Empire and Others: British Encounters with Indigenous Peoples, 1600-1850 (Critical Histories)

Empire and others: British encounters with indigenous peoples, 1600-1850 Edited by Martin Daunton U"iversily of Cambridge and Rick Halpern U",'versily College umdon

" Martin Daunton, Rick Halpern and contributors, 1999

This book is copyright under the Berne Convention. No reproduction without permission. All rightS reserved. Published in the UK in 1999 b y Uel Press UCL Press Limited Taylor & Francis Group 1 Gunpowder Square London EC4A 3DF

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Contents

Acknowledgements Notes on contributors

1

Vlll x

Introduction: British identities, indigenous peoples and the empire

1

Martin Daunton and Rick Halpern

2

The British and indigenous peoples, 1760-1860: power, perception arId identity

19

c. A. Bayly

3

Encounters between British and "indigenous" peoples,

c.

1500-c. 1800

42

Philip D. Morgan

4

Native Americans and early modern concepts oj race

79

KathJeen Brown

5

Praying with the enemy: Daniel Gookin, King Philip's War and the dangers oj intercultural mediatorship Louise A. Breen

101

CONTENTS

6

The cutting edge of culture: British soldiers encounter Native Americans in the French and Indiml war

123

Peter Way

7

Protecting trade throl When one talks of military discipline, the situation is exagger­ ated. Soldiers regularly saw men whipped 1 ,000 times or executed for deser­ tion and any other number of offences. Francis Jennings aptly observed that soldiers were "disciplined by Torture", and suggests that it derived in part from the class divisions embedded in the army.37 Furthermore, European military tactics at this time tacitly sanctioned the destruction and pillaging of towns, and the rape and murder of non­ combatants. During the siege of Louisbourg Wolfe confided: "tho' I am neither inhuman nor rapacious yet I own it would give me pleasure to see Canadian vennin sacked and pillaged and justly repaid their unheard-of cruelty." And a year later when it was rumoured that three grenadiers captured by Indians during the siege of Quebec were to be burnt, Wolfe threatened Gouverneur Vaudreuil: "If this be true, the Country shall be but one universal blaze." I n effect, Wolfe sought to translate native expressions of "mourning war" to a European language of "tota1 war" .38 Such scorch and 135

EMPIRE A N D OTHERS

burn tactics were not unusual, as when General Loudoun instructed Jacob Cheeksaunkun and his Stockbridge Indians to "take Prisoners and Scalps to intercept the Enemy's Convoys of Provisions, to destroy their Cattle, to Burn their Barns, and ocher Magazines and Storehouses of Grain and Forrage, and you are to take all Oppertunities to annoy and distress them" ,39 The actions of the 1761 British expeditionary force against the Cherokees highlight Euro­ pean tactics. After an initial fight with the Cherokee, Lieutenant Christopher French was sent to take native villages with "orders to put every Soul to Death". He found them deserted, but the British took their revenge over the next month by burning fifteen settlements and all their plantations; over 1 ,400 acres of corn were destroyed and above 5,000 men, women and children were driven into the "Woods & Mountains to Stanre". The arn1Y also was prepared to treat natives by European rules of military law. Thus Elias Pegan, an Indian prisoner judged

a

spy, was sentenced to death.40 There is also the contentious,

though now generally accepted, claim that the British intentionally infected

the Delaware Indians with smallpox during Pontiac's Rebellion.41

Thus far, this study has concentrated on the cultural clashes between Euro­ pean and Indian fonnalities ofwar, but there was great scope for acculturation, both metaphorically and literally, for natives to don the redcoat and soldiers the buckskin. In the end, Indians were more successful at crossing and re­ crossing the cultural divide, as they adapted European forms [Q tradi tional goals, whereas many troops who entered the forest were lost to Old World ways; this latter possibility chilled the regimented and class-conscious heart of the am1ies. Commercial relations were the main ways in which natives acculturated to European ways. We have already seen how scalping became commodified, yet this largely entailed merely adding a price tag to established native warfare. Other tasks became formalized as "jobs" paid in wages at set rates; in this way Indians became workers, however temporarily. They were paid for providing accommodation and food, transporting supplies, carrying messages, patrolling, acting as guides, spying, guarding prisoners, etc. Rum sometimes substituted for cash, but wampum was only a secondary fonn of payment by this time.42 Indians were also paid [Q hunt down deserters. A soldier who deserted from the expedition [Q Detroit in 1 763 had a Mohawk and another man sent to bring him in "dead or alive; ifhe resisted to shoot him and bring in his head". Here, Indian practice was explicitly wedded to the army's concern for disci­ pline, with the head to act as both a symbol of the Mohawk's tracking skills and a warning to other lightfooted soldiers.4) From paid army workers and hunters of deserters it was but an easy

1 36

THE CUTTING EDGE OF CULTURE transition to fully fledged military status as a mercenary soldier. Indians thus perpetuated a long tradition of bought martial labour that gave the original definition to the word "soldier", its root meaning being one who is paid to fight. Joining the ranks usualJy was preceded by a more autonomous relation­ ship in which military service was bartered for; thus, in rentrn for promising to fight the French in 1758, some Cherokee were to receive "forty weight of Leather to each man, co make them amends for the Loss of the Summer hum", A second destination [or Indian recruits was the rangers, independent companies, and provincial forces, where they received wages and were ex­ pected to follow orders like their white comrades.44 Indians' increasing absorption within the British war machine was appar­ ently matched by a growing desire for steady wages. It was complained in

1756

that. whereas formerly Indians would serve without money being paid,

the expedition to Oswego the year before under the direction of William Shirley had "Spolt them by Giveing them Great wages So that they now all Expect to have the Same". In an attempt to wrest Indians of the Six Nations from the control of William Johnson, Loudoun felt Shirley had "taught them the use of Money, of which they are now insatiable". Johnson agreed: "The many precedents Mr. Shirley has Sett of giveing Indians pay, & Commissions, has, I find, run through the Six Nations, & River [Mohican] Indians. So that in short what goods &ca I give them (altho it amounts to a great deal) is thought nothing of." As well, a ranger officer had been recruiting among the Mohawks and offering

$1 8 bounty with pay of 4s.

a day. Johnson tried to talk

the Mohawks out of taking up the offer, "but they being a verry mercenary People. it is not easy to do". They said they deserved at least as much as the rangers as they were better at that sort of service, and suggested forming their own companies with their own officers. Johnson thought the "Regimenting" of Indians was a good idea that would prove not much more expensive than the existing system of gift-giving and cash payments for specific tasks. He drew up a plan for a regiment of five hundred Indians complete with their own officers. for which the wage bill plus provisions would have amounted to £33,602 l Os. currency per annum.4S Lord Loudoun neither balked at the expense nor at the prospect of making Indians regular soldiers, but it was to be the Mohican of Stockbridge who werc formaUy to join the army. The Stockbridge were known as the "Civilized" Indians, as they had long had a Christian mission in their settlement and lived alongside colonists. The Mohican were first enlisted in Shirley'S

1755 campaign against Niagara for 5 1 5

a month. a gun, a shirt and othcr supplies. They signed up again in 1756 when they began serving closely with Rogers' Rangers, but were largely inactive the next year. In Februaty

1758,

however, Jacob Cheelcsaunkun and Jacob

137

EMPIR.E AND OTHERS Naunauphtaunk agreed to raise a company of rangers with fifty privates to he paid "British Pay". General Amherst was loath to use the "lazy rum-drinking scoundrels" in 1759, but was forced to, that year and the next, as the French were afraid of them. Three years later at the height of Pontiac's Rebellion, the Mohican offered their "Service to act offensively on pay", but Amherst refused. I n 1 764, with Amherst returned to England, a party of twenty went west with Johnson, but the uprising was all hut over.46 Thus, while the desired regular regiment offivc hundred Indian allies never materialized, the Stockbridge Indians provided regular reinforcements for the British war effort, taking the king's shiUings in return. Although they never functioned like well-disciplined British soldiers - hiring on for the year, providing their own officers, ranging rather than ranking - they had clearly changed their pre-existing modes of warf:1re, absorbing European tactics and organization for the purpose of gain. They occupied a Hfrontier" of warfare which blended European form and acquisitiveness with native technique and ritual. At the same time as the army encouraged Indians to fight morc in accord­ ance with European practice, it was not unmindful of the lessons to be learned from these allies. "Every Indian is a Hunter, expert in Arms, and very dextrous in Shooting consequently by being a good Marksman preferable to a Soldier ,, in those inunense Woods where European Discipline is of little Use. 47 Over the course of the war, initiatives were taken to make British soldiers into hunter warriors, equally adept in the forests and on the plains. Before saiJing for North America Lord Loudoun instructed that the army wanted more HIrregulars", both rangers in the provincial troops and as many natives

as

possible. Upon his arrival he stated his intention to transform some regulars into rangers, as he found "there was a disposition in the Soldiers, to go out with Indians and Rangers" .48 The Duke of Cumberland concurred: "i [sic] hope that you will, in time, teach your Troops to go out upon Scouting Parties: for, 'till woods, & act

regular officers, with Men that they can trust, learn to beat the as irregulars, You will never gain any certain intelligence of the

