Doing Internet research: critical issues and methods for examining the Net

Other books authored or edited by Steve Jones:

CyberSociety

2.0: Revisiting

Virtual Culture: CyberSociety:

Identity

CMC and

and Communication

Computer-Mediated

Rock Formation:

Popular

Community

Music,

in

Communication Technology

Cybersociety and

and Mass

Critical Issues and Methods for Examining the Net

Community Communication

STEVE JONES Editor

SAGE Publications international Educational and Professional Publisher Thousand Oaks London New Delhi

Copyright © 1999 by Sage Publications. Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission tn writing from the publisher. For information: S A G E Publications, Inc. 2455 Teller Road - California 91320 E-mail: [email protected] T

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For Ted. Don. Linda, and Beth

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Data

Main entry under title: Doing Internet research: Critical issues and methods for examining the Net / edited by Steven G. Jones, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7619-I594-X (cloth : acid-free paper) ISBN 0-7619-1595-8 {pbk. : acid-free paper) 1. Internet (Computer network)—Social aspects—Research—Methodology. 2. Internet (Computer network)—Social aspects—United States—Research—Methodology. 3. Telematics—Social aspects—Research—Methodology. 4. Telematics—Social aspects— United States—Research—Methodology. 5. Cyberspace—Social aspects—Research— Methodology. 6. Cyberspace—Social aspects—United Slates—Research—Methodology. I. Jones, Steve, 1961ZA4201.D65 1998 303.48'33—ddc2l 98-19758 This book is primed on acid-free paper. 01

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Contents

Preface Acknowledgments Introduction: Forests, Trees, and Internet Research James T. Costigan 1. Studying the Net: intricacies and Issues Steve Jones 2. Complementary Explorative Data Analysis: The Reconciliation o f Quantitative and Qualitative Principles Fay Sudweeks and Simeon J. Simoff 3. Recontextualizmg "Cyberspace"" Methodological Considerations for O n - L i n c Research Lon Kendall 4. Studying O n - L m e Social Networks Laura Garton. Caroline Haythornthwaite, and Barry Wellman

5. Cybertaik and the M e t h o d o f Instances

107

Norman K. Denzm 6. Configuring as a M o d e o f Rhetorical Analysis

127

James J. Sosnoski 7. F r o m Paper-and-Pencil to Screen-and-Keyboard: Toward a M e t h o d o l o g y for Survey Research on the Internet

145

Diane R Witmer, Robert W. Coiman. and Sandra Lee Katzman

Preface

8. Measuring Internet Audiences: Patrons o f an On-Lme A r t Museum

163

Margaret McLaughlin. Steven B. Goidberg, Nicole Ellison, and Jason Lucas 9. A n a l y z i n g the Web: Directions and Challenges

179 No one ever said t h a t change

Ananda Mitra and Eiissa Cohen

Had to make the kind of sense we swear 10. There Is a There There: Notes Toward a Definition o f Cybercommunity

Is only right 203

Jan Fern back 11. Researching and Creating C o m m u n i t y N e t w o r k s

-Lynn Canfieid/Area, "Larger Than Life." 1990

221

Teresa M. Harrison and Timothy Stephen 12. Beyond Netiquette: The Ethics o f D o i n g Naturalistic Discourse Research on the internet

243

Barbara R Sharf D o n M a c D o n a l d and John Pauiy, professors o f communication at the U n i versity o f Tulsa, developed and regularly taught a course titled " I n q u i r y in

13. T h i n k i n g the Internet: Cultural Studies Versus the M i l l e n n i u m

257

C o m m u n i c a t i o n " offered in that department. A t the very start o f the term, they challenged undergraduates to unfailingly ask So what? and W h o cares?

Jonathan Sterne

questions when the students read research or began to plan research projects Index

289

A b o u t the Contributors

295

o f their o w n . Those questions are critically important to research, not merely because they should drive scholars to justify their w o r k or simpiy because they may give us insight into the motivation(s) o f scholarship, but rather, they engage scholar and reader i n a conversation about values. B u t such questions continue to be easily dismissed when i t comes to Internet research: The Internet's very ubiquitousness ( i f due only to its coverage m the media) has ingrained in us its importance. O f course, many IX

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people do care about the internet and what goes on w i t h i n and through it,

keep asking, W h a t are the methods that scholars are already using to study

and as w e l l we should care. As a m e d i u m o f communication new to us (newer

the Internet? W h a t are ones that we could use but have not yet? W h a t are the

than television, the former undisputed champion o f research o f assumed

advantages and disadvantages to these methods and others? There is not yet

importance), a medium that intersects w i t h everyday life in ways both strange

a field k n o w n as "Internet studies," although there may w e l l be one before

and omnipresent, popular interest in the Internet is enormous—not just in

long. A l t h o u g h i t is not a goal o f this volume to create such a field, i t has as

industrial countries, but w o r l d w i d e .

one o f its goals to get us lo begin t h i n k i n g about how we m i g h t go about

We are still c o m i n g to grips w i t h the changes that we feel are brought about

systematically studying this medium. O n the other hand, the last thing I

by networked communication o f the type so prominently made visible by the

w o u l d like to have happen is for the study o f the Internet and related social

Internet. I n some cases, it is even possible that we feel change where there

phenomena to get systematized to the point o f bureaucratic r i g i d i t y . There

is not any, from anticipation bred by being accustomed as we arc to its

are no " t r a d i t i o n a l " methods for studying the W o r l d W i d e Web or e-mail or

occurrence.

Usenet or, for that matter, anything internet related.

Change is what motivated this book's creation, as did the

frequency w i t h w h i c h I find m y s e l f wondering i f change makes sense m

As I have examined m y own feelings during the m a k i n g o f this book, I

regard to the methods we have been using to study the Internet's convergence

have found m y s e l f less in favor o f the formation o f a field o f study, in large

w i t h modern life. I t is the result o f discussions w i t h many scholars from a

part because we w o u l d do well to avoid what Stephen Jay G o u l d (1993)

wide variety o f disciplines w h o believe, as do I , that simply applying existing

succinctly pointed out in an essay on field research;

theories and methods to the study of Internet-related phenomena is not a satisfactory way to build our knowledge o f the Internet as a social m e d i u m . Consequently, this is not a book that w i l l (at least m any direct way) help people to use the Internet as a research tool. Rather, its goal is to assist in the search for, and critique of, methods w i t h w h i c h we can study the Internet and the social, p o l i t i c a l , economic, artistic, and communicative phenomena occurring w i t h i n , through, and m some cases, apart from but nevertheless related to, the Internet. A s Rice and W i l l i a m s (1984) caution.

We need not jettison useful communication theories when we wish to understand the new media . . . we should take advantage of the new media to further specify and modify those theories. . The new media need lo be included in traditional communication research, but we need to look at those traditional theories untradittonaily. (pp. 55, 80)

A l l field naturalists know and respect the phenomenon of "search image"—the best proof that observation is an interaction of mind and nature, not a fully objective and reproducible mapping of outside upon inside, done in the same way by all careful and compeient people. In short, you see what you ore trained to view—and observation of different sorts of objects often requires a conscious shift of focus, not a total and indiscriminate expansion in the hopes of seeing everything. The world is too crowded with wonders for simultaneous perception of all; wc iearn our fruitful selectivutes. (p. 213)

The Internet is a "different sort o f object" ( i f it is, indeed, an object at a l l ) , and studying it does require a "conscious shift o f focus." However, I w i l l hope that we can continuously shift both focus and method i n the pursuit o f understanding and hope that we do not fix our gaze one way or another, lest wc fail to grasp the Internet's essential changeability.

Rice and W i l l i a m s ' s call for mterdisciplinarity in new media research is one

There are, o f course, methods that have been traditionally, and success-

heeded by contributors to this volume and one that I hope w i l l continue to

fully, used to study other media that are now being used to study the Internet,

suffuse Internet research.

also w i t h success. Ron Rice (1989) writes that "research on the uses and

D i s c i p l i n a n t y is useful for a variety o f reasons, however, i n c l u d i n g that it

implications o f C M C S (Computer-Mediated Communication Systems) re-

provides a starting point and structure for systematic scholarship. Because

flects a variety o f disciplinary paradigms, technological distinctions, and

another goal of the book is to help people get started . . . w e l l , d o i n g Internet

evaluation approaches" (p. 469). W h e n it comes to Internet research, most

research . . . structure and disciplinanty w i l l be evident. Yet d i s c i p l i n a n t y

of these are drawn from communication research, media studies, anthropol-

should never lead us to abandon inquiry. The instant i t structures to the extent

ogy, sociology, literary criticism, cultural studies, psychology, and political

that it disengages curiosity, d i s c i p l i n a n t y w i l l r u m scholarship. Wc must

economy. Some are quantitative, some qualitative. Some are rooted i n the

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xiii

sociai sciences, others in the humanities, and others still cross over such

The bulk o f research into the Internet has been essentially administrative,

boundaries. W h i c h are useful? W h i c h are not? W h i c h do we believe w i l l

driven largely by the concerns o f commercial interests seeking to get a grip

contribute most to our knowledge o f the Internet? Those are the kinds o f

on the demographics o f on-line audiences i n much the same way as that

questions w i t h w h i c h contributors to this volume have grappled. I must say

research is done on other media. Measures o f web page "hits," domain name

that I hope these questions have been engaged but not quite answered, for i f

g r o w t h , and so on give us m broad strokes some sense o f the Internet's shape.

answers are that readily at hand, I may have been fooling m y s e l f that the

But I am not convinced such measures tell us much about Internet use. For

study o f the Internet is exciting and intriguing.

example, measuring the number o f domain names registered tells us nothing

One m i g h t ask a p r i o n , W h y shouid we do Internet research? That question

about the uses to w h i c h those domain names are put. C o m m e r c i a l Internet

suffuses the w o r k o f contributors to this volume. Suffice to say for now that,

users hoard domain names and often do not use them. I t is a form o f

whether or not one believes the hyperbolic claims about the Internet being

t r a d e m a r k i n g — M c D o n a l d ' s not only reserves mcdonalds.com, but also ham-

the biggest thing since the invention o f the wheel, the Internet is a m e d i u m

burger.com, ronald.com, and so on. A n d often, i f they do use all o f these

w i t h great consequences for social and economic fife. To some extent, i t

names, they all lead to the same web page. Educational domains are probably

simply does not matter whether one is on-line or not—one's life w i l l be, i n

responsible for more web content than commercial ones: A t m y university,

some way, for better or worse, touched by the Internet. A s Rice f 1989) notes,

for instance, the top-level domain uic.edu contains tens o f thousands o f pages

" P r o v i d i n g instruction, the delivery o f health services, the retrieval o f data-

strewn across hundreds o f servers f*.uic.edu). A n d each student, each staff

base information . . . the computerization o f political campaigns" are among the activities "experiencing .

. convergence" w i t h computer technology

(p. 4 6 9 ) , a convergence accelerated by the Internet. I n a few years i n the early 1990s, w i t h a certain rapidity and inexorability, the Internet became a m e d i u m as widespread m the public m i n d , i f not the physical w o r l d , as television and radio before it. L i k e technologies preceding it, the Internet has commanded the p u b l i c imagination. W h a t that says about us is even more important than what it says about the Internet. A n d what command it has: I t is not often that a technology can so engage diverse interests i n the public sphere. Consequently, the Internet matters—although precisely in what ways it is difficult to discern. I t is m y hope that y o u w i l l find this book useful as a guide to the means by w h i c h we can better that discernment.

and faculty member can, i f he or she wishes, have web pages on uic.edu, denoted by syntax such as uic.edu/username. That may, however, not tell us about measures o f Internet traffic either. B u t can we now even achieve a reliable measurement o f Internet traffic, given the proliferation o f agens and bots, software-based browsing mechanisms like the ones used by AltaVista, for instance, to search and catalog web sites? Those generate untoid traffic— not human traffic, however. H o w shall we account

for i t and not simply

measure it? The point I wish to make is not that Internet research is difficult. That is obvious. Internet research, as I w i l l discuss later in this book, must avoid being prescriptive. B u t it is extremely difficult for it even to be descriptive, given the ever-changing networks involved, the mutating software and hard-

Î hope, too, that as we find out more about what the Internet means to us,

ware, and the elastic definitions. W r i t i n g in 1988, W i l l i a m s , Rice, and Rogers

we w i l l also find out what social life means to us. The Internet does not exist

stated, " A l t h o u g h we consider possible research methods for new media as

m isolation. To study it as i f it was somehow apart from the "off-fine" w o r l d

mainly extensions o f existing methods, we propose that the new media

that brought it into being w o u l d be a gross mistake. Internet users are as m u c h

researcher should consider alternative methods, or even m u l t i p l e methods,

a part o f physical space as they are o f cyberspace (more so, really, insofar as

and to attempt a tnangulation o f methods" (p. 15). One hope that w e should

users' choices regarding place, identity, etc. are far more limited in physical

have is that the Internet itself can serve as a medium o f communication o f

space). A s a result the notion that our research should be "grounded" takes

the research we conduct, that the tnangulation W i l l i a m s et al. seek can occur,

on even greater significance when it comes to Internet research. That makes

at least i n some small part, by the publication, h y p e r l i n k i n g , and c o m m u n i -

Internet research particularly interesting—and demanding. N o t only is it important to be aware o f and attuned to the diversity o f on-line experience, it is important to recognize that on-line experience is at all times tethered i n some fashion to off-line experience.

cation o f research findings on-line. This collection may itself require some h y p e r l i n k i n g o f a sort: I t is far from exhaustive; it is not even complete. M a n y disciplines are not considered i n these pages; many methods are overlooked, and i n some cases, even the term

XIV

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m i g h t be inappropriate. The goal o f editing this volume never was

to make it a complete one. I n fact, I scarcely believe such completeness to be possible, just as I believe method itself should not solely drive inquiry. There is no one way, or even a set o f ways, to go about studying the Internet, j u s t as there is no one way or set o f ways to study social relations and processes. A n o t h e r goal o f this volume is to consider methodological issues that arise when one tries to study and understand

the social processes

Acknowledgments

occurring w i t h m the Internet and, in a sense, apart from it, insofar as the Internet penetrates social life beyond Us networks. The contributors to this volume do consider a broad range o f methods and have their intellectual roots m various disciplines. They have, in fact, done such a good j o b I scarcely know what to add. The contributors were asked, in essence, What can a particular method, area o f interest, mode o f inquiry, or way o f asking questions contribute to Internet research? T h e i r responses move us several steps along toward discovering ways w i t h w h i c h to engage this emergent social w o r d . Their responses also raise additional questions and bring to light further issues, m some ways m o v i n g us several steps to one side or the other {and appropriately, in some cases, back a step or t w o ) . As Ringer (1997) notes, The "intellectual field" [is] a constellation of positions that are meaningful only m relation to one another, a constellation further characterized by differences of power and authority, by the opposition between orthodoxy and heterodoxy, and by the role of the cultural preconscious, of tacit "doxa" that are transmitted by inherited practices, institutions, and social relations, (.p. 5)

The w e l l - k n o w n m a x i m goes, "Neither a borrower nor a lender be," and yet I have found it quite necessary to be indebted to the contributors to this volume, w h o gave o f themselves so fully. I have learned much from their w o r k , and it has given mc great pleasure to w o r k w i t h them. I am privileged to be able to call them colleagues and friends. I have, i n fact, debts too numerous to list, much less discharge, that have accumulated d u r i n g the m a k i n g o f this book. A m o n g them are ones owed m y editor at Sage, Margaret Sea w e l l ; Frank Christci, general manager o f K W G S F M at the U n i v e r s i t y o f Tulsa; the A D N / A c a d e m i c Computer Center staff at the University o f I l l i n o i s at Chicago; Jim Danowski and E m i l y Walker,

I f this book manages to express some o f those positions, then I believe it

colleagues in the Department o f Communication at the University o f I l l i n o i s

successful. I t is m y hope that this book w i l l be but a beginning, that the steps

at Chicago; Eric Gislason, Sidney B . Simpson, Jr., L a r r y Poston, and Steve

we take here are part o f a long walk that we are taking, talking all the w h i l e

Weaver i n U l C ' s College o f Liberal Arts and Sciences; Gary Szabo, Direc-

about cyberspace—and life, generally.

tor o f I n f o r m a t i o n Systems, University o f Washington—Bothell; and the M a i n a t i family. Interest accrues on debts to my colleague in the Faculty o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n at the University o f Tulsa, Joli Jensen, and yet I am allowed

References

to draw on her never-ending w i s d o m and inspiration. M y mother and father are w o n d e r f u l l y supportive and encouraging.

Gould, S. J. (1993). Eight little piggies. London: Jonathon Cape. Rice, It. E . (1989). Issues und concepts in research on computer-mediated communication systems. Commuiucuiwn Yearbook, ¡2, 436-476. Rice, R. E . . & Williams, F. (1984). Theories old and new: The study of new media. i n R . E . Rice (Ed.), The new madia (pp. 55-80). Beverly Hills. CA: Sage. Ringer, F. (1997). Max Weber's methodology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Williams, F. Rice, R. E . , & Rogers, E. M. (1988). Research methods and the new media. New York: Free Press.

Last, and most, thanks to Jodi W h i t e : N o w that the book's done, I get the remote back.

t

xv

Introduction

Forests, Trees, and Internet Research

James T. Costigan

I am not sure that I k n o w what the Internet is; I am not sure that anyone does. The popular embrace o f the concept o f the Internet, and the market's enthusiasm to be a part o f it, has certainly muddied the waters. I understand the Internet from its physical properties, and I know a little about computers and switches. I know about the Internet from the application point o f view, w h y it was designed. I also know about use, how it is used and how I use it. I know about it from the market and social perspectives—the next " c o o l " thing. None o f those perspectives seems to suffice i n grasping the Internet. The use o f the Internet does not always adhere to its applications or its physical properties. I can think about the Internet using any t w o o f the above concepts: technology, application, and/or use, but I have trouble using more. T r y i n g to hold all o f these constructs together creates the need to constantly modify the understanding or explanation o f one o f them, often resulting in xvii

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incorrect changes in the others. A l l o f these ideas are certainly related. T r y i n g to connect them m some linear fashion may seem possible, but it is not. The more y o u describe the Internet the less o f it you seem to have; it is greater than the sum o f its parts. I n the book Zen and the Art of Maintenance,

Motorcycle

Robert Pirsig (1974) describes the beauty o f the high plains.

One o f his companions is so awestruck that she lakes 360 degrees w o r t h o f pictures to capture i t , to show her friends the wonder o f this place. W h e n the pictures are developed they show very little. The pictures are accurate enough visually, but they do a disservice to the reality o f the experience. The Internet cannot be captured in an individual "picture." A n y single picture adds a frame and boundaries that do not exist, but the Internet cannot be contained. These pictures also add focus and prominence to individual items that are not universally prominent. The pictures are stagnant, but the Internet is in a constant stale o f flux. Just as the high plains have an all-encompassing

xix

causing, an information boom. The business and academic market is seeking out volumes o f data to produce competitive advantage and improved understanding. ( M a n y individuals feel this same competition in their personal life.) The sheer v o l u m e o f information has made the access o f this information almost impossible. Companies specializing m data m i n i n g are capitalizing on the notion that i f there is record o f specifically everything, any question can be answered specifically. For the researcher, this is perhaps the heart o f our misguided pursuits. The thought occurs that i f we can track all this, gather all this, then we w i l l know more about all this. I n fact, we may k n o w less. The second research area is into the interactive communication capabilities o f the Internet. E - m a i l , chat rooms, M O O s (multi-user domains object oriented), and M U D s (multi-user domains) are all forms o f text-based communication w i t h variations in time, distance, and audience. Web-based pub-

vastness that is easily experienced but difficult to capture or reproduce, the

lication is a new form o f mass communication, and the ability to h y p e r l i n k

Internet is often experienced but difficult to translate and express.

brings a new form o f interaction and structure. Research on these topics is

Perhaps that is the reason there arc things wrong about some o f our Internet research. But there are also many things right about i t . The continuing discourse allows academics and researchers to build multiple perspectives, and this diversity is appropriate to the reality o f the Internet. The Internet is a "network o f networks," each w i t h their own design and unique structure, yet they all f o l l o w some basic rules that afiow them to interconnect. Social structures o f the Internet m i m i c this design. Consequently, when d o i n g Internet research, definitions are difficult to come by. Yet good research should start w i t h a definition of what is being studied. T h i s is especially true w i t h broad topics such as the Internet. Perhaps in this case any definition w i l l do. A topic such as the Internet is large enough that starting points can be anywhere. Research often starts m the m i d d l e w i t h o u t stating that middle. The perception is, " I think we ail know what we are talking about." Usually, the reality is, " I think I know something and assume that this is shared by all readers." The diversity o f the Internet defies simple explanations or shared opinions. Social science research on the Internet generally divides into two main categories. The first has to do w i t h the abilities to search and retrieve data from large data stores. This information flood is not historically new; libraries hold large amounts o f information and have search and retrieval capabilities. The Internet and constructs like the World W i d e Web are s i m p l y faster and perhaps more culturally popular. Greater speed is a l l o w i n g for, or

truly unique to the Internet. There is no existing parallel social construct, and in many ways, the Internet creates w h o l l y new social constructs. The m e d i u m and its use are creating communities that not only w o u l d not but could not have formed w i t h o u t the use o f the Internet. The development and use o f chat rooms, for example, has driven a language and c o m m u n i t y that is closely k n i t yet extremely diverse and dispersed. Divisions do exist between those w h o study chat groups, listservs, e-mail, rhetoric, culture, race, cross-cuiture, sexual identity, and any other topic. Because o f the sheer volume o f archival and real-time data available on any subject, there is the thought that each o f these areas holds a place o f special regard on the Internet, and that is indeed true. There is often the assertion that this research discovers unique properties o f the Internet, when actually, they are properties o f the c o m m u n i t y or group being studied, modified by this new f o r m o f technology. Collectively perhaps, this diversity creates an accurate picture o f the Internet as a social system. In many large and small ways, the relationship between the Internet and Us communities and academic life is parallel. Both tend to seek some sort o f homeostasis and diversity that neither can obtain. Areas o f the Internet appear to flourish w i t h diversity o f o p i n i o n , yet a political correctness is prevalent. Statements divergent from the consensus o p i n i o n m any o f these groups are usually challenged w i t h a direct relationship to the divergence o f the statement. The expectable limits o f this diversity are stated formally and informally in all socialized "areas." Support is given and a language developed

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The Personal Perspective

recursively supporting the culture and group. These groups often lout their relationships and i n t e r m i n g l i n g w i t h other groups, but there is rarely a deep relationship w i t h o u t one group's s w a l l o w i n g the other.

E v e r y t h i n g that I have seen, heard, and experienced has brought me to this point, and I understand nothing but in relationship to me at this point. That sentence is w h y I keep a j o u r n a l ; it keeps me from w a l k i n g m circles. Every

How Wc Write the History of the Internet

time I reach some place that appears to be the same, I reach i t as a new me and can often then take a new road. This requires a frequent review o f the

M a n y scholars are w r i t i n g about ihc Internet; it is a popular and lucrative topic capturing the attention o f much o f the w o r l d . A s we w r i t e , we are

paths chosen and the reasoning behind the choices. Covey, M e r r i l l , and M e r r i l l (1994) i n their book First Things First

wrote

shaping the future o f the Internet, shaping our ideas about i t , and f o r m i n g

about days o f development. Day 1 must be completed before Day 2, and each

popular opinion. M u c h o f what is written points to a personal perspective on

of these days are different for each person. You can't " d o " Day 7 until y o u

the future o f the Internet, based on how an individual thinks i t w i l l evolve.

have "done" the previous six, in order. One can hear and experience every-

This is a history wc are actively w r i t i n g .

t h i n g contained in day 7 but w o n ' t understand i t until all o f the other days

Our expressions o f history and the Internet can be only personal and are

are experienced. For computer users. Day 1 finds us t h i n k i n g that computers

valuable only when personalized. This l i m i t i n g and frustrating result is

are "against" us. The boolean design o f operating systems seems to have an

driven by the personalized nature o f the Internet's design. The Internet is

adversarial relationship w i t h users: W h o w i l l be the master and w h o the

sometimes referred to or envisioned as a "networked consciousness." This

slave? Everyone at some point realizes that a computer w i l l save and delete

idea requires a " w e " that does not exist. The Internet is more a networked

files only when told—and w i t h o u t regard to significance or personal invest-

schizophrenic, w i t h multiple personalities that often have no idea that the

ment. (Yes, I j u s t hit save.) Dominance and submission involve systems o f

others exist and a complex that there is something more unique happening

values, and we are only beginning to understand how values are embedded

where others are. B u t as long as one stays w i t h i n one's communities, he or

in our technologies. We are only scratching the surface of understanding the

she is happy and safe. W h e n one ventures out, one is often beaten soundly

relationships between software and hardware and the different types o f

by varied and adamant opinion, w h i c h is interpreted and related as some

"embeddedness" those involve.

different place or consciousness.

It is important that academics write about their "discovery" o f the Internet

But who is the " w e " in the title o f this section? The society that reads

and its application, because sometimes Day 1 is different in significant ways.

articles on the implications o f internet research seems to be the same society

The design o f the Internet and its social constructs w i l l embrace w h o l l y new

that writes those articles. We are the "computer literate," the " o n - l i n e "

dimensions and ideas. A l t h o u g h the u n d e r l y i n g structure may remain, the

defining our o w n societal impact. Does that matter? W h a t are the i m p l i c a -

application o f it may be completely new, perhaps by accident. Every user

tions o f answers to questions such as, W h o is w r i t i n g the history o f the

takes a slightly different approach to his or her use o f the Internet, and each

Internet? Can the choir gam a correct social perspective on their church?

has a slightly different expectation. These variations can create whole new

Does the method of electronic publication and its often lower standards o f criti-

uses. Internet-unique forms o f communication have been driven this way;

cal review have an effect on the significance o f this kind o f writing? Does this

various acronyms ( L O L — l a u g h i n g out ioud), symbol systems such as emo-

technology drive academic research, or does research drive the technology?

ticons ("smilies") ;

A

) , and fantasy environments such as textual virtual

A definitive history o f the Internet o f our times is decades from being

reality were all created by users to make the Internet more robust. These

written. The various perspectives being written now are the basis on w h i c h

advances often result from a poor understanding o f the existing social or

we build this history. The continuing diversity o f opinion and comment allow

practical "rules" o f the Internet.

the continuing diversity o f development that has been the hallmark o f the Internet.

Researchers paying careful attention to these phenomena can produce a very thick and interesting description o f the acquisition o f a new form o f

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xxiii

Owning the New Frontier

communication. M u l t i p l e examples o f this acquisition can provide bedrock for the research on, and the history of, the Internet.

The Internet is available w i t h the correct hardware and connection; one does not have to sign in or pay an initiation fee, insofar as the actual connections

The Community of the Internet

(as opposed to access) to the Internet, and its contents are w i t h o u t charge. The connection p o i n t is not significant in terms o f entrance. The Internet is

C o m m u n i t y as a construct is perhaps the most interesting aspect o f the

not in one place more than it is i n another. Where a piece o f information is

Internet and one thai is too rarely discussed. C o m m u n i t y on-line is f l u i d —

when it is on the Internet is a little hard to describe. I t is on some computer

perhaps because persona and identity are different, perhaps because structure

somewhere (maybe even on one's o w n ) , but i t is available anywhere the

and time are different, perhaps because the channels are different. U n l i k e

Internet is.

off-line, on-line communities are often constructed and destroyed not be-

This collapse o f distance between the source and the receiver is unique to

cause they have challenges w i t h structure, as Carey (see M u n s o n & Warren,

human experience and creates a setting in w h i c h negotiation for ownership

1997) suggests, but because the connection is not time sensitive. Messages

and fair use is a constant debate. The Internet is in many ways the W i l d West,

are not necessarily sent in real time and can often remain on listscrvs or

the new frontier o f our times, but us limits w i l l not be reached. The Internet,

in digests for months or years. I f you believe that the c o m m u n i t y exists

as a place, is finite in size. A t any one time, it has a definable size; there are

as long as people are reading and participating w i t h and through these

a certain number o f computers, a certain number o f nodes, and so on. The

messages, then the c o m m u n i t y may come and go as people discover the

Internet does not have an edge to push past, no w a l l or ocean to contain i t .

messages.

Its size and shape change constantly, and additions and subtractions do not

I t takes l i t t l e time or structure to create c o m m u n i t y on-line, and therefore,

inherently make something new or different. Local computer systems often

the effort to maintain structure and c o m m u n i t y is not as highly valued. The

create a " f i r e w a l l , " a hardware and software division that keeps the Internet

maintenance o f on-line c o m m u n i t y is different, making the c o m m u n i t y

out and the internal information i n . For social scientists, a firewall should

different. There is no need to actively seek out and interact w i t h on-line

not be thought o f as a waif but as a different existence. Things that are on the

communities, to perform relational maintenance. W h e n there is something

Internet exist there; things w i t h passwords or limited availability are parts o f

to say, the c o m m u n i t y comes to you or you go to the community. Often,

a different network, w h i c h may share some o f the same hardware.

people post messages to a " c o m m u n i t y " asking i f the c o m m u n i t y is still

This point o f view makes ownership a complicated thing. I f y o u put

there. W h o can answer that question? I f the servers and addresses are func-

something on the Internet, it exists there. L i m i t i n g where it can be, given the

tional, is the c o m m u n i t y there? D o y o u have to respond for the c o m m u n i t y

above perspective, takes it o f f the Internet and puts it somewhere else. I f you

to exist? Is the simple fact that y o u get a message confirmation o f the

cannot control the access and use o f something, can y o u o w n U in the

community?

traditional sense o f the word? The Internet has gained popularity and accep-

The academic and professional communities formed on the Internet are

tance by a l l o w i n g free access to valuable information. For something to have

"together" on-line, and although we are physically closer at conventions and

value, i n the Western sense o f the w o r d , there must be some way to collect

conferences, the sense o f on-line c o m m u n i t y is iost by physical co-location.

that value, some form, although possibly indirect, o f monetary compensa-

The m e d i u m has changed and so has the community. The m e d i u m has such

tion, o f exchange o f capital. For the next few years, the Internet and those on

an effect on the c o m m u n i t y as to define i t . C o m m u n i t y relationships formed

it w i l l fight a battle o f value: H o w shall we keep something universally

on-line allow an access and intimacy not transferred to other situations.

accessible and o f value? The situation is similar to the development o f the

On-line messages can be sent at any time and to anyone and can be responded

A m e r i c a n West from the West k n o w n to Native Americans. The new frontier

to when time is available. This level o f access does not transfer to face-to-facc

o f the Internet is m some senses being overrun by the advance o f commerce.

situations where different social, personal, and community rules exist.

The divisions and rules o f ownership that established territories, and then

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states, out o f an untamed and largely unregulated land built the A m e r i c a n

CHAPTER

West and destroyed forever the free and untamed lands. Perhaps the "advance" is inevitable, for all its good and bad. L u c k i l y , the ability to archive and store data, and the very nature o f time on the Internet, produces electronic ghost towns that can be revived. The f l e x i b i l i t y o f the Internet allows for rapid progress—and i f need be, a rapid retreat. The variety o f networks, i n this network o f networks, allows for a rich and diverse social experiment centered on how the Internet defines its value. I t is the responsibility o f those researching the Internet to v i e w critically these various experiments and comment on their implications.

Studying the Net Conclusion

Intricacies and Issues

As I said at the beginning, I am not sure I know what the Internet is, and I d o n ' t k n o w i f that matters. Given the rapid pace o f development and the way the w o r l d has rushed to adopt this new technology, any definition is fleeting.

STEVE JONES

As for Internet research, researching the hard to understand, the hard to define, and the rapidly changing is perhaps one o f the most i n v i g o r a t i n g o f academic pursuits. The analogy o f the Internet as a forest composed o f thousands o f separate and unique trees is appropriate, but we are still at the point where we have to gain a better understanding o f the trees themselves, before the forest makes any sense.

References Covey, S. R., Merrill, R. A., & Merrill, R. R. (1994). First things first: To live, to love, to learn, to leave a legacy. New York: Simon & Schuster. Munsoîi, E . S., & Warren, C. A. (1997). James Carey: A critical render. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Pirsig, R. M. (1974). Zen and the art of motorcycle maintenance. New York: Bantam.

Even after all the research, and the most skillful reality remains obdurate.

storytelling,

—John Pauly (1991. p. 23) We look for evidence of culture at those minute points of contact between new things and old habits, and. . . we include in our sense of history the power of things themselves to impress and shape and evoke a response within consciousness.

—Alan Trachtenberg (1986, p. xiii) There is always risk in probing into mysteries.

—David Plath (1980. 218)

F O R A L L T H E NEWNESS AND HOOPLA associated w i t h the Internet, much o f the narrative surrounding it is quite predictable. As I have noted m other essays (Jones, 1995, 1997b), the hype about the Internet, whether accurate or not, is t e l l i n g l y like that w h i c h accompanied the introduction o f earlier i

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3

media technologies. I t is possible to go so far as to say that technology itself

forthcoming research efforts such as Ronda and M i c h a e l Hauben's (1997)

(and the uses to w h i c h H is put) is less predictable than the hopes and

Netizeus and a forthcoming book by Janet Abbate represent the first scholarly

promises for it that we harbor.

efforts that systematically delve into Inlernet history. I t is important to note

The Internet is not only a technology but an engine of social change, one

that I n t e r n e t w o r k i n g was co-opted by various cultures; as Steven L e v y

that has modified w o r k habits, education, social relations generally, and,

(1984) shows, by 1960s M I T hackers; as Katie Hafner (1991) shows, by

maybe most important, our hopes and dreams. I t is m some ways the

computer hobbyists and academics; as Bruce Sterling (1992) shows by the

technological embodiment o f a particularly American social project (Jones,

1980s, hackers and bulletin board system operators and users; as Gary

1995, 1997b), and importantly, i t is a social project rooted in what James

Chapman, columnist and director o f the 21st Century Project at the Univer-

Carey (3997b) aptly describes as "the union o f science and state" ( p . 3). I n

sity o f Texas—Austin has said, by professional organizations such as C o m -

this regard, our metaphors have led us astray: The Internet is not an i n f o r m a -

puter Professionals for Social Responsibility and the Electronic Frontier

tion h i g h w a y ; it is in reality only peripherally about information. It is, instead, the first evidence we have o f what we have believed that we are for quite some time—an information society. I t is not that the Internet illustrates that the public has made a leap to becoming an information society. I t is that for the first time we can point to something outside o f society as we k n o w i t

Foundation; and even perhaps by the media itself, w h i c h gives us images o f cyberspace pioneers such as John Perry Barlow, w i l y hackers such as K n i g h t L i g h t n i n g , and the Chaos Computer C l u b and the L e g i o n o f Doom—images o f teachers and students somehow transforming educational processes and images o f danger and delight.

and say, "There—that is a society made up o f information," in a somewhat

These intertwined histories are particularly critical to understanding the

literal sense. The Internet is a social space, a m i l i e u , made up of, and made

origins o f the Internet in the early 1960s culture o f science, at least because

possible by, communication (the cornerstone o f community and society). O f

our present conceptualizations o f the Internet still operate w i t h i n their

course, this is facile: Information is hardly the only thing necessary for

framework. The frame has, however, shifted slightly, as capitalism has come

society, and information is hardly communication (Ong, 1996). However,

to preoccupy science and the state. Instead o f a culture o f science, science

both the notion o f an "information society" and modern conceptualizations

(and l i k e l y even culture, too) has been disguised in the sphere o f the popular

o f the Internet as a self-regulating " e n t i t y " (however one may envision its

press (and popular imagination) by the market, a guise that allows value to

shape)—that arena i n w h i c h our "digital being" lives—at least evade, i f not

be . . . w e l l , valueless, empty, in regard to the human dimensions o f social

altogether avoid, the centrality o f values to the processes o f communication

relations and "value-able" in regard to c o m m o d i t y and capital. T h i s is a guise

that the Internet, as a form and medium o f communication and meaning, sustains.

that the media o f mass communication have long adopted (Peterson, 1956), and one i n w h i c h audiences and markets are summarily conflated. The Internet m this guise is both a m e d i u m o f communication and a m e d i u m o f choice. On it, w i t h i n it, we are to choose from among communities o f interest

The Internet and the Market Our historical w o r k is only j u s t begun when it comes to the Internet, and the sooner we get on w i t h it, the better. Our histories must go beyond the origins o f A R P A N E T (the Advanced Research Projects Agency N e t w o r k precursor to the Internet), a starting point often misinterpreted as to mean that the

and to participate in what we are led to believe is essentially democratic (Jones, 1995, 1997b). But as Carey (1997b) notes, the conception o f the self m such a system is ultimately characterized as "unfit for democracy," because "freedom consists solely i n the capacity o f people to choose their o w n ends and a l l social arrangements [are] mere means to be manipulated in satisfying i n d i v i d u a l desire" ( p . 9).

Internet was created soiely as a command-and-controi mechanism to ready

Such a positivisl conception frames much o f the discourse about what the

the United States for nuclear war. The w o r k o f Vannevar Bush, J. C. R.

Internet is and should be. I n turn, there is both the sense that Internet research

L i c k l i d e r , V i n t Cerf, and researchers at X e r o x PARC—that ran along w i t h ,

can be eminently predictive and the sense that the Internet is the ultimate (or

and parallel to, A R P A N E T — w a s itself from the start co-opted, and not only

at least so far the best) means o f delivering personalized

by academics. Our histories must go into greater depdi, and recent and

Internet-as-market

mass media. The

metaphor derives its power from the notion that the

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5

market is not only theoretically based but quite practically functional, at the

that "are e v o l v i n g into full-fledged online services where a company can be

level o f the i n d i v i d u a l , thanks to new technologies. But the development o f

j u d g e d on its ability to earn user l o y a l t y " (Vonder, 1998). Loyalty, construed

various "push" technologies (e.g., the use o f web-based "cookies" and the

and constructed from habit, has been the hallmark o f the latest attempts to

l i k e ) , the trading o f personal information for personal service, is little more

predict on-line behavior, the latest journey i n "the quest for certainty (that)

1

than a technical version o f what has long sustained barter economies, and

is the heritage o f the objectivist epistemoiogy" (Jensen, 1993, p. 7 1 ) . The

even government, for centuries. For example, when I launch m y web browser,

predictive tendencies o f social science have fed to the realization that i t is

its default page is at excite.com; I have personalized i t through use o f

m u c h easier, in fact, to predict individual behavior when supplied w i t h

keywords and other means. Consequently, the First web page I see is

sufficient data than i t is to determine the course o f a mass audience irrespec-

filled

w i t h news filtered for me, a near-equivalent o f Nicholas Negroponte's (1995)

tive o f the amount o f knowledge we have about i t . I t is important to

" D a i l y M e " newspaper. I n some ways, this is no different from exchanging

remember, as Piath (1980) reminds us, that

gossip: I tell y o u something, y o u tell me something, and those "somethings" are usually things we think the other wants or needs to know. W h a t is different in these scenarios i n v o l v i n g technology is the speed and accuracy o f information trading, the accumulation and accretion o f information, and the uses ( i n terms o f variety and scope) to w h i c h the information can be put.

we are born individual: separate organisms each biologically unique. We grow jointly: each m the company of others mutually tending the wild genetic pulse, as we domesticate ourselves along pathways marked out for us by the vision of our group's heritage, (p. 215)

The metaphor o f the Internet as a market-driven social space lends itself particularly w e l l to market research that has long desired predictive precision

To have a holistic sense o f our interactions (on-line or off-line) we must take

at the level o f the individual consumer and has employed a variety o f

good care to understand individuals and their relationships together—and to

technologies w i t h w h i c h to gather sufficient information i n an attempt to

maintain a curiosity about Plath's notion o f a "heritage," the lingering and

ensure predictive power. For example, when I shop at a grocery store, to get

persistent accumulation o f our experiences that, somehow, goes beyond

discounts and to use a form o f payment other than cash, I have to hand over

ourselves.

a "preferred customer card" (a misnomer, really, because most all customers have one). To get such a card, I had to fill out a form p r o v i d i n g a l l manner

Information, Persistence, and the Net

o f personal information, usually demographic but also psychographic, information subsequently used to set up a file on me m a database. W h e n I go through the checkout lane, I hand over my card to be scanned, and I am

Perhaps, in fact, one may consider personal information as a f o r m o f " h e r i -

identified. M y purchases are then scanned and recorded (it's relevant that

tage." M y web-browsmg habits, gleaned from cookies and the l i k e , can be

this activity is performed as a service o f A . C. Nielsen m most markets).

cross-referenced w i t h credit card purchases I have made, the aforementioned

W h e n a receipt is printed, on the reverse are coupons directed right at me

grocery-shopping habits, and so on. There is thus another difference i n k i n d

based on m y purchasing history. They may be for products I already buy, or

from previous methods o f information exchange, a difference related to the

from competing brands—either way, Nielsen profits as i t plays o f f one

firm

processing power gathered from the accumulated and seemingly dispersed

against another m a struggle over m y loyalties, and presumably, the store

and differentiated data. N e t w o r k e d communication is not only communica-

profits from m y return visits to use the coupons, and the brands in question

tion between people but between databases. B u t most important, the infor-

profit from m y continued purchasing.

mation, whatever i t may be (grocery purchases, web sites visited, etc.)

B u t the important lesson is this: I t is now possible to care less about the

lingers; it is not forgotten, nor is i t distorted over time, as gossip can become.

market and care more about the individual, or to put it another way, to

I t is not so much that it is necessarily accurate per se, but that, right or w r o n g ,

disaggregate the market that the media o f mass communication had, o f

it is

persistent.

necessity, aggregated. One effect has been a tendency toward p r i v i l e g i n g

This notion o f persistence intrigues me. W h a t about the Internet is persis-

loyalty and attention, as m the case o f W o r l d W i d e Web-based search engines

tent, and what about it is ephemeral? I n regard to the notion o f personalized

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mass media, social theorists have begun to ask, What m i g h t be the conse-

Studying lite Net

7

"snapshots" o f it from time to time or o f some portions o f it. B u t m general,

quences o f such a personalized form o f news consumption to our public,

the Internet does not meet requirements for fixity that scholarship m i g h t

common, conversations? To some extent, although we may have arguments

require: Its very nature as a store-and-forward medium, one that is designed

about what constitutes the public sphere, w e have largely been in agreement about the c o m m o n a l i t y that constitutes that conversation, that makes possible a "public." Regardless o f w h i c h theory one subscribes to concerning definitions of "the public," it has largely been taken for granted that the media o f mass communication are the forum w i t h i n w h i c h public discourse occurs in contemporary society (although it may not be so anymore). We have assumed, too, that in many ways, these media are ephemeral, regardless that we can use recording technologies to make them replicable. The connections between the ephemeral and our conception o f ritual are w o r t h e x p l o r i n g , particularly when it comes to the Internet's forms o f communication. The notion o f media "events" (Dayan & Katz. 1992) has been one way i n w h i c h we have denied the persistence, and emphasized the ritual nature, o f mass-

to act " i n t e l l i g e n t l y " in regard to its network abilities, makes i t an everchanging medium. W h a t is persistent is not the information passed between us and among us, between us and " t h e m " on the Internet, but an abstracted order o f information that we leave behind as we move about cyberspace, information left behind in the f o r m o f cookies, filled-out web forms, e-mail, textual messages, and so on. As persistent is our own memory o f our encounters i n these media. These are the " m e m o r y " of the Internet, i f you w i l l , the connections between the connections. Rather than use it to predict future behavior, instead how m i g h t we get at it, " j o g " it? What m i g h t i t tell us about who, collectively, we are on-line, w h o we have been, what we have searched for, the past as it is

mediated phenomena, continuing to rely on a Benjamm-esque (1968) sensi-

remembered through associative links, hyperlinks, web pages, and visits

b i l i t y that an "aura" exists surrounding an event. I n this age beyond mechani-

come and gone? M i g h t an understanding o f the Internet as a connected space

cal reproduction, an era o f digital reproduction, i t is our memory that suffuses

rather than a "cyberspace" allay some o f the predictive tendencies at the

an event w i t h "aura" rather than our participation. Does persistence require

forefront o f Internet research thus far?

reproduction, ritual, memory, or some combination thereof? But the Internet is not simply persistent due to its nature as a m e d i u m o f

History, Prediction, or Both

information. Were that to be the case, one must believe the Internet is only a storage m e d i u m and not a medium o f communication. Yet i t is true that much Internet research relies on a conceptualization o f the Internet as a storage m e d i u m , as one that "fixes" communication i n a tangible (typically textual) form, m a k i n g it seem ripe for the p i c k i n g by scholars. Newhagen and Rafaeli (1997) noted the same m regard to

In the case o f Internet research, our vision o f the future has a tendency to coior our narratives o f its history. N o t only is the research we perform to discover its nature—its "flavor" o f reality—predictable, but m a sense, the research itself is eminently predictive, based on notions o f what w e t h i n k the Internet w i l l (or should) become, what i t w i l l (should) be, rather than on precise determination o f what it has been. The predictability o f the research

the inviting empiricism inherent in Net behavior. Not only docs it occur on a computer, communication on the Net leaves tracks to an extent unmatched by that in any other context—the content is easily observable, recorded, and copied. Participant demography and behaviors of consumption, choice, attention, reaction, learning, and so forth, are widely captured and logged. Anyone who has an opportunity to watch logs of WWW servers, and who is even a little bit of a social scientist, cannot help but marvel at the research opportunities these logs open.

stems in part from our use o f toois, paradigms, theories, and so on currently available to us. A n d parL o f it stems from the difficulty to be precise about anything on-line. Neither o f these are great cause for concern. The Internet changes, almost moment to moment. The tools we have, conceptually and otherwise, are the ones we should i n i t i a l l y use. The overarching concern is that scholars, like programmers, businesspeopie, and government officials, are part o f the Internet "land grab," even i f only symbolically. We rush to fill the vacuum o f knowledge created by the extraordinary interest in the Internet. The metaphor o f the Internet as an electronic frontier is one that still carries

A n d yet the Internet is not nearly as " f i x e d " in these terms as one m i g h t

much power o f suggestion. Scholars and educators are "out there" in covered

believe, given that it is a constantly changing medium. One may take

wagons, sometimes c i r c l i n g them (as is the case w i t h many traditional

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educational institutions' response to Internet-based "distance

9

education"

inherently w r o n g w i t h that: I n fact, that is as it should be. However, we must

programs) and sometimes engaged in a frenzied iand rush to colonize

be cautious about overlapping method and experience. I f , as I believe, we

cyberspace w i t h " v i r t u a l campuses." I n some sense, we are doomed to repeat

have (at least for now) only the methodological tools available to us to w h i c h

the future—the one we w i l l create by establishing what is important to t h i n k

we are accustomed, i t is critically important that we do not transfer the

about i n regard to studying the Internet, the one we have already created

experiential demands they make ( i n regard to language, meaning, epistemoi-

countless times m our institutions, media, and relationships.

ogy) to the realm o f the Internet, lest we confine experience to that w h i c h we k n o w but that others either may not know or, importantly, that w h i c h they experience as new, or experience m ways that w e have not. The range o f

The Need for Reflection

experience is somehow changed on-line, both qualitatively and quantitatively, and our explanatory abilities must change w i t h i t .

The very publication o f this book is implicated i n the aforementioned "land

I n regard to the media o f mass communication, I have found i t useful to

grab." Can it, can we, as scholars, sufficiently eschew the prescriptive and

ask, For w h o m are media made? For w h o m and to w h o m do media c o m m u -

predictive, embrace the critical and self-critical, and be sufficiently sensitive

nicate? A n d what i f the answer to those questions is, simply, "Us"? Audiences

to language and meaning so that our w o r k w i l l be meaningful to those w e

have become visibly fragmented, the media o f mass communication seem

study?

less and less like they are, i n fact, "mass" oriented. B u t i t may be as w e l l that

One imperative is for reflection. Scholars studying the Internet must be

our logics are fragmented, or to borrow from Jensen and Pauly, i t is how we

reflexive, for (at least) t w o reasons. First, because w e have a l l , scholar and

"imagine the audience" that is at stake. Rather than holding fast to an

citizen alike, become savvy media consumers. The " I - k n o w - t h a t - y o u - k n o w -

understanding o f mass communication that has guided research for decades,

t h a t - I - k n o w " game is played out every day in countless

advertisements,

an understanding that has, somehow, simultaneously encompassed and c o l -

marketing plans, newscasts, comedy programs, even in conversations be-

lapsed notions o f consumption, production, and distribution, scholars must

tween us (and perhaps w i t h i n us), to the extent that one m i g h t suspect w e can

be savvy to the differences not only between those activities but w i t h i n them

never again find n a ï v e t é . Whether this situation is labeled as the often-

as w e l l . The complexity is, o f course, staggering. I n regard to the Internet, i t

mentioned "postmodern c o n d i t i o n , " or the just-as-often-mentioned

is not only important to understand audiences—people—and

"infor-

what they do

mation overload" is not as important as the conceptualization o f audiences

w i t h media, i t is important to understand what audiences think they do, what

beyond "active" or "passive." Indeed, it may be necessary to reconceptualize

creators and producers t h i n k audiences do and what they think audiences will

the notion o f "audience" altogether. Joli Jensen and John Pauly (1997), i n a

do,

perceptive essay on the conceptualization o f the audience m cultural studies,

software and hardware makers think and do, and so on.

noted that " w i t h each image [ o f the audience] come assumptions about w h o

what venture capitalists t h i n k about audiences and producers, what I n regard to the Internet as a medium o f communication, this is a particu-

i n relation to

larly critical line o f questioning. I t is still not clear, and it may be unclear for

' t h e m ' ? " ( p . 155). They note that " d o i n g cultural studies requires the w o r k

a long time to come, at w h i c h levei o f communication (mass, interpersonal,

o f heart and hands as w e l l as head," but that "theoretical c o m p l e x i t y marks

group, organizational, etc.) the Internet operates: whether i t operates on

one s status i n the academy" ( p . 168). I believe the Internet is a fertile site at

m u l t i p l e levels ( i t seems l i k e l y it does) and, i f so, whether it can operate on

w h i c h we can put to the test Jensen and Pauly 's request that we take audience

m u l t i p l e levels simultaneously (this, too, seems l i k e l y ) and, i f i t can, w i t h

research "seriously as a democratic task," that we be "more modest about

what consequences for our understanding o f the people engaged m Inter-

(our)

networked communication? The situation is far from lamentable. We have

the research is i n relation to the audience—who are ' w e

1

!

theories and more respectful o f vernacular accounts o f experience"

(p. 167). Indeed, one o f the most fascinating elements to Internet research is

come to understand, thanks m part to the v i s i b i l i t y on the Internet o f

that i t so frequently and obviously intersects w i t h the experience o f the new.

that w e are all engaged in incredibly meaningful communicative processes,

process,

Indeed, as I have already mentioned, much Internet research is itself m o t i -

all the time. That it took our near-obsession w i t h this technology to

vated by scholars "discovering" e-mail, Usenet, and so on. There is nothing

point i t out is ironic, for these are processes that have been g o i n g on

firmly

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throughout human history. The Internet, however, has made clear that even

themselves on the cover o f Wired magazine, earning a $50,000 "Innovation

when it seems that we are a voice i n the wilderness, there are other voices

Grant" from M e r r i l l L y n c h for "potentially profitable dissertations" (Secor,

occupying the same space. Whether or not anyone hears the others is,

1998), and so on. B u t are there dangers or hindrances to good, wise thought,

however, one thing fundamentally at stake when we attempt to assess the

brought about by this mixture? Quite likely our sense o f discovery and

Internet's intersection w i t h social life and social being.

wonder, senses that we rightly cultivate as scholars and senses that drove us to the academic life in the first place, are titillated by the sheer scale and penetration o f the Internet. Perhaps the Internet can restore a bit o f luster to

The Internet and the Academy

the faded glory that came w i t h being a PhD, a "scientist" in the post-Sputnik

The second reason scholars o f the Internet must be reflexive is that the

structural foundations were laid, and the time, again not comcidenlally, when

1960s, the t i m e when, not coincidentally, the Internet's conceptual and Internet is both embedded i n academic life and owes much o f its existence

the " u n i o n between science and state" in the United States enfolded the social

and conceptualization to academia. A c c o r d i n g to Newhagen and Rafaeli

as w e l l .

0997),

One perspective on technological development and the relationship o f technology to society is based on the notion that technology is designed in

Thinking about academia's role vis-a-vis the Net, we are reminded that what we call the Net today has roots in the Internet, Bilnet, and Arpanet, all partly academic institutions. Just at the point in history when critical voices speak of the decreasing relevance of research and universities, along come the Net and its attendant large-scale commercial, industrial, organizational, and social relevancies. In large measures, the Net can be considered an academic accomplishment. As you indicate, this alone behooves our involvement.

anticipation o f its effects, and it may w e l l be that research is designed in anticipation o f its effects, to borrow from M a x Weber (1973). Such effects may, in addition, be ones beyond the outcomes o f a research project's findings,

ones that involve publication, funding, p r o m o t i o n , tenure, and the

like. As Cathy Schwichtenberg (1993) noted i n relation to Madonna studies, there may be an opportunity to assess the relationships between academia, the p u b l i c , and the press, to "witness the fight over fragmented roles and fracturing power" (Jones, 1997c, p. 207) that erupts when an area o f research

B u t the discourse concerning the Internet has shifted w i t h

tremendous

suddenly becomes "hot." The research process is no less part o f "the ongoing

rapidity from one w i t h an academic and scientific basis to one based i n

construction o f individual and collective reality" ( p . 215} than is the Inter-

commerce. We know thai the Internet's g r o w t h since the development o f the

net—and discourse w i t h i n it and external to it.

W o r l d w i d e Web is attributable (at least i n part i f not in general) to its promise

Framed that way, it is possible to consider the nature o f research as a

as an economic engine, at both the multinational corporate level as w e l l as

meaning-making process, as a version o f reality by, and perhaps m some

that o f the i n d i v i d u a l . That i t has become a commercial technology m

ways even for, scholars. The intersection o f individual reality w i t h that o f

multiple senses o f that phrase (a technology itself for sale and used for

collective reality produces some interesting results when both realities are

selling) has become commonplace. But i n regard to scholarship, the Internet

shifting w i t h i n , and between, disciplines. For instance, it is possible that we

still provides much: e-mail, networks, information w i t h unparalleled speed,

lose sight o f the fact that few people are generally, in fact, pioneers when it

availability, and accessibility.

comes to the Internet and Internet research. H o w many have "discovered"

Academia is not w i t h o u t Us connections to the w o r l d o f commerce, o f

e-mail and written studies about it? H o w many analyses have been published

course, and the Internet is implicated in several such connections (not ieast

or are underway that examine on-line discourse i n M U D s (multi-user do-

being m connection to new forms o f delivery for education, a matter o f great

mains), M O O s (multi-user domains object oriented), and I R C (Internet relay

import, but not directly related to those at hand). Academic fame and fortunes

chat)? I do not w i s h to disparage any such w o r k , because it is important that

can be made: Scholars can be first to identify Internet-related phenomena;

w e undertake i t . I do w i s h to point out that no matter how interconnected we

they might write that dissertation that Microsoft buys; or they m i g h t find

may become thanks to the Internet, we, as scholars, arc as fragmented as the

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audiences that technologies o f mass communication had once brought to-

piecemeal, along different routes, reassembled, and delivered to me?). The

gether and now take apart. There is, and w i l l be, o f course, much more to be

"classic" model o f communication (sender—>message—^receiver)

discovered about on-iine communication, community, and social relations.

a tempting one w i t h w h i c h to build analyses o f the Internet, i t can be a

But the penetration o f the internet across disciplines, as both an object o f

valuable first step.

study and a channel o f academic discourse, brings to light that no matter how

is not only

A r e the methods we have for studying other media (methods that scholars

we may value i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r i t é academia is far from interdisciplinary in

from many disciplines—such as communication, anthropology, sociology,

the way scholars communicate across disciplines.

psychology, history, and dozens o f others—have contributed and used to assist us w i t h understanding newspapers, speech, radio, television, telephony, and public life generally) ones that we can use to study the Internet

How Do We Study the Internet?

and its position w i t h i n modern life? Can the hypotheses, research questions, models, statistical procedures, close readings, and thick descriptions that we

A s a friend and colleague, J i m Costigan, remarked, studying c o m m u n i c a t i o n

have used to study and describe media technologies, societies, media events,

is a lot like getting a grip on Jell-O. The more y o u squeeze, the more it

meanings, and intentions be {to borrow from the language o f c o m p u t i n g

changes shape. The internet is so fluid as to be rendered meaningless as a

itself) "ported" over to study o f the Internet and to what goes on w i t h i n i t

storage m e d i u m ; it is never constant, never fixed, no matter that the textual

and around it? Rice and Rogers (1984) noted that "the natural contexts o f

traces left there seem to give it f o r m . (That in and o f itself may be the best

new media may l i m i t how faithfully traditional research designs and methods

argument for r a l l y i n g us to the cause o f ensuring that Internet studies not

may be applied .

become institutionalized and structured as a discipline.)

tions, as w e l l as new opportunities" (p. 82).

In regard to the Internet as a social space, i t is no easier to get a grip on

An

the nature o f new media themselves may create l i m i t a -

obvious step is to describe and interpret on-line communication.

the human dimensions o f the Internet than i t is to get a grip on human

Thanks to the hardware and software, we have the artifactual textual traces

interaction, generally. I t is easier, however, to be fooled into believing that

of interaction created instantaneously, at the moment o f utterance. For

w e can have a firmer grip when the communicative aspects o f interaction,

scholars w i t h an interest in discourse analysis, literary c r i t i c i s m , rhetorical

particularly as they are rendered textual on-line, are fixed and available to

studies, textual analysis, and the like, the Internet is a research setting par

us. To some degree, the sheer availability o f chat sessions, M U D / M O O

excellence, practically irresistible in its availability. B u t the social issues

sessions, e-mail, and the like provide us w i t h a seductive data set, and it takes

surrounding the Internet are far more difficult to untangle than its texts. M o s t

l i t t i e effort to be o f the belief that such data represent. .

o f the issues w i t h which researchers, thus far, have been concerned, relate to

well,

something,

some semblance o f reality, perhaps, or some "slice o f l i f e " on-line. O u r o w n

the Internet's effects on society: W i l l i t bring us closer together? W i l l i t tear

precepts about ideas relating communication and interaction, c o m m u n i c a -

us apart, isolate us? W i l l i t form the foundation on w h i c h electronic c o m m u -

tion and community, are as much engaged w i t h determining whether such

nities w i l l flourish, or w i l l it be the basis o f the true "nuclear" family,

data "map" to reality or not.

a l l o w i n g closeness via interaction at a distance? W i l l we d i v i d e into infor-

So—how do we study the Internet, then? What, precisely, do we probe,

mation "haves" and "have-nots" and w i t h what consequences? (Have w e not

analyze, scrutinize? The technology is not difficult to examine and is m its

already been so divided: Is it s i m p l y clearer now that we are?) These are the

way

rather seductive when it comes to research. One can get one's arms

obvious questions, and there are less obvious ones, such as those related to

around the n e t w o r k i n g issues, the protocols, the components (routers, com-

the epistemological consequences o f the Internet. For instance, what does it

puters, cables, modems, etc.), the hardware and software. P l o t t i n g the net-

mean for scholars and their scholarship when a particular technology w i t h

w o r k and determining the paths taken by messages, packets, and information

distinctive and peculiar modes o f address, identity, behavior, and responsi-

is not so difficult and can be rather fascinating ( H o w does this thing w o r k ?

b i l i t y becomes a preeminent medium o f information exchange? Or what o f

How,

questions related to the insertion o f the Internet into modern life, itself

for instance, does m y e-mail get broken up, each piece shipped,

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already replete w i t h media o f communication o f all kinds, shapes, and sizes?

The traditional question to ask m i g h t be, W h a t are the measures we can

What w i l l be the interaction between scholars when they share the same

use to assess on-line phenomena? I t is more useful. I believe, to adopt

"space" asynchronously, even invisibly? W h a t w i l l the subjective changes in

methods drawn from John Pauly's (1991) observations o f qualitative re-

our sense o f the speed w i t h w h i c h information can be moved bring to

search. I n a superb monograph, Pauly notes three ways qualitative research-

epistemology? A s Breen (1997) put it,

ers have chosen to study mass communication: product, process, or commentary. To adapt such an approach to study o f the Internet provides an

The resort to speed is a key feature of the contemporary communications mediascape. . , . Viriuality has served to heighten and individualize the speed at which information is gathered. What we cannot identify is where the information ts grounded. . . . Scholarship may enjoy the benefits proposed by this sort of speed of access to digitized information. What that speed tells us little about are the organizing principles of the structures that bring the information to our screens and printers, research and publication efforts, not to mention the politics of our fives. In many respects, speed both empowers the user to gam access to pragmatic sources, while disempowenng the critical apparatus of knowledge-history. It disarticulates one set of concerns—information retrieval and the re-creation of author information sets in the virtual world—from the field of knowledge.

opportunity for an interpretive turn iacking m much, i f not most, o f the literature to date. For instance, to study the Internet as product m i g h t mean understanding on-line communication as, to paraphrase Pauly, s y m b o l i c forms by w h i c h experience is rendered and made "meaning-full." To study i t as practice m i g h t direct us toward "cultural processes rather than products" and assist w i t h an understanding o f how, on-line, we "habitually organize and institutionalize the meaning-making process" (p. 4 ) , as w e l l as how, off-line, decisions are made about organizing the on-line. A n d to study the Internet as commentary m i g h t mean that we are sensitive to the ways i t is "a useful thing to think w i t h " (p. 5 ) , as when we talk about the Internet as a realization of "the global village," or "networked consciousness," or even when w e make claims about "Internet addiction," for these types o f discourse "often

Breen's concerns echo concepts that Schivelbusch (1986) set forth regarding changes m the perception brought about by the development o f the railroad:

articulate wider disputes over cultural style" ( p . 5). Commentary, as Pauly describes i t , is something to w h i c h w e should be particularly sensitive, as it frames and colors our o w n scholarly w o r k . A t every turn, w e must encounter and face our assumptions. For instance, m

The notion that the railroad annihilated space and time was not related to that expansion of space that resulted from the incorporation of new spaces into the transport network. What was experienced as being annihilated was the traditional space-time continuum which characterized the old transport technology. - . . What Bergson called the durée (duration, the time spent getting from one place to another on a road) is not an objective mathematical unit, but a subjective perception of space-time. I f an essential element of a given sociocuitural space-time continuum undergoes change, this will affect the entire structure; our perception of space-time will aiso lose its accustomed orientation, (p. 36)

regard to electronic communities (an area o f study that has greatly interested me for many years), our arrogations about what is " g o o d " about c o m m u n i t y (indeed, even that it seems to go unquestioned that c o m m u n i t y is o f itself a good t h i n g ) color the positive and negative critiques o f what the Internet w i l l bring to social relations. One obvious critique is that electronic communities are, and w i l l continue to be, elitist, no matter that it is w i d e l y believed that " c o m m u n i t y " implies some sort o f "openness" and sense o f belonging. C o m m u n i t y is, in some ways, inherently elitist, at least insofar as i t is predicated on the notion that some belong and others do not. A t present, the elite are most likely to use computers and Internet services, and it may w e l l be that the elite are finding c o m m u n i t y for themselves.

Yet such communities

I n what ways m i g h t the research process, including, particularly, reflection

go largely unresearched. C o m m u n i t y is as exclusive as it is inclusive, as bad

and reflexivity, be affected by the kinds o f changes Breen and Schivelbusch

m some ways as i t is good m others. Studies o f c o m m u n i t y on-line w i l l do

discuss? One issue may be the duration between elements in D i l t h e y ' s (1990)

w e l l not to cast aside the study o f some forms o f c o m m u n i t y that seem less

tripartite arrangement o f the interpretive process, between immediate expe-

democratic, participative, "open," and so on, lest we ignore the range o f

rience, expression, and interpretive understanding.

experience on-line (and off-line) that enriches social relations.

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I n the realm o f product and process, i t is important to consider that

that we do more than rejoice at the opportunities marginalized groups have

c o m m u n i t y can have a wide range o f meanings and that it can be institution-

to gather on-line, that we be sensitive to the broadest possible range o f

alized. C o m m u n i t y , particularly on the Internet, is as marketable as any other

understandings

commodity. Such marketing has been p r i m a r i l y the province o f real estate

communities themselves have.

o f communities, incorporating understandings that those

and, to a degree, o f city government (the naming o f neighborhoods, developments, and subdivisions); had once been the province o f social groups

Going Native by G o i n g . . . On-Line?

w i t h i n those neighborhoods (and outside them); and is now s i m p l y the province o f marketing generally. One sees evidence o f this even m broad terms. The Internet has become a

A s I discussed in CyberSociety

2.0, "Definitions o f c o m m u n i t y have tradi-

segregated m e d i u m o f entertainment, particularly since the announcement o f

t i o n a l l y relied on unproblematized notions o f piace, a 'where' that social

plans to develop Internet 2/Next Generation Internet (12 or N G I ) , to allow

scientists can observe, visit, stay and go, engage i n participant observation"

the once-ubiquitous ( i t is claimed) academic and research uses o f the Internet

(Jones, 1998). T h i s bnngs up an important issue for Internet research;

to again proceed, unfettered by bandwidth constraints and overuse perpetu-

A l t h o u g h the artifactual elements o f on-line social relationships seem readily

ated by the incredible increase o f commercial and entertainment web sites.

available, i n what ways is it possible for the researcher to travel to the "place"

Or perhaps to put i t another way, the m i x o f the scientific and the prosaic,

occupied by a community, to observe, participate, to use traditional ethno-

the elite and commoners, is again separating, and through technology one

graphic methods? A s Lotfalian (1996) claims, studies o f c o m m u n i t y have

finds, among other things, status being mediated.

relied on terms

Perhaps the elite, too, can be thought o f as diasponc communities ( M i t r a , 1997), even i n terms once reserved for urban development (a f o r m o f " w h i t e f l i g h t " begins as the Internet is populated by the masses and the elite flee to 12, firewalls create "red-lined" neighborhoods, and so on). I n the realm o f real estate, elite communities were signified i n i t i a l l y by suburbanization and the development o f social and architectural structures such as gated buildings

that refer to group dynamics such as assimilation, acculturation, adaptation, and participation [and] to the opposite: expulsion, expatriation, and exile. [On-line] the terms used for indicating communities are different, such as posting, cross-posting, reading, lurking, and flaming, which don't imply being part of a whole, (p. 138)

and communities. I n the realm o f what we m i g h t term " v i r t u a l estate," what w e now find v i a the Internet are "Gates-ed" communities, ones cordoned o f f

Lotfaiian's sensitivity to the ianguage o f on-iine interaction is a very neces-

in other ways, by interest and by access. The acquisition, buying, selling, and

sary First step i f w e are to get a "thick description" (Geertz, 1973) o f on-line

trading o f Internet domain names is the most visible representation o f such

social groups. Geertz s assertion that "man is an animal suspended m webs

activity. Less visible representations include the development o f behavioral

o f significance he himself has spun" (p. 5) has a particularly "Internet-

norms ( M a c K i n n o n , 1995, 3997; M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, & S m i t h , 1995),

f r i e n d l y " r i n g to i t , o f course. I t is important, however, to remember that

establishment o f limited-access "electronic communities," and importantly,

Geertz ended his classic The Interpretation

maintenance

o f values prevalent on-line since the origins o f hacking

can start anywhere i n a culture's repertoire o f forms and end up anywhere

(Sterling, 1992). We may aiso consider academic communities diasponc,

else. . . . One has only to learn how to gain access to t h e m " ( p . 453).

m a k i n g annual pilgrimages to conferences and the like, and now able to meet virtually i n cyberspace. Perhaps the nature o f diaspora itself, or at least our usage o f that term, has changed, alongside our changeable perceptions o f space and distance. M y point is not to broaden the scope o f how we should conceptualize diaspora but to ask that we broaden the scope o f our explorations and investigations into on-line communities and, most important, to ask

:

of Cultures by noting that "one

Concerning Internet research, access is simultaneously an issue m regard to being able to log on and being able to participate, not only for scholars but for anyone else. I t is also an object o f study i n its o w n right, insofar as issues o f access are among ones paramount to Internet discourse, on-line and off-line. B u t access is also o f concern to Internet research as i t engages us i n questions about our ability to make choices about what we w i l l study and

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where we w i l l study i t . W h a t are the boundaries o f communities i n cyber-

(generalizability, replicability, sampling, validity, etc.), what might change

space? Scholars have relied on being able to go places, to engage m partici-

about the explanatory and interpretive power o f the research? I f we do

pant observation. I n Geertz's terms, to "gam access" means not only to be

"disaggregate" so, w e should aiso go to great lengths to ensure that w e not

able "to read over the shoulders o f those to w h o m " ( p . 452) a culture belongs,

erode "moral and civic capacities" and that we are able to " t h i n k beyond

to not only participate and observe, but to understand and know. I n cyber-

i n d i v i d u a l desire" (Carey, 1997b, p. 23) lest we disaggregate (perhaps the

space, is there a "there" there? W h a t are the consequences o f an "easy come,

more appropriate term might be " d i g i t i z e " ) society generally. A s Grossberg

easy g o " opportunity for sociological work? Can culture maintain itself even

(1997a) notes, a "materialist or nomadic model that argues that reality is

as people rapidly cycle i n and out o f its milieu?

constructed by 'anonymous' travels o f people w i t h i n historically articulated

Perhaps cyberspace is a place where communication must occur i f for no

social spaces, places, and structures o f practices" ( p . 317) may w e l l make

other reason than because tradition is absent, as Carey f 1997a) reminds us

the most sense not only as an interpretive strategy but as one w i t h w h i c h we

was characteristic o f the A m e r i c a n frontier. I f so, we should examine not only

can understand the role o f researchers striving to understand a place, to

the creation and maintenance o f c o m m u n i t y but also its disruption and

understand its people and practices, and to make a place for their o w n

destruction. We should be aware o f what Carey has described as the "anti-

understandings.

nomian counterpart" to the "creative aspect o f culture": We ceaselessly create communities out of need, desire, and necessity but then continually try to escape from the authority of what we have created. We are forever building a city on the hill and then promptly planning to get out of town to avoid the authority and constraint of our creation. Both the creation and the escape, the organization and disorganization, involve intense episodes m sensemaKing, m the formation and reformation of human identity, m communication in its most fundamental sense, (p. 27)

Prediction and Partiality It is critical that our understandings o f social relations on-line are not b i n d i n g and/or structuring interpretation. As Ringer (1997) stated i n an examination o f Weber's development o f sociological method, "Sociologists must be prepared to deal w i t h merely pretended purposes, rationalizations, displaced emotional gratifications, and plainly incomprehensible motivations" ( p p . 105-106).

Perhaps the formation o f "personalized" mass media is, in its way, a m a n i -

Ringer's words can be applied as a caution to those studying digital media

festation o f a destructive tendency toward existing conceptions o f c o m m u -

generally. Steven Johnson (1997) notes, " A computer

nity, one arising from a late 20th-century distrust o f institutions (particularly

system from the ground u p " ( p . 15). Another consequence o f digitization

governmental ones), and one given ground by the Internet, a m e d i u m itself

and disaggregation is recombinance, editing, the ready and convenient a b i l -

"de-institutionalized."

is a symbolic

ity by w h i c h disparate cultural symbols and elements can be placed in

I f the Internet is a form o f "personalized" mass media, perhaps researchers,

p r o x i m i t y to each other without a necessary fixed relationship (Jones, 1989).

too, should i n some sense "personalize" their efforts, i n two ways. First, to

D i g i t a l media have been innovated particularly along these lines; as s y m b o l -

be sensitive to, and aware of, their o w n experiences on-line. Second, to focus

m a m p u i a t m g technologies, they have been driven by the techniques o f

not only on c o m m u n i t y but on individuals w i t h i n social groups as w e l l . I f

editing. O u r understandings o f cultural material conveyed to us v i a digital

the Internet is the first truly "personal mass m e d i u m , " as some have claimed

media must not begin w i t h presuppositions about rationality, linearity, or

(Negroponte, 1995), we must understand that i t is not so for all. A n d w e must

even "sense" as we may construe it, unless we are aware of, and f o r t h c o m i n g

understand the Internet m terms o f processes engaging individuals and those

about, our constructions.

that individuals engender as precursors to emergent, or as Daniel Dayan

The more mampuiable cultural material m a market system, the more

(1997) put i t , fugitive, communities. Is i t perhaps time that scholarship takes

economic and p o l i t i c a l controls are placed on manipulation. A s a further

a page from marketing and disaggregates the market? Aside from gams and

result, economics and political economy are very important to Internet

losses in terms o f the traditional assessment o f the quality o f research

research. Hackers, w e are told, perpetuate the notion that information wants

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to be free. That may be true, but humans like to get paid. What happens when

w h i c h one's investments m , and commitments to, the w o r l d are made possi-

information is simultaneously digitized and owned? A n d how are scholars

ble" ( p . 159). Academic life has long traded m attention and been driven by

implicated i n this fashion (as I myself am)? Copyright and fair use are

affective displacements—and disbursements. Scholars often ask questions

increasingly important issues: They w i l l not, cannot, go away. W i l l we, as

such as, H o w many citations are there to m y work? W h o is reading it?

scholars, demand payment for our work? L i k e l y we w i l l , although w e may

R e v i e w i n g it? A r e people paying attention to it? W h a t motivates our work?

not always seek i t in cash; we may get it in the form o f tenure and p r o m o t i o n ,

But most important for Internet research, the affective dimensions o f on-line

recognition and attention, or things such as release time from duties we seek

experience largely go unnuanced as the very newness o f the interaction w i t h

to not pursue but have done so as part o f "paying our dues." Internet

technology leads to predictive research, no matter its methodological guise.

researchers w o u l d do w e l l to maintain self-reflexivity along the economic

There is, o f course, much attention (and grant monies) paid to Internet

and political dimension as w e l l as the e p i s t e m o l ó g i c a ! . What are the p o l i t i c s of epistemology and the structuring o f knowledge on-line, the p o l i t i c s of, say, directories, on-line journals, and indexes? Marcus Breen (1997) argues that

research that is p r e d i c t i v e — i n part because the Internet is a newly forming m e d i u m and i n part because predictive research w i l l Find sources for funding. Such was the situation d u r i n g television's early days, as i t was d u r i n g that o f f i l m (the Payne Fund studies serve as a classic example). B u t there is also much interest m research that is descriptive—again, i n part because the

those of us m positions of responsibility, whether researching, teaching, producing, marketing or promoting the virtual world of digital communication, could use a political economy critique to inform ourengagement with the object of our affection. This is not always an easy thing to do. Academic work especially is premised on a relationship between ourselves and the career material with which we are "employed." While we may abstractly distance ourselves from some issues, competition in the workplace tends to force us to become uncritical advocates of the material we are employed to critique. Fashion dictates our tastes, while the newly mobilized marketplace of technology directs our careers.

Internet is a newly f o r m i n g medium and because there is great interest i n discovery and exploration o f its contours. R o n Rice has written extensively about research on computer-mediated communication ( C M C ) , and his w o r k has p r o v i d e d an excellent guide for C M C researchers. I n a 1989 article that provides a foundation for C M C research, Rice made a distinction between two goals o f C M C research: Formative research, w h i c h "acquires information useful in designing and i m p r o v i n g project components, and provides feedback during the design, implementation, and use o f [a computer] system"

(p. 4 4 8 ) , and summative research, w h i c h "aims to summarize how [a

computer] system affected those involved w i t h the system as w e l l as the w i d e r social context, including intended and unintended effects, and to what

Breen's critique is particularly noteworthy because it can assist us to ask, I n

extent the systems goals were achieved" ( p . 449). A t the time that Rice wrote

what ways do we (broadly speaking, as individuals, institutions, etc.) pay for

that article, however, the Internet was still l i m i t e d , m the main, to the

information, and w i t h what consequences? Surely we do not pay for i t only

m i n o r i t y o f researchers aware o f its existence. Rice noted in the article that

in terms o f existing currencies o f exchange, m dollars and yen and rubles and

C M C at that time was defined as "videotex!, audiotext, personal computers,

dinars. We also pay for it in terms o f the attention that we give to some

computer conferencing, w o r d processing, computer bulletin boards, office

information and not to other. I t is no coincidence that the phrase "pay

information systems, and electronic and voice m a i l " (p. 436). Nevertheless

attention" incorporates the notion o f payment. As M i c h a e l Goldhaber (1997,

his ideas, as an outline o f how one m i g h t go about studying C M C , are still

p. 182) points out, the resource that is scarce and desirable in cyberspace is

useful.

attention. Consequently, the affective dimensions both o f Internet use and o f Internet research must be considered. A s Grossberg (1997b) puts it, "Affective economies o f m o o d " are a plane "on w h i c h psychic energy is organized." He goes on to say, " I f desire is always focused (as the notion o f cathexis suggests), mood is always dispersed

I t is the coloration or passion w i t h m

As useful is to note that Rice (1989) observed a "variety o f disciplines" and "varied methodologies o f these disciplines" used to "study . , . the uses and effects o f computer-mediated communication systems" ( p . 436). He wrote that "the insights [are] bound up i n , and confounded w i t h , the research processes applied m specific studies" (pp. 436-437). He went on to narrow

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23

his focus to the communicative aspects o f computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a -

its antecedents, we w i l l likely not make the connection we truly desire, the

tion, to "conversation (communication between individuals v i a computer

one between life on-line and its meaning in relationship to life off-line.

systems)" ( p . 437) as opposed to aspects concerning allocution, registration, and consultation. Rice's focus encompasses the internet, but i t is m u c h more inclusive. V i e w i n g his suggestion that research on computer-mediated c o m munication proceeds along four dimensions (stakeholders, goals, analytical

Conclusion

domain, and tools) from an Internet-based perspective, one can still see the practicality o f the approaches he encourages.

