INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS OF CHINA’S TECHNICAL AND VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING SYSTEM
UNESCO-UNEVOC Book Series Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects
Volume 12 Series Editor-in-Chief : Professor Rupert Maclean, Centre for Lifelong Research and Development, the Hong Kong Institute of Education, China. (Formerly UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training, Bonn, Germany.) Associate Editors: Professor Felix Rauner, TVET Research Group, University of Bremen, Germany Professor Karen Evans, Institute of Education, University of London, United Kingdom Editorial Advisory Board: Dr David Atchoarena, Division for Education Strategies and Capacity Building, UNESCO, Paris, France Dr András Benedek, Ministry of Employment and Labour, Budapest, Hungary Dr Paul Benteler, Stahlwerke Bremen, Germany Ms Diane Booker, TAFESA, Adelaide, Australia Mr John Budu-Smith, formerly Ministry of Education, Accra, Ghana Professor Michel Carton, NORRAG c/o Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland Dr Chris Chinien, Workforce Development Consulting, Montreal, Canada Dr Claudio De Moura Castro, Faculade Pitágoras, Belo Horizonte, Brazil Dr Wendy Duncan, Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines Dr Michael Frearson, SQW Consulting, Cambridge, United Kingdom Dr Lavinia Gasperini, Natural Resources Management and Environment Department, Food and Agriculture Organization, Rome, Italy Dr Philipp Grollmann, Federal Institute for Vocational Education and Training (BiBB), Bonn, Germany Dr Peter Grootings, European Training Foundation, Turin, Italy Professor W. Norton Grubb, Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, United States of America Dr Dennis R. Herschbach, Faculty of Education Policy and Leadership, University of Maryland, College Park, United States of America Dr Oriol Homs, Centre for European Investigation and Research in the Mediterranean Region, Barcelona, Spain Professor Phillip Hughes, Australian National University, Canberra, Australia Professor Moo-Sub Kang, Korea Research Institute for Vocational Education and Training, Seoul, Republic of Korea Dr Bonaventure W. Kerre, School of Education, Moi University, Eldoret, Kenya Dr Günter Klein, German Aerospace Centre, Bonn, Germany Dr Wilfried Kruse, Sozialforschungsstelle Dortmund, Dortmund Technical University, Germany Professor Jon Lauglo, Department of Educational Research, Faculty of Education, University of Oslo, Norway Dr Alexander Leibovich, Institute for Vocational Education and Training Development, Moscow, Russian Federation Professor Robert Lerman, Urban Institute, Washington, United States of America Mr Joshua Mallet, Commonwealth of Learning, Vancouver, Canada Ms Naing Yee Mar, UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre for Technical and Vocational Education and Training, Bonn, Germany Professor Munther Wassef Masri, National Centre for Human Resources Development, Amman, Jordan Dr Phillip McKenzie, Australian Council for Educational Research, Melbourne, Australia Dr Theo Raubsaet, Centre for Work, Training and Social Policy, Nijmegen, Netherlands Mr Trevor Riordan, International Labour Organization, Bangkok, Thailand Professor Barry Sheehan, Melbourne University, Australia Dr Madhu Singh, UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, Hamburg, Germany Dr Manfred Tessaring, European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training, Thessaloniki, Greece Dr Jandhyala Tilak, National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi, India Dr Pedro Daniel Weinberg, formerly Inter-American Centre for Knowledge Development in Vocational Training (ILO/CINTERFOR), Montevideo, Uruguay Professor Adrian Ziderman, Bar-llan University, Ramat Gan, Israel UNESCO-UNEVOC Head of Publications: Alix Wurdak
For further volumes: http://www.springer.com/series/6969
International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System
by
ZHENYI GUO University of Melbourne, Parkville, Australia
STEPHEN LAMB University of Melbourne, Parkville, Australia
123
Dr. Zhenyi Guo Melbourne Graduate School of Education University of Melbourne Parkville VIC 3010 Australia
[email protected] Prof. Stephen Lamb Melbourne Graduate School of Education University of Melbourne Parkville VIC 3010 Australia
[email protected] ISBN 978-90-481-8742-3 e-ISBN 978-90-481-8743-0 DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0 Springer Dordrecht Heidelberg London New York Library of Congress Control Number: 2010926740 © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010 No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com)
Introduction by the Series Editor
China is an enormous and diverse country, hosting the world’s largest population (some 1.4 million inhabitants), as well as one of the world’s fastest-growing economies when compared to other (even developed) countries. It is a country of great contrasts, with many pressing development-related challenges needing to be addressed in the decades ahead. While China includes many prosperous, rapidly growing mega cities, there are at the same time many low-income rural areas from which, increasingly, large numbers of people seek to escape by moving to the cities (particularly those in the prosperous economic zones near the coastline) in search of employment and better standards of living. Despite the world-wide economic devastation caused by the recent global economic downturn, China has maintained an enviable economic growth rate estimated at an annualized rate of 14.9%, which is higher than the rates of growth experienced by many developed countries, even before the economic crisis.1 To help fuel its rapid economic growth and development, China has an insatiable appetite for mineral resources such as oil, iron ore and coal and also for vast human resources, needing increasing numbers of people with the skills and knowledge necessary to contribute to the rapid and (hopefully) sustainable economic development of the country. It is estimated by the UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre in Bonn, Germany, that approximately 80% of China’s labour force utilizes (and needs further development of) mainly technical and vocational skills. The pressing need to train and educate sufficient members of the population to possess high-quality, relevant vocational skills has resulted in an enormous increase in the demand for technical and vocational education training (TVET) over the past decade. Particularly over the last decade, China has sought to strengthen and upgrade its systems of TVET with particular reference to improving the quality and relevance of programmes and by focusing on best practices and innovative approaches. In response to this demand, UNESCO developed with Chinese education authorities
1 Keith Bradsher: ‘Recovery Picks Up in China as U.S. Still Ails’. In: International Herald Tribune,
17 September 2009. ‘The Chinese central bank said the country’s economy surged at an annualized rate of 14.9% in the second quarter. The US economy shrank at an annual rate of 1% in that period.’
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Introduction by the Series Editor
in Beijing the Joint Innovative Project (JIP) on TVET in order to improve education and training programmes particularly at the secondary school level and with particular reference to the vocationalization of secondary education. Major efforts have also been made by the authorities to map the content of higher education programmes, and undertake a gap analysis, with a view to ensuring that the content is relevant to preparing individuals for the world of work. There has also been major investment to improve the infrastructure of TVET schools, colleges and universities of technology. In addition to improving the relevance of the curriculum, the authorities in China have placed special emphasis on improving the quality of TVET programmes, mainly through improving the quality of training programmes for TVET teachers and trainers. One way is by offering professional master’s and doctoral programmes aimed at better training the trainers. All of these initiatives also have the overall ‘umbrella’ goal of improving the status of TVET within Chinese society, so that parents and learners alike increasingly see the value of undertaking TVET qualifications and do not necessarily view TVET as being inferior to an academic education. Although some progress has been made regarding improving the status of TVET, much more remains to be done before TVET and academic studies have equivalent status. One of the problems faced by researchers, policy makers and practitioners outside China who want to better understand current developments in TVET in China is the lack of comprehensive, up-to-date and reliable information about TVET in the country: its characteristics, strengths, weaknesses and the challenges faced. It is therefore very useful and timely to now have available this important and authoritative book by Guo and Lamb, which provides a portrait of China’s system of technical and vocational education and training. The book provides a well-argued and level-headed evaluation of the performance of the TVET system in China and indicates what more needs to be done to maximize the contribution of TVET to economic and social development in China at a time of extraordinary growth and change. The study also examines how well the Chinese TVET system is performing in comparison to other countries and provides suggestions and recommendations regarding what needs to be done to take full advantage of the success and effectiveness of the Chinese system. Much of value can be learnt from the Chinese experience, and this volume helps identify the lessons learnt. Given the size and diversity of China it is not possible to cover in one volume all aspects of TVET developments in all parts of the country. The authors have therefore chosen to provide a detailed case study of Yunnan Province, which serves to illustrate ‘the main challenges confronting China in building a responsive education and training system to meet the demands of a rapidly changing occupational and industrial structure’. This book deserves to be read, and will no doubt be appreciated, by all who want to gain a deep and reliable understanding of developments in TVET in China during a period of unprecedented expansion and change. Series Editor 8 June, 2010
Rupert Maclean Hong Kong
Contents
1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Undertaking a Comparative Evaluation Some Terms and Definitions . . . . . . Outline of the Book . . . . . . . . . .
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2 Education and Training in China . . . . . . . . Overview of the Education System . . . . . . . . Primary Schooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Junior Secondary Schooling . . . . . . . . . . Senior Secondary Schooling . . . . . . . . . . Higher Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Technical and Vocational Education and Training . Development of School-Level TVET . . . . . . Tertiary-Level TVET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Apprenticeship Training . . . . . . . . . . . . Other Dedicated Centres of Training . . . . . . Administrative Structure of TVET in China . . Developments in TVET in a Broader Context . Continuing TVET in China . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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3 International Comparisons of TVET . . . . . . . . . . . Aims of International Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . Strategies for Making International Comparisons . . . . . . Brief History of International Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator Approaches to International Comparisons . . . Models and Frameworks of Education Indicators . . . . Main International Comparisons Using Indicator Systems TVET-Specific Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union TVET in Central and Eastern Europe—Key Indicators . . TVET Indicator Study in Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Occasional or Periodic Comparisons with Other Countries . . . . . . . Comparisons Involving China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 A Review of Current Practice in China . . . . . . . . . . . Types of Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Types of Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator-Related Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Case-Study Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Key Studies Relevant to Educational Indicators . . . . . . Published Articles on Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Examples of Case-Study Comparisons with Other Countries . How Has Continuing Education and Training Been Studied in China? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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5 Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System . . Requirements for Making International Comparisons . . . The International Standard Classification for Education . The Application of ISCED to Chinese Education . . . . . TVET Policy Priorities in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Selection of Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Context Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Input Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Process Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Outputs/Outcomes Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Data Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Educational Statistics Yearbook of China . . . . . The Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook of China The Labor and Social Security Yearbook of China . . . Labor Statistical Yearbook of China . . . . . . . . . . The Fifth National Population Census . . . . . . . . . Countries Selected for Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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6 Comparisons of Social and Economic Context . . . . . . . . Context Comparisons Using Selected Indicators . . . . . . . . Indicator 1.1: The Educational Attainment of the Adult Population (25–64), by Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 1.2: GDP Per Capita in Different Countries . . . . Indicator 1.3: Labour Force Participation Rates . . . . . . . Indicator 1.4: Unemployment Rates by Level of Educational Attainment and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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7 Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Input Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons Using Selected Input Indicators . . . . . . . . . Indicator 2.1: Public Expenditure on Education as a Percentage of GDP (2004) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 2.2: Public Expenditure on Education as a Percentage of Government Expenditure . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 2.3: Expenditure on Education Institutions per Student Across Levels of Education . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 2.4: Per Student Expenditure on Secondary Education by Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 2.5: Public and Private Investment in Educational Institutions at All Levels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Additional Possible Input Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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8 Participation and Outcome Indicators . . . . . . . . . . . Participation in Initial TVET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 3.1: Participation Rates in Upper Secondary TVET Programmes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 3.2: Participation in Initial TVET by Gender . . . Indicator 3.3: Participation in Initial TVET by Age . . . . Indicator 3.4: Participation in Initial TVET by Location . . Indicator 3.5: Duration of Initial TVET Programmes . . . Indicator 3.6: Participation in Programmes Giving Access to Further Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Graduation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 3.7: Upper Secondary Gross Graduation Rates, by Programme and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Participation in Continuing TVET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicator 3.8: Participation Rates in Continuing TVET . . Indicator 3.9: Participation in Continuing TVET by Gender Indicators That Cannot Yet Be Included . . . . . . . . . . . . Access and Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Completion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Labour Market Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Productivity Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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9 Work-Based Education and Training . . . . . . . . . Considering TVET in the Context of Yunnan . . . . . . The Economy and Labour Force of Yunnan . . . . . Segmented Labour Market . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Urban and Rural Employment in Yunnan . . . . . . . Enterprise Registration (Ownership) Status in Yunnan
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Author Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Subject Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Data Collection Survey on Continuing Vocational Training in Yunnan The Enterprises Selected for the Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Questionnaires . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Survey Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Employee Feedback on the Survey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Employer Feedback . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Analysis of Data from the Employee and Employer Questionnaires . General Characteristics of the Surveyed Enterprises . . . . . . . . General Characteristics of the Employee Sample Reflected in the Data . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Funding of Enterprise Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Participation in Work-Based Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Applying the Survey Results from Yunnan to International Comparisons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons with the EU Based on Key Quantitative CVT Indicators Training Incidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Training Access . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Training Intensity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Training Cost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons of CVT (Work-Based Formal Training) . . . . . . . . Surface Measures of Overall Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparisons of Aggregate Performance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Performance of the Chinese TVET System On International Comparisons and TVET Data Final Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
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Chapter 1
Introduction
China is undergoing massive economic and social change. Globally, over recent decades, it has had one of the fastest-growing major economies. It accounted for 1% of the world economy in 1970 and became the third largest economy, at 6%, in 2007 (United States Department of Agriculture, 2010). Annual rates of GDP growth in China during much of the past decade have been above 8% (World Bank, 2009). This major expansion has presented new challenges for the nation. The major growth in the Chinese economy has been accompanied by rapid industrialization and urbanization, causing a crisis in human resources. China has abundant labour power, but is in great and urgent need of a better-skilled labour force. Economic and industrial growth has led to an enormous demand for more skilled workers in virtually every vocation and profession. This has placed immense pressure on China’s education and training system, particularly technical and vocational education and training (TVET). The TVET system in China, a major supplier of skilled labour, is facing an enormous challenge to expand and change in ways which can meet the rapidly developing skilled labour needs of industry. In this context, an evaluation of the performance of the TVET system becomes an important task, in order to assess how well the system is responding to the challenge of unprecedented demand and to identify strengths and weaknesses for targeting areas for development and improvement. There is a strong history of such evaluations using international comparative studies that can provide policy makers and educators with data to measure how effectively education systems are functioning. One example is the annual publication Education at a Glance (EAG) by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). EAG provides a rich and comparable array of indicators on the performance of education systems including data on the quality of learning outcomes and on policy levers and contextual factors that shape these outcomes and the broader private and social returns that accrue to investments in education (see, e.g., OECD, 2008). OECD indicators enable countries to see themselves in the light of other countries’ performance, as well as, through over-time trends, provide a better understanding of the costs, benefits and returns associated with educational reform. Other studies using similar indicators compare the education systems not only of whole nations but also of states compared with nations, such as the report by the United States Department of Education, Education in States and Nations (NCES, 1996). Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_1, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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1
Introduction
There have been few attempts to include China in international comparisons of technical and vocational education and training. This is largely because most of the existing statistical indicators have no historical continuity and international comparability. There are few indicators on the relations between education quality, performance and resources in TVET, for example. Some attempts have been made to assess the TVET system at a national level and at a provincial level. Government education research agencies in China have included various indicators of education and training in national studies, but with limited international comparison. For example, the recent study by Ding et al. (2006) in the report China Education and Human Resource Development Report 2005–2006 has a section on continuing technical and vocational education and training with a small number of international comparisons. At the provincial level, the research comparisons are qualitative rather than statistical. Generally, China tends to be excluded from international comparisons of TVET. It would seem timely, therefore, to attempt to evaluate the TVET system of China with some internationally recognized measures and assess the feasibility of undertaking international comparisons of TVET for China. That is the purpose of this book. The question of interest is how well China’s TVET system is performing in comparison with other countries. Addressing this issue raises several other key questions. Can the performance of China’s TVET system be measured with the existing international indicators of TVET commonly used by the European Union (EU), the OECD and countries like Australia, Canada and the USA? Is it possible to build a better set of indicators for comparing China and other countries, than those currently used by organizations such as OECD or the EU? Are data available for deriving appropriate indicators? Can the effectiveness and efficiency of the system be reflected thoroughly? If not, what are the areas where data need to be collected?
Undertaking a Comparative Evaluation This book aims to evaluate the performance of the TVET system in China. It is designed to adopt a set of internationally comparable indicators to evaluate current performance and document areas of strength and weakness. It is a statistical comparison, which will provide a quantitative description of the condition of China’s TVET system by comparing its performance with other selected countries and doing so with relevant analysis and discussion. Because China is a vast nation with many regions, in addition to providing national-level data the comparison in this book will also include data at a provincial level using information for the province of Yunnan. The case of Yunnan Province is used because it is a province that illustrates many of the main challenges confronting China in building a responsive education and training system to meet the demands of a rapidly changing occupational and industrial structure. Yunnan is a large mountainous region in the southwest of China, with a population of over 44 million in 2007. Ethnic diversity is a striking feature, with minority nationalities comprising over one-third of the total population.
Undertaking a Comparative Evaluation
3
Yunnan is one of the poorest provinces in China. Illiteracy rates have fallen steadily over the past 40 years in line with growth in the proportion of the population that has at least completed primary school education. Even so, today, Yunnan is a province that, compared to others, has a relatively high rate of illiteracy and a population with one of the lowest educational attainment levels. Given these features, examining the TVET system in Yunnan is illuminating because it brings together issues of family, region and resources, critical factors in the context of a country that is developing rapidly and seeking a more highly educated and skilled workforce. The approach to evaluating the performance of China’s TVET system through international comparisons is influenced by two key studies. One is by Australian researchers and develops an international comparative model for TVET using selected indicators (see Lamb, Davies, Polesel, & Teese, 2003). The other is by a group of EU researchers and focuses on the area of continuing education and training (see Behringer, Kapplinger, Moraal, & Schonfeld, 2005). Using the first approach, the aim is to compare the TVET system of China with other countries, including Australia, using an appropriate set of available statistical indicators. Measuring the effectiveness of TVET in China in comparison with other countries requires empirical data in order to compare and examine the dimensions and operations of the systems. This means mainly using quantitative data for the purposes of statistical analysis for the evaluative comparison of the effectiveness and efficiency of the system. The international comparisons will focus on China and the province of Yunnan and a range of selected countries. The comparisons will follow the approach outlined by Lamb et al. (2003) in developing an international indicators framework for Australian vocational education and training. The set of comparative indicators will be based on an input–output model, commonly used as a way of understanding or describing the functioning of systems (see Fig. 1.1). The model will provide, from a macro perspective, a broader understanding of the factors which influence the quality of the TVET system, providing the opportunity to explore a wider range of policy implications. It will describe the current functioning and effectiveness of the system and supply information that can assist in providing better direction for improvement, help support strategic planning and decision-making through an evidence-based approach and help provide a system of evaluation that can operate as a benchmark for ongoing evaluation and monitoring of TVET performance. Over the longer term, the framework of indicators may have the potential to contribute to the establishment of a coherent system of TVET indicators for
Context
Fig. 1.1 Model of the elements for measuring the performance of TVET
Input
Process
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Outcome
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1
Introduction
providing stakeholders of TVET with a more robust assessment of the condition of the TVET system in China. Eventually, the book potentially may also help in providing some input into the establishment of an up-to-date and systematic indicator system for the evaluation and monitoring of the nation’s broader education and training system. Ideally, an international comparative study would cover all the main areas and stages of TVET including school-based training, initial vocational training and continuing education and training. However, there is very little data available in China on the formal and informal work-based training components of continuing education and training. This is a critical component of TVET and yet in China it has the least available data collected in a systematic way. China does not currently collect information through surveys such as the Continuing Vocational Training Survey (CVTS) that is used in European Union countries. Such surveys collect valuable information on participation in education and training for adults, particularly access to work-based training, both formal and informal. Could such surveys work in a Chinese context? Using the approach outlined by Behringer et al. (2005), a second goal of the current study is to examine the potential for using quantitative key indicators of continuing vocational training (CVT) in enterprises similar to those used in EU countries to evaluate issues such as workplace training incidence, training access, training intensity and training cost. These measures capture the relative effort of countries in providing and supporting continuing education and training (work-based training). It is worth exploring the potential for including China in a comparison of such measures. To assess this possibility, a pilot survey was undertaken to collect information on continuing education and training at workplaces in China. The survey process had two aims: (1) to assess whether surveys such as the European Union CVT survey could work in Chinese workplaces and (2) to use data collected through such a survey to compare results with other countries using standard indicators on training incidence, training access, training intensity and training cost. This part of the study, therefore, aimed to provide some comparative results based on microlevel data collected at workplaces in China on continuing education and training. The results from a survey undertaken by the authors are used in conjunction with some available data synthesized from other sources. The survey conducted by the authors in the province of Yunnan was an exploratory pilot involving a small number of enterprises, which will be illustrated in detail in the relevant chapters that follow. It involved a small-scale survey of employers and employees. The survey of employees focused on their education and training experiences. Those participating were required to complete a survey questionnaire and participate in face-to-face interviews, to obtain information not only about their training experiences, but also about the quality of the survey instrument. Employers, mainly human resource managers, completed a questionnaire on formal and informal education and training provided by their business. Employers also participated in face-to-face interviews. The survey utilized versions of CVT survey instruments currently used for the collection of information on work-based training in the EU and elsewhere. The aim was to not only provide valuable exploratory data on work-based training
Some Terms and Definitions
5
(one important form of continuing education and training) in China but also test the applicability and feasibility of an existing instrument in different locations, which would lay some possible preparatory foundation for a large-scale survey on a regional or national level in China. This work fits with the advocated and encouraged ‘Innovation’ goals in China (Yu, 2003) which were established to encourage researchers to study other systems and learn from other countries’ experiences and structures in order to then see what role there is for making appropriate localized applications for improvement. Potentially, the current study will help provide policy makers with a useful tool and framework for innovation by providing China with a means of seeing itself in the light of other countries’ performances. This could help authorities at different levels of government to plan reforms so that the TVET system can be improved (ultimately to international standards). The information provided on TVET may assist in considering issues such as the effective and targeted allocation of limited financial resources and in ensuring that access and opportunity is given to a wide range of people in the population of China wherever they are located.
Some Terms and Definitions In undertaking any international comparative study there is always an issue with the terms and concepts that are used which can vary across countries and fields of research. The field of technical and vocational education and training is no exception. In some countries, such as Australia and many European nations, organizations use the term vocational education and training (VET) to refer to vocational and technical study undertaken in schools or tertiary institutions, whereas in other countries, such as the USA, terms such as career and technical education (CTE) are used. The UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre, which is UNESCO’s specialized centre for technical and vocational education and training, was established to assist its member countries to develop policies and practices related to skills development for employment and citizenship. It uses the term technical and vocational education and training (TVET). This is a term used in some Asian countries, including China, and is the term used in this book. It is defined by UNESCO-UNEVOC as a comprehensive term referring to those aspects of the educational process involving, in addition to general education, the study of technologies and related sciences, and the acquisition of practical skills, attitudes, understanding and knowledge relating to occupations in various sectors of economic and social life. . .. Technical and vocational education is further understood to be: (a) an integral part of general education; (b) a means of preparing for occupational fields and for effective participation in the world of work; (c) an aspect of lifelong learning and a preparation for responsible citizenship; (d) an instrument for promoting environmentally sound sustainable development; (e) a method of facilitating poverty alleviation (UNESCO, 2005, p. 7).
It has been further defined, elsewhere, in more action-based terms to refer to interventions to bring about learning in order to help make people more productive
6
1
Introduction
in various areas of economic activity (e.g. economic sectors, occupations, specific work tasks). But it also has other purposes which are not unique to vocational education, applying to other forms of education (e.g. knowledge, skills, insights and mindsets) which are deemed to be generally valuable for learners but not specifically vocational or economic (for example, see Lauglo, 2005). In the past in China, various terms have been used other than TVET. Most commonly used has been the term vocational and technical education. The term ‘training’ was never, or only rarely, associated with vocational education because vocational and technical education is under the administration of the Ministry of Education, while enterprise training (a very important form of TVET) is under the administration of the Ministry of Labour and Social Security. With this separation of authority and responsibility across government departments ‘technical and vocational education’ has been used to refer to vocational education in schools and other institutions and to vocational training separate from general education and enterprise or work-based training. In the Chinese context, enterprise or work-based training has been treated separately from all other forms of education including technical and vocational education. Generally the two fields, unlike in many other countries, have not been treated together for planning or research purposes. In recent years the term TVET has been increasingly adopted in common with UNESCO-UNEVOC, though administratively and in policy terms there is still effectively a separation of technical and vocation education from enterprise training. For this reason, unified or common statistics on TVET are very difficult to find or collate. In many countries research on TVET, as well as government planning and organization, makes a distinction between initial and continuing education and training. Initial vocational education and training generally refers to education carried out as part of vocational preparation for entry to further study or work. It is generally provided for young people up to the age of 25 and prior to entering work. It is usually provided in school-based, combined school and workbased (apprenticeship) or further education/community college programmes. It is important to note, though, that training undertaken after entry into working life may still be considered as initial training (for example, retraining), and initial education and training can be carried out at any level in general or vocational education (full-time school-based or alternative setting) pathways or apprenticeship. Continuing education and training generally refers to education and training after entry into working life, aimed at helping individuals to improve or update their knowledge and/or skills, acquire new skills for a career move or retraining or continue their personal and professional development (NCVER, 2008). In other words, it refers to training subsequent and complementary to initial training aimed at supplementing, improving or updating knowledge, skills and/or competences acquired during previous training. As well as the different phases or stages of TVET, there are important distinctions internationally based on where the vocational education and training takes place, which are in part linked to the levels of provision. Initial vocational education and training is often provided in secondary schools, either in separate dedicated TVET
Outline of the Book
7
schools such as the Berufsschulen in Germany or in separate TVET programmes offered in comprehensive secondary schools as in Norway. Initial TVET can also be delivered by technical and further education colleges, as in the UK; in community colleges, as in the USA; or in adult and community education centres, as in Poland and Australia. Initial TVET can also involve enterprise- or work-based provision, sometimes involving schools and/or further education providers. Continuing TVET is often delivered in further education or community colleges or in adult education centres. It is also often work-based. Continuing TVET can incorporate large elements of on-the-job training, both formal and informal. Enterprise- or work-based training can be provided by an organization primarily for its own employees using the employer’s own staff or external consultants and can be conducted either on-site or at an off-site location. In China, most of the initial TVET activities are school-based in institutions such as specialized technical and vocational school, vocational high schools and skilled workers’ schools. The general and vocational streams of the school system are delivered in separate institutions. There is also a range of tertiary-level institutions that offer advanced courses in TVET. Continuing TVET is available at folk and adult schools as well as some vocational institutions, but much is delivered as vocational training in workplaces. Enterprise-based on-the-job training is provided to employees to help them adapt to technology, maintain or upgrade their vocational skills and knowledge or achieve higher business skills and job promotion. It can be internal or external and on-duty or off-duty and is mostly paid by the employer. It is also called continuing vocational training. As well as enterprise training, there is also trade and enterprise-run vocational education which refers to the formal vocational education and training provided by vocational schools and training centres established by trade administrative bodies, trade organizations and their subordinate enterprises. These are usually provided or delivered in specialized secondary schools, skilled workers’ schools and technical training centres.
Outline of the Book Currently there is very little information on the performance of TVET in China as measured through comparisons with other countries. While there has been considerable work undertaken at an international level on comparing systems of formal education, this has generally not included China and is relatively weak when comparing TVET. Most studies undertaken in China are descriptive and impressionistic with little use of hard data. Although the focus of this book is to evaluate the TVET system of China, there is a clear need for both the development of an indicator system to help guide comparison and assess the TVET system and an evaluation of the data available to support the use of indicators. That is a related and necessary task for us to address in the book. We will begin by presenting, in Chapter 2, an overview of the education and training system in China. This will include information on all of the sectors including the TVET system. An understanding of how this system operates will
8
1
Introduction
provide a context to evaluating the effectiveness of the TVET system in an international context. To support this, there is also some history on changes and developments to show how far the system has come over the last 50 years and the policies that helped the system grow. Chapter 3 gives an outline of the main approaches to international comparisons in education and training, including TVET. It reviews some existing international comparisons which have been designed to assist policy makers in the field of education and training, including TVET. Methods using quantitative statistical indicators and those using case-study comparisons are discussed. The chapter also illustrates the importance of continuing education and training and how it has been studied in Europe, Australia and Canada. Chapter 4 begins with a review of the existing comparative studies of TVET as well as relevant international comparisons undertaken by Chinese researchers. It then turns to consider how continuing TVET has been studied in China. Chapter 5 provides information on the comparisons used in this book. It includes a discussion of the countries selected for comparison with China as well as some of the requirements for making the international comparisons. One important issue is how education and training is classified for the purposes of comparability across nations. The most commonly used scheme, the International Standard Classification for Education (ISCED), is illustrated and applied to Chinese education and training. Following this, TVET policy priorities in China are discussed in order to help frame the comparisons presented in the following chapters. The comparative evaluation of TVET commences in Chapter 6. The presentation of results is consistent with the order displayed in Fig. 1.1. We begin with comparisons based on a set of ‘context’ indicators related to the economic and social structures that frame the provision and delivery of education and training in China and in other countries. The current stock of physical and human capital related to the state of the economy, development and capacity of industry, the attainment and qualifications of the population and the system of social relations provide a context to understanding the structure of the TVET system and its performance. The performance is to be examined using an input–process–output–outcome model with different parts of the model covered in following chapters. The one area of TVET that has least data, continuing education and training, will be examined in a separate chapter at the end. Chapter 6 uses four indicators to examine the economic and social context integral to the performance of the TVET system. The comparisons using input indicators are presented in Chapter 7. Input refers largely to resources, and the indicators in this chapter provide a picture of the public and private resources made available in different countries, including China, to support the provision and delivery of TVET. Indicators which cannot be compared due to a lack of suitable data are also discussed. The following chapter continues the international comparisons by turning to the process and output of TVET. The chapter focuses on levels of participation in different types of technical and vocational education and training and how these vary across different groups within each nation, particularly for different age groups. Which nations extend the greatest levels of opportunity for participation for their
Outline of the Book
9
populations? How does China fare in this comparison? And what about outcomes? How productive is China’s TVET system compared to other nations in delivering skills and training and qualifications? These issues will be addressed using a set of indicators that compare the process, output and outcomes of different TVET systems. Chapter 9 turns to the less well documented area of continuing education and training, at least less well documented in terms of data available in China. In this chapter data from pilot employer and employee surveys on continuing vocational training conducted by the authors will be used to make comparisons with indicators that are common in the EU and other countries. It will present analysis and results from the survey conducted in Yunnan and apply the results to several key indicators currently used in EU comparisons. Chapter 10 concludes the book by drawing together the results from the international comparisons to make an evaluative summary of the performance of the Chinese TVET system. The conclusions will relate to an evaluation not only of performance, but also of the value of including China in international comparisons given the issues related to the availability of statistical data. Some comments are also made about what might be needed in the future for making better comparisons of TVET. There is also some reflection on what the results suggest about the Chinese labour market and economic and political development, as well as some reflections based on the work related to the enterprise of international comparisons under current social, economic and environmental conditions.
Chapter 2
Education and Training in China
In the past few years, China’s official GDP growth rate has surged. The transformation that is underway has major implications for China’s education system. Rapid economic development requires an education system that can keep pace in order to fuel the growing demand for a more highly skilled workforce. However, China faces huge challenges in doing this. It has the largest population in the world, with the second biggest school-age population of over 250 million children. But it is still a developing country with a limited supply of educational resources. Globally, in per capita terms, the country is lower middle-income and 150 million Chinese fall below international poverty lines (Riskin, 2004). Economic development has generally been more rapid in coastal provinces than in the interior, and there are large disparities in per capita income between regions. Considerable progress has been made towards transforming the education and training system. Fifty years ago, for example, schooling in China was the preserve of a minority. In 1952, less than 50% of the population enrolled in primary school, and less than half graduated. Consequently, illiteracy rates were high and the pool of young people entering the labour market was largely unskilled. The structure of the economy prior to this time demanded little more. Today it presents a different picture. Figures for 2004 show that over 95% of the population enrols in primary school and progresses to junior secondary school. Graduation from junior secondary school is over 90%. These basic levels of schooling have become largely universal. Even so, schooling is still far from a mass system. Only about 30% of young people enter the senior secondary or post-compulsory years, and variations in access and completion remain large across different regions, groups and populations. This chapter will look at the expansion of the education and training system and the issues associated with its transformation, as well as some detailed background information on enterprises in China. An understanding of how the education and training system operates and some unique features of society and economy will provide a context to evaluate the effectiveness of the TVET system in an international context. The chapter will begin with an overview of the education
The first part of this chapter is based on a study of Yunnan by Lamb and Guo (2007).
Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_2, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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2 Education and Training in China
system. It will then turn to a detailed description of TVET. The structure of schools and tertiary education will be described with some background to show how far the system has developed over the last 50 years and the policies that helped the system grow.
Overview of the Education System At the time of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, educational participation and provision was weak. Nationally there were only 205 universities enrolling 117,000 students; 5,216 secondary schools enrolling 1.27 million students; and 346,769 primary schools enrolling 24.4 million students. For every thousand Chinese residents of school age, this amounted to two university students, 23 secondary students and 450 primary students. The illiteracy rate was over 80%. Changes have occurred in all sectors, though at different rates, as the following sections show.
Primary Schooling The period following the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 focused on national reconstruction. A key priority was the building of a national system of education, organized through centralized planning and the nationalization of all institutions (see Tsang, 2000). A major early priority was the policy of universal primary education. This was a major challenge as, in 1949, primary school enrolments totalled about 24,391,000 (only about 68% of the primary school-age population) and the primary school entrance rate was only 20% nationally. About 80% of China’s population was illiterate. To support the goal of universal primary schooling, the curriculum for this stage of schooling was overhauled during the early 1950s, and greater emphasis was given to increasing the size and quality of the teaching workforce. The impact of the national strategies was to dramatically increase the rates of participation in primary school. The 1950s saw the primary entrance rate increased from 49% at the beginning to well over 60% by its close (Ministry of Education China, 1985). Despite this growth, there was much ground to continue to make up to achieve universal participation. Figure 2.1 shows that in 1964 about 71% of the primary school-age population was enrolled. While this was a huge improvement over the level at the beginning of the 1950s, the rate of completion or graduation remained low. Only about one-quarter of those enrolled in primary school actually graduated from this stage of schooling. It meant that in 1964 in China only about one in four children successfully completed primary schooling. Over the next two decades, the scale of participation in primary schools increased substantially. By 1982, participation in primary school education had reached 93.2% and was well on the way to becoming universal. Completion rates at this time were
Overview of the Education System 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
13
99.1
97.4
93.2
95.0
99.1
98.1
76.5 71.1
66.5
27.7
1964
1982
1987
Participation
2000 Graduation
2004
Fig. 2.1 Primary school-age participation and graduation rates (%) Data Source: Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1987–2004, China Education Yearbook 2001, 2005, 1996 and Achievement of Education in China, Statistics 1949–1983
also growing. However, the graduation rate still lagged behind the rate of enrolment, meaning that at this time about three in five children in China completed primary school. The 1980 directive from the central government, Decisions on Several Problems Concerning Universal Primary Education (China Education Yearbook Editorial Board, 1984), spurred the provincial-level governments such as Yunnan Province to examine the extremely uneven development of primary schooling. It helped identify the need for additional construction of primary schools in some of the more remote areas which had previously been poorly served and the establishment of boarding schools in order to address issues of inadequate transportation and remoteness. For example, in the early 1980s, 340 boarding schools (primary and secondary) were built and over 3,000 half-boarding primary schools were established by the provincial government of Yunnan. Considerable effort was channelled into meeting the provision needs of a dispersed and largely rural population. At a national level, a major policy initiative was announced in 1985, legislating for 9 years of compulsory schooling with a target that this be achieved by the year 2000. Figure 2.1 shows that in China participation in primary schooling had reached 97% by 1987, and by 2004 primary schooling in China had become a universal system. What is striking is the growth in the rate of graduation or completion, jumping from 27.7% in 1964 to 98.1% in 2004.
Junior Secondary Schooling With low rates of primary school participation and completion in China, enrolments in junior secondary schools in the 1950s were extremely low. In 1951, only 1,383,700 students were enrolled in 2,673 schools. This represented less than 2%
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2 Education and Training in China
of the eligible school-age population (estimated at about 76,630,879 in 1953). Potential students for the general secondary schools were required to take entrance exams, as the programmes offered at this level and type of school were academic in focus, providing a preparation for senior secondary schooling and university. Junior secondary schooling in the 1950s in China was an elite preparatory system. During the 1950s and 1960s successive reforms were introduced to increase participation in secondary schooling. Changes included expansion of general secondary education and diversification of the curriculum (Tsang, 2000). However, any improvements in secondary school participation would necessarily lag behind improvements in graduation rates from primary schooling. Therefore, even in 1964, when primary school participation rates were growing, the rate of participation of the relevant school-age population at the junior secondary level was a mere 14.9% (see Fig. 2.2). Even with such a low participation rate, graduation was still modest with about 58% of those entering junior secondary school graduating. At the junior secondary school level, enrolment rates rose gradually. Efforts were made during the 1950s and 1960s to diversify the curriculum and expand the focus of secondary schooling to include vocational education. Vocational schools were introduced during the 1960s in urban areas providing a more diversified system of secondary schools. However, this was reversed during the 1970s in response to the view that the diversified structure of secondary education promoted social differentiation and elitism. This led to the conversion of most vocational schools into secondary general schools. All junior secondary schools in the early 1970s provided a general education. During the 1980s there was renewed emphasis on vocational education in the secondary years. This helped promote an expansion in the number of vocational schools, but the numbers at junior secondary level remained small. Even in 2004, the number of enrolments at junior secondary level in vocational schools in China was only 0.8% of the total junior secondary enrolment (Ministry of Education, 2005). At
100.0 90.0 80.0 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0
91.5
91.1 80.1 73.2
74.4
66.5 58.2
56.2 49.1
14.9
1964
1982
1987 Participation
2000 Graduation
2004
Fig. 2.2 Junior secondary school-age participation and graduation rates Data Source: Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1987–2004, China Education Yearbook 2001, 2005, 1996 and Achievement of Education in China, Statistics 1949–1983
Overview of the Education System
15
this level of schooling, the focus has remained on the provision of a more general rather than diversified curriculum. By 1987, participation rates in the junior secondary years were growing, with 56.2% of the relevant school-age population enrolled. With the impact of the reforming national education policy beginning in 1986 prescribing 9 years of compulsory schooling, the rate of participation grew, reaching 73.2% in 2000. By 2004, the enrolment rate was 74.4% and the completion rate was at 91.5%. Most young people in China now progress from primary school to junior secondary school, and most graduate from this stage of schooling. Junior secondary schooling has largely become a mass system. It is true that in China it has still not reached quite the universal levels of participation and completion evident in the primary school system, but it is now not far behind.
