxes on the ground floor were vandalised. The corridors, lobbies, elevators, and stairs were dangerous places to walk through and were covered in graffiti and littered with garbage and human waste. The elevators, laundry, and community rooms were vandalised, and

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garbage was stacked high around the non-working garbage chutes. Women had to get together in groups to take their children to school or go shopping. The project never achieved more that 60 per cent occupancy and was torn down some 10 years after its construction. It was a precursor of what was to happen everywhere else in the country. (Newman, 1972, taken from www.defensiblespace.com ) Opposite Pruitt-Igoe was another older, smaller complex consisting of rows of houses called Carr Square Village. Although it housed an identical population, it was fully occupied and trouble-free and had remained so through the ten years of Pruitt-Igoe’s lifespan. Newman tried to identify what was so different about the two developments. He concluded that all areas ‘belonging’ to people were well kept – the flats were well looked after, landings shared by two families were well maintained, but the corridors which were shared by twenty families, and the lobbies, lifts and stairs which were shared by around 150 families, were in a dreadful state. Because they weren’t anyone’s territory, there were no rules governing how to behave once within them. No one cared for them and so they were uncontrolled and because no one person or group of people was responsible for them, it was impossible to tell resident from intruder. This made them threatening environments and mothers would not allow their children to go and play in the areas designed for recreation, producing more social isolation. Even the grassy areas outside the actual buildings were so far away from many of the flats that mothers were unable to observe or communicate with their children, and so would not let them play there, even turning these areas into no-go areas. Newman’s conclusions were that any areas which were not defensible spaces would be prone to high levels of crime. In fact Newman, on his website, reported that: ... a frequent complaint of residents of communities surrounding large public housing projects is that the teenage criminals living in the projects make use of the large, anonymous environment of the housing project as a place to run back to and hide in. For example there is a particularly notorious project in Jersey City, which is located adjacent to the US Highway 1 entering New York City. A traffic light at an intersection that borders the project forces truckers to stop there on their way into New York. Teenage project residents have developed a pattern of hijacking trucks at the stop light, throwing the driver out, and then driving the truck into the project. The truck is then emptied in a matter of minutes and the loot hidden in vacant apartments. (Newman, 1972, taken from www.defensiblespace.com )


In order to deal with these issues, Newman advised communities on how to improve and reorganise their housing developments with the aim of increasing the availability of defensible space. Simply by dividing the communal gardens into areas for which individuals or small groups became responsible, the people involved developed feelings of territoriality, and with feelings of territoriality come territorial markers and then defence of that space. Even such simple objects as kerbstones improved the perception of boundaries between lawns, and to invade them, people had to make a decision to cross into an ‘owned’ area. Porches on doors meant that people had to invade a well-marked territory if they wanted to invade the inhabitants, whereas before, the invasion was much easier with no obvious boundaries. Alongside these changes, the areas could be observed and therefore defended, with obvious strangers being spotted and identified by the members of that small group. Consequently, the lack of anonymity reduced criminal activities considerably. Newman concluded that a number of factors should be considered when designing defensible space: 1 2 3 4

The zone of territorial influence – what territorial markers are available? Opportunities for surveillance – does the area lend itself to being surveyed by the occupants and would they know who was an intruder? Image – do the buildings have any individuality? Milieu – what are the surroundings like? Are they small gardens or courtyards or large open public spaces?

Newman suggested that less vandalism occurs in properties that are well marked because people interpret territorial signs to mean that the owners have stronger territorial attitudes. However, there may be another factor at work here – are the lower levels of vandalism due to the markers or could they be because the owners are more vigilant when looking after their properties? Edney (1972) reported that homeowners who employed territorial markers such as ‘No trespassing’ signs were more wary of strangers although they answered their doors more quickly, probably to ensure that the strangers knew that they were vigilantly defending their properties. Few of us would dispute the logic behind Newman’s suggestions, although the evidence is not always so clear-cut. In fact, there is conflicting evidence to support Newman’s theories with regard to burglary with some burglars reporting that territorial markers indicate to them that a house contains items worth stealing. McDonald and Gifford (1989) gave burglars 50 photos of houses, asking them which houses they would choose to burgle. The houses chosen were those that had decorations in the garden and accessories on the house like hanging baskets and wall plaques, taken as signs of affluence and therefore indicating that they contained more valuable items. Barriers had no effect on burglars and were often seen as challenges. For them, the greatest deterrent

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was the likelihood that the properties were observable. Therefore perhaps the best deterrents to territorial invasions are not physical markers after all. Having read this chapter, you might wonder why we still design institutions that do not take into account the importance of personal space and territory. After all, this information is readily available and yet there are still care homes, hospitals and prisons which fail to make these factors a priority. Fortunately, though, they do seem to be improving. Section summary

•

• •

•

•

It is extremely difficult to defend personal space effectively and so we erect physical barriers between us and others. Seating also influences interactions, with sociopetal seating producing more interactions between group members but fewer external intrusions than sociofugal seating. Well-defined territories reduce intrusions. Knapp (1978) identified prevention defences and reaction defences to explain territorial defence. Territorial markers do not always deter invasions. Oscar Newman developed the notion of defensible space as a way of reducing anti-social behaviour in areas where crime rates were high. Burglars are not always deterred by territorial markers. They instead find surveillance more off-putting.

KEY TERMS affect attributions contamination defensible space dyads flight invasion non-verbal communication personal freedom prevention defences primary territory public territory reaction defences secondary territory self-concept sociofugal spacing sociopetal spacing violation


EXERCISE 1

Interpersonal space The aim of this study is to look for an association between the gender of the participants and the stopping distance from a confederate with the expectation that males would prefer to stand further away from a male confederate than a female confederate, and that in general, females would be more comfortable standing closer to females than males. Position a stationary male stooge in the centre of a room and ask both male and female participants to walk towards them, stopping when they feel they are at comfort distance to have a conversation. It is essential that you only have one participant in the room at a time with the research team, as bravado and demand characteristics often influence the results when there are groups of others watching. The independent variable is the distance between the toes of the confederate and toes of the participant. Repeat the study using a stationary female stooge in order to ensure that it is not simply the first confederate who is influencing the results. Display your data in the following table and analyse using a Chi-square test of association. • Table 6.3: Results for Exercise 1

Participant – male Participant – female

Stooge – male Average stopping distance Average stopping distance

Stooge – female Average stopping distance Average stopping distance

EXERCISE 2 Burglary and territorial markers Construct a questionnaire which asks people what kind of territorial markers they have to define where they live. Such markers might be things like fences or gates or doors with ‘No hawkers or pedlars’ signs on them. They may also display signs like ‘Neighbourhood Watch’ or ‘Our property is postcoded’. They may even have conspicuous burglar alarms or ‘Keep out’ signs. Give the questionnaire to two groups of people, one which has been burgled and one which has not been burgled, and see if territorial markers have any influence on the number of burglaries that have taken place.

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EXERCISE 3

Home court advantage Look at the results of the premiere division football matches for a season (available on the internet at sites such as www.topps.co.uk/football/2000_01/pl_table.asp) and compare the home and away wins to see whether more goals are scored per team when they are playing at home compared with away matches. EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Outline one study of personal space in which invasions of personal space were used to gather data. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the ethics of studying personal space where invasions of personal space are used. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe what psychologists have found out about the effects of territorial invasions. [10 marks] (b) Discuss what psychologists have found out about the effects of territorial invasions. [16 marks] (c) Using your psychological knowledge, suggest two ways in which a householder can make their property more secure against burglary. [8 marks]

Further reading Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 8. Bonnes, M. and Secchiaroli, G. (1995). Environmental Psychology, A Psychosocial Introduction. London: Sage, pp.84–93. Cassidy, T. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Behaviour and Experience in Context. Hove: Psychology Press, pp.127–141.


Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapters 5 and 6.

Websites http://www.defensiblespace.com http://www.nhi.org/online/issues/93/defense.html http://www.sonic.net/abcaia/poor_design.htm Defensible space and building design http://www.eslarp.uiuc.edu/la/LA338-S01/groups/b/index.html East St Louis action research project

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Architecture and behaviour: housing design and urban renewal

Introduction If you log onto the human population growth website given at the end of this chapter, you can access the population clock which shows how the population is increasing second by second. Even though population growth has slowed somewhat in the last decade, these newborns are going to need to be housed and fed and this has tremendous implications for the environment. Huge areas of our planet are inhospitable and cannot sustain life – think of the Arctic and the Antarctic, the desert and the sea. Therefore people inhabit those areas in which they can survive, either directly from the land or by earning a living in the commercial centres, and this means they tend to concentrate in certain areas rather than being spread evenly. These places are the towns and cities across the world. The Earth’s population reached 6 billion in September, 1999. It will increase this decade by another billion, the fastest population growth in history. It was only 2 billion in 1930, so today’s older generation was the first in history to see a tripling of the Earth’s population during their lifetimes! Every second, three people are added to the world; every day a quarter of a million are added. Every year, about 87 million people (about the population of Mexico, or three times the population of California, or the combined populations of the Philippines and South Korea) are added to the world. During the next two and a half years, the equivalent of the US population will be added to the planet. During the coming decade the increased population of one billion people is the equivalent of adding an extra China to the world’s population. A recent joint statement by the US National Academy of Sciences and the British Royal Society finds that population is growing at a rate that will lead to a [sic] doubling by 2050. (Bryant, 2001, Ch. 16)

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The effects of such population concentration are worse in developing countries with these showing not only faster rates of population increase but also accelerated rates of urbanisation. Since many problems seem to be associated with urbanisation, such as overcrowding, high rates of crime and poverty, it makes sense to consider the importance of architectural design. In order to consider the implications of living in urban environments, this chapter will focus on the following issues:

• theories and effects of urban living on health and social behaviour • urban renewal and building design • community environmental design.

Theories and effects of urban living on health and social behaviour Urban means literally ‘situated in or belonging to a city’, therefore when we consider urban living, what we mean is living in a city or at least a very large town. It seems that we either love them or hate them. They can be seen positively, as places which provide unlimited choices for their inhabitants. There are always things to do in a city, places to visit like art galleries, museums and parks, there are normally plenty of employment opportunities and virtually every type of entertainment you could wish for. There are always people around too, and many cities have what are known as ‘urban villages’, which are relatively self-contained and provide the support of a small community, some of which are culturally homogenous (from the same cultural groups), whereas others are multi-cultural, containing people from many different cultures. On the other hand, cities can be seen as threatening, noisy, dirty and unfriendly. They may bring problems for people with small children who need space and safety, and their inner areas are often run down and overcrowded with people who cannot afford the more affluent suburban accommodation. Both perceptions of city life are accurate, but individual attitudes towards these things depend on our past experiences, our current situation and our interests and values. In your teens, you may wish to live in a ‘buzzing’ city because it would give you what you want in terms of clubs and shops. If you are young, single and career-minded, the city would provide more opportunities than a quiet rural backwater. On the other hand, if you are relatively affluent and have a young family, you may feel happier in a village environment. You may also find that being in a city is an improvement over where you were before and therefore you will be more likely to be satisfied


with urban life. Whatever our conclusions about urban life, the fact remains that if we are satisfied, we tend to ignore the negatives, but if we are dissatisfied, the negative aspects are perceived as being stressful. MODELS OF URBAN LIVING

People living in urban areas are subjected to a myriad of different pressures which differ not just in type but also in quantity from the pressures on those living in more rural areas. In order to try to explain these effects, theorists have focused on different aspects of urban living and used them to provide a number of approaches to help explain behaviour. One such approach might start from the idea that urban living restricts the behaviour of its inhabitants, whilst another might see people as bombarded by stimuli from the hustle and bustle of city life, causing them to withdraw more often in order to reduce arousal overload. These perspectives or approaches can consequently be used to predict the behaviours of city dwellers and explain their ways of dealing with the effects of urban living. the behaviour constraint approach The behaviour constraint model of environmental stimulation (Proshansky et al., 1970) assumes that people living in cities have more restrictions or constraints on their behaviour than people living in rural areas. We all know what it is like being stuck in traffic or having problems when we want to walk along a pavement quickly but the people in front are going really slowly and are blocking our way. The long-term consequences of behavioural constraint may be feelings of learned helplessness, whereby no matter how hard we try, we find we cannot have any effect on our environment. Such an attitude could ultimately predict that we would become depressed and apathetic about our lives and give up trying to change them. the overload approach The overload approach is based on the idea that we have limited informationprocessing capacity and can therefore only deal with a certain amount of information at any one time (Broadbent, 1958). If the amount of information for processing exceeds the capacity of the ‘processor’ (person), then overload occurs. We then have to use some kind of coping strategy which might be developing a kind of ‘tunnel vision’. This would mean that we ignore the things that aren’t relevant and focus on the most important things. City life provides tremendous amounts of stimuli which require processing and this may result in overload. In order to deal with this overload, we reduce our breadth of attention, limiting the incoming information which in turn affects behaviours by making us less aware of much that is going on around us. the environmental stress approach Glass and Singer (1972) have focused on the effects of environmental stressors on performance and mental health (see Chapter 2). This approach

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suggests that the presence of particular stimuli (such as noise and crowding, which are two of the major environmental stressors) can produce a stress response which will in turn affect behaviour and influence health. This approach is very different from other approaches which suggest that it is the number of stimuli which is important, rather than the nature of the stimuli. the adaptation level approach Wohlwill’s adaptation level theory (1976) suggests that because we function best at certain optimum levels of arousal, we adapt our behaviour to meet the desired level of arousal by either increasing or decreasing our interactions with the environment. If we live in the city, we will find that some situations are extremely stressful. Therefore we will adapt our behaviour in order to deal with over-arousal, either by withdrawing into an area where we have our own company, or perhaps by reading or listening to music in order to shut out other surrounding stimuli. These optimum levels of arousal vary from person to person and are influenced by past experiences (although they are adaptable over time). This would suggest that many of the behaviours we see in innercity areas are caused by adapting to high levels of environmental stimuli. Wohlwill breaks up behaviour into three categories, believing that all three need to meet this intermediate level of arousal. These categories are sensory stimulation, social stimulation and movement and are ‘adjusted’ in the following ways: • • •

Intensity – is there too much or too little? Diversity – is there too much variation in the stimuli available? Patterning – does the information seem too predictable or completely unpredictable?

To explain how this works, let’s consider social stimulation: • • •

Are there enough or too few people around (intensity)? Are the people very different from each other (e.g. different genders, ages, types, ethnicity, etc.)? Are they all behaving in the same way or randomly (patterning)?

