Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours: Studies in Early Institutional History

MEDIEVAL FRANCE AND HER PYRENEAN NEIGHBOURS

STUDIES PRESENTED TO THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION FOR THE HISTORY OF REPRESENTATIVE AND PARLIAMENTARY INSTITUTIONS LXX ETUDES PRESENTEES A LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE POUR L'HISTOIRE DES ASSEMBLIES D'ETATS

MEDIEVAL FRANCE AND HER PYRENEAN NEIGHBOURS STUDIES IN EARLY INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY

THOMAS N. BISSON

THE HAMBLEDON PRESS LONDON

AND

RONCEVERTE

Published by The Hambledon Press 1989 102 Gloucester Avenue, London NW1 8HX (U.K.) 309 Greenbrier Avenue, Ronceverte WV 24970 (U.S.A.) ISBN 0 907628 69 9 © T.N. Bisson 1989

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Bisson, Thomas N. Medieval France and her Pyrenean neighbours: studies in early international history. 1. Feudalism — France I. Title 321.3'0944 JN2337

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bisson, Thomas N. Medieval France and her Pyrenean neighbours: studies in early institutional history. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. France - Politics and government - 987-1328 - Addresses, essays, lectures. 2. Finance, Public - France - To 1789 - Addresses, essays, lectures. 3. Catalonia (Spain) - Politics and government - Addresses, essays, lectures. 4. Finance, Public - Spain - Catalonia - History - Addresses, essays, lectures. 5. Aragon (Spain) - Politics and government - Addresses, essays, lectures. 6. Finance, Public - Spain — Aragon - History ~~ Addresses, essays, lectures. I. Title. JN2337.B58 1988 944s. 021 85-30561 Printed and bound by WBC Ltd., Bristol and Maesteg

To the Memory of WILLIAME.

LUNT

THEODOR E. MOMMSEN JOSEPH R. STRAYER

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PREFACE The earliest of the articles reprinted here were written at a time when institutional history had fallen into neglect in France. Assemblies, some thought, must be etats - and there were surely no etats before the fourteenth century. Was it not anachronistic to insist on taxation, association and consultation in the thirteenth century and even earlier? Yet there were records of such proceedings, little exploited it seemed, and ever less so as one moved southward, to be confronted on crossing the Pyrenees with a superabundance of archival materials. Was one to pass over such records because they were reticent about families and property? The problem was how to read them without succumbing to the hardy illusion that southern peoples were more precocious in associative or administrative ways than northern ones. It became clear, more slowly than I like to admit, that southern records of power had never been studied enough in any aspect to invalidate the methods I had employed; while the new work of social historians pointed more and more clearly to a need to integrate researches into procedures, status and thought. Accordingly, these studies now seem to me to straddle the threshold, still too dimly perceived, separating early medieval structures of lordship from those of government. They have perhaps some coherence in this light. Some of the earlier work (at least) might well have been revised so as to strengthen this coherence; but there is I hope some virtue in the necessity that prevented this. Chapters 1, 9, 10, 16 and 17 deal with themes subsequently taken up in my books, but in each case the more focussed and documented treatment will be found in the articles. Among themselves, the articles overlap only in respect to Catalonia, where they treat the institution of territorial administration de novo from several points of view. Two articles appear here in English for the first time: 'The rise of Catalonia' and 'The finances of the young James I (1213-1228)'. The documentary appendix to

viii

Preface

'Feudalism in twelfth-century Catalonia', which was lost in its first printing, has been restored. Some errors have been corrected and the inconsistencies of usage reduced in number. Of full-length articles, two have been omitted. 'The military origins of medieval representation' (American Historical Review, Ixxi [1966], 1199-1218) no longer satisfies me as to its demonstration, whatever the merits of its thesis; it is easily accessible to the curious. 'Celebration and persuasion: reflections on the cultural evolution of medieval consultation' (Legislative Studies Quarterly, vii [1982], 181-204) could only have been reprinted if re-set, and it seemed best to withhold it for republication in a more developed form. Martin Sheppard has my cordial thanks for his expert and considerate editing. Brigitte Bedos and Elizabeth Brown kindly advised in the matter of reproducing the seal of Figeac. For the rest I would reiterate the gratitude expressed in headnotes to these and other persons who have aided my work over the years. Among them were three teachers who influenced me deeply. Their example and their rigour impress me ever more insistently as my ideas change. The collection is dedicated to their memory. T.N.B. Cambridge, Massachusetts May 1988

CONTENTS Preface Acknowledgements List of Illustrations

vii xi xiii

/. CONSULTATION AND REPRESENTATION 1 2 3 4 5

An Early Provincial Assembly: The General Court of Agenais in the Thirteenth Century A General Court of Aragon (Daroca, February 1228) Negotiations for Taxes under Alfonse of Poitiers Consultative Functions in the King's Parlements (1250-1314) The General Assemblies of Philip the Fair: Their Character Reconsidered

3 31 49 75 97

//. THE RISE OF CATALONIA 6 7 8 9 10

The Rise of Catalonia: Identity, Power, and Ideology in a Twelfth-Century Society Feudalism in Twelfth-Century Catalonia Une Paix peu connue pour le Roussillon (A.D. 1173) Ramon de Caldes (c. 1135-1199): Dean of Barcelona and Royal Servant An 'Unknown Charter' for Catalonia (A.D. 1205)

125 153 179 187 199

x

Contents

///. COMPARATIVE STUDIES

11 12 13 14

The Organized Peace in Southern France and Catalonia (c. 1140-c. 1233) The Problem of Feudal Monarchy: Aragon, Catalonia and France Some Characteristics of Mediterranean Territorial Power in the Twelfth Century Les Comptes des Domaines au temps de Philippe Auguste: Essai Comparatif

215 237 257 265

IV. FISCAL EXPLOITATION AND COINAGE

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Index

Credit, Prices and Agrarian Production in Catalonia: A Templar Account (1180-1188) 'Quanto Personam Tuam' (X 2.24.18): Its Original Significance Sur les Origines du Monedatge: Quelques Textes Inedits Coinages of Barcelona (c. 1209-1222): The Documentary Evidence The Finances of the Young James I (1213-1228) Coinages and Royal Monetary Policy in Languedoc during the Reign of Saint Louis Confirmatio Monete à Narbonne au XIIIe Siècle

287 303 325 339 351 393 421 427

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The articles reprinted here first appeared in the following places and are reprinted by kind permission of the original publishers.

1 2 3

4 5 6 7

8 9 10

Speculum, xxxvi (1961), pp. 254-281. English Historical Review, xcii (1977), pp. 107-124. XHe Congres International des Sciences Historiques. Vienna, 1965 (Etudes presentees a la Commission Internationale pour I'Histoire des Assemblies d'Etats, xxxi [Louvain-Paris, 1966]), pp. 77-101. Speculum, xliv (1969), pp. 353-373. Studia Gratiana, xv (1972), pp. 537-564. Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations, xxxix (1984), pp. 454-479. This appears here for the first time in English. Structures Feodales et Feodalisme dans I'Occident Mediterraneen (Xe - XIHe Siecles). Bilan et Perspectives de Recherches (Rome: Ecole Franchise de Rome, CNRS, 1980), pp. 173-192. Droit Prive et Institutions Regionales. Etudes Historiques Offertes a Jean Yver (Paris, 1976), pp. 69-76. Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner, ed. K. Pennington and R. Somerville (Philadelphia, 1977), pp. 281-292. Etudes Presentees a la Commission Internationale pour VHistoire des Assemblies d'Etats. Album Elemer Malyusz [Brussels, 1976, Ivi), pp. 61-76.

xii

11 12 13 14 15 16 17

18 19 20 21

Acknowledgements American Historical Review, Ixxxii (1977), pp. 290-311. Speculum, liii (1978), pp. 460-478. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, cxxiii(1975), pp. 143-150. La France de Philippe--Auguste: Le Temps des Mutations, edited by W.C. Jordan (CNRS, Paris, 1982), pp. 521-538. Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages: Essays in Honor of Joseph R. Stray er, edited by W.C. Jordan, B. McNab, and T.F. Ruiz (Princeton, 1976), pp. 87-102. Proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Toronto, 21-25 August 1972 (Vatican City, 1976), pp. 229-249. Annales duMidi, 85 no. 111 (1973), pp. 91-104. Studies in Numismatic Method Presented to Philip Grierson, edited by C.N.L. Brooke, I. Stewart, J.G. Pollard, and T.R. Volk (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 193-204. X Congresso de Historia de la Corona de Aragon, ii (Zaragoza, 1980), pp. 161-208. This appears here for the first time in English. Speculum, xxxii (1957), pp. 443-469. Narbonne, Archeologie et Histoire (Montpellier, 1973), pp. 55-59.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 1

Seal of Figeac( 1309)

96

2

The Organized Peace in Occitania and Catalonia

232

3

Account of France (All Saints 1221)

269

4

Miniature associated with license to fortify Urtx

284

5

The Valles of Catalonia

294

6

Account for the bailiwick of Terrassa (1191)

324

7

Coins of Barcelona

341

8

Monetary ordinances for the senechaussee of Carcassonne (1264)

392

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PARTI

CONSULTATION AND REPRESENTATION

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1

AN EARLY PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLY: THE GENERAL COURT OF AGENAIS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY VARIOUS accounts of parliamentary origins have drawn attention to southwestern France as the scene of a remarkably early development of town representation in feudal assemblies.1 From the latter twelfth century on, the delegates of towns sometimes joined magnates and vassals in the courts of Beam, Bigorre, and other principalities in the Gascon lands rolling down northward from the Pyrenees. That these institutions have similar features seems clear. They should be studied together, and, indeed, there is no good reason to dissociate them from the nascent Spanish Cortes of the same period. But it is also apparent that the character of these early assemblies was determined in considerable measure by local conditions,2 so that any satisfactory general treatment of the problem must be preceded by special regional studies. One district that has not hitherto received its due attention is Agenais, in the lower Garonne valley. There is mention of a "general court" of Agenais which included town deputies as early as 1182, but the history of this body has been left obscure.8 The present essay seeks to clarify and extend our knowledge of this institution and related assemblies of Agenais in the thirteenth century. I Agenais was a geographical and administrative unity in the Middle Ages. Originally the civitas, then the diocese, pagus, and county of Agen, the district was known in the thirteenth century by the somewhat interchangeable terms diocesis, abescat, terra, senescattia, and patria.* It was centered in the confluence of 1 For example, P. Viollet, Droit 'public: Histoire dea institutions politiques et odministrotives de la France, 3 vols. (Paris, 1890-1903), m, 180-181; P. Dognon,Zea Institutions politiques et administratives du pays de Languedoc du XIHe siecle aux guerres de religion (Toulouse-Paris, n.d. [circa. 1895]), pp. 196-197; L. Cadier, Les fitats de Beam depuis leurs origines jusqu'au commencement du XVI9, siecle (Paris, 1888), pp. 4-8, 18-21, 51-63. 2 See, e.g., Cadier, pp. 45-63, and, for the probable relationship with Pyrenean Spain, pp. 26-30, 53-54. 8 Local historians are wholly inadequate on the subject: J. F. Samazeuilh, Histoire de VAgenais, du Condomois et du Bazadais, 2 vols. (Auch, 1846-1847), i, 149; A. Ducom, La Commune d*Agen (Paris, 1892), pp. 68,123,130-131,145-148,152-153. Hardly better are A. Molinier, "Etude sur 1'administration de Louis IX & d'Alfonse de Poitiers (1226-1271)," in Devic and Vaissete, Histoir* general* de Languedoc, 16 vols. (Toulouse-Privat, 1872-1904), hereafter cited as H.L., vii, 509; and Dognon, Institutions, pp. 196-197. E. Boutaric, in Les premiers fitats Generaux, 1302-1314 (Paris, 1860), p. 5, and Saint Louis et Alfonse de Poitiers (Paris, 1870), p. 530, spoke of "representative institutions" and "provincial estates" in Agenais, but his views were not founded on careful study. 4 A. Longnon, Atlas historique de la France depuis Cesar jusqu'a nos jours; Texte explicatif des planches (Paris, 1885-1888), pp. 15, 147, 231, 238, 251, 253, 256, 260; E. Jarry, Provinces et Pays de France; Essai de geographic historique, u (Paris, 1943), 1-7; Archives municipals d'Agen: Chartes d'Agen, Premier* Serie (1189-1328), ed. A. Magen and G. Tholin (Villeneuve-sur-Lot, 1876), nos. 24, 60; H. Tropamer, La Coutume d'Agen (Bordeaux, 1911), p. 28; Le Livre d"Agenais, ed. G. P. Cuttino (Toulouse, 1956), no. 14, p. 33.

4

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

the rivers Lot and Garonne, with Bazadais on its western border, and the diocese of Cahors (Quercy) to the east. Agenais had been a fief, or territory, of the duchy of Aquitaine, which passed under Angevin control in 1152. But subsequently, though never divided, the district had an independent existence under shifting suzerainties. In 1196 Count Raymond VI of Toulouse acquired Agenais as a dowry for his marriage to Jeanne, King Richard's sister. Raymond agreed to hold it as a fief of Aquitaine, but his successors tended to ignore feudal obligations. When Raymond VII died without male heirs in 1249, Henry III tried to recover Agenais. These efforts were no deterrent to the Capetian prince, Alfonse of Poitiers, who had married the daughter of Raymond VII, and who now proceeded to govern Agenais as a Toulousan fief. Alfonse and his wife died childless in 1271, whereupon King Philip III took possession of the region. However, by the treaty of Paris of 1259, Louis IX had recognized English rights to Agenais. Edward I recovered it in 1279 after diligent negotiations, but by this time there could be no peaceful acquiescence in a decision which served feudal right at the expense of royal and national domain. Occupied temporarily by the French in the 1290's, Agenais passed back to France again in 1324. Except for the decade 1359-1369, it remained thereafter a French possession.6 Even in the twelfth century the men of Agenais were understood to form a kind of regional community, with common rights and responsibilities. The earliest town charter, which was granted by Duke Richard to Marmande in 1182, refers to the "general custom of Agenais" for criminal penalties.6 We find many later references to privileges and obligations which the people of a given place share with other villages of the countryside.7 There was a regional law of succession, as well as feudal regulations for homage and fealty ad consuetudinem Agennensem.* A sense of community quite independent of class interests is shown by the general liability to military duty. The Chanson de la Croisade contre les Albigeois assures us that the army which rallied to support the count of Toulouse against Simon de Montfort's French crusaders in 1211 included "the whole Agenais, so that no one remained behind."9 With due allowance for enthusiastic exaggeration, this should probably be regarded as a reference to the "common" or "general army of Agenais," an institution which is often mentioned in later documents.10 In 1232 a 6

J. Andrieu, Histoire de VAgenais, 2 vols. (Paris, 1893), i, 84-41, 62-63, 66, 69-71, 75-77, 111-117, 135, 140; M. Gavrilovitch, Etude sur le Traite de Paris de 1259 entre Louis IX, roi de France, & Henri HI, roi d*Angleterre (Paris, 1899), pp. 23-24, 71-74; Cuttino, introd. to Livre dy Agenais, pp. vii-xiv; cf. P. Chaplais, "Le Traite de Paris de 1259 et 1'Infeodation de la Gascogne Allodiale," Le Moyen Age, 4e ser., x (1955), esp. 132-133, 135. • Archives Nationales, JJ. 72, no. 216, fols. 145 ff. 7 H.L., vin, 1965, no. 151; Archives historiques du departement de la Gironde, to be cited as Arch. Gir.9 i (1859), no. 182 (a register of recognitions in Agenais made in 1286-1287), 356, no. 24; 360, no. 39; etc.; also vii (1865), 67, art. 37, reference to "general costuma d'Agenes" in a late thirteenth-century charter. 8 P. Ourliac, "Note sur les Coutumes Successorales de 1'Agenais," Annales de la Faculte de Droit d'Aix, XLIII (1950), 253-258; Arch. Gir., i, 352; Livre d'Agenais, no. 21, p. 50. 9 Ed. P. Meyer, 2 vols. (Paris, 1875-1879), i, 90,11. 1943-1947. 10 Cited regularly in the recognitions of 1286, Arch. Gir., i, 352, 359, etc. (note the revealing expression of military obligation: "quando nobiles et alii de patria faciunt exereitum," 354, nos. 13, 15);

The General Court of Agenais

5

seneschal had occasion to address himself "to the barons, knights, townsmen, and the whole university of Agenais," and this corporate notification was something more than mere rhetoric. Another seneschal reported some years later that the genus of barons and knights of Agenais and the "whole people" had raised an outcry about the failure to take immediate measures against certain marauders. The feeling of regional solidarity was perhaps most fully articulated in the fealty proceedings of Edward I in 1286, when the villagers of Damazan recognized their obligation to take the oath and perform military service along with the tota communitas Agennensis.11 The general court of Agenais was one of the customary institutions of this community. An official of Philip III was reported in 1271 to have acted "juxta usum dicte terre" when he convoked barons "of the land of Agenais," knights, nobles, and town consuls to a curia generalis at Agen.12 The first evidence of the existence of the assembly is an article in the Marmande customs of 1182: "And when the prince of the land or his seneschal shall convoke his general court, some or all of the consuls, according to the order of the lord, should go to the said court for the town of Marmande, at the expense of the town."13 Forty years elapse before we find another reference to the general court. It is mentioned briefly in 1222 in a convention between two towns of Agenais;14 and it receives fuller notice in the customs of Agen in an article which, though undated, probably belongs to the third or fourth decade of the thirteenth century.15 The custumals of Fumel (1265) and Tonneins-Dessous (1301), the latter in terms repeated from the charter of Marmande, also refer to the general court.16 The earliest record of an actual session is a document of 1232. It relates that the seneschal of Agenais, on the instance of the count of Toulouse, had made an enactment concerning the bishop's right of coinage "by the consent of the barons, knights, townsmen, and the general court of Agenais."17 There may have been a Lime d'Agenais, nos. 5-11, pp. 17-20. This was an old custom: early charters refer to the army as the "ost en Agenes," Arch. Nat., JJ. 72, fol. 150 v; cf. Tropamer, Coutume d'Agen, p. 28. This institution should not be confused with the bishop's peace army; see below, n. 61. 11 C. de Saint-Amans, "De la monnaie dite arnaldese des evfcques d'Agen," Recueil des Travaux de la SocietS . . . d'Agen, vn (1855), preuves, no. 3, 614-615; Layettes du Tresor des Charles, eds. Teulet et al, 5 vols. (Paris, 1863-1909), v, no. 672; Arch. Gir., i, 382, no. 127. It is worth notice here, and will be shown below, that these three situations can all be associated with the general court. 12 "prise de possession de PAgenais au nom du roi de France en 1271," Rec. Trav. Soc. Agen., 2e ser., xin (1897), to be cited as Saisimentum Agennense, 72. 13 "E quant lo princep de la terra o sos senescalc mandera sa cort general, lo cosselh tot o la una partida segont lo mandament del senhor deven anar en aquela court per la vila de Marmande a mession de la vila," Arch. Nat., JJ. 72 (a registral copy of the vidimus by Philip VI in 1341; another copy is in Bibliotheque Nationale, MS. n. a. franc.. 3404), fol. 150 v. 14 Charles d'Agen, no. 14. 16 Tropamer, Coutume d'Agen, pp. 28, 30, art. 3, partially quoted below, n. 59. For general discussion of the texts, see ibid., pp. 5-11. 16 Arch. Gir., vii (1865), 18, art. 12; A. Lagarde, Notice historique sur la ville de Tonneins (Agen, 1882), p. 118, art. 25. 17 Rec. Trav. Soc. Agen., vii, 614-615, no. 3.

