Handbook of Ugaritic Studies (Handbook of Oriental Studies)

HANDBOOK OF UGARITIC STUDIES

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES ERSTE ABTEILUNG

DER NAHE UND MITTLERE OSTEN THE NEAR AND MIDDLE EAST HERAUSGEGEBEN H.

A L T E N M Ü L L E R K.R.

B. H R O U D A

V E E N H O F

VON

• B.A.

· C.H.M.

L E V I N E

R.S.

O ' F A H E Y

V E R S T E E G H

N E U N U N D D R E I S S I G S T E R BAND

HANDBOOK OF UGARITIC STUDIES

'/68ì'

HANDBOOK OF UGARITIC STUDIES

E D I T E D

BY

WILFRED G.E. WATSON AND NICOLAS WYATT

/ 6 81-'

BRILL LEIDEN · B O S T O N · K Ö L N 1999

L i b r a r y of C o n g r e s s Cataloging-in-Publication D a t a Handbook of Ugaritic studies / [edited] by Wilfred G.E. Watson and Nicolas Wyatt. p. cm. — (Handbuch der Orientalistik. Erste Abteilung, Nahe und der Mittlere Osten, ISSN 0169-9423 ; 39. Bd.) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004109889 (alk. paper) 1. Ugarit (Extinct city) 2. Cuneiform inscriptions, Ugaritic. 3. Ugaritic philology. I. Watson, Wilfred G.E. II. Wyatt. Nicolas. III. Series. DS99.U35H35 1999 939'.43—dc21 99-13946 CIP D i e D e u t s c h e Bibliothek - C I P - E i n h e i t s a u f n a h m e Handbuch der Orientalistik. Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill Teilw. hrsg. von II. Altenmüller . - Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler — Literaturangaben Teilw. mit Parallelt.: Handbook of oriental studies

Abt. 1. Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten = The Near and Middle East / hrsg. von H. Altenmüller ... Teilw. hrsg. von B. Spuler Bd. 39. Handbook of Ugaritic studies. -

1999

H a n d b o o k of U g a r i t i c s t u d i e s / by Wilfred G.E. Watson and Nicolas Wyatt (eds.). - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 1999 (Handbuch der Orientalistik : Abt. 1, Der Nahe und Mittlere Osten : Bd.39) ISBN 90-04-10988-9

ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 90 04 10988 9 © Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

This handbook is dedicated to Cyrus H. Gordon

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations Prcface W I L F R E D WATSON -

Chapter O n e

xi xii NICOLAS W Y A T T

General Introduction

W I L F R E D WATSON -

1

NICOLAS W Y A T T

Chapter Two Ras Shamra, Minet el-Beida and Ras Ibn Hani: T h e Material Sources

5

ADRIAN CURTIS

Chapter Three T h e Written Sources 1 T h e Syllabic Akkadian Texts

28 28

W I L F R E D VAN SOLDT

2

T h e Alphabetic Ugaritic Tablets WAYNE

3

46

PITARD

T h e Hurrian and Hittite Texts MANFRIED DIETRICH -

WALTER

58 MAYER

Chapter Four T h e Ugaritic Language 1 T h e Decipherment of Ugaritic KEVIN

2

CATHCART

T h e Ugaritic Script MANFRIED DIETRICH -

3

76 76 81

OSWALD

LORETZ

Ugaritic G r a m m a r

91

JOSEF TROPPER

4

Ugaritic Lexicography WILFRED

5

Ugaritic Words in Syllabic Texts JOHN

122

WATSON

134

HUEHNERGARD

Chapter Five Ugaritic Stylistics 1 Ugaritic Prose

140 140

M E I N D E R T DIJKSTRA

2

Ugaritic Poetry WILFRED WATSON

165

Chapter Six T h e Ugaritic Literary Texts 1 T h e Mythological Texts

193 193

J O H N GIBSON

2

T h e Legend of Keret

3

T h e Story of Aqhat

4

T h e Rpum Texts

203

BARUCH MARGALIT

234

NICOLAS W Y A T T

259

WAYNE PITARD

5

T h e Incantations

270

KLAAS SPRONK

Chapter Seven T h e Ugaritic Cultic Texts 1 T h e Rituals PAOLO M E R L O -

2

287 287

PAOLO X E L L A

T h e Offering Lists and the God Lists

305

GREGORIO DEL O L M O LETE

3

T h e O m e n Texts

353

PAOLO X E L L A

Chapter Eight T h e Correspondence of Ugarit 1 T h e Ugaritic Letters

359 359

JESÙS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS

2

T h e Akkadian Letters JOHN

HUEHNERGARD

Chapter Nine

T h e Legal Texts from Ugarit

IGNACIO MARQUEZ

1 2 3 4

375

ROWE

Introduction T h e Akkadian Legal Texts T h e Ugaritic Legal Texts T h e Hittite Legal Text

Chapter T e n

390

T h e Economy of Ugarit

390 394 411 420 423

M I C H A E L HELTZER

1 2 3

T h e Administrative Texts Commerce Crafts and Industries

Chapter Eleven

T h e Society of Ugarit

423 439 448 455

JUAN-PABLO V I T A

1

Peoples, Cultures and Social Movements

455

2 3 4 5

T h e Royal Family, Administration and Commerce T h e Family and the Collective Crafts and Professions T h e Army

Chapter Twelve

T h e Onomastics of Ugarit

....

467 475 484 492 499

RICHARD HESS

1 2

Personal Names and Prosopography Ugaritic Place Names

Chapter Thirteen An Overview

499 515

T h e Religion of Ugarit: 529

NICOLAS W Y A T T

Chapter Fourteen

T h e Iconography of Ugarit

586

IZAK CORNELIUS

Chapter Fifteen

A Political History of Ugarit

603

ITAMAR SINGER

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Preliminary Remarks Ugarit in the Early and Middle Bronze Ages Ugarit under Egyptian Influence Ugarit under Hittite Rule Ugarit in the Age of 'Pax Hethiticd T h e Weakening Grip of the Hittites T h e Last Years of Ugarit

Chapter Sixteen T h e Tablets and the Computer 1 T h e Current State of Ugaritic Sudies and Technology T H E O D O R E LEWIS -

2

603 608 621 627 646 683 704 734 734

STEVEN WIGGINS

Storage and Analysis of the Texts

747

JESÙS-LUIS CUNCHILLOS

References Abbreviations Bibliography List of Contributors Indices Index of Topics Index of Personal Names Index of Divine Names

755 755 761 824 827 839 843

Index Index Index Index Index Index Index

of of of of of of of

Toponyms Ugaritic Words Syllabic Akkadian Various Languages K T U Texts R I H Texts RS Texts

844 847 850 851 852 871 871

LIST O F I L L U S T R A T I O N S

Map Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 Fig. 5 Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 Fig. 9 Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Western Syria in the Late Bronze Age A list of offerings with the first tablet number ( K T U 1.39 = RS 1.001) T h e alphabet tablet from Ugarit (14th/13th cent, BCE) T h e long cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit and its relationship to Phoenician and Canaanite T h e short cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit T h e Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and Southern scripts T h e alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet Deciphered alphabets of the South-Eastern h-l-h-m- tradition T h e spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern Mediterranean Calcite statue (of El?) 'Baal au foudre' stela Menacing god Gold decorated patera 'Qedeshet'-type gold pendant Ivory bed panel: royal couple caressing Cylinder-seal impression (Minet el-Beidah) Decorated rhyton Module 1 Module 2 Module 3

xiv 81 82 83 84 86 87 87 88 90 588 590 592 594 596 597 599 600 752 753 754

PREFACE

T h e Handbook of Ugantic Studies is the product of the labours of a large team of scholars from many countries. Its gestation has been quite lengthy, with many emergencies, false alarms, high bloodpressure, worrying scans, premature contractions and so forth. T h e original editor, Johannes de Moor of K a m p e n , began the organization of the volume, drew up an outline and undertook the arduous task of contacting contributors from a r o u n d the globe. However, for personal reasons, he felt compelled to withdraw from the enterprise at an early stage and the publishers then invited Wilfred Watson (Newcastle) to take over. This, of course, was felt to be a great honour, but due to the need for a fellow-worker, Nicolas Wyatt (Edinburgh) was then invited to act as co-editor. T h e use of e-mail has enabled the editors to work closely together on all the stages of the production of the Handbook and to maintain contact with many of the contributors. It was also helpful for the translation of contributions in German, Italian and Spanish (15 out of the 47 sections) prepared by Watson, with some revision by Wyatt and the contributors concerned. Unfortunately, there was a gap of several months before the project was resumed under its new editors and for a variety of reasons a number of scholars withdrew from the project. Only when it was reestablished under the direction of the new editorial team did the entire membership of the Mission de Ras Shamra withdraw. This meant that new contributors had to be found, some at quite short notice. Further withdrawals at intervals right to the end of the project have discouraged us, and we have to thank Patricia Radder of Brill, as well as those contributors who generously stepped into the breaches left by others, in some cases very late in the day, to enable us finally to make the volume ready for delivery. Since this volume has been published in English, we have by and large standardized ancient names where there are recognized English equivalents, so that, for instance, ancient 'Karkamiš' and 'Kargamiš' are rendered 'Carchemish'. Similarly, 'Ilu' becomes Έ Γ , 'Ba'lu' becomes 'Baal', and so on. We have not however imposed total consistency, so that 'Hatti' and 'Mukiš', for instance, which have no

standard m o d e m forms, retain their diacritics. For Ugaritic texts K T U numbers are followed, with cross-reference to RS numbers, and in some instances where contributors have added PRU, Ug or R S O numbers these have been retained. We feel obliged to honour the Kotharat, the goddesses of childbirth, whose gracious intervention has finally achieved a safe parturition. It is frequendy observed, to move to the spheres of influence of other deifies, that among the most traumatic human experiences other than death are house-buying and divorce. Perhaps we should add to this list the editing of large reference books. sbc alpm Iktrt: seven oxen to the Kotharat! G.E. W A T S O N University of Newcastle

WILFRED

August 1998

NICOLAS

WYATT

New College, Edinburgh

Western Syria in the Late Bronze Age

CHAPTER O N E GENERAL

INTRODUCTION

WILFRED G . E . WATSON -

1

NICOLAS W Y A T T

PREVIOUS COMPREHENSIVE

STUDIES

As yet no handbook of Ugaritic studies has been published with the scope and range of the present volume. However, there have been forerunners on a smaller scale. T h e first substantial work of this kind was by DUSSAUD 1937', 1941 2 . In two volumes, it was greatly influenced by the Hebrew Old Testament, of course, and with some of the misconceptions of the time (particularly in respect of alleged geographical allusions). Another comprehensive survey by DE LANGHE 1945, described the discovery and history of Tell Ras Shamra, the texts found there, the writing and language of the alphabetic texts, their archaeological, geographic and historical background (with a list of the personal names) and a description of the family, social and political life of Ugarit. Here SCHAEFFER 1939a may also be mentioned. Later came D R O W E R 1975, K I N E T 1981 and CURTIS 1985. T w o more recent works which cover some of the same ground as the present volume and also include maps and rich illustrations are BALDACCI 1996 and CUNCHILLOS 1992b. Some recent encyclopaedia entries include C A Q U O T 1979b, C O U R T O I S 1979, Y O N 1992a, P A R D E E BORDREUIL 1992; and brief descriptions of the language are provided by PARDEE 1997d and W A T S O N 1994b. A survey of work up to 1980 is provided by Y O U N G , G . D . 1981, Cunchillos has produced a useful handbook for students (CUNCHILLOS 1992b) and the proceedings of further international conferences have been published (UBL 11 — Manchester 1992, ALASP 7—Münster 1993, R S O 11—Paris 1993, UBL 12—Edinburgh 1994). T h e successive volumes of Ugarìtica and PRU, together with other volumes of the R S O series have provided updated instruments of research.