Senior Secondary Schooling Compulsory education ends at the conclusion of junior secondary school. The reform of the education system announced in 1985 required 9 years of compulsory schooling: 6 years of primary and 3 years of junior secondary (or the option of 5 years of primary and 4 years of secondary). Junior secondary schooling has largely become a mass system, but while this may be the case it also tends to be a terminal system. Progression rates to the senior secondary years remain low. Figure 2.3 shows that in 1964 only 5.2% of the relevant school-age population was enrolled in senior secondary schools. The completion rate was high for this level of school, but access was limited, entry was based on academic selection (exam-based), and most who enrolled at this time graduated. Rates of participation grew slowly. In 1982, only one in about every 10 young people enrolled in senior secondary school. 100.0 90.0 80.0 70.0 60.0 50.0 40.0 30.0 20.0 10.0 0.0
96.7
93.5
88.5
88.0 81.0
46.5 38.2
5.2
1964
10.7
15.5
1982
1987 Participation
2000 Graduation
2004
Fig. 2.3 Upper secondary school participation and completion rates Data Source: Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1987–2004, China Education Yearbook 2002, 2005, 1998, 1997 and Achievement of Education in China, Statistics 1949–1983
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2 Education and Training in China
Policies were implemented during the 1980s to expand participation. In 1985, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party announced a major reform of senior secondary education, calling for renewed emphasis on vocational education in the secondary years (Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, 1985). This helped promote an expansion in the number of vocational schools. As the number grew, the system of secondary education became more diversified. Unlike the US secondary school system which was transformed into a mass system by incorporating vocational education within a comprehensive school model, the Chinese secondary school system separated its programmes along institutional lines, building a system of general schools (academic), technical schools (industry-specific vocational education), vocational schools (broad vocational education) and skilled workers’ schools (vocational skills training under the direction of the Ministry of Labor). The expansion in focus (away from simply an academic preparatory programme) was necessary to attract more young people to remain at school beyond the junior secondary years. To increase participation, programmes needed to be offered which could cater to the more diverse population that now expected to participate in upper secondary education. The focus on expanding access through programme diversification was consistent with the aim of promoting equity in educational participation. However, expansion would also serve the interests of economic development through more direct training of young people with the skills needed for the workforce in a more industrialized economy. Economic and national development goals were important driving forces in the expansion of a diversified secondary school system. In 2004, approximately 46.5% of young people in China were participating in post-compulsory schooling. This was about three times the rate in 1987. The growth that occurred over that time was partly due to the renewed emphasis on vocationalism and the expansion in the provision of non-academic programmes. Of the students participating in upper secondary education in 2004, about 37% were in vocational programmes in specialized (15.7%), vocational high (14.7%) or skilled workers’ (6.7%) schools. In 1982, only 25% of upper secondary students were enrolled in schools offering vocational programmes. Senior secondary schooling in China is growing and its role is diversifying. It comprises both general and vocational tracks, with the general education senior schools continuing to provide preparatory education for university entry and the vocational and specialist schools operating more as a terminal system. The flows of students from primary and junior secondary school through to senior secondary schooling are presented in Fig. 2.4. The rates can be viewed as flows relating to an entering cohort and each figure represents the percentage of the cohort that remains. So the figures indicate that, of those entering primary school, 27.3% remained to study in general senior secondary schools. A further 6.8% entered specialized vocational schools, 6.4% entered vocational high schools and 2.9% entered vocational skilled workers’ schools. Figure 2.4 shows that while some graduates exit school at the completion of primary school, the vast majority continue into junior secondary (98.1%). At the end of this stage of schooling, however, many leave school altogether and seek entry
Higher Education
17
Fig. 2.4 Flows of students through exit and progression points: China, 2004 Data Source: Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 (Ministry of Education P.R. of China, 2005). Note: Progression rates are based on published promotion rates for each stage in conjunction with age participation or enrolment rates and graduation rates
Primary School
98.1%
Junior Secondary School
43.4%
Upper Secondary School
16.1%
27.3% General Academic Senior Secondary Schools (27.3%)
Technical and Vocational Education and Training Specialised Secondary Schools
Vocational Secondary Schools
Skilled Workers’ Schools
(6.8%)
(6.4%)
(2.9%)
to the labour force (54.7%). Those that remain and progress to senior secondary schooling (43.4%) become separated with some entering general secondary schools, others entering specialized schools, vocational high schools or workers’ schools. Senior secondary school destination is based largely on senior secondary entrance test results. In terms of the crude measure of participation, senior secondary schooling is now the main stage of unequal educational opportunity. As Figs. 2.3 and 2.4 show, levels of participation remain low. While junior secondary school now provides most young people with an education for work and life as well as for progress to upper secondary education, for the majority it has become the key exit point from school. The transformation into a mass system of senior secondary education system may be underway, but still has a considerable way to go and will require sustained and concentrated effort. How to expand post-compulsory schooling presents a major challenge as there is a range of barriers.
Higher Education In 1949, less than 1% of the population attended university and even fewer held qualifications. During the 1950s, there was a small, but steady growth. However, in the 10-year ‘Cultural Revolution’ during the 1960s participation rates remained
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2 Education and Training in China
stagnant, with little or no growth in student enrolments. With the advent of the ‘Open-Door Policy’ in 1978, demand for university places increased and the growth in the number of universities did not meet the new levels of demand. In order to alleviate the pressure, the government adopted a policy of control over the admission quota through a national examination system, while expanding the university sector through new developments and refurbishment. In order to meet the demand for higher education, new forms were established. Correspondence and evening universities were introduced. After the 1980s, more flexible forms of adult higher education appeared, such as TV universities, employee universities, farmers’ universities and correspondence colleges. This development improved the scale and structure of higher education in China. By 2004, the national total enrolment of higher education in regular institutions had reached 14.2 million and adult higher education enrolment 4.2 million. There were 769 institutions providing postgraduate programmes and 1,731 regular higher education institutions with 684 providing normal degree courses and 1,047 providing short-cycle courses with many providing vocational programmes (Ministry of Education, 2005). The establishment of non-state/private higher education institutions provided further opportunities. They were introduced in the 1980s and grew rapidly during the 1990s. In the early stages, they were not accredited by the government to issue academic credentials. Their main function was to provide professional education to young people who could not enter the higher education institutions accredited to issue academic credentials. They were not treated as part of the education system. Later, a few of them began to be accredited to issue academic credentials by the government. In 1993, following An Outline for the Educational Reform and Development of China (The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, 1993), schools which were not accredited to issue academic credentials could take part in government-organized examinations. By 2004, there were 226 non-state/private regular higher education institutions, two nonstate/private adult higher education institutions and 1,187 other non-state/private higher education institutions. The total enrolment of this sector was 4.55 million. Because of limited resources, access into the first level of higher education of China is very competitive. The whole process is sometimes likened to a ‘fierce battle’. The senior secondary graduates have to take a national-level university entrance examination. The scores from the examination decide whether students gain the right to access or not, which kind of schools, university or college they can enrol in and where—other provinces or local, ordinary or key universities.
Technical and Vocational Education and Training Technical and vocational education is an important component of the education system in China. As Fig. 2.5 shows, it traverses three levels or stages of education: junior secondary, upper or senior secondary and tertiary.
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
General Education Postgraduate Studies
University Normal Courses
University 3-year Short-cycle courses
Technical and Vocational Education
University 2-year Short-cycle courses
Senior Secondary Schools
19
University Normal Courses
Higher Technical Vocational Education
Vocational High Schools
Secondary Specialized Schools
Skilled Workers’ Schools
Junior Secondary Technical Vocational Schools
Junior Secondary Schools
Primary Schools
Adult Education Postgraduate Studies
University 3-year Short-cycle courses
Adult Secondary Specialised Schools
Adult Technical Training Schools
Adult Senior Secondary General
University 2-year Short-cycle courses
Adult Training Schools
Adult Junior Secondary Schools
Employees’ Primary Schools Farmers’ Primary Schools (including Literacy Classes)
Kindergartens and Pre-schools
Fig. 2.5 The contemporary organizational structure of education in China
In China, secondary schooling is organized to deal with the diversity of students largely through providing separate schools based on student academic talents. Diversity in populations is accommodated through diversity in institutions, rather than the provision of diverse programmes in a single institution. The school population becomes separated at the end of primary school into one of two types of schools, either academic schooling provided in junior secondary general school or vocational education provided in separate junior secondary vocational schools. TVET provided at the junior secondary level is aimed at training school students with basic professional knowledge and certain professional skills. Students in these vocational schools undertake study that lasts 3–4 years. Many of the junior vocational schools are located in rural areas where the economy is less developed. The upper secondary level of vocational education mainly refers to vocational study in specialist vocational senior high schools. Three types of schools are provided: secondary specialized schools, skilled workers’ schools and the agricultural and vocational high schools, all providing vocational technical education as a separate secondary school stream. Upper secondary vocational education plays a major role in training manpower with practical skills. Students in junior secondary vocational schools can progress to the senior vocational schools. However, most students entering the upper secondary vocational schools do so from the generalist junior secondary general school. The specialized secondary schools enrol junior high school graduates with a schooling of usually 4 years and
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sometimes 3 years. A few specialties are open only to senior high school graduates, with the schooling lasting 2 years. The basic tasks of these schools are to train secondary-level specialized and technical skills for production; 2-, 3- and 4-year courses are focused on particular skill areas, such as mechanics and technology. In 2001, there were about 17,500 secondary vocational schools (including vocational high schools, specialized secondary schools and skilled workers’ school), with an enrolment of over 11 million students. In parts of China, vocational schools now enrol almost 50% of all students. Tertiary vocational education mainly enrols graduates from regular high schools and secondary vocational schools. At present, institutions providing tertiary vocational education are divided into four categories. The first is the higher vocational technology institutions; the second is the 5-year higher vocational classes provided in the regular specialized secondary schools; the third is the tertiary vocational education provided in some regular higher education institutions and adult higher education institutions; and the last is the reformed regular institutions offering 2- to 3-year higher education with emphasis on training practice-oriented talents, namely high-level professional technical talents, for industry and production. In recent years, the proportion of graduates form secondary vocational schools has increased, establishing the link between secondary and tertiary vocational education. As the dotted lines in Fig. 2.5 show, the connections between levels are still in the process of developing. All of the TVET institutions are mostly terminal at present. The intake of each level of TVET at upper secondary level, for example, is mostly from the graduates of the general sector. But the system is working towards all channels being connected. Technical and vocational training of various forms has been playing a more important role in technical and vocational education. At present, technical and vocational training is mainly conducted and managed by the departments of education and labour, but enterprises are encouraged to provide technical and vocational training for its own employees.
Development of School-Level TVET In 1949, vocational technical schools accounted for only a small proportion of total education enrolments—7.2% in the northeast area and 5.6% in north China (Liu, 1993). The new government at the time implemented a strategy to give priority to the development of heavy industry. A pressing demand for middle-level technical personnel had to be met. Technical and vocational education was viewed as an important means for doing so. In the first half of the 1950s, the advanced vocational schools (multi-disciplinary comprehensive vocational schools) from the old regime were transformed into a new form of specialized secondary school. Some with poor facilities were closed, and a large number of new schools were established. This form of schooling was supported by the government with an emphasis on training for particular industries:
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
21
‘One of the important shortcomings of the original schooling of the country has been that there was no proper schooling system for technical schools’ (China Education Yearbook Editorial Board, 1984). Secondary specialized schools were categorized into two varieties: technical schools and primary technical schools. The term of schooling for the technical schools was 2–4 years, enrolling junior secondary graduates or those with similar academic credentials. Primary graduates or those with similar education could be enrolled with an extended term of schooling of 4, 5 or 6 years. The term of schooling for primary technical schools was 2–4 years. Both types of specialized technical schools provided either short-term technical training programmes or continuing technical training programmes. As one edict stated, ‘the goal and tasks of the secondary technical schools are, by using theory-practice-united teaching methods, to cultivate qualified primary and middle-level technical personnel with necessary basic knowledge on culture and science as well as on modern technology’ (China Education Yearbook Editorial Board, 1984). The second half of the 1950s saw the specialized vocational schools focus on 10 industries: metallurgical industry, electric power supply, railway, urban construction, textile, light industry, commerce, food processing industry, medical management and agriculture. Each industry area established schools to supply training for the personnel needed in their own industry or field. By 1957, there were 728 schools and 428,000 enrolments. From 1958 to 1960 there was a large increase in the number of schools and enrolments to 4,261 schools and 1.38 million enrolments. The rapid expansion brought with it some difficulties such as poor-quality facilities and education quality. During the ‘Cultural Revolution’ the development of specialized vocational schools ceased. Following this period, the educational position, function and tasks of the specialized secondary education were re-confirmed and re-established. From the 1980s adjustments were made to the structure of senior secondary education to increase the proportion of vocational education at this level. By 1981, there were 2,170 schools and 632,000 enrolments. The growth continued. By 1999, there were 3,962 schools and 5.15 million enrolments. Recently, in the process of resource integration, some key specialized secondary schools have been upgraded to or merged with higher vocational institutions. Vocational High Schools At the time of establishment of the People’s Republic of China there were about 220 private vocational schools. Most of them were transformed into secondary specialized schools. The term ‘secondary specialized school’ was used instead of ‘vocational school’ in the new schooling system adopted in 1951, covering technical, teacher-training, medical and other schools with professional features. Most of the specialized vocational schools at this time offered programmes lasting 2–4 years, enrolling junior secondary graduates or those with similar academic credentials. Primary graduates or those with similar academic credentials could be enrolled with an extended term of schooling of 4, 5 or 6 years. According to a
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major policy document of the time, ‘the goals and tasks of the secondary technical schools are to cultivate qualified primary and middle-level technical personnel with necessary basic knowledge on culture and science as well as on modern technology’ (China Education Yearbook Editorial Board, 1984). A newly established type of vocational school was born in the ‘Great Leap Forward’.1 In 1958, a group of farmers started agricultural schools in Jiangsu Province, which took the lead for the establishment of a large number of agricultural, industrial and handicraft secondary schools. Even so, general secondary schools dominated and increased during the 1960s. However, because the graduates from the general schools did not have the skills needed by the labour market, the establishment of urban vocational schools of all varieties was encouraged by the government (Zhang, 1984). By 1965, the number of schools under the category of ‘Agricultural & Vocational Schools’ reached 61,626 with enrolments of 4.4 million. During the ‘Cultural Revolution’, vocational schools, especially the agricultural schools, stopped operating altogether. Even after 1971, when the secondary specialized schools and skilled workers’ schools resumed operation, the operation of the vocational high schools had not resumed. The boom of vocational high schools came in the 1980s. During this period, many general secondary schools were transformed into vocational schools. In 1983, there were 5,481 schools with 1.22 million enrolments; in 1987, there were 8,381 schools with 2.67 million enrolments. The increase continued into the first half of the 1990s, so that in 1994 there were 10,217 schools with 4.05 million enrolments. Skilled Workers’ Schools From the beginning of the People’s Republic of China, the retraining of over 4 million unemployed workers prompted preparation for the establishment of skilled workers’ schools. In 1949, there were only three schools, one in Changchun, another in Dalian and the other in Harbin. In 1952, there were 22 schools with 15,000 enrolments. From 1953 to 1957, accompanying the commencement of 156 major projects, many skilled workers’ schools had been established in different regions by different departments. The Administrative Council decided that the labour department should take the responsibility for their administration, for the making of the policies and regulations, establishment of curriculum, teaching plan and textbooks, the training and development of the teaching staff. In 1957, there were 144 schools and 147,000 workers graduated in the first 5-year plan from 1953 to 1957. From 1958, the expansion sped up. By the end of 1960, there were 2,179 schools and 517,000 enrolments.
1 A movement initiated by the Chinese Communist Party which established production targets for industry and agriculture with high-speed development.
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
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In 1961, the Ministry of Labor proposed that ‘. . .in order to make it more convenient to work and to differentiate the features of this type of school, schools which are mainly training workers should be named skilled workers’ schools’ (Liu, 1993). From then on, the technical schools of the country were named ‘skilled workers’ schools’. In the same year, the policy of ‘adjust, consolidate, substantiate and improve’ was adopted and in 1962 the schools were compressed into 155 with enrolments of 60,000. During the ‘Cultural Revolution’, many schools had to stop running. Some were changed into factories and others used for purposes other than education. In 1972, only some of the schools resumed. In 1973, it was stipulated by the National Planning Commission (The National Planning Commission & Science and Education Division, S.C., 1973) that ‘The Secondary Specialized Schools and Skilled Workers’ Schools should resume student admission.’ Since then the former schools gradually resumed operation and some factories and enterprises established new schools which had poor conditions, established just for recruiting children of the staff for employment. During the middle of the 1990s, the development continued with enrolments reaching about 2 million. But the development is closely related to and affected by the school distribution, the speed of industrialization in different regions and the structures of the state-owned enterprises.
Tertiary-Level TVET From the time of the establishment of the People’s Republic until the 1980s, the focus of development in vocational education was largely on secondary-level education. There were only limited numbers of tertiary-level TVET programmes offered by general higher education institutions. From 1985 to 1995, tertiary-level TVET began to develop. By 1996, there were 82 short-cycle higher TVET institutions offering higher TVET programmes, which amounted to 7.9% of enrolments in higher education institutions. Since 1993, when An outline for the reform and development of education in China was promulgated, higher TVET has become a new source of focus and growth in the vocational system of China and an important component of higher education (The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, 1993). The goal of higher TVET has been ‘. . . to cultivate a large number of specialized personnel with necessary theoretical knowledge and strong practical competence, which have been urgently required by the front line of production, construction, service management and rural areas’ (Ministry of Education, 1999). The period between 1996 and 1998 saw the active development of higher TVET. In 1997, the trial on higher vocational technical classes in key secondary specialized schools, which had been decided by the Ministry of Education, was undertaken. The provision of higher vocational programmes by the workers’ colleges, workers’ spare-time colleges as well as the joint provision of such programmes between some secondary specialized schools with facilities and the general higher education
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institutions had been greatly encouraged. Since 1997, the enrolment plan of higher TVET has been augmented with the tertiary non-university colleges. Recently, reform, re-organization, and restructure to the existing higher short-cycle colleges, workers’ colleges and independent adult universities have been carried out, which have transformed them into higher TVET institutions. Meanwhile, some qualified secondary specialized schools have opted for transformation into tertiary vocational technical colleges. Some regions have newly established higher TVET institutions and some universities have established vocational technical colleges. By 2004, there were 872 tertiary vocational technical colleges included in the 1,047 tertiary non-university institutions. The total enrolment of the non-university tertiary institutions was 5.95 million (Ministry of Education, 2005). There was no separate category of statistics for the enrolment of the vocational technical colleges. There is a range of institutions providing higher TVET programmes. They include vocational universities (vocational technical colleges), 13 of which were established in 1980, expanding to 126 in 6 years. They are administered by municipal-level government, so they are local universities, which provide programmes designed to meet the demands of local economic development. The term of schooling is 2–3 years. General tertiary non-university colleges are a type of school providing higher TVET programmes and were established in 1999. The term of schooling is 2–3 years. Independent adult universities have been established since 2000 and now make up about 30% of the higher TVET institutions. Subordinate colleges of general universities offer 4 years of schooling. Finally, folk-run universities are non-government-owned and have more flexibility in course development, enabling considerable responsiveness in terms of changes in market demand.
Apprenticeship Training This form of TVET was used to train some of the unemployed workers for new jobs at the beginning of the People’s Republic of China. At that time, many state-owned and private enterprises recruited apprentices. But there were no unified regulations for it until 1958, when the State Council (The State Council, 1958) promulgated ‘the Provisional Regulations for the Learning Term and Living Allowances of the Apprentices Working in State-Owned, Joint State-Private-Owned, CooperativeOwned, and Individually-Owned Enterprises and Institutions’. It stipulated that the age of the apprentice normally should be above 16 years, but for some special trades it can be below 16. The term of learning should be 3 years; it could be shortened for some simple job types, but it should not be less than 2 years. The learning term for some special types of complicated jobs can be extended appropriately. During the apprenticeship the working unit should provide monthly living allowances, the standard set according to the food expenses of the low-level worker in the trade, plus a small amount of pocket money. It also stipulated a range of other conditions such as medical care during the apprenticeship, labour insurance, the transition into regular work upon the completion of apprenticeship and the
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
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contracts between the apprentice and the enterprise or institution. According to this regulation, every department of industry and trade made its own regulations but they had to report to the Ministry of Labor for approval and for permission to proceed to implementation. During the ‘Cultural Revolution’, as with other forms of technical and vocational education and training, apprenticeship training was abandoned. After this period, apprenticeship training gained weak support as a form of skillbased education. In 1985, Decision on the Reform of the Education System (The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, 1985) stipulated that ‘relevant labor and personnel regulations should be reformed, the principle of “training comes before employment” should be adopted’. It required that all employees obtain qualifications before being employed, effectively sidelining apprenticeships as a form of training. In the same year, Provisional Measures for Solving the Problems in Employment Training were made by the Ministry of Labor and Personnel, suggesting the possibility of a combination of apprenticeship training with employment training and the application of work-study programmes. In 1986, the Report on the National Technical and Vocational Education Working Conference posed again that ‘the thousands of apprentices recruited by all enterprises and departments every year should follow the principle of “training comes before employment”, employment and selection should be made after assessment. . .’ (Education Commission, 1986). Given this emphasis, apprenticeship training has gradually been replaced by other forms of vocational training and has been in existence in name only.
Other Dedicated Centres of Training Recently, there have been some newly established comprehensive training centres, which have been converted from existing skilled workers’ schools, employment training centres and enterprise training bodies. They are multi-functional providing vocational training, skill appraisal, vocational guidance and employment-related integrated services. There are 2,700 employment training centres training 1.3 million people annually. There are a further 22,000 enterprise training centres and 20,000 private training institutions delivering training to 30 million people annually.
Administrative Structure of TVET in China Figure 2.6 presents an outline of the organizational structure of the administration of TVET in China. Figure 2.6 shows that vocational high schools are under the administration of the Ministry of Education and its local departments. Skilled workers’ schools and training institutions are managed by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security and its local bureaus. Secondary specialized schools come under the corresponding Ministries of Industry or Trade and their local bureaus, according to the specialist field of training they provide associated with the industry they serve. The higher
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National Level
Ministry of Education
Ministry of Labor & Social Security
Other Ministries of Industry/Trade
Local Level
Local Departments of Education
Local Bureau of Labor & Social Security
Other Bureaus of Industry/Trade
TVET Providers
TVET Schools
Skilled Workers’ Schools/Training Institutions
TVET Institutions with Strong Focus on Specific Profession/Trade
Fig. 2.6 Administration of TVET in China
TVET institutions developed in recent years have been under the administration of the Ministry of Education and its local departments. Starting in 1998, changes were made to the administration of the schools under different ministries of industry/trade (The Clerical Office of the State Council, 1998). Since 1998, the education administrative function of the central ministries over their relevant schools has been transferred to the local education administrative bodies. This shift has caused some difficulties, with attempts to take the chance to shift the responsibility of supporting vocational education and training away from central budgets, resulting in the loss of some resources for schools and institutions. This has led to corrections, in 2000, with the release of another document (Department of Education P.R. of China, 2000) by the Department of Education to make sure that the resources of secondary vocational education are properly managed during the reform process.
Developments in TVET in a Broader Context The formation and growth of the Chinese education and training system does not match that of developed and other rapidly developing countries. While education was an important principle espoused by national leaders in the 1960s, by the time China took a decision in the 1980s to internationally expose its economy the school and post-school education and training system was very weak. Thus unlike school systems in developed countries, the Chinese school system has not been supply-led (Archer, 1979). Typically school systems have been funded by government to support the processes on national building, and this applies to
Technical and Vocational Education and Training
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nations that formed in the nineteenth century as well as several Asian nations that formed in the twentieth century (Green, 1994; Green, Ashton, James, & Sung, 1999). In this sense there are some interesting contrasts between China and Russia. The shift of the Chinese towards a market economy has resulted in a huge increase in demand for education with major investments from both government and individuals. In Russia the same movement towards a market economy has led to a semi-collapse in public investment and its partial substitution through private investment (Vasilenko, 2006). As a consequence the growth of education and training can be viewed as demand-driven. This demand is twofold. There is a huge demand for industry and mainly middle-level skills. For example in the province of Guangdong, one of the provinces that has high rates of growth, the statistics of the demand and supply for technical and vocational workers and workers with technical qualifications provided by the provincial Bureau of Labour and Social Security are given in Fig. 2.7. This gap in the supply of skills and demand for skills training is unusual and contrasts with the capacity of other dynamic Asian economies to meet the demand through a combination of government-sponsored investments in general education, skills training and migration (Green et al., 1999). Second, there is a very large private demand, with large private investments in upper secondary and tertiary education and training which are both fee-paying. Within the rapidly growing provincial sub-economies the employment rates of TVET graduates are very high. However, there is a general preference on the part of most students and parents to attend the academic secondary schools and universities 2004
2005
2006
2007
Demand for A
Demand for B
2372447 954583
659931
1051427
1512611
Supply for A
769608
100000
863027
717444
600000
854490
1100000
1421154
1600000
1511840
1960648
2715037
2550231
2100000
1176598
Persons
2600000
3233401
3100000
Supply for B
A = Production, transportation, machinery operating personnel B = Personnel with technical qualifications (level 1 to 5)
Fig. 2.7 Demand and supply for technical and vocational workers in Guangdong, 2004–2007. (A) Production, transportation, machinery operation workers. (B) Workers with technical qualifications (levels 1–5) Data Source: Guangdong Bureau of Labour and Social Security
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rather than the vocational and technical schools. There also tend to be some small public investments in the forms of training for workers displaced from state-owned enterprises and for some categories of migrant workers, many of whom still face limited access to education and training through the hukou system. The hukou system determined rights of access for individuals to health, education, employment and other services based on household registration and residency permits. The characteristics of the formative processes of education and training and the current set of drivers and resultant patterns of expansion, therefore, are relatively unique. Other factors that add to the dynamics of the system include the reductions and changes in the technical training facilities of the former large state-owned enterprises, the shift of responsibility for vocational and technical training to the Ministry of Education and the multi-level governance system for technical and vocational education, including the system of key schools. These developments and the variable patterns across the Chinese provinces make for a complex scene and create considerable challenges for measuring the capacity and output of technical and vocational education and training in China and for comparisons with other countries.
Continuing TVET in China While the developed countries in Europe, as well as other OECD countries such as Australia and Canada, have been undertaking in-depth continuing TVET research and preparing and piloting large-scale international comparisons, Chinese researchers are in the early stages of understanding the concept of continuing TVET, debating its classifications and contents and explaining to the general public its importance. The concept of ‘continuing education’ was known in China in the 1970s, but not until almost the middle of the 1980s was there any real application of the concept. In 1984, the Association of Continuing Education Project of China was established. In 1989, the first official document on continuing education, The National Temporary Regulations on Continuing Education for Professional and Technical Personnel, was issued (Department of Personnel, 1989). The concept was formally defined and explained in two official documents in 1998 and 1999 (Department of Education P.R. of China, 1998; The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council, 1999). So China has a short history of recognizing continuing education and training as a principle and concept. As a result of this, there is a relatively imperfect and incomplete policy and legal framework for continuing education, which tends to hinder development. During the process of enterprise system transformation, legislation has been enacted only concerning tangible assets and the system of enterprise profit distribution, leaving the development of intangible assets—human resources, work-based training (an important form of continuing TVET) and enterprise-sustainable development ability—largely ignored. According to some studies (Ding, 2005; Yang, Chen, & Tao, 2002; Yang, 2002; Ling, 2003), one major issue concerning work-based
Conclusion
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training is that the existing legislation is formed mainly by periphery regulations. The National Vocational Education Law of China, established in 1996, was concerned only with the operations of vocational training institutions. There have been no specific laws to regulate enterprises in this regard. In other educational planning documents, it has not been specifically addressed. A second major issue is that the regulations focus mainly on the continuing education of personnel in public institutions, with only the continuing education of professional and technical personnel stipulated. The legislation, therefore, does not meet the needs created by the current high-speed economic development of China. Up until now, there has not been any comprehensive legislation on continuing TVET in China. Work-Based Training Vocational training (work-based training) of various forms has been playing a more important role in technical and vocational education. At present, work-based training is under the administration of the Ministry of Labour and Social Security at the national level and at local levels. Enterprises are encouraged to provide work-based training for its own employees.
Conclusion This chapter has presented an outline of the education and training system in China. It shows that technical and vocational education and training is an important component of the education system. From a small base in 1949, TVET has grown to become an integral part of the secondary school system and the tertiary sector. Its size and scope has varied over the last 50 years, depending on the political context and national policy decision-making. However, today, technical and vocational education and training accounts for a large part of the secondary school population and has expanded rapidly at tertiary level. The key task of this book is to measure how effectively the TVET system is working by comparison with the performance of systems in other countries. The next chapter looks at how other countries at an international level monitor their performance.
Chapter 3
International Comparisons of TVET
We are now in an era when pressure for knowledge and evidence-based policy and practice is greater than ever. There is a growing concern from major international organizations and countries to strengthen links so that the evolving knowledge base for education policy and practice can draw on international experience and research findings. Progression towards laying a robust foundation to support policy and practice through international cooperation is well advanced in developed countries, while in developing countries it is still very much in its infancy. International comparative studies are one expression of this evolving cooperation. International comparative studies have become an important tool for policy makers and educators to measure how effectively education systems are functioning and can provide a better understanding of the effects associated with different educational structures and reform. The increasing globalization of world economies has helped push the emergence of international comparisons of education and training systems including technical and vocational education and training. The earliest comparisons began to emerge in the 1980s and have become prominent since then. There have been two main types of international comparisons of TVET. The first involves comparisons of statistics compiled into appropriate frameworks, called indicator systems, to learn from a quantitative perspective how effectively and efficiently systems are performing. The second is more of a case-study approach involving one or a few systems where the focus is on profiling the different systems, their settings, structures, institutions and programmes. In this chapter the aim is to outline the main approaches to international comparisons of TVET. It begins by discussing the aims of international comparisons and the main approaches that are used. It then reviews some existing international comparisons which have been designed to assist policy makers in the field of education and training. This includes a review of some existing international comparisons of initial TVET that use quantitative statistical indicators. Comparisons based on case-study approaches are also considered, including a couple involving China. In the final section, the importance of continuing education and training is discussed and how continuing TVET, particularly work-based training, has been studied in Europe, Australia and Canada.
Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_3, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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Aims of International Comparisons According to a British study advocating the use of international comparisons, looking abroad to see what other governments have done can point us to problems, or to new mechanisms for implementing policy and improving the delivery of public services. International examples can provide invaluable evidence of what works in practice, and help us avoid either re-inventing the wheel or repeating others’ mistakes. We can also learn from the way in which other governments undertake the process of policy making itself (Government Social Research Unit, 2006).
These are some of the reasons for undertaking international comparisons in the general domain of public policy-making. This is also true in the field of technical and vocational education and training. International comparisons have been a frequent practice employed to evaluate the performance of education and training. Through the system of performance evaluation obtained by international comparisons, advances or limitations in policy, programmes and structures linked to the performance of TVET systems in different countries can be made apparent or highlighted and lessons learned for local contexts. International comparisons of technical and vocational education and training can increase our knowledge and understanding of the demands in other countries and the way they are tackled; help to develop targeted education policy strategies; provide a basis for and assist in translating successful ideas into actions; promote the development of medium-term education policy priorities; and expose inadequacies in one’s own country (Schedler, 1998). In a modern era of globalization, it can be noted that international comparisons of technical and vocational education and training have a further important aspect to offer, namely, to assist in the mobilization of labour forces across different countries, regions and continents. European governments in particular have made strides towards understanding and comparing countries’ education and training systems and the relevant accreditation systems so that the credentials or vocational qualifications of students or recruited workers from other countries and regions can be accredited or recognized properly. In this sense, we can say that international comparisons, or benchmarking of technical and vocational education and training, can assist with the mobility of working populations and better deal with the matching of labour skills and industry need, which can work beyond national boundaries. In general, the aims of international comparisons of TVET are to learn from other countries’ experiences, policies and structures. It can help to evaluate TVET systems for the purposes of improvement as well as to provide better understanding of labour market demand and supply in different countries, regions and continents so that smoother processes of mobilization of labour forces can occur, sometimes described as the globalization of labour. Eventually, international comparisons of TVET will gradually build up a knowledge base so that the policy makers of different countries are able to achieve evidence-based policy and practice by drawing on international knowledge and experiences.
Brief History of International Indicators
33
Strategies for Making International Comparisons In the field of international comparisons, different strategies and methodologies have been employed over time. One of the main approaches to comparisons is the use of quantitative studies that compile sets of indicators on key features of economies, social systems and education and training, such as UNESCO’s Global Education Digest. Another approach is the use of case studies involving small numbers of countries, as well as studies that combine both approaches. Ragin (1987) describes these three approaches as variable-oriented, case-oriented and combined or synthetic comparative strategies. All the methods have their limitations and values, reflecting different goals. Case-study approaches, comparing only a few countries, can allow a focus on detail and can have strength in being comprehensive and holistic, penetrating in greater detail the institutional structures and operations that underpin the performance of a country’s educational system. It could be argued, therefore, that such approaches can provide better insights into causation. However, the strength of case-oriented approaches is also its weakness. The key limitation is in the limited number of cases it can deal with. Because of this, Smelser (1976) argued that caseoriented comparative approach is best used when the number of relevant cases is too small to permit the use of statistical methods. But Ragin (1987) argued differently that it was not the number of relevant cases that limited the selection of method, but the nature of the method that limited the number of cases and the number of different causal conditions that the investigator was able to consider. Despite their different points, both of them recognized that case-oriented comparative approach has limitations in its handling of the number of cases. The variable-oriented comparative approach was stimulated by macro social policy and theory. It has strengths in being able to broaden the scope of study by applying analytic techniques to a substantial quantity of relevant evidence, such as general features of social structures viewed as variables (in our case of TVET systems). The variable-oriented comparative approach is a widely used and accepted approach for comparison across large numbers of countries. It permits systems of education to be compared in a norm-, self- or criterion-referenced manner across a number of exceptionally complex concepts by measuring each aspect of these concepts with a single variable and then combining them into an indicator. A composite picture of each concept is then produced through the indicator value that is calculated. Indicator approaches to international comparisons of national systems have a strong history.
Brief History of International Indicators Comparisons of systems using international indicators can be found as early as the 1960s when economic indicators were used to measure productivity and help provide government policy guidance (De Neufville, 1975; Scheerens, Glas,
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& Thomas, 2003). Comparisons at this point focused mainly on economic activity and included indicators such as gross domestic product (GDP) per capita. The purpose of the comparisons was to get a measure of the relative economic performance and how this varies across countries. The indicators were able to identify which economies were producing more and what factors contributed to this. In measuring these elements of performance in this way, it was then possible for nations to consider, from a comparative base, areas for potential future development and effort. In the mid-1960s, sets of social indicators were developed to measure and compare activity across a range of social areas including education (Wyatt, 1994). But, for various reasons—high expectations, poor-quality information and lack of linkage with policy objectives—the social indicators were no longer favoured by the late 1970s (Carley, 1981). In the 1980s, there was renewed interest in the use of indicators to measure education output. This was due to growing demand for more and better information about the functioning of education systems, which led to ‘a search for more sophisticated evaluation methods for measuring educational processes and outputs’ (Desmond, 1992, p. 13), as well as ‘the need for greater accountability of the use and results of resource spending’ (Wyatt, 1994, p. 112). Early examples include The condition of Education (NCES, 1989) and Youth Indicators (NCES, 1993) both published by the National Center for Education Statistics in the United States. According to Scheerens et al. (2003), three trends have marked the development of education indicator systems. The first trend was the transition from descriptive statistics to measuring performance. The second trend was a movement towards more comprehensive indicator systems. The third trend was a move towards conceptualizing indicator systems to measure data at more than one aggregation level. Indicator systems have been more and more used, as Oakes (1986) has noted, to measure the health and effectiveness of the education system and help policy makers make better decisions, including the system of technical and vocational education and training. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the European Union have been the most active advocators and developers of international education indicator systems.
Indicator Approaches to International Comparisons What Are Indicators? According to the definition by Van den Berghe (1997), indicators form a set of statistics which are meant to provide general information about the state of a system, an organization or a product, etc. Their difference with other types of statistics lies in three aspects:
Brief History of International Indicators
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1. They are designed for a particular type of use. 2. They are designed to facilitate relevant comparisons (comparison of their changing values over time, comparison among different units or measure performance against a standard). 3. They are constructed from two or more variables of the system being considered. In West’s (1999) view, statistics are only descriptive, while indicators are statistics which ‘. . .can assist with making a range of different sorts of comparisons as a result of having a common point of reference’. On this point, Nuttall (1992) argues that the reference point could be ‘some socially-agreed upon standard, a past value, or a comparison across schools, regions or nations’ (Nuttall, 1992). Wyatt (2004) added some further argument pointing out that what distinguishes indicators from sets of statistics is not only the deliberate focus on issues of policy relevance, but also the emphasis placed on conceptual coherence. The issue of coherence around themes or dimensions is an important point. It implies that in order to achieve the purpose, there should be a group of indicators organized together into a set or a system. The way they stay together should be intelligible and articulate to be able to produce a fuller picture of the performance of the evaluated system of education. Some have referred to such schemes as performance indicators. For example, NCES’s publication (NCES, 2005) defines performance indicators as indicators used to measure the outcomes of the education system, which are built up on the ‘building blocks’ of context (input and process) indicators. Others refer to quality indicators. Van den Berghe (1997) defines quality indicators as ‘performance indicators that refer to a quality characteristic or objective’, which would allude to the broad context of performance evaluation in which they operate. Being more specific, he goes on, ‘a quality indicator is a figure, which is helpful for the assessment of a quality characteristic or the achievement of quality objectives’ (Van den Berghe, 1997). So a quality indicator is a specific kind of performance indicator, which evaluates the degree of achievement of objectives, goals or plans. What Are Indicator Systems? Collections of indicators are often referred to as indicator systems (Scheerens et al., 2003). Norberto and Herbert (1992) describe them as a coherent set of indicators that together provide a valid representation of the condition of a particular education system, not just an ad hoc collection of readily available statistics. This means that indicators need or tend to be grouped into areas of performance and interest. For example, Kaagan and Coley (1989) defined an indicator system as a framework into which an array of indicators is placed for review and analysis, leading to possible assessments for modifications of policy and practice. In summary, indicators are specially designed statistics for the purposes of description, evaluation, monitoring and policy relevance. When they are applied to the field of education to describe, evaluate, monitor and provide policy focus, they are called educational indicators. In their application, they are organized into
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indicator systems to document and describe situations, identify problems, monitor changes, provide policy reference and, the most difficult of all, reflect the relations among the different elements of education. In this way, the construction of an indicator system is a process which goes beyond simply compiling in an ad hoc way individual indicators or measures.
