From the Great River to the Ends of the Earth (The Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate)

From the Great River to the Ends of the Earth Oblate Missions to the Dene 1847-1921

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THE UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA TRESS WESTERN CANADIAN TUBLISHERS

From the

Oblate Missions to the Dene, 1847-1921

to the

of the

First published by The University of Alberta Press Athabasca Hall Edmonton, Alberta Canada T6G 2E8 and Western Canadian Publishers 10336-114 Street Edmonton, Alberta Canada T5K183 Copyright © The University of Alberta Press and Western Canadian Publishers 1995 ISBN 0-88864-263-6

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data McCarthy, Martha. From the great river to the ends of the earth (The missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate in the Canadian North West) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-88864-263-6 i. Oblates of Mary Immaculate—Missions—Northwest, Canadian—History. 2. Tinne Indians—Missions—Northwest, Canadian—History. 3. Indians of North America—Missions—Northwest, Canadian. 4. Missions—Northwest, Canadian—History. I. Title. II. Series. BV23OO.O2M321995

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any forms or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. Printed on acid-free paper. °° Printed and bound in Canada by Best Book Manufacturers, Louiseville, Quebec. Frontispiece: Bishop Breynat on the Mackenzie River, 1030, PAA.

TheAlberta Foundation for the Arts COMMITTED TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF CULTURE AND THE ARTS

He shall rule from sea to sea, From the Great River to the ends of the earth. Psalm 72:8

Plus loin que le pays que nous habitons est une vaste contree, connue sous le nom de Grande Riviere Mackenzie ... assez vaste pour former un royaume et meme un empire. Beyond this country where we are lies an immense territory, known as the Great River Mackenzie ... vast enough to form a kingdom or even an empire. Fa.ra.ud to Mazenod, 29 December1855

Our Dene nation is like this great river. It has been flowing before any of us can remember. We take our strength, our wisdom and our ways from the flow and direction which has been established for us by ancestors we never knew, ancestors of a thousand years ago. Frank T'Seleie, Chief of Fort Good Hope Band Cited in Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland by Thomas Berger

For my husband Don McCarthy

CONTENTS

Abbreviations ix Acknowledgments xi Foreword xiii Preface xv Introduction xvii

1 Worlds Apart: The "Old" World i 2 Worlds Apart: The "New" World n 3 Policy and Pragmatism: The Oblates and the Hudson's Bay Company 27

4 Rivals in Faith: Oblates Versus Anglicans 45 5 Structures and Infrastructure 57 6 When Two Worlds Met 73 7 Lay Leadership Among the Dene 97 8 Metis Auxiliaries 107 9 Health and Well-Being: Medicine and Mission 119 10 Protest and Prophecy 131 11 Education and Evangelization 155 12 Oblates, Dene, and the Canadian Government 171 13 A New Heaven and a New Earth 179

Appendix A Appendix B Appendix C Notes 211 Bibliography Index 263

Dene Population Statistics 194 Sickness and Medicine i^ Oblate Missions to the Dene 210 245

ABBREVIATIONS

AASB

Archives Archbishop of St. Boniface

AD

Archives Deschatelets

ADM

Archives Diocese Mackenzie—Fort Smith

CMS

Church Missionary Society [Anglican]

HBC

Hudson's Bay Company

HBCA

Hudson's Bay Company Archives

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NAC

National Archives of Canada

OAGP

Oblate Archives Grandin Province

OMI

Oblates of Mary Immaculate

PAA

Provincial Archives of Alberta

PAM

Provincial Archives of Manitoba

RMQ

Rapport des Missions du diocese du Quebec

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Ji would like to thank all the Dene elders who gave so generously of their time and knowledge to me. Elizabeth Yakeleya, John Blondin, Paul Wright, and Fred Widow of Fort Norman met with me; Mabel Martin interpreted for me. Cecilia Tourangeau talked to me in Inuvik just after leaving the hospital, and I am most grateful for this. Hyacinth Andre spoke to me and guided me around Arctic Red River, while I was staying at the mission house. Sister Alice Rivard took me to see Madeleine Villeneuve, Sarah McPherson, and Celine Laferte at Fort Simpson just before she left the north, after spending fifty years there. I flew with Father La Grange in his plane when he went to say Mass at Jean-Marie River; Sister Rivard introduced me to Sarah Hardisty there. Gus Kraus at Fort Simpson, a white trapper and prospector, who moved from Chicago to Peace River to the

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North West Territories in the early years of this century, gave me his perspective on this history. My thanks go to all the Oblates, especially Bishop Denis Croteau and Fathers Ebner, Labat, and La Grange, who extended their hospitality to me throughout my stay in the Mackenzie-Fort Smith Diocese. I am grateful too for the cordial welcome I received from all the Oblates at the Provincial House in Edmonton, at St. Albert, and at Deschatelets in Ottawa. My conversations with them expanded my awareness for this book. Sister Dora and the rest of the Grey Nuns whom I met welcomed me with their own community of generosity, for which I am most grateful. My deep appreciation goes to the Oblate archivists—Father Gilles Mousseau at the Diocesan Archives in Yellowknife, Father Gaston Montmigny of the Oblate Archives Grandin Province in St. Albert, and Father Romuald Boucher at Deschatelets in Ottawa—for their willing and generous assistance in finding documents for me. I also owe a great deal to the cooperation and aid of the late Guy Lacombe of Western Canadian Publishers. Katharine Martyn, Assistant Director of the Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto, was kind enough to send me some material from the J.B. Tyrrell Collection that was unavailable at the time I visited Toronto. Her help is much valued. I was pleased to receive a Research Time Stipend from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for 1990—1991. This financial support was essential to the completion of this book. Western Canadian Publishers contributed toward the publication costs, for which the publishers and I are grateful.

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TOREWORD

Ihe .he Western Oblate History Project was established to prepare a series of

critical studies dealing with the history of the Missionary Oblates of Mary Immaculate in the western and northern regions of Canada. In the interests of impartiality and objectivity it was decided that the Project would limit itself to identifying major research areas and allow independent scholars complete freedom with respect to methodology and the interpretation of their data. These three research areas were: (i) studies analyzing the establishment, expansion and administration of the Congregation in the Canadian North West; (2) thematic studies; and (3) biographical studies. Martha McCarthy's study encompasses two of these three research areas. To begin with, it is a history of the establishment, expansion and consolidation of the Oblate missionary activity in the Mackenzie Basin. In addition,

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it is a thematic study in that it deals with the evangelization of the Dene, a nation that was dear to the pioneer Oblates and their successors. More important, the author was the type of scholar the Project hoped to attract. Her 1981 Ph.D. thesis, "The Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate to the Athapaskans, 1846-1870," was consulted widely by researchers and became a standard reference. In the meantime, she acquired a greater knowledge of Native history and wished to incorporate this sensitivity into a volume that would go beyond her thesis and focus more closely on the Dene response to the Oblate apostolate. Beyond the Great River: Oblate Missions to the Dene, 1847—1921 is the result of that desire to transcend traditional missionary accounts, and through ethnohistory, evaluate the Dene response to the Christian message as it was preached by the Oblates. Dr. McCarthy has balanced documentary sources with the Dene oral tradition and blended a thematic framework with a creative narrative approach that provides a meaningful form to different elements. She has also identified the changes in Oblate missionary activity beginning as an initial proclamation of the Gospel, later encompassing education and health care and finally evolving into an intermediary role between the Dene and the federal bureaucracy. With respect to the response of the Dene, she demonstrates that the Dene were free to accept, reject or modify the teachings of the Oblates. The Oblate apostolate in the Mackenzie was a complex phenomenon. In addition to interaction with the Dene it necessitated relations with the Hudson's Bay Company, Anglican competitors and the Dominion government and its agencies. RAYMOND HUEL General Editor Western Canadian Publishers

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.his book is one in a series devoted to the history of the Oblates of Mary Ihii Immaculate in western and northern Canada. Each volume illustrates a different facet of the many enterprises undertaken by the Oblates, as they established missions, developed parishes, and assumed the cares of bishops for the entirety of the region. Their evangelization of the Dene of the Athabasca and Mackenzie regions was one of their first ventures into the field of foreign missions and, for many years, absorbed much of their attention. Over many years together, Oblate and Dene developed their understanding and acceptance of "the other" and a shared belief. Today the Oblates, though greatly diminished in numbers and advanced in age, still constitute almost the entire Roman Catholic clergy of the north. The story of their missions to the Dene illuminates much of the history of the Canadian north, its peoples, and their coexistence with Christianity. xv

My interest in this field began with the writing of my Ph.D. thesis, entitled "The Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate to the Athapaskans, 1846—1870: Theory, Structure, and Method" (University of Manitoba, 1981). In 1987 I proposed to the Western Oblate History Project that I would prepare a history of the Oblate missions to the Dene of the Athabasca and Mackenzie regions up to 1921. In the years since the completion of my thesis, I had become more familiar with Native history through teaching and writing. As a participant in the Denendeh Seminar in 1987,1 made my first visit to the people and places I had written about. I hoped to bring an increased sensitivity to this work, to write a book which would give greater attention to the Dene share in the mission process, yet still preserve insight into the Oblates' motives and actions.

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TROM THE OJREAT -RIVER TO THE ENDS OF THE -EARTH

INTRODUCTION

^^/1-lexandre Tache, OMI, visited Fort Chipewyan for the first time in 1847, inaugurating the Oblate missions to the Dene of the Athabasca District, and the subsequent rapid expansion into the Mackenzie District. The Oblates' primary objective was to transfer the Roman Catholic faith to the Dene. A necessary corollary was to improve Dene lives by providing medical care, education, and help in times of need. At their first encounters, the priests from France or Quebec, with only a tenuous grasp of Native language and culture, tried to convey the message of Christianity as they had learned it in their home countries. Over the course of many years, however, they learned much from the Dene, how to survive and travel in the north, how to speak the languages of the people, what was acceptable and not acceptable to them. They also became aware

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of a Dene spirituality and world-view based on community sharing which, in many ways, was closer to early Christianity than was the more secular and individualistic nineteenth-century European Christianity they knew. During this mission process the Dene also changed. They were not empty vessels into which the Catholicism preached by the Oblates could be poured. The history, religious beliefs, and changing circumstances of the Dene influenced their acceptance or rejection of the Christianity preached to them. If that faith had been totally alien, they would have rejected it altogether, or conformed only superficially. But when they accepted Catholicism, they did so, in many ways, on their own terms, in conformity with their own cultural and spiritual understandings. They accomplished for themselves much of what present mission theory calls "inculturation," long before that concept or ideal was expressed or accepted. According to this theory, the Christian message must assume its own life within many cultures without destroying them. It cannot continue as an imported religion, though, when European Christianity came in lock-step with Western civilization, it threatened to do so. The impact of Western civilization efforts by the Oblates in their missions to the Dene of the Athabasca and Mackenzie districts, however, was comparatively light from 1847-192,1. The Oblates' religious message could readily be absorbed by the Dene to become part of their own culture and faith. The Oblates, French and Roman Catholic in origin, operated under English and Protestant sovereignty. Though they shared much common ground with other contemporary missionaries, the Oblate Congregation also had a distinctive spirituality and zeal, which it inculcated in its members. This was shown clearly in the mission methods they brought from France. The concept of "civilization" with which the Oblates were imbued also distinguished their missionary endeavour. Theirs was an ultramontane1 view of missions, a search to expand the frontiers of civilisation chretienne which was, they believed, identical with Roman Catholicism. The British imperialism which marked the Christianity of many Anglican missionaries in the north was alien to the Oblates. Ultramontane Roman Catholic missionaries, seeking the conversion of peoples, were as demanding of change, however, as were secular imperialists, even if the desired changes were different. Though they did not consciously seek to impose secular "civilization," Western thought and the cultural aspects of Christianity were inseparable from their religious message and the social changes they encouraged.

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In the initial period of their missions, the Oblates relied on the Dene and Metis to provide subsistence for them and teach them how to live and travel in the north, to mediate for them with new groups of Dene, and to pressure the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) to accept their missions. In the face of opposition of the Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS), the Oblates extended their missions at a very rapid pace, stretching their resources of clergy and finances to the limit. The bishops, with highlydeveloped strategic skills, moved priests quickly to counter their CMS rivals at every post. They also responded promptly to the initiation of CMS schools, which threatened to alienate the Metis from the Roman Catholic Church. With the cooperation of the Sisters of Charity of Montreal (the Grey Nuns), the Oblates constructed and staffed the residential schools which dominated Providence, Fort Chipewyan, and Fort Resolution. Simultaneously, they struggled to provide clergy, bishops, financial support, and the diocesan structure of the institutional Church, into which they hoped to incorporate the Dene. They laboured, with the key contributions of brothers, to establish themselves firmly in place with houses, chapels, churches, schools, farms, and fisheries. They developed their own transport system of roads, boats, and eventually steamboats. In all these aspects, Western thought and politics dominated; the Dene had little share in making these decisions. As the missions became more firmly established, the Oblates moved from their dependence on the Dene and Metis in the early years towards an independence of life and travel by the end of the nineteenth century. When this process accelerated in the early twentieth century, and the Canadian government became more actively involved in the Athabasca and Mackenzie districts, the Oblate bishops shifted roles. They became intermediaries with the government, seeking aid directly for the Dene and for the preservation of their own missions and role in the north. Government financing for schools, hospitals, and the support of the indigent replaced earlier Oblate efforts to give medical care, education, and help in time of need. The negotiation of Treaty n with the Mackenzie Dene in 1921, however inept it was, marked the transfer to the Canadian government of control of social policy, which had previously been an integral part of the Oblate missionary enterprise. After that date, though the Oblates continued to speak for the Dene, they did so primarily by putting pressure on the government to improve its social policies and less through direct intervention in the lives of the Dene. Their activities in the north centred again on the teaching and perpetuation

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of the Catholic faith among the people from the base of their missions formed between 1847 and 1921. The Oblates also definitively established their Inuit missions after 1921 and these absorbed much of the time and attention which had previously been devoted to the Dene. By 1921 many Dene were third-generation Catholics, who identified themselves as such. They shared in the sacraments and life of the Church, endured considerable hardships to attend the great religious feasts and held devout gatherings at their winter camps with their own spiritual leaders. Their Catholicism was distinctively Dene, much as many other branches of Catholicism exhibited unique characteristics. The institution was never quite as monolithic as it appeared to outsiders, despite the universality of its beliefs and rituals. Each branch of Catholicism preserved singular aspects while conforming to the teachings and practice of the Church. The complex history of these missions cannot be treated from a single viewpoint; "each side of the Christian curtain has to be viewed from its own perspective."2 This is not an easy task. Few are qualified to view the missionary and the missioned-to with equal competence and understanding. In the past, mission history has been dominated by single-minded authors who seem to understand only one side, either that of the missionary or that of the Native. Much of the problem can be attributed to the confusion caused by the fact that "Christianity and civilization" were almost inseparable in nineteenth-century mission thought. Church historians tend to concentrate on the transfer of Christianity, neglecting the social and cultural changes which it exacted. Those at the other end of the spectrum, primarily influenced by anthropology, concentrate their judgments on the imposed "civilization," disregarding the validity of a genuine acceptance of Christian beliefs by those who received the evangelizing. ^ This dichotomy can be seen in works dealing with the Oblate missions to the Dene. The major source of information on these has been Aux Glares Polaires by Father Pierre Duchaussois, OMI, published in 1921, and translated into English in 1923 as Mid Snow and Ice. Duchaussois was an accomplished observer. He used his access to Oblate documentary and oral sources to present a readable and comprehensive survey of these missions. His outlook was that of an Oblate writing about what he and his contemporaries thought of as an heroic age of missions. He made no pretence to impartiality, nor could he be expected to adopt an ethnohistorical approach. Though still valuable, his work belongs in the genre of traditional church histories. XX

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So, too, do Bishop Emile Grouard's Mes SoixanteAns (19208) and Bishop Gabriel Breynat's three-volume work CinquanteAm au Pays desNeiges (1945, 1947, and 1948). These recollections of missionary bishops and their individual experiences of mission are significant works. Much ethnological material can be gleaned from them, but their primary purpose is to recount the expansion of the Oblate missions despite years of hardship and privation. Father Donat Levasseur's volume for this series, Les Oblats de Marie Immaculee dans I'Ouest et le Norddu Canada, 1845—1967 is a survey of all the Oblate missions over a period of 125 years. It does not and cannot deal in any detail with the Dene missions. Nor does it analyze the Oblate motives and means of evangelization, or the motives and attitudes to Catholicism of those on the other side of the process. My Ph.D. thesis, "The Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate to the Athapaskans 1846—1870: Theory, Structure and Method" (University of Manitoba, 1981), endeavoured to analyze these Oblate missions, using the techniques of current historical scholarship. I explained the thought-system and ideology of missions which the Oblates brought from France, the hierarchical framework of the Roman Catholic Church which they formed in the Athabasca-Mackenzie, and the methods they used to preach the Gospel to the Dene and establish the Church among them. My concentration was on the Oblate side of the missions, their motives and effects. Only in the last chapter, "Athapaskan Adaptations," detailing the various prophetic and syncretic movements which recurred throughout the first years of contact, did I deal at length with the Dene reaction to the Catholicism preached to them. In 1984 Kerry Abel completed her Ph.D. thesis at Queen's University entitled "The Drum and the Cross, An Ethnohistorical Study of Mission Work Among the Dene, 1858-1902." This thesis dealt with both Oblate and Church Missionary Society (Anglican) missions among the Dene. Writing as an ethnohistorian, trying to consider both sides of the missions, she emphasized the Dene independence in religion, and claimed that previous writers, including myself, had given too much weight to the missionary side of the equation. Leaning heavily on anthropological scholarship, she concluded that "Ultimately, as has been suggested, the Christian missions have not made profound changes in the daily lives or cultural outlook of the Dene." (p. 326) I disagree with this conclusion and believe that the Catholicism preached to the Dene by the Oblates, and accepted by them almost on their own terms, did have a profound impact on their lives and outlook. INTRODUCTION

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This does not mean that they completely altered themselves; no one would expect such a result. The history of their acceptance of Catholicism shows that these spirit-guided people were able to integrate the spirituality of Catholicism into their lives, fit its rules of conduct into their society like the traditional guidance of the elders, and find in its rituals and sacraments helpful spiritual contacts in times of trouble or joy. The Catholicism they incorporated became theirs; no one has the right to define it out of existence. This book attempts to delineate the dialogue (and it was a two-way conversation) between the Oblates and the Dene in the first three-quarters of a century of their relationship. That dialogue took place, however, only in relation to the message of faith, which the Dene were free to accept or reject, to adapt or alter. It is in the study of this fundamental aspect of missions that ethnohistorical methods can be of most value. The initial comprehension (and ignorance) on both sides, and the altered understanding of each, leading to mutual acceptance, can best be evaluated in this way. The mission of the Oblates to the Dene, however, included many aspects besides the religious dialogue. They developed varying relationships with governing powers and opposing missionaries; they acted for the Dene, on their own and with the government, through social institutions such as schools and hospitals. Much of this decision-making process took place almost independently of the Dene. The superstructure of missions, such as the mission buildings, the schools, the relationship of the Oblates to the governing powers, the development of the episcopacy and the integration of the Dene region into the structure of the Roman Catholic Church, and rivalry with the CMS, were all primarily undertaken at the discretion and direction of the Oblates. For these facets of mission, ethnohistory is not a viable tool; traditional historical method, narrative and intellectual, must come into play, and the emphasis is necessarily on one side of the Christian curtain. The history of northern Canada and the history of missions are marked by a mingling of cultures, with each affecting the other and bringing into being a new people and a new way of life. It is fitting that the historical method applied to this field should also be a blend. Most of the interpretation here is based on primary documents in the various Oblate archives. These provide a wealth of material for the diligent; individual priests and bishops wrote voluminous reports on their missions and the lives of the Dene whom they hoped to convert. Other documentary sources—the Hudson's Bay Company Archives, the Church Missionary Society Archives, and the Department of Indian Affairs—furnish XXII

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counterbalancing views to those of the Oblates. Nevertheless, all these sources give perceptions of the Dene and, in the latter sources, of the Oblates, by outsiders. Confining oneself to these necessarily leads to imbalance. The oral history of the Dene experience with the Oblates is available to few professional historians. My visits to Fort Norman, Arctic Red River, and Fort Simpson improved my understanding of and sensitivity to the Dene, their history, and their beautiful land. Time and expense ruled out more, or lengthier, visits. Where possible, I have integrated what I learned from the Dene elders into the text. Much of what I learned from them, however, cannot be documented. Julie Cruikshank has pointed out that the value of oral tradition does not lie in the new facts it brings to light: "Its most important contribution may consist of new questions, perspectives, and interpretations."4 These influences are present throughout the book, but it is impossible for me to define exactly where and when my perspectives and interpretation were altered. Archival research remains as essential to a history of a relationship between whites and Natives as oral tradition. The two approaches should complement each other. Because both oral and written accounts carry with them the perspective of their authors,5 a good historian uses caution and interpretive proficiency. Although my own background and training equip me best to use archival resources, this has not ruled out my attempt to combine the results of archival research with an understanding and appreciation of Dene thought and culture. If for no other reason, that understanding is essential to show the ways in which Catholicism sometimes complemented, rather than replaced, Dene faith and history. Archival research has brought to light many facets of the early mission period that had been lost to oral tradition because so many Dene elders died during that time. It illuminates, though imperfectly, the motives, actions, and changing lives of both the Oblates and the Dene in the first seventy-five years of their relationship. The establishment of the Oblate missions to the Dene, and their continuity to 1921, can only be understood by an awareness of their dialogue with the Dene and of how each side viewed their encounters and messages at various times and places. This must be combined with an understanding of the many other facets of the Oblate missions that were carried out with little or no consultation with the Dene. It is only through exposition and evaluation of all these factors that we can hope to reach a better understanding of the Oblate missions to the Dene as they expanded throughout the vast area drained by Dehcho, the Great River (Mackenzie). INTRODUCTION

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1 W O R L D S APART: T H E "OLD" W O R L D

To, or well over a century, the Oblates of Mary Immaculate have been the Roman Catholic bearers of the Gospel to the Dene. They moved quickly from being strangers in a strange land to becoming identified as the priests of the north. With the Dene they formed communities of faith from Lake Athabasca north to the Mackenzie Delta, around each of the great lakes Athabasca, Slave, and Great Bear, and along the many tributary rivers of Dehcho, the Great River (Mackenzie).1 Little in the background of either Oblates or Dene would have foretold their lengthy and close relationship, nor the development of the uniquely Dene form of Catholicism. Their attitudes to the Great River, expressed in

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the quotations on page v, reflect the very different outlooks of Oblate and Dene. To the Oblates, the Great River had Biblical connotations reminding them of the Great River Euphrates cited in the psalm. They were missionaries, called, they thought, by God, and sent by their superiors and their Church to transmit the Gospel to all the peoples of the world, to the ends of the earth. Impelled by this religious fervour, they sought to evangelize the Dene of the Great River of the north. The Oblates also had a more secular outlook on missions. Imbued with this, Henri Faraud could see the Great River and its peoples as a vast kingdom of souls to be gained for God through the agency of the Oblates under his direction, whatever the claims of any other power to sovereignty. He sought to solidify the Oblate missions by building chapels, residences, and schools, finding alternative methods of transport to supply his missions and recruiting the help of the Grey Nuns to staff his schools. The Oblates used medical care as a potent adjunct to the simple preaching of the Gospel. Faraud used every means he could to prevent the missionaries of the opposing Church Missionary Society from gaining a foothold in that vast region. The Dene did not share the Oblate missionary's view of Dehcho. They had a religious respect for their own Great River and for the land through which it flowed, as the source of their history, life, and contact with the spirits. The Dene Cultural Institute, on the two hundredth anniversary of Alexander Mackenzie's trip down that river, sought to convey "a new sense of the importance of the river, and a greater appreciation of history from a Dene perspective."2 Dehcho symbolized the continuity of the people through countless generations, surviving through changes, adapting, yet remaining essentially Dene. The river was a constant, a part of their life, a landscape to be lived with, not controlled and conquered, even for religious purposes. Their removal from that land would have been inconceivably painful, for they did not share the European attitude, as the missionaries did, of seeking new opportunities in foreign lands.3 When they first met, the Oblates and the Dene each had a faith which guided their actions; each had a culture which they considered supreme. Each had a system of education, the one based on literature and schooling, the other grounded in oral tradition and example. They had lived radically dissimilar lives on separate continents, with no knowledge of each other nor expectation of meeting. Rooted in these two different worlds though they were, they were able to communicate with each other and to develop a community of belief and a mutual understanding. This did not occur

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immediately, as the first missionaries had hoped, but through the stability of the very long-term relationship between the two parties. The Oblates' understanding of missions and preparation for their role as missionaries to the Dene began in the south of France, where Eugene de Mazenod founded Les Missionnaires de Provence, the forerunners of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, in 1816. His group of home missionaries was one of many formed to rebuild the Church after the French Revolution,4 when the call to re-evangelize the people was urgent. The Roman Catholic Church already had a long tradition of missions in both the home and foreign fields. The first colonial missions in the modern era were authorized and financed by the national governments of Spain, Portugal, and France. Papal direction of missions began only with the formation of the Sacred Congregation of the Propagation of the Faith, familiarly known as the Propaganda, in 1622. Rome hoped that its missionaries could function independently of the colonial powers, as apostolic labourers sent overseas to announce the Gospel of Jesus Christ, to teach the gentiles to observe whatever the Roman Catholic Church commands, to propagate the Catholic Faith, and to forewarn of the universal judgment of all men.5 This definition, with its effort to separate the missionary effort of the Church from control by secular powers, held true for the nineteenth century as well. During the Counter-Reformation, those priests who tried to win back European Protestants were called "home" missionaries. Little distinction was made between home and foreign missions, other than the geographical one. Both aimed to draw all people on all continents into the Roman Catholic Church. They offered salvation through the practice of the Roman Catholic faith, leading a moral life in conformity with the rules of the Church, and performing works of charity for the poor and needy of the world. The home missionaries of France in the nineteenth century used revivalist methods developed in the seventeenth century Counter-Reformation home missions. They visited parishes which had been without a priest for many years and gave intensive weeks of instruction, sermons, and catechizing. They used hymns, often set to popular tunes, to renew knowledge of the faith in a mostly-illiterate population. Often they preached a terrifying

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sermon on death and judgment, sometimes by an open grave, to move their hearers to repentance. They spent hours in the confessional, helping people to recognize their sins and amend their ways to conform with the teaching of the church. The climax of the mission came with the ceremonial planting of a cross to serve as a lasting reminder of the mission. Afterwards, the priests left to give another mission in another place. The use of catechisms with much rote learning, lengthy sessions in the confessional, and emotive sermons informed the people about the faith and encouraged the practice of Catholicism with obedience to the rules of the Church. This conformity was furthered by the Oblate custom of visiting each family, a practice that was unique to their home missions. During these calls they became aware of family circumstances, and were often able to persuade parents to regularize their marriages within the church. The Oblates pursued similar objectives with the Dene and maintained close supervision over the lives of their converts for the duration of their preached missions. To ensure the continuance of the good results obtained from the mission, the priests established congregations of the laity. These were groups divided by age, gender, or special interests, each with a program of particular prayers and devotions. The members would reinforce each other and become a permanent force for good in the parish as lay leaders, especially vital when many parishes were without a cure. This method of developing lay leaders was very apt for the Dene, who spent most of their time apart from the priests. Mazenod's group in France selected the poor of Provence as their particular field of action. Their motto, EvangeUzarepauperibus misit me (He has sent me to teach the Good News to the poor),6 exemplified their purpose. Poor and illiterate, left without priests or church services for many years during the French Revolution, these people had lapsed into semi-paganism. Mazenod emphasized that the only way to reconvert them was by preaching the gospel to them in their own Provencal language. "The Gospel must be taught to all men and in a way in which it can be understood. The Poor, that precious part of the Christian family, cannot be left uninstructed."7 This task of the home missions to the poor of Provence, who had been for many years without priests or adequate instruction, and who spoke a different language, was similar in many ways to that of the foreign missions, which sought to evangelize those without any Christian tradition. Because of the many years without the practice of the faith, Catholic 4

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observers thought the people in some areas of France had reverted to a "savage" state;8 the hallmark of true civilization, civilisation chretienne, they believed, was Catholicism, and no one could claim to be really civilized if he rejected that faith. With such a definition of "savage" and "civilization," it was not unusual to equate the home missions, directed at the unconverted in France, with missions to convert les sauvages of North America. The dissemination of Catholicism, on either continent, was equivalent to the propagation of true civilization. The methods of the Restoration home missions were also readily adaptable for use in the foreign missions. The Oblates learned the local languages as speedily as possible to enable them to communicate their teachings to the Dene, just as they had to the people of Provence in the Provencal language. They were trained in ways to communicate with non-literate people and used those same techniques with the Dene. They adapted the lengthy preached missions of France to the Dene trade gatherings, spending many hours in giving sermons and hearing confessions. They composed hymns and produced brief catechisms in the various Dene languages. They formed confraternities, just as they had in France. Often these groups formed the nucleus of lay leadership within the Church. The home missionaries in France, however, assumed the existence of a substratum of belief in their hearers, or at least in their culture. They concentrated their efforts on changing the way of life of their listeners to reflect that belief. Belief and practice are inextricably linked in human life, as witness the common expression "practising Catholics." Practice, so much easier to measure than belief, is nevertheless assumed to be evidence of it. The same methods, applied to people in the foreign missions who had no foundation in the Catholic faith, encouraged them to practice their new faith as those in France did. Conformity of practice by the Dene, however, did not necessarily indicate an identical understanding of belief. Mazenod went to Rome in 1826 and successfully sought papal approval of his group, which he renamed the Oblates of Mary Immaculate.9 His devotion to Mary and to papal direction of the Church put him at the forefront of the movement that was to culminate in Pius IX's declaration of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary in 1854, and the subsequent declaration of papal infallibility at the First Vatican Council in 1870. Despite papal approval, however, Mazenod's group remained very small. The home missions had receded in significance in France by the 18305, owing to a marked increase in diocesan clergy, who renewed the parish life of the Church and made the revivalist home missionaries redundant. The •WORLDS APART: THE