The four approaches to urban living described above help to explain our responses to different aspects of the environment and give an indication of subsequent behaviour. However, all are too narrow to explain the enormous diversity of responses because many of these responses depend initially on how the environment is perceived by the individual. One method of dealing with this weakness is to develop some kind of model which incorporates not only the strongest elements from all of the above approaches, but also takes into consideration factors which influence our perception of the city and


suggests the likely behaviours that might result. This kind of model is known as an eclectic model. the eclectic model of urban environments Bell et al. (1996) developed just such an eclectic model of urban environments, a modified version of which is shown below. This model suggests that there are a number of factors which influence our appraisal of the city and these are determined by our past experiences, personality, gender and so on. At this point we will decide if we can cope with city life or if we need to adopt some kind of coping strategy to help us deal with it. If we do not manage to cope, long-term effects of stress will result.

Objective urban conditions, e.g. transport, actual levels of crime, noise, pollution, etc.

Individual differences, e.g. personality, social support, gender, age, past experiences, rural background, culture

Salience of city: How important it is for job, social life, cultural enhancement, etc.

Perception of the city

+ve City positively appraised as supportive and safe, providing for all needs

OVERLOAD –ve City negatively appraised as threatening, polluted, noisy, ugly and overcrowded

Satisfaction Dissatisfaction: High levels of arousal leading to stress leading to overload Therefore coping strategies needed

Successful strategies, e.g. withdrawal, change of job, change of lifestyle, leaving city

Unsuccessful strategies Ultimately leading to ill health

• Figure 7.1: An eclectic model applied to urban environments (adapted from Bell et al., 1996)

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T H E E F F E C T S O F U R B A N L I V I N G O N H E A LT H

When I first saw mentioned the television programme Sex and the City, I read it as stress and the city, and thought it would be interesting and potentially useful for students of environmental psychology. My misperception of the title of that television programme occurred after returning from a meeting in London, feeling extremely wound up and stressed. Stress and the city to me are one and the same. I hate the city and long to escape back to semi-rural life, but know this is not a universal view. However, when taking a collective view of all research, it seems that my perception of the city as a stressful place is fairly common, and we know that high levels of stress lead to high levels of both physical and mental ill health. The stressors within a city are familiar to all of us. Noise levels increase with community size and the population of cities is constantly increasing. The Environmental Protection Agency (1972) reported that the quietest times in inner-city apartments were noisier than the noisiest times in small towns. Rotton (1978) reported that breathing New York City air on a day-to-day basis was equivalent to smoking 38 cigarettes a day because of the high levels of dust and dirt particles. Theme link ( Investigating

the effects of urban living )

In order to investigate the effects of urban living on a population, it is essential to have a control group with which to compare it. The group used is usually composed of people living in rural areas. The problem is that the control group may be very different in nature to the experimental group. Rural dwellers may vary in age, socio-economic status, access to social support, lifestyle and employment. Therefore the extraneous variables that could influence research are immense. Moreover, noise levels, pollution and crowding mean that there are rarely single variables which are responsible for the results. Subjective estimates of pace of life are that life in the city seems faster, although research has shown that this is not necessarily supported by actual walking speeds. There is some evidence that speed varies according to population size, however there seems to be a greater variation in speed at different locations within a city than between cities. Walmsley and Lewis (1989) suggest that speed is influenced by other factors such as the time of day or weather rather than city size. It is more likely due to a complex mix of psychological factors than actual speed (Sadalla et al., 1990). Nevertheless, the perception of speed is far more important than the speed itself, as psychological factors are responsible for the development of stressful responses.


We must also remember that there are groups of people in urban areas who may experience higher than average levels of stressors. These include minority groups such as immigrants, the poor, the unemployed, single-parent families and the elderly. They may experience some or all of the following: low incomes, poor housing (which may be located in the most run-down inner-city areas), higher crime rates, higher noise levels and more pollution. They may also experience discrimination from other sectors of the community. The city provides numerous potential stressors but this does not automatically mean that cities make us ill because there are so much variation between people and urban environments. In fact, one of the problems with investigations into the effects of urban living on health is that people who are ill often migrate to the cities in order to seek the best medical treatment. In London, for example, there are a number of large teaching hospitals whose names are familiar throughout the country – St Thomas’s, Guys, The Middlesex, The London, The Royal Marsden, Charing Cross, Westminster, Great Ormond Street and so on. Therefore looking at patient rates in city areas often gives a false impression of illness as many patients are migrants from rural areas. physical health With regard to physical health, many of the illnesses found in cities cannot be directly attributed to urban life. However, there is some evidence that stressrelated illness such as coronary heart disease is more common in cities (Levine et al., 1988) and Ford (1976) reported that respiratory diseases, often associated with pollution, are also higher in urban areas. Hay and Wantman (1969) reported that there were only minimal differences in stress-related illnesses such as heart disease and hypertension between urban and rural communities, and Levine et al. (1988) suggested that these differences might be caused by pressures of work, not by the city itself. mental health Stress, as we have already discussed in the Introduction, is related to illnesses of adaptation, and as urban life is full of environmental stressors such as noise, air pollution and crowding, we may be inclined to assume that urban life will lead to greater incidents of mental illness. Although Levine et al. (1988) reported that stress-related illnesses are more common in cities, there is little concrete evidence to suggest that urban life itself produces higher levels of mental illness than rural living. People who live in rural areas often have stronger support networks, frequently within family networks, whereas people living in the city are frequently young and single or possibly couples who have moved there to work. Therefore if they begin to suffer from stress, they have less of a support network to cushion the effects of stressful living and are more likely to hide the

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symptoms of imminent nervous breakdowns from acquaintances. This would also suggest that if they do succumb to some kind of mental breakdown, it will be more serious and will require psychiatric care. Mann (1964) reported that there were more psychiatric admissions from people living in cities than in rural areas although there is no current concrete evidence to show that, generally, people living in cities are less mentally healthy. However, the types of illness that they do suffer from seem to vary. Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend (1972) found that the types of mental illness found in urban areas are often stress-related, whereas in rural areas those mental illnesses found tend to be severe. Other evidence suggests that in some cultures, the urban versus rural rates of psychiatric disorders do differ, in favour of the rural areas. One study based in North Carolina in the US compared rural and urban populations over a one-year period and found there was more than twice the prevalence of depression in the urban population tested. In comparison, in Taiwan where small towns straddle the urban/rural borders, higher rates of depression have been found than in either urban or rural areas (Pies, 1997). The problem with studies such as these, is that there could be any number of other factors which influence the results besides area of residence. Torrey and Bowler (1990) provided some evidence linking schizophrenia and urbanisation in the US. They analysed selected data gathered between 1880 and 1963 and found a direct regional correlation between the two, although with any correlation, we can never be sure of the cause. Gifford (1997) points out that this could be explained by the drift hypothesis. This suggests that people with psychiatric problems tend to drift towards the city rather than the city being a direct cause of their problems. This is evident in London where a high proportion of the homeless are schizophrenic. The Mental Health Profile Survey of Turkey (2000), an epidemiological survey (a survey looking at the occurrence of illnesses) on the psychological problems prevalent in the Turkish population, recognised urbanisation as a risk factor for both adults and children. The survey found psychological problems in children and adults were more common in urban than rural areas. One area in which there is a difference in health-related behaviours is drug abuse, high levels of which are more common in urban areas. The reasons for this are open to speculation but are likely to be related to availability. Drug users tend to gravitate to cities to seek drugs (or seek cures) and may become involved in the whole subculture of drugs such as prostitution and crime. Cities provide anonymity, a necessity for this kind of lifestyle. T H E E F F E C T S O F U R B A N L I V I N G O N S O C I A L B E H AV I O U R

the effects of urban living on affliative behaviour With the numbers of people resident in cities, one might expect that life would be a round of social events, and yet many people report that they feel much


more socially isolated in an urban environment than a rural community. In fact research evidence suggests that cities are places where people have a decreased desire for affiliative behaviour. There are two possible reasons for this – the first that they are highly aroused anyway and therefore seek solitude and quiet at the end of a day, or alternatively it may be caused by a fear of crime. Taylor and Hale (1986) suggested that fear of crime is increasing at a faster rate than actual criminal activity, and is often reinforced by signs of urban decay such as poorly maintained buildings and rubbish in the streets. When looking at density and crowding in Chapter 3, we saw that one method used to reduce social interaction is to reduce or avoid eye contact (see p.77). One way of investigating the levels of affiliative behaviour of urban dwellers is to investigate the amount of eye contact they make. Newman and McCauley (1977) used this idea to investigate affiliative behaviours between people in the centre of Philadelphia, USA, people from the suburbs and people in a small town. They asked both male and female experimenters to look at people in post offices and stores and see how many returned their gaze. They found that subjects rarely made eye contact with strangers who looked at them in the city centre, but that eye contact was more common in the suburbs and very common in the small town. If we accept that eye contact is a means of signifying desire for social interaction, this would support the idea that people living in urban areas wish to decrease their affiliative behaviours. Krupat (1982) took photographs without permission, of both rural and city dwellers. These photographs were then rated by college students who said the urban residents looked more tense, less friendly and less easy-going than their rural counterparts. This may have been because they felt more threatened by a stranger coming up to them and taking their photographs, rather than the fact that they were less friendly. Milgram (1977) studied urban residents’ and small town dwellers’ responses to students, when the students extended their hands towards them on the street as if to shake hands. He found that 38.5 per cent of urban residents reciprocated compared with 66 per cent of small-town dwellers, which suggests that urban dwellers would rather avoid contact with strangers. These findings suggest that urbanites are less friendly, but this is not the case. McCauley and Taylor (1976) found that there was no difference in the number and nature of telephone conversations held with family and friends, between city and rural inhabitants. Perhaps the findings relate more to fear of crime or arousal overload than lack of affiliative behaviours. Milgram (1977) found that even though people in urban areas do not talk to each other, they still do recognise familiar strangers, people they regularly see but don’t actually know. When a group of commuters were shown photographs of strangers who shared their journeys, 90 per cent of them recognised at least one person and reported that they often wondered about the lives of these familiar strangers. This suggests that perhaps they are not so unconcerned with others after all.

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the effects of urban living on altruistic behaviour Fear of crime again may explain any potential lack of helping behaviour in the city. This, coupled with the idea of stimulation overload, where we would be too aroused to notice what was going on, would seem to suggest that helping behaviour in urban areas is highly unlikely. We have already looked at studies which link high levels of noise or crowding with low levels of helping (e.g. Milgram, 1977, Chapter 3, p.78). If we accept that urban areas have higher levels of noise and more people, it would make sense to suggest that helping behaviour would decline with increasing population density. If you remember, Milgram compared the number of people who were willing to open their doors to a person asking for help, and found that fewer people offered help in urban areas. We suggested that the reason may have been due to diffusion of responsibility – there were other available doors where people might be willing to help. This suggestion is supported by studies such as that of Levine et al. (1994) who found there was a positive correlation between population size, density and helping behaviour. He investigated people’s helping responses to six different requests such as showing the way or telling the time, in 36 cities in different regions in the US. The results always indicated that if population density was high, helping behaviour was low. Piliavin et al. (1969) demonstrated how the nature of the victim can affect helping behaviour in his ‘subway samaritan study’. Here he varied the nature of the collapsing person needing help on an underground train to investigate whether this influenced levels of helping behaviour. He found that people who were believed to be drunk were helped less often than people who were using a stick and looked lame. If we return to the idea of fear of crime being the cause of non-helping behaviour, then we would expect certain ‘victims’ of misfortune to be helped more than others. Steblay (1987) conducted an investigation to find out whether the gender of the person asking for assistance influenced decisions to help. The results indicated that the only time a difference in levels of helping behaviour was evident was when the person asking for help was male and if the request was for something relatively trivial. Less help was given in these circumstances. It seems that we are less likely to help if the perceived costs of helping are too high, and males were probably perceived as being more ‘dangerous’, especially when asking for help with something trivial. the effects of urban living on aggression Noise, crowding and personal space invasions all lead to increases in arousal, increasing the likelihood of aggressive behaviour; the city provides all three for its inhabitants. The large numbers and long opening hours of drinking establishments in urban areas also increase the likelihood of aggressive behaviour. Zimbardo (1969) also suggested that high population density provides an ideal situation for deindividuation to occur. If you can’t be identified you are less likely to be caught committing a crime or an act of


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aggression. There are more people, so there are greater opportunities for criminal acts to be perpetrated such as assaults and thefts. As suggested in the last chapter, housing estates and public areas provide ideal locations for crime to occur due to lack of defensible space. From these factors alone, it would seem inevitable that crime rates would be higher in urban areas. Also, there are likely to be more police and potentially more arrests, so people may report more crimes than they do in rural locations. In support of these ideas, reports from both the US and Britain show that crime rates are higher in urban areas. The US Department of Justice reported that between 1993 and 1998, the average annual violent crime rate in urban areas was about 74 per cent higher than the rural rate. The Department reported that numbers of crimes involving property were higher in urban households than in rural households and that the victims of violent crime in urban areas were more likely to be attacked by strangers than were rural crime victims (53 per cent and 34 per cent respectively). In Britain, the British Crime Survey (published in October 2000) showed that levels of crime in urban areas are higher than in rural communities. Figures showed that 2.6 per cent of adults in rural areas were the victims of at least one violent offence in 1999, compared with 4.7 per cent of adults living in non-rural areas. Not surprisingly, the higher levels of crime are perceived by the inhabitants of urban areas as frightening and so have an effect on their behavour. Even when people live in areas of cities that have lower crime rates or where crime rates have fallen, they may still perceive cities as frightening areas and this too results in changes in behaviour. Researchers have found that fear of crime is associated with worry, fear of injury or loss of possessions and ultimately feelings of loss of control. This can lead to depression and lack of activity and this has been supported by Lavrakas (1982) who found that people who live in cities restrict their activities more than suburbanites. Ginsberg (1975) found that these fears had caused some more elderly residents of urban areas never to leave their homes. •

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Section summary Population growth results in an increase in urban environments and the nature of those environments will have an effect on the people who reside there. Urban environments can be seen both positively and negatively depending on the individual. In order to understand the effects of urban environments, psychologists have taken a number of different approaches to understanding them, each of which focuses on one or other aspect of city life. The eclectic model of urban environments considers all the factors which influence our perception of the environment and considers how these factors will influence our responses.