2

SOME C U R R E N T

WORK

T h e tablets, our primary source of information, are unfortunately deteriorating fast. O n a more positive note, photographs of the texts are in preparation (ZUCKERMAN - ZUCKERMAN 1997) and computer programs have been applied to scan them (see section 15). A new edition of the tablets in transcription has been published ( Ä T 7 7 2 ) ' as well as a concordance of the tablet-numbers ( T E O = R S O 5/1). An edition of the texts is now available both on the Internet and on C D - R O M (CUNCHILLOS - V I T A 1993a; CUNCHILLOS 1998b, 1998c, and ongoing work in the United States with the West Semitic Research Project) which has the a d v a n t a g e of being u p d a t e d continually. O t h e r reference works available are concordances (CUNCHILLOS — V I T A 1995a, which largely replaces W H I T A K E R 1972) and word lists (DIETRICH - L O R E T Z 1996b). O f particular significance is the first volume of the new dictionary (DLU = DEL O L M O L E T E - SANMARTIN 1996). In addition, three teaching g r a m m a r s (SEGERT 1984; CUNCHILLOS - ZAMORA 1995; SIVAN 1997) and outlines of g r a m m a r (CAZELLES 1979; CUNCHILLOS 1992b; PARDEE 1997d) have been published. Comprehensive coverage of the Akkadian of Ugarit is available (HUEHNERGARD 1989; VAN SOLDT 1991a) and the Hurrian of Ugarit has also been studied ( D I E T R I C H - M A Y E R 1995, etc.). Studies are available on the town of Ugarit - Ras S h a m r a (SAADÉ 1978; R S O 1, 3, 6, 8, 10) and on Ugaritic religion (DEL O L M O L E T E 1992a = 1999) a n d ( W Y A T T 1996a), sociology ( V I T A 1995a; A B O U D 1971; H E L T Z E R 1976, 1982) and other topics ( G R A Y 1965; RSP 1-3) including the hippiatric texts ( C O H E N - SIVAN 1983; PARDEE 1985; 2 SANMARTIN 1988a; C O H E N 1996). Ugaritic remains a flourishing discipline. UF is now in its 30th year and periodicals such as /1/0, AuOr, JNES, JSS, SEL, Semitica, Syria, WO and carry articles and reviews on Ugaritic. Unfortunately, the Newsletter for Ugaritic Studies has been discontinued (last issue A p r i l - O c t o b e r 1989) in spite of efforts to reactivate it. Several translations have been available: C L E A R 1976 2 ; C O O G A N 1978; GINSBERG 1969 3 , 129-55; HVIDBERG - HANSEN 1990; DE M O O R 1987; R I N - R I N 1992; GIBSON 1978 (a revision of D R I V E R 1956), DEL O L M O L E T E 1981a and X E L L A 1982a. A n u m b e r of new trans' For corrections see T R O P P E R 1995b, 1995-6, 1998; P A R D E E 1998. See T R O P P E R 1997b for a survey a n d evaluation of recent work.

2

lations have appeared including TO 2, CS i, with the translations of Ugaritic texts by PARDEE and others (also PARDEE in R S O 4, 12), as well as PARKER (ed.) 1997 and most recently, W Y A T T 1998C, with extensive footnotes, and DEL O L M O L E T E 1998b. Monographs on single texts include G R A Y 1964 2 (on Keret), M A R G A L I T 1989a (on the Aqhat text) and SMITH 1994 (on the Baal Cycle). Full bibliographies on Ugaritic up to 1988 are provided by D I E T RICH - L O R E T Z et al. 1967-86; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1996a; C U N CHILLOS 1990 ( T E O 2 = R S O 5/2); while BORDREUIL - PARDEE 1989 (TEO 1 = R S O 5 / 1 ) is particularly useful for determining the locations of tablets in various museums, their condition and what they contain. Work currently in hand includes a three-volume work on Ugaritic g r a m m a r ( T R O P P E R ) ; a series of articles on toponyms (VAN SOLDT 1996; 1998); an English translation of DEL O L M O LETE 1992a (1999), new editions of the ritual texts (PARDEE in press) and the letters (PARDEE), the second instalment of which is eventually to appear in an English language edition, a study of religion (WYATT), and further volumes of SMITH 1994 and CS.

3

FUTURE RESEARCH

With this description of the present state of studies, which shows the discipline to be in a healthy condition, it is important to point to further work that is required, although some indications are provided in the various contributions. Topics to be studied more exhaustively include the alphabetic and syllabic personal names, as well as archaeology; and as yet there is no comprehensive translation of the so-called administrative texts. T h e texts in Ugaritic have tended to be the focus of attention, with the result that other areas have suffered from comparative neglect.

4

T H E HANDBOOK OF U G A R I T I C STUDIES

Due to the international nature of this undertaking, which entailed a large n u m b e r of scholars, and in spite of the advantages of communication by e-mail, the articles in the Handbook cover the material to different depths and there is also inevitably some overlap

between them. Even so, many contributors discuss a range of topics either not previously dealt with, such as iconography and technology, or with more detail than previously available. T h e main thrust of the book has been to provide surveys of what has been achieved, a task which often proved difficult either due to the absence of previous surveys or because of the sheer range of opinions voiced. It is hoped that a balance has been struck in respect of the amount of detail provided and coverage is intended to be comprehensive and representative rather than complete. Finally, the extensive consolidated bibliography will certainly be of use for reference, filling the gap between 1988 (covered by A O A T 20/6) and 1998. This work has appeared in the seventieth anniversary of the discovery of Ras Shamra, a propitious portent, perhaps, of discoveries to come.

CHAFFER T W O RAS

SHAMRA,

MINET

T H E

EL-BEIDA

MATERIAL

ADRIAN H . W .

1

AND

RAS

IBN

HANI:

SOURCES

CURTIS

INTRODUCTION

Seventy years have elapsed since a chance discovery was made close to the coast of Syria which was to spark off a series of archaeological investigations which have continued right up to the present. Not only have the excavations revealed an important commercial centre — the ancient city of Ugarit—which flourished in the second millennium BCE, thereby shedding light on the history and culture of the area and of the wider ancient Near Eastern world. They have also yielded a hitherto unknown language or dialect—Ugaritic—which has made an important contribution to the study of the north-west Semitic languages in addition to giving access to the life and thought of the people of the city. T h e facts, firsdy that the newly discovered language was seen to be akin to Hebrew, secondly that the texts, once deciphered, were found to contain references to deities mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, in particular the god Baal, and thirdly that the site was geographically rather closer to the land occupied by the Israelites than the other great centres of ancient Near Eastern civilization (though the considerable distance has sometimes been minimised) all doubtless contributed to the early claims that a site of major significance had been discovered. This had its pluses and its minuses. It brought the discoveries to earlier prominence and to a wider audience than might otherwise have been the case. But the issue of the relevance of the discoveries at Ugarit for the study of the Hebrew Bible, exacerbated by the tendency to assume that Ugarit was a Canaanite city, has often been unduly dominant, at the expense of an appreciation of Ugarit and its texts in their own right. T h e excavation of other ancient cites in Syria, notably Ebla and Emar, has helped to redress the balance somewhat and enabled Ugarit to be seen in its rather more immediate geographical milieu.

2

D I S C O V E R Y AND E A R L Y

EXCAVATIONS

T h e chance discovery alluded to above took place in the spring of 1928 some 10 km to the north of Latakia, close to a small bay, the white rocks at whose entrance had given it the name Minet el-Beida (formerly known as Leukos Limen, both names meaning 'white harbour'). A local farmer was halted in the task of ploughing his land when his ploughshare struck a large piece of stone which, on closer examination, turned out to be one of a number of stone slabs which formed the roof of a vaulted tomb. It appears that a number of antiquities had alread been found in the vicinity, so the discovery was brought to the attention of the Service des Antiquités en Syrie et au Liban. Its director at the time was Charles Virolleaud, who was subsequendy to play a major role in the decipherment of Ugaritic and the early publication of the Ugaritic texts. He sent a member of his staff", Léon Albanèse, to visit the site and it was identified as a necropolis. Some pieces of ceramic were found which appeared to be of Mycenean or Cypriot origin and to date from approximately the thirteenth century BCE. However the site was not, at that stage, thought to be particularly interesting. Fortunately a plan of the tomb and some pottery samples were sent to the Louvre in Paris for further examination. There they came to the notice of René Dussaud, who was at the time Keeper of the Department of Oriental Antiquities, and who noted that the tomb appeared to be reminiscent of Cretan funerary vaults. He suggested that what had been discovered might be the necropolis of a significant city. Albanèse had already noticed that there was a mound nearby whose shape suggested that it might be a tell. This hill was known as Ras Shamra, the name (which means 'fennel head [land]') being derived from the plants which grew on its surface. So it was decided that excavations should be carried out on the site, under the auspices of the French Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, under the direction of Claude F.A. Schaeffer. It was in the Spring of 1929 that the first team of archaeologists (accompanied by a detachment of soldiers to safeguard them) arrived on the site, their equipment having been transported on the backs of camels because the roads in the vicinity could not be used by motor vehicles. T h e initial work undertaken involved a survey of the vicinity, and traces of occupation stretching from the Neolithic period to the time of the Romans were discovered. It was on April 2nd

that excavations proper began, and within a relatively short period early suspicions were confirmed when it became clear that a considerable complex had been found. It emerged that the 'necropolis' comprised two different areas, the seaward of which revealed finds of pottery and animal bones but no human remains. T h e other area comprised well-built vaulted tombs containing a variety of artefacts. Some of the earliest finds within the tombs were of considerable interest and importance. For example, they began to give an inkling of the cosmopolitan nature of the site, revealing artefacts which suggested an Egyptian or Cypriot origin. Among these earliest discoveries were a number which have come to have particular prominence in treatments of the discoveries from Ras Shamra. O n e was a small statuette (AO 1 1 . 5 9 8 , C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1 9 8 0 , pi. IXd), just 2 2 cm in height, of a male figure with one arm raised above his head and the other reaching forward, and with one leg in front of the other as though marching or else poised to throw something. T h e figure wore the accoutrements of a warrior—helmet, armbands and greaves, and the fact that the helmet (and head) were covered in gold leaf and that the armbands and greaves were of silver suggested that this was perhaps a deity. T h e figure was initially identified with Resheph, a god of plague, on the basis of other known representations of the god. However, it has subsequently been thought much more likely that the figure represented Baal, depicted as the storm-god armed (originally) with club and spear, symbolising the thunder and lightning, his 'weapons'. This latter identification is supported by the striking similarity between the pose affected by the statuette and that of the figure on the famous 'Baal stele' (RS 4 . 4 2 7 ; C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1980, pl. X) which was not, of course, known at the time of the earlier suggested identification (Fig. 11, p. 590). Another important early find was in fact made in a tomb which showed every sign of having suffered at the hands of tomb-robbers who perhaps did not regard a small ivory box-lid (AO 1 1 . 6 0 1 , C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1 9 8 0 , plates IV & V), only 1 3 cm high, as an object of value. Carved on it was a seated female figure with an ornate hairstyle, naked above the waist but wearing a very full skirt, holding what appear to be ears of corn in either hand and flanked by animals (probably goats or ibexes) standing on their hind legs. T h e style was unmistakably Mycenean, and it was suggested that the depiction was of a fertility goddess—perhaps the 'Mistress of the Animals'— though the precise identity of the figure was unclear.