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5

return of the old religious orders to France—the Benedictines, Dominicans, and Jesuits—attracted more prestige and vocations than did newer groups such as the Oblates. Mazenod feared his Oblates might face extinction. An alternative field for his zeal offered itself in the expanding foreign mission field. From the beginning, Mazenod had included the possibility of foreign missions as part of the Oblate vocation. His ultramontane cast of thought was evident here as well, for he assured the pope his missionaries would not feel bound to confine themselves to areas under French sovereignty; consecrated to God, they had no other homeland but the Apostolic and Roman Catholic Church.10 The rising tide of ultramontanism was founded not only on attachment of clergy and people to the pope in Rome; it also asserted the Church's independence of sovereignties and powers in carrying out its mission. The very presence of French missionaries in areas under British sovereignty displayed and encouraged the growth of ultramontanism as a vision of the Church independent of nationalities. It is a strange paradox that the French Roman Catholic Church, a beleaguered garrison in a secular state, sent priests and nuns all over the world, many of them to areas under British Protestant control, where they formed an intransigent minority, brooking no opposition to their zeal. When the Oblates sought to spread the Gospel all over the world, they also sought to extend the institutional Roman Catholic Church. To become a Catholic was not only to accept the teachings of the Church, based on the Bible and tradition. It also involved incorporation into the Church through the sacraments and taking a place in its hierarchical structure. The new converts accepted not only the faith but the allegiance to the direction of the papacy that was so essential to the Church. Centralization of authority in Rome and standardization of religious practice to conform with papal decrees were emblematic of the nineteenth-century Church. This uniformity extended into the field of popular devotions as many regional devotions, given papal approval, were recommended for use throughout the world-wide Church. Aubert11 claims that the real triumph of ultramontanism lay in this substitution of an Italian form of piety for the more austere French devotion of the seventeenth century. The new piety, though perhaps more superficial, was wider in scope, more appealing to the general populace, and not limited to an intellectual and religious elite. It emphasized the importance of the community sacraments of the Church and added many new pious exercises for individual and communal practice. Confraternities and associations of special interest groups were formed 6

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to help their members achieve salvation. Thus, though still responsible for one's own salvation, the means to reach that end became more slanted toward communal prayers and practical works of community charity, such as the foreign missions. This new piety was similar to that already inculcated in the home missions. It could readily be adapted to foreign missions, especially to the community-based sharing cultures of Native North America, so reliant on spiritual contact to guide their actions. Its dependence on oral communication, too, was close to Native custom. Foreign missions came to the forefront of French Catholic thought soon after the Restoration. Much of this impetus derived from the founding, in 1822, of L'Oeuvre de la Propagation de la Foi, a lay society dedicated to the financial support of French foreign missionaries. This initiative began with Pauline Jaricot of Lyon, who had the idea of collecting a small sum weekly from devout men and women to aid the foreign missions. When the pope endorsed Propagation de la Foi in 1823, the faithful flocked to support the society. The first foreign branch of the Propagation formed in Belgium in 1825; by 1836 it had spread over most of Europe and to Quebec. Bishop Norbert Provencher of St. Boniface (Manitoba) was an early supporter of this association and recipient of aid for his missions "au bout du monde."12 He encouraged the formation of the Quebec branch to aid his mission endeavour more directly. The Propagation de la Foi served as the model and pioneer in nineteenth-century support of Roman Catholic missions. Other societies were organized to fill a more specialized role in mission activity. These too originated in France, spreading from there over the Catholic world. Bishop Forbin-Janson, in 1843, founded L'Oeuvre de la Sainte-Enfance to involve the children of France in the salvation of "pagan" children. They could donate their small sums weekly as their parents did to the Propagation de la Foi; eventually, this organization provided funding for the schools of the Athabasca-Mackenzie. In 1838, Zoe de Chesne began L'Oeuvre Apostolique to supply the vestments and other necessities for saying Mass in the missions. These societies provided much support to the Oblate missions in North America. Foreign missions were an integral part of the purpose of the Church in the world, to show the way of salvation to all humanity. The laity could share in that apostolic endeavour, supporting the missionaries through their financial contributions and their prayers. Papal blessings and indulgences for members of these mission societies further stimulated their zeal. Unlike the earlier seventeenth-century missions of France, supported priWORLDS APART: THE "OLD" WORLD

7

marily by a wealthy elite, nineteenth-century mission financing derived from the middle-class. The Councils of the Propagation, based in Paris and Lyon, decided on the disbursement of funds. The directors were businessmen and made every effort to assure themselves and their members of a good return on their investment. They did not claim control over the founding or direction of missions, but their allocation of funds had considerable impact on their extension. Missionary bishops competed vigorously for funding. They made out their requests each year, filling out detailed lists of baptisms and conversions set in relation to the numbers of "pagans" and "heretics" in their territories. They also showed the number of churches, chapels, and schools they had built, to illustrate the growth of the institutional church under their supervision. If they could show prospects of a good return on the investment, evidence that they would, eventually, be contributing to the resources of the Propagation to help other missions, the Council was more likely to allot funding to them. The Oblate bishops of northwestern Canada found it difficult to justify continued support of their sparselypopulated missions, especially when contrasted to the populous missions of the Far East. Along with a business style of management, the foreign missions of the nineteenth century also displayed a strong element of romanticism, praising martyrdom for the faith. Here again the Oblates of the Athabasca-Mackenzie were at a disadvantage. They had little chance of martyrdom, whereas some missionaries in China and Japan had already suffered that fate.13 Martyrs of the cold could not compete with those who were executed for their faith. The lands where we preach the Gospel are not populated like China and Japan, we cannot speak of numerous conversions, we may die of hunger and cold, but we do not have the opportunity to die as martyrs, our poor missions do not have even that poetic aspect ... the martyrdom which we suffer is a long martyrdom, a martyrdom which is altogether commonplace.l4 Faraud thought this mundane type of martyrdom, though unrecognized as such by the Church, was perhaps the worst to be faced:

8

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to die once or a thousand times under the homicidal sword of a persecutor appears to me less harsh than a slow, endless, martyrdom of the body, spirit and heart.15 Another component of romanticism in mission literature was the emphasis on the strange and curious customs of "the others." Letters from missionaries gave readers ofLesAnnales de la Propagation de la Foi, the journal of the association, an idea of the hardships of their life and of the cultures of the "savages" and "infidels" they evangelized. They stressed the piety and moral strength of the new Christians, often contrasted to the decadence of the old Christians of Europe. Converted Natives were held up as examples of what good Christians should be, uncorrupted by "civilized" European bad habits or immoral behaviour. "Civilization" in this context was antithetical to the Christianizing process of the Oblates. This romanticism was so strong that Lafleche expected to find the Indians as beautiful as the day, as loveable as angels, docile as children, fervent as nuns. 1 ^ The "noble savage" of this type of romantic mission literature, though often sought, proved as elusive in reality for the missionaries as the same concept had in political theory. Missionary letters, if emotive enough, drew financial support for the particular mission involved, and also attracted young men to join the missionary orders. Both aspects were vital to all congregations of missionaries, who competed actively to ensure their share. The entry of the Oblates into the field of foreign missions began with the arrival of four priests and two brothers in Montreal, in 1841, at the invitation of Bishop Ignace Bourget. Their purpose was to preach home missions, to revivify a diocese wracked by the Rebellion of 1837 and its aftermath. Although this was a continuation of the work they had pursued in France, Mazenod hoped his priests could use Montreal as a base to engage in missions to the Natives of North America as well. When Bishop Provencher of St. Boniface asked the Oblates to undertake Indian missions in his vast diocese in 1844, this seemed the realization of his dream. Provencher had been consecrated Bishop of Juliopolis in 1822 and was responsible for the part of the Quebec archdiocese stretching from Hudson Bay to the Rockies and north to the Arctic. Quebec supplied him with priests, though he never had more than four at any time. These priests were fully occupied with the fledgling parishes of Metis and French-Canadians

•WORLDS APART: THE "OLD"

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around the episcopal centre of St. Boniface. Few stayed long enough to learn the Native languages or become involved in missions to the Indians.17 When Rome detached St. Boniface from Quebec to make it a separate apostolic vicariate in 1844,18 Provencher's already inadequate supply of priests threatened to disappear altogether. His attempts to secure indigenous vocations at Red River had never succeeded. The funds he received from L'Oeuvre de la Propagation de la Foi, he was told, might not continue if he did not manage to initiate new missions. Those he had begun, to the Sauteux (Ojibwa)19 near Red River, were unpromising. Without priests or money or converts, his church would be little more than an outpost at St. Boniface. He knew that only a religious order could provide him with the priests and the financing he needed to extend his missions. Provencher travelled to Quebec in 1843 and on to France, returning by way of Quebec to St. Boniface in 1844. In France, he asked the Jesuits to renew the contacts they had made with the Natives of the west in the time of La Verendrye and New France. The Jesuits were unable to accept and Provencher returned home empty-handed. Only then did he write to Mazenod, to ask that the Oblates take over his missions. In this roundabout way began the Oblate missions in northwest North America and their encounter with the Dene. Although they did not know the Dene, nor any other Natives of North America, the Oblates foresaw no difficulty in preaching the Gospel to an unfamiliar people. They came to the Dene with their complex of Roman Catholic beliefs, devotion to Mary, and adhesion to the pope, and they expected to share their faith with the people of their new mission field. They also anticipated incorporating them into the familiar structure of the Church, as it had evolved over the centuries, in Europe and in the early foreign missions. The Roman Catholic Church had evangelized and absorbed many different peoples and the Oblates hoped to add all the Natives they met to the fold. They were equipped with methods of evangelization that had proved their worth in France and Quebec. They intended to use all their experience and their enormous zeal to win over the Dene to the Roman Catholic faith and Church.

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years. Although the HBC had no claim to sovereignty in these licensed territories, it exercised a great deal of authority over all non-Native persons moving within its borders, among whom, of course, were the Oblates. The priests realized that the HBC posts and boat brigades were essential to the success, even to the survival, of their missions. The HBC posts, where the Dene gathered in large numbers to trade, provided an obvious place for the Oblates to make contact with all the various groups. The priests could not hope to contact very many Dene throughout the winter, while the Dene lived in widely-separated and mobile camps. Before 1840 the Company had provided some financial support for Bishop Provencher at St. Boniface because its officers wanted him to use his influence with the Metis to persuade them to be more amenable to Company rules and regulations. Though some thought had been given to the possibility of evangelizing the Indians, the HBC was uneasy about the effect Indian missions would have on its trade. After protracted negotiations, the HBC agreed with Provencher that two Canadian priests, Norbert Blanchet and Modeste Demers, should be sent to establish a mission in their Oregon territories in 1838. This was, however, the last such commit-' ment they were willing to make. They would give no assistance in future to any missions outside the Red River Colony, unless expressly approved by the Company.1 Yet, in 1839, the HBC invited the British Wesleyans to undertake missions at Norway House (Manitoba) and at Fort des Prairies (Edmonton), well outside the confines of the colony. The Company hoped the Wesleyans would prevent large numbers of northern Indians from moving to Red River. Some Cree and Ojibwa had already gone there, seeking missionary teaching, which was only available at Red River. HBC Governor George Simpson feared that trade losses and unrest in the colony would result if more followed their example. The Wesleyans promised not to encourage the Indians to live in agricultural settlements, as the Anglicans did, but to bring Christianity to them in the northern posts. The arrival of the Wesleyans impelled Provencher to expand his Roman Catholic missions. He asked Simpson for a passage for one of his priests, Jean-Baptiste Thibault, to begin a mission at Fort des Prairies in 1840. The Cree of that area, he said, wanted to hear a priest before deciding to commit themselves to the Wesleyan mission. Simpson rejected this prospective Roman Catholic opposition to the Wesleyans he supported. He refused to give Thibault passage on the HBC boats, saying that it was not expedient

3O

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for the Company to encourage Roman Catholic missions beyond the Red River Settlement.2 Chief Factor Donald Ross at Norway House was more open about his and the Governor's motives: I agree with you perfectly in regard to the necessity of checking the progress of the Catholics by the extension of Protestant Missions for however smooth or accommodating these people may seem whilst establishing themselves amongst us, or however good or worthy many of them individually certainly are, they are most rigidly ruled and guided by a power foreign in its nature, and almost invisible in its proceedings.3 Provencher, refusing to be bound either by HBC expediency or antiCatholicism, sent Thibault across the plains in 1842 and again in 1843—1844 at his own expense. He decided to make this a permanent mission in 1844; Thibault chose a site known as Lac du Diable, which he renamed Lac Ste. Anne. By that time a new Anglican mission had begun at Le Pas, far north of the Red River Settlement. As well, Simpson's original enthusiasm for the Wesleyans faded when the Rev. James Evans at Norway House became embroiled in controversy. When Provencher requested transportation for Thibault in 1844,tne governor was willing to accede, recognizing that the HBC could no longer prevent some increase in Roman Catholic missions. That expansion became more imminent when Provencher invited the Oblates to undertake the Indian missions of his vast diocese, convinced that only a religious order could provide the numbers and continuity of clergy he so desperately needed to extend his church. He made this invitation despite the very strong opposition Simpson had expressed to any foreign priests coming into HBC territories. The Company feared that missions would interfere with its trading Indians, prove very expensive to the Company, and undoubtedly lead to denominational rivalry, which would only confuse the Natives. Both expense and rivalry would detract from profits and could cause great personal difficulties in isolated posts. Another pervasive (and well-grounded) fear among the men of the HBC was that the missions would open the way to freetraders, for "our experience teaches us that missions and illicit traffic advance together. "^ The Governor and Company were particularly alarmed at the prospect of missions in the Mackenzie District, where the scarcity of resources made

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3!

it perilous to have large gatherings for prolonged periods of time. Missionaries of all denominations balanced these HBC convictions against the fact that the Dene were very anxious to receive the Christian message. Further incentives for the missionaries were that the Dene were more peaceable than the Plains tribes, had been more isolated from European contact than the Sauteux and Cree near Red River, and that the HBC forbade the use of liquor as an article of trade in the Athabasca or Mackenzie Districts. These factors encouraged all denominations, Wesleyans, Roman Catholics, and Anglicans, to hope for the successful evangelization of the Dene, and to strive to be first into the area. John H. Lefroy, a meteorologist who spent the winter of 1843—1844 at Fort Chipewyan and visited other posts along the Mackenzie, hoped the Anglicans would forestall the Roman Catholics in this promising mission field. 5 Though the CMS too hoped that its missionaries would reach the Dene first,6 it did not have the necessary personnel. James Evans, Superintendent of Wesleyan Missions, visited lie a la Crosse and Fort Chipewyan in 1842 and planned to return in i844-7 He asked Simpson's permission in 1843 to establish missions at Peace River, Athabasca, and lie a la Crosse. This sedentary type of mission, however, which was contrary to the original commitment by the Wesleyans, was anathema to Simpson. He feared widespread starvation if the Mackenzie Dene gathered in large numbers to listen to the missionaries instead of securing their provisions for the winter. He insisted that an itinerant ministry was the only possibility in that country for many years to come.8 If any missionary, Protestant or Catholic, went into the Mackenzie, he would go on his own; "no facilities are to be accorded for carrying out his views."9 Evans set out, without HBC approval, to lie a la Crosse in 1844, but accidentally shot and killed his Chipewyan interpreter Thomas Hassall. This forced him to turn back to Norway House. Chief Factor Roderick McKenzie at lie a la Crosse then invited the Catholic priest, Thibault, to visit his post in 1845. McKenzie hoped to keep his Chipewyan and Cree hunters attached to lie a la Crosse, away from the attractions of the Plains life. He knew that they were anxious to learn more about Christianity and were more likely to remain trading at his post if he presented them with the added attraction of a missionary. When reprimanded for his action, McKenzie justified himself by saying that "Necessity (which has no law) obliged me to ask for him, for every Indian at lie a la Crosse would have been in the Plains, had he not come."10 32

TROM THE (JREAT TIIVER TO THE "ENDS OF THE "EARTH

McKenzie's half-hearted invitation to Thibault, given without the sanction of the HBC, proved decisive for the future of the Oblate missions. Though he could not authorize the establishment of a mission, his invitation to visit lie a la Crosse resulted in Thibault's glowing report of Chipewyan eagerness to receive Christian teaching. This convinced Provencher to send Tache and Lafleche to found a mission at lie a la Crosse in 1846. Although he had arranged for canoes and men to transport them, he was delighted when Governor Simpson offered free transport for the missionaries in the Company boats. Simpson also gave lodging to the two priests until they could construct their own house. He promised that the HBC servants would help them build a mission house, provided the bishop paid for their food and wages. Simpson's assistance gave the priests a considerable edge in their efforts to convert the northern Natives. The HBC found it impossible to deny approval of Roman Catholic missions when it had approved those of the CMS and Wesleyans. It came under increasing pressure in England from the powerful Aborigines Protection Society to devote more of its efforts to spreading Christianity and Western civilization to the Natives, a pressure spurred on by attacks made on the Company's policy by Alexander Kennedy Isbister. Real ambivalence continued within the Company, though it paid at least lipservice to the benefits of Christianity and civilization, and recommended hiring Christian Indians in preference to others.11 Each denomination was suspicious of HBC favouritism to the others, feelings which were encouraged by the inconsistencies of HBC policy. Provencher complained, when Simpson turned down his first request for transport for Thibault to the west, that the Company was opposed to Catholic missions and wanted only English Protestant ones.12 The Governor was apprehensive about the activities of American citizens in Oregon and those of the Belgian Jesuit, Father De Smets, which might detract from HBC claims to the area. Furthermore, he feared a possible alliance between the Red River Metis and traders south of the forty-ninth parallel that would endanger HBC trade and claims in the settlement. His suspicions were heightened when Belcourt, one of Provencher's diocesan priests, helped frame a petition from the Red River Metis protesting against HBC restrictions on trade and land ownership. Sent to the Aborigines Protection Society in England and forwarded to the Colonial Office, it caused publicity harmful to the Company.13 Belcourt's action also aroused considerable animosity against the Roman Catholics among the HBC personnel in Rupert's Land.14 These various misgivings triggered Simpson's

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suspicions of French and Catholic involvement in possible losses of land to the expansionist United States. Despite the assistance he had given to the founding of the mission at lie a la Crosse in 1846, Simpson had not altered his reluctance to encourage Roman Catholic expansion. The British Wesleyans had almost withdrawn from the field but in 1849 the new Anglican Bishop of Rupert's Land, David Anderson, planned to extend his missions. Consequently, the Company could pose as the upholder of British Protestantism, sure that public opinion would support it in "preferring protestants to Roman Catholic missionaries as religious instructors to the native population." ^ The involvement of the Oblate priest, Fran£ois-Xavier Bermond, on behalf of the Metis against the Company in the 18505, exacerbated Simpson's fears and xenophobia. He attributed Bermond's opinion that the HBC were "tyrannical usurpers of the rights of the Metis," to his "being a foreigner and ignorant probably of English laws and history."16 These political activities may have contributed to Bermond's recall to France in 1856, though the primary motive was his opposition to Tache. Both the Wesleyans and the Anglicans complained that the Company favoured the Roman Catholics. Evans asserted this was because they did not interfere with hunting by the Indians, whereas the Protestant clergy tended to collect them in villages.17 Since the latter system was detrimental to trade, the HBC could hardly be expected to endorse it. From another economic standpoint, the transport and living costs of celibate Roman Catholic clergy were much less demanding than were those of the families of other denominations. Where the Protestants saw commercial reasons behind the pro-Catholic bias they perceived, the Catholics blamed any opposition to their missions on political, nationalist, or religious reasons (usually all combined against French Roman Catholicism as represented by the Oblates). Both viewpoints had considerable validity. The wavering policy of the HBC, with its seesaw balancing of economic versus religious and national interests, was bound to be confusing. When Eden Colvile was Associate Governor, stationed at Red River, he proved very helpful to the Catholic missions in the Athabasca and Mackenzie. His wife was a Roman Catholic, and Provencher hoped this would influence his cooperation. A more important influence on his thinking, however, was the unrest at Red River, which he blamed on the Anglican clergy.18 In his rapid tour of the Northwest in 1849—1850, Colvile had gained some familiarity with the Athabasca people and the Oblates. He 34

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was impressed by the relative cheapness of the Roman Catholic missions, and thought the priests adjusted to the needs of the country much better than did the Anglicans. Though Simpson reminded him of the prevalent prejudice against Catholics, Colvile insisted they were the only viable missionaries for the north. I suppose everyone, whatever may be their opinion of the Roman Catholic Church, will admit that it is better for people to be Roman Catholic, than not to be Christian at all.19 No consistent policy on missions was ever adopted by the Company while it controlled Rupert's Land and the Li censed Territories. Its policy could only be described as one of pragmatism. It reacted to the pressure of public opinion by anger when opposition was instigated by one church, and was more likely then to favour another denomination. It responded to lobbying by the leaders of the various churches, and to the economics of the fur trade and transport business. Fluctuations in policy and in attitude toward missions combined to favour the Oblates some of the time and hamper their missions at others, but the HBC could never completely control or prevent the extension of their missions to the Dene. Inclined to monopoly action, it attempted to ensure that the denominations would not compete with each other for the souls of the Indians, but would keep to separate districts.20 Throughout the 18505, however, both Anglicans and Roman Catholics continued to expand their missions, paying little heed to HBC attempts to restrict them. The impartiality advocated by the Company and the segregation of one branch of Christianity from the other had little weight with missionaries convinced of the truth of their cause, equally assured of the errors of the opposition, and impelled by the overriding necessity to convert the Dene to their own branch of Christian faith. This independence of action was shown in the entry of the Oblates into the Athabasca. The Mackenzie Dene who encountered Thibault at Portage La Loche in 1845 pleaded with him to preach the Good News to them, just as he had done to the Chipewyan at lie a la Crosse: We are pitiable, for we do not know God; but we wish to know Him and we would also like to go, when we die, to the beautiful country where God puts those who lead a good life. Come and see us; be charitable to us.21 - P O L I C Y AND

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Mgr. Tache, 1851, newly-consecrated Bishop ofArath. [PAM N^6 ]

Such an appeal was impossible for a missionary to resist. Thibault attempted, unsuccessfully, to reach the Mackenzie in May iS^6.22 Tache, following up on Thibault's contacts and the request made by the Dene for a priest, arrived at Fort Chipewyan on 2 September 1847. He made the trip on his own but was warmly welcomed by Francis Ermatinger, in charge of the post. The HBC traders had warned Tache that the Chipewyan at this fort were much more aggressive than the gentle people of lie a la Crosse and probably impervious to the Gospel. Perhaps they hoped to warn him off and prevent the extension of missions. Their caution was contradicted by the fact that many Dene spent the summer of 1847 near Fort Chipewyan in order to see the priest. According to Tache, 36

T R O M THE CJREAT H I V E R TO THE 'ENDS OF THE T3ARTH

they hoped that knowledge of the Gospel would bring them happiness.23 This is probably a good interpretation of the initial eagerness to listen to the priests which characterized the Chipewyan. The new faith, as they understood it, was not regarded as an imposition, but welcomed as a new way to achieve well-being. Although most had never seen a priest, they already knew their prayers in French through their contact with Thibault at Portage La Loche; the people whom he instructed had taught the prayers to their relatives. The Metis, some of whom had received a little religious instruction at Red River, proved the most ready to accept his teachings. Tache already looked forward to extending this mission to reach the Beavers on Peace River and the many peoples of Great Slave Lake and the Great River (Mackenzie). When Tache returned to Fort Chipewyan on 20 September 1848, many Natives had gathered to meet him. Some had travelled great distances, even coming from Great Slave Lake. Many Caribou-Eaters, contrary to their usual habits, spent the summer near the fort expressly to see the priest. Others of this tribe had gone to Reindeer Lake to see Tache in the spring. Their actions illustrate the enormous magnetism of the priests. These Indians had up to then resisted all HBC efforts to integrate them more fully into the fur trade and attach them more firmly to its posts. Such changes in customs showed the accuracy of Roderick McKenzie's rationale for his original invitation to Thibault, and the attraction which new religious teaching and spiritual power posed for the Dene. Henri Faraud took over this mission in 1849, when Tache's duties in charge of lie a la Crosse prevented him from making long trips. Faraud spent most of the year 1849—1850 at Fort Chipewyan, where he lived at the post. At the time, Chief Trader James Anderson thought him "an amiable, unobtrusive man"2^ —an opinion he would soon radically alter! When he found out that the priest hoped to build a permanent mission at Fort Chipewyan, Anderson protested that this would be detrimental to HBC interests. The post did not have a good fishery, which was the mainstay of any northern post; subsistence was precarious enough without the added burden of a mission using the same limited resources. Fort Chipewyan needed all the meat the Indians brought in for use in the summer boat brigades; if a mission drew on these provisions, the vital transport business would be jeopardized. Anderson suggested that the priests build at Fond du Lac (Athabasca) and at Great Slave Lake (Fort Resolution), both of which had good fisheries. They could then visit Fort Chipewyan in the summer.2^

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-*•• Mission at Fond du Lac, 1893. Photograph byJ.B. Tyrrell. [Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto]

Although he disapproved of a permanent mission at Fort Chipewyan, Anderson assigned his men to help Faraud build a separate house during the winter of 1850—1851. Tache had picked a site near a large swamp that, he assured Joseph Mercredi,26 could be drained. When this was done, the Oblates developed a fine garden on the site, an essential support for their mission.27 On 8 September 1851 Faraud took possession of the new building, naming the mission "Nativity of Mary," in honour of the feast of that day. Joined by Henri Grollier in 1852, the two priests lived at Nativity and served outstations at both Fond du Lac and Great Slave Lake, thus reversing Andersons intentions. The Caribou-Eater Chipewyan at Fond du Lac had travelled with their wives and families to meet Tache at Fort Chipewyan in 1848. This long journey was, however, impossible for them to make regularly and they asked for a resident priest. Governor Colvile awarded free board and lodging at Fort Resolution and Fond du Lac for the priests in 1851; these were the sites recommended by Anderson as preferable to Fort Chipewyan. Ironically, the HBC in London approved of this move by Colvile because Anderson had so strongly recommended the priests "for the propriety of their conduct and their usefulness to the people."28

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Indian Camp at Fort Resolution in Summer. [PAA OB-?//]

The provision post at Fond du Lac was not established until i853.29 Grollier took up Colvile's offer, spent the winter at the new outpost, and named the mission Our Lady of Seven Sorrows. The independent life of the Caribou-Eaters appealed to the priests just as much as it exasperated the traders. The Oblates thought that their lack of contact with neighbouring tribes or fur traders had preserved the natural goodness of the CaribouEaters more than the rest of the Chipewyan who had become more integrated into the fur trade. Thus, the prospects for a mission at Fond du Lac were very favourable. In addition, Joseph Mercredi was appointed as interpreter and later HBC postmaster at Fond du Lac, where he proved a constant support for the Oblates. Fond du Lac had drawbacks, however, which outweighed these considerations. It was far from the regular transportation route and a resident priest would have no contact with the Caribou-Eaters for most of the year. A provision post such as Fond du Lac required only a very small staff; there would be no opportunity to develop a small Metis parish as was done by the missions at many larger posts. Seven Sorrows could only remain an outstation of Nativity with an annual visit from a priest. The Oblates hoped to maintain the allegiance of the Athabasca Dene by their resident mission at Nativity, by annual visits to Fond du Lac, and by visiting camps whenever possible. They also planned to extend quickly into

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the Mackenzie District. Just as the lie a la Crosse mission had proved a launching pad for the Athabasca missions, so they hoped to leap forward from the Athabasca into the Mackenzie District. In this move, they again owed much to the initiative of the Dene and to Colvile's favour. The Great Slave Lake people who saw Tactic at Fort Chipewyan in 1848 asked for a priest, just as did those from Fond du Lac. In response to this, with the recommendation by James Anderson that this was a suitable site for a mission, and with the gift of free room and board from Governor Colvile, Faraud visited Fort Resolution in the spring of i852.30 Faraud was the first priest to reach the Mackenzie District,31 and this was only five years after the establishment of the first northern Catholic mission at lie a la Crosse. The people he saw were most enthusiastic about his message, and he entered 169 baptisms and 25 marriages in the Register of the mission he named St. Joseph.32 Encouraged by this reception, Faraud planned to build a permanent mission to solidify the Church's presence and to serve as a springboard for a further extension of the Oblate missions into the Mackenzie District. The rapid expansion of Catholic evangelization and Colvile's support for it worried Governor Simpson, who feared that the Roman Catholics intended to claim the whole Mackenzie River district. He suggested that, where possible, the Hudson's Bay Company preferred to support Church of England missions.33 James Anderson, who had recommended Resolution as a possible site for a mission when it was outside his jurisdiction, changed his mind quickly when he assumed the charge of the Mackenzie District.3^ He insisted he had been mistaken about the fishery at Fort Resolution and that it was, he had discovered, too precarious to support a mission and a post. Anderson also claimed that the HBC staff, all of whom were Protestants, would oppose a Roman Catholic mission. On the other hand, a Protestant mission would require far too much in supplies, putting an intolerable strain on an already-overburdened transport system. Anderson concluded that "all idea of a mission in this poor country should be abandoned. "35 He refused to allow Faraud to build a mission at Resolution unless he produced explicit permission from the governor. Anderson's nationalistic, religious, and economic opposition to Roman Catholic missions collided head-on with Faraud's highly-developed ultramontanism, which accepted no legal or political barriers to the spread of his faith. Faraud questioned whether Anderson could prevent his mission, as the divine right he leaned

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on was superior to the civil authority of the HBC. In the end, he told the trader that Bishop Tache would settle the matter with him.36 Anderson, when he met Tache at La Loche, threatened that if Roman Catholic missionaries extended into the Mackenzie, he would ask for a Protestant mission, although he opposed the intrusion of any missions. He claimed that a Protestant company should not support a Catholic mission, and that the priests should submit to the Company as the sole government of the country. Tache, who had previously enjoyed a cordial relationship with the HBC men, was amazed at Anderson's reaction and objected to Simpson that impelled by some kind of vertigo, Mr. Anderson spoke to me about Napoleon III and of an invasion of French in this country, only because some of our missionaries are French.37 Since almost all of the Oblates came from France, Anderson had more grounds for his statement than the bishop seemed willing to allow. Tache responded that all the Mackenzie Indians asked for missions.38 This factor, to him, outweighed any others which might motivate the HBC. But his attention to a grass-roots religious movement caused Anderson to conclude that the bishop was "a rebel at heart and no friend of ours. "3^ Tache, not shy about using the political power accruing to him from the Metis, remarked that the Red River Metis boatmen, present during Anderson's tirade, might infer that the Company itself was hostile to Catholic missions. This could cause difficulties between the HBC and its essential labour force. Tache combined his veiled threat of possible consequences to the Company with a reiteration of his desire to conform as much as possible to its views. He would not, however, give up his missions. That, he said, was the most sacred and imperious of his duties, imposed on him by God Himself, and he could not subject it to human control.40 Simpson had no way of enforcing his own or the Company's views against this ultramontane view of church-state relations. He recognized that both the Anglican and Roman Catholic bishops were "indiscreetly zealous in the spread of their missions"41 and inclined to an independence of action that was unacceptable to the HBC. Simpson also knew, however, that if any charges of thwarting the missions were brought against the Company in England, it would do serious harm to hopes of a renewal of the License to Trade.