6

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

meeting of the general court in 1234,18 but no other sessions are recorded in the next fifteen years. In 1249 deputies acting for Alfonse, the new count of Toulouse, had occasion to convoke an assembly which was composed of barons and knights of Agenais, consuls of Agen, and councillors and men of bourgs, castra, and villages of the diocese.19 This gathering closely resembles that of 1271, which was explicitly termed "general court." It is amply clear, then, that the designation curia generalis^ which we find in local usage as well as in French and English documents, denotes an accepted regional institution, a body of some commonly recognized composition and function. The term was usually applied to assemblies of nobles and townsmen, which may indicate that it was the attendance of the latter which rendered a court "general." But we must not lay too much stress on the terminology, or exclude from consideration those assemblies which do not happen to be called "general courts." "Cort" or "curia," unqualified, could also mean the assembly of two orders.20 The curia generalis of 1271, made up of nobles and consuls, was also styled parlamentum.21 There were other kinds of assembly too, some limited to nobility, others to townsmen;22 we have somewhat problematical evidence of several regional meetings which may have been general courts; and we know of at least two gatherings which included men of all three orders. All of these assemblies have a common history, the explanation of which must be sought initially in a general regional tradition of community and association. General assemblies of Agenais ordinarily met under the presidency of the seneschal.23 Count Raymond VII sometimes summoned men of one or another estate in Agenais, and he may have attended the general court of 1232.24 But there is no record that Alfonse or the kings of France or England ever appeared personally in the assemblies of their distant possession. To supplement the work of their seneschals in Agenais, these rulers sometimes had recourse to special commissioners, who used the general court to carry out their instructions.25 The bishops of Agen had important seigneurial rights in Agenais, but they could not convoke the assembly on their own authority. When he wished to discuss the diocesan coinage with the men of Agenais in 1263, Bishop Guillaume III begged the seneschal to convoke "his court" for this purpose.26 The usual place of assembly was Agen, the administrative center of the dis18

See below, p. 24. Layettes, in, no. 3833. 20 Customs of Agen, art. 3 (below, n. 59); Layettes, iv, no. 4883; or even of three orders, Lime d"Agenais, no. 2, p. 8. 21 Sais. Agen., 72; and prelates were also summoned, according to one text, 85. 22 These will be studied only to the extent that they serve to further our understanding of the general court. 23 Cf. n. 13; and see Rec. Trav. Soc. Agen, vn, 614-615, no. 3; Layettes, iv, no. 4883; Rdles Gascons, ed. F. Michel and C. Bemont, 4 vols. (Paris, 1885-1906), n, no. 1428. 24 Charles d'Agen, nos. 31, 32; Arch. Nat., J. 306, no. 80. 26 Layettes, in, no. 3833 (Queen Blanche, acting for Alfonse); Sais. Agen., 72, 85; Livre d'Agenais, no. 2, p. 8; cf. Arch. Gir., i, no. 181, 348-349, regarding the sessions of 1286, in which Edward I may have appeared (cf. below, p. 23). 28 Layettes, iv, no. 4883, partially quoted below, n. 132. 19

The General Court of Agenais

1

trict.27 Apparently no one place within the city was reserved. We hear of gatherings in the cathedral church, the bishop's palace, the town hall (domus communitatis), the house of the Templars, and the house and cloister of the Dominicans.28 Different sessions of the same general court might convene in different places.29 The method of summons is unknown. General patent letters or notification by word of mouth were probably most common.30 Important persons or towns may sometimes have received individual letters, but the fact that no such letter has survived seems to indicate that this was not the ordinary practice. The identity of those convoked and the nature of their attendance are larger and more important questions. To deal adequately with them it will be necessary to inquire into the genesis of the general court, which must have determined its composition. II There can be no doubt that representation in Agenais originated with the appearance of town and village delegates in an existing seigneurial curia. We do not know when this first happened. Dognon, the historian of meridional institutions, suggested that it could not have been very long before 1182, when southwestern bourgs and castra were just beginning to acquire individuality.31 This view oversimplifies a complex problem, as we shall see, but there must be some truth in it. If the lone surviving town charter affords little perspective on a period which is extremely obscure, it is at least in accord with our understanding of the emergence of the consular regime in the twelfth-century.32 And there is no reason to suppose Angevin or English, much less Capetian, influence in the beginnings of the general court. Richard simply recognized an institution indigenous to southern Aquitaine. The nobles were the basic and original element. Their simple curia continued to meet as a judicial body in the thirteenth century.33 From it, presumably, the general court derived its functions and character. The customs of Agen, written after 1221 but certainly reflecting earlier conditions, refer to the lord's cort as a tribunal with cognizance of cases involving the peace of Agenais, and composed of barons, knights, consuls, and townsmen of the diocese.34 27 See ibid., no. 4888; Sais. Agen., 72; Chartes d'Agen, no. 60. There is no certain instance of a general court held elsewhere (but cf. Livre d'Agenais, no. 17, p. 37); a meeting of Agenais nobles in 1243 took place at Castelsarrasin, on the border of Toulousain, perhaps to accommodate Raymond VII, Arch. Nat., J. 306, no. 80. 28 Layettes, in, no. 3833; H.L., vii, documents, 419-426 (not a general court); Sais. Agen., 72, 85, 87; Chartes d'Agen, nos. 60, 141. 29 As in November 1271, Sais. Agen., 72, 85-87; and August 1279, Chartes d'Agen, no. 60; Livre d"Agenais, no. 2, pp. 8-9. 30 Both are exemplified by a curious document of 1274, Recognitiones Feodorum in Aquitania . . . , ed. Bemont (Paris, 1914), no. 174, the lone surviving instrument of general summons for the Gascon seisin of Edward I; cf. Arch. Gir., i, nos. 181 (348-349), 182 (351). According to the usages of Agen, Tropamer, Coutume d'Agen, p. 28, the host was "cried" generally throughout Agenais. 81 Dognon, Institutions, p. 196. 82 Ibid., pp. 57 ff.; on the twelfth-century history of Agenais, see J. Boussard, Le Gouvernement d'Henri II Plantagenet (Paris, 1956), pp. 147-151, 228. 88 H.L., viii, no. 412,1253-1254; no. 423,1289-1292. 84 See below, p. 262, and n. 59.

8

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

The attendance of nobles can best be explained in terms of the feudal obligation to counsel or suit, which each knight owes on account of his fief. Unfortunately we have no evidence of such an obligation in early times, and very little for the thirteenth century. Assembled nobles and townsmen of Agenais tendered an oath of "good counsel" as well as fealty to Edward I in 1279, but in its context this cannot be interpreted as meaning a duty of attendance.36 One man, but only one, among 159 nobles making recognitions in 1259, volunteered that he owed "court" as well as homage and knight service for his fiefs.36 The rolls of 1286 show the concern of the government for its jurisdiction, without stressing suit.37 But these acts, and others like them, invariably specify military obligations.38 Indeed, the distinction between consilium and auxilium may well have been lost in Agenais, where, as in other regions, a knightly assembly must have looked much like a knightly army. As a case in point, we may notice a political gathering in 1243 which was composed of those very nobles in Agenais who had recently supported Raymond VII in an unsuccessful revolt against the king of France.39 More will be said shortly about the military analogy. The general court was not merely the lord's assembly, however. By the middle of the thirteenth century, without losing its feudal character, it had become an institution of the countryside: it had acquired a position in regional custom such that the attendance of nobles was determined by noblesse, defined by social status and holdings, rather than by vassalage. Nobles in assembly are designated by rank as barones, milites, and domicelli of Agenais, not as vassals of the lord.40 There were many seigneurial families in the region, and the aggregate of Agenais nobles was even greater than the number of residents. The powerful lords of Albret, with holdings centered elsewhere in Gascony, had interests and possessions in Agenais which accorded them pre-eminence there. We know that they attended general assemblies of Agenais.41 For similar reasons the viscount of Lomagne and the lord of Pestillac, in Quercy, were also accounted nobles of 35

Livre rum uidelicet castrorum que tume, ita quod castlani qui ipsas fidelitates tenent et/qui solittestatem michi de ipsis castris sint liberi et absoluti a me et a meis de predictis saluis/fidelitatibus et eas sicut michi dare tibi teneantur. Tali pacto et condicione quod tu et tui de predictis cas/tris detis michi et meis

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potestatem irati siue paccati quocienscumque demandata aut requisita fuerit uobis aut/uestris per me aut per nuncium meum, saluis tamen illis semper conuenienciis que facte fuerunt condam inter meos/et tuos antecessores et inter te et predictum patrem meum, excepto hoc predicto donatiuo saluarum fidelitatum/quas, ut superius dictum est, in perpetuum dono et concede. Data Terrachone per manum Petri de Blandis/notarii domini regis .ii. kalendas Aprilis et mandato eius scripta a Guilelmo anno Domini .rn. £. xc. vfii. Signum 4- Petri regis Aragonensis et comitis Barchinonensis. Signum 4- num Sancie regine Aragonensis/comitisse Barchinonensis et marchionisse Prouincie. S 4- num Bernardi de Portella. S 4- num Raimundi Gaucerandi. S + num Vgeti de Mataplana./S 4- num Dalmacii de Crexello. S 4- num Raimundi de Castro uetulo. S 4- num Petri de Mediano./ Sig [manual sign] num Petri de Blandis qui supradicta mandato domini regis scribi fecit mense et anno quo supra.

6 1203, 2 January. Castellnau Pere de Domenova recognizes his fief held of viscount Guillem of Castellnou, comprising the churches of Ille, Vinca, Ropidera, Espira, Estoher, Seners, Mosset, Fulha, Nyer, and the village of Crou. AD Pyrenees-Orientales, B. 57. Original, parchment, divided by ABC— ?V. 44 4- 470 mm. Torn. Dorse: 240a. In Dei nomine. Notum sit cunctis presentibus atque futuris quod ego Petrus Domenoue recognoscho omne feuum quod teneo per Guilelmum uicechomitem Castri noui, scilicet ecclesiam Sancti Stephani de Insula1 et ecclesiam de Niciano2 et ecclesiam de Rupidera 3 et ecclesiam de Aspirano4 et ecclesiam de Astouer5 et ecclesiam de Seners6 et ecclesiam de Moseto7 et ecclesiam de Folano8 et ecclesiam de <En>ner9 et uillam de Cruce.10 Et istud recognitum fuit factum in aula Castri noui11 in presencia Arnalli Sancti 1

Ille-sur-Tet (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Prades, c. Vinca). ? Nefiach (ar. Perpignan, c. Millas). 3 Roupidere (northwest of Ille; see note 1). 4 Espira-de-Conflent (ar. Prades, c. Vin£a). 5 Estoher (ar. Prades, c. Vinca). 6 Seners (ar. Prades, c. Vin£a, com. Estoher). 7 Mosset (ar. and c. Prades). 8 Fuilla (ar. and c. Prades). 9 Nyer (ar. Prades, c. Olette). 10 Crou (near Matemale, ar. Prades, c. Mont-Louis). 11 Castellnou (ar. Perpignan, c. Thuir).

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Martini et Petri de Rodes et in presencia Poncii de Uerneto et Raimundi de Castro Rosilionis et Arnalli de Mudazos et Bernardi Castri noui et Guilelmi de Uallicrosa qui hoc uiderunt et firmauerunt pro iussu Petri de Domenaua. Actum est hoc .iiii. nonas lanuarii, anno ab incarnacione Christi .rri.&c.tfi. Philippo rege regnante in Francia. Sig + num Petri Domanaue qui hanc cartam scribere iussi, firmaui testesque firmare rogaui. Raimundus Sancte Marie presbiter rogatus ac iussus hanc cartam scripsit die et anno [manual sign] quo svpra. 7 [c. 1200-1205] Gomball de Besora and his in-laws Hug de Mataplana and the latter's son swear security to the king and homage to Pere the sacristan of Vic acting for the king with respect to a settlement imposed on Gomball by the king's court. AC Vic, cal 6, 2463. Original, or early copy, parchment. 150 X 7130 mm. luro ego Gonballus de Bisaura meis propriis manibus super quatuor euangelia tibi Petro regi Aragonensi domino meo et facio inde hominium Petro sagriste Vici loco domini regis quod quando cumque dominus rex ueniet uersus Cataloniam et erit ab Illerda usque ad Salses et uocauerit me per se uel per nuncium suum uel per literas suas statim ueniam apud Uicum et non inde exiam de ipsa uilla meis pedibus uel alienis donee faciam finem Bernardo Ermengaudi de capcione mea, sicut ipse rex mihi mandauerit cum curia sua, uel ibo ad te ubi cumque fueris infra hos fines ad faciendum predictum finem, ut superius dictum est. Et si, quod absit, hoc non atenderem sicut superius dictum est, persona mea et omnes res mee tam mobiles quam inmobiles uenirent in manu tua ad faciendam tuam uoluntatem. Ego Ugo de Mata plana magor et minor conuenimus et iuramus proprii [sic] manibus super quatuor euangelia tibi regi Petro3 domino nostro et facimus inde hominium Petro Uicenssi sacriste loco domini regis quod totum hoc, sicut superius dictum est, atendamus et atendere faciamus iam dicto Gonballo sine omni ingenio quod si non fecerimus nos et omnes res nostre tam mobiles quam inmobiles ueniant in potestate tua ad faciendam tuam uoluntatem. Et quando cumque adduxerimus et miserimus iam dictu[m] Gonbal in manu tua ad faciendum et complendum iam dictum finem, ut superius est compreensum, statim simus abssoluti a iam dicto sacramento et hominio et firmancia. a

Petro, superscript.

ADDITIONAL NOTE: p. 168 note 89: 'perg. R.B. IV 233' is now printed in Fiscal accounts of Catalonia under the early count-kings (1151-1213), ed. T.N. Bisson, 2 vols. (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1984), ii, no. 1.

8 UNE PAIX PEU CONNUE POUR LE ROUSSILLON (A.D. 1173) Le texte dont il est ici question n'est pas, il faut 1'avouer, abso lument inconnu. II a ete public par D.M.J. Henry en 1835 parmi les preuves de son Histoire de Roussillon, et cet auteur l'a justement reconnu comme le prototype des statuts de paix et de treve promulges a la suite par le comte-roi Alphonse Ier pour toute la Catalogne1. Cependant M. Henry, jugeant 1'accession d'Alphonse en 1172 comme catastrophique pour le Roussillon, n'a pas tente de caracteriser cette paix effectivement feconde de sa patrie et sa negligence devait se montrer contagieuse. Bernard Alart, sans avoir non plus etudie la filiation des statuts roussillonais, les a declares posterieurs a ceux de Fontaldara pour la Catalogne, dont ceux-la auraient ete la copie; et Topinion d'un tel erudit que la paix de Roussillon « n'etaient en somme qu'une espece de reconnaissance des pouvoirs du nouveau souverain 2 » ne semble pas avoir ete contestee. Brutails a son tour s'est contente de mentionner les deux chartes de 1173 sans se prononcer sur le rapport existant entre eux3, mais si je ne me trompe pas, les historiens de notre siecle, y compris les Catalans, n'ont attribue aucune importance aux instituts de paix et de treve pour le Roussillon de 11734. 1 Dominique Marie Joseph Henry, Histoire de Roussillon comprenant I'histoire

du royaume de Majorque, 2 vols. (Paris, 1835) I, preuves, n° 9, pp. 508-513 ; et pp. 80-81. A parler strictement, les statuts decides a Fontaldara en 1173, Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragon y de Valencia y principado de Catalufia, 26 vols. (Madrid, 1896-1920), 1: 1, 55-62, ne s'appliquaient qu'aux domaines Catalans d'Alphonse : c'est-a-dire, a la Catalogne moins les comtes de Pallars et d'Urgell. 2 Bernard Alart, Privileges et litres relatifs aux franchises... de Roussillon et de Cerdagne..., (Perpignan, 1874), p. 53. 3 J.-A. Brutails, Etude sur la condition des populations rurales du Roussillon au moyen age, (Paris, 1891), pp. 291-292, note. 4 II n'y en a de mention ni dans les histoires de Roussillon par Calmette et Vidal (1931) et par Durliat (1969), ni dans celles de la Catalogne par VallsTaberner et Soldevila (1922-1923) et par Soldevila (1934; 2* ed., 1963), ni dans Jaime Caruana Itinerario de Alfonso II de Aragon, Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragon, vn (1962), pp. 138-145. Eugen Wohlhaupter, Studien zur Rechtsgeschichte der Gottes - und Landfrieden in Spanien, (Heidelberg, 1933), pp. 80-81, ne les a pas connus.

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Or cette pax et tregua de Roussillon etait un acte de politique bien delibere. Elle fut promulguee lors d'une troisieme visite (en moins de dix mois) du nouveau seigneur a Perpignan, a peu pres certainement en mai 11735, dans une assemblee conjointe de la cour du roi et des magnats du Roussillon. Elle represente un programme de securite publique qui etait traditionnel en Roussillon, programme que les prelats de la region avaient sans doute recommande a Alphonse des son arrivee a Perpignan au temps de la mort du comte Guinard II en juillet 1172. Pas moins de dix des quinze statuts (a savoir, les nos 1-4, 6-9, 11, 14) derivent de la tregua et pax de Toulouges (1062-1066) dont une copie (ou 1'original ?) se trouvait dans les archives des comtes de Roussillon au xne siecle6. Mais la reorganisation de ces articles en conjonction avec d'autres nouveaux en 1173 avait abouti a un texte sans precedent connu au xne siecle. L'article 10 (Vomeres) rappelle la charte Cunctis pateat, une paix pour la Cerdagne promulguee en 1118, mais la correspondance n'est que generate7. L'article 12 (Vias publicas) fait penser aux Usages de Barcelone; mais on n'y en trouve pas la source ni meme de vrai analogue, et Vias me semble plutot appartenir au meme courant de reglementation routiere dont provient une clause de la paix pour TAragon de Tan 1164 8. II est impossible de rapprocher la paix et treve de Perpignan de Fensemble des Usages, qui paraissent de plus en plus clairement avoir ete le travail d'un compilateur pendant le regne de Raimond Berenger IV (vers 1150)9. Done la decision en 1173 consistait a remettre en vigueur les statuts de Toulouges : c'est-a-dire, a retablir un ordre public dont le comte (-roi) et Feveque seraient les garants. Rien de moins surprenant, car si les comtes Gausfred III (1113-1164) et Guinard II (1164-1172) n'avaient pas cesse d'admettre la force theorique des vieux statuts, ils avaient, selon toute apparence, neglige de les confirmer, ou meme, plus 5 Voir Caruana, Itinerario, pp. 133-134, et 138. 6 Liber Feudorum Maior... (= LFM), ed. par Francisco Miquel Rosell, 2 vols., Barcelona, 1945-1947, II, n° 708; pour la date, voir Hartmut Hoffmann, Gottesfriede und Treuga Dei (Stuttgart, 1964), pp. 98-99. La copie du LFM porte, a la fin, un serment jure par le comte Gausfred III (1113-1164) a 1'eveque Pere I« d'Elne. 7 LFM, II, n° 691 (= 1'usage n° 172, Usatges de Barcelona, ed. par Ramon d'Abadal i Vinyals et Ferran Vails Taberner, Barcelona, 1913, pp. 91-93). 8 Coleccion de documentos ineditos del Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, ed. par Prospero de Bofarull y Mascaro, 41 vols., (Barcelone, 18471910), VIII, pp. 36-41 ; voir p. 37 : Similiter si aliqua persona... treguas meas et paces christianorum seu sarracenorum infregerit et caminos meos et stratas et ea que a me consilio nostre curie affidata fuerint depredaverit... 9 Ferran Soldevila, Historia de Catalunya, 2* ed., (Barcelona, 1963), pp. 107-108 note; communications inedites de Ramon d'Abadal, et surtout la these de Pierre Bonnassie, actuellement sous presse.