After just over a month (on May 9th) attention was turned from the necropolis to the tell itself, just over a kilometer away, in order to answer the question whether it did indeed contain the ruins of a city of which the necropolis was the cemetery. T h e summit of the mound, which was some 17-20 m above the surrounding terrain, was very uneven but showed no clear sign of any ancient structures. After a survey of the tell's surface, the decision was taken to make the first trial excavation at the point on the mound's surface which was closest to the sea. T h e decision was influenced by reports that local inhabitants had come across artefacts, some of gold, in an olive orchard which lay below that part of the tell. Schaeffer wondered whether the objects might have come from a royal palace. His acumen was well and speedily rewarded. Almost as soon as digging commenced, the excavators came upon the foundations of a large edifice which seemed to have suffered destruction by fire. A bronze nail embedded between the blocks of a pillar, and a bronze dagger which had suffered distortion as a result of the intense heat of the conflagration, pointed to a date for the edifice in the second millennium BCE. Confirmation of this dating was provided by the discovery of parts of an Egyptian statue made of granite and bearing a hieroglyphic inscription whose style of writing was dated to the New Kingdom period. As excavation continued, the scale and plan of the building began to become clearer. So that the extent of the building might be assessed, another trench was begun some 20 m to the east. More foundations were revealed, whose depth and direction suggested that they belonged to the same building, but here the rooms seemed to be smaller and it was thought likely that they were storerooms. Pieces of ceramic pointed to a date for the building which coincided with that of the necropolis and suggested that both had ceased to be used by the end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the twelfth century BCE. O n May 14th, less than a week after excavations had begun on the tell, in the corner of one of the small storerooms, a tablet of baked clay bearing a cuneiform inscription was discovered. Soon others began to emerge within a small radius. Some had been rendered very friable, presumably by the fire of which evidence had already been found, and great care was needed to prevent them crumbling. It was necessary for some to be removed still encased in soil and allowed to dry slowly. This first epigraphic find involved a total of twenty tablets of varying sizes, and perhaps the most intriguing fea-

ture was that they had revealed a hitherto unknown cuneiform script. Shortly afterwards, in a newly opened area in another part of the tell, a deposit of 74 bronze artefacts was discovered under a stone slab (see SCHAEFFER 1939, pl. X X I I fig. 2 for photograph of hoard in situ). These objects included various tools and weapons, all apparendy unused, and a small tripod decorated with pomegranate flowers. It was soon noticed that some of the tools bore incised inscriptions in the same script as that which had just been found on the clay tablets ( K T U 6.6, 6.10, 6.7, 6.8 and 6.9 = RS 1.[051]; 1 .[052]; 1. [053] ; 1. [054] ; 1.[055] respectively). Charles Virolleaud, who examined the newly found tablets and the inscribed tools, suggested that the writing on the tools might perhaps provide the clue to the decipherment of the hitherto unknown script. (The inscription on the tools in fact turned out to read (or, in the case of K T U 6.7, include) the words rb khnm, 'chief of the priests', suggesting that the building where they had been discovered was the home of the chief priest, and that the bronze items were perhaps a dedicatory offering made by one of the metal-workers of the city.)

3

SUBSEQUENT CAMPAIGNS

T h e earliest excavations had done more than enough to suggest that an important city had been discovered, and that a campaign lasting a number of seasons was justified. At that stage the identity of the newly discovered city was not known. However, a tablet unearthed in 1931 was to provide the clue. Schaeffer, in the context of giving a preliminary report of the 1931 campaign (Schaeffer 1932) made public the fact that the tablet contained a phrase which was transliterated as nqmd mlk égrt ('Niqmaddu, king of Ugarit'), suggesting that this might be the ancient city of Ugarit whose existence was already known from e.g. the Tell el-Amarna letters, which suggested that its location must have been somewhere in the vicinity of Ras Shamra. (The identification had apparently already been suggested by Albright (ALBRIGHT 1 9 3 1 - 2 , 1 6 5 n. 9).) Excavations continued until the outbreak of the Second World War, initially both in the region of the harbour as well as on the tell. Soundings were taken on the tell to attempt to establish the antiquity of the site and its principal occupation levels (CONTENSON 1 9 9 2 ) . These indicated that occupation

went back as far as the Neolithic period, and suggested five major phases of occupation: Level Level Level Level Level

I II III IV V

ca. 1200-1600 ca. 1600-2100 ca. 2100-3500 ca. 3 5 0 0 - 4 0 0 0 Neolithic

(Subsequent excavations have revealed a much more complex stratigraphy, and discerned some twenty occupation levels stretching from the Early Neolithic period \ca 6 5 0 0 - 6 0 0 0 BCE] down to a R o m a n occupation in the first and second centuries CE.) In the pre-war seasons of excavation on the tell, work was carried out in particular on the acropolis, revealing what came to be identified as the Temple of Baal, the Temple of Dagan and the House of the High Priest. This last emerged as much more than simply a dwelling place for an important cultic official, but as a temple library and scribal school where texts were written and stored and where new scribes could learn their art. After the interruption of the war years, a limited resumption was possible in 1948, but it was not until 1950 that full-scale work could again be undertaken. Excavations were concentrated first in the area of the Royal Palace. More will be said about this imposing edifice later, but it is appropriate to note that this was not just the residence of the royal family and court but also an administrative headquarters. A number of groups of texts were discovered—five which have been labelled as the Eastern Archives, the Central archives, the Southern Archives, the South-Western Archives and the Western Archives. A further group was found within what was originally identified as a firing kiln and therefore thought to comprise the last tablets to be written before the destruction of the city at the end of the LBA (but see M I L L A R D 1995). In the Royal Palace area, excavations were extended southwards to reveal what came to be known as the 'Southern Palace'. Subsequently a building which has been named the 'Northern Palace' was found in the proximity of the Royal Palace. T o the west of the Royal Palace was found a residential area which included a number of buildings which have been named as a result of discoveries made within them or because of evidence of their ownership. These included the houses of Rašap'abu and of Rap'anu, in the latter of which was found an archive of texts, and the so-called 'House of the Scholar'

and 'House of Alabasters'. Excavations were also carried out on the northern side of the tell in the so-called 'Lower City' below the acropolis, in the 'Southern Acropolis' (where a house which is thought to have belonged to a diviner was revealed, since it contained clay models of livers and a number of para-mythological texts) and in the 'Southern City', which seems to have contained a public square and a building which housed a library of texts. Between 1978 and 1984, excavations concentrated on the 'City Centre' which seems to have been primarily a residential area (YON et al. 1 9 8 7 ) . Perhaps the most significant of the discoveries made in that part of the city was another temple, originally known as the 'Rhyton Temple' because of the finding of a n u m b e r of distinctively shaped drinking vessels in its vicinity. As will be noted later, it is possible that this temple was in fact dedicated to the worship of El, the head of the pantheon.

4

TEXTUAL

DISCOVERIES

In the foregoing brief account of the principal areas of excavation, a number of references have been made to the discovery of archives or libraries of texts. It is therefore appropriate to make some general observations about the textual discoveries. T h e cosmopolitan nature of the city is borne out by the number of different languages evidenced in the texts. Many tablets were written in Akkadian, a language which has been described as something of a lingua franca in the ancient Near East, there were texts in Sumerian, H u m a n , Hittite, in Egyptian hieroglyphs and in the linear script of Cyprus, as well as those in the hitherto unknown language which was thought to be the local language and hence known as Ugaritic. It was clear that the method of writing the unknown language was that employed throughout Mesopotamia, i.e. a cuneiform script produced by means of the use of a clay stylus to inscribe clay tablets which were subsequently baked hard. It was also clear that the basis of the writing of the language was very different since only about thirty different signs were employed. Thus it seemed that a significant advance had been made over the earlier cuneiform scripts which were based on ideographic or syllabic principles and involved much larger numbers of signs. This is not the place to enter into the argument as to whether Ugaritic is truly alphabetic (because three of its signs could be described as

'syllabic' in that they convey the consonant aleph followed by the vowels a, i, and u respectively; see below, §§ 4.1, 4.2). Suffice it to say that the script is generally regarded as alphabetic, and therefore as one of the earliest if not the earliest example of an alphabet. (Another alphabetic script was being developed further south in the area of the Sinai peninsular for the writing of a Semitic language or dialect.) H o w this particular script was produced is not clear. It is possible that was a conscious modification of the more complex cuneiform scripts already in use, but it may have been developed from a linear script to enable it to be more easily written on clay tablets by employing the cuneiform method of writing ( M I L L A R D 1 9 7 9 ; D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1 9 8 9 ) . It is noteworthy that this newly developed script was used not only for the writing of the local language but also, at Ugarit, for the writing of Hurrian (LAROCHE 1968a). Indeed, one of the thirty signs of the 'Ugaritic' alphabet may have been developed for the writing of Hurrian (SEGERT 1983b). This newly-discovered language was in fact deciphered remarkably rapidly. T h e first texts were published commendably quickly by Virolleaud, enabling other scholars to work on them. Notable among those who did so were E. D h o r m e of the Ecole Biblique in Jerusalem and H. Bauer of the University of Halle, both of whom were experienced in cracking codes. It is not appropriate to go into detail about the decipherment here, since it will be dealt with in another chapter (see C A T H C A R T , below § 4.1). Suffice it to say that it was a mixture of great erudition and inspired guesswork. T h e speed with which the decipherment was achieved can be illustrated by the fact that Virolleaud was able to publish his translation of what he called the 'Epic of Aleyan and Mot' as early as 1931 (VIROLLEAUD 1931a). It is important to note that, although the language has come to be known as Ugaritic, examples of this script have been found in other locations, some relatively close to Ras Shamra (e.g. Ras Ibn Hani and, a little further afield, at Tell Sukas [ K T U 4.766 = Varia: T S 4001] and Tell Nebi-Mend (Qadesh on the Orontes) ( K T U 6.71 = T N M 022). Some have been found at much greater distances, in Lebanon ( K T U 6.2 = Varia: K L 67:428p; 6.67 = K L 77:66; 6.70 = Sar 3102), in Cyprus ( K T U 6.68 = H S T ) and also in Israel. Tablets bearing the Ugaritic script have been found at T a a n a c h ( K T U 4.767 = T T 433) and at Beth Shemesh ( K T U 5.24 = 8.1 = AS 33.5.165), and an inscribed dagger was found in the vicinity of Mount T a b o r ( K T U 6.1 = PAM = IAA 44.318). Although these

examples are limited in number, their existence is significant not least in the context of the discussion as to whether the beliefs and practices alluded to in the Ras Shamra texts were limited to the immediate proximity of Ugarit or whether they reflect a much more widespread phenomenon. This in turn leads to the further question, hinted at earlier, as to whether it is correct to describe Ugarit as a 'Canaanite' city, and its religion and culture as 'Canaanite'. Before leaving the textual discoveries, it is appropriate to mention the variety of different types of literature contained therein. T h e number of languages represented among the texts has already been noted, and one particular type of text which must have been very important in ancient Ugarit was the 'dictionary' or 'word-list' in which words in Akkadian might be listed with their Sumerian or Hurrian equivalents. Such texts are also of great importance for the modern study of the languages of the ancient Near East. Reference has also been made to the discovery of archives, notably in the Royal Palace, and many texts of a diplomatic, legal, administrative or commercial nature were found (see PRU 2-6). Other finds include private correspondence and even veterinary texts (PARDEE 1985). Various types of text might be included within the category 'religious' (see below, §§ 6, 7). Lists of deities and of sacrifices give an indication of the large number of deities worshipped and perhaps hint at their relative importance. Some texts can perhaps be described as 'rituals'. Then there are those longer texts which contain myths or legends, describing the exploits of the deities and of other 'heroes' who may have been regarded as h u m a n beings but who had encounters with or stood in a close relationship to the gods. It is these myths and legends, and particularly the stories of the activities of the god Baal, which have been taken up by students of the Hebrew Bible in the hope that they may shed light on the relationship not only between the Israelite deity Yahweh and his arch-enemy Baal, but also on the connection, if any, between Yahweh and El the head of the Ugaritic (and 'Canaanite') pantheon.