Enemy", as Indian and ranger information could not always be trusted.49 Similarly the following year, Charles Hardy asked James Abercromby to consider "if leaving off square Elbows, and right heel to left, and in short the General Manuvire [sic] of regular Troops, was Changed, and the Troops, that is to say greac pan of them were broke into Irregulars, Used more to Scouting not render them more usefull for American Warfare".50 As Hardy indicated, making British regulars more suitable for irregular warfare involved more than merely renaming them rangers; tactics, discipline and uniformity would all

have to be altered. James Wolfe complained that "Our clothes, our anus, our accoutrements, nay even our shoes and stockings are all improper for this 138

THE CUTTING E D G E OF CULTURE

country. Lord How is so well convinced of it that he has taken away all the men's breeches" .5 1 Implementing the plan meant creating a soldier that not only fought unusually, but also looked very different from his redcoated comrades. The transformation was first apparent with the rangers who donned a uniform in place of their own clothing. On their heads they wore a leather cap; over thel[ shoulders rested a short cloak made of light canvas painted the same colour as tcec bark, which covered their entire body; beneath this came a pattern cloak, and a coat similar to that of regulars, but shortened and with pockets on the inside of the breast and with lapels that went to the waist for warmth, all the colour of bark; next came a loose-fitting waistcoat. "The short trousers and Buskins are intended to let the Rangers have the free use of His Limbs when marching, that He may not be bound about the Knees, Leggs, or between the Thighs, that He may be drest sooner, and that He may be disencumbered from the weight and expence." The ranger carried a Lighter, shorter, blackened ftrelock; a bayonet in the form of a knife; a scalping axe instead of a broadsword; and a tin-covered cartridge box to keep out the wet. AU told, the ranger's anns, accoutrements, and clothing were 1 3 lb lighter than the reguJar's.52 The revolution of practice did not end with these adjunct troops, for Thomas Gage volunteered to raise a regiment of irregulars as part of the regular army. Loudoun was receptive, feeling that Gage's light infantry would greatly lessen expense and provide "a Corps of Rangers that would be disciplined, and have Officers at their head on whom I could depend". Gage's Light Infantry, the first light-armed unit in the British anny, tended to attract a certain sort of soldier, more adventurous and independent, and perhaps with greater hunting skills. Amherst noted that the light infantry involved in the attack on Louisbourg were "chosen as marksmen from the different regi­ ments". Irregulars also tended to come from a wide variety of ethnic and social backgrounds. "They are a mixt Nation, Even of all SortS."S3 The novelty of the rangers (or "Leather Caps") and irregular light infantry went further than their arms and clothes. For, in roaming the woods in small groups rather than ranks, and in trying to become part of the landscape rather than dominate it, they escaped to a degree the stria discipline and regimen­ tation of regular soldiers. The camouflaging of their uniforms so as to blend in with the trees is a fitting symbol of the blurring of the two cultures. Yet it was never perfect or natural; in trying to pass as the other a new entity was created. The irregulars were but the most extreme manifestation of the adaptation of Europeans' anned warfare to Nonh American realities. Cultural blending was also evident amongst the regulars. uThe Art of War is much changed and 139

EMPIRE AND OTHERS

improved here. I suppose by the End of the Summer it will have undergone a total Revolucion", noted an obsczvcr in 1758. "We are now literally an Army of round Heads. OUT Hair is about an Inch long; The Flaps of our Hats, which arc wore slouched. about two Inches and a half broad. OUT Coats arc docked rather shorter than the Highlanders . . . . The Highlanders have put on Breeches . . . . Swords and Sashes are degraded; and many have taken up the S Hatchet and wear Tomahawks." 4 While this was said i n admiration for this practical transformation. the degradation of European forms noted was a worry for officers. The limited freedom from commands offered by irregular duties and the increased interaction with Indians opened the door CO a breakdown of discipline and, in the worst-case scenario, of soldiers "going native", either by fully embracing native martial practices or by deserting the army for life amongst the "savages". To the class-bound hierarchy of the military, this would lead not only to military defeat but to social chaos. To the extent that European emulation of Indian warfare aided the war effort, it was tolerated and encouraged. Thus a captain in Gage's light infantry was allowed to go on a scout to Quebec in 1759 painted like an indian with three native guides. In the landing a t Martinique in 1762, a French militia officer was "Excessively Frightned [sic], mistaking the Rangers for Indians, they being Painted & drest as such & setting up the same hideous YeU". Similarly, during the batcle for Havana the following year, a regular officer reported that his soldiers gave the "Indian Whoop" before assaulting a Spanish redoubt. 55 That soldiers exported cultural practice learned on the continent to the Caribbean signifies the hold it had 011 them. Social interaction with Indians was morc worrisome to commanders, as it could lead to drunkenness, dereliction of duty and physical conflict. In 1 756, WiUiamJohnson asked Shirley to give strict orders to commanding officers to ensure their men "behave well towards the Indians, do not give them drink or drink with them & best to have nothing to say to them". Soldiers encamped at Rays Town, Pennsylvania, in 1758 were ordered not to go to the neighbouring Indian camp or to have any dealing with the natives, an order that proved ineffective as two sentries had to be placed a t the camp to keep the men from visiting. That same year at Lake George, Amherst reported that Indians and rangers had become drunk together and "fell to handy CuffS, but no great Mischief ensued". It was presumably such frolics that led Johnson in 1 761 to order fort commanders to prevent soldiers from "having much intercourse with the Indians, or rambling abroad among them, as that often creates disputes & Quarrels between Soldier, & Indian for want of under" stand"IIlg each atiler " . Whether they understood each other or 110t, soldiers and warriors seemed

140

T H E CUTTING E D G E OF CULTURE

to desire to socialize with onc another. While officers undoubtedly were wary of the bad blood that could arise from drunken "handy cuffi", they also feared that the troops would take up the undisciplined ways of native allies and this would undenlline their military effectiveness. Underpinning these concerns was a subconscious phobia that these two groups, both subject in different ways to the class control of a European elite. would combine and undercut the hierarchy that was the backbone of the British military and empire. This implied threat became explicit when enemy Indians became involved. Indians routinely cook soldiers captive. Those that survived would have undergone the same sort of cultural indoctrination that Thomas Brown had. Ifhe is to be believed he went along with the process, biding his time to make an escape. But James Axtell has argued about Indian captivities in general that, after the traumatic incorporation into the tribe, many whites learned to love their new people and were reluctant to return to European society when given the chance, especially impressionable children who would be incorpo­ rated into native culture to maintain social and demographic stability.57 Soldier captives offered Indians a different resource, as labour power, potential war­ riors, and bargaining chips for prisoner exchanges and ransom payments. Conversely, a native lifestyle offered some soldiers an escape from military discipline and possible access into society more open and ebralitarian than British. Richard Williams' story highlights the experience of soldiers forcibly in­ ducted into Indian culture who found it difficult to return to their English ways. Williams was a 1 5-year-old drummer in the 51st Regiment taken prisoner near Oswego in March 1755. Brought to Oswegatchie, he met Roman Catholic deserters from the army at Oswego, and claimed to have witnessed the cannibalistic consumption of Lieuten:mt Bull. Williams was given to some Onondagas. with whom he resided for over a year. During his captivity Williams made a fur-trading trip to Schenectady with three Indians, during which he unsuccessfully tried to escape and was tied up. During the night he untied his hands and legs with his teeth and hid in a hollow log until late the next day. The I ndians searched for him but eventually gave up the hunt, and Williams was free to return to the English. Williams' deposition mirrors published captivity accounts of the period with its emphasis on an innocent taken by predatory Indians and exposed to various inhuman practices before making a valiant escape and return to civilization. Yet, ending as it does with his escape, it leaves out just how deeply he was marked by the experience. Taken up as a deserter on a vessel out of New Haven, Williams was described by a witness, James Swan, as "Abollt five feet high, of a Ruddy Compexion [sic], Somewhat freckled,

141

EMPIRE AND OTHERS

hawksbill Nose, a hole bored trou [sic] the Bridge of his Nose, both Ears Cut According to the Indian fasruon, One of them torn Out (As he Says by an Indian) ". Williams admitted to Swan that he had remained with the Indians for about two years, during which time he was taught to hunt and eventually allowed to go out on his own. He made his escape and claimed to have carried two scalps with him to Boston, where he bound himself as an apprentice to Swan, a pilot between New York and Sandy Hook. He ran away, however, leaving his clothes but taking with him a gun, hatchet, what he called his "Sculping knyfc", some powder, ball and flints, and two striped blankets. Williams had said "that he Could paint himself So fu not to be known fro m an Indian".s8 WiUiams was taken u p before he could complete his escape,

so it is impossible to tell what his intentions were, but it is clear that he was caught between two worlds. His face reconfigured in native rituals, his skill i n the woods broadened, he seemed more confident of being able to pass as an Indian than as a Caucasian, and certainly more drawn to the forest than to the garrison. He was a soldier only to the extent that the army refused to let him go. Richard Williams escaped from his Indian captors, whereas other soldiers detem1ined to remain with them, and more actually fled to them. In fact, so many deserting soldiers sought refuge with enemy natives that unsubstantiated claims of captivity rarely staved off punishment.59 Whether convert or de­ serter, these pseudo-Indians posed a potentially greater threat to their fonner military masters in their rejection of the army, as a drain on manpower, and as potential enemies. Some sought to become Indian, like "Jemll1Y Campbell an Irish Lad who was taken at Oswego", but who took an Oneida "Squaw" as wife and lived with her kin, or the corporal in the South Carolina Independents who had deserted to live with the Cherokee when they besieged Fort Loudoun, only to return as an emissary of his new people. Some just stirred up trouble. WiUiam Williams reported that about twenty deserters, mostly Roman Catholic, had been adopted by the local natives around the Carrying Place, and were responsible for egging the Indians on to thieving cattle. and forcing the carpenters to give them

nun.

