Decline of the West: Form and Actuality

OF THE

OSWALD SPENGLEK. BORN MAY

29,

1880

DIED MAY

8,

1936

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST [DER UNTERGANG DES ABENDLANDES]

VOLUME ONE

FORM AND ACTUALITY [GESTALT UND WIRKLICHKEIT]

VOLUME TWO PERSPECTIVES OF WORLD-HISTORY [WELTHISTORISCHE PERSPEKT I VENJ

MAN AND TECHNICS [DER MENSCH UND DIE TECHNIK] A CONTRIBUTION TO A PHILOSOPHY OF LIFE

THE HOUR OF DECISION [jAHRE DER ENT SCHEID UN G] PART ONE: GERMANY AND

WORLD-HISTORICAL EVOLUTION

THESE ARE BORZOI BOOKS PUBLISHED BY ALFRED A. KNOPF

THE DECLINE OF THE

WEST

FORM AND ACTUALITY BY

OSWALD SPENGLER

AUTHORIZED TRANSLATION WITH NOTES BY CHARLES FRANCIS ATKINSON

VOLUME ONE MCMXLV: ALFRED

A

KNOPF:

NEW YORK

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST VOLUME

I

FORM AND ACTUALITY

.

A

192.6 by Alfred Knopf, Inc Published April Z3, 1916 Reprinted ten times. Twelfth printing October 1544 Originally published as Der Unfergang des Abendlandes, Ge-

Copyright

stalt

undWtrkhchkett, copyright 1918 by Verlagsbuchhandlung, Munchen

VOLUME

II

.

C H.

Beck'sche

PERSPECTIVES OF WORLD-HISTORY

Copyright 1^8 by Alfred A. Knopf, Inc. Published November 9,

^8

Reprinted three times Fifth printing October 1944 Originally published as Der Untergang des Abendlandes, Welthistonscbe Persfektiven, copyright 19x1 by C Verlagsbuchhandlung, Munchen

H

Beck'sche

ONE-VOLUME EDITION Published November 15, 1931. Reprinted three times

All rights reserved in any

No

part of this

form without permission except by a reviewer who

book may be reproduced in writing

from the pub-

may quote brief passages in a review to be printed in a magazine or newspaper. lisher,

Manufactured in

the

Untted States of America

THIS TRANSLATION

IS

DEDICATED TO

ELLINOR JAMES A FRIEND

Wenn im

Unendlicben dasselbe

Stcb wiederholend ew^g flusst,

Das

tausendfaltige Gewolbe Sicb kraftig memander schhesst; Stromt Lebenslust aus Men Dmgen,

Dem kletmten wie dem grossten Stern, Und alles Drangen, alles Rmgen 1st ewtge

Ruh

tn Gott

dem Herrn. GOETHE.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE must be left to critics to say whether it was Destiny or Incident using that Spengler's "Untergang des Abendthese words in the author's sense

IT

landes" appeared in July, 1918, that is, at the very turning-point of the four World-War. It was conceived, the author tells us, before 1914 and fully worked out by 1917. So far as he is concerned, then, the impulse to create it years'

arose from a view of our civilization not as the late war left it, but (as he says expressly) as the commg war would find it But inevitably the public impulse to read it arose in and from post-war conditions, and thus it happened that this severe and difficult philosophy of history found a market that has justified the

printing of 90,000 copies. Its very title was so apposite to the moment as to the predispose the higher intellectuals to regard it as a work of the moment

more so

as the

author was a simple Oberlehrer and

unknown

to the world of

authoritative learning. Spengler's was not the only, nor indeed the most "popular," philosophical product of the German revolution. In the graver conjunctures, sound minds do not dally with the graver questions they either face and attack them with supernormal resolution or thrust them out of sight with an equally supernormal effort to

enjoy or to endure the day as

it

comes. Even after the return to normal-

not to any rate for Western men none too easy even for the victors its to to off turn as of the struggle to shake back business the normal sequela;, and to give no more than amateur effort and dilettantish attention to the very ity, it is

no longer possible

know that these questions

for

exist.

men

And,

at

if it is

deep things, for the defeated side this is impossible. It goes through a period of material difficulty (often extreme difficulty) and one in which pride of achieve-

ment and humility in the presence of unsuccess work dynamically together. So it was with sound minds in the post-Jena Germany of Jahn and Fichte, and so it was also with such minds in the Germany of 1919-19x0. To assume the r61e of critic and to compare Spengler's with other philosophies of the present phase of Germany, as to respective intrinsic weights, is not the purpose of this Ootc nor within the competence of its writer. On the other

hand, it is unconditionally necessary for the reader to realize that the book before him has not only acquired this large following amongst thoughtful laymen, but has forced the attention and taxed the scholarship of every branch of the learned world- Theologians, historians, scientists, art critics

all

saw the challenge,

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

x

a^aratus cnncus to bear on that part of the Spenglcr with German theory that affected his own domain. The reader who is familiar may be referred to Manfred Schroeter's "Der Streit um Spengler" for details; it will suffice here to say that Schroeter's index of critics' names contains some 400 entries. These critics are not only, or even principally, general reviewers, most of them being specialists of high standing. It is, to say the least, remark-

and each brought

his

able that a volcanically assertive philosophy of history, visibly popular and call forth, as it did, a special produced under a catchy title (Reklamtitel) should which the Olympians of scholarship passed judgment on number of Logos every inaccuracy or unsupported statement that they could detect. (These were in fact numerous in the first edition and the author has corrected or modified them in detail in the new edition, from which this translation has been done.

m

it should be emphasized that the author has not, in this second edition, receded in any essentials from the standpoint taken up in the first.) The conspicuous features in this first burst of criticism were, on the one hand,

But

on the other,

want of adequate critical equipment ability to see the Schroeter's book

wood

in the general critic, and, for the trees in the man of learning

No

in-

one, reading

(which by the

way is one-third as large as Spengler 's first to agree with his judgment that notwithstanding paradoxes, over strainings, and inaccuracies, the work towers above all its commentators. And it was doubtless a sense of this greatness that led many scholars volume

itself),

can

fail

amongst them some of the very high at

all.

It

would be foolish to

to avoid expressing opinions on it on the fence"; it is a

call their silence a "sitting

on a philosophy and a methodology that the canons and carry with them immense implications. For the very few who combine all the necessary depth of learning with all the necessary

case rather of reserving judgment

challenge

all

freedom and breadth of outlook, it will not be the accuracy or inaccuracy of details under a close magnifying-glass that will be decisive. The very idea of accuracy and inaccuracy presupposes the selection or acceptance of co-ordinates of reference, and therefore the selection or acceptance of a standpoint as "oriand yet the scholar-critic would be gin." That is mere elementary science the

first

to claim the merit of scientific rigour for his criticisms

!

It is, in

history

as in science, impossible to draw a curve through a mass of plotted observations when they are looked at closely and almost individually.

Criticism of quite another and a higher order may be seen in Dr. Eduard article on Spengler in the Deutsche Lzteratttrtettung, No. 2.5 of 1314. Here

Meyer's

we

find, in

one of the great figures of modern scholarship, exactly that largeand visibly attaching that, while noting minor errors

minded judgment little

importance to them

on the grand

deals

Dr.

with the Spengler

thesis fairly

and squarely

Meyer differs from Spengler on many serious questions, of which perhaps the most important is that of the scope and origin of the Magian Culture. But instead of cataloguing the errors that arc still to be issues alone.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

xi

found in Spengler's vast ordered multitude of facts, Eduard Meyer honourably bears testimony to our author's "erstaunlich umfangreiches, thm standig prasentes, Wissen" (a phrase as neat and as untranslatable as Goethe's "exakte '

sinnliche Phantasie

He

').

' '

ideas such as that of the

insists

upon the

fruitfulness of certain of Spengler's

Second Religiousness.

' '

Above

all,

he adheres to and

covers with his high authority the basic idea of the parallelism of organicallyliving Cultures. It is not necessarily Spengler's structure of the Cultures that he parts of it indeed he definitely rejects as wrong or insufficiently esaccepts but on the question of their being an organic structure tablished by evidences

of the Cultures, a morphology of History, he ranges himself frankly by the side of the younger thinker, whose work he sums up as a "bleibendes und auf lange Zeit hinaus nachhaltig wirkendes Besitz unserer Wissenschaft und Literatur." This last phrase of Dr. Meyer's expresses very directly and simply that which for an all-round student (as distinct from an erudite specialist) constitutes the peculiar quality of Spengler's work. Its influence is far deeper and subtler than any to which the conventional adjective "suggestive" could be applied. It

cannot in fact be described by adjectives at

by if

its result,

which

is

that, after studying

all,

but only denoted or adumbrated it, one finds it nearly

and mastering

old or new, dognot quite impossible to approach any culture-problem without conceiving it primarily, as artistic, political or scientific

matic or

"morphological." under the respective sub-titles "Form The work comprises two volumes and Reality" and "World-historical Perspectives" of which the present translation covers the first only. Some day I hope to have the opportunity of such is the nature of this book more completing a task which becomes attractive in proportion to its difficulty.

References to

Volume

II are, for

the

present, necessarily to the pages of the German original, if, as is hoped, this translation is completed later by the issue of the second volume, a list of the

necessary adjustments of page references will be issued with it. The reader will notice that translator's foot-notes are scattered fairly freely over the pages of In most cases these have

this edition.

no pretensions to being cntffll annota-

are merely meant to help the reader to follow up in more detail the points of fact which Spengler, with his "standig prasentes Wissen," sweeps along in his course. This being their object, they take the form, in the majority tions.

They

of cases, of references to appropriate articles in the Encyclopxdia Britannica,

which is the only single work that both contains reasonably full information on the varied (and often abstruse) matters alluded to, and is likely to be accessible wherever this book may penetrate. Every reader no doubt will find these notes, where they appertain to his own special subject, trivial and even annoying, but it is

Limit

may be

drama, and

thought that, for example, an explanation of the mathematical helpful to a student who knows all about the Katharsis in Greek

vice versa.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

xii

cannot omit to put on record the part that my wife, Hannah Waller Atkinson, has taken in the work of translation and editing. I may best describe it by saying that it ought perhaps to have been recorded on the title In conclusion

I

page instead of in this place, C. F. A. January,

1(126,

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION AT

the close of an undertaking which, from the first brief sketch to the final shaping of a complete work of quite unforeseen dimensions, has spread itself it will not be out of place to glance back at what I intended and I have achieved, my standpoint then and my standpoint to-day. In the Introduction to the 1918 edition inwardly and outwardly a fragI stated my conviction that an idea had now been irrefutably formument

over ten years,

what

which no one would oppose, once the idea had been put into words. I to have said: once that idea had been understood. And for that we must as I more and more realize not only in this instance but in the whole to the new generation that is born with the ability to history of thought do it I added that this must be considered as a first attempt, loaded with all the customary faults, incomplete and not without inward opposition. The remark was not taken anything like as seriously as it was intended. Those who have lated

ought look

looked searchingly into the hypotheses of living thought will know that it is not given to us to gain insight into the fundamental principles of existence without conflicting emotions. A thinker is a person whose part it is to symbolize time according to his vision and understanding. He has no choice; he thinks as he has to think. Truth in the long run is to him the picture of the world which was born at his birth. It is that which he does not invent but rather discovers within himself. It is himself over again his being expressed in words; the meaning of his personality formed into a doctrine which so far as concerns his life is unalterable, because truth and his life are identical. This symbolism is the one essential, the vessel and the expression of human history. The learned philosophical works that arise out of it are superfluous and only serve to swell the bulk of a professional literature. that is, true I can then call the essence of what I have discovered "true" for me, and as I believe, true for the leading minds of the coming time; not true in itself as dissociated from the conditions imposed by blood and by history, for tHat is impossible. But what I wrote in the storm and stress of those years was, it must be admitted, a very imperfect statement of what stood clearly before me, and it remained to devote the years that followed to the task o correlating facts and finding means of expression which should enable me to present my :

idea in the

To death.

most

forcible form.

perfect that form But I have once

life itself is only fulfilled in would be impossible more made the attempt to bring up even the earliest xiii

PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

xiv

portions of the

work

to the level of defmiteness

and with that

speak,

its

ments,

merits and

The result has and

I

I

now

feel able to

hopes and disappoint-

myself am concerned slowly beginning to exercise upon exfar as others are concerned also. Let no one ex-

meantime

judging by the effect that

new outlook on

its

its faults.

in the

as I justified itself as far it is

as tensive fields of learning It pect to find everything set forth here.

a

with which

take leave of this book with

history

anH

is

but one side of

the philosophy of destiny

what the

I see

first

before me,

indeed of

its

and depictive through and through, written in a language which seeks to present objects and relations illustratively instead of offering kind

It is intuitive

an army of ranked concepts. It addresses itself solely to readers who are capable of living themselves into the word-sounds and pictures as they read. Difficult the respect this undoubtedly is, particularly as our awe in face of mystery that Goethe

felt denies us the satisfaction of thinking that dissections are the same as penetrations. Of course, the cry of "pessimism" was raised at once by those who live eternally in yesterday (Ewtggestngen) and greet every idea that is intended for

the pathfinder of to-morrow only.

But

I

have not written for people who is the same as action itself, those

imagine that delving for the springs of action who make definitions do not know destiny.

By understanding the world I mean being

equal to the world. It is the hard the essential, not the concept of life, that the ostrichphilosophy of idealism propounds. Those who refuse to be bluffed by enunciations will not regard this as pessimism; and the rest do not matter. For the reality of living that

is

who are seeking a glimpse at life and not a definition, view of the far too great concentration of the text mentioned notes a number of works which will carry that glance into more distant

benefit of serious readers

I

have

in

my

in

realms of knowledge.

And now,

finally, I feel

practically everything:

urged to name once more those to

Goethe and

Nietizsche.

Goethe gave

whom

I owe me method,

Nietzsche the questioning faculty and if I were asked to find a formula for my relation to the latter I should say that I had made of his "outlook" (AusBut Goethe was, without knowing it, a bltcJi) an "overlook" (Uterbhck'). disciple of Leibniz in his whole mode of thought. has at last (and to own astonishment) taken

my

And,

therefore, that

shape in

my

hands

I

which

am

able

to regard and, despite the misery and disgust of these years, proud to call a

German

-philosophy.

OSWALD SPENGLER. Blanktnbwg

am

December, 1922.

PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION THE complete manuscript of this book the outcome of three years' work was ready when the Great War broke out By the spring of 1317 it had in certain details been worked over again and supplemented and cleared up, but

its

appearance in print was

still

delayed by the conditions then pre-

vailing.

Although a philosophy of history is its scope and subject, it possesses also a certain deeper significance as a commentary on the great epochal moment of which the portents were visible when the leading ideas were being formed.

The title, which had been decided upon in 1312., expresses quite literally the intention of the book, which was to describe, in the light of the decline of the Classical age, one world-historical phase of several centuries upon which we ourselves are

now

Events have

entering.

justified

much and

refuted nothing

It

became

clear that these

necessarily be brought forward at just this moment and in Germany, and, more, that the war itself was an element in the premisses from -which the

ideas

new

must

world-picture could be I am convinced that

made

precise.

it is not merely a question of writing one out of several possible and merely logically justifiable philosophies, but of writing the philosophy of our time, one that is to some extent a natural philosophy and is dimly presaged by all. This may be said without presumption, for an idea that is historically essential that does not occur within an epoch but itself makes

For

that epoch

is

falls to

it.

parent

only in a limited sense the property of him to whose lot it It belongs to our time as a whole and influences all thinkers,

without their knowing it, it is but the accidental, private attitude towards it with its faults and its merits (without which no philosophy can exist) that is the destiny and the happiness of the individual. OSWALX> SPENGLER. Munich, December,

CONTENTS OF VOLUME

I

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE

ix

AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

xiii

AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

CHAPTER

I.

xv

INTRODUCTION

i

For whom Scope of the work, p 3 Morphology of World-History, a new philosophy, p 5 The Egyptian mummy and Classical and Indian mankind ahistoncal, p 9 History? p 8 The conventional scheme of World-History (ancient, mediaeval, the burning of the dead, p 13 modern), p 15 Its origin, p 18 Its breakdown, p zz Europe not a centre of gravity, p 13. The only historical method is Goethe's, p Z5 Ourselves and the Romans, p z6. Nietzsche and Mommsen, p z8 The problem of Civilization, p 31. Imperialism the last phase, p 36. The necessity and range of our basic idea, p 33 Its relation to present-day philosophy, p 41. .

is

Philosophy's last task, p 45.

CHAPTER

II.

The

origin of this work, p. 46.

THE MEANING OF NUMBERS

51

Fundamental notions, p 53 Numbers as the sign of delimitation, p 56 Every Culture has own Mathematic, p 59 Number as magnitude in the Classical world, p 64 Anstarchus, p 68. Diophantus and Arabian number, p 71 Number as Function in the Western Culture, p 74. World-fear and world-longing, p 78 Geometry and arithemetic, p 81 The Limit its

idea,

p

CHAPTER

86.

Visual limits transcended, symbolical space worlds, p 86. Final possibilities, p 87

III.

THE PROBLEM OF WORLD-HISTORY,

SYSTEMATIC

(i) PHYSIOGNOMIC

AND 91

Copermcan methods, p 93. History and Nature, p 94 Form and Law, p 97. Physiognomic Cultures as organisms, p 104 Inner form, tempo, duration, p. 108 and Systematic, p 100 Homology, p in What is meant by "contemporary," p uz.

