From Ancient Cham to Modern Dialects: Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change : With an Appendix of Chamic Reconstructions and Loanwords (Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications)

From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects

Oceanic

Special

Linguistics

No.

Publication

28

From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects: Two Thousand Language With

Years

Contact

of

and Change

an appendix of Chamic and

reconstructions

Graham

University

loanwords

Thurgood

of Hawai'i Press Honolulu

1999 University of Hawai'i Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America ?

5 4 3 2 1

04 03 02 01 00 99 of Congress

Library From

ancient

Cham

language cm. ? (Oceanic

and

Data

Graham.

Thurgood, to modern

contact

p.

Cataloging-in-Publications : two

dialects

/ Graham

change

linguistics

special

thousand

years

of

Thurgood.

publication

; no.

28)

Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes. ISBN 0-8248-2131-9 (pbk. :alk. paper) 2.

1. Cham 3.

language?Dialects. in contact?Southeast Language

499'.22?dc21

Cham

language?History. I. Title. II. Series.

Asia.

PL4491.94.T47 98-54334

1999 CIP

Camera-ready

University and meet

of Hawai'i the guidelines Council

Printed

copy

prepared

by

the author.

are on acid-free books paper printed and durability for permanence of the on Library Resources.

Press

by Cushing-Malloy,

Inc.

Contents

ix

Preface

xi

Acknowledgments List

of Abbreviations

1 Introduction

and Conventions

xv.

1

4 Chamic convergence with Southeast Asia The general tendencies: A broad overview 5 Previous work on Chamic reconstruction 6 The degree of adjustment 13

2 The Geographical

and Historical

The geographical setting Chamic prehistory 15 17 Chamic history The Chamic

3 Classification

and MK

Setting

14

inVietnam

27

14

languages

of the Chamic Languages

30

The place of Chamic within Austronesian 31 and broader affiliations 34 Malayo-Chamic The Malayo-Chamic subgroup 39 Within the Chamic languages: A sketch 40 a Chamic language 47 Acehnese, A digression on Moken, a non-Chamic language

4 Altering

the Basic Word: From Disyllabic

58

toMonosyllabic

The iambic syllable: Early Mon-Khmer influence 61 The loss of the vowel before medial -h- 63 and clusters 64 Disyllables with liquids > monosyllables Loss of the unstressed initial syllable 65

v

vi Contents

5 Chamic Consonants

67

Presyliable consonants: The details 67 80 Main syllable onset consonants Consonant clusters 93 Word-final

6 Chamic Vowels

consonants

99

104

The literature 105 The PC presy liable vowels 106 The inherited PC main syllable vowels The borrowed PC main syllable vowels PC vowel length 138 The main syllable vowels summarized

7 Nasals

and Nasalization

Nasalization Nasalization

in Cham

Nasalization Nasalization Nasalization

in Tsat 160 inNorthern Roglai inAcehnese 176

8 The Origins of Registers

151

152

in PC 152 in Chru 153 inHaroi 155

Nasalization Nasalization

113 126

155 170

and Tones

178

179 Western Cham and the development of register 187 Phan Rang Cham, an incipient tone system 197 Haroi vowels and restructured register tonal system 214 Tsat and its fully-developed The

internal paths of change

9 PC Morphology:

Some Notes

232

237

A note on PC morphology 238 Verbs and verbal morphology 239 244 Nouns and nominal morphology

10 Contact, Multilingualism,

and Change

Non-linguistic history 252 Chamic and the nature of language change to a linguistic area 258 Accommodation

251 253

Contents

Vil

Appendix

I: Language Names

Acehnese

(and transliteration tables)

262

Bih 263 Chru Haroi Jarai

263 265

266 267 Krung 267 Noang Phan Rang Cham

267

Rade 269 Rai 271 Northern Roglai

271

CacGiaRoglai Southern Roglai Tsat 272

272

Western Cham Written Chamic

274 275

Appendix

272

II: The Chamic Lexicon

1.

277

to PC 280 Chamic Vocabulary Reconstructable Words Borrowed After the Breakup of PC 346 3. English-Chamic Index 365

2.

References

379

Author Index 395 Topic Index 399

261

Preface

The

title of this book From Ancient

toModern

Cham

Dialects:

Two Thousand

Years of Language Contact and Change, even more than showing my admiration for J.Marvin Brown's work on Thai, reflects my belief that the term 'Cham' was used at an earlier time as a general term for all the Chamic-speaking peoples of name of the kingdom, Champa, it the etymological Vietnam. It is reflected in the source of the name Tsat used by the Utsat people of Hainan to describe their lan? guage, and it occurs quite early in the Chinese dynastic records in their references to Champa.

the title aside, two quite different views of research exist, each

Leaving its own

with

one more

place,

the other

conservative,

more

One

exploratory.

view

is typified by the comment of the English poet Pope to lesser poets advising them to keep their piece nine years. In this view, the endpoint is reached when every? thing is completely clear and thoroughly documented. As will become evident to

exploratory

that

study

reconstruction,

reconstructs

first on

focuses

in a quite different

has been written

readers, this monograph

2000

years

and

proto-Chamic of

contact

language

tradition: it is an based

then, and

change.

on

that

Central

Asian

in this exploration include the adaptation of Chamic to the Southeast the canonical area, linguistic restructuring of the basic shape of the word,

major

changes

themes

ter,

tone,

in all

to the

and

these

and

vowel

and,

register,

of

inventories, course,

the development

the role

played

by

of

regis?

bilingualism

developments.

from the outset

However, offered

consonant

restructured

here

are,

even

more

than

itmust

usual,

be acknowledged

tentative,

preliminary,

that these analyses and

undoubtedly

in

need of correction

In part, this reflects the fact that Chamic and amplification. studies are, in some senses, still in their infancy; in part, the numerous gaps inmy

background; and, in part, it reflects things that I have simply missed or misana lyzed, and itwould be surprising if all my errors should prove minor. In a number of ways, the conclusions presented here differ from conclusions reached in my own earlier work, ones.

In Chamic

be discovered

and where studies,

only

they differ, these conclusions the

seem

outlines

than has been found thus far.

IX

to be

clear;

supersede far more

the earlier remains

to

X

PREFACE

The preoccupation throughout with borrowed forms directly reflects the with language contact and the relative chronology of language preoccupation contact. Thus, their presence in the tables and text is relevant, not only to the involved, but also to the relative chronologies of the borrowings If the loans participated in a change, they predate the change; if they did not participate, then they were borrowed after the change. reconstructions themselves.

The original plan for this work did not include Acehnese. It was only as the first draft was nearing completion that a comparison with Acehnese made it absolutely obvious thatAcehnese was simply a Chamic language whose speakers lan? had migrated to Sumatra, not a separate branch collateral with the mainland guages. At that point the whole manuscript was reworked to incorporate Ace? hnese, not with the intent of being definitive, but hoping to confirm beyond all reasonable objections that Acehnese was Chamic. A myriad of details has been left for another time when more

is known.

In addition to the main ces:

one

is a set

of

texts, this work

transliteration

is accompanied is an

another

tables,

by three appendi?

appendix

of

reconstructed

and borrowed forms, and the last is an appendix of forms arranged alphabetically by English gloss. The transliteration of amultitude of differing orthographies was this was done necessary for clarity of exposition. Almost without exception, aside from an error thatmay have crept in here and there.

mechanically, The

borrowings

are

assessments

enough

other

lists

appendix

found

throughout on.

based

both

the proto-Chamic

the manuscript,

Not

so that the reconstructions

all

the

reconstructions

along with

languages

are

the forms

included,

but

and

the

that these there

are

can usually be done on the basis of the forms

given.

this appendix, both reconstructed forms and borrowings are listed. Undoubtedly there is some error in the identification of borrowings, but none that invalidate any of the conclusions. A number of marginally attested Within

forms are included

in this appendix, along with the supporting data, with the hope that other researchers will help clarify their etymologies. Where Chamic forms are suspected of having as of yet unidentified Mon-Khmer counterparts, it is hoped that various scholars will help fill in these gaps. Finally, it is expected that the forms reconstructed Chamic

will

in the direction

be revised

Proto-Malayo-Chamic, Chamic inscriptional

as better and more data.

Graham Thurgood California State University,

Chico

in this work for Proto

of the forms found reconstructed thorough use is made

for

of theWritten

Acknowledgments

the single author, this work is a collaborative effort, only made possible through the generous help of countless others. Much of my work on Chamic would not have been possible without the help of Bob Blust, who provided me Despite

with

insights, and copies of crucial papers. In particular, the side of this work heavily reflects his help. He gave freely of Malayo-Polynesian his time, energy, and considerable expertise, making it possible not only to look at the Chamic historical changes from the bottom-up?from the modern Chamic encouragement,

looking back to Proto-Chamic, the perspective

of

but also to look at them from the top down?from

reconstructed

twin

These

Proto-Malayo-Polynesian.

tives produced amuch more sophisticated and insightful reconstruction ysis than would have been otherwise possible.

perspec?

and anal?

The Acehnese portion of this work owes much toMark Durie, who con? stantly supplemented my meager knowledge of Acehnese, patiently pointing out over email what worked and what did not. He not only supplied most of the Ace? a wealth of forms in an extremely valuable thesaurus forms?including (Daud Bukhari and Mark Durie, n.d.) and a hypercard program containing Chamic-Acehnese comparative material (Durie, 1990b), but he also looked them over after the first draft of the manuscript was written, and supplied many that hnese

were

still missing. In a similar way, he critiqued and improved many of the anal? not of Acehnese but also those of Chamic. Inmany instances, he played yses, just the devil's

advocate,

forcing

me

to rethink,

clarify,

and,

reformulate,

with

some

frequency, change positions taken in earlier drafts. Whatever merits the analyses may have also owe a great deal to David who Solnit, significantly improved a number of the analyses in both major and minor ways. The phonetic analysis of Tsat owes its essence to work done on it by supplied a significant number of the forms. G?rard Diffloth, and, most recently, David Tho? Luangthongkum, Arthur Abramson,

IanMaddieson,

who

Theraphan mas labored hard providing insights and straightening out my use of terminology with regard to the terms register, voice quality, register complex, and so on and clarified my discussion sent me

invaluable

of the Chamic

materials

Phraya Prachakij-karacak's

interaction with

on Mon-Khmer

reconstruction

(1995) Some Languages

XI

the MK. as well

In addition, he as a copy

of Siam, containing

of

a Jarai

Acknowledgments

Xll

and a Rade wordlist

from the last century. At a much later point, Peter Ladefoged the suggested explanation for the connection between breathiness and vowel rais? ing and creakiness or tenseness and vowel lowering included here. Ouyang Jueya

kindly sent me additional forms, several of which turned out to be crucial for the analysis of Tsat historical developments. Neil Baumgartner letme use the Cham font he developed. A large number of other people made substantive suggestions that are directly

reflected in the ideas presented here: Eric Oey, Patricia Donegan, Jean Stampe, Tempeste, Zane Clark, Ibrahim b. Ismail, Ni Dabai, Joel Jim Collins, Alan Nevis, Jerry Edmondson, George Grace, Paul Benedict, Stevens, David Thomas, Osh Larish, Keng-Fong Pang, Karen Mistry, and Elzbi David

eta Thurgood. There even recognize what

is no reason

to believe, however, that those thanked will I have done with their suggestions, let alone agree with

them.

In addition toMark Durie, who read the original "first" draft, a number of other people kindly offered to read an earlier draft and provide me feedback: David Thomas, Paul Benedict, John Wolff, Malcolm Ross, Martha Ratliff, Jim and Jerry Edmondson, and Sander Adelaar. Paul Benedict send me Matisoff, some

useful

notes

about

wider

Austronesian

as well

connections

as about

the ety?

mology of the u- prefix found inTsat. The feedback has been invaluable and has, in some cases, substantially improved the description. 2 has been painstakingly The Chamic lexicon contained in Appendix gone through by a number of scholars, all of whom know more about Austrone? and accuracy of the appendix owes its merits to their help. Specifically, Bob Blust, Mark Durie, K. Alexander Adelaar, David Thomas, and Paul Benedict have all contributed time and energy to the appendix. In particular, Bob Blust, Mark Durie, and K. Alexander Adelaar commented on sian than I do. The usefulness

the

forms,

one-by-one

where

necessary.

For

this

labor,

I cannot

thank

them

enough.

various people have knowingly or unknowingly helped me with my understanding of the history and the historical documents pertaining to Champa and the surrounding area. I wish to thank the following people for their In addition,

and help: Bob Hsu, Barbara Andaya, Hilary Chappell, Pang Keng Thanh Nhan, Arun Sinha, John Wolff, Mike Feener (by way of John Fong, Ngo John Marston, Mackie Blanton, Chris Court, Mark Durie, Sander Ade? Wolff), laar, and the late Gwyn Williams. suggestions

general way, I wish to acknowledge my intellectual debts to my early teachers: my friend and mentor Jim Matisoff, who introduced me to Southeast Asia, Mary Haas, who taught me much of what I know about the com? In a more

parative method,

and Paul Benedict,

who never lost track of the big picture.

Acknowledgments

Xlll

Even more to be modified

than usual, I fully expect some of the analyses presented here on the basis of better and more detailed studies of the languages

cited, as well as on the basis of instrumental studies on these same languages. I shall be astonished if all my errors should prove minor and grateful to readers for their corrections. It goes without saying that, where these analyses differ, they supersede my prior work on Chamic. This work is based upon research supported by the National Science Foundation under Grant No. SBR-9512101.

List of Abbreviations

AC

Ay monier

Aceh.

Acehnese

Bahnar

(AC)

breathy register C

and Conventions

and Cabaton

refers to the Bahnar forms cited inAy monier Cabaton (1906)

the register complex that includes a breathy-voiced component refers to a form inAymonier and Cabaton (1906) from Cabaton Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian

Coastal Chamic

Haroi, Western

Cham, and Phan Rang Cham

a stage not fully recoverable by reconstruction hinted at by the transcriptions used in early inscriptional Chamic

early-PC

and

a term used to designate

CEMP

but

1976; the numbers following 'Headley' identify specific words discussed in this work

Headley Highlands

(1906)

Headley Chamic

Rade,

Jarai,

Chru,

Nb.

Nonthaburi Malay

NR

Northern Roglai

PAn

Proto-Austronesian

PC

Proto-Chamic;

N.

and Tsat

Roglai,

the earliest

stage

reliably

recover?

able by reconstruction Phan Rang Cham

In this work, the Phan Rang Cham forms come largely from Moussay's dictionary, with the conse? quence that they are heavily influenced byWritten Cham?and

thus

at times,

modern

more

archaic

than

the

spoken forms. Cited modern spoken forms are specifically labeled as spoken forms.

PL

Pierre-Bernard

xv

Lafont

and Conventions

Abbreviations

XVI

PMK PMP

Proto-Mon-Khmer

in a table, it refers to an

Proto-Malayo-Polynesian; reconstruction

Austronesian

that

at

least

predates

Chamic; some of these forms do not reconstruct all the way back to PMP

PNB

Proto-North-Bahnaric

PR Cham

Phan Rang Cham

PSB

Proto-South-Bahnaric

register complex

register

a complex of features thatmay include length, pitch, and voice quality (phonation type) the

same

register

complex

register

a term used to designate includes

WMP

as

Roglai always refers toNorthern Roglai specifically otherwise noted

Roglai tense

(Smith 1972)

a tense-voiced

unless

the register complex

that

component

the

Western Malayo-Polynesian; specifically, PMP languages not in CEMP reconstructed borrowed

and

not

reconstructable

to PC

borrowed earlier than PC so reconstructable x/* 0

borrowed but not clear if it reconstructs indicates that the sound completely indicates

that

no

relevant

examples

to PC

to PC

disappeared have

been

found

(m) (n) -X

metathesis vowel reflex the result of nasalization are Apparent irregularities in the correspondences indicated by a hyphen followed a consonant indi? cating precisely what is irregular:

-v

=

-c

=

-f

=

-VR

=

-t

=

=

irregular

vowel,

irregular

consonant,

irregular final, irregular

vowel

irregular

tone,

register,

irregular nasalization, and so on. As the histori? cal phonology is better understood, at least some

Abbreviations

and Conventions

XVll

of these apparent irregularities should disappear, others will doubtless remain puzzles.

while subscribed dot

The dot subscribed under various voiceless

stops indicates that the following vowel is breathy, or behaves as if itwere in the so-called breathy voice. This orthographic convention makes the historical developments far, farmore transparent, because matches the transliteration found inMoussay

it

it allows for a straightfor? ward, largely phonetically transparent translitera? tion ofWestern Cham. (1971), and because

Wr. Cham

Written

Cham from Ay monier

and Cabaton

(1906)

From Ancient Cham toModern Dialects

1

Introduction

Beyond the no longer fully-understood deteriorating temples and an abundance of beautiful statuary, little now remains of the Champa civilization that once flourished along the coastal plains of central and southern Vietnam (Ciochon and James 1992:52-55). Almost a hundred temples along the coastline from Quang Tri in the north to Phan Rang in the south give silent testimony to a mostly-for? civilization of traders and artisans. Fragments of knowl? gotten, once-formidable edge of the past can still be retrieved, even from the crumpling remains of Tra ki?u in the north, the first political capital of the Champa civilization. Today, however, much of what is standing is no longer easily recognized, having been buildings. In a valley seventeen miles to the richer cluster of still upright buildings inMi-son, once a center of Hindu worship where today twenty of the roughly seventy temples built between the seventh and twelfth centuries AD still stand. Further south, is the site of Vijaya, the new capital built after Indrapura present-day Binh-dinh absorbed

into the walls

west of Tra-ki?u

of modern

is amuch

fell in 982. Here

there is another group of temples son, but on high places, possibly reflecting themore were built. And, still further south, near the modern Rang, are the important complex of temples called

built, not in a valley like Mi perilous times inwhich they

cities of Nha Trang and Phan Po Nagar, the spiritual center in the south. These ruins are the physical remains of the Champa civilization, which reached its zenith in the sixth or seventh century but has long since returned to obscurity. Traces of its history remain in these fading temples and record now inaccessible, as Ciochon and sites, their legacy in an archaeological James

wrote,

except

to trained

archaeologists

and

historians.

However, alongside the physical legacy embodied in these silent temples from the distant past stands an enormously rich, still-living legacy, the modern descendants of the Chamic language that was once the lingua franca of Champa. This rich linguistic record lives on in the Tsat spoken on Hainan, the Rade, Jarai, Haroi, Chru, and Roglai spoken in the southern Vietnam highlands, the Cham

1

2

Chapter

1

coast and the various Cham communities of Cam? spoken along the Vietnamese Acehnese of Sumatra?in all the Chamic languages. and in the north bodia, an The Chamic languages have incredibly rich story to tell, one thatmay ultimately prove more valuable to historians of language than the archaeological records will prove to archaeologists. Captured in the Chamic linguistic record is a luxurious complex of language changes, following a myriad of internal paths, and responding to a diverse array of influences from other languages, that is remarkable for both its richness and its clarity. The Chamic linguistic record has much to tell us about the history of the Chamic languages and about the nature of historical

change and the role of contact in that change. The use of 'Cham' in title of the book From Ancient Cham

toModern

Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change reflects an inter? between its earlier usage and itsmodern usage. As back as a thousand years play ago and probably earlier, Cham was used as a general term for all the Chamic

Dialects:

of Vietnam. It is reflected, not just in the name of the kingdom, + pa), but also in the Chinese dynastic records. For example, the Champa (Cham History of the Song Dynasty (960-1279) records that, in 986, some Cham arrived in Hainan from Zhancheng (Zheng 1986:37). Zhancheng (etymologically, Zhan speaking peoples

'Cham' + cheng 'city') refers to Champa, with Zhan having subsequently under? gone various sound changes within the history of Chinese. The form Zhan in the dynastic

source

matches

the

phonetics

of

the

language

name

Tsat

(etymologi?

cally from Cham *cam) used by the Utsat people of Hainan (U 'people' + Tsat 'Cham', that is 'Cham people') perfectly. Other Chamic language names also appear to have at one time included Cham as part of the name. The Phan Rang Cham traditions refer to four different peoples with Cham as a component of their name (Goschnick 1977:106): the Cham Raglai (the Roglai; from ra 'people' + glai 'forest'), the Cham Jarai (the Jarai), the Cham Kur (Cham + k?r 'Khmer', theWestern Cham of Cambodia and Southern Vietnam), and the Cham Ro (from Cham + ro 'remnant'). Goschnick very tentatively associates the term Cham Ro with the Haroi, but the match is far better with the Chru (from Cham + ro); it is clear from its syllable structure that Chru is the reduction of two morphemes and Cham Ro is a perfect etymological fit. As for the Haroi, it is quite likely that their name comes from the MK name Hr?, particularly in light of some of the other variants of Haroi including Hroi and so on. However, an alternate designation of the Haroi is the Bahnar Cham. That leaves only the Rade for which I have not yet found a variant that includes Cham. To return to the main point, Cham was once used widely to refer to the various groups of Chamic-speaking people. 1.

It is likely that the designation 'forest people' was applied at different times to more than one group of Chamic speakers. It cannot be automatically assumed that all dialects designated Roglai are dialects of the same language.

3

Introduction

From Ancient Cham to modern dialects: Two Thousand Years of Lan? and Change is a preliminary reading of that linguistic record. It Contact guage reconstructs an early stage of Chamic as the foundation for tracing the develop? ments of Chamic from itsAustronesian forebears through early Chamic down to itsmodern descendants, sketching the internal developments, noting the nature of external contact, and examining the role played by each in the nature and direc? tion of change. In the Chamic languages is hidden a rich storehouse of knowl? edge, not just about the Chams and the history of the region, but also about the interaction of language change and language contact: about external contact and internal change, about the origins of register complexes from systems without such complexes, the convergence

about the origins of tones from nontonal languages, and about of languages in a new linguistic area. Not to be ignored is the potential Chamic contribution to the unraveling of various puzzles about linguistic and non-linguistic history. Cham is the earliest attested Austronesian

1975:53) dates language. Coed?s (1939, cited inMarrison the inscription found at Tra-ki?u near the old Cham capital of Indrapura (Amara vati) from the middle of the fourth century, noting that this inscription is "le plus

ancien

texte,

"...the

oldest

actuelle text,

connu, presently

?crit known,

dans

un

written

dialecte

that

malayo-polyn?sien",

in aMalayo-Polynesian

is,

dialect".

The Cham

inscription is older by three centuries than the "Old Malay" of inscriptions Srivijaya in southeastern Sumatra. The text itself, associated with a well near Indrapura, the old northern capital, is short but linguistically reveal? ing,

as Marrison

notes.

yang naga puny a putauv. Ya ur?ng sep?y di ko, kurun ko jem? labuh nari svarggah. Ya ur?ng paribh? di ko, kurun saribu thun davam di naraka, dengan tijuh kulo ko. Siddham!

Ni

fortune!

this YANG serpent possess king. YA person respect DI him, for him jewels fall from heaven. YA person insult DI him, for one-thou? sand year remain DI hell, with seven family he. Fortune! This

is the divine serpent of the king. Whoever respects him, for him jewels fall from heaven. Whoever insults him, he will remain for a thousand years in hell, with seven generations of his family. (Marrison

1975:53) Marrison

(1975:53) observes that the language of the text is not that far from in its grammar and its vocabulary. The similarities to Cham or Malay modern Malay and modern Cham grammar are evident in the yang and ya rela modern

4

1

Chapter

tive markers, of

syntax

both found in Cham,

the

sentence

equative

in the dengan

Ni

yang

'with' and di

punya

n?ga

'locative', 'This

putauv

the

one

in the pos?

sessed by the king', in the use of punya as a genitive, and so on Hindu influence a frequently used invocation of for? is evident in the Sanskrit terms usiddham ? ?

tune;

n?ga

aka?

?

or dragon;

serpent

heaven,

svarggah

? paribhu

to

insult,

nar

and kulo ?

is of the remaining vocabulary family". Most as the Chamic. from earliest the oldest And, times, transparently Malayo-Polyne sian text shows by the presence of Hindu terminology and its Indie script, contact has played a significant role in Chamic. hell,

the major focus of this study is on the history of language con? Although tact and change, the bulk of its work revolves around historical reconstruction of (PC) and to the problems inherent in trying to reconstruct it, since proto-Chamic a historical

reconstruction

is necessary

for

recognizing,

and

unraveling,

interpret?

ing historical language contact. Without a reconstruction, it is often not possible to differentiate between similarities that are genetically-inherited and those that are contact-induced.

driven by concern with understanding the prior history of Chamic language contact, the attempt has been made throughout this work to identify and to determine, where possible, when individual loans were incorporated into Chamic. There has been a consistent concern with differentiat? However,

ing loans that predate the formation PC.

These

sources intensity.

are

loans and

the

Even

chronology more

about the historical

Chamic

an

source

of

important,

contact, these

contact between

convergence

of PC and loans that postdate

important

with

but loans

of

information,

not

also

sometimes

about

are

the peoples

Southeast

a crucial

source

the breakup of about

just

its nature of

the and

information

involved.

Asia

languages have only begun to reveal what they can about the history of the peoples of this area but certainly even this modest study as valuable as the reveals some important historical relationships. Nonetheless,

Without

doubt

the Chamic

considerations may be, the greatest value of the Chamic data may non-linguistic lie in the insights that Chamic gives us into the effects of language contact on lan? guage change. As Eric Oey wrote (n.d.:l), the "closer study of the Chamic lan? guages within their historical context offers an unparalleled opportunity understand the nature of mainland Southeast Asian areal influences

to better that the

Chamic languages have undergone together with many of their non-PMP [Proto Malayo-Polynesian] neighbors." More recently, Solnit (1993:109) wrote express? a similar view the Chamic developments: of ing "Clearly Chamic provides multi? of the of Southeast Asian areal features ple examples spread including tonality, and glottalized consonants, none of which are other? monosyllabicity, wise characteristic of Austronesian. Its linguistic neighbors, from which the fea

5

Introduction

tures

are

spread,

are

all Mon-Khmer:

Bahnaric,

Katuic,

Khmer."

Viet-Muong,

insular PMP lan? is available concerning Indeed, because so much evidence us with crucial informa? guages, the Chamic languages of the mainland provide tion about linguistic contact and adaptation to a new linguistic area. 2000 years ago, when theAustronesian-speaking traders, artisans, on were the of Southeast to mainland become Chamic arrived and seafarers that Asia, the language they spoke was disyllabic, nontonal, and nonregistral. Just as importantly they had not had contact with the languages of themainland for some About

four

thousand

years?recurrent,

sian speakers having

constantly

reached

self-renewing

about

myths

the islands through the Malay

Austrone?

notwith?

peninsula

standing.

linguistic record attests to the relatively "recent" arrival of Chamic in the immediate predecessor of all themodern Vietnam: proto-Chamic, speakers Chamic languages is a single unitary language, still quite close to its daughter The

languages, with an obviously short time depth. If there is a single, linguistically obvious, uncontroversial conclusion that can be drawn from the reconstruction of it is that, despite the incessant uninformed statements to the con? proto-Chamic, that the Chamic trary, the linguistic evidence alone establishes unequivocally speakers from the speakers of Vietnam represent an incursion of Austronesian on not remnants the mainland from the the of Austronesian left islands, speakers some initial expansion of Austronesian six or eight speakers out into the Pacific thousand years ago. That the Chamic speakers are recent arrivals on themainland is established beyond question by the linguistically-unitary, quite tight-knit, rather

easily-reconstructed

nature

of

PC.

Chamic

has

absolutely

none

of

the

diversity nor any of the time-depth associated with an older primary branch of a language family and all of the characteristics of a recently-arrived, dialectally unified immigrant group. In the last 2000 years, the Chamic languages of Vietnam have undergone in the canonical shape of their words, major changes in their

radical restructuring consonantal

and

vocalic

phonological

basic structure of their phonological

inventories,

and,

in some

cases,

even

in the

systems.

THE GENERAL TENDENCIES:A BROAD OVERVIEW return to the mainland by a pre-Chamic Austronesian language that was almost certainly disyllabic and atonal has provided us with an unusually clear and external contact. picture of the interaction between internal developments

The

Despite the essentially identical starting point provided by PC, the histories of the in the subsequent paths individual languages differed, although only moderately,

6 Chapter

1

of internal change and differed often radically in the nature of the resulting pho? nological system. The crucial cause of these differences in the internal path fol? lowed and in the ultimate phonological system attained was the differences in the contact situation, specifically, the differences in the phonological models encoun? tered through contact. This exposure to new phonological systems?through to a significant degree which of the myriad of available paths of change a given Chamic language actually took. External con? tacts supplied the new models for phonological restructuring and thus gave direc?

external

contact?determined

tionality

to the changes

not

others,

by selectively

some phonological

making

features, but

salient.

Among the general tendencies arising from contact with the languages of the Southeast Asian mainland, beginning with the registral Mon-Khmer (MK) (Min), are the languages and continuing with the tonal Vietnam and Hainanese following: that is, > iambic > monosyllabic

increasing monophthongization, the movement from disyllabic

adjustments in vowel and consonant inventories, the addition of glottalized consonants the proliferation of vowel contrasts the merger

and

ultimate

loss

that is,

of finals

the loss of voicing distinctions among the obstruents radical changes in the phonological systems, that is, the development of register complexes and then tone systems All of these represent areal tendencies in Southeast Asia and, in the Chamic data, all of them represent directions of linguistic "drift" adapted under the influence of contact with

Previous

languages already containing

work

on Chamic

In order to distinguish larities, it isminimally case, some of what paucity of extensive torical reconstruction

the features in question.

reconstruction

simi? and historically-inherited to In have of this necessary language history. knowledge is needed can be found in older texts, but given the relative early texts this also means that it is imperative to have a his? between

contact-induced

of PC. In the case of Chamic, we are dealing not with contact but with a series of contact situations stretching over situation gle period of time. And, given the limitations of the written records, it would possible to discuss the contact in any meaningful way without a historical struction: on a non-trivial

but simple

level, it would

neither be possible

a sin? a long not be recon?

to accu

7

Introduction

alone begin to stratify them accurately as to when rately identify the loans?let and where they were borrowed, nor would it be possible to subgroup the dialects and thus determine what changes correlate with changes in the contact patterns. Thus, a reconstruction of Chamic is crucial to the unraveling the layers of histor? ical

contact.

affil? Although a number of earlier scholars recognized theAustronesian iations of Chamic, or at least Cham, the earliest actual lexical reconstructions of were those of Lee (1966) in his doctoral dissertation. A little earlier, some of the sound correspondences between proto-Malayo-Polynesian and Cham had already been set out by Doris Blood (1962) in her concise and still useful in Cham" Dyen (1971), often referring to "Reflexes of Proto-Malayo-Polynesian

Chamic

(and to Thomas

Blood

the correspondences between (1963)) also discussed and Chamic. Within Chamic itself, using data supplied proto-Malayo-Polynesian by Pastor Pham Xuan Tin, Dorothy Thomas (1963) laid out some of the internal in her insightful "Proto-Malayo-Polynesian reflexes in Rade, correspondences

Jarai, and Chru". Lee's 1966 work followed. Then, Burnham (1976) incorporated Haroi data into the reconstructions, while modifying and improving a number of in his work "The place of Haroi in the Chamic languages" Lee's reconstructions (sometimes citing personal communication with Lee). In a general sense, Lee's 1966 dissertation, as modified by Burnham 1976, still remains the basic framework for the PC historical reconstructions. Lee's dissertation contains 700 plus lexical reconstructions accompanied by pre? inventories

liminary occasional

of the PC consonant or addition

modification

of

several

and vowel forms

systems. Aside

here

or

there

from the

by Lee,

Burn?

ham, or others (cf. Durie 1990a), these reconstructions have remained essentially unaltered until now, simply because so little has been done in the meantime on Chamic

reconstruction.

Increases

in the database

since Lee 1966

1966, our knowledge of the mainland Chamic languages has increased significantly, and much of this has been incorporated into these reconstructions. Lee basically used four mainland languages: N. Roglai, Rade, Jarai, and Phan Since Lee

Rang Cham. The data base for this work not only includes additional sources for Lee's four languages but has been expanded to include another four mainland lan? guages: Haroi (Burnham 1976), Chru, Western Cham, and Written Chamic as well

as Tsat,

spoken

on Hainan,

and Acehnese,

spoken

in northern

Sumatra.

The

addition of Haroi, Chru, and Western Cham resulted in minor adjustments here and there, but little more. Further, although the additional use ofWritten Chamic forms was sometimes valuable for its occasional preservation of an older form,

Chapter

8

aside from certain insights in the

advances

into the older vowel

system,

1

it has led to only minor

reconstructions.

a language whose significant was the inclusion of Acehnese, as as was seen Niemann 1891. with Cham early Subsequent scholars by affinity as such the issue affiliation of its Cowan, Shorto, Durie and others examining Far more

similar conclusions. The argument for this position will be for reconstruction comes later in this work. The significance of Acehnese from its early departure from the mainland, which sometimes enabled it to retain archaic features that bear significantly upon PC reconstruction but which have

have also reached made

inAustronesian

Increases

left behind on the mainland.

from the dialect continuum

disappeared

A second area where

material

comparative

our knowledge

has increased

is in the availability of reli? and PMP reconstructions. Far more is able, accessible proto-Austronesian (PAn) readily available to the comparativist now than was available in the late 1960s and and the early 1970s, leading to modifications of our PC reconstructions our to MK between PC material and bor? differentiate native ability increasing rowings, an area that is difficult but in which important progress has been made. This work

PMP

has benefited of Blust

reconstructions to

laar. Access

clear,

internally

and

greatly to

from having

the proto-Malayic

consistent

access

to the extensive of Ade?

reconstructions

reconstructions

of

PMP

and

proto

fit how prospective PC reconstructions the higher order reconstructions of Austronesian (An), specifically with PMP (based on Blust's dictionary files (1990-1995) and personal communication with Blust) and proto-Malayic (1988, 1992) and personal (based on Adelaar

Malayic in with

has made

it possible

to examine

communication).

In particular, the presence of a large body of reliable PMP reconstruc? to be done on both a bottom-up and a tions allows the Chamic reconstructions top-down

basis.

Here,

the

term

bottom-up

refers

in comparative work and requires no explication. less common and does require comment. This

to the more

common

procedure

The term top-down, however, is term was apparently introduced

into Austronesian comparative literature by Blust (1972:1), who was discussing from the top down". Certainly, this top-down what he termed "reconstruction refers to by the term reconstruction is what Anttila (1972:346) explicitly "inverted reconstructions", which in reference to Chamic would simply mean within Chamic are not that the interpretations of the sound correspondences based solely on the data within Chamic itself but are also based on our knowl? is of edge of higher-level PMP reconstructions. This use of an outside witness particular value when

there is no obvious directionality

to a sound change,

that is,

9

Introduction

in those cases when a sound change could have gone either way, the ability to use PMP reconstructions as a check often makes the direction of the change clear, it obvious which of the alternatives within Chamic represents the thus making older

stage.

The availability of these MK and Austronesian sources, when used along our the PC of with correspondence patterns, often makes it possi? understanding ble to not just identify loans but frequently to determine whether the loan pre? the dates or post-dates the breakup of PC. Beyond the expanded database?even the major impetus behind the adjustments in invaluable inclusion of Acehnese, the reconstruction of PC comes from the greatly improved ability to identify loanwords.

invaluable source that remains only there is one potentially earlier records of inscriptional Chamic. The more that we partially tapped?the know about the earlier inscriptions, the further back that we will be able to push However,

The value of these older inscriptions is greatly increased itself was a dialect continuum?a the fact that Chamic early string of related by a coast there is As and interacting dialects along the of Vietnam. consequence, every reason to believe that there were Post-PC changes that affected all the the PC reconstructions.

members stage

of the dialect continuum, with

was

lost

everywhere.

Thus,

the result that the evidence

we

when

reconstruct

PC,

in reality,

of an earlier what

we

are

is not the earliest stage of Chamic but a somewhat later stage. reconstructing What evidence we have of the earlier stages is, in part, provided by Acehnese, which dropped out of the dialect chain, when it left themainland, thus saving evi? dence

of

earlier

stages,

and,

in part,

by

the

inscriptional

evidence,

which

should

fill in some of the gaps.

Borrowings:

their identification

and interpretation

In order to analyze PC, it is essential to identify borrowings. The reason is that the Chamic languages have been in intimate contact with MK languages for about two thousand years and during that time have borrowed extensively from them. Without to reconstruct

identifying the various layers of borrowings, it is neither possible the history of the Chamic contact with MK nor to reconstruct

itself. Fortunately, it is usually possible, not just to identify borrowed items, but also to determine their relative chronology. The problem of detecting borrowings is complicated by the existence of

Chamic

borrowing between Chamic speakers and theMK groups with which they had contact. Thus, as David Blood points out (p.c.), there are numerous Cham loans in Chrau, as the Chrau were dominated by the Chams, so the existence of a

mutual

form in Chrau does not authenticate

it as originally MK. He adds thatMnong

evi

10

1

Chapter

is also suspect, as the central and eastern Mnongs have been under heavy Rade dominance and Bahnar evidence is also suspect because of heavy mutual cultural interaction with the Jarai. Hr? evidence is similarly suspect because of dence

heavy interaction with the Haroi, as is at least some Katu evidence, as the Katu have clearly borrowed extensively from Haroi (G?rard Diffloth, p.c.). it is likely that individual MK languages are largely free from Although Chamic

(David Thomas suggests Koho, Stieng, Rengao, Jeh, and borrowings this work has tended to identify loans, not on the basis of any Bahnaric), an on evaluation of the overall evidence: the degree of regularity single factor, but

West

of the Chamic Austronesian able

sound correspondences, etymology, the existence

reconstructions

of

various

MK

the existence

or non-existence

or non-existence subgroups,

and

of a good of the form in the avail?

so on.

In particular,

among

sources, the existence of a form in Bahnar ismuch weaker evidence of its MK in origin, than for example, its existence in Thomas' (Prachacakij being karacak 1995) West Bahnaric reconstructions, H. Blood's (1967, 1968, 1974) theMK

reconstructions

proto-Mnong

in many

(which,

cases,

are

often

proto

actually

as he draws heavily on Koho, Stieng, and Chrau (David Thomas, Efimov's reconstructions (1987) proto-South-Bahnaric p.c.)), (from the Gage translation of Efimov's wordlist), and Smith's (1972) proto-North Bahnaric. The South-Bahnaric

of a form in several MK

existence

subgroups, of course, is still stronger evidence. single work for the identification of MK borrowings (1976), who focused on the potential MK borrowings in Lee's Chamic

The most isHeadley reconstructions.

He

valuable

estimated

that

10%

of Lee's

reconstructions

were

MK

bor?

a number

that now appears to be on the low side. Headley listed those rowings, forms he thought might be borrowings, either from MK or, in a small number of cases, from elsewhere; inmost cases, based on his familiarity with MK, Headley identified particular Chamic items as potentially borrowed from MK. In all but a few cases, subsequent research has borne out his suspicions. Looking at his iden? tification from a Chamic perspective, some of Headley's putative borrowings dis? within Chamic, play irregular correspondences inherited An forms, and some exist both inMK

some have sounds not found

in

but have no history one or more branches in

and Chamic

inAn. Further, some have been reconstructed of MK (see sources listed in the paragraph above). In fact, further investigation has fully confirmed most of the identifications. In addition to those, other forms also reconstructed for PC by Lee (1966) and by Burnham (1976) have also turned elsewhere

out to be MK The

borrowings. identification

layer of MK (and, occasionally, has had several other) borrowings consequences. First, and in a sense most important, is the realization of how extensive and how intimate theMK con? tact was. The second consequence is that the identification of these as borrowings in Chamic

of the extensive

11

Introduction has led to a reassessment

of the consonant

by Lee (and, by Burnham). The bases for the identification

and vowel

inventories

reconstructed

of certain words as loans needs to be dis?

cussed, particularly as the strength of the supporting evidence may vary consider? ably from case to case. Itwould be, of course, possible to simply assume that all are native words unless there is overwhelming, irrefutable evidence that are a of the source. In the identification including precise they borrowings, stance it would this make theoretical Chamic context, quite impossible to effec? tively distinguish between inherited An forms and borrowed MK forms, leading to the reconstruction of a PC that contained a large number of post-Chamic MK

words

loans. Thus, a less dogmatic, more pragmatic approach to loan identification has been taken: if the sum of the evidence, taken as a whole, suggests that the word is more likely a borrowing than an inherited form, then it is treated as such; if the bulk of the evidence In actual

suggests that it is native, then it is treated as native. fact, few of the words are problematic. Certain words

are

loans. For example, if a form which occurs in Chamic is also unquestionably found reconstructed in one or more of theMK subgroups thus far reconstructed for Vietnam, that is, if it occurs in one or more of Smith's proto-North-Bahnaric, Blood's

Efimov's

proto-Mnong,

a preliminary

or Peiros'

proto-South-Bahnaric,

proto-Katuic?

of PKatuic, then from a Chamic viewpoint it is loan, with the regularity of the intra-Chamic correspondence patterns determining whether it reconstructs to the PC stage or whether it was borrowed after the reconstruction

breakup of PC. Further support is often provided by the failure of such forms to occur in An languages outside of Chamic, although occasionally such a form may have a cognate inMalay. an identified MK donor language itmay

Even without reliably

which

designate

a form

as

lack AN etymologies

structions

only occur

available

but

which

a

loan.

For

and which contain

in borrowed words. Aside

instance,

there

are

still be possible a number

do not show up in any of theMK "loan

phonemes",

that

is,

sounds

from the handful of An words

to

of words

recon? which

that have

developed implosives under very specific conditions, forms with implosives can usually be designated as loans. Similarly, as is established later in this work, cer? tain PC words contain vowels which only occur inMK borrowings; these too are as borrowings. In other cases, it is not the presence of an unexpected sound that identi? fies the word as a loan but instead the existence of marked irregularities in the correspondence patterns; for instance, if the initial and the vowel are irregular in

marked

several languages and the word does not appear to exist inAn outside of Chamic, are quite irregular within it is a likely loan. Similarly, if the correspondences mainland Chamic, the word does not seem to exist inAn outside of Chamic, and

12

1

Chapter

the form apparently does not occur inAcehnese, it is likely a post- PC loan that post-dates not just the breakup of Chamic but also themovement of theAcehnese to Sumatra.

case

The

of

would,

course,

become

even

more

convincing

with

the

discovery of a likely MK source for the loan, but even without such a source, the bulk of the available evidence suggests such forms are loans, not inherited forms. Certain

are

words

native

unquestionably

An.

Certain

forms

reconstruct

back to PMP or even back to PAn. The PAn and PMP forms cited in this work (unless otherwise noted) come exclusively from Blust's published work (or, per? it is obvious even on the basis of my own limited personal sonal communication); the various PMP forms found floating around in the lit? that of many "expertise" erature are unreliable. Not

surprisingly, the PMP forms with PC reflexes have PC that show the forms are inherited, not borrowed.

correspondences Other forms for which we have limited documentation

seem to be inher?

ited, at least at the PC level. Some forms occur outside Chamic, for instance, in Malay, and pattern quite regularly within Chamic, but do not seem to reconstruct to PMP. These are treated as inherited, at least from the Chamic perspective, a for the analyses in this work, as decision without any significant consequences this pattern regularly and there is no evidence of borrowing. Within a the Acehnese sometimes into context, present particular Malay borrowings problem, as not only was there a long period of mutual interaction between the the words

Acehnese

and

the Malay,

but

also

some

of

the borrowings

may

not

be

readily

dis?

from inherited material.

tinguishable In practice, of course, a specific word might be difficult to evaluate. Usu? the ally problem revolves around the lack of information about its wider distribu? tion, particularly its wider distribution in theMK languages. For AN, Blust's files and his comparative dictionary (in progress) are extensive enough to provide a reasonably accurate estimate about a particular word's distribution in AN as a if a form does not occur in either Smith (1972), in Blood (1967, 1968, 1974), in Efimov (1987), in Thomas (Prachacakij-karacak 1995) or in Peiros (1996), it is difficult to tell if the gap is fortuitous or meaningful. That

whole;

however,

forMK

is, there is no obvious way for me to determine if the word is likely to be a native MK etymon or not. A particular area of indeterminacy involves words found in Bahnar and one or more Chamic languages but not in any of theMK reconstruc? tions; since Bahnar has borrowed numerous Chamic words, without more evi? dence it is unclear what the direction of the borrowing was. Nonetheless, despite the existence of countless potential areas of diffi? culty in the identification of loans, the actual task is usually not problematic with the overall level of reliability quite high. Discussions of the status of particular words

are scattered

the designations.

throughout

this work,

as are discussions

of the evidence

for

13

Introduction

Finally, post-PC

it is important to distinguish Thus,

borrowings.

if the

intra-Chamic

between

pre-PC borrowings

correspondence

patterns

are

and regu?

lar, the loan predates the breakup of PC. In such cases, the word ismarked by the to PC, while at the same time also asterisk as reconstructing accompanying x to indicate that, although it reconstructs to PC, it is nonetheless an marked with early pre-Chamic borrowing from MK, e.g., x*?arj 'hole; door' was borrowed from MK before the PC stage. On the other hand, if the intra-Chamic correspon? are irregular, the form was borrowed after the breakup of PC. In these x cases, the form is simply labelled with indicating it is a borrowing, one that 'crossbow' is a post-PC borrowing from formation of the PC, e.g. xsrap postdates

dences

MK.

The degree

of adjustment

the late MK loans, the improved identification of loans?particularly to occasional due the inclusion of Acehnese, expanded data base?particularly reconstruc? in the of earlier and the increased adjustments availability analyses, a clearer picture of the language that tions of PMP and proto-Malayic?providing

The

PC evolved out of, all have resulted in the accumulative modification of countless details: roughly 60% of the specific lexical reconstructions differ in minor or major ways from the reconstructions found in Lee (1966). This accretion of small changes combined with the identification of the bulk of the post-PC MK loans has

resulted

in revisions

in the PC

vowel

and

consonant

inventories

(with

the

spe?

cific details found scattered throughout this work). Nonetheless, despite the large number of smaller changes, Lee's pioneering work still remains the framework for

these

reconstructions.

2

The

Geographical

and

Historical

Setting

The history of Chamic linguistic contact needs to be placed cal and geographical context.

in a broader histori?

THE GEOGRAPHICAL SETTING The geographical setting has played its part in the history of the Chamic-speak ing people. Vietnam is readily divided into the highlands formed by the Annamite Cordillera and an often quite narrow strip of land that runs along the coastline, with the north-south coastline itself being cut up into segments by the various riv? ers that flow eastward into the South China Sea. Thus, these rivers, which pro? vided good harbors, carved the geographical configuration around which various riverine political entities developed. The rivers contained the harbors, with the surrounding coastal strips integrated as rice growing areas, and the highland areas were more loosely integrated into the coastal political entities as sources of high? In the lands forest products, often as important for trade as for consumption. there were frequent power struggles between the political units that in the various river basins, first between Funan and Champa and later, developed after the decline of Funan, between the various riverine entities within Champa itself, with frequent shifts in power as one or the other river-mouth harbors rose early years,

to ascendancy (cf. K. R. Hall, 1985). Later, the Vietnamese would move south along the coast, settling in the areas most suited to wet rice irrigation; this move? ment naturally forced the Chams away from the coastal strip up into the high? lands.

14

and Historical

Geographical

15

Setting

settlements existed in coastal areas because of the harbors, Austronesian the first major harbor being at Oc-eo, the port city of Funan (see "Chamic settlement elsewhere, other history" on page 17). As is typical of Austronesian

with

later settlements were

scattered along the narrow belt of land along the coast, typ? to mouths. As part of the trading network, trading posts were close river ically also established in various places, including the southeast part of Hainan island, where some of the northern Cham would flee in 986, with a second migration fol? in 1486, and in parts of Cambodia. During most of its history and cer? tainly during its ascendancy, Champa remained coastal. And, despite the fact that the MK speakers are now largely found in the highland areas, it was in and lowing

that the initial, intense contact between Aus? tronesian speakers and MK speakers occurred. However, first after the loss of the northern capital in 982 and then again after 1471 when the Vietnamese moved around these coastal communities

down along the narrow coastal plain, Chamic lands, while still remaining in contact with MK

Chamic

speakers retreated

into the high?

speakers.

prehistory

observes, Southeast Asian prehistory has often been Key es (1995:182) divided into periods named after sites found in northern Vietnam: the Hoa-binh,

As

the Bac-son,

and

the Dong-son

cultures.

However,

the Chamic

speakers

are

only

and instead are asso?

marginally associated with the Dong-son cultural complex, ciated with a fourth complex, the Sa Huynh culture of southern Vietnam. In Bellwood's summary of the Sa Huynh culture (1985:275-279ff; sites Bellwood

the

mentions

have been indicated in Figure 1), he writes that the sites stretch from Hue and Da Nang in the north, to the type site Sa Huynh near the central Vietnam coastline, and then southwards to the Mekong Delta. Bellwood (1985:278) reports that the carbon dates from Phu Hoa and Hang Gon suggest an overall date range for the Sa Huynh culture between 600 BC and 0, but he goes on to say that the assemblages continue well into the middle of the first millen? nium, making the first part contemporary with the Funan civilization and the later with the early Champa civilization. Bellwood (1985:276) associates the Sa Huynh culture with the Chamic settlers from the islands. The Sa Huynh burial jars have close parallels in the Early Metal phase jars in the Philippines, northern Borneo, and the Celebes Sea region of northern Indonesia. The dates at Niah and Tab?n forjar burial go back as early as the end of the second millennium BC, suggesting that the practice in predates the practice in Sa Huynh. Bellwood dismisses sugges? tions that the stone burial jars of the Sa Huynh should instead be associated with similar practices in northern Laos. Other parallels are found in the "almost identi

northern Borneo

16

Chapter

2

cal knobbed pennanular stone earrings (the so-called 'lingling-o'), and of a spe? cial kind of earring or pendant with two animals heads (presumably deer), in a number of sites inVietnam, Palawan and Sarawak". Figure

1: The Sa Huynh

culture

Red River

+ Bac-son

Son "JxDong +1 Lang Vac a

Key: Site

Hainan

Hue +

>+^>aNang

South China Sea

+ S Sa Huynh

+y^ Q vn+ Oc-eo

(Funan) I

PhuHoa lang Gon

Mekong

The Sa Huynh sites reflect the Austronesian-speaking group that settled on the coast of Vietnam from an earlier homeland in perhaps Malaya or, more likely, Borneo, sometime before 600 BC, although even earlier dates are now It was some of these Austronesian archaeologists. being reported by Vietnamese contact with the MK people then living after extended speaking people who, along the coast, would become the speakers of Chamic.

and Historical

Geographical

17

Setting

records are supplemented the archaeological salvaged through historical reconstruction, which

Here record,

by the linguistic indicates that this

con? period included intense, intimate, assimilative linguistic and non-linguistic tact between the pre-Chamic Austronesian-speaking and MK-speaking people peoples, as evidenced from the massive incorporation of loan words (including pronouns, basic length

the

structure,

contrasts,

and so on), the restructuring

terms, basic vocabulary,

kinship

word

and

of

incorporation

new

consonants,

new

of the vowel

vowels,

so on.

CHAMIC HISTORY must have immediately Hall (1955; 1981) and Blust brought speakers. coast (1992a) argue that the first contact was probably not along the Vietnamese at the South China but rather the Gulf of Funan, Thailand, Sea, facing facing around 500 BC, or perhaps even earlier?at the site at Oc-eo, the port city of Funan. By the middle of the sixth century, Funan had been conquered by the

The first Austronesian them

incursions

onto

the mainland

into contact with MK

Khmers, but both Hall (1955:23; 1981:25) and Blust (1992a:50) suggest that ear? lier Funan was Austronesian speaking. In the first edition of his 1955 history of Southeast Asia, Hall asserted that the Funanese were Malays (1955:23, cited in Blust (1992a:50)), a position that he repeated some twenty-five years later, when he wrote writes

that the "Funanese were of Malay race, and still in the tribal state (1981:25). Blust, citing Hall (1955) with approval, points

at the dawn of history" out that (1992a:50):

The fall of Funan probably has a special significance for understanding the history of AN [An] languages on the Southeast Asian mainland. If Funan

was

AN-speaking,

in the early

centuries

of

the Christian

era

a sin?

gle dialect chain would have extended almost unbroken from the south? ern tip of theMalay Peninsula to Champa. The expansion of the Khmers into the region of theMekong delta would then have divided an earlier language continuum

into two separate and smaller dialect chains,...

question of whether or not Funan was originally Austronesian speaking aside, it is likely that the long period of contact between Austronesian and MK speakers began at Funan. If so, this would further suggest that the initial language contact was not with the more northerly Bahnaric but rather more groups; and, even ifHall and Blust are not correct, the first southerly Mon-Khmer The

intense contact also began at Funan. In any case, one would certainly still specu? late that there was a string of trading posts down along the coast, stretching as far

2

Chapter

18

south as the eastern coast of modern Malaysia

which were dominated

by Austro?

traders.

nesian-speaking

Without records of the actual language spoken, the evidence for Funan the available Austronesian being speaking remains circumstantial. Nonetheless, Chinese descriptions record at least an Austronesian presence in Funan and along the coast to the south. K. R. Hall (1985:38) notes that, in 240, K'ang T'ai, aWu envoy to Funan, reported to the emperor that Funan's authority reached from the lower Mekong Delta to the upper Malay Peninsula, a stretch coterminous with what was almost assuredly a string of Austronesian speaking trading colonies. In the Southern Ch'i history, the Funan of Jayavarman, the great king who died in is described (D. G. E. Hall 1981:33) as a community of seafaring people, "carrying on both trade and piracy, and constantly preying on their neighbours", a

514,

picture that would just as accurately describe the neighboring Chams. To extend to the people of Funan, they were "a Durie's characterization of the Acehnese people of the coastal margins, engaged in fishing the sea, in wet rice cultivation of their preferred homelands, in maritime trade (and sometimes piracy)..." are a of very Malay-like (1996:114). That is, the descriptions people. The archaeological record also suggests what Hall interprets as an Aus? remains tronesian connection. K. R. Hall (1985:40) describes the archaeological at Oc-eo as showing that "the coast was occupied in the early first century AD by Malay fishing and hunting groups". This interpretation is based on the conclusion Sa Huynh culture both show the influence of Borneo not it is clear that the influence is from the same region of people, although evidence from Borneo Borneo. K. R. Hall (1985:40) writes that archaeological that Funan and the Chamic

from

the presumed

on the west known

as

site

of Yeh-po'-t'i,

coast of Borneo, and which

y?pas"

which

an ancient

trade

notably

included

"substantiate

a Borneo

port

to have

believed

"carved sacrificial

cultural

link

to Funan".

than

logical evidence. extension

of

one

the an earlier

exists

however,

explanation,

If, as speculated

by Hall

and Blust,

Austronesian-speaking

to account

for

the

the Cham were

Funanese

kingdom,

posts Else?

Sa Huynh

(1985:276) has suggested that aspects of the Chamic culture show links with northern Borneo culture.

where Bellwood

More

been

archaeo?

simply an these

con?

nections receive a simple explanation. First, however, it is not clear that the Borneo influences on Funan and on the Sa Huynh cultures were the same, leaving the possibility we talking about more than one group of people. And, second, the establishment

of a Borneo

does not automatically make it with Aus? It seems evident to Adelaar and to myself that many

connection

people. tronesian-speaking of the now Austronesian languages on Borneo would

associate with a language shift from MK

substratum, one that I toAustronesian.

show aMK

and Historical

Geographical

Setting

19

The historical

records provide several types of evidence that indicate that the people of Funan were the same people found in neighboring Champa, but this leaves open the possibility that the people themselves were MK speaking. For instance, there is a fifth-century Chinese report of a Funan prince who fled to that is, Champa, and eventually became king of the Chams (K. R. Hall, 1985:71). However, it is easy to read too much into this since the later history of Champa is dominated by intense contact and extensive cooperation between MK Lin-yi,

and Austronesian

speakers. For instance, to paraphrase K. R. Hall (1985:178), the Chinese envoys who visited Funan in the 240s reported that around 220 the Chams and the Funanese were making joint naval raids and land attacks against the Red River Delta

region. Thus, these frequent reports of joint Funanese and ventures Cham raiding only argue for mutual cooperation. It is important to point out both that there was also frequent tension not just between Funan and Champa but also between the various coastal centers within Champa itself. As K. R. Hall (1985:178) writes, "... the Cham realm's early history was characterized by shifting alliances among regional centers that were

at the river mouths of the Cham coast..." Changing power were at the root of this factionalism. Funan's power base was mostly relationships solid when trade routes were either overland or at least followed the coastline concentrated

allowed more closely. As better sailing techniques and improved knowledge direct routes to be taken to China, the geographical position of Funan ceased to be an advantage and instead became a deterrent, with the bulk of the international trade

to Champa

shifting

worked

themselves

out,

the

along some

tension

eastern

coast

between

of Vietnam.

Funan

and

As

Champa

these was

shifts inevita?

ble. By the end of the sixth century, however, the changes in trading routes left Funan a commercial backwater, as virtually all international trade shifted to the ports

along

Funanese

the Vietnamese

coast.

In part

as

a

reaction

to

these

changes,

the

inland, refocusing their economy on developing rice lands in the upper Mekong Delta (K. R. Hall, 1985:75), and by the end of the sixth century Funan had ceased to be even partially Austronesian-speaking, rulers withdrew

instead part of the Khmer world. As for Champa itself, the first date of import for its future historical path is probably 111 AD, before the first historical reference to the Chamic people

becoming

themselves.

In that year, northern Vietnam

became a province of the Han empire, of north Vietnam. In particular, the use to "Vietnamese peasantry began Chinese methods of irrigation and agricul? tural terracing" (Keyes 1995:182). In later centuries, these methods of irrigation and terracing would be brought to the south, with consequences for theMK and

an event that would

Chamic

peoples

lead to the Sinicization

then living on the coastal plains.

20

Chapter

2

term refer? appearance of the Chams themselves?a in a role that they would ring at that time to all the Chamic speaking people?was over the In centuries. the 137 AD, Coed?s year suggests play repeatedly a "a from band of about barbarians thousand (1968:43), beyond the frontier of The initial historical

Jih-nan" attempted to invade Hsiang-lin. Coed?s continues, "their name Ch'ii lien, although written with different characters, can scarcely be dissociated from that of the founder of Lin-yi." the first recognition of Champa However, itself, writes Coed?s (1968:17), was by the Chinese, who began to speak of the kingdom of Champa along the coast of Vietnam around 190 to 193 AD. Coed?s wrote (1968:42) that The History governor

includes, around the year 280, a report in which the Chinese of Tongking complains about the raids of the kingdom of Lin-yi of Chin

(Champa). The governor, T'ao Huang, says of the kingdom that it "touches Funan in the south. Their tribes are numerous; their friendly bands render mutual aid taking advantage of the ruggedness of their region, they do not submit [to China]." By about the sixth century the Champa civilization reached its zenith, but continued to flourish until the Vietnamese "push to the South" began in the a tenth century. Meanwhile writing system based on Indie models evolved, in which the earliest Cham linguistic record is the inscription found at Tra-ki?u, dat? ing from the middle of the fourth century (The inscription is cited in full on page 3). Various temples were built in the north, particularly around the spiritual another cluster to the south at the site of Vijaya, and still fur? capital of Mi-son, are ther south the important complex of temples called Po Nagar near the modern cities of Nha Trang and Phan Rang. This whole tact with MK speakers. The Chamic where

dialect

period

involved continued

con?

north at least as far as Quang-Tri, Katuic speakers. The linguistic evidence

chain extended

they undoubtedly encountered suggests that it was the Chamic speakers who left their linguistic imprint on the Katuic languages in the form of borrowings and perhaps even some morphology, if as Reid (1994) argues the morphology found in some dialects of Katu isAus? tronesian, particularly Katu proper. Under pressure from the north, these Chamic speakers left, probably to become the modern Acehnese of northern Sumatra. The beginning of the rapid decline started when the Vietnamese sacked at the capital Indrapura in 982. From this point on, the remaining history of historians term the "push to the Champa is dominated by what the Vietnamese

down along the coastal plains of Vietnam. South", the Vietnamese movement Within after the twenty years sacking of Indrapura, the Chams had effectively abandoned their northern provinces and the capital was moved further south to Vijaya.

Geographical

and Historical

Figure 2: Champa from

With

21

Setting

inception to absorption

(important sites)

the fall of Indrapura, the Chams inhabiting the northern provinces the departure of the Acehnese, the northern Cham con?

resettled elsewhere. With

sisted of two groups of still identifiable modern descendants: the Tsat speakers of ("The history of Tsat contact" on page 224), who are quite probably the in the Chinese report of 986, and the Northern refugees from Champa mentioned

Hainan

Roglai, who fled to the south with the fall of the capital, eventually coming to live in the Vietnamese highlands. History also records a third group of refugees from northern Champa, the group recorded by Guangzhou (Canton City) as 310 refu? from cited gees Zhancheng. Although by Zheng (1986:37) in connection with providing

confirmation

of the dating the arrival of the Tsat

in Hainan,

the group

22

Chapter

2

to have fled to Guangzhou, not Hainan. Since the Chams more than in Guangzhou (Canton) at the time, Guangzhou likely had trading connections

itself seems sense

makes

as a destination

The

for

the emigrants.

shows that the Northern Roglai and the Utsat linguistic were once speakers of the same northern Cham dialect. Zheng (1986:37) notes that the History of the Song Dynasty (960-1279) makes it clear that some of the northern Cham went to Hainan. Specifically, in 986, Pu-Luo-E and a hundred of evidence

his clan arrived, having not just fled Zhancheng (Champa) but having been harassed by the people of Jiaozhi, the name given by the Northern Sung dynasty to northern parts of Vietnam. This report, including the Pu used in the name of the leader, affirms the arrival of the Cham from Champa, the group we now iden? tify as the Utsat. Having arrived in Hainan, these Cham entered into the Hain anese linguistic area, an area characterized by the richly tonal Be and Li of the Tai-Kadai family and the Southern Min Hainanese dialect of Chinese. The effective end of Champa as a regionally-dominant political entity came with the fall of the southern capital at Vijaya in 1471. Much of the remain? der of Champa was incorporated into Vietnam and, although remnants of now some was to small territories situ? for it reduced existed time, Champa quite even ated south of Cape Varella, where today many Cham still live. Just as happened after the fall of the northern capital, the fall of Vijaya also

led

to

a

diaspora

of

Chamic

speakers,

some

to

the

highlands,

some

to

Hainan, Guangzhou (Canton), Malaka, Aceh, Java, Thailand, and Cambodia (the Western Cham). With reference to Hainan, again citing from Zheng (1986:37), in 1486 the True Records of the Emperor Xian Zong of the Ming Dynasty (1368 1644) record over 1000 new refugees inHainan from Zhancheng (Champa). With reference to Guangzhou (Canton City), in 988 AD the Guangzhou records report 310 refugees from Zhancheng. The Sejarah Melayu records that after the fall of Vijaya, the two sons of King Pau Kubah fled, with Syah Indera Berman going to Malaka, and Syah Pau Ling going toAceh where he started the line of Aceh kings (Abdul Rahman arrival of Cham ence of a Cham

1994 [1987]: 104). Other sources and texts record the account notes the exist? in Java. In Thailand, a 1662 missionary at colony Ayudhya (Lafont 1994b:73) these appear to the same

al-Ahmadi

group now found in Bangkok, where they still exist as an identifiable ethnic com? munity. At various times, Cham also fled to Cambodia. For instance, after the fall of Vijaya in 1471, the Khmer Annals record thatmany Cham took refuge in Cam? bodia; later, in 1692, the Khmer Royal Chronicles record another large migration (MakPhoen 1994:76-77). As Figure 3 shows, this last major ancient diaspora along with several still later, more modern migrations correlates with the modern distribution of the Chamic

languages.

Some of the Chamic

speakers retreated into the highlands

of

and Historical

Geographical

Setting

23

Vietnam, others fled to Hainan to become speakers of Tsat, some went to Cambo? dia (apparently some as war captives, others willingly) where they speak what are Western Cham dialects, and still others ultimately went to northern Sumatra, eventually

to become

speakers of Acehnese.

Figure 3: The modern distribution

of Chamic

Once they were separated from the Chamic community, as Durie notes the Acehnese re-entered the Austronesian world, greatly expanding their (p.c.), contacts with Malay while their language's typological convergence with MK it remains unclear when and by what languages was largely arrested. However, route theAcehnese made their way to north Sumatra. As for dating their arrival in Sumatra, Durie (1996:115), for example, assumes thatAcehnese may have been there for a period of more than a thousand years, based on the striking dialect diversity. Any real precision with respect to an arrival date is not possible without more

information

The Acehnese

than we

now

have.

and Kelantan

took on their travels, there is evidence that respect to the path the Acehnese there was an important, Chamic presence in Kelantan, on the east coast of the

With

2

Chapter

24

Malaysian peninsula but this influence looks to have been quite late. As Abdul traditions Rahman al-Ahmadi (1994 [1987]: 105-106) notes, local Kelantanese an area some authors believe have the King of Kelantan coming from Kembayat, to be Champa, although others maintain it is Cambodia. of a Chamic presence is found in the numerous

Less

evi?

controversial

place names related to Champa: Pengkalan Cepa, Kampong Cepa, and Gong Cepa, to cite but a few. The Cepa of these names is obviously Champa, with the expected sound changes. These place names and other influences were the result of an Acehnese presence dence

not just a Chamic presence. G?rard Diffloth has suggested that Ace? hnese contains loanwords restricted to Aslian; however, even if data showing the Aslian loanwords from groups on the Malay peninsula can be assembled, in Kelantan,

finding would had

a presence

substantiation

only provide

for the contention

that the Acehnese

in Kelantan.

Table 1: The Malayic

dialects

PMP

Nb.

Malay

of Nonthaburi, Pattani

Pattani, and Kelantan

Kelantan

*-i

-i

-i

-i

*laki

lakilaki

laki

llaki

*waRi

hari

*gigi *beli

gigi b?li

(I)

PC *-sy

*laksy

'male; person'

gigi

gig*

ayi

*hursy

'day;

gigi bali

*gigsy

'tooth'

*p9-blsy

sun'

'sell'

-u

-u

-u

-u

*-ow

tahu

tahu

tahu

tahu

*thow

'know; able'

can;

*kutu

kutu

gutu

kutu

*kutow

'louse,

head'

*kuku

kuku

kuku

kuku

*kukow

'claw;

*kayow

'tree;

-u *taqu

-i?

fingernail' *kahiw

kayu

kayu

kayu

kayu

wood'

*batu

batu

batu

batu

batu

*batow

'stone'

*baqeRU

baharu

bayu

bayu

bayu

*bahrow

'new; just now'

*aku

aku

ku

*qabu

abu

?abu

abu

*kow

'I (familiar)'

*habow

'ashes'

Two things argue for this Acehnese presence in Kelantanese being fairly recent. First, the records of Acehnese presence in the area themselves suggest a recent Kelantanese itself shows little other Acehnese presence. Second, fairly influence. Despite the obvious Chamic influences in the place names, the modern dialects

of the northeast

coast of Malaysia

and southern Thailand, Nonthaburi

Geographical

and Historical

25

Setting

Malay (a group relocated from Pattani to central Thailand), Kelantanese Malay subgroup, not with PC, but with Malayic. show, with reference to four obvious vocalic innovations

Pattani Malay and As Tables 1 and 2

the differentiating from of Nonthaburi (data Malayic Malayo-Chamic, Tadmor 1995), Pattani (data from Tadmor 1995), and Kelantan (data from Abdul Hamid Mahmood, 1994) consistently pattern with Malay, the representative of branches

and the Chamic

Malayic,

not with PC.

Specifically, as Table 1 shows, in final position Chamic has innovated, the two high PMP vowels *-i and *-u, giving *-ey and *-ow, diphthongizing one of these three dialects shares this Chamic innovation. not respectively; Table 2: The Malayic PMP

Malay

*-ay *ma-atay

dialects

of Nonthaburi, Pattani

Nb

Pattani, and Kelantan

Kelantan

-i

-i

-i

-i

mati

mati

mati

mati

(II)

PC *-ay *matay

'die'

*qatay

hati

ati

hati

ati

*hatay

'liver'

(*qaqay)

kaki

kaki

kaki

kaki

*kakay

'leg; foot'

*-uy

-i

-i

-i

-i

*hapuy

api babi

?api

api

api

*babuy

?

?

*-uy

?

*?apuy

'fire'

*babuy

'wild pig'

As is obvious both from the PMP forms in Table 2 and from Adelaar's 1992 reconstruction of Malayic, Malayic has innovatively monophthongized the two PMP final diphthongs *-ay and *-uy, merging both as *-i; the three dialects share this Malayic innovation. Thus, although there have been some Acehnese influence in Kelantan, it is obvious not just from this evidence but from all the nor Chamic, but aMalayic is not Acehnese, linguistic evidence that Kelantanese dialect. Two

other

general

observations

can

also

be made

about

the

forms

of

Table 2, neither of which invalidates their subgrouping implications. First, it is not the case that PMP *-ay forms all have -i reflexes inMalay (and in western Indonesia as well as in a small set of languages historically heavily influenced by Malay); some forms keep -ay reflexes inMalay (Blust, p.c.). Dyen, for example, reconstructed *-ey (in addition to *-ay) for precisely those forms that have Malay -i reflexes. However, whatever the ultimate solution to the problem posed by the the fact remains that the i/-ay split in reflexes for higher level reconstruction, not Kelantanese reflexes pattern with Malayic, with PC. To the degree that the -i reflexes are unexpected, the argument that Kelantanese Malayic subgroups with Malayic,

not Chamic,

is only strengthened.

2

Chapter

26

Note that the limited amount of data presented here makes the solution to the problem seem obvious: simply reconstruct both *-ey and *-ay. However, the apparent obviousness disappears once it is realized that this particular split in reflexes is limited basically to PMalayic and, as noted already, to a number of languages in western Indonesian known to have been strongly influenced by Malay. Thus, I fully sympathize with Blust's reluctance to posit an additional vowel phoneme solely on the basis of one segment of one subgroup of Austrone sian.

in mind,

Bear

that Dyen's

however,

based on different

subgrouping

his methodology,

requires

of both

another

and

*-ey

is

*-ay

coupled with

and these assumptions, proto-phoneme.

*hahi in be the nonexistent *qaqay in it is *kaki in but and PC, Malayic *kakay *hahay how both Chamic and Malay developed the same aberrant reflex

Malayic in PC. And, an

assumptions

reconstructing

the PMP Second, and the nonexistent

remains

reconstruction

unsolved

form

problem.

should

whatever

however,

Again,

the

ultimate

source

of

share this oddity supports this irregularity, the fact the Chamic and Malayic rather than refutes the arguments for the unity of Chamic and Malayic as a super ordinate subgroup (both subgroups share reflexes of this unexpected lexical inno? (as the vation) and for the patterning of the Kelantanese languages with Malayic *-ay

The Cham The MK

directly

the

remaining

and Chamic

significant,

area

of

component

long-term

becomes

form

-i, rather

for wet-rice

-ay).

remaining

on the mainland speakers who changes

in

stayed on the mainland their

patterns

related to the Vietnamese-dominated

suitable

than

irrigation.

