GAINE SOCIAL POWER DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

GAINE SOCIAL POWER DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Pokhara University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in English

by Krishna Kumar Yogi Institute of Advanced Communication, Education, and Research (IACER) Kathmandu, Nepal December, 2013

ABSTRACT GAINE SOCIAL POWER DISCOURSE: A POLITICAL CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS Krishna Kumar Yogi Pokhara University, 2013 This dissertation attempts to critically read between the lines of some of the Gaine songs available in Nepal using critical discourse analysis to disclose the opaque and perplexing relationships between Gaines and non-Gaines. Critically analyzing power discourse, it reveals that Nepali Gaine narratives and rhetoric embody the deep rooted mechanism of social power discourse produced and practiced by various sociopolitical and economic institutions and the tycoons associated with them. This relation has played a phenomenal role in text formation, consumption and distribution constructing Gaine identities as per elite interests through discursive use of actions and interactions, and influencing entirely socio-cultural belief systems. As a result, Gaines are deprived of basic rights, representation, and access to or control over any state resources including media, government’s plans and policies. This deprivation is caused by elite control where power mechanisms manipulate and exploit the Gaine discourses controlling Gaine belief system, and their way of living strategically. The power discourse thus serves the interests of the social power mechanisms, elites, media-persons and policy makers. Destructively it ignores the true concerns of the Gaines by silencing their voices and tactically using discourse. Thus this research advocates redefining the roles of Nepali Gaines to shape up the new identities amid repeated socio-cultural prejudices.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It would not have been possible to complete this dissertation without mutual help and support of various people around me whose contributions are particularly remarkable to mention over here. Above all, I owe my sincere and earnest thankfulness to my supervisor, Dr. Phanindra Upadhyaya, Director, Rhetoric, Writing and Communication Studies with his invaluable guidance and continual support. Similarly, my gratitude goes to Dr. Anand Sharma, the principal, Prof. Dr. Arun Gupto, Academic Director, and other faculties of IACER, Kathmandu for their advice and unsurpassed knowledge on research. The good advice, support, encouragement and friendship of teaching and non-teaching staff and my colleagues have been invaluable on both academic and personal level, for which I am extremely grateful. I am most indebted to all the authors whose books, journals, and documents were used in course of this research. Similarly, I would like to extend my gratitude to Mr. Manoj Rajbhandari and Bhim Bahadur Limbu for language correction. In a similar way, I would like to thank Mr. Siddhartha Dhungana, Mr. Bishnu Prasad Khanal, Mr. Tika Datta Subedi, Mr. Padam Koirala, Mr. Narayan Pant, and Mr. Suman Kumar Pokhrel for their ideas and support. For any errors or inadequacies that may remain in this work, of course, the responsibility is entirely mine. Krishna Kumar Yogi December, 2013

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapters

Page No.

Chapter I Gaine, Socio-cultural Practices and Position in Nepal

1

Who Gaines are?

1

Hinduism as an Influential Factor in Gaine Identity Formation

6

Gaine Culture, Discourse and their Social Positioning

8

Gaines on Elite Eyes

11

Chapter II Gaine Social Discourse: A Critical Political Discourse Analysis

17

Chapter III Gaine Narratives: An Analysis

35

Socio-cultural analysis of Gaine Songs

37

Critical Historical/Political Analysis of Gaine Songs

44

Critical Juristic Analysis of Gaine Songs

51

Critical Psychological Analysis of Gaine Songs

53

Critical Metaphorical Analysis of Gaine Songs

56

Chapter IV Issues of Polity, Society and Culture in Nepali Gaine Social Discourse 62 Power

62

Ideology Identity Tussle

64

Inclusion-Exclusion and Denial

66

Injection of Elite Agenda

67

iv

Inferiorization and Othering

68

Silencing in Strategic Discourse

70

Domination and Hegemony

71

Sociation

73

Manipulation

75

Dominance

76

Ideological Prejudice

77

Chapter V Conclusion

78

Works Cited

82

Appendices

89

Appendix I, Interview I

90

Interview II

94

Appendix II, Gaine Songs

98

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Yo gi 1 Chapter I Gaine, Socio-cultural Practices and Position in Nepal The travelling minstrel tradition is an integral part of every culture and identity, performed and enjoyed by a large number of people around the world in variety of spaces, social contexts and ways. Tracing the folklore tradition across the world, the minstrels wandered almost everywhere in Iran as Parthian minstrels, in Turkey as Turkish coffeehouse poets or entertainers. Similarly, American black “songsters” and “bluesmen” were minstrels. Also, Ireland, Scotland, Italy, Ukraine and France had an excellent practice of minstrel tradition. Such a tradition also existed among the Berber speaking people in Morocco. Even Russian Byliny (narrative song) tradition along with its presence of Skomorokhi- minstrel-entertainers maintained their own distinct identity. Among the Wolof people of Gambia, the gewel (or griots) are professional entertainers; in South Africa, the tshilomabe minstrels, in Ethiopia, the amazari are wandering minstrels. In the same light, Gypsies have traditionally been traveling musicians in Eastern Europe expanding in Romania and Hungary. In Mexico, a rich tradition of street musicians still prevails. Similar to Mexicans, in Bengal of India, the Balus are taken as non-religious wandering minstrels. Even in South India, there survives a tradition of wandering singers belonging to the Tamil Saivite (having an association with Lord Shiva) sect of religious minstrels. Who Gaines are? In Nepal, Gaines are musicians by caste who sing folk songs and dance playing the fiddle (sarangi) going to people of upper strata in their locality. Gaines are called Gandhar(b/w)vas. “Gandharbas, or Gaine as they are derogatively known, need no elaborate introduction to the Nepali public-sphere” (Sherchan 5). Gaines are defined differently by different scholars. Drawing various scholars such as R. L. Turner, considers them typical caste singers, T. O. Walinger and Bajracharya believe

Yogi 2 them as the members of lower social rung. Similarly, Nepali lexicographer, Surya Bikram Gyanwali thinks them as those playing the fiddle in order to earn the livelihood (qtd. in Gyanu Chhetri 55). To Chhetri, Gaines are the product of diverse Nepali caste and cultures (49). So, Gaines as the singers, belonging to a distinctive caste playing fiddle for their earning, remain on the bottom of social hierarchy, and hence become an appendage of Nepali socio-cultural structures and power mechanism. Gaines played different roles in different phases of the history of Nepal. Gaines travelled from village to village, door to door, singing and playing the sarangi. Prior to the establishment of Radio Nepal, they entertained people, while at the same time disseminated news. Drawing scholars like Alexander W. Macdonald and Felix Hoerburger, and Hans Weisthaunet, Sherchan quotes that Gaines played a phenomenal role in enhancing and spreading nationalistic feeling. Later, during the unification period, it is believed that Gandharbas were extensively used as messengers to consolidate state power (qtd. in Sherchan14). In this way, their identity was linked and constructed with Nepali power structure. Scholars and critics Tulsi Diwasa and Govind Raj Bhattarai acknowledge Gandharvas, the living messengers of folk music and art are not only players of Sarangi and Arbajo, [. . .] they are also messengers, communicators, singers etc. Through their performance of Karkha, Sawai, a narration of events, they have to a great extent, kept alive a lost history (9). Gaines, as singers, artists, messengers, communicators, carriers of history and culture contribute significantly to enliven and keep the history intact through narratives and Karkha (historical event-based) songs. Gaines sing the songs of various types. Through their songs of hardship, sadness and suffering, they recall their own experiences. Their painful experiences

Yogi 3 often become an inevitable part in their life. The sense of trauma and pain can be reflected in their songs where they express their resentment at lacking the inheritance rights with sheer discrimination. Though Gaines are travelling bards, they are not only associated with singing and dancing their multifarious identity is linked with numerous aspects of Nepali society, culture, politics and geography. Journalist Naresh Newar elucidates that Gaines are not just singers wandering around with four-string sarangis, but are communicators and reporters, keepers of collective memory of our land (11).The narrative skills, communicative proficiencies and competencies and sensational and emotional performances of Gaines are remarkable matters of praise and admiration. In this connection, scholar Weisethaunet [. . .] recognizes that culturally Gaine songs or all together a discourse often narrate/s events that evoke particularly powerful memories of place, or describe spaces that prompt especially potent recollections of past events (Henderson 3). This is how Gaines have been the inevitable part of literary, social and, cultural discourse production, consolidation, and circulation. Newar further expounds that their music was the medium for rural Nepal to learn of and remember battles, brave soldiers, natural disasters, joys and sorrows of everyday life (11). With a socio-economic link-up, Gaine discourses1 have some significant narratives to be explored behind. Along with music making, Gaines are good as messengers too. “The Gaine is the only caste exclusively engaged in music [. . .] whose original job was to spread the news of the world. Alert at all times to the latest political events, they used their own medium as a kind of oral newspaper” (Hoerburger 2). Before the technological era, 1 The researcher has used the term, Gaine discourse to refer to a numerous terms such as: dominant discourse, societal/social discourse, elite discourse, prevalent discourse, strategic discourse, separation discourse, discrimination discourse, Hindu caste discourse, ruling/rulers discourse, high class discourse, illiberal discourse, double-voiced discourse, Machiavellian discourse, Brahman discourse and so on.

Yogi 4 Gaines were circulators of news, views and information circulating the discourses from one corner of Nepal to the next. Spending years and years in singing and travelling tradition, the Gaines were seen as the focal point of Nepali cultural experiences. Still some Gaines follow the footsteps of their predecessors continuing their legacy. Their playing, singing, and entertaining performances include the narrative themes of pains and perils, insecurity and inequality, insufficiency, sadness, and suffering. Thus, Gaines express exclusively what particularly Nepali culture experiences. Henderson argues, “Gaines [. . .] have become prominent icons of lok git (folk song) in the public culture of Nepal, but had been left relatively unexplored by scholars” (2). No scholarship has paid a serious gaze studying Gaines’ contribution in the public culture making in Nepal. Scholar and researcher, Hari Prasad Shrestha considers the Gaine of Nepal playing very important role on the eve of the unification of Nepal (30). Despite these, even elite perception towards Gaines has not changed as elites are the followers of power structures. Drawing Ram Saran Darnal, Shrestha furthermore cites Gaines being famous throughout the world. They are considered as occupational caste with part time singing, dancing and playing musical instruments (qtd. in Shrestha 2). Adding the similar ideas, Henderson perceives them “itinerant musicians from rural to urban Nepal” (1). They travel from one corner of Nepal to another singing, dancing and entertaining people with their musical craftsmanship. Their craftsmanship has influenced most Nepali folk songs. In this sense, it can be said that Nepali folklore tradition stems at Gaine’s craftsmanship. The present song and music as everyone knows today is due to their contribution. Most often people listen to them and repay their service with food, clothes and other necessities. That’s how, the culture is

Yogi 5 forwarded. Unfortunately, Gaines- the carriers of culture, folklore and music are disregarded, neglected and ignored. Consequently, their social and cultural stand is turning to be more pathetic and terrible, much disrespected and disregarded day by day. Talking about the Gaines role prior to the spread of communication technology, Newar states “In the days before mass communication, their (Gaine) music was the medium for rural Nepal to learn of and remember battles, brave soldiers, natural disasters, joys and sorrows of everyday life” (11).Their songs emphasize that what prevails is a situation of injustice, oppression, exploitation, slavery and bonded labour. They also sing with the theme that people are trapped in nets and put in chains; freedom is nowhere found. Their songs are the songs of poverty, hardship and suffering. Though these (Gaine) songs are progressive ones which prepare the ground for arguing that something has to be done urgently in social structure in Nepal, they are ignored to some extent. As the government has not heard their voices, they constantly turn to be subalterns and foreign. It is unfortunate that their hard work has never been paid and their struggle has never been rewarded. Furthermore, their grievances are not listened. As a result, they still feel the power mechanism has (mis)used, silenced them. In this light, their continuous singing and dancing parodizes against the prevailing Nepali social structure. Literary figure and critic, Abhi Subedi writes Gaines play for higher caste of people, but they remain at a lower stratum in the hierarchy of the caste system. They are not considered ‘auspicious’ enough to enter the house of Brahmins, Chetris and other caste (1). They remain on the fringe of the main social stream-an irony of the paradox at the lower rung in the hierarchical ladder. He considers Gaines themselves

Yogi 6 representing the paradox. Despite the hazardous relations with the socio-economic structures, Gaines are continually voicing through their lyrics and struggling for their survival. “They feel humiliation while someone calls them using the word Gaine” (Shrestha 31). They cannot react or write back against it. Such helplessness of the Gaine is also evident in their dependent life styles, one without its originality. As a part of cultural practices, Gaines celebrate the festivals as other people do in the society. Their festivals, celebrations and cultures are influenced by Brahman, Chhetri and Baishyas. Gaines follow the sacraments that upper caste people practise. Most of their celebrations, feasts and festivals, matrimonial and funeral ceremonies are similar to those of people of upper strata. On these grounds, it is questioned that why is their life not based on reciprocal relationship with other community’s people. But most importantly the barrier is Hindu religion. Ironically, though the Gaine publicly condemn the religion, at the same time they show their religious attachments intensely through various cultural practices. Hinduism as an Influential Factor in Gaine Identity Formation While tracing the providence of Gaine identity, one can take reference to Hindu Varna system that says Gaine people belong to those who are Pani Nachalne Chhoichhito Halnuparne Caste (untouchables). Nevertheless, “Gaines are Hindus by religion. Hindu hierarchical system grades Gaines as outcaste and depressed caste” (Khanal 47). Belonging to one of the lowest strata under the orthodox caste hierarchy, they consequently have been victims of social, cultural, economic and political discrimination. In spite of severe discrimination and outcaste treatment, why do Gaines still show their attachment to Hinduism is difficult to understand. Researcher Bikram Sherchan inscribes regarding Gandharbas, who were categorized as untouchable

Yogi 7 Hindu, their motivation has not been to detach from the category rather reinvent, their mythical and historical presence within the Hindu caste hierarchy and enhance their status from untouchables to celestial beings (9). Gaine motivational struggle is to uplift their social status within the Hindu system coming out of the category, untouchability and establishing their independent identity but not going beyond Hinduism itself. Though, “the Gandharvas call themselves the offspring of the sage Gandharva” (Diwasa and Bhattarai 31), they have nothing as such in reality. This infatuation is nothing but the innate volition to uplift themselves in the upper social, cultural, political, and everyday domains of Nepali life. Looking at another facet of their identity, “Gaines’ prime musical instrument sarangi cannot go without Gaine” (Karki 25). Gaines identity, identification, culture and society had been structured by Gaines themselves and their contributions along with their sarangi. Furthermore, Gaines and sarangi cannot be complete on an individual basis, because they are complementary to one another. With the changing scenario, Gaines do not only play fiddle, they do many works. Some Gaines play in dramas whereas, a few others teach music and work in media such as Radio Nepal where they play different musical instruments. A few others work as music teachers in private schools. In the same way, a small number of Gaines are also found to be singing in the travelling buses leaving Kathmandu valley. There are a few others who work for daily wages. Even animal husbandry, agriculture, and tourist guides are other sources of income for their social and cultural sustenance. A few others own their business. Similarly, it is seen that some of them are job holders mostly in restaurants and some others are engaged in fishing, grocery business, and as daily wages earners. In this way, they are not that much focused to continue their ancestors’ legacy.

Yogi 8 Amidst such diversity of profession among their caste, Diwas and Bhattarai mention that the younger generation has little interest to carry on their legacy of singing and playing the sarangi. But renowned singers like Khim Bahadur Gandharva and Dhan Bahadur Gandharva are promoting their heritages, transferring their skills to the younger generation being music teachers at schools (28-29). Rachana Chhetri believes that the Gandarvas, or Gaines are colloquially referred to as traditionally the only caste with the knowledge and skill of making and playing the sarangi, Nepal’s national instrument (10). Making musical instruments and fishing are other daily activities as a part of their occupation. On the basis of occupation and social practice, caste system defines people of Nepal. This system has widened the gap between or among people of different caste. The qualification or competency of elites tends to keep the gap. The larger the gap, the more supremacy the elite can maintain in the society. Even this tendency applies in political horizons. Social distancing is not only the barrier that distracts elite mentality from social welfare, but also disturbs and blocks the path of peace, progress, prosperity, empowerment and emancipation of people of lower strata in Nepal. Gaine Culture, Discourse and their Social Positioning Gaine culture is composed of cultural attributes, such as religion, language, customs, and shared historical myth; and a wide range of cultural practices and influences of other castes in the Nepali social hierarchy. This composition has separated culturally Gaines from non-Gaines. In such atmosphere of fragmentation and disintegration, Gaines fail to institutionalize their role in the instillation, preservation, or enhancement of cultural values that leads their tradition to fall in a shadow.

