al-Shahrastānī and the Shīʿī Doctrine of Imāma

AGSHAHRASTH AND THE sEÜ'~DOCTRINE OF :1 AN ANALYSIS OF THE VIEWS EXPRESSED IN HIS

AL-

WAAGA@ULAND ~ - Y A T A ~ . Q D & ~ ?' E M A L - a . .

%y: Siti Syamsiyatun

A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of A r t s in Isiamic Studies

Institute of Islamic Studies McGill University Canada

June 1998

Author

: Siti Syamsiyatun

Tittle

:Al-Shahrasta

e hka: and the Sfi'i D o c t ~ of An Analysis of the Views Expressed in His al-1iMi'Ia.i wa &-Nad

and N

i d-I~d&fi 'IIm al-Kalm

Department

:Institute of Islamic Studies, McGiII University

Degree

: Master of Arts

This study seeks to anaiyze the views of al-Shahrastani (47911086 - 5484 153) on the issue of Shi7 imima as presented in his works aZ-Mil' wa al-Ni&î and NibZyat al-

Iqd& fi 'Ima/-Kalaataat In each of t hese he devotes several chapten to a discussion of the leadership of the Sh?? community since the days of 'Ali b. Ab? Tilib. The study shows that both books under discussion were designed by al-Shahrastàni to serve different purposes and were composed according to different methodologies. He takes cornpletely different approaches to his treatment of SE4 doctrine in al-Miial and the

Nihya. Acting as a "'historian of religion" in al-Milal, the author shows considerable objectivity and avoids passing judgement. He supports his account of Shi"ism with arguments acknowledged by the Shi% thernselves. This is because al-Shahrast-Zi intended al-Milal as a scientific and systematic account of religions. However, as a "theologian" he held certain of his own beliefs regarding several doctrinal problems, which he also wished to make it public. It was to serve this purpose that the Nihya was composed. Furtherrnore, in this work the author does not hesitate to attack

opinions different from his own, including the doctrine of i m h a

It is with profound himùlity and reverence that 1 wish to acknowledge the many people who have given generously of their t h e and wisdom to help me t o complete my course of study at McGiII University, and particularly the writing of this thesis-

First and foremost, 1 would like to express my sincerest and deepest gratitude to my thesis supervisor, Prof. Eric L. Ormsby, one of the -most knowledgeable and sympathetic teachers I have known, for his continual guidance and invaluable help throughout the penod of the writing of this research, It was fiom Prof,Ormsby that 1 leamed about the development of Islamic thought and its richness. The encouragement and support he has given to me will always be remembered and appreciated.

1 would also Iike to extend my sincere thanks to Prof. Howard Federspiel, my

academic advisor, who guided me through the years of my studies at the Institute of

Islarnic Studies, McGill University. Prof. Federspiel has been a constant source of sound advice whenever 1encouotered various problems in my work. During my time at McGili University I have been fortunate to have been taught by

some of the most outstanding scholars in their respective fields. 1 am extremely grateful to Prof. Hermann Landolt who has introduced me to the bewitching world of Islamic mysticism and Shi'ism through his inspiring classes. From Prof. Issa J.

Boullata, an eminent scholar in Arabic iiterature, 1 leamed not only about classical

Qur'sc exegesis, but also the beauties of the Arabic language. Thanks are also due to Prof. Üner Turgay, the director of the Iartitute of Islamic Studies, for his concem

and moral support draing my stay. He aiso showed me new perspectives on the study of state and govemment in Islam.

My special gratitude goes to the McGili - Indonesia IAIN Development Project and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) for the generous

scholarships awarded to me, which made it possible for me to pursue graduate research at the institute of Islamic Studies. M y appreciation also goes to the staff of The Islamic Studies Library for their invaluable help in providing the necessary

research materials. 1 am rnuch indebted and greatly thankfbl to my colleagues and fkiends, especially t o Steve Millier and Richard MacGregor, who have kindly given assistance in editing my thesis and making it more presentable. Finally, 1 wish to express my gratitude and sincere love to my parents, sisters and brothers, for their continuous moral and spiritual support. My dear husband,

Muhammad Arif Prajoko, and lovely son, Ibrahim Hanif, deserve my best love and deepest appreciation. The blessing of their love and affection, t heir count less sacrifices and their support enabled me to successfully complete my endeavor.

Montreal, May 1998

S.S.

TRANSLITERATION The Arabic transliteration used in this thesis is as foL10ws:

- u; 2

@

Short : , a;

m

i ,

œ

*

Diphtongs: u- ay; 9- a w a

ta7marbt3u

(2

Long : L â; 9 Ü; 3 7

) : a; in Mqu: at

Alifmaq@a

:cc a

TABLE OF CONTENTS TITLE ABSTRACT

i ii

iii

v TRANSLITERATION

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

viii 1

CHAPTER ONE: HIS BACKGROUND, AL-SHAHRASTM: LIFE AND WORKS A. A Brief Sketch of al-Shahrastani's Background 1 .The 'Abbàsid Caliphate 2. The Development of Religious Thought B. Al-Shahrast-ii: His Life and Works 1. Ai-Shahrastatii's Life

7 7 7

2.The Works Attributed to ai-Shahrastki

12 25 25 34

CHAPTER TWO: AL-MZAL WA AL-WAL AND ~ ~ ~ H A T AYLA- I Q D ' F ? 'ILMAL-wZW: AN OVERVIEW

39

A. Purpose

B. Methodology

43 50

C. Content

62

CHAPTER THREE: AL-SHAHRASTM~MW OF THE SEUT IMXMA AS PRESENTED AND ~ - Y A T A L - I Q D , I N A L - . A L WA AL-FI ' I L M A L - M Â ~ ~ A. Al-Shahrastani's View of the Shi? Im*a his al-MIal wa al- N w

74

as Expressed in

B. Al-Shahrastimii Attitude on the Shi7 Imâma as Presented in the Nihifyat ai-Iqdk fi 'Ilm a l - K d k

75

96

CONCLUSION

105

BIBLIOGRAPHY

114

viii

The dispute over the religious legitimacy of the im-%n of the Muslim communïty after the death of the Rophet Muhammad is one of the rnost intense ever to have arisen in Islamic thought, and it has coloured and affiected the whote discourse of Islamic history.' The disagreement, in its later development, basically resdted in the

formation of two large sects with widely divergent views on the subject. One group maintained that after the Prophet's death, the leadership of the Muslims was established by agreement and election arnong the community. This group believed t hat , with the death of the Prophet, the two main functions of prophecy, namely, to deliver God's revealed sacred law, and to guide men towards submission to God, officially ended. The other group, by contrast, believed that the i m h a is a matter of divine designation by God through His Prophet. This sect also upheld the doctrine that although the revelation of God's law ended with the death of the Prophet, the funceion of guiding men, explaining the divine law and interpretation the revealed

Holy Qur'k had not ceased, but instead continued through the divinely designated imams, one after another. The fomer group is h o w n as the S u d s and the latter as the Shi'is. The history of the S E % is generally recounted in comection with its beliefs regarding the office of i m h a in the Muslim community. This sect is believed to

I

AbÜ al-Fath Mdyrnmad b. 'Abd al-Kafirn al-Shahrast&~.,al-Mial wa &Nihaal. ed.