The

of

continued

language

contact,

to undergo changes

inhabitation of the coastal plain, an

Vietnamese

movement

into

these

areas

was

abrupt in times of war and gradual in times of peace, but incessant. In response to this incursion, some segments of the Chamic and MK groups inhabit? ing the coastal plains adapted, assimilated, and in some cases even shifted to culture in although not without changing the incoming Vietnamese while other segments of the Chamic and MK peoples reacted by into the hills, pushed not so much by the march of an army but more by retreating the almost imperceptible conversion of the coastal plains, by the Vietnamese

Vietnamese, the process,

farmers, slowly but steadily, one field at a time. Steadily over time, the once coastal-dwelling

speakers of Cham lan? or tomove further into the and have assimilated continued either guages adapted networks between extensive Chamic speak? The interaction highlands. previous ers were often weakened and sometimes even broken, with new patterns of affili? ation evolving,

but now in some cases not with fellow Chamic

speakers, but with

and Historical

Geographical

27

Setting

become a Chamic-speaking speakers. The Haroi, who have effectively Hr? are an excellent example of this branch of the otherwise Bahnaric-speaking sort of cultural realignment. Eventually, as a consequence of the breaking of old

MK

alliances

and the substitution of new linguistic and cultural realignments, among many of the Chamic languages became more marked,

ferentiation

the dif? becom?

ing the Rade,

the Jarai, the Chru, the Haroi, and themodern Cham. the Chamic and MK speakers that remained in the coastal Typically

assimilated into the Vietnamese culture, eventually wrote: Southeast Asia. As throughout Keyes (1995:19)

plain

a process

found

a growing distinction between the hill and lowland peoples, did not develop between the two. Rather, throughout boundaries sharp most of Southeast Asia, hill peoples were incorporated into social sys? tems dominated by the lowland peoples. Despite

And, although some of theMK and Chamic speakers retreated into the hills, much of the disappearance of the Chamic MK speakers along the coastal plain must be attributed not to their being killed or even displaced but to their absorption into the emerging lowland civilization. Again, Keyes (1995:183-184) writes:

Once

the various

territories had been conquered, Vietnamese migrants into and settle these areas. Here, they often intermarried with Chams and Khmer, and, even when they did not, they were exposed to the different social and cultural patterns of these Indianized peoples. would move

tended to result in some compromising of the dominant tradition, at least among the peasantry. Many of the cultural differences between northern and southern Vietnamese can be

These

contacts

Chinese-derived traced

to such

compromises.

In many cases, such assimilation led to the total absorption of peoples into the even dominant Vietnamese in cases where the group has maintained a but culture, distinct linguistic identity, there have not only been enormous cultural changes but the languages have been slowly restructured in the direction of Vietnamese, as exemplified by the dramatic evolution of tones in Phan Rang Cham.

The Chamic The modern Chamic MK

and MK

distribution

languages

languages.

languages

in Vietnam

of Chamic and MK languages is shown in Figure 4. The are found in central and southern Vietnam interspersed with

Figure 4: The modem

X" ? Bru

distribution

and Mon-Khmer

ofChamic

luang Tri

South China

Hue

\, iJPacolN^ V^Phuqng\_

3 r

Katu

C

Jeh Duan

Sea

*Da Nang Takua

^'"7'Cua

Quang

l

Ngai

A

Katua

x"

^f im 2e-C /" ' Hre Sedang V-'\ : & ?%-vReneac? ^ D\.->-^ -v*

Kayong Todrah

Renga?^-v

Halang

\

: Kontum

y

>

tMonom

Qui Nhon

Tuy vHoa

N. Roglai E. Mnong

* f

..?/ _

.

? s'

Stieng

/ \

Nha

Mnong

^A-^C.

Trang ^

Dalat

"r

^^

Koho

?^/;\*TPhan

Y Saigon ?

) Chrau i Jro

Cham

Geographical

and Historical

Setting

29

languages are now highlands languages spoken by from the coastal plains. For those in the southern Viet? living away namese highlands, the major linguistic contact has been with MK highlands lan? Most

of the Chamic

hill tribesmen

guages, and this mutual contact has resulted in what Solnit termed "the southern Vietnamese highlands subregion", a linguistic area defined by certain common characteristics ("Reflexes of PC glottalized obstruents" on page 91). linguistic What is equally evident from Figure 4 (from Gregerson and Thomas (1980:xi)) is that there are no longer any Chamic speakers living in the north, but as already mentioned, the Acehnese were at one point the most northerly Chamic the descendants of then most speakers, and upon the departure of the Acehnese, northerly Chamic speakers live on in the modern Tsat speakers of Hainan and the modern Northern Roglai speakers found in the south (page 224). Finally, of course, there is the modern diaspora of Chamic and other speakers from Vietnam, as a result of the conflicts of the Vietnam war, and from Cambodia, as a result of the Khmer Rouge genocidal killings. These modern ref? ugees are found scattered throughout the world, inMalaysia, Hong Kong, France, ? even occasionally Australia, and so on showing up in places as distant as the central valley of California and the large and growing Chamic (Dega) community in central North Carolina (David Thomas, p.c.).

3

of

Classification Chamic

the

Languages

and the determina? languages as Austronesian tion of their relationship to the rest of Austronesian has clear implications for our this part of Southeast Asia. of the the of and history understanding prehistory

The classification

John

of the Chamic

one

Crawfurd,

of

the earliest

to examine

scholars

Cham

its Aus?

recognized

tronesian character, describing Cham as the "Malay of Champa" as early as 1822. However, Chamic,

the

by had

become

turn

of

the

century

controversial,

the

classification

a controversy

that

of resulted

Cham, from

and, a failure

thus, to

genetic and typological criteria for classification. distinguish The scholars following Crawfurd were inclined either to be confused by theMK-like typology of Chamic or to view it as an "intermediate link" between between

languages of the islands. languages of the mainland and theAustronesian in 1889, Etienne Aymonier, who believed, along with many of his contem? migrated to the islands from this part of the poraries, that theMalayo-Polynesians wrote that Cham formed a kind of intermediary link Southeast Asian mainland, theMK

Thus,

between Khmer

and Malay

(Aymonier

1889:5-6

(translation mine)):

language as well as the majority of the tribes in the forests of southern Indo-China, the Cham language represents a mainland group related to the Polynesian family of languages found in ...that like the Khmer

and of the Indian Ocean; knowledge of it will help balance the study of these languages; one can suggest that Cham serves as an intermediate link between Khmer and Malay, for example. all the islands of Pacific

30

of the Chamic

Classification

31

Languages

typological features in Chamic coupled with the presence of some borrowed material also accounts for Schmidt's (1906) description of the Chamic and for Thomas Sebeok's mis? languages as "Austroasiatische Mischsprache"

The MK-like

this earlier guided 1942 claim that these languages are Austroasiatic. Despite a modern are Chamic Austronesian from the confusion, languages indisputably influ? is under what and what of interest is how and perspective, determining ences these languages came to acquire the often typologically MK-like systems which they possess today.

forms and

THE PLACE OF CHAMIC WITHIN AUSTRONESIAN The

existence

family was certainly recognized early by in 1708. In 1852 its geographical extent was sketched nicely

of the Austronesian

Hadrianus Relandus

by Crawfurd, who described what he called the "Malayan" lowing terms (1852:cxxxiii):

languages

in the fol?

A certain connexion, of more or less extent, is well ascertained to exist to Easter between most of the languages which prevail from Madagascar Island in the Pacific, and from Formosa, on the coast of China, to New Zealand. It exists, then, over two hundred degrees of longitude and sev? enty of latitude, or over a fifth part of the surface of this earth. Crawfurd

continues

with

his

geographical

survey

of

languages,

adding

to his

Malayan

... the innumerable islands of the Indian Archipelago, New Guinea ? of the great group of the Philippines ? the North and South Pacific ? and of Madagascar. In 1852,

the Austronesian

language in the world.

family was

the most

from Sumatra to of the islands of

geographically

dis?

persed language family Placing Chamic more precisely within the Austronesian family requires a family tree, along with its subgroups, but none of the subgrouping assumptions about PAn are totally without their distractors. Nonetheless, while there are dif? ferences in details, except for Dyen (1965; 1995), who has his own family tree, and two of Dyen's students (Wolff 1991, 1995; Tsuchida 1982), who regard For

1. The modern recognized

perspective probably begins with Pittman (1959), who clearly nature of Jarai, one of the Chamic languages. the Austronesian

Chapter

32

3

languages, modern scholars languages as branching off from Philippine in Formosa in homeland the Austronesian and, in one sense or agree placing another, in their recognition that the Austronesian languages of Formosa repre? sent a higher branch on the family tree than the remaining Malayo-Polynesian

mosan

in Tryon (1995)). In Blust's view (1977 and else? languages (cf. the discussion are four primary subgroups of An, three of them For where), for example, there and one non-Formosan and Paiwanic) Tsouic, (MP), the Formosan the that in Others 5. argue languages Figure configuration presented consist of a single branch; still others argue about the subgrouping of the Formo?

mosan

(Atayalic,

san languages land

(cf. Starosta

scholars place the home?

however, most

1995). Again,

on Formosa.

such a homeland

also exist for a Formosan

arguments

Non-linguistic insular Austronesian

homeland

for the

(1978, 1985, 1991) has argued for languages. Bellwood on archaeological grounds. The dating of the archaeological that Neolithic sites on the east coast of Formosa are part of the

record suggests Yuan-shan culture, which Bellwood

associates with

later Philippine culture complex

and Indone?

on Formosa Bellwood places the Yuan-shan or some so in the Philip? dates than the earlier 800 earliest years (4300 BC) by or far than for Indonesia the and earlier dates (c. 2500 later) pines (c. 3500 BC (1870 BC) (dates from Blust 1995:592). BC) and Melanesia sian settlement.

to regard

it is misleading

However,

Austronesian

themselves

languages

as having originated in Formosa. The Formosan languages represent a starting pointing for the migration into the Pacific, but there is also linguistic evidence for an

earlier

language

Austronesian has

Austronesian

on

presence

left modern in

loans

the mainland. the earlier

descendents, the

While

non-Austronesian

no

early

of

the mainland.

Austronesian languages

Austronesian

presence

has

left For

example, in at least two branches of Tai-Kadai, there are early, readily identifi? able Austronesian borrowings (Thurgood, 1994). The unique correspondence pat? in terns of borrowed Austronesian disyllabic roots are particularly conspicuous forms of proto-Tai and proto-Kam-Sui. among the overwhelmingly monosyllabic For Sui

example, *?'a:n2'

proto-Kam-Sui

PAn

*polan

'moon'; *ft'am3

-t-i-f

*danum

*?bl/rien1, to

corresponds

'(fresh)water';

sian (PWMP) *bujak corresponds 2.

to proto-Tai

corresponds

PAn

and

the

proto-Tai

and

proto-Kam *nl/r9m4,

and

Proto-Western-Malayo-Polyne

to proto-Tai *7bl/ro:k7 'flower'.

These

are but

Thai scholars often attribute many of these words to Thai contact with Malay in southern Thailand, but for at least these forms the reconstructions date back to proto-Tai and the forms are found even in the Tai dialects spoken in southwestern China, the area of the Tai homeland. The dating of proto-Tai and the distribution of the forms makes it clear that these forms were bor? rowed long before the earliest contact with Malay

in southern Thailand.

of the Chamic

Classification

33

Languages

a few of many Kam-Sui

early Austronesian words borrowed early into proto-Tai and proto (see Thurgood 1994 for details and more examples). These forms are significant because the Tai-Kadai reconstructions and show that these words represent, not recent borrowings languages, but ancient borrowings into proto-Tai and sources which make it possible to pro? from early Austronesian

the subgrouping evidence into the Tai and Kam-Sui proto-Kam-Sui vide the approximate Kam-Sui

time and place of the borrowings. reconstruct

borrowings

to proto-Tai

and

the Tai and the

Both

and

proto-Kam-Sui

thus

pre?

date the breakup of these proto-languages. An examination of the geographical distribution of the Tai languages makes it clear that the area where the proto-Tai began to break up must be somewhere in the Guizhou area (if not even further to the north) and since the area where the proto-Kam-Sui began to break up must be in the Guizhou and Guangxi area, it follows that the early Austronesian contact, which predates the breakup of proto-Tai and proto-Kam-Sui, must also have as far north as Guizhou. The proto-Tai and the at the very least? occurred ? homelands proto-Kam-Sui place these early Austronesian speakers somewhere south of the Yangtze discussion).

What

some 8,000 years ago or so (see Thurgood 1994 for a fuller this does is to establish the existence of early Austronesian

speakers presumably along the south bank of the upper reaches of theYangtze? early Austronesian speakers whose descendants later left the mainland to become Austronesian

arrival in Indonesia and speakers. Given that the Austronesian was considerably later in prehistory than estimated dates for Formosa and the northern Philippines, it also makes a departure point somewhere across from Formosa and the Philippines the most reasonable place to begin the journey

Melanesia

out into the Pacific. In any case, despite differences of opinion about some of the higher level subgrouping details, the place of Malayo-Chamic within this configuration does not itself seem controversial, nor do any of the disagreements about the higher-level

subgroupings

reached about Chamic.

seem

to have

any

for

consequences

It at least seems evident

that Chamic

the

conclusions

subgroups neither

with one the Formosan

branches nor with the Central-Eastern Malayo-Polynesian a part of the languages usu? subgroup, leaving Malayo-Chamic uncontroversially as Blust has pointed out termed Western However, ally Malayo-Polynesian.

(p.c.), it is important to realize that PWMP is not a well-defined subgroup defined own set the PWMP is existence of its of innovations; instead, by independent not those in Central-Eastern included basically Malayo-Polynesian languages that is, PWMP is a cover term for those PMP languages that Malayo-Polynesian, fall outside of Central-Malayo-Polynesian. Thus, the split of PMP is not binary; a it is is that CEMP indeed, quite probable subgroup within aMP dialect contin? uum, with Malayo-Chamic

simply being a subgroup within

the continuum.

3

Chapter

34

language subgroup Following a convention found in Ross (1995b:263), are on shared innovations established the bases of distinguished orthograph ings ically from collections of languages placed together for other reasons. In Figure 5, subgroupings established on the bases of shared innovations are in boldface, shared ancestor (Ross while language groupings that do not have an exclusively are "Formosan in italics. Thus the italicized label 1995b:263) languages" indi? cates a collection

of languages descended (along with PMP) from PAn. However, is not being made that there was a single, unified "Proto-Formosan"

the claim from which Polynesian

the Formosan languages descended. Moving down the tree, Malayo is itself defined by a set of shared innovations. In turn, it consists of an

Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian,

isWestern Malayo-Polynesian,

plement part

the

of

innovation-defined

innovation-defined

subgroup;

its

com?

languages not

those Malayo-Polynesian

Central-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian.

It is worth bearing inmind that the historical subgrouping of languages, when properly done, as these subgroupings are, is done not on the basis of the geographical distribution of the languages, but on the basis of shared historical (Blust 1995b, Ross 1992). The Austronesian family tree above is based on such shared historical innovations; the fact that the family tree has such striking correlations with geography is because, to a large degree, the current lin? innovations

guistic distribution MALAYO-CHAMIC

still reflects the older migration AND BROADER

patterns fairly accurately.

AFFILIATIONS

Within Western Malayo-Polynesian, the Chamic languages are part of what Blust terms the (1992a) Malayo-Chamic subgroup, a subgroup that pairs the Chamic Acehnese (cf. "Acehnese, a Chamic language" on page 47) languages including with Adelaar's (1988, 1992) Malayic languages, a cluster of languages which includes Malay. The existence of a special relationship between both the main? land Chamic languages and Acehnese and, on a higher level, between the Chamic and theMalayic languages has long been argued for in the literature. The recon? structions

found

in this work

serve to confirm what

earlier scholars have

long

maintained.

(1985), and James Collins (1975), Blust (1981), Adelaar (1991) have all argued for a special connection between the Chamic and the Malayic languages. Collins (1992:110), however, adds a word of caution, writing Marrison

that

without

"comparisons

full are

of

reconstructions superficial".

Now,

PC, with

Proto-Malayic, this

reconstruction

and

Proto-Acehnese, of

PC,

with

Ade?

it is laar's proto-Malayic, and Durie's partial reconstruction of proto-Acehnese, are borrowed, far more evident that the uniquely Malay elements in Acehnese while

the uniquely Chamic

elements

are inherited.

Figure 5: P roto-Austronesian family tree (modified from Blust 1977; Ross 1995b)

Austronesian

(PAn)

Formosan Malayo

languages

Polynesian

(PMP) Atayalic

Tsouic

i Central Western

Atayal

Eastern

Malayo

Polynesian

SHWNG I

Sundanese,

Paiwan

Malayo

Malayo

Madurese,

Tsou

Eastern

Polynesian

Javanese,

i

Polynesian Central

Chamic,

i

Malayo

Polynesian

Malayic,

Paiwanic

B im?nese, ai,

Manggar

Ngadha, Rotinese

Maya,

Tetum,

Ilocano,

Alune,

Tagalog

Asilulu,

Buli, Gim?n,

I Motu, Lakalai, Roviana,

Numfor,

Sa'a,

Dusner,

Trukese,

Serui-Laut, Wandamen,

Buruese

Oceanic

Waropen

Iaai,

Fijian, Hawaiian

Vietnam, N.

Sumatra,

Malaysia, Sundaland, Sulawesi, Madagascar, Borneo,

Philippines

Lesser

Sundas,

southern central

Moluccas

and

Southern Halmahera,

Western New Guinea

Oceania

36

3

Chapter

Figure 6: The Malayo-Chamic

languages

Malayo-Chamic

Proto-Chamic

Malayic (Adelaar 1992)

Proto-

(PC)

Iban Other

/ Coastal

/Highlands / Chamic

Ma!ay

Chamic

Northern Cham

. Western

/\

Northern Acehnese

Rade

Jarai Chru Roglai

Tsat

Haroi

Phan Rang Cham

Cham

language that Blust suggests might fall in a wider subgroup that includes is Sundanese (1992a:44). However, Moken definitely falls out? Malayo-Chamic side of this group, as most likely do Rejang and Maloh.3 Another

The

innovated

numerals

One piece of evidence forMalayo-Chamic and, potentially, for its broader affilia? as Nothofer has quite cor? tions are a series of innovated numerals. Although, are not numerals alone sufficient the for subgrouping, out, rectly pointed certainly

the

innovated

numerals

tionably not reconstructable

back

for

seven,

eight,

and

to PMP, do provide

nine,

which

highly

are

unques?

suggestive

sub

3. Collins (personal communication cited in Blust 1992a:74, fn. 6) appears to be are immediate relatives of Acehnese alone in his opinion that the most not Chamic. Malayic,

Classification

grouping

of the Chamic

in Dyen (cf. discussions inNothofer (1985)).

evidence

(1975), as emended

37

Languages

(1965), Blust

(1981), and Nothofer

inMalayo-Chamic

Table 3: Innovated numerals

PMP

PC

Malay

*esa;

*sa

satu

satu

'one7

*duha

*dua

dua

dua

'two'

*telu

*klow

(tiga)

(tiga)

'three'

*epat

*pa:t

empat

'four7

Iban

*lima

*lima

?mpat lima

*enem

*nam

?nam

*pitu

*tujuh

tujuh

tujoh

'seven'

*walu

*dua-lapan > *lapan

d?lapan

delapan

'eight'


*h change found in the whole of a lack which sets it, not just outside of Chamic, but outside as well; instead, it has the change PAn *q > Moken /k/, a rather

It does

Malayo-Chamic, Malayo-Chamic

Classification

of the Chamic

59

Languages

unusual reflex of PAn *q. Like Chamic, it does diphthongize both the high vow? els in word-final position, but in this its similarity to Chamic is only typological. The Chamic and Moken reflexes of the word-final high vowels are split in entirely different ways *-ow

(< PAn

*-u),

Moken

in the two languages. has

-uy,

-oi and

Instead of PC *-ey (< PAn *-i) and -ui,

-oi,

respectively,

at

least

suggest?

ing that the PAn *-i and *-u have been merged inMoken. In any case, theMoken developments make it clear thatMoken does not share in the Chamic diphthongi? zation of word-final high vowels nor in the PAn *q > PC /h/ change. In fact, thus far, although there are some typologically similarities, there is no evidence that Moken shares any of the more marked inherited innovations characteristic of the Chamic

languages.

4

the Basic Word: Altering toMonosyllabic From Disyllabic

On the basis of the material

in Blood

(1962), Greenberg

(1970:139)

wrote,

con?

cerning Phan Rang Cham: This earlier, thus

language, tended

like the closely toward

loss

extensive

producing

related Jarai, Rade, and Chru mentioned

or reduction

of

the vowel

of

the first

syllable,

monosyllabism.

Although not in precisely these terms, early writers commented on the movement from canonically disyllabic forms to canonically iambic forms, that is, to forms with an unstressed presyllable and a stressed main syllable. For instance, (1963:61) notes that for Jarai and Chru, PMP disyllabic forms with *r, *R, *q, or *h usually lose the first vowel, while inmost other instances the first syllable vowel is reduced to shwa. Greenberg (1970:137), characterizing

Thomas medial

the process in more global terms, writes, "These languages have generally norm by reduced the typical Austronesian canonical CVCVC to the monosyllabic reduction or loss of the first vowel". That is, the PMP canonical CVCVC has sesquisyllabic with an iambic stress pattern or else simply monosyllabic. structure has its correlates This adjustment of the canonical morpheme in both the reduction in the membership and the restrictions in the distribution of

became

the consonant

and

vowel

introduced from MK

inventories.

Various

new

in borrowed words. The most

consonants

(and

vowels)

were

salient of these borrowed con?

the series of voiced glottalized obstruents, since there were no glot? talized consonants in the PMP predecessor, but there have also been a myriad of

sonants were

60

From Disyllabic

to Monosyllabic

61

less conspicuous changes, one of the most widespread being the introduction of new clusters through the borrowing of words containing them. As for the vowels, there has been proliferation through outright borrowing from MK sources as well as through internal developments

under MK

influence.

THE IAMBIC SYLLABLE:EARLY MON-KHMER

INFLUENCE

the history of Chamic, there is a clearly-marked, continual move? Throughout ment from disyllabic to iambic and from iambic to monosyllabic, but the initial was a to stress under for the PC these shift for final impetus changes preference the canonical preference was set for stress on the final sylla? ble, the preconditions had been set up for the restructuring of the Chamic lexicon. are either monosyllabic or what Matisoff In general, MK morphemes

MK

influence. Once

termed sesquisyllabic, i.e., a syllable and a half, with a (1973) picturesquely stress pattern characterized by Donegan (1993:5) as iambic, that is, "words in which a light (open) syllable precedes a heavy (closed or long-voweled) second syllable", that is, words with an unstressed presyllable and a stressed main sylla? ble. Both Matisoff (1973) and Donegan (1993) note in passing that words in (of which MK is one of the two major branches) were either proto-Austroasiatic iambic or monosyllabic. Of direct interest here is the fact that this characteriza? tion fits the MK languages of Vietnam perfectly; for example, Chrau (Thomas Vietnamese is monosyl? 1971) is iambic, Mnong and Rolom are monosyllabic, on. so As stress Lee (1974:645) mentions, "Ultimate in languages with labic, and phonological words of more than one syllable is regular throughout much of Southeast Asia." And then he adds, "The Chamic languages without exception have

only

ultimate

stress."

The restructuring of Chamic lexicon and phonology both provide elo? quent testimony to the intensity and the intimacy of theAustronesian contact with MK. Lexically, of the roughly 700 forms Lee (1966) reconstructed for PC, Head 10% is a con? ley (1976) identified roughly 10% of them as MK in origin?and, servative figure. Included among the MK incorporated early enough to be incorporated into PC are basic vocabulary including pronouns, and a number of kinship terms. The fact that these reconstruct to PC shows that the early contact was intense and intimate, suggesting both considerable bilingualism and inter? marriage.

the nature of the earlier system is not absolutely clear, the first speakers to come into contact with theMK speakers along the coast most likely had a system, not with exclusively penultimate stress, but a system like that in modern Malay with penultimate stress in the vast majority of disyl While

Austronesian

Chapter

62

4

labic words but ultimate stress in a small group of words with a reduced shwa as the initial syllable, as Lee (1974:646) suggests. In this interpretation, contact with MK led to a shift of preference from penultimate to ultimate stress, rather than an

introducing

entirely

new

stress

pattern.

The shift in preference, however, set inmotion a chain of events that has itself in different ways in different languages and, of course, under manifested different contact conditions with the consequences already present in the conso? inventories are reduced inventories of PC: The PC presyllable of the earlier PMP first syllable inventories, while the PC main syllable inventories are larger than the inventories found in the earlier PMP second sylla?

nant and vowel versions

bles.

The

internal paths of this historical developmental continuum from are to of canonical final transparent. The adoption disyllabicity monosyllabicity stress by PC was enough to set up the internal preconditions for movement in the All that remained was for the changes to be trig? of monosyllabicity. gered by subsequent intense, extended contact with a monosyllabic language. In the PC, pretonic syllable still had four possible distinct vowels, but since then all the mainland Chamic languages have shown a steady erosion of the pretonic syl? direction

lable, beginning with the reduction of vowel distinctions. With the exception of the descendant languages have reduced the vowel distinctions at least Acehnese, somewhat, although in a language such as Roglai, the presyllable still shows a three-way distinction in certain environments. In some of the other languages, the pretonic syllable still exists but in still others the presyllable has undergone a complete loss of vowel distinctions; for example, in Chru and Rade (for the Rade, see Table 9, page 66), only one vowel is found in the pretonic syllable?a shwa.

The movement

toward monosyllabicity

In individual modern languages, the PC disyllabic, iambic forms have preceded even further in the direction of monosyllabicity, with the number of consonantal even more reduced. After the break? contrasts in the presyllable being and vocalic up of PC, some languages, such as Roglai, Rade, and Jarai, apparently in contact with languages typologically very much like PC and thus under minimal external the basic word shape, have remained largely unchanged. pressure to modify However,

other Chamic

languages,

under the influence of different

patterns of

contact, have in varying degrees gone even more towards monosyllabicity. One path that leads to a dramatic movement from disyllabic tomonosyl? a generation or two is illustrated by Phan Rang Cham, where the pre syllables were first omitted in informal, colloquial speech and now seem to have been dropped entirely by some speakers. Doris Blood (1962:11) writes, labic within

to Monosyllabic

From Disyllabic

63

Cham words may have two or rarely three syllables, but there is a strong The final syllable of disyllabic words, tendency toward monosyllabicity. here

to as

referred

the main

carries

syllable,

stress.

the primary

The

con?

of the initial syllable... may vary considerably or may be dropped entirely. Often in normal speech a word that is some? times heard as a two-syllable words is fused into one, as in per?w > sonants and vowels

pr?w new, and in kel?k > kl?k to tickle. The following been

observed:

~ per?w

Scholars

pr?w

phir?w

tend to maintain

~ phr?w

fir?w

full forms of words

variations have -

fr?w.

in their speech. by the loss

As a general rule the speech of non-scholars is characterized of preliminary syllable, reduction in vocalism or assimilation lable with

the main

of that syl?

syllable.

In these examples, the reduced forms have come about by rather natural reduc? tions and then loss of the presyllable vowels, but the complete loss of the presyl? lable can come about quite dramatically. as in PR Cham, this tendency to drop syllables is also found throughout Chamic, even in Acehnese, colloquial speech long removed from the MK sphere of influence. Durie (p.c.) comments that it occurs in personal names and in certain highly frequent terms. Thus instead of Although

not as marked

in more

anwk manok, a villager might say nwk manok 'chicken' and instead of miyup rumo h 'under the house', they might say y up moh. Although usually not as dramatically captured inmid-change, through? out Chamic the reduction of disyllables, sometimes all the way tomonosyllables, has occurred and almost all of it has in part been motivated by the tendency of the presyllable vowel to reduce to shwa and then drop, as shown in colloquial Phan forms. Rang Cham variation, collapsing the disyllabic forms into monosyllabic The bulk of such reductions follow one of three patterns of reduction.

The

loss

of

the

vowel

before

medial

-h

The first of the three patterns which led to monosyllables may have been com? the PC the When the initial of main stage. pleted by syllable was *h, as in Table 7, the initial of the pretonic syllable and the initial of themain syllables coalesced into an initial cluster, a pattern noticed by Blood (1962) and commented on by Greenberg (1970:139). One consequence of their origin from the coalescence of forms. disyllables is that such clusters only occur inmodern monosyllabic Table 7 illustrates these developments nicely. InMalay, a closely-related but non-Chamic language, the forms are still disyllabic with themedial -h- as the onset of the second syllable. However, in PC, as reflected both inAcehnese and in

4

Chapter

64

Chamic languages, these forms have been reduced tomono? with various clusters in which the second consonant is -h-. syllables beginning the various mainland

Table 7: From disyllabic

PMP

*h to monosyllables

syllables with medial

Malay PC

Aceh.

Chru

NR

Tsat

*paqit

pahit

*phit

phet

phi:?

phi:?

phi?24

'bitter; bile'

*paqa

paha

*pha

pha

pha

pha

pha33

'thigh'

pohon

*phun

phon

phun

phut

phun33

'trunk;

pha:?24

'chisel;

? *paqat

pahat

*pha:t

phuiat

pha:?

*daqan

dahan

*dha:n

dhuian

tha:n

tha:t

*taqu

tahu

*thow

thsa

thau

thau

tiau?42^

'know;

*taqun

tahun

*thun

thon

thun

thut

thun33

'year'

plus

(1977:78)

-h-

actual

'branch;

clusters,

not

aspirated

noted that in Chru such forms behave phonologically

unitary

phonemes,

an-h?

'a plane',

an

in which

tion of disyllables. have

as evidence

citing

there is an established of which

are

combinations

This

parallels,

infixed

to

plane'

bough' able'

(p.c.) has pointed out, these conso?

In some instances, as G?rard Diffloth nant

?

stem'

alternations nominalizing

such -an-

as

ph?

occurs.

stops.

Fuller

as clusters, not as 'to plane' Certainly,

and

p

where

etymology, such clusters inevitably come from the reduc? too is a point of convergence with MK languages, many for

example,

Khmer

khaat

'lose'

and

k-om-haat

'loss'.

DISYLLABLES WITH LIQUIDS > MONOSYLLABLES AND CLUSTERS a second pattern in which disyllables, but with an originally *-l- or *-r-, coalesced into monosyllables with initial clusters. Notice that the original disyllabic forms are still retained as disyllables outside Chamic in

Table

8 shows

medial

PMP and Malay guages Acehnese

and within Chamic

in PC as well as in the modern Chamic

lan?

and Northern Roglai (not shown in Table 8), but the disyllables been have reduced to clusters in Chru and Tsat. Within Chru and Tsat following the initials of the pretonic syllable and the In Tsat, the process of mor? syllable coalesced, producing monosyllables. one structure with the *-l- or the *-r has further gone step pheme simplification the loss of the shwa in the presyllable,

main

of initial cluster becoming

an -i- glide.

1. The patterns of these secondarily-derived detail in Chapter 5.

clusters

are discussed

in more

Table 8: From disyllabic PMP

65

to Monosyllabic

From Disyllabic

Malay darah

*daRaq

PC

Aceh.

Chru

*darah

darah

drah

*daRa

dara

*dara

dara

dra

*bulu

bulu

*bulow

bulsa

blau

pulau

*bulan *baqeRU

*pulaw

pulo

pala:u

Tsat sia55

'girl'

phia11 -1

?

bulan

*bula:n

buluian

*bahrow

baro-f

barhau

phia11

pla:?

pie?24 -v

pula

*pula

-phian11

pala

pia33 ?

gulung

*gulung ?

*bara

*qabaRa

gulon

*gulun

karam

*karam

kura

*kura

? ? ?

parlarj-v bra kram

? *palsy

phia11 ? ?

kra plai

-v

'body hair' 'island'

baharu

*pala:t -1 paluiat

'blood'

?

bla:n

?

*palaj

liquids to monosyllables

syllables with medial

piai33

'moon' 'new'

'palm; sole' 'to

plant'

'to roll' 'shoulder' 'sink;

sunk'

'turtle' 'village'

Quite parallel to these secondary clusters, which have developed within the history of Chamic, are a set of earlier primary clusters, that is, clusters which had already become clusters by the PC stage and which had developed in a simi? lar way from the loss of the vowel preceding a medial *-l- or *-r- in an earlier disyllabic

form.

LOSS OF THE UNSTRESSED INITIAL SYLLABLE cases, however, the loss of the shwa of the presyllable resulting in the initial and the main syllable initial would have juxtaposition of the presyllable resulted in a highly-marked cluster. Thus, it is not surprising that when the main In most

syllable began with any other consonant syllable was lost (see Table 9).

than *h- or a liquid, the whole

pretonic

from disyllabic to iambic to As this table shows, throughout Chamic there has been a unidirec? monosyllabic. Outside of Chamic, PMP has tional movement along the path tomonosyllabicity. Table 9 shows the unidirectional

movement

forms as does Malay. Within Chamic, the disyllables are rapidly through the reduction and loss of the presyHables: the becoming monosyllables but it four-way vowel distinction of the PC presyllable still exists inAcehnese, fully disyllabic

has been reduced to a limited three-way distinction inNorthern Roglai, while in Rade the presyllable has been reduced even more, with the four-way vowel con? trast reduced

to just a shwa and several of the initial consonants

having been

4

Chapter

66

dropped. In Tsat, the process has gone even further, with almost all the remaining disyllables reduced tomonosyllables through the total loss of the presyllable. to monosyllables

Table 9: From disyllables PMP

Malay mamah

*mamaq *qumah

*lima *tarjan *lapaR

PC

Aceh.

Rade

Tsat

*mamah

mamAh

mamah

huma

*huma

lima

*lima

tang?n

*tana:n

lapar

*lapa

padi

*paday

ma55

'chew'

umArj

hama

ma33

'dry field'

limAn

ema

ma33

'five'

kanan

rja:n33

'hand;

epa

?

pa33

'hungry'

pade

madie

thad?42 na55

'rice (paddy)' 'shoot (bow)'

*baseq

panah basah

*panah *basah

panah basah

manah masah

sa55

'wet;

*m-uda

muda

*muda

muda

mada

tha11

'young;

*panaq

arm'

damp' tender'

Thus, although achieved through the interaction of various internal pres? was originally set sures and paths, the Chamic tendency toward monosyllabicity toward monosyllabic? into motion by language contact and, where the movement it is due to continued

ity has continued, have

was

even

more

restricted

set into motion

preferred

language contact with

morpheme

structures.

That

languages is,

the

that

process

contact, resulting in iambic forms; the subsequent seems to be due in large part to subsequent Phan reduction to monosyllables Rang Cham contact with the monosyllabic Vietnamese and Utsat contact with the monosyllabic

languages

by MK

of Hainan.

5

Consonants

Chamic

for the develop? shift to a preference for final stress has its consequences ments among the consonants: not only do final consonants have their own unique path of development, but so do the presyllable and themain syllable initial conso? The

nants. For the presyllable initials, the tendency is for the contrasts to be steadily reduced, beginning with the transition from PMP to PC. For themain syllable ini? tials, the opposite was initially true; the initial contact with MK languages to monosyllables, expanded the inventory, as did the reduction of disyllables which introduced new clusters. However, this introduction of new contrasts is as an incidental byproduct of the reduction of disyllables to mono? as with all consonants, the central tendency among the main-syllable

best viewed syllables; initials

was

also

towards sense

Making

-language beyond

variation

the out

of

contrasts.

reduction

of

these

tendencies

and,

in particular,

language-to

gets reduced and by how much, requires looking to the differences in patterns of internal motivations

just the language It becomes clear that direct correlations

bilingualism.

developments

the

in what

exist between

the internal

and the external bilingualism.

PRESYLLABLE CONSONANTS:THE DETAILS is only a very limited number of consonants that can begin the presyllable there are six voiceless obstruents: three stops, an affri? (Table 10). Specifically, are four voiced obstruents: three voiced stops and two and fricatives. There cate,

There

a voiced affricate. Finally, there are three sonorants: one nasal (*m-), and two liq? uids (*1- and *r-), with the further likelihood of an additional, marginal *ft-, which 'breath;

seems

to

occur

only

in

two

words:

life'.

67

*?amuk

'mosquito'

and

*?awa

68

Chapter Table 10: The presyllable *t-

*p-

5

consonants

*c-

*k

*s-

*h

*h-

*d-

*i-

*m-

*1-

*fl-

*2 (rare)

*r

All of these presyllabic consonants existed as such in the PMP language spoken by the PMP speakers who originally came toVietnam, although of course various MK forms with similar structures have been added to the total number of forms. Within within

Chamic

itself, the full array of these forms is found unaltered records of Cham, although many of these presyllable have since undergone the changes reflected in the modern Phan Rang

the older written

consonants

Cham andWestern

all of the Similarly, even inmodern Acehnese, presyllable consonants except for *h- are still found as such. Changes in the presyllable consonants have occurred in all the Chamic Cham dialects.

languages, with the distribution of the changes suggesting that contact patterns were a major determinant of the paths of change. Acehnese, which retains all the consonants except *h-, left the mainland before the bulk of the presyllable on The the mainland, changes began. languages remaining except for Rade, underwent similarities patterns.

changes that were at least in part influenced by contact, as many of the in the developments cut across subgrouping lines but match contact

The

lone

exception

is Rade,

which,

as

the geography

suggests,

patterns

as if it were on the edge of the dialect chain existing among the Chamic dialects remaining on the mainland. Certainly, the developments among the Rade presyl? lable initial consonants are unique to Rade. The

rather salient

lack of presyHables beginning with *n-, despite the existence of *n- in the presyllables of PMP, seems to correlate directly with a similar scarcity of such forms in, say, Malay, where, although a handful of appar? ently disyllabic native words with n- seems to exist, the overwhelming majority of disyllabic forms beginning with n- are either obviously borrowed or just as obviously a secondary result of the effects of verbal prefixes. In this context, Lee (1974:652) writes that, although only Manley (1972:25) seems to specifically note the absence, "apart from reduplicative patterns and some cases of syllabic nasals homorganic with the first consonant of the following syllable, normally m is the only nasal that can occur as the onset syllable inmany languages of Viet? nam."

1.

Initial *h- in presyllables Acehnese.

does not occur in Durie's

reconstructions

of Proto

Chamic

69

Consonants

Then, Lee suggests the thus-far-unexceptional *n- to PC *1-, citing five of the examples in Table 11. *n- > PC */

Table 11: PMP PMP

Malay

*niyuR

nyor

*h-in-ipi

mimpi

W.Cham

Aceh.

*la?ur

boh u

la?u

lumpoa

lupai

*lumpsy ?

*lanah

nipis

*nipis

NR

PC

nanah

*nanaq

of PMP

correspondence

lipeh

*lipih

?

?

*lawa:n

*niwag

lan?h

lapay ?

'pus'

lupih

lapih

'thin (material)'

luwa:k

lawan

'thin'

?

?

nasi

'coconut palm' 'to dream'

la?u

'cooked

las?y

*lasey

rice'

In the case of 'dream', the PC forms and the Acehnese form in particular look to be the product of the string PMP *h-in-ipi > *nipi > *lipi > *l-um-pi > *lumpey, stuck into the ultimate Acehnese with two layers of distinct verbal morphology is restricted

form. This particular change Chamic, including Acehnese.

to the Chamic

component

of Malayo

Chamic, xnagar 'country, city; area' borrowing narjgroe represent distinct variants borrowed inde? initial is not the expected l\-l and its vowel suggests an The Acehnese pendently. form is borrowed from earlier *-i, both of which suggest that the Acehnese into mainland

The Indie borrowing

and the Acehnese

Malay.

The voiceless The

reflexes

Rade, also

obstruents of the voiceless

the *p- has merged

merged

*t-,

*k-,

a number of MK sonant of a minor as c-. Elsewhere,

and

*c-

as fc-,

a merger

also

in the minor

found

syllables

of

In fact, Chong (MK) allows only k- as the first con? In Haroi, the PC presyllable *t- has merged with *c

languages. syllable. as Table

are, by and large, straightforward. In the *b- and the *m-, all becoming m-; Rade has

obstruents

with

12 shows,

the various

are kept

series

distinct.

12 are of particular inter? est and merit more discussion than they will be given here. In addition to the listed *p-, *t-, and *k- reflexes, there are also forms with what appear to be the Certain other Chru reflexes not listed in Table

reflexes

par-,

tar-,

and

kar-,

respectively.

However,

these

forms

are most

likely

related to the reduction of earlier trisyllabic (or, polysyllablic) forms, rather than forms of the conditioned. Some apparently were trisyllabic being phonologically For example, in some the residue of either borrowed or native morphology. 'RECIPROCAL'(Goschnick the par- may be related to the Haroi pala1977:115). Thus, in Chru the form for 'divide; share' is parpha, while in Phan Rang Cham there are three forms, one of which is parapha. In addition, there is the form 'rabbit', which is tarpaii in Chru, but *tarapay in PC. Finally, there are instances,

70

Chapter such forms which

many

apparently do not occur elsewhere

5

in PC, and thus may

be borrowings.

Table 12: The voiceless PC

Aceh.

Rade

*p

p-

m-

k-;

k-

*k

*c

g-

obstruents Jarai Chru

Tsat

Haroi W.Cham

p-

p-

p-

0-

p-

p-

k-

k-

k-

0-

k-

kk-

t-

t-

0-

c-

c-

0-

c-

t-

k-

t-

c-;

k-

c-

j-

NR

xs-

c-;

*7_

t

PR Cham p

tc c-

(unmarked) In most

to tell from the material available cases, it is not possible or not forms written with a word-initial vowel actually have glottal

whether onsets.

at

However,

least

so far,

it really

does

seem

not

to have

any

consequences

for the analysis. InWestern Cham the pretonic syllable is lost more often than not.With the la- pretonic syllable, for instance, it is lost in every case except atau 'ghost;

corpse'.

Acehnese

reflexes

initial *k~ and *c

of presyllable

The Acehnese

reflexes of PC presyllable *k- and presyllable *c- are voiced if and if the main only syllable initial is also a voiceless stop (see Table 13, page 70), but not if the main syllable initial is a sonorant (Mark Durie, p.c., informs me that this process is productive inmodern Acehnese). Were it not a borrowing, the word guda

'horse' would be an exception to this pattern; that is, guda 'horse' has a presyllable voiced stop preceding a main syllable voiced stop. However, there is good evidence it is borrowed: Aside from not patterning as might be expected diachronically, it is not widespread in Aus? tronesian and it is suspiciously close to the Gujarati ghoda 'horse' (Karen Mistry, that Gujarati traders were early visitors to this region. p.c.), and it is well-known Table 13: PC *k- > Acehnese Malay kita

PC

g-; *o > Acehnese

j

Acehnese

*campa

juimpa

*k-ita

gui-ta-?oa

'Champa' 'we

(incL)'

kaki

*kakay

gaki

kapas

x*kapa:s

gapuiah

'foot; leg' ' cotton'

kuku

*kukow

guksa

'claw;

k?ntut

*kantut

toh

kutu

*kutow

kuda

x?

-v, gateh

guintat

-f

'fart;

gutsa

'louse,

guda

'horse'

fingernail' flatus head'

ventrus'

Chamic

71

Consonants

PC *s- and *h 14 and 15, the reflexes of presyllabic *s- and *h- are examined. the *s- has been retained in presyllables, while the *h- has been lost.

In Table InAcehnese

In Chru and N. Roglai, the two series are retained largely unchanged. In Chru, there is a minor but interesting split in the reflexes of *s-. If the main syllable stop, the vowel of the presyllable was completely began with a voiceless with an initial sp-, st-, or sk- cluster as dropped, leaving the Chru monosyllabic its onset; otherwise, the complete presyllable remains unaltered. This association of consonant manner with a split in consonantal reflexes reflects voice quality differences (Cf. Thurgood, 1980). Table 14: Reflexes PC

Aceh. s-

*s-

Rade

Jarai

h-;

h-

t, k

NR

Chru

s-

sa-; 0-

/_p,

*s

of PC presyllabic

s-

Haroi

W. Cham

PR Cham

h-;

h-

h

0

0

h

s

0

h

h

h

h

sa

0

h

h

/_vd. ob st.

elsewhere

sa

s

h

In the remaining five languages, the reflexes of *s- and *h- have merged completely. In Jarai,Western Cham, and Phan Rang Cham, both *s- and *h- have merged,

h-,

becoming

parent by the frequent Phan Rang Cham. Table 15: Reflexes

this

although

is made

development

total loss of the whole

of PC presyllabic

presyllable

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

Chru

*h

0-

h-;

h-

h-

NR

Haroi

h-

h-;

0-

/_vd.

t, k obst.

elsewhere

trans?

less

Cham

and

*h

PC

/_p,

somewhat

inWestern

W.Cham

PR Cham

hh0

0-

h-

h-

h-

0-

h-

h

h-

h-

h-

h-

0-

h-

h

h-

h-

h-

h-

h-

hh-

in Rade and Haroi, the merged reflexes are further split, Finally, case on in each is it the basis of although slightly different conditioning factors. In both Rade and Haroi, if the main syllable began with a voiceless stop, the h initial was simply lost (some transcriptions show a glottal onset being added sec? ondarily to what would otherwise be a vowel-initial word). In Haroi, the process

Chapter

72

5

a step further with h- also being lost before main syllables with a voiced obstruent initial. Cf. also "Secondary clusters" on page 94. Again, the association of manner differences with splits in consonantal reflexes reflects voice quality

went

differences

(Cf. Thurgood,

The voiced

stops and breathiness

1980).

The

patterns for voiced stops correspondence breathiness that probably dates back to PC. All

an association

shows

of with

the modern Chamic languages of have reflexes Acehnese and Rade except presyllable *b-, *d-, and *g-, split with the splits conditioned by the manner of the initial consonant of themain syl? lable. The reflexes of PC *j- have not undergone such splits. Table 16: Examples

of reflexes of the PC presyllable

PC

Jarai

Chru

NR

*batow

patau

patau

patau

W. Cham patau

voiced obstruents

PR Cham patSw;

patow

'stone'

*bitu?

patu?

patu?-f

pitu?

patu?

pit??; pat??

'star'

*basah

pasah

pasah

pasah

pasah

path?h

'wet;

x*bato

pato

pato

pato

pato

pato

'teach'

*batuk

pat?k

patu?

pitu? tiki:?

pat?? taki?

pat?? taki?

'cough'

*dikit

taki:?

tapa

damp'

little'

'few; 'arm

*dapa

tapa

tapa

tupa

*gatal

katal

katal

katan

katal

katal

'itchy'

*gatak

kat?k

kata?

kata?

kata?

kata?

'sap;

papah

papah

'mouth'

*babah

?

span'

resin'

*babuy

babui

pabui

babui

papui

papuy

'wild pig'

*dada

tada

tada

dada

tata

tata

'chest'

*bulow

blau

blau

bilau

plau

palow

'body hair'

*burja

ba?a

ba?a

buna

parjur -f

pirju

'flower'

*bula:n

blan

bla:n

bila:t

plan

pilan

'moon'

*darah

drah

drah

darah

taran

taran

'blood'

*dara

dra

dra

dara

tra

tara

'girl'

*dalam

dl?m

darlam

*gunam

gan?m

ganam

All

dalap

tal?m

tal?m kan?m

'inside' 'cloud'

left the mainland before the indicates that Acehnese initials took place. Rade, apparently on the edge of the its own series of developments left behind, underwent

the evidence

loss of the presyllable Chamic dialect chain

largely if not totally independent of the other mainland dialects. All the remain? ing Chamic languages have undergone splits correlated with the manner of the

Chamic

73

Consonants

initial of the main syllable.2 As for Haroi, although subsequent changes have resulted in the total devoicing of all PC presyllable voiced stops, traces of earlier split patterns are reflected in the vowel reflexes of the presyllables. Table

16 shows examples of the split in the reflexes of PC presyllable which stops, depend upon the nature of the main syllable initial. In Jarai, N. W. Chru, Cham, and PR Cham, if the main syllable began with a Roglai, voiceless stop, the voiceless stop reflex is rarely but occasionally accompanied by voiced

breathy voice on the vowel. If the main syllable began with a voiced obstruent, the reflexes may be either voiced or voiceless in Jarai, are voiceless in Chru, are voiced inN. Roglai, are voiceless inW. Cham but with variable residual breathy on the vowel, and are voiceless in PR Cham but without any residual if voice. the main breathy Finally, syllable consonant is a sonorant, the reflex is voiced in Jarai, Chru, and N. Roglai, and voiceless but with accompanying resid? voice

ual breathy voice on the vowel inW. and PR Cham. The same patterns (although based on all the data, not just the examples in Table 16) are presented schematically in Table 17. Table 17: The reflexes of the PC presyllable PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

Chru

*b-

b-

m-

p-;

p-;

p-;

b-

b-

b-

p-

p-

p-

p-pp-

/_vl. /_vd.

m-

stops stops

/_sonorants *d-

/_vl. /_vd.

d-

p-

pb-

b-

p-

p-

0-

t-;

t-;

t-;

c-

t-/;

d-

d-

d-

t-

t-

t-

t c-

t- t-

d-

c-

d-

d-

*g-

d-

k-;

g-

g-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

/_sonorants

k-

g-

g-

g-

k-

*j-

0-

j"

j"

p

p p

t

t-/;

c-

k-;

j"

p-

p-/;

t

kk-;

g-

j"

p

?

k-;

stops

p-/;

p-/;

b-

k-

PR Cham

p-/;

m-

0-

g-

p-

b-

0-

stops

Haroi W.Cham

b-

0-

stops

NR

m-

/_sonorants

/_vl.

2.

voiced obstruents

k-; k

c-

k-

kkk k-

c ?-

Tsat has essentially lost all its presyllables, leaving too little trace of earlier of to the of loss determine whether Tsat also split the reflexes stages process of the PC voiced stops.

74

Chapter

5

The patterns themselves are as described for the examples in Table 16, although in general terms, the cross-linguistic patterning of the changes illus? trates a persistent drift towards voiceless obstruents. The pattern of the drift is evident in the table: in terms of the manner of the main syllable consonant, the loss of voicing (and breathiness) ismost favored before voiceless obstruents, favored before voiced obstruents, and least favored before voiced sonorants. sonorants

The

The

less

nasals

The reflexes of the PC nasals *m- and *?-, shown in Table 18, require two com? First, in Rade, the *p- and the *b- have also merged with the *m- giving

ments. m-.

Table 18: The reflexes of the PC presyllable PC

Aceh.

Rade

Chru

NR

Haroi

PR Cham

m-

m-

m-

m-

m

Jarai

*/?-)

*m-

m-

*mata

mata

mata

mata

mata

mata

mita

*manu?

mano?

man??

man??

man??

man??

man??

min??

'chicken'

*muda

muda

mada

mada

mada

mida

mathia

mita

'young'

*?amuk

m-

*m- (and, possibly,

nasal

?

jamo? ?

*?awa

Second,

?

?

ewa

the

near

jawa nonexistence

jam??

jamo?

jawa

lawa

of

PC

?

*?-

'eye'

camo?

cawia

indicates

yawa the

'mosquito' 'breath'

phoneme

was

in various ways marginal at the PC level, and the reflexes show its dissolution throughout Chamic. In large part the reflexes of initial *?- have blended with those of *j-, although there is also merger with the reflexes of *y-. The change of PC first syllable *ft- to ill in N. Roglai is at least reminiscent of the change of PMP first syllable *n- to ill in PC. It is worth, however, noting that 'breath, breath, life, soul' is still manifested as /fiaw?/ 'soul' inHeadley's Western Cham, suggesting

that thisWestern

Cham

initial still reflects the PMP initial quite faith?

fully.

The liquids In terms of Chamic

reflexes, the PC *m-. The distinction

the *r- and the *1- are a little more between

the presyllable

interesting than *r- and the *1- has been

Chamic

75

Consonants

totally lost in Rade, Haroi, and Jarai, with the Rade reflexes further merging with *d- and *j-, and then ultimately disappearing completely. of PC presyllable

Table 19: Reflexes PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

liquids NR

Chru

0

Haroi

PR Cham

1

r

*rata:k

nutuia?

etak

rata?

rata:?

rata:?

lata? -1 rata?

*ribow

ribsa

eb?u

rabau

rabau

rubau

laph?au

ripow

rasa

rasa

rusa

lasa

ratha

?

rusa

*rusa

'bean; pea' 'thousand' 'Sambhur deer'

r

*1

1

*lima

limAt) lakoa

ema

rama

lama

lurna

lamia

limi

'five'

eksi

lakai

lakai

lak?i

lik?y

'male; person'

larjet

erjit

rakai ?

larji:?

larjl:?

lagi?

larji?

'sky'

luka

eka

laka

lika-

'wound,

*laksy *lanit *luka

onsets:

Presyllable Within

0

1

?

retention

the history of Chamic,

includes

the

reduction

gradual

?

laka

scar'

and reduction the persistent movement the presyllable:

of

towards monosyllabicity the

first,

consonant

and

vowel

inventories are progressively reduced and then eventually the entire presyllable is lost. Acehnese retains 12 of the 13 distinctions (marginally 14), undoubtedly in it because left the mainland early, thus avoiding the subsequent bilingual part contact which would

lead the other languages

toward the reduction

of the initial

contrasts.

Rade displays the most drastic reductions in the presyllable consonantal In Rade, the original 13 consonants have been reduced to just three. The

onsets.

voiced

apical

and

*b-,

*p-

consonants have

*r-,

merged,

*1-,

*j-,

and m-,

becoming

*dthe

have *t-,

been

*c-,

lost,

*k-,

and

the bilabials *g-

have

*m-,

merged,

becoming k-, and, the two voiceless fricatives have merged, becoming h- (with the h- subsequently in some contexts (see "The voiceless disappearing obstruents" on page 69; Table 14)). to just six, paralleling Haroi has reduced the original 13 distinctions Rade *t-

and

in the reductions *c-

coalesced,

itmakes. The *1- and *r- have coalesced, becoming

(with the h- subsequently

c-;

the

disappearing

*s-

and

*h-

have

in some contexts

becoming

coalesced,

(see Table

becoming

/-; the h

14, page 71)).

Chapter

76

5

And, as happens partially or completely throughout Chamic, the voicing distinc? tion is lost with the voiced obstruents. The obvious parallels between Rade and Haroi apparently reflect the influence of a period of mutual contact. Jarai,

like

both

*h-, leaving Jarai with

Rade

Table 20: Retention PC

Aceh.

*r-

and Haroi,

11 presyllable

Rade

NR

Jarai

Chru

0-

r-

r-

r-

1-

*1-0-

r-

1-

1-

J" d-

*d-0-

*t-

t-

*c*k-

and

*1- as well

Haroi r-

W.Cham

c-

1-

1 c

j"

t-; d-

t-; d-

c-

k-

t-

t-

t-

c-

c-

k-

c-

c-

c-

c-

c

c-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k

k-

*g-

g-

k-

k-;

k-;

k-

*m-

m-

m-

m-

*p-

p-

m-

p-

*b-

b-

m-

p-;

*s-

s-

h-; 0-

h-

sa-;

s-

h-; 0-

*h-

0-

h-

h-

h-

h-

h-;0-

13

13

g-

m-

m-

pb-

p-;

g-

pb-

s-

p-;

b-

PR Cham

c-

1-

j"

k-;

and

r

t-; d-

g-

*s-

1-

J"

*j-

as

consonants

in presyllable

and reduction

r-

0~

*r-

coalesces

onsets.

t-

t-/;

t

t-; t

t-

k-

k-;

m-

mm

p-

p-

p-

p-;

k

k-;

p p-

p-;

p

h hh h-

Totals:

13

12

3

11

6

12

12

In all the languages except Rade and Haroi, at least some of the voiced coalescing with the reflexes of the voiceless stops in the pro?

stops have devoiced cess.

Also,

in both

dialects

of Cham,

*s-

and

*h-

have

merged

as h-.

that the table does not include Tsat, which does not have presyl? let alone lables, presyllable onsets. Tsat has dropped all presyllable consonants except those that have coalesced with the initial of the main syllable to become Notice

part of the onset of amonosyllable. Sporadic As

"dissimilation"

is quite obvious

within

the mainland

(cf. text above and Table 20), throughout Chamic particularly Chamic languages after the breakup there has been a ten

Chamic

77

Consonants

of the presyllables. This dency toward the reduction of the contrasts in the initials so not much reduction has been accomplished, through the dropping of initials, the merger of var? although this happens occasionally, but instead largely through ious presyllable initials (cf. the situation in Rade in which some initials have dis? appeared while others have undergone widespread merger). in which there Mark Durie (p.c.) pointed out another set of presyllables Table 21). These has been sporadic "dissimilation" of the presyllable initial (see involve instances where both the presyllable and the main syllable with /c-/, or, more begin with the same initial: both begin with /k-/, both begin the change occurs, the presyllable both begin with /s-/. When problematically, initial usually becomes /t-/, but sometimes it becomes lc-1 and sometimes lk-1. In each case, the change has occurred sporadically, sometimes happening, some? times not. As with the changes discussed earlier, the result of these changes in the reduction of number of patterns found involving the presyllable initials. dissimilations

to discuss the developments of the presyllable initials in *k-. 21 Table of the examples one-by-one, beginning with the forms with initial form that of In those cases where there is a Malay form, the initial faithfully form. For the form 'claw; fingernail', most of the reflects the older Austronesian It is instructive

form guksa is quite regular reflect the original PC *k-: The Acehnese of reflexes presyllable initial *k- and including the voiced initial (see "Acehnese *c-" on page 70), and most of the remaining forms have also retained a velar languages

two forms do reflect a change: the Jarai (PL) form takau has a reflex. However, lt-1 reflex, and both the Jarai (Lee) form cakau and the Phan Rang Cham (Lee) cak?w

initials

have

reflecting

Table 21: Sporadic Malay kuku

change from Jarai

Aceh.

PC *kukow >

kaki

neither

guksa

?

?

lt-1

*kakay > lt-1

takau

gigi

lt-1

*gigey > lt-1

gigoa ?

NR

PR Cham Wr. Cham

kukau

kakow

?

cak?w

? takai

rak?h -i kaka ?

?

?

? tSgai

*t-.

*?- to ft-/ in initials of the presyllable

takai

?

nor

?

? gaki -v

*kaka:s ? >

a *k-

kukau

'fingernail'

kakai

takay kak?h

'claw;

?

'foot'

takai kakai)

'fish scales'

takah

?

? digai

tafc?y

'tooth' tag?i

For 'foot', only theAcehnese gaki -v (unless, as the vowel suggests, this is a bor? rowing from Malay), and one of the twoWritten Cham forms recorded by Aymo? nier and Cabaton kakai reflects the original *k-. The remaining forms reflect an initial lt-1. The pair ofWritten Chamic (AC) forms make it clear that both variants have existed within the history of Cham, and suggest that the *k- developed into

Chapter

78

5

lt-1 during that time. For 'fish scale', the form in Jarai (PL) should be compared with Khmer sraka (listed inAymonier and Cabaton). Of the remaining forms all seem to have retained reflexes of the original *k- except for one of the two Phan Rang Cham variants. The variant recorded by Lee takah reflects lt-1, not the *k-, but the presence of both variants within Phan Rang Cham suggests that the *k variant existed within the history of Cham. Finally, with the voiced velar of form has retained evidence of the older velar; else? 'tooth', only the Acehnese where

the reflexes have become

alveolar stops. can be made about

these changes. First, the of Northern PC: the Acehnese, Jarai, Roglai, Western changes postdate breakup Cham, and Phan Rang Cham all retain evidence of the earlier *k-. Second, the Several

are

changes

observations

sporadic

change

it sometimes

appears

to reflect

in nature:

the

becomes

an earlier

*k-,

*k-

only

sometimes,

changes

lc-1 and sometimes sometimes

a *t-,

and

lt-1. The sometimes

and when

reflex

it does

sometimes

a *c. Third,

two

words changed almost everywhere while two others only changed sporadically, a pattern consistent with the existence of a tight-knit dialect chain in which changes in one dialect often spread to contiguous dialects. Fourth, the apparent to participate in this change (or, in the change of *c- to lt-1 discussed below (with the marginal exception of the word 'lizard')) suggests that Acehnese had already the mainland when the bulk of these changes took place. Consider the forms in Table 22 with initial *c-. With 'grandchild', the failure of Acehnese

older *c- is still faithfully retained only in two Chamic sources, Acehnese and the Cham (AC) cacauv (along with the variant with the initial lt-1). Similarly,

Written with

'chop; strike', only theWritten

Fortunately,

the

Aymonier

and

Cham

Cabaton

(AC) cacauh dictionary

retains the older initial.

contains

numerous

older

(AC) retains the 'great grandchild', older initial (along with a form reflecting the more recent lt-1). Finally, the MK borrowing 'lizard' is interesting primarily because it is a late borrowing but none? theless it has sporadically undergone the change from *c- to lt-1 inAcehnese (see forms. With

again only

theWritten

Cham

in Acehnese) suggesting that, although the change from *c- to lt-1 to have have occurred long enough after the breakup of PC for Acehnese escaped most of its influence, it is still reflected in this late borrowing. the doublet

must

As with the *k- to lc-1 and lt-1 changes, several observations can be made about this data. First, the change postdate the breakup of PC, as theAcehnese and Written Cham doublets make clear, and, if 'lizard' is ignored, it is only theWrit? to partic? ten Cham doublets that do so. Second, the apparent failure of Acehnese the exception of the word 'lizard', suggests that of this occurred. Finally, the doublets inWritten that the change occurred after the breakup of PC and spread

ipate in this change, with Acehnese left before much Cham

indicate

throughout

the dialect chain.

Chamic

79

Consonants

Table 22: Sporadic

cucu

Aceh.

PC

Malay

?

> lt-1

x*cica?

> lt-1

tica?

tac?? ?

?

c??

c?n

cica?;

cacai?;

'great

ticai?

grandchild'

caca?

'lizard;

?

kac??

tac??

k?rjk??

strike'

'chop,

ticauh

?

tice?

tace?

cacauh;

tacoh

ticoh

'grandchild'

ticauv

?

?

?

?

> lt-1

?

tacoh CAt

x*cic?t

cacauv;

taco

tico

?

?

> lt-1

?

?

taco

?

x*cacoh

cicak

?

in initials of the presyllable PR Cham Wr. Cham

NR

Jarai

cuco

x*cuco

cicit

*c- to/t-/

change from

gecko'

Finally, there is a third set of forms which behave in a parallel way but are which only apparent when one looks outside of the Chamic languages, that is, there is a pair of words in which lt-1 reflects what extra-Chamic evidence makes clear was an earlier ls-1 (see Table 23). Within that

attestation

I am

aware

of

for

an

earlier

Cham form turns up unexpectedly,

Written

Table 23: Sporadic Malay susu

PC

change from Jarai

**susow >

sisir

xxsisi(r) > xtasi

and,

or

a

I do not expect to find any.

*s- to ft-/ in initials of the presyllable W. Cham PR Cham Wr. Cham ?

? tasau

tisau

kasi-i

there is no

an Acehnese

unless

NR

? tasi

*s-;

itself, however,

? tasau

*tasow

Chamic

?

?

'breast'

tasou

tathow

? tasi

?

'a tathi

?

comb' tasi; tasi? -f

on the basis of the parallels with the forms inTables 16 and 17 com? Nonetheless, bined with the external evidence offered by theMalay forms, it is likely that these forms

were

**susow

and

xxsisi

'comb;

hand

of

bananas'

in post-PC

and

have

simply dissimilated giving the forms found in the tables. In any case, the "dissimilations" discussed above, despite their sporadic nature, despite the fact that they postdate the breakup of PC, and despite their sometimes idiosyncratic patterning have in common that they are part of the change toward the reduction of presyllables?a change that has its impetus sup? not the internal of these by plied dynamics languages but by the structures of the are in contact with. languages that the Chamic languages The

extra-Chamic

As

the patterns

correspondences

in Table 24 and the examples in Table 25 show, inMalay, guage clearly subgrouped outside of Chamic, the first syllable consonants spond precisely with the onsets reconstructed for Chamic.

a lan? corre?

Chapter

80

Table 24: Reflexes

of PC presyllable

Aceh.

Rade

liquids

Jarai

PC *1

1-

0-

r

1

1

1

r

*r

r-

0-

r

r

1

r

j d

*j

j-

J

j

*d

d-

0

Chru, NR

W. & PR Cham

Malay 1

d

0

5

Haroi

c c

t-;d

j t-/;

t

The PC presyllable liquids are retained unaltered inAcehnese. The iden? tical patterns of reflexes in Chru and Roglai as well as those inWestern and Phan Rang Cham reflect the subgrouping. Table 25: Reflexes Malay lima

of PC presyllable Aceh.

PC *lima

limArj

liquids (examples)

Rade

Jarai

Haroi

ema

rama

lamia

PR Cham limi

'five' '

lapar

*lapa

rusa

*rusa

epa rusa

rapa

lapa

lapa

rasa

lasa

ritha

'

hungry'

Sambhur

deer' *dara

dara

era

dra

caria

tara

darah

*darah

darah

erah

drah

cariah

tar?h

'blood'

danau

*danaw

dano

enau

danau

caniau

tanaw

'lake'

jarum

*jarum

jarom

er?m

jr?m-v

car?m

car?m

'needle'

jalan

*jala:n

-lu?an

elan

jalan

cal?an

?alan

'road;

dara

The Malay forms, the PC forms, the Acehnese, all agree in their reflexes.

Main

syllable

onset

and the Phan Rang Cham

path'

forms

consonants

the borrowings have been culled out, the correspondences among the are com? are onsets If these reflexes main straightforward. remaining syllable

Once

the reflexes of the presyllable onsets, it becomes apparent that certain have different reflexes, depending upon whether they were presylla? ble or main syllable onsets.

pared with consonants

The

voiceless

obstruents

largely unaltered. Only the *s- in even Phan Rang Cham has changed, and, in this case, it is obvious both from Western Cham and from the older inscriptional citations that it was an s- at an The voiceless

obstruents

earlier point in Cham.

have been retained

Chamic

81

Consonants

Table 26: Reflexes

of the voiceless

obstruents

PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai Chru

NR

Tsat

Haroi

*p-

p-

p-

p-

p-

p-

p-

p-

t- *t-t-

t-

t-

t-

t-

t-

W.Cham

t-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k-

k k-

*c-

c-

c-

c-

c-

c-

ts-

c-

c c-

*?-

0-

0-;

?-

0-;

0-; .7. s-

h-

*s-

s-

s-

s-

s-

*h-

h-

h-

h-

h-

?-

0-;

p

pt

*k-

.?. .7.

PR Cham

0-;

.7.

.7.

s-

s-

s-

h-

h-

h-h

0

th

syllable PC *s- onset is retained as such in Phan languages except Rang Cham, the presyllable PC *s- became h in Chru and N. Roglai. It is worth noting thatWritten Cham has two dis? Notice

that, while

the main

all modern

except tinct representations

for /s-/, with the one Moussay transliterates as lth-1 being the older form, and the one transliterated as ls-1 being more recent. Thus, in some sense, the forms with ls-1 are suspicious; that is, these may eventually turn out to be borrowed but this remains to be seen. The apparent two-way alternation in the reflexes of the PC glottal stop is more a question of orthographic conventions than of reality. In several languages, a clear reflex of the PC glottal stop occurs intervocalically in word-medial posi? tion, where the retained glottal stop is written as either a glottal stop or a hyphen. In word-initial position before a vowel, nothing occurs in the orthographies but from the various phonetic descriptions it seems evident that such forms actually a with not onset?it is indicated in the orthographies. begin glottal simply To digress for a moment, Adelaar (1988:62) writes that, for his proto the proto-phoneme *c is not well-attested, Malayic, citing certain words, a form with the PC xcum and another with smell'3 'kiss; ing counterpart counterpart

x*picah

'broken;

includ? the PC

break':

the number of etyma with *c is restricted, and many of theMalayic lex? c are borrowed. But there is still a number of them containing

emes

which 3.

hitherto

could not be explained

away as borrowings,

and the

As Blust pointed out (p.c.), if PC 'kiss; smell' is aMK borrowing, its distri? bution in western Indonesia is interesting. Iban doesn't seem to have it, but as Blust (p.c.) suggested this would be because Iban is part of the Malayo Chamic population that never left the southwest Borneo homeland. He fur? ther notes that Malay, Minangkabau other languages which may have Madurese;

Ngaju Dayak

and Banjarese all have it, as do some borrowed it from Malay (Sundanese, presumably got it from Banjarese).

5

Chapter

82

ultimately depend on the reduction of their includes e.g. PM *cari, *cu(rj)kup, *curi, *cium. It number, which appears that reflexes of *cium and *curi must have been borrowed from Northern Indian languages, where we find Bengali cum(a) 'a kiss', curi, of PM *c will

elimination

'theft', and cor 'thief, and Hindi and chor 'thief. Since other Northern

chuma

cori

'a kiss',

chori

'a theft', usually have

Indian languages similar or related terms for 'kiss' and 'theft' or 'thief, and the regular PMP etyma for these notions are *ajek and *tarjkaw respectively, *cium and *curi must

be erroneous

reconstructions

built on Northern

Indian

*c, such as *kucirj 'cat', *pacah 'small' *kacil be the result of secondary phonolog? and 'scattered', may ical developments within Malayic itself (cf. Zorc 1983:12-3). It is very

loanwords.

Other

of PM

instances

on the one hand, and bor? likely that these phonological developments from and Southeast-Asian Northern Dravidian, Chinese, Indian, rowing on will the evidence for PM eliminate the other, ultimately languages *c. And

of PM *c has far-reaching

the elimination

PAn/PMP

consequences

for

*c.

Of the two PC counterparts he mentions specifically, the first is a borrowing, but the second reconstructs at least within Chamic. However, as Adelaar observes for the vast

Malayic,

majority

of

within

the words

with

Malayo-Chamic

are

*c-

bor?

rowed. Only one of the forms with a presyllable *c- looks to be PMP, the word *caba:rj 'branch', but in PC it is x*ca?arj, with an unexpected glottalized Ibl. Of the 30 or so PC forms whose main syllable begins with *c, although many recon? struct

to the PC

level,

other

than

none

x*picah,

appear

to have

strong

PMP

recon?

structions ! The voiced As

obstruents

is clear from the reflex patterns in Table 27, before it became differentiated and Coastal Chamic, PC had four voiced obstruents.

into a Highlands

Table 27: Reflexes

of PC voiced obstruents Chamic

Hainan

Coastal

Tsat

(Lowlands Chamic) Haroi W. & PR Cham

PC

Aceh.