Models and Frameworks of Education Indicators There are two sorts of approaches taken to developing or grouping indicators into a system. One uses the notion of a ‘model’ of indicators. The other term that is frequently used is the notion of a ‘framework’. They both are ways of organizing or grouping indicators into coherent sets. The model approach takes an educational production process to group indicators, while the framework approach builds the indicators into any structure of interest in education (Ogawa & Collom, 1998). Many researchers (Shavelson, McDonnell, & Oakes, 1989; Nuttall, 1994; McEwen, 1993) have advocated a model approach, which recognizes the important parts of education to be measured as a process. In early developments, there was only a simple model of ‘inputs’ and ‘outputs’, which was based on the notion that investments will lead to returns or improvements in output (Selden, 1985). Later work articulated ‘process’ as a key feature consistent with the notion of a production model (Raizen & Jones, 1985; Shavelson, McDonnell, & Oakes, 1991). The production-function model of the educational system developed by RAND has been a dominant model in the development of indicators (Oakes, 1986; Shavelson, McDonnell, Oakes, Carey, & Picus, 1987). The model is defined as ‘inputs’ (fiscal and other resources, teacher quality, student background) transformed through ‘processes’ (school quality, curriculum quality, teaching quality, instructional quality) into ‘outputs’ (achievement, participation, dropout, attitudes and aspirations). A framework is more a hypothetical description of a complex entity or process. It has been used by some as a basis for a steady indicator system free of the ‘mechanistic’ features of a model. Frameworks do not usually imply causal relations among the various components and are not as prone to inviting instrumental usage of the results. Since frameworks are not attempts to build a comprehensive map of the educational system, the data derived from them are used more often to inform discussion rather than prescribe policy (Ogawa & Collom, 1998). The Special Study Panel on Education Indicators (SSPEI) recommended the use of frameworks and took a framework approach to the development of indicators in 1991. Both approaches are useful and can serve different purposes. Ogawa and Collom (1998) suggested that the model approach is more suited for policy-relevant purposes and the framework approach for general descriptive purposes. Both the ‘model’ and ‘framework’ approaches have a worthwhile function—the organization of indicators into an appropriate coherent set, which reveals what we want to know, in as clear a way as possible, about the performance of education systems. It is not really important who favours which approach. The most important
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thing is that both approaches suggest that indicators are woven into an explicit and coherent system for description, evaluation and comparison.
Main International Comparisons Using Indicator Systems Education at a Glance In response to the concerns from governments of OECD countries to seek and identify effective policies that will help member country’s populations improve their social and economic prospects, and would also help to optimize the use of limited educational resources to meet increasing demand by motivating greater schooling efficiency, a project called International Indicators of Education Systems (INES) was initiated in 1988. Education at a Glance has been the product of this project, a system of indicators for cross-national comparisons in education. The National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES) of the USA was a major contributor to the project, a project that involves the continuous cooperation of education authorities, public servants, researchers and statisticians in 30 countries. The comparisons began in 1992 when OECD presented a preliminary set of indicators in the draft of Education at a Glance (EAG). Since then, EAG has become one of the most prominent sources of international comparisons in education and training. The scope of the comparison is among the 30 member countries, and the indicators ‘are the product of an ongoing process of conceptual development and data collection, the objective of which is to link a broad range of policy needs with the best available international data’ (OECD, 2004). They cover the broad gamut of education from early childhood to adult education and training. In 1997, OECD and UNESCO established the World Education Indicators (WEI) Project, with the support of the World Bank. OECD published indicators for many of the WEI countries in the 1998 and 2000 edition of Education at a Glance. This extended the coverage of some of the indicators to almost two-thirds of the world’s population. Some indicators of TVET are included, such as, participation in continuing education and training. Indicators are presented over four key areas: 1. 2. 3. 4.
Financial and human resources invested in education Participation in education Learning environments and organization of schools Individual and labour market outcomes of education
Measurement of TVET activity and performance is confined largely to three of the four areas. Key Data on Education in the European Union Key Data on Education in the European Union is a publication by the European Commission, Eurydice and Eurostat (European Commission, 1996). The first edition was produced in 1994. The major statistical contributor is Eurydice, one
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of the strategic mechanisms established by the European Commission and member states to boost cooperation, by improving understanding of systems and policies throughout Europe. The most recent edition covers 30 European countries, which take part in the activities of the Eurydice network within the Socrates programme—Europe’s education programme—which has the main objective of promoting lifelong learning, encouraging access to education for everybody and helping people acquire recognized qualifications and skills. It contains a combination of statistical data and qualitative information on the organization and operation of European education systems. Improvement to each edition has been made on various aspects concerning structure, content expansion and data source enrichment. There are two phases of the technical work to this publication, namely, the statistical component and the qualitative component. Eurostat undertakes the work of statistical data collecting and indicator commentary writing, while the Eurydice network undertakes the task of writing the qualitative report in keeping with the results of the descriptive indicators. This publication has rich sources of data from the Eurydice network, the European Statistical System, the UOE Database, the Demographic Database, the Community Labor Force Survey, the European System of National and Regional Accounts and the international PISA/PIRLS databases. The publication deals exclusively with education systems and there is no information on vocational training, which is reported in a separate publication, Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union (European Commission, 1997).
Global Education Digest The Global Education Digest is an annual publication by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Institute for Statistics (UNESCOUIS), which is supporting the development of international education indicators. The OECD/UNESCO and World Bank programme cooperatively developed World Education Indicators (WEI) in which OECD and non-OECD countries participate. Its first issue was published in 2003. This annual publication has been produced to facilitate comparisons of education systems around the world with accurate, reliable and timely statistics to enable or ultimately help support a more equitable distribution of learning opportunities and efficient use of human and financial resources in different countries. There is generally one topic of focus in each issue, on which analyses relevant to the state of global education statistics are presented. The countries are organized into eight groups for comparison: Arab States; Central and Eastern Europe; Central Asia; East Asia and the Pacific; Latin America and the Caribbean; North America and Western Europe; South and West Asia; and Sub-Saharan Africa. Indicators are accompanied by analyses and summaries. For example, the focus topic for 2006 was ‘Tertiary Education: Extending the Frontiers of Knowledge’ and in 2003 it was ‘The State of Global Education Statistics: Measuring Progress Towards Universal Primary Education’.
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Comparative Indicators of Education in the USA and Other G8 Countries The National Center for Education Statistics (NCES), the Institute of Education Sciences and US Department of Education often undertake international comparisons often focused on G8 (Group of 8) countries consisting of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Russian Federation, the UK and the USA. The indicators are organized by four levels of education: pre-primary, primary, secondary and higher education. ISCED 97 is used as the classification framework. The usual input–process–output model is not applied in these comparisons in the way evident in studies such as EAG. In the 2004 edition, there were no indicators on technical and vocational education and training.
TVET-Specific Comparisons Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union The first edition of Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union was published in 1997, a result of joint effort between the European Commission, Directorate-General for Education and Culture, Eurostat and CEDEFOP (European Commission, 1997). As outlined in its introduction, its purpose was to provide policy and decision makers with reliable, comprehensive, detailed and comparable information on training for young people, so that they can design, monitor and evaluate their training policies more effectively. It is a publication which comes out of the training statistics project of the Leonardo da Vinci programme.1 The statistical programme involves 10 development areas, which have been different in the two phases of the Leonardo da Vinci programme. In the first phase (1995–1999), the 10 areas were 1. Development of an internationally comparable classification for vocational training 2. Development of a coherent statistical reporting system for initial vocational training 3. Transition of young people from education to working life 4. Analysis of the social and economic situation of students and participants in VET programmes 5. Continuing vocational training survey (CVTS) 6. Analysis of training provision 7. Inclusion of an internationally comparable module on training in the already existing surveys coordinated by Eurostat 8. Education and training accounts 9. International Adult Literacy Survey 10. Foreign language learning 1 A programme adopted by the Council of Ministers of the European Union in 1994 for the implementation of a community vocational training policy. The first phase of the programme was from 1995 to 1999 and the second from 2000 to 2006.
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In the second phase (2000–2002), they were 1. Early school leavers 2. Analysis of the results of the Labor Force Survey ad hoc module 2000 on transition from education to working life 3. Young people’s training and the VET data collection 4. Informal learning and automated tests 5. Training in enterprises and CVTS 6. Training financing 7. Structural business statistics 8. Specific training subjects 9. Skills adequacy 10. Foreign language learning The publication promoted a broad quantitative overview of the diversity of training in Europe. It draws on major surveys launched under the Leonardo da Vinci programme and its predecessors. It also complements Key Data on Education in the European Union (European Commission, 1996). Its audiences are of a wide range, covering researchers, policy makers, enterprises and training institutions. Since the first edition in 1997, there has been a second edition in 1998— Young People’s Training—and a third edition in 2001—Transition from Education to Working Life. Young People’s Training looks at one stage of lifelong learning. It covers eight aspects of TVET in the European Union. It locates young peoples’ position in the socio-economic context of the European Union and illustrates the TVET systems with detailed programme descriptions concerning education levels and duration. It also presents comparisons of apprenticeship systems, as well as other forms of continuing TVET opportunities. The publication combines both quantitative and qualitative information to present a more objective, insightful and significant overview of TVET. The Transition from Education to Working Life looks at the next stage of young people’s training—the stage when they finish their study. It makes some detailed analyses of the mechanisms that affect the process of young people seeking their first job and the role of training and the labour market. It examines the dynamics of young people’s transition from study to the world of work. This publication also combines both descriptive and analytical approaches to provide an overview of the situation of young people’s transition. The framework for the indicators was drawn from the findings of research on transition based on relevant social and economic theories.
TVET in Central and Eastern Europe—Key Indicators The European Training Foundation have published statistical documents on TVET as part of the key indicators project that began in 1996 (European Training
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Foundation, 2000). Aimed at providing quantitative information on the structure and functioning of the vocational education and training systems in partner countries, the project attempts to monitor the educational systems and labour market of the Central and Eastern European countries, on a regular basis within a shared European Union framework. The data are from the National Observatory network,2 supplemented by data from Eurostat and OECD. There have been four editions published since 1998, each providing expanded and enriched information. Although the number of indicators has not increased, the contents of the comparative analyses have increased. There are only a selected number of indicators used to accomplish the task of comparing countries of broad geographical coverage with international comparability. The classification of the education and training systems is based on ISCED 76 and the labour market indicators are based on the definitions and classification of the International Labour Organization.
TVET Indicator Study in Korea In 1998, the Korean Research Institute of Vocational Education and Training (KRIVET) undertook a project to develop relevant vocational education and training indicators. From this work came a publication named Vocational Education and Training Indicators in Korea which has been produced annually by the same institution. According to the description in the 2000 edition, the system of the indicators was designed with an input and output model. The indicators were grouped into five parts: (1) the environment of TVET, (2) input, (3) process, (4) results of TVET and (5) international comparisons.
Occasional or Periodic Comparisons with Other Countries There are international comparisons which are undertaken from time to time for a specific purpose in a one-off fashion. Some of these studies use quantitative measures as well as approaches other than indicator comparisons. They are usually undertaken with the aim of helping to map TVET systems internationally and assist policy-making and can provide important contributions to information support for policy-making. There are many examples of which only a couple are reported here. 2 It
was set up by the European Training Foundation in partnership with the national authorities of the partner countries in order to ensure accurate, up-to-date information on the progress of technical and vocational education and training reform. The National Observatories, which are for the most part housed by existing organizations involved in the reform process, gather and analyse information on vocational education and training issues on the basis of a common framework agreed with the foundation. Since 1996, National Observatories have been set up in the 24 partner countries, which are eligible for support under the EU Phare and Tacis Programmes (European Training Foundation, 2000).
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One such study is that by Keating, Medrich, Volkoff, and Perry (2002). Detailed descriptive information is provided on nine countries covering a broad dimension of policy and structural alternatives in the areas of finance, governance, recognition, integration, relationships with education systems and labour market linkages. The study compares nine countries—France, Germany, the UK, China, Japan, Singapore, Chile, Mexico and the USA—in three regions (Europe, east Asia and the Americas), with synthetic strategies. Besides basic descriptive information, it provides some valuable statistical information on each country. In the case of China, GDP growth rates, some economic and education indicators, percentage of GDP output by type of enterprise, employment (and employment growth) by sector, variations in percentage GDP across sectors, availability of skilled labour, levels of education of China’s labour force, Chinese education sector levels and size, education attainment of full-time vocational school teachers and sources of funding for TVET have been illustrated. Some important non-statistical information on TVET institutional arrangements, policies and existing problems have been enumerated and examined country by country. After the comparisons among the countries, this study comes to a conclusion that an ideal TVET system does not or will not exist, because of the complexities of societies and economies. Under the pressure of change, the central goals of TVET— skills formation and adaptation, lifelong learning, social and sectoral distribution of skills, transition pathways and employment—need TVET systems to be adaptive and responsive to changing scenarios. A recent comparison by Misko (2006) demonstrates, in a case-oriented comparative approach, the TVET systems of Australia, the UK and Germany. After detailed descriptions, similarities and differences are summarized and issues of consideration for Australia are raised. The study focuses on some of the major elements of the TVET systems including formal industry input, pathways to qualifications, apprenticeships, institutional pathways to vocational qualifications, quality assurance processes, recognition and credit transfer processes. It reached the following conclusions: 1. training policies are increasingly dependent on similar general principles, while there are specific implementations of the principles in three countries; 2. apprenticeship pathways are still prominent in three countries, with extended applications into occupations with no formal history of apprenticeship; and 3. clear and open communication across education and training sectors within and between education and training systems poses a big challenge. In 1994, a study by Felstead, Ashton, Green, and Sung (1994) on five countries—Germany, France, Japan, Singapore and the USA—aimed at producing timely and accurate sets of data on education, training and skill levels, as well as relevant institutional systems and policies. It served more the purpose of an information-gathering exercise rather than making comparisons. This study attempted to demonstrate in a statistical manner the institutional characteristics of each technical and vocational education and training system, including participation
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rates in general education, technical and vocational education and training for each country, the costs of the different TVET systems, the qualification/skill structure produced and the lack of basic reading, writing and mathematical skills. It also singled out several industries and occupations for particular attention, including the industrial sectors of manufacturing, engineering and construction and the occupational categories of corporate managers and administrators, science and engineering professionals, science and engineering associate professionals and skilled engineering trades. Although a precaution was made about using the quantitative data for direct comparisons, the study could be viewed as an important part of the general literature around international statistical data gathering and the process of making international comparisons.
Comparisons Involving China In the international research community, China has been included in only a limited number of cross-national comparisons, because of the lack of internationally comparable data. There have been a few single-nation comparisons made. A case-oriented comparison on the linkages between secondary and post-secondary vocational education and training in China and Australia was undertaken in 2002 (Misko, Liu, Ouyang, Jiang, & Oanh, 2002). The study gives a descriptive illustration of the TVET systems and the linkages between lower TVET and higher TVET. It also undertakes four case studies at two locations in each country—one municipal and one provincial. Linkage models are identified and compared. Major comparisons and suggestions for improvement are made. Although it does not take an indicator approach, it profiles the TVET systems of both countries as well as one detailed part of the systems—the linkages between lower and higher TVET. It draws the conclusion that both countries have made considerable effort in opening up the pathways through creation of effective linkages between higher and lower TVET, though the progress does have problems. Given this, more efforts to work on the unique aspects of the linkages are needed in both countries. Another study of a similar type on the linkage between industry and TVET in Australia and China provides information and makes comparisons on the relevant ‘establishment, operation and uptake of collaborative activities’ (Misko, Liu, Jiang, Wu, & Wang, 2005, p. 5). Similarities and differences are shown across issues of purpose, historical influences, value systems, educational philosophies, concepts of industry involvement and models of collaboration. The study concludes that effective industry–vocational education linkages are beneficial from various perspectives for industry, governments, vocational institutions and students. The challenge is the development of activities that will help all those involved achieve their expectations. Issues such as adequate funds for the establishment and maintenance of linkages, identification of industry skill shortages and training responses have been identified. A comparative study conducted collaboratively by the Korean Research Institute for Vocational Education and Training (KRIVET) and the Chinese Central Institute
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for Vocational and Technical Education (CIVTE) acknowledges the contributions of vocational and technical education to the development of industry, examines the impact of differences in industrial development in both countries and proposes collaborations in the future development and improvement of vocational and technical education in both countries. The study involves mainly descriptions of the TVET systems and processes. It does not set out to make conclusions based on findings but rather proposes suggestions concerning the development of the TVET systems in both countries. The Importance of Continuing TVET As early as 1911, Frederick Taylor had realized the importance of employee training (a major form of continuing vocational education and training) which he outlined in his book Scientific Management (The Principles of Scientific Management) (Taylor, 1972 reprinted). He noted, ‘. . .our opportunity lies in systematically cooperating to train and to make the competent man . . . our leaders should be trained right as well as born right. . .’ (p. 6), pointing out that high-quality workers could only be gained through strict selection or a scientific training process. Theodore W. Schultz (1961) viewed skills and knowledge as ‘. . .attributes that affect particular human capabilities to do productive work’, which would help the ‘human investment to yield a positive rate of return’ (p. 8). His human capital theory maintained that in the modern society, the contribution to economic growth made by improved knowledge, competence and health has been greater than that achieved through the increase of material capital or unskilled labour. This obviously placed continuing vocational education and training in a very important position. Firmbased on-the-job training, formal education and adult learning programmes were three of the five major activities to improve human capabilities that he listed. From a functional perspective, in a world where the traditional differentiation between ‘education’ and ‘training’ is gradually being replaced by the concept of ‘lifelong learning’, continuing technical and vocational education and training has become more and more important as it satisfies a large proportion of lifelong learning demand from each individual after he or she finishes school and enters the world of work. From a global perspective, the development of science and economy has demonstrated that economic growth relies more and more on the production, propagation and application of knowledge. Knowledge and associated skills have become the most important force behind economic development, rather than labour power and capital alone. In developed countries, knowledge-based economy occupies over 50% of the GDP, while high-tech products have a large share of the manufacturing industry. The rapid development of the world economy has demonstrated a trend of adjusting industrial structures to increase the proportion of the economy based on knowledge, skills and high-tech production. All these mark an era of the knowledge-based, globalized world economy based on sustainable economic development, intangible capital investment and intellectualized economic strategy.
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Compared to labour power and capital, knowledge and skills have become a more important element in production process. In this situation, knowledge, skill and competency have become the precondition and base of innovative development. Continuing technical and vocational education and training enhances the capabilities of human capital, by equipping the labour force with necessary skills and competencies, and plays a very important role in the knowledge-based economy. Continuing technical and vocational education and training equips the labour force with necessary skills and competencies, ‘to help workers to renew or adapt previously accumulated skills and enable them to fully contribute to the improvement of productivity or innovation (Turcotte, Leonard, & Montmarquette, 2003, p. 11)’.3 It is required by a fast-developing economy which needs all-rounded quality personnel with broad knowledge and greater capabilities. Enterprises, taking their social liabilities, should not only be economic entities for the production of profit, but also be places that produce capable personnel for both its own production and the construction of social well-being through provision of continuing technical and vocational education and training. How Has Work-Based Training Been Studied in the Developed World? Because work-based training is important for social and economic development, there is a need to have a better understanding of the current levels of provision and participation. How is work-based training measured? At an earlier stage, Taylor’s scientific management theory had stimulated early investigations into employee training. Several perspectives emerged and have lasted. Munsterburg studied training from a psychological perspective and published Psychology and Industrial Efficiency in 1913 (Munsterburg, 1913). McGehee and Thayer (1961) studied training with analytical methods and proposed three foci— organization analysis, task or operation analysis and personnel analysis. In the 1980s, demographic analysis was added to these. In addition, Goldstein (1986) studied employee training from psychological and evaluative perspectives and developed and expanded a system of theories around the theme. The lifelong learning concept was first proposed by Lengrand in 1965 and implied that learning and skill development should not end once individuals enter work, but should continue. These ideas have supported work-based models of learning such as the theory of staff collective training and the staff collective training model developed by Humphrey in 1990. All of this theory development not only is evidence of the importance that society and scholars have attached to employee training in the West, but has also laid theoretical foundations for the study of work-based training within businesses. Following the emergence of the theoretical studies have come large-scale empirical investigations into practice and current provision, including comparisons
3 There
has been an empirical study by ‘Baldwin (1999) on Innovation, training and success, showing positive correlations between growth and innovation and between innovation and training.
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made among countries. Taking the lead, the European Union, Canada, the USA and Australia had undertaken comparisons of firm-based training among industries and enterprises of different sizes at a national level and internationally among countries and regions. Some international comparisons of work-based training have been made among European countries and OECD countries to evaluate the performance and quality of training systems. But comparisons need to be based on reliable and comparable data. Large-scale data collection is not an easy task. Efforts have been made and there have been achievements in various countries and regions in gaining consistent mechanisms for the collection of information on continuing technical and vocational education and training. The International Adult Literacy Survey is a good example of the development of cross-country data collection for international comparisons. It is also worth considering other developments in the measurement of continuing technical and vocational education and training for the purposes of international comparisons. Europe Continuing Vocational Training Survey 1 As early as 1990, the Council of the European Communities had established a programme—FORCE (FORCE Technical Assistance Office, 1990)—to develop continuing vocational training in the European Community. It aimed to support and complement the policies and activities developed by and in the European Union member states in the area of continuing vocational training. In 1994 (concerning 1993) the first continuing vocational training survey (CVTS1) was conducted in 12 European Union member states. Through this survey, internationally comparable data on CVT were collected for the first time. Required by the Council of the European Union, a biannual report had been made by each European member state concerning measures taken to implement the nine guidelines in the FORCE framework and the arrangements to promote and finance CVT. The first publication—a synthesized report, Continuing Vocational Training in Europe: State of the Art and Perspectives—from the FORCE project was published in 1995 (Brandsma et al., 1995). Based on an analysis of the national reports, it outlined common developments, issues and problems in CVT in Europe within the FORCE framework of guidelines, concerning concepts, definitions and system components of CVT, financing systems, suppliers and personnel, access and participation, planning, quality assurance and certification and perspectives on CVT. The results of CVTS1 reported on the situation of CVT in 50,000 European enterprises and contained information on the type of training, the size and sector of the enterprise, providers of external purchased training courses, subjects of training courses, costs of courses, whether enterprises have training plans for budgets and some features of the planning process and how enterprises that did not train obtained the skills they needed. It confirmed the importance of the size of the enterprise as a major determinant of whether workers are offered training and delineated how
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the opportunities for receiving training varied considerably between sectors of the economy. It also revealed that, although enterprises organized about half of the training offered internally, when training with an external provider was included in analyses, private training companies were the largest single group of suppliers in nearly all countries, which suggested the existence of a large training market. On the financing of CVT, the high labour cost of releasing employees for training was revealed. For this reason, training courses were mainly of short duration unless external financial support was available such as that provided through the European Social Fund. It also revealed that, although the most common training offered was in the techniques of producing goods and services and the maintenance of equipment used, health and safety legislation stimulated training provision on these topics in certain sectors. This work was very important in highlighting dimensions of CVT. The FORCE project laid a firm foundation concerning systematic collection of available data, development of comparable concepts, a common methodological framework and the establishment of databases in participating countries for further implementation of continuing vocational training surveys. Continuing Vocational Training Survey II The second continuing vocational training survey (CVTS) was conducted in 2000 (concerning 1999), in 25 European countries. Enterprises with 10 or more employees from the economic spheres of manufacturing, commerce, hotel and restaurant industry, transport and communications, insurance and loan industry and services were included in the survey, with the exclusion of agriculture and forestry businesses and the public sector. In total 76,000 enterprises participated in the survey. Data were collected from enterprises on the personnel training they had organized in 1999. The data were used to describe the number of participants in training sponsored by employers and personnel training days received according to the gender of participants, the training organizer, training content and training costs. In addition, the survey studied the forms of training used, enterprises’ personnel training principles, trends in training and obstacles to the provision of training. The CVTS2 revealed that 62% of the enterprises offered continuing vocational training measures; 47% of employees participated in internal or external training courses; the average training length per participant was 31 h; and the average total cost per course hour for the 15 EU member states was $50 PPS in 1999. In most EU member states, enterprises viewed CVT as important for the transfer and movement of workers. However, in the European Union, only one-third of enterprises had developed or designed an operational plan for CVT (European Commission, 2002). The Establishment of an Ongoing CVT Survey The implementation of CVTS1 and CVTS2 was based on ‘gentlemen’s agreements’ between Eurostat and EU member states. Once the CVTS2 was finalized, Eurostat
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and the EU member states decided to develop a legal basis for data collection as part of the European Statistical System in the form of a Regulation of the European Parliament and Council. Based on the CVTS2, plans for continuing international surveys have developed, producing methodological preparation of the third European Continuing Vocational Training Survey. This includes a coherent system of statistics and indicators associated with in-company education and training, refining the European CVTS2 questionnaire, improving the survey guidelines and the practical concepts and definitions used to conduct the survey. There have been attempts to improve the reporting of non-formal forms of in-house continuing vocational training, extending the survey to include initial technical and vocational education and training provided within enterprises. It is planned that the surveys become regular and routine as a means of comparing the CVT effort in member nations. This demonstrates that CVT surveys in European countries have been undergoing a process of gradual improvement and harmonization. Continuing vocational training surveys have become an ongoing activity which includes all aspects and forms of training taking place in businesses of all sizes in Europe. They are one of the major tools of the EU for establishing indicators in the area of continuing vocational training. They allow for progress on investment in human capital in companies to be monitored and provide insights into more qualitative aspects of enterprise-based CVT.
Australia Major Surveys on or Relevant to Training in Australia According to Smith (1999), statistical information on Australia’s training provision was not available until the late 1980s. Since the early 1990s, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) has conducted surveys concerning the training expenditure and training practices of employers as well as the distribution of training activities between demographic and occupational groups in the workforce, which have shed light on the understanding of enterprise training in Australia. Until now, the bodies conducting the surveys—the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) and the National Center for Vocational Education Research (NCVER)—have been the main source of information on vocational training in Australia. The major surveys are the Survey of Education, Training and Information Technology, from which is produced the publication Education and Training Experience, Australia (ABS, 2006); the Training Expenditure and Practices Survey (TEPS), from which is published Employer Training Expenditure and Practices, Australia (ABS, 2006); and the surveys on employers’ views on relevant aspects of VET, which produces Australian Vocational Education and Training Statistics: Employers’ Use and Views of the VET System (NCVER, 2009). There have been some additional studies conducted on relevant aspects of enterprise training, resulting in a number of research publications.
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Training Expenditure Survey (TES), Training Practices Survey (TPS) and Training Expenditure and Practices Survey (TEPS) These were a series of employer surveys conducted by the ABS. According to the ABS, the purpose of TES was to provide statistical input into policy development on enterprise-based training and to assist in the evaluation of national training policies. It was designed to produce accurate estimates of total training expenditure at both national and industry levels. Estimates of the costs to employers of providing structured training to their employees over a 3-month period are assessed using the data collected. It was a mail-based survey and the results were summarized in the publication Employer Training Expenditure, Australia July to September (1989, 1990, 1993 and 1996). The data obtained included: • • • • • • • • • •
number of employees including males, females, full-time/part-time/casual; number of trainers and support staff; total training expenditure; expenditure on structured in-house training; expenditure on structured external training; field of training—employee costs for time receiving training and training hours; in-house trainers’ and support staff’s gross wages and salaries; fees paid to consultants and institutions for conducting in-house courses; fees paid to consultants and institutions for conducting external courses; other training expenditure for in-house and external training including equipment, travel, accommodation and meals for trainers and trainees to attend courses, hire of training rooms and payments to industry training bodies; • training subsidies received from government sources; and • payment received for employees of other organizations attending training. The purpose of TPS was similar to TES, but with a focus on collecting information from employers in Australia on the types of training provided to their employees. It also explored reasons why employers adopted certain practices and what influenced their decisions. The publications produced from the surveys were the Employer Training Practices, Australia series. The data detailed many characteristics of employer training practices including factors affecting the level of training expenditure, methods used to determine structured training requirements, structured in-house training, training delivery methods, limitations to providing training, the importance of unstructured training to occupational groups, factors affecting the level of unstructured training, and organizational profiles. TEPS provides data on employer training activity so that policy-making, planning and marketing with regard to training can be supported. It also enhances employer involvement in technical and vocational education and training. Meanwhile, issues that need to be addressed can be identified. The survey covers employers in all states and territories and all industries except for employers primarily engaged in agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting, private households
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employing staff, overseas embassies, consulates, etc. and the Australian permanent defence forces. The sample consists of approximately 6,000 employers selected from the ABS register of businesses. The sample is stratified by state, sector, industry and employer size. As well as standard data items related to employment, wages and salaries, information is collected on a range of training expenditure and practices items. The report, Employer Training Expenditure and Practices, Australia 2001– 2002, was published from this survey (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2002). It summarized the information obtained from employers on structured and unstructured training practices and expenditure on structured training. The main outputs of the survey included the proportions of businesses providing structured, unstructured and no training, total direct employer expenditure on structured training, direct training expenditure per employee and as a proportion of gross wages and salaries (GWS), by industry, state, sector and enterprise size. Survey of Education and Training (AET) and Survey of Education, Training and Information Technology (SETIT) These are ABS 4-yearly household surveys aimed at obtaining data directly from the population including employees on education and training activity. The survey provides some in-depth information on Australians’ educational attainment levels and their participation in education and training over the past 12 months. Information is collected in personal interviews conducted by trained interviewers, who ask members of each household detailed questions about their education and training experience. The initial sample size for the 2001 survey was approximately 18,000 dwellings, from which approximately 13,200 households were selected and 12,100 (92%) completed the survey. In total, about 24,400 people participate in the survey. Survey of Education and Work (SEW) The Survey of Education and Work is an ABS annual household survey which provides information on the educational experiences of people aged 15–64 years (ABS, 2008). Information collected includes participation in education in the previous year and in the survey month, labour force participation, type of educational institution, type of current and previous study, highest year of school completed, level of highest non-school qualification, level of highest educational attainment, unmet demand for education in the current year and selected characteristics of apprentices (2006 version). The survey results are summarized in Education and Work, Australia. The results include data on educational attainment, labour force status, study arrangements in the previous year, current study arrangements, starters, leavers, unmet demand and apprentices. SEW is a supplementary survey to the Labour Force Survey. Information is collected from a responsible adult on behalf of household members, and interviews are conducted over the phone by trained interviewers. The survey was first conducted in February 1964, and the most recent survey was conducted in May 2006.
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Canada Workplace and Employee Survey (WES) This annual survey examines the way in which employers and their employees respond to the changing competitive and technological environment. It aims to shed light on the relationships between competitiveness, innovation, technology use and human resource management on the employer side and technology use, training, job stability and earnings on the employee side. It is unique in that employers and employees are linked at the micro data level; employees are selected from within sampled workplaces. Thus, information from both the supply and demand sides of the labour market is available to enrich studies on either side of the market. This comprehensive survey helps clarify issues concerning education, training, innovation, labour adjustment, workplace practices, industrial relations and industry development so that policy-making can be supported. It also has several unique features; chief among these is the link between events occurring in workplaces and the outcomes for workers. In addition, being longitudinal, it allows for a clearer understanding of changes over time. The survey has two components—the employer survey and the employee survey. It was first undertaken in 1999, and since then it has been conducted annually. The survey questionnaires for the survey part of the current study have been partly based on the training section questionnaires of this survey, and the format of having an employer and an employee questionnaire has been adopted by the current study. The target population for the employer component is defined as all business locations operating in Canada that have paid employees in March excluding employers in Yukon, Nunavut and Northwest Territories and employers operating in crop production and animal production, fishing, hunting and trapping, private households, religious organizations and public administration. The target population for the employee component is all employees working or on paid leave in March in the selected workplaces who receive a Canada Customs and Revenue Agency T-4 Supplementary form. The survey population is all units for which the survey can realistically provide information. The survey population may differ from the target population due to operational difficulties in identifying all the units that belong to the target population. The WES draws its sample from the Business Register (BR) maintained by the Business Register Division of Statistics Canada and from lists of employees provided by the surveyed employers. Early in 1994, research on the possibility of an integrated approach to the collection and analysis of data on enterprises and their employees was conducted by the Business and Labour Market Analysis Division. A questionnaire was designed based on the findings of the research and consultation with experts by the WES working group. A pre-test of 50 businesses and a pilot survey were conducted, and the questionnaire was adjusted after consultation exercises with experts such as the Subject Matter Advisory Group, Human Resources Development Canada and the EKOS Group. Ongoing scrutiny of the questionnaire by subject matter analysts,
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researchers and interviewers alerted the WES team to any further modifications needed in the wording or order of questions. The survey frame of the workplace component of WES was created from the information available on the Statistics Canada Business Register. The frame of the employee component of WES was based on lists of employees made available to interviewers by the selected workplaces. A maximum of 24 employees was sampled using a probability mechanism. In workplaces with fewer than four employees, all employees were selected. For the employee component, telephone interviews were conducted with persons who agreed to participate in the survey by filling out and mailing in an employee participation form.
International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) This was the first initiative collecting internationally comparable data on adult literacy, coordinated by the EU, UNESCO and the OECD. It commenced in 1994 with seven participating countries—Canada, the USA, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Poland, Germany and Sweden. Three scales were devised to assess a common set of skills for various tasks. There were five corresponding levels of mastery in the three scales, which allowed comparison of literacy profiles across countries. The survey combined background questions (demographic and other characteristics of the respondents) and test questions (also referred to as tasks) that provided information about their levels of literacy. Unlike most standardized tests, however, the survey used open-ended rather than multiple-choice questions. Representative samples of the civilian, non-institutionalized population aged 16–65 were drawn from each of the seven participating countries. Respondents were tested in the official language(s) of their country. A 20-min background interview provided a means for exploring how literacy is connected to social, educational, economic and other variables and for seeing how these relationships are similar across cultures. Each participant attempted a set of tasks, having first answered a core booklet to determine whether he or she could proceed with the test. Only those who correctly answered at least two of the six core questions (some 93% of respondents) were given the full test, which consisted of three sections, and it took about 45 min to complete. The 15 test questions within each section became progressively more difficult. In order to guard against cultural bias in the survey, a mathematical technique was employed to select only those tasks shown to be free of such bias.
Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS) According to Statistics Canada, the Adult Education and Training Survey (AETS) is Canada’s most comprehensive source of data on individual participation in formal adult education and training. It is the only survey to collect detailed information about the skill development efforts of the entire adult Canadian population.
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It provides information about the main subject of training activities, their provider, training duration and the sources and types of support for training. Furthermore, the AETS allows for examination of the socio-economic and demographic profiles of both training participants and non-participants. This survey also identifies barriers faced by individuals who wish to undertake some form of training but cannot. The survey is conducted at the beginning of the year after the reference year with Canadians 25 years of age and above. It is a supplement to the Labor Force Survey (LFS), a monthly household survey in Canada. So the survey follows the sampling frame of LFS, which is based upon a stratified, multi-stage design employing probability sampling at all stages of the design. Data are collected directly from survey respondents. Collection was done using a computer-assisted interviewing (CAI) instrument. The survey was administered to one randomly selected individual per household. Random selection was carried out at the time of the interview. Upon completion of the LFS interview, the interviewer asks to speak to the selected person for the Adult Education and Training Survey. If the selected person is not available, the interviewer arranges for a convenient time to phone back. Proxy response is not allowed, so the collection period is extended by 2 weeks to allow the interviewers time to contact the pre-selected individuals. Early in 1984, there was an Adult Education Survey, which was revised and combined with the Adult Training Survey in 1986 to create the Adult Education and Training Survey. It was conducted in 1992, 1994 and 1998. The survey aims to measure the incidence and intensity of adults’ participation in job-related formal and informal training, profile employer support for jobrelated formal training, analyse aspects of job-related training activities and identify the barriers preventing individuals from participating in the job-related formal training they want or need to take. It also aims to identify reasons for adults’ lack of participation and interest in job-related formal training, relate adults’ current participation patterns to their past involvement and plans about future participation in job-related training and examine the interactions between participation in formal and informal job-related training.
Conclusion International comparison has been a widely employed tool for evaluating, monitoring and researching the performance of education systems. Quantitative and qualitative approaches are often used, and sometimes they are combined. International comparisons involving case studies or profiles undertaken as one-off exercises have provided important contributions in examining facets of TVET in particular countries, including some involving China. The problem with one-off rather than regular comparisons is that they do not provide ready information on changes over time. Case studies are sometimes undertaken because quantitative data are not as readily available, and this applies to the Chinese context.
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As far as quantitative approaches are concerned, approaches that employ sets of indicators, their value is in synthesizing in a concise and systematic way through standardized classifications and measures a variety of diverse information on systems. But there are also limitations associated with interpretation and the tendency for indicators to become a goal in themselves for use by planners to demonstrate their achievements. Different institutional arrangements, histories and contexts make standardized comparisons across countries somewhat problematic. International comparisons adopting indicator approaches are readily found in the field of general education. International organizations—the OECD, World Bank, and UNESCO—have developed an extensive range of measures on general education and training, and while the number of TVET measures is limited, they have expanded. TVET-specific international comparisons employing an indicator approach are less frequent, though they have become a regular feature of reporting in the European Union. The EU studies give more detailed attention to both initial forms of TVET and continuing vocational education and training. China is not usually included in the existing international TVET-specific indicator comparisons. It has only been involved in a few non-TVET-specific and case-oriented comparisons with a limited number of countries. As a result, a comparative assessment of the TVET system in China is not readily available. This leads to the question: Are there assessments or evaluations of TVET undertaken in China which provide details on the performance of the system? It is to this question that we now turn to. As far as continuing technical and vocational education and training is concerned, at a macro level, many developed countries, including Canada, Australia and those in Europe, have realized the importance of the evaluation of education and training policies through understanding a wide range of social, economic, educational and cultural issues. These countries started as early as the 1960s and 1970s to build up their statistics networks as well as their data analysis capacities. By the 1990s, they possessed or were perfecting well-integrated systems of statistical surveys on continuing technical and vocational education and training.
Chapter 4
A Review of Current Practice in China
What do the education policy makers of China use as reference points, before making decisions for the development of education and training, especially in the TVET area? There has been some support from research undertaken by a growing number of research institutes on education. Due to the ‘Cultural Revolution’, educational research work in China was stagnant until 1978, when the Research Division of Educational Regulations was re-established to undertake research on the structural reform of secondary and technical and vocational education. This division was converted into the Division of Technical and Vocational Education and Adult Education Research in 1986. A number of similar research institutes were established by provinces, municipalities and universities. The number increased rapidly. By the end of 1986, there were 12 TVET research institutes established by various levels of governments, another 12 by universities and 75 TVET associations and academic organizations established by departments and commissions, provinces, autonomous regions and municipalities directly under the central government (The Central Research Institute of Technical and Vocational Education, 2001). TVET research in China has increased in parallel with TVET’s rapid development. TVET research is undertaken by a range of people from the TVET administrative body, research institutes, universities and academic associations. There have been four major types of work produced by this combined group of researchers. This chapter will review the indicators used and the analyses conducted by such research institutes, including case-study comparisons undertaken by Chinese researchers of the system of TVET in China and that of other nations. These studies have directly or indirectly supported Chinese educational policy-making.