CHAPTER IV. THE PROBLEM OF WORLD-HISTORY. THE CAUSALITY-PRINCIPLE

(Y)

THE DESTINY-IDEA AND

115 Logic, organic and inorganic, p 117 Time and Destiny, p 119 Space and Causality, p 119 The problem of Time, p izi Time a counter-conception to Space, p iz6 The symbols of Care (sex, the State, works), Time tragedy, time reckoning, disposal of the dead, p. 130 p 136 Destiny and Incident, p 139 Incident and Cause, p 141 Incident and Style of existence, p 142. Anonymous and personal epochs, p 148 Direction into the future and Image of The new enunciation of the problem, Is there a Science of History? p 155 the Past, p. I5Z P-

J59

MAKROKOSMOS. THE PROBLEM OF SPACE

CHAPTER. V.

(i)

THE SYMBOLISM OF THE WORLD-PICTURE AND 161

the sum total of symbols referred to a Soul, p 163 Space and Death, p. " The space problem (only Depth is Alles vergangliche 1st nur ein Gleichnis," p 167 165. of a as The world-idea Culture born out of its Time, Depth p. I7Z space-forming), p. 169 prune symbol, p. 174. Classical Body, Magian Cavern, Western Infinity, p 174.

The Macrocosm

as

CONTENTS CHAPTER VI. SOUL

MAKROKOSMOS.

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND

(2.)

MAGIAN 181

The Egyptian prime symbol of the path, p Ornamentation and Imitation, p 191. Ornament and early 188. Expression-language of art The The window, p 199 architecture, p 196 grand style, p zoo The history of a Style as Prime symbol, architecture,

organism,

P

p

On

2.05

divinities,

p 183

the history of the Arabian style,

p

zc>7

Psychology of art-technique,

"4

CHAPTER VII

Music AND PLASTIC,

(i)

THE ARTS OF FORM

117

from the an expression-means of the historical standpoint, p The stages of Western Music, higher order, p zzz. Apollraian and Faustian art-groups, p zz4 and anti-musical movement, p i.y. Character of the p zz6 The Renaissance an anti-Gothic Colours of the Near and of Baroque, p 136 The Park, p 140 Symbolism of colours, p 2.45

Music one of the

arts of

form, p

zzi.

the Distance, p 246.

Classification of the arts impossible except

2.19.

The choice of

particular arts itself

Gold background and Rembrandt brown, p 147

CHAPTER VIII. Music AND PLASTIC,

(z)

Patina, p Z53.

ACT AND PORTRAIT

157

Kinds of human representation, p 159 Portraiture, Contrition, Syntax, p z6i The heads of p z&4 Portrayal of children and women, p 2.66 Hellenistic portraiture, p 169. The Baroque portrait, p zyz. Leonardo, Raphael and Michelangelo overcome the Renaissance, p 173 Victory of Instrumental Music over Oil-Painting, corresponding to the Impressionism, p z85 Pergamum and victory of Statuary over Fresco an the Classical, p z8z Classical statuary,

Bayrcuth, p 191.

CHAPTER IX. SOUL

The

finale of Art,

p

Z93

SOUL-IMAGE AND LIFE-PEELING.

(i)

ON

THE FORM OF THE

2.97 of a counter-physics, p 3oz. Soul-image as function of World-image, p Z99. Psychology " " and Faustian The Will in Gothic The soul-image, p. 305 Magian space, p. 308 Apolliman, " inner" mythology, p 3iz. Will and Character, p 314 Classical posture tragedy and Faustian

character tragedy, p 317 Symbolism of the drama-image, p 3zo. Day and Night Art, p 3Z4. Popular and esoteric, p 3z6 The astronomical image, 3Z9 The geographical horizon, p, 33z

CHAPTER X.

SOUL-IMAGE AND LIFE-FEELING.

(2.)

BUDDHISM, STOICISM, AND

SOCIALISM

339

The Faustian morale purely dynamic, p 341. Every Culture has a form of morale proper to Posture-morale and will-morale, p 347 Buddha, Socrates, Rousseau as protagoitself, p 345 Return to nists of the dawning Civilizations, p 351 Tragic and plebeian morale, p 354 Nature, Irrehgion, Nihilism, p 356 Ethical Socialism, p 361 Similarity of structure in the of The Civilized of the Culture, West, p 365 every p 364 philosophy philosophical history

CHAPTER XI

FAUSTIAN AND APOLLINIAN NATURE-KNOWLEDGE

375

Theory as Myth, p 377. Every Natural Science depends upon a preceding Religion, p 391 Dynamics as the theories of three Cultures, p 3 8z The Atomic theory, p 3 84 The problem of motion insoluble, p. 388. The style of causal process and experience, p 391 The feeling of God and the knowing of Nature, p }gz The great Myth, p 394. Classical, Magian and Faustian numtna, p 397 Atheism, p 408 Faustian physics as a dogma of force, Selfp 411. Limits of its theoretical (as distinct from its technical) development, p 417 destruction of Dynamics, and invasion of historical ideas, theory dissolves into a system of Statics, Alchemy,

morphological relationships, p 4zo.

INDEX TABLES ILLUSTRATING THE COMPARATIVE

Following -page 418

MORPHOLOGY OF HISTORY At end

of volume

CHAPTER

I

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER

I

INTRODUCTION IN this book

is

attempted for the

first

time the venture of predetermining his-

tory, of following the still untravelled stages in the destiny of a Culture, and specifically of the only Culture of our time and on our planet which is actu-

the West-European-American. ally in the phase of fulfilment Hitherto the possibility of solving a problem so far-reaching has evidently never been envisaged, and even if it had been so, the means of dealing with it

were either altogether unsuspected

or, at best,

inadequately used.

beyond all the casual and incalculable elements of the separate events, something that we may call a metaphysical structure of historic humanity, something that is essentially independent of which we see so clearly? the outward forms social, spiritual and political Are not these actualities indeed secondary or derived from that something? Does world-history present to the seeing eye certain grand traits, again and again, with sufficient constancy to justify certain conclusions? And if so, what are the limits to which reasoning from such premisses may be pushed? Is there a logic of history?

Is it

possible to find in

life-courses

Is there,

for

life itself

which already have had

to be

human

history

is

the

sum

of mighty

endowed with ego and

personality, in customary thought and expression, by predicating entities of a higher order a like "the Classical" or "the Chinese Culture," "Modern Civilization"

which must be traversed, and traversed moreover in an ordered and obligatory sequence? For everything organic the notions of birth, death, may not these notions, in this sphere youth, age, lifetime are fundamentals also, possess a rigorous meaning which no one has as yet extracted? In short, is all history founded upon general biographic archetypes?

series of stages

The decline of the West, which at first sight may appear, like the corresponding decline of the Classical Culture, a phenomenon limited in time and space, we now perceive to be a philosophical problem that, when comprehended in all its gravity, includes within itself every great question of Being. If therefore

we

are to discover in

Culture will be accomplished,

what form

the destiny of the Western as to what culture is, what

we must first be clear

relations are to visible history, to life, to soul, to nature, to intellect, what the forms of its manifestation are and how far these forms peoples, tongues

its

3

THE WEST

THE DECLINE

OF 4 and epochs, battles and ideas, states and gods, arts and craft-works, laws, economic types and world-ideas, great men and great events accepted and pointed to as symbols.

sciences,

may

be

ii

The means whereby to identify dead forms is Mathematical Law. The means whereby to understand living forms is Analogy By these means we are enabled to distinguish polarity and periodicity in the world. It is, and has always been, a matter of knowledge that the expression-forms

of world-history are limited in number, and that eras, epochs, situations, true to type. Napoleon has hardly ever persons are ever repeating themselves been discussed without a side-glance at Cassar and Alexander analogies of which, as we shall see, the first is morphologically quite macceptable and the while Napoleon himself conceived of his situation as akin second is correct

The French Revolutionary Convention spoke of Carthage meant England, and the Jacobins styled themselves Romans. Other such comparisons, of all degrees of soundness and unsoundness, are those of Florence with Athens, Buddha with Christ, primitive Christianity with modern Socialism, the Roman financial magnate of Cassar's time with the to Charlemagne's

when

it

Yankee. Petrarch, the first passionate archaeologist (and is not archaeology itan expression of the sense that history is repetition?) related himself men-

self

and but lately Cecil Rhodes, the organizer of British South

tally to Cicero,

Africa,

who had

in his library specially prepared translations of the classical himself akin to the Emperor Hadrian. The fated

lives of the Caesars, felt

Charles XII of Sweden used to carry Quintus Curtius's life of Alexander in his pocket, and to copy that conqueror was his deliberate purpose. Frederick the Great, in his political writings such as his Considerations,

moves among analogies with perfect assurance. Thus he compares 1738 the French to the Macedonians under Philip and the Germans to the Greeks.

"Even now," he

says, "the Thermopylae of Germany, Alsace and Lorraine, hands of Philip," therein exactly characterizing the policy of Cardinal Fleury. We find him drawing parallels also between the policies of the Houses of Habsburg and Bourbon and the proscriptions of Antony and of

are in the

Octavius. Still, all this

a

was only fragmentary and

momentary inclination

arbitrary, and usually implied rather to poetical or ingenious expressions than a really deep

sense of historical forms.

Thus in the case of Ranke, a master of artistic analogy, we find that his Cyaxares and Henry the Fowler, of the inroads of the Cimmerians and those of the Hungarians, possess morphologically no significance, and his

parallels of

oft-quoted

analogy between the Hellenic city-states and the Renaissance

republics very little, while the deeper truth in his comparison of Alcibiades

INTRODUCTION

5

and Napoleon is accidental. Unlike the strict mathematician, who finds inner relationships between two groups of differential equations where the layman sees nothing but dissimilarities of outward form, Ranke and others draw their historical analogies with a Plutarchian, popular-romantic, touch, and aim merely at presenting comparable scenes on the world-stage. It is easy to see that, at bottom, it is neither a principle nor a sense of historic necessity, but simple inclination, that governs the choice of the tableaux. of analogies we are far distant. They throng up (to-day more

From any technique

than ever) without scheme or unities, and if they do hit upon something which in the essential sense of the word that remains to be determined true it is thanks to luck, more rarely to instinct, never to a principle. In this re-

is

work out

gion no one hitherto has set himself to

a method, nor has

had the

here a root, in fact the only root, from which can come a broad solution of the problems of "History. Analogies, in so far as they laid bare the organic structure of history, might be a blessing to historical thought. Their technique, developing under the inslightest inkling that there

is

fluence of a comprehensive idea, would surely eventuate in inevitable conclusions and logical mastery. But as hitherto understood and practised they have

been a curse, for they have enabled the historians to follow their own tastes, instead of soberly realizing that their first and hardest task was concerned with the symbolism of history and its analogies, and, in consequence, the problem has till now not even been comprehended, let alone solved Superficial in many cases (as for instance in designating Cassar as the creator of the official newspaper), these analogies are worse than superficial in others (as when phenomena

Age that are not only extremely complex but utterly alien to us are labelled with modern catchwords like Socialism, Impressionism, Capitalism, Clericalism), while occasionally they are bizarre to the point of perverof the Classical

sity

witness the Jacobin clubs with their cult of Brutus, that millionairewho, in the name of oligarchical doctrine and with tile

extortioner Brutus

approval of the patrician senate, murdered the

Man

of the Democracy.

in

Thus our theme, which originally comprised only the limited problem of the philospresent-day civilization, broadens itself into a new philosophy ophy of the future, so far as the metaphysically-exhausted soil of the West can bear such, and in any case, the only philosophy which is within the possibilities

of the West-European

mind

in its next stages.

It

expands into the

conception of a morfhology of world history of the world-as-history in contrast to the morphology of the world-as-nature that hitherto has been almost the only ,

theme of philosophy. And it reviews once again the forms and movements of the world in their depths and final significance, but this time according to an entirely different ordering which groups them, not in an ensemble picture

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

6

inclusive of everything known, but in a picture of hfe, and presents as things-become, but as things-becoming.

The site

world-as-history, conceived,

the world-as-nature

here

is

a

them not

viewed and given form from out of its oppoon this earth. aspect of human existence

new

its immense significance, both practical and theoretical, this yet, in spite of Some obscure inkling of it still less presented aspect has not been realized, there may have been, a distant momentary glimpse there has often been, but

As

m

with all its implications. We no one has deliberately faced it and taken it have before us two possible ways in which man may inwardly possess and exhim. With all rigour I distinguish (as to form, not perience the world around substance) the organic from the mechanical world-impression, the content of the formula and the images from that of laws, the picture and symbol from the intents and pursystem, the instantly actual from the constantly possible, of imagination ordering according to plan from the intents and purposes poses to mention even thus early of experience dissecting according to scheme, and the an opposition that has never yet been noted, in spite of its significance domain of chronological from that of mathematical number. 1

Consequently, in a research such as that lying before us, there can be no question of taking spiritual-political events, as they become visible day by day " on the surface, at their face value, and arranging them on a scheme of "causes or "effects" and following them up in the obvious and intellectually easy directions. Such a "pragmatic" handling of history would be nothing but a piece of "natural science" in disguise, and for their part, the supporters of the it is their adversaries materialistic idea of history make no secret about it who largely fail to see the similarity of the two methods "What concerns us is

not what the historical facts which appear at this or that time are, per se, but what they signify, what they point to, by af-pearing. Present-day historians think they are doing a work of supererogation in bringing in religious and social, or still more art-history, details to "illustrate" the political sense of an decisive, that is, in so far as visible history epoch. But the decisive factor the expression, sign and embodiment of soul they forget I have not hitherto found one who has carefully considered the mor-phologtcal relationship

is

that inwardly binds together the expression-forms of all branches of a Culture, has gone beyond politics to grasp the ultimate and fundamental ideas of

who

Greeks, Arabians, Indians and Westerners in mathematics, the meaning of their 1

Kant's error, an error of very wide bearing which has not even yet been overcome, was first bringing the outer and inner Man into relation with the ideas of space and time by pure scheme, though the meanings of these are numerous and, above all, not unalterable, and secondly in allying arithmetic with the one and geometry with the other in an utterly mistaken way It is not between arithmetic and geometry we toust here anticipate a little but between chronological and mathematical number that there is fundamental opposition Arithmetic and geometry arc both spatial mathematics and in their higher regions they are no longer separable Ttme-reckontng, of which the plain man is capable of a perfectly clear understanding through his senses, answers the " question "When," not "What" or "How Many

of

all in

INTRODUCTION

7

early ornamentation, the basic forms of their architecture, philosophies, dramas and lyrics, their choice and development of great arts, the detail of their craftsmanship and choice of materials let alone appreciated the decisive importance

of these matters for the form-problems of history. Who amongst them realizes that between the Differential Calculus and the dynastic principle of politics in the age of Louis XIV, between the Classical city-state and the Euclidean

geometry, between the space-perspective of Western oil-painting and the conquest of space by railroad, telephone and long-range weapon, between contrapuntal music and credit economics, there are deep uniformities? Yet, viewed

morphological standpoint, even the humdrum facts of politics assume and even a metaphysical character, and what has perhaps been things such as the Egyptian administrative system, the impossible hitherto Classical coinage, analytical geometry, the cheque, the Suez Canal, the bookprinting of the Chinese, the Prussian Army, and the Roman road-engineering

from

this

a symbolic

can, as symbols, be made uniformly understandable and appreciable. But at once the fact presents itself that as yet there exists no theoryenlightened art of historical treatment. What passes as such draws its methods

almost exclusively from the domain of that science which alone has completely disciplined the methods of cognition, viz , physics, and thus we imagine ourselves to be carrying on historical research when we are really following out objective connexions of cause and effect

It is

a remarkable fact that the old-

fashioned philosophy never imagined even the possibility of there being any other relation than this between the conscious human understanding and the world outside. Kant, who in his main work established the formal rules of cognition, took nature only as the object of reason's activity, and neither he himself, nor anyone after him, noted the reservation Knowledge, for Kant, is

mathematical knowledge. He deals with innate intuition-forms and categories of the reason, but he never thinks of the wholly different mechanism by which historical impressions are apprehended. And Schopenhauer, who, significantly enough, retains but one of the Kantian categories, viz , causality, speaks con1 temptuously of history. That there is, besides a necessity of cause and effect

which life,

I

may

call

the

that of Destiny

logic of sface

the

another necessity, an organic necessity in is a fact of the deepest inward cer-

logic of time

tainty, a fact which suffuses the whoje of mythological religions and artistic thought and constitutes the essence and kernel of all history (in contradistinc-

tion to nature) but is unapproachable through the cognition-forms which the "Critique of Pure Reason" investigates. This fact still awaits its theoretical

formulation

As Galileo

says in a famous passage of his Saggtatore, philosophy,

1 One cannot but be sensible how little depth and power of abstraction has been associated with the treatment of, say, the Renaissance or the Great Migrations, as compared with what is obviously required for the theory of functions and theoretical optics Judged by the standards of the physicist and the mathematician, the historian becomes careless as soon as he has assembled and ordered his material and passes on to interpretation.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

8

as Nature's great

book,

is

We

written "in mathematical language."

to-day, the philosopher who will and how it is to be read.

tell

Mathematics and the principle

us in

what language

history

is

await, written

Chro-

of Causality lead to a naturalistic,

the

phenology and the idea of Destiny to a historical ordering of nomenal world Both ordenngs, each on its own account, cover the whole which this which and in the is The world difference through eyes by only world is realized. IV the shape in which the man of higher Cultures synthesizes and his senses History is that from interprets the immediate impressions of which his imagination seeks comprehension of the living existence of the

Nature

is

world in relation to his own life, which he thereby invests with a deeper them it is reality. Whether he is capable of creating these shapes, which of that dominates his

waking

consciousness,

is

a primordial problem of all

human

existence

Man,

thus, has before

him two

possibilities

of world-formation. But

it

must

be noted, at the very outset, that these possibilities are not necessarily actualities, and if we are to enquire into the sense of all history we must begin by solvput, viz for whom is there History? seemingly paradoxical, for history is obviously for everyone to this extent, that every man, with his whole existence and consciousness, is a part of history But it makes a great difference whether anyone lives under the constant impression that his life is an element in a- far wider life-course that

which has never yet been

ing a question

The question

,

is

goes on for hundreds and thousands of years, or conceives of himself as something rounded off and self-contained. For the latter type of consciousness there is

certaintly

no world-history, no

whole nation, how must actuality appear

consciousness of a spirit?