•POLICY AND -PRAGMATISM

4!

-r- Good Hope Mission. Sketch by Emile Petitot, OMI. [PAA OB-iii4i]

In these circumstances, Simpson had little choice but to produce the requested letter of approval for a priest to visit Fort Resolution, though he pointedly reminded Tache that he had not yet sought permission for any of his missions in the Athabasca or Mackenzie Districts.42 Armed with Simpson's permission, which overruled Anderson's objections, Faraud returned to Fort Resolution in the spring of 1856.^ He began to build a mission house on Moose-Deer Island, near the site of the old North West Company post, though Anderson continued to protest vehemently against a permanent mission. This forced Tache to appeal again to the governor. Simpson claimed that, in his original letter of permission, he had only intended to secure Faraud a hospitable reception at Fort Resolution and to have the Company officers ease his contacts with the Indians. A permanent mission in a separate establishment required a further authorization from Simpson, which the governor was then prepared to give.44 In 1858, the mission of St. Joseph was definitively established. From St. Joseph, the Oblates made frequent visits to the small winter post of Fond du Lac (Great Slave), where they formed the mission of St. Vincent de Paul, devoted primarily to the Yellowknives. They made annual trips to Fort Rae, where they established St. Michael's Mission for the Dogribs. From this mission also they began their Mackenzie River mis-

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sions, making annual visits to Sacred Heart Mission at Fort Simpson and St. Raphael's at Fort Liard. The Oblates anticipated reaching the Dene who lived farther north on the Mackenzie River, but St. Joseph was too far from them for that purpose. In 1857 Tache met in London with Colvile, who was then on the HBC board, and secured authorization to found a Roman Catholic mission at Fort Good Hope, far down the Mackenzie River. This gesture derived, at least partially, from reaction to the current anti-HBC publicity in England, which Colvile blamed on Anglican reports. This was doubly upsetting because the HBC was then facing a parliamentary inquiry into whether to renew its License to Trade. Tache had travelled to Europe on a ship with Simpson in 1856, a journey on which they settled many matters about missions, perhaps including this decision.45 It was not until 1859, however, that Grollier could take up this gift, naming his new mission Our Lady of Good Hope.46 The HBC fulfilled Colvile's promises by giving free passage and a room for the winter at Fort Good Hope. This project, owing much to Colvile, secured for the OMI a very important central post on the northern reaches of the Mackenzie River, one which the local officers of the HBC would have prevented, if given the opportunity. Once in this residence, the Oblates could secure the attachment of the many different peoples who came in contact with the post. They could deploy their priests to Fort Norman, Fort McPherson, and Great Bear Lake. The church they built and decorated became a landmark which is still preserved.47 The missions of Nativity, Seven Sorrows, Good Hope, and St. Joseph were all based on the official compliance of the HBC, if offered sometimes reluctantly and after the fact. When the British government did not renew the License to Trade, however, the HBC no longer had even the semblance of control over the extension of missions. Beyond the chartered territories, that is, in the Athabasca and Mackenzie Districts, the Company was a private subject and not the governing body. The missions were "a necessary evil to which they must submit, for the sake of the benefits the Indian population may derive from the spread of civilisation among them."48 The Company thenceforth adopted a policy of impartiality, ordering its personnel not to interfere on one side or the other in the religious disputes that were to invade the Mackenzie after 1858.

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4 RIVALS IN TAITH: OBLATES VERSUS ANGLICANS

rom their base missions at Nativity, St. Joseph, and Good Hope, the Oblates hoped to secure the allegiance of all the Dene to the Roman Catholic Church. They stationed two priests at Nativity, two at St. Joseph, and one to open the newly-approved mission at Good Hope. The plan was that this small number of clergy would spread the Gospel and begin the initiation of the Dene into the Church. Within a few years, as the numbers of Roman Catholic Dene increased, the Oblates hoped to bring in more fathers and brothers and increase the total of resident missions. 45

The extension of Anglican missions into the Mackenzie District, however, altered the Oblate strategy. The HBC, with the cooperation of the CMS, had brought the Anglicans to Red River in 1820 and had assisted in the foundation of the bishopric of Rupert's Land in 1849. Despite these official steps, the Company did not regard the Anglicans as an established church in their territories. They had urged the Wesleyans to begin missions in 1840 and had, at times, assisted the Roman Catholic Church. The Oblate missions at Fort Resolution, Fond du Lac, and Good Hope were sanctioned by the Company, which had assisted in their foundation. Local assistance was also given at Nativity, though no official authorization preceded this foundation. The addition of Anglican missions in the Mackenzie District arose, not from Company policy, but from the actions of individuals in the higher ranks of the HBC in the district. They reacted to the approval of the Roman Catholic missions at Fort Resolution and Fort Good Hope by asking the Bishop of Rupert's Land, David Anderson, to send them an Anglican clergyman.1 Bishop Vital Grandin was convinced that many of those who signed this petition did so reluctantly, having been pushed into it by James Anderson.2 Bishop Anderson hastened to respond to their plea, hoping to prevent the Oblates from fulfilling their hopes of securing the adhesion of all the Mackenzie Dene. He sent Archdeacon James Hunter to Fort Simpson in i858 to assess the possibilities for the CMS. The Oblates then became embroiled in an intense religious controversy, which, for a while, resembled the earlier competition between the HBC and the North West Company, though without the attendant violence. This time the rivals vied for the souls of the Dene, rather than their furs. Wherever one faith threatened to gain a foothold, the other hastened to contest it. Nor was it only religious rivalry; elements of nationalism and class distinction were introduced which were totally alien to the Dene. William West Kirkby reflected on "the social difference between the two great classes into which the colony is divided, Protestant and Roman Catholic. "^ This class distinction, based on religion, now extended into the Mackenzie. The Oblates had come originally at the invitation of the Dene. They also had links to the Metis, who formed the bulk of the HBC labouring class. The CMS missionaries, on the other hand, owed their arrival to the influence of the higher ranking officials of the HBC in the Mackenzie. Hunter returned to Red River in 1859 and was replaced by Kirkby. The HBC higher ranks, now led by Chief Trader Bernard Ross, continued their pro-Anglican4 stance. They subscribed £300 for a church at Fort Simpson 46

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JL n evangelizing the Dene, the Oblates were aided by Dene and Metis leaders who accepted Catholicism and spread the word among their kin. The Oblates depended on these lay assistants, much as Dene spiritual leaders depended on acceptance of their revelations by their relatives. The new doctrine demanded followers, just as aboriginal teachings had. When the Dene first met the priests, they viewed them as persons of great spiritual power, sometimes as the Son of God, who could prolong life and cure illness.1 The actions of the priests were comparable in many ways to those of traditional Native spiritual leaders. As their own spiritual leaders did, the priests claimed to teach them the right way to pray, often in a ritu-

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alistic fashion, and tried to cure them in times of illness. The divine revelation which the Oblates preached must, to Dene minds, have been derived from their dreams; because they had so much to tell, the Dene naturally thought of them as powerful medicine-makers.2 The priests attempted to deny any parallel with Dene makers of medicine. They claimed a much more authoritative and compelling role. They based their status not on their own individual spirituality, but on their defined role as ordained ministers of a highly-structured church with a very specific body of theological doctrine. The priests saw the Dene for short periods of time each year and could not impose their teachings and authority. The priests were so occupied during the mission in hearing confessions, settling quarrels, and sometimes in constructing their houses, that they could give only a very basic explanation of Catholicism. Though their missions were similar to those carried out in Restoration France, any lasting results depended on the Dene understanding and accepting what the priests taught. They differed from the people of Provence in that all the Oblate teachings were new to them, whereas in France the people had a tradition of Catholicism and were surrounded by church buildings, shrines, and crosses. But the Dene proved very ready to adopt the new teachings. Their traditional method of learning gave them an insight and comprehension that would astonish those unused to Indian ways, as Tache observed.3 Dene ways of learning proved very effective for the spread of the Oblate message. Just as they needed to understand all the circumstances of the hunt, so they wanted to know all about the new religion. They questioned the priests about the exact meaning of what they said, and wanted to know why God had said certain things. Once they clarified it in their own minds, they shared their understanding with their kin,4 for these novel and exciting doctrines were a major topic of discussion in their winter camps. Their thoughtful approach contradicts any suggestion that they only accepted Catholicism for reasons of strategy or convenience. The Dene also practised their new faith during the long periods of time away from the priests. On Sundays and special occasions, they gathered in a lodge, where they sang hymns and said the rosary; then, sitting in a big circle, the leaders repeated the instructions they had heard at the mission—a process known as "making Mass" (faire la messe).^ These words, still in use today, denote an accepted parallel in Dene thinking between the role of the priests and that of their own spiritual leaders. In this way, the people integrated Catholic teaching into their lives to a much greater extent than

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would have been possible for the priests acting alone. At the same time, because that integration was done on their own terms and according to their own understanding, the final result was bound to vary considerably from the way in which the Oblates understood Catholicism. Spiritual activities that blended traditional customs with Roman Catholicism were central at many camps well into the twentieth century. John Blondin6 told of how the person who knew the syllabic Bible used to read the Gospel and talk to the people. The weekly church service was always followed by a communal feast.7 Many Dene proved very enthusiastic proselytizers for the new religion. A few Caribou-Eater families persuaded their relatives, some from as far away as Churchill, to come to Fond du Lac in 1856 and hear the priest.8 While visiting in their camps they had already taught them the Catholic prayers and how to read, so well, that some were ready for baptism, though they had never seen a priest. Emmanuel, an old man, was their spiritual leader, whom they considered almost as their priest, and whom the Oblates accepted as an informal catechist.9 Emmanuel died in 1866, still encouraging his numerous descendants to be good Christians.10 Such evangelical activities by these new Christians contradict the notion that Catholicism was always imposed on them or was totally alien to their traditions. One of these early apostles at Nativity was Clemence Thanizeneaze, the "grandmother" of the mission, who died 14 September 1866.n She taught the Chipewyan language to the priests and, when necessary, acted as interpreter. Sometimes, on her own initiative, she gave reprimands or good advice to the rest of the Chipewyan, incorporating the moral teachings of Catholicism into the traditional guidance given by elders to the community. The Oblates considered her a model of piety, a good example to her people, and a considerable asset to their initial mission. Pierre Dene-gonouzie gathered together the Chipewyan of Fort Resolution at their camps, taught them Catholic prayers and hymns, gave instructions, and prayed over the dead. He obtained a small bell from Petitot so that he could call the Chipewyan to prayers on Sunday, as the priests did. Some of them resented this, claiming that he had no authority to do so. He then asked the priests to give him one of their old skullcaps to wear, to give him the requisite prestige.12 This appears more an attempt to imitate the official authority of the priest, perhaps required by his use of the new technology of the bell, than to renew the more traditional leadership derived from direct contact with the spirits. Gascon, fearing that this man wanted to be recognized as a priest, refused to give him medals and crosses

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to distribute. In turn, Pierre Dene-gonouzie complained to Bishop Grandin that Gascon was not like the other priests.13 Evidently Dene lay leaders did not lose their autonomy when they adopted Catholicism. Some makers of medicine also imitated some rituals of the priests, attempting to integrate the new ways of spiritual contact without embracing celibacy or abandoning their traditions. A Dogrib man made crosses and medals from old copper kettles and distributed them with solemnity.14 Some Yellowknives imitated the ceremony of the Mass and wore a sort of chasuble like the priests. They also imitated the ritual with which Grandin had planted the cross at the end of the mission.15 The line between Native lay leadership in support of the Church and an effort to assume the hierarchical role of the priests among their own people was sometimes very fine. Cecile Uzpichi"e,1^ who first learned about Catholicism from Mme Gaudet at Fort McPherson, was one of the first Loucheux to be baptized by Grollier. She immediately threw her weight and influence (which were considerable) to the Oblate cause. She was a very large, haughty woman, with a vocabulary of stinging words, backed up, if necessary, by her fists. Since she helped compose the first Loucheux catechism and knew it by heart, she preached when the priest was absent. She also settled questions of conscience, and her decisions were accepted as the final word.17 Her authority illustrates the adaptation by the Dene of the teachings of Catholicism to the moral guidance traditionally given by the elders. Such public preaching by a woman, even by one with such physical force to support her moral authority, would have been inconceivable in European Catholicism. Other early leaders of the Dene, though willing to accept much of Catholicism, also asserted their own revelations and authority. A dene yalt'iyi, or prophet, at Fort Nelson who may have acquired a minimal knowledge of Catholicism from the two visits the Oblates had made to Fort Halkett, made the sign of the cross and preached like the priests. In closer conformity with Native traditions, he claimed to have seen God, a vision which empowered him to perform miracles and know the inmost secrets of the people.18 The prophet came to hear Grouard, though more as a judge than as a disciple. Grouard preached against him, insisting that no one could see God, not he, nor even the bishop, and still less this visionary. Finally, he told those present that they should not listen to this man nor follow his teaching. Nevertheless, when he distributed medals, the prophet asked for some, for himself and his children. Grouard refused to give him any unless he promised to renounce preaching his dreams. Perhaps because he considIOO

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ered it vital that he and his children have the same medals as the rest of the band, or because he feared excommunication, the prophet acceded to Grouard's demands. This episode is an example of the attempts by Native leaders to syncretize Catholicism with their own spirituality to form a new faith that would be more independent of the priests, while still accepting the bulk of Oblate teachings. They were glad to have the priests pray for them and with them, and to get the medals, crosses, and rosaries distributed by the priests. Their teachings were a blend of old and new, as they adopted new methods of contact with the spirits without entirely abandoning the old. They displayed little of the anti-white sentiments that marked some other leaders. Similar leaders appeared in succeeding years at Liard. According to reports, in 1880, after a winter of illness,19 a man claimed to have risen from the dead.20 He said that the priests' religion was partially true but that the only useful prayers were the sign of the cross and short prayers. As a result, his followers stopped reciting the rosary on Sundays. This prophet's influence extended as far as Fort Rae and had comparable results there. No more references were made to him; perhaps he died soon after this report, or lost prestige. Others converted to Catholicism because of their own visions or dreams. The epidemic of 1865, which caused 67 deaths21 at Fort Norman, caused an adamant opponent of the priests, Ella-odeniha, a renowned medicine maker, to convert to Catholicism in November 1866. In his dream, he was in a canoe on the Great River with many of his kin. Suddenly, an abyss opened before them and a cataract appeared, impossible for them to cross. Many went to their deaths but, as he was expecting to follow, he saw a small island with a large white cross on it like the mission cross. Standing at the foot of the cross, a man dressed in an alb called them to come to him if they were to be saved. He did so, and persuaded several others to follow. When he awakened, he was sure this dream could not have come from his own imagination, for he hated the priests, but must have come from God or one of his angels. His dream convinced him that the priest's words were true and he promised to abandon the making of inkonze?^- Petitot baptized him Raphael in December 1866. Petitot also encountered a prophet, Eleazar Ni-denichye (La Terreplantureuse), who assured the priest that he was not opposed to the Catholic faith, but allied to it. He persuaded his relatives to pray the rosary and sing hymns, spoke to them of heaven, and gave them his blessing. Petitot could accept this kind of leadership but told him to forget the dreams, visions,

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trances, simulated resurrections, and reported appearances of angels. These facets of his leadership show that this man was a maker of medicine of considerable renown, who used Catholic teaching as an addition to, not a replacement for, his Native beliefs. Petitot shrewdly suspected that Eleazar would soon lose his following, whereas, if the priest had fought against him, their hearts would have hardened against Christianity.23 Other leaders also combined their status as powerful makers of medicine with their advocacy of the new teachings of the Oblates. In 1862, only two years after Grollier's first visit to Peel's River, five visionaries arose, each of whom claimed to have seen God during the winter. One was Nitte, a powerful medicine-man, whom Seguin met at the fort in 1863.24 At this post, where the conflict between the CMS and the Oblates was most bitter, these leaders, with their combination of Christian and Loucheux elements of belief, often claimed to espouse Catholicism and oppose Anglicanism.25 They knew the Bible, chiefly the Gospels, and were well-versed in the story of St. Paul's vision on the road to Damascus. Seguin thought this was the source for their claims of seeing God, though these owed just as much to Native traditions of direct contact with the spirits. They composed prayers and hymns that all their followers recited.26 This conformed to Native traditional ways of communicating messages from the spirits but also bore some resemblance to Oblate methods of evangelization. The more nativistic elements of the teachings of spiritual leaders declined as the presence of the priests became more prolonged and their teaching more effective. Some lay leaders at Peel's River espoused the CMS cause and opposed the Oblates and their "French" religion. Mrs. Andrew Flett, wife of the HBC Postmaster at Fort McPherson, explained to the Loucheux her version of how that faith began. At the beginning of the world, the English and French lived happily in a garden with one religion. One day, however, the French went away and found some grains. They cultivated these and made chapels from them. When they returned to the garden, they no longer wanted to pray with the English, and made a separate religion for themselves.27 This unusual version of church history enabled her to convert several of her relatives to Anglicanism, though they had previously been somewhat attached to Catholicism. One of the Peel's River prophets, who had agreed to accept Anglicanism, told the minister of his vision of God and heaven. When he had offered to shake hands, God had told him to wash his hands first. This was apparently the result of the Anglican missionaries' habit of handing out cakes of

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soap to their potential converts, showing graphically the belief that cleanliness was at least next to, if not before, godliness! [An interesting comparison could be drawn between these opposing technologies of religion, between the Anglican gifts of soap and the Oblate custom of handing out crosses and medals to their prospective converts.] After the prophet had washed his hands, God had told him to teach his people to observe the Lord's Day and to be kind to each other. They should not set fire to the woods, since the angels, who did not like smoke, would be visiting them. God also predicted that the end of the world would come in five years. The Almighty had also volunteered the information that the Oblates were demons, but that the ministers taught His word.28 This spiritual revelation, merged with rules of behaviour, displayed a very strong amalgam of Native traditions and customs with the new Anglican faith, including a pronounced component of anti-Catholicism. Other prophetic appearances favoured the Oblate cause over the CMS. The Loucheux boatmen returning from La Loche in 1867 told of how Christ had appeared to a few Indians beyond the Portage and stayed with them about thirty days. They fasted during that time and afterwards He fed them with bread from heaven. Christ also assured them that if He did not come that year to judgment, He would the next year. These revelations were hidden from the Protestant Indians, the boatmen said, and they would be unprepared when Christ came.29 This combination of Christian teaching, millennial dreams, and religious rivalry provided some temporary support for Seguin's efforts, though not enough to overcome the strength of the CMS at Peel's River. Some strong elements of Native curing and prophecy survived within those who adopted Catholicism, a mingling which became singularly evident at Fort Nelson. Honigmann cited their definition of a prophet as a "fellow who dreams ahead of time."30 This role of foretelling was blended with the curing role, both evidencing strong supernatural power. Some prophets mingled these aboriginal components with some activities corresponding more closely to those of a priest. One spoke to the people about God at feasts that he arranged and to which all contributed food. The men went on special hunts to get meat for this feast, which the prophet distributed. Old Matoitwore a garment like the priest's alb, with a cross on the back. He also prophesied the future from his dreams. While Afatoitwas speaking, the people sat still and quiet. Adults warned the children that, if they misbehaved, the prophet might kill them by swallowing their shadow. He held

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up a large map with many trails; one trail, the good one, had plenty of moose and bear, while the bad ones that diverged had few animals. Matoit sang and preached, urging the people to follow the good trail.31 There is some parallel here to both aboriginal hunting medicine and to the Catholic ladder. Robin Ridington32 recounted a similar story of a Fort Nelson prophet named Decutla who lived in the early twentieth century. He had a moosehide with a picture of heaven; Ridington interpreted this as a replacement of the lineal, chronological depiction of the Catholic ladder by a rendition of the dreamer's shamanic flight to heaven. Decutla taught from his moosehide, just as the Oblates did from the Catholic ladder. When the bishop wanted to buy it, however, Decutla refused to sell it, saying that if he did so, no more animals would be given for the hunt. As with the OMI holy pictures, so here also, a real power was considered to inhere in the religious artifact. The influence of the Fort Nelson prophets on behalf of Catholicism extended far beyond the post. In 1908 the Fort Nelson prophet sent word to Chief Sunrise of Hay River that, if his people prayed with the Anglican minister, they would all die. Believing this, they refused to attend the Anglican services.33 This brought considerable weight to bear in favour of the Oblates, for Chief Sunrise, previously regarded as implacably antiCatholic, converted to Catholicism in 1909. His influence was so great that five other families soon followed him. This solidified the previously tenuous hold of the Oblates on the people of their mission of Ste. Anne at Hay River. Ayah of Fort Franklin, a prominent spiritual leader of the early twentieth century, was about twelve years old when the first missionary arrived.34 George Blondin thought he was born around 1850; he died in 1941, after living his whole life in the Fort Franklin area. He was born with medicine to help others. When he was young he had a vision and learned that the vision would return, if he were a good man and taught his people.3^ When he was forty years old, the voice told him to get "words written on paper" from the priest for his marriage. Ayah already had a rosary, even before the priests came. After his marriage, he began to teach the people about God. Though he had no formal education, he could read all the stories in the Bible. The people who only saw the priest once or twice a year at Fort Norman travelled great distances to hear him. Ayah combined his teachings with emphatic moral directives against drinking alcohol and

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gambling, foreseeing a future of much pain for the Dene who ignored these precepts.36 His age and wisdom gave him real authority, which he used as a Catholic spiritual leader in much the same way as had the first lay leaders in the various Oblate missions. Cecilia Tourangeau remembered how he would tell everybody "we'll have prayers in my house."37 The women sang hymns in Slavey, then said the rosary for their dead, and sang more hymns. Afterwards, old Ayah would talk to the people. He would take his prayer book, written in Slavey syllables, and recount what God told them in this book. More than fifty years later, she still remembered what he taught and how he danced with her at her wedding. Dependence on priests and the rituals of the Church to preserve Catholicism in the north was impossible when the people spent so much of the year without seeing priest or chapel. Their circumstances, however, were not so different from those of the Provencal people during the Restoration, who received intensive periods of instruction, followed by many months without contact with priests. In the north, the Oblates were forced to conform, to some extent, to Dene society. They recognized the traditional respect given by the Dene to spiritual leaders within their community and the novelty, to them, of the central role of the ordained Catholic priest in the Mass and the sacraments. Though they refused to accept the assumption of a priestly role by Dene laymen, the Oblates recognized the value of lay spiritual leadership in the camps. This leadership continued to be an integral element of Dene Catholicism, up to and beyond 1921. As was true for their aboriginal spiritual leaders, these lay Catholic leaders owed their position, not to ordination, but to personal qualities of spirituality, accepted as such by those around them. Many had been makers of inkonze before the Oblates came. Those who became lay leaders agreed to reject their old practices in favour of the new. But the new lay leaders relied on revelation in the syllabic written word rather than solely on individual messages from the spirits. This new type of revelation came to the Dene from Scripture, mediated through Oblate teaching. It interposed a new medium of spiritual contact—the Oblates and their books—as spiritual messengers to the Dene. The Oblates could not have succeeded in evangelizing the Dene without the help of these lay leaders. Their efforts to understand the teachings of the priests, their acceptance of Catholicism, their exhortations to others to follow their example, their devotion and preaching through the winter, all

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helped to preserve the impact and extend the reach of the Oblates. At the same time, these leaders did much to indigenize Catholicism, adapting its teachings to their own life and culture, while preserving the essential unity of doctrine. Finally, it was the adoption of Catholicism by their own spiritual leaders that motivated many Dene to retain their original interest in the novelty of the missions so that they eventually became deeply-committed members of the Roman Catholic Church.