Yogi 9 Regarding the positioning of Dalit in Nepali society Anamika Karna thinks these people are economically exploited, politically voiceless, socially humiliated and treated as “Untouchables”. In essence, the victim of caste-based discrimination can be considered as Dalits. The Dalits have been placed at the bottom in the Hindu caste system (14). This hierarchization classifies even people of Dalit community into various categories. “Of the four castes of Dalits, Bishwokarma are at the top, then, Nepalis, Pariyars and Gandharwa at the bottom” (Meghi 22). Being in the lowest rung of social caste hierarchy, Gaines or Gandharvas are in pathetic state of social positioning. “The whole Dalit community has to struggle for survival” (Karna 23). No Gaines remain the exceptions, consequently Gaines are disregarded, neglected and ignored. Unfortunately they are forced to live in most vulnerable conditions. Though the position and status of Gaines cannot be precisely determined and stated, concerning Gaine social standing, Newar opines that most Nepalis today view them as a nuisance who are ignored on the city streets or humiliated by packs of young people. Frustrated by their fading popularity in the changing social sphere, alcoholism is on the rise among Gaines (11). There are several similar instances which show that Gaines once were the cultural carriers, gradually they are becoming the icons of scorn and humiliation. They are in the state of stress and strain, and frustration and depression. Perhaps the most important reason is the elite negligence to Gaine activity. The ruling class appears as yet not psychologically ready to accept changes in the caste system, along with their positions and activities. Thus, this moulds the social suppression, prejudice, inequality where Gaines become constant subject to social, cultural, political oppression. Even they are socially stigmatized and with their shaking social standing. Consequently, Gaines social position turns to be fragmented featuring feeblish because of untouchabilty, segregation and prejudices by

Yogi 10 the society and the state mechanism equally. This results in cultural and social marginalization in Gaines. Gaines are of historically, culturally, and socially subservient caste. Therefore, their social and political standing is obsequious. Their cultural, social and literary roles are also submissive. They are thought to be prepared to obey others unquestioningly. As a language use, Gaine discourse has been created in that fashion where they feel inferior, unfamiliar and less knowledgeable. So, Gaine discourse is of torturous type. It is forceful in nature. It pressurizes them to follow certain codes and conducts against their will. Their behavioural patterns, the way of walk and talk, cultural and social interaction, practice and positioning have been (in)visibly dictated by power mechanism and by social cultural elites at the same time. Though Gaines claim to be special with their own individual natural characteristics, they are lost in between this discriminatory social and cultural mill. Gaine people share a marginal culture, and social practice resulting into a poor positioning in Nepali society where their control over and access to culture, society, politics, and policies is nominal. Traditionally, the dwelling of Hindu hierarchical system at the heart of Nepali culture prescribes Brahman and Chhetri a decisive role to play. Anything crucial social, cultural and political issues, to some extent are determined by them. Gandharbas who encounter people of other social groups on almost a daily basis in their settlement are decentered from the mainstream because of the discriminatory attitude of so-called elites. They believe excluding Gaines is an unavoidable part of Nepali society without which elites' culture cannot excel. Unfortunately, the grip of people of upper class, profile and purity is highly noticed,

Yogi 11 visualized and practised from power institutions to cultural, social and educational (knowledge) formation, development and dissemination. Gaines on Elite Eyes Behind Gaines’ marginal social status, not a single cause is responsible. Most probably no history of Nepal could have placed Gaines at the centre. It means Nepali history has not ever been written from the perspective of Gaines or on behalf of Gaines favouring them. Historically, politically, culturally and socially, Gaines live(d) under a desire of ruling class. They are made to forget their interests, pains and perils because they are/were becoming others. They are/were not in their own “selves”. This sense of psychological detachment hampers in their progress, emancipation, freedom and access to and control over many recourses in Nepal. So, they are peripheral in numbers of issues such as raising their voice, using of rights that drags them in a state of cultural and social marginality. Although exclusion is so much panic to Gaines, they could not do anything against it. Their pain dismisses in the confluence of pain itself. Their grievances towards the state fade themselves. No state suffices for Gaines, no rule and ruling class elites essentially suffice Gaines. Social mobility and change can be maintained in any society with the presence of proper social order. These are also the major concerns in Gaine social cultural practice to sow, shape, grow and mature. It is widely accepted the absence of appropriate social order that may raise many social cultural issues. Chaos and systemlessness emerge there. In past, the rulers used the concept of the caste hierarchy as an organizing principle for consolidating the diverse people. It could not maintain and sustain the same purity in the reason in the long interval of time. Most probably, the caste hierarchy embodies an underlying vested interest of ruling elites to decenter, deconsolidate and or widen the gap in Nepali society.

Yogi 12 In the margin as well, Gaine people hold their own specific identifications in society. Their main occupation is playing, singing and dancing. Despites of having the different occupations, Gaines’ socio-economic condition is going to be more pathetic (Khanal 4). They are found to be miserable from social, economic, educational and cultural dimensions. Gaines are the members of Dalit community, where the conditions of Dalit is not satisfactory. “Dalits of Nepal are the most excluded community in social, political, economic, cultural, religious and educational aspects since long due to the prevalence de-humanizing praxis” (Mijar7). Maybe this is why, their profession is not considered to be the prestigious one as Gaines do not entirely dedicate in their occupation of singing, playing fiddle and begging (Khanal 38). Regarding discrimination faced by Dalit women, Anamika Karna admits that Dalit women lie on the ground of caste based discrimination and untouchable, which Dalit women have to face. In comparison to other high caste, the Dalit women have been forced to live in most vulnerable conditions (23). Gaines, categorized as Dalits are twice and thrice alienated on the basis of class, and caste in the Nepali social hierarchy. They are forced to live in the most vulnerable conditions. The risky conditions are mainly due to illiteracy and poverty they are governed by. Gaines’ socio-economic status is very low compared to other ethnic group as they belong to “untouchables” among untouchables category. The access to education, economy, health and other basic necessities does not avail to them. Caste based discrimination is major variable to deprive them from higher social ranking people. Narrow-mindedness elites or their wickedness can be clarified by this instance. Moreover, Dailts/Gaines are not allowed to touch the water tap used by people of socalled upper caste. “They (Dalits) are backward mainly due to illiteracy and poverty.

Yogi 13 Because of lower status in caste hierarchy, they are treated as untouchables” (28). Falling on the lowest social cultural status in caste hierarchy, Gaines live the life of deprivation, alienation, untouchablity and humiliation. Such deprivation and humiliation result in poor social standing of Gaines. The social hierarchy already established in Nepal maintains and determines the social status of Gaines. In the social strata, their position is at the bottom. Internally, among the Dailit community, Gaines do not even possess a good position. Belonging among the unclean, they lie and live in the lowest social rung. Following the social norms, they have to go to elites and sing and dance to sustain their lives. People of so called upper caste treat Gaines as outcast and view them from the stereotypical angles. The changing Nepali socio-cultural milieu neither can appreciate nor address Gaine people locating their position in the society. Instead their skills and proficiency at singing and dancing are underestimated. Not adhering to social change, Gaines are still thought as the products of hierarchized caste system prevailing in Nepal which has adversely influenced their lives. Caste system has chained them and blocked their doors of opportunities. Culturally, they are the singers and producers of folk literature. Politically, in the past they communicated the vital messages from place to place. Even they encouraged people to stir revolution or to fight the battles against injustice. Most importantly, their motivational role in the unification campaign was remarkable. Despite their remarkable role, cultural and social elites along with educationists, bureaucrats, technocrats, media persons, and social workers constantly shift their locus and inclination to power mechanism. Regrettably, they become ‘yesmen’ to political leadership instead of educating, purifying, or sublimating, developing and inculcating pure political culture. The role of these elites is more apt

Yogi 14 to political mechanisms where they dish up as agents of servitudes. The slave mentality is so much severe and enchaining that as if they have completely forgotten their ground. So, a cardinal question arises: How would these elites regard Gaines and their contributions? Occupational status, as a social marker plays truly a vital role with innumerable constituting factors in the promotion of an individual and community as a whole. This becomes true in the case of Gaine people. The peripheral role of Gaines keeps them disassociated and decentred from the Nepali national mainstreaming. It seems to be so strange to whom Gaines sing and play the sarangi chiefly hinder Gaines social life. Elites in cultural, social, and political horizons keep an un-supporting mind set towards Gaines. Durga Khanal in her dissertation thinks people of upper strata see Gaine with a degrading eye that results in the decrease in their singing and dancing profession (43). Even there is massive encroachment by the scientific innovations and technologies such as a means of entertainment like Radio, TV, and Cinema. Gaines’ fiddle culture and their songs and music are highly challenged and they cannot compete any more with such scenario. Coinciding with the observation, Nepalese Gaine’s narratives and rhetoric embody the deep rooted mechanism of social power discourse produced and practiced by various social, political and economic institutions. Gaines are deprived of fundamental rights, representation, and access to or control over any state resources including media, government’s plans and policies. Cultural elites control power mechanisms which manipulate and exploit the Gaine discourses controlling Gaine belief system, their way of living on their own favour. It gives rise to number of issues regarding Gaine social power discourses such as social-cultural struggle, othering,

Yogi 15 cornering and silencing one another, and ideological tussle, strategic use of power and dichotomies such as- powerful versus powerless, domination and hegemony, inclusion-exclusion-denial, clash of interest, and outsiderness. These issues deal with different arrays of society, politics, culture, philosophy, psychology of Gaine lives that block the path of prosperity and impede their mainstreaming in politics and development. The sole reason behind this deprivation is elite control. Socio-cultural elites control power mechanisms which manipulate and exploit the Gaine discourses controlling Gaine belief system, and their entire way of living in manipulative way. The dominant discourse thus serves the interests of the social power mechanisms, government, social elites, media-persons and policy makers, but not the concerns of the Gaines themselves by silencing their voices through the authority’s biased rules and making Gaine discourse as strategic discourse. In this difficult juncture, social and cultural elites are slowly and gradually deleting the demarcation lines made by Gaines. They consequently construct and construe new talks and texts about the Gaine world, their social identities, and social relationships where their position in the society is all challenging. This situation gives rise to Gaine social discourse in Nepal. Such discourse is solely constituted by elites taking everything for granted, reiterating and twisting the reality about them. Elites keep Gaines under eraser through discourse and forcefully and strategically maintain: Gaines are untouchables, these are landless people, they do not have social status, and they are Dalits. Similarly, Gaine people are powerless, and economically weak, these people are culturally degraded, and they are nobody. Gaines (Them) cannot do anything against Us (powerful). So, torture them, oppress them, underestimate them,

Yogi 16 degrade them, humiliate them, and misbehave them. These all beliefs are eminently located in ruling discourse that is entirely against Gaine ideals and identities.

Yogi 17 Chapter II Gaine Social Discourse: A Critical Political Discourse Analysis Discourses are ways with the words, deeds, and interactions, thoughts and feelings, objects and tools, times and places that allow us to enact and recognize different socially situated identities (Gee 35). Basing on the author and critical analyst, James Paul Gee, Gaine discourse is about Gaines’ words, deeds, thoughts and feelings along with what they encounter in their day- to-day life - the pains and perils, the discrimination and danger that they live with. In this light, Gaine socio-political discourse, theoretically involves Gaines’ viewpoints, belief systems, the ways of walk and talk for ideological production, persuasion, representation and legitimization with an impoverished social status. Besides what has been said, people in general build identities not just through language but using language together with other “stuff” that isn’t language. On these lines, discourses on everything can be constructed on the basis of language use as social practice. Borrowing Gees’ words, the discourse moves back and forth between reflecting and constructing the social world. In this vein, discourses being not neutral prevail in every domain of human interest and are pervasive in nature. A wide number of issues like nation, nationality, religion, religiousity, society and politics, economy, culture, history, philosophy, and the like embody the discourses of their own. So, language is caught up in political, social, racial, economic, religious, and cultural formations or dimensions. Discourse in a form of language use is a means of social control and power. According to authors and analysts, Adam Jaworski and Nikolas Coupland “Discourse is language use relative to social, political, and cultural formulations- it is language reflecting (biased) social order but also language (re) shaping social order, and (re)

Yogi 18 shaping individuals’ interaction with society” (3). So, in Gaine discourse, language has a crucial role in socio-cultural and political world formations. In this light, Gaine discourse is the language use revealing the biased social order which needs to be revisited, reordered and redefined in order to identify the ingrained strategy of the dominant discourse. As the discourse of identity is basically the result of social construction of reality, it is crucial for discourse analysts to go deeply into this issue. As mentioned by author and critical discourse analyst Brain Paltridge, these socially constructed discourses are “embedded in social and cultural practices”(9). He further says that the texts we write and speak both shape and are shaped by these practices. Discourses are then both shaped by the world as well as shaping the world simultaneously. This is how, the study of language and language use are associated with a wide range of issues such as society, social contexts, social institutions, social power problems, social order, cultural, historical, and ideological concerns. Similarly, a number of basic notions like power, dominance, hegemony, class, race, gender, discrimination, interests, and so on are also linked to language and discourse. Such numerous processes of discursive formations are studied in discourse analysis. Regarding the scope of discourse analysis, Paltridge states “Discourse analysis focuses on knowledge about language beyond the word, clause, phrase and sentence that is needed for successful communication” (2). Following this theme, Gaine discourse analysis goes beyond the word and sentence level ensuring Gaines to release from degrading and enslaving circumstances from their lives. It also exposes hidden patterns of discrimination and inequalities of power in Gaines’ lives. Exploring the unequal practices and distribution of resources and social relations, politics is deterministic and associated with many things. “Politics, being

Yogi 19 part and parcel of using language [. . .] it (politics) is there that “social goods” are created, sustained, distributed and redistributed. It is there that people are harmed and helped” (Gee 2). These tasks (harming or helping people) through language become an inevitable part of discourse that constitutes a discourse contrary to the interest of Gaines. Here, discourse as a political behavior which consists of political ramifications bringing inequality, social prejudice, and discriminatory practices in Nepali society. By politics, Gee explicates is a way, a group of people believes to be sources of power, status, value, or worth with how social goods are thought about, argued over, and distributed in society. The means of power, for examples are with a very long list such as “street smarts,” academic intelligence, money, control, possessions, verbal abilities, “looks,” age, wisdom, knowledge, technology, literacy, morality, “common sense” (2). Exploiting the power and authority, Gaines are politically alienated because they are deprived of these social goods. The access to or control over social goods or social power can be interchangeably taken as control. Thus, groups have more or less power if they are able to more or less control the acts and minds of members of other groups. Drawing Steven Lukes and Dennis H.Wrong, this ability presupposes a power base privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, “culture,” or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication of the vast literature on power. A few of these social goods they have but are not approved by the social members of the community they live, even the national mechanisms are not favoubrably supportive to Gaines. Discourse analysis, in the words of Paltridge, considers the ways that the use of language presents different views of the world and different understandings (2).

Yogi 20 Language presenting uniqueness with social control, Van Dijk opines “those members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control over, one or more types of public discourse” (356). Regarding Gaine discourse, elites control the context of Gaine songs which are situation, time and place, goals, knowledge, opinions, attitudes, and ideologies. Thus, they control Gaine social belief system. The sense of domination and hegemony fundamentally control the Gaine people’s mind. It is the major form of power involved in such illiberal discourse. Blummaert and Blucaen claim that power depends not only on access to resources but also on access to contexts in which resources can be used (458). Context is thus mentally represented structures of those properties of the social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse. In this light, Gaines do not have access to contexts and thus are powerless. Besides the ideological prejudices and stereotypes, even some ‘textual’ stereotypes in the ways minorities and ethnic relations tend to be described. The major strategy in such text and talk is that of “positive self-presentation” and “negative other-presentation.” ‘Our’ (elites’) arrogance is systematically denied or at least mitigated, whereas ‘Their’(Gaines’) negative characteristics are focused upon and or emphasized. Elites tend to present themselves as tolerant and modern, while blaming the poor social victims. Even Gaines are negatively portrayed in terms of crime, deviance, and threat and often are reprimanded with verbal derogation across daily communication. On top of everything, elites play a central role in the reproduction of Gaine discourse because of their crucial role in decision making, teaching, research, employment, the bureaucracy, information and communication formation and

Yogi 21 dissemination. They are the ones that control public discourse, and since Gaine discourse is primarily learned through such public discourse, where the elites are primarily responsible for the reproduction of prejudice, exclusion and inequality in society. Consequently, non-Gaine elites reproduce inequality as an indispensible part of everyday discursive reproduction of power through their ideologies and strategies. In this sense, the role of political discourse in its enactment, reproduction, and legitimization of power and domination is crucial in relation to Gaine discourse. In this, Habermas claims that language is a medium of domination and social force. It serves to legitimize relations of organized power where language is also ideological (qtd. in Wodak 11). As a part of language, Gaine songs (discourse) can function as that of domination and elites’ social force that can shape the society and social norms and values and disseminate as per the interests of non-Gaines. In this connection, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is one of the most influential research tools developed mainly by prominent scholars and analysts Norman Fairclough, Ruth Wodak, and Tuen Van Dijk. It studies inequality and power in relation to language in society (discourse) in terms of social power abuse, and keeps the analysts aware about social structure and social interaction standing against the dominant worldview. Basing on what Fairclough and Wodak emphasized, CDA addresses socio-political problems, where power relations are discursive, and discourse constitutes society and culture with its ideological task. “Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is crucially interested in the social conditions of discourse, and specifically in questions of power and power abuse, but has also failed to develop more explicit theories of context as a foundation for its own critical enterprise” (Van Dijk vii).