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grave, de les faire executer. Le testament de 1172 montre que Guinard avait ete lui-meme parmi les violateurs de la paix10. Son pere n'avait pu proteger le littoral des pirates vers 113511, et les chartes de la generation suivante parlent des guerres des barons du Roussillon - des Saint-Laurent et des vicomtes de Tatzo, par exemple - comme d'evenements frequents. Le desordre rural a persiste dans ce coin a la fois prospere et anarchique, et il est significatif que les seuls articles entierement neufs en 1173 aient etendu la protection du clerge et des eglises aux domaines des Templiers et des Hospitaliers et aux salvetats du diocese d'Elne 12. Des fideles de Guinard II qui ont jure fidelite au roi en juillet 1172, nous trouvons bon nombre comme signataires-jures des statuts de 117313. Dans ces circonstances, il me semble hors de tout doute raisonnable que les statuts de Perpignan ont precede ceux de Fontaldara. Pourquoi le roi et ses prelats auraient-ils impose une paix particuliere dans le Roussillon apres 1'institution d'une paix pour tous ces domaines, y compris le Roussillon ? C'est le changement de regime en Roussillon qui a fourni 1'occasion d'une telle ordonnance, dont le besoin etait manifeste, et qui en a produit le module. On s'explique que le texte de Fontaldara soit un peu plus developpe que celui de Perpignan, bien que les modifications soient legeres. Et les statuts pour le Roussillon presentent une anomalie qui peut nous aider a comprendre pourquoi on a voulu faire generaliser 1'ordonnance au dela du Roussillon sans delai. La paix institute a Perpignan s'appliquait dans les limites du comte de Roussillon, « et de plus » (uel alias) dans celles de tout 1'eveche d'Elne. Mais les deux districts ne coi'ncidaient pas parfaitement. Le dioc&se s'etendait en dehors du comte et notamment vers le Vallespir et le Conflent-Cerdagne14. Or, en 10621066, on avait indique tous ces pagi, car tandis que Tinitiative etait alors celle de 1'eveque d'Elne, les comtes de Besalu et de Cerdagne y assistaient comme pouvoirs interesses. Mais, au xne siecle, le comte de Barcelone a successivement remplace les comtes de Besalu et de Cerdagne, de sorte que 1'accession d'Alphonse Ier au comte de

LFM, II, n° 792. Henry, Histoire de Roussillon, I, pp. 67-68. N°s 5 et 15. Voir LFM, II, n°s 792, 793 ; voir texte au-dessous. Sur statuts, voir aussi Alart, Privileges, p. 53 note. 14 Jacques de Font-Reaulx, Structure du diocese d'Elne presentation d'une carte, dans Federation Historique du raneen et du Roussillon, XLII* Congres (Perpignan-1969) pp. 25-29 (je n'ai pas vu la carte).

10 11 12 13

les signataires des au moyen-dge avec Languedoc Mediter(Montpellier, 1970),

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Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neigh bours

Roussillon a effectivement consolide ses domaines dans les PyreneesOrientales. Done au moment du renouveau de la paix diocesaine d'Elne, le comte-roi se trouvait avoir besoin de la collaboration des autres eveques dans ses comtes limitrophes ; et nous pouvons imaginer sans difficulte que tant lui que les prelats, comprenant que les domaines royaux etaient devenus a peu pres de meme extension que la langue catalane, auraient decide d'imposer leur paix-et-treve regionale dans toute la terre princiere, « de Salses jusqu'a Tortosa et Lerida avec leurs frontieres 15. » A la collaboration d'un comte avec un eveque a succede celle du roi avec tous les eveques. Rendue superflue, semblet-il, par les statuts de Fontaldara, la paix de Perpignan est devenue la paix de la Catalogne a Finstant ou 1'agglomeration progressive des comtes de la Marche d'Espagne a paru suffisamment avance pour pouvoir se concevoir comme une principaute. Sous I'administration d'un prince vigoureux, les defauts d'une structure purement normative de la paix se revelent. Les statuts de Gerone (1188) seront plus explicites a propos des moyens et des sanctions : Teveque peut convoquer une armee diocesaine afin d'obtenir la soumission d'un condamne impenitent, et on en deduit qu'Alphonse a fait racheter la « paix des betes », exaction vraisemblablement excusee par les necessites de la paix, bien que fort impopulaire16. Mais c'est surtout 1'emergence du viguier (vicarius regis) comme gardien de la paix en 1188 qui nous frappe17. Recevoir les accusations et coordonner les proces avec 1'eveque : ces taches etaient pratiquement au-dela de la competence des bailes (baiuli), simples agents domaniaux, qui sont seuls nommes dans les statuts de 1173 ; nous savons d'ailleurs qu'Alphonse Ier comptait de plus en plus sur les viguiers pour restreindre les tendances violentes de sa noblesse. Passe 1173, les statuts vont refleter une administration active, souple et, sur tel ou tel point conteste - ils vont quitter le cadre de Toulouges 18. On peut done decrire les provisions de Perpignan de 1173 comme la premiere forme de la derniere adaptation de la tregua et pax primitive de la Catalogne. 15 Cortes de Cataluna, i: 1, 56. 16 Ibid., 66-67 (arts. 10, 18); T.N. Bisson, Sur les origines du monedatge: quelques textes inedits, ci-dessous, 92-3. 17 Cortes de Cataluna, 1: 1, pp. 64-67 (arts. 3, 4, 10, 12, 19). 18 Les statuts seront normalement pour toute la Catalogne. Mais sous le r£gne particulier de Nunyo Sanche en Roussillon, on trouve une fois encore une paix et treve epour le diocese d'Elne (2 octobre 1217), Luc d'Achery, Spicilegium..., 2 ed. par Etienne Baluze et Edmond Martene, 3 vols., (Paris, 1723), III, 587-588. Ce texte derive des statuts de Perpignan.

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Pour 1'edition, j'ai pu collationner la transcription d'Henry (a), prise sur un manuscrit perdu (C)19, avec une copie apparemment anterieure conservee aux Archives de la Couronne d'Aragon (B). Ni Tune ni 1'autre de ces versions n'est complete : celle de Barcelone est abregee au commencement et a la fin, celle d'Henry devient negligente vers la fin, ne donnant que les noms des barons roussillonnais qui ont sans doute fait leurs signes sur 1'original, et ont probablement jure aussi (la formule qui hoc iuro accompagne les noms dans les statuts de Fontaldara). On peut se demander si B n'est pas le travail d'un scribe de Barcelone, car non seulement il a omis les noms des signataires, mais encore la sedes de Barcelone aussi bien que celle d'Elne avaient Sainte Eulalie pour patronne; mais, sur cette derniere question, 1'etat abime du papier ne me permet pas une reponse definitive20. En depit de leurs defauts, les deux copies semblent passablement correctes. J'ai prefere 1'orthographie de J3, et, souvent, ses lectures. En cas de divergence entre B et a, j'ai consulte le texte imprime des statuts de Fontaldara pour les articles pareils.

TEXTE 1173. Perpignan Alphonse II, ayant delibere avec ses conseillers, d'autres magnats de sa cour et les barons du comte de Roussillon, ordonne des statuts de paix et de treve pour le Roussillon. A. Original perdu. B. Copie abregee, du dernier quart du xue siecle ou du commencement du xme, sur papier, 187x200 mm., Archivo de la Corona de Aragon (= ACA), Cancillerir pergaminos de Alfonso I, 148. C. Copie dans «un manuscrit du xnie siecle, provenant de Saint-Martin du Canigou, » selon D.MJ. Henry, Histoire du Roussillon..., 2 vols., (Paris, 1835), II, 509 note, aujourd'hui perdu. D. Copie du xixe siecle par Prospero de Bofarull, « Traslado de las escrituras... del Senor Dn. Alfonso I de Cataluna y II de Aragon...», ACA, d'apres B. a. Henry, Histoire du Roussillon, n, preuves, 508-513, d'apres C.

19 M. Francis Denel, Directeur des Services d'Archives des Pyrenees-Orient ales, a cherche ce manuscrit de ma part, mais sans succes. Qu'il veuille bien trouver ici 1'expression de mes sinceres remerciements. 20 Voir le texte a la note du paragraphe 14, ligne 5.

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Divinarum et humanarum rerum tuitio ad neminem magis quam ad principem pertinet, nihilque tarn proprium esse debet boni ac recti principis quam injurias propulsare, bella sedare, pacem stabilire et informare et informatam subditis conseruandam tradere, ut de eo non incongrue dici et praedicari possit quod a principe regum dictum est: « per me reges regnant et potentes scribunt justiciam * ». Eapropter nos lldefonsus, Dei gratia rex Aragonum, comes Barchinonae et Rossilionis et marchio Provinciae, publicae utilitati totius terrae nostrae consulere et prouidere satagens et intuit! divini numinis tarn ecclesias quam reiigiosas personas cum omnibus suis rebus nostrae protectionis praesidio uallare ac perpetuo munire cupiens, anno ab incarnatione Domini m°. c°. lxx°. iii0., habito apud Perpinianum super hoc tractatu et deliberacione cum uenerabilibus uiris Willelmo Terachonensi archiepiscopo apostoiice sedis legato2, et B. Barchinonensi episcopo3, et Guillelmo Jordan! Elnensi episcopo4, omnibus baronibus comitatus Rossilionis nee non et aliis quam pluribus magnatibus siue baronibus curie mee quibus unanimiter omnibus iustum et equum uisum est et comuni utilitati expedire ut in comitatu Rossilionensi quern per Dei gratiam adepti sumus uel alias in toto Elenensi episcopatu pax et tregua instituatur et nefanda raptorum et predonum audacia exterminetur, predictorum omnium assensu et uoluntate, omnibus tarn laicis quam clericis qui in praedicto episcopatu degere noscuntur treuam et pacem secundum formam infra positam et praescriptam tenenda[m] et conservanda[m] iniungo, meque ad obseruandam et in eos qui earn uiolauerint uindicandum alligo et astringo. [1.] Inprimis igitur cum predictorum episcoporum et aliorum baronum consilio ecclesias omnes et earum cimiteria quia special! hominum censura in bonis Dei intelliguntur sub perpetua pace et securitate constituo, ita quod nullus eas uel earum cimiteria uel sacraria in circuitu cuiuscumque ecclesie constitute inuadere aut infringere presumat nichilque inde abstrahere atemptet, feriendis huius statuti temeratoribus, pena sacrilegii eiusdem loci episcopo inferenda et satisfaccione dupli dampni quod fecerit ei qui passus est prestanda. [2.] Ecclesias quoque incastellatas sub eadem pacis et tregue deffensione constituo, ita tamen quod si raptores uel fures in ecclesiis predam uel alia maleficia agregauerint, querimonia ad episcopum et ad me siue baiuium meum deferatur et ex tune nostro iudicio uel quod commissum fuerit emendetur uel a pace predicta ecclesia sequestretur. [3.] Dominicaturas quoque canonicorum sub eadem pacis securitate constituo simiii pena eminente eis qui eas inuadere presumpserint.

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[4.] Set et clericos, monachos, uiduas et sanctimoniales eorumque res sub eadem pacis defensione nostra auctoritate constitutes nemo aprehendat et nichil eis iniurie inferat nisi in maleficiis inuenti fuerint. Si quis in aliquem istorum manus iniecerit uel aliquid abstulerit, ablatum in duplum restituat et de iniuria nichilominus iudicio episcopi satisfaciat et sacrilegii penam episcopo dependat. [5.] Emunitates quoque templi et hospitalis Iherosolimitani nee non et aliorum locorum uenerabilium cum omnibus rebus suis sub eadem pacis defensione et pene interminacione pariter cum clericis et ecclesiis constituo. [6.] Villanos et villanas et omnes res eorum tarn mobiles quam se mouentes, uidelicet boues, oues, asinos uel asinas, equos uel equas ceteraque animalia siue sint apta ad arandum siue non sub pacis et tregue securitate constituo, ut nullus eos capiat uel alias

1 2 3 4

Voir. Prov. vm. 15-16. Guillaume de Torroja, archeveque de Tarragone de 1172 a 1175. Bernard de Berga, eveque de Barcelone de 1172 a 1188. Guillaume Jourdain, eveque d'Elne apres 1164 a 1186.

Lin. 9 post m° inc. B \\ 13 quam om. a \\ 17-19 omnibus tarn... iniungo om. B || 18-19 conseruanda et tenenda a \\ 19 mihique et B \\ 22 quae a \\ 24 uel a || 29 congregauerint a \\ 30 deferant a \\ 32 securitate a: tregua B \\ 37 aliquod a \\ ablata a \\ 44 instituo a.

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in corpora proprio in rebus mobilibus uel immobilibus dampnum inferat nisi in maleficiis inuenti fuerint uel in cauaicadis cum dominis uel aliis ierint.

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[7.] Preterea sub eadem pene interminacione prohibeo ut ullus in predicto episcopatu predam facere presumat de equabus, mulis, mulabus, uaccis, bouis, asinis, asinabus, ouibus, arietibus, capris, porcis, siue eorum fetibus. [8.] Neque uillanorum mansiones aliquis diruat uei incendat uel aliis ignem ad incendum subponat.

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35

[9.] Terras in contencione positas nullus uillanus laboret postquam inde comonitus fuerit ab eo in quo iusticia placiti non remanserit. Si uero ter comonitus fuerit et postea laborauerit et propterea inde dampnum susceperit, non requiratur pro pace fracta, salua pace bestiarum in usum laboracionis deditarum et eorum qui eas gubernauerint cum omnibus que secum portauerint. Nolo enim quod propter rusticorum contumaciam aratoria animalia deprehendentur, inuadantur uel disperdantur. [10.] Vomeres et alia aratoria instrumenta sint in eadem pace, ut ille uel ilia qui cum supradictis animalibus arauerit uel eas gubernauerit uei ad eas confugerit cum omnibus que secum portauerit uel habuerit eadem pace muniatur. Et nullus homo ea animalia pro pliuio uel aliqua occasione capere uel rapere presumat. Si quis contra huiusmodi constitucionem comiserit damnum componat illi cui malum fecerit infra, xv. dies simplum, post xv. dies duplum, praestandis insuper. LX. solidis episcopo et michi ad quos querimonia fracte pacis et tregue dinoscitur pertinere. [11.] Si quis autem fideiussor extiterit, si fidem non portauerit de suo proprio, pignoretur, seruata pace bestiarum in usum laboracionis deditarum, nee pro pace fracta habeatur. Si uero infra primos xv. dies temerator constitute pacis et tregue simplum non emendauerit, postea ut dictum est dupplum prestet, ita quod medietatem istius duppli habeat querelator et alteram medietatem episcopus et ego, qui ad hanc iusticiam faciendam predicto episcopo adiutor extitero. Insuper si post taxatos xv. dies per me uel per episcopum uel per nuncium uel per nuncios nostros idem temerator commonitus dampnum non emendauerit, exinde ipse malefactor et complices sui coadiutores et consiliatores eius a predicta pace et tregua separati intelligantur, ita quod malum quod propter hoc illatum fuerit non requiratur pro pace et tregua fracta, seruata tamen pace animalium et instrumentorum aratoriorum. Sed si malefactor et adiutores eius iamdicto querelanti ullum malum fecerit, emendetur etiam pro pace fracta. [12.] Uias publicas siue caminos uel stratas in tali securitate et proteccione pono et constituo, ut nullus inde iter agentes inuadat uei in corpore siue in rebus suis aliquid molestie inferat, pena lese maiestatis imminente ei qui contra fecerit post satisfaccionem dupli de malefactis et iniuria dampnum passo prestitam. [13.] Idem autem omnibus contradico generaliter atque prohibeo quod animalia aratoria nulla racione nee etiam pro delicto domini depredari quis uel pignorare audeat.

5 Pia (Pyr.-Or., arr. Perpignan, c. Perpignan-ouest). 6 Llo (PyivOr., arr. Prades, c. Saillagouse). 7 Domanova (Pyr.-Or., arr. Prades, c. Vinca).

1 maleficio a \\ 2 aut aliis a \\ 4 bobus a \\ 6 aliquas a om. B \\ uel aliis, ad nocendum, ignem subponant a \\ 9 fuerit et om. a \\ 10 et om. B \\ 15 ut uel ilia B || 16 sub eadem pacis tregua B \\ 17 si quis alt. caput. inc. B \\ 18-20 malum fecerit... pacis et legi nequit B \\ 20 infracta a \\ tregue B : trevae a \\ 22 seruanda B \\ 26 si prae a \\ 32 etiam a: et B \\ 36 contra B : contra hoc a \\ 37 passi praestitam a passo prestitum B \\ 38 idem B : illud a \\ interdico a \\ 39 etiam B : et a || aliquis vel a.

186

5

10

15

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neigh hours

[14.] Preterea illud constituendum atque firmiter obseruandum censuimus sub eadem pace et tregua dies Dominicas esse festiuitates omnium apostolorum, aduentum Domini usque ad octabas Epiphanie quando festum sancti Hylarii celebratur et Quadragesimam usque ad octabas Pasche, diem quoque Ascensionis dominice nee non festum Rentecost[?es] cum octabis suis et .iii. festiuitates sancte Marie et festiuitatem sancti lohanis Baptiste et sancti Michaelis et Omnium Sanctorum et sancte Eulalie que est [15.] Saluitates quoque tocius episcopatus Elnensis tarn nouas quam antiquitus constitutes sub predicta pace et securitate ponimus et constituimus Ego lldefonsus, Dei gratia rex Aragonensis, comes Barchinonensis et marchio Prouincie, pro amore Dei et subditorum meorum utilitate, iuro per Deum et hec sacra sancta euangelia quod prescriptam treguam et pacem firmiter tenebo et obseruabo et teneri et obseruari ab omnibus meis uoio atque precipio. Quod si quis infregerit non habebit meum amorem sed sub aquindamento erit quousque supradicto modo restituat quod rapuerit vel infregerit. Ermengardus de Verneto. Berengarius de Orie. Berengarius de Caneto. Guillelmus de Apiano5. Raimundus de Tacidone. Raymundus Ermengaudi de Villarasa. Gausbertus de Castro novo. Guillelmus de Sancto Laurentio. Bernardus de Alione 6 . Guillelmus Bernardi de Paracols. Guillelmus de Sancta Columba. Bernardus Bertrandi de Domonova7. Raymundus de Castello-Rossilione.

1 constituendum est a || 3 quando... celebratur om. a \\ 4 festum om. a sanctum B \\ 4-5 Pentecoste a, dernier es lettres illisibles, B || 5 et sancte Eulalie suivi de 3 ou 4 mots, pour la plupart illisibles, (peut-etre caput sedis (? Barchinonensis), om. a \\ 10 sancta quatuor a \\ 14 infregerit omnia predicta B, qui se termine id.