These "Devilish Desert­

ers" must be taken care of, or they "will by & by become dictators", Williams wamed. The pull of native ways is suggested by the fact that, as late as a year after the fall of New France. many soldiers were still living with Indians, some as unwilling captives, but others either through choice or fear of punishment, and Thomas Gage ordered that all white men should be discovered and seized.60 The most "Devilish" thing for a soldier to do was not only to desert and take up Indian ways, but also to serve his new people against the old in the war. Hen.ry Hamilton of the 48th Regiment, who deserted to the enemy in

142

THE CUTTING E D G E OF CULTURE

July

1759,

was seen afterward with the French army in their white uniform

and with Indians at St Francis. He later returned to the British to serve in the New York Independentc;, but was discovered and sentenced to death. John Boyd deserted from the 28th Regiment while standing sentry in 1759 and fought for the French. His claim that he was taken by the Indians and joined the French only to escape was dismissed, and, because of the "heinous" nature of his offence, he was ordered to be hung in chajns "on the very Spot where he appear'd in Arms against those Colours which he had sworn to Defend".

61

Jonathan Burns was one of the more notorious soldiers who went native.

A

Massachusetts provincial who was taken captive in 1756, Burns changed

sides and fought for the enemy and was only taken up as a traitor when New France fell. His greatest sin, however, was his participation in the torture death of an English soldier who had been with Rogers' Rangers in their assault on St Francis and was later captured in the autumn of 1759 near Crown PoiO[ by Bums and his Indian comrades. The prisoner was taken to Isle aux Noix, where "the Indians came to a R..esolution to sacrifice the said Prisoner: that he was led out by the Indians, to a small Distance from the french Encampment, and there tortured in a most barbarous Manner" .62 Burns assisted while many French watched. Soon after Bums came to Montrea1 where he received clothes and other rewards " for his Services". During his court martial Burns

claimed that the Indians compelled him to take part in the sacrifice, but - true to form in published execution accounts - he was said to havc confessed his crime before his own exccution.63 English soldier dismembered English soldier in an Indian torturc ritua1 meant to cleanse away the deaths inflicted on native people at St Francis by rangers emulating native tactics and punitive violence. This spectacle describes the cultural confusion wrought by wan.1re that brought vCl)' different people into close and bloody comact. Jonathan Burns was executed according to long-standing European traditions of pun ishment for the mortal sin ofbccom­ ing an Indian; his fellow soldier and victim had been butchered according to native mourning rites to bring back the Indians he had killed. Jerry was killed as a traitor to an alien race, and his head stuck on a pike in a way that looked to both European and Indian practice; it was a fonn of punishment and a ritual to exorcize the ghosts of the Monongahela. And let us nOt forget the unnamed members of the 44th Regiment who hoisted his head; for in this act, where Tyburn met Indian palisade, a new, mute vocabulary of violence was being fonned that spoke of the encounter of Briton and Indian. For all these individuals, as for many other soldiers and warriors, it was not the fall of New France that was the most significant result of the war, but the severing of traditional ties and the forging of new lives, often through killing and maim­ ing. at rhe cutting edge of cultural change. 143

EMPIRE A N D OTHERS

Notes I would like to thank the Huntington Library. the British Academy. the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the University of Sussex for the funding and support they provided towards the researching of this chapter. 1 2

A. Smith,

Tlzl!

wealth oi l/a/;om (London, 1962), vol. 2, p. 1 83.

[Loudoun] to the Duke of Cumberland, 20 August 1756, Loudoun Papers, North American Series, Manuscript Department. Huntington Library, San Marino, California, LO 1525, Box 33 [hereafter all LO references apply to the Loudoun Papers]; see the definition of "Colours" in 'nil! gmt/eman's lompleal military dictionary . . . , 1 8th Crlll (Boston, 1759), n.p.; Johnsoll to Loudoun, 6 August 1756, LO 1428, Box 32; Loudoun to Daniel Webb, 1 1 August 1756, LO 1466, Box 33.

3

[LoudounJ to Cumberland, 20 August 1756, LO 1525, Box 35; [LoudounJ to Johns,On, 8

4

Gage to Loudoun, 9 August 1756, LO 1449, Box 33; Loudoun lO Gage, 8 Augusl 1756,

August 1756. LO 1442, Box 33; Johnson to Loudoun, 8 August 1756, LO 1444, 130x 33. LO 1445, Box 33; Webb to Loudoun, 10 August 1756, LO 1459. Box 33; Johnson to Loudoun, 3 Sept. 1757, LO 4392, Box 97; S. PargelJis (ed.), Military 4fairs in Nortll America 1 748-/ 765: selected dommen/sjrom tile Cllmberland Papers in Windsor Caslle (New Haven, Conn., 1936; repro Hamden, Conn., 1969), p. 252. 5

T. Hayter, "The 13ricish Anny 1713-1793: recent research work",jolUml of tile Societyfor AnllY I-limri(al Research 63, Spring 1985, pp. 1 1-19; ). Brewer, '1111.' sinews ofpower: war, money alld the Englisll state, 1688-1673 (Cambridge, 1989); A. ) . Guy. Oeconomy and discipli"e: o§uersllip and admillistration ill till.' Britis/l AnIlY, 1 7 1 4-63 (Manchester, 1985);

T. Hayter. 7111.' anny and fill.' crowd in mid-Georgian England (London, 1978) ; ) . A. Houlding, Filfor sem{f.': tile traillillg of tile Britisl! Army, 1715-95 (Oxford, 1981).

6

S. R. Frey, "[1,1.' Britisl! soldier in Ameri(a: a social history of mili/ary life ill tIre Revolutionary period (Austin, Tex., 1981); G. A. Steppler. 1111.' common soldier in the reigtl of George lIl,

1760- 1793 (D. Phd. Thesis, Oxford Universicy, 1984).

7

J. Shy, Toward Lexinglotl: Ihe role ofIIII.' British Antly ill Ihe comitlg ofIht Revolulion (p rinceton, N.).. 1965); E. W. Carp. " Early American military history: a review of recent work", Virginia M(lg(lzine of History (lIId BiograpllY 94(3), 1986, pp. 259-84;

D. Higgonbotham,

"The early American way of war: reconnaissance and appraisal", William (/tid Mary QuarteTly, 3rd ser., 44(2), 1987, pp. 23{)--73.

8

F. Anderson, A people's army: Massa{husetts soldiers and s(J(.iety it! Ihe Sevell Years' War (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1984). See also : ) . Titus, 7111.' Old Dominion at war: society, politics, mId warfare ill lale (olonia/ Virgillia (Columbia, S.C., 1991); J. Fcrlillg, "Soldiers for Virginia:

who served in the French and Indian War?", ViJ;ginja Magazine if History alld Biograpl!y 94(3), 1986, pp. 307-28. 9

As recently as 1989, James MerreU decried the absence of Indians from the writings of colonial historians. "Some thoughts on colonial historians and American Indians", William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 44(1), 1989, pp. 94-1 19.

10

D . Brown, Bury my heart at Wounded Kllee: all Indiatl IIistory -6. 3

178

HUNTING AND THE POLITICS OF MASCULINITY 10

11

12

13 14

On the proclamation of 1763, see L. De Vorsey. Jr., TIlt Indian boundary in tile soutlll!Tn c% rlies, 1 76�t 775 (Chapd Hill N.C., 1961), pp. 34-40; For the South Carolina trcaty, sec "Minutes of a meeting with the Cherokee headmen", Fort Prince George, October 1765, encl. Ralph PhiUips to Thomas Cage, 26 November 1765, Gage Papers, American Series, vol. 46; also "Cession of lands by the Cherokee Indians", Fort Prince George, October 1765, ene!. John Seuart [0 Thomas Gage, 21 January 1766, Gage Papers, American Series. vol. 47. For the North Carolina treaty, see eRNe, VII, pp. 462--6. 502-5. For the Virginia trcaty. which was supplanted by a new agreement in 1770, see John Stuart, "Journal of the Superintendant's Proceedings", Hard Labour, October 1768, Cage Papers, American Series, vol. 137, folder 8. Proceedings "At a Meeting of a party of Cherokee Indians, chiefly Headmen and Rulers of their Nation, and most of the Cherokee Traders", near Fore Charlotte, 8 june 1771, Colonial Office Papers Ihenceforth COl, Public Record Office, 5/72/330. Some white hunters took in excess of one thousand skins in a single year. Charles McLamorc was found with I , I 00 deerskins in the summer of 1769. Alexander Cameron to Uohn Smart] , Fort Prince George, 1 8 july 1768, encl. Stuart to Gage, 22 August 1 768, Cage Papers, American Series, vol. 80. For more on McLamore, see Hatley, nle dividing par/u, pp. 135-8. On the longhllmers in general see Aron, I-low Ille West was lost, pp. 21-7. For one of the earliest attempts to settle west of the Holston Valley, see joseph Martin to (William Symmes?], 9 May 1767, Tennessee Papers, Lyman C. Draper Manuscripts, Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wisc. For a narrative of white settlement from the perspective of Cherokee hunters, sec " The Deputy Superintendant Mr Henry Stuart's Account of his Proceedings with the Cherokee Indians about going against the whites", 25 August 1776. CRNC. X. pp. 765. 768-9. Thomas Gage to john Stuart, New York, 26 january 1768, Gage Papers, American Series, vol. 73. The most famous and most frequently used version is that collected by james Mooney: "Kana'ti and Sclu: the origin of game and corn", in Myllls , Rep,"ed(3) (12 Feb"",y 1840), p. 17; [(4) (22 Febru,,,, 1 840), p. 25; [(5) ( 1 1 March 1840), p . 44; "Immigration t o Mauritius", "Memorial to the Right Honorable Lord Stanley", and "Petition to the House of Commons", from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Socicry, Reporter IlI(S) (9 March 1842): pp. 33, 34-5, 40. Kale. Fragmctlls if empire, Chapter 5. "Minutes", p. 383. Deb:llcs 011 "Introduction of slave-grown produce from Cuba and Brazil", and "Emigra­ tion from Africa to the British West Indies", Proceedings of the General Anti-Slavery Convention Called by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and held in London, 13-20June 1843 (London, 1843), pp. 127-73, 238-64; At/Ii-Slavery R£porrtr V(7) (4 April 1844). This discussion ofBritish abolitionism is indebted to the secondary literature on the topic, especially Eric Williams, Capitalism and slavery (London, 1964); Howard Temperley, 341