How

Classical Culture.

world-as-history if

.

But

how

a whole Culture rests

to

it?

The world?

on

if

the

self-

this ahistoric

Life? Consider the

In the world-consciousness of the Hellenes

all

experience,

not merely the personal but the common past, was immediately transmuted into a timeless, immobile, mythically-fashioned background for the particular momentary present, thus the history of Alexander the Great began even before his death to be merged by Classical sentiment in the Dionysus legend, and to Csesar there seemed at the least nothing preposterous in claiming descent

from

Venus.

Such a spiritual condition it is practically impossible for us men of the West, with a sense of time-distances so strong that we habitually and unquestiomngly speak of so many years before or after Christ, to reproduce in ourselves. But are not on that account entitled, in dealing with the problems of History, simply to ignore the fact.

we

INTRODUCTION What

9

and autobiographies yield in respect of an individual, that historical research in the widest and most inclusive sense that is, every kind of psychological comparison and analysis of alien peoples, times and customs yields as to the soul of a Culture as a whole. But the Classical culture possessed no memory, no organ of history in this special sense. The memory of the Classical

diaries

man

so to call

it,

though

a notion derived from our

it is

own

is

somewhat something

arbitrary to apply to alien souls different, since past and future,

as arraying perspectives in the

working consciousness, are absent and the "pure Present," which so often roused Goethe's admiration in every product of the Classical life and in sculpture particularly, fills that life with an intensity that to us

is

perfectly

unknown.

This pure Present, whose greatest symbol is the Doric column, in itself predicates the negation of time (of direction). For Herodotus and Sophocles, as for Themistocles or a Roman consul, the past is subtilized instantly into an imis timeless and changeless, polar and not -periodic in structure in whereas for our worldthe last analysis, of such stuff as myths are made of sense and our inner eye the past is a definitely periodic and purposeful organism of centuries or millennia.

pression that

background which gives the life, whether it be the ClasWestern Me, its special colouring. What the Greek called Kosmos was the image of a world that is not continuous but complete. Inevitably, then, the Greek man himself was not a series but a term. 1 For this reason, although Classical man was well acquainted with the strict chronology and almanac-reckoning of the Babylonians and especially the Egyptians, and therefore with that eternity-sense and disregard of the presentBut

it is ]ust this

sical or the

as-such which revealed itself in their broadly-conceived operations of astronomy and their exact measurements o big time-intervals, none of this ever became intimately a part of him. What his philosophers occasionally told him on the subject they had heard, not experienced, and what a few brilliant minds in the Asiatic-Greek cities (such as Hipparchus and Aristarchus) discovered was rejected alike by the Stoic and by the Aristotelian, and outside a small professional Neither Plato nor Aristotle had an observatory. circle not even noticed In the last years of Pericles, the Athenian people passed a decree by which all who propagated astronomical theories were made liable to impeachment (etcro/yyeAia). This last was an act of the deepest symbolic significance, ex-

in every pressive of the determination of the Classical soul to banish distance,

from its world-consciousness. As regards Classical history-writing, take Thucydides The mastery of this man lies in his truly Classical power of making alive and self-explanatory the aspect,

events of the present, and also in his possession of the magnificently practical 1 In the original, these fundamental antitheses are expressed simply by means of wtrden and Tr. Exact renderings are therefore impossible English

m

siin.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

io

who has himself been both general and adminisIn virtue of this quality of experience (which we unfortunately confuse with the historical sense proper), his work confronts the merely learned and outlook of the

born statesman

trator.

and quite rightly so. But what professional historian as an inimitable model, is absolutely hidden from Thucydides is perspective, the power of surveying the history of centuries, that which for us a historian.

The

is

implicit in the very conception of

fine pieces of Classical history-writing are invariably

those

within the political present of the writer, whereas for us it is the direct opposite, our historical masterpieces without exception being those which deal with a distant past. Thucydides would have broken down

which

set forth matters

in handling even the Persian Wars, let alone the general history of Greece, while that of Egypt would have been utterly out of his reach He, as well as Polybius and Tacitus (who like him were practical politicians), loses his sureness of eye from the moment when, in looking backwards, he encounters motive

m

any form that is unknown in his practical experience. For Polybius even the First Punic War, for Tacitus even the reign of Augustus, are inexin our sense of the his lack of historical feeling plicable. As for Thucydides,

forces

is conclusively demonstrated on the very first page of his book by phrase the astounding statement that before his time (about 400 B c.) no events of 1 (pi) /wyaAa yevkadai) in the world' Consequently, Classical history down to the Persian Wars and for that matter the structure built up on traditions at much later periods, are the prod-

importance had occurred

uct of an essentially mythological thinking.

The

constitutional history of

1

The attempts of the Greeks to frame something like a calendar or a chronology after the Egyptian fashion, besides being very belated indeed, were of extreme naivtt't The Olympiad reckoning is not an era in the sense of, say, the Christian chronology, and is, moreover, a late and purely literary expedient, without popular currency The people, in fact, had no general need of a numeration wherewith to date the experiences of their grandfathers and great-grandfathers, though a few learned persons might be interested in the calendar question We are not here concerned with the soundness or unsoundness of a calendar, but with its currency, with the question of whether men regulated their lives by it or not, but, incidentally, even the list of Olympian victors before 500 is quite as much of an invention as the lists of earlier Athenian archons or Roman consuls Of the colonizations, we possess not one single authentic date (E Meyer Gesch d Alt II, 441 Beloch. Gritck, Gisch I, ^, 2.19) "in Greece before the fifth century, no one ever thought of noting or We possess an inscription which sets forth a reporting historical events." (Beloch I, i, 12.5) " and Heraea between a hundred from

which "was to be valid for this year years is however not indicated After a few years no one would have known had still to run a this that no had taken was one into account treaty Evidently point at the time indeed, the very "men of the moment" who drew up the document, probably themselves soon forgot Such was the childlike, fairy-storv character of the Classical presentation of Ells

treaty

What

"this year" was,

how long the

history that any ordered dating of the events of, say, the Trojan War (which occupies in their series the same position as the Crusades in ours) would have been felt as a sheer solecism. Equally backward was the geographical science of the Classical world as compared with that of the Egyptians and the Babylonians E Meyer (Gtsch d Alt II, 101) shows how the Greeks' knowl-

edge of the form of Africa degenerated from Herodotus (who followed Persian authorities) to Aristotle The same is true of the Romans as the heirs of the Carthaginians, they first repeated the information of their alien forerunners and then slowly forgot it.

INTRODUCTION

n

on whom it centres and whose "biography" we are given in full detail, was probably in the beginning an unimportant local god of Mount Taygetus. The invention of pre-Hanmbalian Roman history was still going on even in Caesar's time. The story of the expulsion of the Tarquins by Brutus is built round some contemporary of the Censor Appius Claudius (310 B.C.). The names of the Roman kings were at that period made up from the names of certain plebeian families which had become wealthy (K J. Neumann) In the sphere of constitutional Sparta

a

is

poem

of the Hellenistic period, and Lycurgus,

history, setting aside altogether the "constitution" of Servius Tullms, we find that even the famous land law of Licmius (367 B.C ) was not existence

m

Second Punic War (B Niese) When Epaminondas gave freedom and statehood to the Messemans and the Arcadians, these peoples promptly provided themselves with an early history. But the astounding thing is not that history of this sort was produced, but that there was practically none of any other sort, and the opposition between the Classical and at the time of the

the modern outlook is sufficiently illustrated by saying that Roman history before 150 B c as known in Caesar's time, was substantially a forgery, and that the little that we know has been established by ourselves and was entirely unknown to the later Romans. In what sense the Classical world understood ,

the

word

' '

'

history

'

we

can see from the fact that the Alexandrine romance-

upon serious political and religious history, even as regards its matter. It never entered the Classical head to draw any distinction of principle between history as a story and history as documents When, towards the end of the Roman republic, Varro set out to stabiliterature exercised the strongest influence

lize the religion

that

was

vanishing from the people's consciousness, he was exactly and mmutely observed by the State, into

fast

classified the deities whose cult

"certain" and "uncertain" gods,

known and gods

i

had survived in name only

into gods of whom something was still unbroken continuity of official worship,

e.,

that, in spite of the

In actual fact, the religion of

Roman

society in

Varro 's time, the poet's religion which Goethe and even Nietzsche reproduced in all innocence, was mainly a product of Hellenistic literature and had almost no relation to the ancient practices, which no one any longer understood. Mommsen clearly defined the West-European attitude towards this history when he said that "the Roman historians," meaning especially Tacitus, "were men who said what it would have been meritorious to omit, and omitted what it

was

essential to say." In the Indian Culture

we

have the perfectly ahistonc

soul.

Its decisive ex-

no

pression is the Brahman Nirvana, There is no pure Indian astronomy, calendar, and therefore no history so far as history is the track of a conscious its spiritual evolution Of the visible course of their Culture, which as regards

organic phase came to an end with the rise of Buddhism, we know even less than we do of Classical history, rich though it must have been in great events

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

12.

between the ixth and 8th. centuries And this is not surprising, since it was in dream-shapes and mythological figures that both came to be fixed It is a full millennium after Buddha, about 500 A u when Ceylon first produces something " remotely resembling historical work, the "Mahavansa ,

The world-consciousness

man was

so ahistoncally built that it could not even treat the appearance of a book written by a single author as an event determinate in time. Instead of an organic series of writings by specific of Indian

a vague mass of texts into which persons, there came into being gradually everyone inserted what he pleased, and notions such as those of intellectual

individualism, intellectual evolution, intellectual epochs, played no part in the It is in this anonymous form that we possess the Indian philosophy and it is inwhich is at the same time all the Indian history that we have matter.

structive to

compare with

perfectly definite structure

it

the philosophy-history of the West, which is a of individual books and personalities.

made up

Indian man forgot everything, but Egyptian man forgot nothing. Hence, which is biography in the kernel was unwhile the art of portraiture known in India, in Egypt it was practically the artist's only theme.

The Egyptian soul, conspicuously historical in its texture and impelled with primitive passion towards the infinite, perceived past and future as its wlole world, and the present (which is identical with waking consciousness) appeared to him simply as the narrow common frontier of two immeasurable which is the stretches The Egyptian Culture is an embodiment of care care for the future expressed in the choice spiritual counterpoise of distance of granite or basalt as the craftsman's materials, 1 in the chiselled archives, in the elaborate administrative system, in the net of irrigation works, 2 and, .

The Egyptian mummy is a The body of the dead man was made everlasting "Ka," was immortalized through the portrait-

necessarily bound up therewith, care for the past.

symbol of the

first

importance.

just as his personality, his 1

Contrast with, tins the fact, symbolically of the highest importance and unparallelled in art-

history, that the Hellenes, though they had before their eyes the works of the Mycenaean Age and their land was only too rich stone, deliberately reverted to wood, hence the absence of architectmal

m

remains of the period 1100-600 The Egyptian plant-column was from the outset of stone, whereas the Done column was wooden, a clear indication of the intense antipathy of the Classical soul towards duration 2 Is there any Hellenic city that ever carried out one single comprehensive work that tells of care for future generations? The road and water systems which research has assigned to the My1 e , the cenaean age fell into disrepair and oblivion from the birth of the Classical pre-Classical that is, from the Homeric period It is a remarkably curious fact, proved beyond doubt peoples of the lack that the Classical alphabet did not come into use till after remains, by epigraphic 900, and even then only to a limited extent and for the most pressing economic needs Whereas in the Egyptian, the Babylonian, the Mexican and the Chinese Cultures the formation of a script begins in the very twilight of dawn, whereas the Germans made themselves a Runic alphabet and presently developed that respect for writing as such which led to the successive refinements of ornamental calligraphy, the Classical primitives were entirely ignorant of the numerous alphabets that were current in the South and the East possess numerous inscriptions of Hittite Asia Minor and of Crete, but not one of Homeric Greece (See Vol II, pp 180 et seq )

We

INTRODUCTION statuettes,

which were

often

made

in

many

copies and to

13

which

it

was con-

ceived to be attached

by a transcendental likeness. a deep relation between the attitude that is taken towards the historic past and the conception that is formed of death, and this relation is There

is

expressed in the disposal of the dead. The Egyptian denied mortality, the Classical man affirmed it in the whole symbolism of his Culture The Egyptians embalmed even their history in chronological dates and figures From

pre-Solonian Greece nothing has been handed down, not a year-date, not a true with the consequence that the later history, name, not a tangible event but for Egypt we possess, (which alone we know) assumes undue importance from the 3rd millennium and even earlier the names and even the exact reigndates of many of the kings, and the New Empire must have had a complete s

knowledge of them. To-day, pathetic symbols of the will to endure, the bodies of the great Pharaohs lie in our museums, their faces still recognizable. polished-granite peak of the pyramid of Amenemhet III we can Amenemhet looks upon the beauty of the Sun and, read to-day the words on the other side, Higher is the soul of Amenemhet than the height of Orion.,

On the shining,

' '

' '

' '

' '

it is united with the underworld Here indeed is victory over Mortality and the mere present, it is to the last degree un-Classical.

and

In opposition to this mighty group of Egyptian life-symbols, we meet at the threshold of the Classical Culture the custom, typifying the ease with which it could forget every piece of its inward and outward past, of burning the dead. To the Mycenasan age the elevation into a ritual of this particular funerary method amongst all those practised in turn by stone-age peoples, was essentially alien,

Royal tombs suggest that earth-burial was regarded as peculiarly But in Homeric Greece, as in Vedic India, we find a change, so sudden that its origins must necessarily be psychological, from burial to that

indeed

its

honourable

burning which (the Iliad gives us the full pathos of the symbolic act) was the ceremonial completion of death and the denial of all historical duration.

moment

the plasticity of the individual spiritual evolution was drama admitted truly historical motives just as little as it allowed themes of inward evolution, and it is well known how decisively the

From

this

at an end.

Classical

Hellenic instinct set itself against portraiture in the arts Right into the imhandled only the matter that was, so to say, natural

perial period Classical art

to

it, 1

the myth. 1

Even the "ideal"

portraits of Hellenistic sculpture are

From Homer to the tragedies

of Seneca, a full thousand years, the same handful of myth-figures (Thyestcs, Clytsemnestra, Heracles and the like) appear time after time without alteration, whereas in the poetry of the West, Faustian Man figures, first as Parzeval or Tnstan, then (modified always into harmony with the epoch) as Hamlet, Don Quixote, Don Juan, and eventually Faust or Werther,

and now as the hero of the modern world-city romance, but under the coddmons of a particular century.

is

always presented in the atmosphere and

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i4

mythical, of the same kind as the typical biographies of Plutarch's soft. No would serve to fix a great Greek ever wrote down any recollections that has told, regarding phase of experience for his inner eye. Not even Socrates his inward life, anything important in our sense of the word. It is questionable indeed whether for a Classical mind it was even possible to react to the motive forces that are presupposed in the production of a Parzeval, a Hamlet, or a Werther. In Plato we fail to observe any conscious evolution of doctrine; his separate works are merely treatises written from very standpoints which he took up from time to time, and it gave him no concern whether and how they hung together. On the contrary, a different

of deep self-examination, the Vtta Nuova of Dante, is found at the very outset of the spiritual history of the West. How little therefore of the Classical pure-present there really was in Goethe, the man who forgot nothing, the man whose works, as he avowed himself, are only fragments of a single

work

greaf confess^on^

After the destruction of Athens by the Persians, all the older art-works were thrown on the dustheap (whence we are now extracting them), and we do not hear that anyone in Hellas ever troubled himself about the ruins of Mycense or

Phaistos for the purpose of ascertaining historical facts Men read Homer but never thought of excavating the hill of Troy as Schliemann did; for what they

wanted was myth, not history. The works of ^schylus and those of the prewere already partially lost in the Hellenistic period. In the West, on the contrary, the piety inherent in and peculiar to the Culture

Socratic philosophers

manifested

itself,

five

centuries

before Schliemann, in Petrarch

the fine

collector of antiquities, coins and manuscripts, the very type of historicallysensitive man, viewing the distant past and scanning the distant prospect (was

he not the not of

it.

first

The

to attempt an Alpine peak?), living in his time, yet essentially is intelligible only by having regard to his

soul of the collector

conception of Time. Even more passionate perhaps, though of a different colouring, is the collecting-bent of the Chinese. In China, whoever travels assiduously pursues "old traces" (Ku-tsi) and the untranslatable "Tao," the basic principle of Chinese existence, derives all its meaning from a deep historical feeling. In the Hellenistic period, objects were indeed collected and

displayed everywhere, but they were curiosities of mythological appeal (as described by Pausanias) as to which questions of date or purpose simply did

not arise and this too in the very presence of Egypt, which even by the time of the great Thuthmosis had been transformed into one vast museum of strict tradition.