9 RAMON DE CALDES (c. 1135-1199) DEAN OF BARCELONA AND KING'S MINISTER

The man who compiled the Liber feudorum maior in the last decade of the twelfth century is not unknown to history. His proud and graceful prologue dedicated to King Alphonse II (I in Catalonia) surely stamps him as a person of character and culture, and it is accompanied in the manuscript by a famous miniature showing him seated beside the king in the act of selecting the parchments that were to be transcribed in the cartulary. The production of the Liber feudorum was a lustrous event in the administrative history of the Crown of Aragon, an undertaking for which Ramon de Caldes, dean of the cathedral church of Barcelona, has always shared the credit with the king who commissioned it. * Nevertheless, surprisingly little else is generally known about him. Only the most elementary facts of his ecclesiastical career have been culled from the great cartulary of the see of Barcelona, or more exactly, from the summary analyses of its contents published in 1914—15. There it appears that Ramon de Caldes became associated with the cathedral community of Barcelona about 1155, was dean of the chapter from 1161 or 1162, and died in 1199 or soon thereafter. 2 He was thus contemporary with Alphonse I (reigned 1162—96); the work for which he is well known came late in their careers; so that it would seem worth asking what had happened in the years before the Liber feudorum was compiled to draw Ramon into the king's confidence. This question seems not to have been asked by historians, or at any rate, it has not been answered. Yet it proves to be the critical question for enlarging our comprehension of Ramon de Caldes, for it naturally draws our attention to the royal archives, where the key to his career—a rather considerable career in administrative history—is certainly to be found. 1. See Archive de la Corona de Aragon (hereafter AC A), Cancilleria, Registro 1; also Reg. 4; ed. Francisco Miquell Resell, Liber Feudorum Maior. Cartulario real que se conserva en el Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1945—47; hereafter LFM), I: vii—viii, 1-2, and plate 1; also Josep Gudiol i Cunhill, La Miniatura catalana (Barcelona, 1955), pp. 139-40, who refers to Eduardo Gonzalez Hurtebise, in Suplemento al Boletin de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos (1919), p. 474, which I have been unable to see. There are recent sketches of Ramon de Caldes's career in Diaionari biograftc. 4 vols. (Barcelona, 1966-70), I: 394; and (by A. M. Mundo) Gran Enciclopedia catalana, 8 vols. to date (Barcelona, 1970-75), IV: 137. 2. Arxiu Capitular de -Barcelona (hereafter ACB), Libri antiquitatum (hereafter LA), as registered by Joseph Mas, Notes historiques del Bisbat de Barcelona. 13 vols. (Barcelona, 1906— 21), xi (part of series entitled Rubrica dels Libri Antiquitatum de la Seu de Barcelona): nos. 1730, 1742, 1850; xn. nos. 2312 and following; cf. the sketches cited in n. 1.

188

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

Ramon's homeland was the Valles Oriental, a fertile rolling valley some twenty kilometers north of Barcelona. He must have been brought up at Caldes de Montbui, for his parents had their estates there, and his proper name was invariably Raimundus de Calidis. An ancient thermal station, Caldes had become a prosperous market town in the twelfth century. 3 It was also an important administrative center, for the count of Barcelona had some twenty-five manses there, together with important economic and judicial rights, when his domain was surveyed in 1151. A comital bat lie ("baiulus"), or bailiff, held a major share of these rights in fief, and his presence, in the name of Ramon Berenguer IV, the conqueror of Tortosa and Lleida, would have been an appreciable factor in the communal life of Caldes during Ramon's youth. 4 And it seems as certain as such things can be, in the absence of explicit testimony, that this experience made its mark on Ramon, for the bailiff of Caldes at that time was none other than his own father. Of this man, named Porcell—"Porcellus, baiulus comitis," as he was often recorded—we know two facts which help us to characterize the family's fortune. First, he (and his wife) purchased the honor, consisting of houses, lands and orchards adjoining the market of Caldes, which was subsequently to be his son Ramon's inheritance. 5 Besides his allods and feudal holdings Porcell evidently had liquid assets. Secondly, Porcell was an ambitious man. His encroachment on a neighbor's field, although he tried to justify it in the name of the count, was condemned by a panel of "good men" in 1149.6 It seems likely that Porcell's wealth was of recent acquisition, much of it perhaps derived from the proceeds of his office. Ramon's mother, named Maiencia, is more obscure. Hers may have been the religious influence, for it was she, not Porcell, who consented to the major benefaction of property at Caldes which attended Ramon's acceptance in the chapter of Barcelona in 1156.7 Ramon had at least two brothers: Porcell, sometimes called "Porcelletus," probably to avoid confusion with the father, and later to be 3. On Caldes (de Montbui; not to be confused with Caldes de Malavella, likewise an old thermal place and comital center), see Encyclopedia catalana. iv: 139—40; or Diccionari nomenclator de Pobles i Poblats de Catalunya. 2nd ed. (Barcelona, 1964), p. 75; and Enric MoreuRey, La Rodalia de Caldes Montbui. Repertori historic de Noms de Lloch i de Noms de Persona (Barcelona, 1962), esp. pp. 50-51; Moreu-Rey, Caldes de Montbui, Capital degana del Valles (Barcelona, 1964). The "mensura de Calidis" is mentioned, e.g., in ACA, Gran Priorato de Cataluha, l a , Arm. 1 (Barcelona), no. 167. 4. ACA, Cancilleria, pergaminos of Ramon Berenguer IV, 233 (no. l.B in a forthcoming edition cited below, note 34). 5. ACB, LA, in: fol. 75rv, no. 20'1 (Mas, XI no. 1742). The honor, which came to be called "de sancta Susanna," was considerably developed during Ramon's lifetime; it passed to his nephew Porcell de Caldes after the canon's death (ACB, perg. Diversorum B.280 [7. VI. 1202]). That Ramon's father was identical with Porcell the bailiff is proven by comparison of the property described in LA, ill: no. 201 with that described in text cited in next note. 6. ACA, perg. Ramon Berenguer IV, 218. 7. ACB, LA, in: fol. 75rv, no. 201 (Mas, xi: no. 1742). Porcell the elder was probably still living then (see below, note 21).

Ramon de Caldes (c. 1135-1199)

189

8

known as "Porcellus de Calidis"; and Bernat. Both men were to distinguish themselves, and Bernat pursued a career closely parallel to Ramon's. Of the known brothers, only Porcell remained independent of the church, so it may be that he was the eldest.9 The date of Ramon's birth can only be conjectured from the earliest records of his association with the canons of Santa Creu and Santa|Eulafia of Barcelona in 1155—56. He must at that time have been nearly twenty. He is first recorded on 22 May 1155, as signatory to a major charter of ecclesiastical endowment by the bishop of Barcelona, which was promulgated in the presence of the cardinal-legate Jacintus and the archbishop of Tarragona.10 He was not yet then a canon, his formal profession, accompanied by the donation already mentioned, coming only a year later.11 Even then he probably remained a layman. His unqualified subscription "Raimundus de Calidis" persists down to the summer of 1161, only a year before his first extant signature as "Raimundus levita atque decanus," the title he was to retain for the rest of his life. 12 Conceivably he assumed the clerical estate, if he ever did, only at the time of his promotion to the deanship.13 Certainly Ramon de Caldes never advanced beyond the minor orders. Since there is no evidence that he interested himself in pastoral affairs, it seems clear that his administrative talent together with his family's generosity and influence accounted for his early promotion. 14 The only thing certainly known about his activity as a young canon is that he learned the notary's art. Already in 1159 he wrote a very correct instrument defining a major privilege in Roussillon for Ramon Berenguer IV.15 Having probably received his first instruction from the clerks associated with his father's administrative work at Caldes, he gained valuable experience in the company of expert scribes in the chapter of Barcelona. But there was no lack of notaries in the episcopal and comital services, and Ramon seems never to have devoted himself routinely to writing charters.16 8. Both are mentioned as Ramon's brothers in LA, ill: no. 201, although the copyist evidently altered the order ofsigna to the lost original. 9. He presumably inherited the allodial land, but I have found no evidence on that. For the documentation, see n. 21. 10. ACB, i: fol. 122, no. 307 (Mas, xi: no. 1730); ed. Sebastian Puig y Puig, Episcopobgio de la Seek ban immense (Barcelona, 1929), Apendices, p. 422, no. 78. 11. ACB, LA, m: no. 201 (Mas, xi: no. 1742). 12. Documents registered by Mas, xi: nos. 1767, 1772, 1828, 1831, 1835, 1850; also nos. 1863, 1913, 1948, etc. 13. Dr. Eduard Junyent argues, on the basis of his thorough knowledge of the archives of Vich, that the designation "levita" invariably attached to lay administrators of clerical communities. 14. Caldes de Montbui was a parish of Barcelona, and there is other evidence, too, of episcopal interests there (e.g., ACB, perg. Diversorum B. 1 3726 [ 1 l.XI. 1149]). 15. LFM, ii: no. 804. 16. E.g., Ponpheta Dei."170 In July 1267 Alfonse directed his senechal for the Venaissin to prohibit the manufacture of "moneta Milliarrensis."171 Only the month before Alfonse had been informed that minters on the island of Oleron were striking "falsam monetam Sarracenorum," and had deputed his senechal of Saintonge to put an end to the activity.172 Meanwhile royal officials were busy watching for the millarets. In 1269 the senechal of Carcassonne confiscated "quamdam summam Milliarensium prohibitorum" from the lord of Mirepoix.173 In its larger context this whole episode is illustrative of a conflict between the traditionalist idealism of a saintly king and pope and the economic expediency of nascent commercial interests in southern France. In these various monetary policies Alfonse played a distinctive role, but one not always easy to interpret. As has been pointed out, Louis IX looked with disfavor on his brother's use of royal coin types, but this procedure was not intended by the count as an act of opposition. Its purpose was to advance his own prestige. This it had in common with his other policies, whose net effect appears to have been favorable to the crown. He adopted, and thus helped to extend, the royal tournois system in order to share some of the advantages which the king was deriving from it. Alfonse promoted the use of the king's money as well as his own. A close look at this phase of his monetary activity reveals no consistent policy however. In the administrative correspondence he is to be observed prescribing the payment of revenues and wages sometimes in toulousans,174 more frequently in money of Tours.175 Alfonse seems to have regarded his own money as tournois, at least in his earlier years as count of Toulouse, and it is likely that many sums expressed in shillings and pounds (money of account) of Tours were actually paid in pennies of Toulouse. On the other hand the extensive correspondence relating to the fouage of 1267 "por le secors de la Terre seinte" pictures Alfonse as more interested in receiving an intrinsically valuable currency than in promoting his own coinages; here the effect was very favorable to the king's money. It is clear that by this time the toulousans had declined in value relative to tournois.176 The royal money of Tours and Paris was invariably specified in the directions to the senechals because there was general confidence in its uniformity and value. When payments were not obtainable in the royal coinages, the collectors were to receive other currencies, or even plate metal, at the most favorable exchange possible.177 170

Quoted in Boutaric, Saint Louis et Alfonse, p. 217, n. 2. C.A., i, No. 556. 172 Ibid., No. 695. 173 Olim, I, 316-317. 174 C.A., n, Nos. 2106-08. 176 Ibid., Nos. 1518, 1572-73, 1584, 2065, 2093. 176 Money of Toulouse is generally prescribed only as an alternative currency in place of tournois; see, e.g., ibid., i, Nos. 243, 323. In the first of these Alfonse tells the senechal of Toulouse (May, 1267) that the fouage must be paid in tournois and exchange expenses must be borne by his subjects. A petition by the men of Montesquieu, dated 30 June 1267, requested "quod nos [Alfonse] ab ipsis pro dicto focagio monetam Tholosanam recipiamus, . . . (ibid., No. 280). See also H.L., vin, 1564-65. 171

Monetary Policy During Reign of Saint Louis

417

Royal coins were circulating almost everywhere in Languedoc by 1270. For large scale external and royal transactions the tournois system was in use even in Montpellier, Narbonne, and other relatively independent areas.178 In the senechaussee of Beaucaire the local coinages of Sommieres had been effectively driven from circulation. Documents of this region dating from the later years of the reign reveal that tournois were used in transactions of all kinds.179 Despite encroachments of royal officials on the seigneurial prerogatives of the defiant baronage farther to the north, however, there is no doubt that mendois and, particularly, pougeoises continued to circulate there in greater quantity than toumois™ But the influence of royal monetary policy is discernible even there, for the appearance of a beautiful gros penny at Le Puy followed closely Saint Louis' creation of the gros tournois in 1266.181 In the county of Melgueil, still independent of royal government, and in the regions about Montpellier, melgorians continued in common use.182 It is impossible now to estimate the effect of royal policies in eliminating this tenacious coinage from circulation in central and western Languedoc. The texts continue to refer to sums in melgorians (primarily rents and customary revenues) in Carcassonne, Beziers, Lagrasse, Narbonne, and Fontjoncouse, but tournois money was beginning to circulate there too.183 Pennies of Narbonne continued in use in the Narbonnais, where no very extensive royal authority was exercised until late in the century.184 In the Toulousan Comminges tournois came into use in external transactions and county finance from about mid-century, but, as in Toulouse and surrounding localities, did not completely replace tolzas and morlans in local exchange.186 In 177 C.A., i, No. 328; cf. Nos. 243, 421. Alfonse felt that it was not unreasonable to require payment in tournois in view of the number and proximity of the king's mints: "Et semble que vos devriez trover assez tornois, quar nostre sires li rois de France a fet forgier puis n anz en ca tornois a Borges, a Senz, a Tors, a Paris, a Seint Anthonnin et en la seneschauciee de Biauquaire . . . par quoi il est plus de tornois que il ne seut, et sont plus espanduz, et en doit Ten plus trover . . . " (No. 823). 178 The inhabitants of Montpellier promised James of Aragon 60,000 s. tournois, in support of his trip to the Holy Land, in 1269 (H.L., vi, 915); similarly, in April 1270, Louis IX acknowledged a gratuitous gift of 1000 1. tournois made by the inhabitants of Narbonne "pro subsidio . . . passagii transmarini." (ibid., vm, 1671, iv). See also Cartulaire . . . de Bonneval, pp. 180, 195. 179 I.S.A.D., Gard, Serie E, E. 320, p. 243; E. 131, p. 118; E. 292, p. 223; Series G-H, H. 888, p. 218; Serie H (Mende, 1877), H. 63, p. 19; H.L., vi, 868, 837. Many other instances could be cited. 180 I.S.A.D., Lozere, Serie G, n (Mende, 1890), G. 1899, p. 96; G. 1984, p. 115; G. 2030, p. 124; G. 2852, p. 292; Serie H (Mende, 1904), H. 462, p. 186. isi Olivier, "Monnaies . . . du Puy," Rev. Num., xxx, 180. 182 See, in general, Cartulaire de Maguelone, n, in, for this period. 183 H.L., v, 1462-74, 1487-92, 1423-41; "Documents relatifs a la seigneurie de Boussagues (Herault) de la fin du Xlle au milieu du XlVe siecle," ed. F. Pasquier, Bulletin de la SoriMt Archeologique, Scientifique, et Litteraire de Beziers, 3d ser., in (1899), 259; H.L., v, 1670, 1673-74; vra, 252-254; I.A.C., Narbonne, Serie AA, AA. 103, p. 58; AA. 104, p. 90; AA. 2, p. 2; AA. 99, pp. 22, 32; AA. 104, p. 91. 184 Ibid., AA. 99, p. 32; AA. 103, pp. 56-57; H.L., v, 42, 44; vm, 218-219; see Richard W. Emery, Heresy and the Inquisition in Narbonne (New York, 1941), p. 108. 188 Higounet, Comminges, n, 490-491; I.S.A.D., Aude, Series G-H, H. 322, p. 297.

418

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

the Albigeois and Agenais toumais took its place as a standard medium of exchange alongside the seigneurial raymondins and arnaldins.186 At the close of the reign, however, tournois were still running a poor third in the Rouergue, behind the pennies of Rodez and Le Puy.187 The positive accomplishment of Louis IX was to introduce money of Tours into Languedoc and to lay a firm foundation for the supremacy of royal currencies there. After his death the course of monetary politics changed in one important respect, however, for King Philip III succeeded to the county of Toulouse. Thus the seigneurial coinage of Toulouse became a royal money, a fact which undoubte^lly has much to do with the continued use of tolzas in the fourteenth century.188 Under Louis IX the greatest progress occurred in the central parts of the senechaussees of Carcassonne and Beaucaire. There four royal mints were established and the baronial coinages of Sommieres, Beziers, and Carcassonne were terminated. Every sector of Languedoc, however, had in some degree felt the effect of royal monetary policy by the year 1270. In extending the currency of royal money while restricting that of seigneurial, and by demonstrating explicitly that he was no mere "successor" in principalities annexed by the crown, the king's administrators did much to further the process of centralization and the influence of regal authority. There can be no doubt that they recognized the value of a uniform royal coinage for impressing upon its users their common nationality. It is particularly in this respect that royal monetary policy differed from that of the seigneurs, who were motivated primarily by local commercial needs and personal profits to strike and promote their coins. But we find something of his proverbial morality and a logical, traditionalist attitude toward the barony and regalian privileges in Saint Louis' administration of the coinages. This point will need little elaboration after what has been said above. The important ordinance of 1263 abolished no rights, being intended only to secure the general use of royal money, while restricting reasonably the circulation of entitled seigneurial coinages. Thus the bishop of Mende regained his confiscated coinage by decision of parlement in 1266. The prohibition of foreign coins followed rather from motives of piety and traditionalism than from the economic considerations which later induced Philip the Fair to take similar steps.1*9 Even in this sphere baronial rights were respected. The Candlemas parlement of 1270 adjudged that the millarets seized by royal officials should be restored to the lord of Mirepoix, an inquest having determined that the prise occurred within his lands.190 Had occasion arisen, we may be sure that Louis would have acted in Languedoc, as 186

See Compayre, Albigeois, pp. 379-382; £. Rossignol, Etude sur Vhistoire des institutions seigneuriales et communales de Varrondissement de Gafllac (Tarn) (Toulouse, 1866), p. 52; Archives Municipales d'Agen, Charles, No. xlviii; C.A., I, Nos. 440, 446, 499; n, Nos. 1430, 1611. 187 Cartulaire . . . de Bonneval, pp. 180, 195, 203; 208-210; 179, 198, 213; I.S.A.D., Aveyron, Serie G (Rodez, 1934), G. 10, p. 3; G. 501, pp. 208-209; G. 518, p. 218. 188 See Philippe Wolff, Commerces et Marchands de Toulouse (vers 1350-vers 1450) (Paris, 1954), p. 324. 189 A. Vuitry, Les Monnaies sous Philippe le Eel et ses troisfls, 1285-1328 (Paris, 1879), pp. 10, 28. 190 Olim, i, 316-317.

Monetary Policy During Reign of Saint Louis

419

he did elsewhere, to prevent abuses of the seigneurial right to alter the coinage.191 In general it may be concluded that Saint Louis' monetary policies in Languedoc were timely and realistic. In this task as in others his was a clear step forward for the monarchy.

191

The bishop of Clermont, having debased his money and excommunicated those who refused to accept it, was in January 1270 rebuked by the king, who ordered the practice to cease, under threat of confiscation of the temporalities (Boutaric, Saint Louis et Alfonse, p. 428; see also p. 216, and n. 3). Louis VIII had established an important precedent for the crown against malpractices of this nature when, in 1225, he secured a guarantee from the bishop of Meaux that four months' notice should be given prior to any mutation of the coinage; see Charles Petit-Dutaillis, Etude sur la vie et le regne de Louis VIII (1187-1226) (Paris, 1894), p. 380.

CORRIGENDUM In Chapter 20, read Guilhiermoz (for Guilhermoz) and Nunes (for Nimes) throughout.