I t therefore is beneficial not oniy to study the Internet as an entity unto itself

However, one can also see the difficulties defining the Internet as a

but, rather, to study it w i t h i n the context o f the particular combination o f late

c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i u m . Just as the Internet has made more concrete the

20th-century history and projections o f 21st-century existence. W h a t the

concept o f media convergence by being the m e d i u m o f distribution for

Internet has connected is not only computer networks but ideologies and

d i g i t i z e d media content, so too has i t made clear the convergence o f different

ways o f life that have, thus far, seemed disconnected, perhaps even beyond

forms o f computer-mediated communication. The Internet is at heart an

connection. I f we are to do a substantive, satisfying, social history o f the

in ter-networking o f networks, and, consequently, it creates relationships

Internet, our problem may not be the history, as it has been often when

between a variety o f technologies, techniques, and ways o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g .

scholars have studied other media. W h e n it comes to the history, w e have i t .

The Internet is a computer-mediated communication system made up o f

I t is written ( i n the electrons, generally, or magnetic particles or pits and

computer-mediated communication systems. H o w do we study i t ; what

valleys that make up floppy disks, hard drives, and C D - R O M s ) . I t is l i k e l y

logics do we appiy to it? The ones applied to the individual systems o f w h i c h

not a sufficient history, insofar as we do not have, i f y o u w i l l pardon the

it is composed? Is there a way to reduce i t to its components, to create

expression, that w h i c h is between the electrons. Indeed, much o f what has i n

analytically tractable elements, and i f so, what are the consequences o f that

the past provided history, the rough drafts, scribbled notes, scratched out

reduction? One approach to such reduction has been to examine the i n d i v i d -

lines, disappears w i t h the electrons and pixels we readily manipulate to erase

ual modes o f communication—textual, hypertextual, graphical, interactive,

traces o f the creative process i n pursuit o f an ideal end product. B u t many o f

and so on—or to examine the individual technologies and ways o f c o m m u -

the historical figures are still w i t h us. I t is one o f the advantages o f the

nication that we have come most frequently to use—Usenet, the W o r l d W i d e

newness o f the Internet that many o f the technology's founding figures are

Web, e-mail, and the like. A l t h o u g h such approaches do provide insight into

not only still alive but are quite young. One crucial aspect o f Internet research

particular uses, they do not satisfy an appetite for a holistic understanding o f

should thus be to learn as much as possible from them, to engage i n historical

the Internet. As Weber (1973) claimed,

and ethnographic w o r k , o f the k i n d that D a v i d Bennahum, for instance, has undertaken and facilitated w i t h the " C o m m u n i t y M e m o r y " project (http://

There is no purely "objective" scientific analysis of cultural or "social phenomena," independent of particular and "one-sided" perspectives.. . , We want to understand reality . . in its distinctiveness—the interconnectedness and the cultural significance of its particular phenomena in their contemporary form . . . and the ground of their having historically become thus-and-not-otherwise. (pp. 170-171)

m e m e x . o r g / c o m m u n i t y - m e m o r y . h t m l) . Such w o r k w i l l give us, at least, a sense o f the time lines involved m the Internet's development. Our histories can go quite deep and tease out interesting connections, such as those between eariy inventors o f electrical equipment. N i k o i a Tesla, for example, envisioned a variety o f forms o f " n e t w o r k e d " communication (Jones, 1997a). Vannevar Bush, considered one of the pioneers o f network technologies, w o r k e d on electrical power systems

I t is truly ironic that a technology o f internetworking gives us great difficulty

on a national scale (see Hughes, 1983), and much o f his w o r k i n the 1920s

when we seek to understand Us social interconnectedness. I f , however, w e

( i n c l u d i n g development o f a "network analyzer") prefigured later develop-

seek only to find interconnectedness w i t h i n and between the technology and

ments i n Internetworking ( H i ! l i s , 1996). A particularly salient quote by Bush,

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for example, in hindsight presages from a technical standpoint issues related to n e t w o r k i n g protocols in nonlinear systems like that o f the Internet:

25

W i l l i a m s , Rice, and Rogers (1988) noted that they "consider possible research methods for new media as m a i n l y extensions o f existing methods, [they] propose that the new media researcher should consider alternative

Electrical engineering, for example, having dealt with substantially linear networks throughout the greater part of its history, is now rapidly introducing these metbods[,] elements the non-linearity of which is their salient feature. (Vannevar Bush quoted in Hughes, 1983, p. 377)

methods, or even m u l t i p l e methods, and -

methods" ( p . 15). B u t an additional problem may be that, although our research methods may provide for triangulation, i t is possible that when i t comes to Internet research, our methods are not {to borrow another term from c o m p u t i n g ) scalable.

A s Hughes (1983) reminds us, the development o f the electrical power grid was closely connected to university research, and his history o f the evolution of electrical power systems closely parallels, structurally, the Internet's history beginning decades later. Importantly, Hughes noted that

. attempt a triangulation o f

Can our methods efficiently build on one another, or is

it the case that as we apply m u l t i p l e methods we are unable to achieve the sum promised by their m u l t i p l e application? Or, perhaps, that our methods are not scalable is a failure o f our epistemoiogy rather than our methods: Comprehension is always less than efficient. The Internet is, i n actuality, not just a technology. Were i t a technology alone, little about i t w o u l d be o f such general interest. The technical chal-

the interaction between region and technology was more notable than that between nation and technology. Influences at the national level, such as legislation, affected evolving technological systems, but local geographical factors, both natural and man-made, were more direct and discernible determinants of the shape of the systems, (p. x)

F o l l o w i n g Hughes s social history one is often struck by the resonance to :

social, economic, and political issues that surround Internet discourse. The Internet's roots indeed go deep, but our histories have yet to do so. One hope that historical w o r k can hold out is that it may provide us insight into the decision m a k i n g during the Internet's development. C o u p l i n g such

lenges that brought about its existence and the ones that spur its development w o u l d h o l d some interest. I t is not the technical challenges but, rather, the social ones that have become most interesting, for those are the ones that seem to require the most demanding o f social balancing acts, between compromise, competition, and standardization. A s Carey (1997b) put i t , Communication requires a mode of understanding actions and motives, not in terms of psychological dispositions or sociological conditions but as a manifestation of a basic cultural disposition to cast up experience in symbolic forms that are at once immediately pleasing and conceptually plausible, thus supplying the basis for felt identities and meaningfully apprehended realities, (p. 11)

w o r k w i t h analyses such as the one B i j k e r (1995) undertakes to assess the history o f technologies such as B a k c l k e , the bicycle, and the fluorescent lamp w i l l give us additional insight into the "sociotechmcal

C o m m u n i c a t i o n , whether on-line or off-line, is metaphorically oriented. Our

ensemble"

attempts to both study the Internet and understand i t as a m e d i u m o f

B i j k e r has proposed that can enable us to "deal w i t h questions o f value-laden-

c o m m u n i c a t i o n can either broaden our options for understanding the fluid

ness, o f emancipatory and oppressive potentials, o f democratization, and o f

and social nature o f mediated communication, or it can narrow our options

the embeddedness o f technology in modern culture" ( p . 280). I t w i l l l i k e l y

by focusing on the essentially d i g i t a l , binary, nature o f being on-line: con-

not, however, give us insight into the Internet's self-development, its social

nected versus not connected, on-line versus off-line. We are both and all o f

evolution, unless we are able to reformulate the social element o f B i j k e r ' s

those at once (unlike the machines we use to physically access the Internet).

"sociotechmcal ensemble" to account for on-line social relations. W h a t is

Computers can be understood to be digital s y m b o l manipulators, and in fact

sociability on the Internet? What indeed is "cybersociety," and what makes

that is a l l they are. A n d we, as humans, and as researchers, must strive to be

it social? That there is a group o f people? That they communicate? Is the

symbol perceivers and interpreters, operating m the analog realm, m a k i n g

occurrence o f communication "enough" for us to know that there is a

digital forms (zeros and ones) that seem indistinguishable again reconstituted

"social"?

and recognizable.

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Note i. Cookies are files stored on a computer's hard drive by web browser software that allow web sites to silently track the user's movements from site to site. They can hold information about the user (user name, passwords, pages accessed, computer type, etc.).

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Jones, S. (1997c). Reading pop: The press, the scholar and the consequences of popular cultural studies. In S. Redhead, D. Wynne, & J. O'Connor (Eds.), The chtbcultures reader (pp. 204¬ 216). Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Jones, S. (1998). Information, Internet and community: Notes toward an understanding of community m the information age. In S. Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety 2.0 (pp. 1 -34). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Levy, S. (1984). Hackers. Garden City, NY: Anchor. Lotfalian, M. (1996). A tale of an electronic community. In G. Marcus (Ed.), Connected (pp. 117-156). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. MacKinnon, R. C . (1995). Searching for the leviathian on Usenet. In S. Jones (Ed.), Cyber­ Society: Computer-mediated communication and community {pp. 112-136). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. MacKinnon, R. C. (1997). Punishing the persona: Correctional strategies for the virtual offender. In S. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture (pp. 206-235). London: Sage. McLaughlin, M. L . , Osborne, K. K., & Smith, C. B. (1995). Standards of conduct on Usenet, in S. Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety (pp. 90-111). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Mitra, A. (1997). Virtual commonality: Looking for India on She Internet. In S. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture (pp. 55-79). London: Sage. Negroponte, N. (1995). Being digital. New York: Knopf. Newhagen, J. E . , & Rafaeii, S. (1997). Why communication researchers should study ihe Internet: A dialogue fOn-lincl. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 3(4). Avail­ able: http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/voli/issue4/rafaeii.himl Ong, W. J. (1996). Information and/or communication: Inleraciions. Communication Research Trends, 76(3), 3-16. Pauly, J. J. (1991). A beginner's guide to qualitative research. Journalism Monographs, (Sena! No. 125). Peterson, T. (1956). Magazines in the twentieth century. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Plath, D. W. (1980). Long engagements. Stanford, C A : Stanford University Press. Rice, R. E . £1989). issues and concepts in research on computer-mediated communication systems. Communication Yearbook, 12, 436-476. Rice, R. E . , & Rogers, E . M. (1984). New methods and dala for the study of new media. I n R . E . Rice (Ed.), The new media, communication, research, and technology (pp. 81-99). Beverly Hills, C A : Sage. Ringer, F. (1997). Max Weber'x methodology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Schiveibusch, W. (1986). The railway journey. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Schwichtenberg, C. (1993). The Madonna connection. Boulder, CO: Westvtew. Secor, L . (1998, February). Dissertations for dollars. Lingua Franca, pp. 8-9. Sterling, B. (1992). The hacker crackdown. New York: Bantam. Trachlenberg, A. (1986). Foreword. In W. Schiveibusch (Ed.), The railway journey {pp. xtii-xvi). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Vonder, S. (1998, January 26). Search sites try to find themselves. lnter@ctive Week, p. 51. Weber, M. (1973). Gesammelte aufsatze zur wissenschaftslehre fCollected essays in social sciences] (4ih ed., J. Winckelmann, Ed.). Tubingen, Germany: Mohr. Williams, E , Rice, R. E . , & Rogers, E . M. (1988). Research methods and the new media. New York: Free Press.

C HAPT E R

Complementary Explorative Data Analysis The Reconciliation of Quantitative and Qualitative Principles

FAY SUDWEEKS SIMEON J . SiMOFF

F O R M A N Y P E O P L E AROUND T H E G L O B E , the Internet has become the place

where they instinctively turn to for aii kinds o f information, particularly after the Coseil E u r o p é e n pour la Recherche N u c l é a i r e f C E R N ) introduced the W o r l d W i d e Web ( W W W or the Web) i n the late 1980s. The Internet has given birth to new research fields or has diversified existing research fields connected w i t h human activities, including computer-mediated communication ( C M C ) , computer-supported cooperative w o r k ( C S C W ) , electronic commerce, virtual communities, virtual architecture, various virtual environments, and information design. The Web phenomenon raised a number o f research issues concerning the mechanisms and ruies governing Internet activities, particularly the interaction o f technology and society. Decision makers at different levels needed knowledge about the phenomenon, so 29

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31

politicians, corporate managers, educators, and developers turned their at-

the one hand, there is an existing physical m e d i u m that supports information

tention to the Internet research community.

communication; on the other hand, around this m e d i u m , there exists a global

In this chapter, w e discuss various traditional methodologies and their strengths and weaknesses when applied to Internet-spawned research

information ether where the social reality takes place. Between the t w o layers

fields.

there is an almost invisible connection. However, the parameters o f the

We find that traditional methodologies need to be adapted to these new

physical m e d i u m , such as the capacity o f the links and information storage,

research environments i n w h i c h communication technologies and socio-

affect the social behavior w i t h i n the information ether. For example, slow

cultural norms challenge existing research assumptions and premises. We

links lead to a narrower bandwidth o f communication and use o f different

propose a complementary explorative data analysis ( C E D A ) framework

expressive techniques. A n ontological research assumption i n this case

w i t h i n an Internet research schema that integrates qualitative and quantitative

should make explicit connection between both "realities." Assumptions

procedures. C E D A was inspired by the successful collaboration o f the t w o

epistemológica!

methodologies in the field o f artificial intelligence ( A I ) . The difference is

the issue is the distinction between information and knowledge. Is any

that i n A I , qualitative methods still deal w i t h quantities. They operate over

experience on the Internet a new knowledge or just a transfer o f existing

their ranges and tendencies i n their behavior, not over each possible value.

knowledge into a new form? For example, should virtual architectures m i m i c

C E D A incorporates complementary use o f both methods, depending on

physical architectures or develop their o w n laws and conventions?

the particular research stage or the initial assumptions that need to be taken

tions of human nature are concerned w i t h destiny. I n Internet research, the

into consideration, thereby accommodating the unique features o f Internet

issue is the boundary o f the environment. Should w e consider the Internet an

of an

nature are concerned w i t h knowledge. I n Internet research,

Assump-

environment m itself or should we consider it a complementary part or an

research.

extension o f our own environment? These philosophical assumptions influence the researchers opinion o f what

Internet Environment and Research Methodologies

constitutes an acceptable research methodology. A scientist w i t h an objective approach searches for regularities and tangible structures existing in an

The Internet research c o m m u n i t y i n i t i a l l y endeavored to f o l l o w the major

external w o r l d ; the researcher w h o focuses on subjective experience chooses

macrosteps o f classical research w o r k : (a) problem identification and f o r m u -

to understand and interpret the individual in relation to, or " b e i n g " i n , the

lation, (b) research design and development o f research methodology, (c)

w o r i d . The positivist (or objective) epistemologicai approach is sometimes

data collection, (d) data analysis, and (e) communication o f results. These

labeled as "hard" scientific research. The posttivists vary i n their research

research activities are performed m a linear fashion. Once the problem is

design and methodological approach, ranging from verifying to falsifying

identified, the research design becomes crucial for the success o f the w h o l e

hypotheses, but the intent in both instances is based on a belief that there are

w o r k . Earlier research, however, identified several characteristics o f the

i m m u t a b l e structures to be discovered, explored, and analyzed. The anti-

Internet phenomenon that complicated the use o f the classical research

positivists ' (or interpretivists') methodological approach is to be immersed

schema. Because the human is the central object, participant, information

in situations and allow insights to emerge during the process o f investigation.

generator, and collector, there was an i m p l i c i t assumption that the methodology developed i n social sciences w o u l d be appropriate and adequate.

-

W h e n conducting Internet research, however, there are even more factors to be taken into account. One consideration is the constant and rapid change

The majority o f social science research w o r k is conducted w i t h i n the

m technology. A decade ago, most Internet users were, o f necessity, skilled

bounds o f a narrow set o f assumptions, beyond w h i c h the researcher rarely

computer programmers, or at least, they had a relatively deep understanding

deviates. U n d e r l y i n g any research are fundamental philosophical assump-

o f n e t w o r k applications. W i t h the development o f point-and-click graphic

tions about ontology, epistemology, and human nature ( B u r r e l l & M o r g a n ,

interfaces, audio and video plug-ms, cableless connections, and Web devel-

1979; D o o l i n , 1995; Hopper & Powell, 1985).

opment applications, the underlying technology is more complex but is a

nature are concerned w i t h the physical and

virtually closed system. The effect o f this transition is a polarization o f the

social reality o f research questions. W h e n applied to Internet research, on

developers and the users in the Internet population. A second consideration

Assumptions

of an ontological

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is the information now available. The average Internet user is often over-

major drawback m current attempts to develop a research schema that

whelmed by the variety and vast amount o f information and has difficulty

benefits from both methods.

processing and selecting the relevant information. A third consideration is the notion o f browsing or "surfing." I n contrast to the traditional linear search along shelves o f books i n a library, the Internet user follows a w e b l i k e

Quantity and Quality: Two Approaches to a Common Phenomenon

nonlinear search i n w h i c h most "pages" emphasize eye-catching designs and attention-grabbing movement rather than a sequential and logical presentation o f information. These considerations complicate classical research methodologies, so

Quantitative and qualitative methods are quite distinct in the emphasis they place on each (Stake, 1995). I n quantitative analyses, argumentation is based

increasingly, Internet researchers are turning to methods developed in the

on a representation o f the phenomenon as a finite set o f variables. There, we

fields

o f information systems and data m i n i n g . I n general, the research

seek systematic statistical or other functional relations between these v a r i -

questions o f interest appear at first to guide the choice of the research design

ables. I n qualitative analyses, argumentation is based on a description o f the

and methodological tools. A t the point when the methodology needs to be

research objects or observation units rather than on approximation o f a

selected, the qualitative versus quantitative debate begins. B o t h methods

l i m i t e d number o f variables. I n other words, in qualitative analyses, refer-

attempt to explain the i m p l i c i t concepts hidden i n the bulk o f data about the

ences to excerpts or cases in the data are used as clues.

investigated phenomenon. However, both methods differ i n their approach to the p r o b l e m . Quantitative methodologies assume that collected data are measurable, or

I n the next sections, we define distinctive steps m quantitative and qualitative research and compare the methodologies w i t h respect to the major dimensions associated w i t h scholarly inquiry: (a) the purpose o f the inquiry,

i f they are not, i t is necessary to design an experiment or computer s i m u l a t i o n

(b) the role o f the researcher, (c) the acquisition o f knowledge, and (d)

m a way that respective measurements can be taken. Once the measurements

presentation o f the research.

are done, the problem is to fit f i n a broad sense) the data adequately. Derived dependencies are then interpreted in the context o f the i n i t i a l problem formulation w i t h a possible test o f the hypothesis about the nature o f the data and the errors i n the measurements. I n qualitative methods, the interest is centered on the qualitative characteristics o f the phenomenon. Rather than

QUANTITATIVE Purpose

RESEARCH

of the Inquiry

t r y i n g to quantify every detail, these methods try to grasp the f o r m , the

The purpose o f quantitative research is to explain observed phenomena. I t

content, and some constraints o f the investigated phenomenon and analyze

was developed to provide the ability to predict and control examined con-

its qualities ( L i n d l o f , 1995).

cepts. Consequently, these concepts need to be quantified. To do this, the

We question, however, this neat qualitative and quantitative dichotomy.

researcher needs to know the form, type, and range o f the content o f the data

We argue that each methodology has its o w n set o f costs and benefits,

before the commencement o f an experiment. The methodology is based on

particularly when applied to Internet research, and that i t is possible to tease

the model o f hypothesis testing. The idea was introduced and developed i n

out and match the strengths o f each w i t h particular variables o f interest.

the late 1920s and early 1930s. A l t h o u g h i n practice there are some vari-

Recently, protagonists o f both sides have been encroaching cautiously

ations, ideally, the path o f quantitative research is traversed from observation

onto rival territory. Thus, researchers may quantify qualitative data—for

to generation o f theoretical explanation to further testing o f the theory.

example, coding concepts from interviews and surveys m a manner suitable

Recently, the overall schema has been extended w i t h exploratory data analy-

for statistical analysis. Researchers may also qualify quantitative data—for

sis, when hypotheses are formulated and reformulated during the analysis.

example, using quotes from complementary dialogue to support a statistical

The i n i t i a l step i n quantitative research is the design o f the experiment.

pattern derived from data collection. A d d i n g a little of one methodology to

The researcher specifies the goals o f the research, the initial hypothesis, and

the other adds flavor and aesthetic appeal, but it is not essential. T h i s is the

the respective ranges o f person responses for measuring quantified concepts.

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Complementary Explorative Data Analysis

Each range defines the structure for the data collected. The basic assumption

35

W h e n many bars are used, the pattern o f the data may look complex w i t h

in quantitative methodology is that observations and experiments can be

fine-grained

replicated.

exists. On the other hand, the use o f too few bars may obscure patterns i n the

The overall experimental schema needs to be designed m a way

that ensures a higher accuracy o f the estimation o f these quantified values.

details. The reader may wonder i f a simpler underlying f o r m

data that are important to the viewer. I n this case, the data may iook simple w i t h course-grained details, and the reader may wonder i f important details

Role of the

are missing.

Investigator

The next step is to observe groups o f people {study participants) and to record data. The role o f the investigator is an objective

one. The investigator

QUALITATIVE

RESEARCH

acts j u s t as an observer. I n the case o f a passive experiment, the researcher

Often, the researcher is faced w i t h data in the form o f loosely structured

only records the observations w i t h o u t setting values to "measured variables."

descriptive texts or dialogues, images, and other illustrations rather than m

I n the case o f an active experiment, the researcher may need to intrude and

the form o f well-structured records. This, and similar problems, has ied to

set up some o f the variables.

the development o f the relatively new method o f qualitative research, i n w h i c h the results are obtained by other than quantification analyses.

Acquisition

of

Knowledge

The next step is data analysis. The selection o f the appropriate data

Purpose

of the

Inquiry

analysis method depends on the initial assumptions, the nature o f experimen-

The purpose o f qualitative inquiry is to understand observed phenomena.

tal observations, and the errors m these observations. On the basis o f the

Quantitative research begins w i t h a theory formulated as a set o f hypotheses,

numerical results o f this analysis, the scientist has to provide some explana-

and the purpose o f a study is to find support for or to disprove the theory.

tions for the observed behaviors and to construct knowledge.

Qualitative research begins w i t h an area o f interest or a research question,

These explana-

tions are usually m the form o f an approximating model. Furthermore, either w i t h or w i t h o u t refining experiments, the researcher might generalize

and a theory emerges through systematic data collection and analysis.

these

The object o f inquiry for the qualitative researcher is typically a case. A

observations and propose a theory. Consequently, instead o f t r y i n g to explain

case is a social practice, an integrated bounded system (Smith, 1979) that

a unique event or phenomenon, the results o f the research should apply to a

may or may not be functioning w e l l . Case study is the study o f a social

class o f cases as w e l l . This theory could be used for b u i l d i n g

predictive

practice m the field o f activity m w h i c h it takes piace. Case research is

and become the basis for a specific research question, tested in a

defined as research m w h i c h the researcher has direct contact w i t h the

models

controlled manner to verify or falsify.

participants and the participants are the primary source o f the data. I t follows, then, that the primary methods used i n case research are interviews and direct

Presentation

of

Research

observations. Other methods, such as experiments and surveys, separate the phenomenon from its context ( Y i n , 1989).

The research results are then visualized using a variety o f graphing techniques designed to condense the vast amount o f raw data. These presentation techniques usually expose some particular characteristics o f the data

Role of the

Investigator

structure and relationships between variables. The researcher has some

The starting point for the researcher can be either the case or the question

degree o f freedom to tweak the representation o f the data to enhance the

(Stake, 1995). I n the former, the case presents itself as a p r o b l e m , and there

perception o f the results. Usually, each technique has one or more parameters

is a need or a curiosity to learn more. Because there is a personal interest i n

that are sensitive to noise and smoothing. For instance, the appearance o f a

the case, i t is referred to as intrinsic case study. I n the latter, a general p r o b l e m

histogram is largely controlled by the number o f bars used to depict the data.

arouses interest, and a particular case is chosen as a possible source for

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37

Rationale for Integrated Research

explanation. Because the case is an instrument to a general inquiry, it is referred to as instrumental case study. Thus, the role o f the investigator is participatory

and personal. The issue

Numerous attempts at integrated research over the past two decades have

on w h i c h both approaches differ most is the priority placed on the role o f

resulted i n labels such as triangulation,

interpretation during this step. A l l research, o f course, requires some f o r m

( B r y m a n , 1988; see also Ragm, 1987; Tschudi, 1989). The idea is to employ

o f interpretation, but whereas quantitative research advocates the suspension

a c o m b i n a t i o n o f research methods t y p i c a l l y used to analyze empirical

o f interpretation during the value-free period o f experimentation, qualitative

results or interpretations. The rationale is that the weakness o f any single

research advocates actively interpreting phenomena throughout the observation period.

micro-macro

link, or mixed

methods

method—qualitative or quantitative—is balanced by the strengths o f other methods. I n reality, however, the qualitative and quantitative analyses are usually distinct, m u t u a l l y exclusive components o f the research. One component is unstructured textual data o f a phenomenon being investigated (e.g.,

Acquisition

of

transcripts o f interviews or verbal reports from protocol studies), analyzed

Knowledge

w i t h an interpretive or hermeneutic method (Prein & Kuckartz, 1995). The The next step is data interpretation. D u r i n g this step, the typical qualitative researcher conceptualizes the data and discovers

knowledge.

alization process ranges from merely presenting

The conceptu-

the data as they

were

collected to avoid researcher bias to b u i l d i n g a theory grounded i n the phenomenon under study. These intuitive and interpretive processes are not regarded as less empirical than quantitative research. Observations and data collection are rigorously systematic, occurring in natural rather than contrived contexts. Qualitative research is not so much generalization as extrapolation. I n certain explicated respects, the results are related to broader entities. The a i m is to find out what is specific and particular about the solutions adopted by these people that can be related

to the broader population. A l t h o u g h the

solutions adopted by the people in the case study may be regarded as isolated i n d i v i d u a l cases and as such as exceptional, some factors are very much the same for a larger population. This means i t is possible to conclude indirectly (e.g., referring to other research) in w h i c h respects and to what extent the data are really exceptions, in w h i c h respects they are comparable to other solutions or population groups, and what sorts o f different solutions exist.

other component is numerical data o f the same phenomenon (e.g., from a content analysis or a survey questionnaire), analyzed w i t h some statistical procedure. The result is an integrated view that narrowly focuses on a particular social phenomenon. There is such a variety o f social norms that to understand

them i t is

necessary to identify some regularities from observations. Regular patterns are grouped together and form typologies (or categories) o f human processes and behavior. The process o f typification is a fundamental anthropological technique that enables us to understand our everyday w o r l d as w e l l as to conduct scientific inquiries. I t is an integral aspect o f human thought in that representations o f unique experiences or stimuli are encoded into an organized

system

that economizes and simplifies cognitive

processing

(Rosenman & Sudweeks, 1995). Typologies are distinct, discrete classifications o f information that help to give order to a confusing, continuous mass o f heterogeneous i n f o r m a t i o n . I n some way, this c o n t i n u u m o f information has been divided into discrete regions where points w i t h m each such region bear qualitative similarities to each other, whereas points m different regions bear qualitative differences to each other. The construction o f meaningful typologies, therefore, is the

Presentation

of

Research

foundation o f scientific inquiry. Typification as a combined scientific methodology has its foundations i n

Qualitative researchers include a great deal o f the collected data to present

Weber's and Schutz's works (cited i n Kuckartz, 1995), w h o were concerned

their interpretation o f the results. Research reports usually include support-

w i t h l i n k i n g hermeneutic regularities in texts and standardization o f infor-

i n g data fragments in the form o f quotes from the raw data. I n this case, the

mation. Developing this methodology further, Kuckartz (1995) uses a case-

researcher can slant the results toward a specific interpretation by exposing

oriented quantification model whereby typologies arc developed from data

particular quotes and o m i t t i n g others.

rather than predefined. I n terms o f data analysis, this methodology corre-

38

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sponds to data-driven exploration in w h i c h we do not specify what we are

39

Domain Identification

l o o k i n g for before starting to examine the case data. For example, we may parse the text i n a sample o f e-mail messages l o o k i n g for concepts that can

Scope o f die Research

become the basis for the development o f formal models.

Data Collection and Selection of the Data Sets

Issues Specific to Internet Research The majority o f Internet C M C research is conducted in laboratories under

Complementary Explorative Data Analysis

controlled experimental conditions. These studies may not present an accu-

1

rate picture o f the reality o f virtuality. The external validity is problematic for three reasons: (a) Study participants are an atypically captive audience;

Linking Qualitative and Quantitative Results

(b) groups studied in experiments tend to be unrealistically small; and (c) an almost natural inclination o f experimental design is to contrast w i t h a face-to-face standard o f comparison (Rafaeli & Sud weeks, 1997, 1998). This

Interpretation and Presentation

contrast may be misleading. The replicability o f C M C field research is difficult, i f not impossible, for t w o m a i n reasons. On a technological

level, the Internet is permanently

changing its configuration and supporting technology. The u n d e r l y i n g net-

Figure 2.1. Stages of Internet Research

w o r k i n g protocols cannot guarantee the same conditions when replicating experiments s i m p l y because each time the path o f information c o m m u n i c a tion is unique; thus, the time delay and consequences connected w i t h it are

technologies bring together cultures that differ dramatically on each o f the

different. On a communication

three dimensions.

level, the difficulties in replication come from

the creative aspect o f language use. A l t h o u g h the rules of grammar are finite, they are recursive and capable o f producing infinite language (Chomsky,

The Internet Research Schema

1980). N o v e l sentences arc constructed freely and unbounded, in whatever contingencies our thought processes can understand. A p a r t from standard cliques, sentences are rarely duplicated exactly, yet each variation is gener-

A l t h o u g h at first glance it seems that quantitative and qualitative research

ally comprehended. I t follows, then, that experiments i n v o l v i n g text genera-

are radically different, they share an important c o m m o n thread. B o t h meth-

tion can rarely be repeated. This lack o f replication is a violation o f the i n i t i a l

ods make interpretations o f the phenomenon they want to examine. B o t h

assumptions for the application o f statistical analysis.

traditions create a framework for their analysis based on those interpreta-

Another aspect of Internet research is that it has to deal w i t h heterogeneous sociocultural structures. The Internet is, o f course, populated w i t h people o f

tions. I n reality, the difference between these two methods is a discursive one.

many cultures. Culture has been defined as a complex set o f behaviors and

To overcome the difficulties outlined in the previous sections, we have

artifacts w i t h three major dimensions: ideas (traditional values and beliefs);

developed an integrated methodology for Internet research (Figure 2.1).

norms (behaviors that adjust to the environment o f traditional values and

internet research incorporates a number o f separate research domains, i n -

beliefs); and material

(artifacts produced in the environment o f

cluding electronic commerce and business systems, C M C , CSCW, and dis-

traditional values and beliefs; Bierstedt, 1963). O n the Internet, cultural

tributed information systems. Therefore, the first stage is devoted to the

complexity appears to be an intractable problem. Global communication

identification o f domain specifics. These specifics influence the selection o f

culture

40

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T A B L E 2.1a Quality/Quantity Matrix From a Data Point of View

Data mining and qualitative reasoning •Consolidate dimensions encoded in dala •Define realistic ranges and constraints •Discover categones, tenrcnoiogy •Understand the nature of the errors

Data

Methods

Qualitative

Quantitative

Qualitative

Survey analysis, interviews, speech acts analysis, participant observation

Qualitative reasoning, constraint reasoning

Quantitative

Data mining, cluster analysis, fuzzy data analysis, neural nets

Statistics, regression and correlation analyses, numerical simulation

Quantitative analysis

Methods

Qualitative

Quantitative

Qualitative

Metaphors, ontologies, categories

Survey data

Quantitative

Text dala, vocabulary, categories hierarchy

Numerical samples, coded categorical dala, measurements

Qualitative analysis

•Elaborate the role of quantitative variables •Extract patterns and dependencies •Evaluate estimates of numeric parameters

"Refine initial qualitative judgements 'Derive an overall understanding 'Develop categorical model

Qualitative refinement •Modify coding scheme •Amend categones and terms •Amend variables •Assimilate quantitative and categorical models

T A B L E 2.1b Quality/Quantity Matrix From a Methods Point of View

Data

41

Figure 2.2. Processes in the Complementary Explorative Data Analysis (CEDA) Framework of the Internet Research Schema

reliable patterns, whereas qualitative methods are incorporated to ensure capturing o f the essence o f phenomena. Figure 2.2 gives a breakdown o f the processes in the C E D A framework o f the Internet research schema. The frameworks allows the use o f different data sets in a common research cycle rather than the traditional approach o f applying different analyses to the same data set. C E D A has the potential to conduct parallel and interconnected research.

the appropriate research methods and the possible scope o f the research.

This complementary analysis requires the linking o f the results obtained by

Once the scope is specified, the schema follows the traditional line o f data

each o f its components. The final result may lead to revision o f the identified

collection.

domain specifics and changes in the combination o f analysis methods w i t h i n

The data collected i n any o f the Internet research domains are a hetero-

the Internet research schema.

geneous combination o f quantitative measurements and qualitative observations. Before the complementary explorative data analysis stage, the researcher defines the combination o f methods that need to be used. Table 2.1

Application of the Internet Research Schema

illustrates this heterogeneous picture i n a "quality/quantity" matrix from both a data (Table 2.3a) and a methods (Table 2.1b) point o f view. Thus, C E D A can be viewed as a dynamic framework that provides valid integration o f both methods. C E D A employs quantitative methods to extract

We now provide an example o f lire proposed schema applied to C M C research.

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Complementary Explorative Data Analysts

IDENTIFICATION

43

communication, we learn how to search for telephone numbers, to press the right sequence o f keys, and to engage in preliminary phatic conversation.

A global society (or cybersociety; Joncs, 1995, 1997,1998) created by the

Every Internet communicator, however, needs at least m i n i m a l technical

internet is no longer a projected vision o f technocrats; i t is becoming a reality.

knowledge o f computers. To communicate, even w i t h the simplest graphic

However, the global society may not be the "global v i l l a g e " as envisioned

mailer, the user needs to k n o w enough o f the operating system to launch the

by M c L u h a n and Powers (1986), but more like virtual neighborhoods (or cyberviilages). Before the Web explosion, cybervillages were defined not by geopolitical boundaries but by listserv subscriptions or chat channels. Today, even those loosely defined boundaries are blurred as cybervillages connect to a web o f hyperlinks.

application; to compose, reply, and send a message; and to quit the application. As computer technology is being introduced more and more into elementary educational institutions, computer literacy w i l l develop i n parallel w i t h linguistic literacy. I n the meantime, however, computer literacy is a problem for the majority o f current and potential Internet users and affects

A s the technology changes at a pace never before experienced, Internet

individual levels o f interactivity.

C M C research is engaged in a catch-up situation. A modern Internet research methodology should take into account rapidly changing technology, social norms, and communication behaviors. To be able to specify and develop such a methodology, we need to identify the features specific to Internet c o m m u nication research.

Communication

is affected by information

and processing

overload.

Mass

c o m m u n i c a t i o n is ubiquitous, whether active or passive. We all absorb mass c o m m u n i c a t i o n , whether i t is active (television, theater, newspapers) or passive (roadside billboards, newsstand headlines, advertising on public transport). I n most instances, we are able to be selective and control the

Communication

is computer

mediated.

First, and obviously, internet C M C

amount o f information absorbed. Internet communication places enormous

differs from traditional face-to-face communication because the computer

pressures on cognitive processing. Discussion lists often generate hundreds

provides an interface between interlocutors. A common practice m Internet

o f messages a day, and to contribute to a conversation means responding

research is to regard face-to-face conversation as the ideal communication

immediately before the topic shifts and the sequence is lost. On the Web,

environment (Schudson, 1978), whereas C M C is rated as less than ideal.

designers endeavor to engage the browser's attention by manipulating font

Experimental w o r k has discovered a number o f dysfunctional attributes o f

type and size, text spacing, graphics, colors, backgrounds, video clips, sound

computer mediation, i n c l u d i n g flaming (Mabry, 1998; Siegel, Dubrovsky,

bits, animation, and interactive g i m m i c k s . Research has indicated that al-

Kiesler, & M a g u i r e , 1986; Sprouil & Kiesler, 1991 ) and unsociable behavior

though m i n i m a l levels o f novelty can stimulate and demand attention, ex-

( H i l t z , Johnson, & Turoff, 1986; Mathcson & Zanna, 1990), d i s i n h i b i t i o n

treme novelty leads to overstimulation, cognitive overload, distraction, and

and deindividuation effects ( H i l t z & Johnson, 1989), and a lean environment

ultimately, impaired information processing.

(Short, W i l l i a m s , & Christie, 1976; Walther, 1992). Somewhat more o p t i m i s tic experimental w o r k introduced findings on status leveling (Dubrovsky, Kiesler, & Sethna, 1991), socioemotionai connections (Rice & L o v e , 1987),

Communication

has a sense

of virtual

presence.

Communicating with

strangers on a regular basis is not new. There have been many examples o f

consensus formation (Dennis & Valacich, 1993), brainstorming creativity

"pen p a l " relationships that have lasted for many years. The sense o f virtual

(Osborn, 1953), and collaborative productivity (Sanderson, 1996).

presence i n these instances, however, is not strong, because there are long delays between communication exchanges. The message exchange process

Communication

requires technical

knowledge.

Each communication envi-

ronment requires specific knowledge. I n a face-to-face

on the Internet, on the other hand, can be almost instantaneous. The effect is

environment, we

a w r i t t e n correspondence that is like a conversation. Formalities, phatic

learn at a very early age not only the phonetics and grammar o f the language

introductions, signatures, and many other features o f written c o m m u n i c a t i o n

but also, for example, the management o f taking turns i n conversations

are eliminated (Ong, 1982). I n such a communication environment, indirect

(Sacks, Schegloff, & Jefferson,

social cues are transmitted, and the virtual presence takes on qualities o f a

1978). I n written communication, we add

knowledge o f orthography and a more formal use o f language. I n telephone

real presence. I n fact, quite often, the menial distance between

regular

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Complementary

Explorative

Data Analysis

45

participants in discussion groups is less than w i t h colleagues w o r k i n g i n the same office.

SCOPE

OF THE

RESEARCH

O n l y recently arc communication and cultural problems associated w i t h a global c o m m u n i t y being investigated {e.g., Ess, 1996; Jones, 1995, 1997, 1998; S m i t h , M c L a u g h l i n , & Osborne, 1998; Voiskounsky, 1998). G l o b a l norms about privacy, freedom o f speech, intellectual property, and standards o f conduct are being developed. To understand new global communities, we address t w o broad aspects o f mediated discussions: First, we explore c o m munication patterns o f texts, w h i c h form part o f an ongoing conversation; and second, we explore the process o f cohcsiveness i n a cross-cultural group. Specific questions o f interest include the f o l l o w i n g : H o w does mediated

Figure 2.3. Application of the Complementary Explorative Data Analysis (CEDA) Framework

communication compare w i t h traditional interpersonal relationships? H o w does the mass-mediated

group process work? What features o f mediated

communication enhance interaction and contribute to the cohesiveness o f a

Quantitative

Analysis

virtual c o m m u n i t y ? To understand more about global cultural norms, we focused on c o m m u nication patterns i n virtual communities. I n particular, we were interested i n DATA COLLECTION

AND SELECTION

OF THE DATA

SETS

On the Internet, the web o f computer networks provides a m e d i u m for a

features o f messages that form part o f an ongoing conversation—that is, messages that engage group members sufficiently to participate and respond and thus contribute to the development o f group cohesiveness and consciousness.

convergence o f communication and social interaction. People congregate i n global virtual neighborhoods such as discussion groups and chat rooms to

Step I : Content Analysts.

Because the situational conditions are u n k n o w n

engage in topics ranging from entertaining trivia to philosophical issues. I n

prior to the study, variables are expenentially rather than operationally

this chapter, we use qualitative data from publicly archived mediated discus-

defined, and some o f the variables develop throughout the study. Texts o f

sions w i t h i n these virtual communities. B o t h data sets consist o f e-mail

Data Set A were coded on 46 variables. Each message was described i n terms

messages. Data Set A includes 3,000 e-mail messages, randomly sampled

o f features and content, such as relevance, time, tone, purpose, and so forth.

from network discussion groups between M a r c h and September 1993. Data

The codes were a m i x t u r e o f objective and subjective ratings (see Sudweeks

Set B consists o f 1,016 messages exchanged among a collaborative group o f

& Rafaeli, 1996, and Rafaeli, Sudweeks, Konstans, & M a b r y , 1998, for a

researchers between M a y 1992 and A p r i l 1994.

detailed description o f the content analysis). Step 2: Converting

COMPLEMENTARY

EXPLORATIVE

DATA

ANALYSIS

Codes to Binary Format. For a quantitative analysis,

we chose to use a neural network because it allows a typology o f features to emerge. Data analyses, such as a Euclidean cluster analysis, provide tech-

H a v i n g identified the domain, defined the scope, and collected the data, we now apply the C E D A framework (see Figure 2.3).

niques for identifying correlations between particular features i n a given data set, a useful indication o f where the aggregation (boundaries) w i t h i n a data

46

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RESEARCH

Reference Depth

set m i g h t appear. T h i s form o f analysis is widely recognized as p r o v i d i n g a static view o f data (a "snapshot" o f typical and atypical instances) because the clusterings are based entirely on pairwise correlations. A n alternative to

A

I

Reference Width \

M„

overrule the original cohesion based on a simple pairwise correlation. The

! i i

pattern o f network activation captures complex information about dependen-

1

cies between combinations o f features. A N N s are special kinds o f neural networks used to simulate (and explore) associative processes. Association in these types o f neural networks is achieved through the interaction o f a set o f simple processing elements (called units) connected through weighted

connections.

These connections

can be positive (or excitatory),

zero (no correlation between the connected

units), or negative (inhibitory).

The value o f these connections is learned

>

M ,

My 2

P

3

i \

! 1

! 1

1 !

!

!

1

J

i

i i i

1

1

1

i

TT

Sv

]

j

!

' hi

M42

\ ^ M

j i

i

j

tu

Ms,

\

This quantitative method is modeled on human cognition. Features are drawn into particular groupings and form dynamic allegiances that can effectively

Reference Height

ve

the cluster analysis is the autoassociative neural network ( A N N ) i n w h i c h clusterings are more dynamically created across all features synchronously.

Al

j\^44

!

*33

5

4

!

1

!

i i

154

t

fi5

time t

d u r i n g a Hebbian training procedure (see B e r t h o l d , Sudweeks, N e w t o n , & Coyne, 1998, for a detailed description).

Figure 2.4. Formai Model of a Thread in Computer-Mediated Communication

To prepare the data for the A N N , codes identifying author, coder, and message number were deleted and the remaining variables converted i n t o a binary format for processing. Each entry was split into as many m u t u a l l y exclusive "features" as the entry had options. Because the main focus o f

and in a dynamic mode (e.g., detecting moments o f time when one thread

interest was conversation threads i n group discussions, three new entries

dominates another in multithread discussions, such as those that occur on

were extracted from the original database to explore interactive threads:

bulletin boards or in M O O [muiti-user domains object onented]-based

edu-

cational environments). 1. Reference height; how many references were found in a sequence before this message

Step 3: Neural Network

Analysts.

After processing, the data consisted o f

2. Reference width: how many references were found that referred to this message

149 binary features; that is, each feature had a value o f " 1 " (present) or " 0 "

3. Reference depth: how many references were found m a sequence after this message

(not present). To identify typical features present m messages that stimulate conversation, one feature is clamped

(forced to be present w i t h a value o f

" 1 " ) to restrict the feature space o f solutions. After training, the network Thus, as a preliminary result o f the recoding o f the data, we obtained a

settles on a pattern o f features typically associated w i t h the clamped feature.

formal model o f a thread i n C M C (Figure 2.4). I n addition to the threefold

For example, Table 2.2 shows the frequency o f features present i n messages

split proposed by Berthold et al. (1997, 1998) we included e x p l i c i t l y the time

that contain "humor."

variable. Each message is completely identified by two indexes—one for its

The sensitivity o f associative features was then calculated. D i s t i n g u i s h i n g

level and one for its position i n time i n the sequence o f messages at this level.

features o f interactive messages (referenced to or referenced by another

Such a model allows the comparison o f the structure o f discussion threads

message) and noninteractive messages w i t h their sensitivity scores are given

both m a static mode (e.g., their length and w i d t h at corresponding levels)

in Tables 2.3 and 2.4 respectiveSy.

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Complementary Explorative Data Analysis

Frequency of Feature Activations When "Humor" is Present

Feature description

Frequency

Qualitative

49

Analysis

The second aspect o f cultural norms in virtual communities is to identify c o m m u n i c a t i o n features that contribute to an ongoing conversation and

Medium-length message (11-25 lines)

50%

Appropriate subject Sine

90%

Does not contain question or request

70%

personal relationships are not present. Data Set B provides the data for

Appropriately formatted

70%

qualitative analysis.

Male author

80%

Coniains no abusive language

100%

interaction in an environment i n which many traditional features o f inter-

Step 1: Categorization

of Dimensions.

First, the messages were reviewed

to identify and categorize major dimensions or regularities that occurred throughout the data. Five salient dimensions were identified: 1. Issues: the topics to be discussed and resolved T A B L E 2.3

Distinguishing Features of a Typical Interactive Message

Feature Description

Sensitivity Score

2. Leadership:

the inclination to conform or reject leadership and authority

3. Debate: argumentativeness, criticism, or aggression among participants 4. Relationships: participants

expressions or avoidance of friendship or intimacy among

5. Action: goal-directed or task-directed activity (Sudweeks & Alibritton, 1996}.

Medium length (11-25 lines of text}

}

Appropriate subject line

I

Contains statement of fact

1

No question or request

¡

No emoticons

2

No punctuation device to express emotion

F o l l o w i n g a technique developed by R o m m and Pliskin (1995), each occurrence o f a dimension was highlighted and labeled. The dimensions provided the means for observing the emergence o f " t u r n i n g points." T u r n i n g points, or changing patterns o f regularities, indicate the development o f group

Male author

2

Identifies gender by name and/or signature

3

Does not include quoted text

2

focus o f group discussions was on methodological issues to be resolved and

Addresses another person

í

on w h o should be responsible for coordinating the project. A t a iater point,

communication norms and standards. For example, eariy m the period, the

the discussions became volatile, thereby introducing another dimension. The group dynamics therefore evolved to a different phase at this point. Step 2: Categorization

of Communication.

The texts were reviewed again

to identify not oniy how communication behaviors were managed but aiso T A B L E 2.4

Distinguishing Features of a Typical Nonmteractive Message

the types o f communication content. The content fell into three broad categories: (a) conceptual, (b) socioemotional, and (c) action (task oriented).

Feature description Does not refer to previous message New topic, not referring to previous discussion

Sensitivity Score 4 18

The communication was managed in both a formal and informal manner. Management o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n . Informal

management

is the collective

Does not use first person plural

Í

informal creation and enforcement o f communication norms. Norms are

Is not referred to by later messages

9

mutually acceptable definitions o f communication behaviors among i n d i viduals so that interactions can be organized into an agreed-on state:

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RESEARCH

Example We seem to be getting semiserious about this. Maybe one tentative and fairly easy way to proceed is to appoint Basil and Cyril the "leaders" (not because they talk the most, but because this is already their research interest and they have some experience in it). (May 28, 1992)

5i

T A B L E 2.5 Communication Management and Content in the Development of the Virtual Community

Time Pertoc

Dimensions

Communication Manage/lien!

Communication Contení

1

Issues, leadership

informal

Conceptual

2

Issues, leadership, debate

Formal

Conceptual, socioemolional

disseminate the products o f knowledge. Whereas informal management is

3

Leadership, relationships

In format

Socioemotiona!

generally performed on a collective levei, formal management o f c o m m u n i -

4

Issues, leadership, action

Formal

Task oriented

cation occurs on an individual or small-group level.

5

Issues, leadership, debate, action

Formal

Task onenied

6

Relationships

Informal

Soeioemotional

Formal management

is connected w i t h the enforcement o f rules. Formally,

management is needed to generate information, process knowledge, and

Example As this project begins to take on the prospects of developing a real finished product (i.e., the coded database), 1 think it might be appropriate for us to discuss the future "ownership" of that data. Content o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n . Socwemotwnal

communication

is content

that deals w i t h interpersonal relationships among the communicators.

the form of communication. The assumption there is that various disciplines think in very specific ways, and that each way can be matched to communication forms. (June S3, 1992)

Socioemotional communication addresses the creation o f relationship norms among communicators.

Task communication

deals w i t h the explicit w o r k to be accomplished. Task

c o m m u n i c a t i o n focuses on information content o f communication, whereas conceptual communication focuses on the creation o f meaning preceding the

Example F i r s t . . . I waded in here over the weekend, got into a barroom fight or two (there IS a certain amount of Dodge Ciiydom in the current situation), left, and was persuaded by Frank that I was not dealing with a crew of ogres, unemployed CIA operatives, and voyeurs. (June 26, 1992) Conceptual

communication

involves the creation and prescription o f

shared rules to f o l l o w and involves a m e d i u m to high level o f interactivity. Conceptual communication often requires that i m p l i c i t communication be made explicit. Realistically, it is not always possible to have complete or f u l l

processing o f information. Task communication deals w i t h specific activities to be completed by members and often has to be conducted independent o f other group members. Task communication can be defined as i n f o r m a t i o n exchange rather than communication. Example As a consequence of being the only person to answer [the] call for volunteers to act as "Oracles" during project coding . . . my first task is to recruit others . . . (April 16, 1993)

shared creation o f mutual understanding o f meaning, but this is what conceptual communication strives for.

Step 3: Typology of Dimensions

and Communication.

I n a third review o f

the texts, the texts were divided into time periods, delineated by the t u r n i n g Example M y reading of [this] question is not so much how CMC changes communication, but whether one can predetermine the cognitive approach by pre-selectmg

points identified i n the first review, and the frequency o f communication types i n each period was calculated. Table 2.5 shows the importance of c o m m u nication styles m the development o f an interactive virtual community.

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53

Evaluation and Future Applications

References

Wc have examined the collection o f data and the theoretical aspects and

Berthoid, M. R., Sudweeks, F., Newton, S., & Coyne, R. {1997). Clustering on the Net: Applying an autoassoctattve neural network lo computer-medialed discussions. Journal of Compuicr Mediated Communication, 2(4). Available: http://www.ascusc.org/jemc/voi2/issue4/ berthold.btmi

applicability o f quantitative and qualitative analyses m Internet research. On the basis o f these outcomes, we proposed an adaptive Internet research schema that combines consistently both methods. The C E D A framework can be applied to a variety o f Internet research fields, including the f o l l o w i n g : 1. Virtual communities.

Labeled initially as " v i r t u a l " to stress the absence

o f face-to-face physical presence, these are C M C communities that are real. These communities are established either on the basis o f asynchronous e-mail message exchange or on a synchronous presence m text-based virtual environments—for example, M O O s and M U D s (multi-user domains). 2. Internet-based

distance

education

and on-line learning.

The c o m m u -

nication between students and between students and educators is an essential part o f current distance education. W i t h the introduction o f Internet and Web-based course delivery, communication becomes an essential part o f course support. Technological support is a necessary condition for conducting successful collaborative studies, but a sufficient condition is the use o f appropriate methodology. Experience from Web-mediated courses ( S i m o f f & Maher, 1997) suggests that learning approaches taken from

face-to-face

courses need to be reconceptuaiized to take into account the unique opportunities offered by distributed computer media. The Internet research schema presented here is useful for elaborating and i m p r o v i n g student communication m these new course environments. A p p l y i n g the methodological schema to conduct research m this field w i l l lead to the evaluation o f practical specifications. 3. Virtual organizations

and intranet corporate

research.

The methodo-

logical schema could be used for the analysis o f the content o f e-mail and m u l t i m e d i a communication, styles, efficiency, and productivity m traditional practices and emerging new business u n i t s — v i r t u a l organizations. 4. Business

information

systems. The methodological schema could pro-

vide results for i m p r o v i n g the content-based

information retrieval—the

kernel o f m u l t i m e d i a business systems. The research schema includes analysis o f corporate e-mail, extraction o f descriptive categories, c o m p i l i n g ontologicaf representations o f the results, and incorporation o f these ontologies i n the intranet search engines, thus shifting retrieval from simple k e y w o r d matching to categorical identification and category-based retrieval.

Berthoid, M. It., Sudweeks, F., Newton, S., & Coyne, R. (1998). It makes sense: Using an auioassociative neural network to explore typicality in eomputer mediated discussions. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeii (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the Internet (pp. 191-220). Menlo Park, CA: A A A I / M I T Press. Biersledt, R. (1963). The social order. New York: McGraw-Hill. Bryman, A. (1988). Quantity am! quality in social research. London: Routiedge. Burrell, G., & Morgan, G. (1979). Sociological paradigms and organisational analysis: Elements of the sociology of corporate life. London: Hememann. Chomsky, N. (1980). Rules and representations. Oxford, UK: Basil Blaekwell. Dennis, A. R., & Vaiacich, J. S. (1993). Computer brainstorms: More heads are better than one. Journal of Applied Psychology, 78(4), 531-537. Doolin, B. (1995). Alternative views of case research in information systems. In G. Pervan & M. Newby (Eds.}, Proceedings of the 6th Australasian Conference on Information Systems (ACIS'95) {pp. 767-777). Pcr!h Australia: Curiin University of Technology. Dubrovsky, V. J . Kiesler. S., & Selhna, B. N. (1991). The equalization phenomenon: Status effects in computer-mediated and face-to-face decision-making groups. Human-Computer interaction, 6, 119-146. Ess, C . (Ed.). (1996). Philosophical perspectives on computer-mediated communication. New York: S U N Y Press. Hiltz, S. R., & Johnson, K. (¡989). Experiments in group decision making, 3: Disinhibition, demdividualion, and group process in pen name and real name computer conferences. Decision Support Systems, 5. 217-232. Hiltz, S. R., Johnson, K., & Turoff, M. (1986). Experiments in group decision making: Communication process and outcome in face-to-face versus computerized conferences. Human Communication Research, ¡3, 225-252. T

t

Hopper, T , & Powell, A. (1985). Making sense of research mío the organizational and social aspects of management accounting: A review of its underlying assumptions. Journal of Management Studies, 22(5), 429-465. Jones, S. G. (1995). CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Jones, S. G. (1997). Virtual culture. London: Sage. Jones, S. G. (1998). CyberSociety 2.0: Revisiting CMC and community. Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Kuckartz, U. (1995). Case-oriented quantification. In U. KelleiEd.), Computer-aidedeptaliiaiive data analysis: Theory, methods and practice. Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Lindlof, T. R. (1995). Qualitative communication research methods. Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Mabry, E . A. (1998). Frames and flames: The structure of argumentative messages on the net. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeii (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the internet (pp. ¡3-26). Menlo Park, CA: A A A I / M I T Press. Matheson. K., & Zanna, M. P. (1990). Computer-mediated communications: The focus is on me. Social Science Computer Review, S(I), 1-12. McLuhan, M., & Powers, B. R. (1986). The global village: Transformations in world life and media in the 21st century. New York: Oxford University Press. Ong, W. J. (1982). Orality and literacy: The technologtzing of the word. London: Routiedge.

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Osborn, A. F. f İ953). Applied imagination. New York: Scribner. Prem, G., & KuckarEz, U. (1995). Inlroduclion: Between quality and quantity. In U. Kelle (Ed.), Computer-aided qualitative data analysts: Theory, methods and practice. Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Rafaeli, S., & Sudweeks, F. (1997). Net interactivity. Journal of Computer Mediated Communi­ cation, 2(4). Available: http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/voS2/issue4/rafaeli.sudwccks.htmi Rafaeií, S. & Sudweeks, F. (1998). Interactivity on the Nets. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeli (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the internet (pp. 173-190). Menlo Park, C A : A A A I / M I T Press. Rafaeli, S., Sudweeks, F., Konstan, J., & Mabry, E . A. {1998}. ProjectHoverview: A collaborative quantitative study of computer-mediated communication. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeli (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the Internet (pp. 265-282). Menlo Park, C A : A A A I / M I T Press. Ragın, C . C . (1987). The Comparative method: Moving beyond qualitative and quantitative strategies. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rice, R. E . , & Love, G. (1987). Electronic emotion: Socioemotional content in a computermediated network. Communication Research, 14, 85-108. Romm, C . T., & Pliskin, N. (1995). Group development of a computer-mediated community. Working Paper, Department of Management, University of Woilongong, Australia. Rosenman, M. A., & Sudweeks, F. (1995). Categorization and prototypes in design. In P. Slezak, T. Caelii, & R. Clark. (Eds.), Perspectives on cognitive science: Theories, experiments and foundations (pp. 189-212). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Sacks, H., Schegloff, E . A., & Jefferson, G. (1978). A simplest systemattcs for the organization of turn-taking m conversation. In J. Schenkein (Ed.), Studies in the organization of conver­ sational interaction (pp. 7-55). New York: Academic Press. Sanderson, S. (1996). Cooperative and collaborative mediated research. In T. M. Harrison Sc. T. Stephen (Eds.), Computer networking and scholarly communication in the twenty-firstcentury university (pp. 95-i 14). New York: S U N Y Press. Schudson, M. (1978). The ideal of conversation in the study of mass media. Communication Research, 5(3), 320-329. Short, J., Williams, E . , Sc. Christie, B. (1976). The social psychology of telecommunications. London: Wiley. Siegel, J., Dubrovsky, V., Kİesler, S., & Maguıre, T. W. (1986). Group processes in computermediated communication. Organizational Behaviour and Human Decision Processes, 37(2), 57-187. Simoff, S. J., Sc. Maher, M. L . Í1997). Web-mediated courses: the revolution in on-line design education. In H. Ashman. P. Thistlcwaite, R. Debreceny, & A. Ellis (Eds.), Into the main­ stream: The Web in Australia (pp. 143-154). Lismore, Australia: Southern Cross University Press. Available also on a C D AusWcb97. ISBN (Mae) 1 875 855 23 8, ISBN (Win.) í 875 855 24 6, Produced by A. Ellis & R. Debreceny, Southern Cross University Press. Available: http://ausweb.scu.edu.au/proceedings/simoff/index.html Smith, C . B., McLaughlin, M. L . & Osborne, K. K. (1998). From terminal ineptitude to virtual sociopathy: How conduct is regulated on Usenet. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeli (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the Internet (pp. 95-112). Menlo Park, CA: A A A I / M I T Press. Smith, L . (1979). An evolving logic of participant observation, educational ethnography, and other case studies. In L . Shulman (Eá.), Review of research m education (pp. 316-377). Itasca, IL: Peacock. Sprouli, L . , & Kiesler, S. (1991). Connections: New ways of working in the networked organi­ zation. Cambridge: MIT Press. ;

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Slake, R. E . (1995). The art of case study research. Thousand Oaks CA: Sage. Sudweeks. F., Sc. Allbntton, M. (1996). Working together apart: Communication and collabora­ tion m a networked group. In C. D. Keen, C. Urquhart, & J. Lamp (Eds.), Proceedings of the 7th Australasian Conference of Information Systems (ACIS96) (Vol. 2, pp. 701-712). Tas­ mania, Australia: University of Tasmania. T

Sudweeks, F., & Rafaeli, S. (1996). How do you get a hundred strangers to agree? Computer mediated communication and collaboration. In T. M. Harrison & T. Stephen (Eds.), Computer networking and scholarly communication in the twenty-first-century university (pp. 115-136). New York: S U N Y Press! Tschudi, F. (1989). Do qualitative and quantitative methods require different approaches to validity? In S. Kvale (Ed.), Issues of validity in qualitative research (pp. 109-134). Lund, Sweden: Siudentlitteratur. Voiskounsky, A. E . (1998). Telelogue speech. In F. Sudweeks, M. McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeli (Eds.), Network and Netplay: Virtual groups on the Interne! (pp. 27-40). Menlo Park, C A : A A A I / M I T Press. Wallher, J. (1992). Interpersonal effects in computer-mediated interaction: A relational perspec­ tive. Communication Research, 79(1), 52-89. Yin, R. K. (1989). Case study research: Design and methods. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

CHAPTER

Recontextualizing "Cyberspace" Methodological Considerations for On-line Research

LORI KENDALL

M U C H A S M Y P E R S O N A L B I A S E S lead me in that direction, I w o u l d never have the audacity to suggest that all social research projects ought to include participant observation. Yet w i t h regard to research on interactive on-line forums, I recommend j u s t that. Ï do so in hopes o f countering tendencies i n the new and g r o w i n g field o f on-line research to ignore important social contexts o f on-line communication and interaction. I n what follows, I outline some o f these social contexts and indicate their importance forunderstanding on-line interaction. I suggest that even when researchers ultimately seek to use other methods, participant observation can provide information i m p o r tant to the successful implementation o f on-line research. To

facilitate discussion o f the social contexts o f on-line interaction, I

consider both on-line and off-line contexts, addressing four different contextual realms. W i t h regard to off-line contexts, I discuss (a) off-line organiza57

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59

tions and conditions for participation, and (b) localized situations. W i t h

they see no value m it or because they seek to avoid the imputation o f a

regard to on-line contexts, I consider (c) the history and cultural background

particular identity. I n this regard, several researchers have explored the

o f the Internet, and (d) on-line group variations, including variability o f

effects o f class, age, and gender on computer use (Haddon, 1992; L i v i n g -

group understandings and norms. A l t h o u g h I thus separate m y contextual

stone, 1992; T u r k l e , 1984, 1990; Wheelock, 1992). Their findings provide

considerations into discrete "realms," these realms, o f course, overlap, and

insights also applicable to on-line participation.

many o f m y discussions could apply to several o f the sections. M y division

Consideration o f access issues should include investigation o f users''

o f these realms into " o f f - l i n e " and " o n - l i n e " contexts also oversimplifies,

particular conditions o f access and participation. Currently, many partici-

because even those contextual considerations that seem to relate specifically

pants on on-line forums access those forums using Internet or other on-line

to on-line situations have roots in off-line realities.

accounts available through w o r k or school and often participate on-line w h i l e

Some o f my examples come from m y research on an on-line forum k n o w n

at w o r k ( B a y m , 1995; Kendall, 1998b; Rheingold, 1993; T u r k l e , 1995).

as BlueSky. B l u e S k y is a type o f interactive, text-only, on-line forum k n o w n

B l u e S k y ' s daily patterns o f participation reflect this, w i t h the busiest times

as a m u d . M y research on BlueSky included 3 years o f on-line participant

occurring on weekday afternoons. M o s t BlueSky participants are employed

observation, thirty face-to-face interviews, participation i n face-to-face gath-

as computer programmers and system administrators and many l o g on w h i l e

erings, and reading o f related newsgroups and e-mail lists. M a n y o f the

at w o r k , interspersing on-line socializing w i t h their w o r k tasks. T h i s pattern

1

2

I present from this research contradict popular depictions o f

o f participation suggests important interconnections between on-line partici-

on-line life. A s such, they h i g h l i g h t the degree o f variation present in on-line

pation, w o r k , and social stratification, especially given the male-dominated

forums and emphasize the importance o f taking account o f that variation.

character o f these fieids o f employment and o f BlueSky itself. O n BlueSky,

examples

participation ail but depends on either having a middle-class technical/ professional j o b or being a student. Other circumstances w o u l d not allow

Off-Line Organizations

participation during the forum's most social times and w o u l d thus constrain people's ability to maintain a social presence m the group. W i t h no physical

On-line interaction cannot be divorced from the off-line social and political

presence, on-line " v i s i b i l i t y " requires at least periodic textual contributions.

contexts w i t h i n w h i c h participants live their daily lives. Various aspects o f

( O n asynchronous forums, such contributions need not occur d u r i n g specific

these contexts enable and constrain the ability o f participants, potential

hours o f the day; however, very active forums still require regular participa-

participants, and nonparticipants to learn about, access, and navigate on-line

tion.)

forums. Once on-line, participants draw on their off-line resources, as w e l l

To participate from w o r k , mudders need j o b s i n w h i c h they have periods

as understandings gained in off-line experiences, to negotiate and interpret

o f authorized (or unauthorized but unnoticed) inactivity, and/or have some

their on-line interaction.

control over the t i m i n g and pace o f their w o r k . Heavy supervision w o u l d

Several recent controversies pertaining to privacy, censorship, and related

constrain employees w h o otherwise have computer and network access from

issues regarding control o f on-line communication have highlighted ques-

on-line participation. Data entry clerks whose keystrokes or records produc-

tions regarding the role o f government and/or large corporations on-line. The

tion levels per hour are monitored, for instance, could not afford the time to

actions o f these large institutions have significant effects on on-line environ-

converse on-line w h i l e at w o r k . On the other hand, participants w h o log on

ments, and this topic has received thoughtful attention from commentators

from home must make a different kind o f c o m m i t m e n t to their on-line

and researchers. Researchers have also begun to recognize that both the

interaction, sacrificing other responsibilities or leisure activities. Judging

desire and the ability to participate on-line depend on more than the mere

from the experience o f the few BlueSky participants who have recently had

availability o f cheap computer equipment. Gurak (1997) identifies "issues

children, primary responsibility for the care o f young children can render

o f education and t r a i n i n g " ( p . 18) as important, but computer use and on-line

significant on-line participation difficult.

participation also intersect w i t h people's identities and cultural backgrounds.

People's workplace situations, their use o f computers for w o r k and leisure

Even w i t h available training, some people avoid computer use either because

activities, their various responsibilities and time constraints, and the avail-

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61

ability o f on-line access at w o r k or at home constitute some o f the more

Barlow acknowledges that his declaration was written in "grandiose" terms.

obvious connections between social organizations and on-line participation.

However, his portrayal of cyberspace as an organically

These examples also point to connections between people's identities and

realm resonates among many net participants. L i k e Porter's, his description

social status and their access to on-line participation. A s Haddon (1992)

highlights the absence o f bodies m cyberspace, an absence that others have

points out, people's continued use o f computers may depend on access to

questioned (e.g., Wakeford, 1996).

groups o f knowledgeable and interested others. Thus, although economic

separate, sovereign

Descriptions o f cyberspace as a separate reality depict participants' bodies

class perhaps most obviously relates to access, gender, age, and race also

as left behind tediously t y p i n g , w h i l e their personas cavort i n cyberspace.

figure importantly in ttic factors enabling people's participation m on-line

This fails to capture the complexity and diversity o f relationships between

groups. I discuss some o f these more fully in the f o l l o w i n g sections.

on-line and off-line experiences.

The degree o f immersion i n on-line

"spaces" vanes considerably, depending on myriad factors, i n c l u d i n g type of forum and participant interest. Comparisons w i t h other media can be useful i n analyzing this variation. For instance, M e y r o w i t z (1985) argues that

Localized Social Situations

television "invades" the space o f the viewer, w i t h o u t completely displacing I n addition to taking into account larger social institutions affecting on-line

the reality o f that physical place. Reading, on the other hand, requires fuller

participation, researchers need to consider participants' local off-line envi-

attention, such that "the reader tends to be removed from those physically

ronments, as w e l l as to explore how participants blend their on-line and

present" ( p . 124). A l t h o u g h M e y r o w i t z may overestimate the engrossment

off-line lives and social contacts. Individuals exist and participate in off-line

necessary for reading, his description o f the dual realities created by media

social contexts both sequentially and simultaneously with their on-line par-

provides a useful perspective on forms o f on-line participation like m u d d i n g .

ticipation. However, many accounts o f on-line spaces, experiences,

and

L i k e television programs, muds enter the participant's physical locale w i t h -

communications ignore this, often describing on-line spaces almost w i s t f u l l y

out completely redefining the definition o f the situation w i t h i n that locaie. On-line interactions can at times become intensely engrossing, and some

as a new and discrete Utopian w o r l d . w i t h its particular

participants report experiencing physical sensations that echo the experi-

science fictional resonance, reflects a tendency to view on-line forums and

ences o f the characters that serve as their on-line representatives or ana-

interaction as existing m an independent reality, separate from

off-line

logues. However, w h i l e participating m social interaction on-line, people

environments, bodies, and concerns. Porter (1997) expresses this view m his

may also participate in other on-line or off-line activities. Each participant

statement that "the majority o f one's correspondents m cyberspace, after a l l ,

has i n any case a physical body that remains involved in experiences separate

have no bodies, no faces, no histories beyond what they may choose to

from the interactions occurring on-line.

For instance, the popularity o f the term cyberspace,

4

reveal" ( p . x i ) . In a similar vein, John Perry B a r l o w (1996), a w e l l - k n o w n

Some researchers have suggested that this experience o f simultaneously

net personality, commentator, and writer, composed a manifesto m opposi-

inhabiting both off-line and on-line environments results in understandings

tion to a U . S . law seeking to impose limits on on-line communications:

o f the self as m u l t i p l e (Stone, 1995; Turkic, 1995). On-line participation

3

enables the creation o f m u l t i p l e personas, facilitating varying presentations 1 declare the global social space we arc building to be naturally independent of the tyrannies you seek to impose on us. . . [Cyberspace] is an act of nature and it grows itself through our collective a c t i o n s . . . . We are creating a world that all may enter without privilege or prejudice accorded by race, economic power, military force, or station of b i r t h . . . , Your legal concepts of property, expression, identity, movement, and context do not apply to us. . , Our identities have no bodies, so, unlike you, we cannot obtain order by physical coercion. (Barlow 1996)

o f self. W h i l e this does provide evidence o f identity fluidity and m u l t i p l i c i t y , people similarly engage in different presentations o f self to different audiences in other arenas o f everyday life and did so prior to the existence o f on-line forums. B o t h GofTman (1959, 1963, 1972) and Gergen (1991) document numerous pre-Internet examples o f this m u l t i p l i c i t y o f identity performance. Despite the mundamty o f such splits and fractures o f identity, people ( i n the U n i t e d States and similar cultures, at any rate) still tend to perceive their identities and selves as integral and continuous. (For a discussion o f a

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more relational experience o f self, see Kondo, 1990.) A s I discuss more fully

63

The History and Cultural Background of the Internet

elsewhere (Kendall, 1998b), this has important ramifications for our understanding o f our o w n and others' identity and for hierarchical social structures based on aspects o f identity such as gender and race.

"Cyberspace"

I do not have space here to summarize the Internet's history and development,

M y research on BlueSky indicates that even on-line, where the performa-

and others have done so quite adequately (e.g., Leiner et al., 1997). However,

tive nature o f identity seems almost unavoidably obvious and where tales

that history, w i t h its connections to military, scientific, and academic insti-

abound o f m u l t i p l i c i t y and fluidity, o f deceptions and revelations (McRae,

tutions and communities, provides particular cultural contexts for on-line

1997; R e i d , 1994; Rhemgold, 1993; Stone, 1995; Turkle, 1995), people

participation. Aspects o f these contexts deserving attention i n future research

persist i n seeking essentialized groundings for the selves they encounter

include (a) changing meanings and perceptions o f Internet usage for various

on-line. On the basis o f m y analyses o f BlueSky participants interactions

groups, (b) cultural and subcultural affiliations o f Internet users, and (c)

and experiences, I find that people tend to (a) perceive time and organize

explorations o f political action and affiliation on-line (see Gurak, 1997, for

experience linearly, (b) privilege embodied experience over mediated expe-

an example o f the latter). For purposes o f this discussion, however, I turn to

rience, and (c) continually w o r k to reincorporate their experiences o f them-

perhaps the most obvious legacy o f the Internet's history: its demographic

selves and o f others' selves into integrated, consistent wholes. Reaching

makeup.

5

understandings o f participants' sense o f self and o f the meanings they give

Reliable statistics concerning Internet users are difficult to find. M o s t

to their on-line participation requires spending time w i t h participants to

surveys are done by commercial organizations w h o do not always reveal their

observe what they do on-line as w e l l as what they say about what they do.

methodology. A l t h o u g h various organizations and companies post demo-

I n addition to the simultaneous off-line social context o f the i n d i v i d u a l ' s

graphic information on the W o r l d W i d e Web, they often reserve details,

body and physical iocation, researchers also need to consider off-line social

and/or the most recent information, for paying customers. Keeping in m i n d

contexts that participants j o i n t l y create. Members o f on-line groups that

these caveats, on-line demographics suggest some patterns o f participation

foster close relationships frequently go to great lengths to extend their

related to the history and ongoing cultural m i l i e u o f the Internet. (Ranges o f

on-line relationships into the off-line w o r l d (Bruckman, 1992; R h e i n g o l d ,

percentages m the f o l l o w i n g represent ranges o f estimates from different

1993; T u r k l e , 1995). A l t h o u g h most interaction between BlueSky partici-

reports.) A p p r o x i m a t e l y half o f Internet users are 35 or under and have at

pants occurs on-line, a small ( i n terms o f time spent) but important portion

least some college experience (only 13%-18% report no college, whereas

5

o f B l u e S k y interaction takes place off-line. People plan both business and

18%-26% have some postgraduate education). M o r e than 6 0 % ( 6 3 % - 7 5 % )

vacation travel to enable them to meet other BlueSky participants. B l u e S k y

hold some form o f professional, technical, managerial, or other white-collar

relationships aiso extend off-line through other media. Participants exchange

j o b , w i t h incomes consistently reported as clustering m the $30,000 to

phone numbers and m a i l i n g addresses, and people in the same geographical

$90,000 range (approximately 6 0 % ) . I n contrast to the relatively close

area often phone each other concerning events o f mutual interest or to arrange

agreement on these statistics, estimates o f the percentage o f w o m e n on-line

meetings. People aiso sometimes try to phone or write regulars w h o disap-

vary dramatically, from 3 1 % to 4 5 % . The reasons for this range are unclear,

pear from the mud for periods o f time.

although one survey organization suggests that the larger estimates m i g h t

Off-line contacts such as these, as w e l l as people's simultaneous off-line experience, affect their interpretations o f on-line interaction. W h e n studying groups w i t h less off-line contact than BlueSky, researchers' access to participants'' off-Sine experience may be l i m i t e d . I n such cases, scholars need to at least acknowledge the embodiment o f on-line participants and keep m m i n d the possible effects o f these off-line contexts on participant understandings o f their on-line experiences.

include greater reporting o f less active users.'' Some observers have suggested that the proportion o f underrepresented groups, i n c l u d i n g women, w i l l increase as overall numbers o f Internet participation increase. However, even i f participation by women and other underrepresented groups increases, i t may have l i t t l e effect on the character and tone o f on-line groups in w h i c h they still constitute a minority. N e w c o m ers to on-line forums enter environments w i t h preexisting norms and patterns

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o f behavior. Women "newbies" j o i n i n g existing forums have found themselves in unfamiliar, and sometimes hostile, territory ( B r a i l , 1995; Camp, 1995; Kendall, 1995, 1998a). Even on those forums w i t h mainly female constituencies ( B a y m , 1995; Clerc, 1995), participants understand that their forum exists m a male-dominated context and therefore feel the need to use various strategies to l i m i t participation or to protect their regulars from hostile interlopers (Correll, 1995; H a l l , 1996). A n examination o f BlueSky's culture and the experience o f w o m e n on B l u e S k y provides further evidence that mere increase i n numbers need not lead to changes i n the norms or expectations in on-line groups. B l u e S k y ' s group demographics reflect its beginnings (approximately 8 years ago) in an

"Cyberspace"

65

ailia thinks every woman on this earth gets a yeast infection at the thought of being flonn's wife. Florin SILENCE, UNSHORN HUSSY Shub wondered why they all bleed from the crotch . . . Florin says "because their WOMBS are FERTILE" Flonn must PROCREATE Copperhead says "uh-oh" Copperhead hands Florin a Petri dish Flonn says "well, if you're nasty looking, CH, i ' l l just hand ya sperm in a petn dish, i understand." Flonn won't deny any woman the chance to bear his offspnng; he only denies them the chance to touch his Captain Happy, when they're unacceptable.

earlier era o f Internet history. A b o u t one fourth o f BlueSky's regulars are w o m e n , m a k i n g BlueSky's percentage o f women participants lower than that

L i k e many forms o f bantering among groups o f young males, this conver-

o f the Internet overall. B o t h men and women agree that conversations on

sation revolves around sexual references and insults. A s a woman newly

B l u e S k y frequently become insulting and obnoxious. For most w o m e n ,

entering the group, I have a limited set o f choices regarding how to deal w i t h

however, obnoxiousness is not a normal expectation in friendship groups.

this masculine pattern o f interaction. As Fine (1987) suggests,

N o r is tolerance o f i t usually a requirement for group membership. M a n y men, on the other hand, are more used to this as a feature o f male group sociability. M o s t o f the women on BlueSky have histories o f participation m male-dominated groups, w h i c h helps them to deal w i t h B l u e S k y ' s rough social ambience. However, they and any women w h o seek to j o i n the group must s t i l l negotiate a stance w i t h i n this potentially unfamiliar social terrain. After several months o f mostly quietly observing the conversations on

Women who wish to be part of a male-dormnated group typically must accept patterns of male bonding and must be able to decode maie behavior patterns. They must be willing to engage m coarse joking, teasing, and accept male-based informal structure of the occupation—in other words, become "one of the boys." While some women find this behavioral pattern congenial, others do not, and they become outcasts or marginal members of the group, (p. 131)

BlueSky, I began participating more actively. I n the f o l l o w i n g excerpt o f a conversation on BlueSky, I deviate from my previously quiet comportment

In this regard, m y performance in the above constitutes an attempt to become

and attempt to respond in kind to the c o m m o n styie o f obnoxious bantering.