Types of Research There are several types of comparative research that have been undertaken over time involving the Chinese TVET system that reveal an evolving genre of research. The earlier elements of this work focused on learning from overseas and reflected Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_4, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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the view that local policy could be informed by the features of more advanced or developed systems. The later strands have incorporated more comparative work. One of the main types of research on TVET involving international work has been the observational and descriptive studies of overseas systems. Historical and dialectical materialism have been used as a framework for a number of Chinese studies (Jing & Zhou, 1985). The earliest studies were the observation reports of the early 1980s. Following the implementation of the open-door policy, the government sent officials, accompanied by researchers, overseas on observation tours. Their reports presented a general description of the observed countries’ TVET system and lessons to be learnt from them. They were normally published in authoritative journals, for the reference of both the public and specific TVET audiences. The reports provided some assistance to policy makers, educational administrators, teachers and students, as well as the general public in China, for developing a better understanding of TVET practices. However, the quality of these reports was not high. They often included subjective judgments, and because of the often short and limited time spent observing in other countries the observations were frequently superficial. These ‘keyhole’ views were sometimes misleading, lacking rigour, and their capacity to inform policy was limited. The second type consisted of more detailed studies of foreign TVET systems, where more time and effort was spent observing and recording TVET systems in other countries (e.g. The China Association of Enterprise Management, 1980; Japan World Educational History Research Association, 1984; Tianjin Vocational Technical Normal Institute, 1985; Lei, 1992). These studies were more rigorous and provided greater insights than the earlier studies, though still with the view of learning from other systems rather than comparing those systems with China. A series of publications were produced from these studies. The publications provided more extensive introductions to foreign TVET systems and their operations. They provided some valuable insights into overseas TVET practices for interested Chinese audiences. The third type of work is more comparative in nature, focusing more on comparing domestic structures with those of other systems. This line of work has been produced by teachers and researchers employed in TVET schools, institutions, universities or their affiliated research institutes. These studies cover a range of aspects of TVET at all levels and involve qualitative macro-level comparisons of TVET systems as well as micro-level comparisons of school-level teaching, learning, curricula and student and teacher profiles. These aspects of TVET systems are compared with those in other countries. They have made a growing contribution towards both national TVET policy-making and micro-level TVET school system improvement. The fourth type of work may be more influential. These studies consist of research project reports headed by national, regional or provincial education departments and their research institutes. These types of studies are normally conducted in collaboration with researchers from the major universities. They are more academically rigorous and provide important evidence upon which to base national, regional and provincial education policy-making. However, only a limited
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number focus on education and an even smaller sub-group focuses on technical and vocational education and training. This review will mostly focus on the second, third and fourth types of studies.
Types of Comparisons Indicator-Related Comparisons A search of existing reports and publications reveals that there are a small number of macro-level studies using indicators to measure and compare TVET activity. One important example is a national study published in 2003 by the Research Group for Reporting on Problems of China’s Education and Human Resource Development. It analysed the principal tensions between the development of education and human resources at the supply end and the strong and pressing needs created by social and economic development at the demand end. The study combined quantitative and qualitative approaches using existing Chinese educational and human resource development statistics in illustrating the situation in regard to education and human resource development. In the final section, it presented over 200 education and human resource development indicators. There were also a few international comparisons made using some selected indicators. The attempt to construct some comparisons is relevant to this study. However, the indicators were presented without any apparent model or framework and appear to be just an accumulation of disparate statistics. It could not be said that a systematic indicator approach was employed. Another similar recent study is that by Ding et al. (2006). Their report—Chinese Education and Human Resource Development Report 2005–2006—involved a major study of the problems affecting education and human resource development in China. The research was undertaken cooperatively by major universities, research institutes and the Chinese National Bureau of Statistics, together with an overseas experts’ group. It mainly employed a variable-oriented empirical approach to illustrate the Chinese situation. Once again, although the report uses comparisons, it did not undertake the comparisons using a conceptual and indicator framework for systematically comparing performance and development. Within Chinese academic journals there are various articles on TVET that use indicator comparisons in various ways, though few are internationally comparative. There were over 90 such articles available based on a full-text database search, but only about a third of them could be regarded as both comparative- and indicatorbased. About half of these relate to high (tertiary) level TVET and the topics include teacher quality, student and school evaluation and the evaluation of teaching materials. There are only a handful that attempt to evaluate TVET developments, and these are focused more at a micro-level. For example, the journal Vocational and Technical Education during the period 1993–2005 published 22 evaluative TVET indicator articles (see, for example, Yan, 2005). One is on the modernization of TVET, with the rest consisting of evaluations of teaching materials, teaching quality,
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school accreditation, schooling and TVET moral education. From the Technical and Vocational Education Forum (1994–2006), 60 TVET evaluative articles were located and 6 of them incorporated an indicator approach to school-level evaluation (see, for example, Liu, 2003). There have been some attempts to explore or design national and local indicator systems, used mainly for the purposes of accreditation and accountability to evaluate the various levels of TVET including school-level TVET, tertiary TVET and occasionally the whole TVET system. One example is an exploratory study on evaluative indicators of continuing education by Wang, Qiang, and Xu (2000). Another example is the work by Wang et al. (2000) which attempts to construct development indicators concerning education and human resources. Apart from the study by Wang et al. (2000) which used a few general education indicators for international comparisons, there has been little other Chinese research devoted to the development of indicator systems for evaluating the performance of TVET systems through international comparisons. Nor has there been any research of a similar nature identifying in detail the applicability and shortcomings of making international comparisons with TVET data from China. It is possible that some of the statistics that are available have been utilized in the above-mentioned macro-level studies, and in particular the studies which use an indicator approach to evaluate the performance of the TVET system through international comparisons with other selected countries (e.g. The Report on Problems of China’s Education and Human Resource Development, 2003). These studies have combined descriptive indicators with complementary comparative analyses. Studies that target identified problems in China using international comparisons are still in demand.
Case-Study Comparisons There are a sizable number of papers related to international comparisons of technical and vocational education which incorporate a case-study approach. Of more than 130 papers identified in a 2006 search of the China Academic Journals Full-Text Database, almost half are relevant to this study. Once again, most (60%) focus on higher-level or tertiary-level TVET. Topics include TVET programmes, TVET systems, higher TVET development, TVET teacher training or staffing, aspects of TVET teaching and TVET qualifications. Only a handful deal with TVET policy, and there is only one on CVT. In the journal Vocational Education Research (1994–2006), there has been a sizable number (48) of articles that utilize TVET comparisons (see, for example, Cong, 2005). They variously describe and analyse overseas TVET systems and sometimes compare China with TVET in other countries, though often descriptively rather than empirically. A smaller number of articles describe, analyse and compare the structure and functioning of TVET in China with that in other selected countries, for Chinese audiences, in the journal Chinese Vocational Education and Training (1993–2005) (see, for example, Tu, 2002). Most of these articles and their related studies are based on a small number of countries and adopt a case-study approach
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to describing and comparing features of TVET. In 14 articles, the comparisons involved five countries or more, though again using a case-study design and focusing on specific aspects of the TVET system, rather than the whole system. These aspects include legislation and policy, finance, management, development strategies, system reform, teaching methods, evaluation system and other micro aspects of the field (e.g. Fan, 2003; Huang, 2003). The major countries involved in the different studies are the USA, Germany, Japan, Britain, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, Canada, Singapore, the Taiwan region of China and more recently Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, France, Austria, Denmark, Russia and India.
Key Studies Relevant to Educational Indicators One major study has been the report The shift from a country with a large population to a country with profound human resources, published by The Research Group for Reporting on Problems of China’s Education and Human Resource Development (2003). This publication is based on research undertaken by the Ministry of Education in China and comprises multiple parts including a thematic report on education and training, 17 special reports and a report containing an analysis using selected development indicators. The report has been influential in China in policy terms, not least because the research group responsible for the work was headed by senior figures (the Minister for Education as the consultant and the Deputy Minister of Education as the head of the research group). Starting with the concept of globalization, and using human capital theory as a framework, the thematic report illustrated the importance of human resource development for a large developing country such as China. Indicators from The Report on the Modernization of China, 2002 (The Research Group for the Report on the Modernization of China, 2002), and The Report on the Modernization of China, 2001 (The Research Centre of Competitive Strength and Evaluation, 2001), are quoted and used, along with some indicators drawn from OECD and World Bank publications. From both an historical and a future forecasting (developmental) perspective human resource development in China from 1820 to 2050 is presented and portrayed in some detail. Different countries have been cited and used as comparative examples at different critical phases of development. Issues related to human resource development in China in the context of globalization and market reform are key themes. Problems confronting China in its drive for a more highly skilled workforce and population are illustrated by quoting from domestic as well as some OECD and World Bank data. The detailed comparisons are considered in the context of promoting the goal of China becoming a ‘learning society’ and the establishment of an education system that embodies and promotes the concept of lifelong learning. With reference to OECD countries, the report sets education and human resource development targets up to the year 2050. These are outlined over three stages: (1) By 2010, the gross entrance rate of upper secondary education will be improved from 40 to above 70% and tertiary entrance rates from 13 to above 20%.
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(2) From 2011 to 2020, 9-year compulsory education will be developed to reach the level of advanced countries, the gross entrance rate of upper secondary education will reach 85%, while the tertiary entrance rate will be above 40% to reach the level of developed countries. (3) From 2021 to 2050, the country will have developed a high-standard and high-quality 12-year basic education, while the gross entrance rate of tertiary education will be above 50%, and China’s education system will be on par with those of developed countries. The final part of the thematic report presents systemic innovations required to push along Chinese educational and human resource development, outlining sets of principles and a framework for growth and change based on a set of key strategies. The report is important for a range of reasons. For one, apart from its political significance, it is a study that is systematic in its approach to the use of international comparisons. These comparisons are thematically based, attempting to use indicator comparisons, though ultimately tend to rely strongly on descriptive analyses and comparisons. For another, the report is often used in China as the basis for targets, and the targets have been devised and drawn from international comparisons. Target setting is consistent with the practice of the 5-year plans, and under the 11th 5-year plan technical and vocational education and training is a national priority, and under the current plan provincial governments are expected to set targets, including initial TVET targets.1 The national targets have been informed through international comparisons, but in the absence of robust and compatible sets of indicators these have mainly been qualitative. The 17 special reports included in the larger study present a range of aspects of the history of human resource development in China. These include China’s selection of education as the means to the country’s development, an analysis of the basic conditions of China’s human resources, challenges and policy options, restructuring China’s public education finance system, improving the existing national educational system and constructing a lifelong learning system, re-creating China’s folk-run education, positive measures for the ‘three rural (sannong)’2 problems and so on. Detailed statistical material is presented from both domestic and international sources, though often with little evaluation and without a framework for analysis. One of the special reports—Analyses of the Basic Situation of China’s Human Resources—includes a number of education indicators comparing Chinese data with data from other countries (The Research Group for the Report on Problems of China’s Education and Human Resource Development, 2003). It includes data on literacy, educational attainment by industry sector, tertiary enrolments and labour supply.
1 For example, the province of Guangdong has set the following targets for technical and vocational school enrolments: 1,300,000 by 2007 and 1,800,000 by 2010 (Keating, 2006). 2 They refer to the problem of agriculture, the problem of rural areas and the problem of farmers.
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The final part of the publication—the analysis report on development indicators—is related closely to the current study. It begins by designing a framework for education and human resource development indicators in China. The set of education and human resource development indicators in the report was based on domestic data, which record national as well as regional development levels, largely covering the period from 1952 to 2001. The set includes only a small amount of comparative data from foreign countries for reference. There are over 200 indicators in 9 categories designed to measure China’s development. They include those related to economic development, demography and the labour force, a range of aspects of education, science and technology, urban development and the quality of life. Various international indicators are then provided for comparative purposes. However, the international indicators are used more as points of reference for the goals of economic and human resource development rather than statistical indicators that can be used to compare outcomes and trends in China. It is important to note that the report is quite broad ranging and comparisons are made with groups of high-income countries—upper-middle income, lowermiddle income and low income—involving a total of 27 countries. There is a considerable amount of detail in the comparisons, presented in various sections related to aspects of education, population and labour force, science and technology, quality of life and the economy. So in broad terms the international comparison section of the report represents a major attempt to place the Chinese situation in the context of other countries’ performances. But because of the broad scope of the study, few indicators are TVET-specific. In addition, the statistics displayed tend not to be accompanied by any detailed comparative analysis. The international data were drawn from the major international organizations—the OECD, UNESCO, the World Bank, the United Nations Development Agency and the International Labour Organization (ILO). While some types of data are cross-referenced, others appear to be inconsistent because they are presented without precise information on definitions and, in some cases, the methods of collection. In the absence of this information, it is difficult to make meaningful comparisons. More importantly, in terms of the current study, there are no real comparisons of TVET participation and outcomes, and the comparisons that are provided lack rigour in defining the nature and the sources of the data that are being compared. It is instructive to note that one section of the report noted that, except for the existing statistical yearbooks, there has been no national-level research into or design of comprehensive indicators combining statistics with indicator analyses. This confirms the difficulty in making education and human resource development comparisons between China and other countries, and as reflected in the report this is even more the case with TVET-specific comparisons. Nevertheless, the study did break new ground and indicates the Chinese government’s commitment to the development educational provision in China and to its human resources. It provides relevant stakeholders, researchers and policy makers with detailed information on China’s education and human resource
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development and some broad indications of how this relates to capacities in other countries. A second influential report has been the Chinese Education and Human Resource Development Report 2005–2006 (Ding et al., 2006). This is an interim report from a major national research project conducted by the Ministry of Education— Investigation into the Problems of Education and Human Resources in China (Ding et al., 2006). The project was designed to investigate the gaps between the potential and the actual contribution of education to human resources, the barriers to eliminating the gaps and the actions that should be taken to remove the barriers. The report contains descriptions and analyses of education and human resource development in China, and there is one section on continuing vocational training. It proposes a set of educational development indicators (EDI) utilizing the methodology of human development indicators (HDI) used within the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Based on the general concept of educational development, the indicators are designed to include ‘education stock’, ‘incremental growth in education’, ‘educational input’, ‘the contribution of education to society’, ‘educational equality’, ‘the educational system’ and ‘vocational training’. Because of the limited data available, the report only used four categories of indicators—educational stock, increments, input and contribution—to compare educational development across the provinces of China. The report provides a ranking of provinces across China according to the four indicators of educational development. Of the 31 provinces the top ranked are Beijing and Shanghai, with Guizhou ranked 31st. Yunnan is ranked second last at number 30, reflecting the poor relative state of educational development in the province. While the indicators used for various aspects of education and training, and especially for TVET, are not extensive, the broad scope of the HDIs used in the study probably has resulted in a ranking that is reasonably accurate. The provincial rankings are consistent with data on the strength of the economies in the provinces. The two main vocational training indicator categories that were used for the comparisons were the number of trainees and training expenditures. The specific chapter on vocational training emphasizes the importance of continuing TVET, and it discusses the legislative framework and current situation of work-based training in other countries such as the USA and Australia and contrasts these with the present legislative situation and the challenges facing work-based training in China. It proposes an indicator system that covers the labour force (employed and unemployed), and population of those aged 16–64. Drawing on 18 indicators from the internationally adopted lifelong learning system, together with OECD indicators, the broad dimensions of the framework are as follows: • scale of training, which includes numbers of training institutions and trainees, levels of completion and numbers of teaching staff; • level of training participation, which includes the level of training within the workforce, broken down by gender, age, educational level, occupations, industries, enterprise type and region;
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• time in training, which includes the average labour force time spent in training, average time in training over a career, broken down by age and gender; and • training expenditure, which is the total training input relative to GDP, trends in this input, type and sources of the input (public, enterprise, individual) and ratios with pay levels, as well as per capita patterns by age and gender. If all the data were available, this set of indicators would have to be broken into many illustrative tables to facilitate comparisons. Given available data, in the international comparison section, six tables were included covering different categories of educational attainment; participation rates in types of training; and educational expenditure. Although all the pertinent statistics from the relevant yearbooks are shown in detail, the statistics are displayed in tables without accompanying analysis, again demonstrating the need for more work in this field. Despite this, the publication is unique in using educational development indicators to compare different provinces in China and assess the development of Chinese educational systems at a provincial level. The study is non-TVET-specific, but the section on vocational training, which is an area that has long been neglected, provides some valuable information. A third publication of relevance is Quality of Life in China: Situation and Evaluation (Zhou, 2003a). It reports on a national research project to evaluate empirically the quality of life in China. The report was sponsored by the Department of Social Development and the National Development Planning Committee. A system of indicators was designed to evaluate quality of life in China across a broad range of dimensions, including education. The education section uses a set of indicators that were designed to evaluate the quality of education and its capacity to meet demand in China. Demand for education is treated as one of the factors that influence quality of life. The indicator system adopted the coefficient of colligation of education resources—school enrolment rate as an indicator of the degree of education assurance for the population, and the total years of education per capita as a major indicator reflecting the satisfaction of demand for education. By combing the theories of population study and education, coordinating and supporting indicators have been developed to form a system of indicators reflecting the overall characteristics of education. The specific indicators are the school enrolment rate, the average total years of education per capita, the entrance rate for compulsory education, the entrance rate for senior secondary education, the entrance rate for higher education and the illiteracy rate amongst those 15 years and older. Altogether six indicators were developed and employed in a manner that is illustrated in Fig. 4.1. Comparisons were made across the Chinese provinces, and consistent with other studies they showed that total years in schooling ranged from 9.5 years in Beijing to 3.5 years in Tibet. Although the report concluded that levels of participation in education in China are low, the increase in the average years from 7.00 in 1997 to 7.15 in 1999 is a relatively rapid growth and higher than the UNDP average. Comparing the different provinces, several features were noted. Of interest is that the population in municipalities directly under jurisdictional control of the central
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Education Resource Coefficient of Colligation
School Enrolment Rate
Education Total Year of Education Per Capita
Satisfaction of Education Demand
Entrance Rate for Compulsory Education
Entrance Rate for Senior Secondary Education
Entrance Rate for Higher Education
Illiteracy Rate for Population above 15 Years Old
Structure of Education Indicator
Fig. 4.1 Structure of the education quality indicator Source: Quality of Life in China: Situation and Evaluation (Zhou, 2003a)
government—Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai—had taken the lead in education, and there were generally decreasing levels of education moving from the northeast (where Beijing is located) to the southwest. Among the eastern coastal provinces, there was a v-shaped attainment structure, with high levels in Liaoning in the north and Guangdong at the south, contrasted with low levels in Anhui, Jiangsu and Zhejiang in the middle. The provinces of Jiangsu and Zhejiang, which were more culturally advanced in the past, had levels of educational attainment slightly lower than the national average. On the other hand, the large inland border province of Xinjiang had educational attainment levels above the national average for three consecutive years (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 1999). However, the seven provinces with the lowest rates of entry into compulsory education are the border provinces and regions with large minority populations. The entrance rates for senior secondary education mostly indicate rapid increases, with the exception of three provinces, Shaanxi, Qinghai and Ningxia. Shaanxi’s decrease is probably related to an increase in the size of the province’s population through internal migration, while reasons for declines in the other two provinces are unknown. The entrance rates for higher education show extreme regional disparities, with Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai taking the lead and the geographically disadvantaged areas of Guangxi, Guizhou, Yunnan, Tibet and Qinghai falling far behind. The analyses have shown that differences in policy and funding priorities and in distribution differentiations have created these disparities, although consistent with international patterns these differences also reflect different patterns of economic development and income levels across China. They also reflect historical patterns of education as shown by the large regional differences in illiteracy rates. In 1999,
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the lowest illiteracy rate was in Beijing with 6.45%, and the highest was Tibet with 66.18%. Overall 10.3% of the illiterate or semi-literate population live in urban areas while some 80.80% live in rural areas (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2000). Although the indicator set provided in the study is fairly basic, the data that have been included indicate the complexity and diversity of education in such a large country as China. There is considerable variation in participation and outcomes across (and within) the 31 provinces, and the construction of indicators that are reliable and robust for internal and external comparisons is a significant challenge.
Published Articles on Indicators As well as the national-level studies, there are many similar studies at the provincial and regional levels. Several articles on educational indicator comparisons have been published. One undertaken by Wang (2001) compared the educationally developed areas of Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai with a group of highly developed countries— the USA, Britain, Germany and Japan—and a group of moderately developed countries—Korea, Singapore, Argentina, Brazil and South Africa. The indicators used in the study included educational input, national attainment of the nation, entrance and attainment rates, teacher quality, the use of ITC, contribution to GDP and lifelong learning. The indicators showed that there were similar and high levels of public expenditure as a proportion of GDP on education in the three cities, and these levels were higher than the average for both groups of countries. Other indicators including literacy rates and expected years in education were also relatively strong and consistent across the cities. Furthermore the gross entrance rates for primary education in the three areas of Beijing, Tianjin and Shanghai were equivalent to countries in the first group and ahead of countries in the second group. Secondary and tertiary entrance rates also were high, being a little lower and a little higher than the rates for the first and second groups of countries, respectively. Data on teacher quality, contributions to GDP, the use of ICT were drawn from a mixture of qualitative analyses and a limited number of statistics which were not designed for such comparisons. The study is typical of many in China attempting to evaluate the strength of education and training systems with the use of comparative indicators. The indicators used consist of data that range from reasonably reliable and applicable measures of such factors as primary and secondary school enrolments to attempts to measure more complex concepts such as lifelong learning and education and teacher quality through very limited and at times inadequate empirical data and through the use of combinations of such data with qualitative studies. Despite this, the study shows that the pattern of educational investment and outcomes in the major cities of China is relatively high, compared with other countries. However, the international comparisons are between Chinese cities and
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other countries. Other works, such as that by Zhou (2003a) reported above, show huge disparities across Chinese provinces. While some cities in China may have westernized educational participation and attainment levels, those of the rural provinces are much closer to third world levels. This demonstrates the critical importance of the capacity for all indicators to be able to cater for regional variations in education and training across China. Regional variations are present in many countries with stronger patterns of participation and outcomes in urban compared with rural areas. However, it is especially marked in China. When the variations in patterns across the provinces and the impact of internal migration are added the study shows that there is a need for robust data sets if indicators of the more complex patterns of inputs and outputs, such as lifelong learning, are to be usefully compared. Another article that has made some general observations using TVET indicators from Europe is that of Liu’s (2003). The indicators produced by the OECD’s INES project, several EU projects and the European Training Foundation were described and summarized in the study. Liu suggested in a comparison of available indicators that existing sets of educational indicators for China do not place enough emphasis on input and outcomes. Differences between the input and process indicators that could be used for China and those of the European Commission were noted. Chen (2006) recently introduced the OECD educational indicators to Chinese audiences in greater detail. He warned of the dangers of using simple, isolated and crude indicators for comparative purposes and highlighted some factors which affect the evolution and development of indicators and their frameworks. Chen stresses the importance of providing analysis and explanation along with indicators. Any indicator system which only displays statistical data, without providing detailed explanations and analyses concerning context and policy directions, may provide less valuable, potentially meaningless, international comparisons. In summary, the study and development of educational indicators has undergone much change and development in recent years in China. However, currently available educational indicator systems require further elaboration. The indicators mostly reflect on input and structure (the scale, organization and facilities available for education) because the data that are available are obtained mainly from administrative data collections involving institutions such as schools, providers, government agencies and the like. Less attention is paid to output and outcomes and to monitoring and analysing changing educational provision, educational quality or skills in the workforce which would rely more on surveys of the population. For this reason, there is little data available on the consumer perspective in relation to education, especially TVET. Detailed indicators mostly reflect on formal, institutional and government-sponsored educational provision, but provide limited or no information on informal, non-institutional and non-governmentsponsored educational activities. In short, available indicators focus more on the level of the institution (provision, understood through administrative data) with little information provided at the level of the individual (skills, needs, quality, which mainly need population-based surveys for data collection).
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Examples of Case-Study Comparisons with Other Countries There are several published and unpublished studies, such as those of Jiang (2002), Shi (2001) and Gu and Liang (2000), which have conducted or included, in broader studies, TVET-specific international comparisons. The studies tend to be one-off pieces of research, conducted for a specific purpose and usually involving a casestudy approach. They represent an important contribution to evaluations of China’s education and training system, attempting to contribute to the development of research and policy-making by providing qualitative analyses of problems facing TVET in China through evaluative comparisons with systems in other countries. Only a few examples are reviewed here. Shi’s (2001) research is a typical study that uses historical, comparative and document-based research methods to track the development and history of TVET around the globe, spanning from the older legacy of TVET—apprenticeship—to contemporary TVET development and the establishment of modern TVET systems. He describes in detail TVET systems in Britain, Germany, the USA, Japan, Taiwan and China (mainland) and provides qualitative analyses and summaries on the major features of each system. Descriptions and qualitative analyses are made using an international perspective adopting Foster’s (1965) ideas about TVET and its influence in China and elsewhere. Discussion focuses on the development of TVET world-wide after the World War II as well as more recent developments. It includes the development of TVET curriculum and related reform tendencies, the major practical models of enterprise training in Western countries and competency-based TVET training models in the West. Shi noted that there has been no definite policy framework addressing a number of important issues concerning TVET development in China. He makes the distinction between demand-driven and supply-led tensions in planning: Should TVET supply the improved human capital actively according to labour planning or should it passively train personnel in response to the demands of the market? Which should TVET depend on, the technical market or the employment market? (Shi, 2001, p. 251).
The development problems of both secondary and higher TVET in China and potential solutions are illustrated and analysed using international comparisons. The internationally adopted concepts of ‘Big TVET’ that is present in some countries, especially in Europe, were used in the analysis. They include preparatory TVET (both vocational education provided by general schools and TVET provided by vocational schools), employment training, job training and training for promotion/transfer/re-employment. This is compared with the more traditionally used concept of ‘Small TVET’ in China, which refers to school-based TVET, which has pushed enterprise training into the school sector and out of the labour and adult education sectors. In discussing whether to make demand the driving force, or supply a target, Shi (2001) argues against existing TVET policies using the work of Foster and Blaug. He questions the appropriateness of the existing fixed-thinking model of TVET that has influenced policy makers in China to pursue ‘employment-oriented’
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or ‘technical target-oriented’ TVET and the development of school-based TVET. Recommendations were made, based on his international comparisons, for the establishment of post-secondary training in urban areas and self-employment training in rural areas instead of the emphasis on secondary schools. Because of its qualitative research nature, only a limited number of statistics were used in this report. But the qualitative information it provided has been widely cited. The work, A Comparative Study of the Development and Transformation of Higher TVET (Kuang, 2005), also employed historical, comparative and document-based methods and added a survey to track the development history of higher TVET in the USA, Australia, Germany, Britain, Japan and Taiwan. Qualitative analyses were employed with an international perspective to report major trends influencing the development and reform of higher TVET after World War II. Social and cultural traditions which affect student choices concerning higher TVET were examined, along with the different roles played by the government, higher TVET institutions and the market in global higher TVET operations. The study also considered curriculum evolution and development trends following World War II, changes and development tendencies in the orientations of higher TVET and the most recent development and reform trends in higher TVET. Kuang (2005) argues that the curriculum framework for higher TVET should not be just a modified version of the curriculum for general tertiary education, and he saw the need for a greater range of providers. His recommendations to address the educational resourcing problems China faces included having multi-channel sources or provision, encouraging trade and enterprise input, stimulating government input and empowering social organizations to attract funding. He also recommended a different form of assessment for higher TVET, recognition of secondary vocational qualifications, a focus on practical competency in assessment and the recognition of students’ prior learning. As well, he recommended trialling a 2-year model in multi-disciplines for the service industry, and basing schooling on professional standards rather than administrative orders, together with the establishment of a support system for 2-year higher TVET programmes. Because of its qualitative approach, only a limited number of basic economic and social indicators were used in the study. There have been many comparative single-nation case studies of specific educational sectors, such as secondary or higher TVET systems (for example, see Cai, 2005; Liu & Zhu, 2004; Hu, 2001; Huang & Deng, 2002; Li, 2003). Most of these studies simply describe the education system or general practices of the country studied and provide an overall picture which can be used for reference. Some studies have been undertaken comparing China with a single nation such as Germany (Jiang, 2004; Wu, 2005), Switzerland (Zeng, 2005), Australia or Britain (Yang, 2005). Some of these study the whole system, while others focus on specific aspects of TVET or education in general. Quite a few studies have compared the systems of several countries such as China, Britain, Germany and France (Huang, 2003) as well as Britain, Australia and New Zealand (Hou, 2003). There are international comparisons of new TVET strategies (Jiang & Wang, 2004; Guo, 2003b), some on participation in upper secondary general and vocational education
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(Guo, 2003b) and others on major trends in world TVET development (Jiang, 2001). There are also comparative studies targeting higher TVET evaluation (Xiao, 2004) and TVET development (Kuang, 2005). Some studies have analysed foreign enterprise training in China. Fan (2003), for example, they compared the enterprise training practices of the US, British, German and Japanese enterprises in Shanghai. A few studies have included adult education, for example, the study by Yang (2005) which compared adult education in China and Britain. Case studies are not uncommon in China. They provide valuable qualitative information for Chinese policy makers from an international perspective. But the extent to which they support policy-making through analyses that indicate the relationship between policy initiatives and patterns of inputs, participation and outcomes tends to be limited.
How Has Continuing Education and Training Been Studied in China? Existing Surveys The existing official sources of statistics on continuing education and training or CVT include The Educational Statistics Yearbook of China (see, for example, Ministry of Education, 2004) in which only institutional continuing TVET provided by specialized secondary schools and adult training centres are recorded, the China Labor and Social Security Yearbook (see, for example, Ministry of labor and Social Security, 2004) and The China Labor Statistical Yearbook (Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1995), which also record only institutional (non-workbased) continuing TVET provided by skilled workers’ schools, employment training centres and other training centres. Most recorded institutional (non-work-based) training activities are accreditation-oriented and only loosely related to the skill demands of the workplace. There are no official regularly reported statistics on work-based (enterprise) training. The ‘First Human Resource Management Survey’ of China (Li, 2004) was conducted in August 2003 by the China Human Resource Development Network in collaboration with the Institute of Enterprise Research in the Development Research Center of the State Council. More than 15,000 enterprises took part in the survey, but after strict statistical selection, only 1,883 questionnaires were regarded as valid. Through questionnaires or interviews with the general manager or an executive manager, the survey obtained data on information concerning eight aspects of human resources: 1. human resource management system construction, 2. job-position management, 3. personnel recruitment,
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achievement management, employee training, salary and welfare, social insurance, and executive management.
Employee training was one of the eight components included in the survey. The report from the survey was published in March 2004. A second survey of similar type was conducted in 2005, in a different way, with participants invited to fill in the questionnaire on a website and submit voluntarily. The employee training section analysed training in enterprises with different backgrounds. Factors analysed included the input situation, the employee training plans, the training plan implementation, the main employee training methods, the employee training effect tracking and evaluation, the effect of training on employees’ work achievement, the contribution of training result to employees’ promotion and a comparison on training differences. The conclusion of these analyses was that enterprises in the economically more developed areas and areas with higher degree of marketization did not rely too much on employee training, and although training planning was viewed as good, there has been no strict training regulations, which meant only 42.1% of enterprises strictly implemented their training plan. Some state-owned and state-in-control enterprises were still emphasizing academic education, and the ‘academic credential-oriented’ recruitment and evaluation system was still impacting on employees’ development and promotion. Employee training was not standardized, and even the model enterprises neglected the tracking and evaluation of training effectiveness. Training contributed little to employees’ work achievement and promotion. In 2005, a survey on employee training by Zhu (2005) was conducted through a website questionnaire that participants were encouraged to fill in and submit voluntarily. The report from this survey has been published. There were two parts of the survey—the status of employees’ training and the status of the training provided by enterprises. The first part measured participation in training during the past year including time spent on training, major forms of training, employees’ opinions on training frequency, training contribution to work, satisfaction with training, training improvement, form of training, locus of trainer, training time and location arrangement, and training model. The second part sought information on the enterprise training plan, training frequency for personnel at different levels, training costs, training content at different levels, choice of trainer, training time and location arrangement, and training effect evaluation. The study concluded that while there was some increased recognition of the role of training, enterprises did not attach a great deal of importance to training, and there was little consistent implementation. Work-based training generated training plans that were rarely carried out in practice. Some local surveys have also been carried out. Zhejiang province conducted the Survey on Employee Training Situations in Small and Medium Sized Enterprises (The Administration Bureau of Small and Medium Enterprises of Zhejiang, 2007).
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It ran a survey in 110 small- and medium-sized enterprises, covering building material, electronic, mechanical, chemical and clothing industries. Among the surveyed enterprises, 13% were supported by foreign investment and 87% by private investment; enterprises with a high level of foreign investment emphasized employee training while enterprises depending on private investment did not. Only four enterprises among the 22.2% of the enterprises which established training protocols had training regulations and training management systems. Annually, 26% invested less than 50,000 Yuan (US $7,300) in training, 34.8% invested between 50,000 and 100,000 Yuan, 17.4% invested between 100,000 and 200,000 Yuan, 13% invested between 200,000 and 300,000 Yuan and 8.8% invested 300,000 and 500,000 Yuan. All enterprises had financial inputs below the 1.5% of payroll required by the Labor Bureau. This is an example of a number of one-off small-scale surveys conducted in some of the more economically advanced provinces and municipalities. These surveys have been published on a small scale and are hard to access and focus mainly on the attributes of existing human capital—educational attainments and professional technical levels. Another example is the survey of skilled personnel in enterprises in Guangzhou in 2005 (Zha, 2006). This study collected detailed information on employees’ educational attainments and skill levels in the enterprises of Guangzhou, and only a small section was devoted to training. Results from the training section indicated that 64% of the surveyed companies had their own training sections and 67% of them provided training funds. Of the employees surveyed, 13.5% were undertaking adult higher education courses, 35.1% received frequent on-the-job training, 33.8% rarely got on-the-job training and 14.9% never received training. The majority of surveyed companies reported that they emphasized training provision to their employees. There is a small and limited number of continuing TVET surveys undertaken in China which have only emerged in recent years. But their appearance is a sign that China is recognizing the need to document and monitor continuing TVET. They add to the limited statistical data collected at a national or provincial level. Non-survey-Based Research There are several studies that have examined the issue of continuing TVET without undertaking or reporting survey data. These studies have explored relevant theories, defined the concept, explained its importance to society, identified problems and proposed solutions (see, for example, Pang, 2003; Qiu, 2002; Wen, 2005; Wang, 1994). Some studies link continuing TVET with the vocational qualification system (Chen & Zhang, 2005), some study its relevance to industrialization (Teng, 2004) and some compare the experiences of other countries with those of China (Dong, 2003). There are also some studies specifically on work-based (enterprise) training, some on the current situation and strategies (Ying, 2006; Zhang & Zhang, 2006) and others examining training evaluation (Li & Zhao, 2006) and other relevant aspects.
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Examples of Multi-nation Comparisons in the Field of Training A study by Liu (2002) considered the cultural perspective of employee training, citing a few famous Japanese and US companies as demonstrative cases. It analysed the relationship between enterprise culture and employee training; discussed training contents, levels and methods; and outlined the development of employee training using Japan and the USA as examples, describing successful employee training models. It also discussed the issue of transnational enterprise cultures and localized skilled personnel, citing some examples of good practice, such as the Chinese branch of Coca-Cola. Finally, existing problems of employee training in Chinese enterprises were described and discussed. It concluded that most of the employee training in China still focuses only on skills and qualifications, and that Chinese businesses have not yet embraced an enterprise culture. There have been some occasional studies reflecting on and comparing training in specific industries. Liang (2006), for example, reported on the training in transnational companies. Zhang and Wang (2006) compared the approaches and techniques used by trainers in the USA, the UK and China. One study (Zhou, 2005) gave a glimpse into the training of public servants abroad and in China. Work-based training studies in China are mostly qualitative in nature, because of the lack of a well-established data collection system. The recent emerging statistical survey of human resource development signals the beginning of some statistical work in the field of training which has long been neglected by the official statistical bodies. Hopefully this work will continue and lead to some changes in the field. Although work-based training plays an important role in the TVET system, it has not been accorded much importance by the government and by businesses in China. Government policy priority for TVET expansion in China has focused more on initial TVET, such as at upper secondary level, more recently, at post-secondary and tertiary level. Any assessment of the performance of a TVET system needs to include consideration of continuing education and training, especially work-based training, as a critical element of TVET. This is even more important in societies such as China in which there are low levels of educational attainment, because the population is reliant on the opportunities provided through the provision of continuing TVET to enhancing skill development. China has taken steps in the past to improve basic education levels of the adult population by introducing adult schools which provide primary-level schooling. This is important, but the industrial growth that is taking place in China needs, in addition to this, stronger provision of targeted skills training related to areas of enterprise growth. Work-based training is critical in this context.
Conclusion The majority of studies comparing TVET in China with other countries take a casestudy approach. Among them there are some single-nation and several multi-nation studies, undertaken by researchers from administrative bodies, government research
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institutes, university research institutes and the research groups of relevant departments of industries or academic associations. These studies cover many different aspects of TVET in China and provide valuable qualitative comparisons, such as the limited role of enterprise training in the TVET field and the ‘small TVET’ concept adopted by China. There are a few national large-scale collaborative studies that have been undertaken. They combine qualitative and quantitative research methods and sometimes utilize indicators. However, because of the broad scope of these studies, TVET has only been included to a quite limited extent. Furthermore the application of comparative indicators to the TVET field is not systematic and is by no means comprehensive. Some articles on indicator studies are aware of this problem as they also recommend more detailed and specific studies to provide a more complete understanding of the performance of TVET in China from the perspective of international comparisons. This overview of the research and literature that either utilizes comparative indicators or uses comparative methods to consider the dimensions and directions of education and initial TVET (inputs, processes and outcomes) and policy in China demonstrates some of the limitations of the current frameworks of indicators that are used and the limitations in the data sets that are available. The review has located a small number of recent major studies that are important in demonstrating features and challenges for TVET in China. In particular, some have demonstrated very high levels of differences between China and other countries in the levels and source of resources (input) provided for education and TVET and large differences in output and outcome patterns and associated differences in economic and social contexts. The differences partly reflect the stage of development and the size and scale of China; there are marked variations across diverse regions. The patterns only serve to emphasize the imperative of developing more robust and useful indicators that can be used for both internal and external comparisons. In the area of continuing education and training, regular and systematic surveys of education and training together with large statistical data analysis are used in many developed nations providing the capacity to deliver a better understanding of education and training practices and provide evidence to facilitate policy-making and social dialogue. This work has only just begun in China, and much remains to be done.