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21 CONFIRM A TIO MONETE A NARBONNE AU XIIP SIECLE

Le 22 novembre 1265, le vicomte Amauri I, agissant en reponse aux prieres des consuls de la Cite et du Bourg de Narbonne exprimees en « parlement general convoque dans sa cour », a jure de « maintenir et conserver pendant toute sa vie » sa nouvelle monnaie ; de plus, il a confirme la monnaie narbonnaise recemment faite par son pere 1 . II n'est pas de mon propos de tenter ici une explication complete de ce texte curieux, encore peu connu. Du cote numismatique, on peut remarquer qu'il distingue deux emissions monetaires dont la deuxieme, du moins, etait le travail du vicomte seul sans egard aux droits de 1'archeveque. Cette nouvelle monnaie (monetam narbonesam quam de novo faciebat) s'identifie, sans aucun doute, avec celle de 3 d. et maille d'argent fin dont la publication, par le viguier du vicomte et en presence des memes consuls, est signalee sous la date de 13 decembre 1265 (soit trois semaines apres la confirmation). 2 Pourquoi ne pas rapprocher cette monnaie si bien decrite des pieces connues au nom d'Amauri seul ? 3 D'autre part, et plus difficilement, il faut preciser le rapport entre ce monnayage de la fin de 1265 et 1'ordonnance par laquelle le senechal, 1'annee auparavant, avait proscrit I'emploi des monnaies dans la senechaussee de Carcassonne sauf la tournoise ou par(lisiensis} moneta 4. Pourquoi cette ordon1. Anno... [10 des calendes de decembre 1265] dominus Amalricus, Dei gratia vicecomes et dominus Narbone, vocato portamento generali in curia sua, et ibi, ad preces et instanciam Guillelmi Ramundi de Montepessullano, Poncii Alarosii, Bertrandi Stephani et Ramundi Lumbardi, consulum civitatis Narbone, Petri Arnaldi de Naissa, Boned Contastini, Guillelmi Arnaldi de Trularibus, Bernardi Faidia, Bernardi Revelli et Ramundi Andorra, consulum burgi Narbone, et tocius populi Narbone tarn civitatis quam burgi, juravit monetam narbonesam quam de novo faciebat in manu dicti Poncii Alarosii et earn manutenere et conservare in omni vita sua, et eciam confirmavit monetam narbonesam per dominum Aimericum, patrem suum condam, nuper factam, Arch. mun. Narbonne, AA. 109, fol. 34; ed. par T.N. BISSON, Assemblies and Representation in Languedoc inthefiThirteenth^Century (Princeton, 1964), p. 313. 2. Ville de Narbonne. Inventaire des archives oommunales anterieures a 1790. Annexes de la Serie AA, ed. par Germain MOUYNES (Narbonne, 1871), n° 53 (p. 92). 3. Voir Faustin POEY D'AVANT, Monnaies jeodales de France, 3 vol. (Paris, 1856-1862), ii. 266; ou Claude DEVIC et J.-J. VAISSETE, Histoire generale de Languedoc..., ed. Privat, 16 vol. (Toulouse, 1872-1904; a citer ci -apres comme H.L.\ vfz, Notes, 401, n" 23; et, en general, les articles de Gabriel AMARDEL dans Bulletin de la commission archeologique de Narbonne, annees 1906-1907, 1916-1918. 4. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 52 (p. 91-92); cf. aussi T.N. BISSON, «Coinages and Royal Monetary Policy in Languedoc during the Reign of Saint Louis », dans Speculum, XXXII (1957), 447-448, 462-465; et « A propos d'un registre municipal de Narbonne. Notes sur la chronologic des ordonnances monetaires de Louis IX (1263-1265) », dans Annales du Midi, LXXII (1960), 83-88.

422

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

nance n'a-t-elle pas fait mention de la monnaie narbonnaise ? Pouvons-nous conclure que le senechal etait content de la voir circuler en dehors de la vicomte de Narbonne et dans toute la senechaussee ? Plus vraisemblablement il lui a semble impossible de preciser les valeurs de change d'une monnaie peu connue en dehors du Narbonnais et dont plusieurs emissions etaient alors courantes. Une frappe bien annoncee a 3-1/2 d. et 25-3/4 s. au marc allie n'aurait-elle pu avoir le but de concurrencer les deniers de Tours ou de Melgueil, monnaies legerement superieures en titre, dans le Midi royal ? 5 Questions a poser aux numismates. Mais questions egalement politiques. Car tandis que la propagation de la monnaie royale menace les seigneuries du vicomte et de 1'archeveque de Narbonne, les evenements de novembre et decembre 1265 semblent nous reveler une collusion du vicomte et des consuls aux depens des droits monetaires de 1'archeveque. Or on sait, par des documents cites par Dom Vaissete, que 1'archeveque Maurin (1262-1272) et Amauri tombaient en disaccord au sujet d'un nouveau monnayage prevu en juillet 1265 6. Et le role des consuls etait alors en question. Car il parait que dans une premiere convention entre 1'archeveque et le vicomte, on a neglige de demander le conseil des consuls ; sur le refus des derniers de recevoir cette monnaie, I'official de 1'archeveque les a excommunies7. On pourrait supposer que les deux seigneurs ont resolu leurs querelles sauf sur la question de la participation des consuls, et qu'enfin le vicomte a decide d'agir lui-meme de concert avec les consuls. Mais, des le printemps de 1270, la situation change : c'est maintenant 1'archeveque qui frappe sans observer, selon le fils du vicomte, les conditions par lesquelles Amauri I a pretendu reserver son droit preeminent sur le monnayage local 8. A la mort d'Amauri vers la fin de 1270, 1'archeveque Maurin (ou, en son absence en croisade, ses agents) se trouvaient libres de negocier exclusivement avec les consuls de la Cite et du Bourg sur le renouvellement de la monnaie a 3 d. et maille et 25 s. 8 d. au marc (c'est-a-dire, de celle qui avait ete promulguee par le vicomte et les consuls en decembre 1265) 9. Vraisemblablement, Maurin n'en a change alors que le type, acte simplement politique 10. Voila les circonstances. Revenons maintenant a 1'acte de confirmation de novembre 1265. Pourquoi le vicomte Amauri s'est-il soumis a un tel serment ? Qu'a-t-il promis, precisement ? Et quelle etait la nature de Pinteret dans la monnaie demontre par les consuls et le peuple de Narbonne ? Ce que le vicomte a promis, pour commencer avec la moins difficile de ces questions, c'est de ne changer, sa vie durant, sa nouvelle monnaie, ni de revoquer celle de son pere, toujours courante. Bien que le texte ne le dise pas expressement, cela signifie que la monnaie ne serait pas mutee en aloi, poids ou type n. Autrement dit, aucune nouvelle monnaie ne serait mise en circulation par la voie d'echange obligatoire. Or, si en 1265 les deniers d'Aimeri III (1194-1238) etaient encore courants 12 , il semblerait qu'une entente analogue de celle de 5. Voir J.-Adrien BLANCHE! et Adolphe DIEUDONNE, Manuel de numismatique jrangaise, 4 vol. (Paris, 1912-1936), II, 223-224. L'ordonnance de Philippe III de decembre 1275, expediee au senechal de Carcassonne (G. MOUYNES,% Ville de Narbonne. Inventaire... Serie A A [Narbonne, 1877], p. 61) semble repondre a de tels problemes (inter alia). 6. H.L., VI, 897; voir aussi VII, Notes, 401, note 1. 7. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 55 (p. 92-93). 8. Bibl. nat., Fonds Doat, t. 50, fol. 261-262V; voir aussi la note lucide de Germain MOUYNES, Narbonne. Inventaire... Serie AA, p. 43, qui lit 1'histoire de ces evenements un peu differemment. 9. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 65 (autre version : Arch, nat., J. 308, n° 79), 66-68 (pp. 100-103). 10. Cf. H.L., VII, Notes, 401-402, n os 24, 25, 27, 28. 11. Par analogic d'autres chartes de confirmation monetaire, signalees dessous. 12. Sur ce monnayage, voir Gabriel AMARDEL, « Un denier inedit d'Aimeri III, vicomte de Narbonne », dans Revue numismatique, 4e serie, XXI (1917), 45-52

Confirmatio Monetae

423

1265 fut coutumiere a Narbonne. En fait, nous n'entendons pas dire de 1'exploitation de la monnaie narbonnaise qu'elle fut abusive pendant les deux ou trois premieres generations du xme siecle. Nous savons, d'autre part, que les consuls, qui ont sollicite la confirmation de novembre 1265, avaient egalement demande du vicomte un nouveau monnayage quelques mois auparavant, en disant que c'etait la pratique de ses predecesseurs de frapper monnaie en presence d'un besoin evident 13 . Dans ces circonstances on ne peut que croire a 1'assertion des consuls en 1271 selon laquelle non seulement Amauri I mais d'autres vicomtes avant lui avaient jure le serment monetaire devant les consuls 14. C'est done une politique traditionnelle et conservatrice qui a ete reprise dans la charte de novembre 1265. L'interet des consuls etait, en cette matiere, parfaitement representatif du sentiment general a Narbonne. Car les consuls qui y sont nommes comme petitionnaires — tel le venerable Pons Alaros, qui a re?u le serment — n'etaient pas visiblement hommes de faction ou de 1'interet economique associe ou specialise 15. Et 1'acte a eu lieu « en parlement general », devant la masse des hommes de la Cite et du Bourg. Sans doute le vicomte a insiste pour en faire la semonce, ayant convoque 1'assemblee in curia sua, mais peut-on imaginer, d'autre part, que cette semonce ait deplu aux consuls ? Au contraire, cette matiere monetaire etait par excellence chose publique, comme cet etablissement d'environ 1230 ratifie en parlement non propter conjurationem vel pro confratria mais pro comunitate ville et consulatu 16 ; ou comme 1'interpretation de la coutume Si aliquis decesserit ab intestato discutee et approbee en 1259 en parlamentum generale tocius ville en presence d'au moins deux des notables qui vont assister a la confirmation de 1265 17. Eire arrive a distinguer 1'utilite du parti de celle du public (ce qu'ils ont fait, remarquons-le, en langage ordinaire, sans echo du droit romain) etait parmi les accomplissements les plus frappants du gouvernement consulaire a Narbonne au xiif siecle. C'est pourquoi le droit des consuls (de la Cite) de convoquer eux-memes le peuple a ete etabli en consequence d'une enquete rigoureuse en 1254 18 ; et pourquoi les consuls, conseils et peuple assemble ont forge, au cours des annees suivantes, des spheres de droits en autorite administrative assez exceptionnelles pour leur temps 19. Notre interpretation de 1'influence consulaire — generale, traditionnelle — en cette matiere monetaire semble confirmee d'une autre maniere. Comme formalite sacramentelle sinon egalement comme charte ecrite, la confirmatio monetg n'etait pas nouvelle en 1265. Rien de semblable, il est vrai, ne se trouve dans les archives anterieures de Narbonne : mais non seulement il s'agit d'une ceremonie non necessairement decrite, mais encore ces archives sont pauvres en documents monetaires de toutes sortes avant les annees soixante. Et des confirmations tres analogues a celle de Narbonne en 1265 avaient eu lieu dans d'autres villes de Languedoc, notamment a Toulouse en 1205 et de nouveau en 13. H.L., VI, 897.

14. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 66 (p. 101). 15. Guiilelmus Ramundi de Montepessulano etait deja consul de la Cite en 1242, et encore en 1253 (Richard W. EMERY, Heresy and Inquisition-in Narbonne [New York, 1941], p. 28; H.L., VIII, c. 1094); Poncius Alarosii, consul de la Cite en 1243, et souvent ensuite (R.W. EMERY, Heresy, p. 28); Petrus Arnaldi de Naissa, mentionne en 1236 et 1243, baile de 1'archeveque en 1252-1257, etait consul du Bourg en 1261 et souvent ensuite jusqu'en 1279 (Emery, Heresy, p. 48 note 110, pp. 160-161, n° 65; H.L., VIII, c. 1108; Arch. mun. Narbonne, AA. 101, fol. llvff.). 16. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 42 (p. 66); voir le texte entier de cette enquete remarquable, a laquelle Guillem Raimon de Montpellier, consul de la Cite, etait partie, pp. 65-72. 17. Ibid., n° 50 (pp. 89-91). 18. Ibid., n° 42 (pp. 65-72); voir aussi 1'ordonnance arbitrale du 12 novembre 1270, Ville de Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie BB, ed. par Germain MOUYNES, 2 vol. (Narbonne, 1879), II, n° 1 (pp. 1-6), n° 4 (pp. 7-9). 19. Voir (provisoirement) mon Assemblies in Languedoc, pp. 232, 305-309.

424

Medieval f ranee and her Pyrenean Neighbours

1222; et a Cahors, d'abord en 1211 ou 1212, mais aussi plus recemment, en 1251 et meme encore a peu pres simultanement avec 1'acte narbonnais de novembre 126520. Dans tous ces cas 11 s'agissaii d'une confirmation de la monnaie locale, sur 1'instance des consuls et citoyens (et quelquefois d'autres, aussi), viagere et juree, par le seigneur ayant droit ; dans tous ces cas, 1'influense ecclesiastique liee a la solennite sacramentelle se montrait forte. D'autres elements peuvent y figurer, bien sur : en Quercy, la promesse par 1'eveque Guillem IV en 1212 a coute aux bourgeois 10000 sous et le texte renferme des prescriptions relatives au cours legal des monnaies ; a Toulouse comme en Quercy, les chartes sont plus explicites que celle de Narbonne en leurs mentions du poids et de 1'aloi des monnaies jurees. Mais pour 1'essentiel, c'est evidemment une famille caracteristique a laquelle appartient la confirmation monetaire de Narbonne de 1265. Famille indigene au Languedoc ? Probablement pas ; ou, du moins, pas languedocienne seule. Car les premieres confirmationes monetg et les plus nombreuses, dans lesquelles se trouvent les elements remarques dans tous les textes etudies sont de Catalogne. Et la pratique de la confirmation juree pour la duree d'une vie y etait vieille d'au moins deux generations meme en 1174, quand 1'eveque de Vich s'engageait a ces memes conditions devant une assemblee generale qui en sa composition et son caractere anticipe sur celles de Toulouse ou de Cahors ou de Narbonne 21 . De plus, comme je tente de le montrer ailleurs, 1'influence morale de 1'eglise reformee se revele forte dans tout ce developpement ; on pense a la monnaie comme matiere sujette a la fraude. Bien sur, je ne peux insister sur une filiation precise entre ces chartes monetaires. L'influence catalane sur une ceremonie aussi tardive que la premiere connue a Narbonne n'aurait pu etre qu'indirecte ; des chartes narbonnaises anterieures auraient pu etre elles-memes inspirees par les evenements de Toulouse, bien que, d'autre part, les liens entre la Catalogne et Narbonne soient restes etroits jusqu'en plein xme siecle. II suffit, pour 1'instant, d'avoir etabli un cadre historique et regional pour la confirmation juree de la monnaie a Narbonne. La tradition y persiste apres 1265. En 1305 aussi bien qu'en 1271 on parle du serment monetaire des seigneurs de Narbonne comme coutumiere 22 . Mais que le contenu du serment soit reste intact, rien de plus douteux. En effet, 1'engagement jure par les procureurs de 1'archeveque le 17 fevrier 1271, toujours sur 1'instance des consuls, etait assez different : beaucoup plus detaille, il ne faisait pas de reservation viagere (ou, du moins, pas explicitement), mais surtout il envisageait la possibilite de mutations futures 28. La nouvelle matiere du serment ne prouve nullement que 1'ancienne etait alors oubliee. Mais le changement n'etait certainement pas fortuit ou inaper^u par les consuls. Au contraire, ces derniers ont decide, de concert avec les gens de 1'archeveque, d'avoir egard au besoin eventuel des nouveaux deniers (sans revoquer les anciens) ou de renouvellement monetaire. En face des nouvelles exigences economiques, le vieux serment a paru insufTisant, archai'que. On ne craignait plus des manipulations arbitraires d'une monnaie longtemps assez ferme ; les consuls, ayant obtenu 20. Arch. mun. Toulouse, AA, 1, n° 72, ed. par Roger LIMOUZIN-LAMOTHE, La commune de Toulouse et les sources de son histoire (1120-1249)... (Toulouse-Paris, 1932), pp. 403-404, 421-422; Bibl. nat., Fonds Doat, t. 118, fols. 7-8v, 124-125v, et Guillaume de LACROIX, Series & acta episcoporum cadurcensium... (Cahors, 1617), p. 87; Arch. mun. Cahors, DD. 1 et DD 5 (cf. Arch. mun. Montauban, AA. 2, fols. 45v-46). Je prepare une etude generale sur ces documents et d'autres pareils en France et Espagne. 21. Liber Feudorum Maior, ed. par Francisco MIQUEL ROSELL, 2 vol. (Barcelona, 19451947), II, n° 691; Arxiu de la Corona d'Arago, Cane., pergamins d'Alfons I, 160, ed. par Jaquim BOTET y Siso, Les monedes catalanes, 1, 211-212. 22. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n° 66 (p. 101); Bibl. nat., Fonds Doat, t. 51, fol. 247v-248; Jean REGNE, Amauri II, vicomte de Narbonne (1260 ?-1328)... (Narbonne, 1910), p. 177. 23. G. MOUYNES, Narbonne... Annexes de la Serie AA, n" 65 (pp. 100-101); cf., pour 1305-1306, n° 135 (p. 215) et Bibl. nat., Fonds Doat, t. 51, fol. 247-249, 251v-261v.

Confirmatio Monetae 1'influence preponderate, pouvaient se comporter plus flexiblement dans leur politique monetaire, pouvaient mieux representer les interets d'une ville tres commer?ante dont les gens commencent a mieux comprendre la nature economique de la monnaie. Done le principe de confirmatio monetg — profondement populaire, voire moral — nous est revele a Narbonne en 1265 a Taube de sa transformation. Mais il y persiste jusqu'a la disparition de la monnaie narbonnaise au xive siecle.

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INDEX Entries for certain proper names that occur in variant forms are grouped; for example, ARNALDUS-ARNALLUS-ARNAU, BERENGARIUS-BERENGUER. The abbreviations are: abt. = abbot; abp. = archbishop; ar. = arrondissement, b.= bailiffs); Ben. = Benedictine; bp. = bishop(s); bwk. = bailiwick; c. = canton or coinage; ch.-l. = chef-lieu\ Cist. = Cistercian; com. = comarca\ ct. = count(s); ctess. = countess; cty. = county; dep. = departement', k. = king(s); p.j. = partit (or partido) judicial; pr. = provincial Pyr.-Or. = Pyrenees-Orientales; q. = queen; v. = vicar; vet. = viscount; vcty. = viscounty.