EMPIRE AND OTHERS British antislavery, "833-1870 (Chapel Hill, N. c., 1 972); Christine Bolt & Seymour Drescher (eels), Anti-slavery, religion, and rifonn: essays in memory oj Roger Anstey (Folke_ stone, 1 980); Claire Midgeley, Women against slavery: tile Bri/isll campaigns, 1 780-1870 (New York, 1992); David Turley, The rult/lre of English (lillis/avery, 1 780-1860 (London, 1991); Robin Blackburn, 71le overthrow of (olollial slavery, 1776-1848 (London, 1988); Thomas C. Holt, TI,e problem offreedom: race, labor a/ld politics inJamaica mId Britain, 18321938 (Baltimore, 1992); Frederick Cooper, From slaves to sqUQ//trS: plantation labor and agriculture in Zanzibar mId coastal Kenya, 1890-1925 (New Haven, Conn., 1 980); John L. Comaroff, "Images of empire. contests of conscience: models of colonial domination III South Africa", in Tensions of empire: {olonial cultures in a bourgeOiS world, Frederick Cooper & Ann Laura Stoler (eds) (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1 997), pp. 163-97; Susan Thorne, " 'The Conversion of Englishmen and the Conversion of the World Inseparable': missionary imperialism and the language of class in early industrial Britain", in Cooper & Stoler (eds), TetlSiol1s if empire, pp. 238-62. Students of British abolitionism appear to agree that the movement lost momentum and influence after emancipation and, indeed, some abolition­ ists publicly worried about this at BFASS's 1 843 Anti-Slavery Convention. It seems to me, however, approaching the issue from my research and focus on Indian indentured migration, that their influence was less noticeable after 1 838 because at this juncture, the critiques of and accommodations to British capitalism and imperialism they had made earlier in the century became mainstream, the stuff of conventional liberalism. 8 "Minutes", pp. 342--6 1 . 9 For analysis of planters :U1d their associates' positions on labour migration, see Kale. Frag",en/s if empire, Chapters 1 and 2, especiaUy the propositions ofJohn Gladstone and William H. Burnley. 1 0 "Minutes", pp. 360-1. II Ib;d., p. 361. 1 2 Ib;d., p. 364. 1 3 Ib;d., pp. 365-6. 1 4 Ib;d. , p. 368. 1 5 See, for example. Dowson's and Grant's separate minutes dissenting from the report of the majority of the committee appointed by the Governor of Dengal to investigate allegations of abuse in rccruitmcnt of indcntmed migrants to Mauritius in lOR VI26/820/ 1-2, "Coolie export enquiry; Dickens committee report, evidence and dissenting minutes" (Calcutta, 1839). 1 6 "Minutes", p. 364. 1 7 Ib;d. , p. 370. 1 8 Ibid. , p. 364: emphasis in original. 1 9 Ib;d. , p. 374. 20 Ib;d., pp. 379-80. 2 1 For analysis of colonialism as development, see David Ludden. "India's development regime", in Colonialism and {IIllure, Nicholas B. Dirks (ed.) (Ann Arbor. Mich., 1992), pp. 247-88. 22 "Minutes", p. 382. 23 Kale, Fragmems of empire. Chapter 7. 24 Kale, "Casting labor in the imperial mold: empire and Indian indentured migration to British Guiana and Trinidad, 1836-1910", paper presented at the ISER-NCIC confer­ ence Challenge alld {hallge: Ihe Indi(m diaspora in ifS his/orical and contemporary contexts, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, 1 3 August 1995. See

342

" W H EN THE SAINTS CAME MARCHING IN"

25 26 27 28 29 30

31

32 33 34

35

36 37 38

39 40

also John Kelly, A politics oj "irille: Hinduism, sexuality, and rowHCrcu[Wral discOIme ill Fiji (Chicago, 1992); and Brij Lai, "Kumi's cry: indentured women on Fiji plantations", Indian Eco'lOmie atld Sodal History Revii'w 22(1) Uanuary-March 1985), pp. 55-72, and "Veil of dishonour: sexual jealousy and suicide on Fiji plantations", Journal oj Pacific History 20(.3-4) Uuly/Oclobcr 1984); Rhoda Reddock, "Freedom denied: Indian women and indenturc:ship in Trinidad and Tobago 1845-1 917", Economic and Political Weekly 20(43) (26 October 1985), pp. 79-87; Patricia Mohanuned, "Writing gender into history: the negotiation ofgender rclations among Indian men and women in posL.-indencure Trinidad SocLety, 19 1 7- 1 947" , in Engetlden'ng history: Can"bbean wcmtll ill iJistorical pwpeclive, v. Shepherd, D. Brcreton, B. Bailey (eds) (New York, 1995), pp. 20-47. "Minutes", pp. 80-8 l . Ib;d., p. 86. /b;d., p. 90. Ib;d., p. 87. Ibid., p. 90. Ibid., p. 450. See, for examplc, Lord Brougham's speech in 1 838 in the House of Lords condemning Colonial Secretary Glenelg's Order in Council allowing migration frolll India to the British Caribbean under tenns and conditions expressly forbidden by British law for ships leaving Britain; "Speech on Eastern slave trade", 6 March 1 838, p. 3 1 . "Minutes", p . 45l. Gyan Prakash, Bonded histories: genealogies of labor servitllde it/ colot/ial India (New York, 1990), pp. 8-12, 2 1 11-25. David Davis, TIle problem ofs/avery in western culture (hhaca N. Y., 1966); Eric Foner, Nothit/g bmfreedom: emandpatioll and its Irgary (Baton Rouge La., 1983); Blackburn, TIre overtlrrow of w/onial slavery; Holt, 1'1re problem offreedom, Chapters 1-3; and Prakash, Botlded histories. Ambivalence over the Indian empire persisted, however. In the 1843 Convention, John Scobie noted that while the Convention could congratulate themselves on having effected the abolition ofslavery in British India, this should not be mistaken for approval of the way India had become British. "Minutes", pp. 453-4. Ib;d., p. 453. The reverse Row of benefits was imagined by some observers in later years. Tn the aftennath of the 1857-9 rebellion in northern India (including regions or most intensive recruiunent for indentured labour migration), some Indian and imperial government officials suggested that many rebels might be banished to the British Caribbean colonies to labour on sugar plantations for the remainder of their lives. In 1913, Archdeacon Josa suggested in an article in Tim/ren· that since Indian women's prospects improved so dramatically in emigration, the government should encourage it for their sakes. Tim/reri 111(1) (Sept. 1913) . p . 28; scc also Kale, Fragments of empire, Chapter 7. "Minutes", p. 24. This discussion is infornled by: Mary Poovey, Utrevcll developmems: fire ideological rvork of gender ;,r mid- Victoriall Englalld (Chicago, 1988); Leonore Davidoff & Ca.therine Hall, Family fortlltle1: men and women of tire English middle class, 1 780-1850 (London, 1987); Judith Walkowitz, Prostiluliotl and Victoriatl society: women, claH and lire state (New York. 1980); Catherine Hall, "Competing masculinities: Thomas Carlyle, John Stuart Mill and the case of Governor Eyre", pp. 255-95, and " 'From Greenland's Icy Mountains . . . to Afric's Golden Sand': ethnicity. race a.nd nation in mid-19th-century England", in Wlrite,

343

EMPIRE AND OTHERS (London, 1992); Clare Midgley, (New York, 1992); Moria Ferguson, Subject to others: Bn'tisli women lllriters and (% nial slavery (New York, 1992); Lata Mani, "Contentious traditions: the debate on sari in colonial India", and Panha Chatterjee, ;'Nationalist resolution of the woman question" , in Recasting women: essays in II/diml (% nia/ lris/ory, Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (cds) (New Brunswick, N.j.. 1 990). pp. 88-126, 23353; Antoinene Burton, BI/rdens ojhistcJry: Britishfemillists, Indian women and impm"al culture, 1865-19'f5 (Chapel Hill, N. C, 1994); Ann Laura Stoler, "Making empire respectable: the politics of race and sexual morality in twentieth-century colonial cultures", American Etlmologist 16(4), 1 989, pp. 634-60; Rhoda Reddock. "Freedom denied"; Patricia Mohammed, "Writing gender into history"; Mrinalini Sinha, Colonial maswliniry: the "mallly Englisllman" and the "tifJerninale Bengali" in the late nitleteemh celltllry (Manchester, male and middle dass. ExpiormiotlS in feminism and history Women against slavery: tile British campaigllJ

1995). 41

"Minutes", p. 26.