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8 METIS AUXILIARIES

.he Metis, offspring of European or Canadian traders and their Native ihe wives, proved another invaluable asset to the Oblates in their drive to the north. In the Athabasca District, many of these people were the descendants of eighteenth-century voyageurs engaged by the North West Company or the Hudson's Bay Company. They were primarily of FrenchCanadian descent on their father's side and Cree or Chipewyan on their mother's. Some of these voyageurs had remained in the Athabasca after their term of employment was up, living as "freemen," unconnected to the fur trade companies, in a manner very similar to the Dene. Other freemen moved to the Athabasca from the Lake Winnipeg area as early as 1808,1 when the fur trade there diminished from overexploitation. These Metis already had a long history of independent employment by the time the Oblates arrived in the district. 107

In the northern part of the Mackenzie District, most of the mixed-blood population, descended from Scots or English traders and their Dene wives, emerged only in the later nineteenth century.2 The Protestant mixed-blood people, however, were few in number; their influence at many northern Mackenzie posts was offset by that of Metis interpreters and their wives, the natural associates of the Oblates. It was in this northernmost area that the Oblates experienced their only lasting setbacks, which they blamed on the fact that there were no Metis, only Protestants, at Fort McPherson.3 When Grollier had first visited this post in 1860, he had been aided by the interpreter "Blondain" (Blondin) whom he described as a "sauvage francise."4 Unfortunately, Blondain and his wife drowned soon after their baptism by Grollier and the new interpreter was not inclined to Catholicism. In the southern Mackenzie region, a Metis society of descendants of the voyageurs was a well-recognized entity. They spoke French, were Roman Catholics, and considered themselves a distinct social group.5 Their daughters often married the Red River Metis who came into the Mackenzie in the 18305 as skilled boatmen for the expanding boat brigades.6 Their long presence in the north, their mobility from one post to another, and their intricate web of relationships gave them a familiarity with the region as a whole which was uniquely Metis.7 Their Native heritage and widespread family relationships, added to their knowledge of the Dene languages, made them most useful as contacts and exemplars to the Indians. The priests sometimes referred to the Metis at the posts as "whites" in these early years, presumably because of their faith, language, European descent, or more settled lifestyle.8 The prolonged contact with the Metis fort families by contrast with the intermittent visits by the priests to the Dene made it easier to instruct them and to form small parishes wherever there was a mission residence. The priests could ensure that the post Metis observed the rules of the Church in their marriages, attendance at Mass, support of the missions through financial donations and labour, and so serve as a model to the Dene. Even when the Metis did not conform to all the rules of the Church, they usually upheld Catholicism and influenced the Dene to do so as well. Little survives to reveal the extent of Metis knowledge of the Catholic faith before the arrival of the Oblates. The priests considered that they had at least a basic notion of the faith, on which they could build more easily than they could with the Dene who had no such knowledge. Some more recently-arrived Metis in the Athabasca had received some Roman Catholic instruction at Red River before moving north and, as the missions develIO8

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oped, Tache sometimes sent Metis from Red River as employees for the missions. Those with longer residence in the north sometimes acquired their knowledge of Catholicism from their contacts with the Red River brigades at Portage La Loche, not always considered good examples to follow! Some descendants of earlier traders heard stories from their fathers or grandfathers about priests and Catholicism, as did Mme Hoole (Elize Taupier9) at Fort Liard. She was a very strong, muscular woman, who was employed by the HBC as a "bully" on the boats between Liard and Simpson, where she stood at the front and scolded the boatmen. When she heard of Thibault's preaching at La Loche, she travelled to St. Boniface to be instructed and baptized. She returned to Liard, ready to put all her formidable powers at the service of the Church. In proof of her conversion, she became a model of "conjugal fidelity and maternal tenderness," though she still kept her dagger handy!10 Mme Hoole's life and family illustrate the widespread network of Metis influences in favour of Oblate missions in the Mackenzie, and the often commanding physique and presence of Metis women. The Metis also shared a linguistic tradition with the French-speaking Oblates. Their French, however, was a trade jargon, mixed with many Cree and Chipewyan words.11 The priests differed on its value for their purposes. Grandin thought the trading Indians at Good Hope spoke French as well as the Red River Metis and that the priests could use it instead of the Native languages, easing the missionary's task.12 Grollier, however, despised this jargon and refused to reply to Natives who used it. Grandin's approach apparently triumphed, for French continued to be the primary language at Good Hope, although it included many English and Indian words and was accented in the Indian way.13 In many posts, Metis wives acted as interpreters for the priests or made the more negative contribution of refusing to interpret for the minister. Tissier, however, who spent a very short time at Nativity in 1865, claimed that the wives of the Metis men refused to reply when their husbands spoke to them in French.14 Perhaps these wives were Cree or Chipewyan, not Metis. One of the most prominent Metis allies of the Oblates was Francois Beaulieu15 of Salt River, usually referred to by the Oblates as "the patriarch," "Old Beaulieu," or "Le Bonhomme Beaulieu." His father, also named Francois, had come north from Quebec with his brother Jacques to work for the opposition to the HBC, the Company of the Sioux, in the late •METIS A U X I L I A R I E S

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eighteenth century,1^ and had accompanied Alexander Mackenzie in 1789 on his trip down the Great River which now bears his name. Beaulieu had taken Ethiba, a woman of Chipewyan and Cree descent, for his wife.17 His son, Francois was born in 1793,18 and brought up with his mother's people. Beaulieu pere probably returned to Quebec; his mother remarried and his stepfather was known as The Rat.19 Beaulieu spent much of his time with the Dogribs and Yellowknives north of Great Slave Lake. A good linguist, he spoke these languages and the French of the country. In 1808, as a boy of about fifteen, he wintered with John Clarke of the HBC. When Clarke reprimanded him, Beaulieu resented it deeply and returned to live with the Indians.20 In 1816 he was hired as an interpreter by the North West Company, then engaged in the last violent struggle for supremacy over the HBC. He was soon involved in a plot to kill his old nemesis Clarke, who had been taken a prisoner by the NWC; in payment for this, he was to receive Clarke's wife and property, and an annuity from the NWC.21 According to Governor Simpson, Beaulieu refused to carry out this crime.22 After the amalgamation of the two trading companies in 1821, the HBC frequently hired Beaulieu. He served as interpreter and hunter for the Franklin Expedition from 1823 to 1826. He was the best hunter for the expedition, and probably for that very reason he collected many followers, whom Franklin regarded as useless. Consequently, he did not try to retain Beaulieu when his term of employment was up in 1826. Beaulieu left with about seventeen men, intending to go to Marten Lake to fish until the spring.23 Probably this was the band of hunters who left the Fort Chipewyan area in 1825, partly from fear of the Beaver Indians, but also to seek better hunts on Great Slave Lake; they returned to Fort Chipewyan in I827.24

Beaulieu, with these same men, (and probably their wives and families, never mentioned in the documents) wintered over 1826-1827 near Willow Lake, east of the Mackenzie River. He antagonized the HBC management by bringing the furs they had obtained in the Mackenzie District out to trade at Fort Chipewyan in the Athabasca District. Trying to control this loss, the HBC hired him to work for the Mackenzie District from Lac la Martre and Willow Lake the following year. Beaulieu continued to reside in the Mackenzie District for some years; in 1831 he was credited with preventing the Slaveys from making reprisals on the Yellowknives.2^ He eventually settled at Salt River in the Athabasca District, where he controlled the supply of salt to both the Athabasca and Mackenzie districts. IIO

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There is some evidence that his father-in-law, Pierre St. Germain, also lived at Salt River.26 The ruins of Beaulieu's old house were still visible at Salt River in 1893 and the salt springs still supplied the Mackenzie District.27 With his three wives, whom Petitot listed as Metis, Cree, and Chipewyan,28 (though Grandin recalled that two of his wives were sisters),29 with his many children and his leadership of various branches of the Dene, with his farm and control of the salt supply, Beaulieu was a commanding force in both the Athabasca and Mackenzie. The appellation of "patriarch" was a natural one for this man, whose family life was similar in many ways to that of the Old Testament patriarchs. Although Beaulieu had no real knowledge of Catholicism, he brought his children to Portage La Loche in 1845 to see Thibault, "that man from the land of his father, who taught men to live well."30 The priest baptized his children but could not baptize Beaulieu until he conformed to the marriage rules of the Church. When Tache made his first visit to Fort Chipewyan in 1847, Beaulieu came to see him. Tache's very youthful appearance contrasted unfavourably, at first, with Thibault's mature and formidable presence, but Beaulieu was so awed by witnessing the young priest say Mass that he developed a great respect for Tache's spiritual powers.31 Beaulieu dismissed two of his wives, endowing them and leaving their children to support them.32 One wife continued to live at Salt River in a separate house, while the other returned to her people. Tache baptized him on 25 September 1848, at Nativity, when Beaulieu was 55 years old. At Christmas that year, Tache baptized Beaulieu's remaining wife, Catherine St. Germain, aged about 50, the eldest daughter of Pierre St. Germain and Thakaritthert. On December 30 they were married within the Church.33 Beaulieu and his wife, even at a very advanced age, travelled great distances in the depth of winter to attend the Christmas feast at Nativity. Beaulieu frequently asked for a resident priest to instruct his large extended family. Though the Oblates could not spare a priest for this small outpost, most priests travelling between Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabasca spent some time at Salt River. In 1856-1857, Grandin spent two months with the Beaulieus teaching the faith, while improving his knowledge of the Chipewyan language and translating Indian tales which Beaulieu and his wife told him.34 Gascon spent three months at Salt River in 1860, also ministering and studying Chipewyan. After Gascon left, Beaulieu kept his little house as a centre for family prayers and where visiting priests could say Mass. Every Sunday, Friday, and feast-day he gathered all his children, grandchildren, and the local

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Natives to sing hymns and recite the rosary. The patriarch, as was customary for Native elders, also gave advice and reprimands to the assembled people. Beaulieu was another example of the influence exerted by a devout Metis layman in support of the missionary endeavour of the Church. It was primarily his authority which kept Salt River a centre of Catholicism, despite the rare presence of priests. In 1866 Bishop Faraud decided to name this embryo mission St. Isidore3 5 in honour of the patron saint of Isidore Glut, his auxiliary bishop. Until his death in 1872 the patriarch Beaulieu continued to press, unsuccessfully, for a permanent mission at Salt River. Beaulieu's influence extended far beyond Salt River. He kept up his contacts with the Great Slave Lake area and spent the winter of 1861-1862 there hunting caribou, perhaps with the Yellowknives.36 In 1865-1866, he travelled to Providence to visit Faraud and to encourage the Indians in that new episcopal centre to listen to what the priests said about religion. Beaulieu had been their chief and still had considerable authority over them, according to Glut.37 Slobodin noted a tradition in the Mackenzie that the Beaulieu and Mandeville families, from Salt River and Buffalo River respectively, functioned as tribes. Intermittently, they would all pack up, go down the Mackenzie or up the Liard, over into the mountains, returning to their homes after three to five years. They trapped and traded over this great circular route.3^ Beaulieu was also the major source for the Dene legends and traditions recounted and published by Petitot. His daughter, Catherine Bouvier, continued this oral tradition by recounting many of these to Grouard at Providence.3^ Beaulieu also maintained his trading activities, vacillating between the new freetraders and the HBC. His prestige with the Natives was highly prized by both. The HBC followed the same pattern in its attempts to coopt Beaulieu as it had in the 18205. When Beaulieu collected furs and made a trip to Red River in 1857 to trade them, however, Bernard Ross blamed Grandin for inciting this move during his stay at Salt River that year.40 Given Beaulieu's track record, and his fondness for Tache, now Bishop of St. Boniface, this was a somewhat unfair assertion. The HBC at Fort Garry bought Beaulieu's furs at a higher price than he would have obtained in the north, to prevent them from going to Red River freetraders. Beaulieu's trip was so profitable that he left Fort Garry with a boat, partially paid for by Tache, and £300 worth of goods to trade, accompanied by traders James Todd and Alex Wentzel.41

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Simpson feared this trip by Beaulieu would encourage freetraders to follow his route and urged Robert Campbell in Athabasca to try to prevent any more such trips.42 When Beaulieu continued his trading at Salt River in the winter of 1857—1858, Simpson recommended that an outpost be established beside him.43 An effective supervision of Beaulieu's activities, however, demanded cooperation between the Athabasca and Mackenzie Districts, something that was not always possible. Campbell managed to make an arrangement with Beaulieu in 1858 which made it unnecessary as yet to set up a post at Salt River. In 1863, however, the HBC set up a temporary trading station at Salt River to guard the Mackenzie District from an invasion of freetraders. Since the HBC feared, with good reason, that Beaulieu would aid and abet its opponents, the Company assigned Beaulieu to look after its interests in Salt River and hired his son Francois as middleman on the boats.44 This proved an insufficient incentive to deter Beaulieu permanently from an alliance with the freetraders. In 1866 he planned to go to Red River to consult Governor William Mactavish, to see if the HBC could match the lucrative offers made to him by the freetraders; he intended asking for a pension and security of control over his salt supply. When he stopped off at lie a la Crosse, however, Grandin persuaded him not to make the long journey to Red River, assuring him that he would consult the governor for him. Grandin was well aware of the threat posed to the Company by the great authority Beaulieu held over the Chipewyan of Athabasca and lie a la Crosse, and even more so over those of Great Slave Lake and Fort Rae.4^ Given this state of affairs, he thought the governor would agree to give Beaulieu what he wanted. Grandin was also aware of the threat posed to the Roman Catholic missions by any perceived alliance of Metis, freetraders, and Oblates, and was anxious to ensure that no such opinion would be formed by the HBC. Though Beaulieu returned to Salt River, he did not wait for Grandin's talks with the governor to bear fruit. He took employment with the American Peace River traders who were beginning to move into the Athabasca. After he had collected some furs for them, however, the HBC again lured him away and he began to visit the Indian camps to collect furs before the traders could get there.46 To the end Beaulieu remained an independent operator. In the winter of 1871—1872, just before he died, he tried to persuade the Indians of Fort Rae and Providence to give him their marten to trade at Lac La Biche to his son Joseph.47 His close relationship

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with the Oblates always caused some suspicions at the HBC that the priests supported his freetrading. In 1874, soon after Beaulieu's death, the HBC moved its post from Salt River to the east bank of the Slave River, at the foot of the rapids, to connect with its new steamboats. This became a permanent post called Fort Smith, which was much more important as a transportation centre than as a fur trade post. The mission of St. Isidore, no longer primarily required for the Beaulieu family, also moved to Fort Smith. There it served the local population, but it too derived its importance as a transport centre for the other missions of the vicariate. It also supplied much food for the northern missions from the farm of St. Bruno on Salt River, using its resources much as the patriarch Beaulieu had. Beaulieu's widespread network of relations also helped the Oblates in many other missions. His grandson, the young boy Jean-Baptiste Pepin, accompanied Grandin on his journeys, when the bishop oversaw the Athabasca-Mackenzie Vicariate. Grandin hoped this youngster would become a priest but, as with all his other indigenous prospects, Pepin did not pursue this vocation. Joseph Bouvier, born at Red River, married the patriarch's daughter Catherine, thus linking the old eighteenth-century Metis of Athabasca with the new nineteenth-century influx from Red River. Bouvier was the guide of the Mackenzie boat brigade. It was his intervention with Ross which made possible Grollier's visit to Fort Simpson in 1858 to combat the arrival of Anglican Archdeacon Hunter.48 The Bouviers continued to aid the mission enterprise. With Chief Trader Hardisty's consent, the Bouvier and Forcier families wintered at Providence in 1863—1864 to help Grandin build the new bishop's residence. In succeeding winters the Bouvier family continued to reside at Providence, instead of wintering at Big Island as they had previously done. They were among the first people to take advantage of the new school opened in 1867. Their son, Jean-Baptiste Bouvier, who attended that first year, was present at the Golden Jubilee of Providence School held 3-6 July 1917.49 When the HBC moved its post from Big Island to Providence in 1868, the HBC Postmaster, John Reid, and his wife, a former maidservant of the Kirkbys, exhibited a high degree of anti-Catholicism. A battle between two strong-willed women ensued when Mme Bouvier spoke out to the Indians in favour of the mission and against Reid, so successfully that the Indians gave all their grease and good meat to the mission. William Hardisty then

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-r> Mercredi family at Fond du Lac, 1893. Photograph byJ.B. Tyrrell. [Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, University of Toronto]

withdrew his recommendation that a pension be awarded to Mme Bouvier following the death of her husband. 5° Some other first-generation Metis, such as Old Cayen (Louison Cadien), born in the Great Slave Lake region,51 proved formidable opponents of the Oblates. According to Petitot, Cayen spoke better French than most, owing to his having a Parisian father; unfortunately for the Oblates, he had also inherited from his father a skepticism which dominated his outlook, and he even resembled Voltaire in appearance. He had white hair and an intelligent but deceitful face; he was cunning and sardonic. He was obsequiously polite, but had the cheeky smile of a street urchin.52 Although he was ostensibly Catholic, the priests claimed Cayen would sell his soul for tea. He took employment as interpreter for the CMS and attempted to convince the Dene to espouse Anglicanism. At one point, he blamed the rosary, holy pictures, confessions, and Communion for making him sick.53 Though twice excommunicated, he confessed his sins and received Extreme Unction before he died in the great epidemic of 1865.5^ Cayen's brother-in-law, Baptiste Le Camerade de Mandeville, whose father came from Normandy and whose mother was Dene, was quite different from Cayen. He proved to be a staunch upholder of the Oblates, as

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were his five sons. Mandeville interpreted for Franklin on his first expedition. He helped build Fort Reliance at the east end of Great Slave Lake for the Back expedition of 1833.^5 Some twenty-five years later56 he established an outpost for the HBC at that spot, where the Oblates formed the mission of St. Vincent de Paul.57 King Beaulieu, son of the patriarch, later took charge of this post where he too helped the Oblates keep their contacts with the Yellowknives. The Mercredis, a family with nineteenth-century connections from Red River to Athabasca, proved of great help to the Oblate missions. Joseph Mercredi accompanied Tache to Fort Chipewyan in 1847 and served as his altar assistant. Thirty years later he wrote and thanked Tache for opening the road to heaven to so many in Athabasca.58 Mercredi was assigned as postmaster to Fond du Lac (Athabasca). For a time he preferred to be called McCarthy;59 perhaps he was related to Julie McKarthy St. Cyr at Fort Chipewyan. There is some speculation that McCarthy was the original family name, changed by the French priests to Mercredi because it sounded the same to them and was easier to pronounce. 6° Mercredi's sons worked at times for the HBC, but more often for the freetraders, responding to the new employment opportunities of the later nineteenth century. His wife was also a convinced supporter of the mission at Fond du Lac. Their daughter Anne, who taught Breynat the first elements of the Chipewyan language at Nativity school, entered the Grey Nuns.61 Many Metis had large families, which proved a burden on the HBC economy. As early as 1860 the Company sought to replace these Metis with single men, whether Scotsmen, Canadians, or Iroquois.62 In 1875 W.L. Hardisty planned to send the Metis boatmen with large families out of the district as their contracts expired. This was not entirely an economizing move. Hardisty feared that the Metis with their intricate web of relationships, would "join in plotting mischief against the Company or their Officers,"63 or intrigue with the Indians, or join the opposition freetraders. The Metis who remained in the north after leaving HBC employment became independent hunters and trappers. Several put their knowledge and expertise to the service of the freetraders who soon flocked into the area. Since the Metis discharged by the HBC had to provide for their own subsistence, some conflict also resulted over the use of local resources such as the fisheries. Some formed small settlements with gardens to augment their country provisions. This gradual growth of settlements, often around the missions, helped the Oblates to stabilize their faith and eventually to form small parishes. At Fort Chipewyan in 1906 about thirty families of Il6

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Metis formed such a small parish. Many of them descended from the eighteenth-century voyageurs, such as the Lepines, Tourangeaus, and Villebruns.64 In their different ways, the many strands of Metis origins combined to favour the Oblate enterprise. The oldest generation, those born from the unions of late eighteenth-century voyageurs with Dene women, were often brought up by their mothers in Dene traditional ways. Yet, they preserved some folk-memory of Catholicism, passed on in some way from their fathers, perhaps in tales and stories, perhaps in some ritualistic actions. With this background, and with the impact of the incoming missionaries in the mid-nineteenth-century, they attributed great spiritual power to the priests, power which they were anxious to share. Though their knowledge of the faith was limited, their traditions prepared them for easier reception and adherence to the rules of the Church. Their spoken French, though it may have been on a par with their rudimentary comprehension of Catholicism, also simplified their contact with the Oblates. Many of the newer generation of Metis who served the HBC in the nineteenth century moved to the Athabasca and Mackenzie from Red River. They had learned something of Catholicism there, either at St. Boniface, or St. Fra^ois Xavier on White Horse Plains, or from the itinerant missions around the Interlake region of Manitoba. Several of these people were among the first baptized by Tache at Fort Chipewyan. Many boatmen who moved from Red River married Dene-Metis women who were descendants of the earlier voyageurs. The different generations' familiarity with Catholicism and the French language combined in favour of the Oblates over the Anglicans in almost every case. Sharing the same language and faith, if only to a small extent in both instances, the Metis were natural allies of the French Catholic Oblates. "A people between," they demonstrated the value of their combined heritage, melding aspects of European and Indian faith and language, to broker the exchange of views between Oblate and Dene. They also exerted considerable influence with the HBC. Their labour was essential to the Company; withdrawal of their services would have destroyed the vital transport system. Their marriages and relationships to various branches of the Dene assured them of a hearing for their opinions on religion and trade. Their activity on behalf of the Catholicism preached by the Oblates was vital to the initiation and perpetuation of the missions. Equally important to the priests, they usually served as a formidable barrier to any success by the Church Missionary Society.

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fl WEALTH AND 'WELL^'BEING: MEDICINE AND MISSION

.ealth and faith were closely linked for both Oblate and Dene, making medical care an integral part of evangelization. The priests sought to show the Dene the way to the Christian heaven and rejoiced that those who died soon after baptism would attain that goal immediately. They also used their medical skills, trying to save the people from death and to alleviate their suffering. This was, for them, also a religious duty. To the Oblates, as to other Europeans, disease was a physical event, to be opposed by all the techniques of modern medicine. To some extent, this notion of health as centred on the body contrasted with the Dene idea of health as the well-being of the individual and community. Yet the Oblates

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also had a holistic view of medicine, for they considered good spiritual health to be integral to good physical health. Their mainly secular view of medicine combined with a tendency to blame illness on the sinfulness of the individual or community, imbuing the art of physical healing with a theological component.1 This view was similar in some respects to that of the Dene. According to Petitot, the Dene did not blame God for their illness but took the blame on themselves for having done something wrong.2 Such beliefs accorded with what they knew about illness and the need for medicine. Ways of dealing with illness, for both Oblate and Dene, were not completely detached from faith and morality. Physical healing, the focus of medical techniques, had to be accompanied by some degree of spiritual healing. Both the Oblates and the Dene, then, ascribed ill-health at least partially to moral faults and sinfulness. Each sought to counter the effects of disease with medical antidotes and with calls for spiritual intervention. These two concepts of health combined and conflicted in the Oblates' mission to the Dene. Indian susceptibility to European diseases became apparent soon after Columbus arrived in the "New" World. Its population, never exposed to them, had had no opportunity to develop antibodies as the Europeans had. No wars of invasion or large population interchanges had marked the history of these relatively peaceful continents, nor contributed to the spread of epidemics that contributed to an ensuing immunity. Nor had they developed similar diseases, in part because they had no domestic animals to provide a source of key disease organisms shared with humans.3 The Natives of North America usually lived in widely-scattered small communities without contact with the diversity of diseases that marked the large urban settlements of Europe. The subarctic environment favoured the Dene even more by preventing the survival of many pathogens over the winter. They told Petitot of their good health before the arrival of the whites, when the only diseases they had were those caused by the cold climate, such as deafness, rheumatism, or inflammation of the eyes.4 The arrival of fur traders irrevocably altered this healthy situation. The men of the boat brigades, who interchanged the furs of the Athabasca and Mackenzie for imported goods and transferred personnel at Portage La Loche, brought epidemics to the Dene, just as Columbus's ships brought unknown diseases to the American Indians of the south. Though the boat brigades did not bring massive colonization, they were equally deadly to the Dene. Almost every year the boatmen suffered from illnesses, described as influenza or grippe. These spread among the people gathered at the posts I2O

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HBC Steamer Grahame delivering cargo at Smith Landing, 24 June 1892. [PAM, Hudson's Bay Company Archives,

and from them to other camps. Few were isolated enough to escape. The Dene were well aware of this correlation between transport and disease. When those at Fort Chipewyan heard of the Montreal cholera epidemic in 1833, they asked for large advances, so that they could go back to their lands and remain away from the fort until the following year in hopes of avoiding this sickness.5 After many died at Good Hope in the epidemic "nervous fever" of 1867, the survivors, aware that sickness arrived with the boats, did not want to go to the post for fear of death.6 Since Good Hope supplied many men for the boats, and only fourteen hired on in the spring of 1868, eight of whom deserted on the way,7 this posed considerable difficulties for the transport system of the HBC. Those at Fort Resolution took a different tack and refused to go to the Portage unless they had a priest with them because twelve of them had died on the trip in 1867.8 Though the large annual complement of boatmen had disappeared by the i88os, diseases spread among the people who gathered for the arrival of the steamboats with equally disastrous results. In 1902 measles spread northwards from Fort Smith, following the steamers, affecting every post on the way north to Fort McPherson, and causing hundreds of deaths.9 In 1928 the great flu epidemic spread by the Distributor caused the deaths of many elders, who had gathered as usual for the arrival of the steamboat, for a time of celebration and dancing. Three days later the flu broke out and soon all the older people who had been dancing were dead; seventy elders • H E A L T H AND

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died between Fort Norman and Fort Franklin.10 With them went much local knowledge of Native medicine, which they had used as a guide to help those who were sick or hungry. The suffering and deaths which followed so quickly at each post are still vivid in the memories of the elders of today. Listening to them speak so movingly of the loss of their relatives and friends, we can gain insights into the experience of the Dene in the century before. Recurring epidemics of measles, scarlet fever, and whooping-cough spread like wildfire, causing severe mortality among the Dene, who had little or no immunity to them. The after-effects of the widespread influenza epidemic of 1863—1864 contributed to the havoc caused by the deadly combination of scarlet fever and measles in 1865. When the boats arrived at Nativity in early August 1865 they reported much sickness at the Portage.11 Possibly the scarlet fever present at Nativity that spring was brought south with the boats, while the Red River boats carried the contagion that had raged there through the winter of 1864—1865.12 In any case, the interchange at Portage La Loche spread the combination of measles and scarlet fever to almost every post in the fur trade country. The disease also caused serious complications, such as dysentery, swollen throats, discharge from the ears, and general feebleness. Petitot estimated that seven to eight hundred, out of a population of four thousand, died in the space of three or four weeks in the Athabasca-Mackenzie.13 William Hardisty, in charge of the Mackenzie District, estimated that over one thousand people had died, more than in any previous illness.14 This devastating epidemic followed the trail of the boats like a miasma: "The Boats last fall were like angels of death going among the poor people of the respective Forts."15 The Dene gave up hope, convinced that the end of the world was near and that they were all going to die; as a result, they did not take the precautions that Hardisty thought would have mitigated the effects of the disease.16 No words can convey the anguish and desolation and fear experienced by the people who saw so many members of their families die. They could only attribute it to "bad medicine," perhaps used by the whites against them, or to some unknown fault on their part. Knowledge of many Dene traditions died with the elders who perished in these years. Among the survivors, wives were left without husbands to hunt for their families, hunters without wives to share the basic tasks of life. Children were orphaned and left to be cared for by relatives who were already overwhelmed with dependents. The loss of so large a proportion of the population made it impossible for extended families to embrace the 122

T R O M THE Q R E A T -RIVER TO THE -ENDS OF THE -EARTH

care of so many orphans. Many of these orphans were taken into the new schools. This charitable work, though it preserved many lives, could not teach the orphans the traditional Dene knowledge or way of life. Another widespread epidemic in 1867, described variously as a severe cold with a headache or as a nervous fever, followed closely on the heels of the epidemic of 1865 and caused further deaths. The two epidemics of 1865 and 1867 carried off almost one-quarter of the best fur hunters of the district.17 A series of less-destructive ailments followed; they so weakened the people that any slight illness could cause their deaths. Faraud compared his missionaries to the gleaners coming behind the harvesters, picking up the few who were left of disappearing tribes.18 A fever and cough in 1872 caused several deaths, including that of the patriarch Beaulieu, who died after five days of sickness.19 Adding to the havoc caused by disease, recurring years of famine afflicted the Athabasca and Mackenzie Districts in the late nineteenth century. The journals and letters from various missions are filled with references to starvation, the disappearance of caribou, poor fisheries, and the cyclical decline of hares.20 These years of hardship caused many deaths and reduced the health and abilities of many survivors. Treaty gatherings, beginning in the early twentieth century, influenced the Natives to gather again in large groups, though at a different time from the former trading occasions. These crowds contributed to the spread of various illnesses; in 1900 and 1901 at Nativity epidemics of measles, scarlet fever, dysentery, and an unknown illness decimated the people, with fifty to fifty-five dying in 1901.21 Endemic diseases also took a toll on the Dene, one of the most prevalent being tuberculosis. As early as 1864 Petitot had noted the prevalence of pulmonary diseases and scrofula ulcers, with the young being more likely to die from these.22 Viral infections, including influenza, tend to activate the tubercle bacilli in persons who have latent tuberculosis; since the Dene were exposed to influenza and grippe nearly every year, this could explain some of their susceptibility to tuberculosis. Faulty or weak immunological processes, poor hygiene and sanitation standards, semi-starvation over a long time, or sudden severe food deprivation, also increase the likelihood of this disease.23 All these conditions applied to the Dene for much of this period and may account for the widespread tuberculosis. June Helm contended that the cessation of female infanticide offset any population losses due to disease among the Mackenzie Dene and that, as a result, no long-term population losses occurred.24 Her census figures show HEALTH

AND WELL At Great Bear Lake. Indians decimated during the winter of 1869-1870 by epidemic grippe brought by boats and famine due to disappearance of caribou.61

1871

Good Hope, Fort Norman, and Great Bear Lake. Indians suffered from starvation and prevalence

At Good Hope, Fort Norman and Great Bear Lake. Medicinemaking in the bush for the sick

of disease; several of the best hunters died.63

of these posts.64 At Good Hope. Seven or eight women claimed virgin births.65 One young woman claimed revelation that she would be the mother of Jesus, reincarnated again for the salvation of the world.66

1872

At Fort Chipewyan. Epidemic of fever particularly bad.67 At Fond du Lac. Twenty-three died of epidemic and two of starvation.68 Fever and cold caused many deaths, including the patriarch Beaulieu.69 At Great Bear Lake. Many deaths.70

At Arctic Red River. A Loucheux visionary baptizes and confesses.71

APPENDICES

199

Year

Type of illness

Spiritual leaders

1873

At Liard. Illness and death among the Frances Lake Indians.72

At Good Hope. The boatmen on their return from Portage La Loche told the Hares a story of resurrection.73

1874

At Good Hope. Heavy cold which changed a week later to whooping cough.74 By spring 25 deaths.7? At Fort Norman. Hares, from contact with the Bear Lake people, have succumbed to the malady of the Dogribs of Fort Rae. Several died this winter; three or four are not able to walk. They say it is a violent headache.76 At Providence. Epidemic of whooping cough. Several children died.77

At Fonddu Lac. Two excommunicated men claimed that a man at that mission had died and then lived again.78

1875

At Good Hope. In fall of 1875, boats were late and brought a heavy cold, people sick for two months. No caribou all fall.79

At Good Hope. In their distress, some called on God, others on sorcerers. The young people dreamt of being great makers of inkonze, so as to live long on this earth. They mocked those who prayed and observed the Catholic religion.80

1876

At Good Hope. Dysentery attacked all the Indians but not the whites. Three or four children died after treatment by medicine-makers.8'

At Good Hope. The sorcerers claimed that if their medicines did not work, it was the fault of the priest, a stronger sorcerer, who had removed the virtue from the medicine.82 At Liard. Prophet saw priests, dressed in black, going to hell, while disciples of Luther, dressed in various colours, went to heaven.83

ZOO

T R O M THE

g R E A T H I V E R TO THE

" E N D S OF THE

"EARTH

Type of illness

Spiritual leaders

1877

At Fond du Lac. Famine during 1877-1878. More than 45 died.

At Fort Nelson. A prophet said he was sent by God to show Indians the road to heaven.

1879

At Good Hope. In the fall of 1879 about ten died, adults and children.

1880

At Liard. Illness during 1879-1880.85 In Mackenzie District. Starvation increasing.86 At Providence. Great cold and shortage of food.87

1881

1882

At Liard. Prophet active for previous two or three years claimed to have risen from the dead. He preached that long prayers were useless.88

At Fort Norman. Chief Soldat.