"one o f the boys"—that is, to perform a masculine identity. M y efforts partly

( M y character name here is Copperhead; allia is the only other woman

fail because o f people's previous knowledge o f m y female identity (as

present.)

evidenced by their references to my female body and status as potential w i f e ) .

7

On the other hand, m y performance partly succeeds, m that the other participants accept my behavior as normal. M y o w n obnoxiousness, w h i l e Florin has arrived.

out o f character w i t h m y previous demeanor, fits into the conversation

Shub says "Baron Florin of Shamptabarung!"

w i t h o u t apparently causing anyone to change their definition o f the situation

Copperhead says "hi Florin"

or their understanding o f my identity. This suggests that participants may

Flonn says "shub, copperhead, who the hell is copperhead?"

consider continuity more important w i t h regard to the norms o f the group

Shub says "copperhead is your future wife, Florin."

than w i t h regard to individual identities. This puts considerable pressure on

Copperhead WHULPs at the thought of being Florin's wife

newcomers to conform to expected behaviors in existing forums. On-line demographics, and on-line participants' knowledge o f these demo-

Florin says "bah. every woman on this earth bleeds from the crotch at the thought of bemg my wife."

graphics, aiso influence people's assumptions about w h o they w i l l meet

Flonn isn't sure whether it's GOOD or B A D , but that's what they DO.

on-line. Despite the oft-cited degree o f anonymity on-line, this suggests that

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anonymity does not equai an absence o f identity but, rather, carries w i t h it a

"Cyberspace"

67

valid or reai. Despite arguments that on-line interaction can flatten hier-

set o f assumptions about identity w h i c h hold " u n t i l proven otherwise." A s I

archies and "drastically call into question the gender system o f the dominant

discuss elsewhere (Kendall, 1998b), BlueSky participants suggest that race

culture" (Poster, 1995, p. 31), gender and other identity hierarchies continue

does not matter on-line, but their discussions o f race highlight the degree to

to constitute a significant context for on-line interaction. Participants clearly

w h i c h their assumptions about race (and about to w h o m race "matters")

can and do reproduce off-line power relationships i n their on-line inter-

reflect dominant off-line discourse about race.

action. On-line forums, by l i m i t i n g available cues, enable experimentation

For instance, A n g u i s h , a Korean A m e r i c a n BlueSky participant, reveals

and play w i t h identity. For some, this may provide new perspectives on

her view that social interaction, both on-line and off, is steeped i n a racial

identity. However, participant knowledge o f the history and demographics

context specifically determined by the dominant white racial group.

o f the Internet imposes limitations on the range o f identities that they w i l l interpret as reai. Because on-line interaction in and o f itself does not neces-

Anguish whispers "1 think most people assume most everyone eise is white [on-line], and for the most part, they'd be right. When people find out I ' m Asian, there is a little surprise, but not much"

sarily disrupt understandings o f identity, we need to ask when, for w h o m , and under what circumstances such disruptions do occur.

Copperhead whispers "hmm. do you think people "act white" here in some way?" Anguish whispers "is there a way of acting otherwise? irl and on-line, 1 think people act white mostly. I've acted "not-white," but only among other notwhites." Copperhead whispers "huh, that's interesting; can you tell me how that differs for you?" Anguish whispers "well, 1 act in the ways I was taught to by my parents, i.e., Korean customs. An intrinsic part of that is language. The language here [on BlueSky] is English."

On-Line Group Variations Given that racial and other identity performances occur w i t h i n specific social situations, researchers must consider the social dynamics o f particular groups. T h i s requires attention to differences between on-line groups. M o s t researchers recognize differences between types o f on-line forums, understanding that factors such as synchronicity versus asynchromcity (muds vs. newsgroups, for instance) and public availability versus various forms o f

A n g u i s h ' s assertion that "people act white m o s t l y " highlights the assump-

controlled access (registration on muds or newsgroup moderation) affect the

tions that people make i n interpreting "generic" or anonymous personas. Her

interactions that occur m particular groups. Even among forums o f the same

statement that everybody always "acts w h i t e " both on-line and o f f suggests

type, there are significant variations i n purpose, level o f participation, ac-

that rules for identity performances are set by more powerful groups. Rules

ceptable behaviors, and so on. Smith (1997), for instance, maps out differ-

for racial performances are also set w i t h i n particular social contexts; thus,

ences between Usenet newsgroups in terms o f average message size, thread

A n g u i s h considers herself to be "acting Korean" oniy when speaking Korean

length, number o f cross-postings, and other similar features.

around other Koreans or Korean Americans.

However, some commentators, apparently seeking to broadly identify

On-line anonymity does not represent an absence o f identity, p r o v i d i n g

effects o f computer mediation on social interaction, lump together disparate

instead a set o f assumed identity facts. A n o n y m o u s participants are assumed

subculturai groups and participants i n the linguistic formulation o f "the Net."

to be white and male until proven otherwise (hence, reports from several

This usage makes sense for superficial references to on-line c o m m u n i c a t i o n

participants that female characters receive more questions regarding their

generally but becomes problematic when used to make more analytical

"true" identity than do males). The strength o f these assumptions varies from

generalizations. For instance, Porter (1997) describes "the culture that the

person to person, and participants can manipulate others assumptions i n

Net embodies" as "a product o f the peculiar conditions o f virtual acquain-

various ways. B u t i n any case, on-line forums do not provide contextless

tance that prevail on-line" ( p . x i ) . This presumes that a l l on-line interaction

spaces free from expectations about identity or from challenges to identity

occurs w i t h i n a single, homogeneous cultural context, separate from the

claims. Instead, participants actively interpret, evaluate, and react to others''

cultures and subcultures o f participants w h o contribute to i t . A s I discuss

on-line presentations and do not recognize all such performances as equally

above, the specific conditions and history o f the Internet's development do

1

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69

lead to particular cultural tendencies on-line. However, broad synthesizing

whoever y o u want to be. You can completely redefine yourself i f y o u want"

descriptions o f on-line culture overstate both the Internet's homogeneity and

(p. 84). T u r k l e goes on to characterize most muds as anonymous, i n d i c a t i n g

its independence from off-line contexts. They also tend toward technological

that " y o u are k n o w n only by the name y o u give your characters" ( p . 85). T h i s

determinism.

is far from the case on BlueSky, where people generally have only one

Some researchers also overgeneralize regarding particular types o f fo-

character and are k n o w n not just by their character name but by their k n o w n

rums, r e l y i n g on superficial characterizations or ignoring significant varia-

personality characteristics, their shared history w i t h others in the group, and

tion to support a particular interpretation o f on-line interaction. For instance,

often by data concerning their off-line lives. A l t h o u g h certainly all o f these

even w h i l e acknowledging the use o f muds for different purposes, i n c l u d i n g

pieces o f information could be hidden by participants w i s h i n g to enjoy

pedagogical, professional meetings, game playing, and so on, several re-

anonymity on-line, the degree o f tolerance o f anonymity varies greatly from

searchers characterize all muds as forums for " r o i e - p i a y i n g " (Porter, 1997;

forum to forum. BlueSky participants regularly question (and often harass)

Poster, 1995; T u r k l e , 1995). M a n y mudders themselves w o u l d object to this

newbies w h o refuse to reveal data about their off-line identities, as in the

as t r i v i a l i z i n g their experience. I n addition, such a characterization relegates

f o l l o w i n g exchange:

mud

interaction to a sphere o f meaning separate from everyday norms and

assumptions regarding sociability and identity continuity.

Guestl arrives from the south.

A l t h o u g h many muds encourage role-playing, others do not, and the types o f r o l e - p l a y i n g also vary. Some role-playing muds derive their scenarios

Beryl eyes guest! Guest! waves.

from popular science fiction or fantasy works. Participants on these muds

Beryl says "speak up, guest, who are you?"

engage m elaborate character and scene development and liken their p a r t i c i -

Guest! says "Guestl."

pation to interactive theater. On other muds, participants role-play around a

Ulysses says "specify"

loosely defined theme, such as anthropomorphic animal characters. I n these

Guestl says "What do you mean?"

cases, a participant may invent a character (a talking tool-using cat, for

Beryl says "who are you? do you not speak cnglish?"

instance) and role-play aspects o f that character but may then converse w i t h friends about off-line life rather than enacting elaborate on-line dramas. I n either o f these cases, participants may understand the meanings o f their on-line actions as "keyed" differently from everyday life and thus differentiate their role-playing from their "true" selves (Goffman, 1972). On BlueSky, people do not role-play, expecting that others w i l l represent

Guestl says "In what sense?" Beryl says " i f i were to walk up to you m a bar and say " H i " and asked who you were, what would you say?" Guestl smiles.... then I would say I ' m a stranger... looking around for something interesting. Beryl says "yikes; nothing interesting here"

themselves more or less as they appear off-line. Participants share i n f o r m a -

Guestl chuckles.

tion about their off-line lives, and some tend to sneer at r o l e - p l a y m g muds

Ulysses says "or, more to the point, i f you walked up to a group of friends talking amongst themselves at a bar and tried to join their conversation, what would you say i f they wanted to know why you wanted lo join their conversation"

where people act as i f the mud were a reality separate from other aspects o f life. BlueSky participants view the mud as a means of c o m m u n i c a t i o n that enables them to "hang out" w i t h a group o f friends and

acquaintances.

A l t h o u g h they compare BlueSky w i t h a bar or pub, they do so to explain a

Beryl nods to Uly Beryl says "Uly has it exactly"

style o f interaction that preexists the analogy, rather than to set up a theme to w h i c h they w i l l conform their on-line behavior.

B y evoking the analogy o f friends m a bar, Ulysses and B e r y l describe

This stance toward on-line interaction emphasizes identity c o n t i n u i t y and

B l u e S k y regulars as people w h o know each other's identities. They contrast

interpersonal responsibility and contrasts w i t h representations by partici-

this w i t h G u e s t l , whose anonymity and cagey behavior they consider rude

pants and researchers w h o emphasize the f l e x i b i l i t y o f identity i n on-line

and suspicious. Even Guestl w o u l d probably acknowledge that such behav-

interaction. T u r k l e (1995) quotes a participant as saying, "You can be

ior w o u l d be unconscionably rude i n a similar setting off-line.

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"Cyberspace"

71

B l u e S k y participants' suspicion o f anonymity provides a s t r i k i n g contrast

relative paucity o f interactional cues available on-line. Researchers w h o

to many reports o f life on-line. BlueSky may o f course be atypical o f on-line

instead make brief visits to forums to solicit respondents for interviews or

groups. However, the attitudes o f those on BlueSky demonstrate that re-

surveys may find that people respond to these relatively anonymous strate-

searchers cannot take for granted that similar forums w i l l have similar norms

gies on the part o f researchers by self-selecting for a preference for anonym-

regarding issues such as anonymity and identity continuity. I n particular,

ity on-line. I t can also be difficult to evaluate the honesty o f responses to

because most on-line groups are relatively new. and many participants new

such surveys and interviews when administered on-line.

to them, researchers need to familiarize themselves w i t h the various social,

M a n y researchers appear, in fact, to be unaware o f a strong bias against

p o l i t i c a l , cultural, and identity contexts o f the groups they seek to study.

survey research among those on-line participants connected in some fashion

Rather than describing the culture o f "the Net," scholars need to explore the

to computer or "hacker" cultures. 77ie Hacker's

various existing, emerging, and overlapping cultures'.

i n g a large body o f on-line jargon and cultural references, defines "social

Dictionary,

a book c o m p i l -

science number" as "a statistic that is content-free, or nearly so. A measure derived v i a methods o f questionable validity from data o f a dubious

Methodological Implications

and vague nature" (Raymond, 1991, p. 327). I n the case o f m y o w n research, mudder suspicion o f survey research was compounded by a recent

N o b o d y lives only i n cyberspace. The various social contexts I have identi-

rash o f poorly thought out and badly executed surveys appearing m the

fied herein demonstrate some o f the ways in w h i c h off-line realities impinge

m u d d i n g newsgroups, often apparently conceived by m u d d i n g college stu-

on and intertwine w i t h on-line interaction. The necessity o f considering these

dents hoping to giean a term paper out o f their favorite pastime. H a d I i n

contexts suggests some methodological implications for scholars conducting

fact attempted to do survey research about m u d d i n g , i t is unlikely that I

social research on-line.

w o u l d have received sufficient responses, and the validity o f those re-

For instance, the distinction that BlueSky participants make between

sponses w o u l d have been seriously suspect. Researchers need to be aware

regulars and anonymous guests suggests that researcher emphasis on ano-

o f these kinds o f attitudes w i t h i n specific on-line groups so that they can

n y m i t y may stem from an oversampling o f newbies. Newbies tend to con-

either take steps to ensure better responses, or reconsider their choice o f

gregate (sometimes m large groups) in the most public and easy-to-find areas

methodology.

o f muds. (Often, the " r o o m " first accessed on entering a m u d becomes a

Participant observation allows researchers to gam a better understanding

favorite hangout spot; regulars who seek a quieter place to convene w i t h

o f participants' ranges o f identity performances

friends build their o w n rooms, w h i c h allows them to control access.) T h i s

performances have for them. The ability to access off-line environments

makes popular " p u b l i c " rooms easy sources o f multiple interactions for

provides particularly useful information about the connections

observation. However, the population o f the busiest room does not necessar-

on-line and off-line interaction, but such access may not always be feasible.

i l y represent the population o f the mud as a whole.

Nevertheless, the fact that researchers cannot assume congruence between

Insufficient time spent on a particular forum can also lead a researcher to overestimate the anonymity o f that forum. For studying interactive forums,

and the meaning those between

on-line and off-line identity performances should not lead them to sever on-line identities from off-line bodies and realities.

especially synchronous forums such as chat groups and muds, participant

Finally, using participant observation to take account o f the various social

observation (whether or not used w i t h other methods) may provide the most

contexts o f on-line interaction can highlight the politics o f identity. Partici-

accurate observations. Spending time w i t h other participants and getting to

pants come to on-line forums from different positions o f power w i t h i n

k n o w the particular norms and understandings

o f the group allows re-

society, w h i c h affects both their own actions on-line and their interpretations

searchers to build trust and to learn to interpret participants' identity perfor-

o f others actions. Considering these power differences, as w e l l as comparing

mances m the same way that participants themselves do. I n many such

participants'' descriptions o f their on-line behavior w i t h actual examples o f

forums, shared history o f time spent together as w e l l as repetition o f on-line

that behavior, enables researchers to critically evaluate statements by partici-

performances

pants concerning the effects o f their on-line participation.

and stones about that shared history compensate for the

1

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Notes 1. 1 have changed all names from my research, including ihe name of the forum and people's on-line pseudonyms. 2. Mud originally stood for multi-user dungeon (based on the original multi-user dungeonsand-dragons-type game called MUD). Some mud participants ("mudders") distance muds from their gaming history by referring lo them as multi-user "dimensions" or "domains" and others cease to use MUD as an acronym, instead using "mud" as both noun and verb. People connect to mud programs through Internet accounts. They then communicate through typed text with other people currently connected to that mud. Of the hundreds of muds available on-line, many provide gaming spaces for adventure or "hack-and-slash" games. Oihers operate as sociai spaces, as locations for professional meetings, or for pedagogical purposes. Although participants have programmed various toys and games for use within BlueSky, it funciions primarily as a social meeting space, 3. The "Communications Decency Act" (CDA), passed by the U.S. Senate in 1996, attempted to restrict dissemination of sexually explicit content over the Internet. Its passage provoked widespread on-line protest. The Center for Democracy and Technology provides a good source of information about the CDA, its potential impact, and the various protests and measures against it at http://www.cdt.org. 4. Personal communication with T L . Taylor, based on her research on on-line graphical multi-user virtual environments. 5. I obtained these figures from an on-line search I conducted on November 28, 1997. Since conditions of on-line survey administration may exacerbate self-select and self-report biases (see my discussion of on-line biases against survey research later m lext), I do not consider these statistics particularly reliable. So far as I know, only the Nielsen study purports to have taken a probability sample. However, the percentages are relatively consistent from report to report and fit expectations based on Iniernet history and attitudes toward computers in the United States. My aim is to give an idea of ihe range of responses reported in these studies and suggest likely patterns of Internet participation. Because different surveys asked their questions differently, my figures in text are approximations only. It is worth noting that although an earlier search turned up a few studies that looked at race, m this search I was unable to find any statistics on race, ethnicity, or nationality. Following is a partial list of sites I reviewed: http://www2.cha! cenier.org/otn/abouttnlerne I/Demographics-Nielsen, html http://w ww3 .mids .org/i ds/i ndex. html http://www2000.ogsm.vanderbilt.edu/surveys/cn.questions.htmi (this site provides a detailed critique of the Nielsen study) http://thehost.com/demo.htm http://www.scruznet.com/%7EpiuginOI/Demo.htmS (no longer available) htlp://www. cyberatlas.com/market/demographics/index.html http://www.cc.gatech.edu/gvu/user_surveys/survey-1997-04 hltp://www. ora.com/rcsearch/uscrs/results.ht ml 6. The G V U 7th WWW User Survey (http://www.cc.gatech.edu/gvu/user_surveys/ survey1997-04) states, "Much of the difference between results can be explained by inspecting the definition of a user and possible age limitations placed upon Ihe users. Our numbers, by the very nature of our sampling method, represent active Web users, whereas other numbers may more accurately reflect very casual users (i.e., they have used the Internet at least once in the past 6 months, etc.)."

"Cyberspace"

73

7. In the excerpt, each person's name precedes his or her text. Participants use different commands to vary their communication, producing some lines as "speech" and others as "actions" or "thoughts." This results m a much greater used of the third person than occurs in face-to-face communication. I am able to identify people's off-line identities because most BlueSky regulars have met each other off-line, and I aiso have met many of them. (The word whulp m the excerpt is BlueSky slang for vomit.)

References Barlow, J. P. (1996). A declaration of the independence of cyberspace. Available: hl'tp:// www.eff.org/pub/PubIications/John_Perry_Barlow/barIow_0296.decIaration f 1998, May 1II Baym, N. K. (1995). The emergence of community in computer-mediated communication. In S. G. Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 138-163). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Brail, S. (1995). The price of admission: Harassment and free speech in the wild, wild west. In L . Cherny & E . R. Weise (Eds.}, Wiredj,vomen (pp. 141-157). Seattle, WA: Seal Press. Bruckman, A. S. (1992). Identity Workshop. Available: ftp://ftp.lambda.moo.mud.org/pub/ MOO/papers [1998, May 11] Camp, L . J. (¡995). We are geeks, and we are not guys: The Systers mailing list. In L . Cherny & E. R. Weise (Eds.), Wired_women (pp. 114-125). Seatlie, WA: Seal Press. Clerc, S. (1995). Estrogen brigades and "big tits" threads: Media fandom on-line and off. In L . Cherny & E . R. Weise (Eds.), Wired^womcn (pp. 73-97). Seattle, WA: Seal Press. Correll, S. (1995). The ethnography of an eleclronic bar: The Lesbian Cafe. Journal oj'Contemporary Ethnography, 27(3), 270-298. Fine, G. A. (1987). One of the boys: Women in male-dominated settings. In M. S. Kimmel (Ed.), Changing men: New directions in research on men and masculinity. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Gergen, K. J. (1991). The saturated self: Dilemmas of identity in contemporary life. New York: Basic Books. Goffman, E . (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Anchor. Goffman, E . (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. New York: Simon & Schuster. Goffman, E . (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Umverstly Press. Gurak, L . J . (1997). Persuasion and privacy in cyberspace: The on-line protests over Lotus Marketplace and the Clipper Chip. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Haddon, L . (1992). Explaining ICT consumption: The case of the home computer. In R. Silverstone & E . Hirsch (Eds.), Consuming technologies: Media and information in domestic spaces. London: Routledge. Hall, K . (1996). Cyberfemimsm. In S. C . Herring (Ed.), Computer-mediated communication: Linguistic, social and cross-cultural perspectives (pp. 147-172). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Kendall, L . (1995). MUDder? I hardly know 'eri Advcnlures of a feminist MUDder. In L . Cherny & E. It. Weise (Eds.), \Vired_women (pp. 207-223). Seattle, WA: Seal Press. Kendall, L . (1998a). Are you male or female? The performance of gender on muds. In J. Howard & J. O'Brien (Eds.), Everyday inequalities: Critical inquiries (pp. 131-153). London: Basil Blackwell. Kendall, L . (1998b). Meaning and identity in "Cyberspace"- The performance of gender, class and race on-line. Symbolic Interaction, 2/(2), 129-153.

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Kondo, D. K . (1990). Crafting selves: Power, gender and discourses of identity in a Japanese workplace. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Leıner, B. M., Cerf, V. G., Clark, D. D., Kahn, R. £., Klemrock, L., Lynch, D. C , Posiei, J., Roberts, L . G., &. Wolff, S. (1997). The past and future history of the internet. Communica­ tions of the ACM. 40(2), 102-108. Livingstone. S. (1992). The meaning of domestic technologies: A personal construct analysis of familial gender relations. In R. Sİlverstone & E . Hirsch (Eds.), Consuming technologies: Media and information in domestic spaces. London: Routiedge. McRae, S. (1997). Flesh made word: Sex, text and the virtual body, In D. Porter (Ed.), Internet culture (pp. 73-8G). New York: Routiedge. Meyrowitz, J. (1985). No sense of place: The impact of electronic media on social behavior. New York: Oxford Press. Porter, D. (1997). Introduction. In D. Porter (Ed.), Internet culture (pp. xi-xviii). New York: Routiedge. Poster, M. (1995). 77te second media age. Cambridge, MA: Polity Press. Raymond, E . S. (1991). The new hackers dictionary. Cambridge: MIT Press. Reid, E . (1994). Cultural formations in text-based virtual realities. Master's thesis. Department of English, University of Melbourne, Australia. Rhemgold, H. (i 993). The virtual community: Homesteading on the electronicfrontier. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Smith, M. (1997). Measuring and mapping the social structure of Usenet Paper presented at the 17th Annual International Sunbelt Social Network Conference, San Diego, California, February 13-16, 1997. Available: ht!p://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/soc/csoc/papers/sunbelt97 Stone, A. R. (1995). The war of desire and technology at the close of the mechanical age. Cambridge: MIT Press. Turkle, S. (19S4). The second self: Computers and the human spirit. New York: Simon & Schusier. Turkic, S. (1990). Epistemologicat pluralism—styles and voices within the computer culture. Signs, /fiil). 128-157. Turkic, S. (1995). Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the Internet. New York: Simon & Schuster. Wakeford, N. (1996). Sexualiscd bodies m cyberspace. In S. Chernaik, M. Deegan, & A. Gibson (Eds.), Beyond the book: Theory, culture, and the politics of cyberspace. Oxford, UK: Office for the Humanities Communication, Humanities Computing Unit, Oxford University Com­ puting Services. Wheeiock, J . (1992). Personal computers, gender and an institutional model of the household. In R. Sİlverstone & E . Hİrsch (Eds.), Consuming technologies: Media and information in domestic spaces. London: Routiedge.

Studying On-Line Social Networks LAURA

CARTON

CAROLINE HAYTHORNTHWAITÍ

BARRY WELLMAN

The Social Network Approach W h e n a computer n e t w o r k connects people or organizations, i t is a social n e t w o r k . Just as a computer n e t w o r k is a set o f machines connected by a set o f cables, a social network is a set o f people (or organizations or other social entities) connected by

a set

o f social relations, such as

friendship,

w o r k m g , or i n f o r m a t i o n exchange. M u c h research into how

people

computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) has concentrated on how

couse indi­

v i d u a l users interface w i t h their computers, how t w o persons interact on-line, or how small groups function o n - l i n e . A s widespread c o m m u n i c a t i o n v i a computer networks develops, analysts need to go beyond s t u d y i n g single AUTHORS' NOTE: This chapter first appeared in 1997 in JCMC {Journal of Computer Mediated Communication) Vol. 3, Issue 1. The chapter is reprinted here with permission of the editors. Research for this chapter has been supported by the Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the Information Technology Research center, and Industry Canada. We appreciate the advice of Joanne Marshall and Marilyn Manici and the assistance of Keith Hampton and Alexandra Mann in preparing the figures. 75

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11

users, two-person ties, and small groups to examining the computer-sup-

and densely k n i t . N o t all relations fit neatly into tightly bounded solidarities.

ported social networks fCSSNs) that flourish in areas as diverse as the

Indeed, l i m i t i n g descriptions to groups and hierarchies oversimplifies the

workplace (e.g., F u l k & Steinfield, 1990; Wellman et al., 1996) and virtual

complex social networks that computer networks support. I f N o v e l l had not

communities (e.g., Wellman & G u l i a , in press). T h i s chapter describes the

trademarked it already, we w o u l d more properly speak o f "netware" and not

use o f the social network approach for understanding the interplay between

"groupware" to describe the software, hardware, and peopleware combina-

computer networks, C M C , and social processes.

tion that supports C M C .

Social network analysis focuses on patterns o f relations between

and

among people, organizations, states, and so on (Berkowitz, 1982; Wasserman & Faust, 1994; W e l l m a n , 1988b). This research approach has rapidly developed in the past 20 years, p r i n c i p a l l y in sociology and communication

COMPARISON

WITH OTHER

APPROACHES

TO THE STUDY OF CMC

science. The International N e t w o r k for Social N e t w o r k Analysis ( I N S N A ) is

M u c h C M C research concentrates on how the technical attributes o f

a m u l t i d i s c i p l i n a r y scholarly organization that publishes a refereed j o u r n a l ,

different communication media m i g h t affect what can be conveyed v i a each

Social

m e d i u m . These characteristics include the richness o f cues that a m e d i u m

Networks,

and an informal j o u r n a l ,

Connections.

Social network analysts seek to describe networks of relations as fully as

conveys (e.g., whether a m e d i u m conveys text or whether it includes visual

possible, tease out the prominent patterns i n such networks, trace the flow

and auditory cues), the v i s i b i l i t y or anonymity o f the participants (e.g., video

o f information (and other resources) through them, and discover what effects

m a i l vs. voice m a i l ; whether communications identify the sender by name,

these relations and networks have on people and organizations. They treat

gender, title), and the t i m i n g o f exchanges (e.g., synchronous or asynchro-

the description o f relational patterns as interesting i n its o w n r i g h t — f o r

nous c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) . A reduction in cues has been cited as responsible for

example, Is there a core and periphery?—and examine how involvement in

uninhibited exchanges (e.g., f l a m i n g ) , more egalitarian participation across

such social networks helps to explain the behavior and attitudes o f network

gender and status, increased participation o f peripheral workers, decreased

members—for example, D o peripheral people send more e-mail and do they

status effects, and lengthier decision processes (Eveland, 1993; Eveland &

feel more involved? They use a variety o f techniques to discover a network's

B i k s o n , 1988; F i n h o l t & Sproull, 1990; Carton & W e l l m a n , 1995; Huff,

densely knit clusters and to look for similar role relations. W h e n social

Sprouil, & Kiesler, 1989; Rice, 1994; Sproull & Kiesler, 1991).

network analysts study two-person ties, they interpret their functioning in

Studies o f group communication are somewhat closer to the social network

the l i g h t o f the t w o persons' relations w i t h other network members. This is

approach because they recognize that the use o f C M C is subject to group and

quite different from the standard C M C assumption that relations can be

organizational influences (Contractor & Eisenberg, 1990; Poole & DeSanctis,

studied as totally separate units o f analysis. "To discover how A , w h o is i n

1990). The group communication approach includes C M C theories such as

touch w i t h B and C, is affected by the relation between B and C . . . demands

social influence (Fulk, Steinfield, & Schmitz, 1990), social information

the use o f the social network concept" (Barnes, 1972, p. 3).

processing

There are times when the social network itself is the focus o f attention. I f

( F u l k , Schmitz, Steinfield, & Power, 1987), symbolic inter-

actiomsm (Trevmo, Daft, & Lengel, 1990), critical mass (Markus, 1990), and

we term network members egos and alters, then each tie gives egos not only

adaptive structuration (Poole & DeSanctis,

direct access to their alters but also indirect access to all those network

proaches recognize that group norms contribute to the development o f a

members to w h o m their alters are connected. Indirect ties l i n k in compound

critical mass and influence the particular form o f local usage ( C o n n o l l y &

relations (e.g., friend o f a friend) that fit network members into iarger social

T h o r n , 1990; Markus, 1990, 1994a, 1994b; M a r k u s , B i k s o n , El-Shmnawy,

systems. The social network approach facilitates the study o f how informa-

& Soe, 1992). Yet this focus on the group ieads analysts away from some o f

tion flows through direct and indirect network ties, how people

acquire

resources, and how coalitions and cleavages operate. A l t h o u g h a good deal o f C M C research has investigated group interaction on-line, a group is only one kind o f social network, one that is tightly bound

1990). These theoretical ap-

the most powerful social implications o f C M C m computer networks: its potential to support interaction m unbounded, sparsely knit social networks {see also discussions in Haythornthwaitc, 1996b; Rice, 1994; Rice, Grant, Schmitz, & T o r o b m , 1990).

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Units of Analysis

Studying On-Line Social Networks

79

friendship relation; that is, they both maintain the relation, and there is no specific direction to i t . However, although they both share friendship, the

Social network analysis reflects a shift from the individualism c o m m o n in

relation may be unbalanced: One actor may claim a close friendship and the

the social sciences toward a structurai analysis. This method suggests a

other a weaker friendship, or communication may be initiated more fre-

redefinition o f the fundamental units o f analysis and the development o f new

quently by one actor than the other. Thus, although the relation is shared, its

analytic methods. The unit is now the relation—for example, kinship rela-

expression may be asymmetrical.

tions among persons, communication links among officers o f an organiza-

Relations also differ in strength. Such strength can be operationalized i n

tion, friendship structure w i t h i n a small group. The interesting feature o f a

a number o f ways (Marsden & Campbell, 1984; W e l l m a n & Wortley, 1990).

relation is its pattern: I t has neither age, sex, religion, income, nor attitudes,

W i t h respect to communication, pairs may communicate throughout the

although these may be attributes o f the individuals among w h o m the relation

workday, once a day, weekly, or yearly. They may exchange large or small

exists: " A structuralist may ask whether and to what degree friendship is

amounts o f social capital: money, goods, or services. They may supply

transitive. H e [or she] may examine the logical consistency o f a set o f k i n

important or t n v i a i information. Such aspects o f relations measure different

rules, the circularity o f hierarchy, or the cliquishness o f friendship" ( L e v m e

types o f relational strength. The types o f relations important in C M C research

& Muffins, 1978, p. 17).

have included the exchange o f complex or difficult information (Fish, Kraut,

Social n e t w o r k analysts look beyond the specific attributes o f individuals

Root, & Rice, 1992); emotional support (Fish et af., 1992; Haythornthwaite

to consider relations and exchanges among social actors. Analysts ask about

et ah, 1995; Rice & L o v e , 1987); uncertain or equivocal communication

exchanges that create and sustain w o r k and social relations. The types o f

(Daft & L e n g e l , 1986; Van de Ven, Delbecq, & K o e n i g , 1976); and c o m m u -

resources can be many and varied; they can be tangibles, such as goods and

nication to generate ideas, create consensus (Kiesler & Sproull, 1992;

services, or intangibles, such as influence or social support ( W e l l m a n ,

M c G r a t h , 1984, 1990, 1991), support w o r k , foster sociable relations (Garton

1992b). I n a C M C context, the resources are those that can be communicated

& W e l l m a n , 1995; Haythornthwaite, 1996a; Haythornthwaite & W e l l m a n , in

to others v i a textual, graphical, animated, audio, or video-based media—for

press), or support virtual c o m m u n i t y (Wellman & Gulia, m press).

example, sharing information (news or data), discussing w o r k , g i v i n g emotional support, or p r o v i d i n g companionship (Haythornthwaite, W e l l m a n , & M a n t e i , 1995).

TIES A tie connects a pair o f actors by one or more relations. Pairs may maintain

RELATIONS

a tie based on one relation only (e.g., as members o f the same organization), or they may maintain a multiplex tie, based on many relations, such as

Relations (sometimes called strands) are characterized by content, direc-

sharing information; g i v i n g financial support, and attending

conferences

t i o n , and strength. The content o f a relation refers to the resource exchanged.

together. Thus, ties aiso vary in content, direction, and strength. Ties are often

I n a C M C context, pairs exchange different kinds o f information, such as

referred to as weak or strong, although the definition o f what is weak or

c o m m u n i c a t i o n about administrative, personal, work-related, or social mat-

strong may vary in particular contexts (Marsden & Campbell, 1984). Weak

ters. C M C relations include sending a data file or a computer program as

ties are generally infrequently maintained, nonintimate connections—for

w e l l as p r o v i d i n g emotional support or arranging a meeting. W i t h the rise o f

example, between co-workers who share no j o i n t tasks or friendship rela-

electronic commerce (e.g., Web-based order entry systems, electronic bank-

tions. Strong ties include combinations o f intimacy, self-disclosure, p r o v i -

ing), information exchanged v i a C M C s may also correspond to exchanges

sion o f reciprocal services, frequent contact, and kinship, as between close

o f money, goods, or services in the "real" w o r l d .

friends or colleagues.

A relation can be directed or undirected. For example, one person may

Both strong and weak ties play roles m resource exchange networks. Pairs

give social support to a second person. There are two relations here: g i v i n g

w h o maintain strong ties are more likely to share what resources they have

support and receiving support. Alternately, actors may share an undirected

(Festinger, Schacter, & Back, 1950; L i n & Westcott, 1991; W e l l m a n &

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Wortley, 1990). However, what they have to share can be l i m i t e d by the

81

specialization is counterbalanced by the ease o f forwarding on-line c o m m u -

resources entering the networks to w h i c h they belong (Burt, 1992; Espinoza,

nication to m u l t i p l e others. Through personal distribution lists, Internet

in press; L i e b o w , 1967; McPherson & S m i t h - L o v i n , 1986, 1987; Stack,

participants can sustain broad, multiplex, supportive ties (Wellman, 1997;

1974). Weakly tied persons, although less likely to share resources, provide

W e l l m a n & G u l i a , i n press). As yet, there has been little research into the

access to more diverse types o f resources because each person operates in

extent to w h i c h specialized, on-line, single relations grow into multiplex ties

different social networks and has access to different resources. The cross-

over time. However, recent results by Katz and Aspden (1997) suggest that

cutting "strength o f weak ties" also integrates local clusters into larger social

on-line friendships at least lead to more multiplex use o f media: O f the 81

systems (Granovcttcr, 1974, 1982).

respondents w h o reported making friends on-line, 6 0 % reported meeting

The strength o f weak ties has been explored in research suggesting that

face-to-face w i t h one or more o f these friends.

C M C reduces the social overhead associated w i t h contacting people w h o are not w e l l - k n o w n to message senders—that is, peopie to w h o m they are weakly electronically tied (Constant, Sproull, & Kiesler, 1996; Feldman, 1987;

COMPOSITION

Pickering & K i n g , 1995). Thus, an electronic tie combined w i t h an organi-

The composition o f a relation or a tie is derived from the social attributes

zational tie is sufficient to allow the flow o f information between people w h o

o f both participants: For example, is the tie between different- or same-sex

may never have met face-to-face.

dyads, between a supervisor and an underling, or between two peers? C M C

Connectivity among previously un-

acquainted people is a well-established

finding

in the C M C research l i t -

tends to underplay the social cues o f participants by focusing on the content

erature (Garton & W e l l m a n , 1995). Examples o f this form o f connectivity

o f messages rather than on the attributes o f senders and receivers. B y

are documented i n studies o f iarge international organizations (Constant,

reducing the impact o f social cues, C M C supports a wider range o f partici-

Kiesler, & Sproull, 1994; Constant el al., 1996), as well as i n dispersed

pants and participation. Hence, C M C i n organizations may help to transcend

occupational

Sproull,

hierarchical or other forms o f status barriers (Eveland & B i k s o n , 1988;

Kiesler, & Walsh, 1993); "invisible colleges" o f academics i n the same

Sproull & Kiesler, 1991) and to increase involvement o f spatially and

field ( H i l t z & Turoff, 1993; P l i s k m & R o m m , 1994, p. 22); members o f the

organizationally peripheral persons in social networks (Constant et al., 1994;

computer underground (Meyer, 1989); and Internet friends (Katz & Aspden,

H u f f et al., 1989).

communities,

such

as

oceanographers

(Hesse,

1997).

M

Beyond the Tie: Social Networks

ULTIPLEX1TY The more relations (or strands) in a tie, the more multiplex (or m u l t i -

stranded) is the tie. Social network analysts have found that m u l t i p l e x ties are more intimate, voluntary, supportive, and durable ( W e l l m a n , 1992b; Wellman

& Wortley,

1990) and are maintained through more

TWO VIEWS: EGO-CENTERED

AND WHOLE

NETWORKS

media

A set o f relations or ties reveals a social network. B y examining patterns

(Haythornthwaite, 1996a; Haylhornthwaite & Wellman, i n press). Yet some

o f relations or ties, analysts are able to describe social networks. Typically,

analysts have feared that e-mail, the Internet, and other reduced-cues C M C s

analysts approach social networks in t w o ways. One approach considers the

are unable to sustain broadly based, multiplex relations (see the review in

relations reported by a focal i n d i v i d u a l . These ego-centered (or "personal")

Wellman et ai., 1996; see also Garton & W e l l m a n , 1995). These fears are

networks provide Ptolemaic views o f their networks from the perspective o f

extended by the boutique approach to on-line offerings, w h i c h fosters a

the persons (egos) at the centers o f their network. Members o f the network

specialization o f ties w i t h i n any one o f thousands o f topic-oriented news-

are defined by their specific relations w i t h ego. Analysts can build a picture

groups ( K l i n g , 1996; K o l l o c k & Smith, 1996). However, this tendency toward

o f the n e t w o r k by counting the number o f relations, the diversity o f relations,

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and the links between alters named m the network, T h i s

ego-centered

NETWORK

83

CHARACTERISTICS

approach is particularly useful when the population is large or the boundaries of the population are hard to define (Laumann, Marsden, & Prensky, 1983; W e l l m a n , 1982). For example, W e l l m a n and associates fWellman,

1988a;

Weilman & Wortley, 1990) used ego-centered network analysis to explore how a sense o f c o m m u n i t y is maintained through ties, rather than through geographical p r o x i m i t y , among Toronto residents. They built a picture o f the typical person as having about a dozen active ties outside his or her household and workplace, including "at leasl4 ties w i t h socially ciose intimates, enough to fill the dinner table and at least 3 ties w i t h persons routinely contacted three times a week or more" fWellman, Carnngton, & H a l l , 1988, p. 140). This approach was also used by Granovetler (1973) to explore what types o f actors in people's networks provided information important for finding new j o b s and by Lee (1969) to explore how individuals found information about access to abortions. I t is w e l l suited to the study o f how people use C M C to maintain wide-ranging relations on the Internet.

Range Social networks can vary in their range: that is, in their size and heterogeneity. Larger social networks have more heterogeneity in the social characteristics o f network members and more complexity in the structure o f these networks (Wellman & Potter, in press). Small, homogeneous networks are characteristic o f traditional workgroups and village communities; they are good for conserving existing resources. These networks are often the n o r m against w h i c h pundits unfavorably compare computer-supported cooperative w o r k networks and virtual communities (e.g., Slouka, 1995; S t o l i , 1995) or praise CSSNs for u n l o c k i n g social relations from traditional molds (e.g., Barlow, B i r k e t s , K e l l y , & Slouka, 1995; R h e m g o l d , 1993; see also the review in W e l l m a n & G u l i a , m press). Yet large, heterogeneous networks (such as those often found on-line) are good for obtaining new resources.

The second, more Copernican, approach considers a whole network based on some specific criterion o f population boundaries, such as a formal orga-

Cenlrality

nization, department, club, or kinship group. This approach considers both the occurrence and nonoccurrence o f relations among all members o f a

In the C M C context, it may be important to examine who is central or

population. A whole network describes the ties that a l l members o f a

isolated in networks maintained by different media. Thus, the manager w h o

population maintain w i t h all others in that group. Ideally, this approach

does not adopt e-mail becomes an isolate in the e-mail network w h i l e

requires responses from all members on their relations w i t h all others i n the

retaining a central role i n the organizational network. Information exchanged

same environment, such as the extent o f e-mail and video communication i n

via e-mail w i l l not reach this manager, and information exchanged i n face-

a w o r k g r o u p (Haythornthwaite, W e l l m a n , & M a n t e i , 1995). A l t h o u g h meth-

to-face executive meetings w i l l not reach lower-level workers. I n a situation

ods are available for handling incomplete data sets (see Stork & Richards,

such as this, another person may piay a broker role, b r i d g i n g between the

1992), this requirement places limits on the size o f networks that can be

e-mail n e t w o r k and the face-to-face executive network and conveying infor-

examined. The number o f possible ties is equal to the size o f the population

mation from one network to the other. Social network analysis has developed

(AO m u l t i p l i e d by (N - 1) and divided by 2 i f the tic is undirected. For a

measures o f cenlrality that can be used to identify (a) network members w h o

population o f size 20, there are 380 links for each specific relation.

have ihe most connections to others (referred to as having the highest degree)

I n C M C research, ego-centered and w h o i c - n e t w o r k views provide t w o

or (b) those whose departure w o u l d cause the network to fall apart (referred

ways o f examining the communication links among people. Ego-centered

to as the cut-points,

network analysis can show the range and breadth o f connectivity for i n d i -

Freeman, 1979; Bonactch, 1987; Wasserman & Faust 1994).

because their departure cuts the network apart; see

viduals and identify those who have access to diverse pools o f information and resources. W h o l e - n e t w o r k analysis can identify those members o f the

Roles

network w h o are less connected by C M C as w e l l as those w h o emerge as central figures or w h o act as bridges between different groups. These roles

Similarities in the behaviors o f different network members suggest the

and positions emerge through analysis o f the network data rather than

presence o f a network role. Teachers fill the same network role w i t h respect

through prior categorization.

to students: g i v i n g instruction, g i v i n g advice, g i v i n g w o r k , receiving c o m -

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pleted w o r k , and assigning grades. Regularities i n the patterns o f relations

p r i o r to its formalization, social network analysis can be used to f o l l o w the

( k n o w n as structural

across networks or across behaviors

growth o f C M C network phenomena. For already defined e-mail groups, the

w i t h i n a network allow the empirical identification of network roles. For

social network approach can be used to examine what specific kinds o f

example, the "technological gatekeeper" ( A l l e n , 1977) is a role that may be

exchanges define the groups. For example, on-line groups may be formed

filled

i n i t i a l l y based on socioeconomic characteristics and the vague notion o f

équivalence)

by any member o f a network according to what resources he or she

brings to the network. A t the same time, the role is not identified by a title

access to information, such as SeniorNet

and cannot be found on organization charts.

or Systers for female computer scientists (Sproull & Faraj, 1995). Analysts

for senior citizens (Furlong, 1989)

can examine these e-mail or bulletin board networks for the kinds o f information exchange that sustain the network.

Partitioning Networks

The social network approach can also be used to see where relations and ties cross media lines. W h i c h kinds o f groups maintain ties v i a m u l t i p l e

GROUPS

media, and w h i c h communicate only by means o f a single medium? For example, a luncheon group m i g h t coordinate meeting times through e-mail

I n social network analysis, a group is an e m p i r i c a l l y discovered structure.

and coordinate food delivery by phone, w i t h final consumption face-to-face.

B y e x a m i n i n g the pattern o f relations among members o f a population,

Other n e t w o r k groups, such as remotely located technicians, m i g h t exchange

groups emerge as highly interconnected sets o f actors known as cliques and

information about only one topic and use only one m e d i u m , such as e-mail.

clusters. I n network analytic language, they are densely k n i t (most o f the possible ties exist) and tightly bounded—that is, most o f the relevant ties stay w i t h i n the defined network (see Scott, 1991; Wasserman & Faust, 3994; W e l l m a n , 1997). Social network analysts want to know w h o belongs to a group, as w e l l as the types and patterns o f relations that define and sustain such a group.

Positional

Analysis

I n addition to p a r t i t i o n i n g social network members by groups, analysts also partition members by similarities in the set o f relations they maintain. Such members occupy similar positions

w i t h i n an organization, community,

Network density is one o f the most w i d e l y used measures o f social network

or other type o f social network (Burt, 1992; Wasserman & Faust, 1994).

structure—that is, the number o f actually occurring relations or ties as a

Those w h o share e m p i r i c a l l y identified positions are likely to share similar

proportion o f the number o f theoretically possible relations or ties. Densely

access to informational resources. Some central positions have greater access

k n i t networks (i.e., groups) have considerable direct communication among

to diverse sources o f information, whereas other positions may have a limited

all members: T h i s is the classic case o f a small village or w o r k g r o u p . M u c h

pool o f new ideas or information on w h i c h to draw. For example, w h y assume

traditional groupware has been designed for such workgroups. B y contrast,

that managers always give orders and subordinates always take them when

few members o f sparsely knit networks communicate directly and frequently

an analysis o f e-mail traffic may show otherwise? Thus, our study ( o f

w i t h each other. A s m the Internet, sparsely knit networks provide people w i t h considerable r o o m to act autonomously and to switch between relations. However, the resulting lack o f mutual communication means that a person must w o r k harder to maintain each relation separately; the group that w o u l d keep things g o i n g is not present.

university computer scientists) found that faculty did not always give orders and students d i d not always receive orders. The actual practice was more a function

of

specific

work

collaborations

among

network

members

(Haythornthwaite, 1996a; Haythornthwaite & W e l l m a n , i n press). One social network method, blockmodeling,

inductively uncovers such

B y e x a m i n i n g relations to identify network groups, C M C researchers can

u n d e r l y i n g role structures by juxtaposing multiple indicators o f relations in

track the beginnings o f what may become more formal groups or identify

analytic matrices (Boorman & W h i t e , 1976; Wasserman & Faust, 1994;

coalitions and alliances that influence others and affect social outcomes.

W h i t e , B o o r m a n , & Breiger, 1976). I t m i g h t place m one block all those in

They can l i n k research findings on c o m m o n l y held beliefs to the regular

the structurally

patterns o f interactions among people using C M C . B y identifying the group

i f these order givers have no ties to each other. A second block m i g h t consist

equivalent

position o f g i v i n g (and not receiving) orders, even

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Social Networks

87

o f those who onjy receive orders, and a third block might consist o f those w h o both give and receive orders. This is but a simplified example o f b l o c k m o d e l i n g : B l o c k m o d e l i n g can partition social network members w h i l e simultaneously taking into account role relations such as g i v i n g or receiving orders, socializing, collaborating, and g i v i n g or receiving information.

NETWORKS

OF

NETWORKS

The "web [ n e t w o r k ] o f group affiliations" (Simmel, 1922) identifies the range o f opportunities as w e l l as the constraints w i t h i n which people operate. Hence, the study o f relations does not end w i t h the identification o f groups (or blocks). The concept o f networks is scalable on a whole-network level to a " n e t w o r k o f n e t w o r k s " (Craven & Wellman, 1973): network groups connected to other network groups by actors sharing membership i n these groups. T h i s operates i n a number o f ways. People are usually members o f a number o f different social networks, each based on different types o f relations and, perhaps, different communication media. For example, a scholar may belong to one network o f C M C researchers and also belong to a network o f friends. This person's membership m these t w o networks links the t w o networks: There is now a path between C M C researchers and the scholar's friends. N o t only do people l i n k groups, but groups link people; there is a "duality o f persons and groups" (Breiger, 1974, p. 181). The group o f C M C researchers brings together people w h o are themselves members o f different groups. Their interpersonal relations are also intergroup relations (Figure 4.1). For example, the ties o f this chapter's coauthors links the University o f I l l i n o i s w i t h the University o f Toronto and the disciplines o f information science and sociology. Such cross-cutting ties structure flows o f information, coordination, and other resources and heip to integrate social systems. Recognizing the nature o f the Internet as a network o f networks opens up interesting questions for C M C research:

1. There arc questions about the multipiexity of CSSNs. For example, what types of interest groups maintain their single-stranded makeup, and which change to maintain more multiplex ties. 2. There are questions about overlap o f membership in specialized CSSNs, such as the extent of similarities in newsgroup memberships (Schwartz & Wood, 1993; Smith, in press).

Figure 4.1. A Network of Networks: (a) Ties Between Individuals and (b) Ties Between Network Clusters

3. There are questions about how comembership affects the resources flowing into and out of specialized CSSNs. For example, how does the composition of a newsgroup affect the types of information flowing to this group? From what other groups arc messages forwarded, and how different are they m content from the newsgroup's self-definition?

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4. There are questions about how CSSNs link organizations. Just as trade and airline traffic flow differentially among countries, Internet traffic flows differentially among universities and other organizations (Schwartz, 1992). To what extent arc such flows correlated with the existing power and size of organizations, or docs the Internet diminish differences between the core and the social (or spatial) periphery?

89

Ego-centered social network studies have almost never collected information about all the relations that people have w i t h all the 1,500 or so members (Kochen, 1989) o f their social network. Such an effort w o u l d be prohibitively expensive; one heroic researcher took a year to identify all the interactions in the networks o f only t w o persons (Boissevain, 1974). Thus, studies purporting to be o f "the social n e t w o r k " engage i n literary reduction at best. W h a t they really do is observe people's specified relations w i t h a sample o f

PLACING CMC IN CONTEXT

their network members—for example, socially close network members w h o

The preceding discussion has iargeiy focused on a computer network as

provide social support.

the only arena o f activity. Yet this is a trap, deliberately walked into for

Software l o g g i n g may make it technically feasible for scholars to collect

heuristic purposes. Computer networks are only one method o f maintaining

data about all those w i t h w h o m a person is in contact on-line, although

ties, and social networks are not restricted to one medium. Ties may be

substantial coding and privacy invasion questions remain for dealing w i t h

maintained by face-to-facc contact, meetings, telephone, e-mail, w r i t i n g , and

the content o f these communications. W i t h more resources, the U.S. Federal

other means o f communication. When examining C M C s , it is often useful to

Bureau o f Investigation routinely uses w h o - i o - w h o m mail covers, wiretaps,

distinguish between the types o f resource exchange occurring by way o f a

and e-mail logs to discover all those w i t h w h o m a person is c o m m u n i c a t i n g

particular m e d i u m and the resource exchange occurring between actors i n a

and to identify organized crime clusters (Davis, 1981), and espionage agen-

social network w h o happen to be using these media. We suggest adding to

cies routinely do the same thing w i t h traffic analyses o f w h o sends messages

the term computer-supported

to w h o m .

assisted

social networks

social

networks,

the notion o f

computer-

( C A S N s ) to acknowledge that social networks often

use both computer and noncomputerized media to sustain relations and ties.

Whole

Networks

I n a whole-network study, people are often given a roster o f all the people

Collecting Network Data for C M C Studies

in a specific group and asked to identify a connection o f some specific content. Every person in the group is surveyed about every other person,

SELECTING

A SAMPLE

Ego-Centered

Networks

g i v i n g an overall snapshot o f the structure o f relations, revealing disconnections as w e l l as connections. This approach is particularly useful to identify the relative p o s i t i o n i n g o f members in a network as w e l l as the partitioning o f subgroups ( H a y t h o r n t h w a i t c ,

Social network analysts gather relational data at different levels o f analysis, such as for individuals, ties, clusters, or whole networks (Wasserman &

1996a;

Haythornthwaite el ah,

1995;

Haythornthwaite & W e l l m a n , in press). I t is also feasible to automate the collection o f w h o - t o - w h o m on-line contact data w i t h i n a group.

Faust, 1994). I n an ego-centered network study, a set o f people (selected on

Before collecting data about either ego-centered or whoie networks, re-

the basis o f some sampling criteria) are asked questions to generate a list o f

searchers must consider where they are going to draw the boundaries or

people (alters) w h o are the members o f their personal social network. For

limitations o f the sample. Because indirect as w e l l as direct relations can

example, a person may be asked to report on the people her or she goes to

become data, the boundary expands exponentially. For example, people can

for advice about w o r k matters and the people he or she goes to for advice

also be asked to report on relations among the alters named in their network

about personal matters. W h e n the naming o f alters is not restricted to a

( W e l l m a n , 1979; Wellman et al., 1988). Or the alters can be asked for their

specific group, ego-centered approaches can help identify the different social

o w n list o f network members to reveal indirect relations between different

pools on w h i c h people draw for different resources (e.g., W e l l m a n , 1982;

networks (Shulman, 1972). Such data about alter-alter relations can provide

Welfman & Wortley, 1990).

information about the mterconnectivity o f the network, indicating how

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q u i c k l y information m i g h t flow among network members, how w e l l the

Studying

On-Line Social Networks

91

T A B L E 4.1 Communication Patterns Survey

network m i g h t coordinate its activity, and how much social control it m i g h t exert. One " s m a l l - w o r l d " study investigated the number o f steps or ties it took for a person sending a note to an u n k n o w n person m an entirely different geographic and social location. The Sinks q u i c k l y extended w e l l beyond the

For each question, piease indicate in the appropriate box the number of limes you have interacted with each person over the L A S T TWO W E E K S (Monday March 8th to Monday March 22nd). At the end of each question, piease provide some example of the question asked (not for each person, just as an example of the interaction).

original network into the friends o f friends and then to their friends. T h i s study suggested that i t took no more than six links for information to flow through the U n i t e d States ( M i l g r a m , 1967; see also Rapoport, 1979; W h i t e , 1970).

COLLECTING

DATA

I n f o r m a t i o n about social networks is gathered by questionnaires, inter-

I

ing. I n both whole and ego-centered network studies o f C M C , people are

By telephone?

often asked to identify the frequency o f communication w i t h others as w e l l

By electronic mail?

frame. I n our studies o f communication patterns, respondents were asked to t h i n k about each member o f their team and to identify the means o f c o m m u nication for each type o f relation. For example, they were asked to give an account o f their w o r k communication w i t h each person in unscheduled face-to-face meetings, scheduled face-to-face meetings, by telephone, fax,

4

c

6

7

8

9

10

In unscheduled face-to-face meetings? In scheduled face-to-face meetings?

content such as "socialize w i t h " or "give advice t o " w i t h i n a given time

3

1. Overall how often did you interact with this person on work-related activities?

views, diaries, observations, and more recently, through computer m o n i t o r -

as the m e d i u m o f interaction. Questions may refer to a specific relational

2

By paper letters or memos? By leie(audio)conferencing? By videoconferencing?

Please give one or two typical examples.

e-mail, paper ietters or memos, audioconferencing, and videoconferencing (see Table 4.1 for an example o f the questionnaire format used m our

self-reporting may tap into a different meaning o f a communication episode

research; Haythornthwaite, 1996a; Haythornthwaite et al., 1995).

than data gathered by observation. Thus, recall may be better for perceptions

To capture as much information as possible, respondents are often asked

o f media use, whereas observation or electronic data gathering may be better

to recall behavior that took place over a broad time frame. I f the time frame

for measuring actual use. Recall may also be better when comparing across

is too long or the amount o f information too detailed, reliability and accuracy

media (e.g., face-to-face vs. e-mail) when electronic data gathering is possi-

are jeopardized. T h i s can be a problem for some network communication

ble for only one o f the media studied.

studies in w h i c h respondents are expected to recall not only the content o f

M o s t network researchers agree that the best approach is to use a c o m b i -

the interaction but also the frequency and the media o f communication. There

nation o f methods, including questionnaires, interviews, observation, and

is some concern among social network analysts that data based on recall,

artifacts (Rogers, 1987). I n addition to survey questionnaires, our o w n

although w i d e l y used, may be less reliable than data gathered by observation

research has made use o f qualitative data gathered through m-depth inter-

(Bernard, K i l l w o r f h , Kronenfield, & Sailer, 1984; Bernard, K i l l w o r t h , &

views and observations. Software applications such as N U D » I S T are useful

Sailor, 1981). A l t h o u g h people are able to rank the relative frequency o f

to organize ethnographic data and to investigate patterns among persons,

communication w i t h others (Romney & Faust, 1982) results may be biased

activities, and attitudes toward new media. This process provides a way for

because not all interactions are equally memorable (Chnstensen, Sullaway,

integrating the analysis o f social networks o f persons and offices w i t h

& K i n g , 1983). However, accuracy is not the only concern. Data gathered by

cognitive networks o f meaning.

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Social network questionnaires need not be restricted to asking about

93

topic has been abandoned in the lo-and-fro o f messaging. F u l l texts o f a

relations between people, because researchers can also examine intersections

message offer more possibilities for sorting out issues o f significance and

between people and their group memberships. I n some cases, the research

interpretation, but even w i t h i n a message, there may be a sentence or phrase

question is to discover the cross-cutting pattern o f memberships in electronic

that carries specific meanings k n o w n only to the sender and receiver.

newsgroups or distribution lists (Breiger, 1974; Finholt & Sproull, 1990;

Because electronic data can be collected unobtrusively, i t is more difficult

Kiesler & Sproull, 1988). Or investigators may want to find out how C M C

for people to maintain control over what information is gathered and how it

has changed the overall structure o f membership in face-to-face as w e l l as

w i l l be used in the future. Sensitive topics may be avoided when people know

in electronic committees (Eveiand & B i k s o n , 1988). On-line groups attract

their mail is being monitored. Capturing electronic communication can

those w i t h s i m i l a r interests, and friends may be drawn from these types o f

reveal alliances and information that may jeopardize employment or w o r k

focused affiliations (Feld, 1981). C M C ' s potential for b r i n g i n g diversity into

relations. To alleviate these concerns researchers can randomly assign codes

group membership may be countered by its efficiency as a tool for finding

so that individuals cannot be identified (Rice, 1994). However, privacy

and m a i n t a i n i n g relations w i t h others who share similar narrow sets o f

protections are often less prevalent and less comprehensive in private orga-

attitudes and behaviors. N e t w o r k data can reveal the structure o f these

nizations than public or government institutions (Rice & Rogers, 1984). This

person-group relations and the implications for social behaviors. People linked to people and groups arc not the only sources o f network

issue is important for studies o f institutional intranets, but even more important for researchers w h o want to study a larger public on the Internet. H o w

data. N e t w o r k analysts also look at other types o f structural arrangements.

w i l l people know when they arc the subjects o f a study i n on-line public fora

Electronic text, including C M C , can be analyzed for patterns o f relations

when the researchers do not identify themselves? M u s t researchers identify

between words or phrases (Cariey, 1996; D a n o w s k i , 1982; R i c e & D a n o w s k i ,

themselves i f they arc only participating in the electronic equivalent o f

1993). T h i s type o f data reveals cognitive maps and identifies people w h o

hanging out on street corners or doughnut shops where they w o u l d never

hold similar conceptual orientations. I t has been used to help identify

t h i n k o f wearing large signs identifying themselves as "researchers"?

emerging scientific fields and the diffusion o f new ideas and innovations (Cariey & Wendt, 1991; Valente, 1995).

How Are Network Data Analyzed?

Gathering data electronically replaces issues o f accuracy and r e l i a b i l i t y w i t h issues o f data management,

interpretation, and privacy. Electronic

m o n i t o r i n g can routinely collect information on whole networks or selected

EGO-CENTERED

ANALYSIS

subsamples. T i m e frames are flexible, and any form of computerized communication is potential data. Constraints are the amount o f server storage

Ego-centered data are often analyzed using standard computer packages

space and the ingenuity o f researchers and programmers in their study

for statistical analysis (e.g., S A S , SPSS). I f the aim is tie-level analysis, then

design. A l l commands entered into a system are available for m o n i t o r i n g ,

all ties from a l l networks arc analyzed as i f they were from one grand sample

making it possible to gather information on the form o f media used, the

o f ties. For example, our research group recently found that w o r k role and

frequency o f use, the t i m i n g and direction o f messaging, the subject o f the

friendship level each independently predicted the m u l t i p l e x i t y o f c o m -

message, and even the content o f the message itself.

puter scientists

1

ties, on-line as w e l l as off-line (Haythornthwaite, 1996a;

The amount o f information that can be gathered through automated means

Haythornthwaite & W e l l m a n , m press). I f the aim is network-level analysis,

can be so o v e r w h e l m i n g as to pose challenges for interpretation and analysis.

summary measures o f each network's composition can be calculated using

Moreover, i t is difficult to assess the relative importance o f electronic

these packages; for example, the percentage w h o give social support, the

interactions captured i n a l o g , causing researchers to look for other ways to

percentage w h o are women, mean frequency o f contact, or median m u l t i -

separate t r i v i a l communication from significant interactions. I n some cases,

plexity ( W e l l m a n , 1992a). I n such ego-centered network analysis, informa-

the "subject header" is captured along w i t h the w h o - t o - w h o m data. However,

tion about network members, such as their age or gender, are most conven-

headers may be misleading because they often remain in place long after a

iently stored in the same data set as information about the tie between that

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network member and the ego at the center o f a network. Such operations can provide information that, for example, networks w i t h more contact (or higher

95

T A B L E 4.2 Data Matrix of Overall Work Interaction at Time I Formatted for Entry Into the UCINET Program

percentages o f women) tend to be more m u l t i p l e x . Merge procedures can l i n k tie or network data w i t h information about the ego at the center o f a network, facilitating the analysis o f questions such as, D o supervisors (or

Dala:

w o m e n ) have more multiplex (or supportive) social networks? The w h o l e - n e t w o r k analytic procedures described below can be used to analyze the structure o f each ego-centered network. However, this is laborious to do for large samples o f egos, because existing software requires that an analytic run must be performed separately for each ego. For manageable samples, the resultant structural data can be merged (via SAS or SPSS) w i t h the data sets describing each ego's attributes (e.g., gender) and the composition o f each ego-centered network (e.g., median m u i t r p l e x i t y ) .

WHOLE-NETWORK ANALYSIS W h o l e - n e t w o r k studies examine the structure o f social networks ( i n c l u d -

Seel

SatC

Ht/C

VP

TDir

IDir

PubP.

Près

0 10 125 21 18 20 4 40 10

6 0 59 46 0 1 0 2 7

42 15 0 21 22 12 li 20 75

10 10 24 0 3 12

5 0 30 11 0 20 4 10 6

23 0 46 9 8 0 8 8 5

7 0 74 7 1 19 0 I 20

27 0 126 20 46 5 5 0 5

50 M

FinC 1

\

95 12 12 6 0 10 0

ill N = 9 Matrix inbds: OveraII_Work_in!i;r;!C!ioi!_Timei

units can be people, events, groups, or other entities related to one another. In a person-by-person whole-network study, the columns and rows represent

i n g groups or blocks), as w e l l as the networks' composition, functioning, and

the respondents.

links to external environments.

columns the receivers o f specific relations. For example, Person B gives

For example, our research group is interested i n assessing the role o f e-mail and desktop videoconferencing w i t h i n the context o f overall c o m m u nication. T h i s has meant examining such questions as the f o l l o w i n g :

I n a directed matrix, rows represent the initiators and

advice to Person D , but Person D may not reciprocate. Each relation is represented by one matrix. For example, in our w h o l e network study o f members o f a distributed workgroup, we constructed one matrix for frequency of "overall w o r k interaction" by totaling members

1. Who talks to whom (the composition of ties)? 2. About what (the content of ties and relations, the composition of ties)? 3. Which media do they use to talk (a) to whom and (b) about what? 4. How do ties and relations maintained by CMC change over time? 5. How do interpersonal relations such as friendship, work role, and organizational position affect CMC? 6. How does CMC differ from face-to-face communication m terms of (a) who uses it and (b) what people communicate about? 7. Does CMC describe different social networks than do face-to-face communications?

5

c o m m u n i c a t i o n by each medium. I n d i v i d u a l matrices are constructed for separate media. I n a longitudinal study, there are matrices for each time period as w e l l as for each relation. M a n a g i n g data in matrix format can be a challenge i f there are many different relations or, as m the case o f c o m m u nication media studies, several types o f media for each relation (e.g., communication about w o r k projects conveyed via e-mail, face-to-face meetings, and phone). Table 4.2 shows how data can be formatted for entry into the U C I N E T program. The first line specifies the number o f nodes: in this case, the number o f people included i n the study (N = 9). The second line specifies the label associated w i t h each person, and the third line the label for the matrix itself.

Several microcomputer programs have been especially designed to ana-

The data that follows gives the number o f times each respondent c o m m u n i -

lyze social network structure: U C I N E T , M u l t i n e t , Negopy, K r a c k p l o t , and

cated w i t h every other respondent about work-related matters over a 2-week

Gradap, w i t h the combination o f U C I N E T and K r a c k p l o t being the most

period. Rows show a network member's communication w i t h others; c o l -

w i d e l y used. To use these applications, data often must be transformed into

umns show the communication from others. For example, the first row is

a matrix w i t h rows and columns representing the units o f analysis. These

Sec 1 's communication w i t h each o f the other members o f the n e t w o r k — w i t h

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Seel (i.e., w i t h oneself and therefore the value is 0 ) , SatC, H q C , VP, T D i r ,

Satellite Office

I D i r , PubR, P r è s , and F i n C , the second row is SatC's communication w i t h others, and so on. The First column is other members' reported c o m m u n i c a tion w i t h Sect and so on. The zeros along the diagonals are placeholders for individuals

5

communication w i t h themselves. A l t h o u g h these may have

meaning for some relations, they are not usually used in analyses. Analysis o f interaction frequency identifies the connections between people. The pattern o f connections can be used to build network models o f resource flow and influence, to assess overall density o f interactions between all members o f the network, or to examine frequency o f exchange o f resources from and to specific actors i n the network. Subgroups such as cliques can be identified through p a r t i t i o n i n g the network into clusters o f relative interaction density. C o m m u n i c a t i o n positions such as "isolate," "bridge," or "star" emerge from an analysis o f matrix data. Director

Visual representations o f relational matrices can be generated by establishing coordinates through multidimensional scaling and i m p o r t i n g these into a d r a w i n g program such as K r a c k p l o t (Krackhardt, B l y t h e , & M c G r a t h ,

Figure 4.2. Work Interaction by All Media Prior to the Introduction of CMS

1994). They can also be generated from w i t h i n Krackplot by i m p o r t i n g raw matrix data from U C I N E T (Borgatti & Freeman, 1996) or another compatible program. Visual representations o f a network help identify the overall structure o f positions and changes over time. For example, in our study o f media use w i t h i n an organizational context, w e were interested in whether the introduction o f a desktop videoconferenci n g system w o u l d produce new patterns o f communication and increase

SalcllilE Office

collaboration between geographically distributed workgroups. We collected data on w o r k relations and media use both before and at 6-month intervals after the implementation o f the system, referred to here as C M S (computermediated systems). Seven members o f the organization, i n c l u d i n g the president, w o r k e d from headquarters. The vice president and his office coordinator operated from a satellite office 100 k m away. The f o l l o w i n g sociograms were generated by K r a c k p l o t and depict the organizational c o m m u n i c a t i o n structure at different times over the 20-month study. I n these visual representations, people are displayed as points and arranged i n relation to the relative frequency o f their interaction. People who communicated more w i t h each other are placed closer together. The connecting lines indicate c o m m u nication direction and frequency level (above average).

Accounting Support

The sociograms o f w o r k interaction (by all media) before and after the introduction o f C M S (Figures 4.2 and 4.3) indicate that few changes took place i n the overall structure o f communication patterns. The headquarters

Figure 4.3. Work Interaction by A l l Media 18 Months After the Introduction of CMS

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RCH

Satellite Office Coordinator • Secretary

—

'—"

99

Satellite Office Coordinator

•—

Director

Secretary

Figure 4.4. Work Interaction by CMS 6 Months After Introduction

office coordinator remained a central communication star despite changes

Vice. President

Support

in staff and j o b descriptions. Furthermore, the satellite office coordinator remained a relative isolate, connected to the others primarily through a l i n k

Figure 4.5. Work Interaction by CMS 18 Months After Introduction

w i t h the vice president. This interpretation o f the sociograms is reinforced by statements made in interviews w i t h individual organizational members. They reported a continued preference to organize their w o r k activities w i t h

w h o used the system to communicate about w o r k (see Figure 4.5). For

others w h o were physically proximate despite the addition o f C M S . The

example, the vice president and president were no longer directly connected

exception was the vice president, w h o reported increased connectivity w i t h

or even close to each other in their use of the system. C M S had blurred

all members of the organization and m particular w i t h the president.

boundaries between the two office sites, w h i c h made i t more difficult for the

Figures 4.4 and 4.5 are sociograms showing the work-related communica-

vice president to unobtrusively control frequency and t i m i n g o f interruptions

tion networks that operated via C M S . The data are drawn from an electronic log

by others. Because w o r k between sites couid be handled w i t h o u t visual

of all interactions on C M S by all members of the organization over 18 months.

synchronicity, C M S had become iess useful as a tooi for collaboration.

I n Figure 4.4, the vice president and president are directly connected v i a

However, C M S was used among members o f the support staff. This group

C M S w i t h an above-average use in the direction from the president to the

did not distribute w o r k to each other and consequently did not report C M S

vice president. In interviews, both parties reported that C M S was helpful in

interaction as disruptive or problematic. M e d i a use in this case study de-

supporting collaboration and decision making. The system saved the vice

pended on the nature o f the relation between the users as w e l l as on the

president travel time between sites. M o r e important, it allowed h i m to take

features o f the technology and the distribution o f tasks.

part in unscheduled

meetings as w e l l as spontaneous consultations. The

Sociograms such as these provide snapshots o f organizational interaction

satellite office coordinator was also pleased w i t h the system because there

structures that can indicate how static or dynamic these structures are over

was no pressure from headquarters to take on more w o r k responsibilities, yet

time. F r o m these types o f diagrams, we can visually identify emergent

C M S provided an added v i s i b i l i t y Within the workgroup.

positions and dusters o f interaction. The nature and content o f relations may

Eighteen months after the initial implementation o f C M S , there were changes m the relative positions and links between organizational members

be part o f the initial construction o f the sociogram or determined

later

through surveys and interviews w i t h members o f the network. Visual depic-

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tions o f w h o l e networks can h i g h l i g h t both linkages and nonlinkages, revealing "structural holes" ( B u r t , 1992). B y e x a m i n i n g these patterns o f mediated and unmediated interaction, we gain an added perspective on c o m m u n i c a t i o n structures that underpin e x p l i c i t w o r k processes as w e l l as those that support

Conclusion Because computer networks often are social networks, the social n e t w o r k approach

gives

important leverage for understanding

what goes on in

C M C — h o w C M C affects the structure and f u n c t i o n i n g o f social systems (be they organizations, workgroups, or friendship circles) and h o w social structures affect the way C M C is used. I n i t i a l studies o f C M C developed from studies o f human-computer interactions. Such studies focused on how i n d i v i d u a l s interfaced w i t h various forms o f groupware: software and hardware adapted for C M C and w o r k at a distance (Johnson-Lenz & Johnson-Lenz,

1994). The obvious analytic ex-

pansion beyond the i n d i v i d u a l has been to the tie—that is, h o w t w o persons interact t h r o u g h C M C . N o t only is this a natural expansion, it is a n a l y t i c a l l y tractable, and it has fit the expertise o f those social scientists w h o have pioneered C M C research: psychologists and p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y i n c l i n e d c o m m u n i c a t i o n scientists and i n f o r m a t i o n scientists. A need for new ways o f analyzing C M C has developed w i t h the spread o f computer networks and the realization that social interactions o n - l i n e are not s i m p l y scaled-up i n d i v i d u a l s and ties. Analysts want to k n o w h o w t h i r d parties affect c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , how relations off-line affect relations o n - l i n e , and h o w C M C intersects w i t h the structure and functioning o f social systems. For example, have organizations flattened their hierarchy, are v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s r e b u i l d i n g social trust on-line, and have personal attributes become less relevant on the Internet where "nobody k n o w s y o u are a d o g " (to quote a legendary New Yorker

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affective, less instrumental behaviors.

cartoon)? Given the network nature o f C M C , the

social n e t w o r k approach is a useful way to address such questions.

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CHAPTER

Cybertalk and the Method of Instances NORMAN K. DENZIN The internet

is where my problems

blossomed, and maybe with other

it can be where / find some

avenues,

healing.

New male reader/member, alt.recoverycodependency newsgroup [a.r.c.]. September 5. 1996

ALT.RECOVERY.CODEPENDENCY (a.r.c.) is an on-line Internet newsgroup that draws on the tenets o f the A d u l t Children o f A l c o h o l i c s f A C O A ) and the Co-Dependents A n o n y m o u s f C o D A ) movements.' I n this chapter, I use the method o f instances, a c o m m o n analytic strategy in conversation analysis (Psathas, 1995), to interpret the gendered "narratives o f s e l f posted in this newsgroup." I take a critical interpretive, poststructural approach to these materials and their meanings (see D e n z m , 1997, p. 250). I hope to demonstrate the u t i l i t y o f the method o f instances for the study o f cybertalk, especially the talk that occurs m on-line 12-step groups. I n 1994, Alt.recovery.codependency was one o f "more than 5,000 discussion groups, or newsgroups, housed on the Internet" (Hahn & Stout, 1994; Walstrom, 1996), forming "what is c o m m o n l y called the Usenet" (Parks & F l o y d , 1996, p. 80). The Internet users who participate i n these discussion 107

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groups post messages disseminated "to all Internet sites carrying the news-

compare and contrast these two threads (Thread 1—"Choices, Holidays, and

group. Others may respond to a particular message, thereby creating a

Gifts," and Thread 2 — " H e l p M e Understand Something") using the method

'thread' or connected series o f messages, or they may read w i t h o u t respond-

of instances.

ing (called ' l u r k i n g ' ) " (Parks & F l o y d , 1996, p. 80; also cited i n Waistrom, 1996,

p. 1).

Elsewhere (Denzin, 1998), I have examined how this new information

Life on the Net

technology, Usenet, has created a site for the production o f new emotional self-stones, stones that might not otherwise be told. M y concerns here deal

Internet life in moderated and nonmoderated newsgroups is c y c l i c a l — a n d

w i t h analytic approaches to this form o f textuality. Cybernarratives are

this m a double sense (see b e i o w ) . First, as i n a conversation, exchanges

grounded i n the everyday fives and biographies o f the women and men w h o

f o l l o w the comment-response cycle, woven into a thread. One person makes

write them, yet they circulate in the anonymous, privatized territories o f

a statement, another person comments, and then another person comments,

cyberspace. The life on the screen (Turkle, 1995) that occurs for this, or any

perhaps on the comments o f the second person, and so on. Second, over any

other newsgroup, involves struggles over identity, meaning, and the self. A

given time, a small number o f topics, formed into threads, constitutes the life

politics o f gendered identity is enacted i n these sites, a politics that intersects

on the screen o f this particular newsgroup. (Moderated newsgroups clear out

w i t h technology, the personal computer, and embodied, biographical identi-

their files on a regular schedule, usually every 2-3 weeks.) A reader's entry

ties ( B a r d i m & H o r v a t h , 1995, p. 44).

into a group is thus shaped by what is on the screen at any given time. The

4

This intersection creates a competent computer user w h o learns how to

appeal o f the group to a reader may differ markedly over any extended time

talk and write w i t h i n the preferred languages and representational formats

period. A n d the public face o f the group may be drastically different from

o f a particular group, in this case a.r.c. These interactions are shaped by the

T i m e 1 to T i m e 2.

p r e v a i l i n g cultures o f family, therapy, illness (addiction), and recovery

This is what I discovered in the two threads analyzed below. Each thread

(Kammer, 1992; Rice, 1996) that circulate in the international cyberspace

gives a different picture o f a.r.c. I n Thread 1, women control the discourse.

recovery movement. The increasing medicalization of illness i n A m e r i c a n

I n Thread 2, a male, acting as a moderator, attempts to control the discourse.

culture (Conrad & Schneider, 1992, pp. 106-107) has shaped the concept o f

Thread 2 supports the argument (Balsamo, 1994, p. 142; Kramarae, 1995,

the dysfunctional, alcoholic family. Persons in such families are seen as

p. 54) that men tend to control talk on the net, whereas Thread 1 leads to the

suffering from the disease o f codependency (see below).

opposite conclusion.