Chapter 5
Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System
This chapter discusses requirements and needs associated with comparing TVET systems across nations. It looks at what is needed to compare China’s performance in TVET with other countries based on sets of indicators linked to context, input, process and output. It begins with a brief introduction to the main elements essential for the development of a framework of indicators for international comparisons of TVET. One of these is a standardized system of classification such as the International Standard Classification for Education (ISCED) which is used in many comparisons of the education systems of developed nations (e.g. its application by the OECD in its annual publication Education at a Glance). An outline of the scheme is provided and then a translation of Chinese educational programmes into the ISCED scheme is undertaken for the purposes of the current study. Following this is an overview of the framework or model of indicators for comparing the performance of TVET in China with that of other nations. Important in the design of the framework is a consideration of China’s TVET policy priorities.
Requirements for Making International Comparisons Lamb et al. (2003) suggest that frameworks of indicators for comparing the performance of TVET internationally should contain at least four basic requirements. They must, 1. at a logistical level, draw on data that are regularly reported and readily available; 2. at a context level, provide up-to-date documentation on delivery structures for education and training as a whole as well as specifically for TVET; 3. at a processing level, ensure that the ways in which country data are gathered and tabulated, including definitions and classifications, are transparent because international comparisons involve assumptions of comparability and operate on conventions of equivalence which cannot be tested in the absence of knowledge about how data are derived and transformed; and 4. at an application level, ensure that the chosen indicators are relevant to key policy objectives rather than simply being descriptive and analytical because if improvements are to be made the information needs to link to policy objectives. Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_5, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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One way of addressing the first requirement is to draw on a selection of indicators made from already existing international collections that are also available in China. Drawing on these collections ensures that the first requirement can be satisfied, though for China it will need extensive local work to adapt data from national sources. For other countries, the OECD publication, Education at a Glance, is a useful resource while the European Commission’s Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union series is also useful for the current study. A key task will be to see in China how many indicators it will be possible to source. To assist with context in relation to China it will be necessary to draw on many of the studies mentioned in the previous chapter, to have available the national reports as well as other studies on the delivery of education and TVET in China, especially those produced by governments or researchers. Meeting the processing requirement is more complex. For China, there is a need to identify available data (such as information on education published in annual census documents) and to consider both the validity of the data, including a knowledge of how they are gathered, tabulated and communicated across agencies and in publications, and transparency and broader applicability of the classifications and classification schemes used as categories in presentations of data. It is to the issue of classification that we will turn to in the next section. Finally, with regard to application, it is important to identify indicators that relate to policy priorities in China. One of the points related to undertaking international comparisons of the performance of the TVET system in China is to bring together information that is useful for policy makers. To do this, it is best to develop a model of indicators relevant to priorities of policy. An outline of China’s policy priorities will be examined below.
The International Standard Classification for Education One of the key requirements for making international comparisons is having standard systems of classification. One such scheme is the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) which was designed by UNESCO in the early 1970s to ‘provide an integrated and consistent statistical framework’ (OECD, 1999, p. 7) suitable for assembling and presenting educational statistics both for individual countries and internationally. In 1975, it was approved by the International Conference on Education in Geneva and endorsed by UNESCO’s General Conference. Faced with changing education scenarios, such as the growth in different forms of technical and vocational education and training and the diversification of education providers, ISCED has been updated to facilitate more robust and accurate international comparisons. In 1997, a revised version of ISCED, prepared by a specific purpose task force which undertook extensive consultation, was approved by a UNESCO General Conference. The new version of ISCED has been able to capture some of the complexities of modern education systems with its multidimensional framework. Figure 5.1 compares the 1976 and 1997 versions of ISCED.
The International Standard Classification for Education
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ISCED 1976 Levels
ISCED 1997 Levels
0
Education preceding the first level
0
Pre-primary education
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Education at first level
1
Primary education or first stage
2
Education at second level, first stage
2
Lower secondary education (2A, 2B and 2C)
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Education at second level, second stage
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Upper secondary education (3A, 3B and 3C)
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Post-secondary, non-tertiary education (4A, 4B and 4C)
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Education at the third level, first stage, of the type that leads to an award but not a university degree
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Education at the third level, first stage, of the type that leads to a first university degree or equivalent
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Education at the third level, second stage, of the type that leads to a postgraduate university degree or equivalent
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Education not definable by level
First stage of tertiary education st nd
5
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5B, 1 ,2 qualifications (short or medium duration) st 5A, 1 degree (medium duration) st 5A, 1 degree (long) nd 5A, 2 degree
Second stage of tertiary education (leading to an advanced research qualification)
Fig. 5.1 ISCED 76 and ISCED 97 compared Source: www.uis.unesco.org
The 1997 ISCED classification distinguishes between seven levels of education ranging from pre-primary (0) to tertiary (6). International definitions of pre-primary, primary and tertiary education tend to be similar across countries, though lower and upper secondary education can have slightly different meanings. ISCED uses multi-dimensional classification criteria to differentiate, based on programme destination, as well as programme orientation, duration and location in the national degree and qualification structures of countries. Differentiation of programme orientation makes it possible for TVET activities at lower secondary, upper secondary, post-secondary non-tertiary, as well as first stage of tertiary level of education, to be distinguished from more general educational activities. The educational activities of upper secondary graduates were not reflected properly in the former version (they were either included in level 3 or level 5 activities), while version 97 has categorized these activities explicitly in the added level 4 and its subdivisions. Educational activities at the tertiary level have also been reclassified with the more precise measures. The OECD put much effort into revising and applying ISCED. In 1999 it published a manual to assist OECD countries in utilizing the ISCED-97 framework for their data collections (OECD, 1999). The manual proposed that detailed country allocation of national education programmes to ISCED-97 levels for all 29 OECD countries be carried out. The national programme allocations in ISCED 97 have been used to form the basis of data reporting in the UNESCO/OECD/Eurostat (UOE) Data Collection on Education Statistics and to guide all OECD data collections, including the national Labour Force Surveys.
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Some issues still arise for some areas of education, such as TVET. One example has been the application of its criteria to some national TVET qualification frameworks, such as those of Australia, New Zealand and the UK. In their situations, the entry age of participants or duration of programmes cannot be used to map programmes at the final years of secondary and the first years of the tertiary level of education, because of the ways in which these are organized. Clear separation of TVET programmes at upper secondary level, for example, is not straightforward. In the case of Australia, current OECD published figures include participation in TVET that is not undertaken in school, producing participation rates much higher than for other countries.
The Application of ISCED to Chinese Education Figure 5.2 presents an attempt to apply ISCED 97 to Chinese education and training structures. Age, grade and level are provided for comparison. Pre-primary education (level 0) usually includes education for children aged 3–5, although in some countries, it starts as early as age 2 and in others continues through to age 6. In China, pre-primary education includes kindergarten and pre-school which are provided for 3- to 5-year-olds. It is not compulsory. The first stage of compulsory education—primary education runs for children from age 6 to 11 in China—fits into ISCED level 1. There are also adult primary schools at this level in China. Age
Grade
Level
3 to 6
Kindergarten
Level 0
Kindergarten (0)
7 to 12
Primary 1-5 or 6
Level 1
Primary School (1)
Level 2
General Junior Secondary Schools (2A)
Vocational Junior Secondary Schools (2C)
General Senior Secondary Schools (3A)
VHS, SSS, SWS (3C)
College-preparatory Classes(4A)
Supplementary Studies for Entry Into 5A (4A)
Supplementary Studies for Entry Into 5B (4B)
Studies for Vocational Qualifications (4C)
Level 5
Universities, Junior Colleges, Institutes (5A)
Higher TVET Institutes (5B)
Level 6
Universities/ Research Institutes (6A)
13 to 14/15
16 to 18/19
Senior Secondary 1-3
Level 3
18/19 and above
University preparatory/ Supplementary studies, Studies for vocational Qualifications 6M-1.5Y
Level 4
19 to 22/23
University 1-4 or Junior College1-2/3
23 and above
Postgraduate Master/Doctor
ISCED
Fig. 5.2 Schooling in China categorized by ISCED levels. Information synthesized from Book of Major Educational Events in China (Liu, 1993), A Study on the Structural System of Contemporary Chinese Education (Hao, 2001) and ISCED 1997 (UNESCO, 1997)
The Application of ISCED to Chinese Education
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Secondary education covers ages 11 or 12 through 18 or 19 and is divided into two levels: lower and upper secondary (levels 2 and 3). In China, lower secondary education is the loose equivalent of middle school or junior high school. As with some other countries, junior secondary education ends with an examination and constitutes the completion of compulsory education. At ISCED level 2, there are programmes of type A and C provided for 12- to 14-year-olds in general junior secondary schools and junior secondary vocational schools. There are also adult junior secondary schools for workers and peasants at this level. Upper secondary education follows lower secondary and can include general (academic), technical and vocational education or any combination thereof, depending on the country. In China, educational activity at this level (ISCED level 3) is complex. According to the Manual for ISCED-97 Implementation in OECD Countries (OECD, 1999), the mapping of programmes should be based on the orientation of the design of the curriculum. Programmes should be mapped to ISCED 3C if they are primarily designed to equip students with the skills needed for direct transition into the labour market. If, however, a programme is designed both to prepare students for further study at ISCED 5B and for students to directly enter the labour market, they should be classified at ISCED 3B (OECD, 1999, p. 40). The programmes in the three kinds of Chinese secondary TVET schools have been designed to prepare students for direct entry to the labour market. In the future, programmes designed to prepare students for entering higher TVET may be developed, but are not yet well developed. At level 3, there are currently only type A and C programmes. At ISCED level 3, type A programmes are provided by general senior secondary schools and type C programmes are provided by vocational high schools, secondary specialized schools and skilled workers’ schools. There are no type B programmes at either ISCED level 2 or 3. There are also adult senior secondary schools (providing type A programmes), adult specialized secondary schools (providing type C programmes) and adult vocational technical training institutions (providing type C programmes) at this level. Many researchers argue that ISCED level 4 is not evident in the Chinese education system. However, ISCED level 4 programmes in China are provided in the form of • college-preparatory classes (type A programmes) provided by higher education institutions • supplementary classes to prepare students for university entrance examination (type A programmes) provided by both the public and private providers, • supplementary classes to prepare students for higher TVET or short-cycle university programme entrance examination (type B programmes) and • studies for vocational qualifications, such as certificates for electricians, plumbers and locksmiths (type C programmes). At level 5, type B programmes are relatively new and the providers have been mainly transformed from senior secondary schools. Since 2000, there has been a
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5 Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System
provincial-level higher TVET entrance examination held annually in May for the ‘three-school students’. Level 5 type B programmes have gradually enrolled more students from the TVET schools at level 3 since 2000. This fact makes distinctions with type C programmes at level 3 blurred and makes it hard to categorize them into type C or type B programmes. But once the channel is smoothed for more graduates at this level to be promoted into level 5 B programmes, it will be possible to differentiate type B programmes from type C programmes. Hao (2001) identified some of the problems of classifying the Chinese education system. According to Hao, they are 1. misplacement of training at the inappropriate school level, for example, specialized secondary schools offering higher TVET programmes; 2. the absence of post-secondary level 4 and type B programmes at level 2 and level 3; 3. a lack of policy measures to connect the general and vocational education systems; and 4. a confusing coverage of different types of education, for example, adult higher education institutions enrolling senior secondary graduates and offering general higher education programmes.
TVET Policy Priorities in China A feature of models of education and training indicators is that they are often developed within policy priority frameworks. For example, the framework of effectiveness and efficiency indicators developed for measuring the technical and vocational education and training systems in Australia is based on common and agreed national goals for TVET. As reported by the Productivity Commission (1995), in the mid-1990s the two agreed broad aims of the TVET system in Australia were, first, to provide an educated, skilled and flexible workforce to enable Australian industry to be competitive in domestic and international markets and, second, to improve the knowledge, skills and quality of life for Australians, having regard to the particular needs of the disadvantaged group. Policy priorities provide an overall framework which enables objectives of technical and vocational education and training to be identified and proposals for statistical indicators to be made. Specific priorities for TVET have been articulated in China in various publications. One set are those published by the State Council. In 2002, the Chinese State Council produced an important policy document concerning the development of technical and vocational education. The policy objectives outlined in the document were 1. increasing the recognition of the importance of TVET in the construction of modernization and making the target of TVET reform and development clear for the 10th 5-year plan;
TVET Policy Priorities in China
81
2. advancing reforms of the management systems and school administrative systems to promote closer links between TVET and economic and social development; 3. deepening the reform of teaching and learning to meet the demands of society and business; 4. taking practical measures to accelerate the development of TVET in rural and western regions; 5. enforcing stricter implementation of the employment access system to reinforce the connection between vocational education and employment; 6. encouraging multiple sources of funding to increase TVET inputs; and 7. advancing the development of TVET by improving the quality of leadership (The State Council, 2002). The policies stipulated by the Ministry of Education, the National Development and Reform Committee, the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Labor and Social Security, the Ministry of Agriculture and the Poverty Alleviation Office of State Council are 1. accelerating TVET development; 2. strengthening the capacity of TVET to facilitate economic and social development; 3. accelerating the cultivation of skilled personnel to meet demand from new industry; 4. strengthening rural TVET to resolve the ‘three rural problems (sannong)’1 ; 5. reforming school administrative systems; 6. improving employment access and vocational qualification systems and persevering with the principles of ‘training before employment’; 7. accelerating the construction of TVET facilities to improve students’ vocational competencies; 8. reforming TVET personnel management systems to facilitate the employment of teaching staff with both teaching and vocational qualifications; 9. encouraging multiple funding sources to ensure TVET reform and development; and 10. creating a favourable environment for the development of TVET in Chinese society (The Central Government, 2004). In 2005, the State Council made the Decision on Vigorous Expansion of Vocational Education (The State Council, 2005). It stipulated the following policy priorities:
1 They
refer to the problem of agriculture, the problem of rural areas and the problem of farmers.
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5 Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System
1. implementing the concept of scientific development to position the development of TVET as the strategic centre of social and economic development; 2. providing services for the construction of socialist modernization to develop the requisite number of high-quality labourers and highly skilled personnel; 3. allowing employment needs to guide the reform of TVET teaching and learning; 4. reinforcing the construction of basic capacity and improving the administrative capacity and quality of higher TVET institutions; 5. actively advancing reform and innovation and strengthening the development of TVET; 6. drawing on the expertise of trades and enterprises in the development of TVET and promoting better links between enterprises and TVET institutions; 7. implementing the employment access system more consistently and improving the vocational qualification system; 8. increasing funding input from multiple sources and establishing a financial aid system for TVET students; and 9. generating public support for the development of TVET. Taking all of the above policy priorities into account, it is clear that one of the major TVET policy priorities in China is expansion of the scale of TVET provision. Driven by rapid economic development and increasing demand for a skilled labour force, increasing TVET system capacity is essential if China is to continue to develop its economy. The goal of expansion is based mainly on reforms to the old system focusing on macro-level administration, micro-level school management, financial input and the employment system. These reforms require significant material resources. Further resources and participation are required to realize the expansion. Without adequate funding, appropriate expansion is unlikely to occur. In addition, TVET development is more costly than general education. For example, some Australian studies have demonstrated that TVET-in-school programmes cost more than general programmes. In a study done by UNESCO (Tilak, 2002), it was found that the rate of return to TVET is lower than that of general education. According to some Chinese officials (Zhao, 2006) TVET needs three times the rate of investment of general education to achieve development of the same scale. China’s task is not an easy one. Funding, particularly from more diverse sources including private funding, is critical in this context. These features are recognized in several of the policy priorities. But expansion is predicated on a number of other factors. More equitable development across provinces and regions is relevant; in particular, China’s rural population has unique TVET needs, which has been recognized in various policy documents. Increased participation is another factor essential to the success of TVET expansion in China. Although there is support for TVET from government and policy makers, participation in TVET is strongly affected by historical, cultural and political factors. As can be seen in recent policies, the Chinese government is very
Selection of Indicators
83
determined to expand TVET provision. But can this determination increase TVET participation in the face of prejudices caused by the various social, cultural and historical factors?
Selection of Indicators The policy priorities are important in designing a framework of indicators using the conventional indicator classification model of context, input, process, output and outcomes. From among the indicator systems developed by the OECD, the EU and Australia, a set of indicators were established and some comparisons were made, based on the availability of data from China. With regard to context, some indicators reflecting demographic trends and the educational attainment of the population will be included, while for input, indicators on public and private investment in education as well as TVET will be selected. To analyse process, indicators will be selected that focus on participation, and to assess output (outcome), indicators reflecting TVET student completion rates and labour market participation will be included. The indicators proposed below are certainly not in any way exhaustive of the range of measures used in international comparisons or that can be used. But they provide a useful set for evaluating the capacity of the TVET system and its responsiveness in relation to the priorities of expansion, broadening the sources of funding, promoting greater participation and improving provision in remote and regional areas.
Context Indicators Demographic trends and educational attainment: • Educational attainment of the adult population • GDP per capita • Labour force participation of the 25–64 age group by educational attainment and gender • Unemployment rates of the 25–64 age group by educational attainment and gender
Input Indicators Financial resources invested in TVET: • Current public educational expenditure as a percentage of GDP • Current public educational expenditure as a percentage of total public expenditure • Current public educational expenditure per student
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5 Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System
• Current public educational expenditure per student as a percentage of GDP • Distribution of current expenditure on education by type of education and training • Relative proportion of public and private investment in educational institutions • Source of funds for TVET • Investment on CVT by business, by industry Human resources and fixed assets for TVET: • • • •
Numbers of TVET staff by gender and service category Numbers of TVET full-time teachers by rank and academic qualification Quantity of TVET fixed assets and teaching resources by level of institution Numbers of fixed assets, books and magazines and computers
Process Indicators Participation in initial TVET: • • • • • • • •
Participation rates by age Participation rates by gender Initial TVET by age group and enrolment status Participation by initial TVET location Duration of initial TVET programmes Participation in school-based TVET as a percentage of all students Transition activities at ages 15–20 Participation in programmes giving access to higher study
Participation in continuing TVET: • • • • •
Participation in continuing TVET Participation in continuing TVET, by gender Participation in continuing TVET, by labour force status Participation in continuing TVET, by educational attainment Participation in continuing TVET, by sector of industry
Outputs/Outcomes Indicators Access for equity groups: • Participation in TVET by gender, age and programme • Participation in TVET by region, age and programme • Participation in TVET by social background
Data Sources
85
Outcomes • Completion rates by programme • Upper secondary graduation rates • Percentage of participants gaining qualifications in initial TVET by age, gender and programme • Percentage of participants gaining qualifications in continuing TVET • Employment rates by educational attainment, age and gender • Earnings returns to education and training • Number of products which meet the international standard for export/import by industry Identifying and deriving statistics to help compile the indicators for China is a difficult task for several reasons. First, differences between the provinces as well as regions within provinces make comparisons problematic. Disparities caused by historical and geographical differences, variations in rates of social and economic development and varying levels of government financial support make the ‘average’ of the educational statistics a figure which does not adequately reflect the situation of TVET in a comprehensive way. It is for this reason that data on Yunnan will be included in the comparisons to provide a perspective on a rural, less economically developed province. Second, the operation of the labour market in China has special features. There is a basic tension confronting China between the growing demand for full-time secure employment from workers and a large labour force of varying quality. This occurs in a labour market that is heavily segmented, with a growing but small primary or formal labour market and a large more informal sector (Guo, 2003a). This affects the quality of statistics on participation in the labour market and continuing vocational training, resulting in either availability or accuracy problems. For example, statistics for the formal sector of the labour market are insufficiently recorded, while there are virtually no figures for the training situation of employees in the informal sector. Third, the statistical measures used by China differ from those of comparison countries. This issue will be discussed at points throughout the comparisons. Given this, it is important to present the main data sources used for the current study. This study will attempt to build comparisons based on the indicators outlined above. The results will be presented in the following chapters. However, because of paucity of appropriate data, not all indicators can be constructed.
Data Sources To apply this framework and undertake a comparative analysis involving China requires application of data from a variety of sources. A range of publications and sources of data are used.
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5 Framework for Comparing China’s TVET System
The Educational Statistics Yearbook of China The yearbook contains the major educational statistics of China, collected annually from the Education Commissions (or the Bureaus of Education) of the provincial governments and compiled by the Ministry of Education (see, for example, Ministry of Education, 2004). The educational statistics of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao are not included. It consists of summary tables and information on pre-primary, primary, secondary higher and special education. It also includes information on the distribution of schools by type and level, physical facilities and scientific research activities.
The Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook of China The Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook is an annual publication by the Department of Finance of the Ministry of Education, with support from the Statistical Department of Population, Society, Science and Technology at the National Statistics Bureau (see, for example, Ministry of Education, 2006). It describes national education funding sources and educational expenditure. It covers all types and levels of schools under the Education Ministry or other Ministries of the Central Government, those under the local Departments of Education or other local departments, and other educational institutions. It also covers all types and levels of schools run by central and locally owned factories and mines, enterprise units, and schools established by social organizations and individual citizens. The educational funds include not only national fiscal budgetary funds, but also non-national fiscal education funds. The statistics of Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan are not included.
The Labor and Social Security Yearbook of China The Labour and Social Security Yearbook is published annually and provides data on labour and human resources (see, for example, Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 2004). It records the history and development of labour and social security work in China. In the section on Work on Labor and Social Security, there is information on employment and re-employment, vocational training, labour relations, enterprise income distribution and labour standards, endowment insurance, unemployment insurance, medical insurance, compensation for industrial injury, maternal insurance, rural endowment insurance, social insurance fund management and inspection, legislative construction, planning and statistics, labour security information construction, scientific research, news and publications, international exchange and cooperation, and societies and associations.
Countries Selected for Comparison
87
A few sections provide statistical information on TVET, such as the Vocational Training part. The yearbook was the source of information on the skilled workers’ schools and training centres for this study.
Labor Statistical Yearbook of China The Labour Statistical Yearbook is an annual publication that provides comprehensive statistics on the labour situation in China (see, for example, Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1995). The statistics cover (1) employment and unemployment, (2) employment and earnings in urban units, (3) employment and earnings in state-owned units, (4) employment and earnings in urban collectively owned units, (5) employment and earnings in other ownership units, (6) employment in township and village enterprises, (7) vocational training and skill appraisal, (8) labour relations, (9) labour and social security inspection, (10) social security, (11) trade union works, (12) main indicators for Hong Kong and (13) main indicators for Macao. The Vocational Training and Skill Appraisal section repeats what is recorded in the previous Labor and Social Security Yearbook of China on the relevant matter. The publication is compiled by Department of Population, Social Science and Technology Statistics at the National Bureau of Statistics and the Department of Planning and Finance at the Ministry of Labor and Social Security.
The Fifth National Population Census A national population census is conducted every 5 years and includes both a short and long form (National Bureau of Statistics, 2002). The fifth census were carried out in 2000. The long form is based on a sample survey covering detailed information on households.
Countries Selected for Comparison Ideally a wide variety of countries would be included for comparison including countries at a similar stage of development. However, available data restrict the range and number of countries that can be included in comparisons. For the comparisons in this study, inclusion of countries was largely decided on the basis of whether matching data were available and where possible the countries were geographically close to China or with similar levels of economic and social development. The restrictions related to data availability meant that many of the countries were OECD nations including Austria, Australia, New Zealand, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey and the UK, the USA and Canada. Where data were available nearby countries were included such as Japan, Indonesia, India, Malaysia, Korea and Thailand.
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Conclusion The specific indicators identified in this chapter under the dimensions of context, input, process and output focus on the main priorities for TVET in China. These priorities, derived from national government statements and reports on education and training, include goals for growth in participation, broadening and increasing levels of funding, ensuring reform and development of TVET through private as well as public investment and strengthening rural-based TVET. The priorities were important in selecting indicators. What follows in the remaining chapters is an analysis of both the quality of the indicators from a measurement perspective and an assessment of comparative performance for China using the assembled data. The sets of indicators reported are certainly not in any way exhaustive of the range of measures used in international comparisons. But they provide a useful set for evaluating the capacity of the TVET system and its responsiveness in relation to the priorities of expansion, broadening the sources of funding, promoting greater participation and improving provision in remote and regional areas. It is important to note that this study marks only the beginning of the important work needed to evaluate China’s TVET performance. Lamb and Guo (2007, p. 313) in a study of educational development in the province of Yunnan note that As progress is made towards a mass system, so that all phases of school operate as a mass system, the crude measures of participation that work well now as indicators of progress will no longer be adequate to measure performance and productivity. In Western societies, such as the United States, Australia and France, which are marked by largely universal systems of primary and secondary schooling, progress and productivity now tend to be measured more often through quality and equity in levels of student achievement and outcomes. Similarly, as progress is made in China towards the transformation of schooling to a universal system there will be increasing need for indicators which measure the quality of student learning and student outcomes rather than just the quantity.
This also holds true for evaluating TVET performance. The comparisons that follow have been based on the existing raw statistics for China, which allow mainly basic quantitative measures of TVET performance and productivity. Hopefully, over time this will change and policies to collect data for a more complete set of indicators will be developed, allowing quality and equity in TVET to be monitored and measured more fully.
Chapter 6
Comparisons of Social and Economic Context
Context indicators aim to provide information on features of society and economy that are likely to shape the performance of education and training systems. For example, nations with high levels of GDP are likely to spend or invest more money on education (or at least have more money available to do so) than nations which are less wealthy. Similarly, nations with well-educated populations marked by high literacy levels, high levels of upper secondary school completion and strong levels of university participation are likely to display markedly different patterns of performance in terms of education and training than nations with populations that have low levels of literacy and low levels of transition from school to higher education, because of the role of demand as much as supply. Context indicators, such as national economic and demographic trends and educational attainment, are important therefore in being able to consider and understand factors that influence the role and functioning of education systems. Through the indicators, aspects of each society and its economy that structure capacity and shape TVET performance can be profiled and considered for the purposes of comparing with other systems. This chapter presents some comparisons involving China using several context indicators. The context indicators presented the following profile: 1. the educational attainment of the adult population, which provides information on the current levels of educational attainment in the labour force; 2. labour force participation by educational attainment, which is a measure of how successfully the education and training system is equipping the labour force with skills and competencies; 3. unemployment rates by educational attainment, which show how the education and training system is or is not helping the labour force gain access to the labour market; and 4. GDP per capita, which indicates how much wealth is available in the nation relative to the size of its population, to enable the country to provide educational services to its residents. Existing data from OECD, UNESCO, the European Union and the International Labour Organization (ILO) for recent years are used for the comparisons. China’s Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_6, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
89
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6 Comparisons of Social and Economic Context
data are directly drawn or calculated from existing published statistics. The calculations are carried out using the methods and definitions outlined in the OECD Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics: Concepts, Standards, Definitions and Classifications (OECD, 2004). There are several policy priorities in China that relate directly to context indicators. They include the goal for expansion of the TVET system and strengthening of the capacity of TVET to promote social and economic development.
Context Comparisons Using Selected Indicators Indicator 1.1: The Educational Attainment of the Adult Population (25–64), by Age Many studies have documented the impact of human capital development on economic progress and the positive returns to both private and public educational investment (see, e.g., Hanushek, 1996). Educational attainment of the adult population is a key measure of human capital development. Changes in the levels of educational attainment of the adult population have implications in the role and development of TVET. Educational attainment levels demonstrate the levels of skills available in the labour force and point to whether or not available skills in the labour force are likely to meet labour market demands. For policy makers, relationships between the skills of workers and labour market capacities are important. Educational attainment indicators may provide some clues for policy makers about where resources and effort are needed to boost or improve skill levels and to assist in planning education and training provision and government intervention. A country’s labour force, no matter what characteristics it has accumulated from past developments, has to adapt to the changing world in an era of globalization. In this context, initial and continuing technical and vocational education and training play very important roles in equipping the labour force with the necessary knowledge, skills and competencies. Measuring and monitoring the educational attainment of the adult population will help to assess changes as nations establish a labour force actively engaged in lifelong learning. For individuals, it has long been observed that highly skilled individuals, those who are well qualified, tend to have better employment opportunities and career development than those who are less skilled or qualified. This provides a major incentive to accumulate and upgrade knowledge, skills and competencies through education and training in order to gain access to better employment and income. All these factors make the measurement of education attainment levels an important and worthwhile task. At present, attainment tends to be measured in terms of formal educational qualifications or completed stages of education (e.g. secondary, upper secondary, tertiary, university). The less formal acquisition of skills in settings outside of education and training providers (such as acquired work-based competencies) is recognized in many countries and measures have
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91
been developed, but these are not readily available across nations (the international surveys of adult literacy provide an exception). Educational attainment, at present, is largely measured in international comparisons on the basis of qualifications achieved at different levels or stages of education. The data on China have been derived from the fifth population census taken in 2000. While the OECD countries and some of the WEI countries have data on the educational attainment of the adult population for 2003 or 2004, China does not, so comparisons are made with 1999/2000 data for all countries. This is done with the awareness that the situation may have changed over more recent years in some countries, including China. Table 6.1 shows that the educational attainment levels of 25- to 64-year-olds vary considerably across the 28 countries. At the lowest level of attainment—less than upper secondary—the four countries with the highest percentages are China, Thailand, Indonesia, Portugal and Spain. The figures show that in 2000, 82% of 25- to 64-year-olds had not attained an upper secondary qualification. The rate for the province of Yunnan was 89%. By comparison, at the other end of the scale, in the USA the rate was just 13%. Japan, Germany, Norway and Switzerland all had rates below 20%. A range of countries are in the middle with levels around 45%. Australia (43%), Belgium (43%), Iceland (44%), Luxembourg (44%) and Ireland (49%) are in this group, but even these countries are at levels almost half that of China. This suggests that countries like China, Thailand, Indonesia, Portugal and Spain, in which a high percentage of the population 25–64 has not attained upper secondary education, have relatively poorly educated populations. If the economy of the country develops rapidly, as in China, this will promote issues related to skill supply within the workforce. It will place a major limit on the potential for the development of the economy and create a challenge to finding ways to improve education levels, including TVET. It also suggests that TVET in these countries and regions has a big role to play in facilitating the skills needed for economic development. In China, vocational programmes exist at upper secondary level. This stage of education, therefore, becomes vital in plans to expand and promote skill development and industry-relevant qualifications. Table 6.1 shows that more than half of the population in Austria, Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Denmark and the USA possess this level of educational attainment (upper secondary), which implies that in these countries, many more people have been equipped with the basic knowledge and skills to cope with the demands of a modern and rapidly evolving economy. Thailand, Yunnan, Portugal, China, Spain, Turkey and Indonesia, on the other hand, are at the other end of the scale with less than 20% of the population with this level of attainment. In these countries the majority of the population has a lower level of attainment. This suggests a much weaker capacity to respond to rapidly changing occupational and industry structures. Furthermore, it suggests that these countries will have a shortage of people to fill middle- and high-skilled jobs as technology changes and types of industry expand. The size of the shortage may well
45–54 45 31 50 22 88 93 21 33 43 19 58 47 X 59 NA X X X 48 NA 21 85 75 26 21 X NA 40 12
55–64 56 41 64 38 90 91 30 54 58 27 76 60 X 69 NA X X X 59 NA NA 89 87 39 28 X NA 47 19
25–64 30 63 31 40 13 8 53 41 41 58 32 33 17 30 33 49 44 28 37 NA 58 11 14 48 58 7 15 37 52
25–34 36 70 39 40 13 9 58 48 45 63 45 37 X 38 45 X X X 40 NA 61 18 22 55 63 X 18 39 50
35–44 30 66 33 43 20 10 52 47 44 59 37 34 X 34 39 X X X 40 NA 60 11 18 50 57 X 16 37 52
Age 45–54 27 58 27 40 9 4 52 38 39 57 27 33 X 25 27 X X X 31 NA 54 6 10 44 56 X 10 36 49
Upper secondary
Note: NA, data not available; X, data are included in another column or category a Yunnan’s data from The Reference of Population Census of Yunnan in 2000 b Year of reference 2000 Data Source: OECD (2001) and UNESCO/UIS WEI
Age
35–44 41 22 39 17 76 87 20 18 35 15 42 41 X 44 NA X X X 43 NA 11 79 59 19 16 X NA 37 12
25–64 Australia 43 Austria 26 Belgium 43 Canada 21 China 82 a 89 Yunnan Denmark 20 Finland 28 France 38 Germany 19 Greece 50 Iceland 44 79 Indonesiab Ireland 49 Italy NA Japan 19 Korea 34 Malaysia 63 Luxembourg 44 The Netherlands NA Norway 15 Portugal 79 Spain 65 Sweden 23 Switzerland 18 Thailand 83 Turkey NA UK 38 USA 13
25–34 35 17 27 13 80 86 13 14 24 15 29 36 X 33 NA X X X 39 NA 6 70 45 13 11 X NA 34 12
Country
Less than upper secondary
55–64 27 53 21 34 7 4 51 26 30 53 15 28 X 20 16 X X X 29 NA NA 5 4 39 54 X 7 34 53
25–64 9 5 14 20 3 2 20 17 10 10 6 5 2 10 X 13 6 X 7 2 2 3 6 16 9 2 X 8 8
Level of education attainment
25–34 9 6 18 24 4 3 19 22 16 9 9 5 X 13 X X X X 8 2 2 3 11 21 9 X X 8 9
35–44 10 5 15 22 3 3 22 20 11 11 7 5 X 11 X X X X 6 3 3 3 7 17 11 X X 9 9
Age 45–54 10 5 12 18 2 1 22 15 8 10 4 5 X 9 X X X X 6 2 2 3 3 14 9 X X 8 9
Tertiary non-university
55–64 7 2 8 14 2 1 15 11 5 10 3 3 X 6 X X X X 5 2 NA 2 2 10 7 X X 7 5
Table 6.1 Educational attainment of the adult population (25–64), by age: 1999/2000
25–64 18 6 12 19 1 1 7 14 11 13 12 18 2 11 9 18 17 9 12 20 25 7 15 13 15 8 7 17 27
25–34 20 7 16 23 0 1 10 16 15 13 17 22 X 16 10 X X X 13 23 31 9 22 11 17 X 8 19 29
35–44 19 7 13 18 1 1 6 15 10 15 14 20 X 11 11 X X X 11 22 26 7 16 14 16 X 7 17 27
Age 45–54 18 6 11 20 1 0 5 14 10 14 11 15 X 7 10 X X X 15 19 23 6 12 16 14 X 8 16 30
Tertiary university
55–64 10 4 7 14 1 1 4 9 7 10 6 9 X 5 5 X X X 7 15 18 4 7 12 11 X 5 12 23
92 6 Comparisons of Social and Economic Context
Context Comparisons Using Selected Indicators
93
have implications for the speed of economic development and for areas of industry growth. Corresponding to these patterns are marked differences in levels of tertiary education attainment. Table 6.1 shows the levels of attainment for both university training and for other forms of further education. Figure 6.1 displays the combined levels of attainment (university plus other) in rank order for 25- to 64-year-olds. It shows, when all forms of tertiary education are combined, Canada has the highest rate of educational attainment at this level (39%), followed closely by the USA (35%), Japan (31%) and Finland (31%). China (4%) and the province of Yunnan (3%) have very meagre tertiary attainment levels. Portugal (10%), Thailand (10%) and Austria (11%) also have low levels. The much higher participation rates in the more advanced economies facilitate the development of high-tech industries and sophisticated service industries. Problems exist for less well educated countries, such as China, 39
Canada 35
United States 31
Finland Sweden
29
Australia
27
Denmark
27 27
Norway
26
Belgium
25
United Kingdom Switzerland
24
Germany
23
Iceland
23 22
Netherlands France
21
Ireland
21
Spain
21
Luxembourg
19
Greece
18 11
Austria Portugal
10
Thailand
10
China Indonesia China (Yunnan)
4 4 3
Fig. 6.1 Levels of tertiary educational attainment, by country: 25- to 64-year-olds (%)
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including deficiencies in the supply of personnel with applied technical and professional skills, weaker training capacity on the part of tertiary institutions and low-level innovation and research and development capabilities in universities. Such things restrict the development of high-tech industries in such countries. Expansion in the tertiary sector in opportunity and capacity is needed if these nations are to bridge the gap with developed nations. A further feature to note from Table 6.1 is the variation in attainment levels across age groups. In the USA, the proportion of the population with less than upper secondary attainment are almost as low for 55- to 64-year-olds (19%) as they are for 25- to 34-year-olds (12%). This shows that the USA has had high levels of high school or upper secondary completion for some time, across generations. Mass high school completion has existed for many decades. For many other nations, attainment levels have been rising and only recently begun to reach the levels achieved by the USA long ago. For example, 38% of Canadian 55- to 64-year-olds had not attained an upper secondary qualification compared to 13% of 25- to 34-year-olds. Many nations have seen generational growth in completion rates for upper secondary education or higher. This change does not mark China, however. While there has been some generational improvement, the rates are small. Among 55- to 64-year-olds, those with less than upper secondary attainment amount to 90% of the age group. For 25- to 34-year-olds the rate is 80%. Young and old in China have low rates of educational attainment. Improvements across generations have not taken place in China as they have elsewhere. This has implications when evaluating the TVET system, for it is that sector that has a bigger role when populations are more poorly educated. Change may be occurring in the school system as high school begins to become a mass system. But for older age groups, it is the TVET sector that has the major role.