A.deG. A, 44 abacus, 28In Abadal (i de Vinyals), Ramon d', 128, 137, 216n, 244n accounts, (accounting, accountability), 63, 67, 78, 79n, 80, 82, 84, 85, 86, 87, 90, 368; compoti, 63n, 65n, 67n, 82, 194, 282, in: Aragon, 366-7, Catalonia, 145, 193-5, 27880, 287-302, 330, 335-6, 352, 360, 365, 366, 370, 373, Flanders, 265, 272, 277, 278, France, 265-8, 270, 276-8, 281, 282, 414; of coinage, 340, 345, 346, 347, 368-9; terms of, 267 Adam, k's clerk, 267, 274, 275 Adam (apatero, 35n, 45 adelantados, 33, 34 Ademarus, 175 administration, 86-87, 95, 144, 168, 174, 202, 253-4, 352; concept of, in South, 259, 261, 263, 370; by credit, 262; of towns, 82 Adrian IV (pope, 1154-9), 221, 306 Agde (dep. Herault, ar. Beziers, ch.-l.c.), peace-tax in, 227n Agen (dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ch.-l.), 3, 5, 6—7, 12, 13, 16, 18n, 19, 20-3, 25n, 26, 27, 54n, 116; bp., diocese of, 3, 12, 22, 25, 56n, 57, 397; c. of ('arnaldins'), 24-5, 397, 402, 418; consuls of, 14n, 24, 27, 29n; customs of, 7, 10, 11, 12, 23; taxation of, 58 Agenais, 3-30, 393, 397, 402, 418; communitas of, 28n; custom of, 4, 8, 10, 16n, 20, 53; general: army of, 4, 11, 17, court of, 3-30, 56; peace of, 11, 231; taxation in, 52, 55, 56, 58,59 Agramunt (pr. Lleida, com. Urgell, p.j. Balaguer), charter of (1210), 209n Agudes (Maresme), castle of, 361 aids, 54, 57, 249, 252; and incidents, 244, 263; customary or feudal, 12n, 50, 51, 53, 61, 72, 90-1, 92, 101; for crusade, 51-5, 60, 61, 65, 66, 67, 72, 90, 91, 47\n;profilia maritanda, 93, 106,115 Aigues-Mortes (dep. Gard, ar. Nimes, ch.-l.c.), 90

Aimery III, vet. ofNarbonne (1194-1238), 397 422 Alais, see Ales Alaman de Fuentes, 44 Alarcos, battle of (1195), 228, 308 Alart, Bernard, 179 albaranum (-a), 345, 368, 385 Albarracin (pr. Teruel), siege of (1220), 357 Albedon (near Barcelona), 197n alberga(e), 168, 200, 211, 259 Albi (dep. Tarn, ch.-l.), 92, 231n, 401; bp. of, 226n, 231n, 396, 401, 404, 409n; c. of, 226n, 396-7, 401, 403, 414n, 418; vet. of, 396 Albigensian crusades, 14n, 215, 216, 217, 233, 236, 259, 393, 397 Albigeois, 393, 401, 403, 418; Jews of, 68, peace of (1191), 222, 226-7; taxation in, 52, 58, 227 Albret, lords of, 8. See also Amanieu Ales (dep. Card, ch.-l. ar.), 400, 401 Alexander HI, pope (1159-81), 221, 234 alfaches, 33 Alfajarin (pr. and p.j. Zaragoza), 40, 45 Alfons I (Alfonso II, k. of Agaron, ct. of Barcelona, 1162-96), 131, 139, 162, 163, 166, 168, 169, 179-82, 184, 187, 191, 203, 209, 224, 229, 243n, 246, 262, 333, 372, 402; administrative reforms of, 279, 281, 290, 358, 373, 374; knighting, marriage of, 307; monetary policy of, 307, 308, 326, 340; peace-statutes of, 222, 223; reign of, 14152, 216 Alfonse of Poitiers (1220-71), ct. of Toulouse (etc.), 4, 6, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 25, 86, 87, 89, 393, 394, 396, 404, 405n, 407; monetary policy of, 397, 399, 408-10, 415, 416; taxation of, 49-73 Alphonse-Jourdain, ct. of Toulouse (1112-47), 224, 225n 'alfonsins', 402 Alfonso I, 'the Battler', k. of Aragon (110434), 130, 131, 146, 241; pseudo-Alfonso, 146-7

428

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

Alfonso VII, k. of Castile (1126-57), 131, 140, 306 Alfonso VIII, k. of Castile and Leon (11581214), 308n, 314, 328, 333 Alfonso (of Castile), Infante (d. 1260), 31, 38, 41, 241 allod(s), 156, 158-9, 160, 166, 169, 188, 246; alodium de Caseles, in alodiofevi, 159n alloy (of coins), 394, 396, 397, 398, 399, 403, 404, 405, 422, 424 Almacelles (pr. and pj. Lleida, com. Segria), 190; bwk. of, 371 Almeria (pr.), expeditions against (1147), 131, 132. Almodis, ctess, of Barcelona (d. 1071), 140 Almudebar (pr. and p.j.), 40, 45 alodium, see allod(s) alongamentum, 386 Alphonse, see Alfonse Alquezar (pr. Huesca, p.j. Barbastro), 40, 45 Amanieu d'Albret, 8n, 9, 15, 16 Amatus de Grua, 389 Amaury de Montfort, 393, 3% Amicia, 355n Amiens (dep. Somme, ch.-l.), 272, 273n; bp. of, 79n Andorra, 224n, 263 Andreas de Mar in, 45 Andreas de Moriello, 45 Anduze-Sauve (Anduze: dep. Card, ar. Ales, ch.-l.c.), c. ('bernardins') of, 399, 400, 403, 406, 410, 412; lords of, 399, 407n, 417 Anet (dep. Eure-et-Loir, ar. Dreux, ch.-l.c.), 272, 273n, 275 'angevins', 412 Angouleme (dep. Charente, ch.-l.), clergy of diocese of, 83, 87, 93; c. of, 87; ct. of, 83, 87 Anguera (pr. Tarragona, com. Conca de Barbera, p.j. Montblanc), 389 Anjou, 138, 282; c. of, 412; ct. of, 247; magnates of, 115, 116 annals, 131-34, 146, 340 Anselm, Master, 77n apanage lands, 50, 51 Apparitius, 45 aprisio, 157 Aquitaine, 4, 7, 29, 136; duke of, 249 Aragon, 31, 41, 126, 133, 136, 138, 143, 193, 355, 385; administration, government of, 258, 260, 263, 365-8; c. of, 304, 307, 308, 309, 357, 387; custom of, 166, 355; estates, leagues of, 241, 357, 365n, 373; frontiers of, 131, 132, 133n, 146, 259, 371; general courts of, 263, (1228), 31-48; honours of, 364; k.,

kingdom of, 119n, 141, 142, 145, 147, 151, 215, 341, 393, (feudal monarchy), 240-2, 254; money-tax (monedaje) of, 309, 325-38; New Aragon, 241; Old Aragon, 240; peace (1164) of, 180, 222, 235; regnum Aragonis, 142; repositarius of, 35n, 372; revenues, taxation of, 351, 353, 355, 357-8 aragonenses, 142 Aranda (de Moncayo, pr. Zaragoza, p.j. Ateca), 40,45 Arbertus presbiter, 378 archives, 273, 275; of ct.-k. of Barcelona, 145, 169, 187, 192 aristocracy, see nobility Ariza, see Fariza armies, 4, 11, 17, 101, 144 armiger, 385 Arnal Berenguer de Anglerola, 156 'arnaldins' (arnaudencs), see Agen, c. of ARNALDO-ARNALDUS-ARNALLUSARNAU Arnaldus pelliterius, 35n, 45 Arnallus subdiachonus, 173 Arnau, vet. of Castellbo (1185-1226), 162n, 170, 176, 201, 212, 361, 363, 380, 381 Arnallus Adaldi, 173 Arnau, priest, 299, 301 Arnau de Caldes, 190, 191n, 197, 198 Arnaldus de Cloquerio (Clochario), 387, 388 Arnaldus de Corniliano, 174 Arnaldus Cortit, 42 Arnaldus de Cuguciis, 388 Arnau de Foixa, 354 Arnallus Guillermi de Cartiliano, 159n Arnaldus lohanis, 43 Arnaldo de Luna, maiordomus of Aragon, 366n Arnaldus de Montepesato, 15n Arnallus de Mudazos, 178 Arnallus de Paleria, 338 Arnaldus de Quatuor Quasis, 380 Arnau Roig, 385 Arnallus Sancti Martini, 177 Arnaldus de Solanellas, 43 Arnaldus Tron, 43 Arnau Umball, v. of Barcelona, 380 Arnaud I, abp. of Narbonne (1121-49), 221, 224, 226 Arnoul the Great, ct. of Flanders (918-65), 138 Arraona (formerly near Sabadell, pr. Barcelona), castle, 168, 173 Arras (dep. Pas-de-Calais, ch.-l.), 101; c. of, 394 Artaldus de Luna, 42 Artois, 90, 254, 272

Index Asco (pr. Tarragona, com. La Ribera d'Ebre, p.j. Gandesa), 195, 367 Asnieres (dep. Eure, ar. Bernay, c. Cormeilles), 80 assemblies, 56, 57, 70, 72, 77, 88, 94; at or of: Agenais, 3-30, Aragon, 31-48, 241, Carcassonne (1303), 109n, Carpentras (1268), 61, Lleida (1214), 151, 210, Lyon (1312), 108, Montpellier (1303), 109n, Nimes (1303), 109n, Paris (1267), 81, (1302), 97, 107, 110, (1303), 109n, (1314), 97, Perpignan (1173), 180, Poitiers (1268), 61, Provence (1190), 221, Tours (1308), 97, 109, 110, 119; in towns, 415, 421, 424; military, 10-11, 101-2, 107, of: clergy, 109, men of estates, 104-5; peace, 222, 229, 234-5, 258, towns, 114, 115; powers of, 97, 99; territorial, 263. See also general court. assensus populi, see consent assessments, 57, 60, 61, 62 assizia, plena assizia Agenni, 23n Astrugus, vicarius regis, 206n Athies (dep. Pas-de-Calais, ar. Arras), 272 Ato de Focibus maiordomus Aragonensis, 42 Ato Orella, 32n, 42 attendance, 8, 9, 34, 35, 77, 78, 84, 222, 263 Atto of Vercelli, 231n Auch (dep. Gers, ch.-L), legatine statutes of, 220, 222n, 230 Audouin, fidouard, 271 Aumale, cty. of, 252n AurembiaixofUrgell(d. 1231), 142 Aurillac (dep. Cantal, ch.-L), 217 Auvergne, 50, 90, 136, 236n, 249; Jews of, 71; taxation in, 50, 52, 55, 60, 71; towns of, 90 93 auxilium, 8. See also aids avena, 293. See cibaria Avignon (dep. Vaucluse, ch.-L), 62n Ayerbe (pr. and p.j. Huesca), 40, 45 Azach, physician, 366 B. de Alagone, 45 B. Balbi, 43 B. de Bosco, 384 B. de Centellis, 380 B. Dalos, 44 B. Marquisii, 43 B. de Turricella, 391 B. Uacca, 380 Bages (com.), 149,192 bailiff(s), 182, 188, 245, 260, 261, 279, 352, 357, 365, 370-1, 384, 388; accountability of, in Catalonia, 193-5, 196, 290; creditor-bailiffs,

429 429

366; Jewish, 354, 367. See also baillis, baiulus bailiwicks, 158, 367, 371, 384. See also baiulia. baillis, 84, 86, 251, 280 bailliage(s) 83, 275, 280 baiulia (bajulia), 16n, 160, 261 baiulus(-i), 42, 378; comitis, 279; baiuli maiores, 379;regi5;141, 142n Baldwin I 'Iron-Arm', ct. of Flanders (d. 879), 137, 138 Baldwin, J.W., 266, 268 Balearic Islands, see Majorca Banyoles (pr. and p.j. Girona, com. Girones), 383, 384 Banyuls-sur-Mer (dep. Pyrenees-Orientales, ar. Ceret, c. Cote Vermeille), 363n, 376, 378 Bapaume (dep. Pas-de-Calais, ar. Arras, ch.-L c.), 272, 273n Barbastro (pr. Huesca, p.j.), 34, 35, 40, 44; court of (1192), 148; siege of, 138 Barcelona (provincial capital), 143, 146, 391; assemblies at, (1190?), 148; (1200), 149; b., bwk. of, 193, 353, 366, 367, 384; bp. of, 189; c. of, 149, 201, 202, 210, 245, 270n, 331, 337, 339-49, 352-3, 363, 367, 368, 369, (new c. of) 384; capture of (985), 132; chapter of, 187, 189, 191, 342-3, 378; ct(s). of, 128, 129, 132, 134, 136, 151, 154, 155, 160, 161, 163, 165, 181, 188, 190, 216, 219, 224, 242, 243, 249, 258, 259, 261; cty. of, 129, 134, 135, 142, 143, 151, 210, 215; custom, law of, 143, 144; diocese, see of, 188, 272, 355, 367, 370, 384, 388; dynasty (see also ct(s),) of, 135-9; "good men' of, 380; v., vicariate of, 365, 372, 380-2; vcty. of 162n. See also bossonaya, bruna, confirmation of c., doblench, quaternal, ternal barley, 293, 295, 297, 299; ordeum, 300, 301; price of, 296, 297 barons, 11, 167, 261, 359; of: Albigeois, 222n, Aragon, 260, France, 216, 220, Roussillon, 184; barones, 8, 241; custom of, 241 Bartholomew iustitia, 44 Bartholomews de Boleya, 43 Bartholomeo Iter, of Zaragoza, 32n, 36, 43 battles, of: Alarcos (1195), 228, 308; Muret (1213), 215, 329, 351; Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), 228, 353 Bazadais, 4, 14n Beam, 3, 33> 220, 263; c. (morlanensis, morlans) of, 230, 402, 403, 413, 417; vet. of, 354,361,388,390-1

430

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

Beatrice, 406 Beaucaire (dep. Card, ar. Nimes, ch.-l.c.), 400, 406, 412, 415; seneschal, senechaussee of, 89, 394, 400, 403, 404, 407n, 410, 411, 417, 418 Beaumanoir, Philippe de, 77, 86 Beaumont-le-Roger (dep. Eure, ar. Bernay, ch.-l.c.), cty. of, 90 Beauquesne (dep. Somme, ar. Amiens, c. Dollens), 272 Becket, Saint Thomas (d. 1170), 198 Bela pastor, 35n beneficium, 160. See also fief(s) BERENGARIUS-BERENGUER Berenguer, b., 367, 389 Berengarius de Besom, 387, 388 Berengarius de Boscho, 387, 388 Berenguer Bou, 206n Berenguer (de Caldes), 197 Berengarius de Caneto, 186 Berengarius de Cantalupis Elenensis archidiaconus, 378 Berengarius de Cardos, 176 Berengarius de Castel Blanc, 42 Berengarius de Castro uetulo, 391 Berengarius de Ceruaria, 377 Berengarius de Crassa tnaior, 378 Berengarius de Crassa publicus notarius Perpiniani, 378 Berengarius Gerardi, 382, 383 Berenguer de Guardia, 157n Berengarius de Guardia, 174 Berenguer Guillem, 365 Berengarius Lanberti, 380 Berenguer de Olzina, k's notary, 335 Berengarius de Orle, 186 Berengarius de Petraindsa, 175 Berengarius de Rosanis, 386 Berenguer Sunyer, 382 Berenguer de Vilademuls, abp. of Tarragona (1174-94), 148 Bergerac (dep. Dordognc, ch.-l. ar.), lord of, 21 Bergueda, 154, 159, 160n, 192n; account of honour of, 290n 'bernardins', see Anduze BERNARD-BERNARDUS-BERNAT Bernardus ballistarius, 382, 385 Bernard, lord of Anduze, 405, 410-11 Bernardus senescalcus, 173 Bernardus de Alione, 186 Bernardus de Artes, 385 Bernardus de Bages (Bigis), 387, 388 Bernardus de Barchinona, 173

Bernat Barutf, 362, 363, 380-3 Bernardus de Belera, brother of Guillem de Belera, 176 Bernardus de Belloc, 336 Bernat de Berga, bp. of Barcelona (1172-88), 184 Bernardus Bertrandi de Domonova, 186 Bernardus de Boscho, 387, 388 Bernat de Caldes, canon of Barcelona and Lleida, 189, 190, 191, 194 Bernardus de Castro episcopali iunior, 389 Bernardus Castri noui, 178 Bernardus Clem, 174 Bernardus de Corbera Barchinone ebdomedarius, 378 Bernat Durfort, 366, 386 Bernardus Ermengaudi, 178 Bernardus Ermengaudi de Freixeneto, 378 Bernardus Faidia, consul of bourg of Narbonne, 42 In Bernardus de Grua, 382, 383 Bernard de Levazia, 63 Bernardus de Manleuo, 386 Bernat de Monells, 168 Bernardus de Monte regali, 378 Bernardus de Nauata, 175 Bernardus Parmensis, 303, 315, 322 Bernat de Plegamans, 293, 299, 300 Bernat de Portella, 177, 201, 212, 334 Bernardus de Prato publicus scriptor Sancti Petri de Bisulluno, 384 Bernardus Raimundi, 174 Bernardus Revelli, consul of bourg of Narbonne, 421 n [Berna?]rdus Stephani levita et publicus scriptor Gerunde, 338 Bernat Tallafer, ct. of Besalu (988-1020), 139n Bernardus de Tores, 390 Bernardus de Valle uiridi, 386 Berry, 218, 219, 220, 236n, 248n, 253, 254; communia in, 235n Bertran de Castellet, 145, 191, 194, 358 Bertrando de Viflanova, 39, 46 Bertrandus capellanus de Zarael, 390 Bertrandus de Monteainola, 384 Bertrandus Stephani, consul of city of Narbonne, 421 n Bertrannus consobrinus (of another Bertrannus) de Villa longa, 174 Bertrannus de Uilla longa, 174 Besalu (pr. Girona, com. Garrotxa, p.j. Olot), 192, 363, 383; comtors of, 162; cts. of, 128, 129, 134, 181; cty. of, 129, 130, 135, 161, 163, 242; vicariate of, 383, 384

Index cartularies, see 'Carlesmany', Liberfeudorum maior Casbas (pr. Huesca, p.j. Jaca), 326 Caseles, allod of, 159n 'cases and affairs', 67—8, 76 Caspary, G. E., 304n castellan(s), 129, 144-5, 147, 149, 154, 159, 161, 166, 168, 169, 215, 242, 249, 250, 258, 259, 260; castlani, 176; castlans, 128, 153-7, 160-2, 165, 167, 168, 170, 173, 243, 244n castellany(-ies), 109, 113, 161, 249-50, 260; castellania, 156, 158 Castellar, El (pr. and p.j. Zaragoza), 40, 45 Castellbo (Vila i Vail de Castellbo, pr. Lleida, p.j. La Seu d'Urgell), vet. of, 149 Castellgali (pr. Barcelona, com. Bages, p.j. Manresa), castle of, 192 Castellnou (Castmm nouum: dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Perpignan, c. Thuir), vet., aula of, 177 Castelsarrasin (dep. Tarn-et-Garonne, ch.-l. ar.), 7n, 13, 18-9 Castile, 147, 203, 306 castla, see castellan(s) castlania, 162n, 259 castles, 168, 170, 208, 259, 263; administration of, 144-5, 167-70, 192, 249; custom of; 128, 140,156,164,171, 245, 250,254; in: Aragon, 240, 355, 356, Catalonia, 128, 129, 154, 155, 156, 161, 162, 243, France, 254, Languedoc, 396, 407n; 'power of, 140, 143, 148, 153, 156, 168-9, 175, 196, 243, 244, 259, 263; type of, on coins, 408. See also castmm Castres (dep. Tarn, ch.-l. arr.), 401; lord of, 401 castrum (-a), 176; Gerundelle, 159n. See also castles, kastellum Catalan (language), 127, 164 Catalans, 143 catalanus (-1), 129, 142 Catalonia, 125-52, 210, 233, 293; accounting in, 278-80, 282-3; administration, government in, 144-50, 152, 191, 192-5, 202, 216, 257, 259, 263, 272, 306, 309, 364, 365-7, 368, 370; barons of, 144, 146-50, 200, 206, 208, 211; bps., of, 306; Cat(h)ahnia, 142, 151, 153, 178; Catalonha, 143; charter for (1205), 199-212; c. in (see also Barcelona), 305; confirmation of c. in, 424; Corts of, 151, 196, 235; custom, law of, 143, 144, 150, 151, 312; domains, revenues of, 351, 353—4, 356, 357, 364, 385; feudalism in, 152-78, 242-7, 254; national identity in, 126-30, 141, 152, 242, 258; Peace and Truce in, 179, 215-36; principate in, 164-5; social change in, 143;