Once the technology was available, this disease model o f the alcoholic and nonalcoholic family q u i c k l y spread to the Internet. The cybertalk in a.r.c. j o i n s three dominant discourses from this larger medical meaning system,

THE METHOD OF INSTANCES

the discourses on addiction, therapy, and f a m i l y (Denzin, 1993, p. v i i i ) . We

But it is premature and perhaps incorrect to phrase the problem this way.

all now have a disease o f our o w n (Rice, 1996, p. 210), the disease o f

The i n i t i a l empirical concern is not with who controls the discourse over any

codependency, w h i c h requires a liberation psychotherapy for its treatment.

period o f time. Rather, the question involves how control is exercised i n any

Ait.recovery.codependency is one place where this therapy occurs. V i r t u a l

given sequence. Once this " h o w " question is provisionally answered, the

reality ( V R ) thus serves to help repair the ruptures that occur m the real w o r l d

second question i n v o l v i n g how "power" is socially distributed in terms o f

(RW).

T h i s is talking therapy turned into the exchange o f written words

race, class, or gender becomes relevant. F o l l o w i n g Psathas (1995, p. 5 0 ) , the

whose meanings are constantly being deferred as they are read, debated, and

i n i t i a l (and p r i m a r y ) focus is on the use o f the "method o f instances." T h i s

discussed.

method takes each instance o f a phenomenon as an occurrence that evidences

I w i l l offer intensive analyses o f two complex threads, the first from a series o f exchanges in iate 1994, one month after the group went on-line. The second thread is taken from September 2 through September 5, 1 9 9 6 / I

the operation o f a set o f cultural understandings currently available for use by cultural members. A n analogy may help. I n discourse analysis,

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No utterance is representative of other utterances, though of course it shares structural features with them; a discourse analyst studies utterances in order to understand how the potential of the linguistic system can be activated when it intersects at its moment of use with a social system. (Fisfcc, 1994, p. 195)

111

T h r o u g h personal embellishment, and by looping backward and forward i n time, speakers create the context for extended utterances such as stories or confessions. Nonetheless, as Psathas notes, extended sequences emerge from turn-by-turn talk, "are locally occasioned by it, and upon their completion, turn-by-turn talk is reengaged. Stones are thus sequentially implicative for

T h i s is the argument for the method o f instances. The analyst examines those moments when an utterance intersects w i t h another utterance, g i v i n g rise to an instance o f the system in action. Psathas CI 995) clarifies the meaning o f an instance: " A n instance o f something is an occurrence

further talk" (p. 21). Interpretation moves through two stages. I n Stage 1, the analyst examines how these meaningful utterances are directly and indirectly connected to one another as interactional accomplishments w i t h i n a particular interpretive

. a n event whose features and structures can

frame. Here, the focus is on the form, not the content, o f the event—for

be examined to discover how it is organized" (p. 50). A n occurrence is

example, the use o f taking turns, compliments and responses, greeting

evidence that "the machinery for its production is culturally available . . .

exchanges, closings, and so on. I n Stage 2, the content o f the event, as it

[for example] the machinery o f turn-taking i n conversation" ( p p . 50-51).

operates w i t h i n the interpretive frame, is examined—for example, a request

A n intersection o f utterances is established referentially, w i t h i n the his-

for help w i t h i n the frame o f a.r.c. There is an attempt to show how these

torical context o f the ongoing discourse. That is, an intersection occurs when

occurrences i n this context articulate matters o f power, biography, self,

one speaker-writer directly or indirectly refers to the utterance o f another

gender, race, class, and ethnicity.

speaker or indexes that utterance through a gloss (see below). Clearly, the

Whether the particular utterance occurs again is irrelevant. The question

intersection does not have to be immediate. I t does not have to be directly

o f s a m p l i n g from a population is also not an issue, for it is never possible to

tied to what has j u s t occurred w i t h i n the thread. Intersections are often

say in advance what an instance is a sample o f (Psathas, 1995, p. 5 0 ) . Indeed,

located w i t h i n the framework o f an extended discourse that has developed

collections o f instances "cannot be assembled m advance o f an analysis o f

around a set o f particular topics, w i t h particular speakers—m w h i c h case,

at least one [instance], because it cannot be k n o w n in advance what features

the w r i t e r " i n d e x i c a l l y " references this larger system, its speakers, and their

delineate each case as a 'next one like the last' " (Psathas, 1995, p. 5 0 ) . Thus,

utterances. I n such moments, the speaker may bring personal experience into

large samples o f Internet talk are o f little use until the analyst has exhausted

the text, thereby enlarging the frame o f the discourse.

the method o f instances.

The analyst's task is to understand how this instance and its intersections

This means there is little concern for empirical generalization. Psathas is

works, to show what rules o f interpretation are operating, to map and

clear on this point. The goal is not an abstract or empirical generalization;

illuminate the structure o f the interpretive event itself. The analyst inspects

rather, the aim is "concerned w i t h p r o v i d i n g analyses that meet the criteria

the actual course o f the interaction "by observing what happens first, second,

o f unique adequacy" ( p . 50). Each analysis must be fitted to the case at hand;

next, etc., by noticing what preceded i t ; and by examining what is actually

each "must be studied to provide an analysis uniquely

done and said by the participants" (Psathas, 1995, p . 51). Questions o f

particular phenomenon" (p. 51).

adequate

for that

meaning are referred back to the actual course o f interaction, where i t can be shown how a given utterance is acted on and hence given meaning. The

ADEQ UATE INTERPRETATIONS

AND INTERPRETIVE

CRITERIA

pragmatic m a x i m obtains here (Peirce, 1905). The meaning o f an action is given i n the consequences produced by it, including the ability to explain

A uniquely adequate interpretation o f a cybertext proceeds on the basis o f

past experience and predict future consequences. I n the arena o f cybertalk,

the f o l l o w i n g understandings. I t reads such events, threads, and extended

meaning is given i n the responses one speaker-writer makes to another.

sequences as places where an information technology interacts w i t h a b i o -

However, cybertalk, like everyday conversation, is not always linear. I n

graphically specific i n d i v i d u a l . The message that is written is a performance

extended sequences o f talk (Psathas, 1995, p. 21), speakers depart from the

text, an attempt by one person to make connections to another person or to

turn-taking model o f greetings, questions and answers, and closings.

his or her text. T h i s performance text, the thread, is messy and diaiogical,

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tangled up in the writer's (and reader's) imagined interpretations o f the other's text. This written text, however, is not intentional speech, although i t is often read as i f i t were. Barthes (1985) reminds us that speech is "always fresh, innocent, and theatrical" (pp. 3-5). U n l i k e direct spoken speech, c y b e r w r i t m g , before it is sent, can be spell checked, edited, rearranged, even inflected w i t h emoticons. B u t once received, written, or transcribed, speech is dead; it's theatricality is destroyed. I t is a mistake to read c y b e r w n t i n g as i f i t reflects a direct connection to the conscious meanings and intentions o f the writer. A l t h o u g h the writer is conscious o f his or her thoughts when w r i t i n g , written speech, D e r n d a argues (1981, p. 22), is not a mirror to the self. The "conscious text is thus not a transcription because there is no text present elsewhere as an unconscious one to be transposed or transported" (Derrida, 3978, p. 211).

113

(Fiske, 1994, p. 196). Finally, what is normal is reduced to what is most frequent. A normative epistemology requires a set o f postpositivist, naturalistic criteria for evaluating methodological work. Hammersley (1992, p. 64) has summarized these criteria, arguing that postpositivist researchers typically assess a w o r k in terms o f its ability to (a) generate generic/formal theory, (b) be e m p i r i c a l l y grounded and scientifically credible, (c) produce findings that can be generalized or transferred to other settings, and (d) be internally reflexive in terms o f taking account o f the effects o f the researcher and the research strategy on the Findings that have been produced.

5

I share Smith's (1984, p. 383) and Richardson's (1994, p. 517) reservations about the foundational criteria that flow from this normative epistemology. Nonetheless, a criticalpoststructttral

position calls for the development

o f a set o f criteria divorced from the positivist and postpositivist traditions.

Yet like everyday talk, cybertext discourse is contextual, immediate, and

Such criteria w o u l d stress subjectivity, emotionality, feeling, interpretive

grounded in the concrete specifics o f the interactional situation. I t j o i n s

adequacy, and other antifoundational criteria (see D e n z m , 1997, p. 9; E l l i s

people i n tiny little worlds o f concrete experience. The dialogues that occur

& Flaherty, 1992, pp. 5-6).

in these spaces cannot be repeated. They are always first-time occurrences;

"Messy texts" (Denzin, 1997, p. 246; Marcus, 1994) are based on these

each attempt at repetition creates a new experience. Hence, meaning cannot

kinds o f empirical materials and interpretive criteria. Postpositivist concerns

be fixed in the printed text. N o text or utterance can be repeated w i t h o u t a

for representativeness, generalizability, and scientific credibility do not op-

change in meaning and in context. The reproduction o f the text is a new,

erate i n this model. The goal is to achieve a strong reading and an adequate

unrepeatable event m the life o f the text ( B a k h t i n . 1986, p. 306). To summarize: A performance-based

approach to cybertext discourse

analysis o f a particular instance or sequence o f experience (Psathas, 1995, p . 50).

seeks always to map the ambiguities and areas o f misunderstanding that arise in such transactions. I t seeks dense, deep readings o f particular texts. The power or authority o f a given interpretation is determined by the nature o f

THE REAL AND THE VIRTUAL

the critical understandings it produces. These understandings are based on glimpses and slices o f the culture i n

Not surprisingly, interactions in a.r.c. erode the boundaries "between the

action. A n y given practice that is studied is significant because it is an

real and the virtual

instance o f a cultural practice that happened in a particular time and piace.

p. 10). The user who enters this virtual w o r l d finds a nascent culture of

This practice cannot be generalized to other practices; Us importance is that

simulation and meaning that partially overlaps w i t h and maps the real

it instantiates a cultural praclicc. a cultural performance (storytelling), and

gendered

a set o f shifting, conflicting cultural meanings (Fiske, 1994, p. 3 95).

dominated by w o m e n / ' I n (and around) a.r.c, the writer can interact in "The

the unitary and the multiple self" (Turkic, 1995,

worlds o f C o D A and A C O A w h i c h have been, until recently,

This approach to interpretation rejects a normative epistemology that

12 Steps Cyberspace Cafe" (a place for hope, help, and healing) and confront

presumes that what is normal is what is most representative i n a larger

cyperspace psychotherapists, fellow travelers, and persons w i t h less than

population. A normative epistemology directs generalizations to this "nor-

honorable intentions (see T u r k l e , 1995, p. 10). A n on-line c o m m u n i t y is

m a l " population. This stance pays little attention to the processes that

discovered—a c o m m u n i t y w i t h norms, rules (netiquette), its o w n emotional

produce an instance in the first place. Furthermore, i t ignores the "nonrepre-

vocabulary and use o f emoticons (Turkic, 1995, p. 112), a set o f frequently

scntative" and marginal formations that can exist m any social structure

asked questions (FAQs—What is codependency? W h a t is recovery?), guide-

7

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115

lines for posting, acceptable subjects, regular users, leaders, old-timers, and

(see B a y m , 1995b, p. 49; T u r k l e , 1995, pp. 128-130). Consider now two

a constant c i r c u l a t i o n o f newcomers.

selected texts from a.r.c, B u t first a brief aside on history.

I n any Usenet community, self and personality are communicated in written f o r m . That is, a gendered computer user writes speech, attempting a

History

form o f inscription that may or may not be compatible w i t h their voice and their off-screen personae (see Dernda, 1976, p. 9). The w r i t t e n text that defines the posted message can interfere " w i t h the transfer o f the users'

The A C O A and C o D A movements are connected to the languages and

personalities and unique qualities. The result is the creation o f [on-screen]

literatures o f the 12-Step groups ( A A , A l - A n o n , and A l a t e e n ) . I n addition,

'personae' " (Turkle, 1995, p. 118). These on-screen self-images may bear

they accept the disease concept of alcoholism; a.r.c. (1996) states, "We come

10

little relationship to the person's interactional self i n everyday, nonscreen

to see parental alcoholism . . . for what it is: a disease that infected y o u as a

life. On-screen personae are given meaning through the written interactions

c h i l d and continues to affect you as an adult" ( p . 15). This disease concept

that occur between users. A public, on-screen self is shaped through the use

is generalized to the lived experiences o f nonaicoholics. "As an addict, I

o f emoticons and the group's preferred language and style o f verbal-written

probably have multiple addictions:

presentation.

approval" ( p . 15).

. w o r k , money, c o n t r o l , food, sexuai,

Screen interactions are easily transformed into printed texts, actual tran-

Alt.recovery.codependcncy started in eariy 1994. The reason for its exis-

scriptions o f on-screen talk. Thus, any reader w i t h a printer can make a

tence was given as this: "to create a supportive, l o v i n g and safe environment

perfect copy o f an on-screen text. This gives that person an access to the

for those o f us w h o consider ourselves to be codependent and wish to interact

spoken (now printed) w o r d that he or she w o u l d not otherwise have. This

w i t h others in similar situations" (a.r.c, 1996, p. 3 ) . I n this space, the

allows the reader to carefully study the printed words of the speaker. U n l i k e

i n d i v i d u a l begins to experience recovery. This occurs through a process

the give-and-take o f ordinary conversation i n w h i c h persons may debate what

wherein people share their "experience, strength and hope w i t h others"

was spoken or what was meant by what was spoken, on-screen speakers have

( p . 3 ) . T h r o u g h this sharing, they are able to aid in their " o w n recovery and

the original text as a point o f reference. Thus, screen talk is deliberative,

to help others make progress on their j o u r n e y to recovery" ( p . 3 ) . Recovery

stilted, formal, and cleariy marked in sentences, w i t h commas, exclamation

now becomes a process o f letting go o f a painful past that is damaging a

and question marks, and so on. A t the same time, on-screen talk can be

person's life today: "Recovery . . . loosely describes the methods we utilize

directed to a large number o f readers, and the identity of the speaker can be

in order to , . . fet go o f the pain in our past and present so that we may fully

masked.

live our lives today" (p. 5 ) . There are different paths to recovery: physicians,

Persons establish their presence in the newsgroup through their regular

friends i n recovery, therapists, inner-child work, and 12-step groups.

participation i n the conversational topics o f the group, w h i c h take several

a.r.c (1996) has few rules concerning postings; any subject relating to

forms, each a variant on the adjacency pair (Psathas, 1995, p . I 6 ) , including

codependency is relevant, including topics that "deai w i t h our relationships

greetings, questions and answers, responses and replies, closings, complaints

w i t h other people . . . spouses, children, family o f o r i g i n , friends, employers,

and apologies, and justifications (Psathas, 1995, pp. 16-17). Internet conver-

co-workers, most importantly ourselves" (p. 7 ) . There are, however, several

sational fife consists almost entirely of cycles o f responses to statements, i n

guidelines defining the netiquette o f a.r.c. (a) do not reproduce entire

the form o f adjacency pairs, or to those extended sequences that involve

copyrighted documents; (b) avoid posting private e-mail correspondence; (c)

" t e l l i n g stones" (Psathas, 1995, p. 2 I ) . ' Both conversational forms lead to

i f dissatisfied w i t h a particular person, take what y o u like from his or her

the creation o f threads. I n threads, the cycle o f responses to a statement is

posting and leave the rest; (d) i f persons respond to your posting on group

given i n skirmishes, banter, criticism, support, counterstones, and i n f l a m m a -

m a i l , inform them privately that you do not l i k e this; (e) avoid sending notes

tory comments ("flames"; see Aycock & Buchignam, 1995, p. 227; Dery,

void o f substance ( p . 8). Persons are invited to just j u m p i n and post, and

1994, pp. 4-5). I n these ways, personality, self, and reputation are established

those w h o want to maintain anonymity can use first only or false names, or

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117

an anon I D . Posting can occur by using anonymous server (anon.penet.fi and

I've been able to at least sec and try to work on , . . I ' m glad my post helped

anon.twwclls. c o m ) . L u r k i n g is encouraged (p. 9).

you, I ' l l look forward to hearing more from you.

Discourse centers on the "inner-child" work, discovering the c h i l d w i t h i n us. A c c o r d i n g to M e i o d y Beattie (1987), a leader o f the codependency

Hugs and smiles from, Jacki

movement, many o f us ignore this inner c h i l d , and this causes us trouble. The gendered talk that occurs in this newsgroup does not connect to an oral tradition o f group storytelling, as is the case for A l c o h o l i c s A n o n y m o u s ( D e n z m , 1993, p. 246). A number o f canonical texts are referenced, however, i n c l u d i n g A A ' s Alcoholics

Anonymous

(1955) and the works o f Bradshaw

(1990) and Beattie (3987). A monthly list o f codependency videos is posted, as is an updated list o f codependency sayings and slogans ("You have a right to choose relationships," " 'To let go' does not mean to stop c a r i n g " ) .

Jacki and L i z converse w i t h i n a shared space organized around the pain o f iettmg go o f childhood experiences and expectations. Both women see connections between their lives as children and experiences outside the family home. Each is doing a version o f inner-child w o r k , and Jacki's hugs and smiles anchor this exchange in a warm, supportive emotional give-and-take. This is recovery talk o f the sort endorsed m the a.r.c. statement o f purpose. These conversations can be interpreted, i n part, through the method o f instances, w h i c h focuses on how meaning and control are interactionally

Thread 1: "Choices"

produced. These on-line exchanges involve w o m e n talking to w o m e n . N o men are involved. Each woman knows how to talk the talk o f a.r.c. Each w r i t e r uses the right language, and each contributes to a gendered discourse

Consider the f o l l o w i n g anonymous postings between persons using the

centering on family, illness, and recovery. N o one gets emotionally out o f

names Jacki and L i z . The postings occurred between December 9 and 16,

control. There is no flaming or individual acting as a spokesperson for the

1994, under the headings o f "Choices, Holidays, and Gifts."

entire a.r.c. newsgroup. These exchanges appear to w o r k because each person shares and appears to be sincerely interested i n the other writer's situation.

CHOICES

There is an i m p l i e d merger o f on-and-off-screen selves, talk between persons w h o genuinely care about one another. Power is not an issue; rather, each

On December 9, L i z wrote to Jacki, connecting to Jacki's discussion o f her past, finding a l i n k to her o w n childhood. She discusses the pain involved

woman attempts to share an experience, to create a space that the other can enter. T h i s is not the case in the next thread.

in w o r k i n g on the inner c h i l d : Your post reminded me o f how 1 struggled also with the idea of my childhood having effects that lasted past the lime of childhood . . . It was/can still be hard to allow myself to accept that it affected my experiences outside the family home as I was growing up. Jacki agrees: It's funny, cuz all my life and still to this day when I look back on the time when my parents were still married I think of my family as a normal middle class family with no problems. 1 still look back through that glass ball and think how can that be, I can'i seem to make the connection of the abuse with what I perceived as a normal f a m i l y — After my parents divorced the abuse was more apparent. Ii came in the form of neglect and abandonment and that is something

Thread 2: "Help Me Understand Something" O n M o n d a y , September 2, 1996, Lucia, who listed herself as a M S W , wrote the f o l l o w i n g : Here's the Situation: About a couple of weeks ago, my brother asked to cut all ties with us. He's lived on the opposite coast for two years now. He requested our communication to be limited to 1) emergencies, and 2) items he wanted brought from home before he moves to his new apartment. One of those items puzzled me. 3 would never have gotten suspicious i f it wasn't for the fact that I was in the D & A treatment field. Anyway, I asked him, with the preface that if ii weren't for my Job 1 would never have thought twice. Knowing my parents, I told him i f there was something he wanted to say, I'd be the besl person lo

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tell. (This was based on experience.) Well, I got a response earlier last week. He did answer my question. He also reminded me of the boundaries he set up, and reamed me for crossing them. Finally, he told me that I should "focus on my own addictive behaviors and patterns" instead of someone else's fin terms of my job, this can sound pretty funny). Now here's the kicker—My brother toid mc he is in the CODA fellowship. I can understand i f some distance may be required. He's had that for two years. What I don't understand is i f CODA condones a person "burning his bridges" as he is doing to my family. I know our parents have a lot to do with his behavior, but if anything, he can learn to transcend that without cutting us off completely. Also, I want to know if CODA condones the type of dialogue my brother wrote m this letter. 1 took this situation to my supervisor, a recovering drug addict, who said this is typical of an addict in denial. Is this type of behavior approved for recovering alcoholics? Lucia This posting was given the labei, " H e l p M e Understand Something." The next day, Richard wrote, commenting on various sentences in Lucia's posting:

Cybertalk and die Method of Instances

119

matter—essentially a family viewpoint, and a highly dysfunctional one at that—to your supervisor for reinforcement. Your brothers behavior is typical of a codep in recovery. YOURS is typical of a dysfunctional family member struggling to scapegoat the recovering member who has broken ties with an obviously toxic family environment.

To " . . . behavior approved for recovering codependents?" Richard answers, "Lady, we don't approve shit! Each person follows the 12-Steps as best they can for their personal recovery. Your attempt lo recruit support in turning a recovering persons back into a sick family is in itself insane." To "Lucia . . . MSW - . . , " Richard takes exception: The attempt to introduce yourself with the presentation of credentials is inappropriate to the NG (newsgroup]. We do not welcome professional healers and helpers here. The approach and reasonings used above confirm this as a wide tradition. Wc, 1 personally, are unimpressed with your credentials. Further, 1 am negatively impressed with the illness presented in your post, I I is truly frightening that you are in the professional recovery field. Richard

To the first three sentences, he stated, "Why would you be suspicious of a plain, simple request like that? Are you your brother's keeper?" To the sentences, "Anyway, I asked him . . . I ' d be the best person to tell Richard observes,

Thus, does Richard directly attack Lucia. F i x i n g meaning in the printed text, sharing l i t t l e o f his personal experience w i t h her, Richard positions himself as a spokesperson

Then again, you may not. He has apparently decided you were not the best one. Likely he is pursuing his recovery, preparing to say what he wishes to his parents when he is ready.

for the newsgroup. His responses border on flaming

("saves me the chore o f doing [reaming] again", "Lady, we d o n ' t approve shit!"). Richard reads his way into the unnamed brother's social situation and then positions Lucia agamsL the brother and the family ("For the good o f the f a m i l y " ) . H e then suggests that L u c i a has a dysfunctional family and uses 9

Richard proceeds to further dissect L u c i a s posting: To Lucia's " . . . and he reamed me . . . " Richard retorts: "Excellent! Saves me the chore of doing again." To "Already sounds funny . . , " he comments, "Not funny . . . but WEIRD." To " i f CODA condones . . . , " he states ". . . Not at all. You're not helping one bit by taking this stance." To "without cutting us o f f . . . " Richard observes, "Not at all. You're not helping one bit by taking this stance." To " I know our parents . . . ," Richard complains, "So you're correcting his behavior for the good of the family?" To " I f Coda condones . . . my s u p e r v i s o r . . . " Richard asks, Have you discussed your reactions with your supervisor? That would be the appropriate response. It seems quite inappropriate for you to drag a family

the C o D A language o f toxic environment and scapegoatmg to explain what she is d o i n g to her brother. Richard then challenges Lucia's credentials and tells her that "we do not welcome professional healers . . . here." T h i s suggests a difference between lay and professional iiealers. Richard sides w i t h the lay healing traditions, using the phrase "truly f r i g h t e n i n g " to describe his reactions to her presence i n the professional recovery field. Four days later L u c i a responded to Richard.

LUCIA REPOSTS

TO RICHARD

Lucia corrects misspellings in her original posting and responds directly to Richard's harsh evaluations o f her situation. He counters each o f her comments, as i f they were in Internet relay chat ( I R C ) :

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RESEARCH

R i c h a r d : "Brother's keeper?"

121

Later that day, L u c i a again posts to the entire group, thereby ending the

L u c i a : " N o . but I was puzzled."

thread, w h i c h has become an extended sequence. Her posting is titled,

R i c h a r d : " N o t my point. I see a lot o f putting your brother in the position

Epilogue:

of a patient." L u c i a : " I figured that out already." R i c h a r d : " I believe its critical to examine your motives." L u c i a : "Excellent! Saves me the chore o f doing again?" R i c h a r d : "You're not hearing what I am saying!" L u c i a : " M i s t e r ! I d o n ' t want h i m to come back to a sick f a m i l y ! I ' m not asking for reinforcement. I ' m trying to figure out where to go from here. I am w o r k i n g on acceptance." R i c h a r d : " I f I misunderstood your intentions, I apologize. However, y o u r original post was, upon review, an attempt at solicitation for a position already formed. This is not what we call recovery. Perhaps y o u do not understand our traditions (traditions are posted as A C O A B i l l o f Rights). I t is truly frightening that y o u are m the professional field o f recovery." L u c i a : " I t is truly frightening that you read a sincere request w i t h suspicion."

Thanks to those who have posted, and to those who will post as they see my original post. To those who have, or will accuse of me being the problem: I f you recall, my original post asked for HELP. Accusations do not help anyone. I f put downs are what you consider help, thanks, but no thanks. But don't worry, you have not totally dashed my hopes for learning what 1 need to do. Based on my survey of responses, turns out yours are in the minority. 1 guess 1 can use a little advice 1 hear often: i f it don't appiy, let it fly. At this point, 1 am respecting my brother's wishes. I was going to reply, but after my initial reaction, I decided it would be easier this way. We still have some business to complete, and it would be better to do it quick and without conflict from anyone. I can guarantee wc won't get his new address—I'd be surprised i f he did . . . I have no idea how I ' l l respond when he decides to open up lines of communication. That's where I ' m at. An extra thanks to those who gave/will give their insights. Lucia.

R i c h a r d : " C a l l em like y o u see em. I d i d . " INSCRIBING

LUCIA'S

ILLNESS

One can almost visualize L u c i a and Richard in the same r o o m , perhaps at an A C O A or C o D A meeting, shouting at each other. The emotionality is

A n d so ends, for the time being at least, Lucia's foray into this particular

electric. Lucia gets in Richard's face and refuses to back d o w n : " M i s t e r ! " ;

on-line recovery group. Her epilogue divides the persons w h o responded into

" I ' m not asking for reinforcement." In defending her position, w h i c h has

two groups, the accusers and the nonaccusers. S t i l l , she takes something from

surely moved and changed since the original posting, L u c i a reveals an

the accusers, as seen in her decision not to respond to her brother. But she is

attempt to help her brother get distance from her sick family. (This under-

f i r m ; put-downs are not help, not what she thinks recovery is all about.

standing was not evident m the original call for help.) Yet Richard w i l l not

Thus, by entering a.r.c's virtual reality, L u c i a receives advice on how to

give her the benefit o f this change, insisting that she is s t i l l sick, thereby

handle problems in the so-called real w o r l d . T h i s is talking therapy in the

emphasizing his version o f what recovery is all about. She retorts, suggesting

form o f a written text. The written w o r d becomes an instance o f the illness

that his i n a b i l i t y to read a sincere request for help without suspicion is " t r u l y

that requires therapy.

frightening."

Return to Jacki and L i z : two women talking about mothers and c h i l d h o o d .

This is more than an I R C give-and-take. A woman w i t h professional

Same newsgroup—a.r.c. B u t the talk is different. N o one attempts to control

credentials is challenging a man, a professed fay expert who is attempting to

the discourse. Gender in its masculinized versions does not operate. N o men

control the grounds, terms, and language o f recovery. Richard is acting as i f

are present. Experiences as mothers, wives, and daughters are shared; c o m -

he were the gatekeeper to the recovery process, as that process is structured

mon problems are taken up. Pathologies and illness are not inscribed i n the

by A C O A and C o D A . L u c i a proposes an alternative reading o f this language,

talk. Rather, each woman addresses a specific (or general) problem or issue,

an alternative that Richard rejects. A gendered conflict occurs; a battle over

w h i c h is then loosely interpreted from w i t h i n the A C O A and C o D A frame-

recovery identities is fought. Lucia w i l l not accept the labels Richard wants

w o r k s . The talk is taken to be symptomatic of what persons in recovery say

to apply to her, and she w i l l not grant Richard the power he claims.

to one another, including how they describe themselves and their situations.

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Cyberiaik

The talk is not read as an example o f pathology. T h i s is i n stark contrast to Richard's using L u c i a ' s talk as an instance o f her illness.

Conclusion W h e n the self-help industry went on-line, few c o u l d have i m a g i n e d the uses to w h i c h this new i n f o r m a t i o n

technology w o u i d be put. O f course, m

retrospect, it a l l makes perfect sense, and nothing seems at a l l odd about an o n - l i n e 12-Step Recovery Shopping N e t w o r k , hanging out at the 12 Steps Cyberspace Cafe, belonging to any one o f several Usenet recovery groups, from Sex Offenders A n o n y m o u s to Smokers A n o n y m o u s to C o D A to A C O A to that o l d standby, A A . K a m m c r (1992, p. 165) reminds us that we cannot imagine A m e r i c a w i t h o u t Us self-help groups. A n d we cannot imagine an A m e r i c a that is not in love w i t h technology. Cyberspace and the recovery movement were meant for each other—cyber-recovery. Ten years o f personal computers on the j o b , in the home, and in schools has prepared m i l l i o n s o f Americans for the cyber-recovery movement. A n y computer-literate c h i l d over the age o f 6 can participate in this conversation. The method o f instances represents one way to read this discourse. T h i s interpretive strategy focuses on the intersection o f utterances and extended conversational exchanges. I t attempts to make v i s i b l e the c u l t u r a l appara­ tuses and biographical histories that allow such talk to be produced and understood. I t understands meaning to be a p u b l i c , interactional, pragmatic accomplishment. I n these moves, the method o f instances goes beyond other more text-based approaches to cybertalk, and herein lies its value.

Notes i. The decade of the 1990s has been a lime of renewed public concerning self-help groups (Kaminer 1992), personal health {Rice. 1996), drugs, drinking, and she problems of alcohol consumption in American society (Conrad & Schneider, 1992, p. 109). A new temperance movement (Piitman, 1991), paralleling the outbreak of a national war on drugs, is one manifes­ tation of this concern. As David Piitman f 1991. p. 775) observes, for the third time in the 20th century the United States is tn the midst of a war on drugs. The first war occurred during those years bounded by Prohibition, 1914 lo 1933, the second overlapped with the Vietnam War years, 1965 10 1972, and Ihc third has just begun. Olher indicators of this renewed public concern can

and the Method of Instances

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be seen in the many new recovery groups that have appeared in the last decade, including the Adult Children of Alcoholics (ACOA) and the Co-Dependents Anonymous (CoDA) movements. 2. See Denztn (1998) for an extended treatment of these and related issues as they are articulated in this particular newsgroup. 3. 1 was a passive, lurking observer. I never identified myself to the group, nor did I obtain permission to quoie from postings, thereby violating many of Schrunrs £ 1995) ethical injunc­ tions for electronic research. 4. In a moderated newsgroup, all messages are screened by a moderator for content, and only those deemed appropriate for the group are posted (MacKinnon, 1995, p. 132). 5. Hammerslcy's (1992, pp. 67-72) version of these criteria for validity rests on a subtle realism; "An accounl is valid or true if it represents accurately some feature of the phenomena lhal H is intended to describe, explain or theorise" (p. 69). True or valid accounts arc plausible, credible, and relevant. The construciivisls (e.g., Guba & Lincoln, 1989; Lincoln &. Guba, 1985) offer an important departure from the postposıtivısts. They argue for quality criteria that translate internal and external validity, reliability, and objectivity into trustworthiness and authenticity. These criteria arc different from those employed by critical theorists, who stress action, praxis, and the historical siluaiedness of findings. In contrast, feminist scholarship, in the empiricist, standpoint, and cultural studies traditions, works, respectively, within the traditional posilivist, postpositive, and postmodern (and poslstruciural) models of evaluation. Ethnic, critical theory, and cultural studies models of inquiry are similarly so aligned. As one moves from the postpositive to the postmodern and poststnictural positions, increased importance is attached lo antifoundationai criteria such as emoiionality, caring, subjective understanding, dialogic texts, and the formation of long-term trusting relationships with ihosc studied. 6. Historically, these have been female-based movemcnis, ACOA being an offshoot of Alanon, Ehc spousal (mostly wives) side of Alcoholics Anonymous (see Asher, 1992; Rudy, İ991). The participation of males in ACOA and CoDA has dramatically increased İn the last decade; however, in 1994, the ratio of females to mates was still approximately 2:1 (see Rice, 1996, p. 223). In late 1994. women outnumbered men 7:1 in the on-line a.r.c. conversations. Kaminer (1992, pp. 88-89) argues that CoDA is disproportionately female (but sec Rice, 1996, p. 44). The welcoming document inviting the reader into a.r.c. is apparently written by a person who uses the name decdee, 7. The user can also go shopping (http:/Avww.networki2.com); recent posting (May 13, 1998) announces, "Visit Network 12 Recovery Stores, Recovery Gift Supliers, Distributors, and Vendors Where a Wide Array of Recovery Gifis Are Available." 8. Adjacency pairs are al least two turns in length (hello-good-bye), have at least two parts, with at least two speakers, where the sequences are immediate next lurns (Psaihas, 1995, p. 18). Internet relay chat (IRC), "that mode of Internet talk in which people are able to communicate synchronistically on different 'channels' from disparate locations" (Baym, 1995a, p. 151), most closely approximates these features of the adjacency pair. 9. Stones are narratives, tellings with beginnings, middles, and ends. Stones begin with an ınılial situation. A sequence of events leads to die disturbance, or reversal, of this situation. The revelation of character and setting are made possible by this disturbance. A personification of characters (protagonists, anlagomsis, and witnesses) also occurs. The resolution of ihis predica­ ment leads to stories in which there is regression, progression, or no change in the main character's situation (Polkinghorne, 1988, p. 15; 1995). 10. a.r.c. (1996. p. 6) states, "The three most common twelve slep programs pertinent to those of us dealing with codependency are Codependents Anonymous CoDA), Al-AnDn. and Al-Anon, Adult Children of Alcoholics . . . [seel Melody Bealtie's Codependent's Guide To The Twelve Steps."

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References Alcoholics Anonymous. (1955). Alcoholics Anonymous: The story of how many thousands of men and women have recovered from alcoholism (Rev. ed.). New York: Author. ait.recovcry.codependency. (1996). Frequently asked questions and general information about the Usenet Newsgroup alt.recovery.eodependeney. Available: hitp.7Avww.infinet.com/ deedee/arc.htmi fMarch 17, 19961 Asher, R. M. (1992). Women with alcoholic husbands: Ambivalence and the trap of codependency. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Aycock, A., & Buchignani, N. (1995). The e-maii murders: Reflections on "dead" letters. I n S . G . Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 184¬ 231). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Bakhtm, M. M. (1986). Speech genres and other hue essays. Austin: University of Texas Press. Balsamo. A. (1994). Feminism and the incurably informed. In M. Dery (Ed.), Flame wars: The discourse of cyberculture (pp. 125-156). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Bardini, T., & Horvath, A. T. i 1995). The social conslruction of ihe personal computer user. Journal of Communication, 45, 40-65. Barthes, R. (1985). 77ic gram of the voice: Inten'icws: 1962-1980 (L. Coverdale, Trans.). New York: Hill & Wang. Baym, N. K . (1995a). The emergence of community in computer-mcdialed communication. In S. G. Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 138-163). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Baym, N. K . (1995b). From practice lo culture on Usenet. In S. L . Star (Ed.), The cultures of computing (pp. 29-52). Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Beattie, M. (1987). Codependcnt no more. New York: HarperCollins. Bradshaw, J. (1990). Homecoming: Reclaiming and championing your inner child. New York: Bantam. Conrad, P., & Schneider, J. W. (1992). Deviance and medicalization: From badness to sickness (expanded ed.). Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Denztn, N. K. (1993). The alcoholic society. New Brunswick, NJ; Transaction Publishers. Denzin, N. K . (1997). Interpretive ethnography: Ethnographic practices for the 21st century. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Denzin, N. K. (1998). In search of die inner child: Co-dependency and gender m a cyberspace community. In G. Bcndelow & S. J . Williams (Eds.), Emotions in social life (pp. 97-i 19). London: Routledge. Derrida, J. (1976). Of grammutology. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Derrida, J. (1978). Writing and difference. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Derrida, J . (1981). Positions (A. Bass, Trans., annotated by). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Dery, M. (1994). Flame wars. In M. Dery (Ed.), Flame wars: The discourse of cyberculture (pp. 1-10). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Ellis, C , & Flaherty, M. G. (1992). An agenda for the interpretation of lived experience. In C. Ellis & M. G. Flaherty (Eds.). Investigating subjectivity: Research on lived experience (pp. i-16). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Fiske, J. (1994). Audicncing: Cultural practice and cultural studies. In N. K . Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 189-198). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Guba, E . , & Lincoln, Y. S. (1989). Fourth generation evaluation. Newbury Park, C A : Sage. Hahn, H., & Stout, R. (1994). The Internet complete reference. Berkeley, C A : Osborne McGrawHill. Hammersley, M. (1992). lv7i«r.T wrong with ethnography? London: Routledge.

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Kaminer, W. (1992). I'm dysfunctional, you're dysfunctional New York: Vintage. Kramarae, C. (1995). A backstage critique of virtual reality. I n S . G.Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 36-56). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lincoln, Y. S., & Guba. E . G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Beverly Hilts, CA: Sage. MacKinnon, R. S. (1995). Searching for the leviathan in Usenet, in S. G. Jones (Ed.), CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. ¡2-137). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Marcus, G . E . (1994). Whai comes Gust) after "post'"' The case of ethnography. In N. K. Denzin Si Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), The handbook of uualiliilivc research (pp. 563-574). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage. Parks, M., & Floyd, K. (1996). Making friends in cyberspace. Journal of Communication, 46, 80-97. Peirce, C. S. (1905, April). What pragmatism is. The Momsi, I 6 I - I 8 I . Piitman, D. (1991). The new temperance movement. In D. J. Pittman & H. R. White (Eds.), Society, culture, and drinking patterns reexamined (pp. 775-790). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Center for Alcohol Studies. Polkinghorne, D. E . (1988). Narrative knowing in the human sciences. Albany: SUNY Press. Polkinghorne, D. E . (1995). Narrative configuration in qualitative analysis. In J. A. Hatch & R. Wismcwski (Eds.), Life history and narrative (pp. 5-23). Washington, DC: Fahner. Psathas, G. (1995). Conversation analysis. Thousand Oaks. CA: Sage. Rice, J. S. (1996). A disease of one's own: Psychotherapy, addiction, and the emergence of co-dependency. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaelioii Publishers. Richardson, L . (1994). Writing as a meihod of inquiry, in N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), The handbook of qualitative research (pp. 5 i 6-529). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Rudy, D. (1991). The adult children of alcoholics' movement: A social constructionist perspective. In D . J . Pittman &.H.R. While (Eds.), Society, culture, and drinking patterns reexamined (pp. 716-732). New Brunswick, NJ: Ringers Center for Alcohol Studies. Schrum, L . (1995). Framing the debaie: Ethical research in the information age. Qualitative Inquiry, I, 311-326. Smith, J. K . (¡984). The problem of crtlena forjudging interprelive inquiry. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysts, 6, 379-391. Turkic, S. (1995). Life on the screen: Identity on the age of the internet. New York: Simon & Schuster. Walstrom, M. (1996). Women with eating disorders: An Internet study. Unpublished disscrtalion proposal, Speech Communications, University of Illinois.

CHAPTER

Configuring as a Mode of Rhetorical Analysis JAMES J. SOSNOSKI

Figure 6.1.

THIS CARTOON APPEARS IN Works and Days, a j o u r n a l o f literary and rhetorical research. The editors intended it to be an integral part o f a special issue devoted to "the TicToc Conversations," a yearlong electronic discussion about "Teaching in Cyberspace T h r o u g h Online Courses." A l t h o u g h a cartoon, i t 127

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became the foundation o f critical scholarship to parallel the development o f paradigmatic methodologies in neighboring disciplines, especially i n l i n guistic and historical research. The marshaling o f evidence through warranting assumptions generated by particular models o f texts became the cornerstone o f literary and rhetorical analysis—for example, i f the structure o f a tragedy (a generic model o f a text) implies a plot m w h i c h a hero experiences a precipitous and calamitous downfall, then Shakespeare's Macbeth is a tragic figure. I n this type o f critical argument, the words o f the primary text provide the evidence for literary and rhetorical analysis. For most researchers in recent years, however, the concept o f a text has changed dramatically. B e g i n n i n g w i t h semiotic research in the 1960s, new conceptions o f texts altered the way critics habitually worked. N o t i o n s o f intertextuaiity became current. Readers were understood to constitute the texts they read. The meaning o f texts was reunderstood in ways that deconstructed p r i o r interpretations o f them. N o w , w i t h the explosion o f interest in the Internet, researchers have to include hypcrtextual features and graphical Figure 6.2.

elements (even cartoons) in their paradigms o f texts. A l t h o u g h literary critics may avoid the methodological implications o f the W o r l d W i d e Web ( W W W ) , it is not an option for rhetoricians. Rhetoric is, at

presents an "argument" i n graphical terms. I t argues that, although humanists

a m i n i m u m , the study o f the available means o f persuasion. The W W W is a

often oppose the use o f various technologies i n their work, they often misread

site o f increasing significance as a "means o f persuasion" m our society.

the ways i n w h i c h technology infiltrates their everyday lives. The same issue

Consider the g r o w i n g business and pedagogical uses o f the W W W ; we have

also included the "technology bandwagon" cartoon (Figure 6.2), w h i c h

to recognize it as an "available means o f persuasion." A s a consequence,

configures the impasse that academics often experience when competing

contemporary rhetoricians need to employ a mode o f analysis that can handle

companies p u l l them m different directions. So many similar but incompat-

the sounds and images o f the m u l t i m e d i a hypertexts that populate the Web.

ible technologies are available that getting on the "cutting edge" bandwagon does not always seem w o r t h w h i l e . I n literary and rhetorical research, it is not yet a familiar experience to

A s a guide to what follows, I offer the f o l l o w i n g chart, w h i c h shows a contrast between the traditional mode o f rhetorical analysis and the emerging mode I call

configuring:

open a scholarly j o u r n a l and find graphical elements (much less cartoons) that carry the same academic weight as words. A l t h o u g h graphs, charts, and Emerging Justifications

illustrations are occasionally offered, the contents o f research journals i n the

Traditional Justifications

humanities are mostly printed words. This is not surprising. D u r i n g the iast

Logical Analysis

(model of dma type) (model for experience) Analogical Analysis WARRANT WARRANT [Templatej | analog to data]

Assimilates

Printed Texts DATA Object of Analysis

Logical Inference

COMMENTARY

century, the printed text has been the "object" o f investigation in the d i s c i plines o f literary and rhetorical studies. Critical writings are considered "secondary" texts written about " p r i m a r y " texts. T h i s simple circumstance

4-

has an important i m p l i c a t i o n when we think o f criticism as a method or mode o f analysis. The results o f research are usually reported i n the form o f an argument i n w h i c h primary texts are the data. D u r i n g the 19th century, argumentation

4-

4/ Hypertexts DATA Subject of analysis

Accommodates

4COMMENTARY

Analogical Inference

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Configuring as a Mode of Rhetorical Analysis

In the left-hand column, we see an inference pattern used m traditional rhetorical analyses ( i f we assume this warrant, given this data, then we can

131

pretext

draw this conclusion). The warrant is a model o f the data being analyzed, and when used as a template, it justifies an evaluation of it. I n the right-hand c o l u m n we see an analogous or configural patterning, w h i c h is increasingly used i n rhetorical analyses o f m u l t i m e d i a (these data suggest an analogy to similar data, w h i c h allows us to understand

i t as a configuration o f a

particular experience). The " l o g i c a l " mode o f the left-hand c o l u m n , m effect, takes a particular instance o f a text and uses i t as a template on w h i c h to j u d g e other texts (this text is an instance o f a textual genre, the classic o f w h i c h is X). The "analogical" mode o f analysis accommodates novel data (e.g., o f

context

hypertexts) by a l l o w i n g it to suggest explicitly or i m p l i c i t l y an analogy to experiences that have a recognizable shape (reading this particular hypertext

Figure 6.4. A Contemporary Version of the Rhetorical Triangle

is like t a k i n g a j o u r n e y through space). D u r i n g the modern period, the model o f communication used in rhetorical

Traditional Rhetorical Research

analysis has been, for the most part, "text oriented."' I n this m o d e l , the text is treated as an object—that is, as a set o f facts that can be described and thus

The tradition o f rhetorical analysis, beginning w i t h Aristotle (1991), asks us

used as evidence in arguments about Us meaning, manner, and significance.

to examine the elements o f ethos, pathos, and logos in a communication. F o l -

The features o f texts in this systematic v i e w o f them are often construed as

l o w i n g A r i s t o t l e , rhetoricians c o m m o n l y focused their analyses on "the rhe-

devices aimed at disposing audiences to believe or do what the text s author

torical triangle," m o d i f y i n g and extending its applications (see Figure 6.3).

2

5

invites. D i s c i p l i n a r y protocols established in graduate training usually govern such analyses. I n addition, specific approaches to or methods o f analysis are learned as the i d e n t i f y i n g marks o f different schools o f thought.

words logos

3

Conducted during the second half o f the 20lh century, this type o f analysis is "justificatory" m Stephen T o u l m i n s (1976) terms.'' Justificatory argu:

ments are based on specific methods for describing facts. However, a researcher's ability to describe the features o f a text depends on the model o f author ethos

the text used. The clearest instance o f this aspect o f research is in linguistic audience pathos

or semiotic analyses i n w h i c h textual features are identified by "markers" i n the language. Once the linguistic or semiotic markers have been identified,

Figure 6.3. The Rhetorical Triangle

larger textual patterns can be discerned. M o s t " f o r m a l " analyses o f texts are loose variants o f the same systematic "modeling."

The rhetorical triangle is a simple model o f a communication situation and extended versions o f i t have been developed by various rhetorical theo-

Models of and Models for Experience

rists, for instance, Kenneth Burke's (1969) pentad. A contemporary version w o u l d feature the f o l l o w i n g components w i t h dynamic feedback loops (see Figure 6.4).

Justificatory analyses rely on models of texts as guidelines. T h i s works quite w e l l in contexts where texts can be judged in the l i g h t of generic typologies

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established norms. I n Foucault's (1977) account o f discipline, the image o f Bentham's prison is a metaphor ( w h i c h is at root an analogy) for discipline. Foucault's metaphonc use o f Bentham's scale model articulates the paranoid state o f m i n d w e experience when we feel "under surveillance." Foucault gives us a model for understanding experience (an analogue) rather than a model o/expenence (a scaied-down representation). To take a simpler example, a N i k e ad that shows M i c h a e l Jordan d u n k i n g a basketball is not intended to be a model o / d u n k i n g a basketball. I t is not a training tape that illustrates the proper way o f d u n k i n g a basketball. Rather, it is a model for a certain style o f p l a y i n g basketball—with a particular élan characteristic o f players like Jordan. Hence, the slogan: Be L i k e M i k e ! Models for experience are configurations. W h e n they warrant an argument, i t changes the type o f evidence the argument offers m support o f its claims. Before I delineate this newer mode o f analysis, Set me p o i n t to some o f the parameters o f arguments that employ models of experience as their warranting assumptions. Figure 6.5. The Panopticon

and conventional expectations but not as w e l l in instances where innovation

The Parameters of Traditional Modes of Research Argumentation in Rhetorical and Literary Criticism

and imagination dominate and audiences expect to be entertained by novel arrangements or surprising juxtapositions. To accommodate the kinds o f

Justificatory arguments i n criticism—whether as formulations o f literary or

m u l t i m e d i a texts that one finds on the W W W , we need to depart from the

rhetorical analyses—are deliberately restrictive because a model of a text is

logical use o f a model of a text and employ a model for a text.

chosen as the warranting assumption out o f an array o f possible models. Part 5

M a x B l a c k (1962) distinguishes between scale

o f their efficacy is their selectivity. However, when the evidence gathered is

models (such as the model cars and airplanes that kids b u i l d ) and analogue

not "hard" (see next section), the logic o f the procedure results m an

models (such as analogies between minds and computers). Scale models rely

"evaluative" argument w i t h a template character. Texts are matched against

for their usefulness on identity. The more the scale model mirrors what it

a general model o / t e x t u a l i t y and judged adequate or inadequate depending

models, the belter the model. On the other hand, analogue models do not

on the values assigned to the model.

I n Models

and Metaphors,

necessarily resemble what they are models for, they rely not on identity but

Davida Charney (1996), the author o f " E m p i r i c i s m Is N o t a Four-Letter

on isomorphism—that is, on a similarity o f form or structure. I t is i n this

W o r d , " is a rhetorical theorist w h o has developed a "cognitive model o f

sense that Foucault (1977) illustrates the experience of discipline by p r o v i d -

reading for H y p e r t e x t " on the basis o f w h i c h she proposes specific criteria

i n g us w i t h Jeremy Bentham's architectural design (scale model) for a prison,

for their design. I n "The Effect o f Hypertext on Processes o f Reading and

the panopticon, and then using it metaphorically (as an analogue m o d e l ) for

W r i t i n g " (Charney, 1995), she draws on studies o f the reading process

institutions w i t h analogous forms o f surveillance (see Figure 6.5).

undertaken by cognitive psychologists and offers a model of the ideal

It's not that the sort o f discipline one m i g h t find i n the army or at school

hypertext, one designed for the delivery o f information to its potential

takes place i n institutions that look exactly like Bentham's prison but that

readers. H e r ideal hypertext is structured to enable a particular reading

the structure o f surveillance is similar: The persons so structured feel as i f

process by way o f "appropriate paths" for its potential readers. T h i s is

they may be observed at any moment and punished for deviance

contrasted to a "romantic view o f hypertext that aims at enabling imaginative

from

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135

leaps and connections between disparate texts, facts, and images" and "thus

I n this section, we have been considering "assimilative" or " l o g i c a l "

puts enormous technological and creative effort at the service o f preserving

modes o f analysis. Let us consider what happens when texts are viewed from

what m i g h t be quite rare and ephemeral associations" (p. 259).

an "accommodative" or "analogical" perspective.

A l t h o u g h the template or justificatory mode exemplified by Charney is useful m analyzing hypertexts designed to communicate information, many Web sites are not, strictly speaking, informational and come closer to the

Changing Conceptions of Evidence

type she describes, somewhat disparagingly, as "romantic." M i c h a e l Joyce's (1987) "Afternoon," for example, is a hypertext m which the reader is invited to develop his or her o w n paths through the text. Joyce's hypertext is a fiction, but other uses o f StorySpace that are designed to c o m m u n i cate ideas and information allow readers to choose their own paths. There are also sites best described as "Artspaces," for example Lingua

Elettrica

(http://no.va.com.au/) described as

A purely accommodative perspective, one that involved no preconceptions of what a text is, w o u l d be impossible. Granting this point, analysts do approach hypertexts w i t h the attitude that they cannot be easily assimilated into preconceptions o f what they should be. The contrast I draw is between the kinds o f attention we give to the phenomenon we experience. O n the one hand, we can seek in an experience confirmations o f our typologies and schemata. On the other, we can look for the discrepancies between the models

a web and gallery installation exploring language and its displacement through technology and online communication.... it is a dynamic, evolving zone, that integrates virtual processing systems and the physical space of the installation at Artspacc to create a system which seeks and is fuelled by information both locally and remotely.

we typically use to filler experience and the phenomena at hand. F r o m a 6

disciplinary perspective, a shift from assimilation to accommodation can be understood as a shift from a model of to a model for experience, although some m i g h t identify it, misleadingly, as a "paradigm s h i f t " On a less grand scale, we can say that the technical vocabularies we use as researchers to assimilate the o v e r w h e l m i n g crush o f data we encounter often need to be

A t this site, images are predominant and words are "framed" by the images that contcxtualize them. Charney s (1995) template, however logically applied, w o u l d not be an appropriate approach to this site. To get a sense o f what is going on as you navigate Lingua

Elettrica,

y o u are helped by

metaphors such as " e v o l v i n g zone" or by regarding it as a system that is only "fueled" by information that it then displaces. These analogies suggest that navigating the site has dreamlike effects.

modified to accommodate changes m our cultural environments. Returning to the domain o f rhetoric, we can say that the mam element in an accommodative approach to texts disposes us to modify the "paradigmatic" conceptions o f textuality we bring to the experience o f reading a text. F r o m a practical point o f view, this is tantamount to conceiving experiences such as surfing as "reading" texts. M a n y critics do not regard surfing the WWW

as an experience parallel to reading printed texts because hypertexts

I t w i l l be helpful for our purposes to use M i c h a e l Joyce's (1995, pp. 41 -42)

do not conform to conceptions o f texts developed in print environments.

distinction between exploratory and constructive hypertexts. The explora-

However, from a cognitive point o f view, surfing is a form o f reading,

tory (or expository) hypertext is a "delivery or presentational technology"

although one that differs significantly from the more customary experience

that provides ready access to information. B y contrast, constructive hyper-

of d e r i v i n g meaning from printed pages.

texts allow writers to invent and/or map relationships between bits o f information to suit their o w n needs. To avoid being too simplistic, w e can add a t h i r d type to suggest the middle o f a spectrum—a hypertext that is a "read-

To illustrate the differences, we can say that surfing or hyper-reading is 7

characterized by the f o l l o w i n g :

i n g " (an interpretation or fiction that blends the exploratory and the constructive). H a v i n g proposed a spectrum, w e nonetheless need to simultaneously

Filtering: a higher degree of selectivity in reading

acknowledge that any Web site may be a combination of many types in i t .

Skimming; less text actually read

We also need to acknowledge that, i n many instances, none o f the types w i l l

Pecking: a less linear sequencing of passages read

fit all the Web pages that can be surveyed.

Imposing: the reader's cognitive frameworks override the text's

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Analysis

137

Configuring as a Mode of Rhetorical Analysis

Filming: the " . . . but I saw the film" response that implies that significant meaning is derived more from graphical than from verbal elements of the text Trespassing: loosening of textual boundaries

We can see a new mode o f research emerging by i m p l i c a t i o n in the theories

De-authorizing: lessening sense of authorship and authoriy intention

advanced by poststructural and postmodern thinkers such as Foucault (the

Fragmenting: breaking texts into notes rather than regarding them as essays, articles, or books

panopticon), Haraway (the cyborg), V i r i l i o (video games), and Baudrillard (the simulacra o f the G u l f war). A s I mentioned above, M i c h e l Foucault's (1977) use o f the panopticon in

Critics such as Stephen Bernhardt (1993) describe reading from

the

his Discipline

and Punish is an example o f a configuration. I n this w o r k , the

computer screen i n ways that complement the aspects o f hyper-reading I

panopticon functions as a metaphor for a particular experience o f discipline.

delineate. I n his "The Shape o f Text to Come," Bernhardt suggests 10

Foucault's use o f it is not restricted to the exact figure o f Jeremy Bentham's

features o f texts constructed to be read on-line: situationally embedded,

panopticon. I t is not a model of a discipline. Rather, i t is a concrete rendering

interactive, functionally mapped, modular, navigable, hierarchically embed-

o f an experience to w h i c h a reader can relate his or her experience only by

ded, spacious, graphically r i c h , customizable, and publishable (p. 151).

analogy. A l t h o u g h few readers o f Discipline

and Punish have been institu-

Whatever the categories we use to describe reading on-line, they are not

tionalized m buildings "architected" like Bentham's, most recognize the

l i k e l y to match up w e l l w i t h the desires for meaning advanced by more

experience that Foucault configures. Thus, the expression, "panoptic sur-

traditional critics. I n many quarters, the differences between hyper-reading

veillance," can evocatively reinterpret for them experiences o f their o w n

and the reading o f print identified above are perceived as losses; Sven

education.

Birkerts's (1994) The Gutenberg

Elec-

Donna Haraway's (1985) use o f the figure o f the cyborg m her famous

tronic Age comes readily to m i n d . Nonetheless, i f the hypertextual W W W is

Elegies:

The Fate of Reading

in an

" C y b o r g M a n i f e s t o " configures contemporary experiences o f technology in

to be a subject o f rhetorical analysis ( i f not literary analysis), these differ-

a way that parallels Foucault's use o f the panopticon. She describes a cyborg

ences must be taken into account.

as a hybrid o f machine and organism that is simultaneously a social reality

I n such an account, it needs to be noted that the techniques used i n reading

and a creature o f fiction. Haraway s (1991) analogy to the images o f cyborgs

the Web outlined above do not produce "hard facts" i n a regular manner: that

that we see in films or imagine w h i l e reading science fiction enables us to

is, "hyper-reading" does not produce consistent results. Quite to the contrary.

understand that the boundaries between the artificial and the natural have

S k i m m i n g , filtering, pecking, imposing, transgressing, and fragmenting ac-

been "breached" (p. 152) m ways that affect us personally. I n War and

tivities are not l i k e l y to produce the sort o f stable, shareable descriptions o f

Cinema,

the reading experience that has characterized disciplinary research into

techniques and " m i l i t a r y ways o f seeing." Jean Baudrillard (1994), the author

printed texts. Furthermore, hyper-reading has a much more profoundly

o f Simulacra

graphical dimension than print reading. I n many instances, the graphical

rations i n the analysis o f culture.

elements o f hypertexts carry the meaning o f the site.

:

Paul V i r i l i o (1989) draws out the parallels between cinematic and Simulation,

provides a theoretical basis for using configu-

A n o t h e r example o f the configurai mode o f research can be seen i n the

The differences between hyper-reading and print reading are significant.

w o r k o f tcchnocultural critics such as Constance Penley, A n d r e w Ross

O f paramount importance is the difference in the ways the act o f reading the

(Penley & Ross, 1991), and Stuart M o u i t h r o p (1994). These critics, w h o

Web (surfing) constitutes the features o f texts to make them available as

in general f o l l o w the lead o f thinkers such as Haraway, Foucault, and

evidence i n analytical arguments. Even i f the difference is s i m p l y the degree

B a u d r i l l a r d , take the media as their subject o f analysis. I n d o i n g so, their

to w h i c h the reader is free to structure the features o f the text, i t needs to be

conception o f textuality is necessarily expanded. This is evident m " 'Pen-

noted that differences in degrees can result i n radical metamorphoses (e.g.,

g u m in Bondage'- A Graphic Tale o f Japanese C o m i c B o o k s " by Sandra

water freezing). Critics not only need to m o d i f y their conceptions o f texts i f

Buckley, w h i c h appears i n Penley and Ross's (1991) Technoculture.

they take the W W W as a subject o f analysis, but a new mode o f analysis is

takes as her subject o f analysis a pornographic video game, and her essay's

required to accommodate "constructive" hypertextual readings.

effect depends heavily on the illustrations from the software packet presented

Buckley

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in the print volume. A l t h o u g h the essay itself reads like a traditional critique o f literature, the graphics play an unusually significant role as evidence in it. A l t h o u g h a more dramatic instance than most, this essay demonstrates the changing relationships between graphics and "text" in cultural c r i t i c i s m . W h e n nonpnnt media (television, f i l m , compact discs, software) are the subjects o f analysis, reading becomes v i e w i n g , and graphical aspects o f texts become evidence m arguments about them.

139

experience something i n a particular way. I t is often used i n the construction o f the Web pages we c o m m o n l y read/view on our computer screens. We can probably credit Ted Nelson (1987), the inventor o f the term hypertext,

for this turn o f events. His early proposals, w h i c h came under the

rubric of the "Xanadu Project," involved a configuration; that is, he proposed a m o d e l / o r a w o r l d - w i d e network o f texts, not a modei o / i t . F o l l o w i n g suit, early w o r k on hypertext theory (e.g., Hypermedia

and Literary

Studies,

Deiany & Landow, 1991) introduced the notion o f configuring when theorists

Rhetorical Analyses That Employ Configuring Edward R. Tufte s (1997) Visual Explanations

examines the various ways in

w h i c h we use graphical material to analyze complex phenomena. H i s w o r k gives us an array o f the "visual techniques for depicting quantities"; statistical tables, charts, scales, models, maps, and so on. I t helps us understand that graphical elements o f texts can constitute "explanations" o f phenomena—for example, when scientific data about weather patterns are represented in computer simulations in ways that allow us to anticipate the actual weather. A l t h o u g h the use o f supercomputers in the Department o f Atmospheric

advocated metaphonc devices to show readers how to navigate the pathways through their links. Since the explosion of interest i n hypertexts, many o f its literary and rhetorical theorists have drawn on developments in contemporary literary theory that i m p l y an analogical approach rather than a strictly logical approach. Greg U l m e r (1995), referring to Dernda's w o r k , writes, My hypothesis is that a discourse of immanent critique may be constructed for an electronic rhetoric (for use in video, computer, and interactive practice) by combining Ihe mise-en-abymc with the two compositional modes lhat have dominated audiovisual texts—montage and misc-en-scene." (p. 137)

Sciences at the University o f I l l i n o i s to develop visualizations o f weatherrelated data may seem far removed from literary and rhetorical issues, as m o d e l s / o r experience, they help us understand the significance o f analogies used in research methodologies. The differences between a m o d e l / o r and a model of experience, discussed earlier, arc applicable to the weather experiments to w h i c h Tufte (1997) refers. I n the instances when a supercomputer develops a graphic representation from data gathered during an actual storm, it provides a modei of that storm. However, when a similar model of a potential storm is used to anticipate future weather conditions, it is a mode] for a possible storm.

F o l l o w i n g the lead o f George Landow (1992) and others w h o borrowed from poststructuralist theory. Jay Bolter's (1991) influential Writing Space configures writers as "dwellers." Influenced by thinkers such as Haraway, V i r i l i o , and Bolter, critics o f technology such as Cynthia Selfe undertake configural analyses o f various computer related "texts." "The Politics o f the Interface" (Selfe & Selfe, 1994), coauthored w i t h Richard Selfe, is an argument that works by d r a w i n g analogies. The article begins w i t h an anecdote about being detained at the M e x i c a n border that allows them to "sec how teachers o f English w h o use

Such analyses are "configurations " As a mode o f analysis, c o n f i g u r i n g is

computers are often involved in establishing and maintaining borders them-

a " f i g u r i n g out" through analogies, an attempt to describe in general the

selves" (p. 483). T h i s analogy leads them to examine the "borders" that

contour o f similar interactions that suggests how specific instances w o r k .

interfaces inscribe both culturally and socially: desktops, offices, file cabi-

U n l i k e using a model of experience as a template, configuring is a purely

nets, and so on, all evoking A m e r i c a n cultural contexts. They note that

heuristic gesture that makes no c l a i m to be representational. I t draws an

computer interfaces are "sites w i t h i n w h i c h the ideological and material

outline o f interactions metaphorically. To put the matter as s i m p l y as possi-

legacies o f racism, sexism, and colonialism are continuously w r i t t e n and

ble, a configuration offers an analogy from one realm o f experience to

re~wnlten along w i t h more positive cultural legacies" (p. 484). I n subtle

suggest the shape that an experience m i g h t take in another (Sosnoski, 1994,

ways, the "rhetoric o f technology" inscribes "cultural information passed

p. x x x i ) . C o n f i g u r i n g is a style o f t h i n k i n g whose domain is largely rhetori-

along m the maps o f computer interfaces" (p. 485), w h i c h sometimes under-

cal. I t is often used (e.g., in ads) to persuade persons to believe or do or

mines the ideas that educators advance m computer classrooms. O f course,

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a very similar analysis probably persuaded

Configuring as a Mode of Rhetorical Analysis a corporation to design an

141

attracted persons whose cultural and social backgrounds i t reflected. Rheto-

m The warranting analogies or configurations project possible rather than actual relationships to experience and suggest ways that texts may be navigated (structured) that are random and ad hoc.

rically speaking, however, the configurations that such interfaces invite are

•

interface to attract this target market, and the interface itself probably

potentially harmful cultural communications, w h i c h the Selfe (Selfe & Selfe, 1994)

analysis makes abundantly clear. Lest 1 seem lo i m p l y that cultural

critique is the only kind o f insight that configurations can provide, let me turn to a different type o f analysis. A n exemplary instance o f configuring occurs in a recent article by Joe

A subject rather than an object is investigated (analogies to possible experiences are "intersubjective" relationships).

m The dynamics of the reading process are factored into the constitution of "data" to a greater degree. •

The visual dimension of "reading" assumes a more significant role in deriving meaning from texts (cf. Ellen Esrock's, 1994, work on the visual aspects of reading).

Janangelo (1998) titled "Joseph Cornel! and Hypertexts." I n this essay, Janangelo analyzes several student hypertexts, assuming that their composi-

We can anticipate that advances in virtual reality technology w i l l further

tion is analogous to the collage techniques characteristic o f Joseph Cornell's

change the modes o f argumentation m rhetorical study. The l i k e l i h o o d is that

artwork. T h r o u g h the lens o f this analogy, he describes his experience o f the

rhetorical research w i l l accommodate virtual reality scenarios. One possibil-

hypertexts at issue. This essay exhibits the characteristics o f a configurai

ity is that not only w i l l the subjects o f study be represented graphically or

analysis wherein readers are invited to experience the hypertexts under

configurally but also d y n a m i c a l l y — t h a t is, i n m o t i o n sequences. We w i l l no

discussion through the lens o f the analogous experience o f v i e w i n g Cornell's artwork. The analogy warrants a way o f relating the features o f the text to each other. Cornell's collage technique is not offered as a model for all

doubt soon be plagued by questions such as, Is a virtual reality scenario a model ofn model for or a model for a model of?

hypertexts but as an ad hoc means o f v i e w i n g the ones to hand.

Notes Conclusion O w i n g to the ratios between sounds, images, and words in m u l t i m e d i a texts, rhetorical research w i l l increasingly be m the mode o f configuring. Changes in reading strategies associated w i t h the W W W make it undesirable to unilaterally employ a template model in the analysis o f its hypertexts.

8

U n l i k e the print environment where the structure o f an essay or a speech w o u l d be expected to follow a particular pattern, Web pages bear only some resemblances to each other. Moreover, rapid changes in technology make it problematic to use templates to assess Web pages "across the board." I n contrast to justifications, rhetorical analyses o f Web sites w i l l more and more often be ad hoc and ephemeral. They w i l l no doubt entail reconceptions o f "evidence" and cope w i t h the interconnected sites that do not always provide boundaries to their own textuality. To summarize the implications o f the newer modes of rhetorical analysis, we can say that configuring modifies traditional or modern argumentation in the f o l l o w i n g ways:

1. 1 use the expression "tradiiionaJ" lo refer to She rhetorical tradition as it is commonly understood to have been developed from Anslotle (1991), the expression "modern" to refer to the period from the late 19th century to the 1960s, and the expression "contemporary" to refer to developments from the late 1960s. This penodization of the history of rhetoric demarcates two shifts in the model of the communication situation underlying rhetorical research: first from an Anstotlean conception lo a more flexible mode! influenced by 20th-century developments in linguistics, anthropology, psychology, and semiotics and second to the period when poststructuralist and postmodern critiques of the previous models have made substantial inroads on rhetorical thinking. The late 1960s is usually considered to be the watershed moment, in particular the Johns Hopkins symposium in 1966 during which Paul de Man met Jacques Derrida and whose proceedings introduced Americans to poststucturalism. 2. My reference here is to rhetorical analysis as it has been conducted in departments of English literature. Acknowledging that communications departments also employ rhetorical analysts, I can testify only to the ways rhetorical analysis has been developed in EngHsh literature departments. 3. Poststructuralist approaches to textual analysis are more common in literary circles lhan in rhetorical ones. However, msiances of rhetorical analysis that can be termed dcctmsintctivc, for example, are nonetheless still structured as justificatory arguments whose warranting assumptions (derived from the work of de Man, Derrida, or others) justify the claims being made by determining the relevance of the "evidence" brought to bear on the claims made. 4. Stephen Toulmms Uses of Argument became a leading analytic tool in rhetorical analyses shortly aficr Us publication in 1958.

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5. A similar phenomenon occurs in lilerary criticism. Many disciplines m the humanities depend on interpretation, and their mode of argumentation generally is employed lo justify particular interpretive claims, in a spectrum analysis of disciplinary warrants, the warrants used to justify interpretive claims are resincitve models-;)/ texts that have a template character. However, many interpretations dc facto depend more on "figures" than on "concepts" as their warranting assumptions. For example, vanous schools of interpolation or criticism employ conceptual warrants with a high degree of metaphoncity. Perhaps ihe most famous metaphorical warrant is the one that stipulates that a text is "organic." Other familiar ones arc "the unconscious is a language," "texts are silent," and so on. 6. This distinction was proposed by Jean Piaget (1963). 7. I draw this description of surfing from my "Hyper-readers and their Reading Engines" (Sosnoski, in press) where I elaborate on the vanous features enumerated here. 8. It may be that in a few years, software products such as FrontPage will provide a predominate structure to Web sites, and matching them against design templates will be commonplace in rhetorical analysis; but given the extent to which such templates are likely to be redesigned by software makers rushing to introduce the most recent technical innovations, it seems unlikely that any format pattern will ever be as durable as the arrangement of informal logic that have traditionally dominated argument analysis. Yet it can be argued that the essays themselves, more often than not, violated the recommended logical structures—and that more supple and flexible modes of analysis are long overdue.

References Aristotle. (1991). Rhetoric (George Kennedy, Trans.). New York: Oxford University Press. Baudrillard, J. (1994). Simulacra and simulation. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Bernhardt. S. A. (1993). The shape of lext to come: The texture of print on screens. College Composition and Communication, 44, 151 -175. Birkerts, S. (1994). The Gutenberg elegies: The fate of reading in an electronic age. Boston: Fabcr & Faber. Black. M. (1962). Models and metaphors: Studies m language and philosophy. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Boiler, J. (1991). Writing space: The computer, hypertext, and the history of writing. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Eribaum. Buckley. S. (1991). "Penguin in bondage": A graphic tale of Japanese comic books. In C. Peniey & A. Ross (Eds.), Technoculture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Burke, K. (1969). A grammar of motives. Berkeley: University of California Press. Charncy, D. (1995). The effect of hypertext on processes of reading and writing. In C. Selfe & S. Hilligoss (Eds.), Literucy and computers. New York: Modern Language Association. Charncy, D. (1996). Empiricism is not a four-lclier word. College Composition and Communication, 47(4), 567-593. Delany, P., & Landow, G. (Eds.). (1991). Hypermedia and literary studies. Cambridge: MIT Press. Esrock. E . J. (1994). The readers eye: Visual imaging as reader response. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and punish: The birth of the prison (A. Sheridan, Trans.). New York: Pantheon. Haraway, D. (1985). A cyborg manifcsio: Science, technology, and socialist feminism m the 1980s. Socialist Review, 15(80), 65-107.

as a Mode of Rhetorical

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Haraway, D. (1991). Simians, cyborgs, and women: The reinvention of nam re. New York: Routledge. Janangelo. J. (1998). Joseph Cornell and hypertext. College Composition and Communication, 49(1), 24-43. Joyce. M. (1987). Afternoon, a story. Cambridge, MA: Eastgate. Joyce, M. (1995). Of two minds: Hypertext, pedagogy, and poetics. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Landow, G. (1992). Hypertext: The convergence of contemporary theory ami technology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Moulthrop, S. (1994). Paragnosis, or ihe story of cyberspace. Works and Days, 72(23/24), 33-55. Nelson. T. H. (1987). Computer lib/dream machines. Redmond. WA: Tempus. Peniey, C , & Ross, A. (Eds.). (1991). Technoculture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Piaget, J. (1963). The psychology of intelligence. Paterson. NJ: Littiefield, Adams. Selfe, C. L . , & Selfc, R. J. (1994). The politics of the interface: Power and us exercise in electronic contact zones. College Composition and Communication, 45(4), 480-505. Sosnoski, J. (1994). Token professionals and master critics: A critique of orthodoxy in literary studies. Albany: S U N Y Press. Sosnoski, J. (1995). Modern skeletons in postmodern closets: A cultural studies alternative. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. Sosnoski, J. (in press). Hyper-readers and their reading engines: Passions, politics and 21st century technologies. In G. E . Hawisher & C. L . Selfe (Eds.), Passions, politics, and 21st century technologies. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Touimin, S. (1958). The uses of argument. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Tufte, E . R. (1997). Visual explanations: Images and quantities, evidence and narrative. Cheshire, CT: Graphics Press. Ulmer. G. (1995). Grammatology tin Ihe slacks) «/hypermedia: A simulation. In M. C. Tuman (Ed.), Literacy online: The promise land peril) of reading and writing with computers. Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press. Virilio, P. (1989). War and cinema: The logistics of perception (P. Camiller, Trans.). London: Verso.

From Paper-and-Pencil to Screen-and-Keyboard Toward a Methodology for Sumey Research on the Internet

DIANE F. WiTMER ROBERT W. COLMAN SANDRA LEE K ATZ MAN

E V E R Y DAY, M O R E

PEOPLE DISCOVER

the

Internet and

World Wide

Web,

creating an international and amorphous interaction o f human agents through the digital transmission o f information. The exponential growth o f electronic c o m m u n i c a t i o n and its potential for democracy, culture, and workplace p r o d u c t i v i t y arc d r a w i n g keen interest from researchers m both industry and academia. Topics o f inquiry include how the technology is adopted (e.g., Rice, Grant, Schmitz, & Torobin, 1990; Scbmitz & Fulk, 1991), its role in AUTHORS' NOTE: An earlier version of this chapter was presented to the Communication and Technology Division of the international Communication Association al the 46th Annual Conference, May 23-27. 1996, Chicago, Illinois. 145

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creating culture and c o m m u n i t y (e.g., B a y m , 1995; Bcniger, 1987; Jones, 1995; Reid, 1991, 1995), on-line w o r k and play (e.g., Danet, Ruedenberg, & Rosenbaum-Tamari,

1998; Eisenberg, M o n g c , & M i l l e r , 1983; Sproull &

Kiesler, 1991; Wambach, 1991; Witmer, 1998; W i t m e r & Katzman, 1998), group dynamics m the computer-mediated environment (e.g., Adrianson & Hjelmquist, 1991; Dubrovsky, Kiesier, & Sethna, 1991; Hiftz, Johnson, & Turoff,

1986; Kiesler & Sproull, 1992; Lea & Spears, 1991; M c G u i r c ,

Kiesier, & Siegel, 1987; S m i l o w i t z , Compton, & Flint, 1988; Sudweeks & Rafaeli, 1996), and interpersonal relationships (e.g., Matheson. 1991; Rice & L o v e , 1987; Walther & Burgoon, 1992). M o r e and more, scholars are

1 47

questionnaire element included (a) response scales w i t h each item so that it w o u l d not be necessary for end users to scroll up and down i f they wished to refer to the scales, (b) response boxes aligned on the left margin to m i n i m i z e keystrokes, and (c) graphic rules and white space for m a x i m u m readability. We then set about pretesting the questionnaire w i t h friends and acquaintances. To our surprise, even though these particular respondents knew us and supported our project, they were either u n w i l l i n g or unable to complete the questionnaire and return it. I t was clear that data collection through e-mail potentially could stall our project. Thus, our focus turned to methodology. Internet-based survey research often results m inadequate levels o f partici-

communication

pation ( P i t k o w & Recker, 1994), although there is little extant literature on

( C M C ) via local area networks ( L A N s ) , group decision support systems

Internet-based survey methodology, per se. Kiesler and Sproull (1986) ex-

(GDSSs), and the Internet. As a result, some researchers are raising questions

amined the self-administered electronic questionnaire as a research tool and

concerning the nature o f the research itself (e.g., Rice, 1992). Investigators

proposed that the electronic m e d i u m could combine some o f the advantages

arc discovering that on-line research demands methods for data collection

o f interviews w i t h the advantages o f traditional mail-out questionnaires, m

conducting research o f and through computer-mediated

and analysis that are specific to the medium (e.g., H u f f & Rosenberg, 1988;

that on-line surveys facilitated both complex branching and standardization.

Kaplan, 1992; Kiesler & Sproull, 1986; M i t c h e l l , Paprzycki, & Duckett,

Their focus, however, was on the nature o f the responses rather than on the

1994; Rafaeli & Tractinsky, 1991; S m i t h , 1997).

fundamental concern o f achieving adequate response rates. M o r e recently,

The purpose o f this chapter is to address some basic issues concerning on-line survey methodology. The chapter examines whether traditional paperand-pencil methods are readily adaptable to on-line studies, and reporls a study on conducting survey research v i a the Internet. The f o l l o w i n g sections provide background on the topic, describe how the methodology was developed, and discuss implications for future on-line survey research.

Kaplan (1992) proposed a way o f describing multiple-choice questionnaires for on-line presentation but did not address methods for increasing response rates in self-administered questionnaires. Smith (1997), in a comparison o f e-mail and Web-based survey techniques, addressed the wide variances o f response rates to on-line questionnaires versus traditional paper-and-pencil "snail m a i l " instruments (e.g., Kittleson, 1995; Parker, 1992; Schuldt & Tolten, 3994; Tse et al., 1995). Similarly, our chapter focuses on the problematic nature o f response rates to e-mail questionnaires by specifically e x p l o r i n g the extent to which snail mail survey techniques m i g h t be trans-

Background and Research Questions

lated to the electronic environment.