5

U G A R I T IN THE LATE BRONZE A G E

In the course of the earlier account of the excavations, a number of major buildings was noted, and it is appropriate to say a little more about some of them now in the context of an attempt to give

something of an impression of the city as it must have been in the years prior to its destruction. Ugarit must have been dominated by its acropolis, on which the most prominent building was the Temple of Baal—a fact which is doubtless an indication of the importance of the deity to the people of the city. T h e identification of the building was made possible by the discovery there or nearby of stelae naming or depicting him. T w o are particularly noteworthy. O n e was a dedicatory stele presented by a person named M a m y who seems to have been the equivalent of the Egyptian ambassador to Ugarit ( R S 1. [089] + 2. [033] + 5.185; Y O N 1991, 328, fig. 8; C A Q U O T SZNYCER 1980 plate XII). T h e other, found a little to the west of the temple itself, has come to be the most familiar of the depictions of Baal (RS 4.427). He is shown standing with one leg in front of the other, wearing a helmet which seems to be decorated with horns (a symbol of divinity or perhaps fertility), a skirt or loin cloth and a scabbard. His right arm is raised above his head, holding what appears to be a club (probably a symbol of the thunder), and his left arm is stretched in front of him, holding an object which is pointed like a spear and which is probably a stylized lightning-flash (Fig. 11, p. 590; see S C H A E F F E R 1934, F E N T O N 1996). T h u s Baal appears as the divine warrior, armed with the weapons associated with the god of rain and storm. Another small figure on the stele may perhaps be the king. (A number of other statuettes, including that already mentioned, have been identified as representations of Baal because they show a figure in the same pose and garb.) T h e temple building itself conformed to a very familiar pattern (SCHAEFFER 1 9 4 9 , 4 fig. 2 ) . It was surrounded by a walled enclosure or sacred precinct, within which was discovered what was probably the base of an altar which would have been approached by two stone steps. T h e temple proper comprised an outer room which was approached by a monumental staircase, part of which has been preserved, and an inner room containing a structure of large stone blocks which may have been an altar or a platform, perhaps where an image of the god would originally have been located. This pattern of inner sanctum, outer room and sacred precint or courtyard is reminiscent of other Semitic sanctuaries, notably Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem as described in the Hebrew Bible. T h e r e was a n o t h e r temple on the acropolis which had been identified as the Temple of Dagan because of the discovery outside its southern façade of two stelae containing dedications to this deity

( K T U 6.13 = RS 6.021; K T U 6.14 = RS 6.028; YON 1991, 334, fig. 14). T h a t Dagan should have had a temple in such a prominent position on the acropolis is perhaps somewhat surprising since he plays no active role in the mythological texts so far known. However, the texts do suggest that he was considered to be Baal's father, which might account for his temple being located in the same vicinity. A feature of this temple was the thickness of the walls, a fact which even gave rise to the speculation that some particularly esoteric practices were performed therein. However this is far from certain and there are other possible explanations, e.g. that the walls supported an upper storey or tower. T h e general plan of the temple was similar to that of Baal. Close to the Temple of Dagan were found a number of drinking troughs which, it has been suggested, might have been used for the pouring of libations. But is not absolutely clear that they actually had any direct association with the temple. Between the two temples on the acropolis lay the building which was identified as the high priest's house, thanks to the discovery of the cache of bronze tools and weapons, some of which, as has already been noted, bore the dedication 'chief of the priests'. It was built of dressed stones, with rooms opening off a central courtyard. Within the building were found three groups of texts, including those longer texts in the Ugaritic language which record the activities of the gods, in particular the god Baal. Other texts had the appearance of being writing exercises. This suggested that the building functioned not only as a residence for the high priest but that it was also a school where scribes could learn to write and where texts were copied and stored. It may also therefore have been a temple library. Whether some of the mythological texts were actually used in the cult of the temple, and if so in what way, it is impossible to be certain, but some of them do contain hints that they may have been read or enacted in the context of the worship of the temple. In addition to the two temples on the acropolis, for a long time the only other building identified as a sanctuary was located in the vicinity of the Royal Palace (SAADÉ, 1 9 7 9 , 1 1 5 - 6 ) . However, in the course of the excavations in the City Centre, another building was unearthed which was identified as a sanctuary. This is the edifice which, as noted earlier, came to be known as the 'Rhyton Temple' because of the discovery of a number of conical drinking vessels in its vicinity which were thought to be cult items associated with the sanctuary ( Y O N et al. 1 9 8 7 , 2 1 3 - 4 8 ; Y O N 1 9 9 6 , 4 0 5 - 2 2 ) . T h e building

contained an entrance porch leading to the main central area, comprising a large room containing benches and a platform or altar and another smaller room. There appear also to have been various annexes to the main building. But is it possible to say to which deity this temple was dedicated? T h e discovery of a stone statue of a figure seated on a throne may provide the clue since it is thought to be a representation of EL, the head of the pantheon ( R S 8 8 . 7 0 ; Y O N 1 9 9 6 , 422 fig. 4c). It would be surprising if there were not a temple dedicated to EL in Ugarit. T h e texts do suggest that EL was perhaps receding somewhat into the background, in favour of the younger, more active Baal (though it should be remembered that many of these texts are particularly concerned with Baal and the construction of his 'palace' or temple, and doubdess reflect the beliefs of his worshippers). Nevertheless, EL is still the head of the pantheon who presides over the assembly of the gods, and whose permission is needed for major projects such as the building of Baal's palace/temple). So perhaps the 'Rhyton Temple' is in fact the Temple of EL. T h e most impressive building in the city, certainly so far as its size was concerned, was doubtless the Royal Palace. There is reason to believe that it began (perhaps in the 15th century) as a relatively small building comprising a number of rooms arranged around two courtyards, but that it developed thereafter in a n u m b e r of phases of construction until, by the 13th century, it was a huge complex containing some ninety rooms, five large courtyards and some smaller courts and what has been described as the 'garden'. At its zenith it measured some 120 m by 85 m. (On the stages of development of the Royal Palace, see SCHAEFFER 1962, 9-17.) O n e of the courtyards contained an ornamental pool surrounded by two tiers of shaped stones. Elaborate arrangements were made for the palace's water supply, a covered channel having been constructed to bring water from a trough which was next to a well some distance from the palace itself. Servants presumably drew water from the well to feed the trough and in turn the channel bringing water to the palace. T h e main entrance to the palace seems to have been from the west, through a doorway approached by low steps and flanked by two columns whose bases remain in situ. A feature of the Royal Palace is the high quality of the stone-work which must have involved skilled masons. O n some of the interior walls, traces of plaster can be seen and gaps between some of the courses of stone suggest that

originally wooden beams were employed in the construction. T h e presence of a number of staircases shows that there was an upper storey, and it is suggested that the private living quarters of the royal family may have been on the first floor, and that the ground floor would have been the location of various public and reception areas as well as the administrative headquarters, archives and store rooms (for the texts found in the archives of the Royal Palace, see PRU 2-6). T h e discovery of a kiln in the courtyard where the ornamental pool was situated shows that texts were written in the palace and not simply stored there, and the presence of writing exercises and glossaries suggests that here too, as in the House of the High Priest, scribes were trained in the art of writing. T h e Royal Palace seems to have been guarded by a tower and fortress located at the western extremity of the tell. Access to the fortress from outside the city was via what has become known as the 'postern' gate. In the vicinity of the Royal Palace were a number of other impressive buildings, including what may have been official residences and the royal stables. In a residential area within this north-western part of the city were houses whose occupants must have been significant or wealthy citizens. T h e owners of some of the houses are known. T h a t of Rap'anu contained a library of texts and had over thirty rooms. T h a t of Rasap'abu, a tax collector, also contained a library, as did the house of an unknown person nicknamed 'the Scholar'. T h e presence of some forty alabaster vessels led to another of these houses being named the 'House of Alabasters'. Evidence of staircases points to the fact that many of the houses would have had an upper storey, where it is probable that much of the living accommodation would have been located. Arrangements for sanitation and water supply in the larger houses was often impressive. Some were built round courtyards which contained a well and perhaps a trough into which the water, once drawn, would be poured. Used water was conveyed away along channels and gutters. Beneath the houses (or courtyards) were carefully constructed family tombs with vaulted ceilings reminiscent of a type of Cretan tomb. A staircase would lead down into the funerary vault, which was paved and whose walls contained niches or 'windows'. It seems likely that the bodies were not placed in coffins, but were laid direcdy on the floor, probably wrapped in shrouds. T h e discovery of various items of funerary equipment (despite evidence of the activity of tomb robbers who had presumably removed objects which

they considered to be of value) suggests that perhaps it was felt necessary to make some sort of provision for the dead, a fact which, if correct, would be of relevance for the question whether the people of Ugarit believed in some form of afterlife. T h e presence of cups may also indicate the notion of the provision of sustenance for the dead. Earlier descriptions of these tombs noted the presence of clay pipes which were thought to be for the purpose of providing liquid (or perhaps even libations) for the dead. But it is perhaps more likely that these were less glamorously part of the drainage system (PITARD 1994).

In some of the excavated areas further from the palace, for example to the south of the acropolis and in the so-called 'Southern City', the houses were often rather smaller and closer together, built along narrow streets. In the latter area, where it seems likely that some of the city's artisans and craftsmen lived, there is evidence that houses were built around a public square, close to which was a large building which contained a library of texts. Preliminary excavation reports have been published in the journal Syria.

6

A R T AND C U L T U R E

This survey has already mentioned craftsmen and metal-workers, scribes and texts, stonework and carved ivory, elaborate drinking vessels, statuettes and other representations of deities. All such things suggest that the city of Ugarit was a place of some culture. A feature of the discoveries at Ugarit is the variety of artistic influences which they reveal, notably from the Aegean world, but also from further afield, e.g. Egypt. It is not always clear to what extent such objects are imports (Ugarit was after all a centre of commerce), or local products influenced by the artistic styles and techniques of other regions with which the city had contact. Ugarit seems to have been renowned for its metal-working. A feature of the discoveries has been the number of different types of weight which have been found. M a n y of these are geometrically shaped, but others take the form of e.g. a bull (SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 , pll. X X , XXI) or even a h u m a n head (ibid. pl. XXI). A weight in the shape of a head was found among a set of weights discovered along with the bronze pans from a pair of scales, and gave rise to the

speculation that this was perhaps a replica of the head of the metal worker himself, and that he was therby making it absolutely clear whose weights they were! T h e actual value of the various weights suggests that both the Mesopotamian and Egyptian weighing systems were in use in Ugarit. Two particularly fine examples of metal-work deserve mention. These were a bowl (sometimes described as a cup) and a rimmed plate or patera, both made of gold, which were unearthed together in 1 9 3 2 (Fig. 1 3 , p. 5 9 4 ; SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 pll. XVII, XVIII^ ibid., 1 9 4 9 , 1 - 4 8 ) . T h e bowl, 17 cm in diameter, was embossed with various decorative features, notably three concentric circles of animallike figures, some of which appear to be winged and are probably mythological creatures. T h e principal scene depicted on the rimmed plate (19 cm in diameter) is easier to interpret. It is a hunting scene, showing a figure (often thought to be the king) in a chariot, armed with a bow and arrows, in pursuit of various animals and followed by a dog. Noteworthy among other items of gold which have been found at Ugarit are a number of pendants, some of which were decorated with geometric devices, e.g. stars (see SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 , pi. X X X I I fig. 1). Other pendants depicted a naked female, sometimes showing the full figure from head to feet (Fig. 14, p. 596), and sometimes showing just the head and torso with particular concentration on the breasts and pubic region (see SCHAEFFER 1 9 3 9 , pl. X X I X fig. 1). It is thought likely that these were representations of a goddess, probably associated with fertility. In addition to evidence of skilled metal work, it is also clear that carved ivory was used as a decorative feature. Mention has already been made of the little ivory box-lid, of Mycenaean style, perhaps depicting a fertility goddess. Various ivory items were found during excavations in the Royal Palace in 1952, one of which was particularly impressive (SCHAEFFER 1954b; C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1980, pll. XXVIII, XXIX). This was a large ivory panel, measuring approximately 1 m by 50 cm, comprising eight smaller plaques, six of which were carved with scenes and two (at either end) were representations of trees. Because of the fragile state of the panel, it could only be removed from the ground with some difficulty, but, when the task was eventually achieved, it became evident that this was an even more impressive piece than had at first been appreciated. There was, in fact, another set of plaques underneath the first, making it clear that this was a double-sided panel, comprising sixteen panels in total,