Chamic Highlands (Plateau Chamic) Rade Jarai Chru NR

*b-

b-

b-

b-

b-

b-

*d*,

d-

d-

d-

d-

d-

phth-

pht th-

g-

g-

g-

g-

g-

kh-

khk

*j-

j-

j-

j-

j-

j-

s-

?s-

p

Chamic

We Tra-ki?u

initials were voiced

know that the Cham

(Coed?s and

'with',

83

Consonants

(1939; cited inMarrison 'seven'.

tujoh

is no

There

(1975)));

reason

in the inscription found at for example, di 'at', dengan

to trust

not

the words

that

written

with voiced stops in the script were voiced stops, at least originally. The real questions revolve around when the various devoicings

took

place. Much of this must be surmised as all we know directly is that, on the basis of Cabaton (1901), the voiced stops had become voiceless by 1901. The devoic ing in Tsat and the Coastal Chamic are instructive for two reasons: first, the two occurred

independently of each other and, second, the reflexes correlate with dif? ferent linguistic sub-areas. In the southern Vietnamese highlands, Rade, Jarai, Chru, and N. Roglai have preserved the original PC voicing; in the Hainan lin? guistic sub-area Tsat has devoiced, and in the linguistic sub-area along the coast? line, the Haroi and Cham have undergone devoicing. to N. Roglai, the devoicing In Tsat, closely-related only after the arrival in Hainan in 986, having fled Champa

occurred

probably

following the Viet? at northern The change was of the in 982. sacking capital Indrapura contact in influenced the situation Hainan, as much of undoubtedly by language the phonological of Tsat has been restructured under the influence of the system namese

languages of Hainan. Notice that, in any case, the Tsat ismost closely related to Northern Roglai, a language which still has voiced obstruents; thus, the devoic? ? ? the separation of Cham and Roglai. ing in Tsat happened after long after It is likely that the devoicing in Coastal Chamic, that is, in Haroi and in Cham,

postdates

Highlands

of the distinction

the emergence

Chamic.

There

is also

reason

every

between Coastal Chamic

to

suspect

that Haroi

were by then quite separate and that the parallel developments result

a similar

of

response

to

similar

situations

?

that

is,

and

in each were the

type

of

and

Cham

the

conver?

gence typical of a linguistic area. What must be resisted, changes tion must

in Coastal Chamic be resisted

is the temptation to attribute the however, toVietnamese influence. The reason that this tempta?

is that the same changes are found inWestern Cham, a split off from Cham immediately after theVietnamese con?

group that apparently quest of the southern capital atVijaya. Thus, if this historical scenario is accurate, it is quite unlikely that the innovated changes in Coastal Chamic are primarily due to Vietnamese influence. It is possible, however, that the various changes common to Coastal Chamic might occurred before Cham differentiated

be

the modern

reflexes

into Haroi, Western

Cham,

of changes that and Phan Rang

Cham.

Even more voiced obstruents ple,

important to the history of these languages is the fact that the are associated with breathiness throughout Chamic. For exam?

in the two Cham dialects,

the reflexes are voiceless

unaspirated

stops fol

84

Chapter

5

lowed by a breathy voiced vowel. Also, for Chru, Fuller (1977:85) writes that the initial stops are often accompanied by a breathy quality on the vowel. In Haroi, various vowel splitting patterns make it clear that the voiced obstruents are voiced

to be associated with breathy voice. And, in the earlier discussion of the reflexes voiced stops, the patterns of splitting in the reflexes suggest that breathy phonation is associated with the voiced stops. In short, this and other evi? of the presyllable

dence makes

it clear that throughout Chamic

voiced

stops are associated

with

breathiness.

The

sonorants

The PC sonorants are retained as such throughout Chamic. As noted elsewhere, the sonorants behave as a natural class for the sake of certain register complex and tonal developments. Table 28: Reflexes of PC sonorants PC

Aceh.

NR

Tsat

Haroi

m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

m-

*n-

n-

n-

n-

n-

Jarai Chru

n-

n-

n-

W. Cham

PR Cham

m-

m

n-

n

*n-

0-

0-

rj-

rj-

0-

0-

rj-

rjrj

*ft-

ft-

?-

ft-

ft-

ft-

ft-

ft-

ft-

1-

ll-1- 1-

1-

1-

1-

11

*r-r-

r-

r-

r-

z-

r-r r-

z-

r*y.

y-

y-

y-

y-

y-

*w-

w-

w-

w-

w-

w-

Also, *w-,

Rade

*m-

alternate

as might

be expected,

in a fully-predictable

v-

1-

yw-

in various languages way

between

fi?

-y- and

y

yw

w-

the reflexes of *y- and -i- and

between

-w-

and

-u-, respectively, depending on whether or not the reflex has been analyzed as vocalic or consonantal in the grammar in question (cf. Lee 1974:662, fn. 5). It is important to note that, while an initial *w- is reconstructable in some words for PC *w-, none of the words with an initial PC *w- reconstruct to the PMP level. The secondary nature of such forms is fully consistent with Blust's claim that word-initial *w- was lost in proto-Malayo-Chamic. (1992a:34-44)

Voiced

and voiceless

'aspirated'

These voiced and voiceless

consonants

'aspirated' initials come from two sources. The inher? ited initials result from the coalescence of the initial of the presyllable with the

Chamic

85

Consonants

syllable (see Table 29, below, for examples). In addition, there are a number of examples that areMK borrowings, for example, PC *pha 'different' and PNB *pha 'different' and PC x*khan 'blanket; cloth' and PNB *kh?n 'blan? *h- of themain

ket'.

In Chamic, although there is some question about whether these are units or clusters, they often behave as clusters, not just phonologically but also like clusters in sound and they partake phonetically. They frequently morpholog? ical alternations

in which

the vowel before medial

they are split as if they were clusters (see "The loss of -h-" on page 63). Of course, such an analysis rests cru? that alternating forms are synchronically related to one

cially on the assumption another, an assumption that is clearly true diachronically but may be questionable synchronically. With reference to Jarai, Blust (1980b: 133) records the alternation [phi?] [pahi?] 'bitter' < PC *phi? (his own transcription), an alternation that sug? a cluster. With reference to Acehnese, as gests that the initial is phonetically Durie

(1985:19) makes clear, both the voiceless aspirated and the voiced aspi? rated (his murmured) stops can be treated as phonemic sequences of C + h. Durie (p.c.) argues that there are both phonetic (1985:19) and phonological grounds for

clusters. Ace? treating Acehnese C + h sequences as demonstrably phonological hnese (Durie 1985:19) nicely illustrates the evidence found in morphological alternations; cf. /phet/ 'bitter', which, when it takes the infix l-mn-l, becomes 'bitterness'. And, in Acehnese, this process of infixation is wide? /puinuihet/ spread enough tomake it clear not only that the infixation itself is productive but also that these onsets are not just historically but also synchronically clusters. The diachronic source of such C + h clusters in all those instances where there is a clear etymology and the forms have not been borrowed is from the reduction of disyllables. Table 29: Reflexes of voiceless PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

Chru NR

*ph-

ph-

ph-

ph-

ph-

*th-

th-

th-

th-

th-

*khxch-

kh?

'aspirated' consonants

and voiced

kh-

kh-

kh-

ch-/;

s-

s-

Tsat

Haroi

W. Cham

PR Cham

ph-

ph-

ph-

ph-

ph

th-

th-

th-

th-

th

kh-

kh-

kh-

kh

ch-

s-/;

? ch-/;

?

c-/;

c- s-

s-ch-/; thy

*bh- ?

bh-

bh-/;

ph-

ph-

?

?

ph-/; ph-

*dh-

dh-

*gh-

kh-?

ph

pah

dh-

th-

th-

th-

th-

th-

th-

th

gh-

kh-

kh-

kh-

kh-

kh-

kh-

kh

Chapter

86

5

'aspirates' are retained as such throughout Chamic, but series has been largely lost. Thus, the voiced aspirates are only retained as such in the orthography of Cham and in Rade, with the *bh- variably The voiceless

the voiced

retained as /bh-/ in Jarai and the *dh- apparently retained as /dh-/ in Acehnese. evidence for a former voiced series is found in both Western and Nonetheless, Phan Rang Cham, where the reflexes of these obstruents are in the breathy-voice quality often found on the vowels after the former voiced obstruents; as Lee notes this is a clear indication that these initials were once voiced (1974:648-649), obstruents.

these

In discussing

Lee

aspirates,

also

notes

that

there

are

also

some

in Roglai, but he assumes these are probably Rade borrowings. It needs to be pointed out that xch- does not reconstruct to the PC level, nor apparently do the forms containing it occur inAcehnese. Notice the consider? voiced affricates

able, unconditioned variation in its reflexes. The process of reducing the PMP

forms to aspirates in PC was not as PC the Lee (1974:649) again notes, PMP *tuqah stage; totally completed by 'old' is PC *tuha which drops the vowel in Rade kha, sometimes in Jarai taha vs.

some variation tha, but not in Roglai tuha and Cham taha. Undoubtedly, forms has existed in Chamic for a considerable period of time.

in such

As pointed out earlier, the development of PC and post-Chamic clusters consisting of stop plus -h- is an obvious adaptation to the MK languages with which the PC speakers had come into contact. Glottalized The

voiced

obstruents

problem in talking about glottalized voiced obstruents is deter? mining they are. Greenberg (1970:134), paraphrasing Ladefoged, men? tions at least three phonetically distinct possibilities, all referred to as implosives: immediate

just what

"segments in which the larynx is actually lowered producing an ingressive air stream upon the release of the oral stop, segments with laryngealized voicing, lan? and segments which are preglottalized." In the literature on the Chamic these segments are frequently termed "preglottalized". Certainly some such as the glottalized obstruents of Jarai, are definitely phoneti? manifestations, (Bob Blust, p.c.); other manifestations may very well not be. cally preglottalized guages,

since

Nonetheless,

the

variants

never

actually

nically and all pattern together in Chamic, nically

contrast

with

one

another

synchro?

the variants can be treated as diachro

non-distinctive.

The origins

of glottalized

obstruents

The overwhelming majority of PC glottalized obstruents are pre-Chamic borrow? ings from MK sources; a large number of the remaining forms with glottalized

Chamic

Consonants

87

represent borrowings post-dating the breakup of PC. As an example, Solnit (1993:109) cites theMK loan PC xtfirj -f 'tube; pipe (for smoking)'. How?

obstruents

ever, the earliest layer of glottalized obstruents was developed in a small set of PMP forms.

not borrowed

but rather

Over the last forty years, linguists have largely focused their attention on this small subset of inherited forms with glottalized obstruents. The first author to comment on the crucial correspondences was Dorothy Thomas, who wrote about the glottalized lb/ in the Rade, Jarai, and Chru forms for 'hair' (cf. Rade ??k the Chamic forms to Dyen's (1953) PMP *buhuk 'hair', she 'hair'). Comparing commented (1963:63), "The preglottalized b of *buhuk reflexes probably repre? sents a metathesis of the *b and *h." A little later, Greenberg

(1970:137), in his oft-cited paper "Some gener? consonants, concerning glottalic especially implosives", noting that for Chamic, Dyen's *h > pre-Chamic *? (and, as will be relevant for other examples, Dyen's *q > pre-Chamic *h), recognized that the PMP *buhuk had been replaced by the pre-PC level by *bu?uk. He then stated that when the first consonant in a alizations

CVCV(C) structure is a voiced stop and the second is the laryngeal ?; the result is a glottalized voiced obstruent, or, in his terms, a voiced injective. To the word 'head hair', Greenberg added 'stench' and Lee (1974:649; 653-654) added 'climb', both of which work in a parallel way. Later writers, e.g. Blust

(1980b) and Solnit (1993), have also cited approvingly. For the forms, see Table 30. Table 30: PC glottalized PMP

obstruents

Malay ?

Pre-PC

*buhuk

*bu?uk

*nahik

naik

*da?ik

*bahu

bau

*ba?u

*?ow

PC

the forms and the analysis

in PMP words Aceh.

Rade

PR Cham

*?uk-1

?o?

??k

?u?

'head hair'

*cfi?

?e?

dl?

cfi?

'climb;

??u

?ow

'stench'

ascend'

*daqan

dahan

*dahan

*daqis

dahi

*adahi

*bow

bsa

*dha:n

dhuian

adhan

*?adh?y

dhoa

adhei

'stench'

than

'branch'

they

'forehead'

Ignoring for a minute the last two forms on Table 30, several additional com? ments might be made about the data and its analysis. First, the form for 'climb; ascend' looks good, despite the PMP initial; if the PMP form is accurate, the *d is simply a backformation from what was misanalyzed as a nasal prefixed *dahik. However, the form does occur in Bahnar (AC) dak; it conceivably could turn out to simply be a lookalike borrowed from Bahnar. Second, although both Thomas

Chapter

88

(1963) and Lee (1974) mention metathesis, involved deletion of the first syllable vowel, in the set. Once

ascend' seems

the two segments

5

it is more

likely that the change particularly if we include 'climb; are juxtaposed, metathesis hardly

necessary.

seems to have a glottal stop Finally, it is necessary to note thatAcehnese for glottalized obstruents forms, but voiced heading monosyllabic obstruent reflexes for forms in disyllables or as part of an onset cluster. Further, reflex

in the case of the Acehnese

rather than first forms, it is likely that coalescence was As Durie involved. out, syllable dropping (p.c.) points although Acehnese on some occasions, of other Chamic does drop syllables independently languages is consistent with the dropping in this is rare?mostly the dropping inAcehnese to have con? the mainland it would be Thus, languages. surprising for Acehnese in CV? this environment when other sistently dropped syllables just particular Chamic

languages did not. In addition, the word

'stench' requires some discussion, as its analysis is a variant with a voiced rather than a glottalized the of existence complicated by initial. The most wide spread Chamic reflexes of 'stench' point to a form with a initial, but the Acehnese example points instead to a *b-; a existence of *bvariant finds support inAymonier the patterning, two which lists variants, one with an initial voiced stop dictionary, initial. Doris Blood (1962) also recorded a Phan Rang glottalized glottal

aside from the and Cabaton's and one with a Cham variant

that reflects an initial voiced

stop. turning to the interaction between the first three forms, which con? tain the PMP *-h- and the two additional forms on Table 30, which contain PMP Now

*-q-,

it becomes

clear

(1) PMP (2) PMP

That

is,

the

change

that

*-h-> *-q->

of

the changes

were

chronologically

PMalayo-Chamic*-h->

Pre-PC*-?-

PMalayo-Chamic*-?->

Pre-PC*-h-.

PMP

*-h-

to pre-PC

*-?-

occurred

ordered:

/V_V

before

the

change

of

PMP *-q- to pre-PC *-h-. It is only after these ordered changes, that the loss of the first syllable vowel led to the development of the Chamic glottalized initials. Note that this change is shared throughout PC: these forms have the expected glottal stops as their reflexes inAcehnese obstruents as their reflexes inmainland Chamic.

and the expected

glottalized

sources have also been suggested for the origins of other Chamic glottalized obstruents, but as of yet the data has yet to provide any clear substan? tiation for any of these suggestions. For instance, Greenberg (1970), following Other

(1963:60), proposed that some Chamic glottalized obstruents might have developed from the loss of the first vowel in disyllabic forms with a glottal pre

Thomas

Chamic

89

Consonants

syllable onset and a voiced stop main syllable onset. The suggestion itself seems plausible but the data cited in support of the notion is most likely spurious. (1970:137) writes, "...from PMP ?ijut) 'nose' Thomas (1963) gives Greenberg Jarai, Chru ?dug, Rade ?durj or ?ac(u/;." However, contra Greenberg, neither the Jarai nor the Chru forms actually occur in Thomas; instead, both Chru and Jarai have ?ad?tj instead. And, while the Rade forms ?dug and ?adug do occur in Tho? mas, the crucial Rade form ?dur?, likewise seems spurious as a form for 'nose'. It does not occur with a glottalized consonant in Lee 1966, Tharp and Y-Bham ? all of which are sources for Rade. It is, 1980, Y-Chang 1979, or Egerod 1978 of course, possible that the form in Thomas is not an error, but itwould take more than this one form to substantiate the hypothesis. Another similar spurious pair of forms also appears to exist in Thomas (1963:66), which lists the forms Idok, Idol 'stand' from PC *do:k 'sit', but which again do not occur in the Rade sources consulted. Contrary to what has been indicated, the Chamic forms for both PC *idun 'nose' and *do:k 'sit; stay' show completely regular reflexes of the original stops, with no evidence of the secondarily-derived implosion. as various authors have noted, still other forms with unex? Nonetheless,

voiced

glottalized obstruents do occur in the Chamic data (see Table 31). Lee (1974:654) cites two forms with reservations, one for 'open the eyes' and another for 'pain; ache'. The first, has a strong PMP etymology and patterns regularly in

pected

Chamic

*?la:?, despite

the potentially

irregular vowel

glottalized initial is unexpected and not possible 'pain; ache', it is regular within most of Chamic, or

the Acehnese these

forms

seem

to the extra-Chamic

*bulat

Malay ?

PC

glottalized Acehnese

bhut

*?la:t ?

*lindiq

cabang

?

to account for. As

for x*pacfi? but it is not directly related to Thus,

Lee's

reservations

about

-v?

obstruents Rade ?

x*ca?a:n

x*dih

cabman,

? ?

x*?arj

PR Cham

?la?

'open

?

wide'

eyes ache'

pacfi?

'pain;

ka?an

ca?an

'branch;

cfih

d?h

'sleep; lie down'

??n

??n

'hole;

x*parfi? *caban

the

However,

well-founded.

Table 31: Unexpectedly PMP

forms.

Malay

inAcehnese.

tree

fork'

door'

However, other anomalous forms remain in need of explanations. For instance, the glottalized medial consonant in x*ca?a:g 'branch of a tree' cannot be explained, if the PMP etymology of the form is reliable. Further, themedial Ibl form should be a /w/, but it isn't.Within Chamic at least, the form looks as if always had a glottalized medial consonant: theAcehnese Ibl is the nor? mal reflex of a glottalized consonant in a disyllabic of theMalay

5

Chapter

90

In another form, suggested by Solnit, x*rfih 'sleep; lie down', if it is to cited provenience PMP *lindiq, the glottalized obstruent needs an explanation. Elsewhere Blust (1980b: 143) notes two words as possibly PMP in related

initials. The first, meaning 'sticky, as glutinous origin but with preglottalized rice', looks to have been independently borrowed more than once into Chamic and reflects something like x(ma)klit, x?lit 'sticky, as glutinous rice'; note the PMP root reflected inMalay pulut. The other root similarity to the well-attested is *cfoh 'distant; far', which is regular in Chamic, which has apparent PMP corre? spondences (cf. Malay jauti), and which has an inexplicably glottalized initial. intriguing is the suggestion by Blust (1980b) that some of the Jarai glottalized initials may derive from earlier clusters of homorganic nasal plus stop, but thus far the crucial forms needed to confirm or disconfirm the suggestion are More

missing. there

Finally,

are

glottalized

consonants,

including

various

nasals,

scat?

tered seemingly (mentioned by randomly throughout various Jarai dialects Haudricourt 1950) that require more careful examination. To take a single exam? turns up in Jarai with a preglot? ple, the PC form x*?an 'hole; door' unexpectedly talized nasal, despite the rest of the reflexes of PC *?- showing up as at in that dialect in this particular case, the presence of least stops, preglottalized Bahnar

and

mag

proto-North-Bahnaric

*qmarj

'door'

suggest

that

the

Jarai

form

is a late borrowing from either Bahnar or one of the Bahnaric languages in the area. The Jarai data in Lafont's (1968) dictionary include a rich array of oddities in which homorganic nasals appear sporadically in lieu of anticipated stops, sometimes the

same

and sometimes

preglottalized remains

way

to be

seen.

In

not. Whether any

event,

the

this can be explained alternation

of

in

glottalized

stops and homorganic nasals is found throughout at least the Tai-Kadai family (cf. the Tai subgroup (Li 1977), the Kam-Sui subgroup (Thurgood 1988a), and the Hlai (Li) subgroup (Thurgood 1991).

voiced

what is happening in Jarai will doubtless require more Understanding an data. However, examination of the Jarai dialect forms in Lafont's dictionary suggests that in at least one of the Jarai dialects the voiced stops may have become glottalized, as in certain Vietnamese dialects, and that some dialect bor? rowing

has

occurred.

Finally, it is likely that some of the forms with glottalized consonants but nonetheless reconstructed in this work to PC are actually post-PC loans that are formally languages guages

their regular correspondence patterns in the Despite to the their limitation occur, highlands Chamic lan? they suggests they were borrowed after the breakup of PC, but that fit the correspondence patterns. See Appendix II for such cases.

undetectable. in which

strongly nonetheless they

91

Chamic

Consonants

Reflexes

of PC glottalized

obstruents

In PC, the correspondences and their reflexes are straightforward (see Table 32). The PC correspondences consist of two layers: an older layer limited to three or four native PMP words with glottalized number of MK

borrowings

Table 32: Reflexes

obstruents

inherited from PC and a large obstruents.

incorporated along with their glottalized

of PC glottalized

obstruent

Aceh.

*?-

?-;b-

?-

?-

?-

?-

?-

?-

?

?-;d-

rf-

rf-

rf-

rf-

d-

rf-

rf

?j-

?j-

i-

%-

a-

iy

iy

* and *a merged (Bob Blust, p.c.). Since the major source of the length distinction in PC between long and short -a- is the earlier distinction between PMP *-a- > PC short *-a- and PMP *a > both PC short *-a- and long *-a:-, before final *-h PC did not develop a distinction

between

*-a-

PC

and

*-a:-.

However, a limited PC length distinction does appear to have developed before the final *-s. In inherited PC words the PAn *a > PC *-a:-, while it appears that

the PAn The

*-a-

> PC

*-a-,

correspondence

although of

PAn

this *-a-

is speculative >

both

without PC

*-a-

more and

attestation. *-a:-

is well

attested, but the number of PAn *-a- to PC *-a- forms is quite marginal with the attestation possibly limited to two examples: *ma-alas 'lazy' and *dras 'fast'. For the first, Blust (1992a) reconstructs *males (the -e- is a schwa) for iazy' in

Chamic

101

Consonants

his proto-Malayic; for the second, he reconstructs PMP de Res, both with a schwa before the final *-s. In Table 43, the length contrast before PC final *-s is widely supported: there are differences between *-as and *-a:s in all the languages in the table. In contrast, the distinction between PC *-as and *-ah depends upon the two Ace? hnese examples, which conceivably Malay influence on Acehnese.

later

could be the result of widely-attested

However, even if the distinction between PC *-as and *-ah fails to hold sets reconstructed as *-a:s still need to be reconstructed with length: PC the up, inAcehnese the diphthongization clearly reflects an earlier long vowel, and the as is in Chru. still retained such Thus, as Durie (p.c.) wrote me, the loss of length the final *-s inTsat reflects a two-stage process: first, the final *-s and *-h merged to *-h, and then the final *-h was

lost after long *-a:-.

Table 43: PC short *-ah and *-as versus long *-a:s PC

Rade

Aceh.

*-ah

-ah

*blah

plah -i

Jarai -ah

-ah

blah

blah

egah

*lagah

NR

Tsat

-ah

-ah

-a55

blah

blah

phia*

'chop; split' 'tired'

Chru

ragah

lagan

lagah

khe55

panah

panah

pan?h

na55

'shoot (bow)'

sa55

'wet;

*panah

panah

manan

*basah

basah

masah

pasah

pasah

pasah

*-as

-aih

-ah

-ah

-ah

-ah

*ma-alas

malaih

*dras

draih

alah ?

,55

?alah

alah

alah

drah

drah

drah

damp'

55

'lazy' sia 55

'fast'

Versus:

-a:s

*bra:s x*kapa:s *kaka:s *?ata:s

-aih

-aih

-a:h

brxuah

braih

brain

brain

gapuiah ?

kapaih kaih

atuiah

There with

-tuah

taih

is one more

the discussion

kapaih ? ?ataih

-a33/11

bra

phia11

'husked

rice'

kapaih

kapa

pa33

'cotton'

karkaih

kaka

ka33

'fish

scales'

ata:h

ata

ta33

'far;

above'

set of forms that need to be mentioned

in connection

forms for 'gold'. Forms for 'gold' are etnas the found resembling Malay throughout Southeast Asia. Within PC, reconstruction suggests a borrowed form such as xama(:)s, with variable vowel length. The Acehnese mwih, Chru mi:h, and Tsat ma33 suggest a long vowel,

while Western

of *-as and *-a:s?the

and Phan Rang Cham

suggest a short vowel.

102

Chapter

5

In a similar way, the preservation of the *-uh versus *-us distinction illustrated by the examples in Table 44. Although there is a complete merger the Bireueng

is in

dialect of Acehnese

(although not in all dialects), Northern Roglai, reflexes retain traces of the former distinction between *-uh

and Tsat, the vowel and *-us in Rade, Jarai, and Chru. The final *-s again produces a final -/- glide in Rade and Jarai and vowel length in Chru, but is merged in N. Roglai and Tsat, becoming *-h (the Tsat 55 tone is a reflex of an earlier *-h). Table 44: PC *-uh versus *-us PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

Chru

-oh

-uh

-uh

-uh

-uh

-u55

?juh

?juh

iuh

?juh

?iu55

'firewood'

kjuh

tajuh

tajuh

tijuh

su55

'seven'

pluh

pluh rabuh

spluh labuh

pluh labuh

piu55

'ten'

ebuh

phu55

'fall down;

-uih

-uih

-uih

-uh

*-uh

x*?juh

?

*tujuh *pluh

tujoh ? ?

*labuh

NR

Tsat

drop -oh

*tabus

phu5i ?

*fius *tikus

tikoh ?

*marus

a?ih

?uih

ftiih

??h

?au55 -v

'blow nose'

takui h

takuih

tukuh

ku55

'rat'

ruih

lak

Cowan nants

?

?

maruh

as also

other

archaisms,

and Durie have noted, strongly suggesting

with

hnese. As

-h,

-y, and

Durie

?

'itch'

treatment of final *-s is of particular

-s, as well

preserves

'ransom; save'

kakuih

The Acehnese script

anchor'

-t, respectively,

has

taken

such

interest. The written

as final

-1, and

that the merger place

within

the

-c, as both

of these conso? history

of Ace?

notes

(p.c.), although final *-s has merged with *-h, the is still preserved in some dialects (e.g. the dialect preserved in the great Djajadiningrat dictionary) where before front vowels the *-s has simply with but after /a/ in particular, the reflex shows up as l-ibl. Ibl, merged distinction

The final sonorants

The PC final sonorants are retained essentially unchanged, with the exception the loss of final *-l and *-r inAcehnese and the N. Roglai alternations.

of

Chamic

103

Consonants sonorants

Table 45: Reflexes of PC final PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai Chru

NR

-n-n

-rj;-k

-n

-n

-rj

-1

-n

-1

-m

-m

-n

-n

-n

-n;

*-rj

-0

-0

-0

-0

*-l

-0

-1

-1

-n

-0

-0;

-0;

-1

-0;

-m

-m -n

-m

-n

*-r

W.Cham

-n

-m

*-n

-m;

-n

Haroi

-n

*-m

-r

Tsat

-0;

-p -t

-r

-0

-0;

PR Cham -m

-rj

-1 -1 -r

-0;

-r

-0; -r

The splits in the N. Roglai final nasals are regular and are discussed in some detail in the chapter on nasals and nasalization). Durie (p.c.) notes that in traditional orthography the final -1, and -r are both preserved, e.g. *wil Acehnese 'circle' is wil

it is in the traditional writing. In some cases in spoken Acehnese, and diphthongs but in other instances it shows up as the

lost after front vowels

glide -y; in other dialects a reflex is preserved even after the diphthongs.

6

Vowels

Chamic

speakers who arrived on the coast of the Southeast Asian main? land spoke a basically disyllabic language with a relatively modest vowel inven?

The Austronesian were

tory. There

four

basic

vowels:

*-a,

*-i,

*-u,

*-e

([-a])

as well

as

three

final

diphthongs: *-ay, *-uy, and *-aw; the four vowels occurred in both syllables the disyllabic forms, while the diphthongs were restricted to the final syllable. Under

Chamic

PMP

the

a change

languages,

influence

language adopted that

of

intense

contact

the main

is reflected

in the

syllable contrasts

with

MK

languages,

this

of

pre

stress of the neighboring MK between

the vowel

invento?

ries of the pre- and the main syllable. Unlike the PMP disyllables where there was a balanced four-way vowel contrast in both the syllables, in PC the vowel inventories were anything but symmetrical: in the unstressed PC pretonic sylla? ble, the four-way PMP vowel distinction has been retained in the presyllable, but syllable the four-way distinction has been expanded to so or distinct vowels, not counting length contrasts. roughly 18 Some of these new main-syllable vowels developed out of splits of inherited PMP vowels, but the bulk of the forms with new vowels are found in in the stressed main

borrowings from MK. Thus, the main vowels of PC include two historical layers: those vowels inherited from PMP, which readily-discernible form the core of the basic vowel system, and those vowels which primarily reflect

pre-Chamic

occur in pre-Chamic MK borrowings. influence and overwhelmingly the two layers are not always completely While often distinguishable, distinct: sometimes the phonology of theMK borrowings matched the phonology

MK

lexicon, making the borrowed form indistinguishable on purely pho? grounds from inherited PMP forms; undoubtedly, sometimes the pho

of the PMP nological

104

Chamic

105

Vowels

nology of the MK borrowings was restructured by the pre-Chamic speakers to match the phonology of the PMP lexicon, again making the forms blend phono logically with the inherited PMP forms. In other instances, new phonological contrasts entered pre-PC with theMK borrowings. contrasts, the majority of the Among forms carrying new phonological are identifiable as MK loans into pre-Chamic, while the bulk of the remaining forms are potentially of MK origin as they lack etymologies, PMP or

words

of forms containing new vowels in among the MK forms are also one or usually sprinkled Two stages two words with straightforward, well-attested PMP etymologies. appear to have occurred with such words: First, theMK contact led to the devel?

otherwise. However, are MK borrowings,

although

the preponderance

of a vowel distinction already present in the phonet? opment and phonemicization ics of the PMP forms. Second, the development of the new sound in an PMP form would have significantly lessened the need to restructure the incoming MK loanwords containing the new vowel. Thus, when MK loanwords with new loan phonemes were encountered, the new phonemes were borrowed along with the loanword.

THE LITERATURE

between Cham

stopped at noting and commenting on the resemblances and other languages?sometimes showing great insight, the sci?

entific

comparative

While

earlier writers

study

of

Chamic

vowels

can

only

be

said

to have

begun

with

the first attempts to establish sound correspondences. Sound correspondences between PMP and PC were first given by Pittman (1959), followed by Blood (1962), and Thomas (1963), and later by Dyen (1971a). In addition, the sound correspondences

within

the modern

but also Burnham

Chamic

languages were discussed by Lee and others. With these works, the

(1966), primarily, (1976), comparative study of Chamic began. Now, in light of the work of Headley (1976) and of several writers who have tentatively reconstructed subgroups of MK languages of Vietnam it is usu? ally possible

to sort out theMK borrowings from the native PC material, and, as a it is now also possible to revise these earlier analyses. For the iden?

consequence, tification of MK words, in addition toHeadley, there are reconstructions available of two branches of Mon-Khmer found inVietnam. Within the Bahnaric branch, reconstruction work on three subgroups have been carried out: South Bahnaric:

subset of South Bahnaric) 1967, 1987; H. Blood (on the Proto-Mnong 1974; North Bahnaric: Smith 1972; and West Bahnaric: Thomas (in Two have been reconstructions the Katuic branch of 1995). Prachacakij-karacak

Efimov 1968,

106

Chapter

6

done: Peiros

1996 and Thomas 1967. These works make possible the identifica? features often tion of a large number of MK loans while particular phonological or as to it them either make classify post-PC loans. possible pre-Chamic Further, the expansion of the data has led to numerous revisions of indi? lexical

vidual

reconstructions

and minor

in the overall

modifications

vowel

inventory, although Lee's basic outline is still quite workable today. In addition, of course, more recent studies of various Chamic languages has also led to increased understanding of PC vowels and their correspondences (Edmondson and Gregerson

1991; Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor 1977; Thurgood 1998). As for PC vowel correspondences, only Lee (1966) actually set out the main vowel correspondences, but he based his analysis on a corpus with numer? ous unidentified MK words. As a result, over 10% of his reconstructed forms are actually MK borrowings, many of them borrowed after the breakup of PC. Once these are identified some of Lee's marginally-attested vowel correspondences either disappear or merge with other better-attested correspondences. Another adjustment to Lee's scheme involves the reanalysis of his treatment of nasalized vowels. Lee reconstructed a number of nasalized vowels in PC to account for the failure of certain Roglai word-final nasals to denasalize. However, once the post borrowings are removed from the data base, it becomes clear that the

PC MK

majority

of the Roglai vowels

nasalized

changes

in PC.

Finally,

are internal to Roglai, as

the

result

of

the

leaving only a handful of identification

of

loans

and

in the analysis of countless individual words, Lee's *o and *o have both been reconstructed as just a single *o, in part by assigning some *o reflexes

modifications to *a,

but

occasionally

by

assigning

some

elsewhere.

This

accumulation

of minor

revisions has resulted in a modification

of the general scheme in Lee 1966. As is true throughout this work, in the discussion to follow four major time divisions are distinguished: (i) the PMP period predating contact with MK languages the pre-Chamic period, (ii) the period in which early contact occurred

predates what we reconstruct as PC, (iii) the stretch of time during which what we reconstruct as PC was spoken, and (iv) the period following the but which

breakup of PC, including

the modern

period.

THE PC PRESYLLABLEVOWELS The fully disyllabic forms of PMP were radically restructured in pre-Chamic. In fact, by PC the reflexes of these once truly disyllabic forms had come to consist of an unstressed atonic presyllable followed by an enriched, stressed tonic sylla? ble. Under the influence of contact with neighboring MK languages, pre-Chamic stress, leading to the proliferation developed word-final to the reduction stressed final syllable and eventually unstressed syllable.

of contrasts

in the

of contrasts

in the

Chamic

107

Vowels This

of the first syllable of the PMP disyllable to an atonic languages is reflected both in the fact that the

reduction

inmost

of the modern

presyllable presyllable has become exclusively CV in structure and in the widespread reduc? tion in vowel contrasts. Both the first syllable of the PMP ancestral disyllable and

the first syllable of PC had a four-way contrast, but this four-way distinction is remaining Chamic languages have essentially only preserved inAcehnese?the lost most of the vowel contrasts, at most preserving a three-way distinction in specific

contexts.

still preserves a four-way contrast, many of the And, while Acehnese other individual daughter languages have proceeded further along a path toward with the directionality and the end point of these changes often monosyllabicity, so not much by internal forces within the phonologies of the daughter provided structures of the languages

languages but by the phonological were in contact with.

these languages

the four-way distinction, as is evident in the compari? data with, for example, PMP orMalay, but, within mainland

PC still maintains son of the Acehnese Chamic,

a three-way,

than

rather

contrast

four-way,

can

only

be

partially

recon?

structed and then only in certain contexts. Some evidence is found in Northern Roglai and some appears to exist in early inscriptional Cham, with additional bits and pieces of evidence found scattered elsewhere. The evidence provided by the existing forms in the various daughter languages must, however, be used with some caution as there have been several internal realignments of the presyllable vowels both in Roglai and in Cham, often giving the illusion that vowel contrasts have been preserved but with the vowels secondary

Thus,

developments.

as

in question actually being the product of

comparisons

among

PMP,

Acehnese,

and

clear, in the mainland Chamic languages, the presyllable vowels have undergone secondary shifts and reductions that sometimes totally obscure the nature of the original vowel. The Written Cham data has undoubtedly preserved more information

mainland

Chamic make

than is contained

in this work, asWritten

Cham records contain the earliest Aus?

recorded, require considerable philological work and careful diachronic analysis. Perhaps some of this has been done already and I am simply unaware of it. In any case, it is unclear how much would be learned from also preserves the PMP four-way vowel such philological work since Acehnese tronesian

but this would

distinction, so such work would what is already known. Preservation

of the original

very likely do little more

PC four-way

than simply confirm

distinction

Chamic languages, the four-way contrast is still largely a as preserved three-way distinction after initial glottal stops, and remnants of the In the modern mainland

108

Chapter

6

system are preserved inRoglai and Cham, but in these languages subsequent sec? ondary vowel shifts have obscured what little remains of the original vowels. glimpses of the original vowels have been preserved as the result of inwhich the first syllable vowel shifts to the main syllable. metathesis sporadic

Occasional

Preservation Inmainland

after initial glottal

stops

Chamic, there is a three-way distinction between *i, *u, and *a (with of PMP *a and *a) still largely preserved in both Roglai and Cham

the merger after an initial glottal stop.

Table 46: The preservation Malay

PC

ikan

*?ika:n

hidung ikat

*?idurj *?ikat

urat ular akar orang

Aceh.

of PC first syllable vowels after glottal Chru

NR

PR Cham

akain

ika:t

ikan

'fish'

idorj ikat

adurj

id?k

it?n

'nose'

aka?

ika?

ik??

'to tie'

*?urat

urat

ara?

ura?

ur??

'vein,

*?ular

uluia

ala

ula

ula

'snake'

*?ugha:r

ukhuia

akha

ukha

ukha

'root'

*?ura:rj

-1 unuarj

ara:rj

ura:k

urag

'person; 'child'

tendon'

someone'

anak

*?ana:k

anu??

ana:?

an?:?

a ni?

atas

*?ata:s

atuiah

ata:h

ata

at?h

'far;

asah

*?asah

asah

asah

asah

th?h

'sharpen'

asap

*?asap

asap

asa?

asa?

ath??

'smoke

apui

apuy

'fire' 'the wind' 'ghost;

api

apui

initials

*?apuy

apui

angin

*?arjin

arjsn

arjin

arjin

an?n

hantu

*?antow

uintsa

atau

atau

atow

above;

long'

(of a fire)'

corpse'

in Table 46 reflects the original PMP first syllable vowels The Malay well, fairly although the first vowel of orang comes from an earlier lui. It is also worth noting that, while the Roglai data appears to reflect both the PMP and the PC distinctions

rather faithfully, several of the Cham reflexes also have another reflex, one reflecting the older vowel and the other reflecting the vowel's subse? quent reduction to /a/.

Preservation

in other phonetic

environments

The PMP four-way distinction between *u, *i, *a, and *a has been preserved in (three of these are reflected inTable 47), but is reduced to Malay and inAcehnese

Chamic

109

Vowels

a three-way distinction

of *a and *a to *a, probably phonetically a shwa in the onset syllable. This preservation is somewhat sporadic, with much of the crucial evidence coming from much, much earlier Written Cham records and inscriptions. inmainland

Table 47: The preservation Malay

PC

PR Cham

dikit

*dikit

dit -mv tiki:?

timun

*timun

timon

*gigey

gigoa

tulang kuku

*tula:g

turnia

*kukow

rusa

*rusa

huma

bunga kutu

the merger

of PC first syllable vowels

NR

Aceh.

Chamic with

turn?n digai

in other environments

Wr. Cham

taki?

dikik

'few; little'

tarn ?n

tamun

'melon'

tak?y

tag?i

'tooth'

tulag; talag kukau; kakou

'claw'

tulaik

talag

guksa

kukau

kakow

rusa

rusa

ritha;

*huma

umAg

huma

hamu -v

*buga

bugog

bug?

pigu

buga; bag!

'flower'

gutea

kutau

katow

katou

'head

*kutow

g

ratha

rusa;

'bone'

'

rasa

huma; ham?

deer'

Sambhur

'field'

louse'

Notice that a three-way distinction is partially retained in Roglai, and almost totally lost elsewhere inmainland Chamic. Despite the occasional illusion of having kept an original PMP vowel in the first syllable, modern Phan Rang Cham has virtually lost these distinctions. In fact, the vowels in all, not just some, of the Phan Rang Cham forms are the result of reduction?in most instances, they

have

an

/a/

reflex.

In other

cases,

they

are

the

result

of

a secondary

develop?

these cases, they have an HI reflex. Modern Phan Rang Cham does have its own distinctions among these vowels, but these distinctions are the result of

ment?in various

secondary

developments.

In contrast, theWritten Cham forms, particularly the forms recorded in the dictionary of Aymonier and Cabaton (1906) seem to preserve a great number of older vowel distinctions. However, this material must be used with great cau? tion. The entries reflect various consequence, of variation,

the Aymonier some of which

time periods and sources blended together. As a and Cabaton Written Cham material has a great deal can be made

sense of and some of which

is simply

quite puzzling.

Sporadic preservation Aside

of/u/through

metathesis

from what has been preserved inRoglai and Cham, there are also a handful an original first vowel lui was preserved through sporadic met? athesis (m).

of cases in which

110

Chapter

Table 48: Sporadic metathesis

6

*u

of first syllable

PC

Aceh.

Rade

Jarai

Chru

NR

*hursy

uroa

hrue (m)

hrai

harai

hurai

'day; sun'

hama

huma

'field'

habai

habuai

ara?

ura?

*huma

umAg

hama

hama

*hubsy

ubi -f

habsi

habai

*dursy

duroa

erue(m)

drai; trai

*?urat

urat

aru?t

?ara?

*hulat

ulat

hlu?t (m)

(m)

(m) 'taro; yam' druai (m) daruai (m) 'thorn'

-v

hlu?t (m)

hala?

'vein'

hula?

'worm'

Note

that in Table 48, there is sporadic metathesis of first syllable *u, resulting in a lui showing up in the second syllable, often along with the expected vowel reflex. Although they are not included in the table, in a number of cases, the lan? in variant. The directionality of guages question also have a non-metathesized the forms are compared with

these changes is particularly clear when metathesized Acehnese forms. in the three-way

shifts

Various

In addition

to the massive

distinction

reduction of the four-way distinction in first syllable of Chamic, at times in Roglai and at times in Cham

throughout much there have been secondary vowel original PC vowel. vowels

secondary

Independent

shifts further hindering

shifts in Roglai

of

an earlier

vowel

to lui

the identification

of the

and Cham

Two separate shifts are illustrated in Table 49. In Roglai, the change

the non

after

*r-,

*1-,

*m-,

one well-attested *t-

and

before

shift is

a bilabial.

Often Roglai

has variant forms, one with

the secondary

lui and one without;

occasionally,

one

data

by Awoi-hathe

variant

shows

up

in

the

recorded

et al.

while

another shows up in the material collected by Lee. An additional compli? cating factor is the apparent sporadic vowel harmony in Roglai, in which the pre? syllable vowel assimilates to the lui in the main syllable, as in 'needle', 'that', and so on (see Appendix II). The other secondary development illustrated by much of the same data in Table 49 is the change in Phan Rang Cham of a presyllable vowel to HI after either *r- or *1-. As with any vowel in the presyllable, there is variation between

HI and the reduced /a/. This Cham development, however, is only a part of amore general change in Cham (see "Secondary shifts in Cham" on page 112 just below). ently,

Cabaton at that

time,

(1901) noted a barred-i.

that the first vowel

in ribut

'storm' was,

appar?

111

Vowels

Chamic

shift to /u/ and the Cham shift to /if

Table 49: The Roglai

Aceh.

PC

Malay

lapar

*lapa

l?mbu

x*lamo

labuh

PR Cham

NR

lapa liiimo

lamo

*lama:n

lum?n

*labuh

labuh

l?mak

x*lama?

luim a?

l?bih

*labsh

ruibsh

-n

Wr. Cham

lipa; lapa limo; lamo

lip?; lapa

'hungry'

lamau

'cow;

limin

limin; lam?n libuh; labuh

'fall

down'

lima?; lama:?

'fat,

oil'

ox'

'elephant'

lum??

lipuh; lapuh liml?; lam??

lubeh

lipsh; lap?h

lubaih; lab aih

'more'

-v lipan

*limpa:n

limpui an

lupa:t

lipan; lapan

lipan; lapan

'centipede'

mimpi luka

*lumpsy *luka

lumpoa luka

lupai

lip?y; lap?y lika-lik?h

lip?i; lap?i lik?; luk?

'to dream'

lipag; lapag

li??ng; lubag;

'hole; pit'

ripug; rap?g

rabung

lubang

*luba:g

luba:k

r?bung

*rabug

rubuk

'wound'

labag 'bamboo shoot'

nipis lima

*lipih *lima

lipeh

ribut

x*ribu:?

ribu

*ribow

mamah

*mamah

babah

*mabah *mamih

limAg

lupih lum?

lip?h; lap?h limi; lami

rubu:?

ripu?; rapu?

ribea

rubau

?

mamAh mum?h ? mubah mamsh

mum?h

ripow;

rapow

mimih

'thin'

lapih limi; lima rabu? ribuv;

ribou

babah, pabah mimih,

'storm' 'thousand'

'chew'

mimih

papah mimih

'five'

mamih

'mouth' 'sweet'

timun

*timun

tum?n

tamun

tamun

'melon'

tumbuh

*tamuh

tum?h

tam?h

timuh; tamuh

fto grow'

d?pa

*dapa

tupa

tapa

dap?

'armspan'

Roglai of what

1. As and

tim?n

In another subset of forms, various presyllable vowels have become ill in but without more examples even a general idea before certain alveolars, to figure out.

is conditioning

this change

is well known,

in a large number of An

/n/are

alveolar.

is difficult

languages

It/ is dental while

Id/

112

Chapter shift to /i/ before an alveolar

Table 50: The Roglai PC

Malay

Aceh.

NR

PR Cham

Wr. Cham

darah

pat?y tar?h

'banana'

*darah

pitai darah

pat?i

darah

darah

'blood'

dada

*dada

dada

dada

tata

dada,

dalam

*dalam

dalam

batuk

*batuk

bato?

*gigsy *bitu?

gigoa

*batsy

bini

6

tada

'chest'

t-al?m

dalam

'inside;

pitu?

pat??

batuk

digai

tak?y

tagsl

'cough' 'tooth'

pitu? binai

pit??; pat??

batuk; butuk

'star'

dalap

in'

pinay

binai

bulu

*bulow

bulsa

bilau

pilow; palow

bulou; baluw

'virgin' 'body hair'

bulan

*bula:n

buluian

bila:t

'moon'

g?tai

pilan kat?l

bulan; balan

katan kata?

kat??

gatal; katal gatak; k?tak

'itchy' 'sap; resin'

*binay

gatal

*gatal *gatak

The

interaction

of

reconstruction

of presyllable

non-Acehnese

Chamic

Acehnese

Secondary

data

and elsewhere

these various vowels alone.

the secondary developments makes tenuous at least on the basis of

extremely

since

However,

outside of mainland

Chamic,

these

are

in

well-preserved

it is of little consequence.

shifts in Cham

In Phan Rang Cham, there is a somewhat similar shift from various presyllable vowels to lil, but with several more conditions than in the Northern Roglai exam? ples: the initial must be a bilabial stop and the following main syllable onset not only must be an alveolar but it also must be either a sonorant or be a sonorant descended

from a voiced

obstruent

(and, thus, the foUowing

vowel has breathy

voice).

Table 51: Shifts Malay

PC

in Cham Aceh.

to/i/before Rade

*bara

mra

*banut

man?t

alveolar s W.Cham pra

bini

*binay

bulan

*bula:n

buluian

m?an

ea

bulu

*bulow

bulsa

ml?u

plau

manie

biji

x*bijsh

babi

*babuy

bijsh bui

*babah

babah

mjsh

panai plan

PR Cham pira

'shoulder'

pinu?

'banyan,

pinay

'virgin;

woman'

pilan

'moon;

month'

balete'

pilow

'body hair'

pacsh

pa?sh

'seed'

papui

papuy

'wild pig'

papah

papah

'mouth'

Chamic

113

Vowels

This change, like many of the secondary shifts of presyllable vowels discussed in this section, seems to be relatively recent as only a small number of these second? arily-derived vowels are inAymonier and Cabaton's 1906 dictionary, but they are rather common inMoussay's 1971 dictionary.

THE INHERITEDPC MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS system developed out of an PMP system with four basic vowels and three diphthongs. The typical morpheme was disyllabic, with each of the four vowels occurring in either syllable, but with the diphthongs restricted to the final The PC vowel

syllable. Figure 8: PMP second syllable vowels > PC main syllable vowels PMP second syllable vowels

PC main

^U^j

-U -i ? *-ij *-a

*-a-<e>

syllable vowels

>

*-uu

*-sy

>

*-ow

>

*a *a (short) / *-a: *-ay *-aw

*-uy

*-ay

*-uy

*-aw

The transition from PMP to PC vowels was not particularly complex. Both PMP high vowels split, becoming diphthongs in final position (at least when lengthened by stress), but remaining unchanged in closed syllables. The PMP shwa, which never occurred word-finally in PMP, everywhere ceased to be a shwa; in all contexts, it became PC *a. The old PMP *a reflexes split before certain finals, with some reflexes of PMP *a becoming PC *-a- and others becoming PC *-a:-, thus introducing in those positions a PC length distinction. In PC, the old PMP shwa disappeared as such, although a new shwa appears in the PC inventory brought in by pre-PC borrowings from MK. As for the old PMP diphthongs, they entered PC unchanged. The path from PMP to PC was illustrated in Figure 8. The next stage the breakup of PC into its various daughter languages, including Ace? a hnese, stage which ismore complicated than the transition from PMP to PC and cannot be fully represented in Table 52 (cf. Figure 12 and accompanying text). involves

this table introducing the vowels is somewhat simplified, it is a good representation of the basic vowel reflex patterns, with several qualifications. First, in two languages, the vowels correspondences are too complicated to repre? sent clearly on the table. The vowels of Haroi, which have registrally-induced Although

114

Chapter

6

splits, are discussed later (in "Haroi vowels and restructured register" on page 197). The vowels of Acehnese, which often have multiple reflexes due to vowel lowering induced by nasalization, are also treated later, as the correspon? dences (Table 52), although regular, are somewhat over-simplified. vowel

Table 52: The basic main syllable vowel reflexes PMP *i

PC *-sy

Aceh. -oa

*i-

*-i-

-e-;

*u

*-ow

-sa

K-u-

Rade

-s-

-o-

-o-;

*. a-

*-uy

tua

*a

a;

*-uy

-ui

*-ay

*-ay

-e;

*-aw

*-aw

-o;

Second,

? -o

Jarai Chru NR

Tsat

W. Cham PR Cham

-si

-ai

-ai

-ai

-ai

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-i-

-au

-au

-au

-au

-au;

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-

-u-u

a -a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a-

-a -a-

a

a

a

a

-ay -i -(i)a

a

-sy

-i-au

-ow

aa

-ui

-ui

-ui

-ui

-ui

-ui

-ie

-ai

-ai

-ai

-ad?42

-ai

-ay

-au

-au

-au

-au

-au

-au

-aw

the crucial

issue

of

vowel

length,

of

considerable

-uy

importance

to

both the analysis of borrowing and to PC subgrouping questions, is given a long and detailed treatment later ("PC vowel length" on page 138). Third, various minor subpatterns are treated elsewhere as they come up, including the sporadic metathesis found scattered throughout Chamic, the Western and Phan Rang Cham reflexes of nasalized reflexes of PC *a found inWestern and Phan Rang Cham, and the interesting reflexes of PC *-ay and *sy found in Rade. The splits

in the PMP high vowels

*i and *u

(1963) laid out the basic patterns for the splitting of the PMP high vow? els into two conditioned reflexes: For both high vowels, her tables make it clear

Thomas

that in open syllables (and before -h), the PMP *i and *u lengthen in open sylla? bles and subsequently diphthongize, while in closed syllables (except before -h), they remain high monophthongs. An examination of Thomas' distributions, suggests that except for the forms with final -h, the splits correlate with whether or not the forms occur word finally. And, in fact, the final -h in these forms is spurious. Thomas's analysis of the patterns was obscured by a spurious final -h inDempwolff s PMP reconstruc? tions (Dempwolff s "spiritus asper"); once Dempwolff s spurious final -h is elim? inated from Thomas' reconstructions, her description of the split is accurate.

Chamic

115

Vowels

Thomas was Despite using Dyen (1953) in which Dyen corrects Dempwolff, s spurious finals since, for the forms not found nonetheless misled by Dempwolff s reconstructions. inDyen, she reverted to Dempwolff The diphthongization

patterns

cases will be discussed in this chapter, but the first to Several diphthongization occur historically and thus the most central is the chain by which the high, stressed *i and *u of PMP first lengthened under stress, becoming early-PC *-ij is apparently preserved as such in the older Written Cham

and *-uu (the *-uu as
),

on

going







in later Written

(with the /-si/ also preserved as such in Rade), next becoming /-ai/ and /-au/ (preserved as such in Jarai, Chru, and Northern Roglai), and then ultimately and /-?u/ inmodern spoken Phan Rang Cham and Tsat. ending up as l-?.%1

Cham

was restricted to the high, stressed vowels, and, as the stressed vowels became long before diph? emphasized,

The diphthongization Cowan

(1974:189) thongizing. The unstressed high vowels did not lengthen, and thus did not partic? ipate in the changes. Acehnese provides some clear examples of the distinct treatment of stressed and unstressed vowels. In particular, Acehnese has several

reflexes of PMP *aku T: a diphthong, while

the vowel

the vowels

in the stressed independent morpheme kso is affixes, the prefix ku- and the

in the two unstressed

suffix -ku(h), have remained undiphthongized. The initial part of this diphthongization (1985,

and,

p.c.)

as upgliding:

diphthongize respectively. vowels

*-ow,

color, that is, the *-sy *-aj

and

*-au,

the

tendency

for

chain reflects what Donegan

tense

vowels

the PMP *-i and *-u become both onsets underwent

Subsequently, and

*-sy

ducing

as

describes

respectively.

Next,

the

loses its palatality, while

to lengthen

then

*-ij and *-uu, leading to the PC

early-PC

lowering,

onsets

and

of

both

vowels

lose

their

the *-ow loses its labiality, pro?

respectively.

Figure 9: Diphthongization PMP

>

early-PC >

*-i

>

*-u

>

*-i? *-uu

> >

chains for PC word-final

high vowels

PC

>

Jarai...

>

*-sy *-ow

>

*-aj *-au

>

l-?il

>

/-?u/

>

PR Cham, Tsat

Finally, the further lowering of *-aj and *-au in Tsat and in spoken Phan Rang Cham to -?i and -?u was noted in Blood 1967 and later discussed in Donegan (1985:133). Note that, except for the PC form *-ii, each of the posited steps is

116 attested either in one of inWritten

Cham or in one of the modern

Chapter

6

Chamic

lan?

guages.

chain posited in Figure 9 are stages in the diphthongization in the variation in Aymonier and Cabaton's 1906 dictionary of Cham, a

Most attested

dictionary that is panchronic in the sense that the spellings of the words ently come from texts spanning the whole history of Cham writing. chain steps attested

10: Diphthongization

Figure

appar?

inWritten Cham

PMP

> Early

>

Later

>

...

> Modern

*-i

>

*-ij

>

*-sy

>

-aj

>

*-u

>

*-uu

>

*-ow

>

-au

*baru

>

baruw

>

barow

>

*tabu

>

t?buw

>

tabow

>

l-?il

>

/-?u/

...

>

barau

...

>

tabauw

'new' 'sugarcane'

Although the entries inAymonier and Cabaton are not dated, if the range ofWrit? ten Cham variation is placed on the chain, three of the four stages posited for the transition from early-PC *-uy to modern PR Cham /-?u/ are attested. chain in Figure 9 and Figure 10 should be familiar it is also well attested in the history of Germanic. chain has points out, the following diphthongization

The diphthongization to historical linguists because

As Donegan (1985:214) occurred repeatedly inGermanic, Priebsch

and Collinson

(1966)

citing Stampe (1972) for the history of English, for Standard German, and Sapir (1915) for Yid?

dish.

11: Germanic

Figure

Note

i

>

u

>

>

ii

>

uu

chains

diphthongization

sy

>

aw

>

>

4 au

>

ai au

process has stressed vowels becoming long and only after It is also worth noting that, if the shwa in do becoming long they diphthongize. PC were replaced by a and the -?- in Phan Rang Cham were replaced by a, the PC chains and the Germanic chains in Figure 11 would be identical. that the Germanic

Along ants

of

with

proto-Malayic

the rest of Chamic, Acehnese word-final

*-i

and

*-u,

where

inherited diphthongized the

stressed

PMP

>

vari? proto

Malayic high vowels *-i and *-u underwent lengthening and then diphthongiza? tion.Within PC, the chain of Acehnese diphthongization was, of course, identical with

the developments

in mainland

Chamic

up to the point where

the Acehnese

Chamic

117

Vowels

migrated to northern Sumatra, which seems to be while the PC diphthongs were still preserved as *-sy and *-ow. As Durie notes (p.c.), the dialect data preserves a complete record of the various Acehnese stages in the development of PMP *-i > proto-Malayic *-i > PC *-sy to Acehnese -oj. to Acehnese *-sy > Acehnese (Bireuen) -oa, that is, the dialect data contains the -sy posited for PC as well as both the -oj, and the -oa posited as stages in the development of the Bireuen forms. However, the dialect data has not preserved parallel forms for the stages in the development

of

*-u

>

-sa.

12: Acehnese

Figure

diphthongization

chains modern

PMP >

early-PC >

*-i

>

*-ij

>

*-u

>

*-uu

>

PC

> Acehnese

>

*-sy

>

-sy

>

>

*-su

>

*-ow

Acehnese

-oj *-sy

> > >

Acehnese -oa -sa

After

took that, the mainland Chamic languages and certain dialects of Acehnese different paths of development. First, some Acehnese dialects dissimilated the onsets of This both and and *-ow, *-su, syllabic producing *-oj respectively. *-sy dissimilative fortition effectively reversed the earlier vowel quality distinctions in the onset of the diphthongs! Then, apparently reflecting the tendency for lax vow? els to develop ingliding diphthongs dialects (Donegan 1985), these Acehnese reduced both diphthong to Acehnese

-oa

and

-sa,

upglides

into shwa, turning pre-Acehnese

*-oj and *-su

respectively.

despite the common starting point and the early shared paths of the PC and some of the Acehnese chains ultimately diverged development, but are sharply, resulting in reflexes that correspond perfectly diachronically Thus,

quite distinct phonetically. Reflexes

of PMP

*-/- and *-?

In the transition from PMP to PC, the reflexes of the PMP high vowel *i split: in syllables and in unstressed open syllables, it remained *-i-, while in open stressed syllables, it became early-PC *-ij and then PC *-sy. It is important to

closed

note that, while most PMP forms do, not all the PMP open syllable *-i reflexes go to PC *-sy. For a small number of grammatical forms, the PMP open-syllable *i a Chamic

pattern of reflexes thatmatches the reflex pattern for *-i-. The last two of the three grammatical morphemes in Table 53 sometimes pattern with the *-sy forms and sometimes pattern with the *-i forms, suggesting that there was originally an unstressed and a stressed variant, with the unstressed

displays

118

6

Chapter

variant

on

going

to pattern

with

*-i

and

the

one

stressed

with

Acehnese

*-sy.

sup?

plies several nice pairs of contrasting stressed versus unstressed reflexes, with sod 'who' and the unstressed si 'title for one of these being the stressed Acehnese names'.2

people's

Table 53: PC open syllables with *-i in unstressed PC

di

*d?

?

*-h?

?

?

*kam?

*kamsy

ta-

?

Haroi ?

tin?

ni -nsi

PR Cham ti

rat'

ni

'this'

kami

fwe

ni

-nai

?

kamoa

NR ?

Chru

?

ti

-noa

*-nsy

Jarai

Rade

Aceh.

syllables

?

?

hamsi

gamai

-iv

-iv

?

?

?

labu?kamin

(ex.)?

kamei; -v

? k?me

It is important to note that the forms themselves are inherited, not borrowed. ini and ni, and the Malay, for example, has the preposition di, the demonstratives reflex Their the forms. kami for pattern comes pronoun unique corresponding from

their

occurrence

cally

occur

stressed

in a unique in some

but

these

environment:

phonological

contexts

unstressed

typi?

sources

Other

The majority of the remaining PC *-i finals are in early borrowings, of these forms are found elsewhere inAustronesian.

Table 54: Two other early borrowings with PC open syllable PC

Rade

xxsisi(r) kasi *pagi

magi

Jarai

Chru

tasi

tasi

pagi

pagi

NR kasi pagi

Haroi

Tacomb'

pake

'tomorrow'

-v

suggests that 'comb' is a borrowing from MK, Headley in presence Malay as sisir requires that it also have been borrowed The pattern reflects between

content

two

*-/

tathi

casei pakhi

although

PR Cham

-v

2.

forms

in others.

words

a restriction and

on stress distribution,

grammatical

morphemes.

The

but, if so, its intoMalay. In

not the difference apparent

excep?

in practice usually encliticized tions?the grammatical morphemes?are a a are of and thus constructions part larger phonological word. larger

into

Chamic

119

Vowels

any case, the actual PC reflex may simply reflect the final *-ir. As clearly occurred with PMP forms ending in final *-ur, the vowel was not in an open syl? lable when open syllable PMP *-i went to PC *sy. Rather, the *-ir lost the final r only later, and thus did not diphthongize. However, with the form pagi, which shows up inMalay as pagi, the PC final *-i is both unexpected and unexplain able, unless it is aMalay borrowing. All the remaining forms that pattern like PC final *-i are loans, inmany cases loans that postdate the breakup of PC. Headley has identified a number of these

as

loans;

evidence

also

many

irregular

patterns.

correspondence

For

'scis?

that it is a MK

sors', Headley loan, while another author has (#1.54) suggests suggested the less likely Tamil form k?l?kati 'areca-nut scissors'. For 'horn; ant? ler', Headley (#1.34) identifies it isMK in origin, while it also looks like a PLB form.

and probably all, of the forms below are loans. Headley (1976) that three of these forms are borrowed on the basis of theMK data.

Most, has suggested His contention

receives support from Chamic: for all three forms, the correspon? dence patterns within Chamic are irregular, indicating that the borrowing post? dates the breakup of PC. With 'horn' even the representation of the borrowed form as xtuki is quite problematic: first, it is quite possible itwas borrowed more than once with different

second, there are at least three distinct vari? ants in the data: Northern Roglai (Lee) tukii (with the barred-i being the expected reflex of an earlier medial -r-), PNB *ake, and Proto-Mnong *nke. It is instructive only has a form for one of these, unos for 'honey bee'.

thatAcehnese 55:

Table

post-PC xkatri

forms. And,

Borrowings

Rade katrsi

with

Jarai Chru ?

katrai

post-PC

NR katri

-f

xtuki

ki

taki

open

Haroi katroi

syllable

W. Cham

ei

ra?i

PR Cham ?

'scissors'

katray

-vf

taki

tuki

cake

take

-v-v-v

xla?i -f

*-i

la?i

la?i

take

-v

la?i

la?i

'horn; antler'

lii

'winnowing basket'

?

xtali xhuni

hanue

kli-i hani

? hani

? hun?

calei hani

? hani

tali

'flat (of rocks)'

hani

'honeybee'

Chamic, the reflex of PC *-i- was simply -i-, often marked as short or long by various authors but although length is syllables contrastive in individual languages, the length does not reconstruct to apparently PC. Not only does the length not agree across languages but within the individual Throughout

in closed

languages

its occurrence

can be predicted on the basis of the environments.

120

Chapter of PC *-/- < PMP

Table 56: Reflexes Acehnese

Rade

Jarai

-e?;-s?

-im;

-??

-??

-et;

-st

-?t; -??

-en;

-sn

-in

-?n -?p

NR -ih -ih

-ih -im

-im

W. Cham

PR Cham

-ih -?n;

-im -im -ip -i?

-i?

-i:?

-i:?

-it;

-i?

-i:?

-i:?

-il

-il

-il

-in

-in;

-in

-in

-in;

-?n

-i:n

-ig

-an -?n

-ip

-iu?

-iu?

-iu?

? -ep;

*-i

Chru

-ih-sh-ih -eh; ? -im -em;

6

-i?

-i? -il -il

-it

-?n -?n

-?w?

forms reflect two processes: the lowering of all high vowels and on in Acehnese" lowering of all nasalized vowels ("Nasalization seems to of the Jarai reflexes The page 176). represent something variability about Jarai rather than something about the source, as the variation shows up in

The Acehnese the further

sources on Jarai.

both available

The upglide developing from PC *-ip in Chru, Northern Roglai, Western and Phan Rang Cham represents the fortition of the second formant transi? Cham, to

tion

the

final

-p,

rather

than

assimilation

to

the

"labiality"

of

the

*-p,

as

the

"labiality" of the *-p involves lip spreading while the "labiality" of the glide rep? resents lip rounding (see Thurgood and Javkin (1975), for an acoustic explana? tion of this class of sound changes). A parallel change occurs with PC *-ap. The PC reflexes developments Written Cham.

Table 57: Reflexes PMP

PC

*-i

*-sy

of the PC *-sy show more variation. The Acehnese above. The PC *-sy is retained as such in Rade and

were discussed

Aceh. -oa

of PC *-ey (< PMP Rade -si;

Jarai -ai

-ue (m)

Chru -ai

*-i) NR -ai;

Tsat W.Cham -ai

-ay

PR Cham -?y

-uai (m)

In Rade, Jarai, Chru, and Northern Roglai, the reflexes of PC *-sy become -ai. In Tsat, Haroi, and Phan Rang Cham /-ai/ developed, through the lowering of -ai. Reflexes

of PMP

*-w- and *-u

In the transition from PMP to PC, the reflexes of the PMP high vowel *u split: in syllables and in unstressed open syllables, it remained *-u-, while in open

closed

Chamic

121

Vowels

stressed syllables,3 it became early-PC *-uu and then PC *-ow. PC also devel? in the reflexes of *-u, but only before final oped restricted length distinctions glottal stops and velar nasals. (See "PC *-u- length distinctions" on page 141, for further discussion). The reflexes

of PC *-u are typically -u throughout Chamic, except in and restructured register" on page 197) and Acehnese. "Haroi vowels (see In Acehnese, the reflexes of PC high vowels are regularly lower, with reflexes after a nasal lower still ("Nasalization inAcehnese" on page 176).

Haroi

The Chamic

reflexes of PC *-ow parallel the reflexes of PC *-sy. In written Phan Rang Cham the *-ow is represented as -ow (the Phan Rang Cham in Table 59); but in the modern spoken Phan Rang Cham, it first delabialized, -?w, as it has in Rade, Tsat, Western

-ai, and then lowered, becoming

becoming

and Haroi.

Cham,

Table 58: Reflexes PC

Aceh.

*-uh

-oh; -oh;

*-un

-on;

*-um

-om

-on;

?

?

*-u? *-u:?

-on

-om;

*-un *-u:n

Rade

? ?

*-us

of PC *-u- < PMP

-o?;-o? ?

Jarai

*-u NR

Chru

Tsat W. Cham

-uh

-uh

-uh

-uh

-u55

-uh

-?h

-uih

-uih

-u:h

-uh

-u55

-uh

-?h

-?n

-?n

-un

-ut;

-?n

-?n

-um

-um

-?m

-um; um

-?n

-un;

-un

-on;

-??

-??

-??

-

-up

-un

-un

-uk;

-un

-o:n;

-o:n

-u?

-??

-un

-un ?

-um

-un

-u:k

-un

-?n

-un

-on

-on

?

-u?

-u:?

-un

-?? -??

?

-u:?

Although preserved in the orthography, in the modern the onset of PC *-ow has been unrounded to /-?u/.

Table 59: Reflexes PC *-ow

3.

Aceh. -sa

PR Cham

Rade -?u

It is worth noting cally long.

of PC *-ow < PMP Jarai

Chru

-au

-au

that in all vowels

NR -au

-u?;-o?

spoken Coastal

-u?;-o?

languages,

*-? Tsat

Haroi

-au;

?u;

-(i)a

-?au

in word-final

W. Cham

PR Cham

-au

-ow

open syllables are phoneti?

122

Chapter

6

sources

Other

It is important to note that some forms that initially appear to come from a PC *-u actually reflect an early PMP open syllable *-ur. Although the final -r itself is no longer directly reflected anywhere in Chamic, PMP forms ending in final *-ur have non-diphthongized reflexes throughout Chamic. (1) PMP (2) PMP

>

PC

*-ur >

PC

*-u

*-3W

it clear that the forms with *-ur were not yet in PMP *-u in open syllables went to PC *-ow. Instead, the when the open syllables PMP *-ur lost the final -r only after this change, and thus did not diphthongize.

The Chamic

lui reflexes make

Table 60: Reflexes PMP

*-u vs. *-ur in Chamic

of PMP PC

Malay

Aceh.

Rade

PR Cham

*bulu

bulu

*bulow

bulsa

ml?u

*aku

aku

*kow

ksa

k?u

palow kow

'body hair' ' F

*kutu

kutu

*kutow

gutsa

ka tau

katow

'head louse'

*ikur

?kor

*?iku

iku

ku

t?lur'egg'

*klu

klu

'testicles

*la?ur

liu

'coconut

*telur "niyur

V nyor

*kajur ? kujur

*kaju

'tail'

iku

kaju

'spear;

(animal)' palm' lance'

the forms forms have retained the final -r. In Acehnese, final -r have a diphthong, while the form for 'tail', which had an earlier PMP -r, has no such diphthongization. Similarly, in the rest of the Chamic lan?

Notice

that the Malay

without

the forms with PMP -r did not diphthongize along with the forms in open syllables. This striking parallelism in the changes and in their relative chronology

guages,

is just one of many pieces of evidence Chamic dialect that left for Sumatra

that demonstrates ("Acehnese,

that Acehnese

a Chamic

was

language"

a on

page 47). Reflexes

of the PMP

shwa

In all contexts, the original PMP shwa disappeared, merging with the reflexes of PC short *a. Meanwhile, the PMP *a became PC long *-a:- before the finals * -?, -rj, -k,

-1, -r, -n,

-p,

and,

more

marginally,

before

-t, producing

length contrast with the former PMP -a- reflexes, which

in these

words

a

always remained short in

Chamic

123

Vowels

introduction of various pre-PC MK borrowings strengthened the PC contrast between long and short *a (for a further discussion of the length length contrast, see "PC *-a- length distinctions" on page 146).

PC. The

Table 61: The reflexes of PMP shwa PMP

PC

*gatel

*gatal

NR

Haroi

PR Cham

Aceh.

Rade

Chru

gatai

katal

katal

katan

kat?l

kat?l

kan??

tana?

tana?

cana?

tan??

'cook'

aka?

ika?

ak??

ik??

'to tie'

hadar) hala?

hadak

?

*tanek

*tana?

*iket

*?ikat

ikat

*qajeng

*hadan

*qulej

*hulat

ararj -m had?g ulat hlu?t

?

hula?