The three authors o f this paper met on-line for the first time i n 1993 as members o f an international research project known as " P r o j e c t H " (Rafaeli, Sudweeks, Konstan, & Mabry, 1994; Sudweeks & Rafaeli, 1996), and were drawn together through a shared interest in the use o f graphic accents ( G A s )

s

in C M C . D u r i n g 2 years o f collaboration, we conducted all w o r k entirely v i a e-mail." To answer our speci fic research questions on the use of G A s , we developed a three-condition survey study that we planned to conduct v i a the Internet. To that end, we drew on traditional methods of questionnaire design (e.g., Babbie, 1990, 1992; D i l l m a n , 1978). Our survey instrument contained extensive formatting to maximize clarity i n the electronic environment. Each

The lack o f solid research on response rates in electronic surveys is no surprise, given the inconclusive and inconsistent studies that define acceptable response rates or report methods to increase them in traditional paperand-pencil methods (Babbie, 1990, 1992). However, although a 5 0 % response rate is typically considered m i n i m a l l y adequate for much traditional survey research (Babbie, 1990, 1992), response rates around 2 0 % are not uncommon for unsolicited surveys (Fink, 1995), and response rates to on-line surveys may be 10% or lower (e.g., Patrick, Black:, & Whalen, 1995). A t the time o f our questionnaire pretesting, one o f us was using an o l d , text-based e-mail system that moved from screen to screen in j u m p s rather than line-by-line scrolling. He had worked out a ruic o f thumb: " D o n ' t look

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at more than three screens o f a message o f questionable import." We there-

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149

shaped by our shared interest m graphic accents. Because we ultimately

fore suspected that the low response to our preliminary questionnaire m i g h t

intended to carry out a systematic study o f G A impact on reader perception,

be, at least m part, the result o f its length. Our instrument consisted o f 42

our questionnaires for this study were all modifications o f one condition from

stimulus items, w h i c h were constituted o f 12,860 characters and formatted

the three-condition c o m m u n i c a t i o n study on G A s that we ultimately planned

to 384 lines. T h i s translated to 19 screens on a desktop computer (assuming

to complete. Our questionnaires asked respondents to rate the perceived

that a computer screen displays 21 lines o f text). We believed this might seem

intensity, the l i k a b i l i t y , and the emotion conveyed (positive, negative, or

too long and require more time and effort than end users w o u l d invest. I n the

none) o f single-line statements that might be found i n e-mail messages, both

nearest analog to our research, the snail mail survey (Babbie, 1992), high

w i t h and w i t h o u t G A s . The instruments were based on 12 response items,

expenditure o f user energy tends to suppress response rates. A l t h o u g h

each o f w h i c h was associated w i t h a graphic accent and presented repeatedly

D i l l m a n (1978) proposes that the length o f mail surveys does not necessarily

in separate questionnaire sections that asked for user ratings o f perceived

have a major impact on response rate, it can decrease responses ( D i l l m a n ,

intensity, l i k a b i l i t y , and perceived e m o t i o n .

Sinclair, & Clark, 1993). We therefore hypothesized the f o l l o w i n g m regard to a self-administered e-mail survey:

m informed consent information, including a statement that the study's purpose was to explore respondents' "thoughts on sample e-mail messages" and that explained both how to respond and how to return completed questionnaires

H I : A short e-mail questionnaire will yield a significantly higher response rate than a long questionnaire. The question then became one o f whether mere length suppressed

A l l three questionnaires shared certain c o m m o n dements:

the

response rate or i f the way in w h i c h a questionnaire was shortened m i g h t

m The sample messages themselves, arrayed in sections that asked respondents to give ratings on a perceived intensity scale running from least intense (1) to most intense (7); for example,

affect respondents willingness or ability to respond. Our ultimate goal was 5

to m a x i m i z e our data collection, i f possible, by shortening the questionnaire through formatting changes rather than by reducing the number o f stimulus items. We reasoned that respondents might be reluctant to complete the questionnaires either because they found scrolling through repeated screens onerous or because they tired o f completing many stimulus items. I n other words, w e hoped to determine i f the number o f items or the sheer length affected response rate. Thus, our research questions were as follows:

1 hate ice cream with a vengeance! :-( m Ratings on a liking scale running from strongest disliking liking (7)

(1) to strongest

m Ratings on a nominal scale of the "emotion conveyed by each message": positive emotion (P), negative emotion (N), or no emotion ( X ) m A set of six demographic items that asked for respondents' gender, age, education, native language, and length of lime using CMC and computers in general

RQ1: Is response rate increased by reducing the number of screens through which the respondent must scroll? RQ2: Is response rate further increased by decreasing the number of stimulus items?

EXPERIMENTAL

VARIATIONS

The length o f the questionnaires was our independent variable, and there

Method

were three lengths: long, short format, and abbreviated. The first condition (long) used the original questionnaire format from w h i c h we had received

INSTRUMENTATION

such l o w response rates from acquaintances. I t consisted o f 12 messages, repeated three times, once m each o f the "intensity," " l i k i n g , " and "emotion

To answer our questions and test our hypothesis, we designed three questionnaires that varied i n length and format. A H three questionnaires were

conveyed" sections mentioned above. Every response item included a response scale and response box.

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The second c o n d i t i o n , the short-format questionnaire, condensed

the

physical length o f the survey instrument by g i v i n g the response scales solely

The t h i r d condition, the abbreviated questionnaire, used the same format

Hierarchy

as the short-format condition but further abridged the instrument by cutting

alt.* misc.*

the number o f repeated messages from 12 to 6 (plus the six demographic

fee*

items). Thus, i n the abbreviated version, the overall number o f items dropped from 42 to 24. In terms o f physical length, the final short-format and abbreviated questionnaires were similar, totaling 251 lines (approximately 12 screens) and

151

T A B L E 7.1 Stratified Sample of Newsgroups

m the introduction to each section. Thus, the short-format version included the response scales solely m the introduction to each section.

to Screen-and-Keyboard

soc.* talk.* Totals

Number of Groups in List

Percentage of Groups tn List

1259 59 367 129 21 1835

69 3 20 7

j ioo

Number of Groups Percentage of in Sample Groups in Sample 21

i 6 2

i a

31

68 3 19 6 3 99

a

n. Difference tluc lo rounding.

222 lines (approximately 11 screens), respectively. The long questionnaire consisted o f 384 lines (approximately 19 screens). The short-format questionnaire was 65% o f the length o f the long one, and the abbreviated was 5 9 % o f the long one (and only 6% less than the version w i t h double the number o f stimulus messages).

d u r i n g the 72-hour collection period, we discarded the group as a collection site and randomly selected a replacement group from w i t h i n the same hierarchy. A d d i t i o n a l newsgroups from appropriate hierarchies were added to replace those that yielded obsolete or invalid addresses. A l t h o u g h we could stratify the sample according to numbers o f groups in

Sampling

each hierarchy, we were unabic to stratify the sample by percentages o f

We collected data in two phases. For the first phase, we used Usenet newsgroups as a sampling frame for two reasons: First, they represented a broad demographic range of end users. Second, they were easily accessible and allowed us to draw p u b l i c l y posted e-mail addresses for our sample. To that end, we obtained a current list o f Usenet newsgroups v i a a "gopher" search on the Internet. The first step was to eliminate all newsgroup hierar-

i n d i v i d u a l users'' because we lacked accurate projections for how many people w o u l d frequent each o f the groups during the proposed sampling period. We chose, therefore, lo select the stratified sample o f the 31 newsgroups, randomly select from each group 12 addresses o f people w h o posted there, and then randomly assign 4 o f the 12 collected e-mail addresses to each o f the three survey conditions. We eliminated any duplicate addresses

3

chies that were inappropriate for inclusion because of narrowly focused topics or those m which we believed our survey might be viewed as disruptive and counter to the spirit o f the groups. The remaining hierarchies, alt.*.,

from the resulting m a i l i n g lists before sending out the questionnaires. For the second phase o f data collection, our sample frame consisted o f subscribers to two large e-mail subscription services. I n the interest o f good

4

misc.*, rec.*; soc.* and talk.*, yielded a total o f 1,835 newsgroups from :

w h i c h we could draw a sample o f e-mail addresses.

"netiquette," we chose subscription lists that had some relationship to the nature o f our research, specifically, the C o m m u n i c a t i o n and I n f o r m a t i o n

5

To compensate for anticipated l o w response rates and still have adequate responses for statistical analysis, we attempted to reach at least 100 respon-

Technology listserv, and the A m e r i c a n C o m m u n i c a t i o n Association listserv. We randomly selected 294 nonduplicativc e-mail addresses from the lists.

dents for each o f the three questionnaire conditions. To that end, we drew a stratified random sample from the appropriate newsgroup hierarchies. We based the strata on the relative percentages o f the tolal number o f newsgroups represented by each hierarchy as shown in Table 7 . 1 . The procedure described above yielded 31 groups. O u r criterion for m i n i m a l traffic volume was based on postings during a specified period. I f at least 12 users w i t h different e-mail addresses had not posted to the group

PROCEDURE

D u r i n g the first phase o f data collection, we each distributed one third (100 copies) o f the questionnaires. We opted to send out the questionnaires over a smgie weekend to m i n i m i z e possible systematic differences m response rates due to the time o f week or season. The first attempt to mail the questionnaires drew hostile responses to several o f 145 questionnaires sent by

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153

two o f the researchers. The speed and vehemence o f the responses ( w h i c h

returned completed questionnaires, 5 (1.8%) responded that they d i d not

argued, w i t h varying degrees o f obscenity, that we should not have sent a

w i s h to participate, and 213 (75.0%) did not respond. One aberrant response

long, unsolicited questionnaire) convinced us that we should abort the

is w o r t h mentioning here, because it affected both our database and our

m a i l i n g . We immediately halted the project lo reformulate our plan.

inferences concerning on-line survey research methodology.

D r a w i n g again on traditional snail mail survey techniques, we decided to

One respondent returned a fully completed questionnaire through an

send short introductory messages in advance o f the questionnaires, w h i c h

anonymous server, which stripped all identifying information from

w o u l d allow respondents to decline participation after receiving oniy a brief

message header. I n addition, the respondent removed the introductory para-

the

note. Thus, we replenished our stratified sample, drafted an introductory

graphs, w h i c h made i t impossible to determine the correct subject number or

e-mail message to be sent out 2 weeks in advance o f the questionnaires, and

newsgroup. I t appeared that the participant had returned a valid response but

wrote a new introductory paragraph for the questionnaires. The new proce-

m a desire to remain anonymous, had used technology to alter Ihe survey

dure, we hoped, w o u l d m i n i m i z e inconvenience to recipients w h o m i g h t be

instrument. We were reasonably certain that the data were valid, that the

using e-mail systems through w h i c h they paid for their messages by v o l u m e .

questionnaire had been returned to the learn member w h o sent i t , and that it

Reasoning that some recipients might be more inclined to respond to the

was from the second, rather than the first, m a i l i n g . This meant that although

questionnaire after seeing it, we also decided lo ask only those w h o d i d not

w e had sent out a total o f 284 questionnaires, the final data set w o u l d

w i s h to participate in the study to reply to our message. They could decline

represent 285 questionnaires. To compensate for this inaccuracy, we substi-

participation and be removed from our lists simply by using their reply

tuted the data for the extra response for the missing data o f one nonre-

features and typing " N O . " We used a similar method w i t h a slightly modified

sponding subject number, taking care that the substitution corresponded to

message o f introduction for the second phase o f data collection.

the correct researcher and questionnaire version. A l t h o u g h this meant that the respondent might be assigned to a different newsgroup than that from w h i c h the address was drawn, newsgroup information was not an integral

Results D u r i n g the first phase o f data collection, our second mailing, as expected,

clement o f the study. Thus, to maintain the integrity o f the study in terms o f our hypothesis, we favored accuracy o f the response rate over accuracy o f newsgroup assignment.

went far more smoothly than the first, aborted m a i l i n g . Our first attempt to

The second phase o f data collection yielded a totai o f 50 responses from

send an introduction along w i t h the questionnaire evoked some comments

a totai o f 277 questionnaires successfully sent (and presumed received) for

o f a hostile nature that generally is described on the Internet as " f l a m i n g . "

a response rate o f 1 8 . 1 % . I n this second phase, a total o f 3 people (1.1%)

Some o f these responses came from individuals w i t h access providers whose

responded that they d i d not wish to participate i n the study.

fee structures included charging for e-mail by volume. Others expressed a

We used a chi-square statistic to determine i f response rates differed

general objection to receiving "junk m a i l . " I n contrast, the introductory

between the t w o sets o f data. The response rates o f 2 3 . 2 % and 1 8 . 1 % for the

message that we subsequently sent in advance o f the questionnaire elicited

first

little negativity, a number o f respectful responses, and some complimentary

(chi-square [ 1 , N = 561] = 2.00, /; = .16; see Table 7.2). A s a result, we

comments on our approach from individuals w h o chose not to participate in

combined the t w o sets o f data for further analysis.

the study.

and second phases o f data collection were not statistically different

O f the totai 561 questionnaires we sent, 187 were the long version, w h i c h

O f 509 total addresses collected, 145 were sent in the aborted m a i l i n g and

produced 33 responses, for a 17.6% response rate. We sent a total o f 177

another 33 were invalid addresses. O f the remaining 331 individuals to w h o m

short-format questionnaires and received 43 answers or a 24.3% response

wc sent introductory messages, 47 (14.2%) o f the individuals responded that

rate. The abbreviated version from which items were deleted yielded 40

they d i d not wish to participate in the study. Thus, we sent questionnaires to

responses out o f 197 sent, or a 20.3% response rate. The overall response

the remaining 284 individuals. O f those questionnaire recipients, 66 (23.2%)

rate across questionnaires was 20.7%.

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T A B L E 7.2 Chi-Square for Response Rates, by Phase of Data Collection

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155

T A B L E 7.4 Chi-Squarc for Response Rates, by Long Questionnaire Compared With Combined Short-Format and Abbreviated Questionnaires

Phase of Data Collection Questionnaire Version Phase I

Phase 11 Long

Response Response with answer No response or decline Tola!

Toial 66 218 284 50.6%

NOTE: Chi-square value = 1.99644; ¡1/=

50 227 277 49.4%

116 445 561 100.0%

Response Response with answer No response or decline Total

Short & Abbreviated Combined

Total

83 291 374 66.7%

116 445 561 100.0%

33 154 187 33.3%

significance = .15767. NOTE: Chi-square value = i .30550; df* i : significance = .25321.

We used chi-square statistics to test the hypothesis that the short-format and abbreviated versions o f the questionnaire w o u l d produce a significantly higher response rate than the long version. First, we used a chi-square to

Discussion

determine i f there was a significant difference in response rates between the

A l t h o u g h the study did not yield the expected results, a number o f valuable

two shortened versions o f the questionnaire (see Table 7.3). The results

lessons can be learned from these data. The information concerning both

indicated that there was no significant difference between short-format and

response rates and questionnaire design indicate that on-line research should

abbreviated (chi-square [ 1 , A > ~ 3 7 4 ] - 0.64, p - 42). We then combined the

reflect sensitivity to the peculiarities o f the electronic environment.

two shortened versions o f the questionnaire for a comparison between the response rates o f the iong version (17.6%) compared w i t h the combined short-format and abbreviated versions ( 2 2 . 2 % ) . The chi-square (sec Table

RESPONSE

RATES

7.4) indicated that the difference between combined short versions and the

The data do not support the hypothesis that the short versions o f the

o r i g i n a l , long version was not significant (chi-square [ 1 , N = 561] = 1.31, p

questionnaire w o u l d produce significantly higher response rates than the

= .25).

long version. The answers lo the research queslions also remain equivocal. A l t h o u g h there was a slight difference in the raw results, the chi-square test did not reveal a significant difference in response rates between the short-

T A B L E 7.3 Chi-Square for Response Rates, by Short-Format and Abbreviated Questionnaires

format or abbreviated versions o f the questionnaire. This may be due to the nature o f the end user respondent making a decision to complete or not complete the questionnaire after l o o k i n g only at the introductory paragraph rather than l o o k i n g at the questionnaire m its entirety.

Questionnai re Version Short Format Response Response with answer No response or decline Total

Another possible explanation for the lack o f difference between response

Abbreviated Total

43 134 177 47.3%

40 157 197 52.7%

NOTE: Chi-square value = 0.64375; df= ) ; significance = 42236.

83 291 374 !00.0%

rales across the three versions o f the questionnaire is the learning process of the respondents. I n on-line examinations, Rafaeli and Tractinsky (1991) found that reduced resting time and participants learning curves d u r i n g the 5

course o f the exams resulted in time saved during longer tests. Similarly, respondents

to our long questionnaire may have become more adept at

answering the items than those responding to the short instruments. This may

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157

have resulted i n similar expenditures o f end user time and energy across the

pnate to the electronic environment. A l t h o u g h enclosing a cover letter may

three versions and, thus, similar response rates.

be acceptable for snail mail surveys, the computer-mediated m e d i u m man-

The results o f this study indicate that like response rates for other self-

dates consideration o f the systems i n w h i c h respondents receive their e-mail,

administered questionnaires, response rates for on-line surveys may not be

the costs involved for users, their keyboard skills, and their technical exper-

particularly sensitive to questionnaire length, per sc. Our response rate was

tise. Unsolicited e-mail, particularly when it is of substantial length (and thus

low across all three versions o f the instrument. We believe the low response

uses excessive " b a n d w i d t h " ) is w i d e l y seen as, at best, a breach o f " n c t i -

rates were due to three critical factors. First, the questionnaires appeared

quettc" and, at worst, as a violation o f personal privacy. Thus, e-mail surveys

fragmented because there was no internal coherence between stimulus items.

require a two-step process o f introduction and instrument.

Because w e were interested in user perceptions o f G A s on e-mail messages,

Our second m a i l i n g o f a brief introductory message gave potential respon-

we varied the content o f the smgie-line messages m the survey instruments.

dents an easy way to avoid receiving the full instrument, w h i c h for some

Second, the end users probably had low interest in the survey topic, w h i c h

users, could create a technical hassle and a personal expense. B y g i v i n g the

was unrelated to their newsgroup themes. I n a similar on-line survey, one o f

recipients o f our m a i l i n g some control over the matter, our second m a i l i n g

the authors attained a markedly higher response rate (26%) than we attained

drew far less ire than did the first one and even evoked positive comment.

m this study, despite the technical challenges o f conducting the survey

The unanticipated positive responses by nonparticipants are especially sig-

through an anonymous server (Witmer, 1998). I n that research, however, all the respondents presumably had keen interest in the newsgroup topics, and the questionnaire asked about their personal senses o f safety in posting to the alt.sex.* newsgroup hierarchy. Because the sample was drawn from the alt.sex.* hierarchy, w h i c h traditionally is one o f the most popular on the Internet, respondents may have had a higher personal investment i n the subject or a higher interest levei m the general study. T h i r d , our relatively bland subject matter, coupled w i t h the repetitious pattern o f unrelated statements, may have appeared trivial or boring to many o f our questionnaire recipients.

nificant, because they represent an extra (and unsolicited) allocation o f time and effort to formulate, write, and send the electronic message. Another methodological consideration o f computer-mediated survey research is that, unlike those who receive other forms o f self-admimstered questionnaires, respondents have the capability o f altering the instrument itself. I n our study, the case o f the response sent via anonymous

server

illustrates the potential difficulty associated w i t h this capability. O u r outgoing questionnaires were altered when some respondents deleted the introductory paragraph, and this proved problematic when one altered instrument was returned through an anonymous server. A l t h o u g h the integrity o f our study was not compromised, the clear inference is that on-line survey

INSTRUMENT

DESIGN AND

IMPLEMENTATION

methodology should include (a) technological safeguards against alterations o f the instrument (such as those offered by Web-based forms) and (b)

This study indicates that provision o f an incentive to participate appears even more critical in on-line research than in snail mail surveys. I n the latter,

contingency plans for handling altered or untraceable instruments during analysis.

i f an individual doesn't care to participate, he or she must still deal w i t h the physical instrument. Disposal o f a paper questionnaire requires f o l d i n g , scrunching, or some other manipulation, w h i c h may, to some small measure,

Conclusions

delay the decision to dismiss the study. I n an e-mail survey, touching a key is all a respondent needs to do to cancel or delete an instrument, whether i t

This study indicates that both as a mode and a locus o f study, C M C has

has been answered in whole or i n part. Such ease o f document removal makes

enormous potential. We sec, however, that survey methodology docs not

advanced, introductory contact w i t h respondents particularly important in

translate across the board to computers from older, "lower-tech" forms of

on-line research.

c o m m u n i c a t i o n , although some points o f reference

may be useful. Our

Our results indicate that attaching an introductory paragraph w i t h no

results suggest that on-line survey research requires incentives for participa-

forewarning to a f u l l , on-line survey instrument is inadequate and inappro-

t i o n , introductory messages separate from the instruments, and safeguards

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against alteration o f the questionnaires. The study also raises the question o f how questionnaire length affects response rate and at what level o f instrument brevity a researcher reaches the point o f diminishing returns. Clearly, computer-mediated research needs specific and carefully designed instruments that not only accommodate but exploit the features o f the electronic environment to attract respondents w h o otherwise may have their fingers on a delete key. Researchers cannot merely import paper-and-pencil methodologies to on-line studies, but must adapt them to the electronic environment and create new methods to expand our knowledge in and o f computer-mediated communication.

Notes 1. The term was coined by a Stanford doctoral candidate in communication, Dennis Kinsey, in a personal communication with one of the authors. 2. Only once did two of the three authors meet face-lo-face, for a brief lunch meeting. 3. The Usenet Newsgroup list that served as our sampling frame was dated October 3, 1994. 4. Posting e-mail messages that do not conform to a specific newsgroup topic or user expectations is widely considered poor neticiuette, the popular term for good manners on the Internet, and can result in hostile responses (see, e.g., Virginia Shea's 1994 Neiitptette, available on-line at http://www.albion.coni/netiquetie/book/index.himl). 5. Newsgroup hierarchies are distinguished by the first siring of characters preceding a period in ihc newsgroup name. For this study, we eliminated from our sampling frame scientific hierarchies, those that seemed to be primarily constituted of business or lechmcal announcements, or those that had any sort of fee structure, We tried to focus on hierarchies that were widely known throughout the Internet and where our survey might be least likely to be perceived by users as a breach of netiquetie. Among those we eliminated were bionet.*, bit.*, biz.*, clan.* comp.*, gnu.*, hepnet.*, ieec.*, sci.*, info.*, k 12.*, reicom.*, u3b.*., vmsnei.*, and news.* 6. Although we recognize that more than one person may access an e-mail account, we use the lenn individual user or end user to refer lo e-mail recipients. Typically, only one person responds to a single e-mail message, but the reader should keep in mind that responses to questionnaires administered through e-mail may be individual or collaborative efforts. This, in faci, is not altogether different from a mail-oui survey, in which recipients may collaborate on a single instrument.

References Adrianson, L . , & Hjelmquist, E . (1991). Group process in face-to-face and computer-mediated communication. Behaviour & Information Technology, 10, 281-296. Babbie, E. (1990). Sttn>ey research methods (2nd éd.). Beimont. CA: Wadsworth. Babbie, E . (1992). The practice of social research (6lh cd.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth.

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CHAPTER

Measuring Internet Audiences Patrons of an On-Line Art Museum

MARGARET MCLAUGHLIN STEVEN B. GOLDBERG NICOLE ELLISON JASON LUCAS

T H E W O R L D W I D E WEB ( W W W or the Web) is especially w e l l suited to the display o f art. A l t h o u g h there are numerous galleries and museums on the Web, most suffer from limitations o w i n g i n part to the novelty o f the m e d i u m and the relative infancy o f on-line e x h i b i t i o n culture ( M c L a u g h l i n , 1996). For example, much o f the w o r k available on-line bypasses the traditional curatorial Filter. Our objective in creating the University o f Southern C a l i fornia ( U S C ) Interactive A r t M u s e u m has been to develop a structure m w h i c h the assembling and display o f objects takes place w i t h i n contextualized exhibitions and is informed by a sense o f curatorial presence, selectivity, and mission (Schertz, Jaskowiak, & M c L a u g h l i n , 1998). On-line galleries w i s h i n g to exhibit three-dimensional art (sculptures, assemblages, and i n stallations) have had to be content largely w i t h displaying digitized slides o f the w o r k s , and the viewer's vantage point w i t h respect to such objects has ordinarily been confined to a single, frontal, two-dimensional view. We have 163

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Inlernet Audiences

165

developed new technologies for exhibiting three-dimensionai works and avant-

Thomas Doughty, Henry Inman, George Inness, David Johnson, and Thomas

garde performances and events on-line that allow the viewer to enjoy m u l t i -

M o r a n . The landscapes represent a nationalistic and romantic tradition in

ple and varying perspectives on objects and people in the museum and to feel

American art history characterized by worship o f the unspoiled A m e r i c a n

a sense o f "presence" ( L o m b a r d & D i t t o n , 1997) in the remote environment.

wilderness and an effort to capture a developing sense o f national identity.

A fundamental challenge has been to develop coherent virtual spaces that

The pictures reflect the conflicting themes o f pride in the progress repre-

take advantage o f the interactive nature o f the W W W to enable dialogue and

sented by westward expansion and concerns that the inevitable consequence

information sharing among artists, curators, and viewers. W i t h respect to the

o f that progress w o u l d be the irretrievable loss o f the frontier (Casamassima

facilitation o f dialogue, we have developed an interactive museum where

& L m e k e r , 1996).

visitors can communicate, asynchronously or m real time, w i t h museum staff

A h i g h l i g h t o f the exhibition is a set o f commentaries on Cole's "The

and other museum goers; participate in the design of installation art (e.g.,

Woodchopper: Lake Featherstonchaugh," by scholars from several areas o f

add new elements or rearrange existing ones); and monitor the evolution o f

the humanities, including art history, feminist studies, religion, and A m e r i c a n

the collaborative w o r k over time. Furthermore, we have created a number of

studies. The exhibition is accompanied by RealAudio voice annotations by

mechanisms to permit us to learn w h o our visitors are, w h y they've come,

Fisher Gallery Director Selma H o i o . Each image is provided w i t h an accom-

and what they can contribute to our understanding of the patron base for

panying didactic panel that provides a historical context for the w o r k .

on-line museums. In this chapter, we report on some o f our methods for coming to know our audience.

"Light in Darkness: Women in Japanese Prints of Early Shown (I926-I945)

"

This on-line exhibition o f Japanese shin hanga w o o d b l o c k prints, many

The USC Interactive Art Museum

o f w h i c h were ioaned by the Los Angeles County M u s e u m o f A r t , takes as The virtual museum project, k n o w n as the USC Interactive A r t M u s e u m at

its subtext the depiction o f women in art produced between the t w o w o r l d

the Fisher Gallery (http://digimuse.usc.edu/museum.html) currently features

wars. The works in the exhibition exemplify the conflict between the cultural

three exhibitions. Presently on view are "Romance W i t h Nature," an e x h i b i -

yearnings and backlash against modernity represented by the hijin, or tradi-

tion o f 19th-century American landscapes; " L i g h t m Darkness: W o m e n i n

tional beauties, and the impulses favoring modernization and Western prac-

Japanese Prints o f Early S h ô w a (1926-1945)"; and "Trinkendes

tices, o f w h i c h the moga, or modern g i r l , was emblematic ( B r o w n et al.,

Mädchen"

(Drinking Maiden), a telerobotic stereo display o f an early 20th-century sculp-

1996). The prints i n the exhibition were aimed p r i m a r i l y at the export

ture by Ernst Wenck. A l s o available on the museum site is archived video

market and are notable for their traditional themes and idealized notions o f

from the live Webcast o f the opening o f an exhibition o f the works o f Spanish

w o m a n l y beauty. Selected pages from the exhibition have been translated

artists M i g u e l Navarro and Carmen Calvo. The site is fully searchable by

into Japanese.

means o f the Excite search engine, which provides summaries and c o n f i dence estimates for documents containing the user's keyword or concept."

THE

American

Maiden)"

development o f new telerobotic technologies for exhibiting three-dimensional works o f art over the Internet and (b) the discovery o f techniques for

With Nature: Landscapes

Mddchcn (The Drinking

Cenlral to the mission of the U S C Interactive A r t Museum are (a) the

EXHIBITIONS

"Romance

"Trinkendes

in the USC

Collections"

facilitating remote collaboration i n the creation o f nonplanar art objects ( M c L a u g h l i n , Osborne, & Ellison, 1997). The museum's first telerobotic art

This e x h i b i t i o n features works by 19th-century landscape artists, i n c l u d -

installation, the Tele-Garden, permitted visitors to seed and water a remote

i n g A m e r i c a n masters Albert Bierstadt, Thomas Cole, Asher B . Durand,

garden over the Internet (Goldberg, Bekey, Akatsuka, & Bressanelli, 1995).

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The Tele-Garden is now on display at A r s Eleclonica in Austria

(see

167

obtain a particular image. The preview w i n d o w also acts as an interface for

M c L a u g h l i n et al., 1997, for an account o f the formation o f an on-line

rotating the statue. T w o arrows are to be used to rotate the statue either

c o m m u n i t y i n this virtual environment). For our most recent e x h i b i t i o n ,

clockwise or counterclockwise. When users request pictures to be taken, they

Trinkendes

a statue by German sculptor Ernst Wenck, was placed

execute a local program on the Web server that w i l l cither put them in a queue

on a rotating platform at USC's Fisher Gallery. The system has been designed

or begin decoding the position data sent by the user's applet. W h e n ail motion

so those w h o have a Web connection can manipulate remote, robotically

is completed, images are taken from both cameras and returned to the user

controlled C C D (charge coupled device) cameras to view images o f the

for v i e w i n g .

Mädchen,

statue. Stereo viewing is available for users w i t h head-mounted displays. To complement the interface to the D r i n k i n g M a i d e n exhibition, text materials

Analysis of Server Logs

and curator's voice annotations to the exhibition have been made available, the latter via a RealAudio server. I n addition to viewing the exhibition over the Web, visitors to the Fisher Gallery on the USC campus can view the

The data described below are taken from the cumulative l o g file record, a

telerobotic installation and watch as the robotic arm moves the cameras and

61-megabyte corpus, for a 7-month period from February 4, 1997, when the

rotating platform in response to commands from remote users around the

museum project was officially "launched," through September 8, 1997. The

world.

project was given a considerable publicity push by USC's news service,

The system consists o f a 6 degrees-of-freedom arm and a rotating platform

resulting m our being featured on C N N and M S N B C broadcasts, as w e l l as

w i t h separate workspaces. The workspaces were intentionally separated to

being written up or picked as a worthy site by the Chronicle USA Today, the Los Angeles

of

Higher

make it impossible for the robot to come into contact w i t h any part o f the

Education,

Times, and other print and on-line

statue. O n the end o f the robot, there is a vengeance head that provides for

sources. Each new episode o f publicity resulted in a flurry o f activity on the

the correct v i e w i n g angles required for comfortable viewing o f stereo i m -

site, w h i c h was duly reflected in our server logs. These iogs, in the extended

ages. T h i s is linked in software to a sonar panel that determines the range to

log fife formal, keep track o f who was visiting the site (unique Internet

target for the vengeance head. The two C C D cameras are mounted under the

addresses), when they came, what they requested, how long they iooked at

vengeance head. Each C C D camera has autofocus and a powered z o o m that

each page, where they were before they came to the site, what browser they

w i l l allow the user to get closer to the statue than the robot's workspace w i l l

were using, what country they were from, and more. L o g files were analyzed

allow. Our user interface provides a four-image, four-click control over the

using WebTrends.' Table 8.1 presents the overall access statistics for the

manipulator. The first image is a side view o f the statue. I n this view, the user

7-month period.

1

chooses where on the statue the cameras w i l l point in respect to the x and z axes. The second image is a side representation o f the robot and its w o r k space. T h i s w i l l allow the user to choose any permissible location w i t h i n the workspace as presented i n the x and z axes. The third image is a top view o f

T A B L E 8.1 Access Statistics for the Digimuse Server, February 4, 1997, to September 9, 1997

the statue that w i l l allow the user to control the pan o f the cameras. The fourth 269,967

image is a top projection o f the robot and workspace as defined i n the second

Total number of successful hits

image. This allows the user to turn the robot about its y axis and still extend

Total number of user sessions

the arm in the x axis. I n both representations o f the robot, the links are

User sessions from the Uniied Slates

presented as flat rendered polygons so that the user can manipulate the end

International user sessions

15.79% 27.06%

effector w i t h visual feedback as to how that w i l l effect the j o i n t positions.

Ongm unknown user sessions

There is a preview w i n d o w that suggests what the user w i l l see i f he or she

Average hits per day

requests a picture from a particular vantage point. This image is intentionally

Average user sessions per day

locked into 15-degree perspectives to inspire the user to use the robot to

Average user session length

14.078 57.13%

1,244 64 04:23

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169

T A B L E 8.2 Top Ten Organizations Accessing the Museum Web Site

Traffic to the site peaked f o l l o w i n g the initial publicity blitz, then tapered Organizations

Hits

Percentage of Total

User Sessions

í

America Online aol.com

9,481

3.51

538

2

Uunet Technologies Inc. uu.net

6,393

2.36

276

3

Netcom on-line Services nelcom.com

5,555

2.05

257

4

Earthlink Network Inc. earthlink.net

3,588

i .32

135

5

Compuserve Incorporated compuserve.com

2,874

j .06

127

6

Pacific Bell Internet Services pacbell.net

2,496

0.92

120

7

Mindspnng Enterprises Inc. mindspnng.com

¡,761

0.65

68

8

Performance Systems International Inc. psi.net

1,645

0.60

61

requested the page introducing the telerobotics exhibition, whereas the less

9

netvision.net.il

1,477

0.54

97

high-tech print and landscape exhibitions attracted comparatively less atten-

10

ARTEMIS wcbtv.nel

1,371

0.50

73

off considerably d u r i n g the late spring and early summer, probably m correspondence w i t h the academic calendar, and then picked up and resumed a steady state o f about 64 user sessions per day. (User sessions are defined as a sequence o f H T T P requests from a unique user, as determined by Internet protocol address. Sessions are considered to have terminated i f there are no requests for a 30-mmute period.) D u r i n g the 7-month period, there were an 4

estimated 14,078 user sessions, lasting an average of 4.23 minutes. The majority (57.13%) o f users was o f U.S. o r i g i n . Sessions were split roughly equally between daytime (8:00 a.m.-5:00 p.m., user's local time) and evenings (5:00 p.m.-8:00 a.m., user's local time). There were 6,973 sessions i n the daytime and 7,105 sessions in the evening hours. M o s t users connected to the site during the week (77.28%) as opposed to the weekend (22.71 % ) .

REQUESTS

FOR SITE

FEATURES

W i t h respect to features o f the site that were accessed, 58.08% o f the users

t i o n . However, the number o f users actually accessing the telerobotic interface itself dropped o f f to less than 2 5 % . w h i c h may reflect in part the presence o f a substantial number o f users whose Web browsers did not support Java, the p r o g r a m m i n g language in w h i c h the applets for rotating and v i e w i n g the D r i n k i n g M a i d e n were written. The search engine provided

included

A m e r i c a Online ( A O L ) , Compuserve,

Pacific B e l l , N e t c o m ,

WebTV, and other w e l l - k n o w n and highly marketed access providers.

was used i n less than 1.5% o f the sessions. ANALYSIS OF REFERRER MOST ACTIVE

ORGANIZATIONS

LOG

ENTRIES

A n a l y s i s o f the referrer log data suggests that most o f the traffic that did not come as a direct result o f one o f the publicity blitzes (for example, 786

Analysis o f the log server data indicated that the top organizations v i s i t i n g

o f the sessions were referred from the USA Today " H o t Site" page, another

the museum site were Internet access providers, suggesting that the most

487 from the " C o o l Site o f the Day" pages, 97 from the Chronicle

c o m m o n ways in w h i c h the museum pages were retrieved was over a modem

Education

and dial-up connection to a commercial service provider or from a computer

from a net guide or search engine. For instance, 3,489 o f the sessions were

of

Higher

Web site, and 84 from the C N N site) arrived at the museum pages

at the user's place o f business. W i t h respect to domain, 4 4 . 8 1 % o f the

referred from Yahoo, 310 from Excite, 186 from A O L Netfind, and so on.

accesses were from the .com domain, 33.86% from .net, 15.89% from .edu,

The keywords that most frequently brought visitors to the site were "art" and

3.39% from .org, 1.49% from .gov, .54% from . m i l , and .02% from Arpanet.

"museum." M a n y visitors came to the site as a result o f searches for infor-

The top 10 organizations accessing the site arc presented i n Table 8.2. They

mation on specific artists featured in the landscapes exhibition, particularly

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171

Bierstadt, Cole, and M o r a n , although there were no occurrences m the l o g

the chat r o o m l o g file. The first entry is the time o f posting, followed by the

file o f k e y w o r d searches on the names o f Japanese artists featured i n the

user name assumed on entry into the chat r o o m (for w h i c h we have substi-

prints e x h i b i t i o n . Presumably, these names are iess w e l l - k n o w n among a

tuted the generic ChatUser#), and the visitor's message.

largely Western visitor base. A few arrived at the site by accident; that is, i t is u n l i k e l y that visitors searching on keywords and phrases such as "angel fish" or "Selma Hayek nude" expected to be pointed to an on-line art

(22:39:40) (ChatUserl) of (Porcelain Company Name): Hello I am new to your chat room.

museum. Such errors occur when users o f search engines fail to constrain

(22:40:41) (ChatUserl) of (Porcelain Company Name): Is anyone here now?

their k e y w o r d searches to exact phrases or adjacent word pairs.

(17:02:08) (ChatUser2): Enters the lobby . . . (17:02:25) (ChalUser2): Leaves . . .

INTERACTIVE

SITE FEATURES

THE ON-LINE MUSEUM

AND

PATRON

A real-time chat server was installed on the museum site to elicit user feedback, m o n i t o r response to the site, and permit visitors to chat w i t h each other or query any staff who happened to be on-line. A chat w i n d o w is also available on the robot interface page. T w o on-line feedback forms are used, one o f w h i c h solicits general reaction to the site, the other o f w h i c h seeks feedback from visitors on information they m i g h t possess relative to one o f the exhibitions. A n e-mail alias, [email protected], is used to receive e-mailed feedback and circulate it q u i c k l y among members o f the project team.

(13:08:42) (ChatUser3): Enters the lobby . . . (13:14:46) (ChatUser3): well, it's difficult to say any reasonable thing in a line of text; cisono moile distanze tra me e questa chat room, da o ostalih problemih niti negovonmo; wie sagt man? omedeiou gozaimasu? . . . pa drugic kaj vec! (13:17:51) (ChatUser3): and don't forget to visit my museom-on-Iine (home made) at http://xxxxxxxxx.UNIV.TRIESTE.1T/ angatou ! spasiba ! (13:18:13) (ChatUser3): Leaves . . . (15:54:41) (ChatUser4): Enters the lobby . . . (15:55:49) (ChaiUser4): not receiving at 38,800 [email protected] (15:56:00) (ChatUser4): Leaves . . . (08:07:58) (ChatUser5): Enters the iobby . . . (08:08:40) (ChatUser5): any one here I could use some help to write a report (15:10:39) (ChatUscrtS): Enters the iobby . .

MUSEUM

CHAT ROOM

A Web chat system was installed that permits real-time chat for visitors to the museum. The system also allows H T M L formatting o f messages and inclusion o f on-line images. A i l messages and images posted are logged, along w i t h the visitor's name, Internet address, and the t i m e o f the posting. Certain actions can be performed i n the chat r o o m (privately whispers to, w i n k s , informs, shows picture to) by selecting from a drop-down menu, and users may direct their comments to all or to specific others. These choices are also reflected i n the l o g file when selected. O u r data indicate that fewer

Curator on Call A unique feature o f the U S C Interactive A r t M u s e u m is "Curator on C a l l . " D u r i n g the 7-month period covered by this report, the curator o f the D r i n k i n g M a i d e n e x h i b i t i o n made h i m s e l f available in the chat r o o m each Thursday at 11 a.m. PST to answer questions. For example, (10:22:17) Curator on Call: Welcome to the weekly Curator on Call feature at the USC Interactive Museum

d u r i n g the 7-month period, a user entered, found the chat r o o m deserted, and

(10:30:34) (ChatUser7): Enters the lobby . . . (10:31:13) Curator on Call: The curator on call will be available to answer questions from 10:30-11:30 a.m. Pacific Standard Time every Thursday

left, although the rare conversation occurred. O n l y a few took advantage o f

(10:31:39) Curator on Call: Greetings and Welcome (ChatUser7)

the forum to post images or the U R L o f their own art-related sites or to pose

(10:32:08) (ChatUser7): What are the highlights of the collection at the museum?

questions m hopes o f catching the attention o f a staff member or an art

(10:32:56) Curator on Call: On the interactive museum, we have an exhibit of American Landscapes of the 19th century and the Drinking Maiden

than 5% o f the user sessions involved a visit to the chat r o o m . Typically,

historian passing through. B e l o w is a sample group o f adjacent entries from

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(10:34:29) (ChatUser7): I am particularly interested in 19th century American Landscapes where Machines are depicted. (10:35:46) (ChatUser7): Are there any of Sheeler's works on the interactive museum? (10:36:09) Curator on Call: Our landscapes usually depict nature—mountains and streams, farmlands. The landscapists were interested in the notion of America as an "untouched" land (unlike the urbanized nations of Europe) (10:37:10) Curator on Call: As far as I know, we don't have any Sheeiers in our collection, although I will happily look in our records and e-mail you (10:39:47) (ChatUser7): 1 understand that the notion of the untouched land is oniy part of the picture. Towards the end of the 19th century, some American artists showed an interest m the transformed America as well. Any, If you come across any such works please contact me at [email protected] (10:41:30) Curator on Call: (ChatUser7), your last message was lost; could you please send it again (10:43:31) Curator on Call: (ChatUser7), Your message about the end of the 19th c. came through, finally. No, we do not have any paintings by Sheeier m the collection. We do, though, have a painting by a man named Arthur Dodge, called "the Dredger." It is not very exciting visually (10:45:08) (ChatUser7) says to Curator on Call: Your message was only partly transmitted. Can you please send it again?

173

(03:37:41) (ChatUserS): Hi. I am looking for a source of Inness prints of his painting "Home of the Heron." Any help in this area would be greatly apreciated. Thanks much. (12:02:03) (ChatUser9): Does anyone know aything about William Hogarth's painting's "Gin Lane" and "Beer Street"?

A l t h o u g h there were exceptions:

(14:59:05) (ChatUserlO): 1 am looking for the George Inness painting "Summer Pastoral, SarcoValley, Leeds, NY 1008-85. Need to buy reproduction rights. Contact [email protected]

A n additional feature o f the chat room was the availability o f guided tours o f the museum site conducted by the curator o f the D r i n k i n g M a i d e n e x h i b i t i o n or other museum staff. Using Itinerary™ software developed by Contigo, Inc., virtual museum docents can set up on-the-fly tours for museum visitors. The software effectively captures the visitors' browsers so that as the docent moves about the site, the visitors are automatically led to the same pages. Pop-up chat windows permit the docent to converse w i t h members o f

(10:46:39) (ChatUser7) says to Curator on Call: How about the Drinking Maiden? Can you tell me about it?

the tour and answer questions regardless o f the group's location on the site.

(10:47:29) Curator on Call: We seem to be having a few technical difficulties. The last of the message was [lost] unfortunately, and J have not had the opportunity to research the artist or painting to date. Dodge was not as precise m his rendering as Sheeier; the clean, machine-like

Unfortunately, the log files o f the chat r o o m record no instances i n w h i c h

(10:49:33) Curator on Call: The Drinking Maiden was created in 1901 by the German Sculptor Ernst Wenck. It reflects the academic training Wenck received at the Royal Academy of Art, Berlin and the neo-ciassicai aesthetics that the Academy sought to instill in both artists and the public (10:50:57) (ChatUser7) says to Curator on Call: You arc right about the technical problems.! am connecting from a long way though, Egypt, which may expiam it. Your last message was also interrupted halfway through. Anyway, it was nice talking to you. Maybe I ' l l call in again next week. Thank you.

One or more members o f the tour may be appointed as coleaders i f desired. visitors requested a guided tour.

Sun>ey and Feedback

Forms

Forms to solicit feedback from museum visitors were designed by the Fisher Gallery staff i n collaboration w i t h the first author. One o f the uses o f 5

feedback forms on the museum site was to gather information about our visitors and their " r e a l - w o r l d " museum-going habits. A preliminary e x a m i nation o f survey responses seems to indicate that most o f them were not habitual museum goers; to date, only one respondent has indicated being a

A l t h o u g h the curator faithfully reported for duty, only five visitors to the

museum member or subscriber. Interestingly, the majority o f those respond-

museum site took advantage o f the feature during the 7-month period. Some

i n g to the survey so far were from the iocal (Los Angeles) area, and most

visitors to the chat r o o m left inquiries behind, presumably on the theory that

indicated that they were interested i n receiving further information about the

the person w i t h the answers w o u i d log i n before the screen refresh removed

Fisher Gallery and being added to its m a i l i n g list. Such forms may serve as

the item from view. Few i f any left an e-mail address to w h i c h an answer

an unobtrusive means to increase a museum's patron base by p r o v i d i n g entree

m i g h t be sent:

to the visitor's in box.

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A second feedback form was designed to fill in the gaps i n the museum staff's knowledge about the history o f the D r i n k i n g Maiden:

The Fisher Gallery was eager to participate in this project partly because it gives us the opportunity to communicate more directly with visitors to the exhibition. Aside from creating a closer bond between the Gallery and our audience, we hope that our visitors will be able to contribute to our investigation of Ernst Wenck and the Drinking Maiden. When the Gallery received the statue in 1970, there were no records of when and from whose hands the Trinkendes Mädchen entered USC's collections. As managers and caretakers of an art collection, wc were disturbed by other gaps in our knowledge of the history of the statue; what happened to the slatue between 1919, when Wcnck removed it from the National Gallery, Berlin, and 1936 when the statue was reportedly in the hands of the New York collector Axel Beskow? We solicit any information you have that might further our research.

I n fact, the form did serve to flush out several promising sources o f

175

Our family has a porcelain reproduction of "Drinking Maiden" which my grandfather brought from Europe after World War I I . First, can you tell us approximately how many were made and i f copies like the one we have are rare now? Second, we are curious about the market value of a reproduction like ours. Thank you for your time. The on-line museum is great!

A n d the occasional word o f praise: In the process of writing a business article on digital interactive TV, I stumbled upon your Web site—what a delight! What a surprise! What a joy! In the middle of some very dull, dry research, I felt I'd suddenly slipped through a door into a cooi, iuscious, beautiful place and though 1 haven't memory or time enough to linger now, I leave refreshed, sated, quenched, as i f I've just partaken of a sumptuous meal.

Conclusion

information, i n c l u d i n g the husband o f a woman who had done her master's thesis research on the life and w o r k o f Ernst Wenck. Another visitor offered the f o l l o w i n g suggestion:

S i m i l a r to the way in w h i c h discussions o f " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t y " have forced us to reconsider definitions o f community (Jones, 1995; Sudweeks, M c L a u g h l i n , & Rafaeli, 1998), researchers o f the Internet c o m m u n i t y have been forced to create new methodologies for studying computer-mediated spaces.

I ' m reading the 1966 edition of E.BENEZIT "Dictionnaire critique et docu¬ mentaire des Peintrcs, Scuipteurs. . . " In the 8th Volume, page 708,1 read . "Le Musee de Berlin conserve de iui Fiilette buvant et Linos." This "Filiette buvant" is -no doubt-the "Trinkendes Mädchen." Why, then, you don't quote (and verify, perhaps) the existence of such a copy in the Berlin Museum?

Even self-reported characteristics such as gender, age, and race as claimed by on-line participants must be subject to scrutiny, because many embrace cyberspace as an arena for experimentation w i t h identity, communication, and sexuality (Curtis, 1997; Stone, 1996; Zaleski, 1997). On the U S C Interactive A r t M u s e u m site, we implemented a combination o f features that allowed us to triangulate, g i v i n g us more accurate and richer

A s a final device for communicating w i t h our visitors, a clickable e-mail

information about our audience. We encouraged our audience to give us

alias, [email protected], appears on every page of the virtual m u -

immediate feedback through interactive features such as "Curator on C a l l "

seum site, so that anyone w h o wishes can provide unstructured feedback or

and the e-mail alias. Wc also encouraged interactivity among our audience

ask questions o f the museum staff. I n the early days o f the project, this often

by creating and maintaining the chat r o o m . (See Rafaeli & Sudweeks, 1998,

took the form o f p o i n t i n g out technical problems or letting us k n o w that

for a discussion o f definitions and applications o f " i n t e r a c t i v i t y " on the Net.)

certain museum features were not supported by thus-and-such a platform or

T h r o u g h analysis o f the logs and e-mail we received, we were able to capture

browser. M o r e recently, we have received requests for reciprocal links to

a more nuanced and sophisticated portrait o f our audience, as opposed to

other art-related web sites, offers o f artwork to display i n the virtual museum,

more traditional procedures i n w h i c h hits to each page are counted, resulting

requests for appraisals o f A m e r i c a n landscape paintings in the letter writer's

in little information about w h o is visiting the site and why.

possession, and notes from people w h o own reproductions o f the D r i n k i n g Maiden from the Rosenthal porcelain factory.

Those w h o wish to study traditional museums have accurate information about their audience from ticket sales, subscription information, head counts,

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interviews, and surveys. Curators and creators o f on-line museums have digital counterparts to these measures: We count hits, not heads, and provide a way to communicate w i t h us through an on-line feedback form as opposed to a "comments" box. We also use unobtrusive measures. Webb, C a m p b e l l , Schwarz, and Sechrest f 1966) suggest examining the tiles in front o f various exhibits to see w h i c h are more worn, indicating greater popularity. A l t h o u g h curators o f virtual museums cannot examine tiles or glass cases to see w h i c h show wear and tear, we can peruse l o g files and use software such as WebTrends to assess traffic to the site, w i t h o u t the sorts o f errors inherent i n self-reported information such as surveys. I n this chapter, we attempt to outline some methods we used to construct a richer conception o f the audience o f the U S C Interactive A r t M u s e u m . I t is hoped that other researchers w i l l be able to adapt some o f our methodologies to suit their purposes.

Notes i . Acknowledgments: U S C Interactive Art Museum Project Team Project Directors (P. I.) Margaret McLaughlin, Professor, Annenberg School for Communication, U S C Faculty, Integrated Media Systems Center, U S C ÎCo-P. I.) Selma Holo, Director, Fisher Gallery, USC Faculty, Integrated Media Systems Center, U S C (Co-P. I.) George Bekey, Gordon Marshall Professor of Engineering, U S C Director, Robotics Research Laboratory, U S C (Co-P. I.) Ken Goldberg, Assistant Professor, Industrial Engineering and Operations Research University of California, Berkeley (Co-P. I.) Ellen Strain, Department of Cinema-TV, Georgia Tech University

177

This project has been funded by research grants from the Annenberg Center for Communication at the University of Southern California, with additional support from the Integrated Media Systems Center, a National Science Foundation Engineering Research Center, Hitachi America, Ltd., and the California Trade and Commerce Agency. The robot used in ihe Drinking Maiden exhibition is on loan from the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, Pasadena. Photographs of terra-cotta and marble statues on loan from the J . Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, California. Itinerary™ donated by Contigo Software. Search engine from Exciie, Inc. 2. We are currently working with colleagues to develop a fuzzy iogic-based intelligent agent for searching our database of images. The agent will be able to learn a user's preferences for images (colors, shapes, etc.) after a few trials and find like items in the daiabase thai would fit the user's needs or wants. 3. WebTrends is one of a number of commercially available software products for extracting data from server logs. We selected it for the main analysis of our log files because it offers certain speed advantages over competing products in dealing with iarge files and can process logs directly from the web server m .gz (zipped) format. We have also used Hit List Pro (http:// www.marketwave.com), which uses a cumulative log file database as opposed to raw logs, and has some special features, such as the ability lo generate reports of keywords used to bring visitors to the site, parsed by search engine of origin. 4. Efforls to identify visitors and count page requests are fraught with difficulty. Dreze and Zufryden (1997) sum up she two major impediments to precise measurement as (a) the problem of unique identification of visitors and ib) the issue of caching. With respect to the former, the use of proxy servers and dynamic Internet protocol address allocation by some Internet service providers requires us to regard our computations of "sessions" and "visitors" with a certain degree of skepticism. With respect to the issue of caching, web clients such as Netscape may pull previously viewed pages from the cache rather than request the page again from the web server, depending on how this parameier is adjusted when the client options are set. And large Internet access providers such as A O L may cache popular pages on their proxy servers. The net result of both is that the number of page accesses may be seriously underestimated. The use of cookies or user authorization procedures helps to address the first problem, although these techniques introduce ethical and methodological complications of their own. 5. Items for the feedback forms were written by Lana Norton and Peter Schertz of the Fisher Gallery at the University of Southern California.

References

Interactive Museum Project Team Yuichiro Akatstika, Olympus Optical Company Mirco Bresanelli, Robotics Research Laboratory, U S C Alan Case, School of Business Administration, U S C Nicole Ellison, Annenberg School for Communication, U S C Sieve Goldberg, School of Engineering, U S C Jennifer Jaskowiak, Fisher Gallery, U S C Jason Lucas, Annenberg School for Communication, U S C Toyone Mayeda, School of Engineering, U S C Lana Norton, Fisher Gallery, U S C Peter Schcrtz, Fisher Gallery, U S C Sachiyo Sekiguchi, Annenbcrg School for Communication, USC Kasey Sirody, Annenberg School for Communication, U S C Howard Smith, Art and Architecture Library, U S C

Brown, K. H., Dartnail, C , Goodman, S., Hong, S„ Marmion, A. J., Schcrtz, P. J. M., Jaskowiak, J., & Lenihan, M. (1996). Light tit darkness: Women in Japanese prints of early Showa {1926-1945). Exhibition Catalogue, Fisher Gallery, University of Southern California. Casamassima, T. A., & Lineker, B. (1996). Introduction to the American Landscapes f On-line]. Available: http://digimuse.usc.edu/Iandscapes/Amenca.html Curtis, P. (1997). Mudding: Social phenomena m text-based virtual realities. In S. KiesleriEd.), Culture of the Internet. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Dreze, X., & Zufryden, F. (1997). Is Internet advertising ready for prime time? Unpublished manuscript. Marshal! School of Business, University of Southern California, Los Angeies. Goldberg, K., Mascha, M., Gentner, S., Rothenbcrg, N., Sutter, C , & Wiegley, J. (1995, October). Desktop leleoperation via the World Wide Web. Paper presented at the I E E E International Conference on Robotics and Automation, Nagoya, Japan.

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Goldberg, S. B., Bekcy, G. A., Akatsuka. Y., & Bressanelli. M. f 1997). D1G1MUSE: Interactive remote viewing of three-dimensional art objects. Internal report, USC Robotics Research Lab. (Available from Steve Goldberg, Robotics Research Laboratory. University of Southern California, Los Angeles, C A 90089] Jones, S. G. (1995). CyberSociety: Computer-mediated communication and community. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lombard, M., & Ditton, T. (1997). At the heart of it all: The concept of presence. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication f On-line], 3(2). Available: http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/ vol 3/issue2/i ombard.html McLaughlin, M. L . (1996). The art site on the World Wide Web. Journal of Communication, 46, 51-79, See also McLaughlin, M. L . (1996). The art site on ihc World Wide Web. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication fOn-iinc], ¡(4). Available: http://www.usc.edu/dept/ anncnberg/voiI/issue4/mclaugh.html McLaughlin, M. L . , Osborne, K. K., & Ellison, N. B. (1997). Virtual community m a telepresence environment. In S. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture (pp. 146-167). London: Sage. Rafacli.S., & Sudweeks, F. (1998). Interactivity on the nets. In F. Sudweeks, M. L . McLaughlin, & S. Rafaeli (Eds.), Network and net-play: The virtual group on the internet. Menlo Park, CA: A A A I / M I T Press. Schertz, P. M., Jaskowiak, J., & McLaughlin, M. L . (1998). Evaluation of an interactive art museum. SPECTRA,

Analyzing the Web Directions and Challenges

25(1), 33-37.

Stone, A. R. (1996). 77ie war of desire and technology at the close of the mechanical age. Cambridge: MIT Press. Sudweeks, F., McLaughlin. M. L . , & Rafaeli. S. (1998). Network and net-play: The virtual group on lite internet. Menlo Park, CA: A A A I / M I T Press. Webb, E . , Campbell, D. T„ Schwarz, R. D., & Sechrest, L . (1966). Unobtrusive measures: Nonreacttve research m the social sciences. Chicago: Rand McNally. Zaleski, J. (1997). The soul of cyberspace: How new technology is changing our spiritual lives. New York: HarperCollins.

ANANDA MITRA ELISIA COHEN

T H E L A T E 20TH C E N T U R Y H A S W I T N E S S E D the development and g r o w t h o f the Internet much l i k e the p o s t - W o r l d War I I era saw the g r o w t h o f t e l e v i s i o n . Use o f the Internet, and applications such as the W o r l d W i d e Web ( W W W ) , is no longer a novelty but is becoming as commonplace as the use o f the telephone and the t e l e v i s i o n . To be sure, this increasing transparency o f the Internet leads to questions about the impact o f this technology on the lives o f its users as w e l l as nonusers. T h i s chapter is a move toward d e v e l o p i n g a critical framework to begin to understand this phenomenon in a systematic way. The use o f the Internet is becoming increasingly ingrained as a g l o b a l p o p u l a r c u l t u r a l activity, and before l o n g , the networked computer c o u l d become as ubiquitous as the television. B i l l b o a r d s to television advertisements encourage the use o f the " W W W " w o r d , w h i c h

is getting to be as

c o m m o n as phrases such as " t o l l free" (December & R a n d a l l , 1994). The WWW

provides a p u b l i c f o r u m

where everyone

w h o has

access to the 179

1 80

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Analyztng

the Web

181

Internet is able to maintain a virtual presence m cyberspace w h i l e simulta-

sage/text/discourse content has been more popular w i t h exchanges observed

neously consuming images placed on the W W W by its multitude o f users.

in newsgroups.' However, popular recognition o f the "mass media" appeal

To provide a systematic way to understand the Internet and the W W W , this

o f the W W W turns attention to the W W W text. T h i s interest ieads researchers

chapter first addresses some o f the unique characteristics o f the W W W and

to examine questions about the content o f the W W W . I n fact, debates around

the analytical challenges posed by i t . Eventually, we offer a few preliminary

the censoring o f the W W W text begin w i t h the presumption that textual

guidelines that address its uniqueness and provide directions for a thorough

content can have specific effects on its audiences. However, how the effect

examination o f the W W W phenomenon.

might manifest and how the text can be analyzed has not been explored m

2

great detail. Both the user-based and the content-based approaches to the analysis o f

Past Research

the internet, however, recognize that the glue that holds the Internet together is the text exchanged between the different users o f the Internet ( M i t r a , 1996,

The increasing popularity o f the Internet and W W W has naturally attracted

1997a, 1997b). Here, text is used in a relatively broad sense w i t h o u t neces-

the attention o f a vast body o f researchers, ranging from philosophers to

sarily concentrating on the written w o r d but also bringing into the analysis

technocrats. I n general, W W W research has progressed i n t w o directions.

the associated m u l t i m e d i a images that are becoming c o m m o n on the W W W .

First, there has been an attempt to examine the people who use the W W W .

Users o f the W W W simultaneously produce and consume these texts. C o n -

These " r a t i n g " studies have been empirical analyses o f the extent o f W W W

sequently, we argue that i f this text can be analyzed systematically, i t could

use and the assessment o f the behavior and opinions of the W W W users.

shed some light not only on the content and implications o f the text but also

M a n y o f the major American p o l l i n g companies such as Gallup and Niefson

on the users who have produced the text.

have entered into W W W ratings research. Given the dynamics o f W W W use,

By m a k i n g the text central, questions about the content o f the text can be

w i t h its rapid changes and the ongoing addition o f innumerable users, any

supplemented w i t h questions about " h o w " the text presents information.

analysis o f W W W usage yields conflicting results. Sometimes, however,

However, such an analytical move aiso calls for the mobilization o f strategies

such conflicting results are also the product o f inadequate and untested (thus

o f textual analysis that go beyond the more "reductionist" content analysis.

unreliable) methods o f counting W W W users and obtaining data about their

In this chapter, we suggest the exploration o f critical/cultural textual analysis

opinions and behaviors. Thus, researchers are often quick to point out that

to understand the W W W text. Using this approach, the focus is not only on

their results could be "dated" or slanted, depending on their methodology.

the content o f the W W W texts but also on the way in w h i c h the content is

One such example is the CommerceNet and Nielsen study that is updated

presented and on its significance. Furthermore, it is important to recognize

frequently (see the information available at the address h t t p : / / w w w . c o m -

that the image is the result o f specific conditions o f production that can

merce.net/nielsen/press_.97-html and at sites such as http://www.interlog .

determine the way the text becomes meaningful in the public sphere. The

comEbxi/size.htm). I n this case, there is an attempt to provide frequently

objective o f critical textual analysis is to move beyond an analysis o f the

updated counts o f Internet users w h i l e recognizing that even the most

volume o f text and its content to the level o f understanding the effectivity o f

carefully planned research can miss sections o f users as they constantly move

the text and what it says o f the c o m m u n i t y o f people who produce and

in and out o f cyberspace.

consume the texts/' Critical textual analysis offers interpretations o f how a

The second kind o f analysis has focused on the text exchanged by the users o f the W W W . There is a presumption m this analysis that the W W W and the Internet can be considered a mass medium (Newhagen & Rafaeli, 1996). T h i s perspective on the Internet, w h i c h legitimizes the analysis o f the Internet's

text can become polysemous and effective when placed in the public domain o f cyberspace. Critical textual analysis can thus focus on the central aspect o f the W W W — i t s textuality—and begin to answer questions about the W W W by considering the unique characteristics o f the lext.

content, is supported by M o r n s and Ogan (1996), who contend that "the

In most cases, the process o f critical textual analysis considers three

Internet is a multifaceted mass m e d i u m , that is, it contains many different

aspects o f the text (see Berger, 1995; Fiske, 1987). First, it is necessary to

configurations o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n " ( p . 42). Clearly, the analysis o f the mes-

l o o k at the formal aspects o f the text and its signifying strategies. T h i s

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Analyzing the Web

183

examination can be conducted i n a variety o f ways, such as semiotic analysis

text is the strongest attribute o f the W W W text. The analyst has to confront

and structural analysis, to uncover the way m w h i c h one particular text is

this phenomenon.

constructed. Second, critical textual analysis considers the way in w h i c h a

The uniqueness o f the W W W is that it is placed i n the public domain and

single text is connected w i t h other similar texts. T h i s is the realm o f inter-

is being used by a iarge number o f people. I n principle, this form o f mter-

textuality in which the effectivity o f a single text depends on the larger

textuality is not necessarily new. Soon after W o r l d War I I , Vannevar Bush

discourse i t is a part o f (e.g., Barthes, 1979; Beach & Anson, 1992; C h i , 1995;

suggested the potential usefulness o f developing a system o f interconnected

Fairclough, 1992; Fiske, 1987; Knsteva, 1980; L e i i c h , 1983; M o u l t h r o p ,

texts that could be used i n a related fashion to gather the greatest amount o f

1989; Porter, 1986). I t is presupposed that texts do not operate in a vacuum

information

and that any text gams meaning from its o w n formal and aesthetic qualities,

i e e e s t u / 3 o o k i n g _ f o r w a r d / C o m p S o c „ P r e s M s g . h t m l ) . T h i s also marked the

but meaning is refracted by the primary text's connection w i t h other texts.

beginning o f the notion o f hyper text, now a c o m m o n term, often used and

4

(see

Barbacci's

speech at http://vislab-www.nps.navy.mil/

ra

Finally, critical textual analysis considers the role o f the various readers o f

abused in the popular and academic literature. I t is useful to digress for a

the text who, through their reading, make the text meaningful. F r o m this

moment to consider the notion o f "hyper"ness w i t h relation to texts. I n

critical perspective, i n the absence o f the reading, the text has no meaning,

essence, any phenomenon that has a sense of impermanence and unpre-

and its very existence can be called into question.

dictability can be called "hyper." Being hyper constitutes the characteristic

Independent o f the exact direction o f the critical textual analysis, i n the

o f being impatient and m u l t i p l y extended. W h e n applied to texts, this

case o f the W W W , the textual analyst is faced w i t h a set of unique challenges

suggests that hypertext is a distant relation o f traditional text, because by

based on the specific characteristics o f the text. These characteristics are the

being hyper, the text can be expected to be m u l t i p l y connected, impermanent,

products o f the technology used to produce the texts. Thus, even before

and infinitely stretched. A l t h o u g h Bush d i d not necessarily envision such a

applying the critical tools to the W W W text, it is necessary to develop a set

complex text, it did come to pass several years after Bush conceptualized

o f strategies that can address the unique characteristics o f the W W W text.

such an interconnected textual system. Leapfrogging to the 1980s, this

Consequently, it is important to categorize some o f the aspects o f the W W W

concept was actualized in the form o f the HyperCard system—a development

text that make i t unique and to raise a set o f methodological issues that need

pioneered by A p p l e Computers. I n this system, an author could create a stack

to be resolved before the analysis can be performed. This chapter is p r i m a r i l y

o f information contained on virtual "cards." The reader w o u l d be able to

an attempt to understand and explore these characteristics o f the W W W text.

move seamlessly from one card to another as the reader followed an i n q u i r y

We w o u l d argue that only after addressing the uniqueness o f the W W W is it

pattern

possible to move on to any specific kind o f critical textual analysis.

HyperCard.htm; http://www.glasscat.com/hypercard.cgi).

linking

the different cards (see http://www.pcwebopedia.com/ 5

This form o f hypertext was limited by two primary constraints. First, the

Characteristics of the WWW

author needed to have collected all the information and connected it together in a fashion that all the cards were adequately networked and users d i d not reach "dead ends" i n their explorations. Second, the information was l i m i t e d

INTERTEXTUALITY

to what the author w o u l d have collated on a single machine w o r k i n g by itself, disconnected from all other machines. Both o f these constraints place l i m i t s

One W W W characteristic that sets it apart from traditional text is the overt

on the scope o f intertextualiiy.

mtertextuality o f the W W W texts. U n l i k e printed analog text, the virtual

These constraints, however, disappear in the case o f the W W W . The W W W

digital text offers the opportunity to connect various virtual texts w i t h

text is truly hyper because every W W W text can be in some way connected

specific " l i n k s " that allow the reader to move from one text to another i n an

to another. T h i s is what makes the W W W particularly attractive to analysts

effortless manner. The W W W text has made these links appear natural and

because the W W W text is far larger in scope than any past hypertext. There

has made m o v i n g from one text to another very simple. Indeed, the ability

is a certain " i n f i n i t e " aspect to the W W W text, because i t is always possible

to use the links and to move from one p o i n t in a particular text to another

to move on from a page and never stop or reach the "end" o f the text. I n fact,

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there m i g h t be little logical connection between the texts, but given the

and the way in w h i c h the intertextual quality o f the text serves as the source

hyperness o f the textual form, it is perfectly possible, for instance, to move

o f its meaning. I n some cases, a W W W text m i g h t be no more than a

from the home page o f Cable News N e t w o r k ( C N N ) to the product specifi-

well-organized index o f " l i n k s " to other pages, but in the case o f W W W texts,

cations o f a specific kind o f computer manufactured by a corporation called

such an "index" becomes meaningful vis-a-vis the particular links it offers

B r a v o . Thus, the movement from one page to another can happen in any way

and what it does not offer. For example, the setup o f the C N N site provides

the reader chooses to move. I t is this seamless mtertextuality that the analyst

a visitor an option to scan through the top news stories o f a particular day

has to confront.

and then click on the "index" to access the complete story, w h i c h i n turn can

6

A t the same time, the notion o f intertextuality has always been a compo-

lead to other stories about the same issue. Sometimes, the additional links

nent o f literary and textual production and analysis. Authors o f texts do not

w i l l provide access to information beyond the domain o f C N N and then

usually w o r k in a cultural vacuum, and thus, their w o r k is almost always

provide the reader w i t h an option to be intertextual in an elaborate way,

intertextual because o f the way i n w h i c h existing and past texts tend to

e x p l o r i n g information that w o u l d be unavailable from traditional linear text.

impinge on new texts. For example, i t is difficult to write a spy fiction w i t h o u t

I n other words, the notion o f intertextuality becomes far more central m the

in some ways being influenced by the number o f such fictions w r i t t e n m the

analysis o f W W W texts than it has been i n the analysis o f other texts. Indeed,

past. Analysts, critics, and scholars recognize this tendency in authors, and

this focus on intertextuality leads to the examination o f a set o f other unique

analysts are able to point toward textual characteristics that reflect a text's

characteristics o f hypertext that are often products o f the e x p l i c i t and neces-

connections w i t h other preceding texts. Connections w i t h other texts not only

sary intertextuality o f hypertext—its resultant nonlinearity.

point toward textual characteristics but also to the conditions o f the text's production and the way in w h i c h one text, aiong w i t h its intertextual connections, can become a commentary on the cultural arena w i t h i n w h i c h the texts are produced and consumed. The recognition o f the necessary intertextuality o f texts led to the development o f theories o f genre i n literary and media studies, the use o f the syntagmatic and paradigmatic structure o f texts to point toward vertical and horizontal intertextuality, the development o f the syntactic and semantic approach to genre, and other approaches to understanding the interconnection between texts. I n all these cases, however, there is a presumption that the intertextuality o f the texts needs to be "teased" out o f the text and that the intertextuality is not necessarily overt but is often embedded i n the style and narrative o f the texts. This presumption, however, disappears in the case o f hypertext. For the W W W text, the intertextuality is not i m p l i c i t or hidden. Rather, i t is e x p l i c i t and unambiguous, and the effectivity o f hypertext often depends

NONUNEARITY Traditionally, texts have been characterized by having a specific beginning and a recognizable end (Aarseth, 1994; Levi-Strauss, 1955; Propp, 1975; Todorov, 1977). Narrative analysis has paid attention to this element o f the text. Narrative theorists have made the argument that stones are arranged around a specific structure m w h i c h the flow from the beginning to the end o f the story is geared by a iogic that eventually makes the end appear natural and obvious. Furthermore, m the case o f most printed texts, there is a progression in the reading o f the text in which the sections o f the text appear m a specific order, and lacking that order, the text w o u l d become meaningless. T h i s is the iogic o f grammar and the codes o f language that connect the discrete elements o f the text together. A l l these are the characteristics o f the linear text.

on its extent o f intertextuality. Because hypertextuality can be synonymous

Hypertext, however, presents the reader w i t h a different set o f assump-

w i t h intertextuality, the raison d'etre for the W W W text is its intertextuality.

tions. W i t h its overt mtertextuality, hypertext challenges the presumption o f

Landow ( 1992b) points this out to say that the nature of hypertext depends

linearity i n two ways. First, the fundamental presumption that there needs to

on its connections w i t h other texts and not on its singular existence (also see

be a well-recognized beginning and end is probiematized. I n the case o f the

Aarseth, 1993; Bernstein, 1990, 1991; Bolter, 1990, 1991, 1992; Bolter &

W W W hypertext, it is impossible to determine what can be the authentic

Joyce, 1987; Joyce, 1991; Landow, 1992a, 1994; M o u l t h r o p , 1994). The

beginning o f the text. A l t h o u g h every site on the W W W presents a top and

analyst is thus no longer attempting to ferret out the nature o f the intertextuality but often has to be more interested in the extent o f the intertextuality

7

bottom o f a page, that is oniy a microscopic part o f the W W W discourse. W h e n considered as a part o f the larger W W W text, any page provides only

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a point o f entry into the mammoth labyrinth o f texts where the beginning and

accept the preferred meaning o f the text but gam only the meaning that fits

end become particularly difficult to identify.

w i t h their everyday experiences. Nevertheless, the reader is not empowered

The second way in which the W W W text challenges linearity is through

to alter the original text but only to use it i n the fashion that he or she chooses.

the overt intertextuality o f the text. U n l i k e other texts, the W W W text is

De Certeau (1984) also presents this argument by c l a i m i n g that the passive

self-consciously intertextual, constantly i n v i t i n g the reader to move to an-

reader is only partly empowered by using the text to produce a very socially

other textual node. The presumption o f reading to the end is replaced by the

and p o l i t i c a l l y contextualized meaning. However, this process is not truly an

expectation that the reader w i l l "explore" and " s u r f to follow the links that

active process and is constrained because linear texts are typically static and

appear in the text. Here the notion o f surfing is similar to the description

written w i t h well-defined and preferred meanings b u i l t around specific

provided in the PC Webopaedia,

beginnings and endings.

which describes surfing as what occurs

when "the user j u m p s from page to page rather whimsically, as opposed to

The nonlinear text, w i t h its overt intertextuality, however, invites the

specifically searching for specific i n f o r m a t i o n " (http://www.pcwebopedia.

reader to take up a much more active role in the reading process. The links

com7surf.htm). I n the case o f more p r i m i t i v e hypertext, the possibilities o f

from the text call for exploration, and the meaning produced by selecting a

exploration were l i m i t e d because the texts were contained w i t h i n one com-

set o f links could be very different from the meaning produced by selecting

puter. However, in the networked version o f hypertext, the limits are far less

an alternative set o f links. Even though an author o f hypertext m i g h t control

visible.

the specific links provided from the text, there is little control on the links

This hyperness also changes the role o f the reader. The text no longer

that one o f the other pages m i g h t provide. The author can thus only "contain"

presumes that a l l readers w i l l gain the same meaning from the text. T h i s

the potential o f meaning to a limited degree, and the reader can "explode"

polysemic potential o f the text was already recognized m the case o f tradi-

the potential meanings extensively by selecting a set o f links preferred by

tional texts. Witness how Eco (1972) pointed toward thereaderly texts open

the reader. This, we argue, is a unique characteristic o f the W W W text, i n

for m u l t i p l e interpretations. However, even w i t h i n Eco's perspective, the

w h i c h the reader needs to recognize the potential offered by the text and

reader has l i t t l e control on the textual flow, and the reader remains i m p r i s -

explore i t in a way to construct a hypertext that he or she chooses. I n this

oned w i t h i n the finite beginning and end o f the text. I n the case o f hypertext,

context, the reader becomes the author because the reader is the agent w h o

however, the reader is liberated to produce whatever text the reader pleases,

actively selects the links to follow.

given the overt nonlinear connections the text provides. Thus, it is important to reconsider the role o f the reader in the understanding o f hypertext.

This changing role o f the reader calls into question the responsibilities o f the author. The author is expected to give the reader the potential to transcend the role o f a passive reader to an active reauthor of the text as he or she follows

THE READER AS WRITER

and explores the links offered by the p r i m a r y author. The struggle over meaning thus shifts from the centrality o f the linear text to the decentered

The role o f the reader/audience o f traditional texts has typically been one

potential offered by the nonlinear text. The author is no longer bound to

o f "receiver" w h o reads the text m a relatively passive manner. A n y intro-

producing a preferred meaning but only offers a large set o f potential

ductory text on communication makes the argument that the audience or

meanings, and the reader now has the responsibility o f collaborating w i t h the

the receiver o f a message is relatively passive and, particularly for mass-

author, or undermining the author, to reauthor the text to produce the

mediated message, has few options for "feedback." The only sense o f agency

customized meaning.

counterbalancing the passivity is that readers bring to the text a series o f

Thus, in the context o f the W W W ,

the responsibilities o f authoring and the

ideologies that can inform the way in w h i c h meaning is produced from the

responsibilities o f conscientious reading change. A n author has the respon-

text. For example, H a l l (1980) suggests that the decoding process i n the

s i b i l i t y o f p r o v i d i n g the m a x i m u m potential for the production o f meaning,

reading o f text is implicated by the position a reader takes w i t h respect to the

and the reader has the responsibility o f e x p l o r i n g those potentials. T h i s

dominant ideology. From these arguments, there has been the recognition

enlarged potential for meaning is actualized w i t h the use o f the technological

that the audience o f media is empowered to the extent that readers may not

possibilities o f "multimedianess" that the W W W text offers.

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The author does not produce these images but simply provides access to them, thus altering the meaning o f the text that the author offers and the

The meaning produced from the text depends largely on the poiysemous

reader uses.

potential o f the text. I f the text is relatively "open," it is l i k e l y that many

Furthermore, given the way in w h i c h the Internet backbone o f the W W W

meanings can be produced from the text. Indeed, this openness is the notion

delivery system has become increasingly global, the author can choose from

o f polysemy that critical scholars claim to be an essential element o f any text

images and texts that could reside thousands o f miles apart, but those

(see Fiske, 1987). I n the case o f traditional printed text, meaning was

distances can disappear when the author weaves them together into one page.

constrained because the text was composed p r i m a r i l y o f words and sentences

Given the giobai reach o f the muitimedianess o f the W W W text, i t is

that presented narratives w i t h occasional use o f pictures. I n many ways, the

important to consider the ways in w h i c h the author has the global depository

printed text was made up o f the symbolic sign as suggested by Pierce (1985)

o f texts to w o r k w i t h .

and occasionally used the iconic sign to supplement the symbols. On the other hand, in the case o f audiovisual texts, such as television and Film, the text did not offer the possibility o f using the printed word but was principally iconic in nature. Thus, both these texts were constrained in their potential for polysemy.