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Urban environments provide numerous stressors, especially for some members of the community. They are seen to have a faster pace of life. These factors can be linked to health problems although evidence is only correlational, rather than causal. The incidence of respiratory and heart disease is slightly higher in urban areas, but there is little evidence to show that there are higher levels of mental illness caused directly by rural life. Drug abuse is more common in urban areas. People living in rural areas have stronger support networks which mediate the effects of stress or mental illness. Evidence suggests that city dwellers have a decreased desire for affiliative behaviours and make eye contact less readily. They are less likely to help others due to fear of crime or diffusion of responsibility. They are also more aggressive which is probably due to over-arousal.

Urban renewal and building design URBAN RENEWAL

According to Porteus (1977), urban renewal can be defined as an integrated series of steps taken to maintain and upgrade the environmental, economic and social health of an urban area. But why has this been necessary, and will the process of urban renewal continue? Depending on where you live, you may remember a time when part of your home city was redeveloped. You may not have been old enough to recall why this happened, or indeed you may not even have been interested, but the reasons for decline in urban areas are generally the same. I remember the town where I grew up and I know, in my lifetime, it has actually been redesigned twice. It was a large town on a busy railway line. There was plenty of work in local factories and a busy commercial centre with many shops centred around a high street. To house the local workers, lots of cheap housing was provided in back-to-back streets where communities developed. As the industries declined, unemployment levels rose and the shops, once thriving businesses, began to close, leaving the town centre partially empty and run down. The shops were not sold or re-let and they became almost derelict with chipped paint surrounding the often cracked or boarded-up windows which were covered in fly posters. Consequently, fewer people visited the town centre and the remaining businesses also closed or relocated. In order to remove these eyesores, the area was flattened and became car parks and for a number of years the town centre was all but dead, inhabited by groups of unemployed youths and the odd shop. People moved out of the town into new estates, increasing their sense of social isolation, and leaving more areas derelict and decaying. The council


decided to redevelop another area which had retained some shops, and to build a new library, theatre and an indoor swimming pool. Money was put into these new buildings and the road system was rerouted. The trouble was that the town was left with two ‘centres’, one in the shopping area which was small and congested, and the other in the newly created public area next to the entrance of the library and theatre, beyond which were the public car parks. From your knowledge of urban areas and defensible space (see Chapter 6), it should be fairly evident that the public area became the haunt of the less desirable elements of society and few would walk through it to and from the car parks. Of course, the shops then started to lose trade and began to close, one by one, and the town returned to a state of decay and decline. In the mean time, because the surrounding area was relatively inexpensive for offices and industrial units, and because it was near a mainline station and there was considerable labour on hand, new businesses started to move back into the area. The town needed sorting out. Finally, a redevelopment scheme which involved removing the swimming pool, library and theatre and flattening the whole area (again) resulted in a welldesigned commercial centre. It was focused around a number of small grassy squares or monuments with public seating, plants, lots of light and no alleyways or dead ends, the installation of CCTV, sufficient car parking directly next to the shops, a good public transport system and no swimming pool (it was moved back out to a more suitable location in a nearby park alongside a large sports complex). The result was a thriving area with new, well-designed housing built in estates around the town, and a totally different feel about the place. From this story, it should be evident that the reasons for redeveloping areas may vary over time. Changes in populations, changes in employment opportunities, and the move from high streets to large shopping precincts have all resulted in some of our urban areas needing to be redesigned and rebuilt. Housing too has changed. After the Second World War, housing was needed fast. Estates grew up almost overnight out of the main cities, and necessitated relocating families into new, purpose-built accommodation, moving them away from the decaying areas where they had grown up. These changes caused tremendous social upheaval and changes in family structure. As most students of sociology will be aware, the nuclear family appeared after the war as described in Young and Wilmott’s (1960) book Family and Class in a London Suburb, which looked at the effects on families who moved from east London to a new suburb in Essex. The people who had moved away from their family and friends reported a sense of social isolation, often poor mental health and experienced an increase in crime. We are going to consider building design first and in the last section in this chapter, we will look at community design, although the two are very much interlinked.

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BUILDING DESIGN

In most areas of the modern world, buildings have a number of functions besides providing shelter. They may be places of work; they may be residential; they may be intended to restrain people; or they may provide some kind of service for the community. Each one of these functions has different requirements; for instance, offices need to house large numbers of people who must be able to communicate with each other, whereas homes are required to provide far more privacy. Prisons have to be secure, whereas community buildings must be easily accessible from both within and without. On top of fulfilling their required functions, designers endeavour to make the buildings look aesthetically pleasing in order to present a positive image. Theme link ( Individual

differences – Cross-cultural perspectives

The cultural differences which dictate differing lifestyles also affect housing requirements and unless these are taken into account when designing accommodation, the buildings will not fulfil their required function. Different cultures prefer different levels of segmentation. This means that they have a greater or lesser need for separate space for the different activities of life, such as a room for cooking and a room for bathing, and one for eating and one for sleeping. If these aspects are not taken into account whilst designing, the space will not be effectively utilised and the habitants will probably report a degree of dissatisfaction with the accommodation. According to Thorne et al. (1982), citizens of North America and the Commonwealth prefer detached single-family houses irrespective of culture or social class. Patri (1971) found that the inhabitants of Guam in Africa lived in one-roomed houses. They were rehoused in multiroomed accommodation but still used only one room which resulted in the houses having to be redesigned as the living accommodation was now too small. Similarly, Kent (1991) reported that the Navaho Indians use one living space for all their activities (e.g. eating, sleeping and entertaining). When some of them were rehoused in three-bedroomed Western-style homes, they carried on living in the living room, eating and sleeping there just as they had done in their original environment. If we accept that the built environment has a strong impact on the way that we feel, and can influence our performance and health, it is essential that designers take these factors into account. However, the amount of influence it has on us is a matter of some debate:


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One idea is that the built environment directs the behaviour of its inhabitants by the nature of its design, colour and spatial characteristics, for example. From the information we have gathered so far, you will realise that there might be some credibility in this argument which is known as architectural determinism. However, it is really an inadequate explanation of human behaviour because there are so many other issues which influence the way we behave, such as our personalities, past experiences and social relationships. An alternative idea is that of environmental possibilism which suggests that the environment provides us with opportunities as well as placing restrictions on our behaviour and so it is seen more as a context in which behaviours occur rather than a predictor of what those behaviours may be. The third explanation is known as environmental probabilism, which suggests that though people can choose a number of different responses in varying situations, there are responses which are more likely as a result of the environment in which they are based. The idea follows that the knowledge we have of environmental effects is useful to try to understand why behaviours occur in certain settings but does not exclude alternative explanations.

According to Lang (1987), buildings and other designed environments have to fulfil three basic purposes: • • •

Commodity – does the building fulfil its functions? Firmness – is the structure strong enough to last? Delight – is the building aesthetically pleasing (pleasing to look at)?

Different architects put different emphasis on these three purposes, for example they may be more concerned with appearance than function. No doubt you will have noticed new buildings that look amazing but do not utilise space wisely and are unsuited to their function. If, however, they do achieve the purpose for which they were built, they are said to have achieved congruence. The trouble is that many designers do not bother to consult their clients and Devlin (1990) concludes that architects often pay more attention to design ideas than congruence, whereby the buildings often fail to fulfil a number of their basic purposes. planning considerations Speaking as psychologists with some understanding of how important design features are to psychological well-being, we could make suggestions to architects on aspects of design that would help to foster positive psychological responses.

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Theme link ( Individual

differences – age and location preference )

Age seems to influence where we want to live, with the very young and very old tending to living closer to the centre of cities. However, middleaged people have reported that they prefer to live on the outskirts of cities or in the country (Lindberg et al., 1992). The desire for a less central location may be due to the need for a less stimulating lifestyle as they have more responsibilities than the young or old. On the other hand, it may be because they want an area with more defensible space, which has clear boundaries and control over social interactions. privacy One function of buildings is to provide privacy from others, but what do we mean by privacy? According to Altman (1975), privacy is ‘the selective control of access to the self or one’s group’, which suggests that we should be able

• Figure 7.2: Workers in an office partitioned by screens


to regulate social interactions rather than simply withdrawing from them altogether. In fact few of us would choose to be totally isolated but everyone wants some time to themselves, and lack of privacy has been shown to result in negative responses such as withdrawal or aggressive outbursts, both of which could be related back to high levels of arousal. Trying to strike the correct balance is very important and can be assisted by building design, no matter what the building’s intended function, by providing areas both for communal and for individual use. It should also be evident that our requirement for privacy is related to our need for personal space, our need to set territorial boundaries and the maintenance of optimal levels of arousal. As we have seen in the last chapter, territorial boundaries can be temporary or permanent. They may be defined by the use of personal possessions such as coats on chairs or bags on seats. They may also be provided by screens in buildings or by walls between rooms. Keeley and Edney (1983) asked subjects to construct models of houses that would be either ideal as privacy regulation mechanisms or alternatively would promote social interaction. The ‘privacy houses’ had more rooms, more corridors and external walls, whilst the social houses allowed people to see each other in open-plan rooms and fewer external walls. It seems that some of the best privacy mechanisms are those which prevent people from seeing each other. For example, Desor (1972) found that simply marking a territory with a transparent screen failed to provide any sense of privacy for the occupants. Auditory privacy is also important here because we do not like to think that all our conversations are being overheard. Vinsel et al. (1980) demonstrated how important privacy was in college. He looked at the reasons for students dropping out of college and concluded that those who left for non-academic reasons were the ones who failed to achieve any element of privacy. Similarly Zeisel and Griffin (1975) found that flats that don’t promote privacy are rated as being less satisfactory. The design of this type of flat is that where all areas outside the front door are communal, with the rooms themselves being overlooked by others. Evidence from prisons confirms the influence of architectural design on well-being in terms of personal space and privacy. Paulus (1988) found that different architectural layouts which affected allocated space in prisons influenced the behaviour and health of the inmates. Consistent findings were that high density was linked with decrements in health. In support of this, McCain et al. (1976) found that prison inmates who lived in conditions of low spatial and social density were ill less frequently than those who lived in high densities and that there was a relationship between the amount of medical treatment inmates sought and the social density of their accommodation. This indicates that by allocating prisoners to single or, if absolutely necessary, double cells, the increase in privacy has a positive effect on health. When rooms were occupied by more than one person, partitions seemed to reduce some of the negative effects of low levels of privacy.

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If you consider that one fundamental human need is to be accepted by a social group, this suggests that we have to be constantly vigilant as to what image we are presenting to the world. Consequently, when in public we are always going to maintain a higher level of anxiety than we would otherwise because we aren’t able to relax completely – we self-monitor to ensure that our behaviour is acceptable to others. When in private, we can be ourselves and behave as we wish without concerns that others are going to judge us on the basis of our appearance or behaviour. We no longer need to be vigilant as to the behaviour or demands of others, which again allows lower levels of arousal. These ideas suggest that as far as residences are concerned, private gardens and buildings that are not overlooked will be more acceptable. Also public buildings need to take into account privacy requirements of the occupants, in order to gain the best performance or feeling of well-being. noise and temperature We have already mentioned that auditory privacy is necessary but we also prefer environments with either low levels of noise or controllable noise. Therefore when designing buildings, the potential levels of noise should be taken into account when deciding whether the building should have double glazing or soundproofing of any kind. If there is noise of differing frequencies, perhaps some kind of auditory overlay such as air-conditioning units could be found which would make the noise blend into undifferentiated white noise. Temperature should be controllable, not only by providing heating but also by fitting suitable thermostats or air conditioning to ensure that temperature remains constant. If you remember, changes in temperature are considered more arousing than constant temperatures. colour We associate different colours with different temperatures but research evidence has shown that colour does not actually affect subjects’ perceptions of room temperature. We know that red is associated with fire and blue with cool water, and we tend to make that association when asked to judge temperature according to colour. However, a study by Berry (1961) showed that colour does not, in reality, influence our perception of heat. Berry told his participants that they were taking part in a study to look into the effects of coloured light on performance in a driving simulator. He said that the lights would generate differing amounts of heat (which was untrue) and that the participants should say when the room became unbearably warm. The participants did not report different perceived temperatures, which indicates that the colour of the lights had no influence on their objective ratings of room temperature. Therefore in order to use colour, we should bear in mind that the links we make between colour and temperature are related to associations stored in memory rather than fact. If we want to present the image of warmth and cosiness, reds and oranges (which we unconsciously associate with fire) are perceived as warmer colours, whilst blue and green are seen as cooler


colours, and this should be taken into account. One robust finding is that a room painted in light colours is seen as larger, more spacious and less crowded than the same room painted a darker shade of the same colour (Acking and Kuller, 1972; Baum and Davis, 1976). lighting As we have seen in the chapter on climate and weather, light affects the wellbeing and performance of building occupants. We also know that low levels of light lead to more intimacy (perhaps due to deindividuation) as shown by Gergen et al. (1973) in their dark room experiment. One group of students was in a completely darkened room and the other group in a normally lit room. In the dark room, the students were far more friendly, chatting to total strangers, exploring the room and becoming involved in more intimate conversations. They also became intentionally involved in physical contact with each other, 50 per cent hugging each other and 80 per cent admitting to being sexually aroused. In contrast to this, the control subjects talked politely in the light for the whole hour. The conclusions from such a study are that the intended purpose of the environment and the levels of lighting should be carefully matched. windows One method of reducing the effects of crowding is to provide more windows and doors in rooms. They give the impression of more space and also increase feelings of control. They also have positive effects on occupants as suggested by Ulrich (1984) when he reported that patients with pleasant landscape views outside hospital rooms had shorter post-operative stays, required fewer painkillers and complained less. It seems that we appreciate the benefits of pleasant views, associating the countryside with less stressful experiences and providing more relaxation. Biner et al. (1993) found that workers who occupied windowless offices used more pictures of landscapes to decorate their walls than a comparison group of workers who had windows. In schools which were designed to have few windows (to prevent distractions and heat loss), they have been shown to have no consistent effects on learning. Some students perform better with windows whilst others find it easier to become distracted. However, Karmel (1965) indicated that windowless rooms do seem to have a negative effect on mood, which is probably because electric lights do not produce the same effects as natural daylight on the production of serotonin.

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Section summary

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Urban renewal involves the maintenance and upgrading of the urban environment. This involves incorporating building designs which will benefit the inhabitants and have aesthetic appeal. It has been suggested that building design directs the behaviour of its inhabitants (architectural determinism), that the environment will be more likely to influence certain behaviours (environmental probabilism) and that the environment provides opportunities as well as restrictions on behaviour (environmental possibilism). Planning of new environments should take into account the need for privacy which can be achieved by territorial boundaries. Other factors will also affect our feelings about different environments: noise and temperature levels should be controllable, colour can influence the perception of cosiness, lighting should be matched to the activities of the occupants, and windows should be regularly spaced.