Yogi 22 Coinciding with points already described, Blommaert envisions CDA embodying discourse as socially constitutive as well as socially conditioned. It is also an instrument of power, of increasing importance in contemporary societies (25). Thus, studying and analyzing discourse critically is equally important to disclose “the opaque and perplexing reality” prevailed in social and political structures. The opacity in discourse, being linguistic, cultural, social and political practices additionally consolidates power and colonizes human subjects. Whereas “CDA is concerned with the ways in which the power relations produced by discourse are maintained and/or challenged through texts and the practices which affect their production, reception and dissemination” (Locke 38). Here, CDA is pertaining to the maintenance and challenge of various expressions, and their manipulations of power and the consequences seen on the construction, reception and distribution of discourse. CDA, sticking to its concerns has the aim “to unmask ideologically permeated and often obscured structures of power, political control, and dominance, as well as strategies of discriminatory inclusion and exclusion in language use” (Wodak et al. 8). Similarly, Fairclough believes CDA to establish connections between properties of texts, features of discourse practice (text production, consumption and distribution), and wider sociocultural practice (87). Therefore, CDA as a research enterprise has a significant role to conduct social research. In the domain of social research, Fairclough, as one of the key figures in the realm of CDA has got a tremendously remarkable role. He constructs a social theory of discourse that provides a methodological blueprint with “the three-dimensional framework for conceiving of and analyzing discourse consists of discourse-as-text, discourse-as-discursive-practice, and discourse-as-social-practice” (Blummaert and

Yogi 23 Blucaen 448-49). Fairclough believes that language which shapes our social identities and interactions, knowledge systems, and beliefs, is also shaped by them in turn. That’s why, language as a form of social practice. This implies that language as a part of the society, as a social process and as a socially conditioned process, even conditioned by some non-linguistic features of society. Analyzing discourse, Fairclough even considers that the sociolinguistics can circulate ideas about language and power dealing with the relations of social conditions and process of production, of interpretation, and interaction and formation of text. He tries to explain the conventions which are the product of the relations of power and the struggles created over them. He alike emphasizes the presuppositions of a common sense present in the interlocutions among people that they are usually blind to their existence. These are very ideological in relation to power. Fairclough takes a rather traditional approach towards power, and does not agree with Foucault. Fairclough believes that power as a pervasive force maintaining symmetrical relations is dominant over the whole society and is not in the hands of one special group or another. Whereas, Michael Foucault believes the relations of power are asymmetrical, unequal, and empowering that belong to a special class or group. The changing nature of power, dominance and inequality belong to the macro level analysis of Gaine song discourse analysis. As an instrument of dominance and inequality, legislation has been prejudiced to Gaines in the direction to their upliftment, emancipation, and quality of living. Once legislations were not made and were not favourable, now implementations are so feeble. There is no such significant difference between these two situations. Gaine discourse is similarly made as that of Europeans formulated discourse against the Easterners called, Orientalism, where there are/were the themes of injustice, discrimination, and so on.

Yogi 24 Studies on Gaines are mostly concerned with socio-anthropological themes where the researchers’ gaze was on social, cultural, and economic conditions or/changes. A few others dealt with social behaviours, identity reconstruction, and inclusion in state governance. This research unearths the opacities and unleashes realities regarding Gaines and their identity. Henderson, in his book review, opines about Gaine hardship and struggle against social prejudice: In The Performance of Everyday Life, Norwegian ethnomusicologist Hans Weisethaunet explores the lives, songs, and stories of itinerant Gaine musicians from rural and urban Nepal. He describes how these singers and sarangi players, who often face lives of hardship and discrimination, reproduce this sense of struggle in their performances, creating intensely evocative and memorable performances. (1) Though Gaines are popular as musicians in urban and rural Nepal, they go through difficult conditions in their lives because of ideological differentiation. They have innumerable problems such as economic hardship, social discrimination, exclusion and so forth. Even they are not represented at any of the infrastructural and societal spheres. The author Madhusudan Pandey in his book, insinuates that assuming the descendents of Gandharva sage, and being the inventor of original folk language known with different names and surnames in different places of Nepal, this (Gaine) caste is lagging behind on education, health, economic generation, social and political domains (12). It is also because Gaines lack of unity and coherence among themselves. Their too much fascination with their past legacy and inclination towards

Yogi 25 decedents is more than the effort they must carry out. As a result, their overall present condition is turned to be worse and worse. Behind their pathetic conditions, Gaines often belong to the marginal group in terms of dissemination and consumption of social goods. Consequently, they are away from the sources of power often excluded from the law making, formation of public opinion, political control and the administration of justice and implementation of law. Dalit right activist, Man Bahadur B. K. assumes the main problem behind derepresentation of the Dailt community in regulatory mechanism is Hindu social system which is based on caste hierarchy and cultural barriers (15). Whatsoever has been said, the role of Gaines in Nepali history is not petty. They have contributed differently in the different phases of Nepal: the constitution and circulation of folk literature, preservation and promotion of culture with a major involvement in political and historical incidents. Drawing Krishnaman Manandhar, scholar and researcher, Kusmakar Neupane highlights, “As Bhanubhakta contributed translating Ramayan into Nepali, people of Gaine caste contributed in a similar fashion singing and reciting the folklores of national personalities and gallant warriors live in different parts of Nepal” (qtd. in Neupane 3). Regardless of their contribution and hardship, they turn(ed) to be subalterns where Author Steven Lukes states, “power over others can also be exercised by preventing them for identifying or recognizing their own interests” (qtd. in Karlberg 3). In this regard, Gaines’ interests are ignored in Gaine discourse because the Nepali power structure has overshadowed Gaines’ path of progress and emancipation. It is nothing but due to silencing policies of the state, backed up the social, cultural and media elite through the Machiavellian uses of language.

Yogi 26 Lynn Janet Thiesmeyer, author of Discourse and Silencing believes the functions of silencing in scholarship on politics and society, has been linked to relationships of ‘authority’ and ‘power’ in various categories represents as part of a process that contributes to social hierarchies (4). Thus, Gaine discourse has been built into some kind of hierarchical differences, asymmetries or power relations. This discourse has been subverted by power as per elites’ will and wish and Gaines start to follow silently in a natural manner. Scholar and researcher, Steven Folmar argues that the social and political strategies Dalits employ in everyday life to bow to, quietly accept, dissent to or resist high caste domination are numerous (43). After a while, they internalize, appropriate and reflect it in their “life world”. According to an Italian leading Marxist thinker, Antonio Gramsci, there are dominant classes who seek to contain and incorporate all thought and behaviour within the terms and limits they set in accordance with their interests. There are of course, the dominated or subordinate classes (Gaines) who attempt to maintain and to further the validity and effectiveness of their own definitions of reality. There is, therefore a continuing struggle for dominance between the definitions of reality (or ideologies) which serve the interests of the ruling classes and those Gaines are held by other groups in society. Ruling elites are nobody; they are economical, political, social, intellectual, cultural actors/activists or media persons. Social political elites silence Dalits and make them devoid of public views. Here Dalits’ silencing and untouchability still exist as two sides of the same coin in Nepali society. Lumasing Bishwakarma, Dalit rights activist exhorts that even “in every aspect of Nepali society, attitudinal untouchability exits”(219). In a reacting tone to this pro-longed, and deep-rooted social practice, Rachana Dhakhwa Shakya, in her case study intends to take the imperatives “to eradicate the practices of

Yogi 27 untouchability by bringing awareness and express solidarity from the liberation of Dalits from practices of discrimination” (57). Most probably Bishwakarma wants Dalits heard among non-Dalits because “being silenced is being rendered inaudible, and resistance to silencing is making oneself heard”. Notwithstanding, Gaines are the agents of Nepali social world, Purna Bahadur Nepali in his research report considers Gandharva as the significant people who have left the eternal works in the name of the nation (10) carry alternative view of Gaines position in the society and nation through their ritual songs, are ideologically victimized. This reveals that Nepali social power relations are pathological to Gaines and their ideology privileges the power elites. Being angry towards elites, the political rights activist, Man Bahadur B.K. judges political parties going against Dalit (Gaines) issues strategically mentioning their agenda in parties’ manifestos (13). Even they select or elect minority Dalit members in their executive committee with symbolic representation and use them as vote banks. In this way, the entire Dalit community is adversely affected by elite ideology. The effect of this is directly seen on Gaine social practices, power relations, public opinion formations, implementation of laws and legislations, representation, consumption of social goods, and so forth. The ideological effect can be noticed so much visible in the following statement as well. “Gaine and his songs should not be connoted to “begging,” and “inferior” caste rather, Gaine should be legitimized as an ideatic and practical stakeholder of Nepali society and culture (a garden of all)” (Gyanu Chhetri 2). The presupposition in the above line, clearly states that Gaines are not given any citizenry regard neither from the state nor from its social members. It is a sheer example of social prejudice in the name of welfare state.

Yogi 28 Ideology, in Wodak’s words refers to “social forms and processes within which, and by means of which, symbolic forms circulate in the social world.” This concept of ideology theorises the subjugation of one social group to others. Here, Dalit is subjugated by upper class elites. This is not merely an example of subjugation but an ideological victimization as well. In Hindu system, the Dalit community is considered as the lowest caste. “These people are as a whole prejudiced in every respect of social life” (B.K.1). Furthermore, he considers them religiously marginalized, socially discriminated, economically exploited, politically discarded and educationally deprived. Resembling him, Van Dijk feels the ideological discourse analysis should be seen as one specific type of socio-political analysis of discourse that attempts to relate structures of discourse with structures of society. Social properties or relations such as class, gender or ethnicity, are thus systematically associated with the structural units, levels, or strategies of talk and text embedded in their social, political and cultural contexts. Ideological analysis, then examines what ideologies are typically associated with that position, for example, in order to defend or legitimate that position. It neither explains nor specifies how such group members may thus express their social positions, or what discourse production processes are involved in expressing such positions. Therefore, the critical perspectives are needed. And these perspectives are so much imperative in the critical political study of Gaine social discourse in Nepal. Gaine’s narratives and rhetoric are constituted and construed by the deep rooted mechanism of Nepali social power discourse, produced and practiced by various socio-cultural, political and economic institutions. Due to which Gaines are dispossessed of fundamental rights, representation, and access to or control over any state resources including media, government’s plans and policies. For example,

Yogi 29 Gaines were categorized as Dalits in Rana oligarchy. It is one of the strategies to demean them. Cultural elites strategically control power mechanisms which manipulate and exploit the Gaine discourses controlling Gaine belief system, their ways of living on their own favour. They do not allow Dalits/Gaines to enter inside their homes. As a result, it gives rise to numbers of issues regarding Gaine social power discourses. The author, David Ingram considers “Habermas is concerned about the social power (or strategic) power that businesses, organizations, and pressure groups bring to bear in influencing both government and public opinion” (201). Such power is really influencing and operative in nature in each and every strata of the society. Influentially, cultural elites were/are all responsible for the constitution of Gaine song discourse and Gaine culture where Gaines were treated as lowly creatures in socio-political structure /status in the society. In Gaine discourse, power is a central notion where the social power of groups and institutions has much to deal about. Here, Gaine power discourse can be defined in terms of control. For example, Nepali elites control the (in)voluntary acts and minds of Gaine community. Hence, politically, economically, socio-culturally powerful actors are ruling over them since time immemorial through discourse and its dissemination. Gaine discourse is dominant over as an institution in such a way that other types of discourse are totally oppressed or become a part of that discourse. This issue will not make the discourse seem an autocratic one; rather it will cease to be seen as natural and legitimate. Though Gaine discourse goes on to be contradictory to and a barrier in the development of Gaine, it has been accepted as a legitimate body of power/knowledge and guidance imposed by Nepali elites. Fairclough describes this phenomenon, naturalization as the royal road to common sense (92). Ideologies come

Yogi 30 to be ideological and common sense becomes naturalized. This depends on the power of the social groupings whose ideologies and discourse types are at issue. With the naturalization of the discourse, its ideology will change into the ideological common sense and ultimately the life affairs of people. In this sense, common sense in its ideological dimension acts itself an effective means of power. The relationship between common sense and ideology was introduced by the Italian Marxist, Gramsci. “The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called hegemony”(Dijk 355). Drawing Collins, Fairclough’s application of Gramscian model of hegemony can be useful over here. Discourse having a hegemonic function principally is to establish itself as a form of common sense, to naturalize its own functions through its appearance in everyday text (qtd. in Luke 20). Fairclough assumes an ideological nature for the common sense, to some extent, and believes that this is the common sense which is ideological in order to be at the disposal of the survival of the unequal relations of power and to be a justification for it. From this discussion above, Gaine social political discourse analysis is totally a new area of research where Gaines’ contribution in the nation building especially on the production, dissemination and consolidation of Nepali oral literature, culture and society (power/politics) identifies to be partially documented and/or misinterpreted. As a result, they are in the grind of sheer discrimination lying on a low rung of the Nepali social hierarchy. This positioning has made Gaines backward from the warmth of power, policy and media. Gaine discourse exists as a consequence of overtly or covertly injected interest of cultural, political and societal elites which necessarily does not benefit Gaines. Furthermore, this tendency is the product of experience of

Yogi 31 cultural schizophrenia that elites have been highly affected by along with socioeconomic power structures. Revealing the roots and reasons of unequal socio-political power mechanism and schizophrenic culture, the aim of critical approach to discourse analysis is to help to reveal some of the hidden and “often out sight,” values, power relations, positions and perspectives. As Rogers (2004:6) put it, “discourses are always socially, politically, radically and economically loaded” (qtd. in Paltridge 178). Referring Gaines, critical discourse analysis proves to be useful tool of investigation in order to show hidden values, positions, perspectives and practices of Nepali socio-cultural elite. Rogers et al. consider Gee's theory is “inherently critical” in the sense of asserting that all discourses are social and thus ideological, and that some discourses are valued more than others (370). Upholding the same thrust, CDA as a research enterprise critically analyses the relationship between language and society (qtd. in Hart13), is a basic theoretical tool. Scholar Allan Luke considers CDA as a crucial tool for describing, interpreting, analyzing, and critiquing social life reflected in text and talk. So, CDA in connection to Gaine social power discourse is concerned with studying and analyzing the text to reveal the discursive sources of power, dominance, inequality, and biasness. Similarly, it focuses on how these sources are initiated, maintained, reproduced, and transformed within specific social, economic, political, and historical contexts. Thus, CDA tries to illuminate ways in which the dominant forces in a society construct versions of reality that favour their interests. Despite the difficulty in selection of an appropriate approach for this study, the researcher decides to use an integrative approach or Van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) as a new cross-discipline approach that comprises the analysis of the

Yogi 32 text and talk in virtually in all disciplines of the humanities and social sciences. In this direction, he identifies CDA or CPDA (Critical Political Discourse Analysis); the discourse-historical approach as one of the best concerns in Gaine social power discourse analysis. It works as multidisciplinary and multi-methodological that transcends the pure linguistic dimension and to include more or less systematically the historical, political, sociological, and/or psychological dimension in the analysis and interpretation of a specific discursive occasion. Regarding the critical analysis of Gaine discourse, Van Dijk’s pervasively prevailing notion of “positive self-presentation” and “negative other-presentation” can prove useful. The overall strategy of all ideology appears to be positive selfpresentation and negative other-presentation. It is believed that the major premise in talking about others includes positive self-representation and negative otherrepresentation. Even Van Dijk designates the categories rationalise prejudice against minority groups as “the 7 Ds of Discrimination”. They are dominance, differentiation, distance, diffusion, diversion, depersonalization or destruction, and daily discrimination (qtd. in Wodak and Reisigl 379). These strategies serve in various ways to legitimize and enact the distinction of ‘the other’: for instance, by dominating the minority groups such as Dalits or Gaines by excluding them from social activities, and even by destroying and murdering them. As one of the best choices under integrative approach, CDA will provide a major theoretical framework that the researcher will apply critically reviewing and reading between the lines of Gaine songs which reveal the current socio- political situation in Nepal. Similarly, Wodak’s sociological model and Fairclough’s a threedimensional framework for the CDA studies will analyze different layers of Gaine spoken or written text. Attempting to write and hear historically marginalised Gaine

Yogi 33 speakers’ voices, this includes significant work or biographies of Gaine as people of cultural and ethnic minority groups. The critical political analysis of Gaine discourse is the need to generate a public and intellectual “space” for critique of dominant discourses and for the speaking and writing of the “unsaid”, “subaltern” voices and stories that historically have been silenced. CDA, thus, employs interdisciplinary techniques of text analysis to look at how texts construct representations of the Gaine world, Gaine social identities, and social relationships. In order to explicitly show the observable realities, truths and social facts of the cultural and political elites’ direct invasion, dictation and exploitation in the formation of Gaine social discourse, this research will use Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model with a focus on “7 Ds of Discrimination” and Habermasian sense of “difference-sensible inclusion” against social discrimination, repression, domination, exclusion and exploitation for Gaine emancipation exploring the hidden relationship between Gaine discourse and non-Gaine relations. Similarly, the triangle of society, cognition and discourse: the macro levels of social structures can be another helpful approach. Under cognition, personal and social cognition, beliefs, goals, values, emotions and other mental structures can be analyzed. As a part of discourse, oral interactions, written texts, body movements, pictures and other semiotic signifiers can be useful in this critical study. Basically, the researcher goes on analyzing ideologies concerning social analysis, cognitive analysis, and discourse analysis. Continuing these approaches, it is significant to research on the causes and impacts of domination of the state over the Gaine people’s lives and Gaine discourse as a whole, despite numerous efforts of researchers. Researchers have mostly looked into the socio-economic status, the changes in their lives and social behaviours of Gaine and left to study on Gaine discourse. Within the changing socio-historical

Yogi 34 context, it is urgent to (re)define the Gaine identities through their changing relations/revelations to the social power mechanisms. Seeing this, Gaine social discourse proves to be a useful research topic. Gaine discourse is a social language in use, full of prejudices, stereotypes, exclusion, inequality induced and injected by cultural elites and political figures as a strategic discourse where there are Machiavellian uses of language in their own favor. Politically, at the time of elections, leaders make propaganda in front of Dalits/Gaines and win the election. After election, they do not even ask Gaines about their pains and perils. Thus, the issues of representations, development and prosperity always remain folded. Gaine discourse is, thus the use of language used in the Nepali context that manifests the power over Gaine people which has a crown of elitism or the influence of Orientalism. As “Orientalism is best viewed in Foucaultian terms as a discourse: a manifestation of power/knowledge” (Said 62). Gaine discourse is identified opposite to Gaines’ all round development and political empowerment. The discriminatory political actions such as the functions of legislation, self-representation, manufacturing of public opinions, developing party internal consent, advertising and vote-getting, governing as well as executing, controlling and expressing oppositional dissent are some of the burning issues. Gaine social political discourse, therefore works as a means of cultural domination that serves the vested interest of Nepali elites.