THE GLOBAL WWW Hypertext has advanced from HyperCard to an interconnected m u l t i m e d i a system that spans the entire globe. This explosion o f the connectivity offered

The W W W text, however, offers a convergence of different kinds o f

by the Internet has not only reshaped the way humans can communicate over

representational strategies. Given the technological tools available to the

long distances but also expanded the access to texts that can be used to

author o f the W W W text, it is possible to combine the written w o r d w i t h

produce a site on the W W W . A n author now has the option o f using texts

audiovisual images. Consequently, the W W W is a medium in w h i c h the

from nationally diverse sources and finking the sources and sites together to

characteristics o f the book and television arc combined to produce a non-

produce the author's o w n text, However, this global reach also resulted in the

linear text whose meaning is the product o f the synergy between the two

emergence o f a set o f characteristics o f the W W W text that can affect the

different kinds o f texts.

polysemic potential o f the W W W text.

K

The muitimedianess o f the W W W text is a significant element o f the text.

The first significance o f the global reach o f the W W W text is that it is

The c o n t i n u i n g changes i n technology are making the W W W text iook like

constrained by language. Increasingly, the lingua franca

television. Improved technologies o f video compression, developments m

English. T h i s has, however, been contested, and there continue to be argu-

belter data transmission technology, and speedier processors i n computers

ments about the implications o f English becoming the unofficial giobai

o f the W W W is

are m a k i n g it possible to supplement the written text o f the W W W w i t h

language o f the W W W . Resistance to this tendency appears m the form o f

streaming video and audio. Thus, the written word is not only hyperactive

W W W sites written m different languages, some o f w h i c h m i g h t use the

in the W W W text, but its meaning is constantly implicated by the m u l t i m e d i a

English script, but many o f w h i c h use a different script altogether. Witness,

images that accompany the text. Furthermore, given the hyperlinked nature

for instance, a site written in the Bengali language using the Dcvanagan

o f the W W W text, it is not necessary for the author o f the written w o r d to be

script (http://www.parabaas.com). The page is produced by creating the

the originator o f the video and audio components. I t is quite simple for the

documents as image fifes and then p r o v i d i n g the image files as the primary

author to provide links to other W W W texts that provide the images and

content o f the site. Similarly, numerous sites are written in the Japanese and

sounds, and to the reader, such " b o r r o w i n g " m i g h t not be immediately

Chinese scripts. Such sites remain inaccessible to readers unfamiliar w i t h the

evident because o f the seamless connection between hypertext l i n k s . The role

language. Thus, the reader o f the global W W W text couid be lost in a sector

o f the author is thus further altered because the author is not only the creator

o f cyberspace where the language is unintelligible. For the segment o f the

o f new texts (and meanings) but also the facilitator o f meanings by p r o v i d -

giobai population w h o can, however, read, write, and understand English,

ing an index o f specific W W W texts and images available i n cyberspace.

much o f the W W W space remains accessible.

0

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I n the context o f the W W W text, because o f ils nonlinear hypertextuality,

texts thus reside as computer files on innumerable computers across the

it is quite possible for a text that begins in English to lead to a text that is not

globe, and these files are most often authored and maintained by individual

in English. The reader then faces an artifact quite different from a text in

owners o f files. Some are owned and controlled by large corporations and

w h i c h the language remains linear and static and is expected to remain the

conglomerates, but by and large, the files belong to individuals or small

same across the entire text.

groups.

A second significance o f the giobai reach o f the W W W lies in the fact that

These file owners aiso often exercise their ability to remove the files from

authors have access to material that was previously unavailable due to

the public domain, change the content o f the files, remove links from the

barriers o f distance and time. Given that W W W texts are available instanta-

files, and add m u l t i m e d i a information to the textual files. Such changes can

neously to anyone on the W W W , i t is far simpler now to access any material

have a " r i p p l e " effect in cyberspace because i f a single file changes, hundreds

on the W W W and l i n k it to an author's page. I t matters little i f the destinations

o f other files linked to it w o u l d also change because those links now point

o f t w o links arc separated by thousands of miles; in the technologically

to a new and different text. W h e n a file disappears, numerous links can

seamless cyberspace, such distances are inconsequential, and the reader can

deliver the reader to a dead end where the reader is greeted w i t h an error

"transparently" hover between texts that might have been produced i n dif-

message. Given the ease w i t h w h i c h it is possible to manipulate bits and

ferent corners o f the globe under different conditions o f production. U s i n g

digital objects, i t is often the case that the W W W text tends to change w i t h

the presumption that the meaning o f a text is influenced by its conditions o f

no w a r n i n g . I n some cases, the text is expected to change. A group that m i g h t

production, a text produced w i t h i n the "free speech" environment o f A m e r i c a

provide W W W - b a s e d news is expected to change its information frequently

could be quite different in meaning from a text produced under a more

so that the reader has access to the most recent news. However, as the files

oppressive system o f government. However, to the reader, these W W W texts

change, there is no guarantee that the previous version o f the file is retained.

can appear next to each other and in their j u x t a p o s i t i o n can produce meanings

Unless the reader is printing out the digital images, it is quite l i k e l y that

that neither o f the texts could have created individually. The giobai linkages

earlier versions o f files w i l l disappear.

offered by the W W W produce the possibility o f c o m b i n i n g texts from different national sources and create different potentials o f meaning.

U n l i k e the traditional text, w i t h its central focus on a linear "stand-alone" text, the digital text o f the W W W might not leave any traces o f its existence.

The matter is further complicated because this global W W W text is v i r t u a l ;

A s a file disappears and other authors feel the ripple effect, they may simply

its only tangible existence lies m hard copy paper printouts that m i g h t be

remove the l i n k to the nonexistent file, and soon, all traces o f that file w o u l d

produced by the reader. I n the case o f a hyperconnected text, there is no

vanish from cyberspace. I t could be impossible to reconstruct that text unless

tangible trace o f a text that links together files i n different continents. I t is

the author was w i l l i n g to resurrect the file from a personal archive. T h i s

meant for this text to be read on the m o n i t o r o f a multimedia computer. T h i s

phenomenon makes the W W W text far too ephemeral and impermanent. T h i s

v i r t u a l i t y aiso lends it an element o f impermanence.

is, however, significant because it points toward a specific characteristic o f the text that sets it apart from other types o f text.

THE DISAPPEARING

HYPERTEXT

The consequence o f impermanence calls into question the criteria that can be used to j u d g e the "value" o f a text. The traditional text, the printed word

The hyperconnected W W W text does not reside in any particular tangible

or the images created by an artist or a musician, lends itself to some

m e d i u m . A s Negroponte f 1995) has pointed out, in entering the digital era,

presumptions o f permanence. I n such cases, i f texts disappeared from the

many artifacts have a "byte"-based existence, where the atoms are replaced

public domain because o f a lack o f p u b l i c interest, that disappearance could

by binary bits. A l t h o u g h the traditional artifact w o u l d be something that

be a telling commentary on the text. I n the case o f the W W W , the disappear-

one can touch, the contemporary text o f the W W W is a set o f images that

ance is not a function o f the reader's interest in the text but o f the author's

can be viewed on the computer screen. I t is futile to want to create a printed

intention to remove the text from the public domain. The author can erase a

version o f the W W W because i t w o u l d not only be extremely v o l u m i n o u s ,

text from cyberspace even i f the text was getting multiple visits. I n the case

but it w o u l d also be completely purposeless without its hyperlinkage. W W W

o f the traditional text, the author has little control over that.

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I n summary, the W W W text has a set o f specific characteristics predicated

The first factor addresses the way i n w h i c h a text is able to use the unique

by its hypertextuality. These characteristics include the nonlinear nature o f

characteristics o f hypertext to produce an Internet presence that provides the

the text, its global reach, and its use o f the m u l t i p l e images b o r r o w i n g from

opportunity o f surfing and hovering beyond the text. Based on the earlier

different media. Eventually, this special text is also far more ephemeral than

discussion o f the characteristics o f hypertext, it is clear that the greater the

its predecessors. The analyst o f W W W hypertext needs to consider these

opportunities o f surfing provided by the text, the greater the l i k e l i h o o d that

unique characteristics carefully before being able to analyze the text. I n the

readers are empowered to " w r i t e " their o w n texts. W W W sites that remain

next section, w e present some o f the key questions the analyst needs to

"closed-ended" do not provide empowerment to readers and could thus be

address m the process o f crystallizing the analytical approach.

far iess suitable as the starting point o f the analysis. These pages often address localized and special interests, and the pages can be self-contained. Consider, for instance, the page related to a private business, an Internet toy

Analytical Questions

"store," or even a sporting event such as the Kentucky Derby horse race (see, http://www.reds.com ;

http://www.toys.com; http://www.kdf.org).

These

texts are l i m i t e d i n scope and fail to use the full potential o f the W W W . WHERE TO BEGIN THE ANALYSIS?

The second factor, based on the number o f citations to the page, is a measure o f the extent to w h i c h a page is recognized among other pages that

Given the large volume o f W W W texts and that these texts are mtertextu-

deaf w i t h the same issue. A page that is better cited is likely to be more

ally connected to each other, a critical question concerning textual analysis

hypertextually connected than pages that exist in isolation. There are two

is deciding on what could be considered a starting point. I n the case o f

primary ways o f determining the " p o p u l a r i t y " o f a site. The thorough way is

traditional linear texts, w h i c h were not hypertextuai, it was far simpler to

to use Web-mapping toois that can w o r k as intelligent agents and provide a

consider a central text around w h i c h the analysis could be performed. Thus,

visual and numeric map o f the connections between the texts. Such tools are

textual studies o f media typically focused on a single text and then analyzed

available on the W W W itself and can be used to map Web sites, indicating

that text, perhaps in relation to other, related texts."' The nonlinear and

the different links available from the site. A second, somewhat imprecise

hyperconnected text o f the W W W , however, problematizes this fundamental

method is to use a "surrogate" measure o f citation—the number o f " h i t s " or

centrality o f the text. I f an analyst wanted to understand the representation

visits to the page. M o s t pages offer a " h i t counter" that records the number

o f a particular concept on the W W W , there couid be numerous texts that

o f times a page has been visited in a given span o f time. This number can be

address the topic. F r o m this abundance, the critic has to choose what m i g h t

an indicator o f the popularity o f the page. The disadvantage w i t h this method

appear to be the best starting point o f the analysis and then be able to defend

is that hit counters can be manipulated, and the number o f visits m i g h t not

that choice.

really indicate the number o f visits by different readers but visits by a small

T w o criteria appear to be critical i n m a k i n g this choice. First, because o f the hypertextuality o f the W W W text, those texts best connected could serve as legitimate starting points for the analysis. T h i s c l a i m is made on the basis o f the various characteristics o f the W W W text, all o f w h i c h point to the uniqueness o f the W W W text stemming from its being interconnected w i t h

group o f readers. I n the latter situation, the hit counter m i g h t not be the best measure. Nevertheless, t w o key factors should be considered: (a) the number o f links from the page and (b) the number o f links to the page. T h i s focus on links is a direct result the fact that W W W pages gain their meaning and purpose from the mterconnectedness designated by the links.

other texts. The second assumption that underlies the claim is that the goal

I t is also important, however, to note that the starting point o f the analysis

is to select a text that represents, or speaks to, a particular issue, compared

must not be given too much importance. I n the interconnected w o r l d o f the

w i t h starting w i t h a predefined text. Usually, the researcher has to make a

W W W , a starting point serves only as a gateway and couid end up being the

choice between various sites, and i n such cases, the two deciding factors

most inconsequential part o f the analysis. Because the W W W produces

could be the number o f hyperlinks the site offers and the number o f times

interconnected texts that have a constant decentering tendency, to concen-

the site has been cited by other pages.

trate on a starting point is to deny the W W W text its greatest strength.

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Furthermore, the starting point itself is a provisional locus because the

www.att.com/indiahorizons/) is an example o f a site that provides a list o f

WWW

texts are notoriously impermanent. There have been instances i n

sites that deal w i t h various aspects o f the country. T h i s page can thus w o r k

w h i c h the starting point simply ceases to exist after a while, and i f the focus

as a starting point to develop categories that can inform the analytical

had been p r i m a r i l y on the starting point, the research is d o o m e d .

Thus, the

process. The presumption in this process is that the quantity o f texts analyzed

decision about the starting point is immediately followed by the question

is iess critical than careful examination o f a selection o f texts that address

about the stopping point, or how deep into hypertext one needs to go i n the

various components o f the issue being examined.

11

process o f analyzing the interconnected text. I n other words, the question is, H o w many texts to analyze?

On

the other hand, i f the research is driven by the need to analyze a

particular site on the W W W and then explore other texts from the starting point, a slightly different approach can be considered. I n such cases, the Web

NOW MANY TEXTS TO

mapper provides a good starting point, because it shows the different levels

ANALYZE?

of connections provided from a seed text. It is important here to consider the Given their abundance, innumerable texts can address a specific issue. For instance, a search for the w o r d Calcutta,

the city where M o t h e r Theresa

worked, yielded about a thousand "hits" when a search was conducted the day after her funeral in Calcutta. I t is clear, when considering the W W W ,

that

the text analyst is faced w i t h a plethora o f texts. Because o f the interconnected nature o f the W W W , there is an expectation that the researcher w i l l go beyond the starting point o f the analysis. I n doing so, the research process prompts the question, H o w many links to follow and where to stop and turn back?

notion o f "levels" in the analysis o f the W W W . Pages on the W W W are connected w i t h each other by varying degrees o f separation. A n y text on the WWW

can potentially iead to any other text on the W W W independent o f

any topical logic. T h i s phenomenon can, for instance, be witnessed w i t h the appearance o f banner advertising on W W W pages. For example, a user wanting to seek information on any particular issue could use the "Net Search" option provided by a popular W W W browser and access one o f several search engines. However, the search engine sites often have advertisements that could be completely unrelated to what the surfer wants but that

The answer, i n our estimation, lies i n the research question that motivates the textual analysis. I f the question is p r i m a r i l y topical—that is, w i t h the goal

c o u l d entice the surfer to move i n a direction totally unrelated to the user's original purpose.

o f investigating the extent to w h i c h a particular issue is addressed by W W W

However, even the logical connections between texts begin to disintegrate

texts—the textual analysis needs to include all the different ways i n w h i c h

w i t h greater degrees o f separation between the texts. We define degrees o f

the issue is approached on the W W W .

Thus, the analyst has to explore most

of the links that the primary page offers, and then begin to categorize similar links and concepts. I n many ways, this is a process similar to genre analysis as suggested by A l t m a n (1987), w h o maintained that to understand a genre it is necessary to develop a syntactic/semantic map o f the content o f representative texts and then use that typology to delve into Dther texts that fall into the genre. Similarly, in the case o f the large number o f W W W texts, i t is l i k e l y that the analyst w o u l d find several texts that fall into the same genre, and selecting representations from the different genres could provide the data for m a k i n g claims about the collection o f text. T h i s process is facilitated by the use o f standard Web mappers that create a visual representation indicating what texts are related to each other and how the specific categories can be developed. Often, the title o f the W W W site provides ample directions for

separation as the number o f links that a user has to follow to move from one site to another. Degrees o f separation can be measured by the number o f " c l i c k s " necessary to go from one W W W page to another. T h i s can be mapped w i t h the use o f a Web mapper, and a researcher can designate the degrees o f separation desired. Thus, i f the interest is in the C N N H o m e Page (http://www.cnn.com), i t is possible to begin w i t h the C N N page and decide that three degrees o f separation is what the researcher is interested i n and then consider the texts that fall w i t h i n that distance o f the seed text. Larger degrees o f separation w i l l result i n the inclusion o f greater numbers o f texts. I t is likely, therefore, that the more the degrees o f separation, the greater w o u l d be the need to classify and categorize the texts so that a representation of the texts could be examined more closely. Thus, the decision about the

j u d g m e n t . Consider, for instance, the way in w h i c h pages present informa-

degrees o f separation could be made on the basis o f the purpose o f the

tion on broad interest areas. The A T & T "India Horizons" page fhttp://

analysis. I n the case o f the example o f the search engine page, the connection w o u l d be lost w i t h i n one level o f separation.

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It is, however, important to provide a w o r d o f caution at this point. I t is

w o u l d be considered authentic and reliable by the traditional yardsticks are

often tempting to settle on an arbitrary degree o f separation. T h i s needs to

not privileged in cyberspace. After a l l , that an author has placed a w o r k m

be avoided. Instead, it is necessary to do some exploratory w o r k that can

cyberspace makes it l i k e l y that the text w i l l be read and that the text w i l l have

provide indications about the number o f degrees o f separation that retain a

an impact. Often, it is the impact and effectivity that might be more critical

iogical connection. For instance, i f the issue under examination is particu-

to the researcher than focusing on k n o w n authors. Pages o f special interest

larly narrow, it is possible that as the degrees o f separation increase, there is

groups w i t h specific political agendas and points o f view are illustrative.

an increasing reciprocity among the texts. Thus, text " A " m i g h t lead to " B , "

Notable among these are radical political groups that have now found a

w h i c h leads to " C , " and after the second degree o f separation, " C " m i g h t lead

" v o i c e " on the W W W , as B a r l o w f 1997) suggested by saying, "Suddenly,

back to " A " because a loop has been completed. I n such cases, the second

overnight, the odious have their p o d i u m " ( p . 7 3 ) . I n such cases, the author

degree o f separation could be enough, but this needs to be explored i n detail

remains far less important than the point o f view being presented by a set o f

before settling on a definitive answer.

WWW

A third criterion i n deciding on the number o f pages has to do w i t h the authorship o f pages. A researcher has to confront a plethora o f authors w h o

sites (see Z i c k m u n d , 1997). B y not considering the texts o f the

u n k n o w n authors, the altered roie o f the individual author m cyberspace is ignored.

produce texts and make them available for circulation. However, u n l i k e for

The issue o f recognition and finding "authentic" sources is further prob-

traditional texts, these authors d i d not use any mass production system or

iematized by the global nature o f the nonlinear text and the way in w h i c h the

mass distribution system to bring the texts to the public domain. Indeed, the

text is recombinant—a virtual pastiche o f a variety o f textual elements,

strength o f the W W W stems from the authors' being empowered to produce

i n c l u d i n g visual and aural images. The author is no longer stabilized w i t h i n

texts and " p u b l i s h " them w i t h o u t the need for any mediation o f a centralized

a particular geographic space but is indeed a global and nomadic author and

publication and circulation system. I n this individualized authoring and

may combine elements o f original text w i t h recycled material " b o r r o w e d "

publication scenario, anyone w i t h the right computing tools now has the

and d i g i t a l l y appropriated from other authors or s i m p l y co-opted by a hyper-

w o r l d as an audience. T h i s produces a Babel o f texts whose authenticity and

textual l i n k . These tendencies call into question the specificity o f the author

reliability are constantly called into question because they do not represent

as w e l l as the need to address the different authors residing in cyberspace.

the traditional "authentic," but centralized, sources o f information. Thus, a

Thus, the number o f texts to analyze can often be determined by a careful

c o m m o n question asked among undergraduate students using the W W W for

process o f exploration and categorization. Once the groups have been devel-

research is precisely about what w o u l d be considered reliable. Yet in raising

oped, it w o u l d be possible to select a few o f the texts to be considered for

this question, the very rationale o f the W W W is compromised. The technology o f the W W W has, for the first time, provided a space where everyone can have a voice, and m questioning the authenticity o f the voice, by couching the question m the language o f empirical reliability, the very

more careful analysis. However, one final challenge remains for the analyst. Even the selected texts m i g h t not remain available for analysis too l o n g . The analyst has to confront the impermanence o f the W W W text.

purpose o f the W W W is undermined. THE IMPERMANENT

TEXT

The d i l e m m a faced by the researcher o f the W W W text is not u n l i k e the confusion a college sophomore faces when the W W W search engine spews

As discussed earlier, the W W W texts do not often have a specific tangible

out thousands o f hits when he or she is l o o k i n g for the occurrence o f a key

m o o r i n g . The researcher thus has to be acutely aware that the text under

w o r d i n the W W W space. The researcher too needs to consider w h i c h authors

scrutiny is subject to disappear from the public domain w i t h little w a r n i n g .

to include and w h o to exclude from close scrutiny. One o f the best ways o f

This is exemplified by users'' often being confronted w i t h the w e l l - k n o w n

m a k i n g that decision is to use the strategy outlined earlier—develop t y p o l o -

"404"

gies, categorize, and select from the groups o f texts. This m i g h t not lead to

non has become so w e l l - k n o w n among W W W users that the w o r d has entered

a focus on a l l the authors, but this strategy could ensure that the authors w h o

the popular cultural language o f users, as illustrated beiow:

error that says that the location was not found. Indeed, this phenome-

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404—Someone who's clueless. From the World Wide Web message "404, U R L Not Found," meaning that the document you've tried to access can't be located, "Don't bother asking him . . . he's 404, man." (Anonymous, 1997) 12

t i t e

W

e

b

'99

o f the traditional text and is thus open to analysis w i t h time-tested tools. Thus, i t is possible to consider a critical textual analysts, a narrative analysis, a semiotic analysis, or a combination o f these approaches when tackling the W W W text. Similarly, the concepts o f "discourse community," methods o f

This disappearance is taken for granted, and authors o f the texts do not

discourse analysis as suggested by Bakhtin (1981) and Foucault (1979), can

provide any assurance that the texts are permanent. T h i s textual characteristic

be used to understand the relation between the W W W text and society, j u s t

requires the researcher to retain records o f the texts being examined. M o r e

as the structural analysis o f the text i n the tradition o f Barthes (1975) and

important, the researcher has to make i t clear that the results o f the analysis

Eco (1972) can be conducted to uncover the ways i n w h i c h the W W W texts

are always provisional because the subject o f analysis is impermanent.

take on specific meanings. However, independent o f the critical approach

Because texts become meaningful through reading, the role o f a text or a

used, there is a set o f fundamental concerns about the uniqueness o f the text

series o f texts is called into question when the text disappears from the public

that needs to addressed. These are the issues related to the specificity o f the

sphere. Even though there might be traces left as saved files and occasional

text—its inherent mtertextuality, its lack o f center, its volume, its m u l t i m e -

hard copies, the text is meaningless i f i t cannot be accessed by anyone on the

dianess, its international scope, its impermanence, and the resulting altered

W W W . The researcher has little control o f this process, other than m a k i n g it

sense o f authorship. I f these elements are not taken into consideration, the

clear m the analysis that the result o f the analysis is a snapshot o f cyberspace.

critical analysis w i l l be incomplete and unreliable. Consequently, this chap-

The role o f the analyst is thus not only to understand the process o f transfor-

ter provides some guidelines that can be used to address the uniqueness o f

mation by synchronically examining the traces o f the text but also to specu-

the W W W text.

late on the implications o f the disappearance o f the text, i n some cases, the

Furthermore, because o f the differences between traditional texts and the

disappearance o f the text can be a telling phenomenon, and m its absence,

W W W text, the traditional methods o f analysis can be called into question

the text can take on posthumous m e a n i n g . Thus, i f a text is deliberately

as w e l l . W h a t has worked w e l l for traditional texts might not be smoothly

removed from the public cybersphcre, it is necessary to explore w h y that

transferable to the new text. Thus, the theoretical underpinnings o f the

might have happened and what it implies. Sometimes, such disappearance is

traditional analytical methods need to be rethought. Such challenges offer

also contestable because even i f the author might have removed the text from

the opportunity to reexamine the methods that have worked w e l l w i t h the

the public domain, a m i r r o r image o f the text might remain somewhere, and

traditional texts and consider how the methods themselves can be modified

the audience can find such a presence o f the text.

to address the emerging textual form. I t w o u l d be a mistake to force the

0

I t is thus important for the researcher to acknowledge this impermanence

methods on a textual form that offers the opportunity to improve on our

o f the text and recognize two principal implications o f the impermanence.

existing methods. I t is far more useful to ensure that the traditional methods

First, the researcher needs to be able to demonstrate that a trace o f the text

have been rethought to " f i t " the specificity o f the new text. I n such negotia-

was maintained. Keeping a " c o p y " o f the text could accomplish this. Second,

tions between the text and the critical approach, i t is possible not o n l y to

the researcher needs to be able to demonstrate that the implications o f the

improve methodologies but also to develop fresh theoretical understanding

text's disappearance were considered. Questions about the reasons for the

o f the hypertext phenomenon on the W W W .

disappearance need to be deliberated and an analytical approach needs to be taken to understand the implications o f the disappearance.

Notes Summary The W W W text poses a unique analytical challenge because o f its characteristics. A n analyst is confronted w i t h a textual form that has many elements

1. Significant attention has been paid to the textual strategies used in computer-mediated communication. Witness for example, the elaboration on the phenomenon of "flaming" and "spamming" on one band, and the development of netiquette and emoticons on the other hand. This body of research acknowledged the lextuality of the Internet exchanges and then probed the specific aspects of the texluality, such as flaming and spamming (Dubrovsky, Kiesier, &

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Selhna, 1991; Hiltz, Turoff, & Johnson, 1989; McLaughlin, Osborne, & Smith, 1995;Thompsen & Ahn, 1992; Siegel, Dubrovsky, Kiesler, & McGutrc. 1986; Smolensky, Carmody, & Halcomb, 1990; Weisbanci, 1992). This text-based research is now being extended to explore the representational strategies used in the production of the WWW texts. 2. For instance, with reference to the sexually explicit textual content of the Internet, a great deal of controversy surrounds the issue of indecency, obscenity, and pornography on the WWW. The focus of this debate has been on the proposal of the Communications Decency Act and the eventual rounds of discussion that followed about the means that can be used to control the presence and availability of indecent material on the Web. 3. Here, a specific critical approach to textual analysis is being adopted. Such an approach is informed by the work of textual analysts such as Fiske, Barthes, Eco, and others who have used the tools of semiotics and structuralism to begin to uncover the various "layers" of texts and the role of the text in popular culture. 4. This is the area of research that addresses the question of textual similarities and conventions. Witness for instance, the vast amouni of research in the analysis of genres ofliterary texts and film (Allman, 1987;Neale, 1981, 1990). These bodies of scholarship point toward the inherent similarities of texts and how lexts can be arranged and categorized around specific representational conventions. 5. For instance, if the cards address Shakespearean literature, a user could look at Shakespeared work, move to cards about Victorian England, and then move to information about contemporary production of the Bard's work. 6. The trail was created by five clicks as follows: CNN Home Page of September 5, 1997 CNN Miami Voter's Slory (first click) AST—Bravo advertisement (second click) New Bravo M S - L C page (third click) A S T Bravo L C 6233 (fourth click) Bravo L C 6233 Specs (fifth and last click) 7. Aarselh (1994) provides an elaborate analysis of the constitutive elements of nonlii' • texts and argues that nonlinear text is made up of units that are unpredictable in their construction and are thus not adaptable to Ihc location of a beginning or end. 8. McLuhan (1964) drew a distinction between the "hot" and "cool" medium, attempting to find a difference between media that exciied different senses in different ways. Using that model, it was possible to distinguish between media such as the book and television. However, in the case of WWW text, that distinction begins lo disappear. 9. The innovation of "streaming" video and audio allows authors of the WWW text to send video and audio messages rapidly. This technology does not require time-consuming downloading of the video and audio files, but the images come to the screen in a continuous fashion, making the process more efficient. 10. There are numerous examples of such studies from scholars such as Barthes (1973. 1975. 1977), Eco (1972), Fiske {1987, 1989), and Fiske and Hartley (1978). These authors demonstrate how to analyze texts in association with other texis that might surround the primary texts. 11. There is evidence of this phenomenon in researching the Web. This is related to Web sites becoming obsoleie and disappearing, and in other cases, ihe pages arc changed without nolice, thus posing challenges to the researcher. 12. From an anonymous e-mail spam received by one of the authors. 13. The process of disappearance is often the result of a site's becoming particularly popular or important. Disappearance in such cases could be because the site merges with a bigger site and thus takes on a far more important role in cyberspace. Such disappearance can suggest lhat a WWW site was so important that n needed to "grow oul" of its original modest shell.

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References Aarseth, E . J. (1994). Non-linearity and literary theory. I n G . P. LandowiEd.), Hypertext theory (pp. 87-120). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Altman, R. (1987), The American film musical Bloommglon: Indiana University Press. Bakhtin, M. M. (1981). The dialogic imagination (M. Holmquist, ed.; C. Emcrsam & M. Holmquist, trans.). Austin: University of Texas Press. Barlow, J. P. (1997). The best of all possible worlds. Communications of the ACM, 40(2), 69-74. Barthes, R. (1973). Mythologies. London: Paladin. Barthes, R. (1975). The pleasure of the text. New York: Hill & Wang. Barthes, R. (1977). Image-music-text. London: Fontana. Barthes, R. (1979). From work lo text. In J. Harran (Ed.), Textual strategies: Perspectives in poststrttcturalist criticism. Ilhaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Beach, R., Si Anson, C . M. (1992). Si.ince and inlerlcxtualiiy in written discourse. Linguistics and Education, 4, 335-357. Berger, A. A. (1995). Cultural criticism: A primer of key concepts. Thousand Oaks. C A : Sage. Bernstein, M. f 1990). An apprentice that discovers hypertext links. In A. Rizk et al. (Eds.), Hypertexts: Concepts, systems and applications (pp. 212-223). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Bernstein. M. (1991). The navigation problem reconsidered, in E . Berk & J. Devlin (Eds.). Hypertext/hypermedia handbook. New York: McGraw-Hill. Bolter, J. D. (1990). Topographic writing: Hypertext and the electronic writing space. In G . P. Landow & P. Delany (Eds.), Hypermedia and literary studies. Cambridge: MIT Press. Boller,J.D.(l991), Writing space: The computer, hypertext, and the history of writing. H\\\sda\c, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Bolter, J. D. (1992). Literature and electronic learning space. In M. C. Tuman (Ed.), Literacy online (pp. 19-42). Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Bolter, J. D.. & Joyce, M. (1987). Hypertext and creative writing. Hypertext 'ft? Proceedings (pp. 41-50). Chapel Hill, NC. Association for Computing Machinery. Chi, F. (1995). E S L readers and Ihe focus on intertcxluaiily. Journal of Reading, 38, 638-644. Dc Cerlcau, M. (1984). The practice of everyday life. Berkeley: University of California Press. December, J., & Randall, N. (1994). The World Wide Web unleashed. New York: SAMS. Dubrovsky, V. J.. Kiesler. S., & Scthna, B. N. (1991). The equalization phenomenon: Status effects in computer-mediated or face-to-face decision-making groups. Human-Computer interaction, 6, 119-146. Eco, U. (1972). Towards a semiotic inquiry mlo the T V message. In J. Corner & J. Hawthorn (Eds.), Communication studies: An introductory reader. London: Arnold. Fairciough. N. (1992). lntcrlcxlualiiy and critical discourse analysis. Linguistics and Education, 4, 269-293. Fiske, J. (1987). Television culture. New York: Methuen. Fiske, J. (1989). Understanding popular culture. Boston, MA: Unwm Hyman. Fiske, J., &. Hartley, J. (1978). Reading television. London: Methuen. Foucauit, M. (1979). What is an author? In J. V. Haran (Ed.), Textual strategics: Perspectives in post-structuralist criticism (pp. 141-160). Ilhaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Hall, S. (1980). Encoding/decoding. InS. Hall, D. Hobson. A. Lowe, & P. Willis (Eds.), Culture, media, language (pp. 128-139). London: Hutchinson. Hiltz, S. R., Turoff, M., & Johnson. K. (1989). Experiments in group decision making, 3: Dismhibition, deindividuatton, and group process m pen name and real name computer conferences. Computer Support Systems, 5, 217-252. Joyce, M. (1991). Selfish interaction: Subversive texts and the multiple novel. In E . Berk & J. Devlin (Eds.), The hypertext/hypermedia handbook. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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Kristeva, J. £1980). Desire in language: A senuottc approach la literature and art. New York: Columbia University Press. Landow, G . P. (1992a). Hypertext, metaiext and the electronic canon. în M. C . Tuman íEd.), Literacy online (pp. 67-94). Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. Landow, G . P. (1992b). Hypertext: The convergence of contemporary critical theory and technology. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Landow, G. P. (1994). What critics do: Critical theory in the age of hypertext. In G. P. Landow (Ed.), Hypertext theory (pp. 1-50). Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Leıich, V. B. (1983). Dcconsiructive cmicism. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Levı-Strauss, C. (1955). The structural study of myth. Journal of American Folklore, 68, 270. McLaughlin, M. L . . Osborne, K. K., & Smith. C. B. (1995). Standards of conduct on Usenet. In S.G.Jones (Ed.), CyberSoctety: Computer-mediated communication and community (pp. 90¬ 111). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. McLuhan, M. (1964). Understanding media: The extensions of man. New York: McGraw-Hill. Mitra, A. (1996). Nations on the Internet: The case of a national newsgroup, "soc.cult.indian." Convergence: The Journal of Research in New Media Technologies, 2, 44-75. Mitra, A. (1997a). Diasponcweb sites: Ingroup and outgroup discourse. Critical Studies in Mass Communication, 14, 158-181. Mitra, A. (1997b). Virtual commonality: Looking for India on the Internet. In S. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture: Identity and communication m cybersocıcty (pp. 55-80). London, UK: Sage. Morns, M„ & Ogan, C. (1996). The Internet as a mass medium. Journal of Communication, 76(1), 39-51. Moulihrop, S. (1989). Polymers, paranoia, and the rhetoric of hypertext. Writing on the Edge, 2, 150-159. Moulihrop, S. (1994). Rhizome and resislance: Hypenexi and ¡he dreams of anew culıure. In G. P. Landow (Ed.), Hypertext and literary theory. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Neale, S. (1981). Genre and cinema. InT. Benncli,S. Boyd-Bowman. C. Mercer, & J. Woollacolt (Eds.), Popular television and film (pp. 6-15). London: British Film Institute. Neale, S. (1990), Questions of genre. Screen, Sll\), 45-66. Negroponte, N. (1995). Being digital. Boston: MIT Press.

CHAPTER

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Newhagen, J. E . , & Rafaeli, S. (1996). Symposium: The Net. Journal of Communication, 76(1), 4-12. Pierce, C. H. (1985). Logic as semiotics: The theory of signs. In R. E . Innis (Ed.), Semiotics: An introductory anthology (pp. 4-23). Bioominglon: Indiana University Press. Porter, J. E. (1986). Inienexluality and discourse community. Rhetoric Review, 5, 34-47. Propp, V. (1975). The morphology of the folk tale. Austin: University of Texas Press. Siegel, J., Dubrovsky, V., Kiesler, S., & McGuire, T. W. (1986). Group processes in computermediated communication. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 37, 157-187. Smolensky, M. W., Carmody, M. A., & Halcomb. C. G. (1990). The influence of task type, group struciure and extraversión on uninhibited speech in computer-mediated communication. Computers in Human Behavior, 6, 261-272. Thompsen, P. A.. & Alın. D. (1992). To be or not lo be: An exploration of E-pnme, copula deletion, and flaming in electronic mail. ETC. A review of general semantics, 49, İ46-164. Todorov, T. (1977). The poetics of prose. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. Weisband, S. P. (1992). Group discussion and first advocacy effects in computer-mediated and face-to-face decision making groups. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Pro­ cesses, 53, 352-380. Zİckınund, S. (1997). Approaching the radical oiher: The discursive culture of cyherhate. In S. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture: Identity and communication in cybersocıcty (pp. 185-206). London: Sage.

There Is a There There Notes Toward a Definition of Cybercommunity

JAN FERNBACK

F O R T H O S E S C H O L A R S R E S E A R C H I N G T H E R I C H T E R R A I N o f social relations in cyberspace, there are methodological concerns that alert our sensibilities as researchers. H o w can we apply traditional sociological terms to the patterns o f human interaction that develop in the "bodiless" p r o v i n c e o f cyberspace? How

should we approach computer-mediated

c o m m u n i c a t i o n ( C M C ) re­

search w i t h an eye toward the accepted w i s d o m o f the t e n d s o f ethnomethodoiogy, observation, interpretation, and e m p i r i c a l verification? So m u c h has been w r i t t e n , both m popular and scholarly venues, about one such f o r m o f v i r t u a l human interaction—cybercommunity. V i r t u a l interaction transforms the ways people relate to each other, and admittedly, not a l l o f these ways i n v o l v e c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g per se. That process o f transformation

is a

dialectic one, and v i r t u a l social relations encompass many behaviors: i n d i ­ v i d u a l b o n d i n g (e.g., friendship, romance, professional address in v i r t u a l

fora for debate, calls to p o l i t i c a l

interests),

action,

public

underground

n e t w o r k i n g for illegal activities, and v i r t u a l stalking, rape, and anarchy. A t 203

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205

present, however, the spatial metaphor we have adopted for discourse sur-

Scholars have indeed risen to W i l l i a m s ' s exhortation; hundreds of case

rounding C M C lends itself to t h i n k i n g o f virtual social relations i n terms o f

studies on various types o f communities have been published over the

c o m m u n i t y . Cyberspace has been positioned as the t o w n hall, the public

decades. B u t most o f these studies pursue that universal, essentialist defini-

sphere, the virtual agora, or just a fun "place" to gather and chat. Thus,

tion w i t h o u t regard for the process

community,

fellowship

c o m m u n i t y has an elastic character as it expands and contracts to accommo-

has become an efficacious symbolic term for characterizing

date fringe elements, to incorporate new symbolic meanings into its lexicon,

virtual social relations. T h i s chapter examines the methodological d i f f i c u l -

and to withstand threats from outside its boundaries. Because definitions o f

ties o f conceptualizing such social phenomena w i t h i n cyberspace and seeks

the phenomena in question are necessary for scholarly inquiry, this chapter

to offer grounds for further scholarly exploration into cybercommunity and

explores the difficulties in seeking a definition o f c o m m u n i t y that encapsu-

other cultural constructs w i t h i n cyberspace.

lates the real, observable practices that result from what cybercommunity

and the various meanings the w o r d evokes (such as

and conviviality)

o f c o m m u n i t y ; it exists as an entity, but

participants claim is their authentic community as well as a more essential definition.

Problems of Definition

The problems o f definition are not unique to scholars o f C M C . But whether scientists or humanists, scholars across disciplines have r i g h t l y argued for

L i k e the terms religion

has proven difficult

the preeminence o f defining cultural phenomena to articulate something

to define. These terms have mutable definitions that can vary widely m

or culture,

the term community

meaningful about their connection to the human condition. Indeed, defini-

different disciplines and among different individuals. L i k e religion and

tions o f social phenomena are the grist for both the scientific m i l l o f

culture, c o m m u n i t y has both symbolic and functional definitions. We group

explanation and o f the humanistic m i l l o f interpretation. A n d w i t h the

ourselves into aggregated physical villages that we call c o m m u n i t i e s —

methodological move described by some within the social sciences from "cer-

urban, rural, suburban, or even walled; we similarly group ourselves into

tainty to uncertainty"—that is, from positivism toward mterpretivism—we

s y m b o l i c subdivisions based on lifestyle, identity, or character that we call

have more cause to reexamine our methodological priorities. For scholars

communities—religious, leisurely, philosophical, or even virtual. The prob-

concerned w i t h human action i n the domain o f cyberspace, defining social

lem w i t h mutable definitions is that they can often seem arbitrary. A s M e l f o r d

patterns o f behavior in a virtual realm can seem almost absurd, i f not intan-

Spiro argues i n " R e l i g i o n : Problems o f D e f i n i t i o n and Explanation," scholars

gible. D o the same normative roles and modes o f behavior that govern our

try to seek essentialist definitions that are "true statements about entities or

physical social w o r l d aiso apply to the virtual world? Can we seek empirical

things," but they must do so w i t h o u t being abstruse and w i t h o u t i g n o r i n g that

verification o f hypotheses regarding social activity that involves bodiless-

w h i c h can be observed e m p i r i c a l l y (see K i l b o u r n e & Langness, 1987). The

ness? Is there a sociology o f the "placeless"? Is there cybercommunity?

essence o f c o m m u n i t y is commonality

These questions require a reexamination o f the adequacies o f a p p l y i n g social

(e.g., o f interests or physical location),

but c o m m u n i t y is difficult to observe e m p i r i c a l l y because its boundaries are

theory about community

continually renegotiated. Raymond W i l l i a m s (1983) has, in an attempt to

The ability to communicate in a one-to-many

discover the "essence" o f community, observed that community is not just a bounded locale but also "the quality o f h o l d i n g something in c o m m o n , as in c o m m u n i t y o f interests, community o f goods . . . a sense o f common identity and characteristics." These senses indicate a "particular quality o f relationship (as i n communitas)" community

( p . 75). Thus noting the evolution o f the w o r d

to encompass not only spatiai relations but also quality/social

relationships, W i l l i a m s has identified an empirical element to the concept o f community w h i c h has been popularized w i t h the rise o f social theory.

to computer-mediated communicative relationships. form v i a technology is a

novelty o f the late 20th-century cultural landscape; we know already that many o f the assumptions we h o i d about the negotiation and formation o f social relationships, and particularly about community, do not seem to apply in the complex realm o f C M C . C o m m u n i t y is both an object o f study (an entity, a manifestation) and the communicative process o f negotiation and production o f a commonality o f meaning, structure, and culture. The terrain o f c o m m u n i t y is mapped through a process o f reconciling interpersonal dynamics, collective dynamics, and ideologies. These processes take on new

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significance when they arc executed m cyberspace among people whose

d r i v i n g sense o f progress and individualism. Hence, late 19th-century Europe

connectedness to one another is enabled only by a medium o f mass c o m m u -

had undergone an evolution from Gemeinschaft

nication.

of the culture o f modernity.

Î begin the exploration o f these definitional problems m relation to C M C

Gememschaft

to Gesellschaft

in the wake

is indicated by an organic sense o f community, fellowship,

scholarship by sifting through the discourse on cybercommunity and how i t

family, and custom, as w e l l as a bounding together by understanding, con-

resonates w i t h both the popular and intellectual imagination i n contemporary

sensus, and language. Gememschaft

Western culture. T h i s resonance is exemplified m political scientist Robert

connote a social organization based on common property and fellowship

collectives are natural groupings that

Booth Fowler's (1991) statement, "The intellectual engagement w i t h com-

(such as the A m i s h communities o f the Pennsylvania Dutch) or professional

munity bursts across boundaries w i t h abandon.

groups oriented around a livelihood o f some sort (such as m i n i n g c o m m u n i -

Community, its nature,

and its desirability are now a part o f the conversation o f many political intellectuals in the United States; it has become a watchword of the age" (pp. 2-3).

ties or even communities o f thieves). Gesellschaft,

then, corresponded to the Zeitgeist of the modern era. W h e n

communal spirit is charged w i t h i n d i v i d u a l i s m and people's interests, needs, and desires become more individually rather than collectively driven, relations among people become more mechanical, transitory, and contractually

Community as Place

oriented—this is Gesellschaft. The cultural metaphors we have adopted to refer to C M C are place

centered;

T ö n n i e s claimed that a negative

permeates the notion o f Gesellschaft

attitude

and that individuals interact w i t h one

we have conceived o f cyberspace as a place where c o m m u n i t y can develop

another

and be sustained, new social and economic relationships can be created, and

( T ö n n i e s , 1887/1957). I t is a polite form o f society in w h i c h people regard

new horizons can be reached. A l t h o u g h the ability to transcend space and

each other as equals, but the pleasantness and services are weighed to

time through electronic means is not unprecedented (sec M e y r o w i t z , 1985),

produce the desired result.

we have not placed the same hopes for a revitalized sense o f c o m m u n i t y into

only as a means o f exchange o f equally valued commodities

l o n n i e s demonstrates a true nostalgia for Gemeinschaft, was a "state o f health," whereas Gesellschaft

arguing that

the u n i f y i n g power of, for example, television, as we have in the u n i f y i n g

Gemeinschaft

was a "state o f

power o f C M C . The idea o f c o m m u n i t y resonates deeply w i t h i n the human

pathology" (Liebersohn, 1988, p. 31). His critique o f Gesellschaft

psyche, and traditionally, we have identified c o m m u n i t y w i t h place.

o f social organization that has forsaken instinct, habit, and collective memory

as a form

This section w i l l explore the notions o f place-community as articulated i n

in favor o f h y p e n n d i v i d u a l i s m , progress, and market economics echoes the

particular by Ferdinand Tdnnies and Georg Simmel during the height o f

lament o f social historians and philosophers o f the late 19th and early 20th

modernity i n European society. For these social theorists, forms o f 19th-

cenlunes (e.g., Benjamin, Nietzsche, Proust). O f course, T ö n n i e s was not the

century social existence reflected these changing notions o f the value o f

only social philosopher to speculate about the nature o f the contemporary

collective social experience. Communities became more centralized and

social order. D ü r k h e i m s notions o f organic and mechanical solidarity reflect

urban, peasant societies declined, and city life was seen as e x e m p l i f y i n g the

a similar ideal-typical construction: Mechanical solidarity is based on the

decay o f orai culture, traditional morality, and familial ties.

similarity o f individuals and was prevalent in preindustnal societies, whereas

Tonnies\s w e l l - k n o w n 3887 w o r k Gememschaft

and Gesellschaft

(trans-

lated in the United States as " C o m m u n i t y and Society") explores the historical changes i n the organization o f social life that emerged w i t h the ascendancy o f modernity. Gememschaft

and Gesellschaft

arc ideal types conceived

organic solidarity is based on heterogeneity o f individuals that arises w i t h a well-articulated division o f labor i n industrial nations. I n contrast to T ö n n i e s , S i m m e l , although still a Utopian, attempted to illuminate the gams o f modernity rather than simply lamenting the loss o f

by Tdnnies to correspond to natural w i l l (Wesenwille) and rational w i l l

Gememschaft.

( K u r w i l l e ) . Gememschaft,

unity and was thus not completely fragmented into Gesellschaft.

w h i c h is characterized by natural w i l l , is d i s t i n -

S i m m c i (1950) argued that modern society d i d indeed possess He asserted

guished by a guiding sense of the totality o f the cultural past; conversely,

that modernity contributed to a more sociologically grounded

Gesellschaft,

identity that was formed in part by social rclalionships; thus, individuals

which is characterized by rational w i l l , is distinguished by a

personal

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were never completely isolated or completely absorbed into a c o m m u n i t y .

neighborhoods, each w i t h distinct boundaries and organic

These social relationships and positions constituted boundaries that were

values (Park, Burgess, & M c K e n z i e , 1925). A n t h r o p o l o g i s t Mercer (1956),

both l i m i t i n g and freeing for the i n d i v i d u a l . L i k e Tonmes, S i m m e l believed

l i k e many other social scientists studying c o m m u n i t y prior to the

in organic society and also lamented the g r o w i n g absence o f

defines c o m m u n i t y as "a functionally related aggregate o f people w h o live

Gemeinschaft,

Gemeinschaft 1980s,

but he recognized that the individual's l i n k to the social whole worked

in a particular geographic locality at a particular time, share a common

against this organic, natural w i l l (Liebersohn, 1988).

culture, are arranged i n a social structure, and exhibit an awareness o f their

Aside from the 19th-century social theorists, anthropologists, urban plan-

uniqueness and separate identity as a group" ( p . 27).

ners, and sociologists have dismantled and reconceived the ideal-typical

A l l o f these perspectives on community, i n addition to focusing on locale

definitions o f c o m m u n i t y o f Tonmes and S i m m e l . Sociologist George

as a central concept m its definition, also encompass the notion o f inter-

H i l l e r y (1955) c o m p i l e d more than 90 definitions o f community, and s i m i -

dependency i n c o m m u n i t y life. These approaches to the study o f c o m m u n i t y

larly, other social scientists have struggled to ascribe a fundamentally c o m -

suggest a functionality arising from this mterdependency, whether based on

munal nature to humankind i n the face o f early 20th-century fears about

c o m m o n a l i t y o f location, interest, values, economic livelihood, behaviors,

alienation and h y p e n n d i v i d u a l i t y . I n fact, H i l l e r y ' s definitions have only one

or roles. W h a t these perspectives fail to address, however, is the antinomy to

c o m m o n dimension—they all deal w i t h people. Scherer (1972) notes that the term c o m m u n i t y consistently elicits discussion about commitment, identity, conflict resolution, tensions between the collective and the i n d i v i d u a l , and negotiation o f c o m m u n i t y boundaries. I t is part o f the social nature o f human beings to cohere around communal ideals, yet to maintain a sense o f self, o f individual desires. B u t many o f the conceptualizations o f c o m m u n i t y that have been popularly accepted have been derived from the dichotomous, structural definitions o f Tonmes, D u r k h e i m , and Simmel. For example, Redfield (1955), in his classic anthropological study The Little

Community,

functionality—dysfunctionality. Certainly, there is r o o m for conflict i n functional c o m m u n i t y relationships, but true dysfunction is rarely, i f ever, addressed i n c o m m u n i t y studies. Because functionalism posits itself as an examination o f the social usage o f a particular institutional phenomenon as it contributes to the maintenance o f the larger social w h o l e , i t never moves deductively from theory to explanation, has no explanatory power, and is thus inevitably a tautology. I t can obscure the reality that true dysfunctionality can lead to ultimate destruction.

claims that c o m m u n i t y can be typified on a folk-urban c o n t i n u u m , where f o l k communities exhibit characteristics reminiscent o f Tbnmes's schaft—homogeneity,

Gemein-

solidarity, and fellowship—and communities toward

the urban end o f the spectrum exhibit a loss o f these elements. Clearly, however, definitions o f the term from a l l manner o f scholars have relaxed enough to incorporate less dichotomous notions o f boundaries to the t y p i cally spatially oriented definitions o f community.

Community as Symbol Themes o f self-interest balanced against the common good have pervaded literature about c o m m u n i t y , public life, and democracy for decades. Recogn i t i o n o f these tensions by scholars o f c o m m u n i t y led, i n part, to the expansion o f c o m m u n i t y studies to encompass more than just functional or

Nonetheless, these approaches to c o m m u n i t y studies presuppose

physical

formalist concepts o f c o m m u n i t y as physical locale. L i k e any other social

place to be an inherent component m communities. Historically, an i n e x t r i -

construct, c o m m u n i t y has a symbolic dimension to it as w e l l (e.g., Cohen,

cable affiliation between place and c o m m u n i t y has existed, despite vast

1985; Geertz, 1973). For purposes o f describing cybercommunity, this dis-

societal changes brought about by the cultural upheaval created by the

tinction is o f paramount importance. T h r o u g h interpretive practices, Western

Industrial Revolution. Elias and Scotson (3974) claim that the essence o f

culture has embraced a symbolic dimension o f c o m m u n i t y that exceeds its

c o m m u n i t y is m a k i n g a home: "Communities are essentially

organizations

social functional or formalist nature. Certain material, geographical, or

o f home-makers, residential units such as urban neighbourhoods, villages,

ecological characteristics may frame the creation o f c o m m u n i t y m the natural

hamlets, compounds, or groups o f tents" (p. 27). The Chicago School sociol-

w o r l d , but humans s y m b o l i c a l l y infuse their communities w i t h meaning.

ogists demonstrated that sprawling cities could comprise a mosaic o f smaller

This s y m b o l i c scope o f c o m m u n i t y emphasizes substance

over form;

i t is a

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constmctivist approach that illuminates the process o f creating and embodying the meaning o f community.

the same cybercommunities, from a romanticized Gemeinschaft g o l d , 1993) to a destructive Gesellschaft

211

(see Rhein¬

(see Slouka, 1995).

A n t h r o p o l o g i s t A n t h o n y Cohen (1985) addresses c o m m u n i t y as i t is s y m b o l i c a l l y constructed, as a conglomeration o f normative codes and values

Community as Virtual

that provide c o m m u n i t y members w i t h a sense o f identity. B y emphasizing meaning

rather than structure, Cohen r i g h t l y demonstrates that c o m m u n i t y

is substance over f o r m . He argues that the traditional sociological preoccu-

Benedict Anderson, i n his treatise on nationalism, Imagined

Communities,

pation w i t h the "structure" o f c o m m u n i t y has resulted i n the assertion o f

posits that all communities are imagined because, " i n the minds o f each

c o m m u n i t y as normative formula over c o m m u n i t y as it can be e m p i r i c a l l y

[ c o m m u n i t y member] lives the image o f their c o m m u n i o n " (Anderson, 1983,

observed. Thus, the i l l u m i n a t i n g issue in the study o f community, as Cohen

p. 15). Anderson s notion o f c o m m u n i o n strikes at the heart o f most defini-

sees it, is "not whether its structural limits have withstood the onslaught o f

tions o f virtual community. H o w a r d Rheingold (1993) has defined cyber-

social change, but whether its members are able to infuse its culture w i t h

c o m m u n i l y as "social aggregations that emerge from the [Internet] when

vitality, and to construct a symbolic c o m m u n i t y w h i c h provides meaning and

enough people carry on those public discussions long enough, w i t h sufficient

i d e n t i t y " (Cohen, 1985, p. 9 ) . Therefore, based on Cohen's arguments, I

human feeling, to form webs o f personal relationships in cyberspace" ( p . 5 ) .

assert that c o m m u n i t y should be studied as an entity o f meaning. T h i s avenue

Echoing Rheingold, Nancy B a y m (1995b) argues i n her w o r k on the Usenet

o f i n q u i r y allows us to conceive o f c o m m u n i t y as existing in cyberspace,

group rec.arts.tv.soaps,

:

beyond the limits o f physical locale. A n d scholars o f c o m m u n i t y must remember to emphasize local meaning over universal meanings—community is not an anachronism; it very much exists on the local level i n concerns over ethnicity, sexuai orientation, even political orientation, rather than on the level o f M c L u h a n ' s global village. Here, it is important to note that Cohen's thesis about s y m b o l i c a l l y con-

r.a.t.s. is only one electronic community on one computer network. There are thousands more Usenet groups, many with richly developed cultures, and countless groups on other burgeoning networks. Computer-mediated communities show users transforming a new medium into something unforeseen by its creators, (p. 51)

structed c o m m u n i t y does not preclude the existence o f a physically shared community. A l t h o u g h c o m m u n i t y can indeed be symbolically constructed,

Rheingold and B a y m are arguing that virtual c o m m u n i t y is a real entity that

it is also a materially determined, preexisting physical reality, as discussed

is given meaning by its participants.

in the previous section. E t z i o m ( Î 9 9 5 ) reminds us that the scope o f c o m m u -

B u t cybercommunities are characterized by c o m m o n value systems,

nity is so encompassing that people are members o f a m u l t i p l i c i t y o f c o m -

norms, ruies, and the sense o f identity, commitment, and association thai also

munities simultaneously. This m u l t i p l i c i t y includes both symbolic and

characterize various physical communities or other communities o f interest.

materia! c o m m u n i t y ; humans are participants in communities o f their o w n

It is human nature l o characterize new social phenomena in already rec-

creation, and they are recipients o f physically constituted c o m m u n i t y . Cohen

ognized terms, whether through cultural memory or m y t h m a k i n g . B a y m

simply assigns more scholarly weight, m sociological and anthropological

(1995a), for example, argues that the distinctive cultures that develop around

terms, to explorations o f symbolically constructed community.

C M C groups are rooted in traditional theories o f communicative practice.

Virtual communities arc such communities o f meaning. Regardless o f our

Thus, c y b e r c o m m u m l y is generated by the participants'' appropriation o f

ability (or lack thereof) to grapple w i t h notions o f global communities,

accepted structures o f communication as w e l l as by the rules for interaction

transcended space, and computer-mediated reality, the very concept o f cy-

w i t h i n those structures ( B a y m , 1995a). Similarly, Jones (1995) notes that

b c r c o m m u m t y addresses what Calhoun (1980) refers to as " c o m m u n i t y as a

issues of space are not to be ignored i n conceiving of cybercommumty but,

complex o f ideas and sentiments" ( p . 107). I n this sense, participants in

rather, that definitions o f virtual c o m m u n i t y must engage both space and the

virtual communities may derive a range o f experiences and meanings from

social. Here, Jones is advocating an exploration o f the links between social

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relations, values, beliefs, and spatial practices that encompass currently held

least, fleeting (see Talbott, 1995). B u t is it necessary to be able to conceive

conceptions o f community. But m grappling w i t h various ideals that have

o f cyberspace m spatial terms in order for i t to be real? Indeed, certain

marked c o m m u n i t y studies o f the past, Jones argues that issues o f virtual

dimensions o f our social existence are difficult to conceive o f i n their present

c o m m u n i t y are inherently unique because the computer is a new element i n

form in cyberspace. For example, how do we conceptualize the material

the definitional m i x . Because computers are regarded as " l i n k i n g " machines,

aspects o f community, such as the control o f resources and the resulting

Jones states, "They inherently affect the ways we think o f l i n k i n g up to each

hierarchies o f power in cyberspace? This is not to say that power is not a

other, and thus they fit squarely into our concerns about c o m m u n i t y " ( p . 32).

force w i t h i n cybercommumties (e.g., frequent flamers may be cast out o f a

It is precisely this notion that arouses polemical theorizing about the relative

c y b e r c o m m u m t y or newbies may undergo sanctions from long-term group

w o r t h o f virtual community. Virtual c o m m u n i t y ' s many detractors adhere to

members when they fail to observe the proper rules o f netiquette) but that

the same nostalgic view o f c o m m u n i t y as Tdnnies does—that c o m m u n i t y is

power relations, like a l l social relations, take on a different character m

a local phenomenon, unmediated by technology, and bound by place.

cyberspace. The commodities o f power in cyberspace may be w i t , tenacity, and intelligence rather than brawn, money, or p o l i t i c a l clout. So w h i l e we may need to reconceive the elements o f power i n cyberspace, we may also

Concepts of the "Real" Versus Concepts of the "Virtual"

need to reconceive the character o f other social relations m the virtual realm. B u t i f we embrace the symbolic physical

form o f c o m m u n i t y (that is, not the

manifestation o f the term c o m m u n i t y but, rather, a c o m m u n i t y o f

I f we accept the notion that C M C is socially constructed space, is it appro-

substance and meaning), concerns o f the "real" juxtaposed against the " v i r -

priate, then, to impose the c o m m u n i t y metaphor onto the social relations

tual" are o f less importance. Cyberspace encompasses this symbolic dimen-

emanating from this space? Clearly, the place-bound notions o f c o m m u n i t y

sion; so, too, does cybercommumty. Reality is socially constructed, and as

advanced by Tdnnies, S i m m e l , D u r k h e i m , and others don't seem readily or

Cohen (1985) and Anderson (1983) assert, c o m m u n i t y exists i n the minds o f

entirely applicable in cyberspace. It becomes difficult to conceive o f cyber-

participants; it exists because its participants define i t and give it meaning.

space as a site for c o m m u n i t y when the creation and control o f space itself

T h i s doesn't mean that the c o m m u n i t y exists solely in the minds o f the par-

is dictated by concerns such as power, rebellion, authority, and dominance.

ticipants but i n the connection between what social constructs the user imag-

B u t M i c h a e l Benedikt (1991) argues that certain material dimensions o f

ines (such as c o m m u n i t y ) and the CMC-generated representations o f these

physical space ( i n c l u d i n g some laws o f physics) can be reinvented i n cyber-

constructs. Thus, i f we l o g on, form relationships i n cyberspace, and believe

space. Virtual space is parallel to physical space i n that

we have found community, i t is real for us. I n fact, Watson ( 1997) claims that there is no true distinction between " v i r t u a l " c o m m u n i t y and " r e a l " c o m m u -

cyberspace has a geography, a physics, a nature, and a rule of human law. i n cyberspace the common man and the information worker—cowboy or infocrat—can search, manipulate, create or control information directly; he can be entertained or trained, seek solitude or company, win or lose power indeed, can "live" or "die" as he will. (Benedikt, 1991, p. 123)

nity: The term "virtual" means someihing akin to "unreal" and so the entailments of calling online communities "virtual" include spreading and reinforcing a belief that what happens online is tike a community, but isn't really a community. My experience has been that people in the offline world tend to see online commu-

Thus, j u s t because we can't see " i t " doesnT mean " i t " doesn't exist. H i l l i s (1997) suggests that virtual worlds are "being positioned as the ideal public

nities as virtual, but that participants in the online communities see them as quite real. (p. 129)

sphere for imaginative subjectivities believing themselves virtually freed o f

So i f , as Dewey (1927) claims, communication is the core o f c o m m u n i t y ,

b o d i l y constraints" ( p . 20). Despite these sentiments, some theorists o f the

then c o m m u n i t y is real whether i t exists w i t h i n the same physical locality or

virtual argue that cyberspace is not "real" because i t has no physical m a n i -

h a l f a w o r l d away v i a the telephone wires. We must then express a w i l l i n g -

festation and that resulting human contact m cyberspace is artificial or, at

ness to treat these manifestations o f what we imagine as real.

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Further, in accordance w i t h W i l l i a m s ' s (1983) appeal that we not neglect

evolved in the w o r l d . Virtual worlds do not exist solely i n some enclosed

the e m p i r i c a l dimension o f c o m m u n i t y , many researchers (e.g., B a y m ,

cyberspace: they exist in human culture, knowledge, and values as w e l l "

1995b) have observed the substance o f c o m m u n i t y relations in cyberspace.

( p . 430).

Tbnnies argued that Gememschafi

is constituted through language, creed,

land, buildings, treasures, and monuments, which serve to maintain and perpetuate a c o m m o n a l i t y through heredity and education, and that art and

New Directions in Conceiving of the "There" There

ritual also serve to retain cultural memories, promote a unity o f spirit, and to cultivate a sense o f the legacy of a group w i t h i n itself (Tbnmes, 1887/ 1957). Some o f these same devices for sustaining c o m m u n i t y can be e m p i r i cally observed in cybercommunities, albeit w i t h o u t the physical manifestations mentioned by Tonnies. On-line communities are nourished through language ( H o w a r d , 1997), through m u a l (Fcrnback, 1996; O'Leary, 1996), by cultivating the group's legacy (Rhemgold, 1993), and even through a community-generated system o f punishment (Ross, 1994). S i m m e l (1950) also warned that nostalgia for organic, rural c o m m u n i t y can be misguided because the progression o f rural c o m m u n i t y to metropolis is practically inevitable. Thus, a c o m m u n i t y forms as a cohesive, closed circle perpetuated through custom, history, and knowledge o f the group's legacy. U l t i m a t e l y , however, the c o m m u n i t y expands and teems at its boundaries, threatening the unity and r i g i d i t y o f the group. The community's borders are then permeated by outside connections, and individual members o f the group gam

Returning to the observations raised at the beginning o f this chapter, how do we conceptualize virtual community? W h a t methodological approaches are best suited to study cybercommumly? Since, as this chapter has asserted, cybercommunity is symbolic in nature—that is, it is substance rather than form, meaning rather than structure—a grounded theoretical approach is the most efficacious way to address issues of social phenomena as they occur i n cyberspace. Because grounded theory emphasizes the relationship between the concept (in this case, c o m m u n i t y ) and the human actor (participants in virtual communities) as a means o f connecting the various perspectives o f cybercommunity members w i t h patterns o f action and their context, this method o f theorizing seems particularly suited to application w i t h i n the d o m a i n o f the v i r t u a l . Methodologically, grounded theory considers social

more autonomy. The c o m m u n i t y becomes larger and its sphere o f influence

practices to be part o f the researcher's theoretical construct. A c c o r d i n g to

widens ( S i m m e l , 3950). Indeed, some cybercommunities have splintered in

Strauss and C o r b i n (1994), this strategy o f inquiry means that "theory may

this fashion as they've g r o w n too large. One such on-line community,

be generated

L a m b d a M o o , a real-time chat group, was forced to enact a "zero population

appropriate to the area o f investigation, then these may be elaborated

g r o w t h " edict to stem the growth o f the community. M a n y o f the longtime

m o d i f i e d as i n c o m i n g data are meticulously played against t h e m " ( p . 273).

i n i t i a l l y from the data or, i f existing (grounded) theories seem and

users claimed that the group's homey atmosphere had been violated by

The researcher then asks conceptual and generative questions as a means to

hostile, disrespectful newbies (Ross, 1994). The statute slated, "Lambda-

develop more conceptual

M o o ' s population has grown beyond the point where the technical and social

to a richness m theoretical development. This method moves beyond Gcertz's

systems can effectively cope. A t the current rate o f growth, 'environmental'

(3973) "thick description" toward interpretive conceptualization. Moreover,

stresses w i l l continue to degrade the quality o f life on the M O O " (Ross, 1994,

a grounded theoretical approach is concerned w i t h discovering process,

p. 22). The language in this edict could very w e l l apply to any physical

important dimension in the conceptualization of c o m m u n i t y (as noted earlier

community.

in this chapter).

density, a term used by Strauss and C o r b i n to refer

an

W h y docs this approach seem to make more conceptual sense than other Just as the exploration o f the A m e r i c a n western frontier provided an

methodological approaches? I f , as observers o f social relations in cyber-

opportunity for humanity to conquer new space, so does the exploration o f

space, we simply impose the term c o m m u n i t y onto a l l social aggregations i n

cyberspace. We seek to pioneer new spaces, to create m them, to live i n them.

the virtual realm, we may miss the nuances o f the virtual social experience.

A n d i n those new spaces, we seek to relate to one another. I t represents our

We may find communities where there are none, we may assume that any

humanity, our freedom. K e l l o g g , Carroll, and Richards (1991) argued the

virtual social aggregation that does not conform to our definition o f cyber-

point w e l l when they said, "People live i n the w o r l d , and their practices have

c o m m u n i t y is indeed a dysfunctional c o m m u n i t y rather than a noncommu-

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217

nity. The imposition o f a forced, nontheoretically informed definition o f

social practices are embedded i n virtual interactions; virtual c o m m u n i t y has

c o m m u n i t y onto all virtual social relations, then, does not promote the

a felt nature for its inhabitants. Bromberg (1996) has argued i n her study on

endeavor o f interpretive inquiry. Interpretivists argue that the w o r l d is a

M U D s (multi-user domains) that virtual interaction can produce altered

construction o f ideas and that meanings and symbols determine

human

states o f consciousness, generated particularly by intense feelings o f connec-

behavior; they assert that truth is subjective and that meaning can be inter-

tivity, identity exploration, eroticism, and mastery over one's environment.

preted. The interpretive approach offers a depth o f analysis based on experi-

C y b e r c o m m u m t y is not commensurate w i t h physical community in every

ence and understanding; i t offers a snapshot o f life as i t is lived, asserting

dimension except the spatial. Virtual communities have their o w n cultural

that human life cannot be understood

based on

c o m p o s i t i o n . A s I have argued elsewhere (Fernback, 1997), they have their

empirical observation or on the quantification o f those observations. Inter-

o w n collective sense, their o w n virtual ideology. C y b e r c o m m u m t y is n o t j u s t

pretivists believe that assigning meaning to human thought and action is

a thing; it is also a process.

perhaps a more " c o r r e c t " i f not interesting, means o f deepening the k n o w l -

meanings are renegotiated, and although virtual communities do possess

edge about the human condition. Interpretive methodological strategies seek

many o f the same essential traits as physical communities, they possess the

to i l l u m i n a t e meaning in subjects' lives—in their practices, beliefs, actions.

"substance" that allows for c o m m o n experience and common

solely by speculations

I t is defined by its inhabitants, its boundaries and

meaning

N o t all virtual social gatherings are communities. W i t h o u t the personal

among members. Cohen (1985) saw the issue i n the study o f c o m m u n i t y as

investment, intimacy, and commitment that characterizes our ideal sense o f

"not whether its structural limits have withstood the onslaught o f social

community, some on-line discussion groups and chat rooms are nothing more

change, but whether its members are able to infuse its culture w i t h vitality,

than a means o f communication among people w i t h common interests (see

and to construct a symbolic c o m m u n i t y w h i c h provides meaning and iden-

B r o m b e r g , 1996). Similarly, participants w i t h i n these virtual groups can

t i t y " ( p . 9)- Clearly, Cohen's perspective is also the issue in the study o f

argue among themselves as to whether their group constitutes a c o m m u n i t y

virtual community.

(e.g., Watson's 1997 study o f the Phish.Net fan c o m m u n i t y ) . B u t the obser-

So what is cybercommumty? I t is an entity and a process that emerges

vation and theorizing about this "piaceless" realm does not differ substan-

from the w i s d o m o f our repository o f cultural knowledge about the concept

tively from those same methods o f interpretive inquiry w i t h i n physical

o f c o m m u n i t y and from our observation o f its manifestation i n cyberspace.

communities. Interactions m cybercommunitics can be described and inter-

I t is an arena in w h i c h passions are inflamed, problems are solved, social

preted just as interactions in physical communities can. Issues o f ideology,

bonds are formed, tyranny is exercised, love and death are braved, legacies

agency, power, ontology, roles, and boundaries affect virtual communities j u s t as they do physical communities. The same concerns about validity i n the interpretive approach that have plagued ethnographers all along are applicable to research in the virtual realm as w e l l . Ethnographers

working

in cyberspace must be careful to attempt a measure o f reflexivity, to separate oneself from the subjects being studied; they must develop a sense about the

are born, factions are splintered, and alliances dissolved. I t is a rich arena for study by scholars, cybercommunitanans, and the curious. Regardless o f perspective, however, the concept o f c o m m u n i t y strikes at the heart o f our humanity. I t w i l l thus remain a topic o f emotional debate m the landscape o f social criticism. As historian Fowler (1991) commented:

truthfulness and candor o f their informants, just as ethnographers o f the nonvirtual must; and they must use a theoretically informed framework for their research, just as ethnographers have traditionally done. What, then, does the "there" there look like? A s i d e from

Rheingold's

(1993) much-cited definition o f virtual community, few theorists have confronted the task o f elucidating a comprehensive definition o f the phenomenon. Despite H i l l e r y ' s (1955) caution that the enterprise o f defining c o m m u nity is a futile one, we can begin by articulating what cybercommumty is not. C o m m u n i t y m cyberspace is not a manifestation o f false consciousness. Real

in discussing contemporary America, the friends of community focus on the inadequacies of American culture, philosophy, or institutions. Indeed, at times the banner of community is waved more to express a diverse and almost inexhaustible set of complaints about contemporary America than for any other purpose. Yet the negative mood, the mood of criticism, is far from the entire story. The idea of community m general . is pervasive. Its existence as a concept, as an ideal, and a possibility represents the standard from which criticism comes-—a standard which encourages the mood of substantial dissatisfaction, (p. 23)

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Western cultures wrestle w i t h the idea o f c o m m u n i t y ; we find it elusive, yet

219

References

we pursue the idealized notion o f i t . The concept o f virtual c o m m u n i t y is regarded by some as such an ideal. B e n e d i k t (1991) claims that

the advent of cyberspace is apt to be seen in two ways, each o f which can be regretted or welcomed: cither as a new stage in the ethereatization of the world wc live in, the real world o f people and things and places, or, conversely, as a new stage in the concrettzatwn

of the world we dream and think in, the world

of abstractions, memory and knowledge, (p. 124)

B e n e d i k t cautions, however, that w c should not look toward cyberspace to "replace" our face-to-face interactions but as a realm that "becomes another venue for consciousness itself." Our notions o f not o n l y c o m m u n i t y but other domains o f social interaction are changing w i t h the c o m i n g o f c y b c r c u l t u r c according to Escobar (3994), w h o claims that such changes w i l l encompass our ideas about identity, governmental rule by i n f o r m a t i o n , and a postmodern questioning o f the w i s d o m o f ihc scientific paradigm. Watson (1997) asserts that the rise o f c y b e r c o m m u n i t y has cultivated new means o f understanding traditional forms o f c o m m u n i t y . H e continues:

Refusal to apply "community" as a descriptor for online collectivities stems either from a desire to retain a purified notion of community in the hands o f those who claim to know "true" community, or from an unwillingness to recognize CMC technologies as a medium with the potential to change tradi­ tional social arrangements.... [T]o apply "community" to online phenomena is to give those online denizens . . . recognition of their own strengths, which are entailed by the use of the community metaphor to describe their activities and their existence as a new form o f collective entity, (p. ¡21)

Q u i t e simply, there is a there there, and it has both an essential nature and a manifestation m the social practices o f its proponents. B u t it is not identical to our preexisting social constructs o f c o m m u n i t y . We can make this same assertion w i t h regard to the study o f other hard-to-definc social phenomena (such as r e l i g i o n ) w i t h i n cyberspace. A s scholars o f cyberspace m o r e w i l l ­ i n g l y embrace the uncertain, the interpretive, the uncharted, perhaps the "place" o f c y b e r c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n the corpus o f theories o f c o m m u n i t y w i l l become more certain.

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Meyrowitz, J. (1985). No sense ofplace: The impact of electronic media on social behavior. New York: Oxford University Press. O'Leary, S. f 1996, January). Rhetoric and ritual: The recovery of performative language in cyberspace. Paper presented at the Conference on Media, Religion, and Culture, Boulder, CO. Park, R. E . , Burgess, E . W., & McKenzte, R. D. (1925). The city Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Redfieid, R. (1955). The little community: Viewpoints for the study of a human whole. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Rhemgold, H. (1993). Virtual community: Homesteading on the electronic frontier. New York: Addison-Wesley. Ross, K . (1994, August). Print-based dialogtsm and textual orality: Communication practices in a virtual community. Paper presented at the National Convention of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Atlanta, GA. Scherer, J. (1972). Contemporary community: Sociological illusion or reality? London: Tavistock. Simmei, G. (1950). 77ie sociology ofGeorg Simmel (K. Wolff, Trans.). New York: Free Press. Slouka, M. (1995). War of the worlds: Cyberspace and the high-tech assault on reality. New York: Basic Books. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1994). Grounded theory methodology: An overview. In N. K. Dcnzin &. Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (pp. 273-285). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage.

Researching and Creating Community Networks TERESA M. HARRISON TIMOTHY STEPHEN

Talbott, S. L . (1995). The future does not compute: Transcending the machines in our midst. Scbastopol, CA: O'Reilly. Tonnies, F. (1957). Community and society (C. P. Loomis, Trans.). East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. (Original work published 1887) Watson, N. (1997). Why we argue about virtual community: A case study of the phish.net fan community. In S. G. Jones (Ed.), Virtual culture: Identity and communication in cybersociety (pp. 102-132). London: Sage Williams. R. (1983). Keywords. New York: Oxford University Press.

M O S T R E S E A R C H E R S R E G A R D T H E Internet and the W o r l d W i d e Web as technologies that are t r a n s f o r m i n g the w o r l d into a " g l o b a l v i l l a g e . " Indeed, as we come increasingly to rely on computer networks to c o m m u n i c a t e at w o r k , search for i n f o r m a t i o n , and chat or game w i t h distant partners, attent i o n seems to be focused on new opportunities for interaction m various " v i r t u a l " places and, correspondingly, diverted from the social interaction w e encounter m our geographical place or c o m m u n i t y . I n contrast, a r a p i d l y g r o w i n g c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g movement

has

chosen to use the Internet and the W o r l d W i d e Web as resources to enhance the development o f geographically based c o m m u n i t i e s . A l t h o u g h estimates vary, in 1996, for example, as many as 390 computerized c o m m u n i t y netw o r k i n g projects existed or were under development around the

world

(Schuler, 1996), a number that has steadily increased since interest m the Web exploded. Furthermore, the development o f c o m m u n i t y networks has been supported by the Telecommunications and I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure Assistance

Program ( T I I A P ) , a federal funding p r o g r a m created

by the 221

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C l i n t o n administration and housed w i t h i n the Department o f Commerce. A l t h o u g h c o m m u n i t y networking doesn't generally command the media

223

and modems can consult for information, resources, and/or interaction relevant to life in their local geographically based community. Frequently, they

attention reserved for more dazzling uses o f the W o r l d W i d e Web, the

are projects taken on by members o f the c o m m u n i t y w h o have themselves

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g phenomenon is robust and promises to become more

organized c o m m u n i t y support ( i n the form o f c o m m u n i t y organizations, such

significant m the future.

as libraries, schools, local governmental bodies, businesses, etc.) for the

C o m m u n i t y networks are organized for a variety of purposes that range from b r i n g i n g the resources o f information technology to individuals w h o

development o f these resources and acquired funding to initiate and develop the project.

have not historically enjoyed access to the Internet to using technology to

Several different categories o f sites on the W o r l d W i d e Web offer informa-

address traditional issues i n c o m m u n i t y development, such as unemploy-

tion about geographic locales. For example, some sites exist for the purpose

ment, economic s t i m u l a t i o n , health and social welfare, environmental con-

of marketing a geographic area to tourists; they are frequently funded by or

cerns, educational needs, and so on. I n addition, an important objective for

created by iocal tourism councils. Other sites exist for the purpose o f

many developers has been to use c o m m u n i t y networks to stimulate interest

p r o v i d i n g information, essentially advertising, about entertainment and busi-

and enhance participation i n iocal government or in other forums for c o m -

ness resources; such sites are operated by organizations that derive income

m u n i t y decision m a k i n g .

from m a k i n g this kind o f information available. A l t h o u g h c o m m u n i t y net-

I n this chapter, we provide a descriptive overview o f c o m m u n i t y network-

works may contain information about tourist attractions and frequently

ing, w i t h the goai o f stimulating interest i n conducting research in this phe-

provide information about entertainment and business resources, their pur-

nomenon and addressing some o f the issues that researchers m this area are

poses encompass much more than just p r o m o t i n g tourism or retail business.

l i k e l y to encounter. We present information from the scholarly literature

As w e shall see below, c o m m u n i t y networks are a kind o f information

along w i t h data from an illustrative survey we have conducted on a sample

resource initiated by individuals who are motivated by prosociaf goals and

of networking projects in an effort to shed light on some basic questions about

values and w h o believe that they can use computer n e t w o r k i n g to remvigorate

community networks: What kinds of individuals or organizations initiate such

the health and w e l l - b e i n g o f local communities.

projects? W h a t goals have c o m m u n i t y networks been designed to achieve? Because one o f the goals central to the philosophy informing c o m m u n i t y networks is that o f i m p r o v i n g democratic processes, we explore the kinds o f

Sponsors of Community Networks

practices that support democracy that are offered by c o m m u n i t y networks. I n the second section o f the chapter, we provide a brief review o f the research that has sought to assess the outcomes and effectiveness o f c o m m u nity networks. However, because little such research has been conducted to date, our discussion highlights issues that need to be addressed i n planning and executing a research design. Furthermore, we argue that academic researchers should become more involved i n planning and developing c o m m u nity networks and that such activity may contribute to the process o f theory testing.