Indicator 1.2: GDP Per Capita in Different Countries GDP per capita provides a measure of the resources available to a country in relation to the size of its population. Theoretically, higher per capita GDP should allow a country to provide more extensive educational services to its people. Table 6.2 presents GDP per capita rates in 2005 for a list of selected countries. The rates are measured using purchasing power parities (PPPs) in order to compare rates using an equivalent standard. The PPPs are the rates of currency conversion which aim to eliminate the differences in price levels between countries. They are used to compare the volume of GDP in different countries and are obtained by evaluating the cost of a basket of goods and services between countries for all components of GDP. PPPs are given in national currency units per US dollars. It is important to note that countries with high levels of GDP per capita do not necessarily have large economies in GDP terms. For example, Iceland has a per capita rate of $36,510. The population of Iceland though is small (less than
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Table 6.2 GDP per capita, 2005: measured in US dollars using purchasing power parity GDP per capita (US $) Australia Austria Belgium Canada China Yunnan∗ Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Iceland India Indonesia Italy Japan Korea (North) Korea (South) Luxembourg Malaysia Mexico The Netherlands New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Russia Slovakia Spain Sweden Switzerland Turkey UK USA
31, 794 33, 700 32, 119 33, 375 6, 757 4, 308 20, 538 33, 973 32, 153 30, 386 29, 461 23, 381 17, 887 36, 510 3, 452 3, 843 28, 529 31, 267 1, 700 22, 029 60, 228 10, 882 10, 751 32, 684 24, 996 41, 420 13, 847 20, 410 10, 845 15, 871 27, 169 32, 525 35, 633 8, 407 33, 238 41, 890
∗ Data
from Statistics Bulletin of Yunnan Provincial Economic and Social Development, http://www.stats.gov.cn Data Source: http://hdrstats.undp.org/indicators/5.html accessed 3 August 2009
320,000) and the GDP in total in 2008 was the equivalent of US $11.6 billion. China, by contrast, has a huge economy in GDP terms, the second largest in the world according to 2008 figures at about US $7,903 billion, over 681 times the size of Iceland’s estimated GDP. This is far bigger than all European countries including Germany. The population of China, though, is massive and this makes the per capita rate low in comparative terms. It means that, despite the size of the economy, the
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resources generated and available to the population for services are likely to be limited. Table 6.2 shows that the five countries with the highest GDP per capita are Luxembourg, Norway, the USA, Iceland and Denmark. The countries with the lowest per capita GDP are North Korea, India, Indonesia, China and Yunnan. The top country, Luxembourg, with a GDP of over $60,228 had almost 35 times the wealth available to North Korea on a per capita basis and over 8 times that available to China. Countries and regions with less than $5,000 GDP per capita are India, Indonesia and the province of Yunnan. China’s average GDP per capita was $6,757. The indicator reveals that there are large disparities in the wealth available to nations for the provision and support of public services, including education and training. In wealthier nations such as Austria, the USA, Norway, Australia, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands and Switzerland higher levels of GDP are likely to mean that the nations will have resources available to enable individuals to enjoy a range of educational services and to support educational providers in order for them to improve service quality and to develop high-quality educational programmes that equip individuals with both basic and advanced knowledge, skills and competencies. In poorer countries, where there is likely to be far less public money available for the provision of services, education is likely to be a scarce resource for which individuals compete. The quantity of education, from a supply perspective, is likely to be an issue. For example, in countries like China, universal primary education has been achieved only after very considerable effort, and there are still major issues around programme quality and student retention. Lower secondary education is in the process of becoming a mass system. Upper secondary education is struggling to improve and expand, and tertiary education is also being expanded to meet the increasing demands of the public, though the resources available to promote this remain scarce and limit the capacity for growth. In such contexts, educational needs and priorities must be met using limited resources, representing a major challenge for policy makers. As far as TVET is concerned, in poor countries, where obtaining an education is not easy for individuals and providing education on limited resources is difficult for the government, well-designed policies and informed strategies on funds accumulation for the development of TVET are vital.
Indicator 1.3: Labour Force Participation Rates Table 6.3 shows labour force participation rates by level of educational attainment and gender for the population aged between 25 and 64. This indicator presents the percentage of adults in the 25- to 64-year-old group who participate in the labour force, either by working or looking for work. The indicator examines the relationships between educational attainment and labour force status, for both males and females. The match between workers’ skills and the skill requirements of the labour market is a critical issue for policy makers and it sheds some light on employment opportunities or take-up and the links with educational attainment.
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Table 6.3 Labour force participation rates, by level of educational attainment and gender: 25- to 64-year-olds, 1999/2000 (%) Level of educational attainment
Australia Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnanb Canada Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Iceland Indonesia Ireland Italy Luxembourg Malaysia The Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden
Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women
Less than upper secondary
Upper secondary
Tertiary type B
Tertiary type A
All levels
79 54 71 48 71 42 89 77 90 87 74 48 74 60 70 64 77 58 76 47 82 41 96 84 90 53 81 38 75 33 77 41 92 39 78 45 81 59 89 69 82 39 80 67
89 66 86 68 88 70 87 76 90 87 88 73 88 80 86 78 89 76 84 70 89 57 96 84 94 50 92 63 86 66 87 60 96 57 88 72 90 81 91 82 91 68 88 84
91 81 89 82 92 84 94 93 95 96 91 80 93 88 88 86 92 84 88 82 87 81 99 98 94 77 93 81 X X 90 81 X X 91 83 98 93 93 88 93 78 88 86
93 73 94 84 93 86 91 89 93 91 90 84 93 91 93 90 90 83 92 83 92 84 99 90 96 78 95 80 92 81 92 76 95 81 92 84 93 89 97 92 90 84 94 92
86 63 84 63 82 62 85 77 91 86 86 72 87 77 83 77 85 70 84 66 86 53 97 86 93 55 87 55 81 48 84 54 94 47 86 64 90 80 90 73 86 52 87 81
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6 Comparisons of Social and Economic Context Table 6.3 (continued) Level of educational attainment
Switzerland Thailand UK USA Country mean
Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women
Less than upper secondary
Upper secondary
Tertiary type B
Tertiary type A
All levels
91 63 89 72 67 52 74 50 81 68
94 74 94 78 88 76 87 72 89 80
96 88 95 85 92 86 90 82 92 88
97 81 95 91 93 88 92 81 93 89
94 73 94 77 86 74 87 73 88 77
Note: X, data are included in another column or category a China’s data calculated from Tabulation on the 2000 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China b Yunnan’s data calculated from The Reference of Population Census of Yunnan in 2000 Data Source: OECD country data from OECD (2001), Asian country data from UNESCO/UIS WEI
In general, men have higher rates of participation than women. The average, across all countries and attainment levels, was 88% for men and 77% for women. The gaps between men and women increase as the educational attainment level falls. For university-qualified women, the labour force participation rate is only 4% points below that of men, on average. This grows to 9 points for those with an upper secondary qualification and to 13 points for those with less than upper secondary attainment. Educational attainment is related to labour force participation in many countries. In the UK, for example, men with less than upper secondary had a participation rate of 67%, with the rate increasing at each level of attainment, reaching 93% among university-qualified men. The gap between men with the highest and those with the lowest levels of attainment was above 15% in nine countries (the UK, Finland, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, the USA, Germany and Italy). The gaps for women were even larger. Differences in rates between the most and the least qualified women were above 35% in 10 countries (the UK, Austria, Canada, Germany, the Netherlands, Ireland, Malaysia, Greece, Belgium, Spain and Italy). Among the least well educated, the highest female labour force participation rates were in Yunnan, where 87% of such women were in the labour force. The rates were also high for women in Iceland (84%) and China (77%). The average participation for women with less than upper secondary education was 68%. The lowest participation rate for women with this level of education was in Italy (33%) and Ireland (38%). University-educated women have high rates of labour force participation and this is true irrespective of country. The lowest rates for women with this level of
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attainment were in Australia (73%) and Luxembourg (76%). The highest labour force participation rates for women with a university education were found in Portugal (92%) and Sweden (92%). The average workforce participation rate for this group across all countries was 89%. Among women with non-university tertiary education attainment, Iceland and Yunnan had the highest participation rates, followed by China and Norway. The lowest labour market participation among this group (77%) occurred in Indonesia. Men and women in Iceland have very high workforce participation rates. For men, the rates are the highest at every level of educational attainment with an average rate of 97%. Educational attainment is not a barrier in Iceland to labour force participation based on these figures. The rates are much the same across all attainment levels. The same is largely true for women in Iceland, though women without tertiary education qualifications are less likely to be in the labour force (84% as against 90% or more for those with tertiary-level attainment). The same is true for males and females in Yunnan. Labour force participation is comparatively strong irrespective of educational attainment. The rate for women is 87% for those without upper secondary, rising to 96% for those with tertiary (nonuniversity) attainment. Male rates are all 90% or more. The rates for China, more broadly, are also fairly high, well above the country average for women without an upper secondary qualification or above. The high rates of labour force participation for women may reflect the effects of the one-child policy that has been in effect in China for some time. The rate of participation for women with less than upper secondary is more than double that of Ireland (38%) and Italy (33%) and almost twice that of Spain (39%). Yunnan’s participation rates both for men and women are high, especially women. The high labour force participation rates coupled with the low educational attainment of the working population in Yunnan, and China more widely, present the role and provision of TVET with particular challenges and constraints and this is especially true for continuing education and training.
Indicator 1.4: Unemployment Rates by Level of Educational Attainment and Gender This indicator is commonly used by economists to compare economic performance across nations. Unemployment rates provide a measure of the match between what the education system produces and the demand for skills in the labour market. It is possible for nations to have high labour force participation rates, but for demand to be greater than supply and for the rates to mask high levels of unemployment. In this context, those with lower educational qualifications are likely to be at particular risk because of greater vulnerability in a competitive employment market. The calculation of unemployment rates has generated debate internationally. Countries like the USA and Canada, along with international organizations such as the OECD, the ILO and Eurostat, have attempted to develop common indicators
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of unemployment levels, usually based on activity status at the time of interview in surveys. Gaps have been identified by Sorrentino (2000) between the US data and that of Canada and other EU countries on unemployment rates. Because of different definitions and interpretations for relevant concepts, such as ‘active job search’, ‘layoffs’, ‘current availability’ and ‘unpaid family workers’, comparisons of unemployment rates are rather problematic. In China, for historical and social reasons, the government’s approach to the issue was based on the belief that the problem of unemployment did not exist because of the establishment of planned systemic economic programmes, structured work schemes and government-guaranteed employment. How could unemployment exist if the government guaranteed all workers a job, a feature of a planned economy? The existence of unemployment was long denied in China, leading to a lack of reporting of statistics on the issue (Shen, 1999). Reporting on unemployment resumed in the 1970s, but based on a very conservative understanding of the notion of unemployment. Workers, for example, who lost their jobs technically could not be viewed as unemployed because they maintained a relationship with the employer who was still responsible for a limited period to provide basic living support (Xu, 2008). When faced with the dramatic realities of economic restructuring in the 1990s, driven by the push for market reforms, unemployment became more formally recognized and defined, and changes to statistical reporting were made. However, debates have continued and this relates to the adequacy of the current measures and estimates provided in official statistics. Official estimates place unemployment in urban areas in 2006 at around 4.1% or 8.5 million people (Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 2007), but Chinese economists estimate that the actual rate is double or triple the official rate (China Daily, 23 December 2003, reported in Leung, 2008). Rates in rural areas are likely to be much higher again, though concealed by seasonal and temporary work and under-employment. Table 6.4 shows the unemployment rates for the 24–65 age group, by educational attainment and gender. For OECD nations, the definition is based on that used in the OECD publication Education at a Glance which calculates unemployed persons as a percentage of the civilian labour force in each nation. The unemployed are defined as individuals who are without work, actively seeking employment and currently available to start work. The actual unemployment rate and the officially recorded unemployment rate in China are likely to differ greatly. One reason is that the definitions and interpretations of the concept in the statistics used for the calculation are narrow and do not capture the full extent of job-seeking in the population. Several studies (for example, Giles, Park, & Zhang, 2004; Zhang, 2003; Zhou, 2003b) have attempted to calculate a rate that accurately reflects the level of unemployment in China. All agree the actual rates are likely to be much higher than those officially recorded. The data source for the current study is the fifth population census of China and for the province of Yunnan. The results of the current study are different from the rates recorded in the above-mentioned studies, due to differences in the age group that is included. Unlike most of the studies, the current study focuses on the labour force for all 25- to 64-year-olds in both urban and rural populations. The
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Table 6.4 Unemployment rates of those 25–64 years of age by level of educational attainment and gender (2000) Level of educational attainment
Australia Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnanb Canada Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Iceland Indonesia Ireland Italy Luxembourg Malaysia The Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden
Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women
Less than upper secondary
Upper secondary
Tertiary type B
Tertiary type A
All levels
9.2 7.6 8.0 6.0 10.0 15.6 3.3 3.0 1.0 2.0 10.7 10.3 6.8 7.2 12.0 14.4 14.1 16.7 17.7 14.1 5.5 13.7 1.6 2.8 1.4 1.8 11.7 11.4 7.8 16.6 2.8 5.0 1.6 0.9 3.6 6.7 3.4 2.4 3.9 4.6 10.5 22.8 8.5 9.7
5.2 5.4 3.4 4.0 4.6 8.3 6.7 10.4 5.3 7.4 6.7 6.5 3.3 5.1 9.3 9.8 7.2 12.0 8.4 9.4 6.6 17.3 0.5 1.9 4.5 8.3 4.2 4.8 5.7 11.1 0.8 1.7 1.6 1.2 1.4 3.6 2.2 2.5 4.1 6.2 7.8 19.8 6.7 6.3
5.0 4.7 2.0 2.1 2.6 3.6 3.7 4.5 3.4 4.1 4.4 4.5 2.4 2.7 3.7 7.0 5.7 6.6 4.9 7.0 6.6 10.3 N 1.3 3.8 5.1 2.5 3.0 X X N 2.3 X X 1.3 1.7 1.6 1.2 2.4 1.4 6.8 20.6 5.6 3.8
2.9 1.8 1.9 2.3 2.0 4.4 2.3 2.6 3.2 3.0 3.9 4.1 3.1 6.7 2.9 4.3 5.0 7.6 4.3 5.1 4.8 10.3 0.2 1.0 7.7 16.7 2.9 3.9 4.9 9.3 0.8 1.3 1.3 1.4 1.5 2.1 1.6 1.4 3.1 2.4 6.9 14.6 3.8 2.2
6.1 5.4 3.9 4.3 6.0 8.8 3.8 3.9 2.6 2.4 6.4 6.0 3.6 5.0 8.1 9.3 9.0 12.3 8.4 9.5 5.9 14.1 0.7 2.1 2.3 2.8 7.4 6.5 6.7 13.0 1.4 2.8 1.7 1.1 2.1 4.1 2.2 2.1 3.8 4.5 9.2 20.1 6.5 5.8
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6 Comparisons of Social and Economic Context Table 6.4 (continued) Level of educational attainment
Switzerland Thailand UK USA Country mean
Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women
Less than upper secondary
Upper secondary
Tertiary type B
Tertiary type A
All levels
4.1 5.7 1.8 2.0 12.7 7.3 7.0 8.8 7.0 8.4
2.3 2.4 3.0 2.1 5.3 4.1 3.9 3.6 4.6 6.7
X X 3.0 2.8 3.8 1.8 2.6 2.9 3.7 4.6
1.3 2.9 1.8 1.4 2.6 2.7 2.0 1.9 3.0 4.5
2.2 3.1 1.8 2.0 5.5 4.1 3.5 3.5 4.6 6.1
Note: X, data included in another column or category; N, data not available a China’s data calculated from Tabulation on the 2000 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China b Yunnan’s data calculated from The Reference of Population Census of Yunnan in 2000 Data Source: OECD country data from OECD (2001), Asian country data from UNESCO/UIS WEI
other studies do not restrict the estimate to this age group. In the current study, the unemployed were those identified in the current activity status categories, ‘never worked and looking for a job’ and ‘lost job and looking for a job’ and ‘other’. Inclusion of those reported in the ‘other’ category in the non-working population in the census as unemployed is contentious, because whether or not those in this group were actively looking for a job is not indicated. The only thing known is that they were not in work. So this group could also be categorized as unemployed, if they have a desire to work. Even so, the rates of unemployment in China are fairly low compared to other countries. They average 3.8% for men and 3.9% for women. Of course if these rates are translated into absolute numbers they will total many millions. The mean unemployment rate across all educational attainment levels was 6.1% for women and 4.6% for men. This gap between men and women, in terms of percentage points, was roughly the same across all educational attainment levels. Gaps between genders can vary across nations. Across all levels of attainment, women in Spain recorded an unemployment rate of 20.1% compared to a rate of 9.2% for men. Gaps were also large in Greece and Italy. Lower rates among women were recorded in Australia, China, Canada, Ireland, Malaysia, Norway, Sweden and the UK. It is, of course, important to keep in mind the differences across nations in rates of labour force participation between men and women. Ireland, for example, has much lower rates of labour force participation among women. Unemployment rates tend to vary by levels of educational attainment. For men the average rate among the university-educated was 3.0%, a rate less than half that for those with less than upper secondary. Similar gaps occur for women across
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attainment levels. In some countries the gaps are striking. In Germany, for example, the rate of unemployment for the least well educated men was 17.7% compared to 4.3% for those with university qualifications. Similar ratios were recorded for Australian and Austrian men and women, Finnish men and women, US men and women and Belgians. These patterns show the strong returns to qualifications in many countries, at least in terms of avoiding unemployment. Women with less than upper secondary education in one-third of the 26 countries compared had unemployment rates above the average of 8.4%. Spain had the highest with 22.8% and Malaysia the lowest at 0.9%. Similar trends were evident for women with upper secondary education, the highest levels being 19.8% in Spain and lowest being 1.2% in Malaysia. About one-quarter of the women with tertiary non-university education in the 23 compared countries and regions (with data) had unemployment rates above the average of 4.6%, with the highest rate of 20.6% in Spain and the lowest of 1.2% in Norway. A similar situation was observed in women with university qualifications. The figures suggest that unemployment is a major issue in many European countries. They do not suggest that it is as much an issue for many of the Asian nations including China, Yunnan and Malaysia. By international standards the rates provided for these countries are low. It is difficult to assess how accurately this reflects the real situation. As well as definitional issues, and reliability and validity of data, the figures may conceal aspects such as under-employment and hidden unemployment. This last category may be quite large because income assistance for the unemployed in China is very uneven and minimal (see Leung, 2003). Further work is needed to establish how accurate the data on unemployment are for China and neighbouring countries and their value for international comparative work.
Chapter 7
Resources
Input Indicators Educational growth and expansion are largely dependent on the amount of resources available. To compare the capacity for growth in the Chinese TVET system it is necessary to examine the resources that are currently provided. This is one of the critical input factors. This chapter will present some data on education and training resources as a key element of input. It will report on several input indicators which will be examined and the results from different countries, including China, will be compared. How does China perform in terms of resource allocation to TVET and other areas of education against the standards of other countries? While developed countries are working to improve allocation strategies, developing countries are struggling to build and maintain sustainable educational budgets. International comparisons from this perspective may highlight some problems and stimulate further work to seek solutions to the problems facing both developed and developing nations. There are several policy priorities in China that relate directly to input indicators. They include increasing the levels of funding for TVET, encouraging multiple sources of funding to increase TVET resources and ensuring reform and development of TVET through promoting private investment. This chapter presents some comparisons using several indicators that will help us assess the performance of China against the priorities it has set. The indicators presented in this chapter assess 1. public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP which shows government support in broad terms for education and training measured by how much it spends on this area relative to the size of its economy; 2. public expenditure on education as a percentage of government expenditure which shows government support for education and training measured by how much it spends on this area compared to other priorities governments have; 3. annual expenditure on education institutions per student for all services which provides a measure of the investment nations make in students at every level of education including TVET; Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_7, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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4. annual per student expenditure on secondary education for all services by programme which provides an assessment of investment in programmes such as technical and vocational education and training compared to general education; and 5. public and private investment in educational institutions at all levels which shows the proportion of public and private funding provided to educational institutions for each level of education. Existing data from OECD, UNESCO and the European Union are used for the comparisons. China’s data are directly drawn or calculated from existing published statistics. The calculations are carried out using the methods and definitions outlined in the OECD handbook (OECD, 2004). The data for China and Yunnan are largely drawn from the Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 and the China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004.
Comparisons Using Selected Input Indicators Indicator 2.1: Public Expenditure on Education as a Percentage of GDP (2004) One measure used to compare investment in education across countries is public expenditure on education as a percentage of gross domestic product. GDP is a measure of the value of goods and services produced in a country. Expenditure as a percentage of GDP provides a measure of countries’ expenditure on education from public sources relative to their ability to finance education. It reveals the share of national income that the public sector invests in education. The level of importance given to the development of education in a given country can be reflected through its public educational expenditure as a percentage of GDP. Variations across countries can reflect differences in national priorities and commitment to education. Figure 7.1 shows public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP for selected countries including China and the province of Yunnan. This indicator shows that in 2004 the countries allocating the highest proportions of their GDP to education were Demark, Iceland, Malaysia, Norway and Israel. Their public expenditure on education is above 7% of GDP. There were eight countries with a percentage of less than 4%, including China. The others are Chile, Japan, Russia, Turkey, Luxembourg, India and Indonesia. China had the second lowest level of public investment at 2.1%. Only Indonesia was lower (0.9%). By international standards, at least against the other selected countries, China’s public investment in education is meagre. Private investment in education is excluded from the indicator, so the rates do not represent total investment. In some countries this is important and relevant. In Japan, for example, private investment accounts for at least 20% of total educational spending. According to a recent report, the level of non-government investment in
Comparisons Using Selected Input Indicators
107 8.4 8.0 8.0 7.7 7.3 7.0 6.9 6.5 6.2 6.0 6.0 5.9 5.9 5.8 5.8 5.5 5.5 5.4 5.3 5.2 4.9 4.8 4.8 4.7 4.6 4.6 4.5 4.4 4.3 4.3 4.2 4.1 3.7 3.7 3.7 3.7 3.6 3.3
Denmark Iceland Malaysia Norway Israel Sweden New Zealand Finland Belgium France Hungary Portugal United States Mexico Poland Austria United Kingdom Switzerland Netherlands Canada Italy Australia Germany China (Yunnan) Czech Republic Republic of Korea Spain Slovakia Greece Ireland Thailand Brazil Chile Japan Russian Federation Turkey Luxembourg India China Indonesia
2.1 0.9 0.0
1.0
2.0
3.0
4.0
5.0
6.0
7.0
8.0
9.0
Fig. 7.1 Public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP: selected countries, 2004 Data Source: Yunnan (China) data calculated from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 and China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004. All other data from UNESCO website: http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/selectCountry_en.aspx
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education in China (from tuition and related fees and from other sources such as grants and donations) reached 38% in 2003 (Mei & Wang, 2006). If this level of non-government funding was added to the 2004 rate for China reported in Fig. 7.1, the level of total spending on education as a percentage of GDP would rise to 2.9%, still well below the public levels of investment in education being made by virtually all of the other listed countries. According to Mei and Wang (2006), the Chinese government announced that it would phase out all tuition and miscellaneous fees as sources of education funding by 2007. The effect of this would be to promote a much heavier reliance on public expenditure. The province of Yunnan spent 4.7% of its regional income on education, a rate which is above the average expenditure recorded for China. This may be because in poorer provinces, such as Yunnan, higher levels of public funding on education are required to try to deliver the same level of service as in wealthier provinces. In other words, in poorer provinces with lower levels of GDP, expenditure on education is likely to be higher in percentage terms because the productivity in economic terms as measured by the total value of goods and services represented by GDP is lower meaning that public educational expenditure as a percentage will be higher. It does not mean that more money is spent on education in Yunnan than in other provinces or that Yunnan places more emphasis on education than other provinces. This becomes evident in examining public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP alongside GDP per capita rates. Selected comparisons are provided in Figs. 7.2 and 7.3. While public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP provides one measure of the importance a nation places on education, it needs to be viewed in the context of the size of population and other factors. It is not necessarily 8
Japan
Yunnan
4
4.4
4.7
Australia
4.8
Canada
5
5.5
5.8
6.1
6
5.9
6.8
7
3 2.1
2 1 0
Chile
Belgium
Austria
Brazil
Fig. 7.2 Public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP: selected countries (%)
China
Comparisons Using Selected Input Indicators
109
40,000
31,500
31,400
31,900
32,700
30,000
34,000
35,000
Japan
Belgium
25,000 20,000
0
Canada
Austria Australia
Chile
Brazil
China
4,308
5,000
6,800
10,700
10,000
8,100
15,000
Yunnan
Fig. 7.3 GDP per capita: selected countries (US $)
true that governments devoting a smaller percentage of GDP to education do not attach importance to education or that systems with similar proportionate allocations place the same value on education and training. Countries which dedicate a similar percentage of public expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP but have differently sized economies or populations (and, therefore, GDP per capita) may have quite different levels of educational input. Figure 7.2 illustrates what appear to be differences in priority given to education across a small group of selected countries and the province of Yunnan. It shows that compared to Belgium (6.1%), Austria (5.5%), Australia (5.8%) and Canada (5.9%), Chile (6.8%) has the highest level of public investment in education as a percentage of GDP. Yunnan (4.7%) devotes a similar percentage of GDP to education as Japan (4.8%) and Brazil (4.4%). This suggests that in percentage terms relative to total GDP, Yunnan gives similar priority to education in public investment terms as these other governments. Figure 7.3, however, reveals that GDP per capita is lowest in Yunnan (US $4,308) and well below the levels recorded for other nations and that for China as a whole (US $6,800). Chile’s GDP per capita rate is one-third that of Australia and Japan. So, while education as a percentage of GDP may be high, the GDP per capita rates show that in some nations this can mean still quite small levels of resources available for education and training. For countries with low GDP per capita only relatively small amounts of money are often available to be invested in education. In Yunnan the percentage of GDP invested in education in aggregate compares fairly favourably with some nations, but the reality is that the GDP is relatively small and because of the size of population this means that the resources available to education and training are
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limited. The upshot is that in Yunnan, and in other parts of China and similar nations, governments generally have to make judgements about the allocations of scarce resources and tend either to give priorities to certain groups of people instead of the whole population (higher standard for some, but not all) or provide a lower standard of mass education, sacrificing either equity or quality or both in the provision of educational services. For countries with higher GDP per capita rates, the larger availability of funds for educational budgets generally means that higher-quality educational services are attainable for a broader range of the population. Although equity issues may still exist, they do not as easily have to be sacrificed in the pursuit of quality and excellence. Wealthier nations with more disposable public funds to invest in education do not face the same critical issues as those countries with a small GDP per capita where available resources for public services such as education and health, high-cost items for all governments, are so much more limited.
Indicator 2.2: Public Expenditure on Education as a Percentage of Government Expenditure In a situation in which governments must balance competing demands with limited resources, providing funds for infrastructure, social welfare, health and education, trade-offs inevitably occur. Public expenditure on education as a percentage of government expenditure provides a measure of the priority governments place on education and training against competing demands. Priorities can be assessed by where nations place their dollars. Table 7.1 reports public expenditure on education as a percentage of government expenditure for a range of selected countries including China and the province of Yunnan. The figures are for 2004 and show the proportions of total expenditure on education. They reflect the government’s level of commitment to the development or support of its educational system as a proportion of its commitment to all priorities including health, military and defence, income support, welfare, transport, industry and regional development. It provides another way of examining government investment, by comparing education spending with total government expenditure. Researchers have found that, in comparative terms, countries with higher per capita income tend to allocate larger proportions of government funds to education (Verbina & Chowdhury, 2004). This is not always the case. The data in Table 7.1 show that in 2004 the governments of Malaysia, Thailand and the province of Yunnan devoted over 20% of total government expenditure to education compared to an average across the listed countries of 13.6%. These Asian jurisdictions which have relatively modest GDP per capita rates have given education and training fairly high priority based on these figures. The rate for China more broadly, though, is at about the average (13.0%). In assessing the rates of countries devoting a smaller percentage of government funding to education, it should be remembered that the figures provide no indication
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Table 7.1 Public expenditure on education as a percentage of government expenditure: 2004 (%) Country Australia Austria Belgium Canada China Yunnan (China)a Denmark Finland France Germany Greece India Indonesia Ireland Israel Italy Japan Luxembourg Malaysia The Netherlands New Zealand Norway Portugal Republic of Korea Russian Federation Spain Sweden Switzerland Thailand UK USA Average across all countries
Percentage of government expenditure 13.3 11.1 11.6 12.5 13.0 20.8 15.4 12.7 11.4 9.7 7.0 10.7 9.0 13.5 13.7 10.3 10.5 8.5 28.0 10.7 15.1 16.2 12.7 16.1 12.3 11.3 12.8 15.1 27.5 11.5 17.1 13.6
a China and Yunnan’s data calculated from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 Data from UNESCO: http://www.uis.unesco.org/profiles/selectCountry_en.aspx
of the actual size of the total public expenditure. In countries where total government expenditure is very large, a smaller percentage of that expenditure will represent much greater real funding than a country devoting a large percentage of funding to education, but with low overall levels of government expenditure. In this respect, the indicator has similar problems to the previous indicator on GDP. The indicator needs to be interpreted with reference to total public expenditure and, if possible, categories of expenditure. For example, according to published records in China salary payments account for a high percentage of education expenditure, while non-personnel operating expenditure is relatively low (Mei &
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Wang, 2006). In 2003, 82.9% of recurrent payments were made on salaries for senior secondary schools, 90.2% for junior high schools and 92.5% for primary schools, showing that the lower the stage of schooling, the higher the percentage of salary payments (Mei & Wang, 2006). Most money, therefore, is expended on salaries and very little, particularly at the lower levels of education, on materials and other goods needed to support teaching. This is also true for the middle years and senior years where vocational education is provided to a large proportion of students, yet TVET usually requires more substantial amounts of materials and goods for provision of effective instruction. TVET is often a materials- and goods-intensive form of education. Yet, salary expenses account for most of the total spending in education. Some studies have also suggested that the imbalance in spending on personnel compared with other operating costs is coupled with an imbalance in salary costs because a large proportion of the personnel expenditure used in China is for non-teaching staff. According to Mei and Wang (2006) China devotes a much larger proportion of education expenditure to personnel than most other countries and the shortage of resources for non-personnel operating costs is a critical issue. This has relevance for TVET because of the higher need for materials and nonteaching resources to support teaching and learning in the more applied fields of vocational education. If non-teaching resources are an issue, funding for buildings and school construction may be even more pressing. According to Mei and Wang (2006) funding for construction and buildings for most levels of school education is below 5%, and in many parts of the country, school buildings are in a serious state of dilapidation and in need of restoration or reconstruction.
Indicator 2.3: Expenditure on Education Institutions per Student Across Levels of Education Expenditure per student is a measure of investment that a country devotes annually, on average, to each student’s education. It is influenced by factors such as teacher salaries, teaching materials and facilities, total student enrolment, management policies for teachers and students. It allows comparisons of estimated absolute levels of support (or cost) for education. These estimates can also be made relative to GDP by calculating per student expenditure as a percentage of GDP per capita (see, e.g., NCES, 1996). Expenditure per student relative to GDP per capita places the expenditure data per student in a relative perspective. It allows for fairer comparisons of priorities across countries with widely diverging economies, populations and available resources. It examines what each country spends on its students relative to its available resources. For example, a poorer country with a small per student expenditure may actually be devoting quite high levels, in proportionate terms, of its available resources to education compared to a wealthier country with a much higher per student expenditure. As noted by the National Center for Education Statistics (1996, p. 216) in the USA, ‘variations in per student expenditures reflect differences in national wealth, national spending priorities, the relative price of local educational resources (such as teacher salaries),
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variations in the quantities of resources devoted to education (such as teachers and administrators), and the size of the corresponding private education sector’. Table 7.2 reports expenditure per student on education institutions across different levels of education. The data are presented in two panels. The top panel reports education expenditure per student. The bottom panel reports expenditure per student as a percentage of GDP per capita. The selected countries include both OECD and WEI countries, and averages across all countries are provided at the bottom. Within-country variations in investment by level of education are presented across the table. The data provide broad indications about how much each country is spending per student and while TVET-specific categories are not reported, levels at which spending on technical and vocational education and training mainly occurs (such as lower and upper secondary education in China) can be compared across nations. The data show that Luxembourg had the highest investment level per student among the countries compared, although its data on tertiary education was unavailable. Switzerland ranks second for expenditure on secondary students and has the highest per student expenditure at the tertiary level. Over 10,000 dollars was spent on each primary student in Luxembourg, while those in China, Yunnan, Indonesia, India, Turkey and Brazil were allocated less than a tenth of that amount. Primary school students in China and Yunnan had $712 and $674 spent on them, respectively, more than six times less than the country average level of $4,414. In 2003, apart from Indonesia and India, Yunnan and China spent less than all other countries on primary school education per student. This was also true for lower secondary where the relative gap between the top and bottom countries declined slightly, but China ($917) still had a per student expenditure which was 5.5 times lower than the average for all countries, while for Yunnan ($808) the expenditure was 6.6 times lower. In China, some vocational education is offered at lower secondary level, but the growth in funding over primary school education is moderately high rising on average by about 29% per student, compared to a country average of about 17%. There is quite a sharp increase in funding at upper secondary level in China and the province of Yunnan. Expenditure per student is three times greater at upper secondary level than at primary school level in China and 2.8 times greater in Yunnan. Only India and Indonesia record larger gaps. The country average ratio of secondary to primary is about 1.4. At almost double this ratio in China and Yunnan it reveals a large difference in the levels of investment between upper secondary and primary school education. This possibly highlights a tension between the need to invest and provide quality education in the upper secondary years to attract larger numbers of students to remain at school, but a disparity because large numbers of students drop out before this level of schooling. If more money is spent at the lower levels to improve quality and delivery it may help more young people to remain in upper secondary and therefore reduce the costs at that level. Vocational schools offer separate instruction at upper secondary level and the funding suggests that more resources are available on a per student basis than at lower levels of schooling.
Australia Austria Belgium Brazila Canadaa,b Chilec Chinad Yunnand Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungaryb Iceland India Indonesia Ireland Israel
5,494 7,139 6,180 870 X(5) 2,139 712 674 2,273 7,814 5,321 4,939 4,624 4,218 3,286 7,752 368 92 4,760 5,017
Primary
7,442 8,719 X(5) 1,105 X(5) 2,124 917 808 3,939 7,958 8,608 7,603 5,627 X(5) 3,269 7,475 375 231 6,329 X(5)
Lower secondary
8,362 9,189 X(5) 1,152 X(5) 2,281 2,185 1,913 4,241 8,401 6,654 9,992 10,232 X(5) 4,620 6,459 1,182 312 6,428 X(5)
Upper secondary
Post-secondary non-tertiary
7,788 8,943 7,708 1,121 6,482 2,225 1,190 983 4,088 8,183 7,402 8,653 7,173 4,954 3,948 6,898 712 261 6,374 5,959
7,341 X(4) X(5) a X(7) a a a 2,051 X(4,9) X(5) 5,195 10,097 4,181 X(4) X(4,9) 1,058 a 5,759 3,723
Expenditure per student (US $)
All secondary
Level of education
7,792 10,382 X(9) X(9) 23,780 3,128 X(9) X(9) 3,339 X(9) 3,985 8,925 6,299 2,602 8,427 NA X(9) X(9) X(9) 8,372
Tertiary type B
13,331 12,507 X(9) X(9) 18,567 8,382 X(9) X(9) 7,185 X(9) 12,060 11,303 12,457 6,071 8,583 8,023 X(9) X(9) X(9) 12,941
Tertiary type A
Table 7.2 Annual expenditure per student on education institutions for all services, by level of education (2003)
12,406 12,344 11,824 10,054 19,992 7,011 8,229 6,589 6,774 14,014 12,047 10,704 11,594 4,924 8,576 8,023 2,243 1,073 9,341 11,945
All tertiary education
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Italyb Japan Korea Luxembourg Malaysiab Mexico The Netherlands New Zealand Norway Polandb Portugalb Russiab Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerlandb Thailandb,c Turkeyb UK USA Country mean
7,366 6,350 4,098 11,481 1,830 1,656 5,836 4,841 7,977 2,859 4,503 X(5) 2,020 4,829 7,291 8,131 3,442 869 5,851 8,305 4,414
Primary
7,688 6,991 5,425 16,754 X(5) 1,495 7,566 4,803 9,208 2,693 6,158 X(5) 2,106 X(5) 7,446 9,538 2,044 a X(5) 9,156 5,295
Lower secondary 8,108 7,552 7,442 17,364 X(5) 2,790 6,271 6,730 12,380 3,184 6,022 X(5) 2,737 X(5) 7,848 15,014 3,140 1,428 X(5) 10,105 6,042
Upper secondary 7,938 7,283 6,410 17,078 2,920 1,918 6,996 5,693 10,919 2,951 6,094 1,436 2,401 6,418 7,662 12,209 2,484 1,428 7,290 9,590 5,509
All secondary NA X(4,9) a NA 6,903 a 5,723 8,016 X(5) 6,866 a X(5) X(4) X(5) 2,867 8,485 n... a X(5) NA 5,066
Post-secondary non-tertiary
Level of education
Table 7.2 (continued)
7,443 7,638 4,021 NA 12,005 X(9) NA 6,064 X(9) NA X(9) 1,733 X(4) 7,997 X(9) 7,579 16,194 X(9) X(9) X(9) 6,814
Tertiary type B 8,777 12,913 9,138 NA 10,492 X(9) 13,537 9,738 X(9) 4,653 X(9) 2,741 4,678 9,131 X(9) 27,682 3,935 X(9) X(9) X(9) 9,812
Tertiary type A
8,764 11,556 7,089 NA 10,792 5,774 13,444 8,832 13,772 4,589 7,200 2,451 4,678 8,943 16,073 25,900 4,474 NA 11,866 24,074 9,673
All tertiary education
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Australia Austria Belgium Brazila Canadaa,b Chilec Chinad Yunnand Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungaryb Iceland India Indonesia Ireland Israel Italyb Japan Korea
17.3 21.2 19.2 10.4 NA 17.8 10.5 15.6 11.1 23.0 16.5 16.3 15.7 18.0 18.4 21.2 10.7 2.4 12.4 19.4 25.8 20.3 18.6
Primary
23.4 25.9 NA 13.2 NA 17.7 13.6 18.8 19.2 23.4 26.8 25.0 19.1 NA 18.3 20.5 10.9 6.0 16.4 NA 26.9 22.4 24.6
Lower secondary
26.3 27.3 NA 13.7 NA 19.0 32.3 44.4 20.6 24.7 20.7 32.9 34.7 NA 25.8 17.7 34.2 8.1 16.7 NA 28.4 24.2 33.8
All secondary
Post-secondary non-tertiary Tertiary type B
24.5 26.5 24.0 13.3 19.4 18.5 17.6 22.8 19.9 24.1 23.0 28.5 24.3 21.2 22.1 18.9 20.6 6.8 16.6 23.0 27.8 23.3 29.1
23.1 NA NA NA NA NA NA NA 10.0 NA NA 17.1 34.3 17.9 NA NA 30.6 NA 15.0 14.4 NA NA NA
24.5 30.8 NA NA 71.3 26.0 NA NA 16.3 NA 12.4 29.4 21.4 11.1 47.1 NA NA NA NA 32.4 26.1 24.4 18.3
Expenditure per student as a percentage of GDP per capita
Upper secondary
Level of education
Table 7.2 (continued)
41.9 37.1 NA NA 55.6 69.7 NA NA 35.0 NA 37.5 37.2 42.3 26.0 48.0 22.0 NA NA NA 50.0 30.8 41.3 41.5
Tertiary type A
39.0 36.6 36.8 119.7 59.9 58.3 121.8 152.9 33.0 41.3 37.5 35.2 39.4 21.1 47.9 22.0 65.0 27.9 24.3 46.2 30.7 37.0 32.2
All tertiary education
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19.1 16.8 15.4 17.9 19.4 19.3 20.6 22.1 NA 12.7 17.8 22.4 22.8 39.7 10.3 17.6 19.8 18.2
27.8 NA 13.9 23.1 19.2 22.2 19.4 30.2 NA 13.3 NA 22.9 26.8 23.6 NA NA 21.9 21.8
Lower secondary 28.8 NA 26.0 19.2 26.9 29.9 23.0 29.5 NA 17.2 NA 24.1 42.1 36.2 17.0 NA 24.1 24.9
Upper secondary 28.4 26.8 17.8 21.4 22.8 26.4 21.3 29.9 13.2 15.1 23.6 23.6 34.3 28.6 17.0 21.9 22.9 22.7
All secondary NA 63.4 NA 17.5 32.1 NA 49.6 NA NA NA NA 8.8 23.8 NA NA NA NA 20.9
Post-secondary non-tertiary NA 110.3 NA NA 24.3 NA NA NA 16.0 NA 29.4 NA 21.3 186.6 NA NA NA 28.1
Tertiary type B NA 96.4 NA 41.4 39.0 NA 33.6 NA 25.3 29.5 33.6 NA 77.7 45.3 NA NA NA 40.5
Tertiary type A
NA 99.2 53.7 41.1 35.3 33.2 33.1 35.3 22.6 29.5 32.9 49.4 72.7 51.6 NA 35.7 57.5 39.9
All tertiary education
Note: NA, data not available; X, data included in other categories; a, category not applicable; n. . ., data value negligible a Year of reference 2002 b Public institutions only c Year of reference 2004 d China and Yunnan’s data calculated from China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004 and Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2003 OECD country data from Education at a Glance 2006 (OECD, 2006), WEI country data from UNESCO database
Luxembourg Malaysiab Mexico The Netherlands New Zealand Norway Polandb Portugalb Russiab Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerlandb Thailandb,c Turkeyb UK USA Country mean
Primary
Level of education
Table 7.2 (continued)
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Every country invests more heavily in tertiary education than in primary or secondary schooling, at least based on average per student costs. In some countries the ratio between tertiary and primary is as high as almost 12–1 (Indonesia, China, Brazil). But in others it can be quite modest. In Iceland, for example, it is only 1.04–1. The gaps in spending between countries in tertiary education are far lower than at all other levels of education. The highest spending country allocated 23 times the amount per student of the lowest. China spends heavily on tertiary education as measured by per student expenditure. The rate—$8,229—is almost equal to the country average ($9,673) and a remarkable figure given that the investment in primary education is about six times lower than the average for that level of education. The level of investment in tertiary education places China on par with Iceland ($8,023), Italy ($8,764), Hungary ($8,576), New Zealand ($8,832) and Spain ($8,943). It suggests that tertiary education is given priority in funding terms. The patterns for China show increasing levels of per student expenditure as the level of education increases, and a closing gap between China and other countries across levels. As the level of education increases, China moves up the scale. Contributing to this is the size of the population accessing services at each level and the effects of attrition as fewer and fewer members of the population continue on in study. According to data for 2003, about one-quarter of government education expenditure was allocated to primary education, while secondary schools accounted for 37% and higher education 31% (Mei and Wang, 2006). Yet, there are vastly different rates of participation at each level. In 2007, there were 25 million students enrolled in tertiary education, compared to 101.8 million in secondary education and 107.4 million in primary school education. On a per student basis, therefore, vastly different amounts are being invested according to the level of education. The variations in investment across levels are inconsistent with the goal of the government for achieving universal compulsory education. The marked concentration of education expenditure on tertiary education in China is reflected in the funding patterns relative to GDP per capita. China spent more per student at tertiary level relative to GDP than any other country—121.8% compared to a country average of 39.9%. The only other country that exceeded 100% at this level of education was Brazil (119.7%). Malaysia also came close at 99.2%. At upper secondary school level, looking at expenditure relative to GDP per capita and, therefore, relative to available resources, China (32.3%) spends about as much as France (32.9%), Germany (34.7%) and Korea (33.8%). The rate is well above the total country average (24.9%). The situation is different at the junior or lower secondary level. At this level, spending falls away in China with about 13.6% relative to GDP per capita, a rate well below the country average of 21.8%. The rate is similar to that spent in Brazil (13.2%), Mexico (13.9%) and Slovak Republic (13.3%). At the primary school level, spending falls further with expenditure per student relative to GDP per capita at 10.5%. This is well below the country average (18.2%) and similar to the rates in Brazil (10.4%), India (10.7%), Czech Republic (11.1%), Ireland (12.2%) and Slovak Republic (12.7%). Indonesia (2.4%) had the lowest rate.