'itchy'

'charcoal'

ath?arj hat?n ? hal??

'worm'

(m) In the examples in Table 61, as in all the examples found so far, PMP -a- has become PC *-a- (The Chamic reflexes of PC *-a- are discussed on page 146ff.).

of PMP

Reflexes

*a

PC, a length contrast developed before final -?; -n; -k; -1; -r; -n; and mar? ginally before -t. (See page 138ff. for further discussion of the length distinction.) The Chamic reflexes of PC *a show a minimum of variation; the variation that

Within

does

occur

is usually

The Haroi

conditioned

reflexes,

by

the

syllable-final

consonant.

obscured

of regis by the secondary development are discussed in "Haroi vowels and restructured

trally-induced vowel splitting, register" on page 197. The Tsat correspondences included in the table.

are too marginally

attested to be

The table is organized by the manner and place of the final consonant. Among the final stops, the steady, incessant Chamic lenition of final *-p, *-t, *-k, and *-c to a glottal stop is somewhat irregular in its reflexes. The upglide devel? oping from PC *-ap inChru, Haroi, andWestern Cham is acoustically rather than of *-ip in articulatorily based. (See the brief discussion of the development page 117.) The reflexes of PC final nasals are split in Roglai, with some forms retaining the nasals and others developing stops (see homorganic voiceless on in Northern Roglai" "Nasalization page 170). The short vowel reflex of PC *-a:n only occurs occasionally in Phan Rang Cham. InWestern Cham and Phan Cham has nasalization sometimes Rang produced a high vowel reflex. Finally, are the Acehnese reflexes often split, with the most frequent conditioning factor being whether sonant.

or not the vowel

is nasalized,

typically by the preceding

nasal con?

124

Chapter

6

Table 62: The reflexes of PC *a PC

Aceh.

*-a

-a;

Rade

Jarai

-An -oh

-ah

Chru

W. Cham

NR

PR Cham

-a

-a

-a

-a

-ah

-ah

-ah

-ah;

-aih

-a:h

-a

-ah

-an

-a -ih

*-ah

-ah;

*-a:s

-uiah

*-as

-aih

-ah

-ah

-ah

-ah

-ah

-ah

*-ap

-ap

-?p

-?p

-a?

-a?

-au?

-??

-ap

-ap

-a:u?

-a:?;

-au?

-aw?

-?t;-a?

-at;

-a?

-a?

-a?

-??

-??

-at;

-a?

-a:?

-a:?

-a? -a?

*-a:p

-uiap

*-at

-at

-aih

-tut

*-a:t

-uiat;

*-ak

-a?

*-a:k

-uiak;

-uik

-at -?k;-??

-?k;-??

-a?

-ak;-a?

-a?

-ak

-ak

-a:?

-a:?

-a?;

-??

-a:?

-a:?

-a?

*-a:?

-at;-a?

-??

x*-ac

-mat

-ac

-?i?

-a:i?

p-am

-am

-am; -am

-am; -am

-am

-a?;-ak -i?

-ai?

-ay?

-ap; -am

-am

-am

-an

-an

-an

-an

-ak

''-an

-an

-an

-an

-an

-an;

-man

-an

-an

-a:n

-a:n;

-an -at -a:t

-uin

-man;

*-an

-at)

*-ar

-uia;

-ia

-an;

-an

-an;

-in;

-an;

-an

-a:n

-a:k

-arj;

-tr\

-??

-??

-a?

-a?

-??;

-a?

-ar

-ar-;

-a:r

-a

-an;

-an

-??;

-??

-ar

-?r;

-ar

*-a:r

-uia

-a

-a

-a

-a

-a

-a

*-al

-ai

-?l

-al

-al

-an

-?l

-?l

*-a:l

-uia

-al

-al

-a:l

-an

-al

-al

Reflexes

The

of the PMP diphthongs

reflexes

of

PMP

*-ay,

*-aw,

and

*-uy

are

PC

*-ay,

tively. It is worth noticing that the first two diphthongs counterparts to the word-final PC *-sy and *-ow, which from

PMP

-in;

-in

-an

-?r

-i?

-*g -in

-in

-a:n

-a?; -a?

-a:i?

*-an

-a:n

-??

-ih

-ah;

*-i

and

*-u.

*-aw,

and

*-uy,

respec?

are, in effect, the long developed word finally

Chamic

125

Vowels The Chamic Two

well-attested.

reflexes of PC *-ay, *-aw, and *-uy are straightforward and interesting about these correspon? things are particularly

dences. The split in the Acehnese reflexes of *-aw correlates with vowel nasaliza? tion; the lower vowel reflex is the nasalized one. In Rade, Chru, and Tsat, loans on the bases of their distinctive reflexes. Thus, the are sometimes distinguishable Rade reflex -ai indicates a loan; the actual reflex is the much more aberrant look? ing -ie. In Tsat, the regular reflex of PC *-ay is -aii?42,with the *-y final strength? ened to a glottal stop; the lack of a final glottal stop marks a form as a loan. unexpected vowel length seems to occur with more to be done on this. work needs although in Chru, otherwise

Finally,

loans,

Table 63: The reflexes of PC *-ay, *-aw, and *-wy PC

Aceh.

?

-e;

*-ay

Rade

NR

Jarai Chru

-ai

-ie;

-ai

-ai

-o

-o;

-au

-au

-ui

-ui

-a:u;

*-uy

of PC *-ay

Diphthongization In Rade,

the

accented

open

syllables,

Rade

PC

-ui

-ui

of PC as PC

to Rade

(Lee's

-je

is -ie,

*-ay was

*-ay

-ui

a

-ui

-uy

in final,

syllables.

-ay

(1974:655)

terms this change from PC

a characterization

-ye) metathesis,

occurred

PR Cham

-ai

Lee

only

to such

W.Cham

-ai

that

change

restricted

NR

Jarai

on the correspondence,

Commenting

-aw

in Rade

-ai

-?e

*-ay

*-ay

reflex

regular

-au

-au

x-a:u

-ui

-ay

x-a:i

-au

-au;

PR Cham

-ai

-a:i?42; x-ai

*-aw

W. Cham

Tsat

which

is not

unreason?

able as a description of the diachronic correspondence with PC. However, the actual mechanism of change was undoubtedly not metathesis. in the Instead, amore likely chain involves a series of steps well-attested literature: the change of PC *-ay to *-ee, dissimilative raising of the onset, and a shift in syllabicity. PC

*-ay

>

>

assimilation *-ee

> onset raising >

syllabicity

>

-je

>

-ie

shift

126

Chapter

The first step involving assimilation a monophthongization, is, essentially

6

is a variant of the change of *-ay to -e, that but accompanied by the natural conse?

length. The onset raising of the next step is illustrated by with examples from Finnish (*ee > ie in initial stressed Donegan (1985:142-143) from the transition of Vulgar Latin to Old French (e, > ie, in accented syllables), and the from Finca open syllables), Valparaiso dialect of Pokomchi, a Quichean of retaining

quences

language, examples

(ej.> ie, but apparently with no mention of stress or accent). Donegan's parallel the Rade change. The final step, of course, involves a shift in

syllabicity, with the onset becoming a glide and the second part becoming the syllable nucleus. Note that this last step changes a more closed syllable into a more

open

syllable.

THE BORROWED PC MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS In addition to the vowel categories inherited from PMP, PC included a number of that were borrowed into pre-Chamic from MK sources. Of course, many

vowels

MK borrowings fit nicely with the consonant and vowel categories inherited from PMP. On the one hand, these are difficult to identify on internal grounds; on the other hand, these had only a limited effect on the PC segmental inventory. Table 64: PC main syllable vowels, *-ia

*-i_?

*"i

inherited and borrowed

*-u *ua *-u:-

[x-i?w] *-u-,

[x-iaw]

x*-uay

*uay *-sy,

*-ow, *-o

*-a:

*-ay

*-uy

*-aw

borrowings, however, had a significant effect on the vowel categories of PC, an effect made salient by the fact that some vowel types are but not exclusively, by MK borrowings. In effect, exemplified overwhelmingly, these new vowel types have been borrowed from MK. However, the mechanism for developing the new category always seems to involve more than simply bor? Other MK

rowing words containing the vowel. Typically, but not invariably in this data, the borrowing of a new vowel category also seems to be accompanied and, indeed,

Chamic

127

Vowels

facilitated by the innovative development of the new category out of native mate? rial. The number of native tokens of the new type may be small ? perhaps only one

or

two

?

but

are

there

some.

usually

In the table, the vowel categories associated with MK borrowings are in boldface to distinguish them from inherited vowel categories. As for the vowels themselves, the *-i in open syllables, despite being in boldface, originates from two sources, one involving borrowed MK forms, the other involving forms inher? ited from PMP (page 117). And, finally, most of the vowel length distinctions involve the interaction of influence of MK

borrowings

and inherited PMP mate?

rial.

PC*e

of words containing PC *s produces some fascinating asymme? tries. Despite the fact that there are only a small number of PC forms that recon? struct with *s and that their etymologies are far from worked out, what we do a know provides clear outline of the history. The distribution of reflexes in the

The examination

modern

InAcehnese (Durie 1990a), before certain languages is uncontroversial. finals the *s is retained as such, and before others is backed to *a. And, on the the Chamic

mainland, close

mutual

in closed

languages Rade and Jarai, as is not unexpected have

interaction,

the

same

set of

conditioned

the -e in open. The remaining

syllables,

reflexes:

the

given their -s-

occurs

languages each have but a sin?

gle reflex. Table 65: The reflexes of PC *? PC

Aceh.

*s

s; a

Rade -s-;

Jarai -e

-s-;

-e

Chru NR

Tsat

s

e

The full set of reconstructed

e

s

W.Cham

PR Cham

s

forms is worth

listing. The first word in the 'more, surplus', related to Malay

list is the Acehnese

form lwbsh, PC *labsh l?bih 'more' and a native PMP root. This word, however, is the only clearly PMP word in the entire list. However, as Durie notes, theAcehnese l-z-l vowel is irregular. Table 66: The reflexes of PC *lob?h PNB

PMnong

Malay l?bih

PC

Aceh.

*labsh

luibsh -v ebsh

Rade

PR Cham lipsh

'more; surplus'

The next group of words all reconstruct fairly regularly to PC, but they have nei? or other PMP counterpart, nor a MK counterpart in PNB or ther a Malay PMnong.

128

Chapter

containing PC *e

Table 67: Reflexes PC x*hagst

6

Rade

Aceh.

PR Cham haket -f

-f

Is?

x*ls?

'why? what?' 'fall

into'

'to elbow'

x*nsh

'to drop'

kapl??

x*pals?

p??

p??

'pick, pluck'

x*racfs

erfe

rarfs

'Rhade'

x*ts?

t??-v

x*kls?

tie?

pAt

x*pst

'torn,

x*tulsh x*tamsh

kl??

'steal'

tal?h

'untie'

kamsh

tamsh

worn'

'pillar; post'

x*?s?

6??

'elf.

x*g8

ke

'boat'

long,

thin

objects'

the next group of words, two pieces of evidence suggest that, With two which are post-PC borrowings, these forms are also early for last the except MK incorporations but reconstructable to at least to PC. Note that the imperative not only reconstructs to PC but also occurs inAcehnese. Each has a plausible MK etymology,

that

is,

each

word

looks

a MK

like

(PNB), proto-Mnong, proto-North-Bahnaric have aMalay (or other PMP) counterpart. Table 68: PC

PNB

PC x*bs?

*beq *randeh

Aceh.

Rade

bs? edsh

x*radsh

x*glsh

*aseh

'IMPERATIVE'

rate h -v

'vehicle'

klsh

'tired' vine'

'rope; 'cut'

-

?s?

'near(ly); about to'

x*?assh

assh

ath?h

'horse'

x*?sh

sh

?h

'excrement'

ale

m

*pale

*gle

x*?als

*babe

*be

xbubs

be

xwsh-vf

wsh

*weh

p??

x*rsh

x*js? *?aseh

either

none of them seems

PR Cham

hru??

x*hurst

*ajeq

for

reconstructed

*e forms with MK etymologies

PMnong

xsreh

word

or PKatuic;

'medium

paps w?h

'goat; 'turn

bamboo' sheep'

aside'

to

Chamic

129

Vowels

The next group of words all reconstruct fairly regularly to PC, but they have neither aMalay or other PMP counterpart, nor aMK counterpart in PNB or PMnong.

Table 69: Reflexes PC x*hagst

containing PC *? PR Cham

Rade

Aceh. -f

Is?

x*ls?

hak?t -f

'why? what?'

le?

'fall

into'

'to elbow'

x*nsh

'to drop'

kapl??

x*pals?

p??

p??

'pick, pluck'

x*rarfs

erfe

rarfs

'Rhade'

x*ts?

t?? -v

x*kls?

tie?

pAt

x*pst

x*tulsh

kl??

'steal'

tal?h

'untie'

kamsh

tamsh

x*tamsh

'torn,

worn'

'pillar; post'

x*?s?

6??

'elf.

x*gs

ks

'boat'

long,

thin

objects'

The last set consists of the three words, aside from *labsh, which actu? occur both inMalay and Chamic. Neither the word for 'seed' nor the form ally for 'tickle' reconstruct to PC; in any case, the word for 'seed' is apparently a San? skrit

borrowing.

More

of

interest,

however,

is the

fact

that both

appear

to recon?

struct to the PC level, with the Acehnese forms corresponding nicely. As a possible native PMP root, only the form for 'great grandchild' requires any careful examination. As for the initial c-, Adelaar (1988:62) writes with respect to his proto-Malayic that the proto-phoneme *c is not well-attested, at words it least In any case, if the PC and containing making mildly suspect. are are not related and if both MK in forms Malay origin, 'great grandchild' might constitute a second native PMP root in Chamic containing *s, although I suspect that the form is ultimately MK. Table 70: PC *e forms without MK etymologies Malay

PC

P-Aceh.

Aceh.

PR Cham

*(cs)cst

CAt

tac??

*bijeh

bijsh

pa?sh

'greatgrandchild' 'seed'

gli?-gli?-iv

kal?k

'tickle'

cicit

*cic?t

biji

x*bijsh

g?lak

xgilsk -lv *gle?

'laugh'

130

6

Chapter

In any case, theMK origins of PC *s are firmly established. Further, the handful of irregular PC roots with PC *s ultimately from MK but with regular roots are what one expects ifAcehnese is a Chamic dialect. (The proto-Acehnese are reconstructions from Durie 1990a). proto-Acehnese PC shwa The original PMP shwa merged with the PC reflexes of short *a, allowing a new PC shwa to develop out of material incorporated from MK sources. The Chamic reflexes of this new shwa are given in the table. of PC *3

Table 71: Reflexes PC

Aceh.

*-ah

*-at

Rade

-Ah

-ih

-ah;

-At

-??

?

*-ak

Chru

Jarai

NR

Tsat W.Cham ?

-ah

PR Cham -ah

-ah

-ah

-??

-a?

-a?

-a?

-a?;-??

-a?;-??

-ak

-?k;-i?

-a?

-a?

-a?

-a?

-a?

-au?

-?w?

-ih

?

-ah;

*-ap

-op

-??

-a?

-au?

-a?

*-an

-An

-an

-an

-an

-ak

-an

-an;

*-am

-om

-am

-am

-am

-ap

-an

-om

-am

*-an

-An

-an

-on

-an

-at

-en

-an

*-ar

-a

-ar

-ar;

-ar

-a

-?r

-?r

-or

?

-an

-?n

-?n

-an;

if the final *-p were not retained inAcehnese, itwould be obvious that reflexes in the mainland languages *-ap correspondences reflect a final *-p. Parallel changes happen with *-ap and *-ip; see "Reflexes of Even

from the vowel

PMP change.

*-i- and *-i" on page The

-i-

reflexes

117 for a brief discussion

in Western

and

Phan

Rang

Cham

of the acoustics result

from

of the

nasaliza?

tion.

The sources

of shwa

Thus far, only a handful of forms reconstructed with shwa have potential Austro? nesian etymologies. When there is a readily-determinable source, forms with shwa are overwhelmingly from MK, and even when the source is not fully identi? fiable, it is often obvious from either the phonotactics or from the presence non-PMP phoneme that the form was not PMP in origin.

of a

Chamic

131

Vowels

of PC forms containing shwa and potentially related to forms are listed in Table 72. Of these only *bukan with its

The handful (or PMP)

Malay

*bukan

proto-Malayic

is

reconstruction

*lan

although

convincing,

totally

also

looks plausible. The form *lan has a potential PMP source in *talun 'fallow land; secondary forest'. In the case of theMalay word for 'hatch', the first sylla? ble vowels inMalay and Acehnese do not match, possibly indicating that the word was

independently borrowed into Malay and PC. The last word, although related to the Indonesian mythical bird the garuda, is a borrowing in Chamic. and PC words with PC *a

Table 72: Malay PNB

P-Malayic

PC

Malay

*bukan

bukan

Aceh.

Rade

PR Cham

bukAn

mak?n

kdw'-kan

'other;

*bukan

k?ram

*lan

lAn

l?n

Ian

'earth; soil'

*karam

karom

kr?m

kar?m

'to hatch'

kra?

'vulture;

?

All tions toMK. reconstructed

?

xgrak

garuda

different'

garuda'

in the following table have probable etymological connec? are Some reconstructed for theMnong branch of MK and some are

the words

for the North Bahnaric reconstructions

Proto-Mnong naric reconstructions

branch. None

are from H. Blood

of them appear inMalay. The (1968). The Proto-North-Bah

are from Smith (1972), occasionally

with minor modifica?

tions.

Table 73: MK words with PC *a

PNB

*c?n

PMnong

PC

*k?m

x*?ram

Aceh.

*kl3m

x*sam

*pan

x*pan

psg

*tap

x*klap

t?o?

*yah

x*yah

*dak

x*dan

*son

x*?an

*g?n

x*gan

*hag?r

x*sagar

*joq

**?jap

PR Cham

Rade ?r?m

som

?r?m

?

'to wrap' 'to nail; 'stab;

miy?h dAn

dan

tag ??n

??n

*p?y

of

x*b-an-at

'pole; 'drum'

?jo?

?jow?

'correct;

a fence',

itself, although apparently originally

stop'

post'

right'

'to fan'

x*pa-pat

'a dam;

poke'

'to eat'

hak?r

The root x*bat 'to dam; to fence', which tion

'stand;

k?g

?

hammer'

'PARTICLE'

hagar

? -

arrow'

contains

borrowed

an

is the root used for the forma? instrumental

from MK,

prefix.

The

prefix

is not restricted just to

132

Chapter

6

for instance, this infix not restricted to forms. InAcehnese, in disyllables (cf. Chapter 9), a specific forms but instead occurs productively lan? that says something about the intensity of the MK-Chamic characteristic

a handful of fossilized

guage contact on the mainland that led to the borrowing. Although not reconstructed for proto-North-Bahnaric

(with one excep? Bahnar in 74 in and Cabaton the words Table (1906)). It appear tion), (Aymonier to to not fact Smith did not if attach the that is obvious what significance, any,

reconstruct lexicon

On the one hand, a lot of the Bahnar these for proto-North-Bahnaric. from Cham; on the other, these forms do not appear to have

is borrowed

An counterparts,

that they were not originally An.

suggesting

Table 74: Other PC *a forms with MK affiliations PNB

Bahnar

(AC) PMnong

PC

?

banot mram

bram;

Acehnese

x*b-an-at x*?ram

*k?m

?

'a dam,

?

gar x*gar

?

'arrow'

'handle

gA

x*garj ?

t?l;

ap?r; p?r

fence'

(knife)'

?

g?n;g3n

*p?r

?

toi

'pole;

*p?r

until'

'arrive;

x*par

phA -i

'to fly'

x*gap

gop

'other;

? gap

post'

?

x*tal

group'

The final set of forms have neither established MK nor Malay counter? the first form looks unquestionably MK because of its glottal? part. Nonetheless, sources would turn up that careful search of MK ized stop. It is possible counterparts

for

at

Table 75: PC PNB

PMnong

least

some

of

these.

*a words without PMP or MK etymologies PC

Aceh. ?

Rade

PR Cham

?

x*?arj

gom

x*gam

xpayar

x*lap x*madah x*man x*rak x*sadar

-f

katar

'to burn'

kam

'to cover'

?

'corn;

? myar

?

?

?

grain'

'to offer'

'fold'

mitah

'awaken'

mag

m?n

'from'

rak

r??

'grass;

hap?r

'remember'

?

?

-f

madih

?

hadar tuwA

payai

low?

?

x*war x*yar

g?m

?

x*katar

??rj

war

war

'forget'

yer

'lift,

?

weeds'

raise'

Chamic

133

Vowels

It is likely that these tables include at least some mistaken identifications and misassociations, but the overall configuration is unmistakable: the shwa has entered PC through MK material incorporated into pre-Chamic. PC

*ia,

x-i?u,

and

x-iaw

Three diphthongs were borrowed from MK sources: *ia was borrowed into pre Chamic, becoming PC *ia, while x-i?w and x-iaw occur in post-PC borrowings. For the diphthong *ia:, only the word 'water' appears to be a PMP root. Table 76: Reflexes of PC Har PC *?iar

Aceh. ia

Rade sa

'water'

Jarai Chru NR ?ia

ia

Tsat

ia

?ia33

Haroi W. Cham ea

?ea

-f

PR Cham ya; ier

'water (fresh)'

The Chamic reflexes of *ia are regular, with the slight variation condi? tioned by the finals. The two forms with nasalized vowels are marked with (n). In working with Chamic forms containing the sequence -ia-, themain difficulty is in forms that were originally disyllabic, such as the disyllabicity distinguishing reflected inMalay tian 'stomach', from forms with an -ia- borrowed from MK. This problem has not been completely Table 77: Reflexes PC *-ia

Aceh. ?

Rade

solved here.

of PC Ha Jarai Chru NR

Tsat

Haroi

W.Cham

?

-ea -ya

?

-ea -ya

-ia

-ia

-ia

-ia

*-iar

-ia

-ea

-ia

-ia

-ia

-ia

-ea;

*-ia?

-ia?;

-i??

-i??

-ia?

-ia?

-ia?

-ea?;

-ia?

-e? -ii? (n) -ia? -?a?; -ia?

*-iat

-e?

-i??

-i??

-ia?

-ia

-ea;

-ia?

-ii? (n) *-ian

-iag

-ien

-sg

PR Cham

-ea?;

-y??

-ea?;

-y??;

-?? (n)

? -iag

-iag;

-iag

-eag;

-iag

-ieg

-iak;

(-yak)

In both Haroi

and Western

the onsets of these centering diph? thongs have been lowered in every case, except for *-iag inWestern Cham. This parallels but is more extensive than the lowering of the centering diphthongs Cham,

134

Chapter

6

lui, which similarly occurs in Haroi and Western Cham (see page 135). In the case of Haroi, the second reflex shows the result of subsequent raising and backing of the onset to Ii/ under the influence of breathy voice with

beginning

(page 197). In Table 78, the PC *ia and *-iya- have clear examples inAcehnese, with all of the examples except for 'dance' attested in Acehnese. The PC form for 'dance'

a counterpart

have

may

in Vietnamese

m?a

'dance'.

in origin, with a counterpart in Malay tian. It is interesting that, within Malay, tian is disyllabic. The last two forms, 'stomach' and 'wing', behave like disyllabic forms in some languages, in which case the second vowel is long, and sometimes like monosyllabic forms, in which case the vowels behave as if they were *-ia-. The final *-iap produces The word

upglides,

is PMP

'stomach'

*tiya:n

as does final *-p elsewhere.

Table 78: The reflexes of PC *-iya PC

Aceh.

*liyah

Hah

*liya

Jarai

Rade

Chru

liah

haliya

eya

liah

layah lia

raya

?

-i

riya

tamia

*timiya

Haroi

NR

PR Cham

leah

ly?h

'lick;

layia

liya

'ginger'

tamya;

'dance'

timiya

taste'

mya

tian

tiyuian

*tiya:n

*tiya:p

tio?-vf

tiyuiap Aside

?

from the obviously the

onomatopoetic,

ki?n

x-iaw

and

tiain

matiait

te an

tiaiu?

tia:?

te au?

onomatopoetic

x-iaw

only

occur

word in forms

tyan

'stomach'

tyaw?

'chase'

'cat', which postdating

is obviously the

breakup

of PC. Table 79: The forms with x-iaw and x-i?w PC *miaw xkri?w xdriaw

x?i?w

Jarai

Rade mieo ?

?

NR

Tsat

miau

mi?u

miau33

krs?

?

ki?u

W.Cham magiau

rfi?u

?au

egau -v

PR Cham miyaw

triew ?au

?au

cat 'castrate'

-i

dreu

-iv xligiaw

Chru

ta:i?*2 iu

'exclaim'

iw

'left (side)'

ligiw;

'outside'

-iv rag?au

lagiu

lagiw; giw

in one language or the other for all Not only are there irregular correspondences the forms, except for 'left (side)', but these forms are unattested in a number of languages.

Chamic

135

Vowels

PC *ua and x*uay no doubt exists that the majority of PC forms with *ua and x*uay were incorporated into Chamic as the result of pre-Chamic contact with MK speakers, two of the *ua forms are undoubtedly PMP: the PC *buat 'to do' and *dua 'two'

Although

are identical in form and meaning to theirMalay counterparts. The rhymes marked with x*- only occur in PC words

ultimately from sources. That is, even at this preliminary stage of investigation, it seems evi? dent that six of the twelve rhymes are exclusively MK in origin.

MK

Table 80: Reflexes of PC *ua and **uay PC

Aceh. -uwa

*-ua

x*-uah

?

-uat

*-uat

*-ua? x*-uam

? ?

-uan

x*-uan

x*-ual

?

x*-uay

x*-uac

Rade

Jarai Chru

NR

Tsat

Haroi

W. Cham

PR Cham

-ua

-ua

-ua

-ua

-ua

-oa; -ua

-oa

-wa

-uah

-uah

-uah

-uah

-ua55

-oah; -uh

-oah

-w?h

-?t;

-u??;

-ua?

-u??

-ua?

-oa?

-oa?

-oa?

-uot

-3t

-u??

-u??

-ua?

-ua?

-ua?

-??

-uom

-om

-o:m

-o:p

-uan

-om; -urn

-uon

-on

-uan;

-uat;

-uan

-on;

-ul

-ul

-uan

-uan

-ual;

-uan;

-ual

-uan

-om

-w?? -om

-uan

-?n

-ual

-?l

-un ?

-ul

-ua

-ue

-uai

-uai

-uai

-ua:i

-oai;

-uai

-oy

-uat

-u??

-u?i?

-uai?

-ue?;

-oi?

-?ai?;

-uai?

-?y?

-oi

-ui

-uai

-oy

_?i?; -?i?

_ui?

_?y?

-oa;

-ur

-ur

-uai? ?

-ui

x*-uay ___

x*.uc

_u?

-ui

-uai

_ui7;

_ui7

-uai _ui?

___ -uc

x*-uar

?

-uor;

-ua

-ua

-u?

-ua

-ua

There are two major tendencies which are evident in the reflexes of these a tendency that seems to diphthongs. There is a tendency to monophthongize, have existed

in Chamic

contact with MK. Notice

ever since it acquired diphthongs and triphthongs through that the reduction of triphthongs to diphthongs and of

136

Chapter

6

is scattered throughout these languages, and is par? diphthongs tomonophthongs in evident Phan Haroi, ticularly Rang Cham, and Jarai. The second tendency is to lower the onset of centering diphthongs. For the first five rhymes listed in Table 80, the onset is lowered inHaroi andWestern Cham but without monophthongization. In a number of other languages, there is both lowering and monophthongization, although in several cases length is pre? served. PR Cham, for instance, frequently reduces /ua/ to loi. Haroi goes further than any of the other languages in lowering the onsets of these diphthongs. In fact, Haroi appears to have lowered the onsets of all these for

except

diphthongs

three:

, *-uat,

x*uay

and

x*-ual.

In the

column

for Haroi,

the first reflex given shows the reflexes with the lowered onset. The second reflex given shows the effects of breathy voice, which inmost cases raised the vowels to /u7 but sometimes

backed

time (see "Haroi vowels

it to lui, typically monophthongizing them at the same and restructured register" on page 197, for further dis?

cussion).

PC*o the exception of at most six words, when the reflexes of PC *-o have ety? mologies, they have MK etymologies. Two obviously PMP forms are *do:k 'sit; stay' and *boh 'fruit; egg; elf. for small round objects', related toMalay duduk

With

and buah, both of which have unquestionable PMP etymologies, duduk representing a reduplicated form of the root. Table 81: PC *o words with Malay PNB

Bahnar Malay l?mbu

lamo;

PC

Aceh.

Jarai

x*lamo

humo

ramo

?

The

NR lamo

PR Cham limo;

t?rung

x*trog

truag

trog

buah

*boh

boh

boh

boh

duduk

*do:k

dua?

do:?

do:?

pon to?

empu

*po

po

po-v

po

po-v

*lon

lAn

Ion

two

forms

are

the

far more

lat

'cow;

ox'

lamo

trok

next

theMalay

(or AN) counterparts

ramo -n *trog

with

crog

trog,

'sit; live; stay' 'master;

l?n

problematic

'eggplant'

'fruit; egg; elf.'

lord'

'earth; soil' x*lamo

'cow'

and

x*trog 'eggplant', which although found inMP (cf. Malay lembu and t?rung ), are not widespread inMP and do not reconstruct back to PMP. The evidence that these two are borrowings includes the dual reflexes for 'eggplant' found in Phan Rang Cham and the fact that both forms are found in MK: x*trog 'eggplant' reconstructs

as *trog in proto-North

Bahnaric

and 'cow; ox' is found in Bahnar.

Chamic

137

Vowels

In both cases, these forms may have been late borrowings into Malay. The last two words *po 'master; lord' and 'earth, soil' look to be old An roots, cf. Malay empu

and

PAn

*Calun

and

PMP

'fallow

*talun

land,

secondary

forest'.

Table 82 illustrates reflexes of open syllable PC *-o without An counter? parts. Among the open syllable examples, only 'cow; ox' and 'master; lord' seem to have PMP counterparts; in contrast, at least three of these reconstruct to proto North-Bahnaric.

The length distinction between in the section on vowel length.

is discussed

the reflexes of PC *-o:- and *-o

Table 82: The reflexes of PC *o PNB

Aceh.

PC

Rade

Jarai Chru

mato

x*bato

pato

pato

NR

W. Cham PR Cham

pato

pato

pato

dio

klo

kla

bio

x*blo

dio

x*glo

dio

glo

xjro

'split' -n

jro ?

xjro x*kro

kro

kro

emo

ramo

luimo

x*lamo

-i

'large ero

jro

?

-i

kro lamo

po

po

po

[hlo]

x*ralo

-v

'dry'

lamo

lamo

lamo;

'cow;

ox'

limo

po

ralo

jar'

'rainbow'

-n po

'brain'

jro

?

ero

**po

'teach'

po

ralo

po

-v

ralo

ralo

'master'

'flesh; meat'

ro x*tamo x*tuho xkuho

?

tarmo

?

ka no

?

kaho

-iv *c?w

co

ro

'cage'

tamo

'intact'

tuho

kaho

'snare'

kuho

kaho

'Koho'

-v

-iv cuco

x*cuco

ro ?

taco

co

taco

taco

tico

'grand -child'

*cano

x*tano

?

ka no

ta?o

ta?o

ta?o

-n

ta?o

tano

'male'

Two of the forms in Table 82 have Malay counterparts in l?mbu 'cow; 'grandchild', but l?mbu looks to have been independently borrowed

ox' and cucu into Malay

and

PC,

as

the medial

correspondence

of Malay

-mb-

to Acehnese

-m

is unexpected.

The majority of the *o vowels lack any sort of PMP etymology. And, although theMK etymologies have not yet been worked out, it appears thatmost of these forms entered PC through MK sources. Nonetheless there is a minority that appear to have come from PMP forms with *u.

138

Chapter

6

PC VOWEL LENGTH length distinctions are amajor source of controversy, with the sole of agreement being that a vowel length distinction existed in the mainland point Chamic languages. Both Shorto (1975) and Cowan (1974; n.d.) claim that the long vowels inmainland Chamic correlate with diphthongization patterns inAce?

The PC vowel

hnese?a position that Collins (1991:116) disputes, while asserting that the Ace? and the mainland Chamic vowel length distinctions are hnese diphthongization distinct phenomena occurring independently within each language, presumably also having developed independently within the various Chamic languages. In contrast, Shorto (1975) and Cowan (1974; n.d.) not only correlate the diphthongization length distinction of mainland Chamic with Acehnese but go much, much further, asserting the PC vowel length distinctions are not the vowel

at the PC level but instead are themselves inherited from results of developments PAn. Shorto argues, apparently on the basis of general beliefs about what can be and mainland borrowed, that the vowel length distinction found in Acehnese Chamic

does not result from borrowing .. .the creation of so fundamental

(1975:90): a distinction

as that of vowel

length by borrowing seems intrinsically unlikely. On the other hand, contact with MK languages, in many of which (as in PMK) a vowel-length distinc? tion

operates,

ceivably

would

favour

the

retention

of

an original

distinction

con?

lost elsewhere.

That is, like Cowan, Shorto suggests that PAn had an original vowel tinction which was retained in Chamic but lost elsewhere.

length dis?

reluctance to accept that a length distinction could have been have more merit if the PC speakers were totally unfamiliar with the population that spoke PC was not solely Austrone? vowel length. However, sian speaking. The massive incorporation of MK vocabulary and the restructuring Shorto's

borrowed would

lexicon along MK lines strongly suggest that PC was spoken by popu? that lation included a large number of originally MK speakers who had shifted to PC along with an originally Austronesian speaking population that was itself the vowel For such length distinctions would have been bilingual. speakers, of the An

brought into PC as part of the borrowed MK inent part of the PC vocabulary.

lexicon that constitutes

such a prom?

As part of their proposed scenarios for the retention of an earlier PAn in PC, both Cowan (n.d.:3) and Shorto (1975:100) length distinction was that PC the able to retain its distinctive length while itwas for thesis present the most part lost in the rest of An, because PC remained on the mainland in con vowel

Chamic

139

Vowels

languages with a length distinction, while the remainder of the An the mainland, breaking off contact with MK languages, and thus left languages lost vowel length. One of the many problems with this position is that the bulk of modern scholarship views the Chamic speakers as having returned to mainland tact with MK

from the islands within

the last two thousand years or so?a contention that is of PC, which shows PC as a subgroup with

fully supported by the reconstructions a relatively shallow time depth.

Collins (1991:116) rejects both the contention that vowel length in PC is the retention of a PAn vowel length distinction and the claim thatAcehnese diph? thongization patterns correlate with PC vowel length. Collins is certainly correct in stating that PC vowel length was not inherited from PAn; in fact, much of this section on PC vowel length is devoted to showing how PC length distinctions evolved out of the interaction of PAn materials with MK contact and borrowings. based in large part on the materials available to him at the Undoubtedly time, Collins' suspicion that the Acehnese diphthongs are not correlated with PC vowel length has not held up. Once the various late MK borrowings have been culled out, and the PC vowel length reconstructions established, it becomes clear that the correlation between PC vowel length and Acehnese diphthongization is fully documented, Cowan

and

Shorto

and, with many now

accounted

of the potential for.

Further,

exceptions

as Cowan

noted

mentioned more

than

by once

the transition from a 1974), for many of the forms inmodern Acehnese, a to modern Acehnese diphthong is attested, that is, docu? stressed, long vowel mented within the history Acehnese (1974:188): (1948;

Now

it had been realized

long ago, on the evidence of the related lan? and the loanwords, as well as the archaic spellings in the Arabic guages script and local dialect forms, that in very many cases the Achehnese

diphthongs derive from simple vowels in the final, i.e., stressed sylla? bles. Thus it appeared that u/a derived from a in closed syllables, excep? tionally (in PAn *apa if this reconstruction is correct) also in an open syllable; oa and ia derived from /, and sd and ua from u, in the latter two cases according to whether the syllable is open or closed (originally closed). Cowan

(1974:189)

continues,

noting

...that the original simple vowels must have been lengthened before diphthongizing. This conclusion seems to be confirmed by the fact that, with certain morphemes, forms with the simple vowel still exist side by side with forms with diphthongs. In these cases the former are used

140

Chapter

without

and the latter with

first produced non-phonemic

6

stress and the implication is that this stress lengthening and then diphthongization.

Thus, unlike Collins, Cowan and Shorto view the transition from long vowels to diphthongs as straightforward with the correlation uncontroversial. The PC vowel length distinctions are readily reconstructable, although the earliest system that can be reconstructed looks to have been oddly configured: In the reconstructed

system,

only

PC

*-u-,

*-o-,

and

*-a-

show

contrastive

length,

and then only before certain finals. As Lee (1966:117) noted, the "length contrast seems to be fairly certain for *a, *u, and *o, but (as is true of the daughter lan? guages) is limited to certain environments." is a subpattern to the way in which vowels show length before the high vowel *-u- has a length contrast before glottal stops and specific finals: velar nasals; the mid vowel *-o- has a length contrast before glottal stops, velar There

*-a- has a length contrast before glottal stops,

nasals, and *-k; and the low vowel velar ally,

and

nasals,

*-k

as well

as before

four

other

finals

(*-l,

*-r,

*-n,

and, margin?

*-t).

Figure *-u-

13: Long versus short vowels and their environments

vs.

*-u:-

*-o-

vs.

*-o:-

/_.__?

/.___?

/....?

/.?n

/..__g

/____g

*-a-

vs.

*-a:

/__? k /??k

/_.._r

/....t

Perhaps, as suggested by length distinctions in Rade, a distinction may once have it will never be possible to existed between -a:m and -am as well. However, reconstruct a full, balanced system of length contrasts as one most likely never existed ? length contrasts were probably always asymmetrical. contrasts directly reflects This highly-skewed system of vowel-length distribution matches the types of asym? typologically-marked in which the back vowels show MK of in the Vietnam, metry languages more distinctions than in the front vowels (G?rard Diffloth, p.c.). The system itself is not just found in the mainland languages, but is also directly reflected in

MK

contact. This found

the inherited long vowels the diphthongization (inAcehnese patterns of Acehnese another of PC subsequently diphthongized), yet piece of evidence that providing is simply another Chamic language. Acehnese

Chamic

141

Vowels

It is reasonably clear just how the system of contrastive length came into In being. general terms, the vowel length contrasts in PC reflect the interaction of three major

factors

and

one:

one minor

the major

factors

are

contact

intense

with

languages with vowel length contrasts, the incorporation of numerous MK loanwords containing such contrasts into pre-PC, and internal developments with the material inherited from An.

MK

the long and short PC *-u- and *-o- the incorporated material bor? seemed to play the central role in the phonemicization of the

With

rowed from MK

change, especially in the case of *-o-, where all but a handful of the forms con? taining the sound, regardless of length, areMK in origin. With the length distinctions associated with PC *-a-, however, the much came about through the internal-developments in the inherited as through as through contrasts with incorporated pre-PC MK loans. in the reflexes of PMP *-a Statistically, the prime catalyst was the developments of the distinction

material and

*-a-


, which

established

a distinction

between

PC

*-a-

and

*-a:-

in

inherited words. The contrasts developed through this internal mechanism were augmented by the incorporation of countless MK -a- forms into Chamic, each see "PC *-a entering with either a long or short vowel. For further discussion, on page 146. factor has to do with required syllable weight. Most PC con? are disyllabic or sesquisyllabic (syllable and a half). However, some

length distinctions" The minor tent words

PC content words

are monosyllabic.

In PC, all monosyllabic content words have long vowels. Sometimes the long vowel is etymologically expected; sometimes a short vowel would otherwise be expected and the long vowel simply reflects the

requirement

that, for those vowels with

monosyllabic

content

word

be

long.

Thus,

a PC length contrast, *do:k

'sit',

*ya:p

the vowel

'count',

and

of a *pa:t

'four' all have meet

long vowels precisely because otherwise these forms would not the minimal requirements for a content word. PC is not unique in this

the requirement that monosyllabic content words be bimoraic is wide? in Austronesian For instance, in the Isbukun dialect of Bunan (Blust, p.c.). spread a Paul from class Formosan Li, (data notes), language of eastern Taiwan, in the

respect;

and nuum 'six'/ pairs paat 'four' but saspat 'four (for counting people)' lalabnum 'six (for counting people)', roots are the vowels in the monosyllabic in as the but short elsewhere. roots, secondarily long monosyllabic expected

PC *-u- length distinctions

PC *u has a limited and asymmetrically-distributed vowel length distinction: *u is found both short (Table 83) and long (Table 84) in two environments: before

142

6

Chapter

final -? and before final -g. Etymologically, PMP sources and from MK sources. the

Among

reflexes

of

the

the short vowels descend *-u-

PC

short

there

vowel,

both from

are words

with

PMP etymologies 'flour', and 'nose') mixed in with (apparently, for example, words with established MK backgrounds (Table 83). No doubt exists that PC *-u came

from

both

sources.

Table 83: Reflexes of PC *-u PNB

Bahnar Malay

jalu bak?

PC

Rade

NR

*?a?u?

aft??

a???

'beads'

*bitu?

mat??

'star'

*katug

'pull'

x*?u?

kat?g ???

pitu? katuk ???

'dive;

*?adu?

ad??

adu?

'room'

el??

jalu? man??

'bowl'

'chicken;

babu?

'drunk'

*jalu? manuk

*manu?

mabuk

*mabu?

man??

*gulug

-guluk

'to roll'

hidung

*?idug

id?k

'nose'

jantung

*tug

tuk

'stomach;

gulung

ad?g

-i

l?sung

*lasug

rombong

*bug

b?g

*?anug

an?g

? anug ?

tapug *daqb?g *gad?g

kadug

-i

risuk

es?g

'mortar'

'large

basket'

'package'

x*rfug

dug

duk

t?pung

*tapug

kap?g

r?bung

*rabug

eb?g

tupuk rubuk

kandung

x*kadug

dug

fowl'

abdomen'

'heart'

?

submerge'

'wrap

up;

bundle'

'flour' 'bamboo

shoot'

'pocket; pouch'

*-u?

-??

-u?

*-ug

-?g

-uk;

-ug

intriguing and indicative of the amount of work that still remains to be done are the words that appear in both MK and PMP, such as 'pocket; pouch' and 'flour'. For these the direction of the borrowing remains to be deter? More

mined.

Chamic

143

Vowels

In contrast to short PC *-u-, the reflexes of the long PC *-u:- all seem to descend from MK sources (Table 84). The form ribut 'storm' is intriguing in that, in addition to occurring in Bahnar (MK), it also appears inMalay. In wider Aus? tronesian, though, ribut is restricted geographically is a likely loan. Table 84: Reflexes PNB

Bahnar

to western

Indonesia and so

of PC *-u:

PC

Aceh.

Rade

PR Cham

? x*?amu:g

amug

'bunch;

stalk'

amug

'snout;

muzzle'

? x*?amu:g

*bru:g x*ka?u:?

brug

? *og

ug

x*?u:g

?akug

xcaku:g *pu:g

'streaked;

kakug

juimpug

?

kag?? t?? a

x*tagu:? x*tu:?

'worried;

sad'

'husband;

male'

apyag

'carry (several)' 'straw (rice)'

tako?

'get up; stand up'

to?

'to receive'

cakog

'descend'

xyu:?

d?g

striped'

?

'float'

xdu:g

dug

gut

x*gu:?

g??

l?u?

'below; bottom'

habut

*ribu:?

eb??

ripu?

'storm'

x*ju:?

j??

cu?

'black'

x*pu:?

p??

*-u:?

-??

-u:?

-ug

-u:k

p?k

*-u:g

-ug

'carry

in arms'

For PC *u, the vowel length distinction is the direct result of the incor? the short vowels occur freely in both inherited poration of MK material. While PMP and incorporated MK words, the long vowels occur overwhelmingly only in words from MK sources.

PC *-a- length distinctions the distribution

and the origins of PC *o are of interest. Like all Chamic the distribution is anything but symmetrical. The PC *o occurs length contrasts, long and short before final -?, final -g, and final -k.

Both

144

Chapter

Table 85: Reflexes

PNB

PC

*kasuq

x*ho?

of PC *-o Aceh.

NR

Rade

PR Cham

kaho?

east'

'upgrade;

xcho?

ko?

x*?ako?

cho?

?ho?

ako?

ako?

'scoop up; ladle' 'head'

x*?o?

'vomit'

x?anrog

-f

?

anro?-f

x*dhog

dhog

thok

x*prog

prog

prok

x*salog

hlog lar

x*yog

*(ka)r?g

xrog

rua g

*tr?g

x*trog

truag

x*pok

aro?

thog prog klog

'lift; take off

rog

rog-1

trog

trok

trog

'eggplant'

pok

po?

x*bok

-o? -uag

*-ok

'forever'

'back

'to

-ok

(anat.)'

open'

'to cry' "disk

shaped'

ho?

'pour

out;

bo?

po?-v

'to

-o?

-o?

hok

*-og

W -i

-turok

x*tulok

*-o?

'knife'

yok

co?

x*hok

'toad'

y^g

x*cok

*?k

bleed'

'sweat;

x*go?

*h?k

6

-ok

-?g

-o?

-o?

spill'

swell'

The vowel itself was almost but not entirely borrowed. Undoubtedly, it does occur in one native PMP form, the form *do:k 'sit', found throughout PMP and related toMalay duduk. Intriguingly, I suspect it is the word's monosyllabic? ity that accounts for the vowel length in this form. The forms x*lamo 'cow; ox; cattle' and x*trog 'eggplant, although found inMalay as l?mbu and t?rung, are not widely attested in An and are most likely early borrowings. If not, there are three PMP words with PC *o; if these two are borrowings, there is but one native PMP form left. mation mentioned,

The remaining words are apparently borrowings, some predating the for? of PC and some introduced later. Aside from the three words already none

of

the words

four of the forms occur and two more

in Aymonier

occurs

in Smith's

widely

attested

in Austronesian.

In contrast,

(see Table 85) (1972) proto-North-Bahnaric and Cabaton's (1906) dictionary of Cham (see Table

Chamic

145

Vowels

85). The -nr- cluster in 'toad', the glottalized stop in xcarfog -f 'flat basket', and the initial ch- of 'scoop up; ladle' mark these as borrowed. Headley (1976) sug? gests that x*yog 'to lift; take off and xrog 'back (anat.)' are MK in origin, while Durie (1990a: 106), citing Cowan (1983:177), labels x*go? 'upgrade; above; east' a MK may

is, of 17 forms, at least 10 of them have MK (ormay not) have an Austronesian heritage. loan. That

of PC *-o:

Table 86: Reflexes

PNB

Bahnar

PC

Aceh.

NR

Rade

-so:?

tho?

x*ko:?

ko?

ko:?

ko? -1

x*mo:?

mo?

m?:?

s?ap

-f

b?k; b? x*?o:?

x*kho:g khuag ?

krog

x*kro:g

r?g

x*ro:g

bog

x*bo:g

xjo:g

*cug ?

*k?n

? x*glo:g

?

?

*k?g

x*ko:g -

?

*log

xho:g

*t?g

-f

?o:?

?o?

'face'cf.'nose'

tog

ato:k

ato g

'beat (gong)'

khog

kho:k

khog

'dry (weather)'

krog

kro:k

krog

'river'

?

x?anro:g

pr?k l?k

x*pro:k

*do:k

With the Bahnar Chamic

forms

bog

pay

'coffin;

jog

cog

'axe'

dlog

jo:k dlo:k

kog

ko:k

'tall; high; big'

kog

'bracelet'

hog -f -v

test'

prove,

'wasp'

anro:k

anog

'carry (on pole)'

lok

lo:?

pro? lo?

'to peel'

dok

do:?

to?

'sit;

-o:?

-o?;

enog

prok

plua? dua?

casket'

klog

'try,

hog

x*-o:?

dence forMK

'raise;

?

x*lo:k

nourish'

rog bo:k

? anog

'wife'

log

x*lo:g

*og

?

rog ?

'lungs; placenta' 'white'

?o? ?

x*?ato:g

?

PR Cham

kaso?

x*so:?

*bog

one

affiliations;

-o?;

-o?

x*-o:g

-uag

-og

-og;

x*-o:k

-ua?

-ok

-o:?

-o:k

'squirrel'

live;

stay'

-5?

-og

-o?

the long vowels, aside from the one obviously PMP form, the evi? origins is impressive. All but six of these forms occur in PNB or in recorded with

by Aymonier long

-o:-

as MK

and Cabaton. in origin:

Headley 'coffin;

(1976)

casket',

labels

'axe',

six

'river',

146

Chapter

6

'wasp', and 'bracelet'. The remaining six, while not yet established as borrowings, certainly lack obvious PMP etymologies. For PC *o, both the vowel and its length distinction are the direct result 'squirrel',

of contact with MK, as both the vowel and its length distinction almost exclusively inmaterial incorporated from MK.

are present

PC *-a- length distinctions Although for PC *-u- and PC *-o- the PC vowel length distinction would at best be marginal without the forms with long vowels incorporated into Chamic from MK sources, the case is quite different with the length distinction associated with the influence of MK contact played a role, the length contrast in PC *-a- is fully and richly manifested in inherited Austronesian forms, largely due to the manifestation of PAn *e [a] as PC *-?-, while inmany cases PAn *-a

PC *-a-. While

as PC

is manifested The evolved

*-a:-.

non-MK

of

component

the PMP

from

vowels

*-a-

the

and

PC

PMP

*-a*-a-.

versus with

And,

length

contrast

the possible

excep?

*-a:-

tion of several reflexes

thus far unexplained cases, these vowels have quite regular in PC. Cowan (1974) noted that for PMP *-a- forms the PC reflexes are

always short; however, for PMP *-a- both short and long PC reflexes are found. That is, while the PMP *-a- unexceptionally merged with the PC short *-a the

reflexes, r, -n,

reflexes

-p, and marginally These

the PMP

*a

before are

patterns is -a:-

with

but

syntactic

slot,

which,

-?, -g,

Before

exceptionless.

in the word

unless

final

-k,

-1,

-

long.4

totally

not

before

Specifically,

*a occurs

however,

is inexplicable

in an unstressed

ture associated

split.

-t, PMP not,

in ten words,

reflex. This exception frequency

*a are

of PMP

'name',

where

'name' occurred with in turn,

prevented

it has

final

-n,

a short

considerable length?a

fea?

stress?from

developing. Before ^t,PMP became long only it occurred *-h- which marginally: specifically, long in words with a medial to in the number four *pa:t 'chisel, plane, chisel, plane'), dropped ('bad; wicked', because it is a monosyllabic content word, and, for no apparent reason, in *pala:t -1 'palm; sole'. In the form 'palm; sole' the vowel pattern is irregular, with some languages having a short vowel reflex, and some a long vowel reflex. However, aside from this handful of cases, where PMP *a has long reflexes and where it has short reflexes

4.

is totally predictable

from the final. [Note: The reconstructions

Before *-h, PAn had already merged PAn *-e- and *-a- (Blust 1995b:622 that the inherited Austronesian forms in 623), with the ultimate consequence PC did not develop a contrast between PC *-a and *-a:- before *-h. Nor did such a contrast develop in PC from borrowed MK material.

Chamic

147

Vowels

used in this work are Blust's

for PMP (see References)

and Adelaar's

for Proto

Malayic] the reflexes of PC *-a- (Table 87) and of PC *-a:- (Table 88), Among words both of PMP and of MK origin can be found easily. Numerous forms have com? Malay counterparts, many of which are common PMP forms. Others have mon MK origins. another

In Table 88, seven examples are reconstructed for proto-North-Bahnaric; ten are found in Aymonier and Cabaton's Bahnar. Still others such as

x*ba:l 'mend; patch' are found in theMK However, there are three Acehnese

subgroup PKatuic. items that require discussion

because

they have a /-an/ final rather than the /-man/ final *-a:n: final 'fish', 'cup; bowl; dish', and 'road; path', and expected from PC to Durie (p.c.), ikan is aMalay borrowing. As he notes, the 'bowl'. According usual Acehnese word for fish is wgkot. The second word cawan 'cup; bowl; dish' is, according to Coope (1976) and Baxter (p.c.), a borrowing from Chinese. This in one variant or another

analysis is consistent both with its failure to reconstruct within PMP and its irreg? -lu?an 'yard; space in ular final. The last word needing discussion is theAcehnese reflex of PC *jala:n 'road; is the which Durie front of the house', suggests regular path'. The difficulty involves the presence of another form in Acehnese jalan 'highway; main road' which at first glance looks like the appropriate cognate. On closer inspection, however, -lwan looks to be the cognate form and jalan looks to be a later borrowing from Malay. As Durie points out, -lvaon corresponds quite regularly phonologically, while the final of jalan -v is irregular. Semantically, the jalan is interesting: jalan, as Durie notes, is used only marginally to refer tomain roads and highways, while ret/rot is the normal word for road. This suggests that the semantic range of the original reflex of PC *jala:n > -lwon 'yard; space in front of the house' was narrowed under the influence of the word ret/rot, with the jalan borrowed only later from Malay. The fact that a length distinction between PC *-a-

modern Acehnese

(Table 87) and PC *-a:- is found quite readily both in the inherited PMP forms and in the incorpo? rated MK material suggests that the length distinction comes from two sources: one, it was developed internally from the inherited PMP material (as described above) and that it was

also present

in the material

incorporated

from MK

lan?

guages.5

5.

However, note that the contrast before PC *-r is found primarily in incorpo? rated MK material, as most of the inherited PMP final -r'swere lost.

Table 87: Reflexes PNB

of PC *-a

Bahnar Malay

PC

lama

l?mak

x*lama?

tak

t?tak

*ta?

masak

*tasa?

tanak

*tana?

? tag?k

*tagak

*gatak arag

*qm?g

arang-

Aceh.

Rade

luima?

? -f

?

? arag-m

*hadag x*?ag

? lag

pag

*glag

?

em??

lam??

kan??

tarn?

kag?? kat?k

kat??

had?g

hat?g

'sap; resin' 'charcoal'

??g dl?g

??g

'hole; door'

klag

'look at; watch'

'cleaver'

h?g

x*hag

*kh?n

kl?n

kain ?

?

?

?

?

*k?t

k?t

'name'

an?n

x*klan

lhan

bantal

*bantal

bantai

g?tai

*gatal

gatai

s?ndal

x*dal

*baqar *-d?r

nan

x*khan ?

x*ba?ar

?

kh?n

'cloth; blanket'

tl?n

kl?n

'boa; python'

pat?r-f kat?l

'pillow'

kat?l

rf?l

'to wedge'

maar

*dar

pi?ar

*?ikat

ikat

surat

*surat

surat

hr??

'encircle'

ik??

'to

har??

'write;

tap?t

t?pat

*tapat

tiupat

ara

urat

*?urat

urat

kawat

*kawat

kap?? tap?? aru?t (m) ur?? kaw?t

sukat

*sukat

sukat

mak??

pusat

*pusat

pusat

m a s?t

ulat

*hulat

ulat

*_a7

-at;

*-ak

-a?

?

-?k,

*-ag

-ag

-?g

*-an

-an

-an;

*_al

-ai

-?l

-at

-?t;

'vein,

-??

-a?;

-an -?l

*-ar -a?

honest' tendon'

'wire'

path?? hal??

-?g -an

letter'

'to measure'

-??; 4?

-??;

tie'

'straight;

-i

hlu?t (m) -a?

'itchy'

'paper'

dar

ikat

*-at

a wall'

'hot; spicy' 'sickle'

h?g w?g

w?g

*?anan

kh?n

'ripe; cooked' 'cook'

'to make

*wag ?

cut'

tath??

? u?g

oil'

grease,

kas??

*paO

*h?g anan

'fat, 'chop;

? mag

PR Cham

-??

-ak

'navel; 'worm'

center'

Table 88: Reflexes of PC *-a: Bahnar

PC

Aceh.

Rade

PR Cham

?mpat anak

*pa:t *?ana:k

puiat anu??

p??

pa? ani?

'four'

minyak

*mif?a:k

mita?

mini?

'oil'

x*?awa:k

awuia?

awak

awa?

'spoon; ladle'

jak

?a?

'invite'

Malay

uak

j?k

lag

anak

'child'

ajak

*ja:k

pinang

*pina:g

pinuig

manag

panig

'betel(-nut)'

hudang

*huda:g

uduiag

hadan

hat?g

'shrimp'

x*ka:g

kuiag

yang

lag

x*ya:g *la:g

orang

?ag

*?ura:g

uruiag

kag

kag

'chin; jaw'

yag

yag

'spirit; god'

lag

lag

'spread

urag

'person'

cog

'wait'

ar?g

*ca:g

tulang

*tula:g

k?rang

*kra:g

lubang

*luba:g

klag

tuluiag

-1

out'

'bone'

talag

'clam'

kruiag

dag

x*tfa:g

lipag

'hole; pit'

dag

'lie

suppine'

lipan

*limpa:n

limpuian

epan

lipan

'centipede'

hujan bulan

*huja:n

ujuian

najan

ha?an

'rain'

*bula:n

buluian

m?an

pilan

'moon'

dahan

*dha:n

dhuian

adhan

than

'branch'

kagan

ta gin

'hand;

arm'

elan

calan

'road;

path'

tang?n

*taga:n

jalan

*jala:n

-lu?an

tampal

x*ba:l

pagar

*paga:r

p agu? a

akar

*?ugha:r

ukhuia

tawar

*taba:r

tabuia

jahat

*jaha:t

juihuiat

pahat

pal

'mend'

paka

'fence'

agha

ukha

'root'

kaba

tapa

'tasteless'

jhat

?ha?

'bad; wicked'

pha?

'to chisel'

*pha:t

phuiat

*-a:?

-uia?;

-uiat

-??

-a?

*-a:k

-uiak;

-uik

-ak

-a?;

*-a:g

-mag;

-uig

-ag

-ag;-?g

*-a:n

-uian

-an

-an;

*-a:l

-uia

-al

-al

*-a:r

-uia

-a

-a

*-a:t

-uiat;

-at

-a?

-uit

-i?

-in,

-in

150 of

Then,

there

course,

are

a number

these are transparently borrowings length in the Chamic languages. Table 89: Borrowings

amra

*brak *relat

?

borrowings

6

*-a:-,

but

containing

so these forms do not obscure

the analysis of

with *-a:

Bahnar Malay

PMnong

of

Chapter

m?rak ?

PC x?amra:k

Rade

PR Cham

muira?-v

amrak

amra?

lat

klst-ivf

?

xla:t

jaga

Acehnese

xja:g

jaga -f

?

?

'peacock' 'flat'

'to guard'

First, not one of the three forms in Table 89 reconstructs to the PC level. In addi? tion, all three forms are attested inMK languages, although 'guard' is apparently ultimately Sanskrit (Coope 1986). The word 'peacock' has a medial /-mr-/ only (1976, #1.47) identifies it as a MK loan, it borrowings. Headley as reconstructs *brak in Proto-Mnong, *bra:? in PSB (Efimov), and *ria? in PKa In the case of 'flat' the tuic, and it has an irregular vowel reflex in Acehnese. forms were borrowed from MK. The word reconstructs as *relat in PMnong, inMK

found

is the likely source of the forms scattered throughout the mainland Chamic is a quite unre? languages. The lookalike form rata found inMalay and Acehnese

which

lated borrowing from Javanese (see Appendix II). As for 'guard', Coope (1986) comes which in that it from Sanskrit, suggests light of the similarity between the and Acehnese,

Malay

on

the

one

hand,

and

the PC,

on

the

other,

looks

at

least

and Malay cannot possible. What looks definite in any case is that the Acehnese be directly related to the PC forms; the Acehnese looks like it came from Malay, with

the question of the ultimate origin of theMalay

The Acehnese

correlates

being left open.

of PC vowel length

The Acehnese

data in the above tables is of particular interest. The claims in the in PC correlates literature by Cowan and by Shorto that the length distinction with certain Acehnese vowel distinctions are substantiated by a careful compari? son of Acehnese vowels with these PC length distinctions. The distinction found in the tables long and short *a is clearly and unambiguously above for the other two long vowels PC *-o:- and PC *-u:-, more Acehnese data will be needed to determine whether the distinction is preserved there too. between

PAn stress and vowel length compared with PC vowel length The data discussed

in this section have shown that PC vowel length distinctions are not inherited from PAn but instead represent a secondary development, and, as a secondary development, appear to have nothing to say about whether or not

Chamic

151

Vowels

stress (with resultant vowel length distinctions in various languages as a reflex) needs to be reconstructed for PAn. Certainly Zorc (1978, 1983) has shown that in certain Philippine languages the long/short vowel length distinction would corre? late with the earlier existence of stress, and, as Ross (1992:47) writes, "Recent work suggests that Zorc's system is reconstructable for PAn, since there are relics of it in a few Formosan languages." Zorc and Ross are not alone in their sugges? tion that PAn had a stress distinction; Wolff (1991), Peiros (cited in Ross and Benedict (p.c.) also suggest reconstructing stress for PAn.

1992),

However, PC vowel length and the proposed PAn stress system (which correlates with vowel length in certain Philippine languages) have no correlation whatsoever with one another. First, as Ross (1992:47) notes, in the Philippine languages "the long/short distinction is limited to the vowel of the penultimate syllable", while the PC distinctions are limited to the ultimate syllable. Second, and more importantly, the PC vowel length distinctions between long and short *a correlate directly with the earlier distinction between PAn *e [a] and *a rein? forced by the borrowing of MK words with a length distinction, while the length distinctions between long and short *u and *o depend almost on length distinc? tions between originally inherited and originally borrowed material.

THE MAIN SYLLABLEVOWELS SUMMARIZED It goes without fied. For dences

saying that everywhere the details remain to be filled in and clari? instance, much more can be learned about the Acehnese correspon?

from

the

incorporation

of

a more

extensive

number

of

forms.

Similarly,

a

better understanding of borrowings will contribute to a better understanding of the systemic interactions between the PMP and theMK heritage. the outlines of the history of PC vowels seem clear. The PC Nonetheless, vowel system consists of a core of elements inherited from PMP supplemented and enriched by MK borrowings. In addition, the subsequent reflexes of PC vow? els in the various daughter languages is also straightforward, with the improve? ment upon the foundation laid by Lee 1966 and others made possible by an of which forms were borrowings and by a greatly expanded understanding expanded data base. From these patterns we can learn something both about the nature of the earlier cultural contact and about the influence of language contact on vowel sys? tems. The intensity of the early contact between MK speakers and the pre-PC speakers is attested to by the richness of the borrowed component of PC. The effects of language contact are attested to by the restructuring of the original PMP disyllables into the iambic morphemes of PC and by the incorporation of a number of new vowel distinctions

into the linguistic system.

7

and Nasalization

Nasals

Both

consonants

nasal

and

nasalized

vowels

are

for PC.

reconstructed

For

nasal?

are straightforward and based on regular correspondence patterns. In fact, only two developments are worthy of comment: In Cham, word-final nasalization seems to trigger simplification of complex vow? the reconstructions

ized consonants,

els. In Roglai

and Tsat,

?

consonants

a

there is widespread that

change

has

two

denasalization

of word-final

it makes

consequences:

late

loans

nasal with

nasals conspicuous as they fail to undergo the change and it provides strong subgrouping evidence for the pairing of Tsat with Northern Roglai. For nasalized vowels, the bulk of the evidence comes from just three lan?

word-final

Chru

closely-related

guages?the

and

Northern

and Phan Rang Cham. While the data itself, sometimes about its interpretation, are

cases,

there are sometimes

from Western forms

in certain

and,

Roglai,

loans,

there

are,

nonetheless,

certain

patterns

questions about and sometimes about which which

seem

clear.

NASALIZATION INPC There are PC nasalized these cases,

vowels

the reconstruction

not associated with adjacent nasal consonants. In of PC nasalized vowels is based on the nasaliza?

in Chru, Roglai, and Haroi forms, and, in those rare Phan Rang a reflex that would indicate prior nasalization (see "Nasaliza? tion in Cham" on page 155, for a discussion of the Cham reflexes).

tion recorded Cham

forms with

vowels. In Chru, all vowel; inNorthern Roglai all of the inHaroi about half the forms have nasalized vow?

Table 90 includes words with reflexes of nasalized but one of the forms has an actual nasalized forms have nasalized

vowels; els; and, in Phan Rang Cham,

every word

152

has evidence

of prior nasalization,

153

and Nasalization

Nasals

either a vowel reflex characteristic thong or triphthong simplification Table 90: Reflexes PC

Aceh.

or in the pattern of diph? nasalization. earlier that indicates

of earlier nasalization

of PC nasalized Chru

vowel

NR

Haroi

PR Cham

ma?ia?

ma?i??

ma????

mii?-v

'urinate'

*mah?w

mah?u

mah?u

mah?u

mihu

'thirst'

*kr?h

kr?h

?ia?

*ma?iak

*h?

khr?h -i kr?h

h?

h?

h?i -v

krih

'middle'

hi

'you; thou' 'work; do'

x*brua?

?

brua?-n

bru??

x?i?w

?

i?u

i?u

pro? eau

pr?? iw

sr?:u?-l

sr??

sr?u?

thru?

'crossbow'

jr?u

cari?u

cru

'medicine'

thr?h

'nest;

kath?r

'porcupine'

? xsr?p ? xjr?w

jr?:u ?

xsr?h -f

xkasu?r

sr?h

?

sr?h

kasu?

-f

kasu?

srouh -f

? xji? ji?

Notice

kasoa sia

ji?

-v

-v

?

'left (side)'

swarm'

'taxes'

thatmore

than half of these have been identified as post-PC bor? of the nasalized vowels are found in borrowings, but not all. Cer?

rowings. Many tainly in this group,

'thirst; desire' appears to be related to an PMP form meaning

'want'.

NASALIZATION INCHRU The nasalization it occurs, these

in Chru appears to be, etymologically-speaking, sporadic. When in the vicinity of initial nasals, *h-, and *?- particularly when

it occurs

co-occur

with

final

*-?;

however,

the

actual

occurrence

is, nonetheless,

not

fully predictable on the basis of correspondence patterns. In Table 91, there are Chru forms which have corresponding nasalized vowels in Northern Roglai. With the exception of 'raw; green', the nasalized either by a nasal consonant or by a glottal stop, suggesting the In these cases, it is probably nothing of possibility perseverative nasalization. more than the variable marking perseverative vowel nasalization. The case of 'raw; green' is more surprising; however, itmay be that the nasalization spread? vowel

is preceded

ing from the earlier homorganic

nasal is still found inAcehnese.

154

Chapter

Table 91: Chru and Northern

nasalization

Roglai

PC

Aceh.

Chru

NR

Haroi

PR Cham

*ku?it

ku?et

ka?i:?

ku?i:?

kaf?ei?

ka?i?

'yellow;

ban?:?

bin??

mano?

man??

man??

man??

pinu? min??

'banyan, h?lete' 'chicken; fowl'

*banut *manu?

tam?h

*tamuh *tamut

x*k-am-lo?

klo

x?amra:k

muir??

??

??

?au

kamlo

kumlo

kamlo

kamlo

amr?:?

amra:?

amra?

amra?

-v

muintah

tam?h

m?:?

tumeric'

'grow; sprout' 'hammer'

gu?h

mugu?h

matan

matan

xam-agu?h *mantah

cam oh

tum?h

m?:?

*?u

7

-v

?u

she;

'he,

they'

'dumb; mute' 'peacock'

?

dawn'

'morning; matan

mit?h

'raw;

green'

A second interesting set of Chru correspondences is found in Table 92. as the tendency for has described appear to exhibit what Matisoff (1985) vowels to nasalize spontaneously after glottal stops and Ibl.

These

Table 92: Matisoff

s vowel nasalization

PC

Aceh.

Chru

tuiot

ta??:?

ka?i?g

ka?iak

ka?eag

ka?g

'loins; waist'

e?-f

?h

eh

eh

?h

'excrement'

*tu?ut

x*ka?iag

?

x*?sh ?

x*ka?u:?

?

lah??

?

x*lahi??

Haroi

PR Cham

ca?u?-v

tau?

tu?u:?

ka??:?

?

x*halua?

NR

with glottal or/h/initials

?

lah?a?

?

ka?ou? hlua?

'knee'

? ?

sad'

'worried; halwa?-i

? 'to

'sharp' lose'

The third set of forms (Table 93), however, is not explicable in phonetic terms, that is, the nasalization on the vowel seems to have no obvious phonetic cause. What is immediately obvious, however, is the fact that, at the very least, four of the six forms are borrowed, not native. Table 93: Unexpected PC

Aceh.

vowel nasalization

glo

x*glo ?

*kaka:s

x*ruay ?

x*karah -f

ruai

-n -n

kr?h

-n

sr?p

-n -f

?

PR Cham klo

'brain;

kaka

kak?h

kak?h

'fish scales'

pha:t

aphan

phan

ruai

roai

karah

kr?h

roy kar?h

dlo -n

pha:n ?

xsra:p

-n

kark?:h

?

*bha:n

Haroi

NR

Chru

?

? sr?p

-fv

?

marrow'

'sneeze'

'fly; bug; insect' 'ring' "tired

of

155

and Nasalization

Nasals

NASALIZATION INHAROI rare. Tegenfeldt-Mundhenk are extremely and vowels are note vowels and that there 10 nasalized (1977) rarely occurring are that there only two examples of each. In addition, there is allophonic nasaliza? tion: "preceding final -p, -t, and -k, all vowels are nasalized" (1977:2).

In Haroi, Goschnick

nasalized

Table 94: Haroi postPC xsr?p xtu?i

vowel nasalization

in borrowed words

Aceh.

Chru

Haroi

PR Cham

?

sr?:u?-l

sr??

sr?u?

thru?

'crossbow'

?

tuai

thu?i -i

t?ai

toy

'guest; stranger'

jr?u

cari?u

cru

'medicine'

NR

? xjr?w

jr?:u

The existence

of nasalization

wise unaccountably nasalized words tion inChru, above).

inHaroi

is interesting in that all the other? are inHaroi borrowed (cf. the similar situa?

NASALIZATION INCHAM One of the more

striking effects of nasalization occurs in Cham, where nasaliza? tion appears to trigger vowel deletion. As Lee (1974:655) noticed, inWestern and Phan Rang Cham PC *a vowels (and nasalized PC *a vowels), either with inher? ited nasalized vowels or with vowels secondarily nasalized by a preceding nasal have special Cham reflexes. Sometimes PC *a becomes HI (and, on additional conditioning factors, sometimes HI or lui) and, in certain depending the diphthongs, original /a/ is dropped. In the first set of examples, an inherited nasalized *a becomes l-i-l. In consonant,

the second set of examples, a preceding consonant secondarily nasalizes the vowel, leading to an l-i-l reflex. In the third set of examples, the reflex is III, rather than /i/; the conditioning factor involved is unclear. In the fourth set of examples, three words

'striped' (which may be the same root as 'flower'), and 'soul, spirit; shadow') have the reflex l-u-l. This reflex appears to be conditioned by a combination of their word-final position after a velar nasal and by the fact ('flower',

that the initial *b- makes

the whole word breathy-voiced. In the next to last set of it can be seen that some PC *-a forms have also undergone the change.

examples, In the table in "Reflexes

of PMP *-i- and *-i" on page 117, it can be seen that some PC *-a became ? in Cham; perhaps the change from *-a to ? occurred first, with the ? > -i change following. The last set of examples constitutes a problem; despite

the obviously

nasalized

vowel,

the vowel reflex remains unaffected.