A c c o r d i n g to Bowen (1996), the c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g movement may be seen as a descendent o f the grassroots "public media" movement o f the 1920s, w h i c h stimulated the creation o f small, low-power radio stations owned and operated by average citizens and small nonprofit organizations. Ultimately, that movement failed to endure, despite a brief period o f resurrection in the 1970s w i t h the availability o f citizen-operated public access cable T V channels. This analogy calls our attention to the general fragility o f the c o m m u n i t y network movement; indeed, n e t w o r k i n g projects have often been initiated by,

Goals and Purposes of Community Networks C o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects are basically sites or services

as Cisler (1993) reports, "computer enthusiasts" w h o " w i l l start an

electronic bulletin board w i t h one or t w o phone lines and invite other groups offered

through the W o r l d W i d e Web or the Internet that individuals using computers

to disseminate their information on a dedicated part o f the system, and then grow the service into a c o m m u n i t y information system." However, as our data w i l l show, other c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects have also been created

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Lancaster, California; and Cambridge, Massachusetts). Other c o m m u n i t y

T A B L E 11.1 Sponsors of Community Networks

networks were the products o f local educational systems or state governmenType

Number in Category

tal units that had some responsibility for information dissemination, such as the S A I L O R system i n M a r y l a n d , a project o f the D i v i s i o n o f L i b r a r y

Owned/operated by government

9

Owned/operated by libraries

4

Owned/operated by nonprofits

3

Our sample o f c o m m u n i t y networks also included four developed by local

Owned/operated by universities

5

public libraries, a category that w e distinguished from governmentally spon-

Nonprofit 501f3)(c) corporation

22

sored networks even though most public libraries arc branches o f locai

Uncategonzablc

7

government. I t occurred to us that libraries m i g h t have their own approach

Total in sample

50

to c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g , and we wished to determine i f that orientation

Development and Services o f the M a r y l a n d State Department o f Education.

w o u l d be evident in other meaningful differences between the c o m m u n i t y networks i n the t w o categories. or sponsored by universities, libraries, and other not-for-profit organizations.

O f the c o m m u n i t y networks i n our sample, five were presented principally

Regardless o f point o f o r i g i n , a c o m m u n i t y network w i l l not survive l o n g

as projects o f universities, although it was clear m every case that leaders and

w i t h o u t people and financing; some form o f social organization must lie at

representatives o f c o m m u n i t y groups and/or iocal government were heavily

the foundation o f a c o m m u n i t y network project.

involved in the project. I n our sample, networks such as the Blacksburg

In November 1997, we conducted a survey o f c o m m u n i t y networks in the

Electronic Village, a project o f V i r g i n i a Polytechnic Institute and State

United States on the W o r l d W i d e Web, w h i c h was designed to answer a

University, and the Boulder C o m m u n i t y N e t w o r k , a project o f the University

number o f questions about n e t w o r k i n g m an evocative rather than a definitive

o f Colorado at Boulder, are represented i n this category.

way. The first o f these questions asked, W h a t particular forms o f social

A fourth category, composed o f three c o m m u n i t y networks, were spon-

organizations sponsor c o m m u n i t y networks? A s a result o f this examination,

sored by nonprofit organizations other than a university, w i t h another or

we were struck by the impression that, although c o m m u n i t y networks are

larger purpose. For example, one o f the projects in our sample was " I n f o -

obviously a technological phenomenon, it is apparent that each c o m m u n i t y

Z o n e " a project o f the Telluride Institute in Tellunde, Colorado, a nonprofit

network is also an organizational phenomenon. That is, each " c o m m u n i t y

research and education organization w i t h programs i n the arts, environment,

network resource" that takes the form o f information or graphics electroni-

and c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Another c o m m u n i t y network m our sample was the

cally on the Web, is the product o f a group o f individuals w h o have organized

Cambridge Civic N e t w o r k , a project o f the Center for Civic N e t w o r k i n g ,

to make this resource available to others.

devoted to the larger issue o f the quality o f civic life and participation i n

Our survey focused on 50 c o m m u n i t y networks, w h i c h we selected from

c o m m u n i t y decision m a k i n g . A l t h o u g h it was not easy to tell, the Cambridge

various lists o f existing network projects.' N o t all the network sites were

C i v i c N e t w o r k is distinct from the c o m m u n i t y network sponsored by the city

operational at the time we sampled; when a site could not be contacted, we

o f Cambridge, discussed above. The third project in this category, the

s i m p l y went on to the next available site. O f the organizations we surveyed,

"ShiaNet C o m m u n i t y N e t w o r k , " was sponsored by a local Chamber o f

7 seemed to be so new or limited in the information presented that we were

Commerce and seemed to exist p r i m a r i l y for the purpose o f p r o v i d i n g

unable to categorize them, a comment m itself on the extent to w h i c h the

affordable Internet access.

phenomenon o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g is in flux. The remaining projects clustered into five fairly discrete categories (see Table 11.1). A relatively large number o f c o m m u n i t y networks, nine i n our sample,

Finally, our survey identified 22 c o m m u n i t y networks organized as nonprofit 501(3)(c) organizations and existing as entities independent o f any other larger or governing body. Our sample included some w e l l - k n o w n

appeared to be sponsored by governmental bodies or organizations associ-

networks, such as Charlotte's Web in N o r t h Carolina, and the T w i n - C i t i e s

ated w i t h governmental bodies. Thus, we found c o m m u n i t y networks that

Free-Net in Minnesota as w e l l as many others that have not garnered national

had been initiated by city governments (such as the cities o f Eugene, Oregon;

attention. M a n y , although not a l l , o f these organizations called themselves

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"Free-Nets," a label that signaled some degree o f affiliation w i t h the recently

and an opportunity for "recapturing the lost art o f democratic decision

defunct National Public Telecomputing N e t w o r k , a national organization for

making and debate" ( C i v i l i e , F i d c l m a n , & A l t o b e l l o , 1993).

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects modeled on the Corporation for Public

Finally, representatives o f the Center for Civic N e t w o r k i n g and their

Broadcasting. Because these networks were legally incorporated as nonprofit

colleagues (e.g., C i v i l i e , 1993; C i v i l i e et al., 1993; Fidelman, 1994; Sharp &

corporations w i t h certain formal requirements, the networking projects frequently featured pages devoted to articles o f incorporation, organizational by-iaws, and a list o f the project's board o f directors.

Beaudry, 1994) present a vision o f "civic n e t w o r k i n g " that, in addition to subscribing to the themes discussed above, also encompasses the "transformational power" o f information technology as a tool to revitalize economic and civic institutions in ways that eliminate bureaucratic hierarchy and that

Goals of Community Networks

conserve natural resources. These theorists and activists sec c o m m u n i t y networks as a means for stimulating the development o f jobs, encouraging the g r o w t h o f business, and enabling municipal agencies to reduce costs. The

A number o f theorist/practitioners have guided the development o f the

philosophy o f "civic n e t w o r k i n g " is conceptualized as a larger "process

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g movement; their arguments m favor of c o m m u n i t y

facilitated by the tools o f electronic communications and information, that

n e t w o r k i n g share three consistent themes. First, possibly the most often cited objective for theorists as w e l l as for developers and practitioners has been to use c o m m u n i t y networks to provide free or inexpensive access to computer n e t w o r k i n g technology, the Internet, and information on the W o r l d W i d e Web (Carter, 1997; C i v i l i e , 1993; T i l l m a n , 1997), as part o f an effort to "democratize the I n f o r m a t i o n SuperHighway," according to LaMendoIa and Rueda (1997). T h i s goal has generally been accomplished by making equipment for accessing network services available to the public (e.g., by placing computi n g equipment w i t h modem connections in public libraries) as w e l l as by offering free electronic m a i l , accounts, or direct access to the Internet.

improves and magnifies human communication and interaction m a c o m m u n i t y " ( M o r i n o , I 9 9 4 cited in L o n d o n , 1997). N o t all o f the entities that may :

call themselves " c o m m u n i t y networks" are necessarily part o f or subscribe to the philosophy o f the civic networking movement. We surveyed the c o m m u n i t y network projects i n our sample for indications o f whether or not each network subscribed to each o f these three basic goals for c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g : (a) access to information for everyone, (b) democratic or c o m m u n i t y interaction ( o f any k i n d under any circumstances), and (c) reinvigoratmg, m any way, existing civic and economic institutions (e.g., by p r o v i d i n g users w i t h information about them or links to them). To

Second, Douglas Schuler (1995, 1996, 1997b), perhaps the most prolific

ascertain the objectives o f each network, we perused Web-based information

proselytizer o f the movement, agrees that c o m m u n i t y networks have the

about 40 o f the 50 networks, including the statement o f mission, its welcome

potential to provide access to information for a l l , but he also argues that information technology makes it possible to create a new kind o f public space and to create genuine dialogues between c o m m u n i t y members. Proponents o f new communication technologies in general have been q u i c k to point out the paucity o f neutral public gathering places, or "great good places" (Oldenberg, 1989), in contemporary life. They suggest that cyberspace may present an important alternative where individuals can meet virtually lo engage m the k i n d o f discourse that is critical to the reconstitution o f a vibrant public sphere (Doheny-Fanna,

1996; Habermas,

1989; L o n d o n , 1997;

R h e m g o l d , 1993). This argument takes on particular force in the c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g literature, in w h i c h theorists view networks as sites for a potentially significant reinvigoration o f c o m m u n i t y lire, a fulfillment o f the communitarian vision o f democracy (Doheny-Fanna, 1996; Schuler, 1994),

2

page, frequently asked questions and answers, and the actual services or activities that each network provided for its users; on the basis o f the latter, we sometimes inferred particular goals or objectives on the part o f the network.

3

The data presented in Table 11.2 indicate that nearly all the networks subscribed to the goal o f p r o v i d i n g access to information on the Internet or W o r l d W i d e Web for everyone; all o f the networks in the library, university, and 501(3)(c) categories supported this goal. The only networks that d i d not fell into the "government-sponsored"

category.

A substantial number o f networks also subscribed lo the goal of using computer n e t w o r k i n g and the information it provides to remvigorate civic and economic institutions. Nearly all o f the networks in the 501(3)(c) category and the govcrnmentally sponsored networks supported this goal.

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229

tal institutions that have formed the basis o f traditional liberal conceptions

T A B L E 11.2 Goais of Community Networks

o f democracy. Such objectives were among those that motivated the develGovernment (N=9)

Libraries (N=4)

Universities (N = 5)

50I(3)(u) (N = 22)

Free access to information

6

4

4

22

Democratic/community interaction

0

0

J

iO

Reinvigorating civic/economic institutions

7

0

3

19

Network Goal

opment o f the P E N (Public Electronic N e t w o r k ) project i n Santa M o n i c a , California, the first free-access, government-sponsored, c o m m u n i t y network m the United States, created in 3989 and probably the most extensively researched o f all c o m m u n i t y networks. PEN designers were committed to p r o v i d i n g city residents w i t h free access, w h i c h meant that even homeless individuals were able to access P E N services. B u t they were further c o m m i t ted to increasing the sense o f communication between city government and city residents, w h i c h led to the creation o f on-line conferences dedicated to

w i t h networks sponsored by universities somewhat iess supportive. Interestingly, none o f the networks sponsored by libraries indicated their support for this goal. Finally, there was substantial variation among the networks regarding their support for the goal o f fostering democratic or community interaction. Table 11.2 shows that none o f the networks sponsored by governmental organizations or those sponsored by libraries subscribed to this goal. One o f the university-supported networks, and 30 o f the 501f3)(c) networks indicated in some way that they attempted to stimulate interaction among c o m m u n i t y members or were oriented toward i m p r o v i n g democratic discourse. T h i s finding was somewhat surprising given the w i d e support for this goal among theorists.

the discussion o f pressing issues i n the community ( L a w & Keltner, 1995; Rogers, Collins-Jarvis, & Schmitz, 1994; Schmitz, Rogers, Phillips, & Paschal, 1995). I n a t h i r d variation on the theme o f democracy, Bertelsen (1992) points out that the model o f "participatory democracy" animates much o f the discussion about the democratic potential o f new communication technologies, which seem to make feasible new ways to include individual voices in p o l i t i cal decision m a k i n g . I n particular, the model o f communitarian democracy stresses decision m a k i n g i n the service o f the common good, instead o f that w h i c h serves the interests o f individuals or specific groups (Abrahamson, A r t e r t o n , & Orren, 1988; Ess, 1996). Deliberation and persuasion in decision m a k i n g are foregrounded i n this model of democracy; participation i n these activities is regarded as a transformative process i n understanding and creating the common good (Abrahamson et a l „ 1988). Communitarian democracy seeks to reinvigorate the idea o f a public space in w h i c h members o f a

Democratic Goals of Community Networks

c o m m u n i t y meet to engage in the communication activities that both create and sustain c o m m u n i t y life (Doheny-Fanna, 3996). L o n d o n (1997) argues

is a complex term i n the c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g literature, as m

that c o m m u n i t y networks have the ability to nurture the development o f

other literatures; theorists use i t in many different ways, some o f w h i c h have

dialogue, deliberation, and the feelings o f trust, social connectedness, and

already been reflected m our discussion. Advocates of equal access to the

cooperation that bind a community together; these social qualities are vital

Internet have used the term information

to the development o f participatory or communitarian democratic systems.

Democracy

democracy,

defined as a socio-

political system i n w h i c h individuals are guaranteed the opportunity to

Finally, when considering democracy, it is w o r t h reflecting on whether the

access information resources (Doctor, 1994). Information is seen as a vital

designers o f a system w i t h the goal o f strengthening or i m p r o v i n g democracy

prerequisite to democratic outcomes in the same way that freedom o f speech

m any o f the respects discussed above apply democratic values to the internal

and freedom o f the press are, except that the primary barrier is an economic

administration o f the project itself. A s G y g i (1996) notes,

rather than a social restraint on expression. A s van D i j k (1996) points out, information is required for opinion formation m democratic deliberation. However, others have intended their discussions o f democracy and c o m munication technologies to center on breathing new life into the governmcn-

Project developers who are concerned with building democratic institutions will need to ensure that their decision making processes arc participatory and collaborative. Community-based organizations and other key stakeholders need

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to be involved in project planning and implementation. The degree of outside control and representativeness of the organizational structure will likely influence the community economic development and political participation outcomes associated with the project.

T A B L E 11.3 Democratic Indicators and Types of Community Networks Universities (N = 5)

50!(3)(c) (N = 22}

4

a

22

6

4

4

19

c. Fosters contact with government or elected officials

7

3

4

20

d. Fosters participaiion m community decision making

4

0

S

10

e.

Network has members

0

i

]

13

f.

Nelwork has meetings that users or members can attend

0

i

0

13

g.

Users or members can vote on somelhing

0

0

0

11

Government (N = 9)

Libraries (N = *f)

6

b. Public access available or envisioned

Democratic Indicator a. Free access for those who can't pay

We decided to explore each o f these ways o f conceptualizing democracy m a third analysis o f the c o m m u n i t y networks m our sample. I n this analysis, we pursued the possibility that the orientation toward democracy practiced by the c o m m u n i t y network might have something lo do w i t h the Kind o f organization sponsoring the network. That is, w e expected each network's democratic orientations to be apparent from the information or opportunities for interaction provided by the information system; but we also entertained the possibility that orientations toward democracy w o u l d vary based on the k i n d o f organization that sponsored each network.

231

We again surveyed the 40 c o m m u n i t y network projects m our sample for indications o f their orientations to democracy, as represented by the kinds o f services or activities that networks w i t h i n each category provided for their

network, (f) whether users and/or members were invited to attend meetings

users. We examined information that each c o m m u n i t y network provided on

conducted by the individuals administering the network, and (g) whether

the Web, l o o k i n g for a number o f very rudimentary indicators that seemed

users or members were allowed to vote on any organizational decisions about

to be relevant to how each network was oriented to the issue o f democracy

the c o m m u n i t y network.

(see Table 11.3). Initially, wc looked for indications that the network was

Several interesting pieces o f information are evident from Table 11.3.

oriented toward "information democracy" by attempting to provide (a) free

First, there is considerable support across networks for p r o v i d i n g or attempt-

access to information for members o f a c o m m u n i t y m the form o f a direct connection to the Internet or W o r l d Wide Web or in the form o f a free o n g o i n g account or disk space offered to individuals, nonprofits, or other types o f organizations. We then looked for indications o f a greater c o m m i t m e n t to information democracy by (b) p r o v i d i n g or envisioning in the future that the project w o u l d provide facilities (computers, modems, t é l é p h o n e lines) for public access.

ing to provide access to networked information for those w h o cannot pay; all the 5 0 i ( 3 ) ( c ) projects and most o f the projects m other categories provide free access, in the form o f direct Internet access and in the form o f equipment, to information for users. This indicates that there is generally more than l i p service support for the goal o f "information democracy," w i d e l y subscribed to in the theoretical literature o f c o m m u n i t y networking and strongiy evident in our survey o f the goais o f the c o m m u n i t y networks.

Next we looked for indications that the network was engaged i n efforts to

Furthermore, there is a great deal o f support across the c o m m u n i t y net-

promote liberal and participatory orientations to democracy, such as (c) pro-

works for bringing users into contact w i t h government institutions and

v i d i n g services that linked users w i t h existing government offices or officials

representatives, supporting a traditional conception o f liberal democracy.

and (d) whether they did or envisioned themselves doing anything to foster

M o s t o f the networks in each category appeared to provide services that

participation m community, iocal, or government decision m a k i n g .

fostered contact w i t h existing government offices or officials. However, there

The last three items we examined referenced the extent to w h i c h certain

is considerably less support for using the network lo engage individuals in

kinds of practices associated w i t h democracy were practiced in the network

participation in c o m m u n i t y or local decision m a k i n g . Note that none o f the

itself. Here, we wondered i f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects conceptualized

library-sponsored projects, and oniy one o f the university-sponsored com-

themselves as democratic m character, and thus, we looked for indications

munity n e t w o r k i n g projects actually provide or envision p r o v i d i n g services

o f the f o l l o w i n g : (c) whether users were enabled to become members o f the

that involve citizens in discussions or interaction regarding local decision

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m a k i n g ; however, interestingly, approximately one-half o f g o v e r n m e n t a l ^

reaching members o f the c o m m u n i t y i t wishes to serve. A handful o f other

sponsored networks are actively invested in this.

studies have explored relationships between the social, cultural, and/or

The networks that appear to support democratic practices w i t h i n the

economic contexts and the nature of the c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems

c o m m u n i t y network itself fall almost totally w i t h i n the 501(3)(c) category.

created i n particular geographic locales (e.g., B r y a n , 1996, on the I n f o r m a -

Here, approximately half are oriented toward p r o v i d i n g their users w i t h at

tion C i t y o f Manchester, England; Uncapher, 1995, on B i g Sky Telegraph).

least some degree o f participation in the life o f the network, ranging from

Because the phenomenon is still relatively new, i t is perhaps not surprising

creating the opportunity for users to become members, to scheduling oppor-

that even fewer studies have examined more than one c o m m u n i t y network at

tunities for users or members to meet face-to-face, to enabling users or

a t i m e . L a w and Keltner (1995) conducted interviews w i t h key individuals

members to participate i n project decision m a k i n g .

( i n c l u d i n g one or two users) at five " c i v i c networks" w i t h the aim o f

These data support our expectations that there is considerable divergence

describing the i n d i v i d u a l , group, and social benefits and disadvantages o f

in the networks' orientations toward democracy. Nearly a l l the networks

p r o v i d i n g access to networked communication technologies for individuals

subscribe to and actually provide support for the goal of information access.

w h o are traditionally underserved. They were also interested i n determining

Furthermore, most networks use their resources to encourage contact be-

what can be learned about the implementation o f these networks that can help

tween users and government institutions, reflecting the desire to invigorate

us understand what is necessary to provide universal access to these tech-

traditional conceptions o f liberal democracy. However, there is considerably

nologies. Doctor and A n k e m (1996), on the other hand, were interested in

less support, articulated and represented in services, oriented toward more

developing a taxonomy of information needs and services provided by

participatory conceptions o f democracy. Furthermore, comparatively few

computerized c o m m u n i t y information systems and using it to assess the

networks at this time are incorporating participatory practices i n the admin-

types o f services provided by these systems (e.g., education, governmental

istration o f the network itself, and these are almost entirely networks in the

processes, and social services) and the kinds o f help provided (e.g., advocacy,

5 0 I ( 3 ) ( c ) category.

counseling, factual, etc.). They assessed more than 600 services provided by four systems based p r i m a r i l y on data provided by the system on the Internet and the W o r l d W i d e Web.

Evaluating and Creating Community Networks

I t is not our purpose to review i n detail this research or to attempt to draw any conclusions from it about the status o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g . There are

To date, there has been relatively little research evaluating the effects or

too few studies to draw on, and they address too wide a variety o f research

outcomes o f c o m m u n i t y networks, a situation thai reflects the more general

questions. Instead, i t seems more useful at this time to draw attention to a

case o f inadequate information about the efficacy of computer networks

number o f issues that need to be considered when a researcher embarks on

affiliated w i t h certain kinds o f organizations (e.g., Lopata & M c C I u r e , 1996,

the process o f investigating this phenomenon.

on academic computer networks). M o s t o f what we know about c o m m u n i t y

First, researchers need to reflect on the nature o f the phenomenon under

networks comes from research devoted to smgie-case studies, such as the

scrutiny m the research. A s our survey has indicated, many different kinds

P E N project (e.g., Collins-Jarvis, 3993; Rogers et al., 3994; Schmilz et al.,

o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems are collected under the auspices o f Web

1995). W i t h i n this category are also case studies o f particular c o m m u n i t y

sites that offer directories to c o m m u n i t y networks. B u t closer examination

networks aimed at identifying the types and range o f users that a system has

reveals that some o f the systems that call themselves c o m m u n i t y networks

been able to attract (e.g., Patrick & Black, 1996, on the National Capital

are the products o f existing organizations and do very little that other systems

FreeNet o f Ottawa; Patterson & Kavanaugh, 3996, on the Blacksburg Elec-

that call themselves c o m m u n i t y networks do. L i k e Doctor and A n k e m

tronic V i l l a g e ; and Schalken & Tops, 1994, on the D i g i t a l C i t y in Amsterdam,

(1996), we m i g h t refer to the domain o f all such systems as "computerized

The Netherlands). The goal o f these studies centers p r i n c i p a l l y on under-

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g services", but we need to realize that a smaller

standing characteristics o f the population deriving services from a particular

proportion o f these may subscribe to a particular political/social philosophy

network m an effort to determine how effective the network has been at

o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g — f o r example, free-nets because they affiliate

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w i t h the goals o f the National Public Telecomputing N e t w o r k or " c i v i c

a very rich picture o f what the system is t r y i n g to achieve and what users are

networks" because they subscribe to the particular philosophy o f civic

experiencing. Decisions regarding these issues w i l l depend no doubt on the

networking. I n other words, c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g is not a unitary or

objectives o f the research, but it is important to realize that the choices take

u n i f o r m phenomenon. The characteristics o f computerized c o m m u n i t y net-

the researcher i n some very different directions.

w o r k i n g services differ, of course, based on the c o m m u n i t y they serve; but they also differ w i d e l y on the basis o f sponsorship, objectives, and motivating philosophy.

Creating Community Networks

Second, along these lines, it is w o r t h emphasizing, as our survey has made clear, that i n addition to being technological artifacts, c o m m u n i t y networks

Principally a practitioner, Schuler (1997a) has invited academic researchers

are also organizational phenomena and that they m i g h t be researched as such.

to participate in the creation o f c o m m u n i t y networks and to conduct research

M o s t o f the research conducted to date has neglected this aspect o f network-

aimed at identifying what factors or conditions enable networks to succeed.

ing. However, part o f the divergence noted above is due to the kinds o f

The extent to w h i c h academic researchers are already involved i n c o m m u n i t y

organizations that sponsor c o m m u n i t y networks. It may be most appropriate

n e t w o r k i n g is so far quite unclear. A l t h o u g h our survey did not specifically

to v i e w c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g from an organizational perspective, asking,

address the question, our examination indicated that university-sponsored

for example, (a) how individuals organize, in new or existing organizations,

c o m m u n i t y networks (e.g., the Blacksburg Electronic V i l l a g e ) have incorpo-

to produce c o m m u n i t y networks; fb) about the structure o f the organizations

rated research into the mission o f the network. However our survey, w h i c h

that produce c o m m u n i t y networks; (c) about the characteristics o f organiza-

enumerated the number o f umvùvsity-sponsored

tions and projects that are successful in attracting the support and patronage

sample, does not address the extent to w h i c h academic researchers have

c o m m u n i t y networks in the

o f the communities they serve; and (d) about the relationship between the

become involved i n the creation or development o f c o m m u n i t y networks,

goals o f the initiators and the technological systems they create to achieve

because there may be participation by academics that has not translated into

their goals.

university sponsorship o f the network. Anecdotally, there are some examples

A third issue concerns when to collect data. C o m m u n i t y networks d o n ' t

o f this type o f participation (see Schamber, 1996). A l o n g w i t h Schuler, we

just appear overnight. Because they are the products o f ongoing social

w o u l d like to urge serious and systematic involvement by academic re-

processes, they need time to develop and mature before i t is possible to

searchers in the creation o f c o m m u n i t y networks for a number o f reasons.

determine what the contours o f the system are and what objectives have

One o f the most important reasons for academics to become involved in

emerged as central motivators. Thus, when data are collected w i l l be an

the creation and development o f c o m m u n i t y networks is to take advantage

important consideration i n decisions about research design.

of the opportunity to incorporate research and evaluation objectives into the

A fourth important issue w i l l center around how to collect data and w h o

early design o f the network. A s Schamber (1996) points out, most comput-

to collect i t from. There are at least three perspectives from w h i c h to collect

erized c o m m u n i t y information systems have been developed ad hoc, w i t h no

data about c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems: (a) the perspectives o f the

well-defined program for evaluation. She further suggests that a w i d e variety

initiators, (b) the perspectives o f the users, and (c) the on-line perspective,

of research questions might be considered and data collection procedures be

w h i c h provides a more or less "objective" indication of what services the

incorporated into technical development o f the system as w e l l as into the

system has to offer, regardless o f the motivations g i v i n g rise to the services

administration o f the system—questions such as how users seek information

or whether the services are being used. A s was the case in our survey and

and questions about the design o f the system, hardware/software

that o f D o c t o r and A n k e m (1996), research m i g h t be focused on investigating

interface design, and information providers.

choices,

the on-line characteristics o f the system. What is on-line is what the user

Similarly, G y g i (1996) suggests that system designers incorporate evalu-

experiences and, as such, this may be the most important indication o f what

ation procedures into the planning and implementation o f c o m m u n i t y com-

actually exists. However, as L a w and Keltner's (1995) study shows, qualita-

puter n e t w o r k i n g projects. Specifically, she urges researchers to specify the

tive data based on interviews o f system administrators and users can provide

model o f c o m m u n i t y development that underlies the creation o f the network

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and to determine the particular chain o f events thought to l i n k goals and

Those w h o w i s h to use technology for community-oriented or democratic

activities o f the project to some particular activities and outcomes in the

aims need to specify the kinds o f development processes and designs for

community.

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g that should be supported. To make good on such

This seems like a particularly useful suggestion i f one considers that

intentions requires that we understand what we mean by c o m m u n i t y and

c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems may be regarded as experiments in social

democracy, how these concepts are enacted through interaction, how tech-

action. W h e n individuals design an on-line c o m m u n i t y network, they are

nology may be designed to facilitate particular goals, and the social context

p u t t i n g their naive theories o f community, democracy, and civic development

in w h i c h such technologies are deployed. Such considerations should be

into action. That is, they incorporate into the technical design o f the network

incorporated into the processes by w h i c h c o m m u n i t y networks are designed

the kinds o f services and system components that they believe are required

and, ultimately, into the technical configurations o f the c o m m u n i t y networks

for achieving their goals. Academic researchers m i g h t consider participating

that are designed. It is not impossible for practitioners to achieve successful

m such an enterprise in a more active and reflective way. I n so doing, they

c o m m u n i t y networks w i t h o u t academic involvement, but clearly this is an

may be able to test particular theoretical frameworks that bear on the creation o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g projects. In a strong sense, this is what has already happened

opportunity for academics to test the ability o f theory to guide the development o f technical systems that achieve important social objectives.

m creating and

Such a strategy seems to be at the heart o f the w o r k done by Kees Schalken

researching certain kinds o f computer-mediated communication systems,

and Pieter Tops (1994), w h o have created Amsterdam's D i g i t a l C i t y and are

such as the group decision support systems (GDSS) that have been the

now conducting research about how it is used. I n so d o i n g , they pit two

objects o f serious systematic research in the last decade, where academic

theories about the relationship between democracy and technology against

researchers j o i n e d w i t h corporations m attempting to understand the kinds

each other: The Athenian A g o r a m which c o m p u t i n g technology enables

o f technical systems that enhance organizational functioning. I n the case o f

citizens to participate more extensively in political decision m a k i n g that

GDSSs, researchers attempted to improve group decision making in organi-

affects their lives versus O r w e i i i a n forms o f m o n i t o r i n g and control i n w h i c h

zations in ways that enhanced members' participation but that also made de-

electronic networks enable government to do a betterjob o f keeping track o f

cision m a k i n g more efficient and productive o f high-quality decisions. Each particular technical instance o f a GDSS (e.g., GroupSystems researched by Nunamaker, D e n n i d , Vogcl, Valacich, & George, 1991, or the S A M M system researched by Poole & DeSanctis, 1990) constitutes a material instantiation o f one or more theories about the kinds o f factors that enhance participation among members o f a group or the factors that influence the efficiency o f a decision-making process. That is, the technical design o f the system reflected the researchers' expectations about the particular factors at play and the way that they w o u l d influence individuals' behavior i n decision-making

personal data about individuals. They suggest that the domination of these two big scenarios—with all their ideological baggage— has in itself been an obstruction to the carrying out of more empirical research of the relationships between democracy and the information society. The Digital City offers for the Netherlands an opportunity to try to end this "deadlock" by studying the working of information technology on democratic institutions.

situations. This reasoning applies similarly to the design and development o f c o m -

Conclusion

m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems. M u c h o f the literature o f computerized c o m m u nity n e t w o r k i n g has both a critical and a practical dimension (Fay, 1987).

M u c h has been made o f the democratic and community-enhancing potential

That is, academic researchers and practitioners alike tend to recognize that

o f new communication technologies. This is principally because the new

c o m m u n i t y and democracy as we currently experience these phenomena, in

m e d i u m appears to offer capabilities that make i t technically possible to

whatever venue and in whatever form, are not as good as they could be. A n d

engage in more democratic and community-oriented communication behav-

this literature implies that c o m m u n i t y networking can and should be concep-

ior: distributing information more widely, i m p r o v i n g access to locai decision

tualized in ways that improve or strengthen c o m m u n i t y and/or democracy.

makers, and p r o v i d i n g channels for deliberating about issues that overcome

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the n o r m a l constraints on face-to-face

discussion due to t i m e and space.

However, now that the first wave o f o p t i m i s m over the new technologies has passed, most o f us realize that these technical capabilities w i l l not translate d i r e c t l y i n t o improvements in our social w o r l d . The crucial issue is whether individuals w i l l

take advantage o f these capabilities by creating social

organizations that have the a b i l i t y and the w i l l to accomplish these goals. Those w h o have been responsible for i n i t i a t i n g this first generation o f c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k i n g systems have understood l h a l the m e d i u m c o u l d be used to support the v i g o r and development o f the c o m m u n i t y , and they are attempting to do j u s t that. Researching the effects and outcomes o f c o m m u nity networks thus represents an important way o f learning more about the relationship between technology and the social goals that have that inspired Us use. B u t j u s t as i m p o r t a n t l y , c o m m u n i t y networks represent an opportu-

and Creating Community Networks

239

We should emphasize that lo answer all the questions in our survey, we simply consulted Web pages. We realized that there may be more or less to each community network than what represents the network on the Web. However, for ibis analysis, we assumed that what was offered DH ihe Web was the bcsl representation of what was actually available through the community network. 2. The number in the sample was reduced from 50 to 40 because we chose to eliminate those that were not classifiable in the earlier examination of sponsoring organizations as well as the three networks sponsored by a nonprofit organization oilier than a university {which seemed to represent extremely divergent sponsors). 3. We interpreted this data quite liberally. For example, networks that said they were oriented toward or that actually provided forums or electronic conferences for democratic or community interaction on issues or problems were counted as subscribing lo the goal of democratic/ community interaction. Networks that discussed or actually provided information or links to government, business, or nonprofit organizations were counted as subscribing to the goal of civic/economic invigoraiion. We looked for any indication that the network was oncnted toward the substance of the goal, even if it used language different from the language we have used to label the goal.

nity for p u t t i n g social theory more seriously to the test. O u r theories about what constitutes " c o m m u n i t y " and w h a t kinds o f interaction and deliberation create a foundation for a strong democracy can be explored through the

References

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Notes l. The following web sites contain information abotit and listings of community network projects: The Community Connector: University of Michigan School of Information and Library Science: http://www.si.umich.edu/Comrnunity/ Boulder Community Network: Building Community: Online Resources: http://bcn.boulder.co.us/community/resources/center.html Telecommunications and Civic Networking: http://civic.net/ccn.html: http://civic.net/lgnct/teiecoin.htmf Organization for Community Networks: http://ofcn.org/ Freenets and Community Networks: http://www.Iights.com/frcenet/ Community Networks, Inc. E-Democracy: http://www.e-democracy.org/ Civic Net: The Spirit of Community Networking: http://www.tmn.com/civicnet/ National Community Network Directories: htip://macsky.bigsky.dilIon.mt.us/communUy.hlml

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Ess, C. f 1996). The political computer. In C. Ess (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on computermediated communication (pp. 197-230). Albany: S U N Y Press. Fay, B. (1987). Critical social science. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Fideiman, M. (1994). Life in the fast lane: A municipal roadmap for the information superhigh­ way. Available: http://civic.nei/fastlanc.html [1998, May 221 Gygı, K. (1996). Uncovering best practices: A framework for assessing outcomes in community computer networking. Available: http://www.lnplaza.org/aboui_tap/archivcs/cn96/gygi.him! f 1998, May 221 Habcrmas, J. (1989). The structural transformation of the public sphere. Cambridge: MIT Press. LaMendoia, W. F., & Itueda, P. (1997). An evaluation of the Colorado Access-Value-Content Project. Available: bitp://bcn.bou!der.co.us/rueda/aclm.himl [4998, May 221 Law, S. A., & Keltner, B. (1995). Civic networks: Social benefns of on-line communities. In 1Î. H. Anderson et ai. Universal access to e-mail: Feasibility and societal implications. Available: http://www.rand.org/publications/MR/MR650/mr650.ch5/ch.5himt London, S. (1997). Civic networks: Building community on the net. Available: htlp://www. west.net/~msight/iondon/networks.htm Lopata, C . L . , & McCIure, C . R. (1996). Measures for the academic neiworked environment: Strategies, guidelines, and options. In Proceedings of the American Society for Information Science Mid-Year Meeting (pp. 177-186). Medford, NJ: Information Today. Nunamaker, J. F„ Dennid, A, R., Valacich, J. S., Vogcl, D. R.. & George, J. F. (1991). Electronic meeting systems to support group work. Communications of ACM, 34(7), 40-61. Oldenberg, R. {1989). The great good place. New York: Paragon. ;

Painck, A. S., & Black, A. (1996). Rich, young, male, dissatisfied computer geeks? Demograph­ ics and satisfaction from the Naiional Capital FreeNet. Available: http://debra.dgbt.doc.ca/ services-researciVsurvcy/dernographics/paper/ Patterson, S., & Kavanaugh, A. (1996). Summary of user profiles and expectations. Available: http://www.bev.net/research/Useres.2-96.html Poole, M. S.,& DeSanctıs, G.Î1990). Understanding the use of group decision supporl systems: The theory of adaptive structure. In J. Fulk & C . Steinficld (Eds.), Organizations and communication technology (pp. 173-193). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Rhemgold, H. (1993). 77ie virtual community. Reading, MA: Addisoti-Wesley. Rogers, E . , CoiIİns-Jarvıs, L . , & Schmiiz, J. (1994). The PEN project in Santa Monica: Interactive communication equality, and political action. Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 45, 401-410. Schalken, K„ & Tops, P. (1994). The digital city: A study into the backgrounds and opinions of its residents. Available: hUp://cwis.kub.nl/-frw/peoplc/schalkcn/dceng.htm Schamber, L . (1996). Assessing impact from theouiset: Establishing a strategic research program for a new community-based information system. In Proceedings of the American Society for Information Science Mid-Year Meeting (pp. 207-214). Medford, NJ: Information Today. Scbmitz, J., Rogers, E . , Phillips, K.. & Paschal, D. (1995). The Public Electronic Network (PEN) and the homeless in Sanla Monica. Journal of Applied Communication, 23, 26-43. Schuler, D. (1994). Community networks: Building a new participatory medium. Communica­ tions of the ACM, 37( 1). 39-51. Schuler, D. (1995). Creating public space in cyberspace: The nse of the new community networks. Available: hUp://scn.org/ip/commnet/iwdec.html Schuler, D. (1996). New community networks: Wired for change. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Schuler, D. £ 1997a). Community computer networks: An opportunity for collaboration among democratic technology practitioners and researchers. Available: http://www.scn.org/in/ commnet/fI998, May 221

and Creating

Community

Networks

Schuler, D. (1997b). Internet and politics: A platform for change. Available: http://www.scn.org/ ip/commncl/munich-97.html 11998, May 221 Sharp, M. & Beaudry, A. (1994). Communications as engagement: The Millenium reports to Ihe' Rockefeller Foundation. Available: http://www/cdinet.com/Millenium Tillman, C . (1997). Thinking about the future: The National capital FreeNcl/Liberal de !a Capitalc Nationalc. Available: http://www.si.umtch.edu/Community/pro_ncf.htmi Uncapher, \V. (1995). New communities, new communication: Big Sky Telegraphy and us community. Available: http://www.actiab.utcxas.edu/paradox/uncphbio.btml [1998, May 221 van Dijk J (1996). Models of democracy—Behind the design and use of new media in politics. Javnost 3 43-56. Repnntcd in the Electronic Journal of Commioncatwn/la revue decironupie de communication, 6(2). Available: http://www.cios.org/www/ejc/v6n296.him t

CHAPTER

Beyond Netiquette The Ethics of Doing Naturalistic Discourse Research on the Internet

BARBARA F. SHARF

F O R COMMUNICATION S C H O L A R S , the advent o f electronic correspondence or e - m a i l as a c o m m o n mode o f interpersonal exchange presents m u l t i p l e and expanding research opportunities. These exchanges constitute a unique hybrid genre somewhere between written text' and spoken conversation. Shank and C u n n i n g h a m ( 1996) have dubbed the process o f c o m m u n i c a t i n g v i a the Internet as " m u l t i l o g u m g , " a quasi-discussion form m w h i c h the originator o f a message sends it to an unknown body o f readers/listeners w h o may respond immediately or in a delayed mode (or not at a l l ) , w i t h no requirements for the turn-taking sequencing typically expected i n oral discussions. Not only does this new form o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n give rise to questions about the meaning o f c o m m u n i t y fCatalfo, 1993; Jones, 1995), the definition and AUTHOR'S NOTE: I would like to acknowledge my U I C colleague Bruce Lambert for a challenging discussion that helped me to consider more seriously contrasting viewpoints regarding the conduct of communication research on the Inlcrnet.

243

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245

quality o f interpersonal relationships (Parks & F l o y d , 1996), and other issues

o f t h u m b , to encourage politeness, c i v i l i t y , and enhanced

fundamental to the nature o f human interaction, e-mail generates immense

among participants. These codes have been formulated by users as c o m m u -

quantities o f discursive interchange on an ever-widening variety o f topics.

nicative problems are encountered and identified in the process o f e m p l o y i n g

The computer-assisted discussions generated through a melange o f on-line

the m e d i u m . For example, expressions o f accentuation ( S U C H A S T H E

formats such as chat rooms, bulletin boards, and, particularly, listservs and

REPEATED USE OF CAPITAL LETTERS, T H E E - M A I L E Q U I V A L E N T

conferences

focused on specific topics draw geographically dispersed peo-

O F Y E L L I N G ) are encouraged to be used j u d i c i o u s l y ; c o m m o n symbols and

ple w i t h like interests and, possibly, w i t h related experiences and expertise.

acronyms provide relational cues for interpreting content (e.g., a "smiley

For these reasons, the Internet is increasingly perceived as an excellent

face," : - ) , to paralinguistically convey " I ' m oniy joking""'); and discourteous

source o f data, not only for those collecting interview and survey responses

behavioral practices such as flaming (insulting language), ranting (pro-

2

understanding

but also for people w h o wish to analyze the discourse itself. This chapter is

longed expressions

concerned w i t h the ethical implications o f conducting qualitative investiga-

electronic mailboxes w i t h unsolicited messages) have been informally dis-

tions o f naturally occurring discourse available through the Internet.

couraged and formally condemned m several contexts.

Graduate students and senior researchers alike in communication studies are attracted to electronic communication for several reasons:

o f anger and complaint), and spammmg

("stuffing"

Danielson (1996) probes the ethics o f computer-mediated communication ( C M C ) deeper through a concept he calls " A r t i f i c i a l M o r a l i t y . " He explains, " I t is important to see what is ethically significant about C M C is not the

•

As a focus for investigating the functions, boundaries, and resources of a relatively new technology being put to innovative and expanding uses, both m terms of informational content and relational dynamics

a As an easily accessible and economical repository of interpersonal "talk," available for analysis a As a data source on specified topics

technological change but the social

changes i t enables" ( p . 70). Thus, for

Danielson, an ethical breach is conceived as a socially irresponsible use o f the c o m m o n resources available on the Internet. One example he provides is the c o m m o n sending o f e-mail in forms that are undifferentiated visually as to degree o f formality (e.g., a friendly note versus a mass m a i l i n g versus a formal request), forcing the reader to use time to read all e-mail to make such meaning distinctions.

U n l i k e face-to-face conversations, w h i c h must be personally observed or

A l t h o u g h formation o f such rules o f conduct and ethical inquiries into the

mechanically recorded for research purposes—methods that are intrusive as

communicative use o f the computer are still at an early stage o f development,

w e l l as labor and cost intensive—electronic messages i n i t i a l l y appear and

analogous guidelines for encouraging ethical practices m the conduct o f

can be recalled later on the computer monitor and can also be preserved as

on-fine research are only now being discussed. A t present, because the

printed hard copy or stored on floppy or compact diskettes. Sometimes, the

Internet is part o f a technology in continual flux and rapid evolution, there

output o f o n g o i n g groups is archived so that an interested newcomer can look

is incomplete awareness o f the issues at stake, let alone consensus on the best

up past discussions. A l l these features facilitate data collection and are o f

ways to proceed. Nonetheless, several key ethical concerns have become

great convenience to researchers. Furthermore, viewed as a type o f natural-

apparent. Perhaps chief among these are issues o f privacy,

istic interpersonal communication, Internet discourse lends itself w e l l to a

informed

variety o f analytic and ethnomethodologicai approaches, including network,

these problematics exist m other kinds of research endeavors, they are

content, conversational, and participant observation studies.

brought into particularly broad relief by the ambiguous nature o f the elec-

consent,

and appropriation

of others' personal

confidentiality,

stories.

Although

tronic m e d i u m .

Ethical Concerns

PRIVACY AND

CONFIDENTIALITY

A s a relatively new form o f interpersonal contact minus nonvisual cues,

A s the terms clearly signify, electronic mail goes through the Internet, a

w i t h i n Internet circles, the need has arisen to develop a "netiquette," or rules

w o r l d w i d e computer-connected web, that enables linkages among far-flung

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247

people and sites. A n e-mail communique from one person to another is

norms for protection o f privacy are, in fact, p u b l i c l y developed and socially

analogous to a letter or phone call, ostensibly private but capable o f inter-

defined. Regarding communication among participants v i a electronic chan-

ception. Journalistic stories abound concerning teenage hackers w h o break

nels, privacy is clearly not a definite state o f being; by virtue o f the m e d i u m ,

through government and corporate security codes to pilfer or vandalize

anyone choosing to make disclosures through an on-line discussion format

i n f o r m a t i o n . Employees are warned that intimate messages sent through

is assuming some risk i n w h o w i l l receive that information and how it w i l l

institutional computer networks are rarely, i f ever, totally erased; they can

be used. Thus, the most important sense o f privacy for e-mail participants

and may be accessed by unintended others. U n l i k e phone calls and more

becomes the matter o f personal information control. Elgesem goes on to

easily than letters, e-mail can be instantaneously copied or redirected (unbe-

enumerate six principles o f fair information processing that have been used

knownst to the writer) to another or many other readers. The ease o f passing

to undergird computer-related legislation i n several countries:

on messages has been demonstrated in numerous infamous instances when so-called urban myths or apocryphal rumors (e.g., the so-called Kurt Vonnegut commencement address, w h i c h Vonnegut denies having delivered) have spread rapidly via the Internet through broad sectors of the population. I n short, computer-aided communication, under many circumstances, is a very public m e d i u m . Despite w i d e l y announced admonitions concerning the potential for public exposure, there exists the paradox that w r i t i n g to others via e-mail often feels like a private or, i n the case o f an on-line group, quasi-private act. Thus, for most people when chatting about a specified topic on the net, the possibility that a researcher is gathering their commentary as data to be analyzed and published is remote, i f considered at a l l . I f the topic is the next presidential election, last Sunday's football game, or the best places to

1. Openness:

Existence of data banks should be publicly known.

2. Individual access and correction: collected about themselves.

People should have access to the data

3. Collection limitation and relevance: Personal data should be collected for one specific, legitimate purpose. 4. Use limitations: Information should be used only for purposes specified at the lime of collection. 5. Disclosure limitation: Personal data is not to be communicated externally without the consent of the subject who supplied the data. 6. Security; Personal data should be reasonably guarded against risks such as loss, unauthorized access, modification, or disclosure.

shop for bargain vacation packages, the consequences o f having one's words used for investigatory purposes may be m i n i m a l or n i l . O n the other hand, there are many vulnerable populations—people i n acute stages o f grief, w i t h sexual dysfunctions, life-threatening diseases, or addictions, just to provide a few examples—for w h o m interchange via computer has become a p r i m a r y source o f information and social support. I n the spirit o f therapeutic alliance and human catharsis, they may pour out their very deeply held feelings to one another, ironically, the anonymity provided by electronic communication, such as the choice not to reveal one's name or the shelter from being evaluated visually, may encourage verbal intimacies that w o u l d be w i t h h e l d in other interactive contexts.

I n his essay, Elgesem is concerned w i t h the example o f medical data collected from and about individuals. A l t h o u g h he does not deal w i t h the notion o f conversation as personal data, the principles he identifies are still useful for the current discussion. For the communication researcher who wishes to study on-line discourse, when and i n what form is consent required from the people whose talk is being scrutinized? W h a t constitutes an invasion o f privacy on the Net? I f data collection o f other people's talk is not unlawful, does it f o l l o w that it is ethical to do so? Is there any impetus to ensure confidentiality in quoted material i f people w h o have posted messages on-line have identified themselves by

Elgesem's (1996) discussion o f privacy, respect and risk via C M C throws

name, as opposed to a user number or pseudonym?

very helpful shades o f l i g h t on the knotty problem o f public versus private domain. He argues that, in lieu o f a r i g i d dichotomy between classes o f public and private situations, it is more useful to acknowledge that private situations

INFORMED

CONSENT AND NARRATIVE

APPROPRIATION

often (as i n the case o f C M C ) occur w i t h i n the scope o f larger, public

Some forms o f research, qualitative or quantitative, do not raise a red flag

situations. Thus, maintenance o f privacy is recognized as occurring w i t h i n

in this respect. I f an investigator solicits respondents to participate i n an

degrees o f l i m i t s on behavior and accessibility rather than as absolutes. The

on-line survey or interview, or to contribute personal anecdotes, those w h o

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249

do respond have made a conscious choice to do so. They have the option to

all the correspondence that transpired. Thus, after a few weeks on-line, I

disguise their identities w i t h user names that do not reveal actual names or

began a habit o f p r i n t i n g o f f postings that struck me as interesting for one

exact Iocatíons.• Respondents can also control how much information they

reason or another (e.g., arguments, empathic responses, humor), w i t h o u t a

wish to volunteer. Presenting the greater ethical dilemma are investigations

specific objective as to how I w o u l d make use o f my collection; i n short, I

that focus on the patterns o f naturally occurring discourse i n w h i c h those

ended up using a grounded-theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1973).

,

w h o are being studied cannot choose to exercise the same sorts o f control.

For several months, m y participation consisted o f " l u r k i n g " — t h a t is,

C o m p o u n d i n g the list o f issues that communication scholars examining

reading the messages w i t h o u t contributing any o f m y o w n . A l t h o u g h I never

electronic conversations need to consider are concerns inherent i n the nature

became a very active poster during my 9 months o f nearly daily participation

o f qualitative research, whether mediated or face-to-face. These have to do

on the Breast Cancer List, when I occasionally decided to express thoughts

w i t h the interpretation o f the words o f others, i n c l u d i n g the appropriation

or feelings or asked for or provided information, I was m i n d f u l to "contex-

someone

else \t personal

narratives

and quoting out of context (Estroff,

of

1995;

tualize" myself, explaining that I was both an i n d i v i d u a l w i t h an abiding

Harris, 1996). A n y t i m e a researcher imposes his or her o w n framework o f

concern about breast cancer as w e l l as an academic researcher. W h e n I

analysis on the stoned accounts gleaned from other people, whether by

eventually focused on aspects o f the L i s t about w h i c h I had decided to write,

in-depth interview, participant observation, or some other form o f recorded

using discursive examples from the postings as supportive material, I briefly

data collection, questions arise about ownership (whose story is it now?) and

explained this point as w e l l , as part o f m y self-introduction. I n retrospect, I

validity f i n what ways has that story been altered through the process o f

believe I had a sense early on that i t was prudent to let fellow list members

interpretation and the necessity o f choosing selected samples o f discourse to

k n o w that I had two reasons for participating i n this forum. T h i s i n c l i n a t i o n

use as supporting evidence and illustrations?). A final ethical concern is that o f potential exploitation

i n regard to how the results o f the research w i l l be

used, to what purposes, i n w h i c h context, and to whose benefit or expense.

was especially prompted by both the h i g h l y personal nature of m u c h o f the content discussed and the knowledge that a majority o f people w h o subscribe to this on-line group are survivors struggling to cope w i t h their disease and carry on w i t h their lives, a network o f suffering and courageous people deserving o f my respect and candor. For these reasons, I repeated m y self-

A Personal Example: Breast Cancer On-Line

introduction w i t h each new post, aware that membership (and, therefore, my readership) on the L i s t changes somewhat on a daily basis, as w e l l as its being d i f f i c u l t to recall individuals w h o post infrequently, given a membership o f

L i k e several other users o f computerized communication, I did not perceive

several hundred people (the constituency presently

ethical difficulties until I was w e l l in the midst o f psychological and inter-

1,000). Nonetheless, despite my efforts to the contrary, it is reasonable to

personal involvement. I n June 1994, I subscribed to a newly announced

assume that even people who regularly—let alone sporadically—posted were

listserv called the Breast Cancer List. A l t h o u g h I was already involved m

not aware that their words m i g h t become part o f m y research.

is at approximately

research about the public rhetoric about breast cancer, I d i d not j o i n w i t h a

After 8 months o f participant observation, I formulated a number o f

specific intention to conduct research about this group. I n fact, i t was my

research questions regarding the composition o f the membership, the content

first experience on a listserv, and my motivation was p r i m a r i l y curiosity to

o f the discussions, and the communicative functions served by the L i s t , and

learn how such a thing functioned and what people w i t h a c o m m o n concern

proceeded to w r i t e a first-draft paper, w h i c h was presented orally in a few

about breast cancer w o u l d " t a l k " about on-line. I n fact, I found the conver-

academic forums. W i t h i n m y write-up, most quotations were not attributed

sations quite c o m p e l l i n g , and it eventually dawned on me that w i t h i n this

to a specifically named person, and i n the few instances when they were, oniy

body o f discourse, there was something worthy o f investigation, although

first names were alluded to. As iuck w o u l d have i t , my university public

several months into m y participation, I still was not sure what that was.

relations department did a wonderfully effective j o b w i t h press releases, and

Because this is a very active list (initially, an average o f 25 messages a day,

a few media representatives came seeking i n f o r m a t i o n . A l t h o u g h these

eventually averaging over 100 messages d a i l y ) , i t seemed impractical to save

generally d i d not result in media exposure, m y w o r k d i d get a very brief

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251

mention in a Sunday edition o f the Chicago Tribune, and I was interviewed

I n addition to receiving consent, this process yielded other benefits I had

for a health report spot for a local cable television news show. I n neither case

not anticipated. Several people asked to read m y manuscript, and most

were specific names or quotations used. A l t h o u g h I had no knowledge o f the

responded w i t h feedback, some brief and others quite detailed. T w o i n d i v i d u -

newspaper b l u r b u n t i l after it was published, during the television interview,

als have subsequently sent me their own writings. A few provided valuable

I insisted that the publisher include the e-mail address o f the L i s t and

updated information, because by now, I had been o f f the L i s t for several

directions for how to subscribe. I n the aftermath o f the oral presentations, I

months. One person strenuously challenged the interpretation I had made

started to feel strongly that i t was now a necessary step to contact the i n d i -

concerning her remark. I was able to w o r k their commentary into the revised

viduals on the L i s t w h o m I had quoted, to ask for and, I hoped, receive their

draft before i t was sent o f f to the j o u r n a l ; as a result, I t h i n k I wrote an

permission to do so. Factors that prompted this conviction were that I was

improved paper (Sharf, 1997). N o t only was the content o f their messages

receiving many requests for a copy o f the manuscript, and I was definitely

meaningful, but the tone o f the notes was almost universally supportive,

planning to submit a revised draft to a scholarly j o u r n a l to be reviewed for

p r o m o t i n g a feeling o f connectedness.

5

publication. A l s o , because it was so late into the process o f participant observation that I decided on a formal research plan, I had not yet submitted the study to be reviewed by the campus Institutional Review Board, w h i c h oversees the ethical conduct o f human subjects research. Before d o i n g so, I wanted to have an informed consent procedure i n place.

In sum, although the informed-consent procedure I chose to use required extra effort and time, i t ensured that explicit permission was given; confidentiality had been satisfactorily maintained; quoting out o f context had not undermined the original a u t h o r s intent; and m y interpretation o f others' comments had not amounted to erroneous appropriation. N o t surprisingly,

M y next step, then, was to go back through m y printouts to obtain the

affirmation from the Institutional Review Board was readily given, after the

e-mail addresses, m y only means o f contact, for each o f the individuals w h o m

consents were obtained. I n short, I felt assured that whatever contributions

I quoted. I wrote a separate, personalized note to each in w h i c h I , again,

m y w o r k made to scholarly literature, those were not at the expense o f the

introduced myself, gave a brief description o f the research, provided the

individuals whose words I used and the c o m m u n i t y about w h i c h I was

quotation I wished to use, asked for consent to do so, and offered to share

writing.

the full draft and provide whatever other information might be necessary for

Once the article was published, m y finai step was to share i t on the Breast

them to make a decision. This process turned out to be time-consuming. B y

Cancer L i s t . Because I knew the j o u r n a l in question was not easily accessible

the t i m e I had heard back from all the people I had contacted, several weeks

to many members, I asked permission from the editor to obtain the

had passed, a frustrating situation when an investigator is eager to publish

version on disk, so I could attach i t to a post. Unfortunately, the editor has

his or her w o r k . D u r i n g this time period, I discussed what I was d o i n g w i t h

chosen not to reply. Instead, I sent a message to the L i s t , g i v i n g the citation

colleagues at w o r k . Several were incredulous that I had undertaken this task,

and offering to send copies to people w h o wanted one.

reiterating that listserv correspondence occurs w i t h i n a public forum that eliminates the need to seek informed consent.

final

Fortuitously, just as this chapter was being written, a debate about the ethics o f using the words o f fellow members occurred on the Breast Cancer

O f the 14 people contacted, 13 gave immediate permission for me to use

L i s t , nearly 2 years after my o w n experience. The actions o f a particular

their words. The remaining individual was at first somewhat hostile, assum-

i n d i v i d u a l were brought into question, an independent author w h o published

i n g that I had behaved voyeunstically, taking advantage of people i n distress.

a b o o k about the experience o f l i v i n g w i t h a cancer recurrence,

A l t h o u g h researchers, along w i t h physicians, patients, family, and friends o f

interview data collected m a i n l y from List participants w h o had volunteered

patients, are explicitly invited to participate in the List w i t h i n the statement

to participate in her research. A special term, harvesting,

o f objectives sent to each new subscriber, the idea o f using the conversations

to the c o l l e c t i n g o f the words o f others. A strong c r i t i c i s m was leveled at this

as data had not occurred to many members, including this w o m a n / ' I wrote

person for harvesting the list and then talking about the resulting book on-line

7

using

has evolved to refer

back, taking care to explain the nature o f my participation and to explain m y

For purposes of making a profit and self-aggrandizement. T h i s commentary

study i n more detail; after the second exchange, her concerns were addressed

prompted several others to reply w i t h their o w n opinions. Another partici-

and she, too, replied affirmatively.

pant, an artist, wrote to confess that she also had harvested from the List,

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253

starting w i t h taking photographic portraits o f selected List members, later

principle, I argue that researchers, conscious o f their scholarly objectives,

using quotes taken from on-line postings for an installation; in both i n -

should bear a larger portion o f the ethical burden, in lieu o f those w h o m they

stances, she had obtained consent to take the photos and e x h i b i t the words.

hope to study. Toward that end, I offer the f o l l o w i n g guidelines to assist

However, she, like the author, hoped to sell her works, and wondered i f

scholars who conduct qualitative investigations o f naturally occurring dis-

m a k i n g money constituted an unethical act. I n the responses that ensued, a

course on the Internet. Once again, i n the conceptualization o f research

c o m m o n theme voiced repeatedly was that neither person had done anything

ethics, I find Elgesem's (1996) discussion o f on-line privacy particularly

unethical, i n that they sought consent and were not secretive about their

helpful. He distinguishes t w o different kinds of privacy violations. First is

intentions i n using the material. I t is important to underscore that no one

the "classical" form, disseminating information o f an intimate nature to an

w i t h i n this group o f replies said that her or his words are public property and,

interested audience w i t h o u t the consent o f the subject. The second type posits

thus, available for harvesting w i t h o u t consent. A few pointed out that there

that i f an individual has consented to disclosure o f intimate information, it

may w e l l be intrinsic benefits for those whose words have been harvested.

is a privacy violation i f the information is disclosed in ways in w h i c h that

For many, it is an honor to be quoted in a publication. In the words o f one member, " I ' m not about to write anything o f a significant length to get published anywhere, but as part o f a larger picture, I might have something to add."

person has not consented. A l t h o u g h individuals assume risk o f privacy violations through the decision to communicate on-line, the acceptability o f assuming such risk is buffered by the presence o f the f o l l o w i n g conditions: •

Toward an Evolving Set of Guidelines

The probability of risk is generally low and not higher than necessary.

a The use of personal information by others is absolutely necessary. Q The risks assumed in revealing personal information arc balanced by the good(s) achieved in the end result.

O f course, the discussion o f ethical conduct regarding harvesting was internal to tile list itself, i n v o l v i n g interactions among its own members. M a n y researchers m communication and other social sciences wish to harvest on-line conversations w i t h other support and special interest groups, w i t h o u t

m Acceptance of the risk of violating privacy involves fulfillment of a moral obligation. m There remains a possibility for the subject to reject the use of personal information.

becoming personally involved as participants or feeling that consent is necessary. Such data collection is doable and ostensibly legal, yet flies i n the

Despite the existence o f such philosophical tenets, I suspect i t may not

face o f what thousands, maybe m i l l i o n s , o f Internet group members feel is

always be possible to prevent encountering ethical dilemmas in the midst o f

permissible and ethicai. Such a difference m perceptions seems bound to be

doing research on and/or about the Internet. Nonetheless, the particular

on a c o l l i s i o n course. I n a heated discussion about this disagreement w i t h yet

points that follow are offered w i t h the intention o f helping scholars give

another colleague, a solution was proposed that perhaps entry to on-line

forethought to what are presently c o m m o n issues o f concern.

discussion groups should be preceded routinely by a written w a r n i n g that all postings are public statements subject to widespread accessibility. A l t h o u g h I t h i n k such warnings are a good idea, I do not agree that all responsibility should be presumed to fall on the shoulders o f on-line communicators. For one thing, such placement o f duty m i g h t go a long way toward discouraging genuine expression o f ideas and feelings, in effect undermining the function

1. Before starting an investigation and throughout the duration of the study, the researcher should contemplate whether or not the purposes of the research are in conflict with or harmful to the purpose of the group. Conversely, the researcher should consider whether the research will benefit the group in some way—for example, helping to legitimize the group's function.

o f interpersonal support and information sharing that the Internet has made possible. That w o u l d be a distressing outcome for people w h o have come to

A t the very least, the researcher needs to have thought through the ramifica-

rely on the m e d i u m and, in the end, w o u l d destroy the very c o m m u n i c a t i o n

tions o f d o i n g the study on the people whose words are being used, especially

data that researchers had sought in the first place. Second, as a matter o f

in the case o f vulnerable populations. T h i s does not mean that the research

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must concur w i t h the group's objectives or agree w i t h its norms and decisions. The results may, indeed, be critical but should not leave individual participants open to ridicule, embarrassment, or other forms o f harm. 2. The researcher should clearly introduce himself or herself as to identity, roie, purpose, and intention to the on-line group or individuals who are the desired focus of study.

Beyond Netiqitette

255

5. The researcher should strive to maintain and demonstrate a respectful sensitivity toward the psychological boundaries, purposes, vulnerabilities, and privacy of the individual members of a self-defined virtual community, even though its discourse is publicly accessible.

I am aware that this admonition is particularly applicable to a group such as the Breast Cancer L i s t , a virtual c o m m u n i t y defined by its mutual concern about a life-threatening disease. A directly contrasting example, such as a

I n other words, W h o are you? W h y are y o u interested in this set o f conver-

listserv devoted to the promulgation o f c h i l d pornography or racism, point-

sations? H o w do y o u plan to go about studying them? H o w do y o u anticipate

edly makes the case against the observation o f this guideline. There must be

interacting w i t h other participants? I n what ways w i l l the study be used?

room for the researcher to exercise judgment. That's w h y my suggestions are labeled "guidelines," not rules. S t i l l , such patently reprehensible entities are

3. The researcher should make a concerted effort to contact directly the individual who has posted a message that he or she wishes to quote m order to seek consent. It should be clearly explained to the writer what words w i l l be quoted, i n what manner and for what purposes the quotation is expected to be used. T h i s may require that the person from w h o m consent is desired be permitted to review his or her o w n words in the new context i n which they w i l l appear. I m p l i e d consent should not be presumed i f the w r i t e r does not respond to the researcher's query. 4. The researcher should seek ways to maintain an openness to feedback from the e-mail participants who are being studied. A l t h o u g h many scholars may argue that this guideline is far beyond the usual ethical responsibilities expected o f researchers, I argue that only by i n v i t i n g such feedback can the researcher be assured that she or he has not grossly misinterpreted another's meaning or intention, or appropriated another's story i n ways that distort or damage. A g a i n , receiving such feedback does not mean that the investigator has to agree w i t h i t , for the w h o l e purpose o f a scholarly analysis is to perceive patterns o f interaction and glean insights that may not be clear to individual participants w i t h i n ihe communicative event under scrutiny. Nonetheless, i t is important that the researcher provide an opportunity for study participants to correct unintended errors (e.g., due to the nature o f the m e d i u m , the tone o f a remark made via the Internet can be easily misunderstood) and lend their own insights and other valuable information to the research project.

the exception, not the n o r m ; thus, I argue that the guideline is generally useful and appropriate i n a majority o f cases. I do not pretend to know all the answers based on my o w n fairly l i m i t e d experience and those o f others that I have heard reported. Furthermore, as computer technology continues to expand and evolve (e.g., increased availability o f teleconferencing), other ethical concerns are sure to arise that cannot be fully anticipated at this time. Therefore, I conclude this chapter w i t h the sizable caveat that Ihe guidelines I have offered arc a beginning attempt, along w i t h an invitation to other scholars w i t h different experiences and insights, to refine, add to, and improve upon these.

Notes 1. For a study that treats e-mail discourse from a literary rather than a communicative perspective, see McLcllan £1997). 2. Listservs and electronic conferences require some form of subscription rather than relying on "drop-in" participation and, thus, may be more likely to attract people who are more seriously committed to the topic at hand. 3. Smiley faces arc typically formed by the impromptu use of a colon and end-of-paren thesis, which creates a sideways smile. Conversely, a sad face is formed by a colon and start-of-parcnthcsis. Thus, I was amazed to discover on my new computer that typing these key combinations result in two new, formalized symbols, indicating that usage of these "terms" has now become universalized. 4. There exist directories and other mechanisms for tracking e-mail addresses. It does, however, require extra effort to make use of these. 5. Very mindful that the research was concerned with how breast cancer survivors arc helping themselves through [his computer medium, I contacted by e-mail a survivor on the List who had an address from my own campus to invite her participation m both the leicvision interview and one of the on-campus presentations, which she acceplcd.

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6. It is a certainly that many members of the List are unaware that their postings can be accessed without subscribing to the List, by going to a separate archive on the Web.

CHAPTER

7. Interestingly, the majority of these interviews took place in off-line, facc-to-face circumstances during a gathering of Ltsi members.

References Catalfo,P.fI993). Amenca, online. In S. Walker (Ed.), Changing community (pp. 1-76). St. Paul, MN: Graywolf. Danielson, P. (1996). Psucdonyms, mailbots, and virtual letterheads: The evolution of computermediated ethics. In C. Ess (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on computer-mediated communication (pp. 67-93). Albany: State University of New York Press.

Thinking the Internet

Elgcscm, D. (1996). Privacy, respect for persons, and nsk. In C. Ess (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on computer-mediated communication (pp. 45-66). Albany: State University of New York Press.

Cultural Studies Versus the Millennium

Estroff, S. (1995). Whose story is it anyway? Authority, voice, and responsibility in narratives of chronic illness. In S. K. Toombs, D. Barnard, & R. A. Carson (Eds.), Chronic illness: From experience to policy (pp. 76-102). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Giaser, B. G . , & Strauss, A. L . (1973). 77« discovery' of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine.

JONATHAN STERNE

Hams, B. A. (1996). The researcher as narrator. In The potential for empowerment in five nurse-patient relationships in psychiatry (pp. 60-70). Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Illinois at Chicago. Jones, S. (1995). Understanding community in the information age. In S. Jones (Ed.), Cyberso¬ ciety (pp. 10-35). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. McLellan, F. (1997). A whole other story: The electronic narrative of illness. Literature and Medicine, ¡0(1), 88-107. Parks, M. R.. & Floyd. K. (1996). Making friends in cyberspace. Journal of Communication, 46, 80-97. Shank, G., & Cunningham, D. (1996). Mediated phosphor dots: Toward a posi-Cartesian model of computer-mediated communication via the scmiotic superhighway. In C . Ess (Ed.), Philosophical perspectives on computer-mediated communication (pp. 27-41). Albany: Slate University of New York Press. Sharf, B. F. (1997). Communicating breast cancer on-line: Support and empowerment on the Internet. Women & Health, 26(1), 65-84.

C O N S I D E R T H E R O L E O F T H E I N T E R N E T i n the life o f one o f my students. She is an undergraduate at a large midwestern research university. She lives in the d o r m i t o r i e s and

walks a few blocks each m o r n i n g to class. Between

m o r n i n g courses, she ducks i n t o one o f the many campus c o m p u t i n g facilities and q u i c k l y checks her e - m a i l . She

finds a note from a h i g h school friend,

several forwarded lists o f j o k e s , and a few announcements about a c l u b she once v i s i t e d . She fires o f f a q u i c k e-mail to one o f her professors to see i f they can

meet the

f o l l o w i n g day

about a paper that w i l l be due

after

weekend. She q u i c k l y logs o f f and heads to her next class. Later i n the

the day,

w h i l e at the library, she uses the campus library n e t w o r k to locate some books she needs for the research paper. As she works on an assignment later that

AUTHOR'S NOTE: Many thanks to the members of the spring 1998 cultural studies reading group •M the University of Illinois (and especially Greg Dimiinadis for organizing it) and to Kelly Gales, Steve Jones, Came Rentschier, Geoff Sauer, and Greg Wise for their helpful advice in constructing this chapter. 257

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Thinking the Internet

night in the d o r m i t o r y ' s computer lab, she procrastinates by v i s i t i n g some o f

259

larity w i t h the discourses o f advertising and technological change yields the

the Web sites for her favorite television shows and replying to her friend's

insight that "new" is not an empirical description o f a technology but a value

e-mail. W h e n she checks her e-mail again, the professor has left her a

j u d g m e n t about the technology that comes w i t h a great deal o f intellectual

message to call d u r i n g her office hours the next day. Other messages have

baggage. Images o f technologies affecting our lives, s o l v i n g our problems

arrived. Later i n the semester, she w i l l show up at the same computer lab to

(or creating new ones), or transforming our self-understandings have popu-

do her course w o r k only to discover that it is full and there is a line out the

lated advertising since the turn o f the 20th century and are present i n other

door. A l t h o u g h many students depend on the school for their access to a

kinds o f technological discourse going even further back (sec Carey, 1988;

computer, campus facilities cannot meet student demand during midterms

C z i t r o m , 1982; M a r v i n , 1988; M i l l e r , 1991; Spigel, 1992). M i l l e n n i a l claims

and

finals.

about technology can take either technophilic or technophobic turns: Either

A few things should be immediately obvious about this banal scenario.

the new technologies are going to transform everything for the better or for

First, the Internet is part o f the fabric o f m y student 's daily life. I t is no more

ihe worse. Both positions, however, take for granted the relative autonomy

a break from her daily experience than getting on a crowded elevator to move

and agency o f technology—its transformative power—and often, they sepa-

up three stories i n a building. Second, the relationships she maintains on-line

rate technologies from the contexts in w h i c h they are developed and used

are not strictly or necessarily separate from the relationships she maintains

(Stabile, 1994, offers a critique o f this dichotomy in feminist t h i n k i n g ) .

off-line. Her on-line activities may mark her only participation m the club

The current predicament for cultural studies-based Internet research is

or her only activity as a fan o f certain television shows apart from watching

how

them, but even i n these cases, her experiences on-line are connected w i t h her

m i l l e n n i a l frameworks in w h i c h new communication technologies are often

off-line experiences. T h i r d , her computer use is very much determined by her social location. She doesn't have a computer o f her own, but the university provides extensive facilities and requires her to use them. As a result, l i k e many o f her colleagues and mine, she has enough practical knowledge of c o m p u t i n g to use her e-mail, browse the web, and do her course w o r k , but beyond that, the workings o f computer hardware and software are a mystery for her. H e r experience o f computing is l i k e l y analogous to the relationship most A m e r i c a n motorists have w i t h their cars: She knows enough to get around and no more. Finally, she is on her way to becoming a certified m e m ber o f the educated classes (through her undergraduate degree) and is l i k e l y preparing for a career in w h i c h computer use w i l l be part o f her j o b .

to t h i n k about its central object o f study—the Internet—outside the

presented to us. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu argues that the fundamental methodological problem for all social inquiry is the construction object.

of the

I n other words, it is a question o f being able to engage i n very high

theoretical stakes by means o f "very precise and often apparently mundane, i f not derisory, empirical objects" (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1993, p . 220). C u l t u r a l studies writers have largely w o r k e d i n this vein, spending considerable time and ink on defining j u s t what i t is they are studying. F o l l o w i n g that lead, this chapter is not a "how t o " concerning cultural studies and the Internet. Rather, i t considers some o f the problems that cultural studies scholars have run into when conceptualizing the Internet and offers some directions for future research. Specifically, I argue that cultural studies needs

Despite the Internet's relative banality for the majority o f its users, its

to continue to develop alternatives to millennial conceptions o f the Internet—

connection to other media ( i n my student's case, telephony and television),

those that separate the Internet from other social forces or bracket i t as a

its institutional connections, and the relative privilege o f its users, critical

self-same context, like a sealed container, and thereby treat i t as an autono-

scholars have largely followed other academics'

mous and revolutionary cultural site.

Internet as a millennial

leads i n depicting the

cultural force. I n these millennial scenarios, the

In what follows, I discuss some key aspects o f a cultural studies approach

cultural critic wonders at the possibilities and "impact" o f the "new" me-

to Internet study, starting w i t h four basic issues in cultural studies and a loose

d i u m : W i l l i t revolutionize our lives or be a tool o f alienation? The perceived

definition o f the field. Readers already familiar w i t h cultural studies may

newness o f the Internet may suggest to some people that the available

w i s h to go directly to the f o l l o w i n g section, " C u l t u r a l Studies Does the

conceptual tools and frameworks for t h i n k i n g about communications need to be rethought to truiy grasp this transformative technology. B u t where do these discourses o f technological transformation come from? Passing f a m i l -

Internet," w h i c h considers the current state o f cultural studies w o r k concerning the Internet. The final section o f the chapter offers some suggestions for what cultural studies w o r k can bring to future studies o f the Internet.

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261

I f this chapter appears particularly polemical concerning the ideologies

particular body o f w o r k . Indeed, scholars i n recent years have made claims

surrounding "on-lineness," it is because this work itself fits w i t h i n the

for other "schools" o f cultural studies originating in other places, such as the

metadiscursive approach to Internet studies that I discuss later. I n this case,

subaltern studies school in India or L a t i n A m e r i c a n or Australian cultural

I have endeavored to consider cultural studies o f the Internet as a road into

studies (Barbero, 1993; C a n c l i m , 1988; Frow & M o r r i s , 1993; Guha &

the critique o f Internet discourse itself. The success o f my readings w i l l

Spivak, 1988; O'Connor, 1991). A s the term cultural studies gained currency

ultimately be measured by the degree to w h i c h this chapter helps others to

among academics w o r l d w i d e over the course o f the 1980s and

move beyond the commonplaces and cliches o f Internet scholarship and

definitions o f the field proliferated—the confusing name g i v i n g birth to

reconceptualize it i n intellectually challenging and politically vital terms.

many attempts to define the field (Grossberg, 1997; H a l l , 1992; Nelson, 1989;

1990s,

Nelson, Treichler, & Grossberg, 1992). M y definitions o f the 2

field

below draw on Lawrence Grossberg s w o r k (see Grossberg, 1997, for a range ;

Politics, Context, Articulation, Theory: Issues in Cultural Studies

of his w r i t i n g s i n this area), w i t h a few modifications. In general, cultural studies is a body o f w o r k concerned w i t h , as Tony Bennett (1993) puts it, culture and power. This concern w i t h culture and

Perhaps because o f the ambiguity in its name, cultural studies has become a

power is characterized by a set of shared intellectual strategies: These include

notoriously difficult field to define.' Some people take the term at its most

attention to the political character o f knowledge production, an orientation

general, as a kind o f cultural analogue o f "social studies" that encompasses

toward the analysis o f context, a commitment to theory, and a theory o f

all o f the humanities and qualitative social sciences. I n this model, the

articulation. A l t h o u g h not every cultural study may exhibit all o f these

reference to culture in the name is a reference to the object o f the "studies"

characteristics, they are useful starting points for getting a bearing in the

the scholar conducts: A n y study o f culture then becomes part o f "cultural

field.

studies." A l t h o u g h such a definition may be useful for administrators seeking to downsize liberal arts programs, it is far too general and i l l defined to be o f much serious intellectual use. Imagine a single chapter i n a book on Internet research covering "social studies approaches"; such a chapter w o u l d

THE POLITICAL KNOWLEDGE

CHARACTER

OF

PRODUCTION

have to cover the w o r k o f economists and archaeologists, specialists m

A l t h o u g h many fields have recently seen debates about the " p o l i t i c i z a t i o n "

women's studies and area studies, political science and sociology. I n other

o f their subject matter (e.g., on politics and literature, see Berube, 1994;

words, it w o u l d be too broad to be useful to its readers.