which had probably decorated an item of furniture—perhaps a couch or a bed. Some of the pictures are clearer than others, and it is possible that they are to be understood as depicting scenes from the life of the king. In one he appears to be about to thrust a spear into an animal, while in another he is about to put out the eyes of an enemy w h o m he grasps by the hair. But not all are quite so gruesome since he is also shown with (and perhaps about to embrace) his wife. O n e other panel deserves special mention. It shows two smaller figures sucking the breasts of a larger winged figure with a horned head-dress, presumably a goddess (SCHAEFFER 1954a, pl. VIII; C A Q U O T - SZNYCER 1980, pi. XXIXb). This depiction calls to mind an indication in the story of Keret that his hoped-for heir will suck the breasts of Anat (or perhaps R a h m a y [ W Y A T T 1998C, 209]) and Athirat. Before leaving the heading of 'Art and Culture', it is important that a word is said about music at Ugarit (CAUBET 1996a). A m o n g the discoveries have been a n u m b e r of objects which are clearly or probably musical instruments. These include horns made from the ivory of the elephant and of the hippopotamus, a pair of small bronze cymbals, and what are probably scrapers and clappers used in musical accompaniments. T h e picture provided by such discoveries is enhanced by a number of representations of musical activities. Cylinder seal impressions (AMIET 1992, nos. 265, 273) have been interpreted as showing dancers and, perhaps, acrobats. A small bronze shows a kneeling figure playing cymbals or a tambourine, and a rather damaged limestone figure may represent someone playing a double-flute. (Line drawings of the above are given in C A U B E T 1996a.) Particularly intriguing was the discovery of a tablet (RS 15.030+ = Ug 5, 463, 487) inscribed with the words of a hymn or prayer in the Hurrian language and which seemed also to carry a sort of musical notation indicating chords. T h e precise relationship between the hymn and the music is not clear, but an attempt has actually been made to reconstruct this piece of music, and to record it sung to the accompaniment of lyres ( K I L M E R 1974; K I L M E R et al. 1976). For further discussion on the religious aspect of Ugaritian art, see below § 1 3 . 1 2 ( W Y A T T ) and § 1 4 (CORNELIUS).

7

T H E PORT AREA

T o the south of Minet el-Beida, in the vicinity of the first discoveries, were located the remains of an occupation which dated from the 14th century (and possibly even the late 15th century) BCE and lasted until the time of the destruction of Ugarit. It has been suggested that these might be the ruins of a quite separate city, Mahadou, but it is probably appropriate to regard this as the port area of Ugarit, to be associated with the city's commercial activities which many textual discoveries attest, and that it was in this area that those particularly involved in maritime activities would have lived. T h e houses, some of which suggest that they may have belonged to people of substance, were built along straight, intersecting streets. Many were arranged around courtyards, often containing a well, and comprised several rooms. Underneath one of the rooms would be a vaulted tomb approached by a staircase (see R S O 1, 3). Other buildings were stores and warehouses, and one was found to contain some 24 large pottery jars, many in a remarkable state of preservation. In fact, large numbers of pottery vessels of various types but often suggesting a Cypriot or Mycenean origin and probably used in commercial activities, were found in the area. (In this context it is relevant to note that, on the cliff north of Minet el-Beida, a misfired Cypriot vase was discovered, suggesting that there was a pottery workshop nearby, and that perhaps Cypriot settlers lived in the vicinity of Ugarit.) O t h e r discoveries included an Egyptian axe and several Egyptian-style ivory cosmetic boxes, some of which were in the shape of a duck (SCHAEFFER 1939b pl. X I V fig. 1). These pointed to trading links further south as well as with the Aegean world. Metal-work finds included various bronze tools and weapons as well as silver rings and lead ingots. Weights made of stone or haematite, cylinder seals and, perhaps not surprisingly, stone anchors (some of which had also been found on the tell; FROST 1969; SCHAEFFER 1978; FROST 1991) featured among the discoveries. Another noteworthy find was a deposit of murex shells, for which the Mediterranean coast is noted, used for the making of the purple dye. T h e port area may also have contained its places of worship, as is indicated by the presence of altars and other cultic installations, including what may have been a small sanctuary. O n the port area see now Y O N 1 9 9 7 .

8

R A S IBN H A N I

About 8 km north of Latakia and 4.5 km south-west of Ras Shamra there is a small cape which juts out into the Mediterranean. There are some grounds for believing that it may have been an island in the second millennium BCE (see below). It was already known that there had been a Roman occupation there because of the remains of buildings which were observable, and Gabriel Saadé had noted in 1965 that there was what appeared to be a low tell in the middle part of the cape. But it was yet another chance discovery which led to excavations being carried out in this area. In the course of earth-moving activities associated with urban developments (including plans to build the Meridien hotel) on the cape, a tomb was discovered in 1973 which gave rise to the possibility that there might have been a significant occupation in the LBA. Thus, as a matter of urgency, excavations were undertaken u n d e r the auspices of the Direction générale des antiquités et des musées de Syrie, and a joint FrancoSyrian team was established, in charge of which were A. Bounni and J . Lagarce ( L A G A R C E 1995). When work began in earnest in 1975 it took place on the southern side of the low tell, in the face of constant difficulties caused by the presence of modern earth-moving machinery in the vicinity. It was undertaken in the hope of clarifying the different phases of occupation. Evidence soon emerged of thick rubble walls which had often been reduced to foundation-level by the prédations of later builders in the Iron Age and the Hellenistic period who used its stones. What was clear was that these were the walls of a building from the LBA. This became known as the 'Southern Palace'. T h e following year, a survey was undertaken using geophysical techniques which measured electrical resistivity. This provided useful indications of the westward extent of the 'Southern Palace'. It was decided to remove the surface soil by means of mechanical diggers, thereby making it possible to gain a clearer impression of the plan of the southern part of the building. It was in the course of this activity that the presence of pottery reminiscent of Mycenaean ware from the beginning of the Iron Age was first noticed. Excavations in the area of the 'Southern Palace' continued until 1980, particular attention being paid to the Hellenistic remains. Studies of the geomorphology of the cape which have been carried out since 1976 have, as has already been indicated, given rise

to the speculation that it may have been an island during the second millennium BCE. Sections of stone paving which showed through the sand from place to place to the south-east of the 'Southern Palace' seemed to be the vestiges of a roadway. These pieces of paving seemed to predate the sand-bar on which part of the Hellenistic town was situated. Further study of the roadway has been impossible since 1976, but, in 1991, radiocarbon tests were carried out on two samples of natural cement formed between the paving-blocks of the roadway when they were submerged as a result of an earlier phase of erosion. These tests yielded dates of 1179-860 and 791-441 and led to the suggestion that the road must have been constructed prior to 1179/860 and was subsequently submerged. T h e most likely time for its construction, in view of what is known of the site, would have been the LBA, the period of building of the 'Southern Palace' (and other important buildings as will be noted later), and it is possible that the roadway originally led to the eastern entrance to the 'Southern Palace'. In 1977, a new area close to the tomb which had been discovered in 1973 was opened up. It soon became clear that this was a site of considerable importance and led to subsequent excavations being concentrated in this area and on the edifice which has come to be known as the 'Northern Palace'. Various soundings were undertaken with a view to establishing the extent of the building in the LBA. It became clear that this was a major building including not only residential areas but also an administrative centre and that it housed workshops, e.g. for metal-working. It proved difficult to produce a plan of this 'Northern Palace', partly due to the fact that, as in the 'Southern Palace', stones had been removed to be re-used later (but see the plan in L A G A R C E 1 9 9 5 , 1 5 4 ) . Some indication of its extent was provided by the presence of what appeared to be a street running along its western periphery and, less certainly, another to its east. T h e block which lay between these two limits has been analysed as divisible into two quite distinct sections. T h e first, to the south-west, was basically rectangular and arranged around a central courtyard; the second, to the north-west, was a much more confused conglomeration of rooms. It is thought unlikely that these two sections of the building were entirely separate, and that there must therefore have been a corridor or passageway linking them. There is some evidence which makes it possible to suggest the original function of some of the rooms. For example, an impressive room off the

central courtyard, approached by an entrance flanked by two columns, may have been a throne room (room XII). Apparendy next door to this 'throne room' was a workshop which seems to have been used for working in bone (room XX). This juxtaposition of rooms seems rather strange, and has led to the suggestion that the latter may originally have been on the first floor but that, with the destruction of the building, its contents fell through to ground level where they were subsequently found. T h e presence of staircases suggests that the building had more than one storey. Caution is therefore necessary in identifying the original function of the building's rooms. Nevertheless, it has been thought possible to make some judgements about the likely use of certain parts of the building in the LBA. T h e main access to the 'Northern Palace' was probably from the south and into the rectangular south-western area of the building, which seems from its stonework, general plan and lay-out around the courtyard, to have been the most prestigious part of the edifice. It has been described as the 'reception area'. By contrast, the northwestern part of the building followed a much less geometric plan and gives the impression of being something of an annexe. This is not to suggest that this part of the building was unimportant. It was in this area that rooms housing tablets were located, and perhaps where administrative activities were undertaken. Access from one part of the building to the other may have been via a courtyard and a room with benches which is perhaps to be understood as a guardroom controlling access to the less public areas of the 'Northern Palace'. T h e 'Northern Palace' appears, then, to have been an important residence, administrative and production centre. But whose residence? The very nature of the building would suggest the likelihood that it was a royal residence and one particular tablet ( K T U 2.82 = R I H 78/12) found on the site may provide the clue since it is addressed ' T o the queen, my mother'. Although the queen is not named, it is suggested that she may have been Ahatmilku, the mother of 'Ammittamru II who reigned in Ugarit in the middle of the thirteenth century BCE. A seal impression bearing the imprint of this king was found in connection with administrative documents in the 'Northern Palace' in 1982 and 1983, indicating that some at least of the texts discovered there originated during his reign. Further excavations sought to establish the relationship between