Yogi 35 Chapter III Gaine Narratives: An Analysis Given the recent developments in the socio-political and cultural scenario, a new discourse that had no existence whatsoever, or in other words, was silenced, has emerged as “Gaine Discourse”. However, such discourses are still the product of the power elites who meticulously have customized these discourses to maintain power. Nonetheless the society moving towards egalitarian norm, today some of the Gaines have started voicing their grievances through their own genre of discourse. Some of the prominent Gaines in this regard are: Late Jhalakman Gandharva, Rubin Gandharva and Prakash Gandharva. Only their narratives are towards the ways of “world making” and discourse making. Despite of their contributions, in everyday Nepali language marketplace, Gaines still seek increased legitimation for the voice of authority. Their inquiry is entirely against the background of changes in power relationships in Nepali society. On the same line of inquest, in the formation of Gaine discourse, the role of elites is immensely great because they were/are the locus of everything: politics, culture, economy, education, polices, laws and legislations and so on. The surrender rather than the resistance of Gaines against the established norms and values in Nepal has created Gaine discourse. Gaines like Jhalakman Gandharva, Tirtha Bahadur Gandharva, Ram Saran Nepali, Junga Bahadur Gandharva, Rubin Gandharva and Prakash Gandharva (Dilu) were forced to become too feeble to highlight their own culture and share for the mainstreaming. Instead of constructing and construing their discourse, their voices were/ are silenced and they were/ are following whatever elites (did) do and (said) say. In this way, their identities were lost, their languages were made dead and they were adding “yes upon yes” on the voices and vocals of non-

Yogi 36 Gaines. This development has created such an atmosphere where these three Gaines’ contribution to Nepali folk literature, songs and music making, politics and culture cannot be listened up. As a minority member, Jhalakman Gandharva has contributed significantly with Jhaure, Karkha, Khayali, Bhajans (hymns) in Nepali folklore sphere. Despite the formal education, he had been found to be involved in the preservation, protection, enhancement and dissemination of Nepali folk songs, tradition, and culture throughout his life. He is a singer whose status is distinct, from the folkloristic point of view. Ganesh Prasad Gyawali in his paper maintains Jhalakman is a Nepali folk singer contributing on Gaine songs or Gaine music was the first Gaine whose song was recorded in Radio Nepal (1). He further affirms as regards to Jhalakman’s formal musical career beginning from Radio Nepal with a support of Dharmaraj Thapa as soon as he stood first in a national song competition. Though Jhalakman and other Gaines have contributed in Nepali typical music, as mentioned by Folmar, Nepal’s Dalits are devoid of political force to instigate meaningful change and for many Nepalis, the goals are less grand, formulated as a desire to loosen the system up for individual- and group-level social mobility (45). This lack is one of the noticeable reasons that have kept Dailts or Gaines lagging behind everything. The absence of political force prevents Dalits over the control of social goods’ distribution, mobilization and consumption. In this regard, Gaines were/are distanced from social goods. In spite of panic and injurious nature of Gaine discourse, they forward the discourse made by Nepali elites thinking their own (naturalization), realizing, or internalizing their own (internalization), and practising in their day-to-day lives

Yogi 37 (appropriation). The succeeding pages will analyse the discursive practices through the critical reading between the Gaine songs of Nepal. Socio-Cultural Analysis of Gaine Songs Socio-cultural practices and positioning are major concerns in Gaine discourse. The society was/ is made up of Gaines by elites in the surrounding area. These lines also picture feeble Gaines’ role in the Nepali society. They lie low in the social hierarchy. The lines below exemplify the similar socio-cultural scenario. With an empty belly, (I) used to wander villages to villages And eat pop-corn and water at the doors of people (Neupane2 68) In the above lines, the theme of inequality among societal members is dominant. Caste, a society controlling mechanism does not allow Gaines to enter inside the residence of upper caste people. So, they are compelled to eat pop-corn and water just outside the houses. Scholar Thomas Cox disputes refusing untouchables’ entry into Hindu temples as one of the most common forms of caste-based discrimination in Nepal (93). This is one of the many instances where Gaines have become the victims of social exclusion and discrimination. This is how Gaines feel displeased of belonging to low caste in social hierarchy. Though discrimination against Gaine has been talked about for decades, but has never been taken seriously by social elites. On the same ground, Cox further states that “ongoing discrimination adversely affects untouchables in many different ways. For example, in some communities high caste Nepali monopolize the best (i.e. cleanest and most reliable) sources of drinking water, leaving untouchables with unclean water that threatens

2 The researcher has translated the Gaine songs from Neupane’s Gandharva Jaatiko Loksahitya Ra Pradarshankari Lokkalako Aadhyan. Some translated songs are presented in appendix section of this research.

Yogi 38 their health” (95). Identically, the following lines demonstrate the elite dominance through misrepresentation of Gaines. Walking round ups and downs with legs tired Feeling of heart circulating and disseminating the folk songs Nobody listens to us, and understands our arts and crafts (Neupane 68) It is clearly demonstrable that in the Gaine tradition and custom, they travel a long and dangerous journey in order to earn their livelihood is misrepresented within Nepali society. Despite their physical and musical hardship, it is unfortunate that the state mechanism and the social members fail to understand them in a true sense. Their skills, expertise and proficiencies were/are not respected and regarded. Even elites did/do not want Gaines’ participation in the mainstreaming of the society. Nobody positively perceives Gaines’ contribution in the fields of folklores, communication, and entertainment. Amid the negatives, Gaines are made to live in starvation and without right to speech as in: The four strings of sarangi (fiddle) deliver the inner feelings Walking with an empty belly, I am exhausted If I don’t walk, my children will starve (Neupane 68) Gaine’s inner feelings, the unspoken or unheard space within elitist discourse can be viewed as challenging areas for a broader socio-cultural understanding. For the sake of children, Gaines walk up a long distance with empty bellies. Even “children” can be metaphorically understood as “the nation or the upcoming generation.” Children will possibly go starved. This shows the pathetic condition of the nation and simultaneously the positive worry of Gaines towards the welfare state. In relation to voicing up, Gaine’s sarangi is more powerful than Gaines themselves delivering their better or bitter feelings. “Sarangi is Gandharva’s culture” as Prakash Gandharva says in an interview to the researcher. Scholars like Ganu Chhetri opines that “Sarangi of

Yogi 39 Gaine should not be merely understood as a means of begging and social humiliation rather it is an inevitable part of Nepali culture” (63). To save Nepali culture as a whole, Gaine (sarangi) culture should be preserved in any adverse circumstances. Whatsoever is said and committed, the separatist discourse is a main obstacle in it as: You’re having purse and penny both Let’s go to drink sister, go to drink Down in the Thakali’s, let’s go to drink Sister, let’s go to drink, go to drink (Neupane 115) Lines cited above clearly show misunderstandings and separatist attitude between Gaines and non-Gaines in Nepali dominant discourse. The first line presents an image where the persona (Gaine) is without penny and/or purse. S/he requests to go to drink alcohol at somebody’s, Thakai in third line. That indicates an unequal societal status among its members. It is due to hierarchies in society: Tagadhari (high castes), Namasinna Matawali (Non-elslaveable ethnics), Masinna Matawali (Enslaveable ethnics), Pani Nachalne Chhoi Chhito Halnu Naparne (Impure but touchables), and Pani Nachalne Chhoi Chhito Halnu Parne (Untouchables). Gaines are victimized by such hierarchies and socially prejudiced rules made by elites. Thus, elites are still positively and/or negatively influencing figures in their lives. But these lines portray elites more negatively silencing their voices and volitions. In this heart, pain came moment by moment In which day did I get birth? (Neupane 169) Gaines narrate their entire life being full of tales: tales of pain, and social exclusion, tales of unfortunate events, and illusions. Most importantly the tales of silencing and influence of elites’ vested interests are noticed in their songs. This unveils that Gaines’ social life is so much dangerous. Even the social activists, elites and high class people are not supportive to them. Seeing nowhere to go and do nothing, they just go on

Yogi 40 cursing their birth. Most probably, that option could have offered by the elites as a part of strategic discourse. Even power discourse overrules Gaines as a means of anxiety in their lives as: You’ve an anxiety, I’ve an anxiety Who will understand the call of our heart? (Neupane 119) As an indispensible segment of Gaine tales, in the song above, the person survives life amidst the anxiety. S/he thinks anxieties, pains, perils and troublesome reside everywhere in the society. Even there is no presence of such a social agency that could listen up Gaines’ anguish to assure a better place to live in. The hopelessness, darkness, ignorance and chaos have ruled the society hence they are taken as sub-citizens. In the meantime, no system has ever been supportive to Gaines where they seek to emphasize the significance of co-ordination and reciprocity in the following line: Applause isn’t possible with a single hand (Neupane 153) The given line highlights the over-generalized notion of reality. Moreover, it also shows that the cultural and societal enhancement is not possible at an individual level. Hence, the society has the feeling of insecurity, the sense of alienation regarding Gaine community. Even these singing people have been in silencing state resulting in subaltern populations. In general, the statement also indicates the lack of social coherence and unity among its members and in particular, among all Nepalis themselves. Gaines and non-Gaines relation is thus full of crises and hostility with absolute lacking mutual exchange as revealed in: Pure water, kerosene in a gallon I just came at your door (Neupane 153)

Yogi 41 These lines are related to the notion of reciprocity and development. Here, Gaine is trying to bring the warmth of development to every elite at their homes, and doors through his/her art, craft and musical expertise. Unfortunately, Gaines are scolded and belittled or disparaged. So, they become the subjects of daily discrimination, dominance, differentiation, distance, diffusion, depersonalization, or destruction in Van Dijk’s categories. These vices prevail against Gaine simply because there is an absence of mutual respect and regard among people. Even Gaines perceive and portray the world praxis and time deceptive as in: Glowing came Kali era (the present time) The practice of the world is fake (Neupane 91) Interestingly, in above lines, Gaines express the tales of present time and its ghastly arrival with surprising faces. With an influence of time, elites who are the locus of everything teach inferiors to mimicry, as qualification of man. Gaines are not happy with the present practice of unreal world i. e. termed to be “Kali ” in Nepali and elite’s ways of teaching, the copy-cat mode which is/was a false thing in itself. In the same way, Gaines are not happy with Nepali people’s mimicry. Look at the arrival of African Negros Look at the arrival of African Negros Nepali men and women copy and were as their the same (Neupane 91) Worrying on mimicry, Gaine narrates about how imitation spreads around the locality. Gaines are more anxious about increasing influence of westernization and modernization in Nepali social cultural practices. This action invades the culture, history, social norms. But Gaines believe that keeping up cultural promotion can only keep the collective identity intact. Maintaining the maxim, they think the act of copying deduces the originality in an individual. So, in a suggestive tone, Gaines want

Yogi 42 the uncontaminated history, culture and societal values. Constructively, they show the strong commitment to their motherland as mentioned in these lines: We play Bhailo repeating a single and the same song Forcefully opening up the door of heart Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears (Neupane 189) These lines refer to the celebrations like Bhailo where Gaines engage themselves and have catharsis. In the third line, “the mother” metaphorically indicates that of motherland or the state, Gaines and non-Gaines are currently living. In Gaine’s version, the state is in deep sorrow, fear, anxiety and hopelessness. It is everyone’s responsibility to sing and act commonly to make this nation a prosperous place to live. The persona expresses the unhappiness maintaining that societal members are with unreceptive hearts in the case of Gaines. In this critical circumstance, Gaines expect human treatment from the people of upper strata of the society as indicated in the lines: The string made by fate, string made by fate My heart has become one-sided after that string has broken down (Neupane 238) As mentioned above, the persona expresses that his/her fate is so delicate that any time it can fade away or is almost faded away. Their dream has broken down because of numbers of visible and invisible factors. Gaines, think elites do nothing or but do against the welfare of society and their fate is always deceptive. So, their heart is one-sided, incomplete and alienated. The state of loneliness and alienation has impeded and paralyzed the society, and entire nation and its mechanism. Thus, the lower caste people’s hope for better society has gone away. In such hopelessness, the theme of distancing and silencing of Gaines is the underlying meaning in these lines, How much exciting with a flock of birds!

Yogi 43 Hey∫∫∫∫ The fruit has ripen in the tree I saw the twinkling stars on the sky Everyone I see happy and satisfied, I’m unlucky (Neupane 306) Though everything is positive, exciting, brightening, enough, and exact but the one who has to initiate these, is in a bad condition. Whatever the condition is offered, it is meaningless as they are made unlucky. Most probably the caste hierarchy has placed Gaines in this terrible circumstance. This terribility has impeded their fate and fortune due to prejudiced social practices which have been major cause behind their unlucky condition. Hence, Gaines are compelled to live in the perplexing condition. This adverse situation results in the immigrating mentality of Gaines which is indicated as: We’ll migrate into a foreign country weeping and crying-6 (Neupane 330) Living in mystification, they prepare to migrate. In the process of migration, Gaines appear to lose their nation, and suffer a psychological blow to their understanding of what constitutes their identity. They weep and cry while migrating even if they contributed to the state socially, politically, culturally and in many other ways for nation building. Unfortunately, they are pushed to migrate because of social prejudice and ungenerous bhaviour of social members. Migration to a foreign country is their compulsion though it is panic in itself. Maybe they want to migrate to overseas as they were/are constantly treated as “Others” in their own country. Apart from immigrating mood, Gaines are so much compelled to relieve from this mundane world as stated in these lines: I cut the grass today-2 If I die it’ll relieve everyone If I die it’ll relieve everyone (Neupane 353)

Yogi 44 From elite’s perspective, hard labour is something that stems from sin. The working hands are understood as headaches for the society. Labour especially is not properly respected. In such circumstance, Gaines suspect that idle minds are being regarded more than that of working hands. Though Gaines wholeheartedly involve in creative task, their genius is not properly considered. Therefore, they sing to express their grievance stating that the social inequality obstructs their creative genius to flow. As an obstacle to social coherence, Gaines exemplify their dissatisfaction towards the ways of living of people as in: The modern wife of these days will want earrings She will select the earrings and search for the happiness (Neupane 356) Along with the materialistic and showy lifestyle of married women, Gaines transmit the social messages such as social inequality, the demands, the mindsets of modern wives, and the ways of attaining happiness and satisfaction. Even “wife” can metaphorically be referred to the state mechanism. Here, Gaines argue that happiness cannot be purchased. Even an act of selection or purchase of earrings does not bring happiness in one’s life. It is one of the social ironies through which Gaines want people to be cautious. They worry that materiality has eaten up values, social codes and conducts and human beings are turning to be artificial and mechanistic in terms of life they lead and social practices they follow. Critical Historical/Political Analysis of Gaine Songs Language used by political elites will gain more reputation than that of general folks. It is the same that power is exercised in the people’s conversations. In the line below, how Gaines were/are disciplined to live following the state power are observed. Youth was spent in the woods (Neupane 68)

Yogi 45

This line clarifies how the relations of power and struggle act to shape political ideologies and social realities in Nepali power mechanisms. Lives of traveling Gaines were spent “in the allegory of the cave” where they were/ are continuously forged, faked, silenced and distanced from the reality. The social space occupied by many Gaines falls outside the boundaries, both the real and imaginary, of the dominant population. The presupposition behind this statement is that the “positive representation of elite youth,” and “negative representation of Gaine youth” which is shattering and segregating. This sort of elite behavior deliberately places Gaines beyond societal norms. Thus, Gaines are obliged to survive the lives of deprivation, destitution, disadvantage and without representation. The following lines hold the similar theme: My heart bears that pain- that much pain Sharing it is not allowed (Neupane 119) Equally, these lines go for political, constitutional, cultural, and psychological problems prevailing in Gaines. The entire life of Gaines is made up of pains. Their pains are incalculably great that they have even are provided any chances to share their sorrows. This is an example of violation in their right to speech. Constitutionally, the rights to speech are given to Gaines as well. In course of utilization of their rights, it seems to be a site of struggle between speech and silence. Even there is a lack of dialogue between Gaines and society at large undoubtedly has a negative effect on wider communities. Hence, the first and most obvious victims are Gaines. As a result, these rights are pointless to them. Making the provisions about Gaines in the constitution and not guaranteeing them are different as an instance of “doublevoicedness” in executive mechanisms. Strategically, double-voicedness is also a central point in:

Yogi 46 Give me your youth (to me), I will keep it intact (Neupane 153) Evidently, the primacy of promises over performance is the main message in the given line. This is the true nature of politics and politicians as they do something that should benefit them only. Assuring verbally and negating practically is what politicians generally do. In Nepali political discourse, Gaines feel that political elites mostly use “the principle of use and throw” while mobilizing Gaines. Power elites fascinate with Gaines’ youth for their concern. After their attainment, ultimately, they play such a dice that makes Gaines u-turned negatively. Such intolerance against Gaines can be recognized as in: Which paddy shall I plant under the door? Who knows the pain of the heart? (Neupane 153) In these rhetorical questions, Government’s prejudiced tone against Gaines can be identified where they are treated as sick or abnormal citizens. Cox believes the problems of untouchables in Nepal have been neglected by the Nepali government and national and international development agencies (100). Though they voice up with due respect, the state sees them with jaundiced eyes. They express it unfair because they are also the citizens of the nation who should have equal rights and freedom like economically and socially well-to-do class. Gaines interrogate whether fair treatment from elites regained as in: Youthful years at sixteen Will this be returned? (Neupane 159) In this Gaine song, the worry of present time in a nostalgic tone is presented. This concern is associated with the old days when Gaines need the protection and security from the government and family members. Nowadays, they are very much regretful recalling their retrospective days. Having their pleasing past, Gaines are

Yogi 47 suspecting (un)wisely whether their past days be returned. Amid the suspect, Gaines are in isolated state of socio-cultural lives as in the line: A Tuni tree at the cliff (Neupane 162) Social, cultural, political, psychological alienation and marginalization can be observed in the above line. Gaines as “a Tuni tree” (an isolated and lonesome) are in silencing, and a transitional phase of their lives in terms of several reasons. Because of constant isolation and loneliness, they are hopeless and homeless. Their position among the societal members is alienated and prejudiced. But elite position is backed up by fortune as mentioned in: You’ve got a great fortune, a great fortune (Neupane 165) The message in the above line is that the state or the power holders have a great fortune but citizens are fortuneless, especially the Gaines. The distribution of social resources to its social members is problematic that has categorized the entire populace “fortunate and unfortunate.” Gaines do nothing except singing their pains to people in the society and survive with the grievances against the government’s prejudice. In spite of negative other representation and positive self representations Gaines do exactly something opposite. This shows the simple-minded nature of Gaines. These generous people are stopped in their mainstreaming and socio-political upbringing as avowed in: If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life (Neupane 145) Of course, freedom has a great position in everyone’s life. In these lines, Gaines represent the life without freedom, fun and therefore with full of despair. Most probably the persona is trying to compare his/her life with that of elites. The so called guardian state is creating unnecessary walls against the growth and development of

Yogi 48 Gaine and promotion of their culture. The social, political elites are using hooks to prevent Gaines going ahead. The biased plans and policies, the domestic walls on different names such as caste, creed, gender, and the like block Gaines’ path of peace, pleasure and prosperity. Though the poor situation they are kept in, Gaines try to soothe the nation committing to wipe out its tears as in these lines: Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears (Neupane 189) Through these lines, Gaines commit to wipe out the tears from eyes and pain from their mothers’ heart to brighten the face of the country. They believe sorrow, pain, darkness; lawlessness and impunity exist in the country. In the lines, Gaines discover elites or politicians being irresponsible and irresponsive in their actions and characters both. Even the executive bodies in the countries are in miserable conditions. Hence there is pessimism, darkness, hopelessness and despair in every levels of state mechanism. Nevertheless, Gaines express their affluent love towards their native land despite their starvation, deprivation and prejudices. They are committed to brighten the face of the country. But they are still disillusioned by the distancing social policy and practice as mentioned: We distribute and eat up your milk, grain and water-2 Why do we become near and far to someone? (Neupane 189) It is evident that Gaines are persistently “Othered” in terms of distribution and consumption of social goods. The elites produce such social relations which are the products of politics. In this way, politicians are not practising the constitutive power relations which results “the sense of nearness and farness” has been created. Though Gaines distribute milk, grain and water, treacherously they are treated as perpetual outsiders. In a same vein, they are befooled and the ideals of equality and equity are

Yogi 49 collapsed. Thus, they are doubly silenced through the traditional discourse of untouchability. In an interview to the researcher, 65 years old, Purna Bahadur Gandharva (Dang, Hapur-7) said though untouchability does not exit but there is massive inequality in the distribution of social goods such as developmental infrastructures and so on. This shows the injected poverty and their unchanged low status among the power elites. Folmar is so much right when he says, “There is no simple answer to the question of whether Dalits are achieving social equality in Nepal today” (45). Obviously, the issues of achievement or non-achievement of Dalits’ social equality still rests among the thorny hedge which can be illustrated by: Lalupate has reddened after it blossoms, has reddened after it blossoms My status is conditioned like a sage (Neupane 238) In these lines, elites’ propagandistic nature, the use the oily language, and flattering tendency is displayed. They also pretend with an illustration of Lalupate blossoming, a good symptom for elites contradicting the worsening condition of Gaines. Elites pretend to be sympathetic to Gaines but in a real sense, they are so much apathetic. They differ in their views and acts with significant gaps. With the political power, the rulers do not know the real condition of its citizens. It is nothing but the power that blinds the power elites where Gaines’ craftsmanship, skills, proficiencies and expertise are ignored. Consequently, Gaines are landless, homeless and hopeless that has characterized them “as beggars or sages.” It contradicts to the social reality that no one can be beggar by birth. After being beggars, they have nothing to eat or drink and would develop dyeing mentality as in: Watery orange to drink, watery orange to drink If we don’t do so, we two of us will be killed (Neupane 238)

Yogi 50 These lines reveal that the empty promises have been shown to Gaines mostly every time by elites. The government and elite behavior towards Gaines is always scornful and unsatisfactory. Gaines were/are demanding from the government, now they are offered something unwished to them. In this way, the power mechanism has threatened them to accept the offer that is good and unpunishable. Otherwise, the power operates to be destructive as the second last D of Van Dijk among the 7Ds, i.e. destruction. The similar theme is depicted as in: Two kings fight and sons of people will decay (Neupane 265) It is unfair that when two kings have dispute people fight for the restoration of either of king’s throne. The scapegoats will be its people. Here, the fight starts between two states, who will be killed? Definitely the sons or daughters of innocent people: that exemplifies the exploitation of human rights. The analogous theme of maltreatment can be found in: I didn’t get water to wash up Marwadi-2 I went down towards the confluence of river-4 (Neupane 341) These lines indicate the sense of deprivation in Gaine lives. They do not even have any access to the water. That has made their lives more miserable. The state laughs at seeing their pathetic condition. As a last resort, they go to the confluence of river expecting the better supply of water. Still their lives or life conditions are uncertain and absurd. Living amid the absurdities, Gaines show the strong intention to save the country sacrificing their lives as declared below: Dying myself, I’ll save my country For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself Dying myself, I’ll save my country For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself (Neupane 390)

Yogi 51 At this very moment, it is difficult to get people who would die for the sake of country. But through these lines, Gaines eagerly show a strong commitment dying themselves in order to save the nation. Everyone has to salute their will, and action. Why can’t Gaine songs serve as a tool of patriotic education, then? Critical Juristic Analysis of Gaine Songs These issues are related to the legal rights and obligations, and laws and legislations in connection to Gaines. The following analysis explores these issues in songs. Juristically, Gaines live in unequal social conditions as exposed in: No neighbor offers anything to eat (Neupane 68) It is unfortunate that the guardian state is not friendly enough to Gaines. Their relations with other caste of people, government or elites are hostile. Even mostly Gaines’ next door neighbours’ behavior is not satisfactory. So, elites think superior to Gaines in terms of every respect. That has been the main reason behind victimization of Gaines with discriminatory practices. The unfriendly treatment of power mechanism can be even found in: Though God is unfriendly to me that results my bad luck Without satisfaction, life will be spent (Neupane 68) Metaphorically, “God” refers to the power mechanism. Principally it is thought to be implementer of equality. In other words, state is a giver of grain to Gaines and non-Gaines. Unfortunately, the visible God to Gaines, the state is biased to them. The unfriendly nature of elites and the government has led Gaines backwards in each field. Neither have they had material or immaterial happiness nor satisfaction. Amidst the bundles of dissatisfactions, hostilities and pains, Gaines are compelled to lead the life. They are not certain till when this continues. Behind this uncertainty, Gaines consider the phenomenal role of fate as stated in these lines:

Yogi 52 Look at my fate: it has been full of darkness Nowhere, I get the place to stand and hold (Neupane 136) It is said that politics drives everything. The pessimistic conditions have been constructed against Gaines in society by politics itself. The above lines illustrate such fact. Consequently, the light of education has not reached to every Gaine/Dalit inhabitance. Behind this, there is a strong political cause. It was said before 1951, there were schools where untouchables were not usually allowed to enroll. Connecting to such deprivation, Prakash Gandharva (Dilu), the principal narrator of drama, Katha Mitho Sarangiko in an interview to the researcher expressed his bitter feeling not being able to complete his primary education. Then, he started to play sarangi. In his case, it was rather personal than political cause. Personally, fate (power) has cornered Gaines as exposed in: Fate has cornered me, has cornered me I’m compelled to accept (my lady) whatever and whoever speaks up (Neupane 165) These lines illustrate Gaines’ subalternity. They could neither see elites straightly nor could speak directly against them. This cornering or silencing phenomenon has made them accept quietly what dominants say without making any reaction against power mechanism. Elites are underlying factor who have sidelined Gaines from the realm of society, culture, mainstreaming of politics. As a result, they are the matter of daily discrimination. Observing this overall social, cultural and political scenario, despite Gaines’ true love towards the nation, state is not giving proper love and regard to them. The state has not even fulfilled its basic duties. That has led to a situation where elites are on the top of social/political hierarchy whereas, non-elites are at the bottom. Similarly, non-Gaines are powerful and, Gaines are powerless. This dichotomy invites

Yogi 53 a drastic difference among social members in terms of personality, work and feeling. Therefore, there is despair on the behalf of Gaines as they are always treated as inferior in the stratification. This elite superiority has given birth to impunity, lawlessness and a terrible situation where the state perceives “might is right”. Critical Psychological Analysis of Gaine Songs Discourses go deep down normally to one’s psyche, what Elias terms as ‘psychic habitus’, and control the mind of people. The cognition, mind control and common sense are the core contents of discussion in critical psychological analysis of Gaine songs in particular. Stereotypes, prejudices and discriminatory behavior along with processes such as attention, judgment, perspective and individuals’ attitudes, decisions and behavior are central focus in this analysis. As a part of this analysis, Gaines are psychologically in pathological positions as in: I wander into cliff and flatish land, cliff and flatish land Never I’ve the tears discontinued from eyes (Neupane 169) In this particular song, Gaines are just here on this earth to lead futile life. There are not any specific objectives in their life. So, they curse their birth and share their pain stating that they have become the “objects of a grinder.” They are always in the state of sheer discrimination, prejudice and partiality. They suspect if their journey continues. Amidst the disbelief, they entertain and elites observe their painful and despairing life activities. Furthermore, they identify that the Nepali society fragmented into oppressor and oppressed, dominating and dominated section. In this category, Gaines find always into latter. Folmar advises the solution from such scenario stating“ [. . . ] it is difficult to confront the social force behind discrimination successfully and the more effective strategy is often to deny or obscure one’s identity

Yogi 54 in favor of adopting another” (50). The problems lie on the politics of denial and obscurity. Despite relentless denial and obscurity, Gaines are waiting for a moment, a savior to come and work for them. They hope the redeemer brightening and enlightening their life with a package of trust. It is nothing, but the illusion they have constantly kept in their minds. This discourse prevents elites do something for Gaines’ favour. Moreover, the gathering of Gaines and non-Gaines can be considered impossible as revealed in: Meeting is not often possible- not often possible I was thinking you forgot me (Neupane 119) This excerpt divulges the impossibility of meeting between Gaines and nonGaines. Such improbability moreover shows the lack of social unity, security and intimacy in society. This revelation also indicates that these people are interested to increase intimacy to other caste of people. Gaines could neither express nor raise and open the agenda of the meeting heartily even in an amiable meeting environment. Elites’ influences and pressures mainly function as a strategic cause to this hesitation. Keeping Gaines under illusion is one of the power strategies as for their vacillation which can be easily understood from the line: Pretending curd, you put safe, Chaulani (the watery washing before rice is cooked) (Neupane 136) In the given line, Gaines characterize negative role of elites regarding Gaine all-round development and emancipation. They identify these privileged people sow thorns on the way of Gaines. Without any guilt, and genuine reasons, Gaines are getting disturbances in their life. Pretension is must by elites for the creation of delusion to govern non-elites. In this way, Gaines are kept in such intolerable circumstances that they cannot endure any more.

Yogi 55 Principally, elites should be the centers of hope becoming the strong pillars for the future and fortunes of the entire nation. They fail in this ideology. Unfortunately, they have kept Gaines disheartened, landless, homeless, and hopeless. Neither Gaines had criminal mentality nor they were selfish or jealous against elites. With no reason, they get severe penalty sarcastically. Because of these all reasons, neither they have a satisfactory social position nor can they sustain and survive as a result they become conditioned beings. Elites convince(d) Gaines strategically telling them, their poverty and pain are the consequences of their past. Presenting illogical reasons, Gaines are made to survive their miserable life denoting their poor familial root. The following line holds the similar line of thought: My caste is Gandharva! Such is my plight (Neupane 91) Now hopeless and voiceless, Gaines are made to take their pathetic condition in an ordinary way where they could not charge any other. Concerning the reason for the continuation or even intensification in their pains and pessimism, Cox surmises that many untouchables are pessimistic about their chances of receiving social justice. They assume that Nepali legal officials-most of them are of upper strata will almost always side with high caste Nepalis in any dispute involving untouchables (97). Gaines consider high caste people as being prejudiced. They cannot even fight back to elites and deliberately soothe themselves individually saying, “My caste is Gandharva! Such is my plight.” As a synopsis of Gaine discourse, they are speaking the voice of elites pretending to be their own. This is nothing the appropriation in Gaine discourse.

Yogi 56 Critical Metaphorical Analysis of Gaine Songs Metaphorical analysis is considered to be one of the best practices of investigation to communicate the intended meaning or message. Drawing Paul Chilton, Christopher Hart believes metaphors always involve suppression and distortion. And, moreover, readers are not normally aware of when they are processing metaphor, that is ‘until some linguist or discourse analyst comes along’ (6). The following analysis will explore these hidden issues. In the given lines, Gaines were/are treated as the beast of burden in their youth because of elites’ segregated attitude which can be revealed in: In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods (Neupane 68) How can we imagine the golden future of the nation with youth living with the loads of pain? In the name of policing and discipline, Gaines were/are abused and misused by the power structure. The abuse is that much intense as if a young individual is turning to be an old in his/her teen age. This mistreatment has led Gaines to an absurd state of being as pointed out: Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card (Neupane 169) In this particular song, Gaines assume their absurd life moves like a water grinding mill pointlessly. They grumble on being often an object of a grinder. Even their life is such useless like the water after it generates the power in the mill. They always face the sheer discrimination, prejudice and partiality on cultural, social and political bases. Therefore, they curse on their birth and even suspect whether their journey continues or not. In the midst of this irrational irrigation, Gaines want the

Yogi 57 equal distribution of social resources and most importantly, the autonomous rights over the resources as in: Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you (Neupane 119) Lines mentioned above express the dissatisfaction of Gaines with the state mechanism. They are not particularly happy with the government because local resources have been distributed unequally. They want the locals with complete rights to use, and mobilize the resources. The phrase, “Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian” indicates the emancipatory message. The right to autonomy is also demanded in these lines. Along with that right, they also want to distinguish their love from that of politicians stating those politicians’ love being transitory and Gaines being perpetual. This contrast in love or hatred making also indicates the attitudinal problems in power elites. The following line also articulates the continuation of the same sort of problem ingrained in elite mentality. Don’t treat the ill ones unmanaged (Neupane 153) This line has a suggestive tone. Till this date, Gaines are considered as ill and impure members of Nepali society. The majority of untouchables are made to accept and believe caste hierarchy, as a system of power and authority where people are/should be ranked with maxim of “purity and pollution.” They want to destroy this social chain anticipating the pursuit of respect in life. So, they argue for the human treatment which is not unusual in itself. They think they are not asking something illegal and impossible. It is just their sincere pleading to non-Gaines. Through the grapes tale, Gaines plead for the pure love from the power elites. Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water

Yogi 58 Not polluted (Neupane 153) These lines are frequent refrains in Gaines song. In this song, the persona identifies government being thoughtless and mindless and is treating Gaines accordingly. The song also suggests having love as pure as that of Ganga River. The presupposition behind this is that the government does not treat Gaines and other people equally. This line, “Let’s love like Ganga’s water” is an indicative of the improper and unequal love or social security given by the government to its citizens Exemplifying elite indecent and offensive behaviour, this phrase “Unpleasing grapes” is used in the song. This refrain allegories the instinctual imbalance in a jackal who is so much crazy about the grapes in one of the tales. Then it tries to achieve them by hook or by crook. “Seeing this impossibility, then it says diplomatically that grapes are sour, so I left them”. This signifies the elites’ strategy to hide the reality and their attitude of concealment. On the tale itself, it can be said that even our politicians’ behavior can be directly associated with the instinct of jackal. Their political treatment to Gaine is equated to that of jackal and grapes mentioned. Through this howl, Gaines suggest the dominant populations to look at them with sublime eyes. They also request the state not to consider them as second or third class citizens. Rather they want the change in unpleasing, polluted and biased behaviour of powerful people which is painful as in these lines: If the heart gets pain I won’t say the over-swelled Gandaki At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved (Neupane 136)

Yogi 59 In these lines, Gaines’ so called beloved (the state/power mechanism or elites) is making them panic. The growing gap between Gaines and non-Gaines invite the social and cultural thorns, political and economic barriers which block the path of development of Gaines completely. Gaines become so much fiery with anger seeing the discrimination, differentiation and many discriminatory practices in society. Where there are discriminatory practices, the efforts of resistance definitely rise. Here, “The over-swelled Gandaki” symbolizes the revolutionary aura in Gaines. Till when Gaines will remain silent? They warn and challenge the elites and their mechanisms to demolish. They even think that elites media of power such as law, social codes and conducts, army, police and so on are less powerful in front of Gaines’ fiery rage. Their anger is due to political, social and cultural reasons. Most importantly, their irritation is directed to the government who they think made them landless, hopeless, and poor. This phrase, “planting under the door” is an irony against the power mechanism. Can anything be planted under door? No positive role, power played in Gaines lives as: What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by unlucky fate (Neupane 165) The rhetorical question, “What did the religion and mercy do?” helps to understand negative relation between Gaine and non-Gaine. Gaines perceive the mercy and religion are created for absurd reasons. Neither they benefit anybody nor do they do anything. The song indicates that they are just the matter of mockery. Religion and mercy are related to social/cultural codes and conducts. In other words, they signal the power. Blinded by power, elites make the culture, society and political systems. Thus, religion and mercy are forms of a lie that appear as consolation and sympathy to Gaines.