156

Chapter

7

Table 95: PC *a > -i in PR Cham and Western Cham PC

W. Cham

*kr?h

krih;kih -lvn

xkr?m

krim

-v

mamih

*mamah

tami

*tama

krih krim

'middle; half -v

mimih

tanih

*tanah

PR Cham

'bamboo'

'chew'

tanih

'earth,

soil'

tami

'enter'

*?ama

mi

ami

'father'

*huma

hami

hamu

*lima

lami

lami; limi

'five'

*?ina

ni

ini

*panah

panih

panih

'mother; major; big' 'shoot (bow); a bow'

*pina:g *?ana:k

panig ni?

panig ani?

'betel (-nut)' 'child'

*lama:n

lamin

limin

maf?i?

mifti?

lagi

ligi; lagi

'sesame'

ta?i

'ask'

tag?n

'hand'

tagi

'ear' 4 sky'

*mif?a:k *laga

-v

*taga tagan

*taga:n

-v

*ta(li)ga *lagit *ma?am

*buga

lag!:? -1

-v

'field'

'elephant' 'oil'

ma?im

ligi? minim

pagur -f

pigu

'flower'

pigu

'striped'

twill'

'weave;

? *buga

*bugat

pag??

pig??

'soul,

x*b-an-at

pana?

pini?

'a dam;

x*mag

mag

m?g

'from'

kan?m

'cloud'

? *gunam *nam

n?m

n?m

'six'

*?anan

nan

n?n

'that

spirit;

shadow'

a fence'

(third

p.)'

The direction of the nasalization is also of interest, being perseverative rather than anticipatory, a type of nasalization reminiscent of the nasalization in Malay and in other Austronesian languages of the region (cf. Court (1970)).

Nasals

157

and Nasalization

In addition, throughout the data, cases can be found inwhich themodern Cham reflex is an /a/, phonetically [a], rather than ill. These cases are examples a I'll was subsequently in which of further reduction, secondarily developed reduced to a /a/. An examination of the older Written Cham forms inAymonier and Cabaton makes clear, many of the forms with an orthographic inModern Cham had an ill in the earlier records. Finally, after *m- in the presyllable, the vowel reflex is almost excep tionlessly HI, rather than ill, effectively neutralizing the earlier four-way vowel distinction. The patterns suggest that the various vowels were first reduced to l-i-l under the influence of nasalization.

shwa and then later became this change

described

in 1901.

Table 96: After Cham presyllable

PMP

Cabaton

Malay

PC

NR

PR Cham

mamAh

mum?h

mimih

'chew'

mate

matai

mitay mi??m

'die'

Aceh.

*mamaq

mamah

*ma-atay

mati

*matay

*inum;

minum

*minum;

*inem

m

*mamah

minom

'to drink'

*minam mata

*mata

mata

mata

mita

'eye'

*manuk

manuk

*manu?

mano?

man??

min??

'chicken;

*ma-qasin

masin

*masin

masen

masit

mithin

'salted;

*mata

fowl' salty'

(?) *ma-esem

masam

*masam

masam

m asap

mith?m

'sour;

*m-uda

muda

*muda

muda

mida

mita

'young;

that the original presyllable attested in both Malay and PMP.

Note

Nasalization

and vowel deletion

In addition

to those environments

there are also deleted.

several cases,

In Lee's

nasalization

terms,

"In

vowel

unripe'

in Acehnese,

as is

in diphthongs in which

discussed two

is still preserved

vinegar'

other

by Lee,

in which

are

there

environments

in Cham. One of these environments

reduced to a HI, a nasalized *a was

*a was

a nasalized

is where

traces

of

earlier

*? is preceded by *i or

*u as part of a complex

peak" (1966:120). Interpretation of the historical origins of these changes, however, is not as clear as it was in the case of a nasalized *? being reduced to a HI. Lee pointed out the connection with nasalization, but other factors are also obviously involved. One factor is the non-Chamic-like syllable structure: all of these forms involve originally

closed syllables were also originally

heavy.

158

Chapter

7

is abundantly clear is that all five forms cited in Table 97 are post borrowings. None of these forms shows up inMalay or PMP, but the first are four attested in either PSB (Efimov) or in PKatuic, and the one remaining form is also apparently a borrowing. One suspects that, in addition to simple What

Chamic

nasalization, there may also have been some adjustment more restricted syllable canon of Cham. Table 97: Cham forms with lost nasalized P-Katuic

PSB

post-PC

NR

*kA:ji

xkhiag -fi

khiag -f

xkasu?r

kasu?

? *agkAji ?

*kamhuar

xmu?r

*brua?

*br_q

-f

bru??

x*bru??

An examination

'want; desire'

kh?g

kasur

kath?r

mur

mu

pr??

?

'porcupine' -f

'termite'

'work; do'

pr?? ?

kr??

xgru??

in both Western

PR Cham

khin -f

mu?

-f

to fit the

vowels W. Cham

-f

of borrowings

'lie

prone'

it clear that the vowel deletion occurs

of Table 97 makes

and Phan Rang Cham. second environment for deletion

*? preceded a following *u (Lee 1966:120). In this environment, Lee noted that the *? was lost except when it followed a main syllable nasal, as in *naw 'go'. Rephrasing Lee's Lee's

a nasalized

description,

immediately

followed

was

vowel

a nasalized

Table 98: Loss of nasalized PC

Aceh. ?

*mahaw

lost when

Chru

NR

W.Cham

PR Cham

mah?u

mah?u

mahu

mihu

cru

cru

ira:u

x?jraw da?o

*danaw *boh

?

maw

?

*naw

but

not

when

it

/a/ before /u/ in Cham

jr?:u ?

a *u,

it preceded

consonant.

? xjr?w

is where

jr?u -1




tarn?42

'section'

tsiakg42 (lai33)

>

tsiag?42

'where'

thokg33-

>

thog?33

'knife' ' extinguish'

>

thatn42-

tham?42

x*dhog *padam

Ouyang and Zheng (1983:31) list the first two forms of Table 104, noting that certain sandhi forms have nasal finals preceded by homorganic stops. The other two forms are also from Ouyang (p.c.). The first two forms are enough to make two things clear: First, ignoring the arrows on the table for a minute, the modern glottalized, nasalized finals have come from earlier final clusters consisting of a stop followed by a homorganic nasal. Second, now that the pattern is clear, it is possible to predict the sandhi forms from the reconstituted forms. The

sandhi forms cited by Ouyang and Zheng bring to mind Court's (1967:48) term preploded nasals, which he uses to describe the stop plus homor? ganic nasal combinations which occur inM?ntu. To illustrate M?ntu preploded nasals, he gives numerous M?ntu examples, including the two forms cited in Table 105. To Table 105 have been added Malay, PC, Northern Roglai, and the four attested Tsat sandhi forms, along with the reconstituted forms. Table 105: The preploded

sandhi forms Tsat

M?ntu

/buratn/ /turakg/

Malay bulan tulang

padam

Tsat >

PC

NR

*bula:n

bila:t

-phian11

'moon'

*tula:g

tula:k

-lain33

'bone'

x*dhog

thok

>

thog?33 tham?42

'knife' ' extinguish'

>

tarn?42

'section'

tsiag?42

'at'

*padam

padap

sandhi

thokg33thatn42tatn42tsiakg42-

>

>

reconstituted

a so-called Land Dayak language of Kalimantan, In M?ntu, the pre? nasals out have of final nasals also the in discussion ploded (cf. developed "Reflexes from PC word-final nasals" on page 171). In the Northern Roglai data listed here, PC final nasals presumably

became preploded

nasals before

loosing

166

Chapter

7

the nasal component and becoming homorganic voiceless stops. And, in Tsat, as be shown, the PC final nasals became preploded nasals (at least some of which are still preserved in the sandhi forms) and then in turn some of these will

developed final glottalization. The patterns in Tables

105 and 106 allow us to internally reconstruct the forms. The vowel length is

sandhi forms on the basis of the reconstituted

Tsat

inherited from PC. In Table 106 are the internally-reconstructed sandhi forms. From these forms, not only the modern Tsat reflexes can be derived, but so can the Northern Roglai reflexes. Thus, there is no doubt that the modern Tsat and modern North? ern Roglai forms descended from an earlier common source. Table 106: The internally-reconstructed PC

Tsat

Tsat (reconstituted)

(sandhi) *nam

>

*natn

*?ura:g

sandhi forms

>

*za:kg

*khag

*kh?kg

>

*hadag

*th?kg

>

na:n?33

'six' someone'

za:g?33

'person;

khaig?42

'hard; stiff; strong'

thaig?42

'charcoal'

x*hag

*h?kg

>

haig?42

'hot;

*masam

*satn

>

sa:n?42

'sour;

*hitam

*tatn

>

tarn?42

'black'

*dalam

*tatn




tham?42

'extinguish'

pam?42

'eight'

>

kian?33

'afternoon;

>

liag?33 -i

'crab'

-ft

>

*dua-lapan

*patn

*klam

*kiatn

*?ariag

*liakg

x*trog

*tsi?kg

>

tsiog?33

x*prog

*pi?kg

>

piog?33

x*dhog

*th?kg

>

thog?33

-i

spicy' vinegar'

inside' on

shoulder'

night'

'eggplant' W 'knife'

that neither the Tsat preploded nasals nor the Northern Roglai pre? final later should be confused with the post-nasalized ploded of discussed Maddieson and Vietnamese, (1996:129). Not stops by Ladefoged only has there been no contact between the Vietnamese and the Tsat speakers but the phenomena seem distinct; as Ladefoged and Maddieson write, inVietnamese Note

nasals discussed

stops are usually released, but the release is by lowering the velum so that a short voiceless nasal is produced". the oral closure ismaintained,

"word-final while

167

and Nasalization

Nasals

The origin of these Vietnamese post-nasalized stops seems to have more in common with the origins of echo vowels found throughout much of Austrone? sian than with the Tsat, Roglai, and Land Dayak preploded nasals, which results from a change in the timing of velar lowering for what was originally a final nasal.

of modern

The distribution

glottalization

It is necessary to keep in mind that preploded final nasals are essentially final clusters consisting of a stop followed by a homorganic nasal. The glottal stop transcribed at various times by Ouyang, Zheng, Ni, and Maddieson developed when

of these stop plus nasal combinations

the stop component

articulation,

a

becoming

glottal

than

rather

an oral

closure

e.g.,

lost its place of *-tn-

>

-?n-

and

*-kg- > -?g-. Itwas this process that produced what the various authors have writ? ten in their phonemic transcription as either -n? or -g?, depending on the place of articulation.

Given the assumption that the stop component of the preploded nasals it is possible from the modern distribution of the source of glottalization, to reconstruct the earlier process. An examination of the modern glottalization distribution shows that glottalization occurs with a well-defined, specific subset

was

of vowel plus final nasal combinations, exceptions, just in the forms containing in

cifically, *-og,

but

the

reflexes

nowhere

else.

of

the

PC

that is, with two extremely interesting the PC short vowels *-a- and *-o-, spe?

rhymes

*-ag,

*-am,

*-?n,

*-iag,

*-ian,

and

It is imperative not tomiss the importance of the fact that glottalization was recorded in these forms. The only reconstructable source for the glottaliza? tion in forms ending in PC final nasals is the earlier preploded nasals of Tsat (and Thus,

Roglai). 'six',

a

form

just the occurrence with

a

nasalized

of glottalization

vowel

(due

*?ura:g 'person', a form with a long vowel, these

in the reflexes for PC *nam

to perseverative

nasalization),

argues for earlier preploded

and

nasals in

forms.

Thus, the real puzzle is not why some Tsat forms have glottalization?it comes from Tsat forms descended from PC forms with nasal finals. The puzzle why

some Tsat forms descended

is

from PC forms with nasal finals do not have

It is possible to be misled by a comparison with other languages containing preploded final nasals into thinking that the presence of nasal onsets prevents the development of preploded final nasals. However, at least in the case glottalization.

of Tsat, this is the wrong answer. The glottalization in the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' makes that quite clear; the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' obviously has a nasal onset and just as obviously has glottalization in its reflex. In fact, the pres? ence of glottalization in the Tsat reflex of PC *nam 'six' suggests the right

168

7

Chapter

answer: all final nasals became preploded but itwas only in certain highly favor? that this preplosion was retained long enough for the stop ably environments component to develop The solution

into glottal closure. to understanding the historical processes involved lies in that all final nasals originally developed preplosion, which was then

realizing

environments. Thus it is necessary to characterize the favored the retention of preplosion. Certainly, preplosion is after nasal onsets, the retention of glottalization in 'six' notwithstand?

subsequently environments disfavored

lost inmost

which

ing. Beyond this, keep inmind that final preplosion is essentially a syllable-final cluster, so retention of the preploded nasals would have been least favored after long vowels and most favored after short vowels. After long vowels, simplifica? tion of the preploded cluster should be most likely; after short vowels, it should be least likely. And, in fact, this matches the modern distribution: except in the word 'person', after long vowels, there is no evidence of glottalization, while after

the PC

bution makes everywhere that

is, except

short

vowels

*-a-

and

*-o-,

glottalization

always

occurs.

This

distri?

perfect sense if the preploded nasals had simplified to plain nasals except in the most favorable environment for retaining a final cluster, before

the

two

short

*-a-

vowels

and

*-o-.

Two additional pieces of evidence argue for the analysis in which all PC preploded before being simplified to simple nasals in most

final nasals became environments

in Tsat,

one

internal

and

one

external.

The

internal

evidence

is the

on *?ura:g 'person' with its long vowel. While it is circumstances led to this particular word keeping its it nonetheless did and it preploded nasal long enough to develop glottalization, seems more likely that this is a specially-conditioned retention than a specially presence of glottalization unclear just what special

conditioned The

development. second piece of evidence

is even more

The

language to Tsat, Northern Roglai has a startlingly similar set of it is necessary to developments. Even without considering the Tsat developments, conclude that Roglai also developed the highly-marked final preplosion in final

most-closely

compelling.

related

nasals, and then subsequently simplified the preploded nasals, but with the nasal component, not the stop component being lost during the process. Instead of two separate but independent it ismuch more plausible

accounts

of the development of final preploded nasals, that Tsat and Northern Roglai developed the they became separate languages, with each lan?

to assume

preploded final nasals before guage then simplifying the preploded nasals in its own way. It is in this context that the glottalization on the Tsat reflex of *nam

'six'

extremely interesting. In closely-related Roglai, only PC final nasals in forms like *nam with its nasal onset failed to ultimately have homorganic stop reflexes in modern Roglai. Thus, it is clear on the basis of internal evidence

becomes

169

and Nasalization

Nasals

that all the forms without

within Roglai

syllable-initial

their accom?

nasals with

panying perseverative nasalization developed preploded final nasals on the path to the modern homorganic stop reflexes. What is left unclear from the Roglai material alone is whether the forms with syllable-initial nasals also developed preploded nasal finals and then subsequently lost them or whether the syllable initial forms simply never developed preploded finals in the first place. The Tsat form

*natn


Tsat *za:kg > za:g?, on the other hand, could be attributed to any one of a number of unique characteristics in this form was originally long; the PC vowels in the other forms were originally short. As a member of the classifier and of the pro? noun systems, the word itself more than likely occurs in phonologically unstressed environments, unlike other otherwise similar forms in the data base.

of this form: The PC vowel

of this, of course, tells us precisely why this particular form did not develop a falling tone; its unique characteristics do, however, make it clear that the word is not a counterexample to the proposed analysis.

None

NASALIZATION INNORTHERN ROGLAI The Roglai reflexes of PC final nasals are important for two things: Like Tsat, the Northern Roglai reflexes of PC final nasals have passed through a stage in which of preploded nasals, see they were preploded final nasals (for a discussion in Tsat" on page 160), providing compelling evidence that Tsat and The Roglai were once the same dialect (namely, proto-Northern Roglai/Tsat). have in 107 final nasals Northern Roglai voiceless PC Table reflexes of stop "Nasalization

from earlier preploded indicated in the table.

evolved

Table 107: The presence PC

>

*nam

>

nasals shared by Proto-Northern-Roglai/Tsat,

of preploded

P-NR/Tsat

*n?pm

NR

nam

nasals

inNorthern

Roglai and Tsat

Tsat (sandhi) ?

*bula:n

>

*bula:kg

ia bila:t

?

*tula:g

>

*tula:kg

tula:k

?

x*dhog

>

*thokg

thok

*padam

>

*pad?pm

padap

'six'

thokg33thatn42tatn42tsiakg42-

'moon' 'bone' 'knife' 'extinguish' 'section' 'at'

as

Nasals

171

and Nasalization

And, in addition to their importance for subgrouping, the unique treat? ment of word-final nasals inNorthern Roglai is a rich source of information not only about the history of Roglai nasals but also about the history of PC nasals and about PC nasalized vowels. The modern Roglai reflexes often provide important evidence about which forms are inherited and which are borrowed. And, further, in the case of the borrowed about the relative chronology Reflexes

from PC word-final

forms, Roglai sometimes of the borrowing.

also provides

information

nasals

nasals, there are two basic Roglai reflex patterns. In the most of these two patterns, the word-final nasal has as its Roglai reflex a

For PC word-final dominant

stop.

homorganic

Table 108: PC final nasals with Roglai PC

NR

Chru

stop reflexes PR Cham

ha:k

hag

dalap

talarn

kho:g

kho:k

khog

'dry (weather?)'

*khag

khag

khak

kh?g

'hard; stiff; strong'

*sa:g

sa:g

sa:k

thag mil?m

'house'

x*ha:g *dalam

dalam;

'bank (river); shore' 'deep; inside'

darlam x*kho:g

*malam

malam

malap

x_na:n

hajam

*huja:n *masin

masin

*?idug

adug

*phun

phun

'stem'

*pa-gha:g -n la:i?

*bha:n

pha:n

*luba:g *halim

laba:g halim

x*fiag

?ag

hag khan

x*hag x*khan xsua:n xduan

-1

'door'

'night;

rina:t

ina:t;

evening'

'pineapple' can

'rain'

huja:t masit (?) id?k

mithin

phut

ph?n

'trunk;

pakha:k

pakhag

'dry

pha:t luba:k

phan

'sneeze'

ha?an;

it?g; tug

'salted;

salty'

'nose' log;

over

plant'

fire'

lipag; lapag halim

'hole; pit'

??g h?g

'hole;

hak khat

khan

'hot; spicy' 'cloth; blanket'

swan

'soul'

don

'bamboo

halip ?ak

sua:t duat

-1

'rainy

season' door'

hat'

172

Chapter

7

As Table 108 shows, Chru and Phan Rang Cham both retain the PC final in Roglai, the PC final nasal consonants have changed into homorganic but nasal, oral stops. This homorganic stop is the unmarked reflex of word-final nasals in Roglai. In Table

108, all the PC final nasals have denasalized becoming homor? the ganic stops, expected reflex. Of particular interest for relative chronology are the last two examples 'soul' and 'bamboo hat'. Neither form reconstructs to the x * PC level (as the without an accompanying indicates), however, both forms have final stops, not nasals. Thus, these forms were borrowed into pre-Roglai after the breakup of PC but in time to take part in the denasalization of Roglai final

nasals.

In the other basic pattern, the PC word-final retention

correlates

that

with

the presence

of

a nasal

nasal has been retained, a consonant

at the onset

of

the

final syllable, that is, the PC word-final nasal has been retained as a nasal when the PC final syllable also began with a nasal. Notice that, in this data, there is a correlation between Roglai nasalization and vowel length. As was true for Table 108, in Table 109 the forms inherited from PC include PC forms structable back

inherited from PMP

to PC

(marked with

(marked with *) and borrowings recon x*). Both sets of forms, of course, have

the change.

undergone

Historically, once

the Roglai forms have descended from forms that were to the "preploded" nasals of M?ntu Land Dayak

similar

phonetically described by Court (1967) (discussed also on page 164). Blust among others Court (1967), writes about preploded nasals:

(1991:148),

citing

In certain Land Dayak languages of southwest Borneo (Scott 1964: 1967), final nasals are often combined with a preceding obstruent, in others: Mentu voiced in some languages, voiceless ciupm 'kiss'

Court

(Malay cium), Bukar-Sadong kaidn 'cloth' (Malay kain). Simple nasals occur in final position if the final syllable begins with a nasal consonant: Bukar-Sadong

Continuing,

he writes

terjan

'hand,

arm'.

that similar distributions

occur elsewhere:

...in Tunjung of southeast Borneo and in some dialects of Mentawai, spoken in the Barrier Islands west of Sumatra (Bernd Nothofer, personal a Chamic Northern Roglai, communication). language of Vietnam, final nasals as the homorganic voiceless If the final stop. syllable begins with a nasal, however, the final nasal is ? a clear indication of the former presence of preploded preserved nasals in that language as well. reflects Proto-Austronesian

Table 109: PC final nasals with Roglai PC

Chru

pana:g

*pina:g

nasal reflexes

NR

PRCham

pin?g

panig

'betel (areca palm)'

x*miag

mieg

'cheek; jaw'

*gunam

ganam

kan?m

'cloud'

*lama:n

lama:n

limin

lum?n

'elephant' -i

cana:g

can?g

tanig

*taga:n

taga:n

tag?n

tag?n

'hand'

*timun

tamun

tum?n

tam?n

'melon;

*?agan

agan

in; g?n

*?anug nam

*nam *mam

-v

n?m

mem

mam

-v;

m?m *?anan

nin

*binay

banai 'of animals' -1

*ma?am

ma?a:m

-1

'package'

n?m

'six' -v;

mum

-v

suckle'

'suck;

n?n

'that (third p.)'

binai

pinay

'virgin'

'of animals'

'woman'

maft?m

miflim

'the wind'

agin

agin

agin;

xkamuan

kamuan

kamu?n

kamon

'nephew'

ramo:g

lum?g -i

rimog;

'tiger'

ramo

g

kram

krim

-v

xkr?m

-lvn

xnran

-if;

xdran

-if

xcaguar

kra:m drin

-f

canua

-1 -v

dr?n

-vf

pran

-i

gin

'bamboo'

tr?n

'numb'

? -fg

'flat

cagu?

*miaw

miau

mi?u

miyaw

*naw

nau

n?u

naw

*samaw

sam?

*danaw

danau

danau

xhanu??

hanua?

ha nu??

*sana

sana

sana

-f

'fry'

-v

basket'

'cat' 'go; walk' 'prompt;

-n

-n

tanaw

twill'

'weave;

*?agin

xrimo:g

cucumber'

'name'

an?g m um

bed'

'furniture;

xcana:g

on

'lake'

han??

'right (side)'

hana

'roast;

parch'

time'

174

Chapter

nizing

One key to understanding the phonetics of these changes lies in recog? that, as in many of the Austronesian languages of this area, in Northern the salient pattern of nasalization of vowels by adjacent nasal consonants

Roglai is perseverative,

Roglai

on

not anticipatory. That is,

the

vowels

rule: v > v / nasal_(C)#.

nasalization

not denying

While

7

also have been some anticipatory

that there may word-final

preceding

nasal

it was

consonants,

the

nasalization perseverative

that was crucial to blocking the denasalization of final nasals. Thus, the perseverative nasalization of the vowel from the syllable-initial nasal conso?

assimilation

109, alone or in combination with whatever anticipa? that may also have occurred, was salient enough to block the tory assimilation denasalization of the word-final nasals. nant of the forms in Table

other

Forms with

reflex patterns

forms that fail to conform

Most rowings,

a subset

although

of

to one of the two basic reflex patterns are bor?

such

aberrant

forms

may

instead

reflect

PC

nasal?

ized vowels. Although the irregularities in their correspondence patterns make it obvious that most such forms are recent borrowings, a small number of these forms

are

in their

regular

In addition assimilation mary

a

from

nasalized

vowels

nant but which

Post-pre-Roglai

patterns.

correspondence

to the secondarily nasal

preceding with

no

nasalized

consonant,

obvious

reconstruct with nasalized

connection

vowels

there

vowels are to an

from perseverative also

a handful

adjacent

nasal

of

pri?

conso?

at the PC stage.

borrowings

In Roglai, some the easiest post-PC borrowings to identify are those that have of been borrowed so recently that they have not undergone the denasalization final

nasal

consonants.

In Table 110, the final word-final nasals of the Roglai forms have not denasalized, despite the fact that there is no evidence of a preceding nasalized vowel to stop the denasalization from taking place. On the basis of this (and vari? ous other pieces of evidence) these forms have been identified as late borrowings post-dating

the denasalization

of Roglai

final nasal consonants.

175

and Nasalization

Nasals

Table 110: Late borrowings PC

Chru

xkhi:n

khin

xkhiag -fi

khiag

xgriag

griag

xdian

dian

-v

-v

khin -f

kh?n

'dare;

khiag -f giag -f

kh?g

'want;

desire' tusk'

kr?g

'fang;

di?n

-f

tien

'candle'

cum

-f

c?m

'kiss;

?

-f

phug

xphug

x(li)hug x?ag

?a:g

lahog -f ?ag -f

gram

gram

-vf

xho:g

-f

ho:g

xham

-In

ha:m

'table'

-f

ham

smell'

'papaya'

kr?m

-v

-f

hog -1 la:m

brave'

'leper'

lahog -v

xgram

Roglai

PR Cham

NR

xcum

xcum

into Northern

'thunder' 'wasp'

-f

'greed'

in Roglai

Secondary

final nasals

In addition

to inherited final nasals, Roglai also has a set of final nasals derived from PC *-l. The original PC lateral final is still found in Cham and

secondarily Chru.

*-/ > Roglai

Table 111: PC final

PR Cham

NR

Chru

PC

-n

*mal

mal

man

hap?l mal

*gatal

katal

katan

kat?l

spal

x*sapal

sapan

sanan

*sanal

*wil

wil

'circle'

kapa:l ba:l

*kapa:l x*ba:l

'beam' 'itchy' 'pillow'

w?l

win

'round'

kapan

kapal

'thick'

ban

pal

'mend;

banan

x*b-an-a:l

'arm'

'rag'

xkarfual

kadual

kaduan

katfol

'heel'

x*ja:l

ja:l hual

jan

?al-1

'casting

hol

'cloud,

x*hual

huan

xdhual/r

-f

thul-v

thun

x?abual

-v

bual

aban

del

den

xtfel xsi?jual

-v

sa?ual

-v

th?r-vf

-v

si?juan

patch' cf.

'mend'

net' fog'

'dust; fog' 'blunt; dull' 'shallow'

?j?l;ha?j?l

'light (weight)'

176

7

Chapter

the change of final *-l (and *-r) to -n is an areal feature of Although Southeast Asia, within Chamic the change is apparently limited to Roglai. Note that this change even applies to post-PC loans. The relative lateness of the change within Roglai is apparent from relative chronology, shift of Roglai final nasals to homorganic stops.

that is, the shift postdates

the

NASALIZATION INACEHNESE as elsewhere in Acehnese, in Chamic, is perseverative. The most of this nasalization is on the main syllable vowels of Ace? obvious manifestation hnese, that is, the vowels in the second syllable, which it affects in several ways,

Nasalization

as Table

112 shows.

Table 112: The effect of perseverative Malay

PC

Aceh.

on Acehnese

nasalization

NR

PR Cham

vowels

kulit

*kulit

kulet

kuli:?

kali?

'skin'

nipis

*lipih

lipeh

lupih

lip?h; lap?h

'thin'

langit

l?get mamen

mum?h

mim?h

agen

ag?n

kunyit

*?agin *ku?it

kuftst

ku?i:?

ag?n; g?n ka?i?

mabuk

*mabu?

m ab o?

babu?

manuk

*manu?

mano?

man??

buta

*buta

buta

darah

*darah

darah

darah

tar?h

'blood'

ta?i

'ask'

angin

lag?:?

ligi?; lagi?

*lagit *mamih

min?? mita

'yellow'

'blind'

tanya

*taga

ta?Ag

*huma

umAg

huma

hamu

lima

*lima

limAg

lum?

limi; lami

bunga

*buga

bugog

bug?

-v

'field' 'five' 'flower'

inAg

ini

'mother'

awuia?

awa?

'spoon;

*rata:k

ruituia?

rata:?

ripa?; rata?

'bean;

dahan

*dha:n

dhuian

tha:t

than

'branch;

hudang

*huda:g

uduiag

huda:k

'shrimp'

anak

*?ana:k

anu??

ana:?

hat?g; pag ani?

minyak

*mi?a:k

mi?ui?

ma?a:?

mi?i?

'oil'

panig

'betel

pinang

*pina:g

pinuig

pin?g

fowl'

'chicken; -i

huma

x*?awa:k

'the wind'

'drunk'

tina

*?ina

'sky' * sweet'

ladle' pea' bough'

'child'

(-nut)'

Nasals

177

and Nasalization

high vowels *-u- and *-i- are all lowered in variants become loi and Id, while the nasalized variants become hi and Id, respectively. The PC short *-a becomes /-a/, but the nasalized variant becomes /-Ag/. The PC long *-a:- becomes /-uia-/, but the nasal?

The PC second-syllable but the non-nasalized Acehnese,

ized variant becomes

the shorter

l-m-l.

8

The

Origins

of and

Registers

Tones

languages present case studies of a clarity unparalleled in the litera? ture illustrating the radical typological restructuring of phonological systems. The language that the seafaring Austronesian-speaking forerunners of the modern The Chamic

Chamic

spoke when and

tonal,

non-registral.

they arrived on themainland From

this

starting

point

was essentially have

descended

disyllabic, a startling

non array

of phonological systems: the register system of Western Cham (Friberg and and Gregerson, Kvoeu-Hor, 1977; Edmondson 1993); the restructured register of Haroi Burnham 1976; Thurgood, 1996); the quasi system (Lee, 1974, 1977b; registral, incipiently tonal system of Phan Rang Cham (Thurgood, 1993; Han, and Gregerson, Edmondson, 1992); and the fully-tonal system of Tsat (Haudri court, 1984; Benedict, 1984; Ni 1990ab; Thurgood 1992b, 1993). All this variety has evolved from an essentially identical starting point, all of it has followed rel? atively transparent paths of internal restructuring, and in each case the unique endpoint has come about under the influence of contact with ent

typologically

differ?

languages.

For each of these distinct developments, it is possible to reconstruct a clear outline of the entire internal path of development by which, from an essen? tially atonal and disyllabic pre-Chamic origin, the modern register system (in Western

Cham), the modern restructured register system (in Haroi), the incipient tonal system (in Phan Rang Cham (Eastern Cham)), and the fully tonal system (in Tsat) developed. Due to the relatively shallow time-depth and the richness of the data, the Chamic languages provide outlines of the internal paths of development involved in all four cases that are rather clear and relatively complete.

178

The Origins

179

and Tones

of Registers

For example, in the case of the Tsat data, we see a case in which we start from a completely atonal (and, largely disyllabic) stage and we end with a fully tonal (and, largely monosyllabic) stage. The completeness of the data is unlike much of the literature on tonogenesis, which typically involves just the later tone splitting stage rather than true tonogenesis. And, further, in contrast to many of the instances of tonogenesis reported in the literature on tonogenesis, the end a two-way

is not

product

tone

but

contrast,

a rich

five-way

tone

system.

There are, of course, several values to such case studies, among which is their value as models for less transparent, more controversial changes that, often because of the greater time-depth, require a high degree of extrapolation in the analysis.

WESTERN CHAM AND THE DEVELOPMENTof REGISTER a complex of features that tend to occur together: voice quality (phonation type), vowel length, pitch, and voice quality induced vowel as David Thomas has noted, individual languages may gliding. Historically, one or another of those features, suppressing the other features. Thus, emphasize itself constitutes

Register

as he notes, ancient Khmer emphasized the voice quality feature, while Vietnam? ese has progressively emphasized pitch. Modern Central Khmer has now sub? dued

the voice

the vowel ongliding feature quality feature and emphasized while Khmer has Modern Northern instead, emphasized the vowel height feature.

And,

Modern

Vietnamese

still

has

voice

quality

features

in some

of

its tones.

of breathy voice with vowel raising and of creaky or tense voice with vowel lowering has long been noted in the literature on register 1952). The explanation for this complexes (noted at least as early as Henderson correlation is to be found in the mechanics of the production of breathy and tense The

correlation

voice: breathy voice characteristically quent

enlongation

of

the vocal

tract,

involves a lowering of the larynx, a conse? and

a resultant

lower

Fl?hence

vowel

rais?

tense or creaky voice characteristically involves a raising of the larynx, a consequent a resultant higher Fl?hence vocal of the and tract, shortening vowel lowering (Peter Ladefoged, p.c.). ing, while

There is a second correlation, not as widely reported, between voice vowel centralization. Exactly the same laryngeal gestures that pro? and quality duce vowel height differences also affect the centralization of the vowels, except that it is the effect on the F2 that determines

vowel centralization: the larynx is lowered in producing breathy voice, the vocal tract is lengthened, the lengthened vocal tract lengthens the wave lengths, lowering the formants and resulting in vowels with a lower F2. The result, of course, is that these vowels are more cen? tralized. Conversely,

the raising of the larynx in producing

creaky voice,

the con

180

Chapter

sequent shortening of the vocal tract, and the resulting shortened wave produce higher formants. Vowels with a higher F2 are more peripheral.

8

lengths,

As forWestern Cham, its register system originated in two stages: first, a distinct breathy phonation developed after the voiced obstruents (second register) producing a phonation contrast with the vowel after the remaining consonants versus (first register); the two contrasting vowel quality differences?breathy modal voice?have resulted in two phonetically distinct sets of vowels, one asso? ciated with breathy voice and the other with themodal (or, clear) voice. Later, the register complex associated with breathy phonation was extended to the forms with sonorant initials, see Figure Figure

15: The development

PC initial classes:

15. of Western Cham register Distinct

voice

Vowel

registers:

quality: PC initials (except voiced obstruents +

modal voice

==>

breathy-voiced vowel set

sonorants)

PC voiced obstruents

modal-voiced

breathy +

==>

voice

vowel

set

sonorants

of the breathy register to include forms with initial sonorants (shown in Figure 15) is atypical and restricted toWestern Cham. The develop? ments in Haroi, Phan Rang Cham, and Tsat are more typical, with the sonorants The

extension

not with

the voiced obstruents, but with the other reflexes. that these two distinct phonation types affected the vowel Again two distinct sets of vowels (see Table 113). quality, resulting in allophonically Finally, the voiced and voiceless obstruents lost their voicing contrast, merging in voice into a single set of voiceless obstruents, phonemicizing the differences patterning,

notice

quality and vowel quality, and producing

the modern

register system of Western

Cham.

Inmodern Western Cham, the two vowel registers are distinct, although the two registers for the vowel /a/ are distinguished, not by vowel quality, but by other features. And, even now the two vowel sets are in part predictable from the modern initials. The original relationships are no longer transparent though, because of the mergers in the obstruents and because of the spreading, under specified conditions, main syllable.

of register from the pretonic

first syllable

to the stressed

inWestern Cham

Table 113: Vowel registers Modal

Breathy

register

register

vowels:

vowels:

i

a

e

A

u

e1

o

ae

a

o e.

9

[From Edmondson The

181

and Tones

of Registers

The Origins

and Gregerson

1993:67]

literature

The first synopsis of the diachronic origins ofWestern Cham register was Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor's (1977: 35-36, fn. 14) short footnote in their insightful paper on Western Cham register patterns. It has since been expanded and developed by and Gregerson (1993), who supplement their analysis with instru? data. The registers of Western Cham, like all registers, are clusters of co occurring features: inmodern Western Cham (Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977) and

Edmondson mental

and Gregerson first register vowels usually have (1993:63-72)), tenser voice quality, lower voice quality, and higher pitch, while the second regis? ter vowels usually have laxer or breathy voice quality, high vowel quality, and lower pitch. And, as these authors observed, the first register vowels derive from the phonation type induced by proto-voiceless initials, while the second register

Edmondson

vowels

derive

the phonation type induced by proto-voiced initials. As are the reminiscent of Hend? out, point developments erson's (1952) description of the feature complexes associated with Khmer regis? ter. See Table 114.

Edmondson

from

and Gregerson

Table 114: Contrasts

between modal and breathy register Modal

original initials voice quality vowel quality pitch distinctions [Henderson,

voiced

Breathy voiced

First Register

Second Register

proto-voiceless

proto-voiced

tense,

clear

lower (open) higher pitch 1952; Edmondson

lax, breathy higher (closed) lower pitch and Gregerson,

1993:61-63]

Two things in Table 114 should be noted. First, although this is Hender? son's (1952) description of the Khmer voice register distinctions, not of Western

182

8

Chapter

Cham, the complexes also characterize theWestern Cham distinctions (although and Gregerson's Edmondson instrumental description did not find systematic vowel quality differences between the registers). Second, the ordering of the fea? tures parallels the three historical stages: the original initials > voice quality dis? tinctions > vowel quality & pitch distinctions.

The PC voiced

consonants:

the two layers

The first stage in the history ofWestern of

voice

breathy

after

the

the innovation

Cham register begins with

obstruents

voiced

*b-,

*d,

*g-,

and

*j-.

Later

another

layer was added when second register spread to the forms with sonorant initials. Thus, the sonorant initial forms were added to the nucleus of Western Cham sec? ond register forms from the voiced obstruents. Table reflexes from originally voiced obstruents.

115 contains second register

115 shows the development of PC voiced obstruents intoWestern second register. In Table 115 in both the monosyllables and the disyllables, it is the main syllable initial that developed into second register, regardless of the Table

Cham

Notice

initial of the presyllable. marked

with

a subscribed

els,

not

the

same

the consonants,

way

each

that

a

indicating

convention makes

orthographic its presence

dot,

that all main

show

syllable

following

it easy to recognize time

it appears,

register

second

vowel.

register

are This

second register by marking

although

distinctions.

initial obstruents

it is of In actuality,

course the PC

the vow? voiced

obstruents have long since lost their voicing and merged with the voiceless series. InWestern Cham, it is possible for each syllable of a disyllabic word to be in a different register. In Table 115, 'seven' and 'rice (paddy)' have first regis? ter presyllable less obstruent

vowels because but

second

the presyllables originally began with a PC voice? the main vowel register main vowels, because

originally began with a PC voiced obstruent. In contrast, both syllables in the forms for 'mouth' and 'tooth' are in the second register because both syllables originally began with PC voiced obstruents. However, sometimes second register has been lost in the presyllable, cf. 'chest'. As for the other languages in the table, they display similar patterns: In Tsat, both the 42 tone and the 11 tones show the effect of second register; only for Phan Rang Cham, it is not a coinci? dence that all the second register Western Cham forms have either a correspond? low tone, as this tone developed from second ing low tone or a glottal-final the 55 tone from *-h fails to do so. As

register.

of Registers

The Origins

183

and Tones

Table 115: PC voiced obstruents > Western Cham breathy register Tsat

Haroi

*habow

pha11

aph?au

pau

hapow

'ashes'

*babuy

phui11

paph?i

papui

papuy

'wild pig'

*hubsy *ribow

phai11

aphui (m) pay

hap?y

'taro; yam' 'thousand'

pha11

W.Cham

PR Cham

PC

rapau

ripow

kabau

kapaw

'water

laph?au

?

x*kabaw

kaphiau

buffalo'

*dada

tha11

cathia

tata

tata

'chest'

*?idug

thug11

ath?g

it?g

'nose'

*huda:g *dua

tha:gn thua11

athiag thua

pug ni? tag toa

hat?g twa

'shrimp' 'two'

tlih

klsh

klsh

'tired'

x*glsh

?

*gigsy

khai11

cakhii

takay

tak?y

'tooth'

*huja:n *do:k

sam11

asian

can

hagan

'rain'

tho?42

thu?

to?

to?

*?abih

phi55

aph?h

pih

apih

'sit; live; stay' 'all; finished'

*labuh

phu55

laph?h

lapuh

lapuh

'fall down'

papah

'mouth'

tap?h

'ransom'

'seven' 'rice (paddy)'

*babah *tabus

pha55

paphlah

papah ?

?

phu55

*tujuh

su55

cas?h

*paday

tha??42

pathiai

ta?uh

tac?h

pafai

patay

Western Cham also has second register after certain sonorant initials that are discussed in the section on phonation spreading ("Transparency and phona? tion spreading" on page 183).

Transparency

and phonation

spreading

the situation is precisely as already described. However, for a subset of the disyllabic words, the modern distribution of register has been com? plicated by the spreading of the voice quality from the presyllable to the main syllable (The discussion here disagrees, although only in minor ways, from the

For monosyllables,

Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor analysis of spreading found in Thurgood (1996)). Thus, it may be the PC initial of the presyllable, not the PC initial of the main syllable, that correlates with themodern register. Friberg and Kvoeu-Hor (1977:36), in the same footnote

referred to earlier, have explicitly

presented

the patterns.

184

Chapter

Breathy

register after main

8

initial sonorants

syllable

Throughout Chamic there is a hierarchical pattern in the spread of the breathy voice associated with second register from the presyllable through the medial consonant to the main syllable: sonorants > voiceless fricatives > voiceless stops. in Haroi, Phan Rang Cham, and Tsat, there is clear evidence that Specifically, voice has spread through the medial sonorants to the main syllable. In breathy the same pattern of there is every reason to assume that historically in Western for the second register thus occurred Cham, spreading accounting after the main-syllable initial sonorants in Table 116.

addition,

Table 116: Breathy

voice spreading

NR

PC

W.Cham

*barah

barah

paran

*buga *dalam

bug?

pagur-f tal?m

*darah

darah

dalap

'swell;

pigu tal?m

'flower'

'blood'

talan

'tongue'

daruai (m)

taruai (m)

taroy (m)

'thorn'

jala:t

?alan

?alan




tense

voice

(= first register)

glottalized voiced aspirates,

voiced obstruents

obstruents,

&

> breathy register (= second register)

sonorants

high

(onset) lowered;

vowels; *-ag >

unchanged

raised and backed:

centering

diphthongs:

**-ia-

>

-ia-;

*ua

>

*oa

**-ua-

>

-ua;

*ia

>

*ea

unchanged

unchanged

-u- /___m,

mid *s; *a; *o; *-ey

>

unchanged

unchanged

unchanged

unchanged

*-oi

low vowels

After

unchanged

>-ag

*-ig

voiceless

-?

raised: t; i; u (u); -ii (+ fronted) developed

obstruents

-i- onset

(tense voice)

The tense voice quality of first register vowels, from the PC voiceless obstruents, the voiceless obstruents did not affect led to high vowel lowering. Otherwise,

The Origins

of Registers

203

and Tones

vowel quality. Note that the high vowels include not just the high vowel inherited from PC high vowels, but also the secondarily-derived high barred-i that devel? before final velar in Western Cham both and Haroi (page 199). nasals oped Table 134: Tense voice and vowel lowering after voiceless

PNB

PC

Rade kasi

xxsisi(r) x*dhog

*qb!c

Chru tasi

obstruents

Haroi casei

pi:?pit

pei?

phi:? si:?

phei? sei? 'sew'

'a comb'

'sleep; close eyes' 'bitter; bile'

*phit

phi?

*jahit *kulit

jh?t kl?t

kali:?

kalei?

'skin'

*ku?it

kaft??

kaft?:?

ka?ei?

'yellow;

*tasi?

kasi?

tasi?

casei?

'sea;

*thu

thu

thu

thou

'dry'

*?iku

ku

aku

akou

'tail'

*lukut

ek?t

laku:?

lakou?

'absent'

turn eric'

ocean'

'avoid' *kantut x*ka?u:?

?

katu:?

katou?; tout

'fart'

?

ka??:?

ka?ou?

'worried;

sad'

P9y khin

psg

'to nail,

pound'

kh?n

'dare'

psg xkhi:n

*tr?h

x*cuh

?uh

coh

'burn

*krih

kr??-f

kri:h -1

kreh

'to whittle'

*phun

ph?n

phun

phon

'trunk; log; plant'

x*truh

truh

truh

troh

'arrive'

toh

'change'

klum

tlom; kalom

'to cover'

*tuh *klum

As

trns.'

*trun

tr?n

trun

tron

'descend'

*pluh

spluh

aploh

'ten'

*thun

pluh th?n

thun

thon

'year'

*tuh

tuh

tuh

'to

*tuy

tui hlus

tui

catoh; toh toi

is evident

pour'

'to follow'

from the examples in Table 134, both the lil and the lui into the diphthongs /ei/ and /ou/, respectively, word-finally or before a

develop final glottal stop.

204

8

Chapter

obstruents

After glottalized

and sonorants

(modal voice)

vowel quality changes occurred after either the glottalized obstruents nor after the sonorants. This is not surprising: both the glottalized obstruents and the sonorants were associated with modal voice, a clear phonation type that would

No

not have been expected There

to affect vowel quality. a subset

is, however,

of

after

reflexes

sonorants

where

the

situa?

tion is complicated by an assimilative interaction involving a PC *i or *u in the presyllable or a *y as the onset of the main syllable that caused vowel raising, a phenomenon otherwise only associated with voiced obstruents (see Table 135). The existence by Burnham

of such irregular correspondences was noticed by Lee (1977b) and (1976), who both commented on these unexpectedly high vowel

reflexes.

assimilation

Table 135: Height

after high (semi-)vowels

PNB

PC

Rade

Chru

Haroi

Tag

x*ya:g

yag

ya:g

yiag

'spirit; god'

yiah

'destroy;

*yah *raya

1

yap

ya:u?

yiau?

'count'

*buya

mya

bia

payia

'crocodile'

*?ular

ala

ala

alia

'snake'

*huma

hama

hama

hamia

'field'

*lima

ema

lama

lamia

'five'

? ana ania

*?ina

eman

*lama:n

sam?

*yor

*kayua x*hayua? *yua

-v

yuan kayua

-v

yuan

'mother;

lamian

lama:n

*samaw

*yuan

apart'

layia

*ya:p

*yun

take

-f

hamiau

'prompt;

yun

'Vietnamese'

kayua

kayua

yua?

yu?

major;

big'

'elephant'

ka-

on

time'

'because'

dah

yua

'harvest

(rice)'

'use'

There are three groups of sonorant-initial forms in Table 135 which have unexpectedly high vowels. In each case, the presence of either *i, *u, or *y seems to correlate with the otherwise unexpected reflex. The first group contains low but with a barred-i onset; in each case, this onset follows *y. The second group also contains low vowels, but in this case it appears that it is the high vowel vowels,

205

and Tones

of Registers

The Origins

*i or *u in the immediately preceding syllable that conditioned the height. The last group contains an l-u-l or /-ua/ which normally would have been lowered or had its onset lowered much

earlier in the history of Haroi (page 135) but which is in modern Haroi. This unexpected height correlates with the unexpectedly high initial *y. These changes involve /a/ diphthongizing, with the onset of /ia/ increasing its palatality as it assimilates to the preceding element, while ond part of the diphthong decreases its sonority (Donegan 1985:145-46)

After

voiced aspirates

the sec?

(modal voice)

Contrary to what is implied in a table in Thurgood (1996), once recent borrow? ings have been culled out, it becomes apparent that the so-called voiced aspirates behave just like the glottalized obstruents and the sonorants?they have no effect on the vowel quality.

whatsoever

Table 136: Reflexes

Chru

Haroi

thog

thog

*?adh?y

dhog adhsi

thai

thai-v

'forehead'

*dha:n

adhan

tha:n

than

'branch'

*jahit

jh?t

si:?

sei?

'sew' 'bad;

'knife'

*jaha:t

jhat

jaha:?

s?t

*?ugha:r

agha

akha

akha

'root'

*pa-gha:g

bhag

kha?

pakhag kh??

'forbid'

*pa-gha?

The vowel

After

voiced aspirates

PC Rade

x*dhog

stop

of the so-called

seen

-i

in /ei/ in 'sew' is the expected

diphthongization

'dry

wicked'

over

fire'

of HI before a glottal

earlier.

voiced obstruents

As both Lee

(breathy voice)

(1977b) and Burnham (1976) noticed, the breathy voice associated with the second register (from PC voiced obstruents) caused various mid vowels to raise and the low vowels to develop a barred-i onglide (see Table 137).

206

Chapter

Table 137: Breathy PNB

PC

voice quality and raising after voiced obstruents Rade

x*glsh

x*joh

?

joh

Chru

Haroi

gleh

tlth

joh

suh khu?

'broken; spoilt' 'kettle; clay pot' 'fruit; egg; elf.'

go? boh

go? boh

*do:k

dok

do:?

phuh thu?

x*gam

g?m

gam

khum

'to cover'

*bra:s

braih

bra:h

priah

'rice (husked)'

*ba

ba

ba

*bap

*pah

'tired'

*boh

x*go?

gah blah

'sit; live; stay'

take,

phia

'bring,

phiau? khiah

'fill; full'

carry'

'side, direction;

bank'

*gah *blah

blah

pliah

'chop; split'

*glag

dl?g

tliag

'look

*ja:k

jak dlie lui

sia?

'invite'

glai

tliai

'forest, jungle; wild'

x*druam

druom

dro:m

trum

'fell

*dua

dua

dua

thua

'two'

*glay

at; watch'

a tree'

In addition, certain diphthongs monophthongize in specific environments. tional examples of changes in PC shwa can be seen in page 199, above.

Transparency

8

and phonation

Addi?

spreading

For disyllabic words, the situation is complicated by the fact that some classes of initial consonants allow the phonation generated by the initial of main-syllable the presyllable to spread to the vowel of the main syllable. In such cases it is ini? tial of the presyllable, not the initial of the main ister of the main vowel.

syllable,

that determines

the reg?

Except when the initial of the presyllable is *s or *h, the Haroi spreading patterns are remarkably straightforward. If the main syllable begins with a sono? rant, it is the initial of the presyllable, not the initial of the main syllable, that the register of the main syllable vowel. In other words, except in the case of presyllable *s or *h, initial sonorants are transparent to register spreading. For example, as both Burnham (1976) and Lee (1977b:89) noticed, if the pretonic determines

The Origins

of Registers

207

and Tones

the vowel split?

syllable begins with a voiced obstruent, the main syllable follows ting patterns associated with breathy phonation (See Table 138). Table 138: Breathy phonation

x*bala

through sonorants

Chru

Haroi

ewa

jawa

cawia

mla

bla

palia

'tusk; ivory'

Rade PC

xjawa

spreading

soul,

'breath,

air'

*buga

maga

baga

pagia

'flower'

*dara

era

dra

caria

'girl (c. teenage)'

*bara

mra

bra

pria

'shoulder'

erah

*darah *dras *barah

drah

carian

'blood'

drah

carian

'fast'

brah

swollen'

elah

dalah

priah caliah

'swell;

*dilah *gunam

kanam

ganam

kaniam

'cloud'

*dalam

elam

dalam

caliam

'deep; inside'

*bula:n

mlan

ea

palian

'moon;

bla:n

'tongue'

month'

elan

jalam

calian

'road;

enau

danau

caniau

'lake'

*boh maw

mamau

bamau

pam?au

'mushroom'

*bulow

ml?u

blau

paliau

'body

druai (m)

car?i (m)

'thorn'

*jala:n *danaw

erue (m)

*durey

path'

hair'

In a parallel way, if the pretonic syllable begins with a voiceless obstruent (again, other than *s or *h) and the main syllable begins with a sono? rant, the main syllable follows the vowel splitting patterns associated with voice? less obstruent phonation. The examples in Table 139 show forms in which the phonation induced by the initial voiceless obstruent of the pretonic syllable has the reflexes of PC high vowels *-i spread to the main syllable. As a consequence, are the reflexes expected after voiceless stops, not the reflexes expected after monosyllables beginning with sonorants. For the last two examples in Table 139, the final vowel can also be attrib? uted to the otherwise well-attested process whereby a HI before a final glottal stop and *-u after sonorants

becomes

/ei/. In contrast

that allow a great dealing of spreading, the initial allow none: indeed, it appears thatmain-syllable block spreading.

to the sonorants

obstruents

syllable-initial obstruents completely

208

Chapter

Table 139: Tense voice spreading PC Rade

kam un

*timun

through sonorants

Chru

*tamuh

*kalih

8

Haroi

tam?h

cam oh

'grow; sprout'

tamun

camon

'melon;

karlih

kaleh

cucumber'

*kulit

kl?t

kali:?

kalei?

'miserly' 'skin'

*ku?it

kam?

ka??:?

ka?ei?

'yellow;

tumeric'

It is important to note that the vowel splits cannot be attributed directly to the influence of PC initials; instead, the splits are due to the influence of an intervening phonation type. These two patterns of phonation spreading constitute strong evidence that itwas the phonations correlated with consonants sonants, not the syllable-initial themselves,

the syllable-initial con? that caused the vowel

In phonetic terms, what must have spread from the pretonic syllable sonorant of the main syllable was a specific phonation through the syllable-initial not manner the of articulation or the voicing of the pretonic syllable-initial type,

splitting.

consonant.

Voice quality In disyllabic

and the reflexes of PC presyllable

*s- and *h

*s or *h is the initial of the presyllable, there is a voice quality-based split in the reflexes. It ismore than likely that early inHaroi PC *s and *h- merged as *h-. Then, before the before tense-voiced main syllables (< PC voiceless

forms when

the initial *h- was

lost (the first set of examples but before main 140) breathy-voiced syllables (< PC voiced obstruents ond set of examples in Table 140), this presyllabic *h- was retained. obstruents),

However

before

the main-syllable

initials associated

in Table the sec?

with modal

voice, that is, before glottalized obstruents or before sonorants (and, presumably, before voiced obstruents, if there were any), the *h- (< PC *s- and *h-) remained Haroi Ibl. Parallel

in which the reflexes of initial consonants have developments differed depending upon voice quality, that is, phonation type, are attested in in Chinese, and elsewhere (cf. Thur? Thai, in the Yi languages (Lolo-Burmese), good, 1980, and numerous other sources).]

Table 140: Register PNB

and thefate of PC presyllable NR

*s- and *h

PC

Rade

Haroi

*hatay

tie

hatai

at?i -i

'liver'

*sapuh *satuk

t?k

stu? 'boil'

apoh ato?

'boil; cook'

*habow

hab?u

habau

aphiau

'ashes'

*hudip

had?p

hadiu?

ath?p

'live,

*huda:g

hadag

hada:g

athiag

'shrimp;

'broom;

sweep'

alive'

lobster'

*hubsy

habei

habai

aphui (m)

'taro;

tuber;

yam'

*huja:n

asian

'rain'

athiam

'ant'

asiau

'hammock'

athuh

'look for;

hajan had?m

haja:n

x*haduah

duah

duah

x*sadar

hadar

sadar

athul

'remember'

x*sagar

hagar

sagar

akh?l

'drum'

xsi?jual -v

ha?jul

sa?ual

ha?jul

'light (not heavy)'

*halow

hl?u

halau

halau

'pestle'

*halim

hl?m

halim

halim

'rainy

*hurey

hrue (m)

harai

*haway *haluh

hawie

hawai

harii (m) hawai

hluh

haluh

haluh

*hulun

hl?n

halun

halun

*sidam

adam

-i

*sijaw

search'

r

*hare

'day;

season' sun'

'rattan' 'perforated; pierce'

harip

*sarip

'sip; slurp; suck

*hla

x*sula

hla

servant;

'slave; r

in'

sala

hala

'leaf

*sarum

srum ?

har?m

'sheath-like'

*sana

sana

hana

'roast;

*sanig

sanag

'fry'

parch'

*cach?g

*samaw

han?g

sam?

han?g -f

hamiau

'think' 'prompt;

on

time'

210

Chapter

Haroi

8

contact with Hr?

things are known about Haroi from the linguistic evidence. The sub grouping evidence on page 40 argues that Haroi originated as a Cham dialect, along with Phan Rang and Western Cham. Similarly, the patterns of apparently

Certain

convergences with Rade suggest that Haroi was influenced by some contact with Rade. However, the strongest influence on the structure of modern Haroi was an extended period of intense contact with MK languages, non-inherited

with Hr?. In fact, the very name Haroi might be an adaptation of Hr?. in The description The evidence of Hr? contact is uncontroversial. Schrock, et al. (1966:217) sums up the ethnographic situation nicely [although Hr? and their description uses a single term to designate both theMK-speaking especially

Haroi, both names will be used here]. The authors note that, although the Haroi and the Hr? speak two distinct languages, both linguistic as parts of a single tribe, with the groups are usually classified ethnographically Haroi speaking a Chamic language and being influenced by the Cham and the the Chamic-speaking

Rade and the Hr? speaking Hr?, a Northern Bahnaric language. As an illustration of the linguistic differences, Schrock, et al. (1966:217) provide a brief table of linguistic forms (see Table 141, for an updated, slightly expanded, and slightly modified version of that table). Table 141: The MK Hr? and the Chamic Haroi Eastern PNB

*qbok What

Bahnar

Hr? (MK)

Haroi PR (Chamic) Rade

Cham

PC

sa

sa

I ?ig

?ag

??g

x*?ag

'to eat'

ec

ec

I ma?iam

man?m

mi??m

*min?m

'to drink'

hnan

hnamo

I sag

'house'

bok

I ka oi

sag ae

*sa:g

bok

thag ?

?

'grandfather'

141 to show is the respective lin? from a modern viewpoint, it is uncon?

Schrock et al. intended the forms in Table

guistic affiliations of Hr? and Haroi. And, troversial that Hr? isMK, while Haroi is Chamic. Here, however, it is not the genetic affiliations

but the interlanguage con? from the Schrock et al. description that the

tact that is of interest. It is evident Haroi are not only referred to as Bahnar Cham but are also from an ethnographic viewpoint (1966:217), "considered a subgroup of the eastern division of the Bah?

nar tribe". Certainly, the ethnography documents intense and extended contact, contact which obviously included bilingualism. Although they incorrectly guessed that the contact language was Bahnar, rather than Hr?, Tegenfeldt and Goschnick (1977:1-2) correctly suggested a

211

and Tones

of Registers

The Origins

contact and Haroi restructured register. That the was not Hr?, Bahnar, is now clear as are the changes. Hr? language in question has undergone vowel realignments quite parallel to those undergone in Haroi. The evidence can be culled, with some minor readjustments of the reconstruc? between MK

causal connection

tions, from Smith's (1972) reconstruction includes Hr?.

of Proto-North-Bahnaric

(PNB), which

However, before Haroi can be directly compared with Hr? (as seen in 1972 reconstructions), certain of Smith's reconstructions require modifi? cation. Typologically, there is usually a rather straight correlation between the

Smith's

of register complexes and vowel height movement: to lower, while breathy-register vowels tend to rise; tend tense-register in Smith's reconstructions there is no regular relationship between nonetheless, the voice quality differences and vowel lowering and raising. In Smith's PNB

voice

quality

differences

vowels

under

reconstructions,

tense

voice,

certain

PNB

reconstructed

are

vowels

some?

times raised and sometimes other PNB vowels

lowered; similarly, under the breathy voice, certain are similarly sometimes raised and sometimes lowered.

in the vowel reconstructions, it is possible to a system in which, when they changed height, the PNB vowels low? ered under tense voice and raised under breathy voice. The solution to this was in With minor modifications

reconstruct the vowels

Inmany cases, unless one took the effects of voice quality the actual vowel reconstruction was somewhat arbitrary: that

themselves.

into consideration, is, in many cases,

it appears that Smith had no principled basis for deciding should be reconstructed as, for example, mid in PNB and then raised in certain languages or whether they should be reconstructed as high in PNB and then lowered in certain languages. Working with the added constraint

whether

that

tense

Smith's

certain vowels

voice

causes

reconstructions

dences between

to lower

vowels can

be

adjusted

and

breathy rather

voice quality and vowel movement

voice easily,

causes making

vowels the

to rise,

correspon?

both internally consistent

and

typologically

expected. Smith's reconstruc? Although more work needs to be done modifying or tions before it can be determined whether such changes are unexceptional whether they are sometimes conditioned, the minor modifications made already have major additional benefits: it is now obvious that Hr?, the language most inti? in contact with Haroi, has undergone voice quality-related vowel height changes that closely parallel those found in Haroi. As Table 142 shows, at least some of the Hr? high vowels lowered under tense voice, the quality equivalent to

mately

tense voice under which Haroi high vowels lowered. And, as Table 143 shows, the Hr? mid and low vowels have raised under breathy voice, the voice quality equivalent to the Haroi breathy voice under which Haroi mid and low vowels raised. the Haroi

212

Chapter

In short, the Haroi and the Hr? changes are not just parallel, Haroi changes took place while in intense contact with Hr?. Table 142: Hr? high vowels

PNB

8

but the

lowered under tense voice

Hr?

(Smith, modified) *tum

torn

'all'

*bic

bee

'fat (v)'

*c(h)uy

c?y

'plant

*pih

pen

'pound

*asih

asen

'horse'

*rih

r?h

'play (instrument)'

*taqnih

taneh

'earth,

*(q)bul

bo

'lizard;

*kaciyh

kac?h

'sneeze'

rice' rice'

soil' gecko;

salamander'

It is tempting, by the way, to attribute the vowel raising in at least the *-?y vowels in Table 143 to the final off-glide. However, a comparison of the Hr? reflexes of PNB *-ay under breathy voice with the reflexes of PNB *-ay

PNB

under

modal

(that

in the vowel

voice

is, clear)

makes

it clear

that

breathy

voice

played

a role

raising.

Table 143: Hr? mid and low vowels raised under breathy voice

PNB

Hr?

(Smith, modified) *c?m

ci m

'bird'

*kl?c

kl?c

'deaf

*ph?w

'happy'

*adr?y

ph?w ad?

*h?y

h?

'day;

*pl?y

pfi

'fruit; egg; elf. for round objects'

'pestle' sun'

that when PNB *-ay has tense voice, the Hr? reflexes remain *-ay, the PNB *-ay was under breathy voice, the high vowel reflex occurs.

Note but when

1. Although these particular patterns appear quite clear, much reworking of Smith (1972) is needed to fully make sense of the interaction of vowel changes and phonation types.

The Origins

of Registers

Table 144: PNB

PNB

213

and Tones

*-ay reflexes under tense versus breathy voice Hr?

(Smith, modified) *bray

*katayh

bray katayh

'thread' 'hip'

*may

may

'sister

*bagay

magay

'people'

*adr?y

ad?

'pestle'

*h?y

hi

'day;

*pl?y

p? b?h

*qb?yh

in-law;

elder

sister'

sun'

'fruit; egg; clL for round objects' 'snake'

The conjectures about the earlier sociolinguistic situation are somewhat was a some combination of shift accompanied by long likely speculative, but it term bilingualism. At the earliest stages, Haroi would still have been a dialect of the then prestigious Cham language, and thus some speakers of Hr? may have shifted to Haroi. Since then, however, Cham has suffered a considerable loss of prestige, and at some point the roles became reversed with the Haroi assimilating to the Hr?. In any case, two things are well-attested: Ethnographically, the Haroi have been heavily influenced by Bahnar^ in particular by the Hr?. Under these influences, Haroi has undergone a set of changes typologically parallel to the changes in Hr?. Specifically, during this period of social and linguistic contact, the Haroi vowel system has been realigned, coming to resemble the Hr? vowel system.

Conclusions The Haroi case nicely illustrates the respective roles played by external language contact and by internal paths of change: the external contact has provided both the impetus and the directionality for the changes, while the language internal structures have provided constraints on the potential paths for the changes. As a corollary to the primary role played by contact in this and other Haroi changes, the major Haroi changes have not come about gradually. Rather, the opposite is true: since the major changes in Haroi came about with the onset of intense contact, the major changes are characterized by short periods of rapid, assimilative restructuring, beginning with the onset of intensive contact and fol? lowed by periods of relative stasis and more minor

changes?continuing

until the

214

8

Chapter

next significant period of contact. The non-contact

induced changes are far more

minimal.

restructurings, powered by contact situations and presumably abrupt rather than gradual, are found throughout Southeast Asia (for example, 1992a, 1996). In fact, it would be reasonable to conclude that, in the Thurgood Similar

Southeast Asian

area, it is contact

that has provided the impetus for with factors only influencing the changes language-internal paths by which such changes take place. Finally, the most interesting part of this particular change may be that it seems to have been a change in part shared both by Haroi and Hr?. Given both

most

linguistic

of the major

the timing of the changes and their striking similarities, it looks like the best way to view the changes is as being one that was shared by the Haroi and the Hr? Hr? speakers the changes occurred in their Hr?, but speakers. For monolingual speakers bilingual in Hr?, the changes occurred not only in their Hr? but were also extended to their Haroi. Thus, in this sense, the change was shared between the two languages. for those Haroi

TSAT AND ITS FULLY-DEVELOPEDTONAL SYSTEM Tsat is a Chamic near

Sanya

language spoken in theMuslim

on Hainan

island.

Although

there

was

villages

of Yanglan

undoubtedly

and Huixin

a trading

commu?

to this area was apparently nity established earlier, the first major migration at in 982. the the northern after fall of shortly Indrapura to the Vietnamese capital to that,

Subsequent

there may

also

have

been

other

immigrations.

language itself is Tsat /tsa:n?42/ (transcribed from a Keng-Fong Pang tape), a form that corresponds with absolutely complete regularity to the Cham name for themselves /cam/. The initial, the final, the vowel length, the The

glottalization, and even the tone are precisely what is expected (see Table 104 and text for a discussion of the tonal developments). Although the the accompanying language is Tsat, the people are called Utsat, an ethnonym consisting of the root /tsam?42/ 'Cham', just discussed, with what is apparently the prefix lu-l also seen in other ethnonyms in the language, an etymology suggested by Mark Durie (p.c.).

Evolution

of the Tsat

tones

Over fifty years ago, Paul Benedict (1941) recognized that Tsat is Chamic, but the Tsat tones were only reported more recently (Ouyang and Zheng, 1983; Ni, 1988ab, 1990ab). The comparative work has either accompanied the synchronie work or quickly followed Ni, 1988ab, 1990ab).

it (cf. Benedict,

1984; Haudricourt,

1984; Zheng

1986;

The Origins

of Registers

215

and Tones

The tone system itself is similar in its complexity to the tone systems of its Chinese neighbors and more complex than that of Phan Rang Cham, and the diachronic study of its tonal developments have been a major or minor focus of 1984; Haudri papers by various authors (Maddieson and Pang 1993; Benedict court 1984; Ouyang and Zheng 1983; Zheng 1986; Ni 1988ab, 1990ab; Thur? good 1992b, 1993). Tsat is of particular linguistic interest because in it, each stage in the and fully-tonal is remark? transition from disyllabic and atonal to monosyllabic ably well-documented. Perhaps it is the clearest such case in the linguistics liter? ature. Part of the clarity comes from the relatively short time-depth; the rest of the clarity is simply our luck in having most of the intermediate stages attested in related languages. Figure

18: Tsat tonogenesis

Initials

inmonosyllables

Resulting

classes:

registers:

Resulting tone Tones:

PC initials (except voiced obstruents)

PC voiced obstruents

modal voiced, high series

breathy voiced, low

classes:

Finals:

55


in modern Phan Rang as i-?ii and /-au/, and < -oy >, which are pronounced the actual modern

respectively.

Vowels: Moussay i

Transliteration:

(1971): ir

u

u

?, ?

?, ?

o, 3

M

In addition, for theMoussay and the Aymonier and Cabaton dictionaries two other more specific transliterations are necessary: must be substituted for < -?y > and < -?y > to bring their transliteration system in line with the other transcriptions and the script.

Rade Rade, Rhad?, Raday, Rde, Ede Consonants:

Transliteration:

(1978:49):

Egerod P

t

c

k

ph b

th

ch

kh

d

j

g

t P ph th b d

xf

s, xz

h

?b

?d

?

w

1

m

n

f ? w

r

P

c

k

ph b

th

ch

kh

d

1 n

h ?

s, z d 1

?j y

n

g

t

c

k

ph b

th

ch

kh

d

j

g

s ?j

b

y

w

r m

g

P

s 4

kh

j

Y-Chang(1979):

t

b

k

ch

r

m

Tharp (1980:vi):

w

c

4 1

y

r ng

m

n

?g

270

Appendix

I: Language

(and transliteration

Names

tables)

Notes: Egerod (1978:49) notes that III and izi only occur in loans. He also notes that initial glottal stop is left unwritten, as it is considered automatic before all word-initial

vowels.

Vowels: Egerod

Transliteration:

(1978:50): u

u

o

o

o

o

Tharp(1980:vi):

Y-Chang(1979):

w

u

a

?

a

o

Note:

Egerod unmarked.

The

marks

the

remaining

long vowels

unmarked. Note

In addition,

-ao

Lee nant

except

has

been

mark

that short a

long, short

the short vowels

leaving as

vowels

as a

is written

as

transliterated

as the

short,

y

is

the

-au.

a

structurally

leaving

in Tharp and Y-Chang.

notes that "Rade initial m, k, h followed

(1974:644) /, r, h, w,

long vowels

authors

separate

syllable

with

by any conso? noncontrastive

vowel. Occasionally there is a contrast of consonant cluster and disyllabic word which is handled in the traditional orthography by writing u for w and / for y in a cluster (cf. hwie 'rattan' which is disyllabic and hut 'to fear' which ismono? syllabic) and by inserting an a between k and h to indicate a disyllabic word (cf. kh?n 'cloth' and kah?n 'soldier')." For the sake of making the syllable structure more

the vowels

transparent,

in such

words

In all the Rade with

the intervening

kp

orthographies, shwa omitted.

have

been

the following

re-inserted.

initial clusters are written

?

>

k9p-

m9p?

?

>

k9t-

m9t

?

>

k9k-

m9k-

>

kgb-

m9b-h9b

kgd-

m9d-h9d

k9g-

m9g-

mp-

kt

mt-

kk

mk-

kb

mb-

hb

kd

md-

hd

>

kg

mg-

hg

>

?

hgg

Appendix

Names

I: Language

(and transliteration

k?-

m?

h?

>

kg?-

m9?-

kd-

mrf

hd

>

k9d-

m9d-

km

mm-

hm

>

k9m-m9m-

kn

mn-

hn

>

k9n-

mn-

hn

>

kgg-

m9n-h9i]

ms-

hs

>

k9s-

m9s-

mh

hw

>

m9h-h9W

hj

h?j

ks

>

271

tables) h9? h9d h9m

m9n-h9n

h9s

h9j- h9?j

in this work, the shwas have been reinserted readily analyzable and more comparable with non-Rade

However,

to make

the forms more

forms.