At Liard. Thirty-five Indians out of 210 died. Only five births.89

At Arctic Red River. About 15 Loucheux died, five from famine.90

1886

At Nativity. Whooping cough epidemic, no deaths.91

1887

The late i88os saw a severe decline in both large game animals and fur animals and subsistence from the hunt became increasingly difficult.

At Fort McPherson. Five (Anglican) visionaries. At Good Hope. A baptized maker of medicine claimed he had to continue his practice in order to find caribou for his people.92

APPENDICES

201

Year

Type of illness

Spiritual leaders

At Nativity. Extreme famine. Whole camp of Crees at Little Red River died.93

At Nativity. In 1888, 42 deaths, 24 of these from hunger and cold.'4 At Good Hope. Whooping cough epidemic among children. Adults suffered from a kind of epidemic cold of which ten elders died.95 At Fort Smith. Four adults died in one week in December.96

At Fort Smith. In February 1889, five adults and one child died within two weeks. They had been sick since they had all gathered at Christmas.97 At Nativity. Epidemic of cold and fever during the spring of 1889. Several died at Lac Brochet, Pointe de roche, and at Pointe Labri. Famine in winter of 1889-1890.

1890

At Nativity. Many sick with grippe or influenza but no deaths.98

At Arctic Red River. Nine Loucheux died of famine.99

1892

2O2

At Good Hope. Twenty-eight or 29 young people died, as well as some elders. Only ten births. Since 1888 population had diminished by 60, from sickness

T R O M THE CjREAT -RIVER TO THE -ENDS OF THE -EARTH

Year

Type of illness

Spiritual leaders

or hunger. Grippe reached Good Hope by August.100 At Arctic Red River. Influenza or grippe, several died since spring.101

1893

At Fort Resolution. Unknown malady afflicting almost all the Indians. Two died.102

1894

At Fort Smith. Scarlatina caused 18 deaths (adults and children).1(» AtFortRae, Much sickness. Many children died.104 At Fort Resolution. Epidemic carried away many of the Indians, in some cases the whole family of children.

1895

At Providence. Influenza, five children at school died, 26 people dead by end of year.105 At Good Hope. Influenza came with fall boats. In OctoberNovember about ten died, almost all adults.106

1896

At Arctic Red River. One illness after another for several years. Too many young men have died, and now can't find husbands for girls.107 At Fort Norman. Sixteen died in first six months.108 At Good Hope. Influenza in summer and fall.109

APPENDICES

2O3

Year

Type of illness

1897

At Arctic Red River. Typhoid and scarlet fever in the spring, many died.110 Famine.11'

Spiritual leaders

At Good Hope. Steamboats brought influenza or grippe. Everyone sick. It lasted several months and five died.112

Athabasca-Mackenzie Vicariate. Universal famine.113 At Providence. Grippe.114 At Fond du Lac. Epidemic of influenza through all the country, 17 hunters died. At Fort Wrigley. Dysentery. 115 At Good Hope. About thirty deaths.116 At Arctic Red River. Same sickness as at Good Hope and many Loucheux died, as well as five or six gold-seekers. ! 17

1900

2O4

At Nativity. Epidemic of grippe; many deaths.118 At Fort Simpson. A sort of cholera or dysentery; 16 or 18 deaths.119 At Providence. Dysentery and influenza; several died. Nuns and brothers also affected.120 At Fort Resolution. Grippe in June. At Fort Wrigley. Thirty died. At Fort Norman. Influenza followed by dysentery caused 24 deaths; affected whites and Indians.121

T R O M THE §R EA T H I V E R TO THE - E N D S OF THE T A R T H

Year

Type of illness

1901

At Fond du Lac. Grippe in July caused seven deaths.122

1902

At Fort Smith. Measles in June; six deaths in one week. At Fond du Lac. Measles in September; no deaths.123 At Nativity. Measles broke out i June 1902. Soon complicated by scarlet fever and severe dysentery.124 At Fort Resolution. Measles caused 60 deaths in one month among the Metis; mostly children who died.125 Epidemic followed steamers all the way north to Fort McPherson, causing a number of deaths at each post along the river. No exact count was ever made but there must have been hundreds of deaths in the district that summer.126 At Fort Liard. Measles came with the boat. All the young caught it. Two of the young men who worked on the boats died.127

1903

At Arctic Red River. Death of most of the Inuit from measles.128 At Hay River. Many deaths from measles.129 At Fort Norman. Measles caused some deaths among newborns. Followed by influenza but no deaths.130

1905

At Good Hope. Whooping-cough and heavy cold; 34 deaths.131

Spiritual leaders

APPENDICES

2O5

Year

Type of illness

Spiritual leaders

1907

At all posts on Mackenzie River, sickness and famine.132 At Providence. Grippe at school.133 At Arctic Red River. People of Good Hope who came with traders' boats brought colds with them.13-*

Treated by the famous Kinadh, HBC interpreter, whose medicine made them sick.135

1908

At Providence. Starvation among Indians.136

Prophet of Ft. Nelson sent word that if Hay River Beavers prayed with minister they would all die.

1909

At Fort Resolution. Epidemic, described as cerebro-spinal, among Indians and Metis; many deaths.13? At Arctic Red River. HBC steamer Mackenzie River brought colds, affecting all the Indians.138 AtFortRae. Seventeen deaths in summer.139 Starvation because of lack of caribou.140 At Fort Smith, Providence and Fort Resolution. Many deaths.141

1910

At Fort Rae. Indians who came for Christmas caught grippe. Four adults and three children died.142

1911

AtFortRae. Several deaths in camps at edge of woods.143 At Fort Norman. Indians sick with cold and lack of food or furs.144

1912 (approx.)

2O6

At Fort Nelson. Old Matoit. Decutla.

TROM THE (JREAT H I V E R TO THE 'ENDS OF THE "EARTH

Type of illness 1913

At Nativity. Epidemic of grippe caused nine or ten deaths.145 At Providence. Dysentery at school; one girl died.146 At Fort Rae. Famine; no caribou.147 At Fort Norman. Several deaths from unnamed illness.148 At Arctic Red River. Much illness; six deaths, some from typhoid, others perhaps from tuberculo-

1914

At Fort Resolution. School-child died of tuberculosis.150 Grippe affected whole population.151 At Nativity. Starvation.152 At Fort Norman. Twenty deaths.153 At Fort Rae. Fifteen deaths, mostly young or adult men.154 At Providence. Whooping-cough among children.155 At Arctic Red River. Sickness and deaths.156

1915

At Fort Simpson. Grippe; two or three deaths. Hunger.157 At Fort Resolution. Famine.15

1916

At Fort Smith. Grippe affected whites and Indians.160 At Fort Resolution. Grippe.161

1917

At Fort Rae. Grippe among Easter attenders who took it back to their camps.162 At Fort Resolution. Grippe.163

Spiritual leaders

At Great Bear Lake. Sorcerer Tapiye from Fort Rae made medicine and was refused sacraments. Spread stories about priests.159

APPENDICES

207

Year

Type of illness

1918

At Great Bear Lake. Eight people died within three weeks.164

1919

At Providence. Children all sick with whooping-cough, five of the 86 at school died and another six at the fort. Dysentery and jaundice also.165 At Fort Simpson. Whoopingcough; twenty died.166 Athabasca District. Spanish flu; 42 deaths and a great many children orphaned.

1920

At Fort Resolution. Whoopingcough. Four children at school died.167 At Fort Rae. Whooping-cough caused death of some children.16 Four children died of diarrhoea. Adults suffered from a kind of measles.169

1921

At Fort Smith. Smallpox from June to end of August. Came with two young men from Fort Chipewyan.170 At Fort Resolution. Smallpox and diptheria; 32 deaths.171

1922

At Fond du Lac. Spanish flu affected Father Riou as well as the Chipewyan and Metis. More than eighty died in this epidemic.172

2O8

T R O M THE

g R E A T - R I V E R TO

Spiritual leaders

THE

"ENDS

OF THE

•£ A R T H

Year

Type of illness

1928

In 1928 the great flu epidemic spread by the HBC steamboat Distributor caused the deaths of many of the elders. Seventy elders died between Fort Norman and Fort Franklin.173 At Arctic Red River. Seven died in one week. At Fort McPherson. More than thirty deaths. AtAklavik. Twenty deaths.174

Spiritual leaders

APPENDICES

2O9

APPENDIX C

Oblate Missions to the Dene Name

First Visit

Residence

NATIVITY

1847 Tache

1849 Faraud

ST. JOSEPH

1852 Faraud

1858 Faraud & Grollier

FOND DU LAC

1853 Grollier

1881 De Chambreuil

ST. ISIDORE

1856 Grandin

1888 Joussard

SACRED HEART OF JESUS

1858 Grollier

1894 Brochu

ST. MICHAEL

1859 Grollier

1872 Roure

OUR LADY OF GOOD HOPE

1859 Grollier

1859 Grollier

STE. THERESE

1859 Grollier

1876 Ducot

HOLY NAME OF MARY

1860 Grollier

1889 Giroux

ST. RAPHAEL

1860 Gascon

1894 Brochu

ST. VINCENT DE PAUL

1862 Eynard

PROVIDENCE

1862 Grandin

1862 Grandin

ST. PAUL

1868 Grouard

1878 Lecomte

STE. ANNE

1868 Gascon

1900 Gouy

IMMACULATE HEART OF MARY

1881 Ducot

1897 Vacher

210

T R O M THE

§ R E A T ft I V E R TO THE

" E N D S OF THE

'EARTH

hOTES

INTRODUCTIon

1. Ultramontanism ("beyond the mountains" seen from the perspective of northern Europe) began in the seventeenth century with the exertion of papal authority over that of the various national branches of the Roman Catholic Church. In the nineteenth century, with the rise of the liberal secular states, the claim to primacy of papal authority in matters that concerned church and state was emphasized as well. 2. James Axtell, "Some Thoughts on the Ethnohistory of Missions," p. 36. 3. Cf. Philip Goldring, "Religion, Missions, and Native Culture," p. 46. 4. Julie Cruikshank, Reading Voices, p. 145. 5. Dene Cultural Institute, Dehcho: Mom, we've been discovered!, p. 7.

211

1

WORLDS APART: THE OLD WORLD

1. I have not included the Peace River missions, which were initiated by the Oblates of the Athabasca-Mackenzie Vicariate, but were separated from them in 1901. Theirs is a very different history, marked by their bishop's concern for the many white settlers as well as for the Natives of the district. They would require a separate book. 2. Dene Cultural Institute, Dehcho: Mom, we've been discovered1.-, p. 7. 3. Christopher Vecsey and Robert W. Venables, eds., American Indian Environments— 4. For a more detailed analysis of the background of nineteenth-century French mission thought in general, and of the Oblates more specifically, see Martha C. McCarthy, "The Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate...," pp. 28-106. 5. R. Hoffman, "Missionary," New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 9. 6. Luke 4:18 7. Jean Leflon, Eugene de Mazenod, I, p. 409. 8. Vicomte de Guichen, La France morale et religieuse a la fin de la Restauration, p. 200. 9. K. Abel, Drum Songs, p. 114, states that Mazenod founded the Oblates of Mary Immaculate in 1826. Though this is true of the name, the usual interpretation is that he founded the congregation in 1816 when he formed Les Missionnaires de Provence. 10. Les Missions des Missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculee (hereafter Missions), 70 (1936), 502-3, Mazenod to Cardinal (unnamed) n.d. [1825]. n. R. Aubert, Lepontificat de Pie IX, p. 457. 12. Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, IV (1830-31), p. 719, Provencher to two priests in Paris, i August 1829 and 23 October 1830. 13. AASB Too98, Grollier to Tache, 20 July 1860. 14. "Les pays que nous evangelisons ne sont pas peuples comme la Chine et le Japon, nous ne pouvons vous parler de nombreuses conversions, nous pouvons nous mourir de faim et de froid, mais nous n'avons pas la chance de mourir martyrs, nos pauvres missions n'ont pas m£me cette poesie la.. .Le martyr que nous souffrons est un martyr long un martyr tout a fait prosai'que. Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, 40 (1868), p. 251. Excerpt from a letter of Bishop Grandin to the Propagation de la Foi, 4 January 1868. 15. "Mourir une et mille fois sous le fer homicide du persecuteur me paraitrait moins dur qu'un martyr lent des corps, de 1'esprit et du coeur qui dure sans fin." AD G-LPP 1633, Faraud to Fabre, 25 November 1868. 16. AD, Lafleche to Cazeau, 12 June 1854. 17. Georges Belcourt, Edouard Darveau, and J.B. Thibault were exceptions to this rule. But Belcourt quarrelled with Provencher and left St. Boniface in

212

TROM THE CjREAT H I V E R TO THE TNDS OF THE 'EARTH

1847; Darveau had died in 1844, probably killed by a Cree who accused him of sorcery; Thibault led the westward expansion of missions and initiated contact with the Chipewyan. Cf. Martha McCarthy, To Evangelize the Nations. 18. Provencher was named Bishop of Hudson's Bay and James Bay in 1844. This was changed by Rome in 1847 to Bishop of the North West—a title which Provencher detested. In 1852 he and Tache managed to persuade Rome to name him Bishop of St. Boniface. 19. French terminology for these Ojibwa was Sauteux, because they had first met at Sault Ste. Marie. Many of these Ojibwa moved west with the expanding fur trade. By the nineteenth century they occupied much of southern Manitoba, and also mingled with the Woods Cree. Many English-speaking historians refer to them as Saulteaux, but I have chosen to use the spelling of the contemporary Oblates.

•WORLDS APART: THE "TsTEW" WORLD

1. 2. 3. 4.

Petitot, "Etude sur la Nation Montagnaise," p. 493. Petitot, Grand Lac des Ours, p. 371. Petitot, "Etude sur la Nation Montagnaise," 487-88. Cf. Robin Ridington, "Knowledge, Power, and the Individual in Subarctic Hunting Societies." 5. Arthur}. Ray, "Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson's Bay Company 1670-1930," p. 2. 6. The term "Montagnais" appears to go back to the early French traders and was in use long before the missionaries arrived. Petitot ("On the Athabasca District," p. 649) attributed this designation to the fact that they had previously lived along the Peace River, after crossing the Rocky Mountains, their primeval home. James G.E. Smith ("Chipewyan," in Handbook of North American Indians, 6 The Subarctic, p. 271) discredits this interpretation, showing that the Chipewyan moved west to Great Slave Lake and Lake Athabasca and south to the lakes of the Churchill River drainage. Smith, however, deals with the historical period, whereas Petitot retold Native traditions of their origins in the far distant past. It is unlikely, however, that the fur traders who applied the name "Montagnais" would have been familiar with this ancient belief. It is more likely that they simply used a name familiar to them from Quebec. 7. James G.E. Smith, "The Chipewyan," Handbook of North American Indians, 6. 8. David M. Smith, Moose—Deer Island House People, p. 7. 9. Michael I. Asch, "Slavey," in Handbook of North American Indians, 6, p. 338.

NOTES

213

10. Cf. R. Janes, Archaeological Ethnography..., p. 10. 11. A.K. Isbister, "On the Chipewyan Indian." 12. Ibid. 13. Beryl C. Gillespie, "An Ethnohistory of the Yellowknives: A Northern Athapaskan Tribe." 14. Missions 6 (1867), p. 481, Petitot to Fabre, 11 November 1864. 15. HBCA B8o/e/i, Fort Good Hope [1826]. 16. Missions, Dec. 1931; Michel to Breynat, 8 February 1931. 17. English-speaking anthropologists have usually referred to these people as Kutchin. Some refer to themselves as Gwichin. When I was at Arctic Red River, the people I spoke to called themselves Loucheux. It was also the expression used by the Oblates. For these reasons, I have kept this usage. 18. Isbister, "On the Loucheux Indians." 19. Cf. Leslie Roberts, The Mackenzie, for a description of the vast empire drained by the Mackenzie. 20. Dene Cultural Institute, "Deh'cho Mom, we've been discovered? p. io. 21. Thomas Berger, Northern Frontier, Northern Homeland, pp. 118-19. 22. PAA 71.220/7344, Seguin to mother and sister, 15 December 1868. 23. Paul Wright, Interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 2 September 1990. 24. Julie Cruikshank, Life Lived Like a Story. 25. Robin Ridington, "Knowledge, Power, and the Individual in Subarctic Hunting Societies," p. 105. 26. Rapports des Missions du diocese de Montreal (i%6i), pp. 38-39, Grollier to Leonard, 28 May 1860. 27. Sam Gill, Native American Religious Action, p. 84. 28. Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth, p. xvii. 29. Petitot, Monographic, p. 36. Petitot's views on this were shared by Henry R. Schoolcraft. Cf. Robert E. Bieder, Science Encounters the Indian, 1820—1880, p. 188. 30. Missions, 6 (1867), p. 370, Petitot to Fabre, September 1863. 31. George Blondin, When the World Was New, Stories of the Sahtu Dene. Yellowknife, NWT: Outcrop, 1990. This book is an incomparable reference for Dene history, known from oral traditions, now available in written form for the first time. 32. AD G-LPP 1625, Faraud to Fabre, 15 November 1865. 33. Paul Wright, Interview with Martha McCarthy, at Fort Norman, 2 September 1990. 34. Ake Hultkrantz, Native Religions of North America, p. 15. 35. Elizabeth Colson, "Power at Large: Meditation on 'The Symposium of Power'." 36. Paul Wright, Interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 2 September 1990.

214

T- R O M THE

§ R E A T 1 U V E R TO THE

" E N D S OF THE

-EARTH

37- Sam Gill, Native American Religions, p. 36. 38. Almost all the primary references to these jongleurs are to males, which is why the male pronouns are used. According to Gascon, however, the Dogribs at Fort Rae had many female as well as male persons with inkonze. (ADM, Gascon to Faraud, 26 November 1867.) 39. Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth, pp. 99-100. 40. George Blondin, When the World Was New, p. 58. 41. David M. Smith, Inkonze: Magico—Religious Beliefs of Contact—Traditional Chipewyan Trading at Fort Resolution, NWT, Canada. 42. "[L]es pretres francais ne croient a rien et se moquent de toutes ces choses." Petitot, Exploration de la Region du Grand Lac des Ours, p. 381. 43. Henry S. Sharp "Shared Experience and Magical Death." 44. Petitot, "Etude Sur La Nation Montagnaise," p. 507. 45. Sam Gill, Native American Religious Action, p. 29. 46. Ridington, "From Hunt Chief to Prophet...," p. 14. 47. OAGP, Ducot, Notes [1878]. 48. F. Russell, Explorations in the Far North, pp. 70-71. 49. Breynat, I, p. 241 50. Cf. June Helm and Eleanor Leacock, "The Hunting Tribes of Subarctic Canada," in North American Indians in Historical Perspective, p. 353. 51. Arthur Ray, "Periodic Shortages, Native Welfare, and the Hudson's Bay Company 1670-1930," p. 9. 52. Calvin Martin, Keepers of the Game, hypothesized that the effects of contact diseases on Indians who had not yet had direct contact with Europeans led them to blame the guardian animal spirits for causing their distress and therefore to conduct a slaughter of all these animals, far beyond what was needed for their own survival.

•POLICY AND -PRAGMATISM: THE OBLATES AND THE -HUDSON'S -BAY COMPANY 1. AASB Ta3587, Provencher to Cazeau, 24 July 1840. 2. HBCA 04/25 fo. 69, Simpson to Provencher, 17 February 1840. 3. HBCA 05/6 fo. 123-24, Donald Ross to Simpson, 10 April 1841. 4. HBCA 04/78 fo. 859, Simpson to HBC London, 24 June 1858. From HBCA Search File, Fort Resolution. 5. John H. Lefroy, In Search of the Magnetic North, p. 100. 6. HBCA 05/19, fo. 75-76, Roderick McKenzie to Simpson, 14 January 1847. Robert Hunt at the Pas told McKenzie of the CMS intentions. McKenzie thought they would "spoil the Indians" and ruin the fur trade. 7. AASB, "Notes sur 1'etablissement de la Mission de la Nativite a Athabaska."

NOTES

15

Evans's daughter had married Chief Trader John McLean, then stationed in the Mackenzie District, who later became a bitter opponent of the HBC. Evans hoped to establish a mission at Fort Simpson to be near his daughter, and also to oppose the Roman Catholics. (Cf. Frits Pannekoek, "The Anglican Church and the Disintegration of Red River Society, 1818-1870," p. 9.) 8. HBCA 04/29 fo. 9-iod, Simpson to Evans, 29 June 1843. 9. HBCA 04/32 fo. 113-17, Simpson to Murdoch McPherson, 3 June 1845. 10. HBCA 05/14 fo. 112-13, McKenzie to Simpson, i July 1845. 11. HBCA 05/27 fo. 530-44, Hudson Bay House to Simpson, 25 March 1850. 12. AASB Ta3587, Provencher to Cazeau, 24 July 1840. 13. E.E. Rich, The Hudson's Bay Company, II, p. 793. 14. United Church Archives, Toronto, AB4OR736, Donald Ross to "My dear friend" [Alex. Christie], 9 April 1846. Ross remarked on the hostility to HBC interests among the Catholic population at Red River, and the effect that it had on the peace and welfare of the country. He was especially upset that this was fostered and encouraged by their religious teachers (referring here to Belcourt). 15. HBCA 04/43 fo. 64-6^, Simpson to Bishop Anderson, 20 April 1851. 16. HBCA D4/76a fo. 721, Simpson to Governor and Committee, 26 June 1856. 17. HBCA 05/12 fo. 174—77, Donald Ross to Simpson, 15 August 1844. 18. HBCA 05/32 fo. 397-98, Colvile to Simpson (private), 22 December 1851. 19. HBCA 05/31(2) fo. 55, Eden Colvile to Simpson, 14 July 1851. 20. HBCA 05/22 fo. 160—61, Hudson Bay House to Simpson, 21 April 1848. 21. "Nous faisons pine, car nous ne connaissons pas Dieu; mais nous desirons le connaitre, et nous voudrions aussi, quand nous mourrons, aller dans le beau pays oil Dieu place les bons vivants. Viens nous voir; fais-nous charite." Rapport sur les missions du diocese de Quebec (hereafter RMQ) 7 (1847), Thibault to Provencher, 27 December 1845. 22. RMQ 7 (1847), Thibault to Provencher, 3 June 1846. 23. The details of Tache's two visits to Fort Chipewyan are given in ADM. "Registre de la Mission de la Nativite Athabaska 1842-1849." 24. HBCA 05/29, fo. 341-43, James Anderson (a) to Governor Simpson, 14 November 1850. 25. HBCA B39/b/i2, p. 69, James Anderson to Donald Ross, 7 December 1850. 26. AASB Ti978o, Joseph Mercredi to Tache, 19 December 1877. 27. Their produce won a gold medal at the Centennial Exhibition in 1876. (William Ogilvie, "In North-Western Wilds," The Canadian Magazine, 1894, p. 530.) In 1883 at Fort Chipewyan the HBC harvested 400 bushels of potatoes; the "Episcopal" mission, from its small plot, got 30 bushels; the Roman Catholic Mission obtained about 500 bushels. Canada Sessional Papers, vol. 18 No. 7 (1885), Annual Report, Department of Interior, 1884, by William Ogilvie.

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28. HBCA Dy/i fb. 329d, HBC London to Colvile, 7 April 1852. 29. James Anderson had expected to have the Chipewyan build this post in the summer of 1851, and noted that they were very skilled at building houses. (HBCA 05/29 fo. 341-43, Anderson to Simpson, 14 November 1850.) The HBC had sent an interpreter there from 1849, probably for short periods of time, to collect provisions. See HBCA Post History, Fond du Lac (Athabasca). 30. The date 1851 is given in "Histoire de la Mission de St. Joseph. Grand lac des Esclaves" (AASB To952), Faraud's letter to Mazenod, 8 December 1856, printed in Annales, 31 (1859), pp. 272-91, states that he founded the mission four years previously. This accounts for the date 1852 used in most sources. 31. Kerry Abel mistakenly attributed the first entry of the Oblates into the Mackenzie District to Grollier's visit to Fort Simpson in 1858. ("The Drum and the Cross...," p. 19). Fort Resolution was transferred to the Mackenzie District in 1844 and back to Athabasca in 1878. (Cf. HBCA 639/6/11, District Report, Fort Chipewyan, 1885, by R. McFarlane). 32. AD HPK2O33. N82R96, Mission St. Joseph, Reponse au questionnaire du 10 juin 1935. 33. HBCA 04/43 f°- 75' Simpson to Governor Colvile and Northern Department Council, I May 1851. 34. Cf. NAC MGi9A29, James Anderson Papers. James Anderson to Eden Colvile, 16 March 1852. Also HBCA 05/38, fo. 403, Tache to Simpson, 21 December 1853. 35. NAC M&9A29 vol. I file i fo. 92, James Anderson Papers, Anderson to Eden Colvile, 16 March 1852. 36. HBCA 05/37 f°- 4J3> Anderson to Simpson, 12 July 1853. 37. "[PJousse par je ne sais quel vertige, Mr. Anderson me park de Napoleon III et d'une invasion des Francais dans cette contree et cela parce que quelques uns de nos Missionnaires sont Francais." HBCA 05/38 fo. 404, Tache to Simpson, 21 December 1853. 38. AD HE 2221 Ti2Li36, Tache to Maisonneuve, 27 July 1853. 39. HBCA 05/37 f°- 4I3' Anderson to Simpson, 12 July 1853. 40. HBCA 05/38 fo. 405, Tache to Simpson, 21 December 1853. 41. HBCA 04/48 fo. 43d~45d, Simpson to James. Anderson (a), 12 June 1854. 42. HBCA 04/48 fo. 46-47, Simpson to Tache, 12 June 1854. 43. HBCA 05/42 (2), James Anderson (a) to Simpson, 18 July 1856. 44. HBCA 04/54 fo. I4id-i43, Simpson to Tache, 17 April 1858. 45. HBCA 04/53 fo. 39, Simpson to Faraud, 28 June 1857. 46. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 25 June 1859. 47. Cf. Janet Wright, Church of Our Lady of Good Hope. 48. HBCA 04/55 f°- I55d-i58d, Simpson to Bernard Ross, 15 June 1859.

NOTES 217

i

-RIVALS IN TAITH: OBLATES VERSUS ANGLICANS 1. 2. 3. 4.

HBCA 05/45 fo. 182, Bishop Anderson to Simpson, 3 November 1857. AASB 1*0852, Grandin to Governor, 20 September 1861. CMS A93, Kirkby Journal, 10 June 1859. I realize that many adherents of the Church of England prefer to be called Catholic. This was not the case, however, for the evangelical CMS missionaries, and consequently I have kept the designation of Anglican for these missions. 5. CMS Ap3, Kirkby to Chapman, 10 March 1859. 6. HBCA 05/48 fo. 353—56, Bishop Anderson to Simpson, n March 1859. 7. AASB Too6o, Grollier to Tache, 30 May 1860. "Si Dieu et Marie ne viennent a notre secours, tous est ici contre nous, puissent-ils 1'un et 1'autre montrer bien vite qu'ils ne sont pas protestans." (sic) 8. NAC M205O, Grollier to Vegreville, 19 February 1859. 9. Missions?, (1864), p. 226. Grandin, Journal, 26 August 1861. 10. George Mitchell (The Golden Grindstone, by Angus Graham, pp. 83-85) who passed through Good Hope in 1898 on his way to the Klondike described Gaudet as "a French-Canadian of the finest and oldest type.. .dressed in what had been the height of the Montreal fashion in 1850." His house was a replica of an old-fashioned manoir of Quebec. Mitchell thought the church at Good Hope was also French-Canadian in design and attributed its workmanship entirely to the HBC personnel, apparently unaware of the fact that the French Oblates designed, built, and decorated it. 11. CMS A93, Kirkby, Journal, 20 August 1859. Mme. Marie Gaudet was a daughter of Chief Trader Fisher. (NAC RG85 vol. 338 f. 1073, ref. courtesy of Rene" Fumoleau, OMI.) According to Petitot, she was of French-Irish-Beaver descent. (QuinzeAns...p. 35.) Father Xavier Ducot, on the other hand, referred to her as a daughter of Francois Hoole and Elize Taupier. (OAGP Ducot Notes). Elize Taupier, listed as the wife of Francois Hoole in a letter from Gascon to Tactic", 13 June 1861 (AASB To6c>4), may have married Hoole after Fisher left the country. 12. Gaudet had refused to give food to Grollier, who visited Fort McPherson unexpectedly and without the authorization of Ross. Grollier did not have enough food with him and was unable to catch enough fish. He was also hampered by his asthma. On the other hand, Gaudet entertained Kirkby at his post, since Kirkby's trip had been approved by Ross. Bishop Grandin protested vigorously to the HBC Governor against this abrogation of the traditional HBC hospitality. (AASB To852, Grandin to Governor, 20 September 1861.) 13. Frank Peake, From Red River to the Arctic, p. 41 cites Robert McDonald's

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TROM THE O f R E A T -RIVER TO THE T N D S OF THE

'EARTH

diary, 29 April 1872, stating that Gaudet had returned to "Romanism" within the past year. 14. K. Abel, Drum Songs, p. 116, writes that Archdeacon Hunter's trip to the Mackenzie was motivated by a desire to forestall Grollier. The primary sources, however, note that Hunter was on the way before Grollier's visit to Fort Simpson. Cf. Grollier, "Souvenirs," in Missions 24 (1886), p. 411, cited in M. McCarthy, "The Founding of Providence Mission," p. 41. In any case, Hunter could not possibly have reached the Mackenzie from Red River after learning of Grollier's plans in the same season. He did, however, leave on the boats for the Mackenzie before obtaining the governor's permission because he knew the Oblates had HBC authorization to begin a mission at Good Hope. (CMS A92, Kirkby to Venn, 10 June 1858.) 15. CMS A93, Kirkby Journal, 18 August 1859. 16. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 3 September 1860. 17. For details on this cf. Martha McCarthy, "The Founding of Providence Mission." 18. PAA 71.220 #8098, Grollier to Faraud & Glut, 25 July 1861. Also cf. PAA 84.400/958, "Notes et souvenirs de Mgr Grandin," p. 143. The HBC men too were well aware of the advantages of the Rapids. In fact, James Anderson had hoped to move Fort Simpson there. They had also suggested it as the best site for the Anglican mission but Archdeacon Hunter and his successor, Mr. Kirkby, preferred to stay at Fort Simpson. 19. HBCA B2oo/b/34, p. 20, Nicol Taylor to Bernard Ross, 5 June 1860. 20. PAA 71.220/8098, Nicol Taylor to Grollier, 13 February 1861. 21. McDonald of the CMS reported that the officers at these posts, Andrew Flett and James Flett, along with their wives, "exerted themselves nobly" for his cause. Cf. CMS A93, McDonald to Dawes, 25 June 1864. 22. CMS A93, McDonald to Col. Dawes, 25 June 1864. 23. Codex historicus, Arctic Red River. 24. R. Aubert, The Church in a Secularised Society, p. ix. 25. Cf. Frank Peake, From Red River to the Arctic, pp. 44-45 re CMS thinking. 26. St. Paul's University, Grandin Postulation Documents 23, Grandin to his family, u July 1855. 27. AASB TOIOO-OI, Grollier to Tache, 20 July 1860. 28. AASB T6899, Faraud to Tache, 12 September 1869. 29. AASB Tii93-94, Grollier to Lestanc, 20 February 1862. 30. CMS A83, Bompas Report, 19 March 1867. 31. PAM MGi2Ei, Bompas to Schultz, 3 June 1892. Many observers confused the Oblates with the Jesuits, as Bompas did. He may have been thinking of the Jesuits in Alaska, fearing their intrusion into the Yukon. 32. NAC M2O5O, Lestanc to Vegreville, 14 November 1861. 33. CMS A93, McDonald, 17 October 1862.