M@ammad b. Fath Allah Bad*

(Cairo: Maktabat al-AnjlG al-Misriyya, 1956)' vol. 1,33.

have emerged in the years foiiowing the outbreak of civil war starting with the assassination of the third caliph, 'Uthman b. 'Affin. Accounts of the history and doctrines of the Shi% and their lata developrnent as found in S

d and Shi?

sources tend to difFer rather than agree- These dissunilarities can be traced to the desire of each side to justify its version ofeariy Islamic history. There were several attempts made by Muslim writers to report on and descnbe the various sects in Islam as weli as other religions in the early medieval period of Islamic history. Arnong the most popular medieval Muslim authors from the Shl'i

sphere to write on the subject of what may be refened to as the sciences of "comparative religion" and the "history of religions" are: AbÜ M&ammad al-uasan b. MÜsE al-Nawbakhti, who wrote a book on Sh14smentitled Ft'raq a l - ~ ' 7 ' a and ,~ Abu al-QSim Sa'd b. 'Abd AU& al-Ash'ai al-Qummi (d. 299/301 AH.), author of a

work entitled fit& Maqa!'t wa al-l3raq? From the side of the Sunxiis there are several authors who may be cited, among them Abu al-Hasan 'Ali b. Isma'il alAsh'aS (d. 324 AH.) with his very popular MaqiZà" aZ-IsZami~%wa 'khtilif al-

~ u ~ a 1 . n'Abd ; al-Qahir b. Tahir b. Mdpmmad al-Baghdidi (d: 429 A.H.), who wrote al-Fxq b a p d-firaq? Abu Mutpmrnad 'Ali b. +ad

--

b. Hazm (d. 456 A-H.)

-

Al-Nawbakhti, Rraq al-Shi'a @es Sectes Sbiita), translated with Introduction by Dr. Muhammad Javad Mashkour (Tehran, 1980). AL-Qd, Ki'& al-MaqàGt wa al-Firaq* ed. Dr. M-ammad (Teban: Mafba'at Uaydan', t 923).

JawZd MashkÜr

' Ai-Ash' a&

MaqaIa'f al-lsàiniw'n wa 'hriiif aI-Mu@Zn,ed. H. Rit ter (1st anbul : Macba'at al-Dawla, 1929). 5

Al-Baghdad', al-F'rq bayn d-Firaq* ed. MNammad Badr (Cairo: Matba'a t alMa'arif, ad.).

with his extensive book entitld al-Rsd 6 al-Milal wa al-awa' wa a l - ~ @ a land ,~ AbÜ al-Fath Mulpmmad b. 'Abd al-K&

a1-Shahrastk.G (ci 548 AH.), who wrote

al-Mfdwa al-N@d.

The first three S

d accoimts are, however, considered as apologetic and

somewhat biased, since they aii exhibit the same tendency of the authors to pass judgrnent on the beüefs held by people belonging to sects different from their own.

Al-Bahdâdi, in his al-Fwq bayn al-fïraq, for example, is determined right fiom the start to show the incorrectness and invalidity of the theological doctrines of ail

MusIim sects other than the AIY Scmoa wa al-J~lllfa'a@eople of the tradition and community) to which he belonged. Moreover, in descnbing the beliefs of the Jews and the Chrktians, Ibn Hazm is unable to restrain himself nom being judgmental. He therefore classifies the Mu'tazila, the Khawkij and the Shi'a as heterodox, in contrast to the sect of Alilal-Suc117a wa al-J'a'a which he regards as orth~dox.~ With regard to al-Shahrastani's &-Milalwa al-Nbd, on the other hand, several scholars, both Muslim and non-Muslim, nom the medieval period to the modem age, have praised its objectivity and scientific approach. Al-Subla, in hisabookrabaqit al-

Sb27 Yyya al-Kubra; ment ions adrniringly t hat al-Shahrast ani's al-Mi/al wa al-Nibal was the best book of his time giving an historical account of various sects within the

%n Hazm, al-Fisal fi al-Miral wa al-Ahwa' wa al-NbaJ e d M-ammad Nqr, 5 vols. (Beirut: DG al-El, 1985). 7

Ibràhim

A. Mukti Ali, Ilmu Perbandingan Agama (Yogyakarta: Yayasan Nida, 1970). 17;

Diane S t eigerwald. Essai sur Ia pensée phifosophique et théologique de al-Shahrasttani (m. 548/+153)(Ph. D. Dissertation Subrnitted to the Institute o f Islamic Studies, McGi11 University, Montreal, Canada, 1994). 63.

Muslim community and other religions, as w e ~ 8 Philip K. Hitti, having studied al-

Mid wa ai-Naalinsome depth, came to the conclusion that A-Shahrast-d was one of "the distinguished historians of religions,'* while Eric J. Sharpe aclmowledges that the book is the fîrst scientific account of the history of religion ever to have been written."

Based on these considerations, it is important to review al-Shahrast-d's account of SE%m in particular, by examining whether it is biased or objective, and hence

whether his description is presented in a manner with which Slii?s themselves could be satisfied. As indicated by the title of the thesis, the focus of the present study is to

trace al-Shahrastaiii's view conceming the doctrine of imama as held by the Shl?s. In order to be able to present a more comprehensive description of al-ShahrastS's

attitude toward the doctrine concemed, we wiIl also analyze, in addition to al-MXal

wa abNibal, another important work of his entitled Nihyat a l - I q d . fi ïh al-

Ka/&. This is because, in the latter work, the author devotes several chaptea to a discussion of the theological principles upon which the Shi7 doctrine of imama is based. Compared to al-Mi/al wa al-N@hal,the Nioya is less popular and has received Iess scholarly analysis. However, this does not mean that the latter work is qualitatively inferior to the former one. Ibrahim MadkÜr, in his book entitled fi

'

AbÜ Nwr 'Abd al-Wahhab b. Ta@ al-Din al-Subià, T a b w t a l - S ' i Z C i ~al-Kubra a (Cairo: Matba'at al-Husayniyat al-Migiyya, nd.), vo1.4,77.

Philip K Hitt i, H i s t o ~ of the Arsbs: h m Ediiesl Tims IO the Presnt (London: The Macmilla Press, 1974), 139. 10

Eric J. Sharpe, Comparatiw ReZigron: A History (New York: Chartes Scribner's

Sons, 1975), 11.