Rai The term Rai, according to Grimes (1988), is sometimes used to refer to a dialect of southern Roglai, a usage that coincides with a comment by Lee (1966:3), but also notes that the term is also used to refer to a Chru group. As guages are extremely close together genetically, it is still unclear

these two lan? to me whether

distinct groups are being referred to or not. Grimes (1988) lists Rai as related not just to Chru, but specifically dialect. Seyu

to the

NORTHERN ROGLAI Consonants:

et al. (1977:vi):

Awai-hathe

P

t

ch

c/k

ph

th

chh

kh

v

d

j

g

jh

gh

vh dh s b a w

Transliteration:

P ph b bh h

dj

nh

-/q

ng

? w m

t th d dh s d 1 r

c

k

ch

kh

j

g

jh gh ?j y

n

Notes: The dialects

Ixl \About

it is pronounced

et al. (1977: vi) write that, in some the IrI, Awai-hathe as trilled, while in other dialects it has, in effect, disap

272

Appendix

(and transliteration

Names

I: Language

tables)

peared, that is, initially, it has disappeared, leaving the onset vowel long medially, it has disappeared, leaving the adjoining vowels as a single long vowel and, finally, it has become a semivowel, somewhat close to the Vietnamese < ir > [i]. (See also the introductory discussion of this section on transliteration.) The glottal stop < -/q > ismarked in the original as < - > between els, but as < q > finally.

vow?

Vowels: et al. (1977:vi):

Awai-hathe

Transliteration:

u

i e

a

u

i

o

9

e

a

Length

o

a

and nasalization: In addition, N. Roglai has both in isolation ismarked with a colon,

Length tion is marked with

length and nasalization distinctions. i.e. < a: >, while nasalization in isola?

a tilde, i.e., < ? >. However, the combination of length and has been written with < ? > borrowed from Vietnamese, which coa? lesces the marking of length and nasalization into a unitary symbol. In this work,

nasalization

length

and

nasalized

are

nasalization

vowel followed

separate

kept

and

are written

by a colon symbolizing

as
,

that

is, as

a

length.

Cac Gia Roglai Cac Gia Roglai (Cobbey 1977) or Cat Gia Roglai ferent from other Roglai dialects (Grimes 1988).

(Lee 1998) is considerably

dif?

Roglai

Southern

Like Chru, Rai is listed by Grimes

(1988) as a dialect.

Tsat and Pang (1993) note, there are two descriptions and two tran? scriptions of Tsat, one by Ouyang and Zheng (1983), with subsequent work by Zheng (1986) and the other by Ni (1988ab; 1990ab). Both transcriptions essen?

As Maddieson

tially agree, with However,

even

the only apparent differences

with

the

tones,

upon

ent that the two systems essentially

more

being in the transcription of tones.

careful

examination

agree (Maddieson

and Pang,

it becomes

1993).

appar?

Appendix

I: Language

Names

(and transliteration

273

tables)

Consonants:

Zheng, Ni:

Ouyang, p

t

ph

th

ts

Transliteration:

k kh

s

p

t

ph

th

ts

k kh

s

h

h

7b/b ?d/d ? d

Note:

v

1

m

n

z

v

1

z

ji

m

n

?

g

The /ph/ is phonetically

[$] and /kh/ is phonetically

g

[x].

Vowels: Except where noted otherwise, the vowels are as in the original sources. is not yet completely understood; thus, the tables do not always indicate Length apparent irregularities in length. Ouyang,

Zheng, Ni:

i e

9 a

Transliteration: u

i

o

e

u 9

o

a

Tones:

Maddieson

and Pang (1993) significantly refines the tonal system of and Ni and it is this refined analysis that is used in this work.

Ouyang,

Zheng, Certainly the historical data fully supports Maddieson's adjustments. Thus, based on Maddieson and Pang, Tsat is analyzed in this work as having five etymologi? cal tones: three level tones in non-checked syllables and two contour tones in one rising and one falling. In addition to these five etymologi tones, there appear to be a handful of additional tonal configura? cally-predictable tions occurring only in recent loanwords. and Pang (1993) argue that, despite what might be suggested Maddieson

checked

syllables,

by the transcriptions used in the various papers on Tsat, the contour tones are always associated with checked syllables. With reference to the various falling tones transcribed

in the sources on Tsat, on the basis the absence of instrumental data to support the existence of more than one falling tone, Maddie? son and Pang suggest that there is a single falling tone, which only occurs in

or historical checked occurs

syllables. Similarly, in checked syllables.

there is only a single rising tone, which

again only

274

Appendix

I: Language

(and transliteration

Names

tables)

between the Ouyang and Zheng the correspondences forms, the Ni forms, and the standardized Tsat cited in this paper. Note that the final glottal stop, found inMaddieson's examination of all contour tones has been 167 shows

Table

in the transcription. Further, the pitch values used by Ni are followed, instrumental work suggests that the pitch range of the contour tones more closely approximates the Ni analysis. indicated

as Maddieson's

Table 167: Comparison

of tone transcriptions Ni

and Zheng

Ouyang

Standardized

55

55

55

high-level

42

53

42?

high-falling mid-level

33

33

24

33 24?

35

11

11

low-rising low-level

11

It is important to emphasize that theMaddieson and Pang (1993) refinements of the Tsat tonal system are completely substantiated by the historical comparisons.

Western

Cham

In the orthography used forWestern Cham by Kvoeu-Hor and Friberg (1978), the voiced stops are used for voiceless stops and affricates followed by second regis? ter vowels,

while

voiceless

are

stops

used

for,

not

voiceless

surprisingly,

stops.

this work uses despite this treatment being etymologically-correct, a vowel for with second both series, stops being indi? register following cated by a subscribed dot under the immediately preceding p, t, k, or c.

However, voiceless

Consonants:

Kvoeu-Hor

and Friberg (1978):

ptchk

Transliteration: ptck

ph

th

chh

kh

b

d

j

g

ph

4

w

1

dj

n

kh

s

-

? y

w

h

d

?j

1

y

?

r

r

m

ch

pt?k sh

b

th

nh

ng

m

n

ft

g

Appendix

(and transliteration

Names

I: Language

275

tables)

Vowels: Kvoeu-Hor

u

i

i

u

a

?

e

9

o

e

a

o

8

a

o

ir

Note:

Kvoeu-Hor

Written

Transliteration:

?

i

between

and Friberg (1978):

-oa-

is no

There and and

-oa-.

contrast

Thus, -ao

Friberg

inWestern

has

Cham

are written

these been

as

transliterated

between

-ea-

and

as

-au.

-oa-,

-ea-

and

-ea-,

respectively.

nor The

Chamic

data shows up from two sources in this work: in the transcription of Phan Rang Cham used throughout (see Phan Rang Cham section above) and in the citations from Aymonier and Cabaton also scattered throughout this work.

Written Chamic

As Eric Oey notes about the 587-page Aymonier and Cabaton Cham dic? tionary, many of the cognates are incorrect and there are apparent problems with the transliteration. Nonetheless, when used with appropriate caution it constitutes an invaluable source. The older orthography provides numerous insights into ear? lier stages of the language, almost all of which can be substantiated by other evi? dence. As Oey dictionary

contains

further notes variant

many

(n.d., p. 2), although Aymonier forms

and

has

inadequacies

and Cabaton's in the

script,

"the

variants and apparent quirks of the script may provide value clues to the histori? cal development of the language." The modifications

to the transliteration

forMoussay's Phan Rang Cham. An additional source forWritten The Cham-Vietnamese

dictionary Tir Dien

Chamic

are identical to those employed forms is the 1995 B?i Kh?nh

Ch?m-Viet.

Appendix II: The Chamic Lexicon

The organization of Appendix 2 involves an initial division of the lexicon into those forms that reconstruct to PC and those that do not. Thus, the first major set to PC are fur?

to PC. The forms that reconstruct

of forms is those that reconstruct

into those with Austronesian those with MK etymolo? etymologies, The and those PC reconstructions with established without gies, etymologies. MK etymologies, of course, represent the oldest layer of Chamic and MK con? ther divided

tact.

The second major grouping, post-PC borrowings, represent post-PC lan? contact. guage Language contact is amajor focus of this work so the inclusion of a large section on post-PC loanwords is central to the investigation. In addition, throughout also noted.

the lexicon, the presence of Chamic loanwords inMK languages is Loan words both from MK into Chamic and from Chamic into MK

help document where

and when

the extent of language contact while the contact

providing

evidence

about

occurred.

The post-PC borrowings have been divided up according to origin, spe? cifically, into words of Indie origin, of Arabic origin, and of MK origin. Other loans also occur in Chamic, but it is these three groups that repre? sent the dominant cultural contact, at least until more recent times. Now of course the dominance

of the Vietnamese

require the analysis of the count? The depth of the historically recent

would

less, almost daily loans from Vietnamese. Vietnamese influence is seen in the borrowing 'IMPERATIVE, mon,

which

for

instance,

negative, xvai,

cf.

don't', 'cotton

cloth'

of the post-PC

Vietnamese

d?ng.

is a post-PC

shows up in Chru as ba:i, cf. Vietnamese

Other

borrowing

xd9g

borrowing loans from

are

com?

Vietnamese,

v?i.

xd9g 'IMPERATIVE, negative, don't', N. Roglai d9g; d9g namese dung. Looks to be borrowed directly from Vietnamese.

di; Viet?

xvai 'cotton cloth', Chru ba:i, Vietnamese v?i. Note that the Chru is an borrowed from the Vietnamese. related doublet also However, etymologically exists in Chru in the form k9pa:h PC level (cf. 'cotton' below).

'cotton';

277

this second form reconstructs

to the

278

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

loans, some of considerable time depth like PC x*cawa:n 'cup; bowl, dish', which reconstructs to PC. Others are more recent like the post-PC borrowing xdaw 'sword; knife'. time there have been various Chinese

Over

x*cawa:n cawait,

Haroi

bowl,

'cup; W.

C9wan,

Cham

cawan

Acehnese

dish', cawan,

PR

Cham

-v, Chru

cawan

'petite

cuain, tasse

N.

Roglai

? alcool',

Wr. Cham cawan, Malay cawan; MK: PMnong *ci?n 'bowl'. Coope (1976) lists this as a borrowing from Chinese. If so, it looks like the coalescence of a two to construction the the most likely candidates being 'tea' + with one, syllable 'bowl'

[cf. Mandarin

chawan

'bowl'

'tea'

cha

+ wan

'bowl'

(Baxter, p.c.)] producing Malay

=

'tea-bowl;

tea-cup'

; Japanese

cawan 'cup; bowl; dish'.

xdaw 'sword; knife', Rade dau, Jarai (PL) dau, Jarai (Lee) dau, Chru da:u -1,N. Roglai dau, Haroi thiau < *dau; dau 'machete's, like a knife but longer', W. Cham dau, PR Cham daw, Wr. Cham daw; MK: Bahnar (AC) dao; (DT) *daaw 'knife'. This word is probably a Chinese borrowing, but the intermediate paths are anything but obvious. Cf. Baxter (1992) Old Chi? nese *taw 'knife', Middle Chinese taw,Mandarin d?o.

MK: PKatuic

the handful of Chinese borrowings represent a relatively indirect con? However, tact without a significant impact on Chamic languages. Thus, these are left for another

study

with

another

The post-PC cussed

below

Comments

in their

focus.

borrowings own

from Indie, Arabic,

and MK

sources are dis?

sections.

on methodology

and the lists

The problem of sorting out which borrowed forms date back to PC and which were borrowed more recently is often present. Thus, comments on the distribu? the sets are sometimes tion are included with some of the sets. Specifically, labelled as either restricted

to Highlands Chamic (Rade, Jarai, Chru, N. Roglai, (which was a part of N. Rogali until itmoved to Hainan)), or as High? lands Chamic plus Haroi andWestern Cham, the two originally Coastal Chamic languages that have had an extended period of contact under the influence of

and Tsat

Thus, words restricted to Highlands Chamic plus highlands MK languages. Haroi andWestern Cham are likely to have been borrowed from MK. Even when the

existence

of

regular

correspondence

patterns

suggests

a form

reconstructs

to

is quite real that some of these regularly corresponding forms PC, the possibility are actually later borrowings, particularly in the case of forms that are not only attestation but also restricted toHighlands Chamic. without wider Austronesian information is also evident in Other potentially valuable distributional the lexicon. Thus, the presence of a Phan Rang Cham form or aWritten Cham

279

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

such a form establishes that a set of words is not just restricted now to the languages found in the highlands, but instead is distributed throughout mainland Chamic and thus reduces the possibility that the form was borrowed form is obvious:

from MK

only after many of the Chamic languages had moved lands. More difficult to evaluate is the importance of Acehnese

up into the high? attestation. Cer?

tainly the lack of an Acehnese form is particularly difficult to evaluate; it is likely that some forms have simply been lost, while others have been replaced by Malay forms. However, even if there is a related form inAcehnese, it is possible that the word may have entered Acehnese after Acehnese left the mainland. It has, in fact, been suggested that Acehnese has a number of MK words not normally found in Bahnaric

and Katuic,

but this remains to be established.

from the possibility of inadvertent omissions, the following lists include not only all the reconstructions referred to in the text of reconstructions Aside

but also all the reconstructions

retained from Lee (1966). However, the list does not begin to include each and every form in each and every language examined. For example, four sources of Rade were examined and analyzed, but only one is included in the list. Similarly, the work on Phan Rang Cham by the David and Thomas, by Ernest Lee, and by Gerard Moussay were and included in the analysis, but only the forms from

Doris Blood, by Dorothy all thoroughly examined Moussay are systematically ple sources were examined

included in this appendix. In each case where multi? and used, the source chosen for inclusion in the lexi?

con is the one that provided the longest list of cognate forms?no other criterion It needs to be emphasized that the analysis itself used all the available

was used. forms,

and

occasionally

in the

text

an alternate

source

has

been

used

to

illustrate

a point, usually because that source happened to have fewer gaps than the others. In the list of forms given here, except for Jarai, only one source for each language has

been

included.

As

a consequence,

a form

occasionally

appears

more

margin?

ally attested than it is; inmost cases this simply means that the attestation was found, not in the languages given below, but in several of the other languages used for this study. Thus, while in general Appendix 2 includes the data used for the analysis, it does not begin to include the whole data base; that would have led to an appendix extending to hundreds of pages with little corresponding increase in our knowledge. The decision

has also been made to include various problematic sets, as labeled such, in the sets below. Further work and feedback from vari? clearly ous readers should clarify much of this sort of indeterminancy ; the hope is to see updated at a later time. If there is a discrepancy between the reconstructions in the body of the text and the reconstructions in the appendix of forms, the appendix of forms is almost inevitably correct. While the various parts of the body of the text were this collection

280

II: The Chamic

Appendix

final

times, the appendix was always updated and represents exist, hopes, of course, that no such discrepancies

at different

written

version.

One

undoubtedly more

than one has slipped by.

1.

Vocabulary

Chamic

Lexicon

the but

to PC

Reconstructable

As expected, a large number of these forms reconstructed for PC have obvious An etymologies It needs to and these constitute the first set of forms presented. be noted that many of these Austronesian forms have been borrowed into MK languages of Vietnam and are thus found in both the Bahnaric and in the Katuic branches of MK. As a consequence, it is often only the existence of fairly well established Austronesian that allow us to establish their ultimate etymologies Austronesian 1.1

affiliation. of Austronesian

PC words *-9n-9n-,

(Banker)

origin

'INSTRUMENTAL Chru

-9n-,

N.

Acehnese

infix',

-an-, W.

Roglai

Cham

-9n-,

Rade

nui-,

-tun-, PR

Cham

-9n-,

Jarai

-9n-.

*?abih

'all; finished, done', Jarai (PL) abih, Jarai (Lee) ?abih, Chru abih 'completely', N. Roglai abih, Tsat phi55 phi55, Haroi aph?h; ph?h,W. Cham pih, PR Cham apih, pin, Wr. Cham abih; bih, Malay habis 'done, finished, entirely', PMalayic *habis, PWMP *qabiq, *qabis. *?ada PMP

ada,

*adaq;

'have,

there

is,

there

are',

Tsat

tha11, W.

mata

Cham

i?, Malay

*wada.

ado9, Rade adsi, Jarai (PL) *?adsy 'younger sibling; cadet', Acehnese ou ad9i 'soeur fr?re cadet', Jarai (Lee) ?ad9i, Chru ad9i, N. Roglai ad9i, Tsat thai11, Haroi athii, W. Cham tay, PR Cham atsy; t?y, Wr. Cham ad?i, Malay adik (Blust (p.c.) notes that the -k is the retention of the PWMP vocative marker *-q), PMP *huaji-q (Blust (p.c.) notes that the *-q is a vocative marker). dho9, Rade adhsi, Jarai (PL) thai, Jarai *?adh?y 'forehead', Acehnese N. Tsat Chru th9i, th9i, thai, thai33, Haroi th9i -v, W. Cham thay, (Lee) Roglai PR Cham they, Wr. Cham dh?i, Malay dahi, PMP *daqih. (also

*?adu? 'room', Rade ad??, Jarai (Lee) ?ad??, Chru adu?, N. Roglai adu? a elf.), Haroi ath??, PR Cham at??; tu?, Wr. Cham aduk, Malay cf.

p?raduan.

*?alih 'move residence', alih, PMP *aliq.

Malay

Jarai (PL) ? ?, PR Cham al?h,Wr. Cham alih,

*?ama 'father', Rade ama, Jarai (PL) ama, Jarai (Lee) ?ama, Chru ama, N.

Roglai

Cham

am?,

ami, Wr.

Tsat Cham

ma11,

Haroi

ami,

PMP

ama *ama,

'father; PAn

address *ama.

term',

W.

Cham

mi,

PR

Appendix

II: The Chamic

281

Lexicon

*?ana:k 'child', Acehnese anu??, Rade anak, Jarai (PL) an??, Jarai (Lee) ?an?? -1, Chru ana:?, N. Roglai ana:?, Tsat na?24, Haroi ana?, W. Cham ni?, PR Cham ani?, Wr. Cham anik, Malay anak, PMalayic *anak, PMP *anak. *?anan

Chru

'name',

anan,

W.

Cham

PR

n?n,

Cham

g?n, Wr.

an?n;

Cham anan; nan, PMP *najan; MK: Bahnar (AC) anan ?. *?anan 'name', Acehnese nan, Rade an?n, Jarai (PL) an?n, Jarai (Lee) ?an?n,

N.

Tsat

an?n,

Roglai

nan33,

anSn

Haroi

-v, PMP

*najan.

*?anan 'that (third p.)', Acehnese f?an, -nan, Rade n?n, Jarai (PL) an?n, Jarai (Lee) ?anun < *u, Chru nin, Tsat nan33, Haroi n?n -v,W. Cham ngn 'there', PR Cham n?n, Wr. Cham nan, PMalayic *(a)na(?), PMalayic *(i)na(n), *(i)na(n),

PWMP

*(a)na(?),

*-nan

(note that this is reconstructed

as a PWMP

suffix). *?anap 'front (of)', Rade ti an?p, Jarai (PL) an?p, Jarai (Lee) ?an?p, Chru anau?, N. Roglai pa? an??, Haroi ari?au?,W. Cham kah nau?, PR Cham an??, Wr. Cham anak, Malay hadap, PMP *qa(n)dep. *?anin 'the wind', Acehnese agen, Rade ag?n, Jarai (PL) agin, Jarai (Lee) ?agin -1,Chru agin, N. Roglai agin, Tsat gin33,Haroi ag?n,W. Cham gin, PR Cham agin; gin,Wr. Cham agin; gin, Malay angin, PMalayic *agin, PMP *hagin. *?antow

'ghost;

Acehnese

corpse',

corpse',

W.

atau

Cham

PR

-presyllable,

at?u

Rade

uints9,

(Lee) ?at9u, Chru atgu 'corpse', N. Roglai

Jarai

'corpse',

at9u 'underworld', Haroi at?u 'ghost, Cham

at?w,

Wr.

Cham

atuw,

Malay

hantu, PMP *qanitu, PAn *qaNiCu. *?apuy 'fire', Acehnese apui, Rade pui, Jarai (PL) pui, Jarai (Lee) ?apui, Chru apui, N. Roglai apui, Tsat pui33, Haroi apoi, W. Cham pui, PR Cham apuy; puy, Wr. Cham apu?i, Malay api, PMalayic *api, PMP *hapuy. *?asah

asah

Acehnese

'sharpen',

in

Rade

'whetstone',

sah

'whet',

Jarai (PL) ?sah, Jarai (Lee) ?asah, Chru asah, N. Roglai asah, Haroi as?h, W. Cham sah, PR Cham than, Wr. Cham thah, Malay asah, PMalayic *asah 'grind; sharpen',

PMP

*hasaq.

asap, Rade s?p pui, Jarai (PL) *?asap 'smoke (of a fire)', Acehnese Jarai Chru N. Tsat sau?24, Haroi as?u?, W. asa?, asa?, (Lee) ?s?p, s?p, Roglai Cham sau?, PR Cham th??; ath??, Wr. Cham s?k; athak, Malay asap, PMalayic (Adelaar) *as9p, PWMP *qasep. *?asey 'flesh; meat; body; contents', Acehnese aso9, Rade assi 'body', Jarai (PL) ?sar -vf, Jarai (Lee) ?as9i, Haroi as?i 'body', PMalayic *isi?, PMP *hesi; MK: PKatuic (DT) *s?j 'meat'. Note that this form has been borrowed from Chamic into Katuic, but apparently not into Bahnaric. *?asow ?as9u, Cham

Chru athow;

'dog', Acehnese

as9u, thow,

N.

Roglai Wr.

Cham

as89, Rade as?u, Jarai (PL) asgu, Jarai (Lee)

asgu,

Tsat

suw;

a11

asug,

sau33, Malay

Haroi gigi

as?u, asu

W.

'canine

Cham tooth',

sau,

PR

PMa

282

Appendix

layic *asu?, PMP *asu, Pan asu; MK: structs both in PMK and PAn.

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

*so. This root obviously

PMnong

recon?

*?ata:s 'far; above; long', Acehnese atui9h, Rade tain, Jarai (PL) ataih, Jarai (Lee) ?ataih, Chru ata:h, N. Roglai ata, Tsat ta33,Haroi atah, W. Cham tah, PR

Cham

PMP

Cham

atah,

tab, Malay

atas

'above',

PMalayic

*atas,

*atas. *?awa

wa

t?h, Wr.

at?h;

'paternal',

'uncle,

aunt',

abuwa

Acehnese

PMP *ua? 'uncle, aunt' MK: ;

?, Rade

PMnong

awa

'uncle,

*wa. This

aunt',

Chru

is a variant of

*?awa.

*?ayup 'blow e.g. the wind; whistle, instrument', Acehnese yop 'blow Rade flute', ay??, Jarai (PL) ay?p, Jarai (Lee) ay?p, Chru iu:?, N. Roglai ayu:?, W. Haroi ay??, Cham y??, PR Cham ay??; y??, Wr. Cham ayuk; yuk, Malay tiup, PMalayic *iup, PMP *heyup, PAn *Seyup. *?iar -f 'water (fresh)', Acehnese ?9, Rade ea, Jarai (PL) ia, Jarai (Lee) N. Tsat Chru Haroi ea, W. Cham ea, PR Cham ya; ier -f, ?ia, ia, ?ia33, Roglai ia, Wr. Cham ia, Malay air; ayer, PMalayic *air, PMP *wahiR. There are problems with

the PC correspondences for this form. It is, perhaps, unrelated. Acehnese *?idug 'nose', idog, Rade ad?g, Jarai (PL) adug; dug (Ss); Jarai Chru (Lee) ?ad?g, ?dug (S), adug, N. Roglai id?k, Tsat thug11, Haroi ath?g, W. Cham tug, PR Cham it?g; at?g; t?g, Wr. Cham idug; adug; dug, Malay hidung, PMalayic *hidug, PMP *ijug. ikan < Malay, *?ika:n 'fish', Acehnese (Lee)

?akan,

Chru

aka:n,

N.

Roglai

ika:t,

Tsat

Rade kan, Jarai (PL) akan, Jarai ka:n33,

Haroi

akan,

W.

Cham

kan,

ikan; kan, Wr. Cham ikan; kan, Malay ikan, PMP *hikan; MK: PNB *ka, PMnong *ka, Bahnar (AC) ka, PSB (Efimov) *ka:, PKatuic *?9ka:. The MK and the PC forms both date back to their respective proto-languages. PR Cham

*?ikat 'to tie', Acehnese ikat, Jarai (PL) aka?, Jarai (Lee) ?ak??; k??, Chru aka?, N. Roglai ika?, Tsat ka?24, Haroi ak??, W. Cham k?k, PR Cham ik??; k??, Wr. Cham ikak; kak, Malay ikat, PMalayic *ik9t, PMP *hiket; MK: PNB *k?t, Bahnar (AC) k?t, PSB (Efimov) *k9t. [The PSB must be borrowed from

PC] iku < *-r, Rade ku, Jarai (PL) aku, Jarai (Lee) *?iku 'tail', Acehnese ?aku, Chru aku, N. Roglai iku, Tsat ku33, Haroi akou, W. Cham hla ku, PR Cham iku,Wr. Cham ik?, Malay ?kor, PMalayic *ikur, PMP *ikuR. *?ina 'mother (animal); big', Acehnese inAg, Rade ana 'female', Jarai (Lee) ?ana, Haroi ania, W. Cham ni in ni tagin 'thumb', PR Cham ini,Wr. Cham im, Malay betina [be/t/ina] 'female', PMalayic *ina, PMP *(t)-ina. *?in?; *iney 'this', Acehnese f?o9, -no9, Rade tinsi, Jarai (PL) anai, Jarai (Lee) ?anai, Chru ni 'here, this', N. Roglai tin?, Tsat ni33, Haroi ni,W. Cham ni, PR Cham ni,Wr. Cham ni, Malay ini; ni, PMalayic *(i)ni(?).

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Acehnese

'root',

*?ugha:r

283

Lexicon


*tasow 'breast', Rade kas?u, Jarai (PL) tasau, Jarai (Lee) tasau, N. Roglai tisau, Haroi cas?u, W. Cham tasau, PR Cham tathSw, Wr. tathuw, Written Cham (AC) tasou, Malay susu, PMalayic *susu(?), PMP *susu. The reconstruction with the double asterisk is what I assume, on the basis

Cham

and internal reconstruction, the earlier PC form would look like, if it were not for gaps in the data base; the form with the single asterisk is the earliest form reconstructable on the basis of just the evidence now available.

of external evidence

*ta? 'chop; cut', Acehnese ta?, Jarai (PL) t??, Jarai (Lee) t??, Chru ta?, N. Roglai ta?, Haroi t??,W. Cham t??, Malay *tatak 'chop, t?tak, PMalayic hack', PMP *tektek 'chop; cut'; MK: Bahnar (AC) tak. *taba:r 'tasteless; flat', Acehnese tabraa < *-r, Rade kaba, Jarai (PL) taba, Chru taba, N. Roglai taba, Haroi caphia, W. Cham tapa, PR Cham tapa, Wr.

Cham

taba,

PWMP

tawar,

Malay

*tabaR.

*tabus

Tsat phu55, PR Cham

'ransom; save; rescue', t?bus, PMP *tebus.

tabuh, Malay *talsy

'rope;

string',

talo a, Rade

Acehnese

klsi

tap?h, Wr. Cham Jarai

brag,

talai,

(PL)

Jarai (Lee) talai, Chru talai, N. Roglai talai, Tsat lai33, Haroi cal?i, W. Cham talay, PR Cham tal?y, Wr. Cham tal?i, Malay tali, PMalayic *tali, PMP *talih, PAn *CaliS. *tama tami,

PR Cham

'enter', tami, Wr.

Acehnese Cham

'to winnow',

Chru

tamAg, tami,

tama, *tama?

PMalayic

Haroi 'go

cama,

W. PMP

inside',

Cham *tama.

tampoa, Rade kapsi, hadsi, Jarai (PL) *tampey N. Haroi Roglai tupai, tapai (Pk), cap?i; cap?ai, W. Cham tapay, PR Cham Wr. Cham tap?y; p?y, tap?i, Malay tampi, PMP *tahepi; MK: Bahnar (AC) tabeh;

Acehnese

tapai. *tamuh

'grow;

sprout',

Chru

Cham

tamuh, PR Cham tam?h, Wr. *tumbuh, PMP *tu(m)buq.

tam?h,

N.

Cham

Roglai

tum?h,

tamuh, Malay

Haroi

camoh,

W.

tumbuh, PMalayic

*taga 'ask', Acehnese ta?Ag, Jarai (PL) ta?a, Jarai (Lee) ta?a, Chru ta nia, N. Roglai tina, Haroi cafta, PR Cham tafti < *-g-, Wr. Cham ta??, Malay tanya. [There are minor problems with this root: the medial nasal and subsequent vowels pattern unexpectedly] *taga:n Chru

tagam,

N.

'hand; arm', Rade kagan, Roglai

tag?n,

Tsat

ga:n33,

Jarai (PL) tagan, Jarai (Lee) tagan,

Haroi

cagan

'hand',

W.

Cham

tagan

Appendix

v, PR Cham *tagan

tag?n, Wr.

305

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Cham

tangin, Malay

tang?n, PMalayic

*tagan, PMP

'thumb'.

*tana? 'to cook', Rade kan??, Jarai (PL) tana?, Jarai (Lee) tana?, Chru tana?, N. Roglai tan??, Haroi cana? 'cook rice', W. Cham tana?, PR Cham tan??, Wr. Cham tanik, Malay tanak, PMalayic *tanak, *tanak, PMP *tanek. 'earth, soil', Acehnese tanoh, Jarai (PL) tan?h (Pk), Jarai (Lee) Tsat tanah, Chru tanah, N. Roglai tan?h, na55,W. Cham tanih, PR Cham tanih, Wr. Cham tanih, Malay tanah, PMalayic *tanah, PMP *taneq; MK: PNB *nteh PSB 'earth', (Efimov) *tne:h. The spread of MP *taqneh 'dirt', PMnong *tanah

forms indicates

the word

thus, at least the PNB form

is native to Austronesian;

looks to be borrowed! *tapay

Rade

'rice

kapie, Chru

Cham tapai, Malay

wine;

Acehnese

alcohol',

taps

tapai, N. Roglai tapai, Haroi tapai, PAn *tapay 'ferment'.

-v

'fermented

cap?i, PR Cham

rice

cake',

tapay, Wr.

Rade kapsi, Jarai (PL) tapai, Jarai (Lee) tapai, Chru 'rice wine' Cf. [This particular word seems to be related tupai. the making of rice wine, and yeast] *tapug 'flour', Rade kap?g 'bread', Jarai (PL) tap?g, Jarai (Lee) tap?g, Chru tapug, N. Roglai tupuk, PR Cham tap?g 'farine', Wr. Cham tapug, Malay *tapsy N. Roglai tapai, to fermentation,

'yeast',

t?pung; MK: Bahnar (AC) tapug. *tasi? 'sea; ocean', Rade kas??, Jarai (PL) ras?? -i, Jarai (Lee) ras?? -i, Chru tasi:?, N. Roglai tasi:?, Haroi casei?, W. Cham tasi?, PR Cham tathi?, Wr. Cham tathik, Malay tasik 'lake', PMalayic *tasik 'lake', PMP *tasik 'sea, salt? water'.

Note

that

the Malay

refers only to lakes; meaning

'sea;

tasik

the Chamic

has

undergone

forms, however,

a semantic

change

and

now

appear to still retain the older

saltwater'.

*thow 'know; can; able', Acehnese thea; tu-, Rade th?u, Jarai (PL) thau, Jarai (Lee) thau, Chru thau 'understand', N. Roglai thau, Tsat tiau?42 -i, Haroi th?u, W. Cham thau, PR Cham th5w, Wr. Cham thSu, Malay tahu, PMa? layic *tahu, PMP *taqu. *thu 'year', Acehnese thon, Rade th?n, Jarai (PL) thun, Jarai (Lee) th?n, Chru thun, N. Roglai thut, Tsat thun33, Haroi thon, W. Cham th?n, PR Cham th?n,Wr. Cham thun, Malay tahun, PMalayic *tahun, PMP *taqun. *tikus 'rat', Acehnese tikoh, Rade kakuih, Jarai (PL) takuih, Jarai (Lee) takuih, Chru taku:h, N. Roglai tukuh, Tsat (na11) ku55, Haroi cakoh, W. Cham takuh, PR Cham tak?h, Wr. Cham takuh, Malay tikus, PMalayic *tikus. [This root is restricted to parts ofWMP] *timun 'melon; cucumber', Acehnese timon, Rade kam?n, Jarai (PL) tamun, Jarai (Lee) tam?n 'a citrus', Chru tamun, N. Roglai tum?n, Haroi cam on,

306 W.

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Cham

tam?n

'cucumber';

tam?n

(AC) tamun, Malay *tiney see *tiri?

*tin?;

*tinsy

'here',

cf.

PR

'melon',

padai

tamun, Wr. Cham

Cham

tam?n,

Lexicon

Wr.

Cham

timun, PMP *timun.

*ti, Acehnese

sinoa,

hinoa,

Rade

tinsi,

Jarai

(PL) anai, Chru ni 'here; this', N. Roglai tin!, Haroi ni 'here, this', W. Cham ni, PR Cham ni,Wr. Cham ni, Malay sini, di sini. *tiya:n

'pregnant', Rade N.

Roglai

tyan, Wr.

matia:t Cham

'stomach;

abdomen;

belly',

'pregnant', tian, Malay

Tsat tian

ten?33, 'uterus

Haroi

Cf.

-tiyraan

tean, W.

of a pregnant

*ti(?) 'PARTICLE'. Rade ti? -v, Rade ti?-v.

Acehnese

in mratiyraan

tian, Jarai (PL) ki?n, Jarai (Lee) kian < *k- prefix, Chru tia:n, Cham

woman',

(Lee) ti, N. Roglai

tean, PMP

PR

Cham

*tian.

(Lee) ti, Haroi

'at'.

*trun 'descend', Acehnese tr?n, Rade tr?n, Jarai (PL) tr?n, Jarai (Lee) tr?n, Chru trun 'descend; southerly', N. Roglai trut, Tsat tsun33, Haroi tron, W. Cham tr?n, PR Cham tr?n,Wr. Cham trun,Malay turun, PMP *tuRun. *tu?ut 'knee', Acehnese tuot; traot, Rade ka?t, Jarai (PL) k?ta??t, Jarai (Lee) te??t, Chru ta??:?, N. Roglai tu?u:?, Haroi ca?u? -v, W. Cham ta?u?, PR Cham tau?,Wr. Cham tauk, Malay lu/tut, PMalayic *tu?(ua)t, PMP *tuhud, PAn *tuSud.

baroa, Rade mabrue *tubursy 'yesterday', Acehnese kabruai N. brai, Chru (m) -i, Roglai tubrai, Haroi macaprui kaproy; paproy, Wr. Cham kabruai.

(m), Jarai (Lee) (m), PR Cham

*tuha 'old (people)', Acehnese tuha, Rade khua (m), Jarai (PL) tha, Jarai (Lee) taha; tha, Chru tha, N. Roglai tuha, Tsat ha33 xau33, Haroi cana, W. Cham taha, PR Cham taha, Wr. Cham taha, Malay tua; tuha, PMalayic *tuha(?), PMP *tuqah. tujoh, Rade kjuh, Jarai (PL) tajuh, Jarai (Lee) *tujuh 'seven', Acehnese N. Chru Roglai tijuh, Tsat su55, Haroi cas?h, W. Cham ta?uh, PR tajuh, tajuh, Cham tac?h, Wr. Cham tajuh, Malay tujuh, but PMP *pitu. [The form *tujuh was innovated is not postdates the breakup of PMP, but precisely at what level it clear yet] tulraag, Rade klag, Jarai (PL) talog, Jarai *tula:g 'bone', Acehnese N. Chru (Lee) talag, tala:g, Roglai tula:k, Tsat la:g33, Haroi calag, W. Cham talag, PR Cham talag, Wr. Cham talag, Malay tulang, PMalayic *tulag, PMP *tuqelan; *tuqelag; MK: PMnong *katig. The similarities between theMK and for 'bone' are intriguing. Jarai (PL) tug (Pk), Chru tug, N. Roglai tuk, *tug 'stomach; abdomen', Haroi tog,W. Cham tug 'intestines', PR Cham t?g,Wr. Cham tug, Malay jantung 'heart'. Confined to languages inwestern Indonesia (Blust, p.c.). the PMP words

*taive', of

ter,

PMP The

'inadvertent'.

*taR

'inadvertent;

PAn,

PMP,

PC forms reflect the same etymon; theMK forms (discussed to be more than simply look-alikes. They appear borrowed. *tabow

-v

Acehnese

'sugarcane',

Rade

trabea,

ta-

Jarai

'inadvertent',

'inadvertent',

*tar-

PAn

action',

involuntary

*tAr-

PMalayic

tra-

Acehnese

'INADVERTENT',

Malay

307

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

'reflex? marker and

PMalayic,

in Chapter 9) look Jarai

kab?u,

(PL)

tabau,

Jarai (Lee) tabau, Chru tarbau, N. Roglai tubau, Tsat pha11, Haroi caph?au, W. Cham tapau, PR Cham tapow, Wr. Cham tabuw, Malay t?bu, PMP *tebuh. *taliga 'ear', Acehnese grali?uag -iv; puftuag, Rade kaga, Jarai (PL) tagia (m), Jarai (Lee) tagia (m), Chru tania (m), N. Roglai ligi? (m); rigi? -i (m), PR Tsat ga33, Haroi cage a (m) 'ear, brain (place of thinking and memory)', Cham tagi (m), Wr. Cham tang?, Malay *taliga(?), PMP t?linga, PMalayic *taliga.

trapat, Rade kap??, Jarai (PL) tapa?, *tapat 'straight; honest', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) tapa? -1, Chru tapa?, N. Roglai tupa?, Haroi capa?, PR Cham tap??, Wr. Cham tapak, Malay t?pat 'exactly', PWMP *tepet 'exact; precise'; MK: Bahnar (AC) tap?t. *wa N.

'paternal', Malay

'uncle,

ua

'old;

Haroi

wa,

Roglai aunt

Jarai

aunt',

or uncle

(PL) wa, wa,

older

Jarai

W.

Cham

than

one's

wa

(Lee) wa,

PR

Cham PMP

parents',

wa,

Chru

aunt',

'uncle,

Wr.

*ua?

Cham

'uncle,

wa w?,

aunt'

;

MK: PMnong *wa 'uncle, aunt', PSB (Efimov) *wa:. Note the PMnong form, but the antiquity of the PMP form suggests that this was an early borrowing into PMnong and PSB, not the other way around. *ya:p

Rade

'count',

yap,

Jarai

(Lee)

yap,

Chru

ya:u?,

N.

Roglai

ya:?,

Haroi yiau?, W. Cham yau?, PR Cham yaw?, Wr. Cham yap -f, PMP *ihap. The vowel length results from a requirement found not just inAustronesian where it is widespread be

1.2

at least

but inmany two moras

PC words

languages of the world

that vowels

inmonosyllable

roots

long.

of MK

origin

there is a second, large set of items are those borrowings from MK sources that were borrowed so early as to be reconstructable to PC. These forms include numerous forms from two distinct MK subgroups, the more southerly Bahnaric In addition

to the form inherited from Austronesian,

forms reconstructed

for PC. These

In many cases, of course, the forms are found northerly Katuic. so it is not possible to tell which branch of MK the both in Bahnaric and Katuic and the more

borrowing came from, but in a significant subset of cases, the form is attested in It is inevitable of course that there are accidental only one of these branches. gaps in the data, but the large number of forms attested in only one of these two branches of MK makes it clear that both branches contributed material to pre-PC

308

Appendix

II: The Chamic

establishing that there was early, intense contact not just with Bahnaric but also with Katuic speakers.

Lexicon

speakers

that a MK form reconstructs to PC is done almost exclu? Establishing on sively correspondence patterns within PC. In this regard, the existence of an extra-Chamic Malay form does not mean that a form is necessarily Austronesian as Malay

a number of MK

forms, for example, ketam 'crab' 'ant' quite independently of Chamic. Thus the occurrence of a form both inMalay and Chamic does little to establish either that form must inevitably nor does it contribute to determining a time depth for aMK bor? be Austronesian itself has borrowed

and semut

rowing.

It is important to realize that historically there was contact between Aus? tronesian and MK languages before Austronesians speakers reached the coast of On the Malaysian Vietnam. peninsula, there are still Orang Asli speaking MK languages, and in Borneo, Adelaar (1995) argues that there is linguistic evidence of aMK influence on the Land Dayak. Adelaar presents two pieces of evidence forMK influence on Land Dayak: one is the presence of preploded nasals, found inMK languages and inAustronesian languages in contact with MK languages, and the other is the presence of MK vocabulary in Land Dayak. To this evidence I would add another piece of evidence that suggests the shifting of MK speakers to the Austronesian Specifically, languages of Borneo, including proto-Malayic. forms found in the lexicon below (from Adelaar throughout the proto-Malayic a are there should be vowel final but number of forms that, etymologically, 1992) instead end in a final glottal stop (Blust, p.c., mentioned the difficulty of account? finals On the for these ing Malay peninsula, much the same etymologically). process can be seen with borrowings into Aslian languages from Malay, as is evi? dent in Benjamin's in his work the subgrouping of Orang Asli (1976) wordlists of the in those lists, as in Land Dayak, as in proto Malay peninsula; languages (cf. the forms in this lexicon), final glottal stops are often present on Malay words which should end in open syllables. The significance of all this, of course, is that some MK influence may have already been present in their lan? Malayic

guage when the pre-Chamic speakers arrived inVietnam. The evidence that a form is borrowed from a MK

source varies from

form to form, but two general types of evidence are widely represented in the fol? lowing list. One type of evidence is provided by reconstructions of Austronesian subgroups, on the one hand, and MK subgroups on the other. Certain forms are found

in reconstructed nowhere

in one or more

apparently such forms have been borrowed the phonology

subgroups of MK but, aside from PC, Here the unmarked hypothesis is that from MK. A second type of evidence is found in

else inAustronesian.

a number of specific vowels, certain diph? (e.g. the implosives (with a small number of well

of the reconstruction:

thongs, particular consonants

309

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

know exceptions), and otherwise unique clusters only occur inMK borrowings (discussed in detail elsewhere in this work). The fact that a word contains one of these elements is by itself evidence that it is a MK borrowing; however, it is almost

never

to depend

necessary

this

upon

evidence

as when

alone,

a word

con?

tains one of these elements, it is inevitably the case that the word also lacks an Austronesian etymology. Here again the unmarked hypothesis is that the word is aMK borrowing. x*?a:k

'a crow',

Acehnese

a?-a?,

Rade

ak,

Jarai

?a?, Chru

(Lee)

cim

a:?,

N. Roglai a:?, Haroi a? 'raven', W. Cham a?, PR Cham a?,Wr. Cham ak; MK: Bahnar (AC) ?k, PKatuic *[k/g]a?a:?, *?a?a:?. One has to be careful with such onomatopoetic

forms.

x*?ada 'duck', Chru ada, N. Roglai ada, Tsat tha11,W. Cham pa, PR PSB (Efimov) *da:, PKatuic *yadia, Cham ata; pa,Wr. Cham ad?; da; MK: *?adia.

x*?adoh 'sing', Jarai (PL) ?doh, Jarai (Lee) ?adoh, Chru adoh, N. Roglai toh, PR Cham atoh; toh, Wr. Cham adauh; MK: PSB (Efimov) *?adoh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

adoh, W. Cham

x*?aduan

cf.

'old',

x*maduan,

Rade

Jarai

aduon,

(PL)

Jarai

adon,

(Lee)

form obviously is obviously related to x*maduan; both forms are restricted to two Highlands Chamic languages. [The vowel also suggests aMK

?adon.

This

origin] x*?aha;

x*ha

'open

(mouth

to say

sthg.)',

cf.

Vietnamese

h?, Acehnese

hah -i, Rade

ha, Jarai (PL) ha, Jarai (Lee) ha, Chru ha 'slightly opened', N. Roglai aha, Tsat ha33, Haroi ha 'wide open', W. Cham ha, PR Cham ha, Wr. Cham h?; MK: PNB *ha, PMnong *ha, PSB (Efimov) *ha:?, *ha:, PKatuic *taha,

*?ahah.

x*?ako? 'head', Rade k??, Jarai (PL) ak?, Jarai (Lee) ?ak5?, Chru ako?, N. Roglai ako?, Tsat ko?24, Haroi ak3?, W. Cham k5?, PR Cham ak5?; ko?, Wr. Cham akauk; kauk. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] ale, Jarai (PL) als -v, ale -v, Jarai (Lee) ?ale, Chru ale, N. Roglai ale, Haroi ale, W. Cham cut Is 'small bamboo'; MK: PNB *pale 'bamboo', PMnong *gle, PSB (Efimov) *gls:, PKatuic *?alae. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? a gests MK origin] x*?ale

'medium

x*?amu:g

Note origin]

the restriction

'snout;

bamboo',

muzzle',

to Highlands

Rade

Rade

Chamic.

amug,

Chru

[The vowel

mo:g,

N.

Roglai

m?:k

-f.

length also suggests aMK

310

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*?amu:g (?) 'bunch; ear of grain; stalk', Rade amug 'stalk (bananas)', Chru

amu:g

-v

'stalk

of

bananas';

tarmung,

N.

amu:k

Roglai

'stalk',

Haroi

PR Cham (Blood) mog, Wr. Cham amug, W. Cham mog 'stalk of bananas', (AC) amug. Cf. MK: PKatuic (DT) *-phoong. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] x*?ato:g 'hit with implement; beat (gong)', Rade tog, Jarai (PL) ?tog, Chru ato:g, N. Roglai ato:k 'beat (gong)', Haroi atog, W. Cham tog, PR Cham [The vowel also suggests a atog, Wr. Cham ataug; MK: PKatuic (DT) *thiig. MK origin] x*?aw 'clothing; shirt', Viet, ?o, Rade au, Jarai (PL) au, Jarai (Lee) ?au, Chru a:u -1 'shirt', N. Roglai au, Tsat ?a:un, Haroi au, W. Cham au, PR Cham aw, Wr. Cham aw; MK: PNB *aw, PSB (Efimov) *?a:w. x*?awa:k 'spoon; ladle', Acehnese awuia?, Rade awak, Jarai (PL) aw??, awa?, PR Cham awa?, Wr. Cham awak; MK: Bahnar (AC)

Chru awa:?, Haroi uak,

PKatuic

*hawa:?'ladle'.

e? -f, Rade eh, Jarai (PL) eh, x*?eh 'excrement; defecate', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) ??h, Chru eh, N. Roglai eh, Haroi eh,W. Cham eh, PR Cham ?h,Wr. Cham aih; MK: PNB *?c, PSB (Efimov) *?ac, PKatuic *?eh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*?iaw

'call;

cry;

yell',

Rade

ieu

-v, Jarai

(PL)

iau,

iau,

Jarai

Chru iau, N. Roglai iau, Tsat ?ia33,Haroi ?ju,W. Cham iau, PR Cham [The triphthong suggests aMK origin] x*?ja:? 'hold; carry', Rade Roglai ?ja:?,Haroi ja? 'carry in hand' [The Highlands Chamic plus Haroi.

(Lee)

?iau,

(Lee) ??w.

?j??, Jarai (PL) ?j??, Jarai (Lee) ?j??, N. MK: ; PMnong *yak 'carry'. Restricted to initial also suggests aMK origin]

x*?jam 'soup, thin', Rade ?jam, Chru i?m, N. Roglai ?ja:p -1. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The initial also suggests aMK origin] x*?juh 'firewood', Rade ?juh, Jarai (PL) ?j?h, Jarai (Lee) ?juh; ?j?h, Chru iuh, N. Roglai ?juh, Tsat ?iu55, Haroi ?j?h, W. Cham ?juh, PR Cham ?j?h, Wr. Cham ?juh. [The initial suggests aMK origin] x*?jup 'smoke tobacco', Rade ?jup hat, Jarai (PL) ??j?p, Jarai (Lee) ?j?p, Chru iu? 'smoke', N. Roglai ?ju:?, Haroi ?ju?,W. Cham ?ju? -f, PR Cham [The ?ju?,Wr. Cham ?juk; MK: PKatuic *ha?je:p, *kaje:p, *?ju:p, *?jo? 'suck'. initial also suggests aMK origin] x*?jap 'correct; right', Rade ?jo?, Jarai (PL) ?ja?, Jarai (Lee) ?ja?, Chru N. iau?, Roglai ?ja?; dadi, Haroi j?u?,W. Cham ?jau?, PR Cham ?jow?,Wr. Cham ?jap;MK: PNB *joq. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin]

Appendix

II: The Chamic

311

Lexicon

Jarai (PL) ?ft?m, Jarai (Lee) food; legumes', 'vegetables; ?a?am, Chru i?m, Tsat ?ia?33, PR Cham ?j?m, Wr. Cham ?jani. [The initial sug? gests aMK origin] x*?ftam

x*?o? 'vomit', Jarai (Lee) ?o?; ha???; ???, Chru o:? 'choke', PR Cham (Lee) ?o?,Wr. Cham (AC) auk; MK: PNB *h?k, PMnong *hok, PSB (Efimov) [The vowel also suggests aMK *h??, PKatuic (DT) *-hook 'choke on food'. origin] x*?u:g 'husband; male', Rade ug, Jarai (PL) ?g (Est), Jarai (Lee) ?og, PR (Lee) ?og 'you (to a man), Wr. Cham (AC) og 'grandfather', PNB *?g 'son-in-law'. [The vowel length also suggests aMK origin]

Cham

Roglai

x*?u?? -n 'to saw', Rade u??, Jarai (PL) (u?) ?nu??, Jarai (Lee) ?u??, N. u??, PR Cham (Lee) ?ua?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

x*?am 'to roast', Rade am, Jarai (Lee) ?om, Chru am, N. Roglai ap, Haroi om, W. Cham am -v, PR Cham (Lee) am. [The vowel suggests aMK ori? gin] x*ba:l 'mend; to patch', Jarai (Lee) bal, Chru bail, N. Roglai ban, Haroi phial, W. Cham pal, PR Cham pal, Wr. Cham bal; MK: PKatuic *-p_l 'to patch'. With the instrumental infix: x*b-an-a:l 'rag', Rade manai, Jarai (PL) banal, Jarai (Lee) banal, N. Roglai ban?n. Note: The connection between the infixed and the non-infixed forms depends upon acceptance of the semantics of the equation of 'rag' with 'mend; path'. x*boh 'wash; launder', Rade boh, Jarai (PL) boh (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) Chru boh, boh, N. Roglai boh, Haroi phun, PR Cham poh, Wr. Cham bauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*b-an-at

'a dam;

a fence',

Rade

man??,

Jarai

(PL)

bani?,

Jarai

(Lee)

bani?, Chru ban?:? -f, N. Roglai bana?, W. Cham pana? 'a dam', PR Cham pirii?, Wr. Cham binik; MK: Bahnar (AC) banot. [The vowel and the infix also suggest aMK origin] x*ba?ar 'paper; book', Rade maar, Jarai (PL) ma?ar (Mod.), Chru N. ba?a:r, Roglai ba?a, Haroi pa?ial, W. Cham pa?ar -il, PR Cham pi?ar, Wr. Cham biar; MK: PNB *baqar 'paper; book', PSB (Efimov) *pa?a:r. x*bala 'tusk; ivory', Rade mla, Jarai (PL) bia, Jarai (Lee) bia, Chru bia, N. Roglai bala, Haroi palia, W. Cham pla, PR Cham pila, Wr. Cham bil?; MK: PMnong *bla, PSB (Efimov) *bla:, PKatuic (DT) pal.k 'tusk' (the final -k is unexpected). x*bato 'teach', Rade mato, Jarai (PL) p?to, Jarai (Lee) pato, Chru pato, N. Roglai pato, Tsat to11, Haroi pato, W. Cham pato, PR Cham pato, Wr. Cham

312

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

patauw; MK: PSB (Efimov) *pa'diaw 'teach, dictate'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] ' x*be? IMPERATIVE, negative, don't', Acehnese be? 'don't', Chru be?, N. Roglai be?, PR Cham p??, Wr. Cham baik; MK: PNB *beq. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*biluay 'gourd', N. Roglai biluai, Wr. *?alhuaj. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*blah

'skirt',

'square of cloth',

cf.

'flat

PR Cham plah

object',

Chru

Cham

blah

pluai; MK:

'sheet',

W.

PKatuic

Cham

'un habit; sheet', Wr. Cham blah; MK:

plah

PNB

*blah.

x*blo 'split; pierce; earring', Jarai (Lee) bio, Chru bio 'earring', Haroi ?lo 'earring'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel also sug? a MK gests origin] x*blak

'sound

of

turbulent

water

in

stream

rapids;

turn

over',

(Lee) bli? 'rolled up', Haroi pli? -i,W. Cham pli? -v 'spin', PR Cham [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

Jarai

(Lee) pl??.

x*bo:g 'coffin; casket', Rade bog, Jarai (PL) ?og, Jarai (Lee) bog, Chru bo:g, N. Roglai bo:k, Haroi phug, PR Cham pog, Wr. Cham baug; MK: PNB *bog, Bahnar (AC) bog. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*bok 'to swell', Jarai (PL) tSb?k (Ouest), N. Roglai bo?, Haroi phu?, W. Cham po? -v takuai 'goiter', PR Cham po? -v, Wr. Cham bok; MK: Bahnar (AC) bop ?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*buc 'uproot, pull up; scratch', Rade bue, Jarai (PL) b?c, Jarai (Lee) Chru buc, bui?, N. Roglai pui?, Haroi ph?i?; p?i? -v; p?i? -i, W. Cham pui? 'pick, pluck4 ?, PR Cham p?y?, Wr. Cham buc; MK: PKatuic *hapoj?, *yapuaj? 'pull out'. [The final also suggests aMK origin] x*buhay 'otter', Rade kamhe, Jarai (PL) pahai, N. Roglai buhai, W. Cham pahas -f, PR Cham phay, Wr. Cham bhai; MK: Bahnar (AC) ph?y, PKa? tuic (DT) *pih_, cf. Pacoh pih?y. x*bat 'to dam; to fence', Rade bi? ea, Jarai (PL) bi?, Jarai (Lee) bi?, Chru ba?,W. Cham pa? 'to dam up'. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*?ah 'chipped; broken', Rade ?ah 'dented', Jarai (Lee) ?ah, Chru ?eh [The initial sug? v, N. Roglai ?ah, Haroi ??h. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. gests aMK

origin]

x*?ag 'hole; door', Rade ??g, Jarai (PL) ?mag, Jarai (Lee) ??g, Chru ?ag N. 'door', Roglai ?ak, Haroi ??g, W. Cham pa??g, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham ?ag, [The initial also sug? Malay pintu; MK: PNB *qm?g 'door', Bahnar (AC) mag. gests aMK origin]

313

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

x*?ar 'coiled; wrapped around', Rade -ar, N. Roglai ?a 'coil (snake)', PR Cham ??r,Wr. Cham Bar. [The initial suggests aMK origin] x*?e? 'elf. long, thin objects', Jarai (Lee) ?e?, Chru ?e?, N. Roglai ?e? objects', Tsat ?e?24, Haroi ?e?, W. Cham ??k -f, PR Cham ?e?, Wr. Cham baik. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] 'stick-like

x*?ia? 'little', Rade ?i??, Jarai (PL) ?i??, Jarai (Lee) ?i??, Chru lu bia? -i, PR Cham (Lee) ?i??. [The initial and the vowel suggest Haroi ?ea? 'a moment', aMK

origin]

x*?o:? 'face', cf. 'nose' Rade ?o? mata, Jarai (PL) ?o?, Jarai (Lee) ???; ?o:? mata 'cheek' and 'eye' ?, N. Roglai ?o:? mata, Tsat ?o?24,Haroi Chru ???, ?o?,W. Cham ?o?, PR Cham ?o?, Wr. Cham ?auk; MK: Bahnar (AC) b?; buk; bok. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*?ram 'arrow', Rade ?r?m, Jarai (PL) ?r?m, ?mr?m, Jarai (Lee) ?r?m, Chru ?ram, N. Roglai ?rap, Haroi ?r?m, W. Cham ?r?m, PR Cham ?r?m, Wr. Cham ?ram; MK: PMnong *k?m, Bahnar (AC) bram; mram. [The initial conso? nant and the vowel also suggest aMK

origin]

x*?u:n 'poor, cheap; easy', Rade ?un, Jarai (PL) ?m?nh, munh (CT), Chru fiuan 'easy', Haroi ?un 'poor, cheap; easy', PR Cham ??n 'cheap; easy', Wr. Cham ?uan; MK: Bahnar (AC) bon 'cheap, easy'. [The initial consonant a and the vowel length also suggest MK origin] x*?uah 'scold', Rade ?uah, Chru ?uah, PR Cham ?w?h, Wr. Cham ?yah. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*?uh...x*?oh man ??h; W.

'non

plus';

Cham

'not,

?u...oh; o; o

'yes/no

no;

Chru

Rade

negative', ?uh...au;

question

N.

marker';

?u;

Roglai

?u...?h; ?uh...oh;

PR Cham

ka...o

?u...?ja...?h; Tsat 'pas

pu33 encore',

Jarai

?u

-i; Haroi PSB

[The initial suggests aMK origin] Note: Not (Efimov) *?o:h 'denial particle'. do the initial and final of x*?uh show irregularities, but the initial itself is only totally unexpected if the form is inherited from PAn. Also, while the negative is often bipartite, it is not always so. The origin of this structure is still unclear. Cf. Lee 1996 for further discussion. Acehnese also has a bipartite construction for 'not yet' goh....lom, but the components do not seem related to the constructions in the mainland Chamic languages. Cf. also 'not yet' immediately below. x*?ag 'eat', Rade ?ag, Jarai (PL) ??g, Jarai (Lee) ??g -v, Chru ?ag, N. Tsat ?ag33, Haroi ?ig, W. Cham ?ag, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham ?ag; ?ak, Roglai MK: PNB *c?g 'eat rice', PMnong *s?g, PSB (Efimov) *so:g. The initial of the forms is quite unexpected, so it is unclear if these forms are related to the PC form. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin]

MK

314

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*?ag 'to burn', Jarai (Lee) ?ag, Chru ?ag, W. Cham Bag, PR Cham ??g, Wr. Cham Bag. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] 'chop, strike', Rade kacoh, Jarai (PL) tacoh, Chru tacoh, N. W. Cham tacoh, PR Cham tacan, Wr. Cham tacauh; Wr. Cham Roglai ticoh, [The vowel also suggests (AC) cacauh, ticauh; MK: PSB (Efimov) *coh 'chop'. x*cacoh

aMK origin] x*cadiag 'finger', Rade kadieg, Jarai (PL) cadeg, Jarai (Lee) cadeg, Haroi cadeag, W. Cham cadiag -i;MK: PNB *d?g 'little finger', PKatuic *?dag. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? gests aMK

origin]

x*canah tary;

crossroads',

'cross N.

over; Roglai

crossroads', canah,

W.

Jarai Cham

(Lee) k?n

canah,

Chru

'crossroad'

canah -i,

PR

'tribu? Cham

can?h, Wr. Cham canah. If theW. Cham form is related, that would indicate that the rest of these forms have an instrumental infix -an-, an indication of a likely MK origin. x*ca:g 'wait; await', Jarai (PL) pacag, Jarai (Lee) c?g -1,Chru ca:g, N. Haroi pacag, W. Cham cag, PR Cham cog, Wr. Cham cog; MK: ca:k, Roglai Bahnar (AC) ?ag. [The initial at least suggests aMK origin] x*caramah 'generous', Rade kamah, Jarai (PL) camah, Jarai (Lee) cam ah, N. Roglai caramah -n, PR Cham (Lee) kamah -v; MK: PSB (Efimov) *sramah.

se? -i, Chru cia?, N. Roglai x*cia? 'peel (with a knife)', Acehnese a cleave'. vowel MK [The suggests origin] 'split, x*cica?

'lizard;

gecko;

salamander',

Acehnese

cica?,

tica?,

cia?

Rade

t?klelo, Jarai (PL) k?g k?? (Ouest); c?g c?? (Est), W. Cham tac?? -i, PR Cham kac??, Wr. Cham kacak, Wr. Cham (AC) caca?, Malay cicak 'garden lizard'. x*cic?t 'great grandchild', P-Acehnese cAt, (Durie) *(ce)cet, Acehnese Rade c?? 'great grandchild', Jarai (PL) tac?? (Ss), Jarai (Lee) tace? -1, Chru ce? -n, N. Roglai tice?, Haroi cac??, PR Cham tac??, Wr. Cham tacaik, Wr. Cham (AC) cacai?, ticai?, Malay cicit. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*cih 'write; draw', Rade ein 'to write', Jarai (PL) cih rup, Jarai (Lee) cih, Chru cih, N. Roglai chih 'to draw', Haroi ceh, W. Cham cih, PR Cham cih, Wr. Cham cih; MK: PNB *ach?h, PMnong *cih, PSB (Efimov) *ci:h 'write, draw'.

x*cim 'bird', Acehnese cicem, Rade cim, Jarai (PL) cim, Jarai (Lee) Tsat N. -tsun33 -v, Haroi cem, W. Cham cim, PR Chru cim, cim, Roglai cip, Cham cim, Wr. Cham cirri;MK: PNB *c?m, PMnong *sim, Bahnar (AC) ?em, PSB (Efimov) *shim, PKatuic *hace:m; *?ace:m.

Appendix

315

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

x*cig 'small gong', Rade cig 'small gong', Jarai (PL) cig, Chru ci:g 'gong (with hump)', W. Cham ceg -v;MK: PNB *ch?g, PSB (Efimov) *cig. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. c?h, PR Cham

x*coh 'dig', Jarai (PL) c?h, Jarai (Lee) coh, Haroi Wr. Cham cauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

c?h,

x*coh 'peck (of bird); strike (snake)', Acehnese coh, Rade ?oh, Jarai (Lee) coh, Chru coh, N. Roglai coh, Haroi c?h 'strike (snake)', W. Cham coh; MK: PNB *joh. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] 'to

x*cok

he a

c??

Haroi

cry',

'to wail,

cry

W.

mourning',

co?

Cham

'weep, mourn', PR Cham c??,Wr. Cham cauk; MK: PNB *kro. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*cuah 'sand', Rade cuan, Jarai (PL) cuah, Jarai (Lee) cuah, Chru cuah, N. Roglai cuah, Tsat tsua55, Haroi coah, W. Cham coah, PR Cham cw?h, Wr. Cham cuah; MK: Bahnar (AC) cuah; coah, PKatuic *sa3uah, *ya3uah. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*cuan

x*cuco

N.

seize',

'grab,

tion to a Highlands MK origin]

Chamic

language plus W. Cham. Rade

'grandchild',

Chru co, N. Roglai tacauw, Wr. Cham

tico, Haroi

Jarai

co,

caco, W. Cham

cuan.

Cham

cuat, W.

Roglai

taco;

(PL)

Note

the

restric?

[The vowel also suggests a taco,

Jarai

taco,

(Lee)

taco, PR Cham

taco, Wr. Cham cucu, PMalayic *cucu?; MK:

(AC) cacauv, ticauv, Malay PNB *c?w, PMnong *sau, PSB (Efimov) *saw. [Adelaar (p.c.) suggests that this might be a very early Dravidian borrowing; if so, the presence of the form in three branches of Bahnaric suggests either very early borrowing into Bahnaric from Chamic or the possibility it was originally MK, not Dravidian. However, remember

that Austroasiatic

suggests aMK

are

speakers

found

in India.

In any

barbecue

whole

case,

the vowel

origin for the PC variant.] 'burn

x*cuh

Rade

trns.',

cuh

'kindle;

Jarai

animal',

(PL) c?h, Jarai (Lee) cuh, N. Roglai chuh 'kindle', Haroi coh, W. Cham cuh 'fry', PR Cham c?h, Wr. Cham cuh; MK: PMnong *chu 'burn', PSB (Efimov) *jhu:

'burn,

on

set

x*cat

fire'.

'mountain

range',

Acehnese

cAt

'hill,

steep,

vertical',

Rade

ci?

-i,

Jarai (PL) ci?, Jarai (Lee) ci?, Chru ca?, N. Roglai ca?, Tsat tsa?24,Haroi ca?,W. Cham ca?, PR Cham ca?,Wr. Cham cak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*d-an-uc

'stinger',

Chru

danui?,

PR Cham

tan?y?,

Wr.

Cham

danuc.

x*dar 'encircle', Rade dar 'go around', Jarai (PL) dar; dar, dar (Ouest) d'un lieu', Jarai (Lee) dar; MK: PNB *t?p dar.

'circonf?rence

316

Appendix

IL The Chamic

Lexicon

'fell a tree', Rade druom, Jarai (PL) drom; grom (CT), Jarai Chru (Lee) drom, dro:m, N. Roglai dro:p, Haroi trum dial.; carum, PR Cham (Lee) ?rom, trom. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*druam

x*duc 'to sting', Rade duc, Jarai (PL) du??, N. Roglai (ta?), W. Cham t?y?,Wr. Cham due. [The final suggests aMK origin]

tui?, PR Cham

dAg, Rade dag, Jarai (PL) da? d?g, Jarai x*dag 'stand; stop', Acehnese N. Chru Tsat (Lee) dag, dag, Roglai dak, thag11, Haroi thig 'stand', W. Cham tag, PR Cham tag, Wr. Cham dag; MK: PNB *qy?g, PMnong *dak, PKatuic *?tajig, *?a?jig 'stand'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

Roglai

x*dar 'bury', Rade dar, Jarai (PL) dar, Jarai (Lee) dar, Chru dar, N. da, Haroi thul, PR Cham t?r,Wr. Cham dar. [The vowel suggests aMK

origin] x*duh

'poor;

unlucky'

probably

connected

with

duh-dak; MK:

tuh 'sad', PR Cham puh-ta? '?tre de corv?e', Wr. Cham PNB *d-an-?h. Note: The PNB contains an infix.

Cham

x*duh 'respect,

honor',

'serve', W.

cf. Cham

x*duh

'poor,

Chru

unlucky',

tuh, PR Cham

tuh, Wr.

duh,

Cham

N.

thu55, W.

Tsat

'serve',

duh

Roglai

hue?

duh.

x*da:g 'lie suppine; be on back', Rade dag, Jarai (Lee) dag, Chru da:g, N. Roglai da:k, W. Cham dag, PR Cham dag, Wr. Cham dag, Malay t?r?ntang; MK: PNB *qdlag 'lie on back', PKatuic *la-lieg 'face-up position'. [If the Malay form is related, it is through borrowing also suggests aMK origin]

from aMK

x*da? 'crack open', Tsat ?da?24, PR Cham gests aMK

source]

(Blood) da?.

[The initial

[The initial sug?

origin]

'to wedge', Jarai (PL) d?l (Pk), Jarai (Lee) d?l, PR Cham d?l, Wr. Cham dal, Malay s?ndal; MK: Bahnar (AC) stg. d?l. [The initial also sug? gests aMK origin] x*dal

x*day 'very', Chru dai, Haroi d?i, PR Cham tial suggests aMK origin] x*deh 'fry', Rade deh, PR Cham suggests aMK origin]

(Blood) day

(Lee) padeh

-y.

(with causative

[The ini?

prefix).

[The vowel

x*di? 'climb; ascend', Acehnese e?, Rade d??, Jarai (PL) dl?, Jarai (Lee) di:? 'climb; northerly, easterly', N. Roglai di:?, Haroi di?, W. Cham Chru di?, di?, PR Cham di?, Wr. Cham dik, Malay naik, PMP *pa-nahik; MK: Bahnar either the root Two distinct possibilities exist with this root: (AC) dak. from PMP and was borrowed into Bahnar, or the word was borrowed into PC from Bahnar and the PMP forms are simply chance lookalikes. [The ini? tial suggests aMK origin]

descended

Appendix

II: The Chamic

317

Lexicon

x*dih 'sleep; lie down', Acehnese eh, Rade din, Jarai (Lee) dih, Chru dih, Tsat di55, Haroi dih, W. Cham dih, PR Cham dih, Wr. Cham dih, Malay tidur u?, PMP *tiduR; *tuduR. It is not likely that theMalay and PMP are related to the PC.