Amongst the Western

peoples,

it

was the Germans who discovered the

clock, the dread symbol of the flow of time, and the chimes of clock towers that echo day and night over West Europe are perhaps the most wonderful expression of which a historical world-feeling is

mechanical

countless

INTRODUCTION

15

In the timeless countrysides and cities of the Classical world, we find nothing of the sort. Till the epoch of Pericles, the time of day was estimated merely by the length of shadow, and it was only from that of Aristotle that 1

capable

word wpa received the (Babylonian) significance of "hour", prior to that was no exact subdivision of the day. In Babylon and Egypt water-clocks and sun-dials were discovered in the very early stages, yet in Athens it was left to Plato to introduce a practically useful form of clepsydra, and this was merely a minor adjunct of everyday utility which could not have influenced the

there

the Classical life-feeling in the smallest degree. It remains still to mention the corresponding difference, which is very deep and has never yet been properly appreciated, between Classical and modern

mathematics. The former conceived of things as they are, as magnitudes, timeless and purely present, and so it proceeded to Euclidean geometry and mathematical

system with the theory of conic sections. they become and behave, as function, and this brought us to 2 dynamics, analytical geometry and thence to the Differential Calculus. The statics,

rounding

off its intellectual

We conceive things

as

is the imposing marshalling of this whole mass of thought. It is a bizarre, but nevertheless psychologically exact, fact that the neither knew the being statics and not dynamics physics of the Greeks use nor felt the absence of the time-element, whereas we on the other hand work in thousandths of a second. The one and only evolution-idea that is timeless,

modern theory of functions

ahistoric, is Aristotle's entelechy. men of the This, then, is our task.

Western Culture are, with our hisWe an exception and not a rule. World-history is our world picture and not all mankind's. Indian and Classical man formed no image of a world in progress, and perhaps when in due course the civilization of the West is extinguished, there will never again be a Culture and a human type in which

torical sense,

"world-history"

is

so potent a

form of the waking consciousness. VI

world-history? Certainly, an ordered presentation of the past, an inner postulate, the expression of a capacity for feeling form. But a feeling

What, then,

for form,

is

however

definite, is

world-history, experience

it,

No doubt we feel not the same as form itself and believe that it is to be read just as a map is

1 It was about 1000 A D and therefore contemporaneously with the beginning of the Romany that Abbot Gcrbert (Pop$ the first symptoms of a new Soul esque style and the Crusades Sylvester II), the friend of the Emperor Otto HI, invented the mechanism of the chiming wheel-clods In Germany too, the first tower-clocks made their appearance, about ixoo, and the pocket

somewhat

later.

Observe the significant association of tune measurement with the

edifices

gion

Newton's choice of the name "fluxions" for his calculus was meant to imply a stan towards certain metaphysical notions as to the nature of time. La Greek mathematics time *

not at

all.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

16

But, even to-day, it is only forms of it that we which is the mirror-image of our own inner life.

read. it,

know and not the form

of

Everyone of course, if asked, would say that he saw the inward form of no one has History quite clearly and definitely. The illusion subsists because his own knowledge, seriously reflected on it, still less conceived doubts as to for no one has the slightest notion how wide a field for doubt there is. In fact, the lay-out of world-history is an unproved and subjective notion that has been handed down from generation to generation (not only of laymen but of professional historians) and stands badly m need of a little of that scepticism which from Galileo onward has regulated and deepened our inborn ideas of nature. Thanks to the subdivision of history into "Ancient," "Mediaeval" and " an incredibly jejune and meaningless scheme, which has, however, Modern" we have failed to perceive the entirely dominated our historical thinking true position in the general history of higher mankind, of the little part-world soil from the time of the German-

which has developed on West-European x

Roman Empire, direction

to judge of its relative importance and above all to estimate its are to come will find it difficult to believe that the

The Cultures that

with its simple rectilinear progression and its meanbecoming more and more preposterous with each century,

validity of such a scheme ingless proportions,

incapable of bringing into itself the

new

fields

of history as they successively

come into the light of our knowledge, was, in spite of all, never whole-heartedly attacked. The criticisms that it has long been the fashion of historical researchers to level at the scheme mean nothing; they have only obliterated the one existing plan without substituting for it any other. To toy with phrases such as "the Greek Middle Ages" or "Germanic antiquity" does not in the

form a clear and inwardly-convincing picture in which China and Mexico, the empire of Axum and that of the Sassamds have their proper places. And the expedient of shifting the initial point of "modern history" least help us to

1 Here the historian is gravely influenced by preconceptions derived from geography, which assumes a Continent of Europe, and feels himself compelled to draw an ideal frontier corresponding to " the physical frontier between "Europe" and "Asia The word "Europe" ought to be struck out ' '

' '

is historically no European type, and it is sheer delusion to speak of the Hellenes European Antiquity (were Homer and Heraclitus and Pythagoras, then, Asiatics?) and to enlarge upon their "mission" as such. These phrases express no realities but merely a sketchy interpretation of the map It is thanks to this word "Europe" alone, and the complex of ideas resulting from it, that our historical consciousness has come to link Russia with the West in an utterly baseless unity a mere abstraction derived from the reading of books that has led to immense real consequences.

of history. There ' '

' '

as

In the shape of Peter the Great, this word has falsified the historical tendencies of a primitive human mass for two centuries, whereas the Russian instinct has very truly and fundamentally divided "Eu-

m

rope" from "Mother Russia" with the hostility that we can see embodied Tolstoi, Aksakov or Dostoyevsfci. "East" and "West" arc notions that contain real history, whereas "Europe" is an empty sound Everything great that the Classical world created, it created in pure denial of the existence of any continental barrier between Rome and Cyprus, Byzantium and Alexandria. Everything that we imply by the term European Culture came into existence between the Vistula and the Adriatic and the Guadalquivir and, even if we were to agree that Greece, the Greece of Pericles, lay in Europe, the Greece of to-day certainly does not

INTRODUCTION

17

from the Crusades to the Renaissance, or from the Renaissance to the beginning of the icjth Century, only goes to show that the scheme per se is regarded as unshakably sound. It is not- only that the scheme circumscribes the area of history. What is worse, it rigs the stage. The ground of West Europe is treated as a steady pole, a unique patch chosen on the surface of the sphere for no better reason, it and great histories of millennial duration seems, than because we live on it and mighty far-away Cultures are made to revolve around this pole in all

We

is a select a quaintly conceived system of sun and planets' single bit of ground as the natural centre of the historical system, and make it the central sun. From it all the events of history receive their real light, from

modesty. It

it

their importance

is

judged in perspective. But

conceit alone that this

would

dissipate,

is

it is

in our

own West-European

phantom "world-history," which a breath

of scepticism

acted out.

We have to thank that conceit for the immense optical illusion (become natural from long habit) whereby distant histories of thousands of years, such as those of China and Egypt, are made to shrink to the dimensions of mere episodes while in the neighbourhood of our own position the decades since Luther, and particularly since Napoleon, loom large as Brocken-spectres. We know quite well that the slowness with which a high cloud or a. railway train

move is only apparent, yet we believe that the tempo of Indian, Babylonian or Egyptian history was really slower than that of our own recent past And we think of them as less substantial, more dampedin the distance seems to all early

down, more diluted, because we have not learned to make the allowance for (inward and outward) distances. It is self-evident that for the Cultures of the West the existence of Athens, Florence or Pans is more important than that of Lo-Yang or Patahputra. But is it permissible to found a scheme of world-history on estimates of such a sort? If so, then the Chinese historian is quite entitled to

which the Crusades, the Renaissance,

frame a world-history in

Cassar and Frederick the Great are passed

over in silence as insignificant. How, from the morphological point of mew, should our 1 8th Century be more important than any other of the sixty centuries that preceded it? Is it not ridiculous to oppose a "modern" history of "a few cenancient" turies, and that history to all intents localized in West Europe, to an

which covers as many millennia incidentally dumping into that "ancient history" the whole mass of the pre-Hellenic cultures, unprobed and unordered, as mere appendix-matter? This is no exaggeration. Do we not, for each as the sake of keeping the hoary scheme, dispose of Egypt and Babylon an individual and self-contained history quite equal in the balance to our sohistory

called "world-history" from Charlemagne to the World-War and well beyond it as a prelude to classical history? Do we not relegate the vast complexes of Indian and Chinese culture to foot-notes, with a gesture of embairassment?

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i8

cultures, do we not, on the ground that they do not in" (with, what?), entirely ignore them? The most appropriate designation for this current West-European scheme of us as the history, in which the great Cultures are made to follow orbits round

As for the great American "fit

presumed centre of all world-happenings, is the Ptolemaic system of history. is put forward in this work in place of it I regard as the Copermean dtscovery in the historical sphere, in that it admits no sort of privileged Western Culture as against the Cultures of India, position to the Classical or the

The system that

Babylon, China, Egypt, the Arabs, Mexico being which in point of mass count for just as

separate worlds of dynamic in the general picture of

much

history as the Classical, while frequently surpassing it in point of spiritual greatness and soaring power.

vn The scheme

"

ancient-mediseval-modern

"

in

its first

form was a creation of

appeared in the Persian and Jewish religions 1 after Cyrus, received an apocalyptic sense in the teaching of the Book of Daniel on the four world-eras, and was developed into a world-history in the post-

Magian world-sense.

the

It first

2 Christian religions of the East, notably the Gnostic systems. This important conception, within the very narrow limits

intellectual basis,

tory was included

which fixed its was unimpeachable. Neither Indian nor even Egyptian hisin the scope of the proposition For the Magian thinker the

expression "world-history" meant a unique and supremely dramatic act, having as its theatre the lands between Hellas and Persia, in which the strictly dualistic world-sense of the East expressed itself not by means of polar concep-

and spirit," "good and evil" of contemporary metaby the figure of a catastrophe, an epochal change of phase between

tions like the "soul

physics, but

world-creation and world-decay. 3 No elements beyond those which

we

find stabilized in the Classical litera-

on the one hand, and the Bible (or other sacred book of the particular sysand tem), on the other, came into the picture, which presents (as The Old "The New," respectively) the easily-grasped contrasts of Gentile and Jewish, Christian and Heathen, Classical and Oriental, idol and dogma, nature and spirit that is, as a drama in which the one prevails over the with a time connotation other. The historical change of period wears the characteristic dress of the ture,

'

'

' '

"Redemption." This "world-history" in short was a conception narrow and provincial, but within its limits logical and complete Necessarily, therefore, it was specific to this region and this humanity, and incapable of any

religious

natural extension. 1

See Vol. H, pp 31, 2.75 Windelband, Gtscb d. Phil (1903), pp 175 ff New Testament the polar idea tends to appear in the dialectics of the Apostle Paul, while the periodic is represented by the Apocalypse. *

8

In the

INTRODUCTION But

19

there has been added a third epoch, the epoch that we call on Western soil, and it is this that for the first time gives the pic-

two

to these

"modern,"

ture of history the look of a progression. The oriental picture was at rest. It a self-contained antithesis, with equilibrium as its outcome and a presented unique divine act as its turning-point But, adopted and assumed by a wholly

type of mankind, it was quickly transformed (without anyone's noticing the oddity of the change) into a conception of a linear progress from Homer or the modern can substitute for these names the Indo-German, Old Adam

new

Stone Man, or the Pithecanthropus through Jerusalem, Rome, Florence and Paris according to the taste of the individual historian, thinker or artist, who has unlimited freedom in the interpretation of the three-part scheme. This third term, "modern times," which in form asserts that it is the last and conclusive term of the series, has in fact, ever since the Crusades, been 1 stretched and stretched again to the elastic limit at which it will bear no more. was at least implied if not stated in so many words, that here, beyond the an-

It

cient and the mediaeval,

something definitive was beginning, a Third Kingdom was to be fulfilment and culmination, and which

in which, somewhere, there

had an objective point. As to what this objective point is, each thinker, from Schoolman to presentday Socialist, backs his own peculiar discovery. Such a view into the course of

may be both easy and flattering to the patentee, but in fact he has simply taken the spirit of the West, as reflected in his own brain, for the meaning of the world. So it is that great thinkers, making a metaphysical virtue of intellectual things

have not only accepted without serious investigation the scheme of "by common consent" but have made of it the basis of their " in God as author of this or that "world-plan philosophies and dragged

necessity,

history agreed

-Evidently the mystic number three applied to the world-ages has something highly seductive for the metaphysician's taste History was described by

Herder

as the

of freedom,

education of the

by Hegel

human

race,

as a self-expansion

by Kant

as

an evolution of the idea

of the world-spirit, by others in other

terms, but as regards its ground-plan everyone was quite satisfied when he thought out some abstract meaning for the conventional threefold order.

had

'

On the very threshold of the Western Culture we meet the great Joachim of 2 Floris (c. H45-IZ02.), the first thinker of the Hegelian stamp who shattered the dualistic world-form of Augustine, and with his essentially Gothic intellect stated the new Christianity of his time in the form of a third term to the religions of the

the

Age of the 1

As

we

Old and the

Father, the

New Testaments,

Age

of the

expressing them respectively as Son and the Age of the Holy Ghost. His

can see from the expression, at once desperate and ridiculous, "newest time"

(jteutstt

-

K, Burdach, Reformation, Renaissance, Humanismus, 1918, pp 48 et seq (English readers may be referred to the article Joacbtm of Florts by Professor Alphandery in the Encyclopedia Bntannica,

XIcd.Tr)

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

10

moved the

best of the Franciscans and the Dominicans, Dante, Thomas Aquinas, in their inmost souls and awakened a world-outlook which slowly but surely took entire possession of the historical sense of our Culture. Lessing

teaching

"

who often designated his after-world" 1 (Nachwelt) ' '

race

with

its

own

period, with reference to the Classical as the took his idea of the "education of the human three stages of child, youth and man, from the teaching of the

Fourteenth Century mystics. Ibsen treats it with thoroughness in his Emperor and Galilean (1873), ln which he directly presents the Gnostic world-conception through the figure of the wizard Maximus, and advances not a step beyond it in his famous Stockholm address of 1887. ^ would appear, then, that the Western consciousness feels itself urged to predicate a sort of finality inherent

in its

own

appearance.

But the creation of the Abbot of Flons was a mystical glance into the of the divine world-order. It was bound to lose all meaning as soon as used in the

way of reasoning

and made a hypothesis of

scientific

secrets it

was

thinking, as

it

more and more frequently since the i7th Century. It is a quite indefensible method of presenting world-history to begin by giving rein to one's own religious, political or social convictions and endowing the sacrosanct three-phase system with tendencies that will bring it exactly to one's own standpoint This is, in effect, making of some formula say, the has been

ever

"Age of Reason," Humanity, the greatest happiness of the greatest number, enlightenment, economic progress, national freedom, the conquest of nature, or world-peace a criterion whereby to judge whole millennia of history.

And so we

'

'

' '

judge that they were ignorant of the true path, or that they failed when the fact is simply that their will and purposes were not the same as ours Goethe's saying, "What is important life is life and not a to follow

it,

m

answer to any and every senseless attempt to solve the riddle of historical form by means of a programme It is the same picture that we find when we turn to the historians of each result of life," is the

special art or science

We find

(and those of national economics and philosophy

as

well)

"Painting" from the Egyptians (or the cave-men) to the Impressionists, or to Bayreuth and beyond, or "Social Organization" from Lake Dwellings to Socialism, as the case may

"Music" from Homer be,

presented as a linear graph which steadily rises in conformity with the values of the (selected) arguments. No one has seriously considered the possibility that arts may have an allotted span of life and may be attached as forms of self-expression to particular regions and particular types of mankind, and that therefore the total history of an art may be merely an additive compilation i

The expression

Isagoge of

Porphyry

"

(c.

antique"

300

AD).

meant of course

in the duahstic sense

is

found as early as the

INTRODUCTION of separate developments, of special

and some

arts,

2.1

with no bond of union save the name

details of craft-technique.

We know it to be true of every organism that the rhythm, form and duration of

its life,

and

all

the expression-details of that

life as

well, are determined

by

the properties of its specus. No one, looking at the oak, with its millennial life, dare say that it is at this moment, now, about to start on its true and proper course. No one as he sees a caterpillar grow day by day expects that it will

go on doing so for two or three years. In these cases we feel, with an unqualified and this sense of the limit is identical with our sense of the inward form. In the case of higher human history, on the contrary, we take our ideas as to the course of the future from an unbridled optimism that sets at naught all historical, i.e., organic, experience, and everyone therefore sets himself to discover in the accidental present terms that he can expand into some striking progression-series, the existence of which rests not on scientific proof never a natural but on predilection. He works upon unlimited possibilities and from the momentary top-course of his bricks plans artlessly the end certainty, a limit,

continuation of his structure. "Mankind," however, has no aim, no idea, no plan, any more than the family of butterflies or orchids. "Mankind" is a zoological expression, or an 1 empty word. But conjure away the phantom, break the magic

once there emerges an astonishing wealth of actual forms its

immense

fullness,

depth and movement ' '

and

at

the Living with

all

circle,

hitherto veiled by a catchword, ' '

I see, in place of that a dryasdust scheme, and a set of personal ideals. empty figment of one linear history which can only be kept up by shutting one's eyes to the overwhelming multitude of the facts, the drama of a number of mighty

Cultures, each springing with primitive strength from the soil of a motherregion to which it remains firmly bound throughout its whole life-cycle, each

stamping its material, its mankind, in its own image; each having its own idea, its own passions, its own life, will.and feeling, its own death Here indeed are colours, lights, movements, that no intellectual eye has yet discovered. Here the Cultures, peoples, languages, truths, gods, landscapes bloom and age as the oaks but there is no ageing and the stone-pines, the blossoms, twigs and leaves "Mankind." Each Culture has its own new possibilities of self-expression which arise, ripen, decay, and never return There is not one sculpture, one paintits deepest essence different ing, one mathematics, one physics, but many, each from the others, each limited in duration and self-contained, just as each species of plant has its peculiar blossom or fruit, its special type of growth and decline.

m

These cultures, sublimated

life-essences,

grow with the same superb

aimlessness

and the animals, to the living Nature of Goethe, and not to the dead Nature of Newton. I see worldas the flowers of the field.

They belong,

like the plants

1 "Mankind? It is an abstraction. There are, always have been, and always will be, only men." (Goethe to Ludeo.}

men and

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

is.

history as a picture of endless formations and transformations, of the marvellous waxing and waning of organic forms. The professional historian, on the contrary, sees it as a sort of

tapeworm industriously adding on to

itself

one epoch

after another.