Fasafa al-lI*Wa

considers that al-Shabrasted's Ni&gyais among the best bookî

deaiing with issues that combine th-sbgy and philosophy.'

l

In aualyzing al-Shahrastani's view on the doctrine of &&na presented in his al-

MIal and NiZya, the thesis will employ a comparative method as well as a descriptive one. This comparative method will be employed to discover three aspects of the author's presentation of the Sfi'i doctrine of im-ma in both works. These three aspects are as follows:

1.

The scope of al-Shahrastalii's discussion of the SE1dogrna of i m h a

2.

The way or method al-Shahrastz presents his views on the rnatter concemed.

3.

The possible reasons beyond ai-Shahrastarii's choice regarding the scope and method of discussion on imàoia in both books al-MiWand Ni&fjya

Other selected works composed by Muslim scholars writing in the same field will be relied on to assist in clarifying the position of al-Shahrasta8i compared to his

colleagues on the notion of imàma held by the Shi%

For purposes of clarity, the two books under discussion need some cornparison for their own sake. This is important, since books are sometimes c~mposedto serve

different purposes or to convey different messages. Judging by the titles of the books, one al-Milalwa abNi&l and the other N'iayat al-Iqdifm, one might easily assume that the two discuss entirely difZerent topics. Therefore, it is important to analyze each book in greater depth, and in ternis of its own nature. For this purpose, the aspects aaalyzed and compared in this study are limited to tbree in number. These

''

Ibrahim Madkùr, fi al-Fafsah ai'-Isfiiini~a, Manha1 tva Tarbiquh (Cairo: Dàr alMa'ârif, 1976), 53.

are: fint, the objective of the book, Le., the pulpose behind them as stated by aiShahrastZ; second, the methodology employed in composing them; and thirâ, the

content of the books. The present study is arrangeci in the following manner. It is divided into three main

chaptea, apart fiom sections devoted to an introduction and a conclusion. Since understanding a writer's ideas requires a lmowledge not only of the person

her/himself; but also that person's background and historicai context, the thesis begins with a succinct description of ai-Shahrast-d's life and its political, social and

religious background. The same chapter will also contain a survey of the works attributed to him. The second chapter will focus on providing a brief cornparison of the two books, al-Miai wa

and the Nibyaat al-IqdanI fi Wm al-KaSn. k i

previously stated, the cornparison will focus on three aspects, narnely their purpose, their methodology and their content. The analysis of al-Shhrast2nÏ's views

conceming the Shi7 doctrine of i m b a will be delivered in the third chapter. In this chapter, we will analyze three aspects in each book as follows: firstly, the extent of his coverage of the doctrine of i m k a of the S c % ; secondly, we will look at how alShahrastS presents this coverage; and t hirdly, the possible reasons lying behind the

extent and presentation of this coverage. A summary of the findings fkom the present study will be presented in the conclusion-

Finally, wit h regard to the romanization of Arabic words in this thesis, the system of transliteration will be that of the Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University.

Qur'inic verses cited in the present study, are nom the translation of Arthur J. Arbeny in his The Koran Intepretebl

CHAPTER ONE A G S ~ F A H R A S TEIIS ~ : BACKGROUND, LEE AND WORKS

1. The 'Abbasid Calehate The period Eom 314/925 to 656/1258, when Baghdad fell into the han& of the Mongol commander Hulagu Khan, was an era of political disintegration and marked the decline of the 'Abbasid caliphate. During this era the caliphs in the capital city of Baghdad started losing most of their power over the empire, and the Islamic empire

itself began to disintegrate into a collection of smaller states. Moreover, the caliph becarne a symbolic head of several dynasties and states, which were often not at peace with one another. Several different a&rs (governon) who were first given limited authority to control administrative and military affairs by the caliphs, became dominant and formed their own power bases. These amin ran the army, exercised their influence to the full and established their own lines of succession which the 'AbbZsid caliphs in Baghdad were not permitted to control. With the establishment

of their own dynasties, the a d a thus becarne de facto rulers of the regions, and the directoa of the administrative and military affairs of the 'Abbisid caliphate. The

Shànids mled in Khuràsk and Transoxania, the Harndànids govemed Mosul and

the Diy&, the Maghreb and Mqiyya feii under the control of the F-imid miers,

while Tabaristih and JI@& were dominated by the ~ a ~ l - m i d s . ' The ~ a ~ l - m i d expanded s~ their dominion over Western Iran and established strong dynasties, the most important of which was the Buwayhid dynasty.) By the year 334/945 -ad,

the youngest of the three Buwayhid brothers, entered Baghdad, the

capital and centre of the 'Abbasid caüphate, and met with no opposition. This new

era was inaugurated by a change of names; the caliph bestowed honorific titles on the

1

Albert Ho*nani, A UIsforyof the Arab PeopIes (Cambridge, Massachusetts: the B e l h a p Press of Harvard University Press, 1991). 38; Joel L. Kraemer, Xumanism in the Renm'ssance of IsIam- The Cultural Revlva.!d . g the Buyl'd Age (Leiden: E.J. BriI1, 1986). 3 1.

'

They were the original inhabitants of Daylim. a mountainous region bounded by Tabaristih to the east, JibGl to the south and Jilân t o the north-west and the Caspian Sea to the north-est. Islam was introduced to them by two Zay& Imirns, Hasan ibn Zayd and his brother Muipmrnad ibn Zayd, who was later succeeded by Hasan ibn 'ATi al-Utmh, in the latter balf of the third and the begiming of the fourth centwies of Hijra. They were the descendants of the brothen 'Ali. Hasan and Grnad, the sons of Abu ShujZ' Buwayh, who first gave semice to Makiin b. Kaki who was under the service to Hasan b. 'Aii al-Utrush- When a civil war broke out following the death of al-Utrush, and MikZn was defeated by Mardawij b. Ziy&, the distinguished commander of the Sârnkids of Khur5sk-1 and Transoxania, the Buwayhid brothets then joined the troops of Mardauiij. Later, the eldest son 'Ali was appointed as governor of Karaj in JibZl. Eventually he moved southwards and won over the province of Fars (in 322 A.H.). Hasan, the second Buwayhid brother, obtained possession of Rayy, &fahiin and Tabarïstin (344 A.H.). Ahmad, the youngest of the Buwayhid brothers, was even more successful and took advantage of the unstable situation existing in the 'Abbkid caliphate at tbat time. This situation started when Abü Bakr Maammad b. Ra'iq was catled to Baghdad with the permission of the caliph alRi$ in 324 AH.; and was given full power over the arrny and the revenues with a title of Am'i ai-Umar& the power and dignity of the caliphs decreased gradually. The office of the am?r al-umarà eventually beca source of interest and cornpetition and encouraged several amis. such as the Ban'dïs, the Hamdanids and Bajkam, to obtain it for tbemselves. In this confusing situation Aiynad b. Buwayh, who first served the Baiidis and controlled A h w e struck an alliance with the Hamdanids who held the offlce of amir al-umarii at that time. Because of the long cnsis, a m a d was invited to Baghdad by the governor of W2it to replace Abu Ja'far b. ShirzSd as a d r al-umarii. For more information see Amedroz and Margoliouth, The EcIese of the 'AbbaSid C ' h a t e , 4 vols (Oxford, 1921); Mafizullah Kabir, The Bmvayhid Dynasfy of Baghdad (334/946;2./7/.055)(Calcutta: Iran Society, 1964), 3-6.