Yogi 60 “Separated by unlucky fate” is a statement of consolation constructed and construed by elites as if they are giving sympathy to Gaines. In reality, that is very strategic and full of guilt on the part of non-Gaines. Gaine discourse has commonly been constituted by apathy and deception as in: In mustard flower Seeing the universe I had a mistake (Neupane 91) This humorous piece represents social and political ills. Till this date, Gaines think committing mistakes “believing mustard flower equivalent to the universe.” The implied meaning behind this could be they have been often cheated in different occasions and circumstances. Even in Nepali language, “showing mustard flower to somebody” means severely treating somebody. Correspondingly, Gaines are mistreated and subjugated under this severe mechanism of control set by Nepali intelligentsia. Mustard flower is an illusion created by elites where reality has been twisted and Gaines are kept in daydreaming. They were/are in the state of puzzle most probably because they were/are assured of promises, but not their rights, privileges guaranteed by the political elites. In the roundabout way, Gaines are now denouncing their fate in a nostalgic tone. Socio-cultural beliefs and values, codes and conducts, lores and mores constructed in Gaine discourse are nothing but a fabricated version of socio-economic reality. This make-believe story, in fact, governs each and every dimension of Gaine life where elites’ voice is decisive. In conclusion, the analyses of these songs have revealed that selective version of cultural values and beliefs are constructed in a manner congruent with the interest of government and its cultural elite. On the other hand, some values and beliefs are motivated by the ideological and political interests

Yogi 61 of the government which are not beneficial to Gaine people. These bodies of discourses thus are constructed contrary to the social order with ideologies embedded in language, as the commonest forms of social behaviour. Overall, it is argued that Gaine discourse is constructed to legitimate social, cultural and political control along with hierarchical dimensions of domination and subordination ignoring Gaines’ interests.

Yogi 62 Chapter IV Issues of Polity, Society and Culture in Nepali Gaine Social Discourse It can be gleaned from the earlier discussion that the fundamental premises of Gaine discourse have political, societal and cultural dimensions along with multiple arrays of adjacent issues. The earlier chapter applied the multidisciplinary and deconstructive approaches to reveal the complex operations of ideologies to show how the Gaine text is constructed and interpreted in a particular Hindu-dominated socio-political system. This chapter will explore the various dimensions of polity, society and culture in Nepali Gaine social discourse. One of them is power. Power Revealing the inter-relations of language, social codes, ideologies, politics, and the nature of conflicts among Gaines and non-Gaines, scholar Juraj Horváth believes discourse being crucial where politics favours the power elites in order to put certain political, economic and social ideas into practice. Every political action is prepared, accompanied, influenced and played by language itself (1). Here, the political power has adversely influenced Gaines by increasing the conflict over the allocation of resources. Considering it natural, Chilton maintains that political discourse is the use of language in ways that humans, being political animals, tend to recognise as “political” (201). Due to political motives, scholars urgently wish Gaines to be redefined because there is still a debate in Nepali intellectual arena of “who the Gaines are”. With this, it can be seen there are multifarious complexities and contradictions in Gaine discourse. The issue of power is understood differently, some take it as a tool of domination, whereas others value it as a constitutive in nature. Power in discursive Gaine model tends to be associated with competition at best, coercion or domination

Yogi 63 at worst. At most awful, physical domination also survives cornering Gaines. This power embedded discourse has governed non-elites privileging elites. Language, in Nepali society gets its supremacy from powerful people who make use of it and legitimize the social inequalities. This authentication is given by nobody but the power elites. Power has subverted Gaine discourse in an opposite direction in an imbalanced way. This discursive public opinion and good will in Nepali context is nothing but a veiled version of power with ill motives of elites. With such ill intent, unequal distribution of social goods and its negative effect produces social inequality. Elites who are indifferent to Gaine need to be more carefully watched, and evaluated. The power elites can enact, sustain, legitimate, condone or ignore social inequality and injustice. In such a case, another powerless group’s hope remains occasionally illusory. Any time Gaines can be abused, the potential elite abuse thus can be observed questioning its legitimacy. Social power is most keenly felt between Gaines and non-Gaines struggle of ideological differentiation. One pole is represented by technical elites, government officials, tycoons as the dominant group. Another pole has non-elites, Dalits, Gaines and untouchables. The power elites’ involvement in manipulation is a singular largescale phenomenon that obstructs the free flow of the public opinion. As soon as public opinion ceases, the inequality in social power can be noticed that positions Gaines inferiors. Admittedly, Gaines featuring inferior in songs or in social life is a sarcastic and ironical remark. Sometimes, even Gaines seem to be very pleased with their roles as the “Other”. It may be nothing but a display of cynical and incongruous tone toward prevailing socio-economic and geo-political structures. Such incidents can be observed during their day-to-day communication environment and socio-political

Yogi 64 practices. A low-position of Gaines in the society is mainly because of unequal distribution of state resources by elites. This has led to a total absence in reciprocal relationship between Gaines and non-Gaines. Gaine social power discourse as a construct, author and culturalist, Simon During focuses on ideological construction and maintains drawing psychoanalytic notions developed by Jacques Lacan, where individuals were constructs of ideology, where ideology means not beliefs but the set of values- “common sense”(5). The existing dichotomies or dialectics about Gaines and non-Gaines are considered to be “imperfect versus perfect” discourse in Nepali society based on common sense. Elites even draw Aristotelian notion, “incomplete and complete beings” to refer to Gaine non-Gaine position. Thus, Non-elites’ behavior can mirror up the social, political, cultural abuse in many dimensions. There are many instances in Nepali society where the wider difference in societal understandings between respectable elites and nonrespectable Gaines can be visualized. Ultimately such discourse advocates Gaines as rural and backward and non-Gaines as modern and urban. Most probably, that’s why, Gaines are ideologically thought to be dirty, untouchables, impure, and drunk in institutional forms of social life. This sort of ideological baggage is the most hostile factor for the democratic empowerment of Nepali citizenry. Ideology Identity Tussle Ideology and identity are connected in such a manner that they are in complementary in relation. Ideology formulates an individual’s identity. Those who have established their identities and those who seek the practice of their ideologies are influenced by ideology. Simon During believes identity not as a matter of particular cultural interest and values but it has political and conflictual component (4). Gaines’ social identity is/was always purely cultural but mainly governed or suppressed

Yogi 65 politically and so on and so forth. Social mechanisms are constructed by cultural, social, media elites, social mobilizers/workers to define Gaine identities where there is a massive role of ideological bias. Coinciding with the ideological differentiation, Hebermas asserts politically neutral state was (is) always ideological. This phenomenon is very much true in the countries like Nepal. There is a circulation of power from social to economic to civil (society) and governmental level. This mobility is practised and executed by the use of language. “Removal of certain discourses from such forms of public circulation is a means of removing public awareness of these discourses and the ideas and knowledge that accompany them” (Thiesmeyer 174). The dismissal of public awareness as such from Gaine discourse is definitely a strategy against them and their mainstreaming and inclusion. The deficiency of reciprocity in the society has created an ideological tussle between elites and non-elites. The conflict can be produced by varieties of conditionings that could be supportive or oppressive to its members with its social, political, cultural founding. Even ideology as the system of ideas and representations dominate the mind of a man or a social group. Such dominance can be religious, ethical, legal, political, and cultural embedded with other factors like race, sex and so on. Among these, several 'world outlooks' are based on spontaneous ideology as 'ideas', where ideology can be perceived as an ideatic power. In Nepali Gaines’ case, they are politically repressed. The author, Hugh Baxter principally considers“[. . .] politicians and political parties are “the most important suppliers” of “political events, news, and commentaries,” the danger of improper government influence on coverage is present” (309). There is also an overlapping of

Yogi 66 political ideology with religiously orthodoxical ideology i.e. hierarchization that had prevented the access of resources to Gaines. Inclusion-Exclusion and Denial Inclusion-exclusion and denial is one of the prominent issues of polity in Nepali strategic discourse. It excludes Gaines from the mainstream of development and prevents them from major decision making processes. Gaines are thus excluded from law making, public opinion formation, access to or control over the local resources. Socially, they are called untouchables and are not allowed to enter even the temples and non-Gaine residence. They are constantly humiliated and looked down upon without any apparent reasons. Even the government seems to have barred them so as the national census fails to reflect the actual number of their populations. Exclusion policy of government along with “caste based discrimination is thought to be a major reason for Nepali untouchables’ current socio-economic status” (Cox 103). Furthermore, though Gaine songs in Nepal are a rich area for the examination of the interplay between tradition and change, they are highly politicized. The major fault lines of exclusion are seen between caste or ethnicity, and regional identity. Scholars claim that one of the major demands of People’s Revolution Part II in Nepal was not just democracy, but more inclusive democracy and greater government attention to overcoming the persistent disparities between the dominant and non-dominant caste. Social power as a form of social domination constrains and distorts the communicative medium in which knowledge of Gaines cannot spread and influence public around the area. Ingram opines that some persons exercise power over others in ways that would not satisfy the test of universal rational consensus (260-61). As a tool of domination, discourse is not considered as a major element of governance, but Craig believes that discourses do not govern rather they generate a communication

Yogi 67 power that cannot take the pace of administration but can only influence it (452). On this basis, Gaine discourse influences Gaines so much according to the wish of nonGaines through communication power that embeds elite agenda. Injection of Elite Agenda The act of injection of elite’s agenda in Gaine discourse always exploits Gaine rights resulting in constraining their duties. The basic needs such as transportation, water supply, health facilities, opportunities and social status are not found to be assured to Gaines. Rather than fulfilling the input and output functions, political elites misuse regulatory and distributive mechanisms of government capabilities and slot in their own interests. Interest articulation, interest aggregation and political communication are input and rule making, rule execution, and rule adjudication are output functions of government. Government elites do neither of these rather they are active in fulfilling the particular social and political interests such as hierarchical control through despotic communication. Unfortunately in this light, Nepali politics has been losing its real character. In Lakoff’s words, politics is about real-world power and the way we understand morality (qtd. in Richardson1). Even Nepali politics is fragmented in terms of understanding morality; political scientists doubt whether politicians go for the elite politics or ethno-politics. In the midst of the fragmentation, Gaines in Nepal are imposed upon an inhospitable literary, cultural and social climate. This has, to a large extent, resulted from nothing but the silencing strategy of the state that operates in different forms. Silencing in discourse is seen, for example in literary and artistic expressions, scholarly works, and legal and editorial decisions with the domination of power mechanisms. The police, government agency officials, the media editors, producers and sponsors make decisions outside the public arena without the public’s knowledge

Yogi 68 or participation. These kinds of decisions or activities restrict the free flow of knowledge to subservient castes like Gaines. Through elite imposition of inequality, dominance, discrimination and power, they keep active with their hidden motives and their proliferation. This injection seems to be very much oppressive and painful on the part of non-elites. As a mode of discrimination, hegemonic elitism exists in Nepal. It can be defined as the configuration of socio-cultural practice embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of legitimacy of Hindu hierarchy or Varna system, which guarantees/ed the dominant position of non-Gaines and the subordination of Gaines. Ideological power in the names of institutional, economic and social practices makes Gaine discourse unsatisfactory. It is because on the top of this, ideology and power function strongly inferiorizing and othering Gaines. Inferiorization and Othering The sense of inferiority also exits among wealthy, successful and professional Gaines. Cox believes wealth and success give untouchables a certain status that shields them from caste based discrimination (104). This is not wholly true in case of Gaines. Why are Jhalakmanman, Prakash and Rubin Gandharva not accepted or treated and recognized in spite of their success stories and their contribution to Nepali oral literature, cultural enrichment and enhancement and political awareness and encouragement in Nepali society? It is nothing but power elites execute the principle of inferiorization on them. Discourses and socially backwarded Gaines draw on inferiorization of Dalits. These people are subject to an intersectional othering which is explicitly related to caste system. Though Gaines are constantly othered, they do not object and show the disagreement against it. Even their families are othered as a part of elites’ attitudes

Yogi 69 and treated them as enemies. In this, Gaines are not positioned as a representative of legitimate culture, literature and politics. Moreover, they are not mentioned in the textbooks, curriculum and syllabuses taught in Nepal. This pays no regards on constitutional provisions, so as social, historical and cultural adherence cannot be assured. Cox argues that the 1963 constitution guaranteed all untouchables access to education. But the exercising of such rights was made too much feeble where the children of untouchables could not afford even initial school related expenses. Then they are forced to drop out because of poverty and irresponsible government (98-99). The ways elites think and talk about Gaine influence and reflect the ways the government and its intolerable ruling class behaviour in relation to Gaines. Throughout the Nepali public sphere such as economics, political institutions, judicial, and educational systems, and even the systems of reward tend to privilege conventionally elites. Hebermas identifies “social power,” which “rests on status within a stratified society and is generally attached to positions within functional systems” (Ingram 311). In addition, even when Gaines do adopt aggressive and competitive attitudes, they have historically not revived equivalent in terms of behaviours. On the one hand, non-Gaine elite expressions of aggression and competition have historically rewarded because they have been viewed as natural and appropriate. On the other hand, Gaine expressions of aggression and competition have not been received because they have been viewed as unnatural, impure, and inappropriate. By devaluing these latter qualities, Nepali culture rewards non-Gaines according to the established norms of Hindu caste hierarchy. Our observations also show exactly what Simone de Beauvoir’s notion “Women as Other” regarding Gaine identity. This act goes against the assurance of greater societal welfare. Borrowing her ideas to male and female othering, it can be

Yogi 70 said that Gaines are weak and dependent whereas, non-Gaines are powerful and decisive. Gaines are observed to be made objects and non-Gaines are taken as subjects. Even further, Gaines are inessential and non-Gaines are essential by strategy. Silencing in Strategic Discourse Certain strategies introduced by elites for the maintenance of inequality at the societal level are not simply or always repressed by individual (speech) acts such as commands. If the orders appropriately and legitimately not executed or “accepted” in everyday power relations, conflict arises. A constant conflict between power holders and powerless Gaines is an example. This sort of confrontation is never realized by powerless people such as Dalits or Gaines in Nepali society. For the sake of politics itself, the political mechanisms with loaded strategies in order to treat Gaines in misguided ways. These well-to-do people’s treatment is more oppressive rather than liberating. In this way, Gaine discourse saturates the social, political, cultural practices and history of participation of Gaines and non-Gaines. Strategic power relations exist between Nepali intellectuals, policy makers, socio-cultural activists which are based on silencing policies of the government. Thiesmeyer identifies silence as opposite of discursive production (39). As a strategy, the state operates it through discourse in different forms such as in literary and artistic expression, scholarly work, and legal and editorial decisions. This strategy represses Gaines voices, their expressions that prevent their wide and consistent circulation thus keeps them in a state of inarticulateness. According to Thiesmeyer, the action of silencing is accompanied by social and political judgments of what is acceptable and unacceptable. As said above, silencing occurs within Gaine discourse therefore it is a discursive act. Discourse and silencing go side by side accompanied by some

Yogi 71 (un)accepted social, political and cultural judgments. As said by Thiesmeyer, silencing is a strategic language to limit, remove or undermine the legitimacy of another use of language (2). In relation to Gaine issues, dominant discourse does the same in the wide social, political and cultural spectrums. Silencing of language is for the purpose of controlling discursive and social exchanges of Gaines. Silencing prevents ethnic, cultural, social, political rights; ultimately that causes the loss of identity. In this sense, political, social and cultural silencing works as a tool of a socio-cultural control. Gaine discourse is constituted by discursive social, cultural, and political relations between Gaines and non-Gaines in course of sharing social commodities, and negotiating the power relations through language use. This discourse always remains as a matter of power, ideology and identity politics but Gaines never realize so. It was so unfortunate that they were silenced strategically through laws and legislations. Unjustifiable inequalities and segregations are/were underlying features of the laws of the land and even the constitutions of the nation failed to guarantee minority Gaines rights. Domination and Hegemony The sense of domination and hegemony fundamentally control the Gaine’s mind. It is the major form of exercise of power in Gaine discourse. As a culturally embedded force, it consists of “double voiced-ness” according to theorist Mikhail Bakhtin. Duality in tongue: “what they say” and “what they do” are common things, the politicians do to achieve power that acts in a disguising nature. Drawing Gramsci, the scholar Mark C.J. Stoddart thinks hegemony as the “common sense” that guides our everyday, mundane understanding of the world that

Yogi 72 is “inherited from the past and uncritically absorbed.” It is perceived to be the prevalent as a social power where the state relies on force only in exceptional circumstances (201). The presence of elites is not always overtly necessary to oppress the subordinate caste or sub-class in the society. Covertly non-Gaines hegemonize public discourse as a part of public opinion, and its formation and control the mind of everyone. For Fairclough, hegemony “concerns power that is achieved through constructing alliances and integrating classes and groups through consent, so that “the articulation and rearticulation of orders of discourse is correspondingly one stake in hegemonic struggle” (qtd. in Blummaert and Blucaen 448-49). This hegemonic power is based on language use where Bakhtinian notion of “double-voicedness” can be attracted. Power elites appear publicly in one face and privately in another face. As a construction of social reality, the dominant discourse contributes hegemonic practice between Gaines and non-Gaine elites. This discourse is the product of power embedded in its disguising nature. As Richardson opines “A dominant discourse is one that is created and sustained by those with power and thus contributing to hegemony in society” (iii). Elites’ interests are inscribed into the Gaine discourse with the power play that has hegemonized Gaines. Power hegemony over Gaines is maintained by threatening them in public opinion formation with government’s propaganda or legal restrictions on their freedom of speech. Why doesn’t government articulate the interest of Dalits or Gaines and execute the rule made for them? This question poses a serious debate. “Language is therefore not simply a means of communication, it is a political weapon; it is shaped and honed to convey political intent” (Heywood 2). Here, language works as a means of discursive hegemony that works for or worsens the sociation.