But the

"

ancient-mediasval-modern history" has at last exhausted its usefulness. Angular, narrow, shallow though it was as a scientific foundation, still we possessed no other form that was not wholly which unphilosophical series

m

our data could be arranged, and world-history (as hitherto understood) has to thank it for filtering our classifiable solid residues. But the number of centuries that the scheme can by any stretch be made to cover has long since been exceeded, and with the rapid increase in the volume of our historical material

the especially of material that cannot possibly be brought under the scheme is beginning to dissolve into a chaotic blur Every historical student

picture

who is

not quite blind knows and feels this, and it is as a drowning man that he clutches at the only scheme which he knows of. The word "Middle Age," * invented in 1667 by Professor Horn of Leyden, has to-day to cover a formless

and constantly extending mass which can only be defined, negatively, as every thing not classifiable under any pretext in one of the other two (tolerably wellordered) groups. We have an excellent example of this in our feeble treatment and hesitant judgment of modern Persian, Arabian and Russian history. But, above

has become impossible to conceal the fact that this so-called history is a limited history, first of the Eastern Mediterranean region and with an abrupt change of scene at the Migrations (an event important

all, it

of the world then,

only to us and therefore greatly exaggerated by us, an event of purely Western and not even Arabian significance), of West-Central Europe. When Hegel declared so naively that he meant to ignore those peoples which did not fit into his scheme of history, he was only making an honest avowal of methodic premisses that every historian finds necessary for his purpose and every historical work shows in its lay-out. In fact it has now become an affair of

determine which of the historical developments shall be taken into account and which not. Ranke is a good example.

scientific tact to seriously

VIII

To-day we think in continents, and it is only our philosophers and historians who have not realized that we do so. Of what significance to us, then, are conceptions and purviews that they put before us as valid, when in universally truth their furthest horizon does not extend beyond the intellectual atmosphere of Western Man?

Examine, from this point of view, our best books. 1

"Middle Ages

When

Plato speaks of

' '

connotes the history of the space-time region in which Lattn was tit language and the learned The mighty course of Eastern Christianity, which, long before Boniface, over Turkestan into China and through Sabxa into spread Abyssinia, was entirely excluded from this "world-history." of the Church

INTRODUCTION

2.3

humanity, he means the Hellenes in contrast to the barbarians, which is entirely consonant with the ahistonc mode of the Classical life and thought, and his premisses take him to conclusions that for Greeks were complete and significant. When, however, Kant philosophizes, say on ethical ideas, he maintains the validity of his theses for men of all times and places He does not say this in so many words, for, for himself and his readers, it is something that goes with-

In his aesthetics he formulates the principles, not of Phidias' s art,

out saying

or Rembrandt's art, but of Art generally. But what he poses as necessary forms of thought are in reality only necessary forms of Western thought, though a

glance at Aristotle and his essentially different conclusions should have sufficed to show that Aristotle's intellect, not less penetrating than his own, was of different structure

from

it.

The

categories of the Westerner are just as alien to

Russian thought as those of the Chinaman or the ancient Greek are to him. For us, the effective and complete comprehension of Classical root-words is just as impossible as that of Russian

with to

l

and Indian, and for the modern Chinese or Arab, "philosophy from Bacon

their utterly different intellectual constitutions,

Kant" has only It is

a curiosity-value. lacking to the Western thinker, the very thinker in have expected to find it insight into the historically relative char-

^s that is

we might

acter of his data,

whom

which

are expressions of

one

sfectfic

existence

and

one only;

knowledge of the necessary limits of their validity, the conviction that his "unshakable" truths and "eternal" views are simply true for him and eternal for his world-view; the duty of looking beyond them to find out what the men of other Cultures have with equal certainty evolved out of themselves That and nothing else will impart completeness to the philosophy of the future, and only through an understanding of the living world shall we understand the symbolism of history. Here there is nothing constant, nothing universal. We must cease to speak of the forms of "Thought," the principles of "Tragedy," the mission of

"The

State."

Universal validity involves always the fallacy of

arguing from particular to particular.

But something much more disquieting than a logical fallacy begins to appear the centre of gravity of philosophy shifts from the abstract-systematic to the practical-ethical and our Western thinkers from Schopenhauer onward turn from the problem of cognition to the problem of life (the will to life, to power, to action). Here it is not the ideal abstract "man" of Kant that is subjected to examination, but actual man as he has inhabited the earth during historical time, grouped, whether primitive or advanced, by peoples; and it is more than ever futile to define the structure of his highest ideas in terms of the " ancient-mediasval-modern" scheme with its local limitations. But it is done,

when

nevertheless. 1

See

Vol

II,

p 361, foot-note

To

devoid of meaning as that of Copernicus

the true Russian the basic proposition of Darwinism to a true Arab.

is

is

as

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

Z4

Consider the historical horizon of Nietzsche. His conceptions of decadence, the militarism, the transvaluation of all values, the will to power, lie deep

m

essence of Western civilization and are for the analysis of that civilization of decisive importance. But what, do we find, was the foundation on which he

Romans and Greeks, Renaissance and European present, in and uncomprehending side-glance at Indian philosophy short "ancient, mediaeval and modern" history. Strictly speaking, he never once moved outside the scheme, not did any other thinker of his time. What correlation, then, is there or can there be of his idea of the "Dionysian" with the inner life of a highly-civil ized Chinese or an up-to-date Amerifor the world can? What is the significance of his type of the "Superman" of Islam? Can image-forming antitheses of Nature and Intellect, Heathen and Christian, Classical and Modern, have any meaning for the soul of the Indian who from the depths of his humanity or the Russian? What can Tolstoi do rejected the whole Western world-idea as something alien and distant with the "Middle Ages," with Dante, with Luther? What can a Japanese do with Parzeval and "Zarathustra," or an Indian with Sophocles? And is the thought-range of Schopenhauer, Comte, Feuerbach, Hebbel or Strindberg any wider? Is not their whole psychology, for all its intention of world-wide built

up

with a

his creation?

fleeting

one of purely West-European significance? which also challenge the comic seem Ibsen's woman-problems attention of all "humanity" when, for his famous Nora, the lady of the North-west European city with the horizon that is implied by a house-rent of 100 to 300 a year and a Protestant upbringing, we substitute Caesar's wife, validity,

How

Madame de S6vigne, a Japanese or a Turkish peasant woman But, for that matter, Ibsen's own circle of vision is that of the middle class in a great city of yesterday and to-day. His conflicts, which start from spiritual premisses that '

till about 1850 and can scarcely last beyond 1950, are neither those of the great world nor those of the lower masses, still less those of the cities inhabited by non-European populations.

did not exist

All these are local and temporary values most of them indeed limited momentary "intelligentsia" of cities of West-European type. World-

to the

historical or "eternal" values

they emphatically are not Whatever the subimportance of Ibsen's and Nietzsche's generation may be, it infringes the very meaning of the word "world-history" which denotes the totality and not a selected part to subordinate, to undervalue, or to ignore the factors stantial

' '

' '

which lie outside modern interests Yet in fact they are so undervalued or ignored to an amazing extent What the West has said and thought, hitherto, on the problems of space, time, motion, number, will, marriage, property, tragedy, science, has remained narrow and dubious, because men were always looking for implies

the solution

many

of the question. It was never seen that many questioners is really a veiled desire

answers, that any philosophical question

INTRODUCTION to get an explicit affirmation of what great questions of any period are fluid it is

z5

implicit in the question itself, that the beyond all conception, and that therefore

is

only by obtaining a grouf of historically limited solutions and measuring it by that the final secrets can be reached. The real student

utterly impersonal criteria

mankind treats no standpoint as absolutely right or absolutely wrong. In the face of such grave problems as that of Time or that of Marriage, it is insufficient to appeal to personal experience, or an inner voice, or reason, or the opinion of ancestors or contemporaries. These may say what is true for the of

questioner himself and for his time, but that

is

not

all.

In other Cultures the

phenomenon talks a different language, for other men there The thinker must admit the validity of all, or of none.

are different truths.

How greatly, then, Western world-criticism can be widened and deepened! How immensely far beyond the innocent relativism of Nietzsche and his generahow fine one's sense for form and one's psychological how completely one must free oneself from limitations

must look must become

tion one insight

before one dare assert the pretension of self, of practical interests, of horizon to understand world-history, the world-as-history. IX

In opposition to all these arbitary and narrow schemes, derived from tradition or personal choice, into which history is forced, I put forward*the natural, " " the Copernican, form of the historical process which lies deep in the essence of that process and reveals itself only to an eye perfectly free from prepossessions. Such an eye was Goethe's. That which Goethe called Living Nature is exactly that

which we

are calling here world-history, tuorld-as-history.

Goethe, and development, always the life and development, of his figures, the thing-becoming and not the thing-become ("Wilhelm Meister" and "Wahrheit und Dichtung") hated Mathematics. For him, the world-as-mechanism stood opposed to the world-as-organism, dead nature to living nature, law to form. As naturalist, every line he wrote was meant to and dedisplay the image of a thing-becoming, the "impressed form" living veloping Sympathy, observation, comparison, immediate and inward certhese were the means whereby he was enabled to tainty, intellectual flair

who

as artist portrayed the life

phenomenal world in motion Now these are the means no others. It was this godlike insight that prompted him to say at the bivouac fire on the evening of the Battle of Valmy: "Here and now begins a new epoch of world history, and you, gentleNo general, no diplomat, let alone the men, can say that you were there approach the

secrets of the

of historical research

precisely these and

'

'

' '

is the deepest judgphilosophers, ever so directly felt history "becoming." It ment that any man ever uttered about a great historical act in the moment of

its

accomplishment. And just as he followed out the development of the plant-form from the leaf,

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

x

the the birth of the vertebrate type, the process of the geological strata so here we shall develop the formDestiny in nature and, not the Causality

human history, its periodic structure, its 01-game logic out of the profusion of all the challenging details. In other aspects, mankind is habitually, and rightly, reckoned as one of the organisms of the earth's surface. Its physical structure, its natural functions, language of

the whole phenomenal conception of

it,

all

belong to a more comprehensive

in this aspect is it treated otherwise, despite that deeply-felt is an eternal theme of relationship of plant destiny and human destiny which all lyrical poetry, and despite that similarity of human history to that of any other of the higher life-groups which is the refrain of endless beast-legends,

Only

unity.

sagas and fables.

But only bring analogy to bear on this aspect as on the rest, letting the world of human Cultures intimately and unreservedly work upon the imagination instead of forcing it into a ready-made scheme. Let the words youth, hitherto, and to-day more than ever, used to exgrowth, maturity, decay in sociology, ethics press subjective valuations and entirely personal preferences and aesthetics be taken at last as objective descriptions of organic states. Set forth the Classical Culture as a self-contained phenomenon embodying and

expressing the Classical soul, put it beside the Egyptian, the Indian, the Babyand the Western, and determine for each of these higher

lonian, the Chinese

individuals

what

of incident.

And

that

is

is

typical in their surgings

then at last will unfold

natural to us,

Our narrower

men

is necessary in the n ot the picture of world-history

and what

itself

of the West, and to us alone.

task, then,

is

primarily to determine, from such a world-

survey, the state of West Europe and America as at the epoch of 1800-1000 to establish the chronological position of this period in the ensemble of Western culture-history, its significance as a chapter that is in one or other guise neces-

m

the biography of every Culture, and the organic and symbolic sarily found meaning of its political, artistic, intellectual and social expression-forms.

Considered in the spirit of analogy, this period appears as chronologically with the phase of Hel"contemporary" in our special sense

parallel

lenism, and its present culmination, marked by the World-War, corresponds with the transition from the Hellenistic to the Roman age. Rome, with its

rigorous realism uninspired, barbaric, disciplined, practical, Protestant, Prussian will always give us, working as we must by analogies, the key to

understanding our "

the

words

own

future

Greeks =R.omans"

is

The

break of destiny that we express by hyphening

occurring for us also, separating that

which

is

already fulfilled from that which is to come Long ago we might and should have seen in the "Classical" world a development which is the complete counter-

INTRODUCTION

z7

own Western development, differing indeed from it in every detail part of our of the surface but entirely similar as regards the inward power driving the might have found the constant alter ego great organism towards its end.

We

own

actuality in establishing the correspondence, item by item, from the "Trojan War" and the Crusades, Homer and the Nibelungenlied, through

of our

Doric and Gothic, Dionysian movement and Renaissance, Polycletus and John Sebastian Bach, Athens and Paris, Aristotle and Kant, Alexander and Napoleon, to the world-city and the imperialism

common

to both Cultures

Unfortunately, this requires an interpretation of the picture of Classical history very different from the incredibly one-sided, superficial, prejudiced, limited

We

have, in truth been only too conpicture that we have in fact given to it. scious of our near relation to the Classical Age, and only too prone in consequence to unconsidered assertion of it. Superficial similarity is a great snare, and our entire Classical study fell a victim to it as soon as it passed from the

(admittedly masterly) ordering and critique of the discoveries to the interpretation of their spiritual meaning. That close inward relation in which we conceive ourselves to stand towards the Classical, and which leads us to think that

we

are its pupils

adorers),

is

and successors (whereas in

a venerable prejudice

which ought

reality

at last to

we

are simply its

be put

aside.

The

religious-philosophical, art-historical and social-critical work of the icjth Century has been necessary to enable us, not to understand JEschylus, Plato, Apollo and Dionysus, the Athenian state and Cassarism (which we are far indeed

whole

from doing), but to begin to realize, once and for all, how immeasurably alien more alien, maybe, than and distant these things are from our inner selves Mexican gods and Indian architecture. Our views of the Grasco-Roman Culture have always swung between two extremes, and our standpoints have invariably been defined for us by the "ancient-mediseval-modern" scheme. One group, public men before all else opine that "present-day mankind" is its performances at the very highest value and measure everything earlier by its standards. There is no modern party that has not weighed up Cleon, Marius, Themistocles, Catiline, the Gracchi, according to its own principles. On the other hand we have the group of artists, poets, philologists and philosophers. These feel themselves economists, politicians, jurists

making

excellent progress, assess it

and

to be out of their element in the aforesaid present, and in consequence choose for themselves in this or that past epoch a standpoint that is in its way just The one group as absolute and dogmatic from which to condemn to-day. '

'

' '

looks upon Greece as a "not yet," the other upon modernity as a "nevermore." Both labour under the obsession of a scheme of history which treats the two

epochs as part of the same straight line. In this opposition it is the two souls of Faust that express themselves. The danger of the one group lies in a clever superficiality. In its hands there remains

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

x8

finally, of all Classical Culture, of all reflections of

the Classical soul, nothing facts, and the rest

but a bundle of social, economic, political and physiological " '

is

"

'

treated as

books of

secondary

this

"

group we

reflexes,

results,

'

attendant phenomena.

find not a hint of the mythical force of

'

In the

^schylus's

choruses, of the immense mother-earth struggle of the early sculpture, the Doric column, of the richness of the Apollo-cult, of the real depth of the Roman Emperor-worship The other group, composed above all of belated roman-

Basel professors Bachofen, represented in recent times by the three succumb to the usual dangers of ideology They lose themselves in the clouds of an antiquity that is really no more than the ticists

Burckhardt and Nietzsche

image of their

own

sensibility

m

a philological mirror.

upon the only evidence which they consider worthy relics of

the old literature, yet there never

sented for us

by

its

great writers

x

They

rest their case

to support

it,

viz.,

the

was

The first

a Culture so incompletely repregroup, on the other hand, supports

upon the humdrum material of law-sources,

inscriptions and coins (which Burckhardt and Nietzsche, very much to their own loss, despised) and subordinates thereto, often with little or no sense of truth and fact, the

itself principally

surviving literature. Consequently, even in point of critical foundations, neither group takes the other seriously. I have never heard that Nietzsche and

Mommsen had

the smallest respect for each other.

But neither group has attained to that higher method of treatment which reduces this opposition of criteria to ashes, although it was within their power to do so. In their self-limitation they paid the penalty for taking over the causality-principle from natural science. Unconsciously they arrived at a prag-

matism that sketchily copied the world-picture drawn by physics and, instead of revealing, obscured and confused the quite other-natured forms of history. They had no better expedient for subjecting the mass of historical material to critical and normative examination than to consider one complex of phenomena as being primary and causative and the rest as being secondary, as being consequences or effects. And it was not only the matter-of-fact school that resorted to this method. The romanticists did likewise, for History had not revealed even to their dreaming gaze its specific logic, and yet they felt that 1 This is conclusively proved by the selection that determined survival, which was governed not by mere chance but very definitely by a deliberate tendency The Atticism of the Augustan Age, tired, sterile, pedantic, back-looking, conceived the hall-mark "classical" and allowed only a very small group of Greek works up to Plato to bear it The rest, including the whole wealth of Hellenistic literature, was rejected and has been almost entirely lost. It is this pedagogue's anthology that " has survived (almost in its entirety) and so fixed the imaginary picture of "Classical Antiquity alike for the Renaissance Florentine and for Wmckelmann, Holderlin, and even Nietzsche

[In this

English translation,

it

should be mentioned, the word "Classical" has almost uni-

employed to translate the German antike, as, in the translator's judgment., no literal equivalent of the German word would convey the specific meaning attached to antike throughout " the work, antique," "ancient" and the like words having for us a much more general connotaversally been

tion.

XX]

INTRODUCTION there

2.9

was an immanent

turn their backs

upon

necessity in it to determine this somehow, rather than History in despair like Schopenhauer.