[The initial suggests aMK

origin for the PC]

'pull', Rade (Tharpe) doh, Jarai (PL) d?h (Ouest et S), Jarai (Lee) doh, Haroi had?h, PR Cham (Lee) doh. [The initial and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*doh

x*dua 'carry (wear) on head', Rade dua, Jarai (PL) dua, Jarai (Lee) Chru dua, dua, N. Roglai dua, Haroi doa, W. Cham doa, PR Cham dwa, Wr. Cham du?. [The initial and the diphthong suggest aMK origin] x*duac 'run; run off; flow', Rade due?, Jarai (PL) duai?, Jarai (Lee) du?i?, Chru duai?, N. Roglai due?; duai?; dlai, Tsat ?doi?42, Haroi d?ai?, W. Cham duai?, PR Cham doy?, Wr. Cham duac; MK: PNB *gad?w ?. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin] x*dug 'wrap up; bundle', Rade dug, Jarai (PL) pa an?g, N. Roglai duk, Haroi d?g, W. Cham dug, PR Cham dug, Wr. Cham dug; MK: Bahnar (AC) dug. [The initial also suggests aMK origin] x*gan 'cross; pass over; go past', Rade g?n 'go past', Jarai (PL) g?n, Jarai (Lee) g?n, N. Roglai gat, PR Cham k?n, Wr. Cham gan; MK: PMnong *g?n, Bahnar (AC) pagan, PSB (Efimov) *gan. x*ganiat 'narrow', Rade kani??, Jarai (PL) gani??, Chru gania? 'narrow; crowded', (N. Roglai caki??; paki??), Haroi kan?a?, W. Cham kanii? (n), PR Cham kanl? (n),Wr. Cham ganik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*gay 'stick; wood', Rade gie, Jarai (PL) gai, Jarai (Lee) gai, Chru gai 'in various compounds', N. Roglai gai, PR Cham kay, Wr. Cham gai; MK: PKa? tuic

*gir.

x*ge 'boat', N. Roglai ge, W. Cham ke, PR Cham ks, Wr. Cham gaiy. vowel [The suggests aMK origin] x*glac 'error; sin', Jarai (PL) gla??, Jarai (Lee) glai?, Chru gla:i?, N. dla:i?, Haroi tliai?, PR Cham klay?, Wr. Cham glac. [The final suggests a

Roglai MK origin]

x*gleh 'tired', Jarai (PL) gleh; dleh (S), Jarai (Lee) dleh; gleh, Chru N. gleh, Roglai dleh, Haroi tlth, W. Cham klsh, PR Cham kleh, Wr. Cham glaih, l?tih. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Malay x*glo 'brain; marrow', Rade dio, Jarai (PL) dlo ak??, Jarai (Lee) dlo, Chru glo -n, N. Roglai dlo, W. Cham I?lo,PR Cham I?lo,Wr. Cham glauw. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

318

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*glo:g 'tall; high; big', Rade dlog, Jarai (PL) dlog, Jarai (Lee) dlog cf. 'long; paglog 'to lengthen', Chru glo:g, N. Roglai dlo:k, Tsat khyog11, Haroi catlug; tlug, W. Cham klag, PR Cham klag, Wr. Cham glaug. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] lhAh, x*glah 'descend; sink; knock down; collapse, destroy', Acehnese Chru jarlah -i, N. Roglai tadlah 'collapse', Haroi tlih, PR Cham klah, Wr. Cham glah. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*go? 'kettle; pot, glazed clay', Rade g?? 'cooking pot'; go, Jarai (PL) g??, Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru go?, N. Roglai go?, Haroi khti?,W. Cham k??, PR Cham k??, Wr. Cham gauk; MK: Bahnar (AC) g?. [The vowel also suggests aMK ori?

gin] x*gu:? 'below, lower part', Rade g??, PR Cham ku? 'tirer du haut vers le bas', Wr. Cham guk; MK: Bahnar (AC) gut. [The vowel length also suggests a

MK origin] 'return; go home; again', Jarai (PL) galal?, Jarai (Lee) gl?i?, PR Cham kalay?, Wr. Cham galac; MK: PKatuic *galhiAh, kaliai?, *yalhiAh, *ka[l/lh]a:jh. [The final also suggests aMK origin] x*gulac

Haroi

x*guy 'carry on back', Rade gui, Jarai (PL) gui, Jarai (Lee) gui, Chru gui, N. Roglai gui, Tsat khui11, Haroi kh?i, W. Cham kui, PR Cham kuy, Wr. Cham gu?l; MK: PKatuic *gij, *ku:j. x*gam

'to cover',

Acehnese

gom

'cover

with

a

cuplike

object;

invert

a

container', Rade g?m, Jarai (PL) gom, Jarai (Lee) g?m, Chru gam, N. Roglai gap, Haroi khum; khiam, W. Cham kam, PR Cham kam, Wr. Cham gam. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*gag 'pole; post', Jarai (Lee) gag, Chru gag, N. Roglai gak, W. Cham kag 'main beam', PR Cham k?g, Wr. Cham gag; MK: PNB *gag 'pole, spirit', Bahnar (AC) g?g; g?g. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] gop, Rade ga? -v, Jarai (PL) ga? 'he, x*gap 'other; group', Acehnese N. Chru Jarai she; they', (Lee) ga-, gau?, Roglai -ga?,W. Cham kau?, PR Cham MK: Wr. Bahnar Cham (AC) gap. [The vowel also sug? k?w'(-k?n), gap(-gan); gests aMK

origin]

x*gar '(knife) handle', Acehnese gA, Rade gr?n -ivf, Jarai (PL) gar, Jarai (Lee) g?r, Chru gar, N. Roglai ga, Tsat khan11, Haroi kh?l, W. Cham k?r, PR Cham k?r, Wr. Cham gar; MK: Bahnar (AC) gar. [The vowel also suggests a MK origin] x*ha

see

x*?aha

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

319

x*ha:k 'split', Rade hak 'whittle bark off, Jarai (Lee) hak, N. Roglai ha:? 'ripped', Haroi ha?,Wr. Cham (AC) hak; MK: Bahnar (AC) hak; hek, PSB (Efimov) *[ ]ha:? 'split, tear, divide'. x*ha:g 'bank (river); shore', Rade hag ea, Jarai (PL) h?g, Jarai (Lee) N. hag, Roglai ha:k, W. Cham hag, PR Cham hag, Wr. Cham hag; MK: PMnong *hag, Bahnar (AC) ?ag. [<MK] x*haduah 'look for; search', Rade duah, Jarai (Lee) haduah, Chru duah, N. Roglai duah, Haroi athuh, W. Cham toah, PR Cham twah, Wr. Cham duah. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Jarai (PL) haget, Jarai (Lee) haget, Chru x*haget -f 'why? what?', PR Cham Wr. Cham hagait; gait. [The vowel suggests haket -f; k?t -f, kayua ge, aMK origin] x*halua? 'sharp', Chru lah??, N. Roglai hlua?, PR Cham halwa? -i,Wr. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

Cham haluak.

x*hala? 'chaff; rice dust', Chru lo:? 'remove husk', W. Cham (Headley) to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. [The vowel suggests aMK

/la?/. Restricted origin]

x*hag 'hot; spicy', Rade h?g, Jarai (PL) h?g, Jarai (Lee) h?g, Chru hag, hak, Tsat haig?42, Haroi h?g, W. Cham h?g, PR Cham h?g, Wr. Cham PNB *h?g, PMnong *h?g 'peppery', PSB (Efimov) *hag, PKatuic *ha:g, *he:g 'hot'. Cf. Malay sahang 'black pepper' ?

N. Roglai hag; MK:

PKatuic MK

x*hago 'pine', Rade hago, Chru hago, N. Roglai hago; MK: PNB *hago, [The vowel also suggests a *sagho:. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.

origin]

x*hia 'cry; weep', Rade hia, Jarai (PL) hla, Chru hia, N. Roglai hia, Tsat hia33, Haroi he a, W. Cham hea, PR Cham hya, Wr. Cham hi?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ho? 'sweat; bleed; leak', Rade kah??, Jarai (Lee) h?? 'to bleed', W. Cham hau? -v, PR Cham (Lee) h??, Wr. Cham (AC) huak; MK: PSB (Efimov) *hu:c 'drink; leak'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*hok 'pour out; spill', Rade h?k, Jarai (Lee) hok 'to abort', Chru ho? h?? 'to spill, pour', PR Cham h??,Wr. Cham hauk; MK: PNB *?k, Haroi 'spill', PKatuic *[t/d]aho?, *haho?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*hua 'pull', Jarai (PL) h?a (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) hua, Chru hua 'pull along' hwa -vr, W. Cham hoa, PR Cham hwa, Wr. Cham hu?. [The vowel sug? gests this is of MK origin]

320

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*hua? 'eat rice', Rade hu??, Jarai (PL) hu??, Jarai (Lee) hua? -?, Chru Tsat hua?, hua?24,W. Cham hoa?, PR Cham hw??, Wr. Cham huak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin.] x*hual 'cloud, fog, mist', Chru huai, N. Roglai huan, PR Cham hoi, Wr. 'smoke'. Cf. xdhual/r -f; here the same huai; MK: PKatuic *[h/y]ahuol a but with different etymon, probably pr?fixai element, has been borrowed more

Cham

than once into Chamic. x*hayua? 'harvest (rice)', Chru yua?, N. Roglai riyua?, Haroi y??, W. Restricted toHighlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [Both the Chamyoa?. vowel and the restriction suggest this isMK in origin.] x*huret 'rope; vine', Acehnese uret, Rade hru?? (m), Jarai (PL) hr?? hru?? N. Jarai (Lee) (Hd.), (m), Roglai hure?, Haroi har??, W. Cham hr??. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Acehnese form suimuiguip [Note: This Acehnese x*ha?a:p'to yawn', looks like it is from *sama + *gap], Rade haap, Jarai (Phraya Prachakij-karacak) the first morpheme], ?aap, Chru sama?:?, N. Roglai sama-??:? [Note: Notice Haroi ha-?au? [Notice that the word is treated as having two morphemes], PMa? POc PMP PSB *huab; (Efimov) layic *uap, (*ma)huab, gga:p, PNB *mawap, Vietnamese PKatuic ng?p, *hag?ua:p. *kaqa55p, ' x*jaray jarai, W.

Cham

Jorai',

Rade

jarai

-v-i,

Chru

manih

jarai

-i, N.

Roglai

man?ih

?arai.

x*jaw 'to deliver', Jarai (PL) ja?, Jarai (Lee) jau 'to trust', PR Cham Wr. Cham jaw. With the *pa- 'causative' prefix: x*pajaw, Jarai (Lee) ?aw, N. Roglai pajau. pajau, x*je? 'near; about to' Rade je?, Jarai (PL) je?, Jarai (Lee) je? -1, Chru je?; maje? 'near', N. Roglai je? si 'about to'; je? 'near', Tsat se?42, Haroi st?,W. Cham ???; ma??? 'nearly', PR Cham ce?, Wr. Cham jaik; MK: PNB *ajeq 'near'. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*joh 'broken; spoilt', Rade joh, Jarai (PL) j?h, Jarai (Lee) joh, Chru N. joh, Roglai joh, Haroi suh, W. Cham joh 'snap', PR Cham ?oh, Wr. Cham vowel suggests aMK origin] [The jauh. x*ju:? 'black', Rade j??, Jarai (PL) j??, Jarai (Lee) j??, Chru ju:?, N. Roglai ju:?, Haroi su?,W. Cham cu?, PR Cham cu?,Wr. Cham juk; MK: Bahnar [The vowel length also suggests a (AC) j?, PSB (Efimov) *ju:? 'black, dark'. MK origin] x*jua? 'step on; tread', Rade ju??, Jarai (PL) ju??, Jarai (Lee) ju??, Chru jawa?, N. Roglai jua?, Tsat sua?42, Haroi so? -i,W. Cham ?oa?, PR Cham cw??, Wr. Cham juak; MK: PMnong *jot 'trample', PSB (Efimov) *jo:t. [The vowel also suggests aMK

origin]

Appendix

II: The Chamic

321

Lexicon

x*jum 'around' cf. x*pajum 'meet together', Rade j?m, Jarai (PL) jum, Jarai (Lee) j?m 'around', N. Roglai pajup 'assemble, gather', PR Cham yom; MK: PMnong *j?m. x*juay 'don't', Chru juai, W. Cham ?uai, PR Cham ?oy, Wr. Cham juai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*jah 'PARTICLE', Rade jih 'completely' 'vraiment'. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

PR Cham ?ah,Wr. Cham jah

'firstborn', Jarai (Lee) kacua, N. Roglai kacua, Haroi kacoa 'oldest child', W. Cham kacoa, PR Cham kacwa, Wr. Cham kacu?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kacua

x*kacua 'to spit', Jarai (Lee) kacua, PR Cham lable of the original has dropped). x*k-am-lo

?

'dumb;

mute',

cf. Mnong,

Acehnese

(Lee) cuwa

klo,

Rade

(the first syl?

kamlo,

Jarai

(PL) kamlo, Chru kamlo, N. Roglai kumlo, Haroi kamlo, W. Cham kam 1?, PR Cham kamlo, Wr. Cham kamlauw; MK: PMnong *kamlo, PSB (Efimov) *kamlo:. Notice particularly the lack of the infix in the Acehnese form, and the treatment of the word as two separate morphemes suggests aMK origin]

inW. Cham.

[The vowel also

x*ka:g 'chin; jaw', Acehnese kuiag, Rade kag, Jarai (PL) kag, Jarai (Lee) kag, Chru talka:g; ka:g, N. Roglai ka:k, Tsat ka:g33, Haroi kag, W. Cham kag, PR Cham kag, Wr. Cham kag, Malay rahang ?; MK: PNB *kag, PMnong *kag 'chin', PSB (Efimov) *ka:g, PKatuic *ta?ba:g 'jaw'. x*kadug 'pocket; pouch', Jarai (Lee) kadug, Chru kadug 'bag', Tsat Haroi kath?g, W. Cham katug 'bag', PR Cham (Blood, Lee) kat?g, Malay thug11, MK: PNB *gad?g, Bahnar (AC) kadug, PKatuic *kando:g, *kadug, kandung; 'basket,

*3adug

[Note: The

bowl',

Katu

AD

3adug

'men's

basket

worn

around

waist'

form occurs

'pouch'. Despite

inMK, PC, and Malay, with the core meaning being its occurrence inMalay, this form looks ultimately to be MK in

origin.].

x*ka?u:? 'barkcloth; tree species', Rade (Lee) ka???, Jarai (Lee) ka???, N. Roglai (Lee) ka?u:?. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic. [The long vowel also suggests aMK origin] Cham

x*ka?u:? 'worried; sad', Jarai (Lee) ka???, Chru ka??:?, Haroi ka?ou?, PR (Lee) ka?u?. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] x*kabac

Restricted gin]

(an itch)', Chru kaba:i?, Haroi kaphiai? 'scratch'. Chamic plus Haroi. [The final also suggests aMK ori?

'scratch

to Highlands

322

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Lexicon

x*kabaw 'water buffalo', Rade kabau, Jarai (PL) kabau, Jarai (Lee) kabau, Chru kaba:u -1, N. Roglai kabau, Haroi kaphiau, W. Cham kabau, PR Cham kapaw, Wr. Cham kabaw, Malay k?rbau; MK: Bahnar (AC) kap?; kap?, PSB (Efimov) *'grapu:. [Despite its occurrence in various Malayic dialects, this word

looks to be aMK

borrowing]

x*kacuh 'to spit', Rade kacuh, Jarai (Lee) kacuh, Chru kacuh, Haroi -f,W. Cham tacuh -i,Wr. Cham (AC) kacuh, PNB *kacuh, PSB (Efimov) *choh, *jhoh, PKatuic *kacoh, *kaco:h.

kacoh

'hawk; bird of prey', Acehnese kluiag 'kite' -i, Rade tlag -i 'bird of prey; hawk', Jarai (PL) klag, Jarai (Lee) klag 'eagle, kite', Chru kala:g 'bird of prey', N. Roglai kala:k 'bird of prey', Haroi kalag, PR Cham kalag, Wr. x*kala:g

Cham

kalag, Malay

h?lang; MK: Bahnar (1976) also suggested

*kalha:g. Headley later borrowed into a handful ofWMP

(AC) klag-an, PSB *tsalag, PKatuic that this was originally aMK etymon,

languages.

gapuiah, Rade kapaih, Jarai (PL) k?paih, x*kapa:s 'cotton', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) kapaih, Chru kapa:h, N. Roglai kapa, Tsat pa33, Haroi kapah, W. PNB Cham kapah, Malay kapas, PWMP *kapes 'cotton, Gossypium ; spp.' MK: *kapayh, PKatuic *kapa:jh, PKatuic *kapa:jh; *hapa:jh. Note that the PC vowel does not match the PWMP, but does match the PNB and the PKatuic. Inciden? tally,

Lee's

apparent

reconstruction

of

length

in the onset

syllable

is simply

a mis?

take, probably a typing error. [The origin of this word is a subject of an like This word looks commentary. early loan intoWMP, possibly from Indie. Headley (1976:#2.1) notes possible Sanskrit and Hindi sources, cf. Sanskrit kar (1989) analyzes it as an Austroasiatic that includes MK.] larger family

paasa. Baxter

borrowing,

that is, from the

'to close', Rade (Lee) kapuat, kap?t, Jarai (Lee) kap?t, N. Roglai (Lee) kapi:?, Haroi kap?a?. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic, plus Haroi. [The diphthong suggests aMK origin] x*kapuat

x*kapuat ? 'handful', Rade kap?t, Jarai [The vowel kapoa?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. x*karah 'ring', Rade krah, Chru kr?h -n, N. W. Cham karah, PR Cham kar?h, Wr. Cham karahMK origin] x*katar

'corn;

grain',

(Lee) kate, Haroi katol. Note Chamic languages plus Haroi.

Rade

ka tar,

Jarai

(Lee) kap?t, W. Cham ha also suggests aMK origin] Roglai karah, Haroi kr?h, [The nasalization suggests a

(Lee)

katar

'corn',

N.

Roglai

the restriction of the distribution to the Highlands [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

x*ke? 'bite; snap at; peck', Rade k??, Jarai (PL) k??, Jarai (Lee) k??, Chru ke? 'bite', N. Roglai ke?, Haroi k??,W. Cham k??, PR Cham k??,Wr. Cham kaik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

II: The Chamic

Appendix

323

Lexicon

x*khan 'cloth; blanket', Jarai (PL) kh?n, Jarai (Lee) kh?n, Chru khan, N. Roglai khat 'cotton cloth', W. Cham kh?n, PR Cham kh?n, Wr. Cham khan, Malay kain; MK: PNB *kh?n 'blanket', Bahnar (AC) kh?n. x*khia? 'burnt smell', Rade khi?? 'crust at bottom of pot', Jarai (Lee) khi??, Chru khia?, N. Roglai khia? 'scarred, scorched', Haroi kh?a? 'burnt (rice)', PR Cham khy??, Wr. Cham khiak. [The diphthong suggests aMK origin] x*kho:g 'dry (weather)', Acehnese khuag 'drought' (Durie notes varia? tion in the nasalization), Rade khog 'end of rain', Jarai (Lee) khog, Chru kho:g 'fair', N. Roglai kho:k 'dry, sunny', Haroi khog 'refers to when it has finished raining', PR Cham khog, Wr. Cham khaug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kla:s

cf.

'escape',

Acehnese

'lose',

lhuiah,

Rade

Jarai

tlaih,

(PL)

klaih, Jarai (Lee) klaih, Chru kla:h, N. Roglai tla, Haroi tlah, W. Cham klah 'to free', PR Cham kl?h, Wr. Cham klah-clm ti pay; MK: Bahnar (AC) klah, PKa? tuic

*-lah.

*-klah,

(DT)

With

*pa-

causative

prefix:

'escape,

cause

to;

save;

'free', Rade tlaih, Jarai (PL) ta klaih x*pa-kla:s, Acehnesepui-lhuiah dual? (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) paklaih, Chru pakla:h, N. Roglai tatlah, PR Cham pakl?h, Wr. Cham paklah; MK: PMnong *klas 'release'. With *pa- causative release'

'take

prefix:

apart,

dismantle'

Rade

*pa-kla:s,

matlaih,

N.

Roglai

patla.

Cf.

'escape'. x*klah

'to

lose',

cf.

Jarai

'escape',

(Lee)

klah,

Haroi

tlah

'to

slip

away

or escape, e.g. chicken from being tied', W. Cham lah, PR Cham (Lee) klah; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-klah, *-lah. [Note: This looks to be a doublet of the ety? mon

for

'escape'].

uluia lhan, Rade tl?n, Jarai (PL) tian, x*klan 'boa; python', Acehnese kl?n, Jarai (Lee) kl?n, Chru klan 'python', N. Roglai tlat, Haroi tl?n 'boa', W. Cham kl?n, PR Cham kl?n, Wr. Cham klan; MK: Bahnar (AC) kl?n, PSB (Efi? mov)

*klan. x*klay

'penis',

Chru

klai,

N.

Roglai

pitlai

'testicles',

Haroi

tlai, W.

Cham klai, PR Cham klay, Wr. Cham klai, PSB (Efimov) *klAw 'man, male, penis', PKatuic *[k/g]alh[e/a]j. x*kle? 'steal', Rade tie?; kan??, Jarai (PL) kl??, Jarai (Lee) kl??, Chru kle?, N. Roglai tie?, Tsat ke?24 -m, W. Cham kl??, PR Cham kl??, Wr. Cham klaik; MK: Bahnar (AC) kl?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*kloh 'to break', Jarai (PL) kl?h, Jarai (Lee) kl?h -1, Chru kloh 'cut (skin)', N. Roglai tloh, Haroi tl?h, W. Cham kloh 'cut (skin)', PR Cham kl?h, Wr. Cham klauh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kluan klon, N. Roglai

'behind; buttocks', Rade tluon, Jarai (PL) klon, Jarai (Lee) tluat 'buttocks', Haroi tl?n, PR Cham kl?n, Wr. Cham klaug;

324

Appendix

(DT) *tantuun 'behind'. Note cal. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

MK: PKatuic

x*klun

-f 'tadpole',

II: The Chamic

that theMK

is spatial, not anatomi?

tl?n, Chru klu:t -f -1; MK:

Rade

Lexicon

PSB

(Efimov)

*kltun.

x*klap 'stab; poke', Rade tl??, Chru klau?, N. Roglai tla?, Haroi tl?u?, Wr. Cham (AC) klap; klap; MK: PMnong *t?p, Bahnar (AC) klak, kl?k, kl?p, kl?k. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*ko:? 'white', Rade ko?, Jarai (PL) ko, Jarai (Lee) ko? -1,Chru ko:?, N. PR Cham k??; Haroi ko?, W. Cham ko? in patih ko? 'very white', ko:?, Roglai ak?? -1,Wr. Cham kauk; MK: PKatuic (DT) *klook. [The vowel also suggests a MK origin] x*ko:g 'bracelet', Rade kog, Jarai (PL) kog, Jarai (Lee) kog 'brass', Chru ko:g, N. Roglai ko:k, Haroi kog, PR Cham kog, Wr. Cham kaug; MK: PNB PKatuic (DT) *kog, PMnong *kog, PSB (Efimov) *kAi^ 'copper bracelet', *k?ng, PKatuic

*hakag; *hagkag.

[The vowel also suggests aMK

origin]

x*koh 'cut off; shorten', Acehnese koh, Rade koh, Jarai (PL) koh, Jarai (Lee) koh, Chru koh, N. Roglai koh, Haroi koh -1,W. Cham koh 'to lop off. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*kro 'dry', Rade kro, Jarai (PL) kro rara, Jarai (Lee) kro, N. Roglai kro, kro; MK: PMnong *kro, PSB (Efimov) *ro. Note that this is limited to Highlands Chamic and Haroi among the Chamic languages, but reconstructs in Haroi

two of the Bahnaric

branches.

[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

kruag, Rade krog, Jarai (PL) krog, Jarai (Lee) x*kro:g 'river', Acehnese krog, Chru ia kro:g 'stream', N. Roglai kro:k, W. Cham karog, PR Cham krog, Wr. Cham kraug; MK: PMnong *krog, Bahnar (AC) krog, PKatuic *karhuag. x*kruac 'a citrus', Rade kru??, Jarai (PL) boh kra?? e, boh kr?al? (E) Jarai (Lee) kru?i?, PR Cham kroy?, Wr. Cham kruac, Proto-Hr?-Sedang (Hd.), *kruc; MK: PMnong *kroc, PSB (Efimov) *kruac. [The vowel and the final also suggest aMK

origin]

x*kuac 'gather, amass', to Highlands Chamic Restricted suggest aMK origin] x*kuah

'shave,

scrape',

Chru kuai?, N. Roglai kuai?, W. Cham kuai?. plus W. Cham. [The vowel and the final also Rade

kueh

-v,

Jarai

(Lee)

kuah,

Chru

kuah,

N.

Roglai kuah, Haroi koah, W. Cham koah; MK: PNB *akoyh 'shave', PMnong *kos 'shave off, PSB (Efimov) *ko:s, PKatuic *kuah, *kuajh 'scrape, shave'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. [The vowel also sug? a gests MK origin]

Appendix

II: The Chamic

325

Lexicon

'gibbon', Rade kue? -v, Jarai (PL) kra ku?ft, Chru kuan, W. Cham kuan, PR Cham kon, Wr. Cham kuan; MK: PSB (Efimov) *kua1ji. [The x*kuan

vowel also suggests aMK origin] is 'lungs; placenta', Acehnese *kulit 'skin' + x*so:? 'lungs; placenta' Jarai Rade Jarai kas??, (PL) kas??, (Lee) kas??, Chru kalso:?, N. Roglai s?ap -fn, kuli:? so:?, Haroi kalaso?, W. Cham kaso?, PR Cham tho? 'placenta', Wr. Cham isAustrone?

thauk 'placenta; lungs' MK: PKatuic *sah ?. [The first morpheme ; sian; in the second, the vowels suggest aMK origin]

x*la:g 'spread out (a mat)', Rade lag, Jarai (PL) lag, Jarai (Lee) lag, Chru la:g 'unroll', N. Roglai la:k, W. Cham lag, PR Cham lag, Wr. Cham lag; MK: PMnong *l?k -f 'spread', Bahnar (AC) lag, PSB (Efimov) *la? -f 'spread, unroll'.

x*la?i 'basket, winnowing', Rade ei, Jarai (PL) ra?i, Jarai (Lee) ra?i, la?i 'basket (shallow)', N. Roglai la?i, Haroi la?i, W. Cham la?i 'large round', PR Cham lii,Wr. Cham lit; MK: PSB (Efimov) *la?i:, PKatuic *?arie,

Chru

*karie.

x*lac 'say', Rade lac, Jarai (PL) lal?, Jarai (Lee) l?i?, Chru la:i?, N. Haroi lai?, W. Cham lai? cf. 'if, PR Cham lay?, Wr. Cham lac, la:i?, Roglai [The final also suggests a MK PMnong *lah, PSB (Efimov) *lah 'say, scold'. origin] x*lahia? 'to lose', Rade lue, Chru lah?a?,W. Cham lahii? (n). Restricted toHighlands Chamic plus W. Cham. [The vowel and its nasalization also suggest aMK origin] x*laman lam?n

-v

'weak,

MK: PKatuic

-v soft,

'tired;

Rade

weak',

bloated',

PR

(DT) *qadl_h 'tired'.

em?n,

Cham

liman

Jarai -v

(PL) 'feeble',

r?m?an, Wr.

W.

Cham

Cham liman;

[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

x*le? 'fall into', Rade le? buh, Jarai (PL) le?, Jarai (Lee) le?, Chru le?, N. le?, Tsat le?24,Haroi le?,W. Cham le?, PR Cham le?,Wr. Cham laik. [The

Roglai vowel suggests aMK

origin]

x*lo:k 'to peel', Acehnese plua?, Rade lok 'take bark off tree', Jarai (Lee) lok -v, Chru lo:?; lo:h -f, N. Roglai lo:?; calo:?, Haroi lo?,W. Cham lo?, PR Cham lo?,Wr. Cham lauk, PMP *bulut 'coconut husk'; MK: Bahnar (AC) l?k, PSB (Efimov) *plo:? 'peel, strip off skin, hull', PKatuic also suggests aMK origin] x*lo:g 'try, prove, Cham

test', Rade

(Blood) log, Wr. Cham laug; MK: [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

*liet, *luot.

[The vowel

log, Chru parlo:g 'try, prove, test', PR PNB *log, PMnong *ralog 'try, test'.

326

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*luay 'swim', Rade lue, Jarai (PL) loi -v, lua? (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) luai, luai ia, N. Roglai luai, Haroi luai -v, PR Cham loy, Wr. Cham luai, [The vowel also PMnong *re ?, PSB (Efimov) *re:, PKatuic *[b/?b]aluo[j]h.

Chru

suggests aMK

origin]

x*luc 'complete; die, end; perished', Rade lue 'lose'; lue lie 'get lost', Haroi lui? -v,W. Cham luai -vf 'stop, quit', PR Cham l?y?,Wr. Cham lue. [The final suggests aMK origin] Haroi

x*luay 'put, place, discard; allow', Rade lui, Chru luai, N. Roglai lui,Wr. Cham buh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

luai,

x*luay 'reject; quit', Rade lui, Jarai (PL) lui, Jarai (Lee) lui, Chru luai, W. Cham luai, PR Cham loy, Wr. Cham luai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*lap 'fold', Jarai (PL) lap (Ouest); lap (S), Chru lau?, PR Cham law?, Wr. Cham lap; PMP *le(m)pit -f; *lepet -f 'wrap; fold'. Despite the similarities, the PMP forms are not related. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*maduan

see

x*?aduan

'awaken', Rade madih, Jarai (PL) padih, madih (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) madih, Chru m a da h 'stay awake', N. Roglai madah, Haroi mathih, W. Cham matan, PR Cham mitah, Wr. Cham midah- [The vowel suggests aMK ori? x*madah

gin] x*miag 'cheek; jaw', Acehnese miag, Rade mieg, Jarai (PL) meg, Jarai (Lee) m?g; meg, W. Cham miag, PR Cham mieg, Wr. Cham mieg. [The diph? thong suggests aMK origin] x*mo:? 'wife', Rade mo?, Jarai (PL) m?? (Est), N. Roglai m?:? 'mid? wife', Haroi mo?, W. Cham m?? -v, PR Cham (Lee) mu? -v. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*mag 'from', Rade mag, Jarai (PL) mag, Jarai (Lee) mag, Chru mig -v -n (prep.), N. Roglai muni -vf, Haroi mig (grammatical particle), W. Cham mag, PR Cham mig, Wr. Cham mig. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ftu? 'dive; submerge', Rade ???, Jarai (PL) paf???; ???, Jarai (Lee) ???, Chru ?u? ia, N. Roglai ???, Haroi ??k -f,W. Cham ??k -f 'submerge', PR Cham ??k -f,Wr. Cham ?uk; MK: PSB (Efimov) *jiap 'dive, submerge, set' ? . Cham

x*neh 'to elbow', Rade (Tharpe) ?eh -n, N. Roglai (Lee) ?eh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

?eh -n julukiac,

PR

x*go? 'upgrade; above; east', Jarai (PL) g?? 'east', gah yang hrai ?le?, Jarai (Lee) g?? 'east', Chru gah go? 'east', Tsat go?42/24 -t?, Haroi g??, PR Cham (Lee) g??,Wr. Cham (AC) gauk. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

327

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

x*padiag -v 'carry; transport', Rade madi?g -v, Jarai (PL) bSdiag -i, Chru pardiag, PR Cham pa?y?g, Wr. Cham pajiag; MK: PMnong *padi?g, PKa? tuic (DT) *pataeng 'transport'. [The diphthong also suggests aMK origin] x*pagam 'dove', Jarai (PL) baragom ?, Haroi pakhum. Note the restric? tion to the Highlands Chamic languages, plus Haroi. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pah 'to slap', Rade pah, Jarai (Lee) pah, Chru pah, N. Roglai pah, Haroi p?h, W. Cham pah, PR Cham p?h, Wr. Cham pah; MK: PKatuic *[h/ *habah. s]am[p/b]ah, *[h/y]apah, -f 'tell,

x*padar send',

Haroi

demand,

-f

padai

summon'.

send;

Chru

command',

'command,

[The medial

to

tell

consonant

to

do

-1, N.

padar sth',

W.

suggests aMK

Roglai

Cham

pada pad?r

'tell, 'order,

origin]

x*padaw 'warm, hot', Rade madau, Jarai (PL) padau, Chru padau, Tsat dam?42, Haroi padau 'be warm', W. Cham padau, PR Cham padaw, Wr. Cham padaw; MK: PKatuic *[k/g]ata:w, *[k/g]ataw 'hot'. [The medial conso? aMK

nant also suggests

origin]

x*padia? 'hot (weather); sunshine', Jarai (Lee) pa?i??, Chru padia?, N. Roglai padia?, Tsat dia?24, Haroi pad?a?, W. Cham padea?, PR Cham pady??, Wr. Cham padiak. [The medial consonant and the vowel suggest aMK origin] x*pale? Restricted

pale?. MK origin]

'to drop', Rade kapl??, Chru pale?, N. Roglai pale?, Haroi to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel also suggests a

x*pet 'pick, pluck', Acehnese pAt, Rade p??, Jarai (PL) p??, Jarai (Lee) Chru p??, pe?, N. Roglai pe?, Tsat pi55 -ft, Haroi p??, W. Cham p??, PR Cham p??,Wr. Cham paik. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pha 'different', Jarai (Lee) pha, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. Restricted *pha.

pha, Haroi pha; MK: PNB

x*picah 'broken; break', Acehnese picah, Rade mcah, Jarai (PL) p?cah, Jarai (Lee) pacah, Chru pacah, Tsat tsa55, Haroi pac?h, W. Cham pacah, PR Cham pac?h, Wr. Cham pac?h, Malay p?cah; MK: PMnong *bacah 'break', PSB (Efimov) *'pacah 'split, smash, break', PKatuic *pac[a/a]h, *kac[a/a]h 'crack'. Note me

that this word

like it originated

is found both inAustronesian

and MK,

but looks to

inMK.

x*pioh 'put, place', Rade pion, Chru pion, W. Cham mapiah. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham. The vowel suggests that it is either bor? rowed or the result of the coalescence of two morphemes. x*pit 'sleep; close eyes', Rade pit, Jarai (PL) pit, Jarai (Lee) pit, Chru 'shut pi:? eyes', N. Roglai pi:?, Haroi pei?, PR Cham pi?,Wr. Cham pik 'mourir;

328

II: The Chamic

Appendix

fermer

l'oeil'; MK:

PKatuic

PNB

*qb?c 'lie down',

*bic, PSB

PMnong

Lexicon

*bik,

(Efimov)

*?bvj?, *?bAJ?.

-1 'land leech', Rade plum -1, Jarai (PL) plum, Chru plo:m -vl, W. Cham plom -v, PR Cham plom, Wr. Cham plorri; MK: PNB plu:p, *pl?m, PMnong *plom, PSB (Efimov) *pU:m, PKatuic *balhA:m, *palhA:m. 7*plum

N. Roglai

poh, Chru poh, N. Roglai p?h 'to x*poh 'strike; pound', Acehnese [The vowel suggests aMK origin]. pound', PR Cham pap?h, Wr. Cham papauh. With

*-an-

instrumental

infix:

Chru panoh, N. Roglai

'drumstick'

pan?h, Haroi

cf.

x*p-an-oh

panah

'to drum'.

x*poh,

hanoh

Rade

[The vowel

-i,

a

suggests

MK origin] x*pok 'to open', po?; MK:

PMnong

Rade p?k, Jarai (PL) p?k, Jarai (Lee) p?k, N. Roglai *pak, PSB (Efimov) *pa:?. [The vowel also suggests a MK

origin] x*pro:k 'squirrel', Rade prok, Jarai (PL) pro, Jarai (Lee) pr??, Chru Haroi pro:?, pro?, W. Cham pro?, PR Cham pro?,Wr. Cham prauk; MK: PMnong *prok, Bahnar (AC) pr?k, PSB (Efimov) *pr?:?> PKatuic *[b/?b]a(r/rh]og, *ta[r/ rh]og. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*prog 'big', Rade pr?g, Jarai (PL) pr?g, Jarai (Lee) pr?g, Chru prog, N. Roglai prok, Tsat piog?33, Haroi pr?g, W. Cham prug -v, PR Cham pr?g, Wr. Cham praug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*pu:? 'carry in arms', Rade p??, Chru po:?, N. Roglai pu:?, Haroi po?, W. Cham po?, Wr. Cham (AC) pu?; MK: Bahnar (AC) p?k. [The vowel length also suggests aMK origin] 'blow away; chase', Jarai (PL) p?p?h, (*pa- 'causative') Jarai (Lee) papuh 'chase', Chru pun 'blow', N. Roglai papuh; MK: PMnong *p?h 'blow'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. x*pa-puh

x*puley 'gourd; squash', cf. *biluay, Rade plei, Jarai (PL) plui (m), Jarai (Lee) plai, plui, ploi, N. Roglai pluai (m), W. Cham ploi (m), PR Cham ploy (m), Wr. Cham pluai -v;MK: PNB *pl?y. x*pu:g

'straw

(rice)',

Acehnese

Chru

juimpug,

W. Cham pog, PR Cham apy?g, Wr. Cham apiag. MK origin]

Tsat

apo:g,

[The vowel

pug33

'rice',

a

length suggests

x*puac 'scold; talk', Jarai (PL) p?al?, Jarai (Lee) pu?i?, Chru puai?, N. Roglai puai? 'strong feelings; impatient', Haroi p?ai?, W. Cham puai?, PR Cham poy?, Wr. Cham puac. [The final suggests aMK origin] x*pa-pat

Roglai

pa?, Haroi

'causative')

'to

papa?; MK:

PNB

(*pa-

fan',

Jarai

*p?y,

(Lee)

PKatuic

papi?

'to vibrate',

*[h/y]api?;

N.

*?api?.

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Restricted

to Highlands

329

Lexicon

Chamic

plus Haroi.

[The vowel also suggests aMK

ori?

gin] W. Cham pah, PR x*pah 'to open', Chru pah 'open up', Haroi p?h, Cham p?h, Wr. Cham pah; MK: Bahnar (AC) paha, PKatuic (DT) *paah. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] Chru pag; pa:g x*pag 'to nail; to hammer', Rade p?g, Jarai (Lee) p?g, 'to pound', N. Roglai pak, Haroi pag, W. Cham pag, PR Cham pag 'frapper sur la tete', Wr. Cham pag, PMP *paku; MK: PMnong *p3g. [The vowel also sug? gests aMK origin] It is only the Rade x*par 'to fly', Acehnese phA -i, Rade phiar -iv Note: that looks to be borrowed after PC, Jarai (Lee) par, Chru par, N. Roglai pa, Tsat Wr. Cham par; MK: PNB *p?r, pan33, Haroi pol, W. Cham par, PR Cham par, PMnong *p?r, Bahnar (AC) ap?r; par, PSB (Efimov) *par, PKatuic (DT) *p?r, PKatuic

*par, *pa:r.

[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

'Rhade', Rade ede, Chru manih rade, N. Roglai man?ih rade, PR Cham rade, Wr. Cham rade. [The vowel and the meaning rade, a suggest MK origin] x*ralo 'flesh; meat', Rade hlo, Jarai (Lee) hlo, Chru ralo, N. Roglai ralo x*rade

W. Cham

elf., W. Cham ralo, PR Cham ralo, Wr. Cham ralauw.

[The vowel suggests aMK

origin] rhah -iv, Rade rau, Jarai (PL) rau, Jarai (Lee) x*raw 'wash', Acehnese ra:u Tsat N. Chru rau, za:u33, Haroi rau,W. Cham rau, PR Cham -1, Roglai rau, raw, Wr.

Cham

rau; MK:

(Efimov) *raw, PKatuic

PNB

*-raw,

PMnong

*raw,

Bahnar

(AC)

rao,

PSB

*?ariaw.

x*reh 'cut', Jarai (Lee) r?h, Chru reh 'clean fish', N. Roglai reh 'oper? ate, dissect', Haroi r?h, PR Cham (Lee) reh, PMnong *sreh, PSB (Efimov) *sre:h

'chop',

suggests aMK

PKatuic

*hareh,

*tareh,

*[s/c]arhe:?,

*tarhe:?.

[The

vowel

also

origin]

x*ribui? 'storm', Rade eb??, Jarai (Lee) rab??, Chru rabu:?, N. Roglai Haroi rubu:?, laphu?, W. Cham gin rapu?, PR Cham ripu?; rapu?,Wr. Cham rib?k, Malay ribut; MK: Bahnar (AC) habut, PKatuic (DT) *rapuuq. Within wider this form is restricted to languages in western Indonesia and so is Austronesian, most

likely also a loan into these An

languages.

x*ro 'cage', Jarai (PL) ro (Pk), Jarai (Lee) ro, Chru ro, N. Roglai Haroi ro,W. Cham ro. [The vowel suggests aMK origin]

ro,

x*ro:g 'raise; nourish', Rade rog 'take care of livestock', Jarai (PL) rog, Jarai (Lee) rog, Haroi rog 'raise, feed', PR Cham rog,Wr. Cham raug; MK: Bah? nar (AC) r?g. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

330

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

x*ruah 'choose', Rade ruah 'election', Jarai (PL) ru?h, Jarai (Lee) ruah, Chru rawah, Haroi roah, PR Cham rw?h, Wr. Cham ruah; MK: PNB *r?yh, PKa? tuic (DT) *r_s (vowel unclear), PKatuic *hariah. [The diphthong also suggests a MK origin] x*ruay Chru

ruai

-n, N.

ruai, PR Cham

'fly; bug; insect', ruai,

Roglai

Tsat

Rade

rue, Jarai (PL) rual, Jarai (Lee) ruai, a11

za:i33;

zuai33;

roy, Wr. Cham

roai, W.

la?24, Haroi

Cham

PNB

ruai; MK: *roy, PMnong *rahway, PSB (Efimov) *rahwa:y, PKatuic (DT) *r??y, PKatuic *[h/y]aruaj, *ra-ruaj, *?aruaj. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

x*ruay 'to crawl', Rade rui, Jarai (PL) rui, Jarai (Lee) rui, Tsat zoi33, Haroi rui,W. Cham ruai. [The triphthong suggests aMK origin] x*rak

Rade

weeds',

'grass;

rak,

Jarai

(PL)

rak,

Chru

ra?

weeds',

'grass;

N. Roglai ra?, Tsat za?24, Haroi ra?,W. Cham ra?, PR Cham ra?; hara?, Wr. Cham rak; harak. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] suiat 'bail (water to catch fish); splash; shake out', Acehnese sac ea 'bail water to catch fish', Jarai (Lee) s?i?, Chru sa:i?, N. sa:i?, Tsat sai?24, Haroi s?? -v,W. Cham sai?, PR Cham thay?, Wr. Cham x*sac

'bail', Rade

Roglai thac. [The final consonant x*sadar hadar,

Chru

'remind;

'remember',

sa dar,

cause

suggests aMK

N.

Roglai

to remember',

vowel suggests aMK

Rade sida, PR

hadar, Haroi Cham

origin] Jarai athul hat?r;

(PL) 'feel, t?r, Wr.

hadar, sense', Cham

Jarai W.

(Lee) Cham

hadar;

dar.

hadar; pa-d?r [The

origin]

x*sagar 'drum', Rade hagar, Jarai (PL) hag?r, Jarai (Lee) hag?r, Chru N. sagar, Roglai saga, Haroi akhul, W. Cham k?r, PR Cham hak?r, k?r, Wr. Cham hagar, hagar; gar; MK: PNB *hag?r, Bahnar (AC) hagar; car, PSB (Efi? [The vowel also suggests a MK ori? mov) *sagghar, PKatuic *sagir; *sagka:r. gin] x*sadap 'old (things)', Rade had?p, Jarai (Lee) had?p ??, N. Roglai The restriction of the distribution to Highlands Chamic suggests that, this may be a post-PC borrowing. [The despite the regular correspondences, medial consonant also suggests aMK origin] sada?.

x*salog 'forever; eternally', Rade hl?g lar, Jarai (Lee) hlog, PR Cham Wr. Cham klaug. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] klog -i, x*sapal

'arm',

Acehnese

sapai,

Rade

p?l

'forearm',

Jarai

(PL)

hapal,

Jarai (Lee) hapal, Chru spal 'forearm', N. Roglai sapan, W. Cham pha pal 'fore? arm muscle', PR Cham hap?l, Wr. Cham hapal; MK: PKatuic (DT) *qapaal 'shoulder'.

II: The Chamic

Appendix

331

Lexicon

x*sapuat 'to harvest', Rade puot -v?, Jarai (PL) pu??, Jarai (Lee) Chru hapu??, spua?, N. Roglai sapu??; sapua?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*(si)?joh 'drip; a drop', Jarai (PL) cf. t??joh, Jarai (Lee) ?joh; cf. ta?joh 'to leak', Chru sa?ioh, N. Roglai si?joh, Tsat ?iu55,W. Cham ta?joh, PR Cham ta?j?h, Wr. Cham ta/?auh; MK: PNB *katoh 'drip; drop'. [The initial and the vowel also suggest aMK origin] x*siya:m 'good; nice; pretty', Rade siam 'beautiful', Jarai (PL) hi?m, Jarai (Lee) hiam, Chru sia:m, N. Roglai sia:p, Haroi seam, W. Cham seam, PR Cham thyam, Wr. Cham siani; MK: PKatuic *[l/lh][e?e]:m, *la-[l/lh][e/e]:m. x*soh 'only; empty; free, leisure', Acehnese soh, Jarai (PL) sah (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) soh 'empty', N. Roglai (Lee) soh;W. Cham soh, PR Cham than, Wr. Cham thauh; MK: PNB *sasoh, PKatuic *[s/c]anhah 'empty'. [The vowel also suggests aMK

origin]

x*sua 'pull out; seize', cf. xsuac 'pull out', Rade (Tharpe) sua, Jarai sua 'seize', Haroi soa 'pull'. Note the distribution is restricted to High? (Lee) lands Chamic plus Haroi. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*sua 'skin, dead', Jarai (Lee) sua, N. Roglai suggests aMK origin]

sua, PR Cham

(Lee) sua.

[The vowel

x*suay 'fish trap', Rade sue 'long fishtrap, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

suai. Restricted

x*sula 'leaf, Rade hia, Jarai (PL) hia, Jarai (Lee) hia, Chru sala, N. hia:? -h-f, Haroi hala, W. Cham hia, PR Cham hala, Wr. Cham hal?; MK: Roglai PNB *hla, PSB (Efimov) *_lha:, PWB (Thomas) *hlaa, PKatuic *[p/b]alhah, *halhah.

x*suay 'slow; long time', Rade sui, Jarai (Lee) sui, Chru suai, N. Roglai suai, Haroi sui, W. Cham suai, PR Cham (Lee) soy; sroy -m. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] x*sam

Chru masam

'to

wrap',

som

Acehnese

'cover'; MK: PMnong

'hide,

*klam.

put

?,

away'

Jarai

(Lee)

som

[The vowel also suggests aMK

-1,

ori?

gin] x*sag ? 'with; and', Rade mab?t h?g, Jarai (PL) h?g, Chru sag; sa- 'neg? ative

particle',

[The vowel

W.

Cham

suggests aMK

h?g

-v

'with;

and',

PR

Cham

th?g

-v, Wr.

Cham

saug.

origin]

x*sana 'crossbow', Rade hana, Jarai (PL) hna (Pk), Chru sana, W. Cham hanig -f tapog, PR Cham hani, Wr. Cham hani; MK: PMnong *sana, PSB (Efimov) *sana: 'bow', PKatuic *sanha:.

332

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Lexicon

x*tadrua? 'lid', Rade kadru??, Chru tadrua?, PSB (Efimov) *khr?:p 'to cover; a lid'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. [The vowel also suggests this is of MK origin] x*tagu:? 'get up; to stand up', Rade kag?? pit, Jarai (PL) dag?? -i, Jarai (Lee) tagu?, Chru tagu:?, N. Roglai tagu:k -f, Haroi cakhu?, W. Cham ta ko?, PR Cham tako?, Wr. Cham tagok. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] takua, Rade kakue, Jarai (PL) takuai, Jarai x*takuay 'neck', Acehnese Chru N. takuai, takuai, (Lee) Roglai takuai, Tsat kua:i33, Haroi cak?ai, W. Cham PR takuai. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] Wr. Cham Cham takuai, takoy, x*taliat f? 'flute (front flute)', Rade dig kli?? -v 'side flute', Jarai (PL) Chru talia?, N. Roglai talia?. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] talia?, x*taluc

'last,

cf.

lastborn',

(Lee) talui?, N. Roglai talui?, Haroi [The final suggests aMK origin]

kluc

Rade

x*luc,

cal?i?, PR Cham

Jarai

sibling',

'youngest

tal?y?, Wr. Cham

taluc.

x*taluc plus reflex of *apui 'fire' is 'firebrand', Rade (Tharpe) kluic, Jarai (Lee) talui?, N. Roglai (Lee) talui?. Limited to Highlands Chamic. [The a final also suggests MK origin] x*tameh

tameh, Rade kameh, Jarai (PL) tameh, 'pillar; post', Acehnese Jarai (Lee) tameh. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*tano N.

Roglai

son',

Wr.

'male',

Rade

tano

-n, Haroi

cano;

Cham

tanauw

'male;

ka no,

Jarai

(PL)

ta?o

dial.,

W.

son';

MK:

ta no, Cham

Jarai

PR

tano, *cano

PNB

(Lee)

ta no, Chru

Cham

'male;

tano

ta no, 'male;

husband'.

[The

vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*tarapay 'rabbit', Rade pai, Jarai (PL) pai, Jarai (Lee) pai, Chru N. Roglai tarapai, Haroi kapai -i,W. Cham tapai, PR Cham tapay, Wr. tarpa:i, Cham tapay, Malay tapai Treng.; MK: PMnong *tarpay, PSB (Efimov) *tsrapa:y. x*tatuan

aMK

Chru

'wobbly',

tat?an,

W.

Cham

tat?an.

vowel

[The

suggests

origin]

'hang up', Rade (Tharpe) ka?ak, N. Roglai (Lee) ta?a?, PR (Lee) ka???; MK: PKatuic (DT) *_bak 'hang up'. [The medial consonant also suggests aMK origin] x*ta?ak

Cham

x*te?

'torn,

tion to Highlands x*toh

worn',

Rade

te?, N.

Roglai

te?.

Note

the

restric?

[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

Chamic. 'undress;

tl? -v, Chru

take

off,

Jarai

(Lee)

Roglai toh, Haroi t?h,W. Cham toh. Restricted [The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

t?h

-1, Chru

to Highlands

toh

'dismantle',

Chamic

N.

plus Haroi.

333

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

x*tram 'soak', Rade tram, Jarai (PL) tr?m (Pk et N), Jarai (Lee) tram, Chru tram, N. Roglai trap, Haroi tr?m; dial, car?m, PR Cham tr?m, Wr. Cham tram, PMP (*r)endem; MK: PNB *tr?m, PSB (Efimov) *tram, PKatuic *tarh[a/ a]m.

truag, Rade trag, Jarai (PL) trag, Jarai (Lee) x*trog 'eggplant', Acehnese trog, Chru trog, N. Roglai trok, Tsat (hu11) tsiog?33 -medial, Haroi trag,W. Cham trag, PR Cham trag; cr?g, Wr. Cham traug; craug, Malay t?rung; MK: PNB *haggig; *sakig ?.

*tr?g, PKatuic

[The vowel also suggests aMK origin]

x*truh 'arrive', Acehnese troh, Rade truh, Jarai (PL) truh, Jarai (Lee) PNB *tr?h. ; truh, Chru truh, N. Roglai truh, Haroi troh 'escape' MK: x*tu:? 'to receive', Rade tu? a 'accept; consent, Jarai (Lee) tu?, Chru [du:?ma?], N. Roglai tu:?,W. Cham to?, PR Cham to?,Wr. Cham tok. [The vowel length suggests aMK origin] 'snare', Rade kaho, N. Roglai tuho, Haroi cano. Note the to Highlands Chamic, plus Haroi. [The vowel also suggests aMK ori?

x*tuho restriction gin]

x*tuleh cal?h, W. Cham MK origin]

'untie', Jarai (PL) tal?h, Jarai (Lee) taleh, Chru taleh, Haroi taleh, PR Cham tal?h, Wr. Cham talaih. [The vowel suggests a

x*tul?k 'disk shape; spherical shape', Jarai (Lee) tala?, N. Roglai (Lee) tul?k -nf,W. Cham (Headley) /tal?k/, PR Cham (Lee) kal??. [The vowel sug? gests aMK origin] x*tu?uac

cf.

'beak',

'lips',

Rade

ka?oc

-f, Jarai

(PL)

t??uk,

Jarai

(Lee)

ta?u?i?, Chru ta?uai?, N. Roglai tu?ue?, Haroi ca??ai?, W. Cham ca?uai? 'lips, bill', PR Cham caboy?, Wr. Cham cabuac; MK: PKatuic *ca?bah, *tar?bah ?. [The vowel and the final consonant also suggest aMK origin] x*tal (PL)

tal,

Jarai

'arrive; (Lee)

Rade

tal ka

'sufficient',

Tsat

until', tal

'to

the

tan33,

point

that,

Haroi

t?l

so much -v

'come'

that', dir.

Jarai v., W.

Cham t?l, PR Cham t?l,Wr. Cham tal; MK: Bahnar (AC) t?l; toi, PSB (Efimov) *tat 'arrive; reach'?. [The vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*wil 'round', Rade wll 'circle', Jarai (PL) wll, Jarai (Lee) wll, Chru wil N. 'circle', Roglai win, Haroi wll, W. Cham wll 'circle', PR Cham wll, Wr. Cham wil; MK: PMnong *wll, PSB (Efimov) *wil. x*wir 'turn around; dizzy; churning of rapids', Rade wir, Jarai (PL) wir, Jarai (Lee) wir 'dizzy'; MK: PSB (Efimov) *wi:, *wa: 'dizziness'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic.

334

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Lexicon

x*war 'forget', Acehnese tuwA, Rade war, Jarai (PL) war, Jarai (Lee) Chru N. war, (rabit), Roglai wabi?, Tsat van33, Haroi wol, W. Cham war, PR Cham war, Wr. Cham war. [The vowel suggests aMK origin] x*ya:g 'spirit; god', Jarai (PL) yag hrai, Rade yag, Jarai (Lee) yag, Chru ya:g, N. Roglai ya:k, Haroi yiag, PR Cham yag, Wr. Cham yag, Malay yang; MK: PNB *yag 'spirit', PMnong *yag, Bahnar (AC) i?g, PSB (Efimov) *ya:g, PKatuic *?aje:g, *?aje:g. x*yog 'to lift; take off, Rade y?g, Jarai (Lee) yog, N. Roglai yok 'carry [The by hand', Haroi y?g; yig ?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. vowel also suggests aMK origin] x*yuam

Rade

'expensive',

yom 'price, cost'. Restricted suggests aMK origin] x*yun 'hammock',

yuom,

the Highlands

Chru

Tsat

yo:m,

Chamic

zuan33,

W.

Cham

[The vowel

andW. Cham.

Chru ayun, PR Cham ay?n; MK: Bahnar

(AC) ay?n.

x*yah 'PARTICLE', Jarai (Lee) yah 'why', N. Roglai yah, PR Cham Wr. Cham miyah; MK: PMnong *yah 'emphatic'. [The vowel also sug? miy?h, a MK gests origin] x*yar 'lift, raise', Haroi yol, PR Cham yer, Wr. Cham yer. suggests aMK origin] 1.3

PC words

of uncertain

[The vowel

(or other) origin

This

third list of forms that reconstruct to PC consists of words that, given the current state of knowledge, seem to lack an etymology. Some of these will inev? itably turn out to be MK borrowings, but simply have not yet been identified as such. For instance, many of the forms that are listed as restricted to Highlands

are likely to turn out to be borrowings, perhaps even post-PC Chamic borrowings but ones that cannot yet be confidently labelled as such yet.

Chamic

Note that many of the forms occur both in Chamic and in Bahnaric, but this by itself is not enough to establish that the form is ultimately MK as many forms are found widespread in Bahnaric languages. demonstrably Austronesian *?abaw 'large

ocean

Acehnese

'snail',

snail',

W.

Cham

ubo,

pau,

PR

Rade Cham

abau, apaw,

Chru Wr.

N.

abau, Cham

Roglai

abau

ab aw.

*?agam 'incest; desire, lust', Jarai (PL) ?g?m, Jarai (Lee) ?ag?m, Chru agam, PR Cham ak?m, Wr. Cham agarri. *?aka

see

*ka

*?ala 'below; beneath', alia, W.

Cham

la tog

'under

the

Jarai (Lee) ?ala, Chru ala, N. Roglai house',

PR

Cham

ala, Wr.

Cham

ala.

ala, Haroi

335

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

*?alak 'yolk', Rade al?? 'eye' ?, Jarai (PL) ?l?k, Jarai (Lee) ?al??. *?a?u? 'beads', Rade a??? 'necklace', Jarai (PL) a???, Jarai (Lee) ?a?u? N. -vl, Roglai a??? 'seed bead necklace', Haroi a???, PR Cham ?u?,Wr. Cham ftuk.

*?anug 'package', Rade an?g, Jarai (PL) an?g, Jarai (Lee) ?anug 'to Haroi an?g -v 'bundle', PR Cham an?g, Wr. Cham anug; MK: Bahnar wrap', (AC) anug. gui, Chru agui, W. Cham gui 'wear' ?, PR *?aguy 'to use', Acehnese Cham aguy; guy, Wr. Cham agu?i; gy?i. W. *?apan 'hold; take', Jarai (PL) ?pan, Chru apan, N. Roglai apat, Cham pan, PR Cham ap?n; pan, Wr. Cham apan. *?ariag 'crab', Rade arieg, Jarai (PL) areg, Jarai (Lee) ?areg, Chru N. ra?iag, Roglai ayak; ariak, Tsat liag?33 -i, Haroi areag, W. Cham riag, PR Cham arieg; ryag, Wr. Cham arieg; riag. *?asuk 'shavings', Jarai (Lee) ?as?k, Haroi asok. Note the restriction to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. *?ay 'elder sibling', Rade ie 'older sister's husband, older brother's wife', N. Roglai ai, Haroi ai 'brother-in-law (of elder sibling); sister-in-law', PR Cham ay, Wr. Cham ai. *?ura? 'now', Rade ar??, Jarai (PL) r??, Jarai (Lee) ?ar??, Chru ara? ni, PR Cham ur??; ar??, Wr. Cham urak. *?urah 'bedbug', Rade areh -v, Jarai (PL) arah, Jarai (Lee) ?ar?h, Chru ura? -f, Tsat zua55 (m),W. Cham rah, PR Cham ar?h, Wr. Cham

arah, N. Roglai arah *?usar 'soup

solids',

'flesh, N.

Roglai

meat', usa,

Acehnese Haroi

as?l,

sia,

Jarai

PR Cham

(Lee)

?asar;

ath?r, Wr.

?as?r, Cham

Chru

asa:r

asar.

*ba 'bring, take, carry', Acehnese ba, Rade ba, Jarai (Lee) ba, Chru ba, N. Roglai ba, Haroi phia, PR Cham pa, Wr. Cham b?. *ba 'to lead', Rade at?t ba, Jarai (Lee) ba, Chru ba in ba jalam 'ad? vise', N. Roglai ba, W. Cham pa, PR Cham pa, Wr. Cham b?. Chru pabug 'peak of roof, *babug 'roof; ridge of (house, mountain)', N. Roglai babuk 'tall center pole of house', Haroi paph?g 'roof, W. Cham papug, PR Cham papug, Wr. Cham pabug, Malay bumbung; bubung, PMP *bubug; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-phuung 'roof. bantai, Jarai (PL) hanal ak??, Chru patal, 'pillow', Acehnese Wr. Cham patar -f,Malay bantai. W. Cham pat?l, PR Cham pat?r -f, *bap 'fill; full', Jarai (PL) bu??; b??, Jarai (Lee) b??, N. Roglai paba?, Haroi phlau?, W. Cham pau?, PR Cham p??,Wr. Cham bak. *bantal

*bapha

see

*mabha

336

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

*bha:n 'sneeze', Jarai (PL) ph?n (Pk), Jarai (Lee) phan, Chru pham -n pha:t, Haroi aphan, W. Cham pahan -v, PR Cham phan, Wr.

la:i?, N. Roglai Cham bh?n.

*bhu 'dry' cf 'dry in the sun',

Rade

(Lee) bhu, Jarai (Lee) bhu, PR

Cham

(Lee) phu. *bia? 'true, right; good', Chru bia?, Haroi phia?, W. Cham pea? 'indeed; true; very', PR Cham py??, Wr. Cham biak, Malay baik 'good'. *bijow 'shaman', Rade mj?u 'diviner', Chru pajau, N. Roglai bijau, Haroi paslau, PR Cham pac?w, Wr. Cham pajuw; MK: PNB *paj?w 'sorcerer'. 'to butt', Rade manuh, Jarai (PL) b?banuh, Jarai (Lee) banuh, N. Roglai bin?h, W. Cham panuh, PR Cham pinuh, Wr. Cham binuh. *bit 'forget', Rade war bit, Jarai (PL) rablt, Jarai (Lee) rabit, N. Roglai wabi? -1,Haroi phi?, PR Cham piw?l. *binuh

*bitu? 'star', Rade mat??, Jarai (PL) p?t??, Jarai (Lee) patu?, Chru patu? -f, N. Roglai pitu?, Haroi pato?, W. Cham pat??, PR Cham pit??; pat??; pat??, Wr. Cham bituk; batuk. *blah flat object', Jarai (Lee) blah, Chru blah elf., PR Cham plah, Wr. Cham blah. *blus -f 'to blow', Jarai (Lee) bluh -v, Chru blu:h, N. Roglai bluh, Haroi pl?h, W. Cham pluh 'breathe, puff, PR Cham pluh, Wr. Cham bluh. *boh

maw

'mushroom',

Rade

mamau,

Jarai

boh

(PL)

m?u,

Jarai

(Lee)

bam au, Chru bam au, N. Roglai bum au, Haroi pa miau, W. Cham poh m au, PR Cham pimaw, Wr. Cham bimaw. [The first element is the widespread An round classifier it is the PC second element that has the unknown origin] *boh; object *bru:g 'streaked; colorful, striped', Rade brug 'striped', Jarai (Lee) brog, Haroi prug. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. *buh 'wear ornaments', Jarai (PL) buh, Jarai (Lee) buh, Chru buh, N. to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. Haroi Restricted Roglai buh, ph?n. *bug 'large basket', Rade bug 'back basket', Jarai (PL) ??g -i, Jarai (Lee) bug, Chru bug 'storage', Haroi ph?g, PR Cham pug, Wr. Cham bug, Malay rombong.

'Cham', Rade cam, Jarai (PL) cam, Chru manih cam, N. Roglai cap, Tsat tsam?42, Haroi cam 'Montagnards, highlanders', W. Cham *cam

man?ih cam,

PR

Cham x*ca?a:g

cam, Wr. 'branch;

Cham fork

cam. of

tree',

Acehnese

cabuiag,

Rade

ka?ag,

Jarai

(PL) ta?ag i?, Chru ca?a:g, W. Cham ca?ag, PR Cham ca?ag, Wr. Cham ca?ag, The PMP *cabag 'bifurcation', Malay cabang; MK: PKatuic (DT) *-beeng. glottalized ?- is quite unexpected, as is the medial Ibl inMalay, which probably this forms seems to be attested should be /w/. Although PC it certainly patterns as a borrowing.

inAustronesian,

within

Appendix

II: The Chamic

337

Lexicon

*campa < *cam + pa 'Champa', Acehnese Wr. Cham campa, Wr. Cham (AC) campa. *cata

Restricted

'parrot',

to Highlands

N.

Roglai

'pierce, prick', Rade Chamic.

*cut 'to dress; wear', cu?, Wr.

Cham

Cham

cata,

W.

Cham

(Headley)

cata.

??t 'wear (ring)', Chru cu:?. Restricted

to

Rade cut, Jarai (Lee) cut,W. Cham cu?, PR Cham

cuk.

*dadit Wr.

Cham

campa,

Chamic.

*cut Highlands

cata, W.

juimpa, PR Cham

'a fan', N. Roglai

dadi:?, Haroi

cathi? 'to fan', PR Cham

tati?,

tadik.

*dahla?

'I (polite)', Jarai (PL) darn 'de sup?rieur ? inf?rieur', Chru ' dalha?, W. Cham hl?n hl?? P, PR Cham tahla?, Wr. Cham dahlak. *dap 'line up; straighten', Jarai (PL) d?p, Chru da? 'put in, place', N. da?, PR Cham t??,Wr. Cham dak. *dih 'that; there', Acehnese hideh, sideh 'there (far)', Rade adih, Jarai (PL) ?dih, Jarai (Lee) dih, Chru dih 'there (far)', N. Roglai udih, Haroi thth, PR Cham te h -v,Wr. Cham de h -v.

Roglai

*dra:g 'hornbill rhinoceros', Chru dra:g, N. Roglai dra:k, cf. Malay ?nggang. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *dra? -n 'hands on hips', Jarai (Lee) dr??, N. Roglai dr?? -n. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *duy 'to guide', Jarai (PL) dui, Jarai (Lee) dui, Chru dui, du:i, N. Roglai dui, Haroi thui, PR Cham puy,Wr. Cham du?i. *gah 'side, direction; bank', Jarai (PL) gah, Jarai (Lee) gah, Chru gah, N. Roglai gah, Haroi khiah, W. Cham kah, PR Cham kah, Wr. Cham gah; MK: Bahnar (AC) gah. Jarai (Lee) ganam -f, Chru ga?ap -v?, N. Roglai *gahnap 'wealth(y)', gahn?p, PR Cham kan?p-mipa, Wr. Cham ganup. *gaw 'rim', Rade gau 'back of knife', Jarai (Lee) gau 'helix', Chru gau, PR Cham kaw 'dos'; hakaw, Wr. Cham gaw; hagaw. *gig 'stove', Chru gi:g apui 'cooking fire', W. Cham kig 'cooking fire', PR Cham kig 'cusine', Wr. Cham gig. *glag 'look at; watch' Rade dl?g, Jarai (PL) lag -i; dl?g (Est), Haroi tllag, PR Cham klag, Wr. Cham glag; MK: Bahnar (AC) lag. *glay 'forest, jungle; wild, savage', Rade dlie lui, Jarai (PL) glai, dlai et (N S), Jarai (Lee) glai, Chru glai 'jungle; forest; wild'; kaih, N. Roglai dlai; kaih, Tsat khiaii?42, Haroi Cham

tllai [cf. tlua], W. Cham klai, PR Cham r?m-klay, Wr.

rarri-glai.

*gulam 'carry on shoulder', Acehnese gulam, Rade klam, Jarai (PL) Jarai Chru N. (Lee) gl?m, gal?m, galam, Roglai gulap, Tsat khiag?42 -ft, Haroi W. PR Cham Cham kaliam, kil?m; kal?m, Wr. Cham gila ni; gala ni. kl?m,

338

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

*gunam 'cloud', Rade kanam, Jarai (PL) gan?m, Jarai (Lee) gan?m, Chru ganam 'rain cloud', Haroi kanlam, PR Cham kan?m, Wr. Cham ganani. *gut 'cave', Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru gu:? 'lair', N. Roglai gu:? 'cave', PR Cham ko?,Wr. Cham gok. *ha 'you; thou', Acehnese gata (sg./pl.) (neutral); ta-; -tui(h), Jarai (PL) h? (N), Jarai (Lee) ha, Chru h?, N. Roglai h?, Tsat ha33, Haroi h?i -v,W. Cham hi, PR Cham hi,Wr. Cham hi. *hadum -1 'how much, many?', Rade d?m, Jarai (PL) had?m, Jarai dorn -v, Chru hadu:m

(Lee) hadom; Cham

hatom

-v; hat?m

-v, PR

hadu:p -1, Haroi

-vl, N. Roglai hatom

Cham

-v;

torn

-v, Wr.

Cham

ath?m, W.

hadom.

*haley 'who; question word', Rade hlei, Chru halai, N. Roglai Tsat ?a33 za:g33 -i v?, Haroi halai -v (grammatical particle), W. Cham 'whatever', PR Cham hal?y; ley, Wr. Cham hal?i.

alai, hlay

*halim 'rainy season', Rade hllm 'rain for two or three days'; lip Jarai 'flood', (Lee) hlim, Chru halim 'wet weather', N. Roglai halip 'continual halim 'flood', PR Cham halim 'rainy season', Wr. Cham Haroi rain; flood', halim.

'perforated; pierce', Rade hluh, Jarai (Lee) hluh, Chru haluh, N. haluh 'to have a hole', PR Cham hal?h, Wr. Cham haluh. Haroi haluh, *hayow 'like (prep.)', Chru yau, W. Cham yau, PR Cham y?w, Wr. *haluh

Roglai Cham

yug

?. *huna?

'asthma',

Chru

N.

nana?,

Roglai

hun??,

W.

Cham

hanic

-f, PR

Cham hani?, PR Cham hani?, Wr. Cham hanik. *jah 'weed, clear brush', Rade jah, Jarai (PL) jah, Jarai (Lee) jah, Chru jah 'chop small wood', N. Roglai jah, W. Cham ?ah 'cut with a knife', PR Cham ?ah, Wr. Cham jah. *jalu? 'bowl', Rade el??, Chru jalu?, N. Roglai jalu? (also a elf.), PR Cham

(Lee) pagln-cal??; MK: Bahnar *ka,

*?aka

'not

yet',

Rade

(AC) jalu. ka...oh;

Jarai

(Lee)

ka;

?aka;

Chru

ka...au;

ka; ka Buh; Haroi ka?; W. Cham ka...o; PR Cham ka...o 'pas encore'. *ka:l 'to lock; bolt', Rade kal, Jarai (Lee) kal, Chru kal -1; k-an-al 'a lock', PR Cham (Lee) kian -vf. *ka?iag 'loins; waist', Rade kaieg 'rib (back)', Jarai (Lee) ka?iag, Chru

N. Roglai

ka?iag 'waist', N. Roglai ka?iak 'lower back', Haroi ka?eag, W. Cham ka??g, PR Cham ka?g,Wr. Cham kaig. *kacaw

'scratch,

scrape',

Rade

kacau,

Chru

kacau,

N.

to Highlands Chamic. *kadow 'jump', Rade kad?u, Jarai (Lee) kadau, N. Roglai -d, PR Cham kat?w, Wr. Cham kaduw.

Roglai

kacau.

Restricted kad?u

kadau, Haroi

Appendix

II: The Chamic

339

Lexicon

*kaka:s 'fish scales', Rade kaih, Jarai (PL) rak?h -i, Chru kark?:h -n; N. karka:h, Roglai kaka, Tsat ka33, Haroi kak?h 'fin of fish, shell of anteater', W. Cham kakah, PR Cham kak?h, Wr. Cham kakah, Wr. Cham (AC) kakah. *kala 'bald; bare', Rade k?? kla, Jarai (PL) kla, Chru kala ak?, N. Tsat kiu33 -f?, Haroi kala; kalo, W. Cham kla, PR Cham kala, Wr. kahlo, Roglai Cham kal?. *kalih 'miserly', Jarai (PL) kaTih, Jarai (Lee) klih, Chru karlih, Haroi kaleh, PR Cham kallh, Wr. Cham kalih. *kapit 'to close', Rade (Lee) kapl?, Jarai (Lee) kapit, PR Cham (Lee) kapi?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *karam

'sink; sunk', Jarai (PL) kr?m, Jarai (Lee) kr?m, Chru kram, N. Haroi kr?m, PR Cham kar?m, Wr. Cham kararri, Malay karam; Roglai karap, MK: PNB *kr?m. *kata:l 'thunder (-bolt); lightning', Jarai (PL) katal, Chru kata:l, N. katan, PR Cham katal, Wr. Cham katal. *kata:g 'strong; well', Rade katag, Jarai (Lee) katag, Chru kadag -1, Haroi katag, PR Cham (Lee, Blood) kat?g -1. Roglai

*katit 'to crush', Rade ka tit -1 'wring, twist', Jarai (Lee) katit, N. Roglai kati:?, Haroi kat?t -f 'fall on something', W. Cham kat?? 'pinch'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic, Haroi, andW. Cham. *katrow

'pigeon', Rade katr?u, Jarai (Lee) katrau, Chru katrau, N. Roglai katrau, Haroi katrau, W. Cham katrau play, PR Cham katr?w-catoy; MK: PNB *catr?w, PMnong *katap. *katug

Tpuir,

Rade

kat?g,

Jarai

(Lee)

katug,

Chru

katug,

N.

Roglai

katuk, Haroi katog 'tear (thread)', PR Cham (Lee) katug. *kayua 'because', Rade kayua dah, Jarai (PL) yua (ka), Jarai (Lee) yua ka, Chru kayua, N. Roglai kayua, Haroi kayua ka-, W. Cham kayoa, PR Cham kaywa,

Wr.

Cham

kayu?.