431

taxation in, 149-50, 308, 325-38, 354, 355; territorial extent of, 182; townsmen of, 375. See also New Catalonia, Old Catalonia Caumont (dep. Tarn-et-Garonne, ar. Castelsarrasin, c. Saint-Nicolas-de-la Grave), Catalonia, 125-52, 210, 233, 293; accounting in, 278-80, 282-3; administration, government in, 144-50, 152, 191, 192-5, 202, 216, 257, 259, 263, 272, 306, 309, 364, 365-7, 368, 370; barons of, 144, 146-50, 200, 206, 208, 211; bps., of, 306; Cat(h)alonia, 142, 151, 153, 178; Catalonha, 143; charter for (1205), 199-212; c. in (see also Barcelona), 305; confirmation of c. in, 424; Corts of, 151,196, 235; custom, law of, 143, 144, 150, 151, 312; domains, revenues of, 351, 353—4, 356, 357, 364, 385; feudalism in, 152-78, 242-7, 254; national identity in, 126-30, 141, 152, 242, 258; Peace and Truce in, 179, 215-36; principate in, 164—5; social change in, 143; taxation in, 149-50, 308, 325-38, 354, 355; territorial extent of, 182; townsmen of, 375. See also New Catalonia, Old Catalonia Caumont (dep. Tarn-et-Garonne, ar. Castelsarrasin, c. Saint-Nicolas-de-la Grave), 12n Cavaillon (dep. Vaucluse, ar. Apt, ch.-l. c.), 61n, 62n; bp. of, 61 caualcadae, cavalgada, 175, 225n cavallaria, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161 Caylar, Le (dep. Herault, ar. Lodeve, ch.-l. c.), 227 Celestine III, pope (1191-8), 307, 308, 309; legateJacintus, 189, 220, 306, 307 censiers, 261,272, 278 censives, 166 census, 160n Cerdanya, 127; administration of, 353, 359; castellans, of, 154; cts. of, 128, 129, 162, 181; cty. of, 130, 134, 135, 138, 141,161, 163, 190, 242, 263; lordship of, 376-8; memorial of Templar rights in, 289n; monedatge'm, 352-3; peace-tax in, 149, 180, 205, 206, 224, 228, 258, 326-7, 330, 335-6, saiones in, 258 Cervera (pr. Lleida, com. Segarra, p.j.), assembly at (1202), 149; b. of, 193 cessante causa debuit cessare ejfectus, 227 Champagne, 109, 249; ct. of, 85, 251; lists of vassals of, 253 changers, 312, 412 Chanson de la Croisade, 4 chansons de geste, 138n Charles IV (k. of France, 1322-8), 26

432

Medieval France and her Medieval Neighbours

Betxaironus, 336 Beziers (dep. Herault, ch.-l. ar.), 400, 417; bp., diocese of, 222n, 405n; c. of, 396, 400n, 403n, 404; peace of, 221-2, 226, 230, 231; vets., dynasty of, 215, 222n, 259, 393, 396, 404. See also mark(s) Bigorre, 3 billon, see bossonaya biscanii, 343 bladum, 298. See also wheat Blanche of Castile, q. of France (1223-6; d. 1252), 19 Blaschus de Alagone, 42 Blaschus de Exeya, 42 Blaschus Mafa, 42 Blasco Romeu, 334 Bloch, Marc, 237, 238n, 239 Blois-Champagne, 136 Bondia, b. and repositarius, 366n, 367, 372 Bonetus Contastini, consul of bourg of Narbonne, 42In [Bonjetus de Seta, 43 Boniface VIII, pope (1294-1303), 97, 107, 118, 119 Bonnassie, Pierre, 126, 127, 153, 155, 216n, 242, 244n, 246, 247, 258, 260 Bonnaud-Delamare, Roger, 217n, 230, 231 bonnes villes, 114, 120 Bordeaux (dep. Gironde, ch.-l.), 13, 22n; abp. of, 93; province, provincial bps. of, 14n, 87 Bordelais, 226; institutes of peace in, 222, 226, 229, 230, 231 n Borja (pr. Zaragoza, p.j.), 40, 45; general court of (1134), 241n aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa bossonaya (c. of Barcelona), 331, 340, 341, 344, 347 Botet y Siso, Joaquim, 199, 328 Boulogne (-sur-Mer, dep. Pas-de-Calais, ch.-l. ar.), lOln Bourges (dep. Cher, ch.-L), 92; abp. of, 119, 218 bovatge, see bovaticum bovaticum (bovatge), 149, 150, 199, 207n, 210, 223,227, 228, 229, 234, 356, 357, 364, 388, 389; confirmation of, 205, 223; of 1200, 360; origins of, 200, 205-6, 224, 325-38; redemption of, 200, 201, 205, 223, 224 Brabancons, 233 Breval (dep. Yvelines, ar. Mantes-la-Jolie, c. Bonnieres-sur-Seine), 272 breve(-ia), 278, 289 Brevis historia (1147), ofRipoll, 134 Brittany, c. of, 412

Brown, E. A. R., 237, 238 bruna (c. of Barcelona), 340 Brunissendis, mother of Hug III of Empuries, 175 Brussel, Nicolas, 265, 267, 273 Brutails,J.-A., 179 budget, 270 bullion clauses, 344 Burgundy, 136, 220; duke of, 77, 252 'business', 'arduous', 111; 'of the peace and faith', 223. See also negotia Cab de Etna, 174; pater de, 174 caballaria, cavalleria, 260 Cabra (del Camp, pr. Tarragona, com. Alt Camp, p.j. Vails), 389 Cabrera, vet. of, 149 Cahors (dep. Lot, ch.-l.), bp. of, 252; c. ('caorsins') of, 397n, 398-9, 401, 403, 410, 413, 414, 424; consuls of, 116, 231n; diocese of, 401 Calatayud (Calataiub: pr. Zaragoza, p.j.), 40, 43, 349, 353 Caldes de Malavella (pr. Girona, com. Selva, p.j. Santa Coloma de Farners), 188n Caldes de Montbui (pr. Barcelona, com. Valles Occidental, p.j. Granollers), 188, 287n; mensura de Calidis, 188n; b. of, 189-91 Calixtus II, pope (1119-24), 305 Calmetter Joseph, 128 Candeil (Ben., Albigeois), 401 Canfranc (pr. Huesca, p.j. Jaca), 33 canon law, 303—23; canonist doctrine of: mutations of c., 311, oaths, 311, 317 'caorsins', see Cahors capbreu, 272 capitularies, 217 capitulutn (consuls), of Toulouse, 15n Cappy (dep. Somme, ar. Peronne, c. Bray-surSomme), 272 Carcassonne (dep. Aude, ch.-L), 142, 151, 162n, 396, 404, 417; assemblies of: (1271), 110, (1303), 109n; bp. of, 407n; c. of, 396, 404; mint of, 406; senechaussee of, 92, 394, 404, 406, 407, 409, 412, 413, 415, 416, 418, 422; vcty. of, 404, 407n Cardona (pr. Barcelona, com. Bages, p.j. Berga), abt. of, 147-8; vet. of, 147 'Carlesmany' (cartulary of Girona), 199 Carolingians, administration of, 128, 395; descent from, 133, 137, 138; institutional order of, 215, 217, 236 Carpentras (dep. Vaucluse, ch.-l. ar.), 62n, 65; assembly (1268) at, 60-1

Index Charles of Anjou, ct. of Anjou, Provence; k. of Sicily (d. 1285), 86, 407n Charles the Bald, k, of West Franks (840-77), 137, 138 Charles the Good, ct. of Flanders (1119-27), 136, 137 Charles of Valois (d. 1325), 115 Charlemagne, k. of Franks and emperor (768814), 254 Charlieu (dep. Loire, ar. Roanne, ch.-l. c.), 84 charters, 91, 92, 194, 291, 326, 344, 371; of: liberties, privileges, 201, 202, 205, 326, 327 -8, 333, 334-5, non-prejudice, 54, 61, 68n, 205, 228, urban peace, 235; charter of Girona (1205), 150, 199-212, 327, 328-30, 334-5 Chartres (dep. Eure-et-Loir, ch.-l.), ordinance of (1263), 85, 407, 408, 412 Chateauneuf de Bonafos (Albigeois), c. of, 396 -7 Chateau-Thierry (dep. Aisne, ch.-l. ar.), great council at (1303), 103n Le Chatelet-en-Brie (dep. Seine-et-Marne, ar. Melun, ch.-l. c.), 272 Chaumont-en-Vexin (dep. Oise, ar. Beauvais, ch.-l, c.), 275n Chauny (dep. Aisne, ar. Laon, ch.-l. c.), 80 Checy (dep. Loiret, ar. Orleans, c. Saint-Jeande-Braye), 271,272, 273 chesta, see questia chirograph, 289, 290 Choisy-au-Bac (dep. Oise, ar. Compiegne, c. Compiegne-Nord), 272 Chronicon Barcinonense, 340—2, 345 chronology, 146 cibaria, 293, 295, 297, 299, 300, 301; prices of, 296 Cistercians, 139 Clement III, pope (1187-91), 221 Clement IV, pope (1265-8), 410, 415 clerks, of towns, 84 Clermont (-Ferrand: dep. Puy-de-D6me, ch.-l.), bp. of, 419n; c. of, 413, 419n; statutes of (1095), 220 Clery-sur-Somme (dep. Somme, ar. and c. Peronne), 272 Cluny (dep. Saone-et-Loire, ar. Macon, ch.-l. c.), monastic administration at, 278n, 298 coinage, 5, 33, 83, 85, 89, 105, 108n, 140, 146, 158, 291-2, 297, 306, 339; expertise on, 108n; gold, 341, 343, 37\;gros, 397, 398, 406, 408, 415n, 417; law of, 164; manipulated, 150; medala (maille), 291, 292, 295, 300, 301, 394; obols, 394; of account,

433

394; records of, 342; revenues of, 149, 150, 280, (in France), 270; sheltered under Peace, 223, 230, 245; stability of, 95. See also confirmation, exchange (rates of), mark(s), mutation(s), recoinages; Agen, Albi, Anduze, Angouleme, Anjou, Aragon, Barcelona, Beam, Beziers, Brittany, Cahors, Catalonia, England, France, Jaca, Lodeve, Marseille, Melgueil, Mende, Montpellier, Narbonne, Nimes, Paris, Poitou, Provence, Le Puy, Rodez, Roquefeuil, Toulouse, Tours, Urgell, Uzes, Valence, Venaissin, Vic, Vienne, Viviers; 'alfonsins', 'angevins', 'arnaldins', 'bernardins', bossonaya, bruna, 'caorsin', 'crosats', dirhems, doblench, mancusi, mazmudins, mendois, millarenses, millarets, morabetins, morlanensis, nemausenses, pougeoises, 'raymondins', regales, rodanois, sterling, tolzas, tournois coins, 291-2, 297, 339; legends on, 230, 394, 395, 399; of: Albi, 396-7, Melgueil, 397, Rodez, Toulouse, 230, Tours, 394; types of, 394, 395, 397, 399, 406, 408, 409, 415-6, 422. See also medala, obol(s) Coll i Alentorn, Miquel, 137, 138 Collioure (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Ceret, c. Argelessur-Mer), 336, 360, 363n, 372, 376 colloquium, 69n Cologne (Koln, Nordrhein-Wesfalen), mark of, 398 Colom (Columbus), canon of Barcelona, k's notary, 335, 336, 346, 359, 366, 369 Columbus, see Colom Commemoracions ofPere Albert, 156 commemorations, 291; commemoratio-nes, 289, de debito, 300 Comminges, 70, 225, 233, 402, 404, 417; peace in, 221, 231 communes, 254 commune (peace-tax), 226; pro pace servanda, 227n commune consilium, see consilium communia, in:Agenais, 231, Berry, 235n community, 114; of: Agenais, 11, realm, 83; communitas: Agennensis, 5, Agennesii, 28n, Agenni, lOn, judeorum, 87n, ville, 423 compensum: pads, 221n, pro pace, 226 Compiegne (dep. Oise, ch.-l. ar.), 272, 274, 275; court at, 102 Compostella (Santiago de Compostela: La Coruna, p.j.), 220 compotus-i, see accounts

434

Medieval France and her Medieval Neighbours

computum-a, 193, 194 comtoria, of Taus, 170 comtors, comtores, 162, 165, 243 Conca de Barbara (com.), 359 concejos, 32, 33, 36, 37, 41, 43-5. See also concilium concilium-a (concejo, 36, 37, 41, 44, 45 Condom (dep. Gers, ch.-l. ar.), lOn, 12, 18n, 116; abt., monks of, 14n, 15n Conesa (pr. Tarragona, p.j. Montblanc), 389 confirmation of coinage, 209, 303, 305—12, 396; at: Barcelona, 150, 201, 205, 209, 307, 309, Narbonne, 421—5; confirmatio monetae, 306, 309, 312, 327, 421-5 Conflent, 135, 181, 293, 353, 359, 376; peacetax in, 330, 335-6 conjuration(s), 230, 233 Conon de Lausanne, 268, 270 consent, 5, 17, 33, 91, 93, 104, 110, 148; assensus populi, 304, 309, 310, 311, 314; on monetary matters, 303, 304; to taxation, 106, 150, (of Alfonse of Poitiers), 49-73. See also counsel conseruare monetam, 309n, 312, 421n conservation of coinage, 309n, 312 consilia villarum de riparia, 13 consiliarius-i, 63, 76, 314, 322, 360, 361 consiliatores, 381 consilium, 8, 9, 13, 17, 27n, 69n, 176; consilio et iussione magnatum . . . , 234n; consilium magnatum . . . , 212, 379; de communi consilio, S\,-ettractatu, 32, 41 Constanca, q. of Sicily (d. 1223), 336 constituciopads et treuge (1214), 210 consuetudo terre, 212 consuls, 12, 13, 24, 42, 43, 57, 84, 115, 424; of: Agen, 6, Agenais, 7, 11, 16, 21, 25, 27, Lagruere, 23n, Lerida, 35n, 36n, Marmande, 10, Narbonne, 421, Toulouse, 15, 19; representation by, 69 consultation, 98, 106, 122, 201, 408n; in Catalonia, 148-9 conuenientiae, see conventions conventions, 153, 155, 156, 161, 162, 167, 170, 171, 243, 260; of homage, fealty, 128; conuenientiae, 153, 155 conveyances, 159 copper, 405 Corbeil (Corbeil-Essonnes: dep. Essonnes, ar. fivry, ch.-l. c.), 272, 273; Treaty of (1258), 411 Corbins (pr. and p.j. Lleida, com. Segria), 156 Cordes (dep. Tarn, ar. Albi, ch.-l. c.), 401 Cordiere (? eastern Languedoc), 403n

Cornelia del Terri (pr. and p.j. Girona, com. Girones), castle of, 160 Corro d'Amunt (pr. Barcelona, com. Valles Oriental, p.j. Granollers), 159n cort, 6, lOn; cortgenerate, 10, 12n, 209, (d'Agenes), 24n, (of Barcelona), 38; great corts of Lerida, 34, 235n Corts, 144, 151, 235; in Catalonia, 144, 14851, 263 Cortes, 3, 38, 151 council(s), 114; and court, 83; general, 107, (First Lateran, 1123), 304, 305; (Second, 1139), 220, 233; (Third, 1179), 223, 233; (Fourth, 1215), 355; (1303), 11 In; great-, 88, 90, 94, 102-3; k's, 86, 88, 94; of: Alfonse of Poitiers, 63, 65n, 67, 68, 69, Lerida, (1155), 306, 311, (1173), 306, (1214), 231, 233, 234; peace, in: Aquitaine, 219, lower Languedoc, 231, Montpellier (1215), 227, 231, 233; provincial, 104 councillors, counsellors, 13, 84, 89 counsel, 8, 21, 33, 81, 83, 86, 105, 150, 200, 210, 211, 258, 422; and consent, 221; evil-, 303; expert-, 114, 408n; grant conseil, 86; 'great counsel', 201, 212 counterfeiters, 304, 306, 310; counterfeiting, 311,318,319,321 courts, 94, 235; ceremonial, 99-100, 102, 108n; festival, 88; feudal, 249; general court(s). See also curia. credit, 143, 145, 150, 195, 262, 279, 280, 287302; of ct.-k, 190, 191, 352-85; finance by, 370 Creixell (pr. Girona, com. Alt Emporda, p.j. Figueres), 157 'crosats', 402 Crou (dep Pyr.-Or., ar. Prades, c. MontLouis), uilla of, 177 Crown of Aragon, 151 crusades, 100, 228; first, 220, third, 274; seventh (1267-70), 81, 82; against Aragon, 86; in Spain, 307, 314. See also aids fuda, of Tortosa, 160 Cuixa, see Sant Miquel de Cuixa culture, of fiefs and vassalage, 171-2 Cum saluspopuli (1216), 375 Cum utilitaspublica (1191), 307, 308 Cunctis pateat (charter of Cerdanya, 1118), 180, 205, 209, 210, 223-4, 229, 234n, 306, 326-7, 328, 329, 330, 331 curia, 6, 7, 25n, 88; generalis, 5, 6, 18n, 27, 32, 41; great curia: in Catalonia, 246; in France, 249; (in) plena curia, 77, 82n, 195-6, 235; curia: mea, 184, regis, 76, 86, Sancti Severi, 9n.