42

Ibid.

43

Ibid.,

44

Ibid. , p. 28.

45

p. 29. p. 37. Ibid. p. 38. Hall, WI/ife, male alld middle-class. "Minures", p 414. Ibid., p. 540.

46 47 48 49 50

p. 27.

Ibid., Ibid.,

.

344

Chapter Seventeen

North American experience and British missionary encounters in Africa and the Pacific, c . 1 800-50 Andrew Porter

The history of Anglo-American relations in many different forms - colonial and constitutional, military, economic, diplomatic. religious and humanitarian - has long been a staple ingredient of historical scholarship in the English­ speaking world. The richness of the field is such chat it has proved amenable co almost infinite reconsideration and extension. In such circumstances, therefore, it may be foolish to think that there exist significant issues still to be addressed at any length. However, trus essentially impressionistic study is designed to consider one area which has apparently been little explored. It focuses on the question of the ways i n which North American experience of religious encounter with indigenous peoples, both at home and overseas, influenced British missionary outlooks and enterprise from the 1 790s, when the modern missionary movement fll1ally gOt under way, to the 1 840s, when it entered its second great wave of expansion. Equally, ahhough not my purpose in this article, it would be possible to turn the question about, and to enquire into the influence of British experience on North American rrusSlons. Studies of the evangelical revival, of the Great Awakening, and the origins of voluntary lay missionary societies on boch sides of the Atlantic, from the Baptist Missionary Society (formed in 1 792) to the American Board OfCOllllllissioners for Foreign Missions (established in 1810), have not only expanded enor­ mously oflate but have made much of the Anglo-American connection.1 Over the past half-century, they have, not surprisingly, shed much light on the sources of inspiration, the theology, and the personal connections not onJy of evangeHcaJ leaders, like George Whitefield, John Wesley and Thomas Coke, but also the rank and ftle of what was fundamcntal1y a transatlantic movement. 345

EMPlltE AND OTHERS

Recent study of the development of American protestant missionary thought has highlighted the replication in North American debate of those conflicting approaches to the relationship of "Christianity and Civilization" which equally divided British missions.2 The world of Anglo-American evangelicalism has itself been shown to be part of a still greater Protestant netvvork of influence and personal contacts embracing continental EUTope.J Work now in progress is revealing much more of the significance of the Moravian Brethren, in bringing together the disparate conununities of evangelicals on both sides of the Atlantic, and contributing not only to the global missionary enterprise but to the establishment of the new missionary societies of the 1 790s.4 Historians of religion are now familiar, for instance, with the impetus given by the writings of the Massachusetts pastor, Jonathan Edwards (1 703-58), to religious revival and the reassessment of Protestant missions to the non-Christian world. TIns was not confined to the traditional media of preaching and published sernlons or theological commentary. Edwards' publication of the diaries of his prospec­ tive son-in-law, David Brainerd, portraying his earnest but less than fruitful struggles to convert the Delaware Indians, became a classic of missionary literature influencing many in both Britain and North America. s Even studies of Anglo-American religious divergence serve to illustrate the extent of the interlocking, common religious culture which existed until the 1 840s and in many respects well beyond. However, despite the growth in understanding of the transatlantic evan­ gelical world, stiU hardly any work seems to exist throwing light on those Anglo-American connections which may either have influenced the devel­ opment of attitudes to indigenous peoples as the object of missionary endeav­ ours, or have contributed to the interplay of events and experience between one mission field and another. This apparent absence is the more striking because the importance of transatlantic exchanges has been commented on in related areas of study. The work of O. B. Davis, for Instance, on western thought about slavery and anti-slavery in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, or, most recently, Turley on English abolitionism, is shot through with such material and discussion.7 Support for humanitarian causes and missionary enterprise were from the late eighteenth century onwards very closely connected. Historians of Mrica have also shown al1 awareness of the role of Black Americans and their society in the interchange. Philip Curtin, for instance, in his important snldy TI,e image ofAfrica, commented that "Tn the trans-Adantic exchange of ideas, Britain gave the anti-slavery crusade to America in the 1 830s and received back the American racism of the 1850s.'" Scholars interested in both indigenous American peoples and southern Africa have produced illunnnating comparative studies, both of the "frontier" of setcle(0

346

B R I T I S H M I S S IONARY ENCOUNTERS

ment and encounter there and in America, and of the parallel development of segregated societies in both countries at the end of the nineteenth century.? They have also drawn their own explicit parallels and comparisons between the experience of American Indians and those of the Cape Colony's Khoisan and Xhosa in the face of white expansion.1O However, they have very rarely seemed aware that early nineteenth-century contemporaries made similar observations and were also inclined to draw their own conclusions. My first question is therefore what influence, jf any, the history of mission­ ary encounter, in the British colonial societies of North America, had on later similar encounters elsewhere, in Africa and the Pacific. What transference was there of missionary thought across the geographical and chronological "im­ perial meridian"?11 Perhaps the evemual answer wiU be "very little". Perhaps the complexity of evangelical networks and inteUcctual influences is too great to be unraveUed.12 Interdenominational competition, of the sort which in the 1760s made the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge work to prevent Indians in the North American colonies coming under the influence of local nonconfonnists, may have prevented fruitful co-operation. However, before the inquiry is dismissed as not worth pursuing, it is important to recognize in it one particular form of a more general question about the formation and transmis­ sion of missionary ideas and experience. Too many studies of missionary enterprise focus on the transmission of missionary ideas outwards from a single centre, and fail to understand that most often missionary thought and plans were the product of exchanges between several such centres. The influence, for example, of American revivalism on British evangelicalism had critical consequences for British missionary operations in many parts of the world in the years after 1 870.13 At the same time, writers rarely seem to remember that mission organizers at homc and many missionaries in individual fields overseas were acutely consciolls of operating in a global setting. They considered their world as a single arena for the working out not only of the Divine Com­ mand14 but also of divine promises, with the result that developments in one region could be of great significance for the course to be adopted in another. In the latcr nineteenth century, events in India, China, and parts of Africa impinged on each other to influence missionary strategy

111

Important ways.

There seems no obvious reason why such cross-currents should not have been equaUy a feature of the early century. Indeed, the likelihood is that they were at least as powerful then as they werc latcr on, when frequently denomina­ tional divisions had hardened and international competition was often more stridently expressed. Early in the nineteenth century, there was already a sense among mISSIon 347

EMPIRE AND OTHERS

enthusiasts that Britain and America were developing in compicmcmary ways. Thomas Haweis, for example, who played a key part in the formation of the London Missionary Society (hereafter LMS), hoped for great co-operation to follow from this. "America is still a land of real Protestants" . he wrote, "so that the American colonies appear, not only rising into a vast consolidated empire, but reviving in effares to promote the kingdom of the Lord . . . and are, 1 hope. destined with us to spread the everlasting gospel to the ends of the earth, " I S In the same spirit, whither their conmlcrce next to our own extends between 1 809 and 1 8 1 7 , the British and Foreign Bible Society contributed financially to the growth of local American societies, and encouraged the work of the American Bible Society, established in 1 8 17. 16 As secretary of the Church Missionary Society and editor of the Missionary Register, Josiah Pratt assisted in the establishment of an American missionary society.17 Among the earliest writers of the 17905, past American experience was seen as offering a few simple object lessons. One of the foundation documents, as it were, of the modern missionary movement, William Carey's famous pam­ pillet of 1792, emphasized the North American precedents as evidence of the possibility and likely success of Protestant missions. IS By contrast, Melville Horne discerned across the Atlantic clear evidence of how not to proceed. In the record of Roman Catholic activity in Spanish America, in "the Missions among the Cannadian [sicJ Indians, whilst that country made a part of the French dominions", and in Britain's former colonies, the proper missionary cask had been ignored in favour of linking religion to the imerests of the state in political and economic conquest, leaving the survivors "to be exterminated, as tribes of their brethren have been, by the English bayonet and the American rifleman". For Horne, the model to be followed was that of the Moravians.19 I t is also not especially difficult at a later date to find contemporary analogies being drawn by British observers from American experience, for example, with reference to southern Mrica. "The history of the Cape is already written in that of America", William Hogge wrote confidently in 1 8 5 1 ; "the gradual increase of the white race must eventually though slowly ensure the disap­ pearance of the Black". Similar views were expressed that same year in The 20 Times. The problem for historians now is rather to identify the growth of such ideas, illfonnation and influence, and the channels along which [hey flowed. One such series of channels was provided by the organizers of the London Missionary Society, fonned in 1795, and their missionaries in the field, particularly in areas, such as the PacifiC or southern Africa, where they came into close comact with those of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (hereafter ABCFM). George Burder, LMS secretary from 1 803 to 1 827, established a correspondence with his opposite number at the .

348

.

.