three Buwayhid brothers: m a c l , 'Ali and m a n , who received the titles of Mu'ia al-Dawla, 'Imid ai-Dawla and Rukn ai-Dawla respectively. It also ushered in the era

of the emirate and the establishment of a dynasty that inherited this office. Interestingly, the 'Abbàsid calïphs were not d o w e d to interfixe whether in affairs of state or questions of succession with regard to these d i n g grand a&.' As a result, the 'Abbikid caliphs ceased to wield real power in the administrative,

financial, or military spheres, either in whole or in part. Furthemore, the office of the

caliphate fell completely under the domination of the ~ u w a i h i dernirate. In religious

matters, Mu'in al-Dawlah did not hesitate to use his authority to openly promote the celebration of specifically SGyat ai-Iqdàm 6 '& a l - K d ' 3) MLyik 'aî a/-FalaSifa and 4) Tzkb @ukamZ The fira three books have been edited and published7' Suhayr Mukhtk, who edited al-Shahrastani's Kits al-

M q k a 'at al-Fdl;EFifain Arabic, writes that as many as twenty-nine works have been attributed to al-Shahrast-d, among which some have been edited and published,

while others are still in the form of manuscripts, and some others are reported 10st.'~

There are seven books ascribed to al-Shahrastiini that have been edited and published, some of which have even been translated into many different languages,

namely: 1) Majlis fial-KW'q wa alalAmr,which was written in Persian and has been published by M-amrnad

Jalii Napull in Iran;" 2) ai-MiM wa af-Niha4 published in

many different editions and translated into several languages;" 3) Nihayat al-Iqd' fi

al-Ayât,17) Shubuhif A&@ifis wa ibn Sn.5 wa Naqduhg 18) NihZyât al-Awham, 19) T h T 'IfukamiZ See B a d e , '?nt roduction,", 8-9. " CarI Brockelmann,

Gescbichte der arabischen Litteratrrr; vol. 1, 55 1.

S uhayr Mukhtk, "Introduction," 19.

"

Ai-Shahrastàni, Ma/s fi al-J21ulq wa doAmr, ed. MuQammad Rida Jalàli Niilni (Tehran, l34Y 1964)

"

Ai-Shahrastan?. ai-Miid wa &-Nibal, ed M.amrnad Fath Allah Badràn (Cairo: Maktabat al-AnjlÜ al-Misriyya, 1956), 2 vols; ed. Maammad Sawd Kaylki (Cairo: Maktaba wa MatbabaMus!afZ al-Bàb? al-Jali wa Awladihi, 1961), 2 vols; Ma11su"at af-MiZai wa aI-Ni&d', ed. Ahmad Fu'ad al-AhwkT (Beirut: Mu'assasat KZir Ii al-Thaqiifa, 1981); Books of ReIipl'ons and PbiiosophicaZ Sects?trans. William Cureton (London, 1846), 2 vols; Religinspparrhe md PhiIophen-Scden, t rans. Dr. Theodor Haarbrllcker (1850); Taaqib al-

'hal-Kdk which has been edited and translated into Engiish by A b d Guillaume;7s 4) Ai-Shahrastarii's translation of al-E&an al+abb*s

Fus2 Arba'a 'an F i Z s ~ w ain his book ai-Ma&&

chapter on

a/-IsmàT@which al-Shahrastarii

included in his al-Md wa &-Ne& 5 ) Mas 'da fi Iibat al-Jawhar a l a l F ewhich Alned Guillaume had annexed to his edition of the book N'iûZyaat al-lqdh fi 'h al-

Kalam;6) Maf* ai-Asrai wa M MW*

H al-Abraiwhich is in Persian;" and 7) Ki'tib

'at al-FalaSifa,edited in Arabic by Suhayr MuWtàr.

Meanwhile the written works of al-Shahrastâuii that are still in manuscript form

aad have not yet been edited or published are: 1) Risda fil'ti~datal-Sbahrast*

Kal'B n flnz which is in the fonn of a letter which al-Shahrastikii had sent to alQâ$ 'Umar b. Sahl; 2) Ris& il' M&ammad al-%qz

i.e., the famous pbfb

(medicine doctor) for whom al-Shahrastki? discussed the issue of divine knowledge

(al- 'i/m

adilla wa ai-'ilal

3) Ris;ila ilZM@amuad SahI'7 These three epistles can be found

fi rq*amat Kitab &-Milal wa al-Nibal, trans. Afdal al-D?n Sadr Turka-i

@fahani (Tehran, 133511957); l a wq@ ai-Milal, Tajuma Kifâb al-MiiaI wa &-Niha1 fi alSbahrastid (Tehran: Shirkat-i h t Sahimi-i 'Âm, 1979); Mdim Sects and Divisions, trans. A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flynn (London: Kegan Paul International, 1984); Les dr'ssidences de I'rslam, trans. Jean-Claude Vadet (Pan's: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1984); Livre des religions et des sectes, trans. Daniel Gimaret and Guy Monnot (Peeters/UNESCO 1986- lW3), 2 VOIS" Al-Shahrastani, Mbiyat al-Iqd' fi 'Ilm al-Kallai, ed. and trans. Alfred Guillaume (London: Oxford University Press, 1934).