the 'Northern Palace' and the buildings on cither side of it. T h e r e are some grounds for the belief that the building which lay immediately to the east may have functioned as a service building for the 'Northern Palace', not least because there did not appear to be sufficient room for a completely separate building between the palace and the eastern extremity of the city. More importantly, several of its rooms seem to have served a utilitarian function, including cookery and the baking of bread. T h e rooms seem to have been well constructed and paved, and one housed a toilet. T h e building to the south-west (which became known as Building B) was separated from the 'Northern Palace' by a street, though it is possible that the buildings may have been joined in an unexcavated area. T h e r e is some evidence of 'city planning' in this area, though not to the extent which would have yielded a number of blocks separated by parallel streets. It seems that some of the streets went round corners, which would have had the effect of reducing the strength of the wind, and that at least one was a cul de sac. But the symmetry of this building with the 'Northern Palace' is noteworthy and it is not impossible that the two buildings were constructed to the same basic plan. It too comprised a paved area (perhaps a courtyard) off which several rooms opened, one of which contained a staircase. T h e symmetry even extends to the presence of two wells in 'opposite' rooms, and kilns in 'opposite' rooms. T h e kiln in building Β was well-preserved and impressive though its precise function was unclear. It was located in a room along whose eastern wall ran a bench covered in white mortar which supported several vessels and a lamp. T h e r e were pieces of ceramic and bone on the floor. Another intriguing discovery in this building comprised about ten ceramic objects which have been described as scoops. It has been suggested that they may have been used for the distribution of rations, a possibility which might support the suggestion that this too was a public building. H o w long did this LBA occupation last on Ras Ibn Hani? T h e r e is some evidence of repairs or resurfacing of the floors, particularly in the 'Northern Palace', which might suggest a relatively lengthy period of occupation. It is also possible that there there is evidence for the secondary usage of certain rooms, e.g. in the 'bakery' in the 'service building', and that a funerary vault under the 'Northern Palace' was not, in its present state, contemporary with the building's

construction. However, there is no clear evidence, e.g. from the pottery found on the site, for a beginning of this occupation earlier than the 13th century BCE. Pottery may be of more use in suggesting the possibility that the end of Ras Ibn Hani mirrored the end of the city of Ugarit itself, in view of the fact that people using a particular type of Mycenaean ware seem to have occupied the site immediately after its destruction. This would lend support to the view that both Ugarit and Ras Ibn Hani were destroyed in the context of the advance of the 'Sea Peoples' as they pressed south through the regions of the Levantine coast. T h e 'Northern Palace' seems to have suffered a violent destruction by fire, but not before it was abandoned and emptied of essential moveable items by the inhabitants. This fits with what appears to have been the case in Ugarit. A similar situation seems to have occurred with the 'Southern Palace', i.e. that it was emptied prior to being destroyed by fire. However, it is not clear that this was the case in 'Building B', where evidence of fire seems to be restricted to a room which was probably used for cooking or baking and which may therefore have been caused by that activity. It does not seem to have been the result of a major conflagration involving the whole building. T h u s caution is needed. Nevertheless, it is possible to suggest that archaeology (to some limited extent supported by the texts found on the site) points to a foundation of what might be thought of as this outer suburb of Ugarit not earlier than the late 14th century and more likely in the early 13th century BCE. This expansion of Ugarit may reflect a period of relative stability and prosperity. Its destruction was not later that the early 12th century and perhaps more likely at the end of the 13th century, probably at the hands of the 'Sea Peoples'.

9

CONCLUSION

It seems appropriate, therefore to think of ancient Ugarit as comprising not merely the city on the tell of Ras Shamra, but also, at its zenith in the LBA, the city proper together with the port area and the oudying suburb of Ras Ibn Hani. It was an important strategic and commercial centre, standing at the 'crossroads' of major land and sea routes, and was doubtless quite cosmopolitan. It was a city of impressive buildings, high culture and literary artistry, which has

bequeathed to later generations a script which may represent one of the major steps forward in the development of writing systems. It is perhaps fitting that the n a m e of the city should be best known because of the language and method of writing to which it has given its name—Ugaritic.

CHAPTER THREE

THE WRITTEN SOURCES

1

T H E SYLLABIC AKKADIAN

TEXTS

W I L F R E D VAN S O L D T

1.1

Introduction

T h e most surprising discovery made by the late C.F.A. Schaeffer during his first campaign at Tell Ras Shamra was undoubtedly the group of tablets written in an unknown cuneiform script.' This discovery attracted so much attention that the decipherment of the script was accomplished in less than a year. 2 Overshadowed by the tablets in the new (alphabetic) script was the find of a number of texts written in a script already well-known to the excavators, the Mcsopotamian (syllabic) cuneiform script. T h e first campaign yielded only a handful of these texts 3 but during the years to come, and especially after the discovery of the royal palace, many syllabic texts came to light. Not all of these were written in the languages of Mesopotamia, Sumerian 4 and Akkadian. A n u m b e r of tablets had been drawn up in Hurrian 3 and in Hittite. 6 However, the number of tablets in Sumerian and Akkadian (the latter is by far the most important) is very large indeed and new ones are being discovered regularly. 7 In this chapter of the handbook I shall study the syllabic Akkadian texts found at Ugarit by looking at their archaeological context and 1

SCHAEFFER

2

BAUER

1929,

2 9 5 ; VIROLLEAUD

1932, 9. S e e

§

1929.

4.1.

V I R O L L E A U D 1929, 3 0 4 - 5 and PL. I . X X V I L X X V I I . For a complete list of the P A R D E E 1989, 1 6 - 2 3 ; VAN tablets found during the first campaign, see BORDRF.UIL S O L D T 1991a, 5 3 2 - 5 . 4 Sumerian is only attested in schooltexts: lexical, literary and religious texts copied by apprentice scribes, see below. 5 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 3 3 9 4 0 . 6 L A R O C H E , Ugaritica 5 , 7 6 9 - 7 9 . 7 See, for example, B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1995a; D I E T R I C H L O R E T Z 1994b; Y O N 3

1 9 9 5 ; BORDREIJIL

M A I .BRAN-I .ABAT

1995.

their general contents. A study of the former involves a survey of the various archives where the texts have been discovered, a study of the latter will encompass such varied aspects as the genres found in the texts, their distribution over the archives, the education of the scribes, and a short description of the characteristics of their Akkadian. Naturally, in discussing the archives and genres I cannot avoid mentioning the alphabetic texts as well. T h e focus, however, will be on the syllabic texts. 1.2

The archives

In contrast to many other excavators, Schaeffer at least attempted to keep a record of every individual object which he found during his excavations. He did so by assigning topographical points (points topographiques, hence p.t.) which were written on a label attached to the object and entered in a plan of the excavated area. Moreover, he kept a notebook in which every object was described and listed with its p.t. and the depth at which it had been found. A combination of the plan and the elevation of the findspot (deduced from the depths and an elevation plan of 1928, before the excavations had begun) would give—at least in principle—the correct findspot.8 First I shall discuss the archives found in the royal palace, then we shall take a look at the ones found in private houses. In order to save space I shall refer to the pertinent chapters in VAN S O L D T 1991a, where all the previous literature can be found. New publications are added wherever necessary. 1.2.1

The palace archives

T h e Western Archive 9 was located in rooms 3, 4 and 5 near the main entrance 10 and contained almost only administrative texts, mainly

8

There are, however, many problems with the way the excavator kept his record. During the first nine campaigns new p.t.s. were given for every new pit that was opened. This led to duplicate numbers with the threat of confusion. Therefore, a unified system was set up in 1938 which also covered previous seasons (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 673-4; the new p.t.s. are sometimes provided by B O R D R E U I L - P A R D E E 1989, 16-50). However, the multitude of p.t.s. given in the record for a single tablet from the house of the High Priest (1929 1934) makes any attempt to locate them hazardous. 9

10

VAN S O L D T

1991A,

See the plans in

49-60.

MARGUERON

1995a, 194 5.

in alphabetic cuneiform. Noteworthy are a few letters and schooltexts and especially two 'work copies' of the treaty with the Hittites, in which the tribute is stipulated." Similar tablets were found elsewhere in the palace. Dated texts point to the time of 'Ammittamru II and later (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 57-8), with the notable exception of the translated 12 treaty from the time of Niqmaddu Π. Whether the tablets had been stored on an upper storey cannot be ascertained. No stairs were found in this part of the building. T h e Eastern Archive 13 (rooms 54-56) is more diverse in contents than the Western Archive, although administrative texts—mainly in Ugaritic—still form by far the biggest group. Interesting is a small group of juridical texts, most of which are styled as private contracts. 14 It is only from rooms 54 and 55 that we have royal deeds. 15 T h e most remarkable group of texts from this archive, however, is formed by the letters. More than fifty letters were found, a fair number of which can be ranked as international correspondence. T h e letters were mainly addressed to king Ibirānu and his(?)16 queen Taryelli. 17 Only a few texts survive from before this king. 18 T h e tablets were at least partly stored on an upper storey. The Central Archive 19 consists of three different wings with different contents.

11

RS 1 1.732 (PRU 3, 181; 4, 47) and RS 1 1.772 (KTU 3.1). For the latter, see K T U 2 199-200 and VAN S O L D T 1990a, 354-7. 12 Translations of Akkadian texts into Ugaritic such as K T U 3.1 = RS 11.772 are not really summaries nor are they faithful copies of the original. For K T U 3.1 see K N O P P E R S (1993), who suggests that the text is a covering letter including a tribute list sent by Niqmaddu. However, since the text is in Ugaritic, I tend to regard it as a simplified copy for the use of the administrators in the Western Palace archive. According to M I L L A R D 1995, 120, not all letters in Ugaritic which were sent by foreign powers need to have had Akkadian or Hittite originals. The messenger could have memorized the message which was then written down in Ugarit. 13 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 6 0 - 7 3 . 14 RS 15.37 (PRU 3, 35), 15.81 (PRU 3, 37), 15.173 (PRU 3, 40), 15.180 (PRU 3, 36), 15.182 (PRU 3, 35), 17.248 (PRU 4, 236), 17.388 (PRU 6, no. 50), 17.426 (PRU 6, no. 51). Note also 15.128 (KTU 3.3), a legal text in Ugaritic. 15 RS 15.113 (PRU 3, 168), 15.114 (PRU 3, 112), 15.131 (PRU 3, 133). 16 VAN S O L D T 1985-6, 71; 1991a, 15-8. 17 That the diplomatic correspondence in general was kept in the eastern archive as contended by Courtois 1988 is not true; many international letters were found in other archives as well. It is possible, however, that the correspondence of Ibirānu was concentrated in this wing of the palace. 18 Niqmepa': RS 15.117 (KTU 7.63); 'Ammittamru II: RS 15.114 (PRU 3, 112), RS 15.131 (PRU 3, 133) and probably RS 17.383 (PRU 4, 221). 19 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 7 4 - 9 6 .

T h e northern wing is made up of rooms 30 and 31 and is the most important. Here almost all the royal deeds concerning real estate were filed and the distribution of the texts suggests that most of them were kept in dossiers on the upper storey which, after the destruction, fell on top of the debris in court IV. 20 Genres other than legal texts as well as texts in Ugaritic are rare in this part of the building. T h e eastern wing (room 64) contained mainly economic texts, some of them in Ugaritic. T h e few legal texts are not concerned with real estate. More important is a group of letters between king 'Ammittamru II and the king of Carchemish. A few other letters (mainly in Ugaritic) are addressed to the queen. This queen was most probably 'Ammittamru's mother Ahatmilku, although Taryelli cannot be excluded. 21 Part of the tablets had been stored on the upper storey. T h e southern wing archive (room 66; tablets were also found in 65 and 67) consisted mainly of administrative texts, almost all in Ugaritic. Of interest is a small group of legal texts from room 66 dealing with the sale of land to queen Taryelli and witnessed by a certain Tipit-Ba'lu. 22 T h e Southern Archive 23 was located in a late addition to the palace, rooms 68 and 69 to the south of court V. In this archive all tablets were found that regulate the relations of Ugarit with the foreign powers, the Hittite king and the king of Carchemish. T h e archive proper was probably kept on an upper storey, which could be reached through room 69, while room 68 served as a secretariate. Apart from the many treaties and international juridical texts, 24 however, we also find a number of local real estate transfers, as well as a few administrative texts, some of them in Ugaritic. T h e dates obtained from the texts cover the entire historical period at Ugarit. T h e Southwestern Archive 25 (rooms 80 and 81) contained mainly administrative texts in Ugaritic. O t h e r genres, such as letters and schooltexts, were written in Ugaritic as well. Of special interest is the

20

VAN S O L D T

1986, 2 0 0 - 3 ;

21

VAN S O L D T

1991A,

22

1991A,

91-2.