Yogi 73 Sociation According to authors Kalwant Bhopal, and Martin Myers, sociation is the construction and maintenance of societies (98). Socio-political forces that shape Gaine decisions, beliefs, opinions and attitudes dichotomize non-Gaines as insiders and Gaines as outsiders. Like Saidian dichotomy “Us” and “Them,” the political socialization and communication tends to dismiss among Nepali social members. This is how the political elites or the government would establish a distinct political entity creating or changing socio-political orders of the society. It is unfortunate that Gaines, just as the fate of the Gypsies of Eastern Europe are considered as “outsiders” inside their own nation. Regarding the social position, the construction of Gypsies, Bhopal and Myers contend that Gypsies construct themselves and are constructed by others as not belonging to the wider community and are considered as ‘outsiders’, never insiders. The social space occupied by many Gypsies falls outside the boundaries of the dominant discourse (103). The similar construction of discourse can occur in reference to Gaines and non-Gaines in Nepal. Gaines constitute themselves and are constituted by non-Gaine elites. The former are perpetual outsiders, never insiders. The latter are insiders. Talking about latter, the social space that they have got is not their own. It is outside the social boundaries made against them, i.e. nothing but marginalization. Bhopal and Myers further show the urgency to understand “Gypsies and “others”, [ . . . ] their status not only “outsiders”, [. . .] for our wider understanding of them as a group that remains alien and alienated” (91).The historical, cultural and social distancing occurs most often in Gaine life affairs as Gypsies. This distancing treats them alien and are mostly alienated.

Yogi 74 The cultural production of knowledge and the reproduction of social power is always under the grip of non-Gaines. Gaines are not only decentered, but also kept away from the locus of power. The main impact of social power and political action has decentered Gaines that paralyses the society at large. In this case, Gaine solidarity is mostly an issue related to entirely national solidarity in Nepal. Social solidarity is the result of administrative system regulated through power. Concerning state power or societal power, Van Dijk states that it is based on privileged access to socially valued resources such as wealth, income, position, status, force, group membership, education, or knowledge (168). Here, Simon During prefers culture over societal power considering it as a means of forming mature individuals with a concrete and balanced sense of life that ought to be measured in terms of its capacity to deepen and widen experiences (2). Gaines’ language and folklore with widening and deepening effects are in an effort to maintain Nepali culture through constitution of their identity. It is in the direction to widen and deepen their experiences. As an element of culture, Gaine songs have influenced the folk consciousness, awakening people to fight, and have strengthened the resistance against unethicality, injustice and prejudice. Gaine songs continued to play an important role in promoting nationalism and ethnic unity even expressing the plight of the people and igniting the spirit of rebellion and or patriotism. Culturally, Gaines are speaking up the voices of elites (un)intentionally. Though Gaine culture is rich in its ingredients, it is stigmatized culturally. Drawing Sherry Beth Ortner, Yoosun Park asserts “Cultural constructions are always ‘ideological,’ always situated with respect to the forms and modes of power operating in a given time and space” (qtd. in Park 12).Gaine songs have widely employed themes and motifs such as of hardship, sadness and suffering. Even they recall their

Yogi 75 own painful experiences which often become a company in their life. They show the sense of trauma, pain and lacking rights to inheritance through their songs which are based on Nepali culture, customs, and incidents and so on. Manipulation Manipulation as an act of illegitimate domination of elites over non-elites has produced massive social inequality in Nepali society. Van Dijk et al. consider manipulation not only involving power, but specifically abuse of power. It furthermore implies the exercise of a form of illegitimate influence by means of discourse where manipulators make others believe or do things that are in the interest of the manipulator, and against the best interest of the manipulated (qtd. in Van Dijk 360).There are many assumptions in which Gaines are presented wrong and are the products of preconceived notions or narrow-mindedness of elites. The inferiority and superiority in terms of caste, creed, and ideology can be noticed in Hindu caste theory and practice. This has massive consequences for the formation of elitist Gaine discourse. “Hinduism in Nepal is a syncretic religion which often differs significantly from one village to the next” (Cox 105). This generally produces the sense of inferiority on the part of Dalits and Gaines. Hinduism was the state religion years back and Gaines were victims of religious practices. Religion, customs, and tradition as a source of laws like constitution adversely affect the walk and talk of Dalits or Gaines. Though the country became secular, elite mindsets have not changed. Dalit rights activist, Parshuram Ramtel identifies elites’ role responsible in the weak or non-implementation of law. Though Civil Code of 2020 has also announced untouchability illegal but it didn’t apply in behavior (449). Non-Gaines still work with a prolonged hangover and keep the ill of society as it is. The present socio-political condition is something like the surface structure that has got lots of

Yogi 76 decorations and furnishings but the deep structure (the mentality of rulers, cultural elites, etc.) has remained intact. The latter has become the means of dominance in almost every aspect of Nepali socio-cultural life. Dominance Dominance may be enacted and reproduced by subtle, routine, everyday forms of text and talk that appear natural and quite acceptable. Wealthy, successful untouchable business persons, intellectuals, and social activists and leaders are either blocked or forced to follow the footprints of cultural and political elites. Van Dijk defines dominance, “as the exercise of social power by elites, institutions or groups, that results in the inequality, including political, cultural, class, ethnic, racial, and gender inequality”(249-50). Furthermore, policy elites want the social and political inequalities prevail in the society. In this name, they would get chance to rule over them.“Orthodox Hindu caste value forbids Brahmans, Chhetris and Thakuris to marry untouchables” (Cox 104). Like these, there are numbers of other supporting modes of unequal practices and discourses- enactment, representation, legitimation, denials, mitigation or concealment of dominance among others. As an element of dominant discourse, decency versus respectability dichotomy has come into existence. Some travelling groups refuse to accept the name “Gaine” because of its pejorative meaning given to the word, and the negative imagery associated with it, and the possible fear of prejudice and hostility to be intensified.“Hebermas observes that economic and social stratification necessarily yields forms of domination that are incompatible with exercising equal rights” (Ingram 260-61). This stratification is a major obstacle on the path of Gaine emancipation. For their emancipatory mission, social discrimination, repression,

Yogi 77 domination, exclusion and exploitation against Gaines should be removed from the prevailing society. Ideological Prejudice Gaine discourse is full of underlying ideological prejudices. Ruling classes or rulers play “an exciting game of hide and seek” where Gaines cannot be prioritized anymore. It is said that the rulers (have) always (attempted) attempt to maintain a link between its priests (intellectuals) and the faithful. Cultural elites before or after power mechanism befool Gaines in various ways as they pretend to imagine and engage for others so that there are many forms of inequalities prevailing in Nepali society. Gaine discourse is, thus an induced discourse which is the instrument of power and control shaping and sharpening social construction of reality. The social mechanisms’ interests are injected in such discourse. This is why, Gaine discourse gets it featured as the discourse made by those who hold the power and control it through the strategic use of language with an intention of malice against Gaines.

Yogi 78 Chapter V Conclusion Minstrels travelling across the world are known with different names who maintain to some extent similar sort of socio-cultural positions. The minstrel tradition survives in countries like Iran, Turkey, Ireland, Scotland, Italy, Ukraine, Morocco, Russia, and South Africa. Similarly, Rumania, Hungary, Mexico, India and Nepal also have such traditions in different forms. In these societies, minstrels maintain religious or non-religious affiliations. In the Nepali context, travelling singers are known as Gaines or Gandharba/vas. Being the people of typical caste, they play the fiddle and earn their livelihood. Though they have a low status in the society, they have contributed substantially in different phases of the history. They link themselves to Nepali lifestyles, culture, politics, and geography and so on in transitions too with their multifarious identity. They consolidate power structure, disseminate the history, and enliven Nepali culture and tradition through music and songs. They have worked as oral news reporters when there were no newspapers. They not only carried the news, views, but also enlivened the culture and made it spread from one corner to the next. Entertaining people from upper strata through Karkhas and songs of various types was a prime job of these people. In folk song tradition and information dissemination, these people have played a crucial role throughout the history. However, they deserve a distinct identity in the society; they have never been able to find a respectable position in it. The caste discourse has always pushed them at the lowest rung of the social ladder. Thus, the elite mindset does not have any room to accept these inevitable members of the society in the developmental mainstreaming. That is always considered to be a taboo. This situation

Yogi 79 prevents Gaines to be the part of egalitarian society where the principles of inclusive democracy are followed. The constant disregard, ignorance and humiliation toward the Gaines from the power mechanism has led them to a pathetically psychological state of mind that forbids them to think about the brighter side of life. That can be seen in most of their songs which are based on injustice, oppression, pain, hardship exploitation, etc. These thematic indications also suggest urgency in reviewing Nepali social, cultural and political structures. Discursively, these structures embody the prevailing hazardous socio-economic relations under which Gaines are constantly being deprived of social status since time immemorial. The social distancing created by discrimination in caste system has separated Gaines from non-Gaine population. Furthermore, the separation discourse has kept them in feeble state of social positioning. Human rights activist, Tek Tamrakar finds fault with the constitutional immaturity and selfish power elites. Due to which neither Dalit community could participate in state resources nor feel their rights and always are deprived of even saying, “ this is my state” (100). But they were ever the subjects of experimentation for political leaders and the victims of exclusion. Though these elites were not unaware of making the state for everyone substantially in a real sense, the governments were just good at figurative languages, formalities, and irresponsibility. This is mainly caused by the ruling class prejudice, inequality resulting into cultural and social marginalization, othering and silencing of the Gaines. This language of domination has treated Dalits or Gaines as inferior and less knowledgeable people. Dalit rights activist and advocate Lumasingh Bishwokarma envisions that the state is limited with formalities in relation to the growth and

Yogi 80 development of backward communities (229). Moreover, he denies the role of state where no concrete, effective and affirmative action is initiated. Observing government activities, the state is seen unwilling to support and has an absolute lack of interest and readiness. This governmental strategy has kept backward community always submissive. Moreover, it has located Gaines historically, culturally, socially and politically subservient caste. In such a condition, elites influence the talk, text, and walk of these people giving them subservient roles in the society. The ideology and practices are highly misused. Such practices have given rise to torturous Gaine discourse in which Gaines have to succumb. This marginality in culture and politics has a long effect as it excludes them from cultural, societal, educational (knowledge) formation, development and public exposure. Gaine discourse is a discourse initiated and garnered by elites with an intention to exercise power over them through social, and eventually, psychological alienation. This leads Gaines to more vulnerable, in other words, twice and thrice alienated state in their living. As a result, Nepali social, cultural, political and intellectual actors serve the interest of ruling classes that invite an atmosphere of clash of interest and confrontation between Gaines and non-Gaines. The continuing struggle of dominance and clash of interest keeps Gaines under the process of victimization. The research has found that “the guardian state” is hostile to Gaines and their activities despite its claim of inclusivity, as the constitutions that have come after the 1990s have also not been able to seriously address the social status of the Gaines. The power abuse usually has taken place through various properties of discourse including propaganda, manipulation or legitimation in ruling discourse that constitutes complex processes and structures at the more societal, political and

Yogi 81 cultural levels. Scholar and author Bidhyanath Koirala explicates these complex processes and structures beginning with the priests who loaded the caste discrimination. Social reformists continued recognizing it as a form of untouchablity. Dalit accepted and continue(d) the same mentality without doing anything against as they were in deprivation. Even the reformist political parties and their cadets practise untouchabilty. This way, they are compelled to live in untouchability (374). Based on the above scenario, Nepali Gaine social discourse embodies several issues of polity, society and culture. Gaine and non-Gaine social-cultural struggle, othering, cornering and silencing one another, and ideological tussle are most prominently prevalent in social power discourse. The strategic use of power or language and dichotomies such as- powerful versus powerless, domination and hegemony, inclusion-exclusion-denial, clash of interest, and outsiderness are other issues in their discourse. The issues of sociation, social solidarity, dominance, manipulation, presupposition and preconceived notions, inferiority complex, doublevoicedness in power elites, and prejudices prevail strongly in Gaine discourse where elite role is always prominent. Apart from an excavation of socio-cultural and political issues in Gaine social power discourse, this research moreover opens the clear roadmap in understanding of Nepali society and policy making and directs the potential researchers to pursue their research on Gaine in connection with power mechanisms, elites and their strategic use of language. Most probably the researcher claims, Gaine discourse, as an exploitative discourse created by elites about non-elites with vested interests where no concerns to common people like Gaines are reflected, represented, implemented, adhered to and addressed.

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Yogi 89 Appendices This section consists of interviews taken by the researcher to two Gandharvas and the translated Gaine songs. The first part of appendix presents the interviews and the latter is the Gaine songs.

Yogi 90 Appendix I Interview I This interview was taken with Mr. Purna Badadur Gandharva, inhabitant of Hapur VDC. Ward no. 7, Dang district of Mid-west Nepal by the researcher while he came to Kathmandu as a singing minstrel. The interview with him is presented below: Krishna: Namaste. Let me begin the interview, it’s quite formal, ok? What’s your name? Prakash: Namaste, my name is Purna Bahadur. Purna Bahadur: Do you say Gandharva or Gayak? Purna Bahadur: Gandharva. Krishna: Where do you live? Purna Bahadur: Dang. Krishna: When did you come to Kathmandu? Purna Bahadur: It has been seven days. Krishna: Do you do farming? Purna Bahadur: Yes. Krishna: Where do you live in Dang? Purna Bahadur: Hapur VDC ward no-7. Krishna: Have you got any nick name? Krishna: How old are you? Purna Bahadur: 53. Krishna: How often did you come to Kathmandu? Purna Bahadur: 3-4 times. Krishna: Did you come in any other season? Purna Bahadur: Sometimes, Falgun-Chaitra.

Yogi 91 Krishna: When did u get birth? Do you know? Krishna: Do you have parents alive? Purna Bahadur: No, they are dead. Krishna: When did your mother die? Purna Bahadur: When I was 15 years, mother died earlier. Krishna: How many members are in your family? Purna Bahadur: Many. Children separated. Two sons they live separated. They did not work together. Krishna: What do they do? Purna Bahadur: They work on daily wages. Krishna: What do the inhabitants of Dang say about you? Purna Bahadur: We play Naumati at Dashain in our villages. We go to Chhetri, Bahun. Krishna: Which do you prefer to be called either Gandharva or Gaine? Purna Bahadur: Gandharva. Krishna: Do you know any difference between Gaine and Gandharva? Krishna: Do you like/dislike untouchability? Purna Bahadur: It doesn’t exist. Krishna: In village or in city? Purna Bahadur: Nowhere. Krishna: Do you like that? Purna Bahadur: Yes. Krishna: What do you want from the society? Purna Bahadur: We like. If development… Supporting Dalit…We want something the support for Dalit… scholarship for children.

Yogi 92 Krishna: That’s of children. What do you want? Purna Bahadur: We are in old age; we need subsidy as per the rules of government. We are not that much sure about government security. Krishna: You sang a song where you mentioned even the shadow did not support even by own shadow. Purna Bahadur: No.. no.. That is the song. That means even our shadow does not support. Krishna: When do you return back? Purna Bahadur: At Dashain. Krishna: Tell me about your own culture. Do you know to sing Karkha? Purna Bahadur: Karkha…I used to sing earlier. People do not more like Karkha nowadays. We sing the songs of Gods…Old people like our Bhanjans (hymns)… but the teenage don’t like. People of today do not like. They want something new. Krishna: New means they want like that of TV to be shown, radio to be listened and so on. Krishna: Do you think you are promoting your culture? What do you say about your role in the society? Purna Bahadur: They do not like what we are doing. Krishna: What do your children say to promote sarangi culture? Today’s youth? Did anyone learn sarangi from you? Krishna: Do you have enough land? Purna Bahadur: No. Not enough. Krishna: Does it produce the food crops for your survival? Purna Bahadur: I survive for 3 or 4 months. Krishna: What do you want from government?