Al-S hahrastani. Mfifib &-As..& wa Miya'b74 al-A&r& ed. and introduction 'Abd al-Husayn Hi'iii (Tehran: Markaz-i Intish5r-i Naskh-i Khatti/ Majlis ShÜrii-i Islam, 1989). '15

77

Ai-Shahrast&il,Kitab a l - M e i k 'af al-Fallaii/a,ed. Suhayr Mukht i r (Cairo, 1976). By the t ime Suhayr Mukhtiir was editing al-Shahrastani's Kitab MqGa 'at af-F8tafisa1t here were only five written works attributed to al-Shahrastiini that had k e n published See Suhayr Mukhtir, "Iiitroductioo," 20-2 1.

io the lîbrary of Majlis ShG-i

M E in Tehran, Iraq " 4)

Qigat Sam&;

Y%&

'daytu'al-Salat wa al-Sal5q which is available in the Library of the University of ai-

Azhar, Cairo;" and 5 ) a/-iMao&j

wa h Y 5 t or ai-Mm&j 6 'Ahal-Ka/%, which

is a manuscript found in the Library of W& al-Din in Turkey.' Suhayr Mukhtàr incikates, however, that there are as many as seventeen written

works of al-Shahrastaiii that are reported to be lost. Information conceming their existence in the past cm oniy be traced fiom reports made by al-Shahrastaoi himself, or his contemporaries, or later historians and biographers, These seventeen Iost

books, according to Mukhtàr, are as f o l l o ~ s : ~ 1)' al-hh5d i .'AqZ'id al-ïbai which al-Shahrast~~ himself mentioned in his Etab Niheat al-Iqdain fi 'Ilm a l - ~ a â i n ; ~ ~ 2) AsrZr al-'Bada; 3) &Aq@ fi al-U$Û. from which al-Khawiùi~nlhad taken some

Reference in al-Shahrast X,M.a)a 'sr, ed. Suhayr Mukhtik, "Introduction," 19. See also JalZli Na'inï, "Introduction" to Tawgi &MW&, T q . m a mtib al-Mirai wa al-

N i a l li al-ShatrrastanI (ïehran: Shirkat-i Afist Sahàmi-i '&, 1979), 58. The writer has tried to find the number of the manuscripts fiom the catalogues issued by Iibrary, but could not find them. Suhayr Mukhtk, "Introduction," 19. NaTni reports that the manuscript is reported lost. See NaTini, "Introduction," 40. so Suhayr MukhtG, "Introduction," 20. Nam puts the manuscript in the list of the lost works at tributed t O al-Shahrastân'. Naini, ""Introduction,"40.

''

Suhayr MukhtZr, "~ntroduction," 21-22. Gimaret and Monnot provide a quite different list of the lost works ascribed to al-Shahrastarii. They do not mention two works, narnely, T2ZTk6 @ukan~a'and Nihâyaf 81-Awbaia al-&kama' af-II&?. See Gimaret and Monnot, ccIntroduction'*to L i m des religrons et des sectes (PeetersNNESCO, 1986l993),7-8. Meanwhile Na'ixii mentions there are as many as twelve works of al-Shahrastk? that are reported lost. These are: 1) Qi&at Sarn'dr'aZ YiiFu 'alaybr'al-SaliFi wa al-~afi&2 ) a ~ - ~ ~ a awa h i ai-Ayiar, j 3) AsrC 'Ib5da;4) ai+[& fi a/-@$ 5) Daqà'iq al-Awh5q 6 ) G.ùàyat ai-MarZm fi 'I/m B I - K d a , 7 ) al-lishâd ils 'Aqi'id al-'fiàii 8 ) Ma/!& fi Qissat Sam'diniMrrSc 9) Q i ~ aMG5 t wa K ï i i e 1 O ) TaIbis al-Aqsanl fi Madahib al-Aniintt 1 1) ai-'Uyib wa al-&& and 12) TiZWI WukmZ Nakn?,'Introduction," 34-35,40.

Badrin. "Introduction," 8.

4)

T

a fluk.am5; mentioned by Car1 Brockelmann on the basis of

Gjli Khalifa; 5) T a W 3 al-Aqsàh L.'M&üb a/-An&, which was attributed to al-

Shahrastirii by Ibn KhallikZu and Hadî KhaIif! 6) Daqa'iq dAwoain, fkom

information provideci by al-Khawarimii; according to al-Khawarimu's notes;

" 8)

a b al-MaMa' wa al-Ma'a'i$

7) W

Sbub~&ZtB q I w @?mcim)wa An'stU

(Ansotle) wa Ibo fia wa NaqQuz which a l 4hahrastagi hirnself mentionedf5 9 ) al-

Sbgm al-Irlahrjya; IO) dcU-

wa ai-Ana%, according to information coming nom

a l - ~ a ~ h a q i l 1 1Gh@at ) d - M e fi 'am al-Kd*

based on information Corn al-

Khaw%znG; 12) Qigsat M&Z wa ai-Kh'& , as stated by al-Bayhaqi; 13) M a j s fi

UN

&@&na;

14) MqZs fi H q ~ n w al-Taqaddumat; 2 15) M a j s fi Qis*

S a m n Z Mikg 16) Mmi&rZt ma 'a al-I~miXGjya;and 17 ) NihZyZt al-Awh;Un al@kama' a/-lla: which was mentioned by al-Shahrastkii himself in the last part of

his Etab Niheat al-Iqdk fi Bfm a/-~a/an7.*' Among the works ascribed to al-Shahrastibi that will form the primary sources for the discussion of the thesis are: 1) fit& al-Mila/ wa al-Nz'bd,edited by Muhammad b. Fath A i l a BadrZn, in two volumes ( Cairo: Maktabat al-AajlÜ al-Misriyya, 1956),

and 2) Kitâb NihZyat al-Iqdh fi Wm al-Kd*,

edited and translated by Aifked

GuiIlaume (London: Oxford University Press, 1934). Bad&, 'cIntroduction,"8. 8J

Ibid.

13'

Ibid.

86

Ibid.

Ibid.

Al-Shahrast-ii is perhaps b a t known primarily for his work entitled aAMIalwa al-~@al,I.' This book is regarded by several modem scholars as having been

among the

fmt and best in classical Arabic to deal with the science of comparative religion.

Thus, Philip K. Hitti, in his History o f the Arabs, refers to al-Shahrastaoi as "the distinguished historian of religion,''2 while Eric J. Sharpe acknowledges that al-

Shahrastifid's al-Milalis the first scientific account of the history of religion.'

Al-

Shahrastki had written a l - M Z d long before the study of the science of comparative religion began to be systematically pursued in Westem scholarship. Such claims,

however, cannot be completely accepted, since one encouuters many subjective and even biased opinions expressed in his H Z ' . If the book is evaluated within the context of its own time, then it can be regarded as one which gave impetus to a better scholarship, particularly in ternis of methodology; although not in the same sense as in historical modem Western scholarship on comparative religion.

The emergence of the science of religion in Western scholarship is definitely associated with the thesis proposed by a Geman scholar, Friedrich Max Miiller (1823-1 900). In a speech delivered to the prestigious Royal institute of London on

' Henceforth the shortened titte of al-MiIaIwill be used. Philip K. Hitt i, History ofthe Arabs: h m E&Ïisr Times to the Presen) (London: The Macmillan Press, 1974), 139.