BRITISH MISSIONARY ENCOUNTERS ABCFM, Jeremiah Evarts, which continued to grow under their successors. A significant part was played in this development by William EUis, LMS foreign secretary from 1831 to 1841. Ellis was originally sent ill 1 8 1 6 to join the LMS's Tahitian mission, and first made his acquaintance with the Americans when he accompanied an LMS deputation in 1 822 to visit the recently-established ABCFM Sandwich Islands mission in Hawaii. Ellis wa.1neS; Karifuna; Native

colonialism (New England)

industrial revolution, and markets

200 33-4 of military 32-3, 34 patriarchy 188-9, 1 90, 200, 315 Scottish Enlightenment 34-6 imperial systems 8-9, 21-2 changing nature of I I , 1 9-20, 29-31 constraints on power 10 evangelical

set QUO France; military imperialism; Spain; territorial expansion indentured migration from India

332, 341,

343nn 333, 382n 325, 340-1

as fonn of slavery to Mauritius

indentures: public (of children)

203nn see a/so apprenticeship India

Americans

188, 1 89-90,

24

inhabitants: definition of Native American

210-11 legal status of

192-3, 201 n 223, 230--1

inhcritance, laws of

intennediaries: role and perceptions of

28-

9, 53, 64 and treachery

1 09-10

20, 44, 45 relationship to British Isles 5. 6, 102-4 Iroquois 29, 48, 123, 174 missionary accounts of childhood 240--2 , 243 Ireland: and Irish identity

stt also Mohawk; Onondaga; Seneca;

195-8,

Tuscorora Isham, Charles Price

247, 257n

Isham, James, Hudson's Bay Company

24&--7, 257"

9, 25, 31, 36

391

INDEX Islam, renewed identity 38

relations with African maroons 289--90

islands, as mctaphor of contact 54-5

resiStance to Europeans 284-5, 286-9, 291-2

jacobs, Ferdinand, education of children

retreat from Lesser Antilles 286, 296 Stapleton'S plan to extemlinate 294--5

247-8 Jamaica 285

strongholds 290, 295--6

Baptist church in 304, 316-17, 318-20

and Willoughby's treary 292-3

Consolidated Slave Law (1 826) 3 1 0

Kat River Rebelion, l Cape Colony (1851)

cnd of apprellliceship celebrated (1838)

371-2, 376 Kattenarut, job 1 1 1 , 1 1 4

317-18 free villages 329-30

Kemper, Jackson, Bishop of Missouri 357

indentured labour from India 326, 341

Kerr, William, jamaican Baptist 317-18

monument in Knibb Baptist Chapel.

Khoikhoi 20, 28, 37, 372

Falmouth 306-7

emancipation of 367, 368

Morant Bay Rebellion (1 865) 269, 274,

Kat River Rebellion (1851) 371-2 Khoisan 29, 37, 347, 351

275, 365 Native Baptists 312, 316, 321

King Philip's War (MassachllSettS 1675--6)

slave rebellion (1831) 306, 307, 3'12

1 0 1 , 102, 1 1 1 , 218, 229

Jamaica Baptist Association 3 1 0

contemporary histories of 1 13-16 Kingstown, South, Rhode Island 189, 190-

Jamestown, Rhode Island 194, 1 9 7 , 199 "Jerry" (Tuscarora tribe), murder of 1 23--4 ,

1 , 197 Kitchingman, Rev. james, missionary in

143 jobson, Richard, The golden trade (1 623) 85,

South Africa 373-5 Kllibb, Thomas, Baptist missionary 308

94, 96 john, Patrick, Prime Minister of Dominica 282, 283

Knibb, William, Baptist missionary 304, 307-9, 321

johnson, William, Nonhern Indian

celebrations to end apprenticeship 317-

Superintendent (America) 123, 137,

18 condemnation o f slavery 309--1 0

140 Johnstone, George, governor of West

evidence to Parliamentary Select

Florida 1 50, 152 jones, Rev.

Committees 314-15

David, missionary at Red River

monument in Falmouth, jamaica 306-7 speech to anti-slavery convention 329-

251 Jordan, Winthrop: on racial perception of

3 1 , 340

Native Americans 79�80, 98

utopian vision of 306, 320-1, 329-30,

While over black 3, 81-3, 86

382n

judson, Adoniram, ABCFM missionary 357

knowledge, expansion of 31-3 Knox, Robert, scientific racism 380

Kaffir Employment Act (1 857) 379, 380 Kaffir Relief Committee 379

Labat, Perc, on Karifuna 287-8, 289, 290

Karifima: aggressive reputation of 287-8,

labour market 56, 332 and abolition of slavery 304, 305, 319,

289 and Anglo-French rivalry 291-3, 295-6

326, 330, 331-2

final defeat and eviction of 297-8

Aboriginal inclusion

miscegenation and ethnic identity 281,

in India 333

III

263, 264, 272-3

resistance of Karifuna 287, 296

298-9

see

on modem Dominica 280, 281-3

392

also apprenticeship; indenture

INDEX Lafirau, Father, jesuit missionary 240--3, 252

12�, I3�4, 137

Louisbourg, siege of 135

land: Cherokee cession of 1 67-8, 169-70,

Lushington, Stephen, Anti-Slavery Convention 325-6, 331-2

1 7�5, 176-7, 1 84n

commodification of Karifuna 286-7 conflicts over (North America) 125

Macartney, Sir George 45

English concept of use and ownership 7,

McGillivray, john. trader 153

206-7, 208

and grazing rights 220-2, 261

McLamore, Charles, hunter 179n Maclean, Daniel, and UmbercoUie murders 266, 270

market in 208-9 see

a/so

hunting territory; property rights

language: as arena of contact 53, 62 indigenous 36, 46, 277n Lathrop, Captain Thomas 1 1 4- 1 5

Maclean, john, and Kaffir Relief fund 379 Malinche, La 93 Malthus, Thomas 28 mankind: missionary belief in universality

bw: Common Law precedent 224

of 352 unity of 20, 32-3

and creation of Native American identity 21&-19, 231-2

Maori 7, 28, 29, 36. 46. 378 carly encounters with 54, 66

and customary law 2-3, 35-6, 2 1 8 ,

wars 3 1 , 37, 365-6

224-5

see also New Zealand

equal application of 268-70, 274-5 and property rights 7

Mark, james, and Umbcrcollic murders 264, 265-6, 267-8, 270, 276

Le jeune, Father, jesuit missionary 242-3 Leeward Islands 286, 288-9 Assembly 295

markets

marriage: Native American traditions of 189, 2 1 8 , 222-4

legitimacy: and marriage customs 225-6,

see tliso miscegenation

227

for succession 223

see trade

Marsden, Samuel, missionary in Paramana 350

Leon, Ponce de. Spanish commander 285 Levereu, john, First Church Boston 1 06

Marshall, Chiefjustice john 2-3

liberalism: crisis of 12-13

Martha's Vineyard 228

see also Chappaquiddick

decline among missionaries 372-5 and disillusion in Cape Colony 366-72 Ligon, ltichard, A Tme and Exarr History if the Island oj Barbados 97

Martinique 23, 288

Martyr, Peter 89, 92, 95-6 masculinity: Cherokee politics of 1 68-7 1 ,

Lindley, Daniel, American missionary 355

176-7

Livingstone, David, missionary 356

and nicknames 266, 276

localism, of indigenous societies 46-7

thcoril"S of sexual potence 93

Lochabcr cession (1 770) 174-5

Massachusetts 126

Lok, john, on Garamantes (Libya) 9 1

Bay colony 1 0 1 - 1 7

London Missionary Society (LMS) 348, 367

Puritan leaders 102, 104-5, 106-7, 108-

increasing conservatism of 372-5

9, 1 12-13

Jinks with ABCFM 348---9, 350, 3 5 1 , 357

town councils 1 88-9, 190, 200

in Pacific 348-9

5ee

see a/50 Philip, Dr john

Lord Dunmorc's War (1775) 176

also Chappaquiddick;

King Philip's

War; Natick

in South Africa 351-2

MaSters and Servants Ordinance (1841) 368 Mather, Increase, history of lGng Philip's War 1 1 3, 1 1 5, 1 1 6

Loudoun, Lord, British Army commander

393

INDEX opposition to miscegenation 64

matriliny, among Native American clans

perceptions of indigenous peoples 33--4,

1 71-2, 225

109, 350

Mauritius 25-6, 325, 340-1 Mayhew, Experience 220, 227, 231

in Puritan New England 104-5

Mayhew, Matthew, of Chappaquiddick 221

and role of state 12-13, 304 Roman Catholic 348, 351

Mayhew, Thomas, governor 221

see

medical topography 32

also American Board of

mercenaries, Native Americans as 137

Commissioners; Baptist missionaries;

Metacolll, chief of Wampanoags (King

Church Missionary Society;