Community environmental design If you were given the opportunity to design an area for use by a community, there are a number of features of which you should now be aware. D E F E N S I B L E S PA C E

In the last chapter, we saw how important it is to take into account defensible space when looking at community environmental design. Pruitt-Igoe, the St Louis project which we looked at, contained 43 buildings, was eleven storeys high and covered 57 acres. Although it was first hailed as an architectural success because it made maximum use of the space available, it was really a disaster. The walls were tiled in order that any graffiti could be removed, the lights and doors and lifts provided were supposed to be vandal-resistant. Rainwater (1966) suggested that these features convey the wrong message to the residents and are almost presenting a challenge to them, acting as a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy. Within a few years, the public areas were all but uninhabitable with signs of disrepair and vandalism. By 1970, 27 of the 43 buildings were empty and two years later they were all demolished. Therefore we should try to produce a design which makes space defensible. Defensible spaces are clearly marked with identifiable boundaries or give the impression that they belong to someone. They should be well maintained, showing signs of regular use but not be thoroughfares, because thoroughfares allow the passage of strangers who can no longer be monitored effectively. After all, we cannot know who is passing through and who is


intending to get up to mischief in a through route, and we do not like to challenge people unnecessarily as it causes us anxiety. We therefore tend to ignore people about whom we are unsure, possibly diffusing responsibility for anything that happens, amongst the others who live in the area. We may even feel that as no one else is doing anything, the situation must be fine, described by Gross (1992) as adopting a state of pluralistic ignorance. The result – an area which is perceived as being threatening. Atlas and LeBlanc (1994) reported on a community in Florida that erected barriers to prevent throughtraffic. The crime rates in this area fell overall in comparison with other similar areas, presumably due to the lack of ‘escape routes’, but as Bell et al. (1996) point out, it may also be because the community had to work together to erect the barricades in the first place, and one of the most effective ways of uniting a community is to give them a common goal. Working together often unites communities. SOCIAL COMMUNITIES

If defensible space is not the only factor that reduces crime within communities, what other factors are important? Merry (1981) suggests that the cohesion between the groups resident in various settings will also influence the nature of the neighbourhood. If groups have no social cohesion (they don’t ‘stick’ together as a social group), then they are less likely to defend potentially defensible space. Also territorial markers, as we have seen, are part of the process of indicating ‘claimed space’ to potential invaders and these seem to be more common in socially homogenous neighbourhoods, where all the people are similar. Social support is also a key feature to our physical as well as psychological well-being. According to Holahan and Moos (1981), if we are part of a strong social network we will enjoy better psychological and physical health. Social networks also monitor the environment for its members and produce norms of behaviour which are generally well adhered to. They therefore exert pressure on members to conform to group norms and reduce the instances of deviant behaviour. In order to facilitate these social interactions, certain features can be built in to the design. Whyte (1974) filmed the number of people who used eighteen plazas in New York City with the intention of identifying what it was that made some busier than others. Not surprisingly, the ones that were busiest were the ones that appeared more attractive with water fountains or trees, had more facilities such as seating, food stands, stalls, street performers and so on. They were out of the wind and provided shade or sun, according to the weather, and were located on busy streets. If meeting places with these features could be incorporated into a design, they should increase the feelings of community amongst residents.

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Brower (1988) suggested a number of guidelines for bringing communities to life which, if put into practice, should help to increase social interaction, reduce the likelihood of social isolation and crime and help an urban area to flourish. However, as he points out, they require considerable organisation and capital but in the long run would probably reduce the amount which would need to be spent from the public purse, putting right the mistakes of the past. 1.

Keep the streetfront alive. This ties in with the suggestions of Whyte (1974) and is intended to reduce the number of potentially ‘dead’ spaces. Give residents things to do and places where they feel comfortable to walk or relax. Make sure that there are amenities such as street vendors and seating. There should be pedestrian precincts with alleys containing pavement cafés. Incorporate residences within these areas, so that they are occupied all the time rather than just during ‘opening hours’. Reduce the speed and numbers of cars. Speed bumps and barricades reduce the number and speed of cars, making the place quieter and safer. These measures coupled with pedestrian precincts make the area more pleasant to walk in. Residences should be open to the street and not form a central courtyard. This means there is still movement from the surrounding area rather than the neglected backs of properties which can become no-go areas. Make parks more attractive to adults. Create areas for each age group if necessary, such as playgrounds and areas for bowls. However, there should be other areas where people can integrate (remember, forced separation increases intergroup rivalry). Distinguish between home-based recreation and park activities. Parks tend to be for noisier, more boisterous activities, so putting them adjacent to residences is going to cause annoyance. Position them with something between them to act as a sound buffer.

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Section summary

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When designing new communities there are a number of different issues which must be considered. Defensible space should be manipulated by making areas the responsibility of members of the community. Design should facilitate the development of communities by providing meeting places for residents and making the streets safer and more attractive, thus encouraging people to go out and mix with their neighbours.


KEY TERMS architectural determinism congruence diffusion of responsibility diversity eclectic environmental possibilism environmental probabilism epidemiological familiar strangers homogenous intensity multi-cultural overload patterning pluralistic ignorance social cohesion

EXERCISE 1 Conduct an observational study to look at the design features of areas where people seem happy to congregate. Look for pedestrian areas or squares and see if there is seating provided. Try to identify the features which seem to attract people to stay and socialise with each other. EXERCISE 2 Compare crime rates per head of population between rural and urban areas by using statistics such as those to be found on the following US website: http://www.locate.ca.gov/sections/8/8sec5b.html EXERCISE 3 Compose a questionnaire asking people where they would rather live and why and give it to people of different ages. See if you can identify a trend in age and preference.

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EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Outline different approaches used to explain the effects of urban living. [6 marks] (b) Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of these approaches. [10 marks] Section B (a) Describe psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of urban living on human behaviour. [10 marks] (b) Evaluate psychological evidence which demonstrates the effects of urban living on human behaviour. [16 marks] (c) Based on the evidence you have presented above (evidence demonstrating the effects of urban living), suggest ways in which psychologists and architects could work together to design environments which would moderate the negative effects of urban living. [8 marks]

Further reading Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapters 10, 11 and 12. Cassidy, T. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Behaviour and Experience in Context. Hove: Psychology Press. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapter 10. Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995). Environmental Psychology, An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 12 and pp. 232–236.


Websites http://darwin.bio.uci.edu/~sustain/bio65/lec16/b65lec16.html Human population growth http://www.rand.org/publications/IP/IP183/ Population growth in Egypt http://www.mhsource.com/expert/index.html Ron Pies, MD, clinical professor of psychiatry at Tufts University, August 1997 http://www.temel.saglik.gov.tr/ruh_sag/yur_proj/rs_pro_ar_ing.html The Mental Health Profile Survey of Turkey http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/usrv98.html Urban, suburban, and rural victimization, 1993–98 http://society.guardian.co.uk/gall/0,9730,561902,00.html Guardian articles related to building design http://www.cabe.org.uk Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment http://www.design for homes.org/ Design for homes http://www.architecture.com Royal Institute of Architects http://www.thehousingforum.org.uk/ The housing forum

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8 Environmental cognition

Introduction Have you ever revisited a place where you once lived or returned to your old school? The chances are that you found them very different from how you remembered them. Think of your first day at secondary school or college and remember how the place looked to you – probably huge and confusing – and then think of how you felt after a very short time. I would imagine that within a couple of weeks the place seemed much smaller than it did at first. The internal representation each of us has of an area is based on our experiences; therefore the maps we might draw from memory are unlikely to be the same as those of the next person. The maps may also be influenced by other factors such as familiarity and liking for the area. In order to look at these issues this chapter will focus on:

• definitions, measures, errors and individual differences in cognitive maps • designing better maps; wayfinding • the scenic environment.

Definitions of environmental cognition, measures, errors and individual differences in cognitive maps When we talk about cognition we are referring to the mental processes which are responsible for our ability to make sense of what we see (perception), what we know (memory), how we make decisions (thinking), and how we talk to others (language). Therefore environmental cognition refers to the way we perceive, think about and make sense of our environment and these processes are very much based on our past experiences and memories. In fact, according to Gifford, ‘Environmental cognition is how we acquire, store,

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organise and recall information about locations, distances and arrangements in buildings, streets and the great outdoors’ (Gifford, 1997, p.29). There are two aspects to environmental cognition. The first, spatial cognition, refers to the spatial knowledge we have about a specific environment. (It is worth noting here that some text books use the term spatial cognition to mean environmental cognition but we are using it to refer to one aspect of environmental cognition.) The second, non-spatial cognition, refers to what we know about a place (such as whether it is historic or has a high crime rate or has a good shopping centre), and how we feel about the place. As you will probably be aware, one affects the other and so it is impossible to talk about one without making reference to the effects of the other. S PAT I A L C O G N I T I O N

If I asked you to think of the town where you live or where you are at college, you would probably be able to picture it in your mind’s eye relatively easily, especially if you have lived there for a while. If I asked you to ‘walk mentally’ down the high street, describing some of the things you see on the way, you would probably be able to remember some of the shops or buildings, but are unlikely to remember them all. You would be able to describe some, if not all, of the side streets, and would be able to describe the way back to your house. Your ability to conjure up that image involves knowing the relative locations of different aspects of the environment and also the approximate distances between them, both in terms of length and time taken to travel between them. To achieve this, you have brought together lots of information which has resulted in your producing a kind of cognitive map of the area (a map drawn in your mind’s eye rather than on paper). In fact such spatial cognition is what we use to help us find our way around, known as ‘wayfinding’ in psychological terminology. The interesting thing about cognitive maps is that they are different for all of us, and often inaccurate, because they are based on our past experiences and feelings. The idea of internal maps came from the work of Tolman (1948) who investigated the way rats learned their way around mazes. One school of thought at the time was known as the behaviourist school. Pure behaviourists believed that all behaviour was learned and that behaviour was not guided by any internal mental processes such as thinking or problemsolving; it was simply a learned response to a specific stimulus. Tolman blocked various pathways in the maze but the rats still seemed to be able to find their way around despite these obstacles, and if they found a shorter route from A to B, they would seem to remember this and use the same route from then on. These findings suggested that the rats were not simply responding to well-practised behaviours but must have been using their cognitive abilities to help them solve the problem of how to get around the maze. Tolman concluded that the rats must have some kind of internal

Environmental cognition

representation of the layout of the maze, a kind of ‘cognitive map’ and it was this internal mental process that was helping them to adapt their behaviour. Lynch (1960) undertook one of the first studies on cognitive maps when he asked participants from Boston, Los Angeles and Jersey City in the US to draw maps of their cities and give descriptions of routes such as the route from home to work. He also asked them to list the most important landmarks in their cities. He was interested in people’s feelings about the environment in which they lived and how these feelings may be of use to planners when designing different environments in the future. He also noticed that some places were easier to ‘map’ than others, which meant that people had a much better idea of where they were and could describe a route more effectively. He described places that were easily mapped as having legibility. The term ‘legibility’ usually refers to handwriting – if it is legible it is easy to read. Similarly, if an environment has any kind of logic about it, it has legibility and it will therefore be more easily learned and later remembered. You might think the most legible environments are those like US cities where the roads are straight and run at right angles to each other. However, they may lack any outstanding features, which would obviously make them less memorable. Lynch suggested that there are five elements which make a city legible: 1. 2.

3.

4.

5.

Paths: These include footpaths, roads, rivers or other routes that people travel along. Edges: These are features which contain a certain area. They could be manmade, e.g. walls, or they could be some feature of the natural physical environment such as a river or a steep bank. Paths and roads can also be edges, if they divide one area from the next, like the Falls Road in Belfast which divides Protestant and Catholic areas. Districts: These are areas that have a kind of separate identity from the next area, such as Chinatown, the East End of London, an industrial area, or the Catholic area of Belfast. Nodes: These are intersections or crossroads which are well known, perhaps having a roundabout or traffic lights. They may be a village square, a plaza or a bus station where several roads or pathways meet. Landmarks: These can be outstanding buildings, statues or historic monuments which are easily seen and can be used as direction- or location-finders. They can be places like Canary Wharf in London, or the Champs Élysées in Paris. They may simply be a distinctive shop or ancient tree.

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Landmark

Node

Path

District

Edge • Figure 8.1: The five major elements of a cognitive map: the node, landmark, edge, district and path (after Lynch, 1960, in Bell et al. 1996)

The validity of these five features to drawn maps was later confirmed by research using a different method of analysis known as cluster analysis, which groups map elements together. When people draw maps of different areas, the same kinds of elements seem to appear on all of them. According to Aragones and Arredondo (1985), when these elements are subjected to cluster analysis, five distinct groups emerge which are similar to those suggested by Lynch. N O N - S PAT I A L C O G N I T I O N

The second aspect of environmental cognition, known as non-spatial cognition, involves the way we think or feel about a place: it is the evaluative part of environmental cognition. You can think of a place and work out how to get from A to B in your mind’s eye but you will also have feelings or emotions associated with the place which may influence the shape or style of your map. For example, if you really like a place, perhaps based on memories of good times you have had there, this may influence the memory you have of its spatial layout. If you think of this familiar place as being larger than others (even though it isn’t), this may be because you know so much more about it; details of the design, materials used to build it, what it contains and so on. So you ‘enlarge’ your schema of the place in order to accommodate all the information you have.