NOTES 219

34- PAA 71.200 #7344, Seguin to mother and sister, i August 1869. 35. AASB Too97, Grollier to Tache, 20 July 1860; PAA 71.220/7343, Seguin to Mon cher Cousin, 20 October 1862. 36. AASB T2958, Grouard to Tache, 18 November 1864. 37. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 6 July 1862. 38. NAC M&7A22 F832 #9496, Faraud to Propagation de la Foi, 26 March 1864. 39. OAGP, Lefebvre to Glut, i February 1895. 40. AD Reel 46, Petitot to Faraud, 6 April 1867. 41. CMS A9O, Robert Hunt, Journal, 2 October 1854. 42. PAA 70.387 MR 231/3, Breynat to Lucas, 8 April 1912. 43. PAA 70.387 MR 181/1, Note for new Bishop by Bishop Bompas [1891].

)

STRUCTURES AND INFRASTRUCTURE

i. AD G-LPP1614, Faraud to Mazenod, 29 December 1855. Faraud outlined the qualities needed by a northern missionary in this letter. 2.-When he was a new young priest at Nativity, the Chipewyan kept asking him for permissions and dispensations which Faraud had refused. Grandin did not bend to this pressure, but maintained Faraud's rulings. (PAA 71.220/213, Raynard to Vegreville, 23 May 1856.) 3. AASB ^324-25, Grandin to Tache, 3 July 1862. Clarke had inquired of the HBC Fort Garry office as to what procedure would be necessary for Grandin. J. Black, Recorder of Rupert's Land, gave his opinion that no process of naturalization was available in Rupert's Land. This process was governed by statute law, which only applied either in London or in the British colonies, such as Canada. (AASB T4o69~7i, J. Black to James R. Clare, 30 June 1866.) 4. Breynat, II, p. 271. 5. CMS AiO9, Bompas to Secretaries, 12 December 1880. 6. Bishops in mission countries were given titles to defunct dioceses inpartibus infidelium until their region became part of the settled diocesan structure of the Church. This procedure developed in the seventeenth century when the Propaganda sought to establish bishops in the Far East who would be independent of the Portuguese Patronage claims to sovereignty. 7. Mazenod, Lettres II, p. 114. Mazenod to Guigues, 8 November 1855. 8. See M. McCarthy, "Glut, Isidore" in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, XIII. 9. Cf. Raymond Huel, "La Mission Notre-Dame-des-Victoires du lac la Biche...." 10. Grouard, SoixanteAns, pp. 280—82. u. AD G-LPP 2131, Lecorre to Antoine, 31 January 1898. 12. Breynat, II, p. 72. 13. Breynat, I, p. 265.

22O

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CJ R E A T H . I V E R T O T H E

" E N D S OF THE

"EARTH

14. Missions (1905). Breynat, report. 15. Breynat, II, p. 18. 16. The Yukon was combined with the part of British Columbia north of 53 degrees plus the Queen Charlotte Islands to form a new apostolic prefecture, which became an Apostolic Vicariate on 20 November 1916. (Breynat, II, p. 130.) 17. Cf. George Whalley, "Coppermine Martyrdom" for the story of the mission efforts and deaths of the two priests. Also George M. Douglas, Lands Forlorn, for a memoir by a man who spent much of the previous winter with the two priests. 18. The Mackenzie boat crews were staffed primarily by Native and Metis seasonal labourers by the 18305. (Philip Goldring, Papers on the Labour System of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1821-1000,1.) 19. HBCA 05/34 fo. 146-47, Provencher to Simpson, 27 July 1852. 20. AASB Toon, Simpson to Tache, 30 June 1853. 21. PAA 71.220/1049, Tache to Vegreville, 21 November 1854. 22. HBCA B2oo/b/39 v°l- 2 f°- 41' W.L.Hardisty to James A. Grahame, 19 August 1877. 23. OAGP, Codex historicus, Good Hope, 19 June 1886. 24. AD HEi82i F26K78, Faraud to Maisonneuve, 14 August 1888. 25. Breynat, I, pp. 83-87. 26. AD HEi86i G87C2O, Grouard to filleule, 10 October 1895. 27. M. Vacher, OMI, "La Ferme Saint-Bruno." 28. HBCA Ai2/FT 34i/[io], Memorandum re Northern Transport, 2 December 1913. 29. Morris Zaslow, The Northward Expansion of Canada 1914—1967, p. 158.

WHEN -TWO WORLDS MET

1. "Rien n'y est suivi, coordonne de maniere a presenter en eux une societe complete, ayant une autonomie propre, une religion etablie et raisonnee, une forme quelconque de gouvernement. Tout y est tronque, melange, diffus et difforme." Emile Petitot, Monographie des Dene-Dindjie, pp. 36-37. 2. AASB Taoioi-O2, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 3. The human form in which the Chipewyan envisaged the Creator appears to be masculine, as it was for European Christians. However, the fact that the translation here was made by a priest from Quebec, grounded in western European thought and language, may have affected the meaning given to the Chipewyan term. 4. AASB Taoo99, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 5. Petitot, Monographie des Dene-Dindjie, p.37.

•NOTES

221

6. AASB Taoioo, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 7. OAGP, Ducot, Notes. 8. AASB Taoioo, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 9. Ellen Basso, "The Enemy of Every Tribe...", p. 697. 10. AASB, Grandin to Sebaux, 9 November 1854. n. AASB Taoioi, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 12. Petitot was referring here to the northern Dene. I have been told that there are snakes in the Northwest Territories, but the Canadian Encyclopedia states that their northern limit in Canada is around Fort Smith, where the common garter snake can exist. 13. Petitot, Traditions indiennes, pp. 31-32. 14. AASB Taoioi-O2, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 15. Missions^ (1869), Petitot to Fabre, 29 February 1868, pp. 297-306. 16. Petitot, "Etude Sur La Nation Montagnaise," p. 504. 17. OAGP, Good Hope Codex 18 September 1885. 18. J. Serrurot, OMI, "Au pays des 'Plats-C6tes-de-Chiens'," p. 244. 19. Petitot, Monographic des Dene-Dindjie, pp. 34-35. 20. Tache to Mazenod, 4 April 1854. Cited in Dom Benoit, Vie deMgr. Tache, I, p. 274. 21. HBCA Bi8i/a/6 fo. 18, Fort Resolution Journal, 25 October 1825. 22. Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages, p. clxxiv. 23. Petitot, Grand Lac des Ours, pp. 276-77. Alexander Mackenzie also recounted this belief in the transmigration of souls. (Voyages, p. clxxiv.) 24. Missions, 8 (1869), p. 301-2, Petitot, Journal, 30 June 1867. 25. Cf. Goulet, "Religious Dualism among Athapaskan Catholics," pp. 9-10. 26. NAC M-2072, Tache to Vegreville, 4 December 1858. 27. Cf. Sam Gill, Native American Religious Action, p. 32. 28. At Fort Liard, Mr. Hardisty threatened to refuse to give the Natives any powder or shot or tobacco, if they refused to shake hands with the minister, Rev. Mr. Kirkby. (AASB To6o4, Gascon to Tache, 13 June 1861). Gascon took down this evidence, signed by J.-Bte Marsolais, Francois Hoole, and Elise Taupier, Hoole's wife, and sent it to Tache to use in case Hardisty complained to the Governor of the HBC about Gascon's activities at Liard. 29. G. Carriere, OMI, Le Pere du Keewatin, p. 65. 30. A.K. Isbister, "The Chipewyan." 31. AD Reel 46, Petitot to Faraud, 31 January 1868. 32. CMS A83, Bompas, Journal, 19 March 1867 (at Fort Rae). 33. AASB T40I3, Petitot to Tache, 31 May 1866. 34. Robert Kennicott (1835-1866). He collected specimens for the Smithsonian in the Mackenzie District 1859-62. Cf. "Journal of Robert Kennicott, May 19, i859-February n, 1862," in James Alton James, The First Scientific Exploration Chief Trader Bernard Ross also did much

222

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C J R E A T • R I V E R TO THE

•£ N D S O F T H E

'EARTH

collecting for the Smithsonian and thus had a natural affinity for Kennicott. 35. AASB Too6o, Grollier to Tache, 29 May 1860. 36. ADM, Grollier to Faraud, 28 May 1862. 37. CMS A93, Kirkby Journal, 17 May 1861. 38. CMS A93, Kirkby Journal, 1860. 39. Grouard prepared a Chipewyan language book for publication in syllables by the Lac la Biche printing press in 1886, but Grandin refused to purchase any of the books for St. Albert since he had decided to switch to the alphabetic characters. PAA 71.220/985, Grouard to Grandin, 30 June 1886. 40. AD HPK2033-N82R92, Reponse au questionnaire, A. Robin, 1935. 41. Cf. G. Carriere, OMI, "Contribution des missionnaires a la sauvegarde de la culture indienne." 42. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 20 May 1886. 43. PAA 84.400/957, "Notes et souvenirs de Mgr Grandin." 44. Grollier railed against the Chipewyan neologisms adopted by Faraud and Glut, which he claimed were masterpieces of vanity, not a word being understood by anyone. (AASB Tii78, Grollier to Tache, 14 February 1862). Perhaps he convinced Glut, who later criticized Faraud's book of hymns and Chipewyan grammar. (AASB T3637-39, Glut to Tache, 23 October 1865 and AD G-LPP 659, Glut to Faraud, 10 November 1866.) Faraud insisted that Legoff s translation, used in the St. Albert diocese, was faulty. (ADM, Faraud to Glut, 17 December 1889.) 45. AD Reel 47, Tache to Faraud, 3 July 1854. 46. Petitot was upset that the Minister of Agriculture allotted him the same amount for his polyglot dictionary as Lacombe had received for his bilingual one, while Petitot's was three times as large. Missions 12 (1874), p. 398, Petitot to Fabre, 8 August 1874. 47. AD G-LPP 1786, Grouard to Fabre, 16 June 1888. 48. PAA 84.400/923, Grandin to Glut, 26 November 1862. 49. Petitot, Les Grands Esquimaux, p. 142. 50. AASB Ta4583, Notes on Tache" s lectures, taken by G. Cloutier. 51. PAA 71.220/7345, Seguin to his sister, i July 1883. 52. OAGP, Ducot Notes, 7 January 1901. 53. St. Paul's University, Postulation 8, Grandin to M. Sebaux, 29 May 1855. 54. PAA 71.220/7346, Seguin to his sister, 10 February 1886. Seguin did not identify what was offensive; it may have been depictions of people in short robes. 55. AD G-LPP 633, Glut to Faraud, 16 December 1861. 56. HBCA 05/29 fo. 341, James Anderson (a) to Simpson, 14 November 1850. Simpson responded by sending four dozen silver crosses and four dozen rosaries from Lachine for the Athabasca District.

NOTES2

,23

57- Cf. H.G. Barnett, L. Broom et al., "Acculturation: an Exploratory Formulation," p. 37, re changes in technology in general. 58. AASB To575, Grollier to Tache, 8 June 1861. 59. AASB To669, Grollier to Tache, 18 July 1861. 60. OAGP, Duport to Breynat, i August 1904. 61. Since Vatican II, Confession has become known as the Sacrament of Reconciliation, and Extreme Unction as the Sacrament of the Sick. 62. "Je te vois enfin, mon cher Pere, c'est assez. Hate-toi et entends ma confession, fortifie-moi par la communion, accorde-moi toutes les medicines de bon Dieu, et je pars... Je crois et j'espere." AD G-LPP 1615, Faraud to Mazenod, 18 December 1858. 63. For examples, see AASB 10099, Grollier to Tache, 20 July 1860; PAA 84.400/912, Grandin to Tache and the missionaries of Athabaska, lie a la Crosse, St. Boniface and other missions, 25 April 1863; Missions 5 (1866), Grandin Journal, 23 June 1863. 64. Petitot, Autour du Grand Lac des Esclaves, p. 32. 65. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, 16 September 1862. 66. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, i December 1863. 67. CMS A9o, Journal, Hunter, n.d. [1859]. 68. "[L]a planche de salut." Rapports, Montreal, (1861), pp. 38-39, Grollier to Leonard, 28 May 1860. 69. Missions 6 (1867), p. 464, Petitot to Fabre, 30 September 1864. 70. OAGP, Faraud to Procurator in Rome, June 1869. 71. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 30 May 1882. 72. R. Pettazoni, "Confession of Sins: an attempted general interpretation." 73. AD Reel 48, Grandin to Tache and Faraud, 15 December 1863. 74. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents 8, Grandin to Sebaux, 27 June 1857. 75. Annaleszo (1859), pp. 108-9, Grandin to his family, n June 1857. Weston La Barre, "Confession as Cathartic Therapy in American Indian Tribes," p. 38, noted the Inca use of a knotted string when going to their Native confessors. 76. Annaleszo (1859), PP-108-9, Grandin to his family, u June 1857. 77. Ibid. 78. Cf. Kenneth Morrison, "Sharing the Flower...". 79. Missions 39 (1901), p. 132, Grouard, Excursions au Mackenzie et au Klondyke." 80. AASB, "Notes sur 1'etablissement de la mission de la Nativite a Athabaska." 81. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents, 8. Grandin to Sdbaux, 27 June 1857. 82. ADM, Seguin to his family, 1861. 83. Petitot, Monographic des Dene-Dindjie, pp. 34—35. 84. Alexander Mackenzie, Voyages, I, p. clxxix.

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' E N D S OF THE

TARTH

85. Bernard R. Ross, "The Eastern Tinneh," p. 310. 86. HBCA 04/53 f°- 39^-40, Simpson to Ross, 28 July 1857. 87. The story of Ross and Jean-Baptiste Davis and wife is related in AASB Toi83. Gascon to Tache, 15 November 1860; AASB Toi96-8, Ross to Tache, 30 November 1860. 88. NAG M-2090, Moulin to Fabre, 22 July 1862. 89. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 May 1869. 90. Petitot, Exploration de la Region du Grand LAC des Ours, pp. 333-34. 91. Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, p. 32. 92. OAGP, Faraud to Procurator in Rome, June 1869. 93. ADM, Ducot to Faraud, 3 May 1890. 94. NAG M&9A29, James Anderson papers, Faraud to Anderson, 14 February 1858; Anderson to Faraud, 22 March 1858. 95. HBCA 05/45 fo. 160-62, James. Anderson (a) to Simpson, 27 October 1857. 96. AD G-LPP 633, Glut to Faraud, 16 December 1861. 97. AD, Grandin to Cardinal [illegible], 12 March 1860. 98. ADM, Pascal to Faraud, 20 December 1889. 99. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents 8; Grandin to Sebaux, 9 November 1854. 100. Zimmer, "Early Oblate Attempts for Indian and Metis Priests in Canada," PP- 33-34101. "Bishops seek married clergy." Western Catholic Reporter, 27 September 1993, p.i. 102. Missions39 (1901), pp. 117-41. Grouard, "Excursions au Mackenzie et au Klondyke." 103. St. Paul's University, Ottawa, Postulation Documents. Grandin to M. Sebaux, 16 December 1855. 104. NAG M-2O73, Glut to Vegreville, 17 June 1862. Some young couples "living in concubinage" had moved from Seven Sorrows at Fond du Lac to the new mission of St. Pierre on Lac Caribou. Glut promised to send Vegreville a list of these people, and asked for a similar list of excommunications of people from Lac Caribou who had come to Fond du Lac. 105. ADM, Ducot to Faraud, 23 June 1881. 106. Missions 5 (1866), Grandin Journal, 23 June 1863.

7

1AY 1EADERSHIP AMONG THE DENE

1. AD HPF 4i9i.C75Ri26. Grouard to Mme Cox, 9 December 1866. 2. Missions, 6 (1867) p. 460. Petitot to Fabre, September 1863. 3. Tache, VingtAnnees, p. 27. 4. Annales, 36 (1864). Faraud, Rapport.

NOTES2 25

5. Annales, 36 (1864), Faraud, Rapport. 6. John Blondin, interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 31 August 1990. 7. Janes, Archaeological Ethnography, p. 81. 8. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier (Fond du Lac Athabasca) to Vegreville, 10 April 1856. 9. AASB Too87, Glut to Tache, 30 June 1860. Glut again noted the good influence of Emmanuel in AD G-LPPd>46. Glut to Fab re, 9 July 1864. 10. AD G-LPP 657, Glut to Fabre, 23 May 1866. 11. AD LC24iMi4R3, "Journal de la Mission de la Nativite," 14 September 1866. 12. Petitot, En route pour la merglaciale, pp. 303-06. 13. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, i December 1864. 14. Missions*) (1870), Faraud, Report, 6May 1868. 15. AASB T2258, Petitot to Tache, 20 June 1863. 16. Codex historicus, Arctic Red River. (Copy used at Inuvik, courtesy of Father Ebner, OMI.) 17. Duchaussois, Aux Glaces Polaires, pp. 414—15. 18. AD G-LPP 1778, Grouard to Tache, 13 June 1868. 19. ADM, De Krangue to Faraud, 23 February 1880. 20. ADM, Roure to Faraud, 28 June 1880. 21. Missions 7 (1868), p. 294, Petitot to Fabre, 31 May 1866. 22. Petitot, Grand Lac des Ours, pp. 371-75. 23. Petitot, Grand Lac des Ours, pp. 98-101. 24. Petitot also met Nitte (le Marais-mouvant) on his trip back from Fort Anderson to Good Hope in 1865. He regarded him as a man of "gentle folly." At the time, Nitte was with a band of Mackenzie River Loucheux, though he was one of the Peel's River band. (QuinzeAns sous le Cercle Polaire, p. 186.) 25. ADM. Seguin to Faraud, i June 1865. Robert McDonald also attributed this "fanaticism" to those belonging to Romanism. (CMS A93. McDonald to CMS, 24 June 1863.) 26. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 6 July 1862. 27. AASB T2399, Seguin to Tache, 12 September 1863. 28. CMS A93, Fort Youcon, 18 November 1863. 29. CMS A94, McDonald, Journal, 17 December 1867. 30. John J. Honigmann, Ethnography and Acculturation of the Fort Nelson Slave, p. 133. 31. Ibid. 32. Ridington, "From Hunt Chief to Prophet...," p. 16. 33. OAGP, Gourdon to Breynat, 17 August 1908. 34. R.H. Cockburn, "To Great Slave and Great Bear...," pp. 330-35. Petitot made the first Oblate visit to the Bear Lake Dene in 1864.

226

T R O M THE

O j R E A T K . I V E R TO THE

•£ N D S O F T H E

"EARTH

35- June Helm, Prophecy and Power, p. 20, indicated that the dreams of youth were not publicized until the appropriate time in maturity. To speak too soon was to die young. 36. George Blondin, When the World Was New, pp. 239-41. 37. Cecilia Tourangeau, interview with Martha McCarthy, Inuvik, NWT, ii September, 1990.

8

METIS AUXILIARIES

1. HBCA B239/b/75 fo. 45, J. McNab to Wm. Auld, 23 July 1808. Cited in Marcel Giraud, The Metis in the Canadian West, I, p. 269. 2. Richard Slobodin, Metis of the Mackenzie. 3. AD G-LPP 2682, Seguin to Fabre, i June 1866. 4. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 28 February 1861. 5. K. Coates and W. Morrison, "More than a Matter of Blood...," p. 255. 6. HBCA B20O/f/i fos. 3-7. This list of HBC boatmen and labourers for the 18508 in the Mackenzie District shows many with origins in Red River. 7. R. Slobodin, Metis of the Mackenzie, p. 164. 8. See for example AD, "Journal de la Mission de la Nativite 1864-1888," entry for 13 September 1865 which refers to the death of wife of an employee at Fort Chipewyan as the first victim among the whites (C'est la lere victime que la mort ait faite parmi les blancs). Also AD G-LPP 652, Glut to Faraud, n September 1865; Glut remarked that in this epidemic the whites were not spared and there was much illness at the fort and mission, though not among the Oblates. The assumption is that the Metis employees of the mission and post suffered. 9. Elize Taupier was the mother of Marie Fisher, who married Charles Gaudet. She probably heard of Catholicism during her marriage to Fisher, and later married Francois Hoole. (Cf. AASB To6o4, Gascon to Tache, 13 June 1861, where she is noted as the wife of Francois Hoole.) Mme Marie Gaudet was a daughter of Chief Trader Fisher. (NAG RG85 vol. 338 f. 1073, ref. courtesy of Rene Fumoleau, OMI.) According to Petitot (QuinzeAns— p. 35), Marie Fisher was of French-Irish-Beaver descent, which would indicate that Elize Taupier was a Beaver Indian. Father Ducot referred to Marie Fisher as a daughter of Francois Hoole and Elize Taupier (OAGP Ducot Notes). 10. Duchaussois, Aux Glares Polaires, p. 348. Grollier said she was baptized at St. Boniface by Pere Aubert, who accompanied Tache in 1845. [Grollier, Souvenirs, in Missions, 24 (1886), p. 417.] n. AASB To565, Grollier to Tache, 9 June 1861. 12. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents, Grandin to Tache, 8 April 1864.

NOTES 227

13. OAGP, Michel "Soixante-cinq ans a Good Hope," p. 12. 14. AD, "Journal de la Mission de la Nativite 1864-1888," i October 1865. 15. See ADM, Father Louis Menez, OMI, "The Beaulieu Genealogy." 16. Petitot, En route pour la mer glaciate, p. 312. Another Beaulieu was a chief of one of the Dogrib bands, when Gascon visited Fort Rae in 1860. (Cf. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, i June 1860.) 17. Petitot, Traditions indiennes, p. 430. 18. In the registry of Nativity Mission, Beaulieu is recorded as about 55 years old when baptized in 1848, which would put his birth in 1793. John Clarke claimed Beaulieu was about 15 years old in 1808 when he first hired him. (HBCA B3p/a/io fo. I2b, 18 June 1817. "Journal of Occurrences in Athabasca" by John Clarke.") 19. HBCA B39/c/2ib fo. 3, Fort Chipewyan Journal, 15 June 1822, noted that "the Rat towards the Salt Plains to find his Stepson Beaulieu." 20. HBCA B39/a/io fo. I2b, 18 June 1817, "Journal of Occurrences in Athabasca" by John Clarke. 21. Cf. HBCA B39/a/io fo. 9b, "Journal of Occurrences in Athabasca" by John Clarke. Clarke was told on 16 June 1817 that the NWC planned to put him on an island, where Bouilieu (sic) would shoot him. On 18 June 1817, Clarke overheard Beaulieu talking to James Sutherland about being offered all Clarke's property if he killed him, and that the trader at Fort Chipewyan had already given him a set of clothes. Later that day, Clarke gave Beaulieu a glass of spirits; Beaulieu told him he had killed Indians but no whites as yet, and Clarke told him he hoped he never would. Beaulieu kept repeating that he knew something. 22. HBCA A39/a/i8 fo. 49, Simpson's Athabasca Journal, 23 November 1820; also PAM MG2Ai #15679, Selkirk Papers, Deposition of Francois Forcier, 8 July 1818. 23. J. Franklin, Narrative, p. 288. 24. HBCA 639/3/23 fo. 23, Fort Chipewyan Journal, 2 February 1825, and HBCA 639^/25 fo. 36b, 26 May 1827. 25. Shepard Krech III, "The Trade of the Slavey and Dogrib at Fort Simpson in the Early Nineteenth Century," p. 133. 26. HBCA B39/a/2ib fo. n, Fort Chipewyan Journal, i August 1822, noted that Beaulieu and P. St. Germain arrived from Salt Plains. 27. Frank Russell, Explorations in the Far North, pp. 65-66. Russell thought the house had been built by Beaulieu's father, which would have made it over 100 years old, unlikely for a log building. 28. Petitot, En route pour la mer glaciale, pp. 312-14. 29. PAA 84.400/957, "Notes et souvenirs de Mgr. Grandin," p. 85. 30. Annals of the Propagation of the Faith, 20 (1859), pp. 105-6. Grandin to his family, 14 June 1857.

228

T R O M THE CJREAT "RIVER TO THE "ENDS OF THE "EARTH

31. PAA 84.400/957, "Notes et souvenirs de Mgr. Grandin." 32. Petitot, En route pour La mer glaciate, pp. 312-14. 33. ADM, "Registre de la Mission de la Nativite Athabasca 1842-1849." 34. PAA 84.400/957, "Notes et souvenirs de Mgr. Grandin," p. 84. 35. Cf. AD G-LPP 656, Glut to Fabre, n March 1866. 36. AD G-LPP 638, Glut to Faraud, 20 December 1862. 37. AD G-LPP 656, Glut to Fabre, 27 March 1866. 38. R. Slobodin, Metis of the Mackenzie District, p. 153. 39. Grouard, SoixanteAns, p. 71. 40. HBCA 05/44 fo. 51-52, Bernard Ross to Simpson, 26 July 1857. "I strongly suspect that the Roman Catholic priests are at the bottom of this movement, as one of them passed last winter at Salt River, Beaulieu's residence, and now, even as far as Big Island, the Indians talk of yearly trips to Red River with their furs." 41. HBCA 05/44 fo. 172-73, William Mactavish to Simpson, 24 August 1857. 42. HBCA 04/53, Simpson to Campbell, n November 1857. 43. HBCA 04/54 fo. I78d, Simpson to Robert Campbell, 21 June 1858. 44. HBCA B200/b/34, p. 68, Christie to Hardisty, 17 September 1863. 45. AASB T3875, Grandin to Tache, 1866. 46. AD Reel 47. Tissier to Faraud, 10 March 1867. 47. HBCA B200/b/39, fo. 46. W.L. Hardisty to R. McFarlane, i April 1872. 48. Missions 24 (1886), p. 411. Grollier, "Souvenirs" (1858), found by P. Ducot at Good Hope, 19 February 1886. 49. Duchaussois, The Grey Nuns..., pp. 141—43. 50. HBCA B2oo/b/39 vol. 2 fo. 51, W.L. Hardisty to James. A. Grahame, 28 March 1878. Bouvier had died very suddenly in the summer of 1877, when he was almost 70, and still working as a guide. Cf. Missions, 17 (1879), p. 28, Lecorre Journal, 18 August 1877. 51. Cf. HBCA B20o/f/i fo. 5, "Register of engagements, McKenzie's River District, 1852." 52. Petitot, Autour de Grand Lac des Esclaves, pp. 76-78. 53. AASB T3265-66, Gascon to Tache, 15 May 1865. 54. AD, Gascon to Lestanc, 28 December 1865. 55. Petitot, Autour du Grand Lac des Esclaves, p. 78. George Back, a midshipman who accompanied Franklin on his first two land expeditions, was assigned to search for Captain John Ross. He wintered at Fort Reliance in 1833-1834 and later found that Ross was safely back in England. He travelled down the Back River in 1834 to the Arctic and was later knighted for his achievements. 56. Cf. HBCA Bi8o/a/i, "Journal of the Transactions of the Fort Reliance party during summer 1855" by J. Lockhart. This refers to the building of this outpost. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, 15 November 1860, refers to the staffing of this post and the need to visit it.