XI Briefly, then, there are

two ways of regarding the

and the ideological. By the former,

the material-

Classical

asserted that the sinking of one scale-pan has its cause in the rising of the other, and it is shown that this occurs invariably (truly a striking theorem); and in this juxtaposing of cause istic

it is

we naturally

find the social and sexual, at all events the purely politclassed as causes and the religious, intellectual and (so far as the materialist tolerates them as facts at all) the artistic as effects. On the other

and

effect

ical, facts

hand, the ideologues show that the rising of one scale-pan follows from the sinking of the other, which they are able to prove of course with equal exactitude; this done, they lose themselves in cults, mysteries, customs, in the secrets of the strophe and the line, throwing scarcely a side-glance at the commonplace for them an unpleasant consequence of earthly imperfection Each

daily life

with its gaze fixed on causality, demonstrates that the other side either cannot or will not understand the true linkages of things and each ends by calling the other blind, superficial, stupid, absurd or frivolous, oddities or

side,

Philistines

It

shocks the ideologue

problems and instead

if

anyone deals with Hellenic finance-

example, telling us the deep meanings of the Delphic oracle, describes the far-reaching money operations which the Oracle priests undertook with their accumulated treasures. The politician, on the of, for

other hand, has a superior smile for those who waste their enthusiasm on ritual formulas and the dress of Attic youths, instead of writing a book adorned with up-to-date catchwords about antique class-struggles. The one type is foreshadowed from the very outset in Petrarch, it created Florence and Weimar and the Western classicism. The other type appears in

the middle of the i8th Century, along with the rise of civilized, 1 economic2 megalopolitan politics, and England is therefore its birthplace (Grote) At bottom, the opposition is between the conceptions of culture-man and those of civilization-man,

weaknesses of both

The

and

too deep, too essentially human, to allow the be seen or overcome. on this point an idealist He too, without wish-

it is

stand-points alike to

materialist himself

is

ing or desiring it, has made his views dependent our finest minds without exception have bowed

upon

his wishes.

In fact all

down

reverently before the picture of the Classical, abdicating in this one instance alone their function of unrestricted criticism. The freedom and power of Classical research are always 1

As will be seen

meaning

later,

the words

%tvilisitrte

and

Ztvtltsatton possess

m

this

work a

special

Tr.

English not possessing the adjective-forming freedom of German, we are compelled to coin a word for the rendering of grossstadttsch, an adjective not only frequent but of emphatic significance 10 the author's argument. Tr. 2

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

30

hindered, and its data obscured, by a certain almost religious awe. In all history there is no analogous case of one Culture making a passionate cult of the memory of another Our devotion is evidenced yet again in the fact that since

the Renaissance, a thousand years of history have been undervalued so that an Middle Age may serve as a link between ourselves and antiquity. We ideal ' '

'

'

Westerners have sacrificed on the Classical altar the purity and independence of our art, for we have not dared to create without a side-glance at the "sublime

We

have projected our own deepest spiritual needs and feelings to the Classical picture Some day a gifted psychologist will deal with that we have Classical this most fateful illusion and tell us the story of the so consistently reverenced since the days of Gothic. Few theses would be more

exemplar."

on

'

' '

'

helpful for the understanding of the Western soul from Otto of the South, to Nietzsche, the last.

III,

the

first

victim

Goethe on his Italian tour speaks with enthusiasm of the buildings of whose frigid and academic work we to-day regard very sceptically: but when he goes on to Pompeii he does not conceal his dissatisfaction in experiencing "a strange, half-unpleasant impression," and what he has to say is on the temples of Passtum and Segesta masterpieces of Hellenic art embarrassed and trivial. Palpably, when Classical antiquity in its full force met him face to face, he did not recognize it. It is the same with all others. Much that was Classical they chose not to see, and so they saved their inward which was in reality the background of a life-ideal image of the Classical that they themselves had created and nourished with their heart's blood, a vessel filled with their own world-feeling, a phantom, an idol. The audacious

Palladio,

descriptions of Aristophanes, Juvenal or Petronius of

the southern dirt and

riff-raff,

terrors

and

in the Classical cities

life

brutalities, pleasure-boys

and

excite the enthusiasm of the Phrynes, phallus worship and imperial orgies student and the dilettante, who find the same realities in the world-cities of

to-day too lamentable and repulsive to face. "In the cities life is bad, there are too many of the lustful also sfracb Zarathustra. They commend the ' '

state-sense of the

Romans, but

despise the

man

of to-day

who

permits himself

any contact with public affairs. There is a type of scholar whose clarity of vision comes under some irresistible spell when it turns from a frock-coat to a toga, from a British football-ground to a Byzantine circus, from a transcontinental railway to a Roman road in the Alps, from a thirty-knot destroyer to a trireme, from Prussian bayonets to Roman spears nowadays, even, from a

modern

engineer's Suez Canal to that of a Pharaoh. He would admit a steamengine as a symbol of human passion and an expression of intellectual force if it were Hero of Alexandria who invented it, not otherwise. To such it seems

blasphemous to talk of Roman central-heating or book-keeping in preference to the worship of the Great Mother of the Gods.

But the other school

sees nothing but these things

It

thinks

it

exhausts the

INTRODUCTION

31

by treating the Greeks as simplyequivalent, and it obtains its conclusions by means of simple factual substitutions, ignoring altogether the Classical soul. That there is not the slightest inward correlation between the things meant by "Republic," "freedom," and the like then and there and the things meant by such words property here and now, it has no notion whatever. It makes fun of the historians of essence of this Culture, alien as

it is

to ours,

' '

' '

the age of Goethe, who honestly expressed their own political ideals in classical history forms and revealed their own personal enthusiasms in vindications or condemnations of lay-figures named Lycurgus, Brutus, Cato, Cicero, Augustus

but its

it

cannot

itself

write a chapter without reflecting the party opinion of

morning paper. It is,

much the same whether the past is treated in the spirit of or in that of Sancho Panza. Neither way leads to the end. In

however,

Don Quixote

sum, each school permits

itself to bring into high relief that part of the Nietzsche the pre-Socratic best expresses its own views Athens, the economists the Hellenistic period, the politicians Republican Rome, poets the Imperial Age.

Classical

which

Not that religious and artistic phenomena are more primitive than social and economic, any more than the reverse. For the man who in these things has won his unconditional freedom of outlook, beyond all personal interests whatsoever, there is no dependence, no priority, no relation of cause and effect, no differentiation of value or importance. That which assigns relative ranks amongst the individual detail-facts is simply the greater or less purity and force of their form-language, their symbolism, beyond all questions of good and evil, high and low, useful and ideal. XII

way, the "Decline of the West" comprises nothing less than the problem of Civilisation. We have before us one of the fundamental

Looked

at in this

questions of all higher history. What is Civilization, understood as the organiclogical sequel, fulfilment and finale of a culture?

For every Culture has its own Civilization. In this work, for the first time two words, hitherto used to express an indefinite, more or less ethical, distinction, are used in a periodic sense, to express a strict and necessary organic succession. The Civilization is the inevitable destiny of the Culture, and in this and gravest problems principle we obtain the viewpoint from which the deepest the

morphology become capable of solution. Civilizations are the most external and artificial states of which a species of developed humanity is of historical

capable. They are a conclusion, the thing-become succeeding the thingbecoming, death following life, rigidity following expansion, intellectual age and the stone-built, petrifying world-city following mother-earth and the an end, irrevocable, yet spiritual childhood of Doric and Gothic They are by inward necessity reached again and again.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

3x

we

So, for the first time, successors

are enabled to understand the

late-Classical period.

What,

Romans

as the

projected into the deepest secrets of the which but this, can be the meaning of the fact

of the Greeks, and light

is

that the Romans were barbarians who can only be disputed by vain phrases did not -precede but closed a great development? Unspiritual, unphilosophical,

devoid of

clannish to the point of brutality, aiming relentlessly at tangible between the Hellenic Culture and nothingness An im-

art,

successes, they stand

they had religious laws govagination directed purely to practical objects erning godward relations as they had other laws governing human relations, was something which is but there was no specifically Roman saga of gods

Roman intellect, and this In a word, Greek soul between Culture and Civilization Nor is it only to the Classical that it applies. Again and again there appears this type of strongminded, completely non-metaphysical man, and in the hands of this type lies the intellectual and material destiny of each and every "late" period. Such not found at

all

in Athens.

antithesis is the differentia

men who carried through the Babylonian, the Egyptian, the Indian, the Chinese, the Roman Civilizations, and in such periods do Buddhism, Stoicism, Socialism ripen into definitive world-conceptions which enable a moribund are the

humanity to be attacked and re-formed in tion, as a historical process, consists

its

intimate structure.

Pure Civiliza-

m a progressive taking-down of forms that

have become inorganic or dead, The transition from Culture to Civilization was accomplished for the Classical world in the 4th, for the Western in the icjth Century. From these periods onward the great intellectual decisions take place, not as in the days of the Orpheus-movement or the Reformation in the "whole world" where not a hamlet is too small to be unimportant, but in three or four world-cities that have absorbed into themselves the whole content of History, while the old wide landscape of the Culture, become merely provincial, serves only to feed the cities with what remains of its higher mankind. x the two basic ideas of every civilization World-aty and frownce bring

up a wholly new form-problem of History, the very problem that we are living through to-day with hardly the remotest conception of its immensity. In place of a world, there is a ctty, a pfftnt, in which the whole life of broad regions is collecting while the rest dries up. In place of a type-true people, born of and

grown on the

soil,

there

a

is

new

sort of

nomad, cohering unstably

in fluid

masses, the parasitical city dweller, traditionless, utterly matter-of-fact, religionless, clever, unfruitful, deeply contemptuous of the countryman and especially that highest form of countryman, the country gentleman. This is a what does it signify? very great stride towards the inorganic, towards the end France and England have already taken the step and Germany is beginning to do so. After Syracuse, Athens, and Alexandria comes Rome. After Madrid, 1

Sec Vol

II,

pp 117

ct seq.

INTRODUCTION

33

Pans, London come Berlin and New York. It is the destipy of whole regions that lie outside the radiation-circle of one of these cities of old Crete and to become "provinces." Macedon and to-day the Scandinavian North l Of old, the field on which the opposed conception of an epoch came to battle was some world-problem of a metaphysical, religious or dogmatic kind, and the battle was between the soil-genius of the countryman (noble, priest)

and the "worldly" patrician genius of the famous old small towns of Doric or Gothic springtime. Of such a character were the conflicts over the Dionysus 2 as in the tyranny of Kleisthenes of Sikyon and those of the religion Reformation in the German free cities and the Huguenot wars But just as these cities overcame the country-side (already it is a purely civic world-outlook that appears in even Parmemdes and Descartes), so in turn the world-city overcame them. It is the common intellectual process of later periods such as the as in the Hellenistic age which at its Ionic and the Baroque, and to-day outset saw the foundation of artificial, land-alien Alexandria Culture-cities like Florence, Nurnberg, Salamanca, Bruges and Prag, have become provincial towns and fight inwardly a lost battle against the world-cities. The world3 cold matter-of-fact in place city means cosmopolitanism in place of "home," of reverence for tradition and age, scientific irreligion as a fossil representative ' '

' '

of the older religion of the heart, society in place of the state, natural instead of hard-earned rights. It was in the conception of money as an inorganic and abstract magnitude, entirely disconnected from the notion of the fruitful earth

and the primitive values, that the Romans had the advantage of the Greeks. Thenceforward any high ideal of life becomes largely a question of money. Unlike the Greek stoicism of Chrysippus, the Roman stoicism of Cato and Seneca presupposes a private income, 4 and, unlike that of the i8th Century, the social-ethical sentiment of the xoth, if it is to be realized at a higher level than that of professional (and lucrative) agitation, is a matter for millionaires.

To the world-city belongs not a folk but a mass.

Its uncomprehending hostility to all the traditions representative of the Culture (nobility, church, privileges, dynasties, convention in art and limits of knowledge in science), the keen and

cold intelligence that confounds the wisdom of the peasant, the new-fashioned naturalism that in relation to all matters of sex and society goes back far beyond Rousseau and Socrates to quite primitive instincts and conditions, the reappear-

m

1

of

One cannot fail to notice this the development of Strmdberg and especially in that Ibsen, " of Brand" quite at home in the civilized atmosphere of his problems. The motives and "Rosmersholm" are a wonderful mixture of innate provincialism and a theoretically-acquired mcgalopolitan outlook Nora is the very type of the provincial derailed by reading 2 Who forbade the cult of the town's hero Adrastos and the reading of the Homeric poems, with the object of cutting the Doric nobility from its spiritual roots (c 560 B.C ) ' A becomes a culture-man profound word which obtains its significance as soon as the barbarian " " and loses it again as soon as the cmlization-man takes up the motto Uh btne, tbi patrta 4 Hence it was that the first to succumb to Christianity were the Romans who could not afford

who was never

to be Stoics

See Vol. n, pp. 607 ct seq.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

34

ance of the panem et urcenses in the form of wage-disputes and football-grounds all these things betoken the definite closing-down of the Culture and the anti-provincial, late, opening of a quite new phase of human existence but quite inevitable. This is what has to be mewed, and viewed not with the eyes of the partisan, the ideologue, the up-to-date novelist, not from this or that "standpoint," but in a high, time-free perspective embracing whole millenniums of historical

futureless,

we are really to comprehend the great crisis of the present. a symbol of the first importance that in the Rome of Crassus the Roman people with triumvir and all-powerful building-site speculator

world-forms,

To me

if

it is

proud inscriptions, the people before whom Gauls, Greeks, Parthians, Syrians afar trembled, lived in appalling misery in the many-stoned lodging-houses of dark suburbs, 1 accepting with indifference or even with a sort of sporting interest the consequences of the military expansion that many famous old-noble

its

families, descendants of the

men who

defeated the Celts and the Sammtes, lost

homes through standing apart from the wild rush of speculation and were reduced to renting wretched apartments; that, while along the Appian Way there arose the splendid and still wonderful tombs of the financial magnates, the corpses of the people were thrown along with animal carcases and till in Augustus's time it was town refuse into a monstrous common grave banked over for the avoidance of pestilence and so became the site of Maecenas's renowned park; that in depopulated Athens, which lived on visitors and on the

their ancestral

bounty of rich foreigners, the mob of parvenu tourists from Rome gaped at the works of the Penclean age with as little understanding as the American globetrotter in the Sistine Chapel at those of Michelangelo, every removable artpiece having ere this been taken away or bought at fancy prices to be replaced by the Roman buildings which grew up, colossal and arrogant, by the side of the low and modest structures of the old time. In such things which it is the historian's business not to praise or to blame but to consider morphologithere lies, plain and immediate enough for one who has learnt to see, cally an idea. For it will become manifest that, from this moment on, all great conflicts of world-outlook, of politics, of art, of science, of feeling will be under the influence of this one opposition. What is the hall-mark of a politic of Civilization to-day, contrast to a politic of Culture yesterday? It is, for the Classical

m

rhetoric,

and for the Western journalism, both serving that abstract which

represents the 1

In

power of

Rome and Byzantium,

Civilization

money.

2

It is the

money-spirit which

lodging-houses of six to ten stones (with street-widths of ten feet

at most!) were built without any sort of official supervision, and frequently collapsed with all their inmates A great part of the ctves Romant, for whom panem et ctrcentes constituted all existence, possessed no more than a high-priced sleeping-berth in one of the swarming ant-hills called tnsula.

(Pohlmann, Aus Altertum and Ge&mwart, 1911, pp 199 * See Vol. H, 577.

ff

)

INTRODUCTION

35

unremarked the historical forms of the people's existence, often withthe form of the out destroying or even in the least disturbing these forms Roman state, for instance, underwent very much less alteration between the elder Scipio and Augustus than is usually imagined. Though forms subsist, the great political parties nevertheless cease to be more than reputed centres of

penetrates

decision. The decisions in fact lie elsewhere. A small number of superior heads whose names are very likely not the best-known, settle everything, while below them are the great mass of second-rate politicians rhetors, tribunes, ,

selected through a provmciaiiy-conceived franchise to deputies, journalists keep alive the illusion of popular self-determination. And art? Philosophy? The ideals of a Platonic or those of a Kantian age had for the higher mankind

concerned a general validity. But those of a Hellenistic age, or those of our own, are valid exclusively for the brain of the Megalopolrtan For the villager' s like its near reor, generally, the nature-man's world-feeling our Socialism lation Darwinism (how utterly un-Goethian are the formulas of struggle for existence" and "natural selection"'), like its other relative the woman-and'

'

marriage problem of Ibsen, Strindberg, and Shaw, like the impressionistic tendencies of anarchic sensuousness and the whole bundle of modern longings, temptations and pains expressed in Baudelaire's verse and Wagner's music are simply non-existent. The smaller the town, the more unmeaning it becomes

busy oneself with painting or with music of these kinds. To the Culture belong gymnastics, the tournament, the agon, and to the Civilization belongs Sport This is the true distinction between the Hellenic palasstra and the to

Roman

1

Art itself becomes a sport (hence the phrase "art for art's circus to be played before a highly-intelligent audience of connoisseurs and buyers, whether the feat consist in mastering absurd instrumental tone-masses and taking harmonic fences, or in some tour de force of colouring Then a new '

sake

')

fact-philosophy appears, which can only spare a smile for metaphysical speculation, and a new literature that is a necessity of life for the megalopolitan palate

and nerves and both unintelligible and ugly to the provincials Neither Alexandrine poetry nor j>lem-atr painting is anything to the "people." And, then as now, the phase of transition is marked by a series of scandals only to be found at such moments. The anger evoked in the Athenian populace by Euripides and

by the "Revolutionary" painting of Apollodorus, for example, is repeated in the opposition to Wagner, Manet, Ibsen, and Niet2sche It is possible to understand the Greeks without mentioning their economic relations; the Romans, on the other hand, can only be understood through these. Chasronea and Leipzig were the last battles fought about an idea. In the First Punic War and in 1870 economic motives are no longer to be overlooked Not 1 German gymnastics, from the intensely provincial and natural forms imparted to it by John, has since 1813 been carried by a very rapid development into the sport category. The difference botwecn a Berlin athletic ground on a big day and a Roman circus was even by 1914 very slight.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

36

with, their practical energy was slave-holding given that big collective character which many students regard as the die-stamp of Classical economics, legislation and way of life, and which in any event vastly lowered both the value and the inner worthiness of such free labour as continued

the

tili

Romans came

to exist side by side with gang-labour. And it was not the Latin, but the Germanic peoples of the West and America who developed out of the steam-

engine a big industry that transformed the face of the land. The relation of these phenomena to Stoicism and to Socialism is unmistakable Not till the

Roman

foreshadowed by C. Flaminius, shaped first by Marius, Cassansin did the Classical World handled by strong-minded, large-scale men of fact learn the pre-eminence of money. Without this fact neither Cassar, nor "Rome"

Greek is a Don Quixote, in every generally, is understandable. In every a Sancho Panza factor, and these factors are dominants.