*khag 'hard; stiff; strong', Acehnese kAg 'strong' -v, Rade kh?g, Jarai Jarai (PL) kh?g, (Lee) kh?g, Chru khag, N. Roglai khak 'solid, dense', Tsat khaig?42, Haroi kh?g, W. Cham kh?g, PR Cham kh?g, Wr. Cham khag. *klam 'afternoon; night', Rade tlam, Jarai (PL) kl?m (Hd.), Jarai (Lee) Chru kl?m, klam, N. Roglai tlap, Tsat kian?33, Haroi tl?m 'night', W. Cham makl?m, PR Cham kl?m; makl?m, Wr. Cham klam; maklani; MK: Bahnar (AC) klam.

*klap 'old', Chru kla?, W. Cham klau?, PR Cham kl??, Wr. Cham klak; MK: PNB *kr?q. *klaw 'laugh', Rade tlau, Jarai (PL) kl?u, Jarai (Lee) klau, Chru klau, N. Roglai tlau, Tsat kiau33, Haroi tlau, W. Cham klau, PR Cham klaw, Wr. Cham

340

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

tawa, PMalayic *tawa?, and PMP *tawa do not [The forms in Malay to related the PC] appear *klum 'to cover', Jarai (Lee) kl?m, Chru klum 'cover up', N. Roglai tlup, Haroi tl?m; kalom.

klaw.

*krah 'middle; half, Rade ti krah, Jarai (Lee) kr?h, Chru kr?h, N. khr?h -i, Tsat kia55, Haroi kr?h, W. Cham krih; kih, PR Cham krih, Wr.

Roglai Cham krih

*kra:g 'clam; kra:k

'clam',

Acehnese

shellfish',

knuag, Chru kara:g -v, N. Roglai

k?rang.

Malay

*krih 'whittle', Rade kri? -f 'whittle, sharpen', Jarai (PL) krih, Jarai (Lee) krih, Chru kri:h -1, N. Roglai krih, Haroi kreh 'sharpen'; car?h -v, PR Cham krih, Wr. Cham krih. Jarai (PL) kamai, Jarai (Lee) kamai, Chru *kumey 'female, woman', kamai, N. Roglai kumai -n, Tsat mai33, Haroi kam?i, W. Cham kamay, PR Cham kam?y, Wr. Cham kam?i. Cham

*la 'spleen; pancreas', Wr. Cham l?. la, *labua

PR Cham Tsat

khe55

taro',

plant;

(Lee) kap?a *lagah

lagan,

'a

Jarai (PL) la, Jarai (Lee) la, N. Roglai labua

Chru

'spinach',

Haroi

laphua

di:?la, PR 'taro

'tired', Rade -v, Haroi

egah, Jarai (Lee) ragah, Chru W.

lakhlah,

Cham

lakah

'ache',

lagah, N. Roglai PR

Cham

likoy; likah, Wr. Cham ligah; liguai; lagah; MK: Bahnar (AC) ragah. Jarai (PL) rajau, Jarai (Lee) *lajaw or *rajaw 'hammock', Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *lakow Roglai

root',

-i.

likah;

rajau.

'ask for', Rade ak?u, Jarai (PL) rakau, Jarai (Lee) rakau, N. lakaw, PR Cham lik?w; lak?w, Wr. Cham lakaw.

lakau, W. Cham *lama:n

'elephant',

Chru lama:n, N. Roglai Wr. Cham limin.

Rade

eman,

*lanag 'earthworm', Chru la nag, N. Roglai lanak Wr. Cham lanig.

Rade

Jarai

(PL)

raman,

lamian, W. Cham

lum?n, Haroi

Jarai

(Lee)

lam?n, PR Cham

raman,

limin,

en?g, Jarai (PL) r?n?g, Jarai (Lee) ran?g, lan?g, W. Cham lanag, PR Cham lanlg,

-f, Haroi

*lasun

'onion', Rade es?n, Jarai (PL) ras?n, Jarai (Lee) ras?n, W. Cham las?n, PR Cham lith?n; lath?n, Wr. Cham lisun; lith?n; lathun. Rade ewag, Jarai (PL) rSwag, Jarai *lawa:g 'thin; lean; emaciated', (Lee) rawag, Chru lawa:g, N. Roglai luwa:k 'lean; thin', Tsat va:n33 -f, Haroi lawag, W. Cham lawag, PR Cham liwag; lawag, Wr. Cham liwag; lawag, PMP *niwag.

x*lamo 'cow; ox; cattle', Acehnese humo, Rade emo, Jarai (PL) ramo, Jarai (Lee) ramo, Chru lamo, N. Roglai lamo -n, Tsat mo33, Haroi lamo, W.

II: The Chamic

Appendix Cham MK:

341

Lexicon

lamo, PR Cham limo; lamo, Wr. Cham limauw; lamauw, Malay l?mbu; Bahnar (AC) ramo; lamo. [This word has a limited distribution inAN.] liah, Jarai (PL) liah, Jarai (Lee) li?h-i, *liyah 'lick; taste', Acehnese

Chru layah 'taste', N. Roglai liah, Tsat lia55, Haroi leah, PR Cham ly?h, Wr. Cham liah; MK: cf. PEastern MK *liat 'lick'. *lu 'much, many', Acehnese la, Rade lu, Jarai (PL) lu, Jarai (Lee) lu 'very', Chru lu la; lu bi?, Tsat lu33,Haroi lu; lo -v,W. Cham lo pay, PR Cham lo -v,Wr. Cham lo;MK: Bahnar (AC) la. *lukut 'absent', Rade ek?t, Jarai (PL) r?kut, Chru laku:?, N. Roglai liku:? -v, Haroi lakou? 'avoid; escape'?, PR Cham (Lee) liku?. *ma?i?k 'urinate', Acehnese ?ia?, Rade ma?iek, Jarai (PL) ma?a? ?a?, Chru maTia?, N. Roglai ma?i??, Haroi ma????, W. Cham ma?ii? (n), PR Cham mii? -v (n),Wr. Cham miik; MK: Bahnar (AC) ik. 'naked', Acehnese Ion, Rade ml?n, Jarai (PL) hlun, *(ma)(sa)lun mahlun, Jarai (Lee) mahl?n, Chru sarlun, N. Roglai salut, Haroi mahal?n, PR Cham mil?n, Wr. Cham milun. *ma?ih 'soured', Jarai (Lee) ma?ih, W. Cham ma?ih mimih, Wr. Cham mimih.

'spoiled', PR Cham

*mabha, *bapha 'divide; share', Rade mabha, Jarai (Lee) papha < *p-, Chru parpha, N. Roglai mupha, Tsat pha33, W. Cham papha, PR Cham pha; parapha; rapha, Wr. Cham bh?; p?rabh?; rabh?; MK: PMnong *pa?. 'move,

*magey

agitate;

wobbly,

Rade

loose',

shaky,

Chru

magei,

magai, N. Roglai magai, W. Cham makay. Rade

'fox',

*maja

Jarai

'weasel',

mja

(PL)

m?ja,

Chru

maja

'weasel',

N. Roglai maja, PR Cham mica 'civette', Wr. Cham mij?. *makrah 'middle; half, cf. *khrah, Rade ti krah; m a kr?h, Jarai (PL) makr?h, Jarai (Lee) makrah, Haroi makr?h, W. Cham krih. *mal 'beam', Cham

mal,

Wr.

Cham

-v 'suck; suckle',

*mam m?m -v, PR

-v, Chru Cham

Jarai (Lee) mal, Chru mal, N. Roglai man, Haroi mal, PR mal.

mem m?m

-v; mum -v; m?m,

-v, N. Wr.

Rade mam, Roglai

Cham

mam,

muni;

Haroi

mem

-v, W.

Jarai (Lee) Cham

m?m

mani.

'itch', Rade ruih lak, N. Roglai maruh Chamic.

*marus to Highlands

Jarai (PL) pam?m,

'itchy, sores'. Restricted

*mat 'take; fetch, get', Acehnese mat, Rade m??, Jarai (PL) m??, Jarai (Lee) m??, Chru ma?, N. Roglai ma?, Tsat ma?24, Haroi m?? 'to take, get, catch, seize', W. Cham ma?, PR Cham ml?, Wr. Cham mik. *mit 'always', Chru mit, W. Cham Highlands Chamic language plus W. Cham.

/mit/ (Headley). Restricted

to one

342

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Lexicon

*ga? 'make, do', Rade g??, Jarai (PL) g??, Jarai (Lee) g??, Chru ga?, N. g??, Tsat gau?24, Haroi g??, W. Cham g??, PR Cham ag?? cf. g??, Wr.

Roglai Cham agap; gap. *pa?

-i 'to,

distance)',

Chru

towards',

PR Cham

pa?

'at',

(Lee) pa?, Wr. Cham

N.

pa?, Haroi

Roglai

pa-

(AC) phak -i;MK: Bahnar

'at,

in (far

(AC) ph?

*pa?a:k 'armpit', Rade p?l-ak, Jarai (PL) pa???, Jarai (Lee) pa???, Chru N. Roglai ala pa?a:?, Haroi pa?a?, W. Cham pa?a?, PR Cham paa?, Wr. pa?a:?, Cham

paak.

*pabah 'spittle, slaver, drool', Rade Restricted to Highlands Chamic.

bah, Chru ia pabah, Tsat pha55.

*padar 'spin; turn', Jarai (PL) padar; padar (Ouest), Jarai (Lee) pad?r; pa dar, Chru padar -1, N. Roglai pada 'turn upside down', W. Cham t?r, Wr. Cham (AC) padar. *padey 'rest', Rade madei, Jarai (Lee) pedai, Chru padai, N. Roglai Haroi pathli, PR Cham pat?y, Wr. Cham pad?y; MK: PNB *bad?y. padai, *paga:g

'protect',

Rade

magag

used

in

a

phrase

meaning

'to

get

a

shot', Jarai (PL) pagag, p?gig -v, Jarai (Lee) pagag, Chru pagan -fl 'to barri? cade'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic. *padi? 'pain; ache', Jarai (Lee) pa?ia? -m, Chru padi:?, N. Roglai padi:?, Haroi padi?, W. Cham padi?, PR Cham padi?, Wr. Cham padik. Note: the Acehnese may, Acehnese pui de h, Malay p?dih represent a distinct etymon; in fact, be borrowed from Malay. *pajum 'meet together', cf *jum, Jarai (Lee) bajan?m, N. Roglai pajup, Haroi pas?m, PR Cham pac?m, Wr. Cham pajum. *pak-ke 'lizard; gecko', Acehnese pa?e, Rade p?k ke, Jarai (PL) p?k ke, Jarai (Lee) pakake, Chru pak ke, N. Roglai pake, PR Cham pake, Wr. Cham pakaiy.

*pag 'to make a wall', Jarai (Lee) p?g cf. kh?n p?g 'curtain', W. Cham (AC) pag; MK: Bahnar (AC) p?g; pag. Restricted to Highlands Chamic andW. Cham.

*pataw 'master; lord', Rade matau, Jarai (PL) patau, Jarai (Lee) patau, Chru patau, N. Roglai pitau, Haroi patau, W. Cham patau, PR Cham pataw, Wr. Cham patau; MK: PNB *pat?w, PSB (Efimov) *'pataw 'king, state'. Marrison (1975:53) follows Aymonier and Cabaton (1906) in suggesting that this word might

be

composed

of

*po

plus

tau

'person'

as

in Tagalog

tao

'man'.

Rade magan 'plate'; big 'bowl or x*pigan 'bowl; dish', Acehnesepigan, or gourd', W. Cham paf?in , PR Cham pag?n-?alu?, plate made from squash Malay pinggan, PMP *piggan; MK: PMnong *tiggan 'bowl'; *bag 'bowl', PSB (Efimov) *[ba]ggan, PKatuic (DT) *p/t-in9an> PKatuic *pagha:n 'bowl'. This

Appendix

II: The Chamic

343

Lexicon

word, according to Coope, is a Persian borrowing by way of Hindi; certainly, the vowel length of all the Chamic forms suggests a short vowel, rather than the long vowel that would be expected from the proposed PMP reconstruction. Note not only that the form also occurs in PMnong, PSB, and PKatuic but that it shows considerable variation in these MK languages, strongly suggesting it was bor? This form is a borrowing into all the languages of the area. *pioh 'keep, store; conserve', Rade pion 'to put, to place', Jarai (PL) pioh wai, Jarai (Lee) pioh, PR Cham pyah, Wr. Cham piah *plag 'citronella grass', Rade plag, Chru pla:g -1,N. Roglai plak, Haroi rowed intoMK.

apl?g, W. Cham plag, Wr. Cham (AC) plag. *pras 'scratch (of chicken)', Rade (Tharpe) praih, Chru pra:h, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic. Restricted pipra. 'to plant', Acehnese pula, Rade pla, Jarai (PL) pl?, Jarai (Lee) p?a, Chru pala, N. Roglai pila, Tsat pia33, Haroi pala, W. Cham pla, PR Cham *pula

Wr.

pala,

Cham

pal?.

*pusa:g < (? *po + *sa:g 'master' + 'house' (AC)) 'husband', Chru N. pasa:g, Roglai pisa:k, W. Cham pasag, PR Cham pathag, Wr. Cham pathag. [The word for 'house' looks borrowed but the word *po 'master' may be inher?

ited] (causative prefix *pa-gha:g *pa-) 'dry over fire', Rade bhag -i to have coalesced), Jarai (PL) kh?g, Jarai (Lee) pa khag, N. Roglai (appears Haroi 'roast, broil', pakha:k pakhag, PR Cham pakhag. The Malay form pang a tempting comparison,

gang 'to roast' makes would

require

would

be

but the *g- to > gh- change that it

unique.

'forbid', Jarai (Lee) pakh??, Chru kha?, *pa-gha? (*pa- 'causative') Haroi kh??, PR Cham kh?? trlh,Wr. Cham ghak drih. *pa-klah 'divide; separate', cf. *klah 'to lose', Rade kah, Jarai (PL) p?klah; pacalah (Pk), Jarai (Lee) peklah, Chru klah, N. Roglai patla; pak, PR Cham kl?h-nlh, Wr. Cham klah-nih. *pa-pah

papah

'causative')

(*pa-

'clap hands', W. Cham pah.

'clap,

rub',

slap;

Restricted

Rade

pah,

to Highlands

N.

Chamic

Roglai

plus W.

Cham.

*rah/s Cham

ran, Wr.

-f 'separate Cham

a fire', Rade

raih -f pui, PR

raih pui, N. Roglai

rah.

*ram 'dead fire', Rade pui ram, W. Cham pui r?m. *ranam Wr.

Cham

rana *rawag

Cham

rawag.

'love',

Chru

ranam,

'visit',

Chru

rawag,

Haroi

W.

Cham

ran?m,

PR

Cham

ran?m,

ni. N.

Roglai

lawak

-i, PR

Cham

raw?g,

Wr.

344

Appendix

'land, interior; earth', N. Roglai

*riya

II: The Chamic

riya, PR Cham

Lexicon

(Lee) riya, Wr.

Cham

(AC) riy?. *rata:k 'bean; pea', Acehnese nutuia?, Rade etak, Jarai (PL) rata?, Jarai (Lee) rata?, Chru rata:?, N. Roglai rata:?, Haroi lata? -1,W. Cham rata?, PR Cham

rita?;

rata?, Wr.

Cham

rit?k;

sui a g 'hut,

Acehnese

'house',

*sa:g

rat?k. tent',

Rade

Jarai

sag,

(PL)

sag,

Jarai

(Lee) sag also 'family', Chru sa:g, N. Roglai sa:k, Tsat sa:g33, Haroi sag, W. Cham sag, PR Cham thag, Wr. Cham sag. *sa?ay 'elder sibling', Chru sa?ai, N. Roglai sa?ai, Haroi ca??i -i (Note: looks like a compound, not a disyllabic root), PR Cham ay, Wr. Cham ai; MK: PKatuic *sa:j; *sa-sa:j 'older sibling'. The existence of this root in both PC and PKatuic

some

needs

*salih Restricted hamiau.

explanation.

m alih




xnagar

(independently Cham

nak?r

-i, Malay make

spondences

xlagar

'country;

borrowed

[< Indie this

that

form

Acehnese

area',

cf.

Sanskrit a

was

(Lee)

rup,

Chru

-f, N.

ru:p

The

nagara].

post-PC


xtasi 'a comb; hand of bananas', Rade kasi; kasir matei, Jarai (PL) tasi; tasi, Jarai (Lee) tasi; sir; si -if, Chru tasi; tasi, N. Roglai kasi; tasi, Tsat si33, Haroi casei; casei, W. Cham tasi; tasi, PR Cham tathi; tathi, Wr. Cham tathi, Malay sisir; MK: PKatuic *kaci:?; *[h/s]anci:?. The post-PC bor? Malay

xxsisi(r) form is what I assume the earliest Chamic sisir) before it underwent dissimilation).

Roglai

xsr?p 'crossbow', Jarai (PL) harau, Jarai (Lee) hra? -f, Chru sr?:u? -1,N. sr??, Haroi sr?u?, PR Cham thru?,Wr. Cham thruk.

rowing

form looked like (cf.

xsra:p -f 'tired of, Jarai (Lee) hr?p, Chru sr?p -f 'fed up with', . Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. sr?p -fv 'tired of xsr?

'debt,

Chamic

Highlands

xsroh Cham

-n?

sroh; MK:

Chru

owe',

sr?, N.

sr?, W.

Roglai

sre.

Cham

Haroi

to

Restricted

plus W. Cham. rice',

'polish PKatuic

Acehnese

*saruah

sroh;

rhoh,

Chru

Rade

'pound

rice',

W.

'pound'.

xsro:k 'fishtrap', Rade hrok, Chru sro:?, N. Roglai Highlands Chamic. xsro? -n 'subside',

sroh

hro?, Chru

sro? -n.

sro:?. Restricted

Restricted

to

to Highlands

Chamic.

xsr?h 'nest; swarm', Rade hruh, Jarai (PL) hr?h, Jarai (Lee) hr?h, Chru N. sr?h, Roglai sr?h, Haroi srouh -v; cahrouh -v, W. Cham sruh, PR Cham thr?h, Wr. Cham thruh; MK: PKatuic (DT) *sr.h, PKatuic *soh, *so:h. Note that this form borrowed into PC is only attested in Katuic thus far. xsuac extract',

Highlands

N.

'pull out', Rade

Roglai

Chamic

suai?

-f, Haroi

kasu??,

Jarai (PL) so??, Chru

s?ai?, W.

Cham

soa?

-f 'extract'.

sua? -f 'pull, Restricted

to

plus Haroi andW. Cham.

xtali -if 'flat (of large rocks)', PR Cham tali, Wr. Cham tali.

Jarai (Lee) kli -i (borrowed), Haroi calei,

-v 'corn; grain',

xtagay

363

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

tagai,W. Cham

Chru

PSB

tagai,

(Efimov)

*tagA:y.

xtatuh; xcata? 'shake (blanket); tremble', Chru tartuh, N. Roglai tatah, cata?, tata?. The first variant seems restricted to Highlands Chamic; the second occurs in coastal Chamic dialects.

W. Cham

xthaum 'visit', Rade bi tuom 'visit', Chru to:m 'meet', Haroi th?m, W. Cham torn; torn kau?. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi andW. Cham. Restricted

jin paria?, Haroi

xtlen 'money', Chru pria? jen, N. Roglai < Vietnamese

?en.

thug -f,W. Cham

xthug 'barrel', Rade th?g, Chru thug, N. Roglai to Highlands Chamic plus W. Cham.

tien

'money'.

The

other

root

thug.

sin,W. Cham

is 'silver'.

xtiog -fvl 'mynah bird', Chru tio:g ira:u, N. Roglai tiog -f, Malay tiung. This word has been independently borrowed intoMalay and Highlands Chamic.

Roglai

xtra:p 'heavy', Rade katro? -vf, Jarai (PL) trau, k?tr??, Chru tra?, N. tra:?,Haroi trau?,W. Cham trau?, PR Cham tr?? -1,Wr. Cham trak.

xtu?y 'guest; visitor; stranger', Rade tue -v, Jarai (PL) toai -v, Jarai (Lee) tuai, Chru tuai, N. Roglai thu?i -i, Haroi t?ai, W. Cham tuai, PR Cham toy, Wr. Cham tuai; MK: PNB *tamoy. xtruam -f 'trunk (of animal)', Jarai (PL) trom, Chru tro:m, N. Roglai PR W. Cham Cham trom, Wr. Cham traurri;MK: trom, trom,

trom -f, Haroi

not

'trunk'

*tam

PMnong

clear

from

gloss

sort

what

. [The

trunk

of

vowel

also

suggests aMK

origin] xtuki -v 'horn; antler', Rade ki -v 'antler (deer)', Jarai (PL) t?ki, Jarai (Lee) taki, Chru taki, N. Roglai tuki, Haroi cake -v,W. Cham take -v, PR Cham take, Wr. Cham take; MK: PNB *ake, PMnong *gke, PSB (Efimov) *gke:, PKa? tuic

*yake:,

*yaki:. see

xtu?uay xtabiat

'go

xcu?uay out;

appear',

Acehnese

kabi??

Rade

tuiblet,

'go

out',

Jarai

(PL) tabi??r Jarai (Lee) tabi??, Chru ta?ia?, N. Roglai tubia?, Tsat phia?42, Haroi caphia?, W. Cham tape a?, PR Cham tapy??, Wr. Cham tabiak. xwa:r

-fl

'stable;

pen',

Acehnese

wuia,

Rade

war

-f,

Jarai

(PL)

war,

Jarai (Lee) war, Chru wa:r 'pen', N. Roglai wa, Haroi wal, W. Cham war -1, PR Cham wal -f,Wr. Cham wal -f ;MK: PSB (Efimov) *wa:r, *wa:g 'shed, cattle pen'. xwa:s

away'.

-f

Restricted

'wipe

away',

to Highlands

Rade

Chamic.

waih

'clean

up,

Chru

wa:ih

-f

'clear

364

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

xway -f -vr 'spider', Rade w?k wai, Jarai (PL) w?g wai, Haroi wiai -vr; MK: PNB *way 'spider web'; *wey 'spider web'. Restricted to Highlands Chamic plus Haroi. xweh -vf 'turn aside; visit along the way', Rade weh 'turn (right or we Jarai N. Haroi -f, (Lee) w?h; wlh -v, W. Cham weh left)', Roglai weh, 'dodge', PR Cham w?h, Wr. Cham waih; MK: PNB *weh 'turn aside', PKatuic *wih,

*wi:h

'turn'.

xyu:? 'descend', Jarai (PL) y?? 'ouest', y?? gah yang hrai le? ( Ouest), Jarai (Lee) y?? 'west', Haroi yo? -vr, PR Cham (Lee) yo?, PNB *j?r, PMnong *j?r. If theMK forms are related, the final -r is unexpected.

Appendix

II: The Chamic

3.

English-Chamic

A a few, 361 abdomen, 306 able, 305 about to, 320 above, 282, 326 absent, 341 acclaim, 354 according to, 345 ache, 342 after, 290, 292

the modem

e.g.

bamboo

age,

alcohol, 305, 349 alive, 290 all, 280, 354 allow, 326 341 324

amass,

and, 289, 331 ant, 303 363

antler,

348

area,

289

armspan,

321

arrive, 333 313

arrow,

ascend, 316 ashamed, 297 ashes, 289 ask, 304 assemble,

301

asthma, 338, 362 at, 288, 294 aunt, 282, 307, 350 await, 314 326

awaken,

axe,

357

small,

banana,

284

banana

blossom,

357

3 51

bank, 337 bank (river), 319 banyan, 283 bare, 339 bark, to, 355 barkcloth, 321 barking deer, 350 barrel, 363 basket, flat, 353 basket, kind of, 351 basket, large, 336 winnowing,

325

bathe, 297 be on back,

arm, 304, 330 armpit, 342 around,

349

bamboo,

basket,

363

appear,

350

sp.,

bamboo strip, 345

agitate, 341 air, 298

always,

Index

back(anat.), 361 bad, 292 bail (water to catch fish), bald, 339 balete, 283 bamboo, 358 bamboo (medium), 309

again, 318 age,

365

B

339

afternoon,

Lexicon

335

316

beads, beak, 333, 354 beam, 341 bean, 344 bear (Malaysian), 352 beat (gong), 310 beautiful, 353 because, 339 become, 357 bed, 353 bedbug, 335 bee, 356 before, 288 behind, 290, 323 belly, 306 below, 318, 334 beneath, 334 betel, 300 betel lime, 354

330

366

300

betel-nut,

328

big, 282, 302, 318, bile, 300, 349 bird, 314 bird of prey, 322 bird, mynah, 363 bite, 322 bitter, 300, 349 black, 290, 320 blanket, 323 bleed, 319 blind, 286, 351 blood, 287 blossom,

blow,

away,

blow

e.g.

282

carry carry

348

suspended

brother-in-law,

335

buffalo,

322

312

327

348

net, 358

castrate,

335

320,

337 shoulder, on side, 353 under arm, 355

casting

360

suspension,

carry

on

casket,

book, 303, 311, bough, 287 bow, a, 300, 331, 362 bowl, 278, 338, 342 bracelet, 324 brain, 317 branch, 287, 336 brave, 357 break, 327 break, to, 323 breast, 304 breath, 298

water,

objects

stick), 350 carry (wear) on head, 317 carry on back, 318, 351

356

bring, broken, 312, broom, 303

(two

carry

300

boat, 317 body, 281, 288, boil, 344 thunder, 339 bolt, to, 338 bone, 306

bridge,

cadet, 280 cage, 329 calf of leg, 285 call, 310 can, 305 carry, 310, 327, 335 carry (several), 352

blow nose, 299 blow whistle, 282 blue, 290 blunt, 350 blush, 297 boa, 323 board,

358

315

c

328 the wind,

bug, 330 bunch, 310 bundle, 317, 353,

Lexicon

bum, to, 314 burnt smell, 323 bury, 316 butt, to, 336 buttocks, 323 buy, 285

336

blow

II: The Chamic

burntrns.,

351

banana,

Appendix

cat, 298 cattle, 340 CAUSATIVE,

301

362

cement,

center, 301 centipede, 295 chaff, 319 Cham, 336 Champa, 337 change, 345 charcoal, 290 chase, 328, 345 cheap, 313 cheat,

to,

359

cheek, 326 chest, 287 chew, 297 chicken, 297 child, 281

from

a

Appendix

II: The Chamic

298

child-in-law,

324

a,

count,

307

to,

country, 348 cover, to, 318, 340 cow, 340 crab, 335 crack open, 316, 352 330

to, 360

creek, 354 crocodile, 286 crop (of bird), 351 cross, 317 314

crossover,

clay, 359 clean, 355 clear brush, 338

crossbow,

elf. for round objects, elf. long, thin objects, climb, 316 close eyes, 327 close, to, 322, 339 cloth, 277, 323 clothes, 353 clothing, 310 cloud, 320, 338 coffin, 312 coiled, 313 cold, 358

331,

crow,

285 313

a,

309

crush, 339 crust at bottom of pot, 323 cry, 310, 319 cry, to, 315 cucumber, 305 cup, 278 curled, 358 cut, 329 cutoff, 324 cut up, 345 D 311

dam,

a,

collapse,

318

dam,

to,

colorful,

336

damp, 284

comb,

362

a,

come,

dance,

297

command,

compare,

327

to,

comparable,

344

344

complete,

326

conserve,

343

contents, 281 cook, 305, 344 cooked, 345 copy, to, 345 cork, 344 com, 322, 363 corpse, 281

362

314

crossroads,

344

cleaver,

cotton, 277, 322, 347 cough, 284, 346

create,

358

to,

310

crawl,

city, 348 civette, 341 clam, 340 clap, 343 claw, 293 claw,

367

correct,

chin, 321 chipped, 312 chisel, to, 300 choke, 346 choose, 330 chop, 284, 314 churning of rapids, 333 citronella, 343 citrus,

Lexicon

312

345

dare, 357 dark, 292 dawn, 350 day, 291 deaf, 345 debt, 362 deer (Sambhur), 302 deer, barking, 350 defecate, 310 deliver, to, 320 delta, 352 descend, 306, 318, 364 desire, 296, 334, 358

368

destroy, 318, 346 dibble stick, 353 die, 298, 326 different, 286, 327 dig, 292, 315 direction, 337 dirty, 353, 355 discard, 326 dish, 278, 342, 356 disk shape, 333 dismantle, 332 distant, 291 dive, 326 divide, 341, 343 dizzy, 333 do, 285, 286, 342 dog, 281 don, 277, 312

earring, 312 earth, 296, 305, 340

earthworm,

east, 326 easy, 313 eat, 313 eat rice, 320 egg, 285 eggplant, 333 eight, 289 elbow, 357 elbow, to, 326 elephant, 340 eleven, 302 340

emaciated,

empty, 331, 351 encircle, 315 end, 326 enter, 304

321

don't,

II: The Chamic

Appendix

done, door, dove, downy

280 312 327 feathers, 286

escape, 323 eternally, 330 evening, 296

draw,

314

exclaim,

draw line, 353 295

dream, dress,

drink, to, 298 drip, 331 drool, 342 drop drop,

anchor, a,

3 54

excrement,

310

expensive,

334

explode, 360 extinguish, 299 eye, 297

337

to,

317

error,

F

294

331

drop, to, 327 drum, 330 drunk, 296 dry, 302, 324, 336, dry (weather), 323 dry in sun, 357 dry in the sun, 336 dry over fire, 343 duck, 309 dull, 350 dumb, 321 dust, 354 E ear, 307 ear of grain, 310

345

face, 313 faded, 295 fagot, 345 fall down, 294 fall into, 325 fan,

a,

fan,

to,

337 328

fang, 355 far, 282, 291 fart, 294 fast, 288 fat, 296 father, 280 fear, 356 feed, 353 fell a tree, 316 female, 340

344,

Lexicon

359

II: The Chamic

Appendix

fence, 299 fence, to, 311, fetch, 341 few, 288 few,

312

361

a,

field, cultivated, 291 fight (war), 297 fill, 335 finger, 314 fingernail, 293 finished, 280 fire, 281, 332 fire, dead, 343 firebrand, 332 firewood, 310 firm, 358 first (go), 288 firstborn, 321 fish, 282 fish scales, 339 fish trap, 331 fish, to, 346 fishtrap, 362 five, 295 flat, 304, 358 flat (of large rocks), 362 flat object, 312 flatus

ventrus,

294

flesh, 281, 329, float, 355 flour, 305 flow, 317, 355 flower, 286 flute (front flute), fly, a, 330 fly, to, 329 fog, 320, 354 fold, 326, 358 fold, to, 326 follow, 345 food, 311 foolish, 289 foot, 292 for (goal), 294 forbid, 343 forearm,

369

forever, 330 forget, 334, 336 fork of tree, 336 form, 348 formerly, 288 four, 299 fowl, 297 fox, 341 free, 331 from, 326 fruit, 285 fry, 316 full, 335, 345 furniture, 353 G garuda, 355 gasoline, 362 gate(way), 348 gather, 324 gecko, 314, 342 generous,

332

(c. teenage),

287

give, 285 glazed clay, 318 glutinous rice, 355 go, 294, 299 go home, 318 go out, 363 go past, 317 goat, 351 god, 334 gold, 347 gong, 353 gong, small, 315 good, 331, 336 gourd, 312, 328 grab, 315 grain, 322, 363 granary,

337

314

get, 341 get up, 332 ghost, 281 gibbon, 325 ginger, 295 girl

335

330

forehead, 280 forest, 291, 301,

Lexicon

360

grandchild, 315 grandchild, great, 314 grasp, 354

370

348

to,

guest, 363 guide, to, 337 gums, 354 gun, 360 H hail, 360 hair, body, half, 340,

I I (familiar), 293 I (polite), 291, 337 image, 348 imitate, 345

286 341 345

hammer, hammer,

to,

Lexicon

hole, 295, 312 honest, 307 honey, 356 honorific prefix?, 303 horn, 363 horse, 346 hot, 319, 347 house, 343, 344 how many, 338 how much, 338 hundred, 302 hungry, 295 hurt, 344 husband, 311, 343 hut, 344

grass, 330 grass (congo), 301 grass (thatch), 301 grasshopper, 358 grease, 296 greed, 356 green, 290, 298 group, 318 grow, 304 guard,

II: The Chamic

Appendix

329

277, 312

hammock, 334, hand, 304

340

IMPERATIVE, in, 287, 288

hand

362

INADVERTENT, 307 incest, 334 insect, 330 inside, 287 INSTRUMENTAL infix, 280 insufficient, 294 interior, 344

of bananas,

handful, 322 handle (knife), 318 hands on hips, 337 handspan, 352 hangup, 332 hard, 339 harvest (rice), 320 harvest,

to,

intestine,

331

hat (bamboo), 355 hatch, to, 293 have, 280 hawk, 322 he, 299 head, 309 head hair, 287 hear, 356 heavy, 363 heel, 357 here, 306 hide, 354 high, 318 hit with implement, hold, 310, 335

intoxicated,

360 large, 296

invite, 291 iron, 287 island, 301, itch, 341 itchy, 289 ivory, 311

352

J jar, large, 357 jaw, 321, 326 Jew's

310

harp,

351

Jorai, 320 jump, 338 jungle, 291, 301, just now, 283

337

Appendix

II: The Chamic

K keep, 343 kettle, 318 kiss, 354 knee, 306 knife, 278 knockdown, know, 305 Koho, 358

318

L ladder, 302 ladle, 310 ladle out, 353 lake, 287 lance, 292 land, 344 language, 348 last, 292, 332 lastborn, 332 later, 292 laugh, 339 launder, 311 lazy, 296 lead,

to,

335

leaf, 331 leak, 319 lean, leech,

340 land,

leech, water,

328 295

left (side), 350 legumes, 311 leisure, 331 lemongrass,

343

leopard, 361 leper, 360 leprosy, 360 less, 294 letter, 303 lick, 341 lid, 332 lie down, 317 lie full length, 345 lie prone, 355, 356 lie suppine, 316 lie, to tell a, 352 lift, 334 lift, to, 334

Lexicon

371

light (fire), 351 light (not heavy), 362 lightning, 339 like (prep.), 338 lime (for betel), 354 lineup, 337 lips, 333, 354 liquor, 349 little, 288, 313, 361 live, 288, 290 liver, 290 living beings, 288 lizard, 314, 342 lobster, 290 lock, to, 338 log, 300 loins, 338 long, 282 longtime, 331 long-legged, 357 look at, 337 look for, 319 loose, 341 lord, 301, 342 lose, 323 lose, to, 323, 325 louse, head, 294 love,

343

lower

part,

318

lungs, 325 lust, 334 M make, make

342 a wall,

342

Malaysian bear, 352 male, 294, 311, 332 man, 348 many, 338, 341 mark, 353 317

marrow,

marry, 358 master, 301, mate, measure,

to,

342, 343

345 to,

303

meat, 281, 329, 335 medicine, 357 meet together, 342

372

nourish, 329, 353 now, 335 numb, 354, 359

345

metamorphose,

middle, 340, 341 miserly, 339 mist, 320, 354 money, 359, 360, monkey, 293 month, 286 moon, 286 more, 296 morning, 350

363

280

residence,

much,

338,

mucus,

299

open

362

owe,

N

ox, P

341

package, 335 pain, 342 painful, 302, 361 palm, 299 palm (areca), 300

281

name,

317

narrow,

navel,

301

near,

320

neck,

332 335

necklace,

needle, negative, 277, nephew, 358 nest, 362 casting,

coconut,

palm,

292

net,

340

329

to,

naked,

287 wide, 318

359

outside,

my nah bird, 363

nail,

335

286, 312

otter,

309

muzzle,

eyes

other,

321

mute,

335

open, 328, 329 open (mouth to say sthg.), 309

341 336

mushroom,

husband,

on time, 344 one, 302 onion, 340 only, 331

mouth, 283 move, 341 move

sister's

older

315

range,

305

front, 281 offer, to, 360 oil, 296 old, 309, 339 old (people), 306 old (things), 330 older brother's wife,

mosquito, 298 mother, 359 mother (animal), 282 mountain

o ocean,

296

mortar,

Lexicon

not, 313 not yet, 338

305 311

melon, mend,

II: The Chamic

Appendix

312,

348

new, 283 nice, 331 niece, 358 night, 296, 339 nine, 302 no, 313 nose, 282, 313

313

294

340

pancreas,

pants, 353 papaya, 359 paper, 311 parch, 344 345

in-law,

parent

parrot, 337 PARTICLE, pass

over,

pasty, patch,

306, 317

359 to,

path, 291

311

321,

334

Appendix

II: The Chamic

Lexicon

pound, 328 pour, 345 pour out, 319 prepare, 361 press, 293 pretty, 331 prick, 337 prompt, 344 protect, 342 prove, 325

pea, 344 peacock, 350 peck, 322 peck (of bird), 315 peel (with a knife), 314 peel, to, 325 pen, 363 penis, 323 pepper, 347 perforated, 338 perished, 326 permit, to, 285 person, 283, 294, 301, pestle, 290 pick, 327 pierce, 312, 337, 338 pig, wild, 283 pigeon, 339 pillar, 332 pillow, 335, 344 pinch, 293 pine, 319 pineapple, 348 pipe (for smoking), 354 pit, 295 place, 326, 327 placenta, 325 plains, 352 plane,

to,

300

plank, 300 plant, 300 plant floss, 286 plant with stick, 353 plant,

a,

340

plant, to, 343 plate, 356 play, 296 pluck, 327 pocket, 321 poison, 347 poke, 324 pole, 318 polish rice, 362 poor, 313, 316 porcupine, 357 post, 318, 332 pot, 318 pouch, 321

373

348

pull, 317, 319, 339, pull out, 331, 362 pull up, 312 pus, 294 put, 326, 327 put away, 361 python, 323 Q question word, quit, 326

303,

361

338

R rabbit, 332 rain, 290 rainbow, 357 raise, 329, 334 304

ransom, rat,

305

rattan (generic?), 290 raw,

298

receive,

to,

333

red, 296 reflexive (-self), 288 reject, 326 330

remember, rescue,

304

resin, 289, 352 rest, 342 return,

318

Rhade, 329 rhinitis, 362 rhinoceros, 361 rhinoceros, hornbill, 337 ribs, 302 rice (glutinous), 355 rice (husked), 285 rice dust, 319

374

rice wine, rice,

349

scoop

295

cooked,

rice, paddy, 299 rich, 359, 360 ridge of (house, mountain), right, 310, 336 right (side), 356 right hand, 356 rim, 337 ring, 322 ripe, 345 ripple, 361 river, 324 road, 291 roast, 311, 344 Roglai, 301 roll,

289

to,

285

round,

333

rub, 343 run, 317 run after,

355

317,

361 314

salamander,

salt, 303, 349 salted, 297 salty, 297 sand, 315 sap, 289, 352 satiated, 345 337

savage,

saw,

304 to,

311

say, 325 scabbard, 344 scales (fish), 339 scar,

319

search,

separate,

343

separate

a fire,

servant,

291

343

316 294

sesame,

306

seven,

sew, 291 shade, 286 shadow, 286 shake, 359, 361 shake

(blanket),

shake

out,

363

330

shaman,

336 341

sharp, 319 352

sad, 321,

save,

345

see, 352 seed, 346, 347 seize, 315, 331 sell, 301 send, 327

share,

S sack,

to,

sculpture,

sea, 305

shaky, 341 shallow, 354

345

runoff,

335

353

up,

scrape, 324, 338 scratch, 312, 338, 358 scratch (an itch), 321 scratch (of chicken), 343

serve,

roof, 335 roof thatch, 301 room, 280 root, 283 rope, 304, 320 rotten,

II: The Chamic

Appendix

295

scissors, 357 scold, 313, 328

sharpen, shave,

281 324

shavings, 335 she, 299 sheath-like, 344 sheep, 351 shellfish, 340 shirt, 310 shoot (bamboo), 301 shoot (bow), 300 shore, 319 short time, 288 shorten, 324 shoulder, 284, 330 shrimp, 290 shy, 297 sibling, elder, 335, 344 sibling, younger, 280

Lexicon

II: The Chamic

Appendix

Lexicon

sick, 302 sickle, 346 side, 337

sister's

358

son,

spherical shape, 333 spicy, 319 spider, 364 spill, 319 spin, 342 spirit, 286, 334 spit, to, 321, 322 spittle, 342 splash, 330 spleen, 340 split, 284, 312, 319 spoilt, 320 spoon, 310 spread out (amat), 3 25 sprout, to, 304 squash, 328 squeeze, 293, 354 squirrel, 328 squirt, 360 stab, 324

363

335

sister-in-law,

sit, 288 six, 299 skin, 293, 325 skin, dead, 331 skirt, 312 sky, 295, 348 slap, to, 327, 343 slave, 291 342

sleep, 317, 327 slow, 331 slurp, 303 small, 355 smell, 354 smell burnt, 323 smoke (of fire), 281 smoke tobacco, 310 snail, 334

stable,

star,

333

sneeze,

336

sniffle,

299

step on,

309

snout,

333

soak,

soil, 305 sole, 299 solid, 358 someone,

283 298

son-in-law, sorcerer,

336

soul, 286, 298 sound, 348 sound

of

336

stay, 288 steal, 323 stem, 300 stench, 285

322

snap at,

363

a,

stalk, 310 stand, 316 stand up, 332 standing upright, 345

283

snare,

292

spear,

360,

snake,

341

soured,

silver, 359, sin, 317 sing, 309 sink, 318 sip, 303

slaver,

375

turbulent

rapids, 312 soup, 351 soup, thin, 310 sour, 297

water

in stream

320

stick, 317 stick, dibble, 353 stick, plant with, 353 sticky, 359 stiff, 339 still, 288 sting, to, 316, 344 stinger, 315 stomach, 306, 360 stone, 284 stop, 316 stopper, 344 store, storm,

343 329

stove, 337

376 straight, 307 straighten, 337 strange, 353 363

stranger,

straw (rice), 328 streaked, 336 354

stream,

strike, 314, 328 strike (snake), 315 string, 304 striped, 286, 336 strong, 339, 360 strong feelings, 328 submerge, 326 subside, 362 suck, 341 suck in, 303 suckle, 341 307

sugarcane, sun,

291

surf, 361 surplus, 296 swallow,

to,

swarm,

362

sweat, sweep, sweet,

359

303 297

swell, 284, 312 swim, 326 swollen, 284 sword, 278 T table, 351 tadpole, 324 tail, 282 take, 335, 341 346

take apart,

takeoff, 332, 334 talk, 328 tall, 318 tangerine, 358 taro, 290, 340 taste, tasteless,

tell a lie, 352 ten, 300 tender, 298 tendon, 283 tent, 344 termite, 359 test, 325 testicles (of animal), that, 281, 337 there, 337

341

there is, 280 they, 299 thick, 293 thigh, 300 thin, 340 thin (material), 295 think, 344 thirst, 296 this, 282 thorn, 289 thou, 338, 356 thousand, 302 339

thread, 359 three, 293 thunder, 356 tickle, 355 tie, 353 tie together, 301 tie, to,

taxes, 357 teach, 311 tell, 327

282

tiger, 361 tired, 317, 325, 340 tired of, 362 to, 294, 342 toad, 350 299

tomorrow,

tongue, 288 tooth, 289 torn, 332 tortoise, 294 towards,

342

trade, 344 transport,

304

293

280

there are,

tear,

319

II: The Chamic

Appendix

327

trap, 333 trap (fish), 331 trap (fish-), 362 tread, 320

Lexicon

Appendix

II: The Chamic

tree, 293 tree species,

turn around, turn aside, turnover,

w waist, 338 wait, 314 walk, 294, 299 want, 358 war, 297 wash, 311, 329 wasp, 356 watch, 337 water (fresh), 282

333

312

turtle, 294 tusk, 311, 355 twenty, 289 twill, 297

wave,

346

u uncle, 282, 307, undress, 332 unlucky, 316 unripe, 298 untie, 333 until, 333 unusual,

353

urinate,

341

use,

335,

to,

346

V

vegetables, 311 vehicle, 347 vein, 283 venom,

347

verb prefix, 298 very, 316 vessel, 283 Vietnamese,

village, 299 vine, 320 vinegar, 297 virgin, 284

350

348

361

wax (candle), 301 we, 351 we (ex.), 292 we (incl.), 288, 291, 351 weak, 325 wealth, 337 wealthy, 337 wear wear,

336

ornaments, 337

to,

weasel,

341

weave,

297,

wedge,

upgrade, 326 uproot, 312

364

363

364

twist, 284, 339, two, 288

377

visit, 343, 363 visit along theway, visitor, 363 voice, 348 vomit, 300, 311 vulture, 355

321

tremble, 363 trim, 345 true, 336 trunk, 300 trunk (of animal), try, 325 tube, 354 tuber, 290 tumeric, 294 turn, 342

Lexicon

to,

346 316

weed, 338 weeds, 330 weep, 319 well, 339, 360 west, 364 wet, 284 whistle, 356 white, 301, 324 whittle, 340 who, 303, 338 why? what?, 319 wicked, 292 widowed, 283 wife, 326 wild, 337 wind, 281 wine (rice), 305, 349 wing, 303

378

304

winnow, wipe

wrapped 363

away,

wire, 293 with, 289, 331 withered, 295 wobbly, 332, 341 340

woman,

wood, 293, 317 work, 285, 286 worm, 291 worn, 332 worried, 321 worship, 349 wound, 295 wrap up, 317 wrap,

to,

331

Appendix

II: The Chamic

around,

wring, 339 write, 303,

313

314

Y yam, 290 yard, 352 yawn, 320 year, 305 yell, 310 yellow, 294 yesterday, 298, 306 yoke, 346 yolk, 335 you, 338, 356 young, 298

Lexicon

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1972.

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in non-Oceanic

cognates

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Author

Index

A Abdul Hamid Mahmood, 25 Abdul Rahman al-Ahmadi, 22, 24 Adelaar, 8,18,34,39, 239, 308 Antilla, 8

Chappell, 225 Ciochon

and James,

1

Cobbey, 44 Coed?s, 3, 20, 83, 229

81,82,129,147,

Collins,

I. V.,

48

Collins, J.T. 34, 36, 49, 50, 52, 139,

140

Awoi-hathe, 110,271,272 Aymonier, 30, 77, 78, 109, 113, 116, 144, 145, 147, 228, 229, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 245, 249, 268, 269, 275, 342

Collinson, 116 Coope, 147, 150,245,278 Court, 156, 165, 172

B

102, 115, 138, 139, 140,145, 150, 237, 238, 244, 257, 258 Crawfurd, 30, 31,40, 46, 237

Cowan,

Banker, 240, 242, 245 Bastian,

8,48,49,50,52,54,55,56,94,

146,

40

D

Baxter, 278, 322, 347 Bellwood, 15, 18,32 Benedict, 151, 178, 214, 215, 218, 227 Benjamin, 308

Dahl, 244 Dempwolff, 114, 115,243 Diffloth, 10, 24, 58, 64, 140, 239 Donegan, 61, 115, 116, 117, 126

Blagden, 41,48 Blood, David, 9, 187, 193, 194, 279 Blood, Doris, 7, 39, 60, 62, 63, 88, 105, 187, 190,279 Blood, H., 10, 11, 12, 105 Blust, 8, 12, 17, 25, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39,40, 41,48, 57, 58, 81, 84, 85, 86,87,90,91, 100, 141, 146, 147, 172, 239, 240, 243, 245, 246, 303, 308, 360 Bui Kh?nh The, 268, 275

Drewes,

55

Durie, xi, 7, 8, 23, 48, 49, 51, 56, 58, 63, 68, 70, 77, 85, 88, 94, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 117, 127, 130, 145, 147, 214, 217, 225, 237, 244, 262,

263 Dyen, 7, 25, 31, 37,41,87,

105, 115

E Edmondson, 106, 178, 181, 182, 189, 190, 193 Efimov, 10, 11, 12, 105, 150, 158 Egerod, 89, 269, 270

Bumham, 7, 10, 11, 45, 105, 178, 204, 205, 206, 265, 266 C Cabaton, 77, 78, 83, 109, 110, 113, 116, 144, 145, 147, 239, 241, 242, 244, 245, 249, 268, 269, 275, 342 Chambert-Loir, 228, 229

F Friberg, 45, 106, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 199,274,275 Fuller, 84

395

396

G Gage, 10 Goschnick, 69, 155, 198, 210, 265,

Author

Index

Lewis, 58 Li, Fang Kuei, 90 Li, Paul, 141

266 Grace, 254, 256 Greenberg, 60, 63, 86, 87, 88, 89,

188 Gregerson, 28, 106, 178, 181, 182, 189, 190, 193 Grimes, 44, 271 H Hall,D.G.E.,

17,

18

Hall,K.R., 14, 18, 19 Han, 178, 189, 190, 193 Haudricourt, 90, 178, 214, 215 Headley, 10, 45, 61, 105, 119, 145, 150, 186,187, 199,322,347,358 Henderson, 93, 179, 181, 196, 235 Herzog, 255 Hoang, 193 Holle, 40 Hudson, 361 Huffman, 198 J Javkin, 120 Jr?ng, 263, 264

M Maddieson, 160, 161, 163, 166, 167, 215,218,223,272,273,274 Maitre, 263 Mak Phoen, 22 Manguin, 228, 229 Manley, 68 Marrison, 3, 34, 247, 249, 303, 342 Maspero, 227, 228 Matisoff, 61, 154 Medcalf, 245 Mistry, 70 Morice, 40 Moussay, 113, 188, 193, 268, 269, 275, 279 Mundhenk, 265, 266

N Ni, 160, 161, 163, 164, 167, 178, 214,215,218,272,273,274 Niemann, 8, 48, 49, 237 Nothofer, 36, 37

K Kaufman, 254, 256 Kern, 48 Keyes, 15, 27 Kvoeu-Hor, 45, 106, 178, 181, 183, 184,185,186,187,199,274,275

O Oey, 4, 218, 258,275 Okrand, 161 Ouyang, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167,214,215,218,230,272,273,

274

L Labov, 255 Ladefoged, 92, 166, 179 Lafont, 22, 40, 90, 196, 238, 266,

267 Lee, 7,10,11, 13,44,45,57,58,61, 62, 69, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 96,100,105,106,110,125,140, 151,155,157,158,159,178,204, 205,206,243,244,265,267,270, 279,313

P Pang, 160, 215, 218, 223, 227, 230, 272, 273, 274 Pawley, 40, 244 Peiros, 11, 12, 106, 151 Pham Xu?n Tin, 7, 266, 267 Pittman, 31, 105 Prachacakij-karacak,

Priebsch, 116

10,

12,

105

Author

Index

397

R Ravaisse, 228 Reid, Anthony, 228, 229 Reid, L., 20, 240, 241, 244 Relandus, 31 Rischel, 242 Ross, 34, 35,40,

151,243,244

S Sapir, 116 Sch?fer, 225, 228, 229 Schmidt, 31,237 Schrock, 210 Scott, 172 Sebeok, 31,237 Shorto, 8, 48, 49, 52, 56, 138, 139, 140, 150, 237, 238, 257, 258 Smith, 10, 12, 105, 131, 144,211, 212,213,243,247,293 Solnit, 4, 47, 87,90,91 Stampe, 116 Starosta, 32, 244

Thomas, Dorothy, 7, 60, 87, 88, 89, 105,106,114,115,279 Thomason, 254, 256 Thompson, 196 Thurgood, 32, 33, 90, 106, 120, 178, 183,185,197,199,205,208,214, 215,222,230 Ting, 230 Tryon, 32 Tsuchida, 31

W Watson, 240 Weinreich, 255 Wolff, 31, 151,243,244

Y Y-Bham,

89

Y-Chang, 89, 269, 270

T

Z

Tadmor, 25

Zheng, 2,21,22,160,161,163,164, 165,167,214,215,218,225,226, 227, 229, 230, 272, 273, 274 Zorc, 82, 151

Tegenfeldt, 155, 198,210 Tharp, 89, 269, 270 Thomas, David, 10, 12, 28, 61, 105, 179, 240, 242

Topic Index A Abu Hasan, 228 accommodation area,

Austronesian

earlier mainland

Acehnese Katuic

loans

49

loans

contact,

Malay

migration, MK place

Thai

42-43,47

early

48-50

34-40,

23-26

and Kelantan, an loanwords

in Acehnese,

dating Kelantanese

and Kelantan,

25

B

54

Bac-son, among

the

Be,

among

the

Borneo

50

consonants, Shared

24,

Chamic

poetry, innovations

Shared

innovations

MK

Shared innovations in the epic

poetry,

J. Drewes,

sanja'

patterns, poetic

borrowings

Cham inChrau, 9 Haroi inHr?, 10 Haroi inKatu, 10

55

55

tradition,

Jarai

Mischsprache,

in Bahnar,

9

MK intoPC, 10,307-309 Headley (1976), 10 of Arabic origin, 349 of Indic origin, 346-349

55

Annamite Cordillera, 14 Atayalic, 32 Austroasiatische

258

of vowel length, 257-259

54-56

Hikajat Potjut Muhamat, 55 iambic foot, 55 rhyme

18

substratum,

of grammar, 54,

Cowan (1982), 55 G. W.

1

borrowability, 238

53

lexicon,

15

22

Binh-dinh,

51

vowels,

32

Formosan,

MP, 32

of Nonthaburi,

and mainland

Acehnese

24

traditions,

Pattani,

Acehnese

32

migration into the Pacific, 32 primary subgroups, 32

24

24 place names, dialects the Malayic

of, 31

32

Formosa, the presence,

and early

33

recognition

homeland,

24,

58

Acehnese

scholars

32

family tree, 31 family tree (Figure 5), 35 Hadrianus Relandus (1708), 31

to mainland

Chamic, Acehnese

in proto-Kam-Sui, in proto-Tai, 32

Thurgood (1994), 32

MK substratum in, 237 Niemann (1891), 47 relationship

32-33

33

area,

loans,

58

names,

32

evidence,

Guizhou

58

loans,

loss of the presyllable initials, 72

Asli

evidence,

archaelogical

Crawfurd's survey (1852), 31 dating of sites, 32

to a linguistic 258-259

31

399

348 Portuguese, in eastern Mnong, Rade See

borrowings.

continued

voice

with

of

enlongation

Chamic

voiced

See

83

obstruents,

the vocal

tract,

179

Chamic

of

larynx,

179

Phan Rang Cham low lower

resultant

15-17 prehistory, also Sa Huynh reconstruction

7

lexical,

190-194

tones,

vowel

Fl,

Thomas, Dorothy (1963), 7

179

Chamic

studies,

Chamic

within

Chamic,

early

dialect

C

Chamic,

of vowels

centralization

larynx lowering, 179

and

the formants

centralized tract

vowels,

lengthening,

Haroi

179 179

formants,

larynx

raised,

wave

shortened

of

shortening

180

Chinese

in Kelantanese,

first historical reference (137 AD), 20

180

the name

inscription

Tsat,

Jarai,

2

zenith

2

Cham Kur (Khmer), 2 Cham Raglai (Roglai), 2 Cham Ro (Chru), 2 earlier

usage,

2

History of the Song Dynasty (960 1279), 2 Zhan (inMandarin), 2

at Tra-ki?u,

20

northern capital sacked (982), 20 The History of Chin (c. 280AD), 20

Bahnar Cham (Haroi), 2 Cham

19-22

important sites (Fig. 2), 21

180

Cham and

21-27

history, peripheral, 24

20

references,

diaspora,

180 more

14

China in north Vietnam (111 AD), 19

179

lengths, the vocal

26, 27

in assimilation

26-27 patterns, and Hr?, 27

Champa,

raising the formants (F2), 179

Cepa

9

affiliations

the Vietnamese,

changes

voice higher

vowels

31-39

mainland

(F2), 179

tract,

of, 40

and theMK, 26

179

lengths, lowering

vocal

continuum,

genetic

Chamic,

wave

lengthening

more

history

Austronesian,

Lafont, 238

voice

breathy

6-13

work,

previous

179 raising, of vowels centralization

creaky

26

Blood, Doris (1962), 7 Bumham (1976), 7 Dyen (1971), 7 Lee (1966), 7

Haroi, 84, 197 inChru, 84 inHr?, 212 lowering

of

influence

Vietnamese,

breathy associated

5

in Vietnam,

arrival

comparative

methodology

See

2

Zhancheng, Chamic

9

Index

Topic

400

in sixth

century,

Chong (MK), 69 Chru, 2, 7, 84 etymology Chru

presyllables

of, 2 from

morphology?, 69-70 Haroi classification

counterparts, of Chamic

69

20

401

Index

Topic

Austroasiatische

31

Mischsprache,

creaky

of Champa,

Malay

179 higher Fl, of the vocal tract, shortening of vowels See centralization resultant

30

Schmidt (1906), 31 Sebeok (1942), 31 vs. genetic criteria, typological 93 clusters with -h-, 85-86, 8 methodology, comparative "inverted reconstructions",

D 15 DaNang, dialect chain

8

57

innovations, 34

9

continuum,

22-23 diaspora, 1662 missionary

22

account,

Aceh, 22

main

62

inventories,

syllable

See

also

See

also

Cambodia, 22 Guangzhou (Canton), 22

consonants

presyllable word-final

consonants

contact

with

210-213

Hr?,

195-197

Cham,

Rang also network

22

Java,

22

Annals,

Khmer Royal Chronicles, 22

on Hainan,

230-232

Malaka,

22

Tsat with theLi, 230

See

Western

SejarahMelayu, 22

186-187

Cham,

convergence Chamic

22

Hainan (See Tsat), 22 highlands (See N. Roglai), 22 Khmer

224

Tsat,

records,

Guangzhou

contact Haroi

23

Acehnese,

presyllable inventories, 62

See

72

and Rade, dialect

consonants

Phan

179

30

9, 13 borrowings, dialect 34 chains, lexical evaluating shared innovations,

voice

Ladefoged, 179 raising of the larynx, 179

Aymonier (1899), 30 Crawfurd (1822), 30

also Western

Southeast

Asia,

4-5,

True

6 consonant

finals,

merger

diphthongization 117 chains,

of, 6

and 5-6

tendencies,

consonants, 4, 6 glottalized loss of obstruent 6 voicing, 6

monophthongization, 4 Oey, phonological restructuring

Solnit, 4 development

vowel

contrasts,

Germanic Written

proliferation 6

115

116-117 parallels, Cham 115 records,

voicing 70

of voiceless

obstruents,

disyllabic tomonosyllabic, 60-66 clusters

inventories,

vowels,

diphthongization chains, 116 Donegan (1985), 115

dissimilative of, 4, 6

of, 6 vowel

stressed

dipththongs reflexes of the PMP diphthongs, 124-126

systems, of, 6

tones,

of the Emperor

115-117

diphthongization, Acehnese

6 monosyllabic, loss of, 6 finals,

general

Records

Xian

Zong of theMing Dynasty (1368-1644), 22

6

inventories,

dysyllabioiambio

22

22

Thailand, with

Cham,

with

-h-, 64

disyllables with liquids > loss of the unstressed

initial

disyllables with liquids >

Hainanese Tan-chou

in informal speech (Acehnese), 63 colloquial

62 paths of change, loss of the vowel before

etymology of, 2, 210 vowel

pre-Haroi

complex,

197

voice,

breathy

-h-, 63-64

cultural

22

Min),

(Southern

Haroi

internal

medial

230

dialect,

Ting (1980), 230 Hainanese

speech

(Cham), 62

Dong-son

70

H

with

monosyllables 64-65 clusters,

The

21

Guangzhou, Gujarati,

65-66

syllable,

informal,

Index

Topic

402

15

changes

PC shwa backed, 200 shared with Western

Cham, 199

E Eastern

Cham.

See Phan

Cham

vowel

4

sentence,

equative

Rang

velars,

before

raising 200

and vowel

registers

splitting, 201-206

F final

*-l

(and

to -n, 176

*-r)

14

Funan,

20

Chinese

19

envoys, with

Borneo,

18

connection

with

Chamic,

17-19 tense

17

contact,

voice

20 Ch'i

history,

envoy

and

influence,

192-194

consonants

Gong Cepa, 24 abrupt

4

4 terminology, of the Five Dynasties History

obstruents

versus

Coastal

46-47

Hindu

geographical setting, 14-15 glottal stop, final tone splitting inPR

?13

(907

960), 228 History of the Song Dynasty (960 1279), 2, 22 Hoa-binh,

change

themajor Haroi chan

44-45

versus

Chamic,

gradual

197-198

restructured 197, 214

register, and Cham,

Haroi

to, 18

syllable

high

204

system,

vowels

G

glottalized See main

after

assimilation

Highlands

Cham,

197

Donegan (1985), 204

prince fled to Lin-yi, 19 Wu

205-206

and presyllable quality and *h, 208-209

vowel

18

Oc-eo,

obstruents,

vowels,

18

location,

205

aspirates,

voiced

voice,

18

K'angT'ai,

202-203

voice,

voiced

vowel

18

18

Jayavarman,

204

197-199 register, 198-199 described,

Hall (1955, 1981), 17 Hsiang-lin, in Southern

204

restructured

connection

first Austronesian

consonants,

sonorants, tense

Blust (1992a), 17 Ch'ii-lien,

glottalized

Hr?, 2, 210

15

*s

403

Index

Topic

Li (Hainan), 22

and Proto-North 211-213

Bahnaric,

19, 20

Lin-yi, loans.

Smith (1972), 211

See

borrowings

15

Hue,

M I

80-99 consonants, syllable 85-86 clusters with -h-,

main

iambic

defined, 61

consonant

1,20

Indrapura, inscriptions

fourth

Chamic,

3

century,

oldest,

Malayo-Polynesian, and external

in Haroi, internal

paths,

178-179

93-94

external

232 general, 231-232

voiced

See

82-84 80-82

obstruents,

*c, 81-82

proto-phoneme vowels syllable

main

methodology

comparative

aspirated

84-86

obstruents,

voiceless

reconstructions.

86-93

84

consonants,

paths

Isbukun (Bunan dialect), 141

94-96

clusters,

obstruents,

and voiceless

voiced

Tsat, inverted

clusters,

sonorants,

213

versus

96-99

primary

glottalized PC *w-, 84

Srivijaya, 3 internal

clusters,

secondary 3-4

93-99

clusters,

post-PC

126-137

borrowed,

inherited, 113-126 J

151

summarized,

Jiaozhi, 22

Malagasy

to Acehnese,

parallels

57

languages

Malayic

Adelaar (1988, 1992), 34

K Kampong Kelantan,

Cepa, 23

Kelantanese

Malayo-Chamic shared

24

Malayo-Chamic

25

Malay,

Khmer

Mentawai,

Henderson (1952) on registers, 181 King Pau Kubah, 22 Kufic inscriptions dated 1025 1035, 228

Mentu,

causes,

internal 253-256

Grace, 254, 256 implementation, relative stasis,

254

Thomason

and Kaufman, Labov,

Herzog, names.

172

165,

sporadic,

methodology

110

for identifying, 278-280

1,20

MK

substratum

inheritance

253

Weinreich,

language

39-43

in Acehnese,

237-238

Cowan (1933 etc.), 237 Durie (1990a), 237 Niemann (1890), 237 Shorto (1975), 237 MK substratum inChamic, 237-238 Aymonier, 237 Crawfurd (1822), 237

L Land Dayak, 165, 172 language change vs. external

subgroup, 172

metathesis,

Mi-son,

39

innovations,

254,

and

255 See Appendix

I

256

accounts,

256-??

Malay of Champa, 237 Schmidt (1906), 237 Sebeok (1942), 237 Moken,

58-59

Lewis (1960), 58

Topic

404 typologically similarities to Chamic, 59

sporadic, 153, 154

4

monophthongization,

nasals

sandhi forms, 166

inHaroi, 206 morphology

nasals,

"only", 249 *m- verbal prefix, bipartite causative

243-244

instrumental

Haroi with MK, 41 Phan Rang Cham with

245-246

infix,

network,

negative

243

imperative,

41

social, 1,20

NhaTrang,

nominalizing prefix, 244-245

Nonthaburi Malay, 24, 25

nouns

northern

and affixes,

244-249

Roglai and Tsat first migration (986), 15

247-249

pronouns,

quantifier, 249 relative sa-, the

clause

second migration (1486), 15 See

239-241 prefix, and affixes, 239-244

N finals

in Tsat,

164-167

reconstituting

nasalization,

reconstituting

place

articulation,

of

vowel

length,

Sung

late borrowings

into N.

Roglai, 174 and vowel deletion inCham, 155 176-177

inCham, 155-160 inChru, 153-154 inHaroi, 155 inN. Roglai, 170-176 in PC, 152-153 inTsat, 160-170 Matisoff, 154 174

Oc-eo,

15

Oc-eo.

See

Paiwanic, 161

allophonic before final stops, 155

perseverative,

Roglai

Northern

and Tsat,

43-44 22

dynasty,

also

Funan

P 164

163,

with the 42 falling tone, 169

in Acehnese,

Northern

161

nasalization

and

subgrouping

O

167 168

reconstruction,

reconstituting

also

Northern Roglai etymology of, 224

161-170

and glottalization, and subgrouping, internal

15

Hainanisland, 249

marker,

siy, 249 'inadvertent'

verbs

Cham

= Northern

prepositions, 246-247

nasal

41

Vietnamese,

249

-kan,

41

interactional,

network,

242

prefix, 249

165,166,167,172

preploded,

Blust, 172 Court, 165

241-242

negatives,

connectives,

176

(Acehnese),

pseverative

Index

32

Pattani Malay, 25 Pengkalan Cepa, Phan Rang, 1,20

24

Phan Rang Cham an incipient

tone

187-197 system, 194-195

phonation spreading, 187-197 tones, breathy

tones,

> low

voice

tone,

190

Vietnamese

comparing

196

David Blood (1967), 187 Doris Blood (1962), 187 Greenberg (1970), 188 Han,

Edmondson,

and

Gregerson (1992), 188, 193 instrumental

study,

189

Index

Topic

4?5

Lafont

the nonexistent

and

of

on

literature

remnants

reconstruction 187-188

tones,

connection

of voice

contact-induced

Haroi,

register

type. See

voice

ancient Khmer, 179 Modern Central Khmer, 179 Modern Northern Khmer, 179

presyllable Acehnese

vowel

Acehnese

voiced

initial

presyllable *c-, 70

*k- and

70

creaky voice Western Cham, registers

stops

and

voiceless

106-113 of,

preservation secondary

shifts,

sporadic metathesis, 22 Pu-Luo-E, 4 puny a as a genitive,

also

1,20

Huffman (1976), 198

107-110

of, 2

etymology

110-113 109

S

Sa Huynh burial jars, 15 15

dating,

comparison R

with

Rade

HangGon, chain,

and Jarai,

raising,

72

45-46

179

reciprocal

inHaroi, 69

lingling-o, location of overview, pennanular

northern

15

Borneo,

dialect

197-199

comparison with Niah and Tabon, 15

Q

Rade

complexes

Roglai

carbon

Quang-Tri,

178-179 register tones

register, 198-199

Haroi, 69-72

obstruents, vowels,

See

restructured 72-75

breathiness,

also

the array inChamic, 178 the origins, 232-235 the starting point, 178

74-75

sonorants,

See

180-181

tones

and

overview,

79-?? correspondences, retention and reduction, 75-76

voiced

of vowels

See

70

'horse', guda extra-Chamic

presyllable

proliferation See breathy voice See centralization

166 stops, 67-80 consonants, voicing, of reflexes

of, 179 origins voice quality

phonetic See also

final

dissimilative

179

Vietnamese,

quality

1

post-nasalized

179

manifestations,

pitch, 179 Po Nagar,

4

4

complexes

in PR Cham, 194-195 inTsat, 221-223 inWestern Cham, 183-186 phonation

contact,

similarities,

described, 179

235-236

spreading, 206-208

to language

genetically-inherited similarities, 4

quality, 189 tones split by final glottal stop, 192 phonation

4

historical,

reconstruction,

(1971), 188

Moussay

See Chamic

Chamic.

reconstruction,

PR tones, 196

15 16 sites,

15

15-17 stone

earrings,

Phu Hoa, 15 sites,

dating

of,

16

16

406

See

also

consonants

presyllable

Southern

Min.

Southern

Vietnam

sporadic

stop, 223-224 from final nasals

See Hainanese highlands

sub

highlands

sub

or

219-220

vowels,

from final stops, 218-219

Vietnam

from PC

91

area,

of, 214-224

fortition of a final glottal

47

area, southern

of, 212-21A

description evolution

sesquisyllabic defined, 61 SIL, 261

Index

Topic

*-s and

*-h,

in monosyllables, 76-79

dissimilation,

literature

Srivijaya, 3

216

215-216

on, 214-215

secondary

stress

223-224

constriction, in modern

Tsat and Northern Roglai, 43^4

61

Malay,

in proto-Austroasiatic, 61

61

Tunjung, 172

Southeast

throughout

61

Asia,

62

ultimate,

U

subgrouping Northern

32

Tsouic,

penultimate,

and Tsat,

Roglai

120

acoustically-motivated, upglides, Utsat = U + Tsat

217,

224, 224-227 Summer

Institute

of Linguistics, 22

261

V

Indera Berman,

Syah

Vietnamese

Syah Pau Ling, 22 stress,

syllable

stress,

and

reduction,

67

T Tao

reflexes,

Be, 22 Li (Hainan), 22 20 Cham, temples, See also Mi-son,

tense

Phan

Trang, voice

voice.

Tra-ki?u,

See

voice

Rang

also

vowel

voice

creaky

see phonation

spreading

proliferation 199

Haroi, See

with

See Appendix 227-229

Islam,

on Hainan,

230-232

contact with theLi, 230 development

of

179

spreading

voice

creaky tables.

connection

also

73

71,72,

voice breathy centralization

vowel gliding, 179 vowel length, 179

Tsat

of

tones,

214-232

etymology of, 224 migration history, 225-227 phonation tones

See

quality

1

Transliteration

contact

also

See Nha

Haroi, 197 inHr?, 212 tense

See

vowels,

Vijaya,

20

1,20,22 Vijaya, voice quality, 179 and splits in consonant

20

Huang, Tai-Kadai

migration to the South",

"push

spreading,

221-223

I

also

restructured

register

vowels inventories,

62

inventories,

PMP,

literature,

105-106

overview,

104-105

104

presyllable vowel See

also main

reduction, syllable

vowel length, 138-151

62 vowels

Topic

407

Index

w Western

word-final Cham literature

on register, 179-187

register, Edmonson

181-182 words

182 Gregerson, and Kvoeu-Hor

final

sonorants,

100-102

*-s,

of uncertain

102-103 origin,

334

Y ya relative

(1977), 181 instrumental

yang

description,

phonation spreading, sonorants,

vowel

*-h and

and

Friberg

voiced

99-103

consonants,

final

Yeh-po'-t'i, Yuan-shan

marker,

182-183

culture

Z 182-183

180-181

Zhancheng,

3 3

18

183-186

obstruents,

proliferation,

182

marker,

relative

2, 21,22

complex,

32