February 19" 1870, Max MWer stnrk his leamed audience with his proposal that the scientific study of religion was the best approach to the study of religion. His lecture

was later published in 1873 as a series entitled htroduction to the Science of

ReIigrbd and becarne the leading book in the science of religion in the west? Max Müller proposed a new approach to the discipline which radically differed fiom that commonly used by most theologiaas of his time. Instead of proving a certain religion

to be true and ail others false, Max Miiller favored the scientific approach which is objective, systematic and univenal, and more appropnate to be applied. The theories developed through and resulting fkom such scientific study and research would, in his opinion, be more acceptable to s c h ~ l a r s h i ~ . ~

The book al-Ml&,however, remained unknown to Western scholarship for more than five centuries. It began to becorne more widely h o w n only after William

Cureton translated the book into English.' Since then &-Milalhas been, for a century,

an important source for the study of the history of religions. Students in European

3

Eric J. Sharpe, Comparative Religion: A Histo'y (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1975), 11.

'F. Max Müller, htruci~tioooto the Science ofRei&Ïon, Four Lectures Deiivered a?

the R o y ~hstiçute f in February-May 1870 (Varianashi, India: Bharat a Manisha, 1972).

Mircea Eliade, The Sacred and the Phofme, 76e Nat- of Refigron (Flonda: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1987), 216; see &O Daniel L. Pals, "Introduction" to Seven Theon& ofRelig70n (New York,Oxford: Odord University Press, 1996), 3. Daniel L. Pals, "Introduction", 4. Max Müller, Introduction, 74.

' Al-Shahrastàn., ai-Miial wa sl-Nha4 <m. William Cureton in Bookr ofRel&ions and Phr'msophical Sem (London, 1846), 2 vols.

universities regarded it as an invaluable referkce, particularly for the study of the philosophy and religions of the Middle East? Al-Sh&rast-d ws, however, not the first Muslim to write in the field of the history of religions and their various schools of thought. Befon al-Mi., there had been several books in this field written by earlier Muslim scholars. At least four

categories of works were available in his day, each focusing on a dflerent aspect or stressing a dif3erent point. These categones are as fdlows: 2. Some scholars before al-Shahrast-d devoted their books to discussion of a

particula. Muslim sect and to the subdivisions existing within that sect. Two examples of this lgnd of book are: Firaq al-Shi6a,written by Ab6 M&ammad alHasan b. MÜsZ al-Nawbakùti, who lived in the third century after Hijra, and another work also entitled F i r q al-Sil"a, wrïtten by Abu al-Qisim Sa'd b. 'Abd

All& al-Ash'aii al-Qu&

(d 299 or 301/915).

2. Other scholars eniarged the discussion in their books to include al1 the Muslim sects that existed in their lifetimes. Abu al-Hasan 'Afi b. 1smi"i al-Ash'aii (d.

324/93 5) wit h his Maqajrit d-Isiaitu'jy31 wa 'MfiI'fa ~ - ~ ~ a iand f i nAbu , ~ MansÜr

'Abd al-Qahir b. Tahir b. Mt&ammad al-Tamimi al-BaghdX (d. 429/1037) with

his writ ten works entit led ai-Farq bayn al-Firagand alalMilai wa al-N&l, were

two early Muslim masters who wrote on the history of Muslim sects. 3. Other authors were even eager to include not only the history of al1 Muslim sects,

but also the history of other religions and the developrnent of the sects within

Alfred Guillaume (ed and tram.), ''Introductionn to The Smma Philosopbiae of al-ShahrastZ's Ki'tgb NihZyafa!-Iqdh A 'Ilm BI-KaIam(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934), ix,

these religions. Besides al-Shahrast&ïi himscIf, wit h bis remarkable aFMIal, other examples abormd, such as AbÜ Mdgïmmad 'AIi b. -ad

b. Hazm (ci.

456/1064), the chief theoretician of the 2-hui school who wrote an extensive

book al-Fisd fi al-Mfal wa al-Ahw3 wa ai-Al$&

and Abu al-vasan 'AE al-

Husayn al-Mas'Üdi (d. 349956) who wrote KI& al-Maq&? 6 U@ al-D~y&%. 4. Several Muslim writen preferred t o compose accounts of religions other than Islam. Abu Rayhih Muhammad b. AIynad a l - B T d( d 440/1048) who wrote on the religions followed by most Indians of his time in his book entitled Kitâb a/Hindmay be counted arnong those scholars who showed an exclusive interest in

other religions and civilizations. Al-Shahrast-S's al-Milal has long been regarded not only as arnong the most important sources for the study the history of religion, but more specifîcally for the

study of Islamic theology rilm a/-kaliin) as wefl. It provides a vast account of different schools of thought wit h regard to Islamic the0logical problems.

in the field of Islamic t heology, al-Shahrastiril composed several works, among which the most important is Nihàyat aI-IqdiZz~fi 'ImalI~a1ainain9 h it, a l 8hahrastZni

exhibits his cornpetence in Islamic theology and philosophy by discussing ~.'~ approximately twenty-four controversid problems in speculative t h e ~ l o ~The

N w a is of a very different nature than al-MW apart fiom the fact that it only deaIs with questions of Islarnic theology discussed by some of the major Muslim

Henceforth the shonened title of Nihay~will be used. Al-Shahrastani. Eilihàjat al-lqdain B 'I'al-KaIBm, ed Alfred Guillaume (Oxford: Oxford University Prcss, 1934), 4. 'O

sects of his day. Aithough the

modem Egyptian scholar Ibdiirn Madkur considers

the N e a among the best books dealing with the combination of philosophy and theology," it is not given as much scholarly attention as al-1Mi'fa.l According t o Guillaume, the Nihzya was intended to become "a complementary sequel" to alShahrasti d ' s al-Mi'd since in it he fiequently refers to the latter.12

In order to draw out some more of the important features of both a/-Mfdand the

N

e we will offer here a brief cornparison between the two books. The attention

will, for the most part, be paid to three aspects, namely, purpose, methodology and content.

A. PURPOSE -

Learned men rarely produce scholarly work without some specific purpose. The objective of writing such works, however, is not always apparent. Some scholars state their intentions and express their thoughts and ideas explicitly; othen do not.

Al-Shahrastàni, for his part, chose to express his intentions clearly.in certain of his works, including al-Milal and the NibZyaa His openness in this matter, in fact.

provides great help to readers of the books, in at least three aspects. The fmt benefit is that his statement of purpose helps his readers to understand the direction in which

he wishes to take them. Second, it makes it easier t o appreciate the position taken by

" Ibr&?m Madkür, Fï al-Faisah al-hlim~jya,Minhaj ws Ta~bTqcrl,(Cairo: Dâr alMabarif,1976), 53.

'* Alfred GuiIIaume,"htroduct ion," ix.

al-Shahrast-ii with regard to the problems discussed in his book; and third, it assïsts his readers in comprehending the discussion of the prob1ems concemed.

In the introduction (muqaddima) to his alalMid, al-Shahrast-kii statu clearly that the book is designed to satisfL two main piirposes, which are: 1. To provide a compendium of

di the different religions, beliefs and philosophical

schools adhered to by people in his era."