Roman

XIII

Roman world-dominion was

a negative phenomthat the enon, being the result not of a surplus of energy on the one side but of a deficiency of resistance on the Romans had never had since Zama

Considered in

itself,

the

l other. That the Romans did not conquer the world is certain, they merely took possession of a booty that lay open to everyone. The Im^enum Romanam such an came into existence not as the result of extremity of military and financial effort as had characterized the Punic Wars, but because the old East must self-determinations. We not be deluded by the apforwent all external

pearance of brilliant military successes. With a few ill-trained, ill-led, and a phenomenon sullen legions, Lucullus and Pompey conquered whole realms that in the period of the battle of Ipsus would have been unthinkable. The Mithradatic danger, serious enough for a system of material force which had never been put to any real test, would have been nothing to the conquerors of Hannibal After Zarna, the Romans never again either waged or were capable 2

war against a great military Power Their classic wars were those against the Samnites, Pyrrhus and Carthage Their grand hour was Cannas. To maintain the heroic posture for centuries on end is beyond the power of any of waging a

The Prussian-German people have had three great moments (1813 1870 and 1314), and that is more than others have had. Here, then, I lay it down that Imfenahsm, of which petrifacts such as the Egyptian empire, the Roman, the Chinese, the Indian may continue to exist for hundreds or thousands of years dead bodies, amorphous and dispirited masses of men, scrap-material from a great history is to be taken as the people

typical 1

,

symbol of the passing away. Imperialism

See Vol

is

Civilization unadulterated.

519 The conquest of Gaul by Csesar was frankly a colonial, i,c , a one-sided, war, and the fact that it is the highest achievement in the later military history of Rome only shows that the well of real achievement was rapidly drying up. z

II,

INTRODUCTION

37

In this phenomenal form the destiny of the West is now irrevocably set. The energy of culture-man is directed inwards, that of civilization-man outwards.

And

thus

I see in Cecil

Rhodes the

first

man

of a

a political style of far-ranging, Western, Teutonic and his phrase expansion is everything is the ' '

' '

new

age.

He

stands for the

and especially German future, Napoleonic reassertion of the

indwelling tendency of every Civilization that has fully ripened Roman, Arab it is not the conscious will of inor Chinese It is not a matter of choice dividuals, or even that of whole classes or peoples that decides. The expansive is a doom, something daemonic and immense, which grips, forces into and uses up the late mankind of the world-city stage, willy-nilly, aware 1 or unaware. Life is the process of effecting possibilities, and for the brain-

tendency service,

man there

are only extensive possibilities

2

Hard

as the half-developed Socialism

fighting against expansion, one day it will become arch-expansionist with all the vehemence of destiny. Here the form-language of politics, as the of to-day

is

direct intellectual expression of a certain type of humanity, touches on a deep on the fact, affirmed in the grant of unconditional metaphysical problem validity to the causality-principle, that the soul is the complement of its extension. 3 When, between 480 and 13 o, the Chinese group of states was tending towards imperialism, it was entirely futile to combat the principle of Imperi4 alism (Lien-heng), practised particular by the "Roman" state of Tsin and

m

theoretically represented by the philosopher Dschang Yi, by ideas of a League of Nations (Hoh-tsung) largely derived from Wang Hu, a profound sceptic who had no illusions as to the men or the political possibilities of this "late"

Both sides opposed the anti-political idealism of Lao-tse, but as between themselves it was Lien-heng and not Hoh-tsung which swam with the

period.

5 natural current of expansive Civilization. Rhodes is to be regarded as the first precursor of a Western type of Cassars, whose day is to come though yet distant. He stands midway between Napoleon

and the force-men of the next centuries, just as Flamimus, who from 2.32. B.C. pressed the Romans to undertake the subjugation of Cisalpine Gaul and so initiated the policy of colonial expansion, stands between Alexander and

onward

Caesar. Strictly speaking, Flaminms was a private person was of a kind not embodied in any constitutional office

for his real

who

power

exercised a

dominant influence in the state at a time when the state-idea was giving way to the pressure of economic factors. So far as Rome is concerned, he was the arche1 The modern Germans are a conspicuous example of a people that has become expansive without that state while they still believed themselves to be it or willing it They were alteady the people of Goethe Even Bismarck, the founder of the new age, never had the slightest idea of it, and believed himself to have reached the conclusion of a political process (cf Vol IT, 52.9) 2 This :s probably the meaning of Napoleon's significant words to Goethe "What have we

m

knowing

1

to-day to do with destiny? Policy is destiny." 3 of the Classical world Corresponding to the 300-50 B c phase 4 Which in the end gave its name to the Empire (Tsm = China) 6

See Vol.

II,

511-539

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

38

type of opposition Caesarism, with him there came to an end the idea of stateservice and there began the "will to power" which ignored traditions and reckoned only with forces. Alexander and Napoleon were romantics, though they stood on the threshold of Civilization and in its cold clear air, the one Csesar, on the contrary, was a pure man of fact gifted with immense understanding. But even for Rhodes political success means territorial and financial success, and only that Of this Roman-ness within himself he was fully aware. But

fancied himself an Achilles and the other read Werther

Western Civilisation has not yet taken shape in such strength and purity as this It was only before his maps that he could fall into a sort of poetic trance, this son of the parsonage who, sent out to South Africa without means, made a gigantic fortune and employed it as the engine of political aims. His idea of a trans-African railway from the Cape to Cairo, his project of a South African empire, his intellectual hold on the hard metal souls of the mining magnates into the service of his schemes, his capital Bulawayo,

whose wealth he forced

royally planned as a future Residence by a statesman who was all-powerful yet stood in no definite relation to the State, his wars, his diplomatic deals, his road-systems, his syndicates, his armies, his conception of the "great duty to civilization" of the

man

of brain

all this,

broad and imposing,

is

the pre-

which is still in store for us and with which the history of West-European mankind will be definitely closed, lude of a future

He who

does not understand that this outcome

is obligatory and insuscepbetween willing this and willing nothing at all, between cleaving to ths destiny or despairing of the future and of life itself, he who cannot feel that there is grandeur also in the realizations of powerful intelligences, in the energy and discipline of metal-hard natures, in battles fought with the coldest and most abstract means, he who is obsessed with the idealism of a provincial and would pursue the ways of life of past must forgo all desire to comprehend history, to live through history or ages

tible of modification, that our choice is

to

make

history.

Thus regarded, the Imperium Romanum appears no longer as an isolated phenomenon, but as the normal product of a strict and energetic, megalopolitan, predominantly practical spirituality, as typical of a final and irreversible condition which has occurred often enough though it has only been identified as such in this instance. Let

it

be realized, then:

That the secret of historical form does not lie on the surface, that it cannot be grasped by means of similarities of costume and setting, and that in the history of men as in that of animals and plants there occur phenomena showing deceptive similarity but inwardly without any connexion eg, Charlemagne and Haroun-al-Raschid, Alexander and Cassar, the German wars upon Rome and the Mongol onslaughts upon West Europe and other phenomena of

INTRODUCTION

3g

extreme outward dissimilarity but of identical import eg, Trajan and Rameses II, the Bourbons and the Attic Demos, Mohammed and Pythagoras. That the igth and zoth centuries, hitherto looked on as the highest point of an ascending straight line of world-history, are in reality a stage of life in every Culture that has ripened to its limit a stage of life characterized not by Socialists, Impressionists, electric railways, tor-

which may be observed

pedoes and differential equations (for these are only body-constituents of the time), but by a civilized spirituality which possesses not only these but also quite other creative possibilities

That, as our own time represents a transitional phase which occurs with certainty under particular conditions, there are perfectly well-defined states (such as have occurred more than once in the history of the past) later than the present-day state of West Europe, and therefore that

The future of the West is not a limitless tending upwards and onwards for time towards our present ideals, but a single phenomenon of history, strictly limited and defined as to form and duration, which covers a few centuries and all

can be viewed and,

m essentials, calculated from available precedents. XIV

This high plane of contemplation once attained, the rest is easy. To this can refer, and by it one can solve, without straining or forcing, stngle idea one all those separate problems of religion, art-history, epistemology, ethics, poliand so tics, economics with which the modern intellect has so passionately busied itself for decades. vainly This idea is one of those truths that have only to be expressed with full clarity to become indisputable. It is one of the inward necessities of the West-

ern Culture and of

world-feeling It is capable of entirely transforming the who fully understands it, i e , makes it intimately his own. It immensely deepens the world-picture natural and necessary to us in that, already trained to regard world-historical evolution as an organic unit its

world-outlook of one

seen backwards from our standpoint

m the present, we are enabled by

to follow the broad lines into the future

now permitted only to the physicist. It is, of a Copernican for a Ptolemaic aspect of history, that widening of horizon. till

its

aid

a privilege of dream-calculation I repeat, in effect the substitution is,

an immeasurable

Up to now everyone has been at liberty to hope what he pleased about the future. Where there are no facts, sentiment rules. But henceforward it will be every man's business to inform himself of what can happen and therefore of what with ideals,

we

shall

The

the unalterable necessity of destiny and irrespective of personal desires, will happen. When we use the risky word "freedom"

hopes or

mean freedom

feeling that this

is

to do, not this or that, but the necessary or nothing. " hall-mark of the man of just as it should be" is the

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

40 fact.

To lament

youth age, to

it

life

and blame generally

it is

its

not to alter

form and

its

it

To

birth belongs death, to The present is a

allotted span

emphatically not a cultured time, and if so facto a great number of out as impossible. This may be deplorable, and may be and will be deplored in pessimist philosophy and poetry, but it is not in our power to make otherwise. It will not be already it is not permissible to defy civilized,

life-capacities fall

clear historical experience and to expect, will spring or that will flourish. It will

merely because

we

hope, that this

no doubt be objected that such a world-outlook, which in giving

and tendency of the future cuts off all farreaching hopes, would be unhealthy for all and fatal for many, once it ceased to be a mere theory and was adopted as a practical scheme of life by the group of personalities effectively moulding the future. this certainty as to the outlines

my opinion. We are civilized, not Gothic or Rococo, people, reckon with the hard cold facts of a late life, to which the parallel is to be found not in Pericles 's Athens but in Cassar's Rome. Of great painting or great music there can no longer be, for Western people, any question. Their Such

we have

is

not

to

architectural possibilities have been exhausted these hundred years Only exthem. Yet, for a sound and vigorous generation

tensive possibilities are left to

with unlimited hopes, I fail to see that it is any disadvantage to some of these hopes must come to nothing. And if the hopes thus doomed should be those most dear, well, a man who is worth anything will not be dismayed It is true that the issue may be a tragic one for some individuals who in their decisive years are overpowered by the conviction that in the spheres of architecture, drama, painting, there is nothing left for them to conquer. What matter if they do go under' It has been the convention hitherto to admit no limits of any sort in these matters, and to believe that each period had its own task to do in each sphere. Tasks therefore were found by hook or by crook, leaving it to be settled posthumously whether or not the artist's faith was justified and his life-work necessary Now, nobody but a pure romantic would take this way out. Such a pride is not the pride of a Roman. What are we to think of the individual who, standing before an exhausted quarry, would rather be told that a new vein will be struck to-morrow the bait offered by the radically false and mannenzed art of the moment than be shown a rich and virgin clay-bed near by? The lesson, I think, would be of benefit to the coming generations, as showing them what is possible and therefore necessary and what is excluded from the inward potentialities of their time. Hitherto an incredible total of intellect and power has been in false The West-European, however historically he directions. squandered may think and feel, is at a certain stage of life invariably uncertain of his own direction; he gropes and feels his way and, if unlucky in environment, he loses it. But now at. last the work of centuries enables him to view the disposition that

is filled

discover betimes that

INTRODUCTION of his

own

life

'

41

in relation to the general culture-scheme

and to

test his

own

powers and purposes. And I can only hope that men of the new generation may be moved by this book to devote themselves to technics instead of lyrics, the sea instead of the paint-brush, and politics instead of epistemology. Better they could not do.

remains to consider the relation of a morphology of world-history All genuine historical work is philosophy, unless it is mere ant-industry But the operations of the systematic philosopher are subject to It still

to Philosophy

constant and serious error through his assuming the permanence of his results. He overlooks the fact that every thought lives in a historical world and is therefore involved in the common destiny of mortality. He supposes that higher thought possesses an everlasting and unalterable objectiveness (Gegenstand), that the great questions of all epochs are identical, and that therefore

they are capable in the last analysis of unique answers. But question and answer are here one, and the great questions are made great by the very fact that unequivocal answers to them are so passionately

demanded, so that it is as life-symbols only that they possess significance. There are no eternal truths. Every philosophy is the expression of its own if by philosophy we mean effective philosophy and only its own time, and and not academic triflings about judgment-forms, sense-categories and the like no two ages possess the same philosophic intentions. The difference is not

between perishable and imperishable doctrines but between doctrines which live their day and doctrines which never live at all The immortality of thoughtsthe essential is, what kind of man comes to expression become is an illusion in them. The greater the man, tne truer the philosophy, with the inward truth that in a great work of art transcends all proof of its several elements or even of their compatibility with one another. At highest, the philosophy may absorb the entire content of an epoch, realize it within itself and then, embodying it in some grand form or personality, pass it on to be developed further and further.

The

scientific dress or

the

mark

of learning adopted

by

a

philosophy is here unimportant Nothing is simpler than to make good poverty of ideas by founding a system, and even a good idea has little value when enunciated by a solemn ass Only its necessity to life decides the eminence of a doctrine.

For me, therefore, the test of value to be applied to a thinker is his eye for the great facts of his own time. Only this can settle whether he is merely a clever architect of systems and principles, versed in definitions and analyses, his works and his inor whether it is the very soul of his time that speaks tuitions. A philosopher who cannot grasp and command actuality as well will never be of the first rank. The Pre-Socratics were merchants and politicians

m

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

4*

The

desire to put his political ideas into practice in Syracuse nearly cost Plato his life, and it was the same Plato who discovered the set of geometrical theorems that enabled Euclid to build up the Classical system of en grand.

mathematics

Pascal

whom

Nietzsche

Descartes, Leibniz were the

tian"

first

knows only

'

'

as the broken Chrismathematicians and technicians of

their time.

The

'

great

'

'

Pre-Socratics

'

of China from Kwan-tsi (about 670) to ConfuPythagoras and Par-

cius (550-478) were statesmen, regents, lawgivers like the menides, like Hobbes and Leibniz With Lao-tsze

opponent of

all state

authority and high politics and the enthusiast of small peaceful communities unworldlmess and deed-shyness first appear, heralds of lecture-room and

study philosophy. But Lao-tsze was in his time, the ancten regime of China, an exception in the midst of sturdy philosophers for whom epistemology meant the knowledge of the important relations of actual life. And herein, I think, all the philosophers of the newest age are open to a

What they do not possess is real standing in actual life. Not one of them has intervened effectively, either in higher politics, in the development of modern technics, in matters of communication, in economics, or in serious criticism.

any other big actuality, with a single act or a single compelling idea. Not one them counts in mathematics, in physics, in the science of government, even to the extent that Kant counted. Let us glance at other times. Confucius was several times a minister. Pythagoras was the organizer of an important politiof

1 akin to the Cromwellian, the significance of which is even now underestimated by Classical researchers. Goethe, besides being a model executive minister though lacking, alas the operative sphere of a great

cal

movement

far

1

was interested in the Suez and Panama canals (the dates of which he foresaw with accuracy) and their effects on the economy of the world, and he busied himself again and again with the question of American economic life and its reactions on the Old World, and with that of the dawning era of machine-industry. Hobbes was one of the originators of the great plan of winning South America for England, and although in execution the plan went state

no further than the occupation of Jamaica, he has the glory of being one of the founders of the British Colonial Empire. Leibniz, without doubt the greatest intellect in Western philosophy, the founder of the differential calculus and the analysts situs conceived or co-operated in a number of major political schemes, one of which was to relieve Germany by drawing the attention of Louis ',

XIV

to the importance of

Egypt

as a factor in

French world-policy. The ideas of

memorandum on

so far in advance

this subject that he drew up for the Grand Monarch were of their time (1671) that it has been thought that Napoleon

made

for his Eastern venture

the

use of

them

Even thus

early, Leibniz laid

down

the principle that Napoleon grasped more and more clearly after Wagratn, viz., 1

See

Vol H, 373

ff.

INTRODUCTION

43

that acquisitions on the Rhine and in Belgium would not permanently better the position of France and that the neck of Suez would one day be the key of

world-dominance. Doubtless the King was not equal to these deep political and strategic conceptions of the Philosopher Turning from men of this mould to the philosophers of to-day, one is dismayed and shamed How poor their personalities, how commonplace their '

'

'

'

and practical outlook Why is it that the mere idea of calling upon one of them to prove his intellectual eminence in government, diplomacy, large-scale organization, or direction of any big colonial, commercial or transport concern is enough to evoke our pity? And this insufficiency indicates, not '

political

that they possess inwardness, but simply that they lack weight 1 look round " vain for an instance in which a modern "philosopher has made a name by

m

even one deep or far-seeing pronouncement on an important question of the day. nothing but provincial opinions of the same kind as anyone else's. When-

I see

up a work by a modern thinker, I find myself asking: has he any idea whatever of the actualities of world-politics, world-city problems, capitalism, the future of the state, the relation of technics to the course of civiliza-

ever I take

tion, Russia, Science? it,

but there

actualities

repeat, it

is

is

Goethe would have understood

all this

and revelled in

not one living philosopher capable of taking it in. This sense of of course not the same thing as the content of a philosophy but, I

is

an infallible symptom of

its

inward necessity,

its

fruitfulness

and

its

symbolic importance. We must allow ourselves no illusions as to the gravity of this negative result It is palpable that we have lost sight of the final significance of effective philosophy.