Index See also courts curiales, 76, 88 currency (of coinage), 400—7; of account, 403 custom, 33, 72, 87, 90, 94; baronial, 241; of: fidelity and fiefs, 216; 'France near Paris', 215; 'general custom of the realm', 91. See also aids D. Forton, 44 D[-] (of an uncertain place), 44 Dalmau, vet. of Rocaberti (1166-81), 175 Dalmau de Creixell, 331, 334, 336-8 Dalmacius de Crexello, 177 Damazan (dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ar. Nerac, ch.-l.c.), 5 Daroca (pr. Zaragoza p.j.) 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 40, 43, 353, 371; general court of (1228), 3148, 241,372n 'days' (dies), seeparlement(s) debt(s), 343, 344, 379, 380, 383, 385; of Alfons I, 203, Pere I, 203, 208, 228 decretalists, 303 Decretals of Gregory IX, see Liber Extra defensio regni, 92n Delisle, Leopold, 265, 272 denarius-i, 291, 300, 301; denarii Albiensis monetae, 226n Deosdado, 44 descriptiones, 278 Devailly, Guy, 250 Dezfenoil (com. Conca de Barbera), 389 diplomacy, 78, 86 dirhems, 415 dispensation (papal power of), 303, 307, 308, 318, 320, 322 doblench (c. of Barcelona), 331, 337, 339, 342, 343, 346, 349, 364, 390-1 domain, fixed, 278 domanium, 254 [Domenjge Oliuarius, 43 Domesday Book, 278 domicelli, 8, 9n Dominicans, of Agen, 7, 21; provincial chapter of, 404 dominicatura-e, 158, 211 Dominicus alcalde, 35n, 44 Dominicus index, 43 Dominicus iustitia, 35n, 45 Domi[n]ici4s de [Barjbastro, 44 Dominicus Iterii, 36n, 43 Dominicus Majoral, 45 Dominicus Petri, 43 Dominicus Santii, 44 Dominicus Sellero, 44

435

Don Turol, 44 Dona et harnesia, 268 Dorcha de Castel uil, 173 Duby, Georges, 137, 247, 258 Dun-le-Roi (Dun-sur-Auron: dep. Cher, ar. Saint-Amand-Montrond, ch.-l. c.), 92 Durand (poor carpenter of Velay), 229 Durfort (d'Espiells), b. of Barcelona, 366, 367, 370, 373, 384, 388 ebdomedarius, 378 echevins, 84 £cluse, L' (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. and c. Ceret), 363, 380, 381 Edward I, k. of England (1272-1307), 4, 5, 7n, 8, 12, 13n, 14, 22, 26, 29, 89n Edward II, k. of England (1307-27), 26, 27, 28 Egidius de Atrossillo, 42 Egidius Ferrandi, 45 Egidius de Nauasa, 45 Ejea de los Caballeros (pr. Zaragoza, pj.)» 36, 40, 42; milites et infantiones of, 42 Eleanor of Castile, q. of Aragon (d. 1244), 31, 32, 41, 356, 357 elections, 82, 108 Elne (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. and c. Perpignan), archdeacon of, 378; bp. or see of, 31, 41,162, 183, 225n, 226, 234n, 258; diocese of, 181, 184; peace of, 221, 222, 229n, 230, (diocesan), 182, 184 Eltrudis, 138 Empuries, ct. of, 162, 165; cty. of, 142, 155, 158, 159, 168, 172, 243n, 244 enfeoffments, 241, 243, 253 England, 56, 150, 217, 257; sterling c. of, 402, 412 Enguerran (IV) de Couci (d. 1311), 83 Ennego Blascho, 44 Ennego Meder, 45 enquetes, 400, 403, 404, 412 ensenhamen, see Guerau de Cabrera Epila (pr. Zaragoza, p.j. La Almunia de Dona Godina), 40, 44 Ermengaldus Mage, son of, 174 Ermengardus de Verneto, 186 Ermengol IV, ct. of Urgell (1102-54), 163 Ermengol VIII, ct. of Urgell (1184-1209), 149 Ermessindis, mother of Dalmau of Rocaberti, 175 escheats, 161 Espira-de-Conflent (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Prades, c. Vinca), church of, 177 estar, 380 estate(s), 9, 11, 16, 28, 29, 30, 34,120-1; 'estate

436

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

of the realm', 118; men of, 113, 115, 116, 121; representation of, 113; status, estats, etats, 118. See also 'Estates General', status, trois estas 'Estates General', 97, 99, 107, 112n, 116, 118, 119, 121, 122; provincial estates, 98n Estefania, 287 Estoher (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Prades, c. Vinca), 177 £tampes (dep. Essonne, ch.-l. ar.), knights of castellany of, 83 etats, see accounts, estate(s) Eudes Rigaud, abp. of Rouen (d. 1276), 77, 7980, 81n Eugene HI, pope (1145-53), 225 £vreux (dep. Eure, ch.-l.), 272, 273n Ex tenore litterarum (1199), 313-4 exactions, 200, 211. See zhofordae Examen, 206n exchange (rates) of coinages, 331, 337, 346, 347, 348-9, 397, 398, 399, 402, 403, 406n, 407, 410, 415n, 422; royal policy of, 411-5 Exchequer, of Normandy, 78n, 89, 265, 280; rolls of, 280 excuse-procurations, 111, 119 exercitus, 10 Exitninus de Aranceillo, 42 Eximinus Daysa, 45 Eximinus de na Lu$a, 45 Eximinus Romei, 42 Eximinus de Segura, 44 expertise, 105, 115, 206; in c., 108n, 115 F. Anauensis archidiachonus, 176 F. de Turriliis, 391 Fariza (Ariza: pr. Zaragoza, p.j. Ateca), 40, 41, 44 farm(s), 373; of privates, 275, 277 Farrera de Pallars (pr. Lleida, p.j. Sort), castle of, 175-6 Fawtier, Robert, 99, 239, 282 fealty, fidelity, 14n, 20, 30, 31, 37, 38, 41, 110, 128, 164, 190, 252, 254, 255; custom of, 216; in: Aragon, 240, 241, 242, 255, Catalonia, 153, 244, 246, 255, 259; oaths of, 20, 21, 36, 154, 155, 157, 161, 162, 165, 166, 181, 260; reserve of, 168, 170, 244, 252; to the peace, 230. See also fidelitas Ferran, Ferrando, Infant of Aragon (d. 1242), 31,41,42,364,366 Ferrandus Ferrandi, 45 Ferrandus de Larato, 42 Ferrandus de Larrun, 45—6 Ferrarius Mir(o), 387, 388

Ferrer de Sant Marti, 390-1 Ferriz Guardiel, 45 festival courts, see courts feudal: court, 249; custom, 10, 151, 153; monarchy, 136, 170, 237-54, 280; obligation, 8; tenure, 237 feudalism(s), 236, 237-55, 257, 260, 263; definitions of, 238; in: Aragon, 240—2, Catalonia, 153-78, 216, 242-7, France, 247-54, 280. See also feudal feudum-a, see fiefs fideles, 248, 250 fidelitas, jidelitatis juramentum, 166n; fidelitas hominii, 167n. See also fealty, fidelity, 'salue Jidelitates' fidelity, see fealty, fidelitas fief(s), 8, 9, 14n, 18, 20, 22, 238, 239, 240; cties., duchies as, 4, 247, 252; customs of, 216, 237, 244, 245, 247, 249, 252, 254, 255; distinct from allods, 160, 246;feoda, 252; feudum-a, 156, 157n, 158n, 160n, 171, 175; feus, \14;fevum-a, 154, 156, 157, 158, 159n, 160, 161, 162n, 163n, 168n,174,177, 243, 245, 260;fevum comitale, 160; held by peasants, 159; heritability of, 158; hierarchy of, 242, 248; in: Catalonia, 153, 154, 155n, 156, 157-63, 166, 168, 170, 171, 177, 188, 193, 243, 244, 250, 259, 260, France, 247, 280; management of, 167-71, 251; obligations of, 241, 242, 243, 244; recognitions of, 20, 167; rear-fiefs, 168; tenants of, 22 Figeac (dep. Lot, ch.-l. ar.), 84; abt. of, 14; deputy consuls of, 23In finance, 280, 352-4, 373; distinct from accounting, 368 firmamentum, 390 firmancia, 178 fiscal; abuses, 202; administration, 260—3, in Catalonia, 145, 191-8, 287-302, 351-91, France, 49-73, 265-83; supervision, 358-67 fisci cyrographa, 273, 276 Flach, Jacques, 239, 247 Flagy (dep. Seine-et-Marne, ar. Melun, c. Lorrez-le-Bocage-Preaux), 272 Flanders, 86, 88, 102, 135-8, 218, 219, 249, 251, 252, 272; accounting in, 265, 272, 277, 278; ct. of, 105, 251; ct's court of, 77; cty. of, 249, 252 Flix (pr. Tarragona, com. la Ribera, p.j. Gandesa), castle of, 159n Flote, Pierre, 97 fogatge see hearth-tax(es) Foix (dep. Ariege, ch.-l. dep.), ct. of, 233, 393;

Index war of, 86, 91. Fondarella, Fontaldara (pr. Lleida, com. Segria, p.j. Lleida), statutes of (1173), 144, 147, 148, 149, 163, 179, 181, 182, 183, 222 Fontjoncouse (dep. Aude, ar. Narbonne, c. Durban-Corbieres), 402, 417 forciae, 200, 211 Fores (pr. Tarragona, corn. Conca de Barbera, p.j. Montblanc), 144, 145, 151, 389 Fortunius de Bergua, 42 Fortunius Lupi, 43 Fortunius Lupi de Auuero, 42 Fortunius Santii de Bera, 42 Fortunius de Villa Longa, 45 Fossemore (northern France), 272 Fossier, Robert, 251, 278 fouage, see hearth-tax(es) Fraga (pr. Huesca, p.j.), 36, 40, 44; conquest of (1149), 131, 132 Fragmentum historiae Andegavensis, 138 France, 136, 217, 257, 393; baronage of, 220; c. of, 270; feudal monarchy in, 247-54; k. of, 245; Peace and Truce in, 220, 221, 235; royal domain in, 267, (revenues of), 268, 278, 279, 280; southern, 167, 217, 224, and passim Francia, 129 Franks, 128, 135; administration of, 257, 258 fraud, canonist discussion of, 318, 319; monetary, 303, 305, 369 frenarius, 43 Freteval (dep. Loir-et-Cher, ar. Vendome, c. Moree), battle of (1194), 247, 271, 273, 275 frumentum, see wheat Fuilla (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. and c. Prades), church of, 177 'full power', see plena potestas Fumanya (pr. Barcelona, com. Bergueda, p.j. Berga, ajuntament Figols de les Mines), 160 Fumel (dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ar. Villeneuvesur-Lot, ch.-l. c.), customs of, 5, 10, 12, 15n

G[ ] (of an uncertain place), 44 G.A., A. 40, 43; bp. of, 31, 41; council of (1229), 38 Tarragona (Terrachona; provincial capital), 166n, 177, 363, 380, 381; abp. of 144, 184, 189, 370; account of, 291; camp of, 166; church of, 129, 355, 362; cty. of, 130, 163; prices at, 297 Tarrega (pr. Lleida, com. Urgell, p.j. Cervera), 192; b. of, 192, 193; bwk. of, 371 Tatzo (Taxo: dep. Pyr.-Or.), 376, 378; vets, of, 181 Taus (pr. Lleida, com. Alt Urgell, p.j. Seu

d'Urgell), comtoria of, 170 Tauste (pr. Zaragoza, p.j. Ejea de los Caballeros), 40, 44 taxation, 85, 89, 90-1, 92, 95, 102, 104, 370; for: crusade, 26n, 416, peace, 216, 222, 225, 226, 227, 228, 230, 233; in: Agenais, 14n, 25, 26, Aragon, 33, 355, Catalonia, 148, 14950, 200, 202-6, 210, 246, 280, 354-7, 360; France, 282; of Alfonse of Poitiers, 49-73 See also aids Tello, 44 Templars, 110, 119, 145, 159, 168, 190n, 195, 221, 222, 224-6, 233, 262, 367; accountants at Paris, 267, 274, 280, 281, 282, 346, 365; fiscal work for James I, 357-60, 368, 373; master of, 354, 357, 367, 375; of Agen, 7, Douzens, 293n, Huesca, 359, 367, Palausolita, 287-302, 345, 358, 360, 365, 369, 370, Roussillon, 181, 184; rights of on c., 307, 345, 357, 358, 369 tenants-in-chief, 243, 251, 255 tenth, 307, 380. See also tithe tenure, 253; tenurial freedom, 143 tercium, 201, 334 ternal (c. of Barcelona), 331, 337 Terouanne, bp. of, 77 Terrassa (pr. Barcelona, com. Valles Occidental, p.j.), 192, 198n, 293, 364 Teruel (pr. and p.j.), 40, 44, 146 theologians, 121 Thibaut IV, ct. of Flanders (1201-22), 253 Thibaut V, ct. ofBlois (1152-91), seneschal, 274 Third Compilation (of decretals, 1210), 303; glosses to, 314-22 Thoma Spagneolus, 387, 388 Thuir (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Perpignan, ch.-l. c.), 376, 377, 3>7S;justicie of, 330, 335, 336 tithe, 158, 292. See also tenth tolls, 149, 200, 203, 210, 259, 261; at Montpellier, 356, 379; leudae, 211 tolte, see tallage(s) tolzas, see Toulouse Tomasius, 45 Tonneins-Dessous (dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ch.-l. c.), customs of, 5, 12n Tortosa (pr. Tarragona, com. BaixEbre, p.j.)> 130, 143, 163, 192, 195, 262; church of, 132, 135n; conquest of (1148), 131, 132, 163, 244, 262; $uda of, 160; general court of (1225), 364 Toubert, Pierre, 258 Toulouges (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. Perpignan, c. Perpignan-5), tregua et pax of (1062-6), 180

Index Toulousain, 19, 56n, 59, 61, 62, 64, 65n; peacemilitia of, 231 Toulouse (dep. Haute-Garonne, ch.-l. dep.), 16, 19, 67, 410; assemblies at, 67, 68, 89, 90, 103n; bp. of, 14, 395; c. of, 395-6, 398, 403, 404, 405, 408, 409, 410, (tolzas), 395, 401n, 403, 417, 418, (confirmation of), 423-4; coins of, 230, 405, 408, 413-4; cts. of, 136, 147, 227n, 233, 252, 259, 261, 397, 401, 407; cty. of, 19, 20, 51, 52, 57, 58, 71, 136, 215, 393, 407, 418, (peace in), 221, 236, 259; representation of, 119; senechaussee of, 64, 68, 407, 461 n; taxation of, 59, 63, 65; viguerie of, 71 Touraine, 282 Tournon (d'Agenais: dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ar. Villeneuve-sur-Lot, ch.-l. c.), 12 Tours (dep. Indre-et-Loire, ch.-l. dep.), assembly of (1308), 97, 109, 114; c. of (tournois), 403—22 passim, (gros tournois), 415n, 417, (torneses), 404; prelates of, 113n towns, assemblies: in, 58, of, 105, 114, 115; in parlements, 84-5; of Agenais, 231 n; people of, 166, 206; representation of, 57-60, 84, 235 tractatus, 41, 379; et deliberacio, 184 treaties, of: 1229, 393, 394, Corbeil (1258), 411, Paris (1259), 4, 80 tregua, 176; etpax (etc.), 180, 182, 219n Trencavel (Raimond-Trencavel II, 1209-47), vet. of Beziers, 404, 407n Tresor des Chartes, 81, 251 treuga etpace, de (decretalist title), 234 treva Dei etpax, 231 n; treua etpax, 184 tribute, 203 triticum, 295, 297, 298, 300, 301. See also wheat trois estas, 117; three orders, 117, 118. See also estate(s) trompador, 390 troubadours, 147 Troyes (dep. Aube, ch.-l. dep.), mark of, 394, 398n, 402 Truce, see Peace and Truce Turlanda (com. Segarra), castle of, 159, 389 Vgetus de Mataplana, 177 Ugo (Vgo) Martini, 32n, 43 Ulpian, 312 Uncastillo (pr. Zaragoza, p.j. Sos del Rey Catolico), 33, 40, 44 vniuersitas, 42, 43, 45 Urban II, pope (1088-99), 129 Urban III, pope (1185-87), 312 Urgell, c. of, 209n; comtors of, 162; cts. of, 129,

453

134, 147, 155, 165, 170, 245, 354; cty. of, 130, 132, 138, 142, 143, 148, 159, 161, 166, 234n, 244, 355, 359; peace-statutes of (1187), 222; wars of, 38, 149, 365 urgency, 104, 228, 230. See also necessity Usatges of Barcelona, 139-40,143,144,145,148, 150, 156, 160, 164-5, 168, 170, 180, 205, 207, 216, 224, 229, 243-4, 246, 262, 327 usaticum, 384 utility, 234, 363, 383; evidens utilitas, 55n Uzes (dep. Card, ar. Nimes, ch.-l. c.), 225; c. of, 399; peace-tax of, 226 Valence (dep. Drome, ch.-l.}, c. of, 403, 413 Valencia (provincial capital), 32, 146, 147, 373 Valles, 157, 293, 361, 362, 370; prices in, 297; Valles Oriental, 188, 190 Vallespir, 181 Uallisferraria (Farrera de Pallars: pr. Lleida, com. Pallars Sobira, p.j. Sort), castle of, 176 vassal(s), 165,166,171, 238, 240, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, 254; lists of, 253; of: bp. of Agen, 12n, ct.-k, 170; rear-vasssals, 252; vassalus, 155, 166 vassalage, 8, 38, 155, 156, 161, 166, 167, 169, 238, 242, 244, 253; vassalatge, 167 vavassor(s), 171, 254; vasvessores, 165 vegueria, see vicariate Velay, 229, 230, 401; peace-militia of, 231 Venaissin, c. of, 409; comtat, 409, 415; taxation in, 52, 56n, 58, 61, 62, 65; senechaussee of, 407, 416 Vermandois, 253; kts. of, 83 Vernon (dep. Eure, ar. £vreux, ch.-l. c.), 272 Vexin, 272 viannenstSi see Vienne Vic (Vich: pr. Barcelona, com. Osona, p.j.), 159n, 178, 206, 207n, 362, 386; b. of, 194, 362; bwk. of, 353; bp. of, 209, 228, 424; bovatge of, 228; c. of, 306,307, 311; cty. of, 190; diocese of, 129r 1S9, 228, 364, 388; Montcadas of, 362; privileges of, 208, 3278, 333-4; revenues of, 388 vicar(s), 144, 148, 149, 150, 211, 246, 260, 357, 365, 415, 421; as judges of peace, 216, 235; in Languedoc, 394, 406; oath of, 200, 206, 210, 211, 212; of Barcelona, 342, 346, 348; to be Catalonian knights, 200, 206, 212; vicarius, 182, 378 vicariate, 160,171,182, 328, 334, 363, 364, 367; of Barcelona, 362, 363, 372, 373, 380-2, Besalu, 363; vegueria, 160; vicarial court, 361; vigueries, 400-1, 403, 405n, 413, 415 Vicens Vives, Jaume, 126

454

Medieval France and her Pyrenean Neighbours

Vidourle (river), 400 Vienne (dep. Isere, ch.-l. ar.), assembly at (-1312), 108; c. of (viannensis), 400, 401, 402, 403, 406, 413 vif-gage, 262, 291 vigueries, see vicariate Viladecans (pr. Barcelona, com. Baix Llobregat, p.j. Hospitalet de Llobregat), bwk. of, 370, 384 Vilafranca del Penedes (pr. Barcelona, com. AltPenedes, p.j.), 148n, 355 Vilamajor, see Sant Pere de Vilamajor Vilar, Pierre, 126 Villanueva, Jaime, 199 Villefranche (d'Albigeois: dep. Tarn, ar. Albi, ch.-l. c.), 401 Villefranche-de-Conflent (dep. Pyr.-Or., ar. and c. Prades),>sfideof, 330, 335, 336 Villefranche (de-Rouergue( dep. Aveyron, ch.-l. ar.), 58 Villemagne (dep. Herault, ar. Beziers, c. SaintGervais-sur-Mare), mine of, 405n Villemur-sur-Tarn (dep. Haute-Garonne, ar. Toulouse, ch.-l. c), knights of, 231n Villeneuve (sur-Lot: dep. Lot-et-Garonne, ch.-l. ar.), 12 Villeneuve-sur-Yonne (dep. Yonne, ar. Sens, ch.-l. c.), 272 vills, 109, 114, 115 Vincentius de Ferrarola, 44 Vincentius Hispanus, 303, 310, 315, 316, 318, 323 Visigoths, 128; law of, 128, 139, 143, 236n, 244, 258 Vitaliz de Ban^ons, 43

Vitalis Escapath, 335 Vivarais, 405n; institutions of peace in, 227n, 231 Viviers (dep. Ardeche, ar. Privas, ch.-l. c.), bps., diocese of, 227n, 399; c. of, 399 voluntas, 227n Voulx (dep. Seine-et-Marne, ar. Melun, c. Lorrez-le-Bocage), 272, 273 war, just, 234n; subsidy for, 26. See also taxation wardship, 164, 244, 249, 252; prerogative wardship, 244 weights, 394, 396, 398, 404, 405, 422; 424; see also mark(s) West Frankland, 247 wheat (frumentum), 295, 297, 300; price of, 296. See also triticum William I, duke of Normandy (1035-87, 258 William of Valence, 21 wine, 293, 297 Ximenes Corneli, 355 yields, of crops, 297-9 zalmedina, 36n Zarael, see Sarral Zaragoza (Cesaraugusta: pr., p.j.), 32, 33, 35, 40, 43, 141, 241, 353; bp. of, 303, 314 Zimmermann, Michel, 130, 132 Zuera (pr. and p.j. Zaragoza), 40, 44 Zurita, Geronimo, 204, 228, 309, 325, 329, 331