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Indicator 2.4: Per Student Expenditure on Secondary Education by Programme The distribution of expenditure across different levels of education reflects national educational goals and strategies concerning priorities for each educational level. Important within this is the emphasis in funding terms given to TVET. Per student expenditure on different secondary education programmes is an indicator which gives a more detailed view of the priority or emphasis given to TVET in expenditure terms at secondary level in comparison with academic or general programmes. At the lower secondary level there are no disaggregated figures on TVET for most countries. Some countries have disaggregated figures at the upper secondary level, but not all. Table 7.3 reports annual expenditure per student on secondary education for all services by programme. The comparison was limited to only those countries with the necessary data. TVET programmes are often more expensive to provide than general or academic subjects in secondary school partly because of the costs of materials and tools needed to teach subjects (such as those needed for automotive studies or those for hospitality, cooking, beauty and hairdressing) and partly because of the resources required to manage and organize teaching in workplaces. The higher costs for TVET are reflected in the different investment levels between general and vocational programmes. Many of the European countries, where vocational education has a long history and a strong institutional base, allocate more funds on a per capita basis for TVET than for general or academic programmes. One exception is the Netherlands where, at upper secondary level, the allocation for general programmes ($7,600) in 2003 was higher than for vocational programmes ($5,676). However, in all other European countries the reverse was true. Germany and Switzerland are the most notable, with over $5,000 more invested in each upper secondary TVET student than in each academic or gymnasium student. Hungary, Sweden and the Slovak Republic also invested substantially more (over $1,000 more) on each TVET student. Over $500 more investment was recorded in Turkey, Austria, Russia and Finland. Slight differences of less than $500 occur in Luxembourg, the Czech Republic and the province of Yunnan. Some nations spend more on general and academic programmes than on TVET. Mexico leads a few countries spending more on students in non-vocational programmes, with $1,293 more investment in each Mexican academic or general programme student than TVET student. Australia and the Netherlands also invested more in their academic students than those in TVET programmes. China’s figures suggest that it spends more on TVET than on academic and general programmes at upper secondary level, based on per student expenditure. The ratio is about 1.5–1 which is quite high on a comparative basis. In dollar terms the investment is about $890 more placing China with Austria, Russia and Finland in terms of additional dollars invested in TVET students. However, it must be kept in mind that the amounts invested in TVET vary markedly across countries. China’s investment at upper secondary level in TVET is one-third that of Austria and less than half that in Finland.
Australia Austria Belgium Brazila Canadaa,b Chilec Chinad Yunnand Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungaryb Iceland Ireland Israel Italyb Japan Korea Luxembourg Mexico
7,442 8,719 X(7) 1,105 X(7) 2,124 917 808 3,939 7,958 8,608 7,603 5,627 X(7) 3,269 7,475 6,329 X(7) 7,688 6,991 5,425 16,754 1,495
All programmes
7,474 8,719 X(7) X(1) X(7) 2,124 850 763 3,924 7,958 8,608 7,603 5,627 X(7) X(1) NA 6,329 X(7) 7,688 6,991 NA 16,754 1,779
7,094 A X(7) X(1) X(7) a X(9) X(9) 7,634 a a a X(6) X(7) X(1) a a X(7) a a NA a NA
General Vocational programmes programmes
Lower secondary
8,362 9,189 X(7) 1,152 X(7) 2,281 2,185 1,913 4,241 8,401 6,654 9,992 10,232 X(7) 4,620 6,459 6,428 X(7) 8,108 7,552 7,442 17,364 2,790
All programmes 8,814 8,243 X(7) X(4) X(7) 2,450 1,874 1,784 3,795 X(4) 4,975 X(4) 5,962 X(7) 3,642 NA X(4) X(7) X(4) X(4) X(4) 17,780 2,760
7,343 9,172 X(7) X(4) X(7) 1,983 2,762 X(9) 4,357 X(4) 7,729 X(4) 12,744 X(7) 5,590 NA X(4) X(7) X(4) X(4) X(4) 17,172 3,046
General Vocational programmes programmes
Upper secondary
Level of education
7,788 8,943 7,708 1,121 6,482 2,225 1,190 983 4,088 8,183 7,402 8,653 7,173 4,954 3,948 6,898 6,374 5,959 7,938 7,283 6,410 17,078 1,918
All programmes
7,894 8,623 X(7) X(7) X(7) 2,297 1,085 926 3,903 X(7) 7,204 X(7) 5,680 X(7) 3,321 NA X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) 17,025 2,116
7,265 9,172 X(7) X(7) X(7) 1,983 1,095 1,238 4,374 X(7) 7,729 X(7) 12,744 X(7) 5,752 a X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) 17,172 823
General Vocational programmes programmes
All secondary
Table 7.3 Annual expenditure per student on secondary education for all services, by programme: 2003 (US $)
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7,566 4,803 9,708 2,693 6,158 X(7) 2,106 X(7) 7,446 9,538 a X(7) 9,156
7,191 NA 9,208 2,693 NA X(7) 2,106 X(7) 7,446 9,538 A X(7) 9,156
8,164 NA a a NA X(7) a X(7) a a a X(7) a
General Vocational programmes programmes 6,271 6,730 12,380 3,184 6,022 X(7) 2,737 X(7) 7,848 15,014 1,428 X(7) 10,105
All programmes 7,600 X(4) X(4) X(4) X(4) X(7) 1,893 X(7) 7,029 11,530 1,168 X(7) 10,105
5,676 X(4) X(4) X(4) X(4) X(7) 3,061 X(7) 8,632 16,840 1,811 X(7) a
General Vocational programmes programmes
Upper secondary
6,996 5,693 10,919 2,951 6,094 1,436 2,401 6,418 7,662 12,209 1,428 7,290 9,590
All programmes
7,307 X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) 1,383 2,064 X(7) 7,296 10,029 1,168 X(7) 9,590
6,709 X(7) X(7) X(7) X(7) 1,911 3,073 X(7) 8,632 16,840 1,811 X(7) a
General Vocational programmes programmes
All secondary
Note: NA, data not available; X, data included in other categories; a, category not applicable a Year of reference 2002 b Public institution only c Year of reference 2004 d Data on China and Yunnan calculated from China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004 (reference year 2003) and Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2003 Data Source: OECD
The Netherlands New Zealand Norway Polandb Portugalb Russiab Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerlandb Turkeyb UK USA
All programmes
Lower secondary
Level of education
Table 7.3 (continued)
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The estimates for this indicator provide only a broad look at programme funding on a comparative basis. More accurate and insightful judgements would need disaggregated statistics illustrating the sources (government, private) and types (salaries, materials, buildings) of investment in TVET programmes at every level.
Indicator 2.5: Public and Private Investment in Educational Institutions at All Levels Table 7.4 reports relative proportions of public and private investment in educational institutions at all levels. Private expenditure for educational institutions covers expenditure of households and other private entities paid directly to educational institutions (school fees, locally raised funds, student accommodation, etc.). Public expenditure for educational institutions covers direct government expenditure for schools and other educational institutions—kindergartens, basic schools, upper Table 7.4 Relative proportion of public and private investment in educational institutions at all levels (2003) Private sources
Australia Austria Belgium Canadab Chilec Chinad Yunnand Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Iceland India Indonesia Ireland Israel Italy Japan Korea Mexico The Netherlands
Public sources
Household expenditure
Expenditure of other private entities
All private sourcesa
Private of which subsidized
73.9 94.5 94.2 77.4 51.4 62.0 78.5 92.1 95.5 97.9 90.4 82.6 94.5 90.8 91.0 73.1 64.3 93.0 80.2 91.9 74.1 60.0 81.3 90.4
19.6 2.5 4.9 10.4 46.3 18.9e 10.6e 2.8 4.5 X(4) 7.1 X(4) 4.9 3.4 9.0 25.0 32.5 6.6 15.1 6.4 23.1 32.0 18.5 5.8
6.5 2.9 0.9 12.2 2.3 19.9 8.8 5.1 n X(4) 2.6 11.0 0.6 5.8 NA 1.8 3.3 0.4 4.7 1.7 2.8 8.1 0.2 3.8
26.1 5.5 5.8 22.6 48.6 38.0 19.0 7.9 4.5 2.1 9.6 17.4 5.5 9.2 9.0 26.9 35.7 7.0 19.8 8.1 25.9 40.0 18.7 9.6
0.2 0.9 1.8 0.4 0.8 n n NA NA n 1.5 n NA n n n. . . n. . . n 2.3 0.9 NA 0.9 1.0 0.9
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Table 7.4 (continued) Private sources
Public sources New Zealand Norway Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Thailandc Turkey UK USA Country average
83.0 98.4 89.4 98.3 90.2 88.6 97.1 75.5 96.7 84.0 72.3 84.2
Household expenditure
Expenditure of other private entities
All private sourcesa
Private of which subsidized
16.6 1.6 10.6 1.7 7.3 10.5 0.1 24.5 1.4 13.9 19.9 12.3
0.5 NA NA NA 2.5 0.9 2.8 n. . . 1.8 2.1 7.8 4.4
17.0 1.6 10.6 1.7 9.8 11.4 2.9 24.5 3.3 16.0 27.7 15.7
NA NA NA NA NA 0.5 a n. . . n 0.1 NA 0.5
Note: NA, data not available; X, data included in other categories; a, category not applicable; n. . ., data value negligible; n, data value nil a Including subsidies attributable to educational institutions received from public sources b Year of reference 2002 c Year of reference 2004/2005 d China and Yunnan’s data calculated from China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004 (reference year 2003) e Data calculated according to the actual tuitions collected in that year Source: OECD Education at a Glance 2006 (OECD, 2006) and UNESCO WEI
secondary schools, tertiary education institutions and adult education institutions. Educational investment from the two sources—public and private—is influenced by many factors, for example, a country’s public investment in education has been shown by Verbina and Chowdhury (2004) to be closely related to the size of a country’s enrolments and its economic growth, while private investment is influenced by whether or not the education provided in the country is free of charge, the average levels of income and the number of households in difficult social circumstances (UNESCO Institute for Statistics and OECD, 2005). It is not always the case that those who are least able to pay have access to free education. In China, where the lack of financial resources is placing serious constraints on educational expansion, policies have been developed to encourage private investment in education, although there are limits in place on foreign investment. This indicator, therefore, helps assess in some way how successful the policies of encouraging non-government investment in education have been. The definition of private investment in educational institutions in the context of China is complicated given that the economy is being transformed from one that is planned to one that is more market-oriented. The definition and scope of private investment adopted by the current study follows guidelines in the OECD handbook (OECD, 2004).
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The source of data on China is from the China Educational Finance Statistical Yearbook 2004. According to its categorization, the recorded private spending on educational institutions consists of input from social organizations and citizens, income from donations and collective funds, income from services, including income from teaching and research, student tuition fees, student incidental expenses, boarding fees and other income. Spending on education outside educational institutions, such as private spending on books, school materials or private tutoring, is not recorded. As might be expected, students in all the EU countries of the so-called ‘welfare states’ relied mainly on public funding for education. The northern European countries—Norway, Finland and Sweden—together with Portugal, Turkey and Denmark are leading the group with over 95% of the investment in education coming from public funds. There were 11 countries with public investment between 90 and 95%, 7 countries between 80 and 90%, 6 countries and Yunnan between 70 and 80% and 4 countries between 50 and 70%, including China. The USA is towards the bottom of the scale with about 72% of education spending consisting of public investment. Other wealthy countries like Australia, Japan and Korea had public investment far below the total country average of 84%. Chilean households invested the highest percentage of private resources among all the countries investigated—46.3% compared to the total country average of 12%. Indonesia and Korea followed next at about 32%. India, Thailand and Japan had a household investment of above 20%, with the USA and Australia following closely. There were 16 countries with household investment below 10%, all of them located in Europe. Because of regional disparities, China and Yunnan’s households paid 18.9 and 10.6%, respectively, for education. Among the countries and regions considered, China had the highest percentage (19.9) of total income from private sources expended on educational institutions by other private entities. These sources include private business firms, non-profit organizations and business and labour organizations. Revenue for education funding from these sources was above 10% of all educational expenditure in Canada and Germany and between 5 and 9% in Yunnan (8.8%), Korea (8.1%), the USA (7.8%), Australia (6.5%), Hungary (5.8%) and Czech Republic (5.1%). In 13 countries this type of investment was between 1 and 5%, while in 6 other countries it was below 1%. The lowest level was 0.2% in Mexico. Private institutions in some countries receive subsidies. Of those that do the rates descend from a high of 2.3% in Israel to less than 1% in 11 countries. Private institutions in China do not receive public subsidies. While public subsidies and all forms of financial aid to students or households from both sources have become common in many Western countries, only a small level of subsidy has been provided to poorer areas for students’ textbooks and boarding during compulsory education. Recently, small sums have been committed to scholarships (China Education and Research Network, 2004) and student loans have been provided to impoverished university students with low-income families since 2002 (China People’s Bank, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Education, & National General Bureau of Tax,
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2001). The most recent development, a project of student loans to needy TVET students, is currently being implemented in China. All these indicate that in 2004, people in most of the European countries were still relying chiefly on public funding for their education; in other countries private sources of investment have been gaining strength. In order to expand the scale or improve the quality of education, a single source of investment is often insufficient. In some countries, private sources of funding have been instrumental to expansion. In Australia, for example, expansion of higher education has been achieved through increasing the levels of private investments from student fees, via the higher education contribution scheme (see Aungles, Buchanan, Karmel, & MacLachlan, 2002). China’s policy of multi-source investment in education is considered essential for educational expansion. There is a need to further break down this indicator by programme to be able to see the proportion and distribution of investment from private and public sources in general and vocational programmes.
Additional Possible Input Indicators Other measures are available in China for a fuller assessment of the levels of funding and resources made available for TVET. Such indicators include • • • •
Source of funds for TVET Investment on continuing TVET by business and industry Staffing of secondary school TVET, by gender and service category Staffing of secondary school TVET, by rank and academic qualification of full-time teachers • Fixed assets and teaching resources1 provided for secondary school TVET, by school area Among other things, this group of indicators captures the fixed assets made available for secondary school-based TVET. Data on these measures for China and Yunnan are available, but not for the selected countries. Data of this kind are typical of the types of statistics collected and recorded in China, facilitating mainly raw descriptions of resources, though not in a form readily usable for measurement of change. Such crude indicators could be useful for assessing resources expended and allocated in developing countries such as China where basic facilities or resources are still a major concern. They are fairly crude measures, but crude measures have a role when systems are still being built and resources are scarce. For developed countries, alternatively, which have grown beyond this stage, the impact of input on student achievement and quality of education is of greater interest. 1 Books
and magazines, computers and fixed assets.
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Conclusion What emerges from a comparison of performance on a range of educational input indicators measures is that, compared to other countries, public education expenditure in China as a percentage of GDP is fairly low, only 2.1% in 2004, compared with an average of almost 5% for a selection of 30 OECD, EU and WEI countries, and education’s share in total government expenditure is also fairly modest at 13%, just below the average for the same selection of countries. There is an imbalance in China in the distribution of government expenditure across education levels. Much more investment is made at tertiary level than at primary and secondary school level. This is an issue in a system that is still building and has not yet achieved mass levels of participation in secondary education. The priority given to tertiary education sees China at about average levels of investment at this stage of learning in absolute terms and way above average in relative terms (measured relative to GDP), but well below world averages in expenditure on primary education and junior secondary schooling. There is limited data available for comparison on input to TVET. At secondary school level, the data suggest that China shares a higher level of expenditure on TVET than on general or academic education, though the level of expenditure on vocational programmes is below average. There is little or no data available for expenditure on post-school TVET and particularly on continuing vocational training. Private investment in education is quite high, in line with China’s policy of promoting multi-source input into education to support expansion, though there is very little information on how this impacts TVET. Data on Yunnan, a rural and less economically wealthy province of China, suggest that geographical differences between rural and urban centres are large. Due to the large disparities in economic development and tax revenue among provinces, this leads to lower levels of expenditure at all levels of education, potentially affecting the quality of education in Yunnan. From the input comparisons, there is a gap between China and Yunnan as well as between China and other countries in educational investment, due to different economic backgrounds and government priorities. There is a need for more data on TVET resources and expenditure to assess how investment in this type of education compares against world standards.
Chapter 8
Participation and Outcome Indicators
How an education system is performing can be assessed through an understanding of outcomes, both individual and institutional, and the relationships to inputs and processes. This chapter will present indicators that historically have been used to measure the performance of TVET systems through an analysis of participation and related outcome measures. Participation is sometimes used as a process indicator because it provides a measure of access and coverage. The provision of TVET through schools and tertiary institutions provides educational opportunity. It is important to know, therefore, about the nature of educational opportunity as a direct effect of the structure and provision of TVET. How much opportunity is provided and how does this vary across the population and programmes? How widely is TVET accessed? Other process indicators which would make it possible to monitor the nature of TVET—such as the curriculum students study, the skills they acquire, the instruction teachers and trainers provide and the environment in which teaching and learning take place—would be valuable, but adequate comparative data are difficult to obtain on these more qualitative domains. Participation is also sometimes used as a measure of output. According to Scheerens et al. (2003, p. 10), ‘output indicators measure the quantity (and sometimes the quality) of the goods or services created or provided through the use of inputs’. Participation, therefore, as a measure of access and coverage in population terms, can also be viewed as an output indicator. Participation in TVET programmes can reflect the success of both initial and continuing TVET in providing young people with the necessary skills for successful integration into the labour market and for further study. The factors which influence participation in TVET are things such as student demand (trainees) and supply (available courses), investment, government policy and economic development. There are several policy priorities in China that relate directly to participation and other outcomes. They include promoting stronger commitment to TVET in secondary schools, taking practical measures to accelerate the development of TVET in rural and western regions, speeding up the supply of skilled personnel to meet the growing human resource and supply needs associated with industrialization, improving the quality of the vocational qualification system, Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_8, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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increasing the supply and quality of TVET trained workers and generating public support for the development of TVET. This chapter presents some comparisons using participation and related indicators that will help us assess the performance of China against the performance of other nations and its own priorities. The indicators presented in this chapter assess 1. participation rates in upper secondary TVET programmes, which shows the relative importance of TVET compared to general education, and cross-country variations in educational participation for secondary school students which reflect, among other things, differences in the structure of upper secondary TVET programmes offered at this level; 2. participation in initial TVET by gender which reveals the extent to which opportunities are available to both males and females and the possible level of gender segmentation in TVET programmes; 3. participation in initial TVET, by age, which shows the main points at which young people access programmes and how age structures of participants vary across nations reflecting opportunity and focus; 4. participation in initial TVET, by location, which reveals the extent to which participation is centred on formal education institutions such as schools or workplaces; 5. duration of initial TVET programmes which provides some guide as to the extent of training that is provided in long-term compared to short-term study and the opportunity that is provided to acquire skills to carry out the range of tasks required in particular occupations or fields, as well as to prepare for further study; 6. participation in programmes giving access to higher education which shows the opportunities offered to those participating in TVET to access further study in higher education; 7. upper secondary graduation rates; 8. participation rates in continuing TVET which highlights the importance and opportunity for lifelong learning and continuing training to further develop skills for career and personal growth and provide the unqualified, significant in countries such as China, with opportunities to gain; and 9. participation in continuing TVET, by gender, measuring the extent to which opportunities for continuing study are shared by both males and females. Existing data from OECD, UNESCO and the European Union are used for the comparisons. China’s data are directly drawn or calculated from existing published statistics. The calculations are carried out using the methods and definitions outlined in the OECD handbook (OECD, 2004).
Participation in Initial TVET In many countries, study in secondary school separates students, particularly at the senior levels, into general (or academic) education and initial TVET programmes. This often occurs between 14 and 16 years of age though it can occur earlier than
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this. TVET programmes can be offered in secondary schools or in further education institutions or even the workplace. Initial TVET in some countries is offered almost entirely through the school system (such as through the dual system in Germany, or in senior high schools in Norway), while in others it is largely provided in further education colleges as in England. In China, initial TVET is largely provided through the range of upper secondary schools dedicated to vocational education— vocational high schools, skilled workers’ schools and specialized technical schools. Opportunity is available in some adult schools for TVET, though for young people TVET is predominantly delivered through the secondary school system. In comparing initial TVET in this section of indicators, it is important to remember that in some countries, such as China, provision of initial TVET is largely the preserve of secondary schools or the school system, or at least involves the school system, whereas in other systems, such as England and to a large extent, Australia, initial TVET involves not only schools but also extensive systems of further education institutions and training in workplaces.
Indicator 3.1: Participation Rates in Upper Secondary TVET Programmes Table 8.1 reports participation rates in TVET programmes as a percentage of all students at upper secondary level. The figures presented were derived from OECD and UNESCO data and they show that there is a lot of variation in the role of TVET programmes in upper secondary education. In some countries, such as France (56.5%), Italy (62.8%), Germany (61.2%), Finland, (60.1%), the Netherlands (69.1%), Switzerland (64.8%), the UK (71.5%) and Austria (78.6%), there are more pupils enrolled in TVET than in general or academic education. In some countries, such as Austria, it is the vast majority. General education, by contrast, dominates in Greece (66.0%), Iceland (61.5%), Japan (75.4%) and Spain (61.3%). Many of the non-OECD countries actually have very high rates of participation in general or academic education at upper secondary level—Brazil (95.0%), India (99.0%), Indonesia (64.7%), Thailand (70.6%), Mexico (89.5%) and Malaysia (85.1%). These developing countries still focus on general education in their school systems. China also has a higher proportion of its upper secondary school-age population enrolled in general or academic programmes than in initial TVET—63.0% in general education. Yet, compared to other systems such as India and Brazil it has quite a large percentage of students engaged in initial TVET, possibly reflecting the policy focus over recent decades to expand occupational skills training through provision of TVET in upper secondary schools. The province of Yunnan has an even higher rate of TVET participation than for China as a whole—41% compared to 37.0%. This may reflect the social profile of the province since in some other countries TVET participation tends to be higher in poorer regions. It is important when making the comparisons to note that there are some anomalies that relate to the quality of data available for the comparisons and definitions. It would appear from the figures (and what is published in Education at a Glance) that all students in the USA undertake only academic or general
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Table 8.1 Participation rates in TVET programmes as a percentage of all students at upper secondary level (2004) Type of upper secondary programme
Australia Austria Belgium Brazil China Yunnana Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Iceland Indiab Indonesiab Ireland Israel Italy Japan Korea Luxembourg Malaysiac Mexico The Netherlands Norway Poland Portugal Russian Federation Spain Slovak Republic Sweden Switzerland Thailandc Turkey UK USA
General
Vocational
37.5 21.4 31.8 95.5 63.0 58.5 20.6 53.2 39.9 43.5 38.8 66.0 76.3 61.5 99.0 64.7 66.5 64.8 37.2 75.4 70.5 36.1 85.1 89.5 30.9 39.5 50.5 71.5 58.5 61.3 25.9 46.6 35.2 70.6 62.7 28.5 100.0
62.5 78.6 68.2 4.5 37.0 41.0 79.5 46.8 60.1 56.5 61.2 34.0 23.7 38.4 0.1 35.3 33.5 35.2 62.8 24.6 29.5 63.9 14.9 10.5 69.1 60.5 49.5 28.5 31.5 38.7 74.1 53.4 64.8 29.4 37.3 71.5 0.0
a Yunnan’s data calculated from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 b Reference
year 2002/2003 Data Source: OECD/UNESCO WEI
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education (100%). Yet, in the USA students can pursue a TVET programme in high school and can select vocational programmes and sequences of courses from particular occupational programme areas such as agriculture, business or health care. TVET subjects are selected as part of a menu of subjects and units of study that students can use to accumulate as credits towards their high school diploma. TVET electives can represent as much as one-third of the required high school study. Figures from the 1990s reveal that while the majority of students take at least one TVET course, about 21% took a concentrated sequence of units that could be described as a TVET programme or track (Laird, Lew, DeBell, & Chapman, 2006). Similarly, and in contrast to the USA, the figures for Australia suggest that the majority of students undertake TVET (62.5%) rather than general education (37.5%) programmes at upper secondary level. Yet, this is far from the case. The menu of school subjects and study in Australia at upper secondary level, while varying across states and territories, is similar in style to the USA where students can select a TVET subject as part of a broader course. Few students select TVET-only study (see Lamb, 2008). It is possible for young people to undertake TVET study outside of school and many early leavers do, but the majority of students in Australia enrol in what would be described in other countries as general or academic programmes. It may be that in similar nations that have varying school, tertiary and workplace options for TVET study, the figures do not reflect accurately participation levels in general and vocational programmes. Given these matters it may be better to compare countries that have similar institutional and programme arrangements. For China, this means comparing systems in which TVET and general programmes are provided in separate institutions and provision of initial TVET is largely school-based. This allows a more relevant comparison that reflects participation in countries with similar structures of provision. Figure 8.1 presents a comparison of countries with similarly structured systems—China, Japan, Denmark, Korea, Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, Switzerland and the province of Yunnan. The rates of participation in upper secondary vocational programmes have been growing in China. In 2004, they had reached a high of 37%. This is stronger than in other similarly structured Asian countries such as Japan (24.6%) and Korea (29.5%). It is, however, still below the levels of equivalent European countries such as Germany and Austria and Denmark. In these older systems, vocational education at school level has a long tradition and caters to the majority of students. China and the province of Yunnan have been successful in their effort to increase TVET participation and even though they are not at the levels of the older established systems, they are in keeping with China’s internal TVET policy goal which is to establish roughly equivalent numbers of students in general and vocational schools. The province of Yunnan (41.0%) is closer to this goal than China (37.0%) as a whole. The development of TVET at upper secondary level in China has been relatively successful. In general, supported by the two contrasting ideologies or theories represented by Balogh (1969), on the one hand, and Foster (1965), on the other, governments of developing nations have taken different approaches towards TVET development.
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90.0 General
69.1
62.8
61.2
Netherlands
Switzerland
Italy
Germany
Denmark
China *
Korea
Japan
0.0
Yunnan*
10.0
Austria
21.4
30.9
35.2
37.2
29.5
20.0
24.6
30.0
38.8
37.0
40.0
53.2 46.8
50.0
41.0
58.5
63.0
60.0
64.8
70.5
75.4
70.0
Vocational 78.6
80.0
51.4 per cent = average TVET enrolment rate Fig. 8.1 Participation rates in TVET programmes as a percentage of all students at upper secondary level in countries with separate institutions for general and vocational programmes
Following the logic of Balogh (1969, p. 262), that ‘as a purposive factor for rural socio-economic prosperity and progress, education must be technical, vocational and democratic’, some national systems, such as China, have placed a strong emphasis on building up vocational programmes through their school systems as a solution to their educational and economic skill demand problems. China has adopted this approach putting faith in vocational education to contribute to progress by engendering a higher propensity for labour force participation at the end of secondary schooling and at the same time improving productivity. More in line with the logic of Foster (1965), who argued that ‘schools are remarkably clumsy instruments for inducing large-scale changes in underdeveloped areas’ and vocational education is not a panacea for educational and economic underdevelopment, some countries have not pursued the development of vocational education. The Asian countries presented in Table 8.1 and Fig. 8.1 are divided into distinctive groups. Countries such as India (0.1%) and Malaysia (14.9%) have not promoted the development of TVET. Others, such as China and Korea, have established TVET programmes in secondary schooling to bolster development and have higher rates of participation in TVET. This suggests that there is a high value placed on school-level TVET. But compared to some of the older style European systems, and their own goal for general education and TVET enrolment parity, there is still some way to go.
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Indicator 3.2: Participation in Initial TVET by Gender Table 8.2 reports participation rates in initial TVET by gender using available data. This indicator and the following four indicators compare data from 1994, because of the lack of available recent data. The data adopted for these comparisons are from the collaborative publication in 1997 by the European Commission, Directorate – General for Education and Culture, Eurostat and CEDEFOP—Key Data on Vocational Training in the European Union (European Commission, 1997). There has been no publication of a similar nature since. The statistical data needed for the purpose of comparison exist, but they are generally published in European languages for local users. Achieving equal opportunities for males and females is a key goal for many nations. This is particularly the case in TVET where areas such as traditional trades have been historically (and even today in many nations) male-dominated. But other areas of TVET have been more open to women and increasingly women have increased their share of places. This is supported in the comparisons of gender shares in Table 8.2, for in initial TVET across countries males account for 54.2% of participants compared to 45.8% for females. All but two of the countries had slightly higher male participation rates than female, except for Finland, which had a female participation rate of 56.1%, and Ireland, 51%. Table 8.2 Participation in initial TVET, by gender (1994) Country
Male
Female
Australia Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnana Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Ireland Luxembourg The Netherlands Portugal Spain Sweden UK Country average
58.1 56.6 50.9 53.6 55.1 55.8 43.9 54.7 54.3 57.3 49.0 56.0 58.0 54.0 53.4 56.0 55.5 54.2
41.9 43.4 49.1 46.4 44.9 44.2 56.1 45.3 45.7 42.7 51.0 44.0 42.0 46.0 46.6 44.0 44.5 45.8
a Data
from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1994 and China Labour Statistical Yearbook 1995 (reference year 1994) Data Source: European Commission (1997) and Lamb et al. (2003)
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China (46.4%) and the province of Yunnan (44.9%) had similar participation rates to most of the other countries favouring males. The Chinese patterns are consistent with patterns internationally.
Indicator 3.3: Participation in Initial TVET by Age An analysis of participation in TVET by age provides a measure of opportunity for cohorts according to age. For China, a breakdown by age creates some issues in terms of available data. The statistics compiled on education tend not to breakdown enrolments in programmes by age. Some assessments can be made based on certain assumptions. They are, first, that upper secondary initial TVET participants reported in the annual statistical collections are between 15 and 19 years of age. This is probably accurate as upper secondary schooling largely covers the age range of 15–17, but may have some older. And, second, that lower secondary TVET participants are less than 15 years of age. This is also likely to be largely accurate since junior secondary school largely operates for 12- to 14-year-olds. Based on these assumptions it is possible to derive comparable estimates for China for 15- to 19-year-olds and those less than 15. It is not possible using available published data to provide estimates for older age groups. Table 8.3 shows participation in initial technical and vocational education by age group. Because of the data issues just mentioned the picture for China is less than complete: data are not available for older age groups (20- to 24-year-olds and 25- to 29-year-olds). The purpose is to determine whether or not this indicator can be used given existing data in China. The data for China relating to both the skilled workers’ schools and the vocational high schools are not reported by age. This makes it difficult to present accurate reported figures, but using the assumptions above a reasonable comparison can be made. The results show that the age structure of TVET participants varies considerably across nations. Participants in initial TVET tend to be youngest in Austria, Belgium and Spain. Reflecting the earlier ages of selection into vocational and general programmes in the school system, 8.8% of Austrians under the age of 15 are already participating in technical and vocational education and training. The rate for Belgium is 6.2% and for Spain it is 7.4%. Participants tend to be older, based on age participation rates, for those in Finland and Australia. Those two countries have the highest rates for 20- to 24-year-olds. Some European nations have very high rates of participation among 15- to 19-year-olds, due in part in some to their strong dual systems of education. Germany, for example, has 39.7% of the age group participating in TVET. Similarly for Austria the rate is 55.1%, the highest level among the comparison countries. China has very low rates of participation for 15- to 19-year-olds, despite 37% of upper secondary school students being enrolled in TVET programmes. The reason is that participation in upper secondary education—whether general or vocational— is low by international standards. When measured against the whole age group it
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Table 8.3 Participation in initial technical and vocational education, by age Age group Country Australia Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnana Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Ireland Luxembourg The Netherlands Portugal Spain Sweden UK
Less than 15 0.0 8.8 6.2 1.7 3.0 3.3 0.0 2.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.7 7.4 0.0 0.0
Age 15–19 20.9 55.1 44.7 8.9 5.1 20.6 23.9 27.7 39.7 20.6 16.8 27.6 29.5 11.8 21.6 37.1 30.0
Age 20–24
Age 25–29
17.9 1.5 12.6 NA NA 11.8 17.1 8.5 14.1 7.9 10.8 10.0 11.3 3.2 6.8 1.4 7.0
NA 0.2 0.3 NA NA 1.8 4.4 0.6 1.8 1.0 1.8 0.4 2.1 1.1 0.2 0.3 3.2
Note: NA, not available a China’s data calculated from Tabulation on the 2000 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China. Yunnan’s data calculated from The Reference of Population Census of Yunnan in 2000 and Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1994 Data Source: European Commission (1977) and Lamb et al. (2003)
means that only about 9% of 15- to 19-year-olds engage in initial TVET. This highlights a major issue for the Chinese economy if the goal is to expand the vocational skill base of young people in China. Students can begin initial TVET programmes as early as 12 years of age in China as there is a small number of vocational junior secondary schools. What the figures show for China as a whole is that this involves only about 1.7% of the population under 15 years of age. The rate for the province of Yunnan is higher—3%—which may reflect a higher dependence on vocational programmes in school provision for more rural and less developed provinces in China.