78.

Published as Usflútica 5, nos. 159-61. For the seal of Tipit-Ba'lu, see ibid.., p. 261. 23 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 97-109. 24 Published in PRU 4. 25 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 114-24.

synoptic table of scripts found in room 81, 26 A substantial group of religious texts was written in Hurrian in syllabic script. 27 Two legal texts 28 were found as well. All available dates point to the reign of 'Ammittamru II and later. T h e tablets could have been stored on an upper storey, although one can also think of shelves along one of the walls. Miscellaneous tablet finds in the palace. Several groups of texts have been found outside the archival rooms described above, such as rooms 73 and 90 (both mainly administrative). T h e most important find, however, is that of a cluster of tablets in court V, formerly believed to have been put there for baking. 29 As it turned out later, the traces of oven material proved to be burnt debris, and the cluster of tablets was probably a mixed lot, some of which may even have belonged to an older, discarded archive (at least according to M A R G U E R O N 1995b, 66-7; M I L L A R D 1995, 119 speaks o f ' t h e result of inverting a carefully packed basket'). A number of them, however, have to be dated shordy before the final destruction of the city, as shown by the translation into Ugaritic of a letter to king 'Ammurapi 3 ( K T U 2.39 = RS 18.38). 1.2.2

The private archives

A number of houses proved to be important findspots of cuneiform tablets. T h e owners of these private archives may have been scribes themselves or may have needed the services of scribes. This is not always clear and sometimes it even proves impossible to ascertain the very name of the owner. T h e so-called Southern Palace 30 probably was the house of the chief administrator (šatammu rabu) Yabni-šapšu (abbreviated Yabninu), 31 who had an administrative archive in rooms 203 and 204. Almost all tablets are administrative in nature (all but a few in Akkadian) and from a letter we learn about a scribe who, surprisingly enough, has a good Akkadian name: Nahiš-ša1mu. 32 Provided the scribe him-

19.159 (KTU 5.14), see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 122 and 325. Ugantua 5, 465-96. 28 RS 18.283 (PRU 6, no. 67) and 19.98 (PRU 6, no. 31). Especially the latter, a real estate transfer, seems out of place. 29 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 1 1 0 - 4 . 30 C O U R T O I S 1990; VAN S O L D T 1991a, 1 4 9 - 5 8 and 1991b, 3 4 0 . 31 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 1 5 5 - 7 . C O U R T O I S 1990 (only Yabninu). 32 Spelled Vna-f}è-ši—šal-mu by his Ugaritic colleague (RS 19.53 = PRU 6, no. 18:2). F or the name, see (IAD s.v. nafyāšu le. For Middle Assyrian references, see 26

27

RS

self was Mesopotamia!! and not a native of Ugarit in Mesopotamian disguise, the rigid Mesopotamian orthography observed for texts from this archive 33 may at least partly be due to him. In view of the many Assyrianisms, both in sign forms and in grammar (see § 3.1.5), we have to assume that Nahiš-ša1mu was an Assyrian scribe working in Ugarit. T h e archive was in use until the destruction of the city. T h e house of Rasap'abu 3 4 is one of the three buildings containing an archive discovered in the residential quarter east of the royal palace (the two following archives were found here as well). T h e owner was a man called Rasap-'abu, the supervisor of the harbour (Ma'hadu) and the archive mainly consists of legal texts (partly dealing with Rasap-'abu's affairs) and administrative texts. T h e legal texts date from the reign of Niqmaddu II through that of c Ammittamru II. There are only very few school texts from this house; two of them are practice letters in Ugaritic. 3 ' T h e house of the lettré36 is named after its contents: literary, religious, and lexical texts. T h e house may originally have belonged with that of Rasap-'abu, the name of the owner is still unknown. Apparently, the house served as a school. T h e house of Rap'ânu 3 7 can easily lay claim to the status of the most important school in Ugarit. Among its hundreds of tablets the most important category is that of the lexical texts. Strangely enough, hardly any literary and religious texts have come to light, which seems to indicate that the scribes did not practise their knowledge in context very much. 38 T h e presumed name of the owner is known from three letters in which he appears twice as recipient and once as sender. 39 Another important group of texts in this archive is formed by the international letters. A large part of the royal correspondence was kept here (and not in the palace), and it is here that we find some of the famous letters dealing with the threat of the Sea Peoples.40 Since the architectural remains and the archive are still unpublished

SAPORETTI see

1970 I, 344;

HÖLSCHER

1996,

SAPORETTI

FREYDANK

33

VAN S O L D T

1991a,

372.

34

VAN S O L D T

1991A,

160-3.

35

RS 17.63 (KTU 5.10) and 17.117 (5.11).

36

VAN S O L D T

1979, 91. For Middle Babylonian,

146a.

1991A,

163-5.

1991a, 165-81. 38 VAN S O L D T 1995a, 179. 3! ' Cf. Ugaritica 5, nos. 53-5. 40 For the correspondence in general, see Ugaritica 5, nos. 20-80; The Alashiya letters are nos. 22 and 24 (no. 23 comes from the antiques market). 37

VAN S O L D T

not much can be said about the stratigraphy of the building. T h e dates obtained from the tablets are generally late: 'Ammittamru II through c Ammurapi\ T h e Tablet House (Maison-aux-tablettes)^ has recentiy been published by C A L L O T (1994, 53-61). In the centre of a residential area opened up in 1959 the excavators discovered a big house with a large number of tablets. Most of these tablets are school texts: lexical and literary texts written by apprentice scribes. T h e few letters and legal texts do not help to identify the owner of this important house. T h e majority of the tablets had been stored on an upper storey. However, a small group of texts was found below floor level.42 In view of the joins which can be made between tablets of both groups (VAN S O L D T 1991a, 185, 187, 192)43 the two groups cannot be separated in time (contra C A L L O T 1994, 61). Dates deduced from the texts point to the time of 'Ammittamru II and later. T h e Archives on the South Acropolis. In a heavily damaged building on the southern part of the Acropolis two archives were discovered; the first was named the archive of the Hurrian Priest, the second the Lamaštu-archive. 44 This first archive was located in two rooms (10 and 11) in the northeastern wing of the house, one of which ( 1 0 ) was interpreted as a cella ( C O U R T O I S 1 9 6 9 ) . T h e archive contained almost exclusively texts in alphabetic cuneiform. T h e second archive was housed in the southwestern wing of the house and contained a large number of syllabic cuneiform texts. Since most of these are lexical and literary texts the wing must have housed a school. T h a t the teacher(s) in this school must either have been Babylonian or have been trained by Babylonian scribes can be seen from the ductus in which they wrote and from their Akkadian. 45 T h e few letters and legal texts do not allow an identification of the owner. T h e tablets in the Lamaštu-archive had partly eroded down the slope of the Acropolis, but it is clear from the many joins that they belong with the archive. 46 Circumstantial evidence points to a relatively late date for both archives.

41

VAN S O L D T

1991a, 1 8 2 - 9 3 .

42

VAN S O L D T

1991A,

43

190-1;

CALLOT

1994,

61.

The most striking example is RS 22.403 + 431B + 433A-C, a copy of Lu 1, pieces of which were found at 0.70, 1.00 and 2.50 m below the surface. 44 For the former, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 193-203, for the latter, ibid., 204-11. 45 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 209, 3 7 3 - 4 , 521. 46 VAN S O L D T 1991a, 209-11.

T h e Library of the High Priest 47 on the Acropolis was the first archive to be discovered and, as it happens, it contained the literary texts in Ugaritic which brought Ugarit instant fame. Apart from these important texts, the building must have housed a school, as can be seen from a number of lexical texts. 48 As pointed out at the beginning, the findspots of the tablets cannot always be identified with certainty. An assessment of the stratigraphy will have to await new research. Dates obtained from the texts probably point to the period from Niqmaddu II (the Ugaritic literary texts)49 until the end of Ugarit's existence (most other texts). T h e house of Urtenu 5 0 was discovered by accident in 1971 after a tablet had been found in debris from building activities by the Syrian army. In 1973 the excavators were allowed to search the debris but a regular excavation could only be carried out from 1986. At the end of the 1994 season more than 500 texts had been recovered from this house, 51 thereby making it the biggest archive discovered so far. T h e great majority of the texts is in Akkadian, but there are a few important texts in Ugaritic as well. O n e of these is a literary fragment written by Ili-malku,' 2 the scribe who wrote a number of literary texts in the house of the high priest. T w o groups stand out among the Akkadian texts, a number of international letters dealing with important historical events, 53 and a group of lexical texts written by apprentice scribes. 54 T h e owner of the house, (the scribe?) Urtenu, is known from a number of letters and an incantation in

1991a, 2 1 2 - 2 0 ; C U N C H I L L O S 1989. 1995a, 194. 49 For arguments for this date, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 27-9. However, according to B O R D R E U I L M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995, 447-8, the king mentioned in the colophons is more likely to be Niqmaddu III than Niqmaddu II. 50 Y O N 1995; For Urtenu, see already VAN S O L D T 1991a, 221. B O R D R E U I L M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995; R S O 7 ; B O R D R E U I L P A R D E E 1995b, 3 1 2 ; M A L B R A N - L A B A T 1995a, L O M B A R D 1995. For previous literature, see VAN S O L D T 1991a, 221-3. 51 YON 1995, 439. 47

VAN S O L D T

48

VAN S O L D T

52

BORDREUIL -

PARDEE

1995,

28;

BORDREUIL

MALBRAN-Ι,ΑΒΑΤ

1995,

447

8.

In view of a number of syllabic spellings with -a-, I prefer the vocalization Ili-malku to the more traditional Ili-milku, see provisionally van Soldt 1991a, 21 n. 182 and M.S.

SMITH

1994,

3 n.

6.

53

For example, the battle of Nihriya, R S O 7, no. 46, a letter from NorthBabylonia (no. 47, in line 3 read DIi-túl—mi-ή, 'Shepherd of M a n ' [rt ¥

û

ν u

III -

^

Saf.

ή

ζ -»a cr) r r É

H*

OSA Iih.

•4 X

«

*>-

1 C

*

? *

-

ν / γ
π

I

^«J " F

Â

ï

U

3

V *

2

Southern alphabets

LONG ALPHABET

* }

1

>;

>

X IX

1 D3

t χ- -t

? I C

(P) fill)

Fig. 5

The Ugaritic script in relation to the Western and Southern scripts ( D i e t r i c h - L o r e t z 1988a, 102)

Fig. 6

Fig. 7

The Alphabet tablet from Beth Shemesh ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988a, 285)

Tablet with the South Arabic Alphabet (BORDREUIL

-

PARDEE

1995,

856)

Beth Šemeš Ugarit {J. Ryckmans

H L H M Q. w H L H M Q. w H L H M Q. w

Beth Šemeš

'

Ugarit

' '

{J. Ryckmans

'

Fig. 8

'

'

Š R Τ R Β

TS Κ N U Β [Š] F T D Š K N U S S Ρ

Š

T

S

Κ

T

Š

T

S/Z}

R

B(G)

Ζ

G

D

G

Τ

Ζ

D Τ

D

G

D

G

Τ

Ζ

Y

D

G

D

G(B)

Τ

Ζ

D Y

Ν

H

S

F}

Deciphered Alphabets of the South-Eastern A-/-^-m-Tradition

with the traditions of Beth Shemesh and Ugarit gives the following results (Fig. 8)—in the third line the South Semitic alphabet is given in brackets for convenience, as established by R y c k m a n s ( 1 9 8 5 ) from texts dating to the first millennium bce. This comparison shows clearly that the sequence of letters of the cuneiform alphabets attested in Beth Shemesh and Ugarit as well as the South Arabic-South Semitic alphabet reconstructed by Ryckmans show very few divergences. T h e fact that the signs, as shown by hand-copies and photographs, vary slightly as well, leads to the conclusion that the traditions, certainly not least in view of their geographical separation, must to some extent have developed independently. These divergences are basically so slight that their common origin never completely vanished from view. This report on the discovery of the two cuneiform alphabets as transmitted in Ugarit as well as their summary comparison should show that the commercial centre Ugarit in the third quarter of the second millennium was a turning point in the early history of the alphabet in two ways: 1. With the earliest recorded alphabet so f a r — w h e t h e r in the '-b-g sequence of the north west tradition or the h-l-h-m sequence of the south eastern tradition—we are quite unexpectedly—or rather, as was to be expected—at a point in its development which already has the appearance of the conclusion to a forerunner. Just when we thought we were close to the origin of the evolution of the alphabet and finally were able to propose a date for the 'discovery of the alphabet', we have to envisage a world with two alphabets (Fig. 9).