Phil;p) 1 10

evangelism; London Missionary society Mobile, Choctaw conferences 149, 1 62n,

Metcalfe, Charles, governor ofJamaica 28

164n

Middletown, Rhode Island 190

Modyford, Thomas, governor ofJamaica

military imperialism: and expansion of

290, 293

knowledge 3 \ -3 imperial garrison state 25-7, 30, 3\

Moffat, Robert, missionary 356, 374

and subjugation 1 2

Mohawk 137

see

Mohican \37-8

also fiscal-military state; territorial

money, Native Americans' use of 137

expansion

Monongahela river, battle 130

Mill, James 35 Mill, John Stuart 274, 275

Montagnais (tribe) 242-3

Millar, John, on progress 34

Montcalm, General Louis, Marquis de 1 25-

Mingo Houma Chito, Choctaw chief 154,

6 Montserrat 288

156 miscegenation: and blackness 84-5, 94

Moore, Rev. R.R.R., American anti­

condemned 12, 64, 65-6

slavery delegate 336 moral improvement, and increasing

effect on identity 2(}-1, 298 of Karifuna with Africans 281, 290, 298-

intervention 33-4 Morant Day Rebellion (1 865) 269, 274,

9 mixed marriages in Rupert's Land 63-4,

275, 365 Moravian Brethren 346, 348

245-8 Native Americans wim Blacks 188, 213

Morris, Augustus, Macintyre River sheep herder 266

missionaries: as abolitionists 304-5, 313, 314

Morrison, Robert, missionary 356

American in South Africa 352, 353--6

Mosely, Capt.'!in Samuel 1 1 4, l i S

application of North American

Moshweshwe, nussions to 354

Murri people su PikamplIl

experience 2, 350-1 , 356, 358 assignment of patriarchal roles 305, 315,

Muskogee 173, 175, 184n Muslim law, slavery in 333

329-31

myths: from first contacts 52

blamed for Kat It.iver Rebellion 372

Selu-Kanati (Cherokee) 1 70, 172-3,

Bridges' anger against 3 1 1 - 1 2 and compromises o n polygyny 226, 227

1 79--8011 Mzilikazi, American mission at 352, 353,

freed slaves reconstnlCted as Christian

355

subjects 304, 305, 3 1 3 and humanitarian liberalism 346, 372-5 interconnections between 58, 347, 3485 1 , 356-9

nakedness 67, 88. 90 Narragansett (tribe) 225 Nassuba Mingo, Choctaw chief 149, 160

intervention wilh aboriginal children

Natal: American mission in 352, 353, 355

238-9, 240-5, 249-52

394

INDEX war of annexation 355-6 Natick, Massachusetts 204-5 displacement of Native Americans 209. 210-13 and land market 208-9 origins as "praying town" 208. 209-10 Native Americans: accounts of captivity among 131-2, 141-2, 231-2 alliances and trade with Europeans 27. 29, 30, 47, 128 appearance described 64, 79-80. 81, 8993, 98 and concept of frontier 54 confe"deracies 48-9 cultural adjustments 30, 48-9, 136, 138 "friend Indians" 206 generational conflicts 47, 151. 1 59--60 Gookin's "halfway covenant" in Massachusetts 106, 107-8 guns for 24, 3D, 87, 1 54-5. 173 intennarriagc with British 63-4 miscegenation with Blacks 188. 213 nature of trihes 168, 171-2, 225 noble/savage stereotypes 126, 358 "praying Indians" (Christianized) 101, 102, 108, 1 1 1 , 1 1 5-16, 208, 209 relations with British Anny (French and Indian War) 9, 123-43, 155 rieuals of warfare 131-6 seasonal migration ("wandering Indians" ) 206, 207-8, 210-1 1 , 212 use and ownership of land 36, 207-8, 218, 224 see also Algonquian; Cherokee; children; Choctaw; Creek; hunting; Iroquois; women Naunauphtaunk, Jacob, Mohican ranger 138 Nepal 25 Nevis 288; Assembly 295 New Orleans 149, 1 5 1 New Zealand 26-7, 46, 66 see also Maori Newfoundland 50 Ninegret. Charles. Narragansett sachem 230-1 Nipmucks. in Massachusetts 107, 1 1 2 nomadic peoples, as scouts and allies 28-9

Nonh Africa, peasant societies 30--1 North America 2 t, 46, 47 loss of British colonies 22 see also Canada; Massachusetts; Native Americans; United States North-West Company (Canada) 26, 243, 256n; and "country marriages" 248 Norton, Moses. on education 247 Nunez de Balboa, Vasco 93 oaths, value of native 32, 35-6 Ober, Frederick A., on Karifuna decline 281 O'ConneU, Daniel, MP 326, 331-2 Oconostota, Cherokee elder 167, 171, 174-5. 176--7 , 184n Ojeba, Alonso de 285 Olacta Houma, Choctaw chief 1 55-6, 160 Onondaga, Iroquois council 174 Oswego, Fort Bull 135 Ovando, Governor, of Hispaniola 285 Owen brothers, traders in Africa 65 Oxenbridge. John, rivalry with Gookin 1 06--7 , 108 Pacific see Polynesia "Pantaloon", Pikampul negotiator 266, 270, 275 Panton, Leslie & Company, traders in Floridas 1 59 Paris Evangelical Missionary Society 354 Parliamentary Committees: on the Aboriginal Peoples of the British Empire (1834-8) 35, 350 on slavery (1831-2) 313-14 patriarchal tradition: and gender 1 88-9, 262, 275-{; imposed on freed slaves 320, 329-31 in Massachusetts town councils 188-9, 190, 200 in missionary VISion 305, 315 see also women patronage 1 9 Pease, Joseph, criticism of EIC 334 Pecosh, son of Pokepanessoo 220, 222-3, 225 Pegan, Elias, Indian prisoner 136 Peggs, Rev. James, on slavery in India 335

395

INDEX Peguis, Cree chief

249-51

"poor of the town"

Penn, William, and property rights

1 9 1-2, 198 "poorer sort", poor rclieffor 1 9 1 , 192

32-3

Poner, William, Cape Colony administrator

Pensacola, Creek-Choctaw peace conference

(1776) 1 58-9

Petuhanit, Joseph and Sampson Philip, Jane

370-2, 375-8. 379 27

1 1 2- 1 3

Portugal, slave trade

373-4

Portuguese colonists, miscegenation by

Philip, Dr John, missionary in South Africa

351-6 liberalism of

353-4

367, 372, 373-5

Powhatan (tribe), confederacy Society

337-9, 340

48

348

press: and re-evaluation of indigenous

Pikampul people, Macintyre River

society

34 on Xhosa 368, 379-80 primitivism, concept of 240-- 1

(Australia)

260, 261-2, 277n 269--70 Boobera Lagoon group 263, 270, 271, 276 employmelll with herders 262-3, 272 initiation ritual (8ora) 263-4 land law among 261-2, 271, 276 murders of women 265 Pitimee, Andrew 1 1 1 Pitt, William (the Elder) 22, 128 Pitt, William (the Younger) 23 plamations, Caribbean 65, 297 planters: conRict with missionaries 304-5. 310, 31 1 Bligh's support for

Prince, Mary, n'e Hislory ofMary

Pringle, Thomas, Anti-Slavery Society property rights

316

3, 6-7, 32-3, 274-5

see a/so land; landownership Protestantism: and British identity European network

19, 44

346, 360n

see also Baptist church; evangelism; missionaries; Puritanism Providence, Rhode Island

194, 195, 1 99-

2oo, 202n Pueno R.ico 284-5 PlInjab 25, 37

312, 313

Puritans: in Massachusetts colony

327-8

102, 1 04-

5, 1 06-7, 108-9, 1 12-13

Plymouth Colony, prosecutious for

and prosecutions for fornication

fornication

228, 235--6n 63, 92, 93, 94, 245

Pokepanessoo, Wampanoag sachem

Prince

316

refusal of religious freedom for slaves resistance to free labour

30 63, 245

Pratt, Josiah, Church MiSSIOnary

Phillips, Wendell, American abolitionist

Pocahontas

potlatch gift-giving Powhatan, Chief

aim of restricting white expansion

94

229--30

self-identity of

1 1 4-16, 1 17 95-6 Putnam, Rufus, soldier 134

PUta, island of

219,

223, 225, 227 police force, native (Australia)

264, 268-9.

Quebec, siege of

135

270, 276 polygyny, missionaries' compromise on

ract!: as difference

225-6

80. 370

Jordan's interpreution of

Polynesia: iudigenes

46, 61, 66 missionaries in 34 8-9, 353 Pontiac's Rebellion 136, 138, 1 5 1 Poor law 6, 187 definition of transients 192-3 indenture (of children) 187, 195-8, 203nn poor relief 6-7, 187, 1 98-9 warning out 187, 188, 192-5

and racial identity

81-3, 86 3, 4, 1 3

relatively unimportant among seafarers

59--60, 62 see also blackness racism: conservative

12, 375-80

rise of

364-6 scientific 364 South Africa compared with America

346-7

396

INDEX Raleigh. Sir Walter 92-3 Ranan island 298 R.ea, Caleb. soldier 134 Read, james, missionary 372, Red Capt.1in, Choctaw chief

Sassechuammin, claim to sachemship

217-

18, 220, 222-4, 228, 232 373, 375 155, 156, 157,

160, 163-4n

Red River settlement, missionaries at

Saulteaux (tribe) 248, 251 Savage, Major Thomas 1 1 3, 1 1 4 scalping 129-30, 1 3 1 , 132-4 Scobie, john, secretary to BFASS

52, 257n

Reitz., F. W., Mrikancr Iibernl 377-8 religious freedom, for slaves 310-1 1 , 3 1 3 representative government 12 Cape Colony debate 375-7 see also colonial government{s) reserved territories: Australian Aborigine

Scotland 5, 6, 7 Highland links with America 57-8 and Scottish identity 20, 44, 45 Scott, Major John, expedition against Tobago 291 Scott, Richard, attack on Gookin 101-3 Scottish Enlightenmcnt, stage thcory 34-5,

271

for Karifuna 281-3 Native American 1 69-70 R;-hode Island 1 86-200, 20G-Inn rituals: Aborigine initiation 263-4 of Native American warfare 1 31-6,

332,

341n, 343n

248-

38, 367-8

seafarers, connections among 58-62 SecQ[an (tribe) 96 Sedgwick, Robert, Massachusetts militia 104 153,