One example of how this works is if you ever get the chance to revisit your old school. Does it seem much smaller than you remember it? Although part of the reason is that you have grown taller, and in relation to your physical size it is therefore slightly smaller, this is not the main reason. The main reason is that because you are probably no longer involved with the place in any way, it has ‘shrunk’ in relation to what you know about the rest of the world. You will not be able to remember every aspect of the classrooms any more, and so your schema for the place will have diminished. Non-spatial cognition also helps to explain the differences in cognitive maps between individuals. As you are probably aware, because we have all had slightly different experiences, we are likely to perceive the same things in different ways. For example, if we take the stereotypical view that more women like shopping than men, a woman would probably find a city with many shops a much more interesting place to spend an afternoon than a man. The place is the same, but different people have very different opinions as to how appealing it would be to spend any time there. Therefore cognitive maps drawn by a man and a woman for the same shopping centre would, if the stereotype is correct, probably be very different in terms of size and detail. M E T H O D S O F S T U D Y I N G E N V I R O N M E N TA L C O G N I T I O N

There are numerous methods of studying spatial cognition, each of which involves methodological problems. The biggest problem is that it is virtually impossible to compare the results of one study with the next, as the methods used are often very different. The aim of any study of environmental perception is to try to get an idea of people’s spatial awareness, their ideas about the location of roads and their estimates of distances. This is done in the following ways: •

Sketch maps: Participants are asked to draw a sketch map of a known area, the sketch map being a physical representation of a cognitive map. This is the most popular method and certainly gives an idea of people’s spatial awareness and what is important to them in their environment. However, it has a number of disadvantages. First of all, the drawing skill of the person producing the map may have an influence on what they produce (Blaut and Stea, 1974). Even if they have considerable knowledge of the area, they may be unable to reproduce it in a visual format that is intelligible to the researchers, which raises the question as to whether sketch maps are actually a valid measure of environmental cognition. Sonnenfeld (1985) found that Aborigines from the northwestern coast of Australia were extremely effective in finding their way around, but when asked to produce pencil-and-paper measures of spatial cognition, their efforts in no way reflected their stored knowledge. Participants may also believe that they have no drawing ability, and their

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•

•

•

anxiety may affect their performance. Another issue is that participants generally try to produce the standard ‘bird’s eye view’ of an area, something they will probably never have seen. Finally, there may be issues with interpretation of the drawn maps and how to mark them for accuracy. They may contain the vital elements but these might be distorted. Recognition tasks: This involves participants being shown photographs of well-known landmarks which are interspersed with a number of other photographs of unfamiliar places. This method was used by Lynch (1960) to check the reliability of sketch maps drawn by the Boston participants in his original research. One advantage is that it overcomes the problem of disparate drawing skills, but it is actually not the same kind of test at all. We are much better at recognising something that we have seen before, even if we are not that familiar with it, than we are at recalling something with no cue to help us gain access to the relevant information. Imagine being shown a number of photographs of students and being asked whether you recognise them. You will probably recognise lots of students who are at college or school with you, or people with whom you share a bus journey, without having any idea who they actually are. The picture acts as a cue to your memory and allows you to recall that information, but without the cue, you are far less likely to be able to describe your fellow travellers. Although this technique would be more likely to use the same memory skills as we would use when going around the town (recognising areas rather than knowing all about them), it is obvious that it cannot be directly compared with the previous test. Ratings of familiar places: Gould and White (1982) developed a technique which required participants to rate or rank a number of familiar places within a known environment for certain characteristics such as being a good place to live or work. These ratings were then compiled, superimposed on an actual map and used to indicate the areas people preferred according to the different criteria. If we imagine a map of the UK, places like Cornwall or Wales (on the western side of the country) might be preferred as holiday locations over areas in the east. The main problem with such techniques is that they focus more on mapping reactions to environments rather than the spatial layout of the environment, and are therefore better suited to investigating more subjective phenomena. Multidimensional scaling: Participants are asked to estimate the distances between a number of points in a given location, a technique also known as mental triangulation. The target area could be a city, or it could be the country as a whole. The information from a number of participants is fed into a computer and a map is produced which is


based on the perspective of a certain group of individuals. An example of this was a study by Moar (1978) who asked housewives in Glasgow and Cambridge to estimate the distances between a number of cities around mainland Britain. When these were compiled and averaged by the computer, they were used to produce a map of Britain. The evidence produced suggested that the Scottish housewives perceived the area south of Liverpool as extremely small in comparison with their own area. Similarly, the Cambridge housewives expanded areas south of Oxford to make them appear larger than the whole of Scotland. John O'Groats

John O'Groats

Left: an outline of Britian with all the towns correctly located

Inverness Aberdeen Fort William Dundee

Inverness

Edinburgh

Glasgow

Newcastle

Carlisle

Aberdeen

Fort William

Dundee Blackpool

Hull Liverpool

Anglesey

Birmingham

King's Lynn Ipswich

Cardiff

Land's End

Glasgow Carlisle

Inverness

Cambridge Oxford London Bristol Southampton

John O'Groats

Fort William

Gt. Yarmouth

Aberdeen

Margate

Glasgow

Birmingham

Liverpool

Edinburgh

Blackpool Anglesey

Brighton

Cardiff Bristol

Plymouth Land's End

Carlisle

Edinburgh

Newcastle

Newcastle Hull King's Lynn Gt. Yarmouth Ipswich London Margate

Plymouth

Brighton Southampton

Blackpool Hull Liverpool Birmingham Anglesey

Centre: Britain as seen by the Cambridge housewives. Note the relative vastness of the distances in the south of England

Cambridge Oxford

Cardiff

King's Lynn Gt. Yarmouth Ipswich London

Bristol

Above right: the version produced by the Glasgow housewives. Note the great shrinkage of the distances south of Carlisle!

Margate Southampton Brighton

Land's End

Plymouth

• Figure 8.2: Moar’s (1978) research into cognitive maps

The main disadvantage of multidimensional scaling is that it doesn’t take into account the participants’ actual knowledge of the different areas, which means that the findings cannot easily be compared to those provided by other methodologies. However, Moar’s study is interesting because it shows how familiarity influences estimated distance. This is probably what lies behind the common observation that we often estimate the distance of a journey in one direction very differently from that in the other. If you live in London and are travelling to Manchester, the journey there may be perceived as very long in

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comparison to your return journey. The reason is that on your return journey, because you are now familiar with the area, you are less inclined to process information with the same intensity as on your outward journey. You will be paying less attention and allowing your mind to wander. Consequently, you are less likely to remember information, making the journey seem shorter. ERRORS AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN COGNITIVE MAPS

Because each of us brings individuality to our perception of the environment, there are bound to be errors and differences in the cognitive maps we hold. We are going to look at some of the more common errors in cognitive maps and address the reasons for them. errors There are bound to be errors in cognitive maps because they are only approximations of areas based on incomplete information. There are several types of errors that are frequently made: •

•

•

Incomplete details: Have you ever drawn a map for someone and then realised that you have actually missed out a road? This kind of error, common to many cognitive maps, is where information is left out such as the existence of specific buildings or minor roads. Augmentation: This is where we add features that don’t actually exist to a map. These are often drawn from our past experience of similar areas. If you imagine a city, you will have a stored representation of what you would expect to find there, in your city schema. A schema is like a packet of information, stored in memory, containing everything you know about an object or situation. Most cities have centralised railway stations, so you would expect the station to be located somewhere within the city boundaries. Therefore a mistake which mislocates the station from the outskirts of the city would be understandable. This type of mistake is also known as inferential structuring, where we make inferences about the structure of something on the basis of our past knowledge. Distortions: Overestimations or underestimations of distance and size are common, together with misalignments. I am sure you have tried to draw a map and found that roads don’t seem to connect up at their junctions, or one area is completely out of proportion to the next. Another common mistake is to judge incorrectly the angles of bends in roads, or believe that two roads run parallel to each other when in fact they do not.

De Jonge (1962) suggests we simplify details of the environment to form them into a kind of pattern, so complex shapes are turned into right angles and


circles as they are easier to remember. This supports early evidence from Bartlett (1932) who also suggested that in order to make sense of complex or incomprehensible information, we seem to simplify it unconsciously. Bell et al. (1996) suggest that this desire to make our environment into a comprehensible pattern ties in with the Gestalt principle of good form. The German school of Gestalt psychologists, founded in the 1920s, suggested that we group objects together to make them make sense. They believed that this predisposition to organise or group objects together was inherited, suggesting that ‘the whole is greater than the sum of the parts’. Here are some examples:

Closure: We see this as a triangle even though it is actually three lines.

x x x x x x

o o o o o o

x x x x x x

o o o o o o

x x x x x x

o o o o o o

Organisation: We see this as columns of os and xs rather than rows.

Now imagine a street where the roads intersect in the following way:

It is extremely likely that we would draw that intersection as follows:

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A classic example of a map that has used this simplifying principle is the map of the London Underground. In fact if you overlay the underground map on an actual geographical map, there is no direct relationship between the two. Distances on the underground map have been reduced and the railway lines simplified which is why the relative positions of the stations on the map don’t seem to relate to those of the real stations. However, there are still factors which are accurate. For example, the map is orientated in a north–south direction and the general direction of stations is correct. The map has been converted to a schematic map which has simplified distances and directions in order to make it easier to understand and to remember. individual differences in cognitive maps The differences in the cognitive maps drawn by two different people may reflect the differences between those people. If one was more familiar with an area, they would probably draw a more accurate map. On the other hand, if the other person was more interested in certain parts of the area, they may draw those parts in more detail than others. These differences may be due to age, gender or socio-economic class, or simply to spatial awareness. As we have already seen, maps may also be influenced by the ‘legibility’ of the physical environment, with some areas lending themselves to more accurate mapping than others. Familiarity Obviously, the more familiar we are with an area, the more likely we are to be accurate when asked to describe it. You would be far more accurate when drawing a map of your home town than of a major city that you have only visited on a few occasions. You would know where the nodes and landmarks are in relation to each other. You could pick out the ‘edges’ and identify the different districts relatively easily. You may find that some are slightly out of proportion, but this would very much depend on how much experience you have of them. As we have already mentioned, landmarks or areas that are of specific importance to you may be enlarged or over-emphasised in comparison with others. Holahan (1978) found the same kind of distortions as Moar (1978) found, in this case in students’ drawings of their college campus. Areas that were familiar to the students were enlarged in relation to other areas. Beck (1976) found that long-term residents of an area produced less accurate cognitive maps than people who had lived there for between three and seven years. He suggested that this was because the long-term residents tended to remember the place as it was years before and were unable to accommodate urban development into their rigid and complex internal representation.


Social class A number of studies have indicated that people of higher socio-economic status draw more accurate and detailed maps than those from lower socioeconomics groups. However, this may be because the people from the higher socio-economic groups travel more around the city, without being constrained by public transport, and make greater use of the facilities available; so this is similar to the idea of familiarity. This idea is supported by Appleyard (1970), who discovered that motorists produced more sophisticated maps of a town in Venezuela than pedestrians. We also tend to remember more if we are actively attending (driving) than simply being passive passengers. Alternatively, it may simply be that people of higher socio-economic status are better educated about the geographic layout of areas and the facilities they contain. Gender differences There are a number of conflicting findings relating to the association between gender and the accuracy of cognitive maps, although some of the differences relate to familiarity with specific areas rather than overall accuracy. Appleyard (1976) found that maps produced by men were more accurate than those produced by women and suggested that this may be because the men were more familiar with the city environment. They would also have had greater freedom to explore in their younger years than women, which indicates that familiarity plays a large part. What you must remember is that this study was undertaken at a time when women did not work as extensively as men and were less likely to have the kinds of careers that women have today. Therefore the suggestion that familiarity played an important part in the map drawing differences between men and women made sense at that time. However, the stereotypical belief that men are better at spatial tasks than women tends to give support to the idea that men are actually superior at map drawing. There is also the issue of motivation. Perhaps men place more value on having a good sense of direction (hence the stereotypical image of a male who dislikes asking for directions). Bryant (1982) suggests that it is this issue of motivation, rather than skill, which results in men producing more accurate maps, although Maccoby and Jacklin (1974) suggest that probably motivation is not the key feature. They claim that males may actually possess superior visual and spatial skills in paper-and-pencil tasks; hence they perform better in tests that require them to draw. Some studies have taken this idea of differing skills into account and have shown that when given both pencil-and-paper tasks and a further method of assessing cognitive maps, no sex differences have been found. Most evidence in this area seems to suggest that men and women are equally as competent, but they are just stylistically different. Women produce maps containing more landmarks and are able to place buildings more accurately in relation to each other. They also include more districts but fewer pathways, although when

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questioned, they remembered the locations of the pathways. Men, on the other hand, produce maps that seem to focus on roads and paths rather than landmarks, giving their maps a better framework in which to include other details. Perhaps it is this framework which makes their maps more accurate, rather than simply drawing skill or memory alone (McGuiness and Sparks, 1979). Section summary •

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Environmental cognition refers to the way we perceive, think about and make sense of our environment. There are two aspects to environmental cognition: spatial cognition, which refers to the spatial knowledge we have about a specific environment, and non-spatial cognition, which refers to what we know about a place and how we feel about it. Cognitive maps are a representation of spatial cognition and are affected by the legibility of an area. Environmental cognition can by studied by using sketch maps, recognition tasks, ratings of familiar places and multidimensional scaling. Errors found in cognitive maps include incomplete details, distortions and augmentation. Factors affecting the drawing of cognitive maps are individual differences, familiarity, social class and gender differences.

Designing better maps: wayfinding At the beginning of this chapter we saw that we use cognitive mapping to help us find our way around. Put more simply, how can you work out where you are going if you don’t have some kind of mental image of the lie of the land? Have you ever been in a situation where you are completely lost, and on your own? It is actually a fairly unpleasant feeling because you have no prior knowledge of the dangers or pitfalls of an environment and therefore feel vulnerable as you cannot estimate the potential risk. A number of psychologists have considered whether there is a specific process to wayfinding and have therefore conducted research to try to find out. If, on the other hand, we do know the environment well, we can make a kind of plan of action in order to get from A to B, either choosing the most direct route, or a route that avoids any potential dangers. Knowing an environment also allows us to make choices and to estimate times and distances, all essential in terms of survival and control.


Gärling et al. (1986) have proposed a model to describe the process of wayfinding. They suggested that wayfinding involves four stages: Stage 1: To decide on a destination Stage 2: To localise the destination by considering where it actually is in terms of streets or buildings Stage 3: To decide the route to be taken from where you are to where you want to be Stage 4: To decide what means of transport you will use to get there. In effect, what you are doing is problem-solving – a cognitive skill which is carried out by manipulating mental representations alongside stored knowledge of what is involved. This results in a mental action plan, formed in order to achieve your goal. Passini (1984) suggests that rather than requiring a map we simply use recognition of familiar landmarks at points along a route, at each point only then deciding which way to go next. This idea allows a lot more flexibility in getting from A to B, and if you find that you are lost, all you need to do is go back to the last point you recognised and take it from there. It also means that you may be less likely to get lost because mistakes in drawn cognitive maps may result in confusion. If you remember, when drawing cognitive maps, we often miss out features or tend to normalise intersections as regular angles when in fact they rarely are (Byrne, 1979). C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S O F A N E N V I R O N M E N T T H AT C A N FA C I L I TAT E W AY F I N D I N G

We may assume that familiarity with an environment makes it easier to find our way around, but this is not always the case. Have you ever found it extremely hard to form a cognitive map of a place, despite having visited it frequently? On your return to the place, you still find that you recognise the odd detail, but cannot seem to orient yourself and end up getting lost again? So what is it that makes some places easier to navigate than others? It seems that there are a number of characteristics in the environment that are likely to make wayfinding easier. • •

Legibility: We mentioned earlier that Lynch (1960) suggested legibility plays a part; that is, a kind of logic to the design or layout of the environment. Complexity: If the environment is complex, it requires considerable processing in order to work out where you are and where you are going. Therefore complexity hinders wayfinding. Weisman (1981) discovered that simplicity in campus layouts was more important than familiarity when trying to predict whether or not students would have difficulty finding their way from one place to another.