2. T h e origin of the cuneiform alphabet from Ugarit also reflects a history of two alphabets: a Levantine tradition with 22 letters was shall we say overlaid by an Arabic tradition so that, with some additions, a 30-letter alphabet was derived. T h u s we find ourselves in the midst of a historical process on which it is worthwhile to reflect a little: the inhabitants of a city who towards the middle of the second millennium had migrated from south eastern Palestine to the northern Levant, had developed a commercial ruling dynasty in Ugarit which in the history of literature and the art of the scribe had thus created a lasting monument, so that on arrival its native tongue could be inserted into an existing scribal school and writing tradition and thus the alphabet already discovered could be expanded. T h e authentic Ugaritic alphabet which arose in this way is ultimately to be perceived as a witness of inter-cultural activity with branches as far afield as Cyprus (Hala Sultan Teke). With the examination of the cuneiform alphabets transmitted in Ugarit we find that in terms of the history of the alphabet we are not, as many would argue, at its inception. Instead, we are once again at the conclusion of separate developments which nevertheless in terms of their significance represent an important step in universal history. Although we find ourselves in the mid-second millennium bce, we have still not yet reached a point at which we can speculate on the origin of the alphabet. (Translation:

W.G.E.

Watson)

.ArstaiTai© •Hamm W Bars®© ,8f*S© -Halet>/Ateppo •SfTre« • Äf is ö • Ris Šamrj/UqaritÍ

/larnaka/Kition· Hata Sultan Tekke •

Uj CQ • Palmyra/Tadncr

Neti Mwd/CLadeS.

Α· Sarafand/Sar»pta, #Ruweisah±

"•TK3md ei-LÛz/Kumidi •Damaskus

Sean©

Mountains of s G ILE AD

• Oer ΘΤ.0»$ί

A

•«HWj Heön»i J .Balu'an •

.QakSBarnea θ

Ugaritic cuneiform

ψ

Proto-Canaanlte Inscriptions

•

Ancient Canaanite Inscriptions

φ

Ancient Phoenician Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

©

Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

β

Ancient Hebrew Inscriptions (up to the end of the 8th cent. BCE)

0

is

ill

7S

100kw

drawing: G. Neuber

Fig. 9

The spread of cuneiform alphabets in the Eastern Mediterranean ( D I E T R I C H - L O R E T Z 1988a, 359: Map)

3

Ugaritic

Josef

3.1 3.1.1

Grammar

Tropper

Introduction

The classification of Ugaritic

Ugaritic, the local language of the city state of Ugaritic, is one of the Semitic languages. T h e classification of Ugaritic within Semitic is still a matter of dispute. T h e Semitic languages can be broadly divided into an East Semitic branch (Akkadian) and a West Semitic branch. West Semitic can be further divided into a South Semitic and a central Semitic branch (Canaanite, Aramaic and North Arabic). Of the central Semitic languages, Canaanite and Aramaic can be traced back to a common former stage which is called 'Northwest Semitic'. T h e r e is hardly any doubt nowadays that Ugaritic is more closely related to Canaanite and Aramaic than to North Arabic. 1 T h u s Ugaritic is shown to be a Northwest Semitic language. Since Ugaritic is closer to the later Canaanite languages than to Aramaic due to more important linguistic isoglosses, either it belongs to Canaanite or it is the (only) representative of a separate language branch of Northwest Semitic closely related to Canaanite.3.1.2

Current research in Ugaritic grammar

3.1.2.1 T h e four most important overall summaries of Ugaritic g r a m m a r published so far are: 1. C.H. G o r d o n , Ugaritic Grammar (Rome 1940) with two further editions: Ugaritic Manual (Rome 1955) und Ugaritic Textbook (Rome 1965). 2 . S . S e g e r t , A Basic Grammar of the Ugaritic Language (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 1984).

' The opinion maintained in the early period of research that Ugaritic is particularly close to North Arabic can no longer be held today. The two most important arguments for this theory, the extensive phoneme inventory of Ugaritic and Ugaritic-Arabic isoglosses have been substantially modified by the results of recent research. 2 For most recent discussion see especially ISAKSSON 1989 and T R O P P E R 1994b.

D. S i v a n , Ugaritic Grammar (Encyclopaedia Miqra'it 9 ; Jerusalem 1993) [in Hebrew], 4. D. S i v a n , A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language ( H d O 1/28 Leiden, New York, Cologne 1997). 3.

By now, Gordon's summaries have been largely superseded. T h e later grammars listed merely present a concise grammatical outline of Ugaritic. As yet there is no complete, modern reference grammar of Ugaritic. In his Habilitation submission presented in 1997 at the Freie Universität Berlin with the dtie Untersuchungen zur ugaritischen Grammatik. Schrift- Laut- und Formenlehre3 the author has laid the foundation stone for such a grammar. 3.1.2.2 In spite of research spanning several decades, a large number of problems of Ugaritic g r a m m a r remain unsolved, due to the following factors: (a) Ugaritic is a dead language attested only in writing. (b) Closely cognate contemporary languages are known only sketchily. (c) T h e corpus of Ugaritic texts is recorded in a writing system without vowels, except for a few words in syllabic spellings. (d) T h e range of grammatically important Ugaritic texts is restricted. (e) M a n y texts are of uncertain interpretation. (f ) T h e corpus of Ugaritic texts contains a set of very different genres, each with its own grammatical features. 3.1.3

Aim of this grammatical outline

Here follows a brief grammatical outline of spelling, phonology, morphology and morpho-syntax of the Ugaritic language. It contains only the central topics of grammar. Facts on which scholars are widely in agreement are described without reference to secondary literature. However, areas where there are problems are provided with a short commentary. In this way the outline of grammar will describe the present state of research on Ugaritic grammar.

3

Research on Ugaritic Grammar. Script, Phonology and Morphology.

3.2 3.2.1

Orthography

The principles of consonantal orthography

T h e basic principle of the Ugaritic alphabetic script is that each consonantal phoneme of the language is equivalent to one sign in the script. By the introduction of the three additional signs of the Ugaritic alphabet, < i > , < u > and < s > , the principle is violated in two ways: the phoneme / V is represented in Ugaritic—depending on the following vowel—by < a > , < i > or < u > (cf. § 3.2); the phoneme / s / is represented by <s> or < s > . 4 Lengthened (doubled) consonants were not differentiated from single consonants. They can be determined only by comparative philology or on the basis of syllabic spellings. 3.2.2

The aleph signs

a. T h e most remarkable feature of the Ugaritic alphabet is that it has three different signs for writing the glottal stop / V , i.e. an a-aleph = < a > , an z'-aleph = < i > and a w-aleph = < u > . b. It is generally agreed that the three Ugaritic aleph signs are used in syllable-initial position: < a > represents the syllables Γa/ and /'ā/, < i > represents / V , Γ ΐ / , Γ ΐ Ι and probably also / W (shcwa) and lasdy < u > represents I'ul, Γū/ and /'0/. c. T h e way in which syllable-final, i.e. vowelless aleph is written is a matter of dispute. T h e r e are quite different theories. T h e extreme views are as follows: 1.) Any syllable-closing aleph is represented by . 2.) T h e choice of sign for syllable-closing aleph depends on the quality of the preceding vowel. 3.) Syllable-closing aleph is no longer expressed in Ugaritic: / û V becomes / â / , / f / becomes I I I and / u } / becomes / « / . T h e aleph signs < a > , < i > and < u > act as vowel letters (matres lectionis) for the resulting contracted vowel: / á / , lîl and IÛI?

4 For the phonetic value of this grapheme, which gained entry into the Ugaritic alphabet only at a later date, see S E G E R T 1 9 8 3 (<s> = [su]) and recently T R O P P E R 1995. Thus the grapheme <s> has the value ['s]. It was inserted after the Ugaritic phoneme / s / written with <s>, which originally (also) had the phonetic value ['s], had been deaffricated to [s] in certain phonetic contexts. 5 For the proponents of these theories see V E R R E E T 1983a, 2 2 3 - 6 .

d. T h e theory of the position of aleph defended here is more complex than the proposals mentioned above. 6 O n the one hand it envisages the possibility that the syllable-closing glottal stop in Ugaritic was not always strongly articulated (= quiescent aleph). O n the other hand it follows that in Ugaritic / a V after the loss of a syllable-closing glottal stop—most probably irrespective of stress—became either / â / or / 0 / (cf. Heb. näsä'tä < *naša>tā as distinct from Heb. roš < *ra>š ). O n this basis the following 'rules' can be formulated: the (articulated) syllable-closing glottal stop is written with an < i > , irrespective of the preceding vowel. If the glottal stop is not articulated, i.e. the aleph is quiescent, then the following applies: < a > stands for / â / < *a}; < i > stands for III < *i'; < u > stands either for /û/ < *u} or for loi < V . e. T h e graphic notation of a syllable-closing glottal stop is non-homogeneous in the corpus of Ugaritic texts, as some alephs evidendy represent a strong aleph, others a quiescent aleph. T h e former are phonemic spellings, the latter phonetic spellings: e.g. yihd lya'fyud-l 'he takes/took' ( K T U 1.6 = RS 2. [009]+5.155 ν 1, etc.) againstyahd lyâhud-I . Rarely—for instance in K T U 1.12 = RS 2.[012]—etymological / / / appears in Ugaritic as < ? > . 3.3.3

PS

Equivalence table of selected Semitic consonants12

OSA

Arab.

Ugar.

Heb.

Aram.

Eth.

Akk.

h

s s ζ s s Š d h

š s ζ s Š Š s h

c


/qv\ttv\l/, e.g. ibr /'ibbīr-/ < *'abbīr 'bull' ( K T U 1.10 = R S 3 . 3 6 2 + iii 35 etc.); *>ViC.v2C(C) > ^V2C.V2C(C) ( V = short vowel), e.g. urbt /'urubbat-/ < *'arubbat'opening, hatch' ( K T U 1.4 = R S 2. [008]+ ν 61, etc.), iršt Γirišt-/ < *>arišt- 'wish' ( K T U 1.104 = RS 24.248:1, etc.). (b) Vowel syncope: pretonic: (Cv)CvCvC.v > (Cv)CvCC.v (V = short vowel), e.g. rišt /ra'sat-/ < *ra'ašāt- 'heads' ( K T U 1.2 = RS 3.367 i 23.24, etc.); post-tonic: C.vCvCvCv > C.vCCvCv or C.vCCvCvCv > CvCCvCCv (V = short vowel). 3.3.5.3

Sound changes in diphthongs and triphthongs 16

(a) Contraction of diphthongs: *aw > /