NOTES 229

57- AD LC38i.Mi4Ri, Eynard to Tache, 6 December 1862. 58. AASB Ti9779, Joseph Mercredi to Tache, 19 December 1877. (The letter was written by Pascal, at Mercredi's request, because Mercredi had never learned to write well.) 59. The Journal of Nativity Mission for 28 June 1865 noted the arrival of Joseph MacKarthy from Fond du Lac. Bishop Glut, asked to give evidence to the Senate Committee inquiry into the resources of the Great Mackenzie Basin, said that McCarthy, at Fond du Lac, told him he had discovered gold but would not show it to anybody. 60. Conversation with Rev. Gilles Mousseau, OMI, September 1990. This was also the conclusion drawn by Agnes Cameron who visited Fond du Lac in 1908. (The New North, p. 81.) 61. Breynat, I, p. 123-24. 62. AASB Toi07, Grollier to Tache, 20 July 1860. 63. HBCA 6200/6/14 fo. 3d, Mackenzie District Report, 1875. 64. Missions 46 (1908), Voyage au Fond du Lac du 2 au 27 avril 1906 [Grouard], p. 214.

y

"HEALTH AND 'WELL^'BEING:MEDICINE AND MISSION

1. When several people at the Liard mission died without baptism, Gascon reasoned that God had chastised these people as they deserved. At Fort Rae, deaths from illness and starvation led Eynard to conclude that this was God's warning to them because they continued to steal wives like booty and abandon the sick and infant girls at birth. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, i December 1863; AASB T2246, Eynard to Tache, 8 June 1863. 2. Annales, 37 (1865), Petitot to Faraud, 22 June 1864. 3. Richard White and William Cronon, "Ecological Change and Indian-White Relations." 4. E. Petitot, "Etude Sur la Nation Montagnaise," p. 489. 5. HBCA 639/3/29 fo. 62, Journal of Fort Chipewyan, 10 April 1833. 6. PAA 71.220/7344, Seguin to mother and sister, 30 May 1868. 7. HBCA Search File, Good Hope. From B2oo/b/37, pp. 56-57. McFarlane to Governor, Chief Factors and Chief Traders, 3 August 1868. 8. AASB T525I, Boisrame to Tache, 2 February 1868. 9. Camsell, Son of the North, p. 152. 10. Fred Widow, interview with Martha McCarthy at Fort Norman, i September 1990. 11. AD LC 24i.Mi4R3, Nativity Journal, 4 August 1865. 12. AD Reel 48, Tache to Faraud, 8 March 1865: "Our population is horribly stricken—I have to make unexpected expenses to prevent more from dying."

23O

T R O M THE

§ R E A T H I V E R TO THE

•£ N D S OF THE

TiARTH

13. AASB T40I2, Petitot to Tache, 31 May 1866. 14. HBCA Bioo/b/35 fo. I05d-i07, W.L. Hardisty to Governor, Chief Factors, and Chief Traders, 27 November 1866. 15. CMS A93, Kirkby, Journal, 29 March 1866. 16. HBCA B2oo/b/35 fo. 93, W.L. Hardisty to Governor, Chief Factors, and Chief Traders, 30 July 1866. 17. HBCA B/200/b/37, pp. 174-77, Roderick McFarlane to Governor, 24 July 1869. 18. AD HEi82i.F26C5, Faraud to R.P. Durocher, 16 October 1869. 19. AASB Tii274-76, Gascon to Tache, i December 1872. 20. AD G-LPP 1787, Grouard to Fabre, 26 November 1889. 21. OAGP, "Chronique de la mission de la Nativite depuis sa fondation en 1847," Livre premier, 1847-1912. 22. Annales, 37 (1865). Petitot to Faraud, 22 June 1864. 23. E.L.M. Thorpe, "The Social Histories of Smallpox and Tuberculosis in Canada (Culture, Evolution and Disease)," p. 48. 24. See June Helm, "Female infanticide, European diseases, and population levels among the Mackenzie Dene." 25. Krech, "The Influence of Disease and the Fur Trade on Arctic Drainage Lowlands Dene, 1800-1850." 26. AASB Taoi2i, Tache to his mother, 4 January 1851. 27. OAGP, Good Hope Journal, 2, 24 September 1909. 28. See Martha McCarthy, "The Missions of the Oblates...," pp. 271-74, for a discussion of this. Homeopathic medicine involves treating the patient with minute doses of drugs that would incite similar symptoms in a healthy person [i.e., treating like with like (homeopathic) rather than with contraries (allopathic)]. 29. AD Reel 47, Tache to Faraud, 29 July 1847. 30. Hardisty was so impressed that he asked Tache to send him a homeopathic box like the priests had, with Hering's book in English if possible. (AASB TooSi, Eynard to Tache, 18 June 1860.) 31. CMS A9O, Robert Hunt Journal, September 1860. Hunt had given Grandin some flour on his journey to lie a la Crosse. Grandin repaid him by sending the homeopathic medicines he needed to replace those he had used up. 32. CMS A83, Bompas to Secretaries, CMS, 9 December 1867. K. Abel in Drum Songs, p. 292 note 97 notes that Mrs. Bompas favoured homeopathic medicines by 1883 and that "Bompas may also have changed his mind" but gives no evidence of any such change. 33. CMS A93, Kirkby Journal, 25 August 1865. 34. AD HPF4I9I.L75R36, Faraud to Mme Cox, 18 November 1868. 35. PAA 71.220/7343, Seguin to mother and sister, June 1866. 36. Missions j (1868), pp. 282-92. Petitot to Faraud, 15 January 1866.

NOTES

231

37- AASB T334O, Petitot to Tache, 5 June 1865. 38. PAA 71.220/7343, Seguin to mother and sister, 5 August 1866. 39. AASB T9929, Petitot to Tache, 31 January 1872. 40. AASB To675, Grollier to Tache, 18 July 1861. 41. ADM, Grollier to Faraud, 9 September 1861. 42. Hiroko Sue Hara, "The Hare Indians and Their World," p. 225 and P- 4543. George Blondin, When the World Was New, p. 171. 44. AD HPF 4i9i.C75Ri26, Grouard to Mme Cox, 9 December 1866. 45. ADM, Ducot, Notes. 46. Missions, 6 (1867) p. 460, Petitot to Fabre, September 1863. 47. Jacob A. Loewen, "Confession, Catharsis and Healing," p. 65. 48. Jacob A. Loewen, "Confession in the Indigenous Church," p. 117. 49. George Blondin, When the World Was New, pp. 16-17. 50. Petitot, "Etude Sur La Nation Montagnaise," p. 505. 51. AD LC24i.Mi4R3, Journal, Nativity, 14 May 1864; AASB T289O-92, Glut to Tache, i July 1864. 52. "[A]ie pitie de nous et de tous nos parents; ta priere est forte aupres de Dieu; tu peux nous guerir; une fievre, un rhume ne sont rien pour toi." AD G-LPP 646, Glut to Fabre, 9 July 1864. 53. AD G-LPP 647, Glut to Faraud, 17 December 1864. By December 1864, 42 from Nativity mission were known to have died during that year and many more had no doubt died in the bush. 54. AD LC24i.Mi4Pv3, Nativity Journal, 8 October 1865. 55. AD LC24i.Mi4R3, Nativity Journal, 14 September 1865. 56. AD HEi82i.F26C5, Faraud to R.P. Durocher, 16 October 1869. 57. AASB T29O7-IO, Seguin to Tache, 29 July 1864. 58. Annales, 37 (1865), Petitot to Faraud, 22 June 1864. Seguin described this illness as a stomach-ache and asked for a homeopathic box to use in curing. (ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 July 1864.) 59. Missions, 6 (1867), Faraud, Report on Athabasca-Mackenzie Vicariate, 15 November 1865. 60. PAA 71.220/7345, Seguin to his sister, i August 1876. 61. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 4 February 1880.

10

-PROTEST AND-PROPHECY

1. AASB Too58, Grollier to Tache, 29 May 1860. 2. Cf. Bruce Trigger's magisterial assessment of the Jesuits and the Hurons, in The children ofAataentsic. 3. "[L]a priere n'est pas faite pour vous qui etes noirs, mais pour ceux que Dieu

232

T R O M THE OJREAT K.IVER TO THE -ENDS OF THE "EARTH

a faits avec de la terre blanche." RMQj (1847), Thibault to Provencher, 3 June 1846. 4. CMS Ago, Robert Hunt, Journal, 26 February 1859. The Chipewyan at the time suffered from an inflammation of the throat and chest. 5. CMS Ago, Hunt, Journal, 5 May 1859. 6. Thomas Overholt, Channels of Prophecy, p. 32, describes a similar belief among believers in the prophet Wovoka, in the Ghost Dance movement of the 18905, who saw the scars of crucifixion on Wovoka's hands and feet. 7. Tache, VingtAnnees, pp. 119-22. 8. CMS Ago, Hunt, Journal, 5 May 1859. 9. Duchaussois, Aux Glages Polaires, p. 354. 10. George Blondin, When the World Was New, p. 5. 11. Tache, VingtAnnees, p. 121. 12. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents 9, Grandin to Tache, 30 May 1865. 13. CMS Ago, Journal, Robert Hunt, 30 April 1860. 14. AASB Ton6, Vegreville to Tache, 29 July 1860. 15. HBCA B8g/a/27 fo. igd, Isle la Crosse Journal, 22 January 1850, noted that Grosse-Tete, or the medicine man, had arrived. 16. AASB Toi2O-2i, Vegreville to Tache, 29 July 1860. 17. AASB Togg6~gg, Glut to Lestanc, 15 December 1861. 18. AASB ^527-28, Faraud to Tache, 23 May 1861. 19. AD G-LPP 633, Glut to Faraud, 16 December 1861. 20. AD G-LPP 633, Glut to Faraud, 16 December 1861. 21. AD Reel 43, Eynard to Faraud, 23 April 1862. 22. AD G-LPP 635, Glut to Faraud, 17 June 1862. 23. PAA 71.220/980, Glut to Vegreville, n.d. [1863] 24. PAA 71.220/981, Glut to Vegreville, 17 June 1862. 25. AD G-LPP 635, Glut to Faraud, 12 June 1862. 26. PAA 71.220/981, Glut to Vegreville, 17 June 1862. 27. AASB Ti409, Glut to Tache, 22 May 1862. 28. AD G-LPP 634, Glut to Faraud, 20 May 1862. 29. AD G-LPP634, Glut to Faraud, 20 May 1862. 30. AD Reel 43, Faraud to Glut, 24 January 1862. 31. AASB ^643-45, Glut to Tache, 14 September 1862. 32. AD G-LPP 649, Glut to Faraud, 26 May 1865. 33. Missions, 6 (1867), Faraud, Report, 15 November 1865. 34. PAA 71.220/213, Raynard to Vegreville, 8 May 1859. 35. AASB Too87, Glut to Tache, 30 June 1860. 36. The account of these prophets at Fond du Lac is derived from AD G-LPP 657, "Notice sur la Mission de Notre Dame de 7 Douleurs...," Glut to Fabre, 3 April 1866.

NOTES

2233

37- PAA 71.220/979, Glut to Tache, 2 July 1863. At St. Peter's Mission, Gaste referred to this man as Tchereddel but it is almost certainly the same person. His activities on Reindeer Lake are described in Martha McCarthy, To Evangelize the Nations, pp. 152-55. 38. AASB 11057-80, Gaste to Tache, [1862]. 39. AD LC 22i-Mi4R, Codex, Fond du Lac 1853-1900. 40. PAA 71.220/979, Glut to Tache, 2 July 1863. 41. AD G-LPP 640, Glut to Faraud, 2 September 1863. 42. John Webster Grant, "Missionaries and messiahs in the northwest," p. 125. 43. John S. Long, "The Cree Prophets...," p. 8. 44. PAA 71.220/979, Glut to Tache, 2 July 1863. 45. AD G-LPP 659, Glut to Faraud, 18 November 1866. 46. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 4 June 1860. 47. ADM, Seguin to his family, June 1866. 48. PAA 71.220/7344, Seguin to mother and sister, 14 January 1868. 49. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 May 1866. 50. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, i June 1860. 51. Petitot, Autour du Grand Lac des Esclaves, p. 189. 52. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, i June 1860. 53. AASB To53O-3i, Eynard to Tache, 23 May 1861. 54. Missions, 6 (1867), p. 462, Petitot to Fabre, 30 September 1864. 55. Annalesyj (1865), Petitot to Faraud, 22 June 1864. 56. "Qui es tu toi pour venir nous troubler? Tu ne vois pas Dieu toi, et nous nous le voyons face a face, nous n'avons que faire de ton bapteme." ADM, Petitot to Faraud, i June 1864. 57. Missions 6 (1867), p. 464, Petitot to Fabre, 30 September 1864. 58. Missions*) (1870), Faraud, Report, 6May 1868. Also cf. AD HPF 4i9i.C75Ri26, Grouard to Mme Cox, 9 December 1866. 59. AD G-LPP 2014, Ladet to Fabre, i June 1878. 60. CMS AiO9, William Spendlove to Rev. H. Wright, 30 November 1880. Cited in Abel, "Prophets, Priests, and Shamans...," p. 218. Abel mistakenly attributes this case to Fort Simpson. 61. AD LC3.Mi4Ri6, de Krangue to Tache, 13 November 1878. 62. Petitot, QuinzeAns..., pp. 120-23, noted that the Cochons, Little Pig's family, formed a large band. Their chief was Gros Cochon, a noted hunter; his wife was Grosse Truie. 63. PAA 71.220/7344, Seguin to mother and sister, 14 January 1868. 64. PAA 71.220/7345, Seguin to his sister, 10 February 1874. 65. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 5 February 1874. 66. AD HEB6255A45CIO, Gaste to Maisonneuve, 19 January 1875. 67. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 2 June 1874. 68. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 March 1875 and 2 February 1876.

234

TROM THE CjREAT -RIVER TO THE TNDS OF THE T A R T H

69. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 23 May 1875. 70. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 2 June 1874. 71. CMS A93, McDonald to Col. Dawes, 25 June 1864. 72. CMS A93, Rob't McDonald to Mr. Long, 31 January 1865. 73. Petitot, Les Grands Esquimaux p. 301. "Que venez-vous faire aupres de ce pretre? II ne vous comprend pas, il ne vous aime pas meme; toute son affection, tous ses soins sont pour les Esquimaux, nos ennemis. Et d'ailleurs, avez-vous besoin du pretre? Est-ce que je ne vous suffis pas? Est-ce que je ne prie pas pour vous, moi, chaque printemps, quands je viens ici?" 74. PAA 71.220/7345, Seguin to his sister, 27 February 1880. 75. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 27 July 1872. 76. Missions, 50 (1912), Turquetil, "Chronique historique de la Mission SaintPierre du lac Caribou," p. 281. 77. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 28 January 1873. 78. HBCA B20o/b/39. i, fo. 102-3, W.L. Hardisty to D.A. Smith, 6 August 1872. 79. Petites Annales (1905), pp. 57-61, 93-96, Andurand to Dubois, n.d. 80. Fred Widow, interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, i September 1990. 81. Petites Annales (1905), p. 95. Andurand to Dubois, n.d. "Pere, laisse-moi garder telle ou telle coutume; et alors tu prieras pour moi, je prierai avec toi, je me convertirai." 82. OAGP. Michel, "Soixante-cinqans...," p. 7. 83. June Helm, Prophecy and Power Among the Dogrib Indians, pp. 12-14. 84. R. Linton, "Nativistic Movements," p. 230. 85. Michael Barkun, Disaster and the Millennium, p. 40. 86. B. Wilson, Magic and the Millennium, pp. 54-57. 87. See also David F. Aberle, "ANote on Relative Deprivation Theory...." 88. Michael Barkun, Disaster and the Millennium, p. i. 89. Patricia R. Pessar, "Millenarian Movements in Rural Brazil: Prophecy and Protest," p. 183. 90. Martha McCarthy, "The Missions of the Oblates...," p. 311. 91. Grant, Moon ofWintertime, p. 117. 92. K. Abel, "Prophets, Priests and Preachers...," p. 224. 93. Schreiter, Constructing Local Theologies, pp. 144—48.

11 "EDUCATION AND -EVANGELIZATION

i. PAA 71.220/7742, Audemard to Pascal, 18 July 1891. At Fort Resolution, when the CMS planned to open a school, Audemard began one at the mission. He had a total of 120 names on his list; in June about 85 of these came regularly to class, though the number fell to 15—20 in July.

NOTES

2235

2. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 19 February 1859 [1860]. 3. PAA 71.220/8005, Eynard to Vegreville, 5 December 1859. This situation prevailed as late as 1891, when Bishop Grouard excommunicated Francois Beaulieu for sending two of his children to the Anglican school at Fort Resolution. Though Beaulieu removed them, he did not immediately reconcile himself with the Church; the priests were appalled that he was helping Rev. Mr. Spendlove build a church. Cf. PAA 7I.22O/ 7742, Audemard to Pascal, 18 July 1891. 4. AD Reel 48, Grandin to Faraud, 15 October 1863. 5. AD Reel 48, Grandin to Faraud, 31 March 1863. 6. OAGP, Faraud to Hardisty, 8 July 1863. 7. Duchaussois, Aux Glares Polaires, p. 129. Faraud reported that these bunks held 35 children, while the rest slept in the attic. (AD G-LPP 1643, Faraud, Report, 20 May 1873.) 8. "[AJvoir une bonne ecole et la reputation d'habilite en tout, c'est faire triompher notre sainte cause." AD HPF4I9I.C75R35, Faraud to Mme. Cox, i April 1868. 9. When the Grey Nuns opened hospitals at Fort Smith and Fort Simpson, they also began day schools. The children attending these were primarily Metis, not Dene. Since they opened in 1915, they had little effect on educational policy during the time-frame of this work. 10. Missions-, 21 (1883), p. 206. Pastoral letter of bishops of Quebec, n. AASB Ta377O, Sr. Lapointe to Durocher, 19 November 1871. 12. AD HPF 4I9I.C75R37, Faraud to Mme. Cox, 5 May 1865. See also AASB T4996, Sr. Lapointe to Tache, 23 November 1868. 13. AASB Tii2o8-9, Sr. Lapointe to Tache, 23 November 1872. 14. At Fort Chipewyan in 1908, Agnes Cameron noted that the children were taught in French one day and the following day in English, but spoke to each other in Chipewyan. Cameron, The New North, pp. 78-79. 15. OAGP, Le Guen to Breynat, 23 November 1916. 16. Extracts of letters of those at Providence to Mother Superior. In Rapports, Montreal, 1871, p. 22. 17. ADM, Pascal to Faraud, December 1882. 18. OAGP, Duport to Cure St-Sauveur, 25 May 1920. 19. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 27 November 1877. 20. NAC RGio vol. 4042 #336,877, H.B. Bury, Report, 1913. 21. R. Carney, "The Grey Nuns and the Children...," p. 294. The report for the Athabasca District, 1908-20, printed in Missions, September 1922, said that 90 Indian and Metis children were then at Holy Angels. 22. AASB T3439, W. McTavish to Tache, i July 1865. 23. AD Reel 90, Sr. Michel des Saints to Motherhouse, i December 1868. 24. AD Reel 44, Grouard to Faraud, 20 March 1868.

236

TROM THE OJREAT -RIVER TO THE -ENDS OF THE -EARTH

25. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 10 June 1872. 26. ADM, Tache to Faraud, 8 April 1882. 27. ADM, Laity to Faraud, 27 October 1881. 28. ADM, Faraud to Directors of L'Oeuvre de la Ste. Enfance, i October 1885. Faraud noted that 22 of the 35-40 children at Providence and 12 of the 30 at Holy Angels were orphans, maintained entirely at his expense. L 'Oeuvre de la Ste. Enfance allotted 3,000 francs to Faraud, only enough to pay for the board of three orphans at each of the three schools in his vicariate—Providence, Holy Angels, and Lac la Biche. Each school had outrun its allotment in 1884—Holy Angels by 14,000 francs, Providence by 15,000, and Lac la Biche by 8,000—expenses which Faraud had to make up from the general revenues of the vicariate and from the extra sums Lecorre had obtained. 29. NAG RGio vol. 3649 file 8185, Faraud to E.A. Meredith, Deputy Minister of Interior, 12 March 1877 and reply, n June 1877. 30. NAG RGio vol. 3578 file 508, Memo to Sir John from L. Vankoughnet, 20 February 1882. 31. ADM, Lecorre to Faraud, 24 March 1882. 32. NAG RGio vol. 3815 file 56,465, Grouard to Minister of the Interior, 9 September 1896. 33. NAG MG2,6iG #59114-17, Laurier Papers, Grouard to Laurier, 24 September 1901. 34. AD HEi68i.B84L29, Breynat to Laurier, 6 April 1904. 35. AD HEi68i.B84L29, Breynat to W. Laurier, 6 April 1904. 36. Cf. John W. Grant, Moon ofWintertime, p. 195. 37. Robert Carney, "The Hawthorn Survey (1966-1967), Indians and Oblates and Integrated Schooling." 38. OAGP. Michel, "Soixante-cinq ans a Good Hope." 39. Breynat, "Canada's Blackest Blot," in Rene Fumoleau, As Long as This Land Shall Last, p. 386. 40. Elizabeth Yakeleya, interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 31 August 1990. 41. Cecilia Tourangeau, interview with Martha McCarthy, Inuvik, n September 1990. 42. In my interviews with elders, I did not ask for, nor did anyone volunteer, information of this kind. 43. Rev. Doug Crosby, OMI, Western Catholic Reporter, 26 August 1991. 44. R. Slobodin, Metis of the Mackenzie District, p. 118.

12

DELATES, 'DENE, AND THE CANADIAN QOVERNMENT

i. AD, from fonds Baby, University of Montreal. Tache to Baby, 31 October 1879.

•NOTES

237

2. AD HEi82iFi6K43, Faraud to Maisonneuve, 24 December 1880. 3. NAG RGio vol. 3708 #19,502 pt. i, Glut to John A. Macdonald, 18 May 1888. 4. My concern here is only with Oblate input into the treaty process. For a complete analysis of these treaties and the interaction between government and Dene, consult Rend Fumoleau, As Long as This Land Shall Last. 5. NAG RGio vol. 3708 #19,502, pt. i, Anglican ministers, Athabasca Diocese, to Sir John A. Macdonald, 6 July 1888. 6. NAG RGio vol. 3708 #19,502, pt. i, Armit to D.A. Smith, 15 May 1888. Cf. Arthur Ray, "Periodic Shortages " 7. NAG RGio vol. 3708 #19,502, pt. i, Glut to John A. Macdonald, 18 May 8. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 31 March 1890. 9. NAG RGio vol. 3848 file 75,236-1, Report of Committee of Privy Council approved by Governor-General in Council, 26 January 1891. 10. NAG RGio vol. 3848 file 75,236-1, Forget to McKenna, 16 April 1898. 11. NAC RGio vol. 3848 file 75,236-1, A.E. Forget to Secretary, Indian Affairs, 25 April 1898. 12. NAC RGio vol. 3848 file 75,236-1, C. Sifton to Governor-General in Council, 29 April 1899. 13. Canada Sessional Papers, vol. XXXIV Nol. n (1900), Report of Commissioners for Treaty No. 8, 22 September 1899. 14. NAC RGi5 vol. 771 file 518158, Lacombe to David Laird, 22 June 1899. 15. David M. Smith "Cultural and Ecological Change: The Chipewyan of Fort Resolution," p. 38. 16. NAC R&5 vol. 806 #590185, Grouard to Minister of Interior, 10 September 1900. 17. NAC RGio vol. 3952 file 134,858, Grouard to Laurier, i October 1900. 18. David M. Smith, "Cultural and Ecological Change...," p. 38. 19. OAGP. Dupire to Breynat, 26 June 1904. 20. See Dan Gottesman, "Native Hunting and the Migratory Birds Convention Act: Historical, Political and Ideological Perspectives." 21. NAC RGio vol. 6742 f. 420-6 pt. i, Breynat to D.C. Scott, 19 June 1920. 22. NAC RGio vol. 4042 file 336,877, Conroy, memorandum, 18 December 1907. 23. NAC RGio vol. 4042 file 336,877, Breynat (at Ft. Resolution) to Oliver, 27 December 1909. 24. NAC RGio vol. 4042, file 336,877, H.B. Bury report, 1913. 25. NAC RGio vol. 4042, file 336,877, Thos. Wm. Harris, report, 12 February 1914. 26. OAGP. Andurand to Breynat, i April 1915. 27. NAC RGio vol. 4042 file 336,877, Excerpts from Kitto's report, 22 December 1920.

238

TROM THE QREAT •RIVER TO THE INDS OF THE "EARTH

28. NAG RGio vol. 4042 file 336,877, Conroy to Scott, 12 October 1921. 29. Breynat, I, p. 205 30. Mgr. G. Breynat, OMI, "Canada's Blackest Blot," Toronto Star Weekly, 28 May 1938. Reprinted as Appendix XV in R. Fumoleau, As Long as This Land Shall Last, pp. 379-89.

13

A -NEW HEAVEN AND A TSTEW 'EARTH

1. Schreiter, Constructing Local Theologies, p. 150 2. Eugene Hillman, "Inculturation & the leaven of the gospel," pp. 21-23. 3. Aylward Shorter, Toward a Theology of Inculturation, p. 141. 4. AD, RRIII-IO3 (from Archives of Archbishop of Quebec). 5. "[I]l me semble qu'en France le peuple est devenu sauvage; on reconnait en voyageant que la religion est etranger a le plupart des ames qu'on rencontre." AD G-LPP 342, Bermond to Faraud, 16 March 1859. 6. "[N]os chers neophytes ne sont bientot plus sauvages, mais de bons et parfaits chretiens." AD G-LPP 1615, Faraud to Mazenod, 28 December 1858. 7. Cf. Schreiter, Constructing Local Theologies, pp. 6 seq. 8. Johann Metz, "Unity and Diversity...," p. 85. 9. AASB Too86-89, Glut to Tache, 30 June 1860. Some missionary bishops with their long beards drew unwanted attention in Paris in 1870, when they were taken for Prussians. (AASB T8O35-36. Sardou to Tache, 5 October 1870.) 10. ADM, Faraud to Sr. Charlebois, 7 December 1870. 11. PAA 71.220/213, Raynard to Vegreville, 20 October 1858 (written in English). 12. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 29 September 1875. 13. Schreiter, Constructing Local Theologies, p. 149 14. OAGP, Michel, "Soixante-cinq ans a Good Hope," p. 9. 15. St. Paul's University, Postulation Documents, 8, Grandin to Sebaux, 9 November 1854. 16. See Jean-Guy Goulet, "Religious Dualism among Athapascan Catholics." 17. Ake Hultkrantz, "Tribal and Christian Elements in the Religious Syncretism among the Shoshoni Indians of Wyoming," pp. 222-23. 18. AD G-LPP 2693, Seguin to Fabre, i June 1887. 19. David M. Smith, Moose-Deer Island House People: A History of the Native People of Fort Resolution, p. 72. 20. Bishop Denis Croteau, OMI, "The Northern Church of Tomorrow." 21. Assembly of First Nations, Bulletin [1987]. (Italics added.)

NOTES

2239

Appendix B: SICKNESS AND MEDICINE 1. PAA 71.220/213, Raynard to Vegreville, 23 May 1856. 2. PAA 71.220/213, Raynard to Vegreville, 8 May 1859. 3. CMS A9o, Robert Hunt, Journal, 5 May 1859. 4. CMS A90, Robert Hunt, Journal, 30 April 1860. 5. AD G-LPP 633, Glut to Faraud, 16 December 1861. 6. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, i June 1860. 7. AASB Too87, Glut to Tache, 30 June 1860. 8. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 4 June 1860. 9. AASB, Glut to Lestanc, 15 December 1861. 10. PAA 71.220/8097, Grollier to Vegreville, 4 June 1860. 11. AASB, Eynard to Tache, 3 July 1861. 12. AASB, Eynard to Tache, 23 May 1861. 13. AD Reel 43, Eynard to Faraud, 23 April 1862. 14. AASB, Gascon to Tache, 16 September 1862. 15. AD G-LPP 635, Glut to Faraud, 17 June 1862. 16. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, i December 1863. 17. PAA 71.220/8055, Gascon to Tache, 16 September 1862. 18. The account of these prophets at Fond du Lac is derived from AD GLPP657, "Notice sur la Mission de Notre Dame de 7 Douleurs...," Glut to Fabre, 3 April 1866. 19. AD Reel 47, Seguin to Faraud, 6 July 1862. 20. Missions') (1866), Grandin Journal. 21. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, i December 1863. 22. AASB T224&, Eynard to Tache, 8 June 1863. 23. Missions 6 (1867), p. 464, Petitot to Fabre, 30/9/64. 24. AASB, Seguin to Grandin, 15 July 1863. 25. AASB T2258, Petitot to Tache, 20 June 1863. 26. AD G-LPP 645, Glut to Faraud, July 1864. 27. AD G-LPP 635, Glut to Faraud, 17 December 1864. 28. AD Reel 47, Seguin to Faraud, 28 July 1864; ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 July 1864; Annalesyj (1865), Petitot to Faraud, 22 June 1864. 29. Missions 6 (1867), p. 476, Petitot to Fabre, n November 1864. 30. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, i December 1864. 31. Petitot, Autour du Grand Lac des Esclaves, p. 189. 32. AASB T2643-45, Seguin to Tache, 29 February 1864. 33. AASB T2974, Gascon to Tache, i December 1864. 34. AASB T40I2, Petitot to Tache, 31 May 1866. 35. AD G-LPP 649, Glut to Faraud, 26 May 1865. 36. Nativity Journal, 8 October 1865. 37. AD HPF 4i9i.C75Ri26, Grouard to Mme Cox, 9 December 1864.