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Differentiation: This refers to how easy it is to distinguish or differentiate one landmark from another. Appleyard suggested that buildings that are distinctive, visible and well looked after are more likely to be remembered as relevant landmarks. To investigate this idea, he selected a number of buildings in Ciudad Guyana, a city in Venezuela, and assessed certain characteristics about them such as height, whether they were freestanding and easily visible, whether they had a distinctive shape and their frequency of use. The buildings that were more often recalled by residents of Ciudad Guyana were the ones that had these distinctive features (Appleyard, 1969, 1976). If we think of the Eiffel Tower or the Empire State Building, you will understand what is meant by differentiation. Degree of visual access: This refers to how much of the area can be seen from various angles. If you have a maze of corridors where you cannot see your destination, you will find it harder to find your way around. However, if your goal is visible or is a specific landmark, you will find it easier to make your way there. Signs and numbering systems: Not surprisingly, signs and numbering systems are excellent guides to wayfinding. O’Neill (1991) found that signs increased the speed at which people travelled through complex buildings and resulted in them getting lost far less often. They took half the number of wrong turns and retraced their steps 62 per cent less frequently than controls.

DESIGNING BETTER MAPS

Maps are a useful tool in wayfinding although experiencing an environment often gives a totally different perspective of the area and will generally produce better results when getting from one place to the next. Have you ever looked at an area on a map and drawn inferences about what it will be like in reality, but once there found it to be totally different? An example of this is where you expect to find a road and discover it is actually no more than a track. Nevertheless, maps provide an invaluable guide to unknown territories and therefore should ideally contain the kinds of features that are known to facilitate wayfinding. There are a number of types of maps available, ranging from the Ordnance Survey maps which give detailed features of the landscape such as contour lines and vegetation. Other maps (usually of cities) include a kind of threedimensional picture of an area incorporating many different landmarks as an aid to orientation. One of the problems with using any kind of map is locating where you are, and this is why ‘you-are-here’ maps are often placed in various locations around cities. In order to design maps which increase our ability to wayfind, we should take into account the information we have focused on earlier.


The first factor in any sort of map is to make it legible. If you remember, Lynch (1960) suggested that providing an environment with some kind of logical structure makes it more comprehensible (and more easily remembered). I mentioned earlier that one map which has been developed to be legible is the map of the London Underground. The first version of this map was designed in 1933 by Harry Beck, an electrical draughtsman who worked on the Underground. He based it on the circuit diagrams he drew for his job, simplifying and organising it into a clear and comprehensible chart by distorting it away from the geographic map of the area. Although there have been numerous efforts since to improve or change the map of the London Underground, it has always reverted to Beck’s original format. The other useful feature of the underground map is the use of colours to trace specific routes. Evans et al. (1980) indicated how useful colour is to facilitate route finding when they discovered that students made fewer errors when making their way around a campus after the floors had been painted different colours. O’Neill (1991) suggested that signs and numbers facilitate wayfinding. If signs or numbers are posted in the enviroment itself, then the same signs or numbers shown on the map, it will make it easier to follow specific routes. According to Gifford (1997), there are two principles that make maps, especially ‘you-are-here’ maps, more effective. He suggests that maps should employ the technique of structure matching which means that they should reflect the layout of the area they are supposed to represent. It is pointless having a map which indicates where you are on it, but which bears no relation to the environment itself. You should be able to identify easily the buildings and other landmarks you see around you on the map. Gifford also suggests that the map should be orientated or aligned in the same way as the setting, as perceived by the person using the map, so that you can clearly see which way you are facing. He suggests this is better if the top of the map represents straight ahead (called forward-up equivalence). Maps should show landmarks clearly which can be used as directionfinders. If there are large buildings or unusual geological structures, these should be incorporated in order to reassure people that they are on the right route. This is why three-dimensional maps are so useful as they show landmarks clearly. Interestingly, many three-dimensional maps in towns and cities seem to feature MacDonald’s restaurants. I would imagine the main reason for this is that they have a distinctive and visually pronounced logo which is familiar to everyone.

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Section summary

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Cognitive mapping involves four stages, deciding upon a destination, localising the destination, deciding the route and deciding what transport to use. Recognition of familiar landmarks may allow a lot more flexibility in getting from A to B than relying on cognitive maps. The systems which could be used to help increase wayfinding are increased legibility, decreased complexity, differentiation between different areas/buildings/routes, degree of visual access and signs and numbering systems. ‘You-are-here’ maps can be made more effective by structure matching, orientating the map in the same way as the setting and making the top of the map represent straight ahead.

The scenic environment In this book we have considered some of the factors which influence our feelings towards the environment in which we live. We have focused on the effects of environmental stressors, climate and weather conditions, density and the physical layout of environments in terms of facilitating wayfinding. We are now going to look at the environment in terms of its visual appeal, and consider the factors which influence our perception and appraisal of the scenic environment. The question is, do we appraise the scenic environment in terms of its physical components or in terms of the meaning the environment has for us? There are times when we look at a place and say that it really isn’t that appealing visually, but because we are familiar with it and we like it, we appraise it positively. In fact Yi (1993) found that most people agree on which landscapes are beautiful, but they show different preferences according to their culture. For example, people who have been raised on flatlands may agree that mountainous terrains are more beautiful but given the choice of where they would prefer to live, they might well choose flat terrain. Another factor may affect our appraisal of scenes and this is our past experiences. I used to live in a very beautiful part of Suffolk, but had a horrific year there where everything possible went wrong and all I wanted to do was to return to the place where I was born and brought up. Although I still feel that parts of Suffolk are beautiful, I have absolutely no desire to return there. Therefore when considering appraisal, we must take into account that sometimes people have unpleasant memories of a place which will overrule the physical beauty of the place, and vice versa. From these examples, you should realise that any requests to appraise the scenic environment will involve both objective and subjective elements and this can pose a problem to researchers in this area.


AFFECTIVE APPRAISALS OF THE SCENIC ENVIRONMENT

Mehrabian and Russell (1974) considered the relationship between levels of stimulation (causing differing levels of arousal), our feelings about an environment (affect) and our subsequent desire to approach an environment. They suggested that environments which are extremely visually stimulating cause high levels of arousal which we may or may not find pleasurable. The stimulation levels are a result of the amount of information we have available to us. Imagine an environment which is complex and mysterious – this will be much more stimulating than a predictable, coherent environment. Mysterious environments are those that cause us to wonder what is going on round the next bend or behind the buildings or down in the valley; they are environments which leave information to the imagination. Research by Mehrabian and Russell indicated that there is a direct relationship between the amount of information we have about an environment and levels of arousal. It seems that if the environment is too ‘simple’ and therefore under-arousing, or too complex and therefore over-arousing, we are less likely to want to remain there. Russell and Lanius (1984) developed this idea further by adding another dimension besides arousing/non-arousing. They suggested that we evaluate these types of environments in terms of them being either pleasant or unpleasant. Some people may find an arousing environment pleasant, whereas others may find it unpleasant.

Arousing Frightening

Exciting

U n p l e a s a n t

P l e a s a n t

Boring

Peaceful Not Arousing

• Figure 8.3: Adapted from Russell and Lanius’ (1984) model of the affective quality of places

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AESTHETICS

What kinds of scenes do we find environmentally beautiful – scenes of the countryside or cityscapes, flat rolling hills or snow-capped mountains and deep valleys? Kaplan and Kaplan (1989) suggest that natural landscapes are preferred to landscapes that derive from human activity. Research into the mechanisms of the human visual system suggests that we are hard-wired (biologically predisposed) to pay attention to scenes that contain lines, shapes, contrasts and colours (Hubel and Wiesel, 1979). This suggests that scenes containing contrasts such as snow-covered mountains in the distance and rich green valleys in the foreground will be preferable to scenes that are principally one colour. Fenton (1985) in an Australian study found that most people preferred green open grasslands with some water and pathways, although the combinations of these components were different for each person. This suggests that we like some kind of contrast in landscapes. Another study by Ruddell et al. (1989) discovered that visual penetration, or rather how far you can see into the distance, was the best predictor of scenic beauty preference in a study of Texas pine and oak forests. b e r l y n e ’s c o l l a t i v e p r o p e r t i e s The problem with the above observations is that they don’t seem to fit into any distinct pattern. If we could develop some kind of formula to predict which scenic environments produce the most positive evaluations, we would be able to use this information to assist in environmental design. One of the first people to do this was Berlyne (1960), who conducted a number of studies trying to identify what made a scene aesthetically pleasing. The first series of studies identified four basic properties of environments that allow us to evaluate them in comparison to other scenes that we have experienced (called collative properties). 1 Complexity: Is the scene complex or varied? 2 Novelty: Is the scene unusual or novel? 3 Congruity: Do the elements of the scene go together well or does some part of the scene seem out of place? 4 Surprisingness: Are there any elements in the scene that we would not have expected to see? According to Berlyne, the most aesthetically pleasing scene would be one which scores in the mid-range on all these dimensions. He later introduced more complex additions to this theory, suggesting that it was necessary to take into account levels of uncertainty about the environment, as high levels of uncertainty lead to increased arousal, which may reduce ratings. Similarly predictable environments lead to low arousal (or boredom), which may also reduce ratings (Berlyne, 1974).


The problem with this method is that two different scenes may score the same on Berlyne’s collative properties, but one might be a cityscape whilst the other may be a picture of the countryside. The individual preference for these may relate to past experiences, for example people born in the city may prefer the cityscape. This suggests that it is impossible to measure objectively the components that give a scene universal aesthetic appeal. the kaplan and kaplan preference model An alternative model of environmental preference was developed by Steven and Rachel Kaplan and is known as the Kaplan and Kaplan preference model (1987). They asked participants to classify photographs of various landscapes according to different scales such as similar–dissimilar and like–dislike. They then identified statistically what it was about the pictures that made them more popular and identified two elements: 1 Content, with natural elements achieving higher ratings than manmade elements 2 Spatial configuration, with scenes that were more open and better defined producing higher ratings than scenes that were closed in, obscuring the view, with no definition of different areas. They related these findings to the idea that we prefer environments that look as if they might promote survival. This suggests that we may still retain an innate predisposition to favour environments that will facilitate shelter and safety in order to achieve survival. We also like scenes that require us to process information, otherwise we find them dull, but the information should also be understandable. The Kaplans concluded that environmental preference can be defined by four main components: 1 2 3 4

Coherence: Is the scene organised or random and haphazard? Legibility: Is it organised so as to be understandable? Complexity: Is it very complex; are there lots of elements to the scene? Mystery: Does the scene contain hidden information or is the information blatantly obvious, e.g. do you know what is around every corner or behind every building?

Although this is similar to Berlyne’s collative properties, the difference is that the Kaplans believe a scene has to encourage a certain degree of cognitive processing in order to make it more appealing. In support of this idea, Miller (1984) found that ferry passengers in British Columbia preferred natural shorelines with small built structures along them to plain shorelines with no development.

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Theme link ( Methods

of measuring appraisal of the scenic environment )

Technical environmental assessments (TEAs): These monitor the quality of the environment (e.g. noise or pollution levels) using machinery that makes objective readings. Observer-based environmental assessments (OBEAs): These assess the behaviour of humans in the environment as a measure of environmental satisfaction. Note: Both measures may be considered subjective although if they are conducted accurately should result in valuable results. TEAs are used at the discretion of the researcher who may use them at inappropriate times such as early morning when pollution levels tend to be lower, whereas the OBEAs investigate different dimensions depending on the design of the observation schedule categories by the researcher. Scenic beauty estimates: These require people to identify properties of settings (photographs) that lead to judgements of environmental quality. MEANING OF THE SCENIC ENVIRONMENT

Gifford (1997) suggests that some aspects of the scenic environment seem to have a meaning for the observer and this influences their perception of that environment. He suggests that there are four processes involved in looking at ‘meaning’: 1 Place attachment: Sometimes you feel that you belong in a place, that it is part of you and if you didn’t live there, you would feel as if you had lost your identity. In fact, we often identify ourselves with our place of residence, for example the ‘Eastenders’ come from the East End of London and seem to take on a certain set of characteristics linked with their place of residence. 2 Ideological communication: Some buildings seem to convey an ideology or philosophy to the observer. Richly ornate buildings convey an aura of opulence whilst what are known as modernist buildings, such as symmetrical skyscrapers, might convey an image of cleanliness and purity of form. Espe (1981) discovered that buildings constructed during the reign of Hitler conveyed a feeling of power and strength due to the nature of their size, with their imposing columns and clean lines. 3 Personal communication: The type of house you choose to buy will say something about you. For example, if it is large and spacious, it suggests you are well off. Interestingly, Cherulnik and Souders (1984) found that people who lived in high status neighbourhoods were also seen as having more favourable traits.