Indicator 3.4: Participation in Initial TVET by Location One of the aims of initial TVET is to provide young people with a mix of theoretical and practical skills in order to move more easily and readily into work as well as consider further study. The training of technical and work-related skills is particularly important in a nation such as China which has a huge need for a better-skilled workforce and more highly trained work-ready young recruits. In this context, increasing the opportunities for study and providing industry-based experience, through structured workplace training, as well as formal training in
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educational settings, is an important goal. Across different nations, the arrangement for provision of initial TVET tends to vary between systems in which formal education and training is provided almost exclusively in education and training institutions and those in which training occurs largely in the workplace. Other systems offer combinations of these approaches. Table 8.4 reports participation in initial TVET by the location of study or place of training across a range of selected countries. This indicator compares the location of TVET provision in some European countries, as well as China and the province of Yunnan. Data on China and Yunnan have been calculated based on the assumption that programmes provided by skilled workers’ schools offer some opportunities for students to study in the workplace (a form of structured workplace learning). This assumption is based on work showing that the official curriculum consists of general education subjects (10%), specialized theory (25–30%) and practical work (40–60%), and that between 75 and 90% of the training hours is spent in schools and the remaining 25% or so of the time spent in a workplace (Jin, 1993). Skilled workers’ schools were designed to produce middle-level skilled workers and have close links with industry. Education and training provided by specialized secondary Table 8.4 Participation in initial TVET, by location Location of study
Country Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnana Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Ireland Italy Luxembourg The Netherlands Portugal Spain Sweden UK
Workplace only 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.4 25.8 4.9 5.3 0.0 4.5 0.0 12.1
Workplace mainly, some in institutions 45.0 3.3 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 11.2 0.0 0.0 27.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
Shared between locations 3.9 12.8 0.0 0.0 91.2 0.0 22.4 64.8 6.4 5.2 0.0 18.2 0.0 9.1 0.0 0.0 34.1
Mainly in institution, some in the workplace 3.1 34.8 23.1 22.7 8.4 0.0 72.3 0.0 1.3 16.8 6.3 0.0 58.4 0.0 3.1 100.0 0.0
Institution only 48.0 49.1 76.9 77.3 0.0 100.0 5.4 35.2 92.4 66.5 67.9 76.9 8.6 90.9 92.5 0.0 53.9
a Data on China are calculated from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1994 (Ministry of Education, 1995) and China Labour and Social Security Yearbook 1995 (reference year 1994) (Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 1995) Data Source: European Commission (1997)
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schools and vocational high schools, alternatively, are provided largely in their own institutions, with 90% or more of the training hours spent in the schools. The figures show that Italy offered the highest percentage of programmes entirely in the workplace. Austria offered the highest percentage of workplace-based programmes among the countries at 45%, while Denmark offered the highest level of institution–workplace or shared-location programmes among the countries. In Sweden, 100% of the programmes offered were institution-based, but with some time in the workplace. In a number of countries, the dominant mode of programme delivery is through institutions only: this was true for Finland (100%), Spain (92.5%), Greece (92.4%) and Portugal (90.9%). This was also the favoured mode for Yunnan (77.3%), China (76.9%), Luxembourg (76.9%), Italy (67.9%), Ireland (66.5%) and the UK 53.9%. In the Netherlands and France, this was a relatively minor mode of provision. The implications from this indicator are that while, traditionally, workplace training is perceived as a natural TVET delivery model, the data tell a different story. Institution-only programmes tend to dominate. This form of delivery can work to minimize the difference between TVET and general educational programmes and diminish the value of TVET and the unique opportunities it can offer to youth. The above data also indicate that further studies are needed to identify whether a balanced shared-location model or other delivery model is more efficient and effective from the perspectives of both the trainee and the training provider. Of course, there are cost issues concerning different delivery models. Countries are seeking solutions to these problems or experimenting with different delivery modes. International comparisons should provide information to inform policy in this respect.
Indicator 3.5: Duration of Initial TVET Programmes Many countries can offer vocational programmes and have high levels of participation, but that does not imply an equivalent amount of education and training in vocational fields. This is because systems can vary in the intensity of focus as measured by the length or duration of courses, as well as structure. In some systems, for example, courses can vary between short-duration courses (less than 12 months) to apprenticeships and other forms of TVET spanning 4 or more years. Duration of initial TVET programmes provides a guide as to how intensive and extensive vocational education opportunities are as a form of training and skills. Table 8.5 reports duration of initial TVET programmes for selected countries. This indicator gives some idea of the length of TVET programmes in a number of European countries and in China and Yunnan. According to the regulations on schooling, initial TVET usually lasts 3 years in China, though a small number of upper secondary programmes continue for 4 years. Figures for China and Yunnan have been derived from published records on programme enrolments and course duration.
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8 Participation and Outcome Indicators Table 8.5 Duration of initial TVET programmes Duration of course Country
1 year or less
2 years
3 years
4 years
Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnana Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Ireland Italy Luxembourg The Netherlands Portugal Spain Sweden
1.6 0.0 0.2 0.1 2.4 33.0 1.0 4.9 0.3 32.7 13.0 0.0 5.0 3.2 0.7 0.0
2.3 46.4 12.6 18.5 11.3 35.0 84.9 20.1 7.8 49.8 16.7 4.9 22.0 11.2 48.3 0.0
36.4 47.5 85.2 80.0 44.6 20.0 12.5 73.5 44.4 6.3 16.9 48.1 38.0 85.6 46.2 100.0
28.3 5.7 0.7 0.3 41.7 12.0 1.6 1.5 47.5 11.2 8.7 46.6 32.0 0.0 3.4 0.0
5 years or more 31.4 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 44.7 0.4 2.9 0.0 1.4 0.0
a Data
collected from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1994 and China Labour Statistical Yearbook 1995 (reference year 1994) Data Source: European Commission (1997)
Initial TVET programmes are of shortest duration in Finland and Ireland, where the majority of participants undertake courses of 1 or 2 years duration. In Finland 33% undertake courses of 1 year or less duration, and in Ireland the rate is 32.7%. By comparison, 5-year programmes attracted most enrolments in Italy (44.7%) and in Austria (31.4%) but represented only a small proportion of programmes in the other countries offering programmes of this length: Belgium, Spain, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. Long programmes lasting 4 years are important in Greece (47.5%), Luxembourg (46.6%), Denmark (41.7%), the Netherlands (32%) and Austria (28%) and less important in the other countries and region. There were no programmes of 4 years’ length in Portugal and Sweden. Sweden was the only country for which all initial TVET programmes were of 3 years’ duration. All countries offer courses or programmes of 3-year durations. Three-year programmes dominated TVET offerings in Sweden (100%), Portugal (85.6%), China (85.2%), Yunnan (80%) and Germany (73.5%). There were four countries for which 3-year programmes account for below 30% of TVET enrolments: Finland, France, Ireland and Italy. The great majority of initial TVET enrolments in France are in 2-year programmes. In Ireland, Spain and Belgium nearly 50% of initial TVET enrolments are in programmes of 2 years’ duration. In Finland, 35% are in 2-year programmes, while in the Netherlands and Germany about 20%. In Yunnan, Italy, China, Denmark and Portugal the rates are between 10 and 20%, while in Greece,
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Luxembourg and Austria 2-year programmes comprise only a small proportion of TVET enrolments and no programmes of this duration were offered in Sweden. The bulk of enrolments in China are in 3-year programmes. This is the common length of upper secondary course undertaken in specialized vocational schools. Therefore, while China has comparatively low enrolments in initial TVET programmes by international standards, those that participate are engaged in fairly lengthy courses. This is true even against some of the older well-established educational systems in Europe.
Indicator 3.6: Participation in Programmes Giving Access to Further Education This indicator—participation in initial TVET programmes giving access to further education at a higher level—demonstrates the degree of articulation between initial TVET programmes and other further education programmes. Are participants in initial TVET programmes allowed access into further education and, if so, to what degree? Table 8.6 presents data on the opportunities for those in initial TVET programmes to go on to other programmes, either general academic or vocational, at a higher level. Table 8.6 Participation in programmes giving access to higher education Access to further study Country Austria Belgium Chinaa Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Ireland Italy Luxembourg The Netherlands Portugal Spain Sweden UK
No access 4.4 15.7 87.8 2.1 0.0 6.6 12.4 7.3 19.2 28.4 37.2 11.8 14.6 4.6 0.0 0.0
Access to TVET 58.7 4.1 12.2 0.3 0.0 29.8 66.8 10.7 1.4 16.6 8.3 88.2 0.0 44.2 0.0 0.0
Access to general programmes 3.5 15.7 0.0 14.1 0.0 0.0 6.6 22.5 16.1 55.0 8.4 0.0 61.2 7.0 0.0 0.0
Access to general and TVET 33.4 64.5 0.0 83.5 100.0 63.6 14.2 59.5 63.3 0.0 46.1 0.0 24.2 44.2 100.0 100.0
a China data calculated from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 1994 and China Labour Statistical Yearbook 1995 (reference year 1994) Data Source: European Commission (1997)
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In the past, China’s initial TVET programmes have been largely terminal, not leading on to study at tertiary level. Vocational education at tertiary level (vocational colleges) has recently been established and is expanding (Washington Institute of China Studies, 2008). The aim is to provide training for high-tech personnel after high school education. The present vocational colleges were derived from the higher specialized schools, the vocational universities, adult colleges and universities and some high-quality secondary vocational schools. Vocational colleges mainly recruit graduates from the general high school and specialized technical secondary schools. Broader recruitment from vocational high schools and skilled workers’ schools has yet to develop. The estimate for China is based on the rates of participation in specialized upper secondary technical schools that have links with tertiary institutions. Most students who complete TVET study in junior secondary schools or in vocational programmes in upper secondary schools, in China, move directly into the labour market and do not pursue further study. A small percentage of students gain entry to tertiary-level vocational colleges, an estimated 12.2% of secondary-level vocational graduates. The remaining vocational programme graduates seek entry to the labour market. At present, there is little opportunity for initial TVET graduates to pursue university study or have a pathway to such study. It is a different situation in European countries. Although the majority of participants in initial TVET have access to higher-level study in most countries, the types of programmes they have access to vary. In Finland, Sweden and the UK there are wide-ranging opportunities for study across various forms of tertiary study, both general and vocational. In contrast, in the Netherlands and Germany, 88.2 and 66.8% of initial TVET programme participants were given access to further TVET study, respectively, but not to university. Initial TVET programmes in most other countries allow access into either all or at least one type of further education study. This implies that the greatest articulation between initial TVET programmes and further education is in Finland, Sweden and the UK and close connections in the remaining European countries. China has little articulation between TVET and general education, but change is underway and links are being established between initial TVET programmes at secondary level and further education opportunities at tertiary level.
Graduation Indicator 3.7: Upper Secondary Gross Graduation Rates, by Programme and Gender Graduation rates at upper secondary level of education provide a measure of a nation’s capacity for producing a supply of citizens with valued and specific educational knowledge and skills and, hence, some indication of the country’s capacity for sustained economic growth and competitiveness underpinned by the
Graduation
141
level of skill production of its youth. Reporting the rates by gender provides some indication of a country’s provision of equity in educational opportunities for both males and females and differences in skill levels that males and females bring to the workforce. Reporting the rates by programme provides a measure of the proportions of the population reaching specified and accredited levels of skills in technical and vocational fields relevant for industry and further training, against those being prepared for academic or university study. According to the OECD handbook (OECD, 2004, p. 134), ‘graduation rates are a measure of the production of educational institutions and of the system in general and record the flow of graduates which can potentially enter the labor market or further study’. This indicator measures the output of upper secondary education and initial TVET study and is a guide as to the level and types of skills being produced. Table 8.7 reports upper secondary gross graduation rates by programme orientation and gender. The rates are based on OECD-generated figures. Ideally, graduation rates would be calculated from longitudinal analysis of the progress and outcomes of secondary school entering cohorts. However, this sort of data is not available in many countries or, at least, not generated in consistent ways or published Table 8.7 Upper secondary gross graduation rates, by programme orientation and gender Upper secondary programme General programmes Country Australia Brazil Chile Chinaa Yunnana Germany Indonesia Italy Japan Korea Luxembourg Mexico Norway Switzerland Turkey USA OECD mean
Pre-vocational or vocational programmes
Total (all programmes)
Year
M+F
Females
M+F
Females
M+F
Males
Females
2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2003/2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004 2004
70 65 37 21 13 36 28 29 68 66 28 34 66 29 34 75 44
75 74 41 19 12 34 28 38 71 66 31 37 80 35 33 79 47
54 1 32 12 11 62 15 67 24 30 42 4 45 70 19 A 33
51 2 32 13 12 61 14 60 21 30 42 4 46 66 15 A 31
m 65 68 32 24 99 43 81 91 96 69 38 100 89 53 75 68
m 57 64 33 12 97 44 80 90 96 66 34 86 89 57 72 65
m 75 72 32 24 101 42 83 92 96 73 41 114 90 49 79 71
Note: m, data not available; A, not provided separately a Yunnan’s data calculated from The Reference of Population Census of Yunnan in 2000. China’s data calculated from Tabulation on the 2000 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China and Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 Data Source: Education at a Glance 2006/OECD/UIS WEI
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in accessible form. The OECD graduation rates are an age-based measure, calculated by dividing the number of students, regardless of age, who graduate for the first time from upper secondary programmes, by the population at the age at which students typically graduate from upper secondary education. For China the typical age is 17, lower than for most of the other countries. The measure is very likely to over-estimate ‘real’ graduation rates in some countries because of arrangements which allow students long periods in which to complete their study or permitting students to enrol in different programmes leading to more than one qualification per student. The graduation rates include students graduating from upper secondary education at the typical graduation ages, as well as older students, who may be there because of starting at a later age or grade repeating or second-chance schooling or non-typical extended programmes. The total count of graduates is calculated by netting out those students who graduate from more than one programme (referred to as unduplicated estimates). Counts of students for general and vocational programmes are not netted in this way, however, and cannot be added to form a total as some individuals graduate from more than one upper secondary programme and would thus be counted twice. In China, completing more than one programme in this way is not possible and so the programme rates can be added to form a total. China’s rates were derived from figures available from the educational statistics yearbook for 2004 and the national population census estimate of 17-year-olds. Among the countries listed, Norway had the highest total gross graduation rate of 100%. The rate of 100% is not an accurate assessment of graduation in Norway as reported rates in Norway are much lower than this. The actual rate of graduation for Norway is likely to be closer to 80% or less based on graduation figures provided in Norway (see, e.g., Markussen, Sandberg, & Groggard, 2002). The rate is a gross rate and the method of calculation (number of graduates relative to the typical age of entry) artificially inflates the figure. But using the OECD method, Norway has the highest rate of graduation. Norway is followed closely by Germany (99%), Korea (96%) and Japan (91%). The province of Yunnan (24%) and China as a whole (32%) were at the other end of the scale. They have gross graduation rates well below other countries and well below the country average—68%. The graduation rate for China suggests that against international standards the nation has much work to do to raise the skill levels and workforce and tertiary education preparation of its young people in order to meet the escalating technical skill demands of industry. Most OECD nations now view upper secondary education as the minimum standard required to enable populations to meet the work needs of modern economies and to meet the social and civic demands associated with active participation in modern societies (see Lamb, 2008). In comparing rates by programme, Switzerland recorded the highest prevocational or vocational programme graduation rate, 70%, followed by Italy (67%) and Germany (62%). The USA, Australia, Japan and Korea were at the top end of the general or academic programme scale, revealing a stronger emphasis on preparing students for entry to university. China and Yunnan were at the bottom of both scales, weaker in graduation rates for both general and vocational programmes.
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143
Some issues exist in the comparisons of gross upper secondary graduation rates. The rates relate graduation numbers to an age cohort. Earlier (in Chapter 2) it was shown that the graduation rates of those entering upper secondary education in China are really quite high, over 80%. The problems in China are not the upper secondary graduation rates per se, but the low entry rates at the end of junior secondary school. At face value, one would conclude on reading the upper secondary graduation figures that in China and Yunnan, of every 100 upper secondary graduating students, only 32% of students at upper secondary level successfully complete their qualifications. But actual graduation rates for China are much higher, but the age-based upper secondary attainment levels are low. In this respect, the term graduation is rather misleading. The indicator measures an upper secondary qualification or attainment level of an age group. The value in the gross graduation rates is that they highlight the size of the gaps across countries in the proportions of populations that exit school with or without completing upper secondary certificate requirements. The gross graduation rate provides an indication of the proportion of an age group that graduates with an upper secondary qualification. For China, this rate is only about 12% for vocational qualifications, very low by international standards. It shows the amount of effort or work that remains if China is to increase the numbers of young people with upper secondary qualifications, particularly technical and vocational qualifications, which remain in short supply.
Participation in Continuing TVET While initial TVET prepares young people for the labour market, continuing technical and vocational education and training serves to update the skills of the labour force or in some cases provide remedial training to those who did not obtain sufficient initial education and training. There can be various forms of continuing TVET. In some nations, formal education and training can be provided in separate post-secondary institutions such as community colleges in the USA, technical and further education institutes in Australia, polytechnics and further education colleges in the UK. But a common form of continuing TVET is enterprise- or workplace-based training where training can be formal or informal in type. The three indicators in this section show participation rates in continuing TVET. Data on China is not complete, because of the lack of suitable data on training outside TVET institutions. Data on enterprise-based education and training are not available. Only training provided by existing adult education training centres or TVET schools has been statistically recorded. This form of training is mainly designed as remedial or recovery education for those who have little education or hold no qualifications, with limited provision for skill-updating. The structure of adult education in China largely replicates the structure of primary and secondary education and the scope for TVET at tertiary level is very limited. The data on China and Yunnan are estimates based on available data from statistical collections which do not cover employer-provided or workplace-based study. Therefore, the
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real figures for training may well be larger than the estimates presented. Some further estimates for enterprise or work-based formal and informal types of TVET will be presented in the next chapter, based on a pilot survey undertaken by the authors in Yunnan.
Indicator 3.8: Participation Rates in Continuing TVET When comparing participation in continuing TVET it is useful not only to present rates for a population or age group, but to also take into account the duration or length of training provided. Some nations may have high rates of participation, but mainly for courses or training of very short duration. Other systems may have similar rates of participation, but the training is far more extensive, of much longer duration. Table 8.8 presents rates of participation in continuing TVET. It also shows the average duration of training measured in hours. Table 8.8 Participation of 25- to 64-year-olds in continuing TVET (2002/2003) Country Austria Belgium Chinaa Yunnana Czech Republic Denmark Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Luxembourg The Netherlands Poland Portugal Slovak Republic Spain Sweden Switzerland UK USA OECD average
Participation rate (%) 19.0 16.0 11.0 14.3 11.0 39.0 36.0 19.0 12.0 4.0 4.0 11.0 4.0 12.0 9.0 9.0 7.0 19.0 6.0 40.0 29.0 27.0 37.0 18.0
Average duration of training (h) 422 469 516b 516b 182 934 669 713 398 106 253 203 82 176 283 139 343 225 237 622 723 315 471 389
a Data on China and Yunnan calculated from China Labour and Social Security Yearbook 2004 (Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 2004) and Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 (Ministry of Education, 2004) b Based on the estimate of 3 months per training Data Source: OECD Education at a Glance 2006 indicator C5.1a reference year 2002 (OECD, 2006)
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This indicator demonstrates that there were large differences in participation rates in continuing TVET among the selected countries. Rates of participation in continuing TVET in Sweden, Denmark, the USA and Finland are very high, above 35%. In contrast, with participation rates below 5%, Greece, Hungary and Italy have very weak rates of engagement. Other countries fall between these extremes. It is noticeable that the highest rates of participation are achieved in countries that already have well-educated populations, at least based on educational attainment profiles. The populations of Sweden, Denmark, Finland and the USA have high levels of upper secondary and post-school qualifications on international standards. Yet, these countries continue to invest heavily in TVET. Therefore, populations that are already well educated, in comparative terms, continue to participate in education and training. For these countries, it may well mean that they continue to promote and maintain the capacity to keep pace with technological change and changes in demand for new skills in industry and the workforce. The investment in these high participation countries, in terms of population coverage, is even more impressive given that the training provided in these countries is also of the longest duration, on average. Against the OECD mean of 389 h, for example, participants in Finland spent 669 h in training, on average. The duration in Denmark was even higher, at 934 h, while in Sweden it was 622 h and in the USA 471 h. So, continuing TVET in these nations involves more people and longer periods of training. Some nations invest far less in continuing TVET. In Poland, for example, only 9% of the population participated in some form of continuing TVET and when they did participate the training was of relatively short duration (139 h, on average). The Netherlands, Portugal and Spain also had low rates of involvement and fairly short durations of training. Participation rates in China and Yunnan were below the OECD country average—11.0% for China and 14.3% for Yunnan. However, for those that did access continuing TVET, provided mainly in adult education schools and centres, the duration of training, on average, was above the mean rate for OECD countries and towards the upper end of the scale—516 h compared to the OECD average of 389 h. This implies that the system, although not widely accessed, is developing. The relatively low levels of secondary education completion in China (refer to Chapter 2), coupled with a fast growing economy and expansion of technological industries and modernizing forms of production, suggest a high level of need for strong continuing TVET opportunities. The continuing TVET system of China is faced not only with a heavy burden of low skills development from the past but also with strong current demand for skill-updating caused by rapid economic development. This makes exploration of the missing piece of the puzzle—enterprise training in China—all the more important, to determine what share of the training load has been undertaken by the statistically unrecorded continuing TVET form—work-based (enterprise-provided) training.
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Indicator 3.9: Participation in Continuing TVET by Gender A critical question in looking at continuing TVET is to assess not only how many take part, but also who takes part. Are opportunities spread evenly across the population? One comparison is on the issue of gender. Do women have equal access to men? It is possible to address this question for China in terms of participation in formal education and training provided through the adult education sector, but not for enterprise-based training. Table 8.9 reports participation in continuing TVET by gender. Table 8.9 Participation of 25- to 64-year-olds in continuing TVET by gender (%) Country
All
Men
Women
Australia Belgium Canada Chinaa Yunnana Ireland The Netherlands New Zealand Poland Sweden Switzerland UK Average
35.6 21.6 36.5 9.4 10.2 22.0 36.3 46.4 14.0 54.3 41.7 44.9 31.1
36.8 24.0 37.0 10.5 10.5 20.3 38.2 47.8 15.0 52.6 43.6 45.7 31.8
34.4 19.3 36.0 8.3 9.9 23.8 34.4 45.1 13.0 56.0 40.0 44.2 30.4
a Data
calculated from the available data from Educational Statistics Yearbook of China 2004 (Ministry of Education, 2004) and China Labour and Social Security Yearbook 2004 (Ministry of Labour and Social Security, 2004) Data Source: O’Connell (1999) and Lamb et al. (2003)
In most of the countries men are more likely to participate in continuing TVET than women. The exceptions are Sweden and Ireland where the rates of participation are higher for women. The gender gaps in participation in favour of men are largest in Belgium (4.7% points), the Netherlands (3.8% points) and Switzerland (3.6% points). Swedish men and women have the highest levels of continuing TVET compared to other countries. The rates of participation are lowest in China (9.4%) and Yunnan (10.2%). The gender gap is similar in direction to most countries—slightly stronger rates for men.
Indicators That Cannot Yet Be Included There is at present little data available in China on training completions (other than at a very broad level), access, transition from study and labour market and productivity outcomes which would provide for a comparative assessment of the productivity of TVET and its impact. Useful indicators might include
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Access and Transition • • • •
Transition activities at ages 15–20 Participation in TVET by region, age and programme Participation in continuing TVET, by labour force status Participation in continuing TVET, by educational attainment level
Completion • Completion rates by programme (there is a need for statistical records on the number of entrants and graduates for each year by programme). • Percentage of participants gaining qualifications in initial TVET by age, gender and programme (there is a need for statistical records on participants gaining qualifications by age, gender and programme at all levels) • Percentage of participants gaining qualifications in continuing TVET (there is a need for data on numbers of students gaining qualifications in continuing TVET. There are no statistical records from vocational technical training institutions in China)
Labour Market Outcomes • Employment rates by educational attainment and gender (here there is a need for data on the population by educational attainment and gender of the reference year) • Unemployment rates by educational attainment and age • Earnings by educational attainment and gender • Returns to education and training
Productivity Outcomes • Number of products which meet the international standard for export/import by industry • Number of enterprises applying for product export permission from foreign agencies, e.g. FDA in the USA Data availability does not allow comparisons to be made at present. Such data need to be collected or generated in China.
Conclusion The results presented in this chapter highlight the fact that vocational education at senior secondary level is really the core part of China’s vocational education system. It is the main organizational or institutional base for training millions of
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young people with technical and vocational skills to enter the workforce as highquality labourers. The highest levels of participation in TVET are found at this level of provision. Yet, by international standards, the rates of participation are low, and further effort is needed to increase opportunities for access and involvement in initial TVET. Initial TVET opportunities outside of the school system are limited. The TVET opportunities for initial trainees that might exist in adult technical training schools (including worker technical training schools and farmer technical training schools addressing different trainees), adult vocational schools and employment training centres are not recorded in ways that can provide estimates. There is a need for better statistical information in this area. In the area of continuing TVET, no information is available on enterprisebased TVET. Some information is available on formal education and training provided through the adult education system. Compared to school education, the training programmes mainly focus on delivering school-level programmes and qualifications. These are delivered through China’s main adult training institutes including adult specialized secondary schools, adult vocational schools of all kinds and levels and employment training centres. Compared against broad-level continuing TVET participation rates of other countries, the numbers are small. But, there is a need for investigation into workplace training and collection of information on this form of delivery. The lack of data makes it difficult to determine what is happening in this important area of TVET in China, as it is poorly covered in current statistics collections. It is to this issue that we turn to in the next chapter.
Chapter 9
Work-Based Education and Training
This chapter discusses work-based TVET, which is an area that is not well documented at present in China. A critical issue for economic development is the ability to ensure that those who are already in employment continue to have the skills and qualifications that are required for growth and change in the workplace. This requires adequate and effective continuing vocational education and training. Many enterprises in China may well provide training to employees and support their educational endeavours, but at present there is little information collected, collated or published on this type of activity, from either an employer or employee perspective. The reason is that there are no surveys of employers and employees similar to the continuing vocational training (CVT) surveys which are conducted regularly in European nations, Australia and Canada. This chapter will present findings from a survey of employers and employees conducted in workplaces in the province of Yunnan. The survey was exploratory in nature, designed and undertaken to establish whether a survey modelled on the CVT surveys conducted in Europe, Canada and Australia could be applied as successfully in China. It was more of a pilot study using a small number of businesses and their employees. The survey was conducted by the authors in 2006 and the method was designed to establish whether the survey instruments would work in the Chinese context and whether the results could be used to make comparisons with CVT indicators that are common in the EU and other countries. This chapter will present analysis and results from the survey conducted in Yunnan and apply the results to several key indicators currently used in EU comparisons. Of course, the results are from a small-scale exploratory study and relate to Yunnan rather than China as a whole, something that needs to be remembered in looking at the findings. The survey was undertaken in Yunnan and it is worth beginning by looking at the employment and social conditions of the province.
Considering TVET in the Context of Yunnan Yunnan is located in the southeast part of China on the Yunnan-Guizhou plateau. It covers 394,000 km2 , 4.1% of the area of China. Ninety-four percent of the total land space of the province is mountainous or semi-mountainous. At the end of 2004 Z. Guo, S. Lamb, International Comparisons of China’s Technical and Vocational Education and Training System, Technical and Vocational Education and Training: Issues, Concerns and Prospects 12, DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-8743-0_9, C Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
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the total population of Yunnan was 44.15 million, of whom 33.5% (14.79 million) were minority nationalities. The 26 minority nationalities living in the province all have their own spoken languages. There are 8 municipalities under the jurisdiction of the provincial government, 8 minority nationality autonomous prefectures, 9 municipalities under the jurisdiction of the prefecture (city) government, 79 counties, 29 minority nationality autonomous counties and 12 regions under the jurisdiction of the municipality.
The Economy and Labour Force of Yunnan The province of Yunnan is rich in natural resources and this is part of the reason why the provincial government has supported the development of five mainstay industries, namely, the tobacco industry, tourism, mining, electricity and the innovative use of bio-resources. Targets to establish strong industries in all these fields have been set. But, in reality, weak industrial structures mark Yunnan’s less developed economy to a greater degree than most of the other provinces of the country. Primary industry—agriculture, forestry, farming, fishery and their related services—dominates the economy. In 2001, there were 23.2 million employees of whom 74% were in primary industries, 9% in secondary and 17% in tertiary industries (Yunnan Education Commission, 2004). The majority of families in Yunnan rely on income from agriculture, farming and allied industries (Statistics Bureau of Yunnan, 2006). Because a large part of the labour force is dependent on such primary industry, there has been less demand for educational qualifications from employers and the population, resulting in low levels of educational attainment among the population compared to many other provinces. According to the population census in 2000 (10% sampling), among all employees, 65% had not completed primary education, 25% had attained lower secondary level, 4.3% had attained upper secondary, 3% had specialized secondary education (such as skilled workers’ school or vocational high school), 1.9% had a junior college education and only 0.8% had attained a university education (Yunnan Population Census Office, 2000). Levels of educational attainment are very low.
Segmented Labour Market Labour market segmentation theory emerged in the 1960s and has since been applied widely as a way of categorizing differences across areas of employment and occupations linked to conditions of industry in economies. Basically, the theory views the labour market as being made up of several distinct segments with different rules for wage determination and employment policies. Access to jobs can vary across segments with access in some segments strong while in others limited in the sense that there are more people wanting jobs than there are jobs offered (Dickens & Lang, 1992).
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According to the theory, segmentation tends to produce two broad types of labour markets, a primary or formal labour market and a secondary or informal labour market. Conditions of employment including earnings and job security, tenure and casualization vary substantially across the two markets, based on the sorts of industries and occupations that divide employment and business. Employees in the formal labour market are more likely to enjoy high wages, good working conditions, considerable opportunity for advancement within the firm and substantial rewards for obtaining education and training. So employees in this sector tend to be more highly skilled. In contrast, employees in the informal labour market tend to face high turnover, lower pay and often part-time and/or temporary jobs, with fewer opportunities and lower motivation for training. The theory has been applied to conditions in China by several researchers, such as Xu (2006); Yang (2002); Lu (2002); Li and Liu (1999); and Lai (1996). According to Xu (2006), the distinction between the formal and informal labour markets is quite marked in China. The formal labour market, much smaller in size, comprises a class of workers employed as administrative personnel, formal workers and clerks in large-scale enterprises and those in the public sector enjoying good working conditions, stable jobs, relatively high pay and social security benefits. Another class of workers, characteristic of the informal labour market, comprises the mass of labourers, including those classified as the new class of labourers in China (laidoff workers from state-owned enterprises, rural labourers coming to the city and other disadvantaged groups), who face unfavourable working conditions, very low incomes, unstable jobs and no social welfare benefits. The constraints labour market segmentation has placed on the accumulation of human capital are relevant to this study. According to Xu (2006), in the segmented urban and rural labour markets, because rural workers have little access to the higher-paid urban labour market, the increase in human capital investment on rural labour is constrained. That is to say, farmers are unwilling to invest in their education and training because they can only obtain low-skilled jobs from the informal labour market. Even if they had the skills for more complex work, they would have no way to access these types of positions. The accumulation of human capital is also affected in the segmented urban labour market. Human capital investment on the part of the individual, according to Xu (2006), is unlikely to be recovered totally within the enterprise, so if an individual does not want to leave the company, he or she would choose to invest the least amount. The investment from the enterprise is unlikely to be always on the employees who have the largest learning capacity or potential, which lowers the possibility of turning the investment into human capital. Because of the surplus of labour and the shortage of material capital, enterprises tend to invest as little as they can in human capital. In the internal labour market of business, strong economic protection to core employees acts as a disincentive to further training. The investment made by workers beyond the business cannot bring any improvement to their income and is therefore sometimes regarded as fruitless. These factors constrain the individual’s motivation to invest in training in an enterprise.
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Labour market segmentation applies just as much in Yunnan, but the informal or secondary labour market is much larger than in other parts of China. There have been few Yunnan-specific studies examining the structure of labour markets from this perspective. Given that Yunnan’s labour force structure is focused on primary industry, the divisions are likely to be more entrenched than elsewhere. The segmentation of the labour market needs to be kept in mind when measuring the situation of labour force employee training in Yunnan.
Urban and Rural Employment in Yunnan For historical reasons, the economy of China, including Yunnan, divides urban and rural areas. The urban economy relies on the development of manufacturing and service industries and the rural economy has been largely reliant on the development of agriculture. As mentioned previously, most of Yunnan’s employment is in primary industry (agriculture, forestry, farming, fishery and their services) with relatively little in secondary (manufacture) and tertiary (service). The size of the population employed in urban areas is 2.53 million, with 0.18 million working in agriculture, forestry, farming and fishery industries. The size of the working population in rural areas is 20.03 million, with 16.90 million employed in agriculture, forestry, farming and fishery (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2004). The strong agricultural component of Yunnan’s economy can be seen from Table 9.1. The dominance and importance of agriculture and related industries to employment and the economy of Yunnan is clearly evident. Rural employment is eight times the size of urban employment and the agriculture, forestry, farming and fishing industry sector employs 84.4% of workers in rural areas which amounts to 74.9% of employment in the urban and rural areas of Yunnan combined. Manufacturing and construction are much stronger industries in urban areas than for rural employment, as are wholesale and retail and transportation industries. Table 9.1 Urban and rural employment in Yunnan by broad industry sector Urban N Agriculture, forestry, farming and fishery Manufacturing Construction Traffic, transport, storage and post Wholesale and retail trade and catering services Others Total
Rural N
Urban %
Rural %
176,000 469,000 173,000 146,000 186,000
16,902,000 543,000 592,000 382,000 396,000
6.9 18.5 6.8 5.8 7.3
84.4 2.7 3.0 1.9 2.0
1,383,000 2,533,000
1,213,000 20,027,000
54.6 100
6.1 100
Data Source: China Labour Statistical Yearbook 2004 (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2004)
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Table 9.2 Employment in urban centres of Yunnan, by industry sector Industry sector Farming, forestry, farming and fishery Mining and quarrying Manufacturing Production and supply of electricity, gas and water Construction Transportation, storage, post and telecommunications Information transfer, computer and software Wholesale and retail trade and catering services Finance and insurance Real-estate trade Tenancy and business services Scientific research, technical service and geologic perambulation Management of water, environment and public establishment Resident services and other services Education Sanitation, social security and social welfare Culture, sports and entertainment Public management and social organization Total
Number
Percentage
175,000 59,000 469,000 71,000 173,000 146,000 31,000 197,000 71,000 17,000 22,000 62,000 38,000 7,000 462,000 123,000 40,000 370,000 2,533,000
6.9 2.3 18.5 2.8 6.8 5.8 1.2 7.8 2.8 0.7 0.9 2.4 1.5 0.3 18.2 4.9 1.6 14.6 100
Data Source: China Labor Statistical Yearbook 2004 (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2004)
However, these industries account for only a very small number of the employed in Yunnan. Urban industry and employment can be fairly diverse. Table 9.2 presents a more detailed breakdown of urban employment by including all industry sectors. Such a breakdown is not possible using existing data for rural areas. Table 9.2 shows that the city areas of Yunnan have some diversity in industries based on the employment profile, though three industry sectors tend to dominate. The first is manufacturing which employs almost one-fifth of those working in city areas. The second is education, a key employer of those in urban areas, accounting for almost a further fifth of all employees. The third is public sector management and social services which employs 14.6% of those in city areas. Breakdowns of employment and industry in rural and remote areas are not readily available and are far less reliable. The majority of the existing statistics on employment in China record only urban employment. In addition, most of the research studying the labour market and employment focuses mainly on the urban sector of the economy. In the China Labor Statistical Yearbook 2003, only a few pages cover employment in towns, villages and rural regions, for example. Very little information exists concerning employment in rural areas in Yunnan. Broad-level estimates of the numbers are published, but there is very little detailed information on employment by industry, for example. One possibility might be that there is little to record, because industries in rural regions are not well developed. Another might be that statistical collection of activity and status of populations in
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rural areas has been neglected. This situation holds for both Yunnan and China more broadly. It illustrates the seriousness of the segmentation of the Chinese labour market based on region and area—urban–rural segmentation.
Enterprise Registration (Ownership) Status in Yunnan In China, enterprises are categorized according to ownership. There are six categories of ownership that are often used: (1) state-owned, (2) non-state-owned (collective or private), (3) foreign joint venture, (4) Hong Kong (HK), Macao or Taiwan joint venture, (5) wholly foreign-owned and (6) wholly HK, Macao or Taiwan-owned. These six types are classified into 19 different forms by the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (The State Administration for Industry and Commerce, 1998). In the China Labor Statistical Yearbook (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2004), enterprises are categorized into four major groups based on registration or ownership status: 1. 2. 3. 4.
state-owned enterprises; collectively owned enterprises; enterprises with other forms of ownership; and private enterprises and individuals.
Since the advent of the open-door policy, and the growing emergence of a market economy, private ownership has emerged as a large and major feature of industry. It has contributed to a more diverse employment situation in China. Figure 9.1 displays the changes over time. It shows that in Yunnan at the beginning of the 1980s, there was no employment in privately owned industries. This changed markedly during the 1990s and 2000s, with privately owned 100% 21.6
23.2
80%
3.1
4.4
26.1
24.1
12.3 5.1 18.1
60%
23.7 13.1 9.8
26.5
14.6
29.9
17.0
8.4 7.1
40%
78.4
76.8
70.5
70.3
34.0
18.4 6.0
64.4 53.4
50.4
46.0
41.7
2001
2002
2003
20%
0% 1978
1980
State owned
1985
1990
Collective owned
1995
2000
Other ownership
Private enterprise and individual
Fig. 9.1 The changing composition of enterprise ownership, based on employment shares: Yunnan Data Source: China Labor Statistical Yearbook 2004 (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2004)
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enterprises accounting for 34% of all employment in urban centres by 2003. Over the same period, employment in state-owned industries fell from 78.4% of all city workers to 41.7%. Employment in state-owned enterprises (which recruit mainly from the formal labour market) is shrinking as is employment in collectively owned enterprises. Both forms of enterprise ownership accounted for all employment in 1980, but accounted for less than half in 2003. Enterprises owned privately or in other arrangements (mainly joint venture) have become the largest source of employment in the urban centres of Yunnan.
Data Collection Survey on Continuing Vocational Training in Yunnan To collect information on the amounts and types of training that employees gain at work, through work or outside requires a survey of activity. To gain national estimates would require a survey of a national sample of enterprises and employees. However, that is well beyond the scope of this work, both in terms of the costs of such an exercise and the support that would be needed from various agencies including the Chinese government. The limited resources available for this study placed constraints on the scope of investigation. To deal with these limitations, a survey was undertaken as a case study of a small number of employers and employees and was exploratory in nature, representing one of the few attempts in China to survey employees and employers on training. The aim of the survey was to develop and test a means of collecting reliable and valid data on continuing vocational education and training provided in workplaces in China through a snapshot of enterprises in Yunnan. For reasons of access, the study focused on the urban sector of the economy. All the enterprises approached were in urban centres. The data on enterprise-based training collected from the survey are presented for the purposes of showing the sorts of estimates that can be derived if surveys of employers and employees are undertaken and the sorts of comparisons that can then be made with other nations.
The Enterprises Selected for the Survey Various enterprises were approached to participate in the survey: enterprises representing different industry groups, sizes (based on number of employees) and registration or ownership. Eighteen enterprises agreed to participate. The vast majority were large employers with more than 50 employees: seven had over 1,500 employees, six had between 100 and 1,000 employees and four had between 50 and 100 employees. The remaining enterprise had less than 50 employees. The enterprises that agreed to participate represented a cross-section of registered enterprises, based on the registration status of enterprises reported in provincial records.
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9 Work-Based Education and Training Table 9.3 Survey sample, by registration status of enterprise
Registration status State-owned Non-state-owned (collective and private) Joint venture with Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan Joint venture with foreign countries Wholly owned by Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan investors Wholly owned by foreign investors Total
Enterprises Employees Employees to be per to be Employees surveyed enterprise surveyed >50 >50 >50
10 4 1
20 20 20
200 80 20
>50 >50
1 1
20 20
20 20