2. To provide an admonition to those who can refkct and a meam of refiection for those who can draw a le~son.'~

In his own words, al-ShahrastS says: As God enabled me to learn the beliefs of mankind, those who belong to religions

and sects as well as those who belong to various philosophical thoughts and schools, to master their source-books and texts, t o understand th& popular and sophisticated views, 1 intend to collect this knowledge in a brief book for the stimulation of research and the guidance of the student seeking knowledge. My purpose is to show the thought of men of religion and the views of othea fiom Adam onwards, according to the clearest and most comprehensive plan, to confirm their sincere claim, to harmonize their dissonant views, and to bring together their divergence. l5

Given his declaration that tie has a clear intention to make his ai-MiZ'a means by which people c m draw lessons, it can be assumed that al-Shahrastarii was in fact

holding a set of views that he thought to be correct. As a scholarly writer, however, al-Shahrast-d tries to prevent himself fiom imposing his views and fiom calling

13

':

t~

rr

..

aradtu an ajma'a dba!ika

fi rnukbtqar Jarni' m i tadayyam bibi afrnutadafli& wa 'anf&alàhu al'unI~IUn. "Al-S hahrastarii, al-Mifal, vol. 1 1, 19.

. . - 'ibriitan Iimanistabsara,

wwa 'stibgaian Iimaa i'tabara." Al-Shahrastani, af-

Milah v01.1 1, 19.

'

Translation by Ism6'il ai-F&Üc& "Islam," in The Gkat Asian Ref&ions (London: Macmillan, 1969), 326; al-Shahrastiini, af-Milah vol. 1 1, 19,

people to follow h k n Lnstead he aiiows people to £ind out the truth by themselves

through st udying his af-Wal. With respect to the sources that al-Shahrastani had read and was familiar with,

there is little specific information to be found in his a/-MiÏal, except for several

names. The most fiequently cited names as sources for his discussion on the M u s l b sects are

al-ICa'bi,I6 Ibn ~iiwandi," and ai-Hasan b. M@ammad aI-~abb%lg'~ On

His fidl name was AbÜ al-Qàsim 'Abd Allah b. M&Ûd al-Ka'bi (d 3 19/9 13) as indicated by al-Murtada in his TabaqCt al-Muctap'IaAi-Ka'bi was a Mu'tazifi writer, whose Maqa(it had been a source for explainhg the sects of Mu'tazila. A.K. Kazi and J.G. Flynn, 'bIntroduction" to the translation of Mwiim Sets aod Diwsions, The Section on Musiin Secfs in KItZb Miid wa al-Nihd by M&adl~nad b. 'Abd al-KmTma i - S h W t h I ' (d l6

1153) (London: Kegan Paul International, 1984), 4.

"

He is Abu al-Husayn Alpanad b. Y a y a b. Mulpmmad b. Ishaq al-Râwandi, formerly an activist Mu'tazifi before he separated himself from the school to choose SE'ism, He died in 245/859, at about forty years of age. He came, some sources Say, fiom a Persian Jewish family, This information is doubtful since his grandfather's name is Muhammad- Ibn Riwandi is reported to have been a celebrated scholar in metaphysics, one of the most talented authors of his time and to have written about one hmdred and fourteen works. Among these are Kitab Fa-&bat aI-Mu'tazr7aa,dal-@and al-Z'ud He composed Fafibat al-1Muct.w'Ia primarily to refute a l - J w ' s Fafifat aI-4'Mu'tazl'Ia, aad to exhibit his opposition to his former denomination, the Mu'tazila Ibn Khallikân, Ki'tâb Wdayal afA 'yad, eed QsZn 'Abbas (Beirut: DG SZdir, 1977), vol. 1,9495; Abdul-Amir al-A'asam, Ibn ar-RSvand-3Kitab FagFhat al-Mu'tap'Ia: Analflicai Study of Ibn RZwmd's 1Cferbod rit his C ' c i s m of the Rational Fomdation o f Poiem'cs in Isfam (Beirut-Paris: Editions Oueidat , 1975-1977), 10-18.

'' Al-Hasan b. Muhammad al-Sabb* was an important figure in the medieval IsrnZ7li moveient in the eastern provinces of the Islamic empire. Born in the 440d1050s into an IthnZ 'Ashaii Shi? family, later he converted to the Ism5'X sect and became the chief leader of the "new dabwa/preaching" (d-da'wa ai-jadda] of Persian Ism~cilism. Finding hirnself far away fkom the central headquarters of the IsmZ'Ti da'wa in Cairo, alHasan al-Sabb* tried to modify and enhance bis da'wa in the Iranian lands. Later, due to his disagreement with the appointment of al-Musta'li bi'llah (467/1074-495/1101) instead of A b Ü Marqür N i e the eldest son of the former late imam -aI-Mustansir, as the new Fatirnid caliph and IsmZ'iii imam, and the oppressive nile carried out by the Turkïsh Seijuks, alHasan al-Sabb* decided t o rise in revolt for the cause of imam Nizâr, openly declared his separation kom the Musta'lian IsmSifi da'wa centre in Cairo, and proclaimed his new version of the da'wa. In doing so, a l - m a n al-Sabb* got enormous support from the indigenous Persians and succeeded in controling the castle of AlamÜt fiom where he devehped his strategy for the da'wa and political revolt. A remarkable technique introduced by al-Hasan al-Sabb* to reach his military and political objectives was that of

matters of philosophical thought, ai-Shahrastalù, for the most part, refers to Ibn Si& one of the greatest medieval Muslim philosophers. His lack of acknowledged sources,

nevertheless, invites some suspicion and distrust to a certain extent. A clear example

of this apprehension can be found in the statement made by Ja'far al-Subhaiuj a contemporary Muslim scholar who has an interest in studying the variety and development of the sects within Islam. AL-SubhS, in his Bu&& &Milal wa alNaal, suspects that al-ShahrastS might have received the information conceming the doctrines held by the Shi% from some unreliable sources, or even from those who were

the enemies of the ~ ~ ' i sThe . ' ~reason for this suspicion is that al-Shahrastalii

ascribes the notions of transmigration of the s o d (tanaSukb), incarnation @dur)and

ant hropomorphism (tdbih) to the SG%?* whereas according to al-S ubhàni, the Im-ms of the Shi% and their tnisted disciples had never held and espoused such beliefs.'' Regarding the second point of his prograrns, it is clear that al-Shabrast ani tries to be objective. He intended his book on religions to serve as a source of information

assassination, which was carried out by the fidaw's, the young devotees who wholehearteàly offered themselves to accornplish these suicidai missions. After successfiIly establishing the Persian N i z z IsmZTis, al-Hasan al-Sabb. died in 51811 124 and was buried near the

fortress of Aiamüt. Farhad Dattary, ' m a n - i Sabb* and the Ongin of the N i 5 IsmZ'iIi Movement ," in Me&evaf Is&Yfi History and Thougbt, ed Farhad Daflary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 18 1-204; Farhad Daftary, The IsmZ?7s: Tbeir Histov and D0ckt~e.S(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 324-434. It is from the writings of a t m a n al-Sabb* that al-Shahrastani gathered most information on the 1smà"is. Al-S hahrasthi, 111-1MIfabvol. 1 1, 175ff. l9 Ja' far al-Subhaai, Beùrh al-Mid wa al-Nihl; Dihika Maudu"ima Muqàhna fi afMadhahib al-IsIiGnijya(Qum: Lajnat IdZrat PL-ljawza al-'nmiyya, 1410 AH-), vo1.l 1.9.