4 Architectural purpose: Some buildings have an appearance that immediately suggests their function such as churches. However, the appearance of other buildings is more ambiguous. It seems that we frequently appraise buildings more highly if their function and appearance coincide. INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES IN SCENIC PREFERENCES

Some research has indicated that there are individual differences in preferences for the scenic environment. Factors such as age, gender, social class and even mood will influence our appraisal of the scenic environment. Familiarity with a type of terrain has been shown to increase ratings for similar terrains in a number of studies, although other studies have shown the opposite result. Presumably, it depends on how you feel about your environment in the first place. One study by Verderber and Moore (1977) demonstrated many of the individual factors that affect environmental appraisal. They showed participants of various ages and genders scenes of Alaska and Delaware. They found that people who lived in Delaware preferred pictures of Delaware and Alaskans preferred pictures of Alaska. They also found that the young adults in their sample preferred more exotic scenes than children and older adults, and that females preferred scenes that showed rich vegetation and friendly terrains rather than inhospitable, barren landscapes. H O L I S T I C A N A LY S I S

In order to account for many of the apparent contradictions in environmental perception and cognition, it is important to realise that when we process information about the environment, we do not just look at any one aspect but process it as a whole. This kind of holistic analysis (looking at something as a whole and not as individual units of information) can often explain some of the findings. Noise is often associated with other environmental stressors such as crowding or heat or both. Similarly, the scenic environment is not simply processed for its appearance. We take into account the presence or absence of people, the weather and even the smell. A city like Marrakech is stunning to look at but in the summer is also tremendously hot, with high levels of pollution from exhaust fumes and dust. Therefore it must be appraised differently depending on the time of year. On the other hand we can influence scenic perception – the smell of coffee and newly baked bread change the perception of a house or shop, and the smell of freshly mown grass or the scent of flowers will change the perception of an area. So trying to dismantle our environment into its component parts is never going to be wholly effective. As with any area of psychology, manipulation of one aspect of a topic cannot totally exclude the influence of other aspects. We have many subjective feelings about the places in which we live and work, and

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these are intertwined with the relationships and experiences we have had in the past. The physical sensations are also bound up with memories and feelings and these are going to interfere or influence our responses. Therefore when considering research into different aspects of environmental psychology, all the methods used require careful evaluation and comparison before any conclusions can be drawn. Hopefully by now you will have begun to think about the impact of the environment on psychological processes in a new way, and have found this topic interesting. Any information that helps us to understand the many and varied influences on our thoughts and behaviour has got to be positive.

Section summary •

• • • • • •

•

Appraisal of the scenic environment involves both objective and subjective elements. Environments which are mysterious and unknown lead to higher levels of arousal and a greater likelihood that we will leave the area rather than want to stay. We seem to prefer natural over manmade landscapes. Berlyne (1960) identified four basic collative properties which allow us to evaluate environments. The Kaplan and Kaplan preference model suggests that we prefer environments which look as if they might promote survival. Some aspects of the scenic environment have meanings for the observer and this will influence their perception of that environment. Age, gender, social class and even mood can influence our appraisal of the scenic environment. Holistic analysis takes into account the many and varied influences which can affect our appraisal of the scenic environment.


KEY TERMS augmentation behaviourists cluster analysis cognitive map collative properties forward-up equivalence hard-wired holistic analysis inferential structuring legibility mental triangulation modernist multidimensional scaling mysterious environments non-spatial cognition orientation recognition task schema sketch map spatial cognition structure matching visual appeal visual penetration wayfinding

EXERCISE 1 Ask participants to name landmarks from either a local city or town or from a number of different cities worldwide. See if they produce lists which contain the same landmarks. EXERCISE 2 Get together with a number of others, all of whom are familiar with the same area, e.g. a town or an area of a town or even a college or school campus. All have a go at drawing a map for someone who is unfamiliar with the area, to help them find their way around. When you have finished, compare the maps. You will probably find that

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they are all different in terms of size and accuracy. What you should expect to see is that some people will draw certain areas more accurately than others, which has a lot to do with how they feel about the areas or how familiar they are with them. Notice the features that are used as landmarks and imagine whether the same landmarks would be used by other people such as the elderly, or young mothers. You will probably find that places like fast-food restaurants or specific clothes shops are more familiar to the young, whereas post offices and chemists may be more familiar to the older members of the community. EXERCISE 3

Collect a number of different maps such as Ordnance Survey maps, ‘you-are-here’ maps, street maps, etc. Get participants to rate them on a Likert scale for ease of comprehension (how useful they are for wayfinding). Include a question asking why they chose their most favoured map. Try to identify the features that resulted in the most favoured map receiving the best ratings. EXERCISE 4

Using the Russell and Lanius (1984) model of the affective quality of places, try to list a number of places you have visited, and put them in the quadrants of the model. See if people who know the same places put them in the same quadrants, e.g. London could go in the frightening/arousing quadrant or the arousing/exciting quadrant depending on participants’ preferences. Rate the places for liking on a six-point Likert scale to see if there is any relationship between affect score and position on the model. EXAMINATION QUESTIONS Section A (a) Describe how environmental cognition is investigated. [6 marks] (b) Discuss factors which might influence the drawing of cognitive maps. [10 marks]


Section B (a) Describe what psychologists have discovered about the scenic environment. [10 marks] (b) Evaluate factors which might affect the appraisal of the scenic environment. [16 marks] (c) Using your psychological knowledge, suggest three factors which should be considered when landscaping a new park. [8 marks]

Further reading Bartlett, F. C. (1932). Remembering. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bell, P. A., Fisher, J. D., Baum, A. and Greene, T. C. (1996). Environmental Psychology (4th ed.). New York: Harcourt Brace, Chapter 2. Gifford, R. (1997). Environmental Psychology, Principles and Practice (2nd ed.). London: Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Chapter 2. Gregory. R. L. (1998). Eye and Brain (5th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Veitch, R. and Arkkelin, D. (1995). Environmental Psychology, An Interdisciplinary Perspective. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Chapter 4.

Websites: http://www.psychclassics.yorku.ca/Tolman/Maps/maps.htm Tolman’s classic work http://www.hitl.washington.edu/publications/p-94-1/paper.html The use of sketch maps to measure cognitive maps of virtual environments, Mark Billinghurst and Suzanne Weghorst http://www.clives.members.easyspace.com/tube/tube.html History of the London Underground maps http://www.thetube.com/ The London Underground website

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Index Aberfan disaster (1966) 131–2 ACTH (adrenocroticotrophic hormone) 3 activity levels, after catastrophes 120 Adams, P. R. and G. R. 128 adaptation, diseases of 6 adaptation level approach to urban living 168–9 adrenaline levels, effects of high density on 75 aesthetics of the scenic environment 208–9 affect and high density 81 and personal space invasion 142, 146 affiliation effects of disasters 121, 122–3 of high density 72, 76–7 of noise 21–2 of temperature 47–52 of urban living 172–3 age and location preference 180 and personal space invasion 148 and responses to disasters 128 and responses to noise 29–30 and stress 20 aggression and crowd behaviour

94–5, 99–101 and high density 79–80, 174–5 and noise 22–3 and temperature 49–51, 52 and urban living 174–5 agriculture, and climate 41 Aiello, J. R. 146, 147 air pollution 170 aircraft noise 15, 21, 26, 27 Altman, I. 140, 180 altruism and high density 77–8, 174 and noise 23–5 and personal space invasion 142, 145–6 and temperature 51–2 and urban living 77–8, 174 animals and light 53, 54 studies on density and crowding 68–72 territorial behaviours by 149 Appleyard, D. 201, 204 Archea, J. 120–1 architectural determinism 179 architectural purpose 211 Aristotle 40 Arkkelin, D. 113 army personnel, heat casualties amongst 45 Aronson, E. 98

arousal and crowd behaviour 95–6 and density 72 and emergency situations 102 and interventions after a disaster 131 and invasion of territory 150 and light 55 music and arousal modification 35 and noise 13, 16, 17, 22 and personal space invasion 142–3 and personality type 30 and privacy 182 and the scenic environment 207, 208 and stress 5, 6, 7, 8 and temperature 47, 52 and urban living 168, 173 see also autonomic arousal Asch, S. E. 98, 102 attraction and noise 21–2 and temperature 47–8 attributions, and personal space invasion 142 audience effects 80–1 Auliciems 46 autonomic arousal and the flight/fight

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response 2–3, 4, 69 and high density 75, 77, 81 and music 35, 36 and overcrowding 69 and personal space 142 and personality type 30 Banyard, P. 93 Barefoot, J. C. 145 Baron, R. A. 77 Baum, A. 76, 115, 125, 129 Beck, Harry 205 behavioural constraints and crowding 84 and urban living 167 behaviourists, and spatial cognition 192 Bell, P. A. 126, 127, 140, 169, 199 bereavement, and the aftermath of disasters 125, 126 Berlyne’s collative properties 208–9 Berry, P. C. 182 biological psychology 2–10 bipolar mood disorders 95 blood pressure, effects of high density on 74 Bristol riots (1980) 97–8 British Crime Survey 175 Broadbent, Donald 17 Brower, S. 185–6 Buckle, Henry, The History of Civilization in England 40–1 Buffalo Creek Flood (1972) 117, 125, 129 building design 178–84, 186 age and location preference 180 and architectural purpose 211 and colour 182 cross-cultural perspectives on 179 effects on crowding 84–5

housing 157–60, 184, 210 and ideological communication 210 and light 182, 183 and noise 182 planning considerations 179 and privacy 180–2 and temperature 182 and windows 183 burglars, and territorial markers 160 calcium 57 Canter, D. 102 cardiovascular fitness, and change of climate 45 catastrophes see disasters and catastrophes cause and effect, and correlational evidence 55 CCTV surveillance, and crowd control 105 Cherek, D. R. 27 Chernobyl disaster (1986) 112, 116–17, 129 Chicago theatre fire (1903) 103 child abuse 58 children and personal space invasion 148 responses to disasters 128 rickets in 57 children’s performance and high density 80 and light 54–5 and noise 20–1, 30 and temperature 46 Chisholm, R. F. 132 circadian rhythms 53 circannual rhythms 53, 55 cities see urban living; urban renewal climate and weather 39–64 definitions 39–43 effects on health 56–61 influences on mood

and behaviour 39, 40–3 and lifestyle 39, 40–1 moving to a different climate 45 see also light; temperature climatological determinism 40–3 clinical scores 129 clothing, and temperature 52 cluster analysis, and spatial cognition 194 cognition see environmental cognition cognitive maps 73–4, 192–3, 195, 198–206 errors in 198–200 individual differences in 200–2 coherence, and environmental preference 209 collative properties, of scenic environments 208–9 collective behaviour see crowds and collective behaviour collective consciousness 102 colour and building design 182 and the London Underground map 205 comfortable environments 2 communities effects of natural disasters on 126 social 185–6 community environmental design 184–6 comparative perspective, on ritualistic behaviour 100 complexity, and environmental preference 209 concomitant temperature

Index

50 conformity, and crowd behaviour 98–9 congruence, and building design 179 consumer activity, effects of music on 32–3, 36 context, and crowd behaviour 99–101 control, in dealing with stress 9 control groups, investigating the effects of urban living 170 coping strategies aftermath of disasters 123–4 and crowding 85 correlational evidence 55 cortisol levels, effects of high density on 75 Cox, V. C. 85 Cranshaw, R. 128 CRH (corticotrophin-releasin g hormone) 3 crime and defensible space 157, 158–9, 184–5 effects of temperature on 49–51 and high-density accommodation 65 in urban areas 172, 173, 174–5 cross-cultural perspectives 178 crowding defining 66 see also density and crowding crowds and collective behaviour 89–110 controlling crowds 104–7 crowd behaviour 91–101 definitions and types of crowds 89–91 in emergency situations 102–4 interventions and disruptions in behaviour patterns

101–2 cultural differences and building design 178 in expressing territoriality 153 in landscape preferences 206 in perceptions of crowding 81 and personal space invasion 147 and urban living 166 Davidson, L. M. 129 De Yonge, D. 199 decibel scales 14–15, 26 defensible space 69, 157–60, 177 and community environmental design 184–5 and location preference 180 deindividuation and crowd behaviour 94, 95, 98, 105 and light levels 183 and urban living 174–5 denial of disasters 118–19 density and crowding 65–88 animal studies on 68–72 and building design 84–5, 181, 183 and cognitive control 83–4 coping strategies 85 definitions 65–6 effects on health 73–6 effects on performance 80–1 effects on social behaviour 76–80, 174–5 ethics in research on 71 factors affecting response to 81–2 high-density accommodation 65, 67 measurement 66–7

other people’s responses to 82 and prior warning 83 and territorial claims 156 and urban living 170 density–intensity model 76 depression, and urban living 172, 175 Desor, J.A. 181 Diana, Princess of Wales, crowd behaviour following the death of 92–3 diathesis–stress paradigm 27 Diener, R. 96 differentiation of landmarks 204 diffusion of responsibility 77, 174 and crowd behaviour 94–5 and defensible space 185 disasters and catastrophes 111–35 characteristics and causes of natural disasters 113–15 definitions 112–13 intervention after an event 131–3 intervention before an event 130–1 long-term effects of 128 period of impact 118–22 period of post-trauma 123–4 period of recoil 122–3 diseases of adaptation 6 diversity, and urban living 168 Dollard’s frustration–aggression hypothesis 79 Donald, I. 102 Downs, R. 25 Drabek, T. 122 drug users, and the city 172 Dubos, R. 68

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dynamic models, of responses to disasters 118–24 earthquakes 113, 114, 120–1, 121–2 eclectic model of urban environments 169 Edney, J.J. 140 emergency situations, crowds in 102–4, 107 emergent norm theory, and crowd behaviour 96, 105 emotion-focused strategies, in the aftermath of disasters 132 emotional withdrawal, as a response to disaster 123 environmental cognition 191–215 definitions 191–2 holistic analysis of 211–12 methods of studying 195–8 non-spatial cognition 194–5 and the scenic environment 206–11 spatial cognition 192–4, 195–206 environmental load approach 17 environmental possibilism 179 environmental probabilism 179 Environmental Protection Agency 170 environmental stress approach to urban living 167–8 epidemiological surveys, of urbanisation and mental health 172 Erikson, K. T. 126 errors, in cognitive maps 198–200 ethics in research, studying density and overcrowding 71

Ethiopia, drought in 112–13 evacuation from disaster areas 131–2 event duration, and responses to disasters 121 external locus of control 9, 82 and territorial behaviour 154 extroverts and autonomic arousal 30 and personal space invasion 148 eye contact and high density 77 and territorial space 155 and urban dwellers 173 Eysenck, H. 30 familiar strangers, in urban areas 173 familiarity, and cognitive maps 200 family life, and urban renewal 177 fast food restaurants 1–2 Felipe, N. J. 144 Festinger, L. 94 field studies, measuring personal space 141 fight/flight response 2–3, 4, 69 flight behaviour, and personal space invasion 142, 144–5 floods 112, 113, 115, 117, 121, 128, 129 football crowds/hooliganism 90–1, 93, 99–100 forward-up equivalence 206 freedom, and personal space 142 frustration–aggression hypothesis 79 GAS (General Adaptation Syndrome) 4–7, 69, 71, 126

gender differences and cognitive maps 201–2 and the effects of high density 74, 75, 79, 81 and the effects of noise 22, 30 in expressing territoriality 153–4, 156 in persons asking for help 174 in responses to disasters 128 in scenic preferences 211 in spatial behaviours 147–8 General Adaptation Syndrome (GAS) 4–7, 69, 71, 126 Gestalt principle of good form 199 Gifford, R. 191–2, 205, 210 Gleser, G. 125 global warming 40 group dynamics 67 groups, and social identity theory 96–8 habituating to noise 29 Hall’s four levels of spacial zones 138, 139 Hall, C. S. 42–3 Hall, M. 125, 142 hard-wired preferences, and scenic landscapes 208 Hawthorn effect 59 health effects of high density 73–6 of noise 26–7 of urban living 170–2 see also mental health hearing loss, effects of noise on 15, 26 heat stroke 57 helping behaviour see altruism hierarchy of needs, and climatological determinism 41–3