Seeknout (I), Chappaquiddick sachem

of possession-taking 5 1-2 see also gift-giving Roanoakc island 93, 94, 96 Rolfe, john, and Pocahontas 63 Roman Catholic missionaries, political activity 348, 351 Roman Catholic revival, Ireland 20 Rowbndson, Mary, account of captivity 23 1-2 Royal Navy 2 1 , 23, 32, 59-60 Rupert's Land (Hudson's Day) 63-4, 2458, 256n

Russell, john, Colonial Secretary 325 R.utherford, H. E., and Xhosa wars 370 Ryswick, Peace of (1 697) 296 St Helella 25-6 St Kitts 288 St Lucia, Karifuna on 288, 290, 295, 298 St Vincent: Barbadian maroon cOlllln llU iry on 289-90 defeat of Karifuna 290, 295, 296-8; pioneer setdemem 292-3 Saltonstall, Nathaniel, Third Church Boston 107 Sams, joseph, abolitionist 333-4 Sandwich islands, ABCFM ntission 349

220,

221, 223

16311, 166n

Seeknout,Jacob. Court case

( 1 7 1 8) 6, 217-

18

Seeknout. joshua, Chappaquiddick sachem 220, 221-2, 224 Selwyn, G. A., Bishop of New Zeabnd (1841) 357

Seneca (tribe) 174, 175 settlers: effect on indigenous societies

26,

3IH, 36-7

encroachment on Cherokee hunting grounds 169-70, 172, 174, 179n taxation of 25 see also Puritans; squatters (Australia) Seven Years war 2 1 , 149, 1 6 1 n, 297 sexual behaviour, commentaries on 91-4 sexual encounters 12, 63, 65, 6C:r-7 see also miscegenation; women Sharp, Granville, abolitionist 306, 307 Shawnee 157, 176 alliance with Cherokee 174, 175, 1 8211 Shepard, Rev. Thomas 226 Shirley, Colonel William 1 30, 137, 140 Shulustamastabe, Choctaw chief 1 54, 155 Simpson, George, governor at Hudson's Bay 251 slave emancipation: August (1 834) 316, 367, 368

397

INDEX and end of apprenticeship

African Commerdal Advertiser 367, 370 65 Spain. slave trade 27, 285 Spanish colonies 23, 25

(1838) 305,

Sou/II

307, 316-18 in India (1837) 335

South Carolina, intcnnarriage

4, 13 (1823) 307 Jama;", (1831) 306, 3()7, 3 1 2 missionary involvement in 307-8, 312, 316 slave system 2 1 , 22, 27-8 propaganda war 312-14 and white working-class identity

slave rebellions: Demerara

Spanish colonists: and Choctaw gift-giving

285-6 Native American women and 57, 63, 92, 94 and Taino in Greater Antilles 284-5

and reconstruction of indigenous identity

48, 49 and religious freedom for slaves 310-11 see also apprenticeship; indenture slave trade: abolished (1 807) 27, 307 Royal Navy and 23, 60 slavery: continuing 27, 327 enslavement of native Caribs 285, 287, 296 in India 332-6 parliamentary definition of 335-6 and racial perceptions 97-8, 313. 321 s�� also African slaves

see

and employment of Aborigines

266-9 rough reputation of

Stapleton, WiUiam, governor of Leewards

289-90, 293-5 costs of financing wars

4-5 also British

24-5

nature of

see

92, 94 12-13

government; military

imperialism Stephen, James, Colonial Office

310, 367,

377 stereotypes: of African sJaves

313, 321

of Native Americans (noble/savage)

Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in

4, 347

365

Stockbridge, Native Americans of

1 31-2, 141-2

1 26,

358 of post-Mutiny Indians

soldiers: captured by Native Americans

137-8

Stockenstrom, Andries, Afrikaner

deserters to Native Americans deserting to French

142-3

frontiersman

142-3 135

377

Strickland. Sarah, Anti-Slavery Society

and military discipline

316

Stuart, John, Southern Indian

and Native American rituals of wan.ue

Superintendent (America)

131-3, 134-5

149, 150,

157, 1 58-9, 162n

social interaction with Native Americans

14(H

Sturge. Joseph, abolitionist

306, 307, 308,

316, 321

uniforms of irregulars (rangers)

139-40

subaltern peoples: limited autonomy of

354

South Africa: compared with America

346-

7

II

Scots and Irish as

see also

Philip's missionary work in

see also

12-13

state: as agent for social refonn

4. 347

Sotho, 1l1issions to

275 262, 268

and racial limits to justice

Poor Law

Foreign Parts

263, 264 265,

Obstruction of Bligh's investigation

Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge

265, 267,

268, 269-71

378 Smith, John, and Pocahontas

261

aggression towards Aborigines

Smith, Harry, governor of Cape Colony

social welfare

squatters (sheep and c.attle herders in Australia)

social reform, role of state in

159

conferences

and Karifuna in Lesser Antilles

351-6

5

elites

sugar production: in Caribbean

321

Cape Colony

398

lO­

289, 297,

INDEX by free labour 328-9, 331-2

Vaudreuil, Gouverneur 135

sugar trade 22-3

violence. as arena of Contact 62-3

surveys, naval and military 32

Virginia: Bacon's Rebellion 1 17

Swiney, Sam, jamaican slave 310-11

Walker, Frederick, Australian Native Police

Tahiti, LMS mission to 349 Ta.ino (tribe), in Greater Antilles 283. 2845, 296 Taitt, David, agent in Floridas 154 Tasmania 26, 46

Walpole, Sir Robert 24 Wampanoags 1 1 0, 217 'iee

a/so

King Philip's War

Ward, WiUiam, Baptist missionary 356

taxation: imperial 9, 25

warfare 24-5, 27

income tax 1 2

among indigenous peoples 28, 30

to finance wars 24-5 territorial expansion 21-2, 23-4, 149 from Cape Colony 347, 353 rituals of possession-taking 51-2 and trade 2�, 50, 5 1

among Native Americans 1 5 2-8. 160, 170

5ee

a/so

French and Indian War: King Philip's War

Warner, Indian 294

Third Church Boston t 06 Thompson, David, explorer 246 Tobago 291, 295 Tomade Mingo. Choctaw chief 154 torture, Native American ritual of warfare 1 3 1 , 134 Towerson, William, on African women 93 trade: Caribbean sugar 22-3 connected markets 56-7 importance to Choctaw 149-60 North American frontier 27, 28, 125 reserved to Cherokee elders 173 search for markets 13, 24

see a/so

270-1. 278n

Wamsquan, Sarah, Natick, Mass. 210-1 t

tattooing 34, 61-2, 90

and territorial expansion

Cherokee land cessions to 174-5, t 77

25-6, 50, 5 1

free trade; slave trade

traders 27 and private land deals 184u relations with Cherokee 173, 175 transients, Poor Law definition of 192-3' 202nn Trinidad 23, 326, 341 TuckapawiUin, Joseph 1 1 t Tuscarora tribe 123, 124

Warner, Philip, expedition against Karifuna 294 warning out, instrument of Poor law 1 8 7' 188, 192-5, 202nn Washington, George, al Monongahela 130 weapons: acquired by Native Americans 24 ' 87, 1 54-5 as gifts from Cherokee elders l73 Wedderburn, Raben 61 Wellington, Duke of 335-6 Welsh identity 44, 45 West Africa, descriptions of indigenes 84, 87, 93, 96 West Indies

see

Caribbean; individual islands

West. Rev, john, Rupertsland missionary 248-5 1, 252, 258n, 259n Wheeler. Thomas, Brookfield, Mass 1 1 2 white identity 3 , 95-8 racialization of working-class 4, 1 3 White, john, paintings b y 57 Wilberforce, William, abol.itionist 306, 307, 367 Williams, R.ichard, soldier, captivity 135, 141-2

United States of America 357 slavery in 327

Williams, Roger, on Narragansett

225

Williams, William, on deserters \42

Usteneka, Cherokee elder 175

Willoughby, Henry, St Kitts 291

Utrecht, Treaty o f ( 1 7 1 3) 288, 295

Willoughby, William, Lord, governor of

399

INDEX Barbados 291, 292-4

relations with New England town

Wilson, Daniel, Bishop of Calcutta 357

councils 199-200

Wilson, H. H. 32

suspected of prostitution 191, 194. 200

Windward Islands 286, 289, 291-2, 298

warned au[ of Rhode Island towns 192-

S

Wolf King, Creek chief 154 Wolfe, General JaOles 125, 128, 134, 135,

138-9

working class: moral improvement of 33-4 white identity of 4, 13

women: American anti-slavery delegates

Wroth. Captain Peter 296

337-9 as intenllediaries 64 sexual attractiveness of 64, 66, 91-3, 94-

S slaves 97-8, 316 Spanish view o f indigenous 57, 63, 92,

94

5et

also children;

Xhosa 29, 36, 347

colonial disillusion with 369-7 1 suppression of 378, 379-80 Xhosa wars 3 1 , 37, 366 effect on mission work 374-5 impact on humanitarian liberalism 368-9,

patriarchal tradition;

371. 377-8. 380-1

women, Native American

Xhosaland, annexation of 378

women, Native American: attractiveness of 64. 91-3

care and discipline of children 1 7 1 -2,

Young, Jonathan, UmbercoUie (Australia)

265, 266

241-3

Young. Margaret 265, 276

households headed by 188, 189, 202n

Young. Sir William, Caribbean

and indenture of children 197-8

commissioner 297-8

and poor relief 186-7, 193-4, 199 power and role of