Yogi 93 Purna Bahadur: Lalpurja (a land owner’s certificate). Krishna: Do you think you will work tilling the land? Purna Bahadur: Yes. It is good practice. Krishna: Many people take this Gaine culture is so much good. You should continue that. What do you say on that? Purna Bahadur: That’s good. Krishna: Do you know anything about your old generations? Do you know how do they come to Nepal? Purna Bahadur: I don’t know anything about them. Krishna: What does the youth of this generation say about your culture? Do they say to save sarangi culture? Purna Bahadur: It has disappeared, it will be better if we go for that. Krishna: That’s ok. You are going back, then? Ok, you go safe, all the best. Purna Bahadur: Thank you, sir.

Yogi 94 Interview II This interview was taken with Mr. Prakash Gandharva alias Dilu, one of the prominent characters of Katha Mitho Sarangiko (Sweet Tales of the Fiddle), a BBC Media Action’s production by the researcher. Because of his daily schedule, it was taken when he was in Pokhara via mobile phone. The interview with him is presented below: Krishna: Namaste, Prakashji. Let me begin the interview, it’s quite formal, ok? What’s your name? Prakash: Namaste. My name is Prakash Gandharva. Prakash: Do you say Gandharva or Gayak? Prakash: I write Gandharva. Krishna: Somebody writes Gayak as well. Prakash: They write Gayak, previously they used to write Gaine. Krishna: Have you got any other nickname to be called in villages? Prakash: No, they call me Prakash. Afterwards, they call me Dilu. Krishna: This is your name in Katha Mitho Sarangiko. By the way, how old are you? Prakash: 26. Krishna: What is your date of birth? Prakash: 2046-8-03 Krishna: Do you know the day of your birth? Prakash: Monday. Krishna: Where do your parents and grandparents live? Prakash: Parents in Tanahun, and some others are in Kathmandu. I’m in Nagadanda. It is also called Naudanda. Krishna: Where did you do the study?

Yogi 95 Prakash: I would say I have no study. I left while I was in class 5 and started to play sarangi. Why did you leave the study? Prakash: I could not do it. It was my compulsion. I left because I needed to earn for myself. Krishna: It is because of economic problem. Do know anything about any other well known Gandharvas? Prakash: Tirtha Bahadur Gandharva, Jhalakman Gandharva, and Krishna Bahadur Gandharva. I personally have met Tirtha Bahadur. They have fame though they have no economy I personally have Tirtha Bahadur who is my relative. Krishna: Don’t you think the government has given a proper respect and felicitation to them? Prakash: That … There was Jhalakman Gandharva, and with him were many problems though he performed nicely. He showed many things travelling in every corner of Nepal and collecting the stuff and making themselves. That is difficult task. Jhanakman Gandharva and other and presenting on space…he had a name… there was nobody to take care of his health in his last hours. Me, myself could have anything in future. Yes, I think they are kept a lit bit backwards. Krishna: You think the state didn’t give anything to him as you suppose? Prakash: There were enough letters of appreciation. The appreciation and felicitations were enough in papers. There is nothing to spend the daily life… economy. What does the paper do? Krishna: It means you think they are to be economically looked after. Krishna: Gandharvas are considered untouchables. What do you say about the untouchability? Was that made by so called elites or you, yourself?

Yogi 96 Prakash: It is neither made by them. It is being constructed we do not deliberately want to lie low... it is all about oppressing one another. At the time of Thakuri, and Dalits were in the lowest. Untouchability was massively practised. Nowadays, still it is said Gaines, they Krishna: You said tradition… it was made by elites you think there was their role greater than yours? Prakash: Before 6 years, in future it can decrease because people will know people. Krishna: Some people Gandharvas as landless, powerless, having no social status, economically weak… Prakash: I think Gandharva belong to Pariyar Pode class. 8-10 years ago, they were weak. Krishna: It has been heard that regarding the contribution you have done in culture, elites say you have nothing done to the formation of Nepali culture. What do you say on that? Prakash: I negate the role of Gandharvas in Nepali culture. I can say there isn’t a role of Gandharva people in Nepal. The first journalists were the Gandharvas. Prakash: Sarangi is our culture. That walks with us. We have also a place and status. We play and sing and show our art. Sarangi is the … (interruption) of our culture. Untouchability is not that much effective…umm…There is a change. Krishna: Any bitter experience while travelling and singing, this way? Prakash: Somewhere we need to live in cow-shed. In life, I was not having even slippers… I need to walk bare foot, 20-25 km while going with my maternal uncle. Krishna: Do you know anything how Gaines arrived in Nepal? Prakash: No, I do not know anything but I am studying borrowing a book from you. This helps me a lot.

Yogi 97 Krishna: You feel proud to be belonging to Gandharva caste? Prakash: Yes, I do. Krishna: What do you suggest Gandharva to do? Prakash: Gandharvas are to be united. The government has to work out further. It needs to investigate over us in connection to the real population. Krishna: You mean, Government should have a re-census in order to identify their whereabouts, their social, economic and cultural status with their exact populations and locations. Prakash: Yes, along with that, though they have already a profession, their professions should be strengthened. It could be their job. I am entertaining this profession. In a Gandharva family of four, if two of them play the sarangi they can easily be employed. Last week I met, Tirtha Bahadur grandfather…he expressed his unhappiness as his sons were not playing sarangi. The favorable atmosphere needs to be constructed. Krishna: Do you have anything to say towards the end? Prakash: People of Gandharva caste should not be deliberately killed. This is my last say. Krishna: It means you think government should promote and conserve them and their traditions. Krishna: Ok, thanks a lot for your time and opinion. Prakash: Thank you to you as well.

Yogi 98 Appendix II Song 1 … … … In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Life was spent Youth was spent in the woods In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Life was spent Youth was spent in the woods … … … My heart upsets seeing painful life Tears come while writing this poem Expecting good to happen, life is passed Heart considers something amazing In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods … … … With an empty belly, (I) used to wander villages to villages And eat pop-corn and water at the doors of people No neighbor offers anything to eat Expecting good to happen, life is passed In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods … … … Walking round ups and downs with legs tired Feeling of heart circulating and disseminating the folk songs Nobody listens to us and understands our arts and crafts Nowhere, I need to go In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods … … … The four strings of sarangi (fiddle) deliver the inner feelings Walking with an empty belly, I am exhausted If I don’t walk, my children will starve Though God is unfriendly to me that results my bad luck Without satisfaction, life will be spent In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods In the loads of pain Gaine Dai (brother) Youth was spent in the woods Song 2 … … … Hee∫∫∫∫ Let’s go to drink sister, go to drink Down in the Thakali’s, let’s go to drink Sister, let’s go to drink, go to drink Let’s go to drink sister, go to drink Down in the Thakali’s, let’s go to drink Sister, let’s go to drink You’re having purse and penny both

Yogi 99 Let’s go to drink sister, go to drink Down in the Thakali’s, let’s go to drink and eat fish Sister, let’s drink and eat fish Down in the Thakali’s, let’s go to drink Song 3 … … … In this heart, pain came moment by moment In which day did I get birth? Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Pain came moment by moment In which day did I get birth? Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card … … … I’m counting days that my love’s gone, counting the days When will she come in my heart? Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card I’m counting days, days I’m counting When will she come in my heart? Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Hee∫∫∫∫ I wander into cliff and flatish land, cliff and flatish land Never I’ve the tears discontinued from eyes Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Hee∫∫∫∫ When my love lost in foreign land Reminds me about my love when minibus horns Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Losing in foreign land, loosing in foreign land Reminds me my beloved when a minibus horns Moving with like a water grinding mill Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card Will I return or not, my beloved? Shift your name into a pension card

Yogi 100 Song 4 … … … My heart bears that pain- that much pain Sharing it is not allowed Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you That much pain-that much pain Sharing it is not allowed Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you Meeting is not often possible- not often possible I was thinking that you forgot me Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you I was thinking that you forgot me Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you At meeting, I listen this and that, back and froth Never comes a better chance Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you This and that, back and forth Never comes a better chance Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you Hee∫∫∫∫ You’ve an anxiety, I’ve an anxiety Who will understand the call of our heart? Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you You’ve an anxiety, I’ve an anxiety Who will understand the call of our heart? Rome for Roman, Italy for Italian (Banko Kaphal Bankai Charilai) Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you Though your love is too short My love is ever and ever to you

Yogi 101 Song 5 Haa∫∫∫∫ Consider the beloved, and have a thought Don’t treat the ill ones unmanaged Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Applause isn’t possible with a single hand Give me your youth (to me), I will keep it intact Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Applause isn’t possible with a single hand Give me your youth (to me), I will keep it intact Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted … … … Pure water, kerosene in a gallon I just came at your door Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted … … … Come, my beloved to put on Kamal (Lotus) To put out the fire of heart Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted To put on Kamal To put out the fire of heart Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted … … … Let’s plant paddy though it will be washed away You do not look twice Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Plant paddy though it will be washed away Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted

Yogi 102 Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted … … … Which paddy shall I plant under the door? Who knows the pain of the heart? Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Which paddy shall I plant? Who knows the pain of the heart? Unpleasing grapes Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Let’s love like Ganga’s water Not polluted Song 6 … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ If the heart gets pain I won’t say the over-swelled Gandaki At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved If gets pain I won’t say the over-swelled Gandaki At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved … … … Why did you sow and what sort of seed, under the door? Who knows the pain of this heart? At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why shall I sow and what sort of seed? Who knows the pain of this heart? At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved … … … Pretending curd, you put safe, Chaulani (the remaining after washing the rice in a watery form) Will immigrant come back remembering home? At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved

Yogi 103 Putting safe Chaulani Will immigrant come back remembering home? At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved … … … Look at my fate which is unlucky Wherever I go, I get the same reply At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Unlucky fate Wherever I go, I get charged with the same guilt At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved … … … Look at my fate: it has been full of darkness Nowhere, I get the place to stand and hold At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Fate has been full of darkness Nowhere, I get the place to stand and hold At Ranighat Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Why do you sow thorns on the way? My beloved Song 7 … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ How much pain is there in heart? It’s not good to speak up By the pigtail of a ribbon My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety … … … Hee∫∫∫∫ Sun dries on the month of May (Chaitra) What will beauty alone do when there is no fortune? By the pigtail of a ribbon My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety

Yogi 104 In the scorching sun of May (Chaitra) What does it do beauty without fortune? By the pigtail of a ribbon My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety … … … Hee∫∫∫∫ Youthful years at sixteen Will this be returned? By the pigtail of a ribbon My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety Youthful years at sixteen Will this be returned? By the pigtail of a ribbon My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety My heart span like a wheel Due to your anxiety Song 8 … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ Weeps the heart like the blackbird (Nyauli) Dries the body like the leaves of Katus (a type of tree) A Tuni tree at the cliff Why to weep over a terrible happening? Like the blackbird of May (Chaitra) Dries the body like the leaves of Katus A Tuni tree at the cliff Why to weep over a terrible happening? Why to weep over a terrible happening? Song 9 … … … My love is really true Remembering you, my lady, it’s false What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by unlucky fate Knitting real love, knitting real love Remembering you, my lady, it’s false What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by an unlucky fate Separated by an unlucky fate … … … Hee∫∫∫∫ Fate has cornered me, has cornered me I’m compelled to accept (my lady) whatever and whosoever speaks up

Yogi 105 What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by an unlucky fate Has cornered me, has cornered me I’m compelled to accepted (my lady) whatever and whosoever speaks up What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by an unlucky fate Separated by an unlucky fate … … … You’ve got a great fortune, a great fortune Monetary reward (Dakshnia) hasn’t come on rice, my lady! What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by an unlucky fate A great luck, a great fortune Monetary reward (Dakshnia) hasn’t come over rice, my lady! What did the religion and mercy do? You’re in the East, my lady. I’m in the West Separated by an unlucky fate Separated by an unlucky fate Song 10 … … … Wherever I go, there is no gain The sole cause is my evil fate (Karma), my beloved In a mustard flower Seeing the universe I made a mistake I had no gain The sole cause is my evil fate (Karma), my beloved In a mustard flower Seeing the universe … … … Look at the arrival of African Negros Look at the arrival of African Negros Nepali men and women copy and were as their the same Glowing came Kali era (the present time) The practice of the world is fake In a mustard flower Seeing the universe I made a mistake Glowing face of Kali The practice of the world is fake In a mustard flower Seeing the universe … … … Foreigners and natives are different individuals Foreigners and natives are different individuals They start to wear fashion selecting various kinds

Yogi 106 If life is spoilt nothing else happens, but nothing should affect the legacy of our forefathers If life is spoilt nothing else happens, but nothing should affect the legacy of our forefathers My caste is Gandharva! Such is my plight … … … Hee∫∫∫∫ We should not weep seeing others One has to come written on forehead In a mustard flower Seeing the universe I made a mistake Seeing others One has to come written something on one’s forehead In a mustard flower Seeing the universe I made a mistake Song 11 … … … If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life You’ve vocal like that of a cuckoo Your flowery life will be wasted You’ve vocal like that of a cuckoo Your flowery life will be wasted … … … Hoo∫∫∫∫ Directly, you often tease Ugh! Don’t pinch me dragging my shawl Hoo∫∫∫∫ Directly, you often tease me Ugh! Don’t pinch me dragging my shawl I’m having energy in my body I’m having energy in my body My heart is touched so much If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life … … … Hoo∫∫∫∫ Don’t come in that much emotion I’ll trap in love Hoo∫∫∫∫ Don’t come in that much emotion I’ll trap in love I’ll stop you by hands I’ll stop you by hands

Yogi 107 I’ll express all my pain today itself You’ve vocal like that of a cuckoo Your flowery life will be wasted You’ve vocal like that of a cuckoo Your flowery life will be wasted … … … If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life If I were a bird, I’d fly free with fun in the sky You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life You stopped my beloved, using hooks in my life Song 12 … … … Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears … … … Expressing heartily wishes (flowers) to brothers and sisters Expressing heartily wishes (flowers) to brothers and sisters Giving love by offering a lap to spend life We’ll brighten your face removing the darkness Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears … … … We distribute and eat up your milk, grain and water We distribute and eat up your milk, grain and water Why do we become near and far to someone? We’ll drag you higher We’ll arrange the moon on your forehead Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears We’ll speak up from an elevation of the mountain We establish industries reading hundred of things We play Bhailo repeating a single and the same song Forcefully opening up the door of heart Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Don’t weep terribly mother, we’ll wipe out your tears Song 13 … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ Ti’s brother has beautiful eyes, beautiful eyes That has distracted my mind Don’t weep my beloved … … Due to ti’s lady’s fascinating voice, fascinating voice Your lovely eyes have touched my heart

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Yogi 108 Don’t weep my beloved Due to fascinating voice Your lovely eyes have touched my heart Don’t weep my beloved … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ Ti’s brother has offered me benefit, offered me benefit Ultimately who shall I lead the life with? Don’t weep my beloved Offered me benefit, offered me benefit Ultimately who shall I lead the life with? Don’t weep my beloved Ultimately who shall I lead the life with? Don’t weep my beloved … … … Haa∫∫∫∫ Lalupate has reddened after its blossom, has reddened after its blossom My status is conditioned like a sage Don’t weep my beloved Has reddened after its blossom, has reddened after it My status is conditioned like a sage Don’t weep my beloved … … … Things not maintained in fate, not maintained in fate It can’t be possible forcefully, gentleman Don’t weep my beloved Things not maintained in fate, not maintained in fate It can’t be possible forcefully, gentleman Don’t weep my beloved … … … The string made by the fate, string made by the fate My heart has become one-sided after its split Don’t weep my beloved String made by the fate, made by the fate My heart has become one-sided after its split Don’t weep my beloved … … … We’ll have watery orange to drink, watery orange to drink If we don’t do so, we, two of us will be killed Don’t weep my beloved Watery orange to drink, watery orange to drink If we don’t do so, we, two of us will be killed Don’t weep my beloved If we don’t do so, we, two of us will be killed Don’t weep my beloved If we don’t do so, we, two of us will be killed Don’t weep my beloved

Yogi 109 Song 14 Dying myself, I’ll save my country For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself Dying myself, I’ll save my country For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself … … … If I don’t get edible grain, I’ll eat forest roots I’ll eat forest roots If I don’t get clothes, I’ll cover my body with leaves I’ll cover my body with leaves Sun and Moon, the emblems of peace Sun and Moon, the emblems of peace, I hold the flag with If foreigners invade the land, I’ll leave the life If foreigners invade the land, I’ll leave the life Dying myself, I’ll save my country Make the mountain laugh, Danphe (a kind of Himlayan bird) to dance Save the country where Buddha was born Make the mountain laugh, Danphe to dance Save the country where Buddha was born … … … Let’s cultivate the habit of independence The habit of independence Let’s dedicate ourselves to popularize the country Dedicate ourselves Let’s save this legacy, history and inheritance Earned by our forefathers Let’s please the motherland, decorating my native country Let’s please the motherland, decorating my native country In the global history, we’re gallant and brave Nepalis In the global history, we’re gallant and brave Nepalis Let me see my crown in the incarnation of Lord Bishnu Dying myself, I’ll save my country … … … Let’s do early what the country needs today Let’s do early Don’t eat delicious depending upon others Don’t eat delicious I’ll eat up what my hard work pays I’ll eat up what my hard work pays that is tasty Never he recoils, the gallant Nepali boy Never he recoils, the gallant Nepali boy Dying myself, I’ll save my country Dying myself, I’ll save my country For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself For my country, I’ll sacrifice myself I’ll save my country I’ll save my country I’ll save my country I’ll save my country