240

T R O M THE § R E A T "RIVER TO THE 'ENDS OF THE "EARTH

38. ADM, Petitot to Faraud, 15 January 1866. 39. PAA 71.220/7343, Seguin to his mother and sister, June 1866. 40. CMS A93, R. McDonald, Journal, Oct. - Nov. 1865. 41. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 13 November 1866. 42. Missions 9 (1870). Extract from letter of Gascon to Faraud, dated 26 November 1867, dealing with his visit to Fort Rae in 1866. 43. ADM, Petitot to Faraud, 15 January 1866. 44. PAA 71.220/7343, Seguin to his mother and sister, June 1866. 45. Petitot, Grand Lac des Ours, 98-101. 46. Missions 9 (1870), Extract from letter of Grouard to Faraud, 8 March 1868. 47. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, 26 November 1867. 48. ADM, Gascon to Faraud, 2 September 1867, and from Ft. Rae, 1867. 49. ADM, Faraud to Glut, 14 September 1867. 50. AD G-LPP 2685, Seguin to Glut, 15 February 1867. 51. HBCA DIO/I, fo. 39, Hudson Bay House to William McTavish, 16 April 1867. 52. HBCA B2oo/b/37, fo. 56, Roderick McFarlane to Governor, Chief Factors and Chief Traders, 3 August 1868. 53. Missions^ (1869), Petitot to Fabre, 29 February 1868. 54. AD G-LPP 2685, Seguin to Glut, 15 February 1867. 55. AD Reel 44, Gascon to Faraud, 26 November 1867. 56. AASB T6o89, Faraud to Tache, 26 September 1868. 57. AASB T6ii5, Eynard to Tache, 7 December 1868. 58. AASB T69oo, Faraud to Tache, 12 September 1869. 59. PAA 71.220/8054, Gascon to Vegreville, 7 December 1870. 60. HBCA B2oo/b/38 fo. 77, Andrew Flett to W. Hardisty, 19 January 1871. 61. Missions n (1873), Petitot to Fabre, 30 May 1870. 62. Missions n (1873), Petitot to Fabre, 30 May 1870. 63. HBCA B20o/b/39 vol. i fo. 102-3, W.L. Hardisty to D.A. Smith, 6 August 1872. 64. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 28 January 1873. 65. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 May 1869. 66. Petitot, Exploration de la Region du Grand Lac des Ours, 333-4. 67. HBCA B39/b/20 fo. 39d, Athabasca District Report, R. McFarlane, 16 July 1873. 68. HBCA B39/b/20 fo. 39d, Athabasca District Report, R. McFarlane, 16 July 1873. 69. AASB Tii274-6, Gascon to Tache, i December 1872. 70. ADM, Lecorre to Faraud, 29 July 1872. 71. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 27 July 1872. 72. HBCA B2oo/b/39 vol. i fo. 87d, Hardisty to D. Smith, 15 August 1873. 73. AD G-LPP 2686, Seguin to Glut, 4 February 1874.

NOTES

2241

74- ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 15 February 1875. 75. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 March 1875. j6. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 2 June 1874. 77. ADM, Brother Salasse to Faraud, 10 November 1874. 78. AD HEB6255A45CIO, Gaste to Maisonneuve, 19 January 1875. 79. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 2 February 1876. 80. ADM, Seguin to Faraud, 25 March 1875 and 2 February 1876. 81. PAA 71.200/7345, Seguin to his sister, i August 1876. 82. PAA 71.200/7345, Seguin to his sister, i August 1876. 83. AD G-LPP 2014, Ladet to Fabre, i June 1878. 84. AD G-LPP 2014, Ladet to Fabre, i June 1878. 85. ADM, De Krangue to Faraud, 23 February 1880. 86. PAA 71.200/984, Glut to Lacombe, 12 December 1880. 87. AD HEC 2i52.V64ci2, Ladet to R. McFarlane, 30 March 1880. 88. ADM, Roure to Faraud, 28 June 1880. 89. ADM, De Krangue to Faraud, 5 September 1882. 90. PAA 71.220/7346, Seguin to his sister, i July 1885. 91. ADM, Le Doussal to Faraud, 22 November 1886. 92. AD G-LPP 2603, Seguin to Fabre, i June 1887. 93. OAGP, Chronique de la mission de la Nativite. 94. ADM, Pascal to Glut, 13 July 1888. 95. PAA 71.220/7346, Seguin to his sister, 6 February 1888. 96. ADM, Joussard to Glut, 23 December 1888. 97. ADM, Joussard to Faraud, 12 February 1889. 98. ADM, Pascal to Faraud, May 1890. 99. AD G-LPP 2695, Seguin to Superior-General, 15 July 1892. 100. AD G-LPP 2695, Seguin to Fabre, 15 July 1892. 101. PAA 71.220/7346, Seguin to his sister, 18 July 1892. 102. OAGP, Dupire to Glut, 15 December 1893. 103. OAGP, Laity to Glut, 19 December 1894. 104. OAGP, Roure to Glut, 26 November 1894. 105. AD LC 26i.Mi5R, Journal de la Mission Providence, December 1895. 106. PAA 71.220/7347, Seguin to his sister, 20 February 1896. 107. OAGP, Lefebvre to Glut, 17 January 1896. 108. OAGP, Ducot to Glut, i July 1896. 109. AD G-LPP 2696, Seguin to Soullier, i July 1897. no. PAA 71.220/7347, Seguin to his sister, 16 July 1897. in. AD G-LPP 2168, Lefebvre to Glut, 25 May 1897. 112. PAA 71.220/7347, Seguin to his sister, 27 February 1899, 113. AD G-LPP 1787, Grouard to Fabre, 26 November 1889. 114. AD LC 26i.Mi5R, Journal de la mission Providence, August. 115. OAGP, Vacher file, 9 July 1899.

242

TROM

T H E ( j R E A T - R I V E R T O T H E 'ENDS

OF THE "EARTH

n6. PAA 71.220/7347, Seguin to Celine, 31 May 1899. 117. PAA 71.220/7347, Seguin to Celine, 31 May 1899. 118. OAGP, Chronique de la mission de la Nativite. 119. PAA 71.220/208, Le Guen to Ladet, 7 August 1900. 120. AD LC 26i.Mi5R, Journal de la mission Providence, July and August 1900. 121. OAGP, Ducot, Notes. 122. OAGP, Codex historicus N.D. de 7 Douleurs. 123. OAGP, Codex historicus N.D. de 7 Douleurs. 124. OAGP, Chronique de la Mission de la Nativite. 125. OAGP, Chronique historique, St. Joseph, August 1902. 126. J. Camsell, Son of the North, p. 152. 127. OAGP, Vacher to Breynbat, 10 September 1902. 128. OAGP, Codex historicus Arctic Red River, 8 July 1903. 129. OAGP, Gouy to Breynat, i December 1903. 130. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 13 February 1903. 131. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 26 July 1905. 132. NAC RGio 4042 file 336,877, Conroy, memorandum to Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 18 December 1907. 133. OAGP, Providence Journal, 25 November 1907. 134. OAGP, Codex historicus Arctic Red River, n August 1907. 135. OAGP, Codex historicus Arctic Red River, n August 1907. 136. OAGP, Providence Journal, 23 June 1908. 137. OAGP, Codex historicus, St. Joseph, March 1909. 138. OAGP, Codex historicus Arctic Red River, 13 July 1909. 139. OAGP, Journal de la mission St.-Michel. 140. OAGP, Journal de la Mission St.-Michel, 12 december 1909. 141. ADM, J.-M. Beaudet to Kearney, i January 1910. 142. OAGP, Roure to Breynat, 25 February 1911. 143. OAGP, Journal de la Mission St.-Michel. 144. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 23 March 1911. 145. OAGP, Codex historicus, Nativity, 14 June 1913. 146. OAGP, Providence Journal, 30 October 1913; 8 November 1913. 147. OAGP, Journal, St.-Michel, 1913. 148. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 16 January 1914. 149. OAGP, Lecuyer to Breynat, 18 November 1913. 150. OAGP, Codex, St. Joseph, 2 February 1914. 151. OAGP, Codex, St. Joseph, 12 April 1914. 152. OAGP, Codex historicus, Nativity, 25 December 1914. 153. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 19 July 1914. 154. OAGP, Laperriere to Breynat, 22 December 1914. 155. OAGP, Roure to Duport, 27 September 1914. 156. OAGP, Lecuyer to Breynat, 15 January 1915.

2.43

157158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173.

OAGP, Andurand to Breynat, 15 December 1915. OAGP, Codex, St. Joseph, 5 July 1915. OAGP, Ducot to Breynat, 13 January 1915. OAGP, Mansoz to Dupont, 27 January 1917. OAGP, Codex, St. Joseph, 14 March 1917. OAGP, Laperriere to Breynat, 25 June 1917. OAGP, Codex historicus St. Joseph, 14 March 1917. OAGP, Codex historicus, Ste. Therese, 19 October 1918. OAGP, Journal, Providence. OAGP, Andurand to Breynat, 17 January 1920. OAGP, Codex, St. Joseph, 5 March 1920; 20 March 1920; n May 1920. OAGP, Laperriere to Breynat, 2 July 1920. OAGP, Laperriere to Breynat, 24 August 1920. OAGP, Codex, Fort Smith. OAGP, Duport to Breynat, 26 November 1921. OAGP, Codex historicus de la mission de N.D. de 7 Douleurs, 1922. Fred Widow, Interview with Martha McCarthy at Fort Norman, August 1990. 174. OAGP, Codex historicus, Arctic Red River. Entries from 3 July 1928 to 2 August 1928.

244

T R O M THE

§R E A T " R I V E R TO THE E N D S OF THE " E A R T H

BIBLIOGRAPHY

MANUSCRIPT SOURCES

.he Oblates' correspondence was vast and varied. It is now held in several different archives, some of it in more than one. Since my research extended over many years, my notes sometimes refer to a copy in more than one of the archives. I read the correspondence of all of the Oblates who worked in the Vicariate of the Athabasca-Mackenzie during the period of time covered in this study. Only a few of these are included in the notes for the book. The earlier correspondence is especially valuable for it includes much that was new to the writers about the customs of the Dene. Later writers, whether because they knew that their readers were already familiar with the previous Oblate writings, or because they were less interested in ethnographic material, or whether they were simply less inclined to write voluminous letters, are not so helpful. 2-45

More helpful information about the missions can be found in the reports made by the bishops and priests to their own superiors in the Oblate journal, Les Missions des Missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculee (hereafter Missions) or in the journal of the Propagation of the Faith, Les Annales de la Propagation de la Foi (hereafter Annales). Some of this information can also be found in the journals of the Montreal and Quebec branches of the Propagation of the Faith: Rapport sur les missions du diocese de Quebec (1839-1874) (hereafter RMQ) and Rapport de ^Association de la Propagation de la Foi pour le diocese de Montreal (1839-1873) (hereafter Rapport, Montreal).

ARCHIVES DE L'ARCHEVECHE DE SAINT THOMAS TISHER HARE "BOOK XIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO TORONTO, ONTARIO

J.B. Tyrrell papers and photographs.

Several journals used here are only available in various archives. L'Ami du Foyer (1905-1968) is an Oblate journal published in St. Boniface, Manitoba, available at Archives Deschatelets. LesAnnales de la. Propagation de la Foi (and its English version, The Annals of the Propagation of the Faith) are available at the National Library of Canada (microfilm) and at Archives Deschatelets, both in Ottawa. La Banniereis an Oblate journal, available at Archives Deschatelets. Les Missions des Missionnaires oblats de Marie Immaculee (hereafter Missions) is at Archives Deschatelets and at the Provincial Archives of Alberta. Petites Annales deMarie-Immaculeeis an Oblate journal, available at Deschatelets. Rapport sur les Missions du diocese de Quebec (1839-1874). This is the journal for the Propagation of the Faith in that diocese. Available at Deschatelets, St. Boniface, and many other locations. Rapport de I'Association de la Propagation de la Foi pour le diocese de Montreal (1839-1873). Available on microfilm at University of Manitoba.

'BOOKS AND ARTICLES

A Sister of Charity of Montreal. Notes and Sketches Collected from a Voyage in the North-West. Montreal: P. Callahan Book and Job Printer, 1875. Abel, Kerry M. Drum Songs, Glimpses of Dene History. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993. . "The Drum and the Cross An Ethnohistorical Study of Mission Work Among the Dene, 1858-1902." Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University, 1984. . "Prophets, Priests and Preachers: Dene Shamans and Christian Missions in

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Waldo, Fullerton. Down the Mackenzie Through the Great Lone Land. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1923. Washburn, Wilcomb E. "Distinguishing History from Moral Philosophy and Public Advocacy." In The American Indian and the Problem of History, edited by Calvin Martin, 91-97. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Whalley, George. "Coppermine Martyrdom." Queen's Quarterly LXVI, no. 4 (Winter 1960): 591-610. . The Legend of John Hornby. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1962. White, Richard, and William Cronon. "Ecological Change and Indian-White Relations." Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 4, History of IndianWhite Relations, edited by Wilcomb E. Washburn, pp. 417-29. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1988. Widow, Fred. Interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, i September 1990. Wilson, Bryan R. Magic and the Millennium. St. Albans, Hertfordshire: Paladin,

1975Wright, Janet. Church of Our Lady of Good Hope. Ottawa: Environment Canada Parks, 1986. Wright, Paul. Interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 2 September 1990. Yakeleya, Elizabeth. Interview with Martha McCarthy, Fort Norman, 31 August 1990. Zaslow, Morris. The Northward Expansion of Canada 1914—1967. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1988. . The Opening of the Canadian North 1870—1914. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1971. Zimmer, R. "Early Oblate Attempts for Indian and Metis Priests in Canada." Etudes Oblates 32 (1973): 276-91.

•BIBLIOGRAPHY

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INDEX

Abel, Kerry, xxi, 153 Aborigines Protection Society, and influence on HBC, 33 Akaitcho, 15 Alexis, Brother, 185 Anderson, Bishop David, 34, 46—47 Anderson, Fort, 126 Anderson, James, 37-38, 40-42, 46, 48, 84, 92,157 angels, 102,134-35,146,149

Anglican Church, missions of, 31-32, 34—35, 41, 43; and English sovereignty, 53; and imperialism, xviii; opposition to HBC policy, 43. See also Church Missionary Society. animal guardian, 23 Arctic Red River, xxiii, 52 Athabasca Dene, xv, 12, 39, 87 Athabasca District, xvii, 13, 27-29, 32, 42-43, 64, 69,107-8, no, 113,

263

116-17,120,123-24,134,156,160, 168,172-73 Athabasca-Mackenzie region, 8, 60,122, 171,184 Athabasca-Mackenzie, vicariate of, 60, 63-65, 71 Attiche, 23 Ayah, 104-5

Back expedition, and Akaitcho, 15; and Mandeville, 116 baptism, 86-7, 95, 99,129,145 Bear Lake people, 15-16, 24,146-47 Beaulieu, Francis, 90,109—14,123 Beaulieu, King, 116 Beaver Indians, 37, no Belcourt, Georges, 33 Bermond, Father Fran£ois-Xavier, OMI, 34 Big Island, 47-49,114 bishop-king, 47, 63 Blanchet, Father Norbert, 30 Blondain (Blondin), 108 Blondin family, 167 Blondin, John, 99 boatmen, 16-17, 4*> 47~4&> 129,143 boats and boat brigades, 68—69, 72, 120-21,129 Bocquene, Father Desire, OMI, 62 Bompas, Bishop William C., 54-56, 62, 125 Boucher, Jean-Baptiste, i&Lamalice, 92 Bourget, Bishop Ignace, 9 Bouvier, Catherine, 112,114—15 Bouvier, Joseph, 48,114 Breynat, Bishop Gabriel, OMI, xxi, 24, 55, 65, 71-72,116,167,175-78 brokers, 172,178 brothers, Oblate, 62, 65-68, 72 Brough, Nancy, 92 Bury, H.B., 163 bushman, 76

264

Campbell, Robert, 93,112 Camsell, Julian, 165 Caribou-Eaters, 14, 37-38, 99,136-38 catechism, 81,156,163,181,183 Catholic ladder, 85,142 Catholicism, and culture, 74,168 Cayen (Louison Cadien), 115 celibacy, 93 Chesne, Zoe de, 7 Chipewyan, 14, 86,132 Christianity, European, xviii, 180; and civilization, xx, 148,156 Christmas, 85 church decorations, 84 citizenship, 61—62 Church Missionary Society, and indigenous vocations, 93; and homeopathic medicine, 125; and Mackenzie missions, HBC support of, 46-49, 63,117; and schools, 155, 157,159,166,168; and Native prophecy, 102-3. See also Anglican Church. Churchill, 14, 99,138 civilisation chretienne, xviii, 5,159,181 civilization, xviii, 5 Clarke, John, no clergy, 60 Glut, Bishop Isidore, OMI, 62, 64, 71, 129,135-36 Colvile, Governor Eden, 34, 38, 40, 43 communion, 86, 88—89, 95,129. See also Eucharist. confession, 86-88, 95,128-29,135,140. See also Penance. confirmation, 70, 86, 89-90 Conroy, H.A., 176 Coppermine, 15 Counter-Reformation, 3 Creator, 75 Cree, 30, 86 Croteau, Bishop Denis, OMI, 94,190 Cruikshank, Julie, 19

T R O M THE Q R E A T ' R I V E R TO THE "ENDS OF THE 'EARTH

Dallas, Governor, 54 De Smets, Father Pierre, S.J., 33 Decutla, 104 Deh'cho, xxix, 1-2,17-18 Demers, Father Modeste, 30 Dene, 11-26, 32, 74 Dene Catholicism, xxii, 188 Dene elders, 18, 20,122 Dene lay leaders, 97,105 diocesan structure, 57 Dogribs, 15, 87,100, no, 139-40,147 dogs, 137,143 dreams, 21—23, 98,101,127,134 dualism, 187 Duchaussois, Father Pierre, OMI, xx, 68, 133 Ducot, Father Xavier, OMI, 164

education, Dene, 98,168 Emmanuel, 99 English language, 61 epidemic, 15,17, 87,120-30,153,189 Ermatinger, Francis, 36 Eucharist, 183. See Communion. Evans, Rev. James, 32, 80 excommunication, 21, 94—95,101,130, 147-48,187 extreme unction, 77, 86, 94,115 Eynard, Father Germain, OMI, 79

famine, 123,172-73,176 Faraud, Bishop Henri, OMI, 2, 37, 40, 42, 60, 62-63, 66, 69, 72, 92,123, 125-26,129-30 farms, 71—72 feast, 99 female seclusion, 91 female infanticide, 91,123-24 Filion, Mme, 126 Fisher, Marie, 48. 5^ Gaudet, Charles P. Flett, Andrew, 52,102

Flett, James, 52 Fond du Lac (Athabasca), 14, 37-39, 99, 136-38,144 Fond du Lac (Great Slave). See St. Vincent de Paul. Forbin-Janson, Bishop, 7 foreign missions, 3, 5-7,125; and Oblates, 9, 61 Fort Chipewyan, xvii, 14, 32, 36-38, 86, 93, no, 116,121,128 Fort Franklin, 104,122 Fort Good Hope, 16, 43, 48,126 Fort Halkett, 14,100 Fort Liard, 14—15, 86,101,109,141 Fort McPherson, 43,52,100,102,108, 121,144. See Peel's River. Fort Nelson, 15,100,103-4,141-42. Fort Norman, 15-16, 43, 50,101,122, 146,176 Fort Rae, 15, 42,101,3:13,139,144,147 Fort Reliance, 116 Fort Resolution, 14, 37, 40, 42,188 Fort Simpson, 14, 46—48,114,126,176 Fort Smith, 71,114,121,126,176 Fort Wrigley, 50 Franklin expedition, and Akaitcho, 15; and Beaulieu, no; and Mandeville, 116 freemen, 174 freetraders, 31, 71,112-14 fur trade and Dene, 13-17, 24-15

Gascon, Father Zephirin, OMI, 53, 99-100, in, 139 Gaudet, Charles P., 48 Gaudet, Dora and Bella, 85 Gaudet, Mme, 100. See Marie Fisher, gens du large, 16,126,139,143 Gens de la Montagne, 14 Giroux, Father Constantin-Alarie, OMI, 53 Good Hope Mission, 46, 65, 87, 92,121, 128—30,138—39,142-44,146

INDEX 265

Grandin, Bishop Vital, OMI, 46-47, 60-64, 7J> 88-89, 92~93> In > XI3> J32 Grant, John Webster, 153 Great Bear Lake, 43 Grey Nuns (Sisters of Charity of Montreal), 126,157-70,181-82 Grollier, Father Henri, OMI, 38, 47-49, 60, 87,102,108,114,129,139,157 Grouard, Bishop fimile, OMI, xxi, 64, 100,112,141,173-75

hand-game, 86, 95,146 handshake, 78-79, 95 Hardisty, William, 114,116,122 Hares, 15-16,126,128-29,143,146 Harris, Thomas, 176 Hassall, Thomas, 32 Hay River, 50,104 health, Oblates in north, 60 Helm, June, 123,147 Hering, Constantine, 124 Hislop & Nagle, 72 holy orders, 86, 93-94. See also ordination, holy pictures, 82,183 Holy Eucharist, 86. See Communion. Holy Name of Mary, 52. See also Peel's River and Arctic Red River, home missions, 3-5 homeopathy, 124-27,130 Honigmann, 103 Hoole, Colin, 92 Hoole, Elize Taupier, 109. See also Fisher, Marie, hospital, 126 Hudson's Bay Company, and Oblates, 27-30, 33; and marriage, 92—93; and education, 159,164 Hultkrantz, Ake, 187 Hunt, Rev. Robert, 125,132 Hunter, Archdeacon James, 46, 48, 63,

lie a la Crosse, 14, 32-33, 87,113,132-33, 142 immortality, 77 imperialism, xviii inculturation, xviii, 61,147,183 influenza, 15 inkonze, 22, 25, 81,101,105,127,129, 138-39,147-48,188 interdependence, 189 Inuit, xx, 126 Irish brothers, 53 Isbister, Alexander Kennedy, 14,17, 33, 79

Jaricot, Pauline, 7 Jesuits, 6, 64, 87,131 jonglerie, 128-29,146 jongleur, 22,128,141,147,187 judgment, 81

Kearney, Brother Patrick, OMI, 62 Kennicott, Robert, 79 Kirkby, Rev. William West, 46, 48-50, 93> 125 Klondike, 64 Krangue, Noue'l de, 142 Krech, Shepard III, 124

La Loche, 37, 41, 68,103,109, in, 120, 122,126,134,143 Lac du Brochet, 14. See also Reindeer Lake or Lac Caribou. Lac la Biche, 64, 69,113 Lac Ste. Anne, 31 Lacombe, Father Albert, OMI, 65, 173-74

87

266

Hurons, 87,132 hymns, 81-82, 98-99,101,105,167

TROM

THE

C J R E A T 1UVER TO THE

•£ N D S O F T H E

TARTH

Lafleche, Bishop Louis-Richer, 9, 33 Laird, David, 173 Lamalice. See Boucher, Jean-Baptiste. Langevin, Archbishop, 65 language, 79 Lanternari, Vittorio, 149 Lapierre's House, 52 Laurier, Prime Minister "Wilfrid, 165 Le Pas, 31 Lecore, 87 Lecorre, Father Auguste, OMI, 64,164 Lefroy, John H., 32 Lenoir, 86 Lepine family, 117 Levasseur, Father Donat, OMI, xxi Liard River, 112 License to Trade, 27, 41, 43 Long, John S., 137 Loucheux, 17, 48,126,144-45 Lucas, Rev. Mr., 55 L'Oeuvre Apostolique, 7

Macdonald, John A., 172 Mackenzie, Alexander, and immortality, 77; and Loucheux, 17; and Mackenzie River, 2, no; and Mackenzie District, xvii, 14, 27, 31, 40, 42-43, 69,108, no, 112,123,156 Mackenzie River, 16,18, 63, no, 112 Mactavish, Governor William, 113 Mandeville, 112,115-16 marriage, 86, 90-91,130,134,152,181 Marten Lake, no, 147 Martin, Calvin, 25 martyrdom, 8-9 Mass, 98,140,143 Matoit, 103-4 matrimony, sacrament of, 86. See also marriage. mauvais monde, 15

Mazenod, Bishop Eugene de, OMI, 3—5, 60, 63; and communion, 89; and schools, 156 McDonald, Archdeacon Robert, 52,54, 145 McDougall, Inspecting Chief Factor James, 69 McKenzie, Roderick, 32, 37 medals, 84, 87 medicine, Dene, 76, 86,119-28 medicine, Oblate, xvii, 119-20,124-26 medicine-maker, 78, 98,100-2,146, 187. See also jongleur. Mercredi, Joseph, 38—39,116 messiah, 92 messianic, 150 Metis, Red River, 33-34, 41, 68; Athabasca, 37, 39,174-75; Mackenzie, 46,116,160,183; and schools, 157; and auxiliaries to Oblates, 107-17 Metz, Johann-Baptist, 183 Migratory Birds Convention Act, 175 millenarian, 150,152 Moose-Deer Island, 42 Mountain Indians, 16 myths, 19-20

Nahannies, 15 Naohmby, 24 Nativity Mission, 38, 46, 64, 99, in, 122,129,134 Norway House, 31—32, 68

Oblate Congregation, xviii; ideology of missions, xix-xxi; mission methods,

5,78 Oliver, Frank, 71,165 oral history, xxiii Oregon, 30 Overholt, Thomas W., 151

INDEX 267

papacy, 6—8,182 patriarchalism, 91 Peel's River, 48, 52,102—3 Penance, 186. See Confession. Pepin, Jean-Baptiste, 114 Pessar, Patricia, 152 Petitot, Father Emile, 12, 60, 79, in, 115,120,122,126-28,139,145 Pope John Paul II, 191 Propaganda, 62,182 Propagation de la Foi, L'Oeuvre de la, 7-9, 62,164 prophet, 100,101-4,133-54 Protestantism, 40, 84 Provence, 4, 95, 98,105 Provencher, Bishop Norbert, 7, 9, 63, 68 Providence Mission, 50, 64-65,112-14 provisioners, 14—15,17

Quebec Archdiocese, 9; and support of mission schools, 160

raven, 128,133,142 Reid, John, 114 reincarnation, 77 Reindeer Lake, 37,137,144,146 Restoration, 78, 81, 98,105 Ridington, Robin, 104 Roman Catholic Church, and faith, xvii; and tradition, 20 romanticism, 8—9 rosary, 84, 86, 98,101,105,140 Ross, Bernard, 46, 48, 90-91,114 Ross, Donald, 31, 91,112 Rupert's Land, bishopric of, 46 Rupert's Land, territory of, 27 Russell, Frank, 24

268

sacraments, 86,182 Sacred Heart Mission, 43, 49. See also Fort Simpson. Sacred Heart, devotion to, 85 Sainte-Enfance, L'Oeuvre de la, 7, 62, 164 Salt River, 109-13 savage, 5, 9,181 sawmills, 70,162 schools, 123,155-70 Scott, Duncan C., 166 scrofula, 123,132 Seguin, Father Jean, OMI, 103,130,139, 142,145 serpents, 82,128 Seven Sorrows Mission, 39. See also Fond du Lac Athabasca. Simpson, Governor George, 30, 40, 68, 72, 92,112 Sisters of Charity of Montreal. See Grey Nuns. Slaveys, 14, 146-47 Slobodin, Richard, 112,164 Smith, David M., 174 social policy, xix Son of God, as applied to priests, 97, 127; Chipewyan prophet, 132-33,142 song, 22, 81 sovereignty, xviii, 6, 30, 61 Spendlove, Rev. William, 141—42 spirit-guide, 22 spirits, evil, 75 spiritual leaders, 97 St. Albert, 64 St. Boniface, 7,10, 63—64,109,112 St. Bruno, 114 St. Cyr, Baptiste, 81 St. Germain, Catherine, in St. Germain, Pierre, in St. Isidore, 114. See also Salt River and Fort Smith. St. Joseph Mission, 40, 42, 46, 48, 65. See also Fort Resolution.

T R O M THE CJREAT H I V E R TO THE "ENDS OF THE -EARTH

St. Michael's Mission, 42. See also Fort Rae. St. Paul Mission. See Fort Nelson. St. Raphael Mission, 43. See also Fort Liard. St. Vincent de Paul Mission, 42,116 Ste. Therese Mission, 50, 65. See also Fort Norman, steamboats, HBC, 69,121 steamboats, mission, 70-71 subsistence, xix, 12—13,147 Sunrise, Chief, 104 syllables, 80, 95,105,156,184 syncretism, 101,148,153,188

taboos, 24, 88 Tache, Archbishop A., OMI, xvii, 33, 36, 38, 41-43, 50, 62-63, 68, 86, 89, 92-93, IH-I2,117 Taylor, Nicol, 50 Ten Lost Tribes of Israel, 20 Thanizeneaze, Clemence, 99 Thibault, Father Jean-Baptiste, 30, 35, 109, in, 132 Tissier, Father, OMI, 109 Todd, James, 112 Tourangeau, Cecilia, 105,167 Tourangeau family, 117 transport, 68-72

treaty, 123 Treaty n, 123; and schools, 176-78 Treaty 8,123; and schools, 165,173—76 tuberculosis, 123,127

ultramontanism, xviii, 6, 40,180 Uzpichi"e, Cecile, 100

Vegreville, Father Valentin, OMI, 134 Villebrun family, 117 virgin birth, 91-92 Virgin Mary, 82, 91-92

Wentzel, Alex, 112 Wesleyans, 30 Willow Lake, no Wilson, Bryan, 149 Wright, Paul, 18, 20 Wrigley, Commissioner, 69—70

Yakeleya, Elizabeth, 167 Yellowknives, 15, 42,100, no, 112,116 Yukon, 52, 64, 65

Zaslow, Morris, 72

INDEX

269