Al-Shahrast5, al-Mifa4 vol. 1 ,155. 2'

Ja' far al-Subhki, ScJlGfhal-Milah vol. 1, 8-9.

nom which people might draw facts without king exhorteci to foUow any partictiiar line of thought but allowed instead to form their own judgment.

Such an effort at objectivity, which is comidered requisite in modern scholarship. is rarely fomd in the works of other early M u s h authors. Two centuries before him, Abu al-E&san 'ffi b. 1srnZ"i al-Ash'aii had written on the Muslim sects in his

Ma@iZt al-IsIitmip'n wa'~ti~afal-~'affi.~ In this book, al-Ash'afi tries to set the record straight on Muslim sects, since there existed confusing information concerning this matter, as he states in his introduction. This is because the avaiIable

sources on that subject at the time were unreliable? From this statement one may

assume that al-Ash'afi saw his book as the final word on the Muslim sects, AlBaghdZdi, on the other hand, provides no clear statement about his intention in writing his own al-MM wa al-N&d.

''However, its readers can easily recognize the

implied purpose of the book, which is to p a s judgement on the sects existing within the Muslim community during al-Baghdisi's time. A clearly judgmental attitude of

al-Baghdàdi can be seen also in his other book, Kitab ai-Farq bayn al-Firaq. In his introduction to the latter, the author says that through the book he intends to exhibit to its readers an analysis of the sects existing within the Muslim community and to show which sects are misled and which are on the right track of Islamic teaching. Of course, al-Baghdàdi would never pass his judgment without any reason upon which

The thesis refers to the text as edited by Hellmut Ritter (Istanbul:Matba'at alDawla, 1929),2 vols.

Ai-Ash'an', MaqiIZt IsI.1m3wa 'htiilf al-Miqaffin,eeb Hellmut Ritter (Istanbul: Mafbasat al-Dawla, 1929), vol. 1, 1.

his criteria is based. In both al-MW wa a&-Nwanda l - i q bayn al-Fimq, he relies on traditions of the divisions arnong the Musüms. AU the traditions gathered by alBaghdad, although expressed in various ternis and t m m i t t e d fiom different i s s i indicate that the M u s b would be divided into seventy-three groups, each of them would be in Hel1 (Xdhhà fi al-*) other than l&'a,

except one. Therefore, he tries to disprove sects

which he believes is the correct one?

Aithough al-Shahrast-d trîed to avoid rendering a judgment in his a/-Mal? he did not adopt the same attitude when he wrote the Nibaya. Here without hesitation al-

Shahrast-ii declares his views concerning certain main theological problems.

Sometimes he goes even finther by branding other opinions as misleading.

In the introduction to his Nies, aaCShahrast%ïi says that every rational inquiry . is will amive at a certain level which reason ('aq/) cannot penetrate any f ~ h e r This the lirnit of the realm of philosophy or human reasoning that al-Shahrastz had

narned as sickat al-m~latahi?~ or &5yar a/-qrtSw~z7 The N i a was in fact written with an intention to explain the main problems in Islamic speculative theology in which reason could go no further? In other words, as ~ u i l l a k eputs it, al" 'Abd al-Qàhir al-Baghdâdi, &ta6 al-F~rgbayn ai-Firaq? ed Muhammad Badr (Cairo: Ma!babat al-Ma'arif, n.d.), 2-3. 25 Several examples of the traditions of "Ittirâq al-Uizzma" can be found in M&ammad b. Tsii b. SÜra al-Tirmidiii, Sman ?ird&i wa huwa /ami' al-Sa@.@,ed. 'Abd al-R-in M@ammad 'Uthmiin (Beirut: DZr al-Filcr, 1983) vol. 4, 134-135. The traditions have been transmitted through different isnâds and from different authorities. See also alBaghdàdi, fit& al-Farq b a p al-Fimq, 4- 11;and al-S hahrasthi,af-Milai, vol. 1,21 .

He refers to the Qur'anic tem in sürat al-Najm (53: 14). TI

Al-Shahrast aa?, Nihaya, 3.

Shahrast-d's piirpose in writing the Nibiïya was Yo indicate the farthest point reached by the philosophical thinkers ofhis day and to show how far their tenets are

reasonable and reconcilable with orthodoxy, and in what respects they are wrong or defe~tive."~' In contrast to his attitude in al-Ml' l. the Niby* al-Shahrastani

declares openly the beliefk he holds in matters of theology. Aithough no explicit statement exists to the effect that al-Shahrastaiu composed the NiZya as a complementary sequel to his al-Milal, Guillaume, who had edited the former work,

concludes that this was al-Shahrastihi's intention? Of course, like al-Mial,the Nibya was not the first book to deal with the subject of theology. Many books in the same field had been composed by al-Shahrastarll's

predecessors coming fiom different schools of thought. From the Ash'afi school, one

written by the founder of the school, al-hsâ~~~ and al-~anrhid," both written by an important AshW theologian, AbÜ Bakr Mdymmad b. amayyib al-BZqillàlii (d.

29

Guillaume, "Introduction," ix. Ibid.

31

Al-Ash'afi, al-fbàùa 'an Usa al-DiyS~a,tram. and introduction by Walter C. Klein (New Haven, Connecticut: American Oriental Society, 1940, reprinted by Kraus Reprint Corporation, New York, 1967).

'* A l - M d , Ki'tab a l - L w :tram. Richard J. McCarthy, S. J. (Beirut : Imprimerie Catholique, 1953). " Al-Bàqillarii, al-&@ fmif Yqib I'tiqadutru wa /i * Y ai-JhI &il4 ed. Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthafi (Cairo: Maktab Nashr al-Thaqifa al-Islâmiyya, 1369/1950). 34

AI-BZqilIS, al-Tamb3d A al-Radd % f ial-Mmida ,va al-Mit Vrifa wa ai-Rifig'a rva al-Khawkj wa ai-Mugtap'Ia, ed- Richard J. McCarthy, S.J. (Beirut: al-Maktaba alSharqiyya, 1957).

403/1013), the hhi#of I m k al-Haramayn Ab6 MaCalial-Juwaylii (478/1085), and

a/-IqtNd