Index

high spatial density 66 Hillsborough Football Stadium disaster 93 hindsight, and crowd behaviour 92 Hippocrates 40 holistic analysis, of environmental cognition 211–12 homeless people, and schizophrenia 172 homogenous communities 166, 185 hospitals, teaching hospitals in urban areas 171 housing and defensible space 157–60, 184 high-density 65, 67 and personal communication 210 and problem-focused strategies following disasters 132–3 and urban renewal 177 hurricanes 113, 114, 120 hyperactivity after catastrophes 120 hypertension (high blood pressure) and stress 27 in urban areas 171 hyperthermia 57 hypothermia 57 ideological communication 210 illness, stress-related 6, 15, 26, 27 individual differences age and location preference 180 in cognitive maps 200–2 in dealing with stress 9 in perceptions of the city 166–7, 169 in scenic preferences 211 inferential structuring 198 information-processing approach, to dealing with noise 16–17

Kaplan, Steven and Rachel 208 preference model 209 King’s Cross underground fire 103, 112

and building design 182, 183 effects on health 57–8 effects on performance 54–5 effects on social behaviour 55 in fast food restaurants 1–2 light therapy 59–60 location preference, and building design 180 locus of control in dealing with noise 30 in dealing with stress 9 and high density situations 82, 83–4 and personal space invasion 148 London Underground map 200, 205 low points, and responses to disasters 121–2 low spatial density 66 Lynch, K. 193, 196, 203

laboratory methods, of measuring personal space 140–1 laboratory performance, effects of noise on 21 Lang, J. 179 Lanius, U. F. 207 law of mental unity 91 Le Bon, G., The Crowd: A Study of Popular Mind 91, 92, 94, 107, 122 Le Corbusier 157 Leach, J. 119–20, 122 learned helplessness 9–10 legibility and environmental preference 209 in maps 205 and spatial cognition 193, 203 lemmings 68, 69 life events, and stress measurement 19–20 life-threatening events 125–6 light 44, 53–5, 56 and the biological clock 53–4

McCain, G. 76 McDougall, W. 91–2 maps designing better 204–5 London Underground 200, 205 see also cognitive maps Marsh, Peter 99–100, 105 Martin, Tony 151 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs 41–3 Matthews, K. E. and Canon, L. K. 23–5 May Day Countryside Alliance march 90 melatonin 54, 55, 58 mental health effects of high density 73–4 of light 58–60 of noise 27 of urban living 171–2 mental triangulation 196–8 Middlemist, R. D. 142–3 Milgram, S. 78, 173 Mintz, A. 103 miscellaneous noise 15–16

intensity, and urban living 168 internal locus of control 9, 30, 52 and crowding 82, 83–4 and personal space invasion 148 introverts and autonomic arousal 30 effects of high density on 81 and personal space invasion 148 irrational behaviour, and disasters 120 Japanese earthquake 120–1

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Moar, I. 197 modernist buildings 210 Mullen, B. 95 multi-cultural communities 166 multidimensional scaling, and spatial cognition 196–8 murder rates, effects of temperature on 49, 50 music 32–5 effects on consumer activity 32–3, 36 effects on performance 34–5, 36 effects on waiting time 33–4 exposure to loud 16, 26 musical fit 33 mysterious environments 207, 209 natural disasters see disasters and catastrophes naturalistic investigations of disasters 124–5 negative affect 73 escape model 50–1 negative experiences 33 nervous system 2 New York air pollution 170 City Housing Authority projects 157 World Trade Centre disaster 103, 112, 118–19, 123, 131 Newman, O. 157–60 noise 13–38, 211 and building design 182 decibel scales 14–15, 26 definitions 13–15 effects of 16–27 factors affecting responses to 28–31 sources of 15–16 and urban living 170 see also music non-spatial cognition 194–5

non-verbal communication 142 North, A. 34 nuclear accidents 112, 116–17, 129, 131, 132 numbering systems, and wayfinding 204 observer-based environmental assessments (OBEAs), of the scenic environment 210 occupational noise 15, 26 orientation of maps 205 overload approach to urban living 167 Oxford United football fans 100 panic behaviours in emergency situations 102–4, 120, 130 Parker, G. 125 parks, public 186 patterning, and urban living 168 peace marches 90 peak experiences 42 perceptual distortion, and disasters 119–20 performance and high density 80–1 and light 54–5 and music 34–5, 36 and noise 17–21, 30, 31 and temperature 44–7 and territorial invasion 152–3 see also children’s performance personal communication, and the scenic environment 210 personal freedom 142 personal space 137–49 defending 154–5 defining 137–8 effects and consequences of invasion 141–9 function of 142 measures of 140–1

types of 138–9 see also territory personality type coping with disasters 128 and personal space invasion 148 and responses to noise 30 and territorial behaviour 154 see also extroverts; introverts physical science model of responses to disasters 121 physiological differences and sensitivity to noise 52 in tolerance to temperature 52 Piliavin, I. M. 174 place attachment 210 pluralistic ignorance 185 polar conditions, effects on mental health 58 police, and crowd control measures 93, 101–2, 107 political demonstrations 90, 101–2, 106–7 Polyanna principle 33 population growth 165–6 positive experiences 33 post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) 114, 117, 129, 132 pregnancy, noise exposure during 26 prevention defences 156 primary stressors, and disasters 128 primary territories 139, 140 prior warning, of crowded situations 83 prison populations effects of high density on 76, 79, 85 privacy and building design 181 privacy, and building design 180–2 problem-focused

Index

strategies, in the aftermath of disasters 132–3 processing capacity, in dealing with noise 16–17, 18 PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) 114, 117, 129, 132 public territories 139, 140 pulse rates, effects of high density on 74 Quarantelli, E. 122 quasi-experiments and research into density 67 and research on natural disasters 124–5 and sampling 46 RAS (reticular activating system) 30 rational behaviour, and disasters 120–1 rationalisation, and responses to disasters 122 reaction defences 156 recognition tasks, and spatial cognition 196 Reichter, S. D. 97, 98 responsibility see diffusion of responsibility reticular activating system (RAS) 30 retrospective studies on crowd behaviour 92 rickets 57 riots, effects of temperature on 49 ritualisation, and crowd behaviour 99–101 Rosen, S. 26 Rotton, J. 170 rural areas affiliation in 173 crime in 175 mental illness in 171, 172 studies of altruism in 77–8 Russell, J. A. 207

SAD (seasonal affective disorder) 58–60 St Louis Carr Square Village 158 Pruitt-Igoe housing development 157–8, 184 sampling, quasi-experimental method of 46 scapegoats, and technological catastrophes 115, 122–3 scenic environment 206–11 affective appraisals of the 207–10 individual differences in scenic preferences 211 meaning of the 210–11 and visual appeal 206 schemas, and cognitive maps 198 schizophrenia, and urbanisation 172 scripts, in emergency situations 103 seasonal affective disorder (SAD) 58–60 secondary stressors, and disasters 128 secondary territories 139, 140 self-actualisation 41, 42 self-concept, and territory 149 self-efficacy 10 and territorial behaviour 154 self-esteem and personal space invasion 148 and social identity theory 96 and territorial behaviour 154 sensory stimulation, and urban living 168 serotonin 54, 58 Seyle’s General Adaptation Syndrome (GAS) 4–7, 69, 71, 126

Sherif, M. 102 Sherrod, D. R. 25 signs, and wayfinding 204 simulation methods, of measuring personal space 141 sketch maps, and spatial cognition 195–6 skin cancer 58 smoking, and noise volume 27 SNCs (suprachiasmatic nuclei) 53–4 social behaviour and light 55 and noise 21–5 and temperature 47–52 and urban living 172–5 see also affiliation; aggression; altruism social class, and cognitive maps 201 social cohesion 185 social communities 185–6 social contagion 91–2, 94, 99, 102, 122 social density 66–7, 72 effects of high 73–6 social facilitation theories 80 social identity theory, and crowd behaviour 96–8 social readjustment rating scale 20 social stimulation, and urban living 168 social support 10 after disasters 132 and community environmental design 185 sociofugal spacing 155 sociopetal spacing 155 Sommer, R. 137–8, 139, 144, 155, 156 spatial cognition 192–4, 195–206 designing better maps 204–6 and multidimensional scaling 196–8 and ratings of familiar spaces 196

245

246


and recognition tasks 196 and sketch maps 195–6 and wayfinding 73–4, 192, 202–4 see also cognitive maps spatial configuration 209 spatial density 66, 74 speed, and urban living 170 strangers, familiar 173 stress 3–10 and the city 170–2 dealing with 9–10 diathesis–stress paradigm 27 and General Adaptation Syndrome (GAS) 4–7, 69, 70, 126 measurement 3–4, 19–20 and overcrowding 69–71 and personal space invasion 146 physical symptoms of 4, 6 physiological results of prolonged 5 post-traumatic stress disorder 114, 117, 129, 132 responses 4 subjective nature of 3 Yerkes–Dodson theory of 7–8 see also noise stressors 4, 6, 7, 211 and disasters or catastrophes 118, 128 and noise 13, 16, 211 and stress measurement 19–20 and urban living 167–8, 170 structure matching in maps 205 suicides, and crowd behaviour 95 sunlight, effects on health 57–8

Tajfel, H. 96 technical environmental assessments (TEAs), of the scenic environment 210 technological catastrophes characteristics and causes of 115–17 compared with natural disasters 126–7 telephone boxes, defence of 157 temperate climates 40–1 temperature 44–53, 56 and building design 182 concomitant 50 effects on health 56–7 effects on performance 44–7 effects on social behaviour 47–52 factors affecting response to 52 perception of 44 territory 137, 149–60 and building design 181 and community environmental design 185 contamination of 150 defending 155–60 defining 139–40 effects of territorial invasions on performance 152–3 factors affecting response to territorial invaders 153–4 and football crowds 99 function of 149 invasion of 150–4 primary territory 151–2, 156, 157 public territory 151, 156, 157 studying territoriality 149 types of 139, 140 unestablished 151 violation of 150, 156

wars over 150–1 Three Mile Island disaster (1979) 112, 116, 129, 131, 132 three-dimensional maps 205 Titanic sinking 112 Tolman, E. C. 192–3 Trafalgar Square Poll Tax Riot (1990) 101–2 traffic and community environmental design 186 noise 15 Turkey earthquake (1999) 113, 114 Mental Health Profile Survey of 172 Type A and B personalities effects of noise on 30–1 and personal space invasion 148 Tyrhurst, J.S. 118 ultraviolet light 57–8 unipolar mood disorders 95 United States, urban and campus riots 49 urban living 166–76 effects on health 170–2 effects on social behaviour 77–8, 172–5 inner city riots 97–8, 101–2 investigating the effects of 170 models of 167–9 perceptions of 166–7 urban renewal 176–7 and building design 178–84 urban villages 166 Veitch, R. 113 visual penetration, and scenic landscapes 208 vitamin D 57 Waddington’s six levels of

Index

crowd control analysis 105–7 waiting time, effects of music on 33–4 Ward, A. A. 26 warnings, of impending disasters 130 wayfinding 73–4, 192, 202–4, 206 weather see climate and weather wide-band noise 15 windows, and building design 183 Wohlwill’s adaptation level theory 168–9 workplace performance, effects of noise on 18 World Trade Centre disaster 103, 112, 118–19, 123, 131 Yerkes–Dodson theory 7–8, 45, 81, 168 Yi, Y.K. 206 Zimbardo, P. G. 94–5, 174

247

Psychology in Practice: Environment

Positive Psychology in Practice

Psychology in Practice: Health

Business Psychology in Practice

Health Psychology in Practice

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Foreign Exchange in Practice: The New Environment

Transforming Psychology: Gender in Theory and Practice

Psychology in Prisons (Forensic Practice series)

Transforming Psychology: Gender in Theory and Practice

Advances in Psychology Volume 96 Behavior and Environment

Environment of Schizophrenia: Innovations in Practice, Policy and Communications

The Environment: Between Theory and Practice

Work-Integrated Learning in Engineering, Built Environment and Technology: Diversity of Practice in Practice

Digital Libraries: Principles and Practice in a Global Environment

Psychology (BPS Textbooks in Psychology)

Energy Psychology (Innovations in Psychology)

Psychology (BPS Textbooks in Psychology)

Environment and Tourism (Routledge Introductions in Environment)

Trends in Mathematical Psychology: Advances in Psychology

Radon in the Environment

Careers in Focus: Environment

Applying Psychology to Forensic Practice (Forensic Practice series)

Science as Psychology: Sense-Making and Identity in Science Practice

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Foundations of Ethical Practice, Research, and Teaching in Psychology

Discursive Research in Practice: New Approaches to Psychology and Interaction

Cultural Clinical Psychology: Theory, Research, and Practice

Psychology in Practice: Environment

Positive Psychology in Practice

Psychology in Practice: Health

Business Psychology in Practice

Health Psychology in Practice

Positive psychology in practice

Foreign Exchange in Practice: The New Environment

Transforming Psychology: Gender in Theory and Practice

Psychology in Prisons (Forensic Practice series)

Transforming Psychology: Gender in Theory and Practice

Advances in Psychology Volume 96 Behavior and Environment

Environment of Schizophrenia: Innovations in Practice, Policy and Communications

The Environment: Between Theory and Practice

Work-Integrated Learning in Engineering, Built Environment and Technology: Diversity of Practice in Practice

Digital Libraries: Principles and Practice in a Global Environment

Psychology (BPS Textbooks in Psychology)

Energy Psychology (Innovations in Psychology)

Psychology (BPS Textbooks in Psychology)

Environment and Tourism (Routledge Introductions in Environment)

Trends in Mathematical Psychology: Advances in Psychology

Radon in the Environment

Careers in Focus: Environment

Applying Psychology to Forensic Practice (Forensic Practice series)

Science as Psychology: Sense-Making and Identity in Science Practice

Selenium in the environment

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Radionuclides in the Environment

Foundations of Ethical Practice, Research, and Teaching in Psychology

Discursive Research in Practice: New Approaches to Psychology and Interaction

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