Graff, 1992), cultural studies sees all knowledge production as

inherently

I have come to think o f cultural studies more as a proper name for a genre

p o l i t i c a l . I n other words, cultural studies scholars simply acknowledge the

of scholarship: Cultural studies is an orientation toward scholarship ( w h i c h

political character o f their o w n w o r k , the w o r k o f other scholars, and their

is different from a method—we w i l l see how below), and this is how I use

objects o f study. Cultural studies scholarship is thus characterized by more

the terms cultural

study in the remainder o f this chapter.

frequent use o f autobiographical and other self-reflexive strategies for put-

is an adverb m o d i f y i n g the studies; the object o f

l i n g the scholar in the analysis, frequent detours through theoretical con-

cultural studies (e.g., the particular object that one subjects to "cultural

cerns, and generally a preoccupation w i t h the construction o f its object o f

study") remains unspecified in the name. A l t h o u g h the field takes its name

study and the construction o f the scholar's w r i t i n g style and speaking voice. '

from w o r k done at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at the

B u i cultural studies is even more political in its object choices: Ideally, it

University o f B i r m i n g h a m , England, during the 1960s and 1970s, the Centre

chooses objects for the purposes o f political intervention. This may lake the

is now only one among many places where such w o r k is conducted. S i m i -

f o r m o f analyzing a present crisis (Grossberg, 1992; H a l l , Cntcher, Jefferson,

larly, although one can trace a " t r a d i t i o n " o f cultural studies back through

Clarke, & Roberts, 1979), or it may take the form o f an intervention in the

w o r k done at the center from the 1960s through the eariy 1980s ( H a l l , 1992),

conceptualization o f politics ( H a l l & Jefferson, 1976; M o r r i s , 1990). O f

not all cultural studies w o r k considers itself to be in dialogue w i t h that

course, the term political

studies and cultural

In this sense, cultural

is itself highly conlested w i t h i n the fieid; and one

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can easily slip into speaking o f " p o l i t i c s " without being more specific. Styles

What are the conditions o f possibility for the particular practice or event

o f self-presentation on-line, gender relations on-line, the economics of

being studied, both on-line and off-line?

computer use, and U . N . policy decisions are all political, but they are each p o l i t i c a l i n a different way. Specificity is important lest one's claims about a particular k i n d o f politics be interpreted as a claim about all politics.

ARTICULATION

Finally, cultural studies is not so much a politics in itself as a response to

One assumption u n d e r l y i n g cultural studies attention to context is that i t 1

politics both i n and outside the academy. I t is not a substitute for the work

is not possible, m advance, to k n o w the effects o f whatever is being studied.

o f activists or even for other kinds o f p o l i t i c a l l y motivated w o r k in the

In other words, by l o o k i n g at a text or event, the scholar cannot simply deduce

academy. Ideally, i t is antisexist, anticapitalist, antiracist, antiheteronorma-

its meaning or effect m the w o r l d . Similarly, cultural studies does not take

tive, and anticolonial i n its p o l i t i c s / but i t is also ideally strategic, meaning

its objects as given but as made. Thus, cultural studies requires a theory o f

that any given cultural study is not bound to the requirements o f c r i t i q u i n g

how things i n the w o r l d are connected w i t h one another; this is called the

all forms o f domination at once (after all, even the most avant-garde scholarly

theory o f articulation. A r t i c u l a t i o n is the form o f a connection between t w o

w r i t i n g is still a more or less linear form o f expression).

or more previously unrelated elements (such as ideologies, practices, social

For the Internet scholar, this c o m m i t m e n t to politics takes at least two

groups, technologies, techniques, etc.) to make a temporary unity. A r t i c u l a -

forms: the critique o f object choice and the critique o f the research practice.

tion also refers to the organization o f said elements i n their articulated

Why study the Internet? Is it interesting just because it's a trendy topic or

relationship and the process through w h i c h that connection and organization

because it points to something more significant than itself? Moreover, what

is produced ( H a l l , 1984, 1986). Stuart H a l l (1986) uses the metaphor o f the

is at stake m how the Internet is studied? W h a t are the political dimensions

articulated l o r r y : A truck that has been hitched to a trailer; any single cab can

o f the intellectual choices the researcher makes and, more important, the

be hitched to many trailers.

connections between the research and larger political problems inside and outside academia?

A theory o f articulation is based on the assertion that there are no necessary correspondences among different elements

(people, ideologies, places,

events) but, rather, these correspondences have to be made. A H cultural THE PRODUCTION

phenomena are articulated: They are, internally, a set o f connected elements,

OF CONTEXT

and these systems then in turn are connected w i t h one another. Thus, any case I f cultural studies goal is to think politically, then its object choice shifts

o f cultural change or reproduction must be understood as a process o f dis-

somewhat. A l t h o u g h cultural studies is often lumped w i t h the humanities, it

articulation and rearticulation rather than as the combination o f free-floating

differs from many humanistic disciplines i n that i t is not p r i m a r i l y concerned

ideologies, practices, and constituencies waiting for their chance to get

w i t h the interpretation o f texts. O n the contrary, cultural studies is p r i m a r i l y

hitched.

concerned w i t h the production o f context for a text, event, or practice under

"socially constructed") does not in and o f itself weaken the force h o l d i n g

consideration. Thus, for instance, i t is not the ultimate goal o f a cultural study

together the articulation; i t is the beginning o f the researcher's w o r k , not the

to determine what a given event on-line means for its participants (although

end. For our purposes, articulation w i l l be important m at least t w o different

this may be part o f i t ) but, rather, how the possibilities

1

5

Pointing out that something is articulated (and therefore, e.g.,

are

ways: m considering (a) what counts m a cultural study o f the Internet and

Interpretation o f texts and artifacts is a necessary

(b) how to think about and represent the Internet. A r t i c u l a t i o n is also a critical

element o f cultural studies research, but i t is not the ultimate goal o f cultural

issue because i t suggests that the language used to describe the Internet is

studies. C u l t u r a l studies seeks a richer understanding o f the political charac-

itself the result o f an articulation: There is no inherent connection between

ter o f cultural and social life, and this means examining the relationships

the Internet and the language used to describe it. For instance, the connection

among people, places, practices, and things. This move is, again, crucial for

between m i l l e n n i a l discourse and the Internet is itself an articulation that

Internet researchers: Where does the Internet fit into the social universe?

requires some analysis.

themselves

organized.

for meaning

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265

Hon o f the object: R i g i d i f i e d and formalized method works against cultural studies' distinctively strong suits; methodologism limits the possible con-

I f cuiturai studies requires Internet researchers to critique the political dimensions o f their research, attend seriously to context, and understand the

figurations

o f context and the range o f possible theoretical and political

moves a w r i t e r can make.

Internet as articulated (i.e., made rather than given), it also requires the

That said, the most important methodological principle for a cultural study

researcher to find new and more effective ways to describe the Internet—

o f the Internet is simply to have one. To truiy iearn anything about the

hence, the commitment to theory. A l t h o u g h cuiturai studies makes use o f

Internet, one has to ask carefully considered questions that can be answered

theoretical reflection in many different forms, cultural studies is not s i m p l y

only through some kind o f organized research. Too much w o r k on the Internet

reducible to theory. I n practice, this means that the cultural studies scholar

has hitherto thrived on other academics'' ignorance o f the m e d i u m . Despite

is expected to, at some point in the research, take a "detour through theory"

the increasing availability o f on-line services in colleges and universities,

(although this need not appear i n w r i t i n g ) to find an explanatory framework

many academics are still relatively inexperienced w i t h on-line communica-

suitable to the object under study and return from that detour through

tion. Explanations o f e-mail, Netncws, flaming, Java, and so forth belong i n

to a new analysis

or description

of a concrete problem.

theory

The point is not to

introductions to the medium, although analyses

o f these phenomena are

develop a pure theory but, rather, to use theory to help explain different

certainly appropriate objects o f research. Similarly, some academic w r i t i n g

dimensions o f cultural phenomena. What theories the scholars use and how

seems to have nothing to do w i t h the actual character o f the Internet. Very

the theories get implemented can vary greatly, but all good cultural studies

little is Internet specific to Sadie Plant's (1996) claim that "complex systems

use theory i n this fashion—as a means toward better understandings o f the

and virtual worlds are not oniy important because they open spaces for

object at hand rather than as an end i n itself.

existing women w i t h i n an already existing culture, but also because o f the extent to w h i c h they undermine both the w o r l d - v i e w and the material reality o f two thousand years o f patriarchal c o n t r o l " (p. 170). Plant can claim that the mere form or existence o f cyberspace "overheats" the "patriarchal econ-

Cultural Studies Does the Internet

o m y " ( p . 182) only because her claims and language are so vague. Moreover,

Cultural studies, as opposed to an established discipline such as sociology or anthropology, has always been rather ad hoc in its approach to method: a l i t t l e historiography here, a little ethnography there, a dose o f hermeneutics, and a twist o f some flavor o f theory. M a n y scholars have leveled criticisms o f the field from both inside and outside cultural studies for its lack o f methodological rigor (Grossberg,

1992; M o r n s , 1990; Schudson,

she uncritically repeats the millennial language o f technological transformation that accompanies so much discourse about the Internet. Under what conditions w o u l d the mere presence or form o f a technology ever "overheat" patriarchy? Has this ever happened before? This is not to argue against theoretical and, more generally, speculative

1997;

approaches to the Internet as such but, rather, to assert that theorizalions o f

SokaL 1996), and others have called for a new level o f attention to and

the Net require the same level o f specificity as other objects one m i g h t

formalization o f method i n cultural studies scholarship (Bennett,

1993;

theorize, such as literature, music, politics, globalization, or the relationship

C u n n i n g h a m , 1991). Despite my flip description and this new attention to

between time and space. Playing to other academics' ignorance and b u i l d i n g

method (e.g., see the method-based critiques and reformulations o f cultural

a theory based on vague impressions are two major errors any scholar can

studies in Ferguson & G o l d i n g , 1997), I believe its experimental

approach

avoid w i t h m i n i m a l effort. The problem thus becomes the construction o f the

to epistemology and method is actually one of cultural studies strengths as

object: W h a t should count as, and i n , a cultural study o f the Internet and why?

1

a field. R i g i d adherence to a particular theory or practice o f method is good when seeking certain kinds o f academic legitimacy but does nothing to guarantee the intellectual value or the political usefulness o f research (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1993, p. 30; M i l l s , 1959, pp. 50-76). T h i s is another reason this chapter has less to say about method and more about the construc-

This central issue could be stated as a matter o f borderlines: What is "the Internet"? Is it coterminous w i t h concepts such as cyberspace, on-line c u l ture, computer-mediated communication, or virtual reality? Thus far, cultural studies " o f the Internet" have ranged widely. Rob Shieids's (1996a) edited collection Cultures of Internet contains articles considering France's M i n i t e l ,

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the global information infrastructure, virtual reality, virtual polities, M U D s

F r o m the very beginning, his w o r k is located in a broader intellectual and

(multi-user domains), listservs, and the c o m i n g o f the Internet to Jamaica.

p o l i t i c a l context.

B y calling the collection "Cultures o f Internet" rather than "Cultures o f the

W i l l i a m s engages contemporary debates about his object o f study w i t h -

Internet," Shields appears to be taking a more processual approach—Internet

out s u b m i t t i n g to their terminology or conceptualizations. So for instance,

referring to a wide range o f processes. Steven Jones's CyberSociety

(Jones,

W i l l i a m s ' s critique o f technological determinism, especially the media ef-

1995a) is more oriented toward "computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n " and

fects approach (pp. 116-120) and the media theory o f Marshall M c L u h a n

ranges from analyses o f computer and video games and virtual reality to

(pp.

Usenet and e-mail. The common l i n k appears to be a person sitting at a screen

paradigms o f academic television study at the time o f the book's p u b l i c a t i o n .

controlled by a microprocessor. Yet both o f these anthologies are quite

120-122), represented

Television

a significant challenge to the t w o dominant

also examines the qualities o f the object o f study and retheonzes

scattered; they are far from systematic, comprehensive, or even coherent

its approach based on distinctive conceptual problems W i l l i a m s encountered.

when read from cover to cover (they are, after a l l , anthologies). W h a t w o u l d

He coined the term " m o b i l e privatization" ( p p . 17-25) to describe the

a full-length, fully developed cultural study o f the Internet (say, called The

conjuncture that conditioned television's institutional and social develop-

Internet)

ment—the increased privatization and atomization o f social life on the one

look like? W o u l d such a w o r k even be possible or desirable?

A t its best, cultural studies has produced seminal book-length works w i t h

hand and the increased dependence on transportation and communication

a critical/political take on cultural phenomena. I n their time, these works

technologies on the other. Similarly, he coined the term " f l o w " (pp. 72-112)

rethought their objects and the ways in w h i c h they were written about:

to describe the texture and experience o f television's textuaiity. D r a w i n g

They reworked the dominant metadiscourses o f their objects and offered a

from W i l l i a m s ' s fertile suggestions, television researchers have made use of

viable alternative. Yet there has not yet been a similar cultural study o f the

these t w o concepts for over two decades.

Internet.

Finally, and most important, W i l l i a m s understood his book as an interven-

Seminal w o r k in cultural studies has come in two varieties: collectively

tion into the discourse about television—not only the critical, analytical, and

authored works and single-author works. Collectively authored works can

descriptive concerns o f academics but the political

cither be a series o f essays (Hall & Jefferson,

and users. H i s last chapter, rarely read today, deals w i t h the future o f

1976) or a book-length

argument ( H a l l et a l „ 1979) but come out o f collective and actively

collabo-

rative research endeavors. A l t h o u g h there have been a number o f anthologies

concerns o f policymakers

television as a technology and an institution. Consider his prescient warning about future developments m cable television and videotape:

on the Internet and computer-mediated communication more generally, they are a i l collections o f individual works rather than the results o f collective research projects. Single-author works, such as D i c k Hebdige's (1979) Subculture

or Raymond W i l l i a m s ' s (1973) Television:

Technology

and

Cul-

tural Form, offer a more conventional and synthetic scholarly argument but lack the richness o f collaborative texts. Because i t deals w i t h a m e d i u m , I want to focus briefly on W i l l i a m s ' s Television W i l l i a m s ' s (1973) Television

as an example.

is an exemplar o f cultural studies w o r k i n its

critique o f existing discussions o f its object o f study, in its o w n construction of its object, in its theonzation o f the contexts and contours o f its object, and in its approach to the stakes and politics o f its object in broader cultural terms. W i l l i a m s wrote that his book was an attempt to consider the relationships

We have always to remember that full development of the new video technology will take some twenty years: say between now f 1973] and 1990. For this reason, some people, especially in the established authorities, manage to feel fairly relaxed about it: the problems will be sorted out as we go; it is no use trying to cross bridges before we come to them. But this is wrong on two mam counts. First, some of the most serious problems will arise within the next few years: notably in relation to policies for cable television. Secondly, the history of broadcasting institutions shows very clearly that the institutions and social policies which get established in a formative, innovative stage—often ad hoc and piecemeal in a confused and seemingly marginal area—have extraordinary persistence into later periods. . . . (p. 141)

between television as a technology and television as a cultural f o r m : " I n the contemporary debates about the general relation between technology, social institutions and culture, television is obviously an outstanding case" ( p . v i i ) .

As W i l l i a m s wrote, U.S. courts were clearing the way for Home B o x Office (HBO)

to begin broadcasting current movies, effectively breaking the net-

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w o r k monopoly on entertainment television and thereby m a k i n g viable a

distinctive features o f subjective experience pertaining to the Internet or

much larger consumer market for cable television in the United States.

some cultural sphere related to the Internet.

W i l l i a m s ' s expressed concern w i t h alternatives to the dominant media system and vision o f an alternative future is sorely lacking in cultural studies today.

SUBJECTIVITY,

TEXTUALITY,

AND

EXPERIENCE

T h r o u g h this example, we can see some o f the key characteristics o f a

O n - l i n e analyses o f Internet culture use a h y b r i d approach—often com-

really good cultural study o f a m e d i u m : I t engages the dominant discourses

b i n i n g , in various degrees, ethnography, autobiography, and textual analysis.

about a m e d i u m w i t h o u t taking them at face value; it provides innovative

Often, their goal is to explain the workings o f on-line culture in an ethno-

descriptive material that allows other scholars to further reconceptualize the

graphic or discourse-analysis

m e d i u m ; i t considers the past and present historical and institutional con-

c r i t i c i z i n g the on-line/off-line dichotomy that posits a split between the

junctures shaping the medium; and finally, it considers the politics and the

Internet and everything else. A l t h o u g h they offer this criticism, they do not

future o f the medium w i t h o u t , again, taking available discourses on their own

develop i t : M o s t subjectivity-oriented analyses o f the Internet are founded

terms. Certainly, there are many issues missing from W i l l i a m s ' s account; the

on a dichotomy between on-line and off-line culture, in w h i c h on-line culture

point is not that W i l l i a m s covered every aspect o f television ( o f course he

is mediated and off-line culture is not.

couIdnT). Rather, the book's significance is as a platform for critique. I n this sense, Television

was very much a success.

style. M a n y o f these studies conclude by

M i c h e l l e Teppers (1997) analysis o f the use o f humor as a p o l i c i n g mechanism on the Usenet newsgroup ait.folklore.urban argues both by

B u t cultural studies itself is quite different from what it was in the 1970s,

textual c r i t i c i s m and by analogy. B y using humorous errors o f fact or

and this has presented another obstacle, perhaps the primary obstacle, to a

spelling, regular participants on the Usenet group create an insider/outsider

W i l l i a m s - l i k e synthesis o f the Internet. Television operates in a iargely realist

status that is then reinforced through the use o f invitation-only m a i l i n g lists

mode o f social c r i t i c i s m ; it derives its analytical categories from

and in-group jokes. I n this way, on-line participants create " c o m m u n i t y "

fairly

commonsense conceptual categories and operates on the premise that ana-

through verbal and physical exclusion. Garcth Branwyn's (1994) study o f

lytical and descriptive language has some correspondence w i t h the object it

cybersex uses formal and informal interviews as well as his o w n experience

describes. A l t h o u g h seminal in many ways, the book operationaiizes the

w i t h the practice. B r a n w y n ' s study is largely descriptive, but the combination

premise that one can take a single m e d i u m as the object of a full-length study,

o f methods is certainly a useful approach to understanding a particular

a premise that has increasingly come under serious attack from cultural

on-line phenomenon.

studies writers. Regardless o f what m e d i u m is being considered, its users (or

T w o more autobiographical accounts deaf w i t h rape and death on-line.

subjects or audiences etc.) never exist solely i n relation to that m e d i u m ,

Julian D i b b e l l ' s (1994) w i d e l y reprinted " A Rape in Cyberspace: Or, H o w

whether i t is film, television, music, or the Internet. Thus, a number o f

an E v i l C l o w n , a Haitian Trickster Spirit, T w o Wizards, and a Cast o f Dozens

cuiturai studies writers have turned toward analyses of "everyday l i f e " or

Turned a Database Into a Society" deais w i t h a rape scenario played out on

complexes o f mediated experiences or media phenomena to better under-

L a m b d a M o o , a program designed to give its users a particularly v i v i d

stand the relationship o f communication and subjectivities (e.g., M o r l e y ,

(text-based) impression o f being somewhere. A l t h o u g h D i b b e l l was not

1993; M o r n s , 1990; Silverstone, 1990; Silverstone, Hirsch, & M o r l e y ,

present for the actual event, the article explores the stakes involved when

1992). Those w h o remain m a realist mode o f analysis tend toward more

people's on-line personas could be made ( w i t h o u t their consent) to play out

localized studies, along, interestingly enough, Hebdige's "subculture" model

another user's sexual fantasies on-line. Similarly, Katie A r g y l e ' s (1996) " L i f e

even 20 years later. Other writers, such as D a v i d M o r l e y and Roger Silver-

After Death" explores her o w n reactions to the death o f a regular participant

stone, also continue to have an impact in this area (even though they

on a listserv to w h i c h she belonged, w h o m she'd never met, although she'd

themselves have switched ethnographic orientations). In the context o f

gotten to k n o w h i m through his posts. B o t h articles problematize the distinc-

Internet research, these localized cultural studies offer both on-line and

tions between " v i r t u a l " and "real" life but in the context o f specific problems

off-line analyses, and often, their aim is to recover, describe, and analyze the

related to the experience o f Internet users. The autobiographical aspect o f

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these descriptions helps to concretize the " v i r t u a l / r e a l " split as more than

Internet becomes one site among many in everyday life or a particular

just a conceptual problem but as a cultural and political issue as w e l l .

inflection o f virtuality, cyberspace, or computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

Even the on-line accounts specifically written to probiematize the v i r t u a l /

Writers taking this approach fall roughly into three camps. The first camp

real split still seem to hold it up i n terms o f their own presentation o f

considers Internet communication as part o f a larger problematic or cultural

the topic. A l l o f the aforementioned ethnographic studies spend most o f

phenomenon. The second camp considers the metanarratives surrounding the

their time analyzing events that happen on-line. Similarly, A y c o c k and

Internet in other media—"discourses o f the Internet." The third camp merges

B u c h i g n a n r s (1995) "The E - M a i l Murders: Reflections on ' D e a d ' Letters"

these t w o approaches in studying the Internet as part o f a larger social and

is a fascinating tale o f some o f Valery F a b r i k a n f s on-line activities prior to

technical network.

his murdering four people and w o u n d i n g a fifth at Concordia University in 1992. Yet there is very little discussion of Fabrikant's activities off-line except as they are represented on-line. The logical next step for on-line analyses is to further their critiques o f the virtual/real split by themselves m o v i n g beyond a primary focus on on-line experience m isolation from other experiences,

both inside and outside other media. Theoretically, on-line

analyses could aiso deal w i t h the structure o f the Internet, its content, and/or the organization o f on-line practices, but as o f this w r i t i n g , no such more developed cultural studies exist.

Studies that consider the Internet as part o f a iarger problematic understand the Internet as one particular site among many to be studied as part of a cultural or political problem. Two examples o f this approach w i l l give a clearer sense o f i t . First, there are those scholars w h o approach the Internet as a subset o f "technology" and w h o are particularly concerned w i t h the role o f "information technology" i n the changing shape o f w o r k and leisure. For example, A r o n o w i t z and D i F a z i o ( A r o n o w i t z , 1994, pp. 104-138; see also A r o n o w i t z & D i F a z i o , 1994) argue that computer-aided design and manufacturing has aided i n the integration o f task at the General Electric engine

Off-line analyses do successfully consider relationships between Internet

plant in C i n c i n n a t i , shortening design time, e l i m i n a t i n g j o b s , and allow-

activity and other parts o f participants everyday lives but retain this focus

ing closer interaction among management and employees. A r o n o w i t z and

on recovering and describing experience. The iarge n u m b e r o f essays dealing

DiFazio l i n k the computerization o f engineering and architecture to the

w i t h cyberpunk fiction w o u l d be an example o f formal, off-line analyses

d e - s k i l l i n g and loss o f autonomy o f the professional classes and s h r i n k i n g

1

related to on-line environments (the Dery, 1994b, collection is especially

o f the j o b market: computer n e t w o r k i n g makes fewer workers necessary to

heavy on cyberpunk essays). I n general, however, I ' v e found that analyses

serve the needs o f the firm. Similarly, the contributors to the v o l u m e

o f cyberpunk have more to tell us about cyberpunk than about the Internet.

ing the Virtual Life ( B r o o k & Boal, 1995; see also Bender & Druckery, 1994)

S i m i l a r l y , writings about "hacker culture" (e.g., Hafner, 1991) are another

critique information technology rather than the Internet per se, but the

Resist-

possible angie for off-line analyses but tend to be more j o u r n a l i s t i c in

volume spans policy, agency, ideology, and alternatives to " v i r t u a l inter-

orientation, focusing on telling a story and m a k i n g the character o f the hacker

a c t i v i t y " through forays into policy, labor statistics, and even the aesthetics

familiar. I n other words, they are more concerned w i t h narrativizing and

o f screen savers. Here, the Internet is just part o f a much larger complex o f

representing experience than offering a cultural and political analysis

information technologies, industries, and ways o f i i f e .

of

experience.

Another approach to the Internet as part o f a problematic is the rapidly g r o w i n g area o f body and technology studies among cultural studies scholars. Central to this area is Donna Haraway's landmark essay " A Manifesto

EPISODIC

STUDIES

for C y b o r g s " (reprinted i n Haraway, 1991; see also Haraway, 1997), an essay that offers an alternative to antitechnology positions m feminist and socialist

Based on the influence o f French writers such as M i c h e l F o u c a u í t , G i l í e s

theory through the figure o f the cyborg, part organism and part machine.

Delcuze, and Felix Guattari, the success o f poststructuralist f e m i n i s m , and

The interplay among bodies and machines has since become a central con-

strains o f A m e r i c a n pragmatism, writers ranging from Meaghan M o r n s

cern among feminist scholars. A n n e Balsamo's exploration o f technologies

(1988) to A n d r e w Ross (1991a) have taken to a more episodic, anecdotal,

o f the gendered body, for instance, covers feminist bodybuilding, public preg-

and momentary approach to constructing their objects o f study. Here, the

nancies, cosmetic surgery, and virtual reality (Balsamo, 1996). L i z Grosz's

6

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(1992) " B o d i e s - C i t i e s " argues that telecommunications and information

possibility o f a different social vision for women's roles on-line. N o doubt,

networks are part o f the transformation o f the bodily experience o f cities,

the Internet was o r i g i n a l l y a men's club and is still male-dominated i n many

resulting i n a kind o f technical interchange-ability o f bodily and computerized

places. The question then is how to best approach the problem from a feminist

functions.

position. As M i l l e r suggests, feminists should be wary o f "frontier" language

The second "episodic" approach

to the Internet is meladiscursive: It

analyzes discourses o f and about the Internet. A l t h o u g h this is a populous

precisely because o f how it casts the possibility o f women's participation in Internet culture.

field, I w i l l l i m i t m y discussion to four examples. Andrew Ross's (1993a)

Joseph L o c k a r d (1996) also considers frontier myths m his critique o f

" H a c k i n g Away at the Counterculture" was one o f the earlier cultural studies

technophilic discourse that ranges from the conservative roots o f the desire

analyses o f computer culture. Ross's essay exemplifies the meladiscursive

for a new frontier to the " i n v i s i b l e pneetags" behind computing. The

approach because it demystifies apparently given social relations, connects

section of his essay connects the desire for universal communications expan-

ideological positions to social relationships, and offers an alternative way to

sion and the rhetoric o f identity-less virtual c o m m u n i t y w i t h first w o r l d - t h i r d

final

think about the problem being examined. His goal was to "describe a wider

w o r l d relations, A m e r i c a n cultural imperialism, and the white ideology o f

set o f activity and social location than is n o r m a l l y associated w i t h the

raceiessness. I n fact, the absence o f discussions o f race in cyberspace re-

practice o f h a c k i n g " ( p . 132). Ross begins his essay w i t h an analysis o f the

mstantiates a white i d e o l o g y :

media panic surrounding hackers, viruses, and computer security, m o v i n g q u i c k l y from antihacker hysteria to the cultural management o f hacking through worker sabotage, a critique o f techno-utopian discourses that i n cludes an analysis o f workplace safety in semiconductor production plants, a critique o f the "technoculture" approach that sees a seamless interlocking o f public and private media technologies to produce a society o f surveillance, and a discussion o f the possibilities for critiques o f technoculture. Ross's c o n c l u d i n g argument still reads w i t h urgency: He attacks technophilic and technophobic positions alike: Cultural studies requires technological literacy to have a solid critique o f existing technological formations and present an effective alternative vision.

7

The [ . ] field of putatively null, anti-signified cyberspace is unmistakably signed with Euro-American whiteness. Race and ethnicity are simply not up for discussion in cyberspace social theory, and their very absence identifies unsubstantiated presumptions of community. The featurcicssness of a presumptive non-raciality/cthnicity in cyberspace fails to correspond with the real and diverse communities around us. (p. 227) The supposed raceiessness o f on-line culture thus is itself implicated m racial politics. L o c k a r d , like Ross and M i l l e r , takes a c o m m o n issue i n discourses surrounding the Internet and shows how different ideologies,

Similarly, Laura M i l l e r (1995) and Joe Lockard (1997) both offer critiques

practices, and technologies are articulated together to form what appears at

o f the electronic frontier mythos through the very effective use o f a fairly

first glance as a self-evident unity. A l l three critiques are expressly political,

conventional ideology critique approach. M i l l e r is concerned about how

m o v i n g beyond a demonstration o f the articulated ideologies and narratives

women's experiences on-line were represented in popular news media such

to a political critique o f social relationships.

as Newsweek

and the Village Voice. For instance, a M a y 1994

Newsweek

Bolter and Grusin's (1996) "Remediation" uses the past to develop a

article argued thai cyberspace was an environment largely hostile to w o m e n .

meladiscursive critique. Rather than casting web pages and hypertext as

M i l l e r (1995) connects this ideology o f female fragility w i t h the frontier

w h o l l y new forms o f mediation, they contextualize these supposedly "new"

mythos and the movement for further regulation o f the Internet (pp. 52-53). M i l l e r is e x p l i c i t l y critical o f Julian D i b b e l l ' s ( ¡ 9 9 4 ) article cited earlier, w o r r y i n g that the sense o f female fragility based on men being bigger than w o m e n shouldn't operate in the same way in on-line environments. A l t h o u g h this remains an open (and difficult) question, M i l l e r critiques the frontier mythos as gendered w h i l e also c r i t i c i z i n g the usual gender-based critiques o f cyberspace. Instead o f w o r k i n g w i t h the given alternatives, she offers the

visual conventions w i t h i n the long flow o f media history. Using examples from painting, photography, sculpture, and design, they argue that there is a v i v i d tradition among some new forms o f expression simultaneously c l a i m ing their ability to supersede previous representational forms m terms o f an aesthetic o f immediacy (i.e., the new m e d i u m is supposed to be somehow "less" mediated than the old m e d i u m ) and, at the same time, a hybridization o f content that reworks and refigures the old media w i t h i n the new, resulting

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in a muitilayered textualky. The strength o f Bolter and G r u s m s argument is

National I n f o r m a t i o n Infrastructure ( N i l ) , and the movement to expand the

that they subject their o w n formal analysis o f dimensions o f new media to a

N i l into a global information infrastructure.

genealogical approach ( f o l l o w i n g Foucault, 1977), l o o k i n g for the roots o f

Wise's book uses mostly documentary forms o f analysis, developing

current media forms in past activities. As a result, they are abie to construct

critiques through interposing description and analysis. He seeks to move

a social and cultural account o f new forms o f expression that attends to their

beyond an ideology critique (in w h i c h discourse either "represents" reality

specificity w i t h o u t relying on m i l l e n n i a l rhetoric, technological determi-

or fails in terms o f that representation and functions as ideology) and make

nism, or claims o f absolute newness. The "new" dimensions o f hypertext and

claims on social reality beyond the politics o f representation. A s a result,

the hybridized Web site are thus shown to have deep cultural roots o f their

Wise focuses more on discourses about and around the Internet than on

own.

attempting a description o f the Internet itself, although its ultimate goal is

Perhaps the most developed cultural studies w o r k to date on the Internet is J. Macgregor Wise's (1997) Exploring

Technology

and Social

not s i m p l y a critique o f the accuracy or inaccuracy o f various representations.

Space,

Wise's book represents a move in the right direction for cultural studies o f

despite its claims to be only partially about the Internet. I t is also a good

the Internet but also highlights some o f the difficulty in describing something

example o f what is entailed in cultural studies' decentenng o f realist objects

in unfamiliar terms: That is, i f one reads the book for its Internet content,

m favor o f considering the Internet as part o f a larger social and technical

one must first read 80 pages o f theoretical argument before reaching a

network, the t h i r d approach I mentioned above. Wise really advances t w o

discussion o f the object o f study in any depth.

arguments that become simultaneous by the end o f the book (and hence the qualification about the book "not e n t i r e l y " being about the Internet and new communications technologies). The first has to do w i t h how we think about

Doing Cultural Studies, Redoing the Internet

technology. He contrasts three paradigms: the modern, actor-network theory (what he calls an "amodern" approach to technology), and Deleuzean theory, ultimately arguing for the third as the best theoretical framework for considering technology at present. M o d e r n thought tends toward two poles i n the consideration o f technology: (a) technological determinism, in w h i c h technologies shape human activity independent o f human actors, and (b) insirumentalism, w h i c h ignores the constructedness o f technology and s i m p l y casts it as a means to an end. T h i s vacillation i n modern thought itself is based on a subject/object split, w i t h agency frequently situated on only one side o f the d i v i d e . Wise sees the amodern approach, after Latour, as overcoming the modern episteme's assumption o f a subject/object dichotomy by theorizing both subjects and objects as possible agents i n both "natural" and "social" elements o f human life. B u t whereas actor-network theory is content to note the existence o f agency, Deleuzean theory, he argues, reintroduces differential power relations into the analysis (pp. 58-59).

Given the existing w o r k , the challenge facing cultural studies Internet scholarship is to retain its critique o f realism w h i l e at the same time speaking to the real—refusing to concern itself exclusively w i t h a politics o f representation and instead m o v i n g toward a more explicit and direct construction 8

o f its object. Insofar as cultural studies w r i t i n g on the Internet retains its critique o f realism, it also has the formal problem o f representing itself. W r i t i n g is a linear form, and although some writers such as Mcaghan M o r r i s (e.g., M o r n s , 1988) have developed rather avant-garde solutions to the problem o f w r i t i n g outside realist constraints, an effective style such as hers takes years o f w o r k to develop. Such w r i t i n g can contribute to the intellectual depth o f the project, but it also reduces the possible audience. Conversely, more plain prose-style approaches such as Wise's take a great deal o f time before the argument comes together for the reader. Cultural studies critique o f realism, and my support o f it herein, w o u l d

Wise shifts objects to m i m i c a progression he sees i n the technology itself

suggest that it is neither epistemologically sound nor politically desirable to

from the military-industrial complex, through large pedagogical institutions

j u s t study "the Internet" in isolation from other cultural phenomena. O u r

(he considers the communication technology e x h i b i t m Chicago's M u s e u m

fictional

o f Science and Industry), and into policy discourse and popular culture.

m e d i u m itself but its place in everyday life. To argue that the Internet is an

A l o n g the way, he considers the public relations apparatus o f A T & T , the

autonomous sphere o f social action is s i m p l y untrue based on the evidence

images o f technoculture presented in Wired, the political forces behind the

offered by other areas o f media studies; "subjects o f cyberspace" are also

study, The Internet,

m i g h t at this point no longer be a study o f a

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subjects o f television, telephony, radio, film, and music, as w e l l as elevators,

2. Cultural

studies scholars

need to denaturalize

and radically

277

contextu-

c l o t h i n g , speech patterns, and food, not to mention the classic identity

alize the Internet itself. This can be accomplished through a variety o f means.

categories. That said, studies o f subjectivity and cyberspace could possibly

M y o w n w o r k i n this area thus far has been o f a comparative and media

move toward a more Goffmanesque analysis that considers the " f r a m i n g " o f

historical perspective. A simple exercise: Identify a claim about the Internet.

social activity and the performance o f social roles independent o f any

Then choose another m e d i u m , see i f the c l a i m was made in the past and i f

subjective essence, but then this w o u l d no longer be a radical c l a i m about

so, how and where it surfaced. H o w does the c l a i m figure i n the discursive

how subjectivity is transformed through the Internet. Instead, it w o u l d s i m p l y be an acknowledgment of the role-playing that Goffman analyzed throughout his career ffor t w o classic studies, see Goffman, 1963, 1974). S i m i l a r to Goffman's, Judith Butler's w o r k on performativity in sexuality and gender practice may be o f some use i n conceptualizing the Internet and subjective processes (Butler, 1993, 1997) by h i g h l i g h t i n g that even constructed identities remain constructed only insofar as they are repeatedly performed. Such analyses, however, require an acute awareness o f context: To do otherwise is to abstract the Internet from the complex media environment o f w h i c h i t is a part.

history o f that medium? For example, the figurative language o f A T & T ' s advertising campaign for universal telephone service (conducted from about 1910 through the 1920s) is very similar to more recent telecommunications a d v e r t i s i n g — m i x i n g transportation and communication language to produce images such as "the information superhighway" that has been part o f A T & T ' s public relations campaigns for the entire century. Similarly, one can find homologous millennial claims for all modern telecommunications media: radio (Khelbnikov, 1993), television (Denman, 1952; R C A , 1944), telegraphy ( C z i t r o m , 1982), and some technologies we d o n t usually t h i n k o f as s

modern telecommunications media—the electric light ( M a r v i n , 1988) and

Internet research in general needs to be further integrated w i t h research on

the postal system (John, 1995). Bolter and Grusin's w o r k (1996), discussed

other, related phenomena. Cultural studies should apply its collective w i s -

above, is also a fine example o f this approach. I n contrast to the m y t h o l o g y

d o m to the construction o f the Internet as an object o f research rather than

o f electronic transformation, examples from media history suggest that as

continuing to abstract the Internet from the media environment o f w h i c h i t

the Internet increases in importance and pervasiveness, it w i l l s i m p l y become

is a part.

part o f the mundane fabric o f social and cultural life. Contrary to today's m i l l e n n i a l predictions, the Internet's future and significance most l i k e l y lies

J.

Cultural

studies has the pedagogical

from its given millennial

in the domain o f the banal. A l t h o u g h there has been much analysis o f representations o f the Internet through other media, little has been written about other kinds o f connections

can be fulfilled both through documentary research and fairly traditional

between the Internet and other media. Political economists and p o l i c y ana-

ideology critique (the newest, most fashionable methods are not always the

lysts have made much greater inroads i n this area than cultural studies

life, and the frontier

revolutionary

Internet

T h i s task

otherness from social

of universality,

the

char-

acter, radical

metano natives

task of disentangling

mythos.

best). M o s t important for this type of research is its pedagogical function: I t especially needs to reach beyond traditional scholarly audiences, although cultural studies scholars should be challenging other academics w h o are furthering an ideological formation that essentially amounts to advertising for the Internet. A l s o , an important qualification for this research is that i t cannot resort to the simple anlitechnology/alienation narratives so prevalent in philosophical and cultural critiques o f technology. In my o p i n i o n , this is where cultural studies w o r k (especially o f the mctanarrative type discussed above) has been most successful and perhaps where it can have the widest impact. C u l t u r a l studies scholars in this area have the challenge o f finding a third voice outside the technophilic/technophobic dichotomy and of finding effective sites both in the academy and outside to intervene.

scholars (Herman & McChesney, 1997; Streeter, 1996). I n addition to the important corporate connections between cable television, telephony, and the Internet, little has been written on the subject from a cultural point o f view. For instance, as the W o r l d W i d e Web expands, it becomes somatically more l i k e cable television; although the visual and possibly cognitive content o f the m e d i u m is different (and this w o u l d be an open question for psychological researchers), participation largely involves a user p o i n t i n g and c l i c k i n g a mouse to change screens. Services such as W e b T V are m fact based on this presumed s i m i l a r i t y ; surfing the web and channel surfing share the same metaphor for a reason. O f course, this is just one example. The problems o f presence/absence and real/virtual tend to get represented i n a binary fashion: The Internet is v i r t u a l : the rest o f the w o r i d is real. B u t notions o f phantasm,

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279

absence, and unreality have plagued all "Western" forms o f representation,

statistic; i t could w e l l have been hearsay). Yet this simple c l a i m is based on

both in technologically mediated and other expressive forms. Future cultural

a wide range o f faulty assumptions. I t assumes that the Internet w i l l continue

studies w o r k should connect any discussion o f virluality to the larger prob-

to expand indefinitely at its present rate eventually achieving universal access

lem o f presence and absence that has surfaced in a wide range o f contexts

(a feat not even accomplished by the present-day telephone). I t assumes that

for hundreds o f years; it is a central problem o f media theory more generally

as the Internet gets bigger, its content, form, and genres w i l l remain the same.

{e.g., see classic writings by Anderson, 1983; Benjamin, 1968; D e r n d a ,

But

1976; Warner, 1990).

changes drastically as size increases. Previously small newsgroups become

no regular user o f the Internet w o u l d support such a claim: Content

Even in the spheres in w h i c h i t is most significant, the Internet is only one

huge and unmanageable; e-mail lists that used to put out 10 messages a day

o f many technologies and media that its users encounter, and it may or may

or i n a week can suddenly spiral to more than 60 messages a day; advertising

not be foremost among them in the subject's identity construction or the

becomes more prevalent as companies scramble to find a way to make money

iarger logics o f subjectivity. Silverstone et al.'s (1992) turn toward the " m o r a l

on the Internet. The mechanics alone o f dealing w i t h a massive influx o f new

economy o f the household" is one such way o f thinking about the subject

users can radically transform any on-line "community." A s discussed above,

effects fi.e., the effect o f some practice that produces subjectivity) o f m u l t i p l e

as the W o r l d W i d e Web grows, its cultural content—the character

media,' A s more and more cultural studies scholars shift their p r i m a r y object

"interactivity"—changes.

J

o f its

o f study from "culture" to "everyday l i f e " (as suggested m M o r r i s , 1990),

L i k e other media, the Internet can also be considered a commodity.

they w i l l have to develop more approaches for talking about multiple media

Silverstone et al. (1992) and writers such as L y n n Spigel (1992), John

encountered in m u l t i p l e environments.

Hartley (1992), L i z Cohen (1990), and David Nasaw (1993), among others, all offer ways o f examining the c o m m o d i t y status o f communications tech-

3. Cultural

computer-

nologies. A l l o f these authors, however, stress that as commodities, media

L i k e other

and technologies are bound up i n differential power relationships and are

media, the Internet represents the play o f a whole range o f cultural forces.

endowed w i t h different kinds o f meanings depending on how they are

Its form and content change over time, and its social significance varies from

situated. A s exemplified by the stories o f people getting e-mail addresses j u s t

context to context: The Internet is more important to some people than to

for the prestige, Internet access is a sought-after service; H is very much a

others.

commodity. Similarly, m a k i n g use o f Internet access presumes access to and

mediated

Yet

studies

communication

scholars

should

treat the Internet

and

more like other media and technologies.

like scholars in other fields, Internet scholars have a tendency to

universalize their o w n subjective impressions and dispositions, thereby

command o f other commodities, such as computers, software, and phone lines.

grossly overestimating the impact, magnitude, accessibility, and universality

I n light o f the Internet's c o m m o d i t y status, we should also ask other

o f their object o f study. Basic claims about the Internet presented w i t h the

questions o f Dery: His 25% j u m p doesn't account for w h o has and doesn't

air o f fact often do not withstand even superficial scrutiny. M a n y writers have

have Internet access. A l t h o u g h many corporate networks are hooked into the

made w i l d l y exaggerated claims about ease o f access to the m e d i u m , its

Internet at large, companies often l i m i t the available Internet access for

relative importance to the shape o f modern politics, the Internet as a public

employees plugged into the corporate network. A s Gilbert Rodman (1997)

sphere, and the Internet's rate o f g r o w t h . " M a r k Dery (1994c), for instance,

argues, statistics on how many people actually use the net need to be taken

claims that the "subcultural glimpses" o f Internet discourse "offer a precog-

w i t h a grain o f salt:

1

nitive glimpse o f the mainstream culture a few years from now, when ever-greater numbers o f Americans w i l l be part-time residents m virtual c o m m u n i t i e s " ( p . 6). Dery cites the astonishing figure that there is a 2 5 % j u m p every 3 months in the number o f computer networks hooked to the Internet (although the source he attributes does not cite a source for the

The decentralized nature of the net makes census taking difficult, the Net's rapid and continuing growth renders any data one collects on its overall size instantly outdated, and what actually counis as "using the net" vanes fantastically from survey to survey. What numbers there are, however, suggest that barely 1% (if

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that much) of the world and only 10-20% of the US are on-line in any capacity whatsoever.

281

networks that will avoid (black, ethnic) inner cities and serve (mainly affluent white) suburbs. Access, community, and race are inextricably linked issues, (p. 227)

I n addition to considering those l o w numbers at least as seriously as the " 2 5 % " quoted by Dery and others, we have to consider what "being o n - l i n e "

Proclamations o f accessibility thus rest on erroneous assumptions about the

means. Claims about the "ease" o f appearing on-line also should be carefully

economic and social foundations o f Internet access. Computers, access to

scrutinized. Rob Shields (1996b) asserts that "the required equipment is now

networks, and software literacy are themselves embedded i n material and

available i n N o r t h A m e r i c a at under $100 on the second hand market" and

symbolic economies that require careful critical attention.

that "the very simplest PC equipped w i t h the slowest o f modems can perform adequately

for the average t y p i s t " ( p . 2 ) . A l t h o u g h it is true that used

computers are cheap, c o m p a t i b i l i t y and applications are severely l i m i t e d . " A n old machine w o u l d w o r k only for basic e-mail, gopher servers ( w h i c h are w i d e l y being replaced by graphics and therefore memory-intensive web sites), and some Netnews and on-line database functions. Thus, as Joseph L o c k a r d (1997) argues, " A n ideology o f computing cheapness

along

w i t h its suggestion that a fully-accessible and democratic cyberculture is achievable m the not-too-distant future, is s i m p l y another social Ponzi scheme" ( p . 221). Ironically, the more advanced a computer user, the more l i k e l y an o l d system w i l l be o f use. Inexperienced computer users are much more l i k e l y to require more advanced systems for access to on-line services (for one thing, hardware and software support for older systems is v i r t u a l l y nonexistent).

4. Finally,

someone

should write a cultural

net in the style of Raymond other seminal

cultural

Williams's

studies

studies book titled The Inter-

(1973) Television, or perhaps

some

work. Such a study w o u l d give a historical

overview o f the Internet from a more sociological, rather than an anecdotal, perspective. I t could cover a range o f domains both on-line (e-mail, Netnews, the W o r l d W i d e Web, etc.), and off-line (home, office, library

. ) . I t could

cover the industry, policy, content, and user practices. I t c o u l d offer a theory o f power dynamics on and around the Internet. I n short, i t w o u l d offer an effective critique o f existing discourses around the m e d i u m , present some effective tools for t h i n k i n g about i t , and even provide a cogent discussion o f its f u t u r e .

13

Such a task could be undertaken by an individual whose research

program has already provided a solid foundation for this k i n d o f study, or i t could be undertaken collectively by a group o f scholars c o m m i t t e d to w o r k -

Similarly, Steven Jones claims m his introduction to CyberSociety

that

ing together and sharing a c o m m o n understanding o f the problem at hand.

" u n l i k e many other analyses and studies o f contemporary society, one may

Given the current intellectual climate o f cultural studies, there is no doubt

enter the communities and discourse described in these chapters w i t h relative

that such a study w o u l d come under fire from many directions. B u t even as

ease" (Jones, 1995b, p. 3). "Relative ease" is a tricky term here, because in

people leveled the criticisms, they w o u l d be reading the book, w o u l d look to

addition to the practical matter o f access, we must remember that the

it (or against i t ) for new research directions, reconsider and recontextualize

proliferation o f computer software has popularized the term learning

curve;

its assertions and constructions, and retrace its steps to f o l l o w a different

learning new software can lake a lot o f time, especially for the casual

path. I n short, i t w o u l d w i n d up being a lot like any other seminal w o r k m

computer user. For the novice user, technical support for newer packages is

an academic field: effective, controversial, and o f course flawed. Regardless

relatively poor and expensive, and q u i c k l y goes out o f existence for older

o f whether the goals o f such a massive effort are truly attainable, the effort

packages. O f course, Jones was addressing his readers, largely a college- and

itself is often w o r t h reading.

university-based audience w h o w o u l d l i k e l y have more access to "free" facilities and more extensive technical support than other p o p u l a t i o n s .

12

But

the general ease and availability o f Internet access is itself an issue open for discussion rather than being a closed case. A s L o c k a r d (1997) writes,

I have said very little about the mechanics o f constructing an Internet study, and now this chapter is about to end. M y reasoning is simple: Because cultural studies is committed to a w i l l f u l and considered eclecticism o f method, once y o u determine your method, y o u should learn i t from experts m the area. In principle,

A pending FCC complaint by a civil rights coalition charges four Baby Bells with "electronic redlining" in their planning of advanced interactive video

hermeneutics, "pure theory," historiography, eth-

nography, and quantitative analysis

14

are all possible "methods," among

others, for d o i n g a cultural study. I f you're d o i n g ethnography, talk w i t h

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ethnographers; i f y o u ' r e d o i n g history, talk w i t h historians; i f y o u ' r e d o i n g textual analysis, talk w i t h literary critics, art historians, musicologists; and so f o r t h . M o r e than l i k e l y , i f y o u r research goes beyond a single essay, y o u ' l l be using m u l t i p l e methods. A l l the better. Talk w i t h more people, and read more methodologies i i f y o u find that helps). C u l t u r a l studies has even begun p r o d u c i n g its o w n methodologies (DuGay, 1997), although as I have tried to show here, a m e t h o d o l o g i c a l treatise is more or less antithetical to the w o r k o f c u l t u r a l studies.

13

Instead, I have offered some directions for the conceptualization o f

the

Internet: I t is both a productive cultural site and an artifact and element o f social relationships. B y

attending to the

construction o f the

object,

re­

searchers in c u l t u r a l studies and other fields w i l l be presented w i t h a w i d e r range o f p o l i t i c a l and intellectual options throughout their research w o r k . Clearly, the challenge is to move beyond the commonplaces o f Internet discourse. C u l t u r a l studies' usefulness to Internet research should thus be measured by the degree to w h i c h it can get its readers to t h i n k beyond the technophilic-technophobic d i c h o t o m y , beyond the

rhetoric o f

millennial

transformation. O n l y by treating the Internet as one site among many i n the f l o w o f economics, ideology, everyday life, and

experience can

Internet

research become a vital intellectual and p o l i t i c a l component o f media and c u l t u r a l studies. O n l y by recognizing the Internet's banality can

Internet

research move beyond tbe c l i c h é s o f the m i l l e n n i a l i m a g i n a t i o n .

Notes 1. Thai said, many other fields have struggles over the definition of central terms and prevailing notions of their objects; in this respect, cultural studies is not alone. 2. I should add that the definitions of the field are themselves heavily contested. As in most of the human sciences, there are widely divergent notions of what constitutes a "cultural study" and the purposes of the scholarship in general. For the purposes of this chapter, I will offer a heuristic definition of cultural studies as an orientation loward scholarship with four distinctive features bui will not confine myself to discussing lexis lhat rigidly fit my definition of cultural studies. 3. Of course, cultural studies has developed these moves in its own ways, but it did not invent them. On the contrary, ihe use of the autobiographical voice is a direct descendent of academic feminism and more recently the "reflexive turn" in anthropology; "the detour through theory" is a variation on Marx's approach to social research, and the critique of subject-object relations (i.e.. the objective scholar removed from the object of study) is a product of a wide range of cniiqucs of enlightenment-style empiricism and Kantianism.

283

4. The statement of its politics in the negative is useful here because the question of what is to be done remains an open issue for most cultural studies scholars. In fact, this is the point of doing the research: If you already know the political answers beforehand, why do the study? 5. This is not to argue for a voluntanst theory of articulation. That, for instance, discourses of "the frontier" are articulated to the Internet does not mean lhat it will necessarily be easy to disarticulate those metaphors from people s notions of the Internet. Articulations are held together by powerful social, economic, and ideological forces. 6. Carol Stabile's (1994) remains Ihe most solid critique of Haraway to dale and casts serious doubt on the political viability of technophilic feminism. 7. An interview with Samuel R. Delany, Greg Tate, and Tricia Rose appears in Flame Wars (Dery, 1994a), bul deals with science fiction and the new form of music rather than with the Internet. Joseph Lockard's (1996) "Virtual Whiteness and Narrative Diversity" compares literary and on-line CDnsirucis of whiteness and racial difference. 8. This is not to suggest that representation is an unimportant political issue, only that the politics of representation is only one possible model of political action. 9. Although their excessive emphasis on the agency of consumption obscures other kinds of economic relations. 10. This is also a locational/biographical issue: Cultural producers tend to universalize their own experience, which is then confirmed by other cultural producers doing the same thing m the media they cncounier. Thus, for instance, the "radio boom" of Ihe 1920s was largely an artifaci of media "snowballing" one another: coverage of radio bred more coverage of radio, and pretty soon, the phenomenon was "sweeping the nation," although radio had been widely available as a technology prior to the "boom" [see Douglas, 1987). One can find a similar "boom" in the 1990s as more and more journalists went on-line. 11. My own experience might be an instructive example here: Until 1993, 1 used a 1984 Leading Edge model "D" PC (bought new in 1984) for all of my computing and Internet needs. I finally had to slop using the computer when I discovered that newer versions of DOS and many DOS-based programs were no longer compatible with my machine. I then gave in to the prevailing market and bought the best computer I could afford so that I could postpone my next upgrade as long as possible. Since 1993,1 have already found it necessary to upgrade the hard drive and the modem for basic everyday uses. I have also found that my R A M memory (8 megabytes was considered generous in 1993) is no longersuffıcıcnt for even my word-processing applications. Although the old Leading Edge is still usable as a stand-alone computer, the Leading Edge is no longer of any value for connecting with other computers. 12. Although computing facilities arc oflen available for free to faculty, students' fees are usually required to support campus computing facilities—one reason that alumni have to pay to keep their university accounts. 13. Williams's predicüons at the end of Television remain a rare example of cultural studies futurology. As Andrew Ross notes (1991b, pp. 169-171; echoed by Wise, 1997), the Left has largely ceded ihe practice of futurology to ihe Right. If the Left is lo have any meaningful social vision, it must include images of the future. 14. Statistical analysis is more or less nonexistent in current cultural studies work, but as Justin Lewis (1997) has persuasively argued, it is no less valid a method when reficsively applied than any other qualitative approach to cultural studies. 15. As anyone who's done research knows, the difficult questions of method are most often encountered in the process of doing the research, as opposed to methodological expositions ı such as this one).

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Index

Abbaie.J., 3 Acadcmia, and Internet, 10-11, 24 Access, 17-18, 59 Access 59 Adult Children of Alcoholics iACOA), 107, 113, 115, 120-122, 123n Affect, 20 alt.folklore.urban, 269 aii.rccovcry.codependency, 107, 115-122 AltaVista, xiii America Online (AOL), 169 Anderson, B., 211, 213 Anonymity, 66, 77 Anthropology, xi, 12 Argyle, K., 269 Aristotle, 130, 141n Aronowttz, Stanley, 271 Arpanet, 2, 10 Articulation, 263 Artificial intelligence (Al), 30 Artificiality morality 245 Attention (economy) 20-21 Audience studies, 8-9 Audiences, xiii and meaning, 187 Aura, 6 Authenticity, 196-197

Authorship, 196-197 Autobiography, 269

Bakhtm. M., 112, 199 Balsamo, A., 271 Barlow, J. P., 3,60-61, 197 Barthes, R„ 112, 182, 199. 200n Baudrillard, J„ 137 Baym, N., 64, 211 Benedikt, M., 212. 218 Benjamin, W.. 6 Bennahum, D., 23 BenneLT.,261 Bentham, J., 132-133, ¡37 Bernhardt, S., 136 Bijker. W„ 24 Birkerts, S., 136 Bitnct, ¡0 Black. M.. 132 Biacksburg Electronic Village, 225, 235 Blue Sky, 58-71 Bolter, J . D., 139, 184, 273-274, 277 Boulder Community Network, 225 Bourdieu, P., 259 Breast cancer, 248-255 Brecn, M„ 14, 20

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Buckley, S., 137 Burke, K., 130 Bush, V., 2, 23,24, 183 Butler, J., 276

Caching, of web pages, 177n Carey, J. W„ xxii, 2-3. 18-19,25, 259 Case study 35 CDA. See Communications Decency Act C E D A . See Complementary Explorative Data Analysis Cerf, V.. 2 C E R N , 29 Chaos Computer Club, 3 Chapman, G.. 3 Chat rooms, xix, 170-173 Chicago School of Sociology, 208-209 Chomsky, N., 38 Cisier, S., 224 Civic networking, 227, 233 C M C research, 21 Co-Dependents Anonymous, 107, 113, 115 119-122, 123n Cohen, A., 209-210, 213. 217 Cohen, L„ 279 Communications Decency Act, 72n Community, xxii. 15-18. 203-238, 269 and democracy, 229-232 and geography. 223 and space, 211-212 as place, 206 electronic, 13, 15-17 networks. 222 virtual, 44, 52, 175. 210, 212 Community Memory Project, 23 Complemcnlary Explorative Data Anlaysis, 30, 40-44 Compuserve, 169 Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility, 3 Configuring, as a mode of rhetorical analysis, 129-130, 137-141 Cookies, 4. 5. 26n CoDA. See Co-Dependents Anonymous Copynght, 20 Cornell, J., 140 Corporation for Public Broadcasting, 226 Costigan, }., 12

Index CPSR. See Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility Cues: visual, 77 audible, 77 Cultural studies, xi, 257-282 Culture, 38-39, 67 Cyborgs, 137 Czitrom, D., 259, 277

Data analysis, 44 Data collection, 44 and sensitivity, 93 and social network analysis, 88-89 Data mining, 32 Dayan. D.. 6. 18 Dc Ccneau, M., 18? De Man, P., J41n Definition, problems of, 204-205 Delany, S. N., 283n Deleuze, G„ 270, 274 Demographics, xiii on-line 63, 65 Dcrrida, J., 112, 139, 141n Dery, M., 278-280, 283n Dewey, J„ 213 Diasponc communities, 16 Dibble, J . , 269, 272 Dilthey, W., 14 Disaggregation of markets, 4 Discourse, 243-255 analysis, 13, 109-110, 269 Distance education, 8, 10,52 Dohcny-Farina, S., 226, 229 Dürkheim, E . , 208, 212

Eco, U„ 199, 200n Economics, 19-20 E F F . See Electronic Frontier Foundation Electronic Frontier Foundation, 3 Elgcsem, D., 246-247, 253 Elites, 16 E-mail, xix, 243-255 Emotions, 255n Ephemerality, of WWW text, 190-191, 197, 200n see also Persistent information

Epistemoiogy, 20, 31, 112-113 Ess. C , 44 Ethics, and Inlcrnet research, 245-255 Ethnography, 216, 269, 282 Ethnomethodology, 203 Rogers, E . , xiii. 25 Excite, 169 Experience, of Inlernet. 9

Fabrikant, V.. 270 Fair use. See Copynght Feminism, 270 Firewall, xxiii, 16 Fiske.J., 112, 200n Flaming, 77, 117, 152, ]99n Foucault, M., 132-133. 137, 199, 270,274 Fowler, R. B., 206,217 Freedom of speech, 44 Free-nets, 225-226 Fultz, J., 77, 145 Fuzzy logic, 177n

Gecrlz. C , 17-18. 209,215 Gender, 65 and online participation, 77 Gencralizabiliiy, 19 Global village, 15, 221 Goffman. E . , 61.68, 276 Goldhaber, M., 20 Gould, S. J., xi Graphic accents, in C M C , 146, 149, 156 Gross, L . , 271-272 Grossbcrg, L„ 19-20, 262. 264 Group communication, 77 Group interaction, 76 Guatian, F.. 270

Hackers. 3, 16, 19,71,246, 270, 272 Hafner, K . , 3 Hall, 5., 186, 163 Haraway. D., 137, 139, 27I,283n Hartlcy.J., 279 Harvcsting, online Information, 251 -252 Hauben, M., 3 Hauben, R., 3 Hcbdige, D., 266, 268

291

Hermeneuttcs, 282 Hillery, G-, 208 Historiography, 282 Hits, web page, xiii Hughes, T„ 24 HyperCard, 189 Hypertexl, 133-141, 183

Identity, 65. 67 Immersion, 61 Industrial Revolution, 208 Information overload, 8, 43 Information society, 2 Informed consent, 247-248, 250-252 Interdisciplinarité x Internet 2. Next Generation Internet, 16 Internet addiction, 15 Interpretive process, 14 intertextuality, 179. 182-199 Intellectual properly, 44 see also Copynghl Internet Relay Chat (IRC), 119-120, 123n

Janangelo, J., 140 Jensen, J., 5, 8 Johnson, S.. 19 Jones, S„ 2-3, 11. 17, 19, 23,42,44, 175, 211-213.243 Joyce, M„ 134

Katz, E - , 6 Kicslcr, S.. !47 Knight Lightning. 3 Kristeva, J . . 182

Lambda MOO, 214, 269 Landow, G., 184 Legion of Doom, 3 Levels of communication, 9 Levy, S., 3 Lewis, J., 283n Licklidcr, J.C.R., 2 Literary analysis, 128-141, i42n Literary criticism, xi, 13 Lockard, J . , 272-273, 280-281, 283n

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Lotfalian, M., 17 Log files. See World Wide Web Loyally, 5 Lurking, 108. 249

M.I.T., 3 MacKinnon, Richard. 16 Marketing, 4 Marvin, C . 259. 277 Marx, K., 282n McLaughlin, M„ 16, 175 Mciuhan, M., 200n Media events, 6 Media studies, xi Method of instances, 107, 109-122 Meyrowitz, J„ 61 Microsoft, 10 Miller, L . , 272-273 Minitel, 265 Mitra, A., 16. 181 Mobile privatization, 267 MOO. See Multi-User Domain Object-Oriented Morlcy, D., 268 Morns. M„ 270, 275 Moulthrop, S.. 137, 184 MUD. See Multi-User Domain Multi-User Domain, xix. 11-12, 68, 72n, 217 Objeci-Oncnted. xix, 11-12,214 Multilogumg. 243 Multiple methods, 25 Multiple personas. 61

Narrative, 107 Nasaw, D., 279 Negroponte, N„ 4, 18, 190 Nelson, T.. 139 Netcom, 169 Netiquettc, 158n, 244 Network density, 84 Networked consciousness, xx, 15 Neural networks, 45-46-47 Newsgroups, 109 see also Usenet Nomadism, 19 Novell, 77 NUD\buIlST. 91

Index

RESEARCH

Ong, W., 2. 43 Ontoiogy, 30-31

Panopticon, 132-133 Participant observation, 57-72 Participation, 36 Paujy, J., 8, 15 PEN. SeePublic Electronic Network Pcnley, C , 137 Pentad, 130 Persistent information, 5-7 Personalized mass media, 3, 6, 18 Peterson, T., 3 Phish.net, 216 Piaget, J., J42n Pirsig, R„ xviii Plant, S., 265 Plath, D., 5 Political economy, xi, 19 Positivism, 3, 31 Poster, M . 67-68 Pragmatism, 270 Predictive research. 21 Privacy, 44, 245-247 Project H, 146 Psychology, xi. 13 Public Electronic Network. 229, 232 Public sphere, 6 Push technology, 4

Qualitative research 15, 30, 32-36, 45-51, 248, 282 and qualitative research, 32-33. 39-40 Questionnaires, 146-158

Race, 67 Radio, 13, 224, 283b Rafaeli, S., 6, 10. 175 Real Audio, 166 Reflexivity, 8, 20 Replicability, 19 Researcher identification, 93 Rhcingold, H., 62, 83, 211. 214. 216. 226 Rhetoncal analysis, 128-132, 133-141. 14ln Rhetonca! studies, 13 Rice, R. x, xi, xii, xiii, 13, 21-22, 25 (

Rich description, 17-18,215 see also Gccrtz, C . Rodman. G., 279-280 Rogers, E„ 13 Role-playing, 68 Rose. T.. 283n Ross, A., 270. 272, 283n

Sampling, 19 and social network analysis, 88-89 and survey research, 149 Schivelbusch, W., 14 Schmitz, J., 77, 145,229, 232 Schuier.D., 221,226, 235 Schwichtenberg, C., 11 Scalability, of research, 25 Search engines, 4, 169-170 Search image, xi Self-help groups. I22n see also A C O A . CoDA Semiotics, 129 Senior Net, 85 Shields. R., 265, 280 Silvcrstonc, R., 268, 278,279 Stmmel, G., 206-208. 212, 214 Social nciwork analysis, 76-100 and roles. 83-84 and questionnaires, 90-92 and whole-network analysis. 94-100 Social contexts, of online communication, 57-58, 70 Sociograms, 94-100 Sociology, xi, 13, 19 Sociotechnical ensembles, 24 Space, 16 Spamming, 199n Specificity. 261-262 Speed of communication, ¡4 Spigel, L . . 279 Spiro, M., 204 Sprouli, L . . 147 Stabile, C . 283n Sterling. B, 3, 16 Stoll. C., 83 Sione. A. R., 61-62 StorySpace, 134 Sudwecks, F . 175 Surveys, 90-92, 173

293

design, 156-157 e-mail, 147 methodlogy, 146-158 online, 72n, 73n Systems, 85

Tate, G., 283n Tele-Garden. 165-166 Telephone, 13, 179, 258 Teleroboltcs, 165 Television, x, 13,61, 179,258.266-268, 281 Tepper, M., 269 Tesla, N., 23 Textual analysis, 13, 130-132, ¡81-199, 269 and languages, 189 Theory, and cultural studies, 264 Therapy, 168 Tonmes, R , 206-208, 212, 214 Toulmm, S., 141n Triangulation, 37 see also Multiple methods Tufte, E . R., 138 Turkle, S., 61-62, 68-69, 108, 113 Typologies, and lypification, 37-38

Ulmer.G., 139 USC interactive Art Museum. 163-176 Usenet, 107-109, 114, 158n. 269 see also Newsgroups

Validity. 19 Virilio, P., 137, 139 Virtual organizations, 52 Virtual presence, 43

Watson, N„ 216, 218 WebTV, 169, 277 Weber, M., 11, 19, 22 Williams, F„ x, xiii, 25 Williams, R., 204-205. 214. 266-268, 281, 283n Wired, 11 Wise, J . M., 274, 283n World Wide Web, 10. 129, 134-141, 163-176, 179-199.221-234

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log flics 167-168, 177n text 181 WWW. See World Wide Web

RESEARCH

Yahoo!, 169

Zickmund, S.. 197 Xerox PARC, 2

About the Contributors

E l i s i a C o h e n is a student i n the master's program m c o m m u n i c a t i o n at Wake Forest University. She also serves as one o f the debate coaches for the University debate team. R o b e r t W. C o l m a n ([email protected]) teaches at Penn State Harrisburg, where he serves as Coordinator o f the C o m m u n i t y Psychology Program, Associate Director o f the Center for C o m m u n i t y A c t i o n and Research, and Assistant Professor o f Social Science and Psychology. A social psychologist, he j o i n e d the research project through his interest in its methodology. J a m e s T . Costigan is pursuing a master's degree i n communication at the University o f I l l i n o i s at Chicago, where he works i n Virtual Reality Research at the Electronic Visualization Laboratory ( E V L ) . He has worked in the high-tech industry serving i n the technical direction o f conferences such as S I G G R A P H and the National Association o f Broadcaster's M u l t i M e d i a W o r l d . W i t h several E V L a l u m n i , he formed V R C O , a virtual reality software and consulting company. N o r m a n K . Denzin is College o f Communications Scholar and Research Professor o f Communications, Sociology, and Humanities at the University o f I l l i n o i s , Urbana. He is coeditor of The Handbook editor o f the Sociological

Quarterly,

most recent book is Interpretive

of 'Qualitative

and coeditor o f Qualitative

Ethnography:

Ethnographic

Research, Inquiry. H i s

Practices

for 295

296

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About the Contributors

RESEARCH

297

the 2Jst Century, I n 1997, he received the George Herbert Mead A w a r d from

m f o r m a t i o n exchange and media use m the context o f their w o r k needs and

the Society for the Study o f Symbolic Interaction.

interpersonal ties. Research i n progress examines reciprocity and coonentation m computer-mediated communication, and information exchange and

Nicole E l l i s o n ([email protected]) is a doctoral candidate at the Annen¬

development o f c o m m u n i t y among distance learners.

berg School for Communication, University o f Southern California, Los Angeles. She is currently w r i t i n g a dissertation on information and c o m m u nication technology and the changing culture and geography o f the w o r k place.

C o m m u n i c a t i o n at the University o f I l l i n o i s at Chicago. H i s other books include CyberSociety

J a n F e r n b a c k ([email protected]) received her PhD from the Center for Mass M e d i a Research at the University o f Colorado and is Assistant Professor o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n at R e g

Steve Jones ([email protected]) is Professor and head o f the Department o f

l s

University i n Denver. She has pub-

lished works on the cultural and philosophical issues surrounding new

2.0, Virtual

Culture,

CyberSoaety,

and Rock

Forma-

tion. He is editor o f N e w M e d i a Cultures, a series o f books on culture and technology, and coeditor o f New Media & Society. I n addition to his scholarly w o r k , lones has provided Internet consulting services to many corporations and not-for-profit organizations. He has also been a featured speaker at

c o m m u n i c a t i o n technologies. She is currently w r i t i n g on utopiamsm and

numerous scholarly, government, and industry-sponsored seminars and con-

new media technologies.

ferences.

L a u r a G a r t o n ([email protected]) is a doctoral candidate i n the

S a n d r a L e e K a t z m a n ([email protected])

Department o f Sociology at the University o f Toronto. Her dissertation is

and reports for Reuters Health. Her w o r k has appeared i n the Journal Communication,

teaches English in Tokyo

based on a whole network study o f computer-mediated c o m m u n i c a t i o n

Computer-Mediated

w i t h i n an organizational context. E m p l o y i n g a social network perspective,

the Sacramento

she examines how the introduction o f a m u l t i m e d i a space technology creates

the National Association o f Science W r i t e r s o f A m e r i c a .

of

Her o p i n i o n articles have appeared i n

Bee and the Los Angeles

Times. She is an active member o f

new opportunities and new constraints on the relations and interaction patterns among distributed w o r k groups.

L o r i K e n d a l l ([email protected]) received her Ph.D. from the Sociology Department at the University o f California, Davis, and is currently

Steven B . Goldberg ([email protected]) is a Trustee's Scholar m the

a Lecturer i n that department. Her research explores the performance o f

Department o f Computer Science at the University o f Southern California.

identities online. Her dissertation, an ethnography o f BlueSky, focuses m

H e was the software engineer for the " D r i n k i n g M a i d e n " project.

particular on the intersections o f masculinities and computer technology.

Teresa M . H a r r i s o n ([email protected]) is Associate Professor in the Department o f Language, Literature, and Communication at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy, N e w York. She is coeditor o f Computer Networking and Scholarly Communication m the Twenry-First-Centun' Universih' (1996). J

J a s o n L u c a s ([email protected]) is a graduate student at the Annenberg School for C o m m u n i c a t i o n , University o f Southern California, Los Angeles. H e is currently finishing a master's degree and w i l l pursue his P h D in c o m m u n i c a t i o n at O h i o University next fall.

C a r o l i n e Haythornthvvaite ([email protected]) is Assistant Professor at

M a r g a r e t M c L a u g h l i n ([email protected]) is Professor o f C o m m u -

the University o f I l l i n o i s at Urbana-Champaign in the Graduate School o f

nication, Annenberg School for C o m m u n i c a t i o n , University o f Southern

Library and Information Science. H e r research examines who communicates

C a l i f o r n i a She is coeditor o f the Journal

w i t h w h o m about what and via w h i c h media. Research includes a social

cation

network study o f members o f an academic research group, placing their

Internet.

and coeditor o f Newark

of Computer-Mediated

and Netplay:

The Virtual

CommuniGroup

on the

298

DOING INTERNET

About the Contributors

RESEARCH

A n a n d a M i t r a ([email protected]) is Assistant Professor o f C o m m u n i c a t i o n

Institute, Troy, N e w Y o r k . He is coeditor o f Computer

at Wake Forest University i n Winston-Salem, N o r t h Carolina. He has pub-

Scholarly

Communication

in the Twenty-First-Century

299

Networking

University

and

(1996)

lished m the areas o f critical studies, popular culture, and technology, particularly about the conditions in South East A s i a and about South East A s i a n immigrants. He teaches courses in communication, technology, and culture.

J o n a t h a n Sterne (j-s t e r n i @uiuc.edu) is completing a P h D m communication at the University o f I l l i n o i s at Urbana-Champaign. H i s dissertation, The Audible

Past, is a history o f sound reproduction.

B a r b a r a F . S h a r f ([email protected]) is Professor o f Speech-Communication and Professor o f M e d i c a l Humanities at Texas A & M University. She is

F a y Sudweeks ([email protected])

the author o f numerous j o u r n a l articles and book chapters i n health c o m m u -

versity o f Sydney and a doctoral candidate i n communication at the Univer-

nication, medical humanities, and medicai education. Recent and current

sity o f W o l l o n g o n g . She also has degrees i n Psychology and Cognitive

research projects focus on the rhetoric o f breast cancer discourse, narrative

Science. She has given lectures i n Israel, Sweden, Germany, Bulgaria, and

analysis o f patient-doctor interactions, and a text in health communication.

Russia and has coordinated a large international collaborative project on computer-mediated

Simeon J . Simoff ([email protected])

is Senior Research F e l l o w at

is Research Associate at the U n i -

communication. Her research interests are the social,

cultural, and economic aspects o f computer-mediated communication. Her

the Key Centre o f Design C o m p u t i n g , University o f Sydney. Dr. S i m o f f

latest coedited book is Network

attained his doctorate at M o s c o w Power Engineering Institute, Russia, where

Recent activities include coeditmg a special issue o f the Journal

he was also an Assistant Professor. He has been a V i s i t i n g Professor i n the

puter-Mediated

Faculty o f A r t s and Sciences at the M i d d l e East Technical University,

Computing

Gaziantep Campus, Turkey, and at the Intercultural Open University, The

JCMC,

Netherlands. H i s current research interests are in data m i n i n g and analysis,

Computing.

andNetplay:

Communication

Newsletter

(JCMC),

and JCMC

Virtual Groups on the

Internet. of

serving as editor o f the

Newsletter,

ComDesign

editorial board member o f

and C M C editor o f the interactive International

Journal

of

Design

information systems, knowledge modeling and representation, m u l t i m e d i a communication, and distance learning. He has published more than 50 papers

B a r r y W e l l m a n ([email protected]) learned to keypunch at Har-

m journals, books, and proceedings and is coauthor o f a forthcoming book

vard in 1964. He is now Professor o f Sociology at the University o f Toronto,

on virtual design studios.

where he has been e-mailing since 1976. Wellman founded the International N e t w o r k for Social N e t w o r k Analysis in 1976 and is currently the Electronic

J a m e s J . Sosnoski is Professor o f English at the University o f I l l i n o i s at

A d v i s o r to the A m e r i c a n Sociological Association and the Chair-Elect o f the

Chicago. He is the author o f Token Professionals

A

A S A ' s C o m m u n i t y and Urban Sociology section. He is also the leader o f the

in Post-

V i r t u a l C o m m u n i t y focus area for S I G G R O U P / A C M . I n addition to his

Critique modern

of Orthodoxy

in Literary

Studies,

and Master

and Modern

Closets: A Cultural Studies Alternative,

Skeletons

Critics:

as w e l l as various essays on

papers on community, computer-supported

literary and pedagogical theory, computer-assisted pedagogy, and on-line

network analysis, Wellman coedited Social

collaboration. He has been a member o f the M o d e r n Language Association's

(1997) and edited Networks

in the Global

cooperative w o r k , and social Structures:

A Network

Approach

Village (1998).

Delegate Assembly, Ethics Committee, and Emerging Technologies C o m mittee. He is collaborating w i t h D a v i d D o w n i n g on Living

on

Borrowed

Terms, a study o f the use o f terminology in literary and rhetorical studies, and w i t h Patricia H a r k i n on Arguing

Cultures,

a textbook and Web site on

contemporary persuasive practices.

Diane F . W i t m e r ([email protected]) is Associate Professor o f C o m munication at C a l i f o r n i a State University, Fullerton. Her research interests include computer-mediated communication and organizational communicat i o n , and her w o r k has appeared m Communication Journal

of Computer-Mediated

Communication.

Monographs

and the

She is an active member o f

Timothy Stephen ([email protected]) is Associate Professor in the Depart-

the National C o m m u n i c a t i o n Association and the International Communica-

ment o f Language, Literature, and Communication at Rensselaer Polytechnic

tion Association.