We

confuse philosophy with preaching, with agitation, with novelWe have descended from the perspective

writing, with lecture-room jargon. of the bird to that of the frog. It has

come to this, that the very $osstbility of a philosophy of to-day and to-morrow is in question If not, it were fai better to become a colonist or an engineer, to do something, no matter what, that is true and real, than to chew over once more the old dried-up themes under real

far better to con"new wave of philosophic thought" an aero-engine than a new theory of apperception that is not wanted Truly it is a poor life's work to restate once more, in slightly different terms, views of a hundred predecessors on the Will or on psycho-physical parallelism. This may be a profession, but a philosophy it emphatically is not. A doctrine that does not attack and affect the life of the period in its inmost depths is no doctrine and had better not be taught. And what was possible even yesterday is, to-day, at least not indispensable. To me, the depths and refinement of mathematical and physical theories are

cover of an alleged struct

by comparison, the assthete and the physiologist are fumblers I would sooner have the fine mind-begotten forms of a fast steamer, a steel structure, a a joy;

precision-lathe, the subtlety

and elegance of many chemical and optical proc-

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

44

the pickings and stealings of present-day "arts and crafts," architecture and painting included. I prefer one Roman aqueduct to all Roman temples and statues. I love the Colosseum and the giant vault of the Palatine, for they display for me to-day in the brown massiveness of their brick construction the real Rome and the grand practical sense of her engineers, but it is a

esses,

than

all

me whether the empty and pretentious marblery of the rows of statuary, their friezes, their overloaded architraves Fora do is preserved or not. Glance at some reconstruction of the Imperial we not find them the true counterpart of a modern International Exhibition, obtrusive, bulky, empty, a boasting in materials and dimensions wholly alien to Penclean Greece and the Rococo alike, but exactly paralleled in the Egyptian modernism that is displayed in the ruins of Rameses II (1300 B.C.) at Luxor and

matter of indifference to their

Cassars

was not for nothing that the genuine Roman despised the Graculus " kind of artist" and the kind of "philosopher" to be found on the soil of Roman Civilization. The time for art and philosophy had passed, they were exhausted, used up, superfluous, and his instinct for the realities of life told him so One Roman law weighed more than all the lyrics and schoolmetaphysics of the time together. And I maintain that to-day many an in-

Karnak?

It

bistno, the

ventor,

many

a diplomat,

many

a financier is a sounder philosopher

than

all

who

practise the dull craft of experimental psychology. This is a situation which regularly repeats itself at a certain historical level. It would have

those

been absurd

m

a

Roman

of intellectual eminence,

who might

as

Consul or

Praetor lead armies, organize provinces, build cities and roads, or even be the Prmceps in Rome, to want to hatch out some new variant of post-Platonic

school philosophy at Athens or Rhodes Consequently no one did so. It was not in harmony with the tendency of the age, and therefore it only attracted third-class

men

of the kind that always advances as far as the Zeitgeist of the It is a very grave question whether this stage has or has

day before yesterday. not

set

m for us

already.

A

century of purely extensive effectiveness, excluding big artistic and let us say frankly an irreligious time which coinmetaphysical production cides exactly with the idea of the world-city is a time of decline. True.

But we have not chosen this time. We cannot help it if we are born as men of the early winter of full Civilization, instead of on the golden summit of a ripe Culture, in a Phidias or a Mozart time. Everything depends on our seeing our

own position, our desttny^ clearly, on our realizing that though we may lie to ourselves about it we cannot evade it. He who does not acknowledge this in his heart, ceases to be counted among the men of his generation, and remains either a simpleton, a charlatan, or a pedant. Therefore, in approaching a problem of the present, one must begin by asking one's self a question answered advance by instinct in the case of the genuine

m

adept

what to-day

is

possible and

what he must forbid

himself.

Only a very

INTRODUCTION

45

few of the problems of metaphysics are., so to say, allocated for solution to any epoch of thought Even thus soon, a whole world separates Nietzsche's time, in which a last trace of romanticism was still operative, from our own, which has shed every vestige of its

final for

by

it

Systematic philosophy closes with the end of the iSth Century. Kant put utmost possibilities in forms both grand in themselves and as a rule the Western soul

He is followed,

as Plato

a specifically megalopolitan philosophy that

tical, irreligious, social-ethical.

civilization

and Aristotle were followed,

was not

This philosophy

speculative but pracparalleled in the Chinese

by the schools of the "Epicurean" Yang-chu, the "Socialist"

Mo-ti, the "Pessimist" Chuang-tsu, the "Positivist" Mencius, and in the Classical by the Cynics, the Cyrenaics, the Stoics and the Epicureans begins in the West with Schopenhauer, who is the first to make the Wtll to life (' crea'

'

the centre of gravity of his thought, although the deeper tendency of his doctrine is obscured by his having, under the influence of a great tradition, maintained the obsolete distinctions of phenomena and thmgs-mtive life-force

')

same creative will-to-life that was Schopenand Darwin-wise asserted in Siegfried that was brilliantly" and theatrically formulated by Nietzsche in "Zarathustra"; that led the Hegelian Marx to an economic and the Malthusian Darwin to a biological hypothesis which together have subtly transformed the worldoutlook of the Western megalopolis, and that produced a homogeneous series of tragedy-conceptions extending from Hebbel's "Judith" to Ibsen's "Epithemselves and suchlike. It

"

logue

and

It

the

is

' '

hauer-wise denied in

'

'

'

Tristan

'

' '

;

has embraced, therefore, all the possibilities of a true philosophy same time it has exhausted them.

at the

Systematic philosophy, then, lies immensely far behind us, and ethical has been wound up. But a third possibility, corresponding to the Classical Scepticism, still remains to the soul-world of the present-day West, and it can be brought to light by the hitherto unknown is a possibility is a necessity

methods of historical morphology. That which

The

Classical scepticism

is

ahistoric, it doubts

by denying outright. But that of the West, if it is an inward necessity, a symbol of the autumn of our spirituality, is obliged to be historical through and through. Its solutions are got by treating everything as relative, as a historical phenomenon, and its procedure is psychological. Whereas the Sceptic philosdeclaring ophy arose within Hellenism as the negation of philosophy we, on the contrary, regard the history of philosophy to be purposeless " This is skepsis," philosophy as, in the last resort, philosophy's gravest theme in the true sense, for whereas the Greek is led to renounce absolute standpoints by contempt for the intellectual past, we are led to do so by comprehension of that past as an organism. In this work it will be our task to sketch out this unphilosophical philosthe last th^.t West Europe will know. Scepticism is the expression of ophy

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

46

and it dissipates the world-picture of the Culture that has us, its success will lie resolving all the older problems into

a pure Civilization,

gone before

For

one, the genetic.

m

The conviction that what

is also

has become, that the natural

and cognizable is rooted in the historic, that the World as the actual is founded on an Ego as the potential actualized, that the "when" and the "how long" hold as deep a secret as the "what," leads directly to the fact that everything, whatever else it may be, must at any rate be the expression of something Uvmg. Cognitions and judgments too are acts of living men. The thinkers of the past conceived external actuality as produced by cognition and motiving ethical judgments, but to the thought of the future they are above all expressions and symbols. The Morphology of world-history becomes inevitably a universal symbolism that, the claim of higher thought to possess general and eternal truths the ground. Truths are truths only in relation to a particular mankind. Thus, my own philosophy is able to express and reflect only the Western (as distinct from the Classical, Indian, or other) soul, and that soul only in its

With

falls to

present civilized phase by which its conception of the world, its practical range and its sphere of effect are specified.

XVI In concluding this Introduction, I may be permitted to add a personal note. In 1311, 1 proposed to myself to put together some broad considerations on the

phenomena of the day and their possible developments. At that time World-War appeared to me both as imminent and also as the inevitable outward manifestation of the historical crisis, and my endeavour was to comnot prehend it from an examination of the spirit of the preceding centuries political

the

years.

In the course of this originally small task, 1 the conviction forced itself for an effective understanding of the epoch the area to be taken into

on me that

the foundation-plan must be very greatly enlarged, and that in an investigation of this sort, if the results were to be fundamentally conclusive and necessary results, it

was impossible

to restrict one's self to a single

epoch and

its

political

pragmatical framework, or even to do without purely metaphysical and highly transcendental methods of treatment. It became evident that a political problem could not be comprehended by means of politics themselves and that, frequently, important factors at work in the actualities, or to confine one's self to a

depths could only be grasped through their artistic manifestations or even form of scientific or purely philosophical ideas. Even the a period of politico-social analysis of the last decades of the i^th century distantly seen in the

tense quiet between two immense and outstanding events, the one which, expressed in the Revolution and Napoleon, had fixed the picture of West-European actuality for a century and another of at least equal significance that was 1

The work

referred to

is

embodied

m Vol.

II

(pp 5x1 et seq

,

561. et

seq

,

631 et seq )

INTRODUCTION

47

m

and ever more rapidly approaching was found the last resort to be impossible without bringing in all the great problems of Being in all their aspects. For, in the historical as in the natural world-picture, there is found nothing, however small, that does not embody in itself the entire sum of fundamental tendencies. And thus the original theme came to be immensely visibly

A vast number of unexpected (and in the main entirely novel) quesand interrelations presented themselves. And finally it became perfectly clear that no single fragment of history could be thoroughly illuminated unless and until the secret of world-history itself, to wit the story of higher mankind as an organism of regular structure, had been cleared up. And hitherto this has not been done, even in the least degree. From this moment on, relations and connexions previously often suspected, sometimes touched on but never comprehended presented themselves in everincreasing volume The forms of the arts linked themselves to the forms of war and state-policy. Deep relations were revealed between political and mathematical aspects of the same Culture, between religious and technical conceptions, between mathematics, music and sculpture, between economics and cognition-forms Clearly and unmistakably there appeared the fundamental dependence of the most modern physical and chemical theories on the mythological concepts of our Germanic ancestors, the style-congruence of tragedy and power-technics and up-to-date finance, and the fact (bizarre at first but soon widened. tions

self-evident) that oil-painting perspective, printing, the credit system, longrange weapons, and contrapuntal music in one case, and the nude statue, the in another were identicity-state and coin-currency (discovered by the Greeks) cal expressions of one and the same spiritual principle. And, beyond and above all, there stood out the fact that these great groups of morphological relations, each one of which symbolically represents a particular sort of mankind in the whole picture of world-history, are strictly symmetrical in structure. It is this perspective that first opens out for us the true style of history. Belonging itself as symbol and expression to one time and therefore inwardly possible

and necessary only for present-day Western man, it can but be compared to certain ideas of ultra-modern mathematics in the domain of distantly the Theory of Groups. These were thoughts that had occupied me for many years, though dark and undefined until enabled by this method to emerge in tangible form. Thereafter I

in a quite the approaching World-War saw the present other light. It was no longer a momentary constellation of casual facts due to national sentiments, personal influences, or economic tendencies endowed with an appearance of unity and necessity by some historian's scheme of political of social cause-and-effect, but the type of a historical change of phase occurring within a great historical organism of definable compass at the point preordained for it hundreds of years ago. The mark of the great crisis is its innumcr-

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

48

able passionate questionings and probings In our own case there were books and ideas by the thousand, but, scattered, disconnected, limited by the horizons of specialisms as they were, they incited, depressed and confounded but could free. Hence, though these questions are seen, their identity is missed

not

Consider those art-problems that (though never comprehended in their depths) were evinced in the disputes between form and content, line and space, drawing and colour, in the notion of style, in the idea of Impressionism and the music of Wagner. Consider the decline of art and the failing authority of science, the grave problems arising out of the victory of the megalopolis over the country-side, such as childlessness and land-depopulation; the place in society of a fluctuating Fourth Estate, the crisis in materialism, in Socialism, in parliamentary government, the position of the individual vis-a-vis the State; the

problem of private property with its pendant the problem of marriage. Consider at the same time one fact taken from what is apparently an entirely different field, the voluminous work that was being done in the domain of folk-psyand done, morechology on the origins of myths, arts, religions and thought over, is

from a strictly morphological standpoint. It one of these questions was really aimed in the same every other, viz., towards that one Riddle of History that had never

no longer from an

ideal but

belief that every

my

direction as

yet emerged with sufficient distinctness in the human consciousness. The tasks before men were not, as supposed, infinitely numerous they were one and the same task. Everyone had an inkling that this was so, but no one from his own narrow standpoint had seen the single and comprehensive solution. And yet it had been in the air since Nietzsche, and Nietzsche himself had gripped all the decisive problems although, being a romantic, he had not dared to look strict reality in

the face.

But herein precisely lies the inward necessity of the stock-taking doctrine, so to call it. It had to come, and it could only come at this time. Our scepticism is not an attack upon, but rather the verification of, our stock of thoughts and works. It confirms all that has been sought and achieved for generations past, in that it integrates all the truly living tendencies which it finds in the special spheres, no matter what their aim may be. Above all, there discovered itself the o^psttion of History and Nature through which alone it is possible to grasp the essence of the former. As I have already said, man as an element and representative of the World is a member, not only of nature, but also of history which is a second Cosmos different in structure and complexion, entirely neglected by Metaphysics in favour of the first. I was originally brought to reflect on this fundamental question of our

how present-day historians as they round tangible events, things-become, believe themselves to have althe ready grasped History, happening, the becoming itself This is a prejudice common to all who proceed by reason and cognition, as against intuitive perworld-consciousness through noticing

f amble

INTRODUCTION

49

1 it had long ago been a source of perplexity to the great Eleatics ception. And with their doctrine that through cognition there could be no becoming, but

only a being (or having-become). In other words, History was seen as Nature (in the objective sense of the physicist) and treated accordingly, and it is to this that

we must

ascribe the baneful mistake of applying the principles of that is, the structure of rigid being to the

causality, of law, of system

picture of happenings. It was assumed that a human culture existed just as electricity or gravitation existed, and that it was capable of analysis in much

The habits of the scientific researcher were eagerly taken from time to time, some student asked what Gothic, or Islam, or the Polls was, no one inquired why such symbols of something living inevitably appeared just then, and there., in that form, and for that space of time. Historians were content, whenever they met one of the innumerable similarities between widely discrete historical phenomena, simply to register it, adding some clever remarks as to the marvels of coincidence, dubbing Rhodes the "Venice of Antiquity" and Napoleon the "modern Alexander," or the like, yet it was just these cases, in which the destiny-problem came to the fore as the true problem of history (viz., the problem of time), that needed to be treated with all possible seriousness and scientifically regulated physiognomic in order the same way as these. as a

model, and

to find out causal,

if,

what

was

at

strangely-constituted necessity, so completely alien to the tpso facto propounds a meta-

work. That every phenomenon

physical riddle, that the time of its occurrence is never irrelevant, that it still remained to be discovered what kind of a living interdependence (apart from the inorganic, natural-law interdependence) subsists within the world-picture, radiates from nothing less than the whole man and not merely (as Kant thought) from the cognizing part of him, that a phenomenon is not only a fact for the understanding but also an expression of the spiritual, not only an object but a symbol as well, be it one of the highest creations of religion or art or a all this was, philosophically, something new. mere trifle of everyday life

which

And thus

in the end I

came

to see the solution clearly before

me in immense

to the philosophy of Goethe, which is practically unknown to-day, and also (but in a far less degree) to that of Nietzsche The position of Goethe in Westnot in the least, when philosophy is being discussed he is is still understood European metaphysics 1

The philosophy of this book I owe

For unfortunately he did not set down his doctrines in a rigid system, and so the systematic philosophy has overlooked him Nevertheless he was a philosopher. His place vis-2-vis vts-2-vts who similarly eludes the would-be-systematizer Kant is the same as that of Plato Anstotle Plato and Goethe stand for the philosophy of Becoming, Aristotle and Kant the philos-

not even named

Here we have intuition opposed to analysis Something that it is practically ime g , possible to convey by the methods of reason"is found in individual sayings and poems of Goethe, " in the Orphische Urworte, and stanzas like Wenn im Unendlichen" and Sagt es Niemand," which

ophy of Being

must be regarded as the expression of a -perfectly defimte metaphysical doctrine I would not have one in the single word changed in this "The Godhead is effective in the living and not in the dead, becoming and the changing, not in the become and the set-fast, and Therefore, similarly, the reason and (Vernunft) is concerned only to strive towards the divine through the becoming and the living, the understanding (Verstand) only to make use of the become and the set-fast" (to Eckermann). This sentence comprises

my

entire philosophy.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

5o

inward necessity, a solution derived from one single principle that though, discoverable had never been discovered, that from had haunted and attracted me, tormenting me with the sense that it was youth outlines, possessed of full

my

there and

must be attacked and yet defying me to

seize

it.

Thus, from an almost

accidental occasion of beginning, there has arisen the present work, which is put forward as the provisional expression of a new world-picture. The book is laden, as I know, with all the defects of a first attempt, incomplete, and certainly not free from inconsistencies Nevertheless I am convinced that it contains the incontrovertible formulation of an idea which, once enunciated

be accepted without dispute then, the narrower theme is an analysis of the Decline of that Westis now spread over the entire globe, yet the object in Culture which European view is the development of a philosophy and of the operative method peculiar clearly, will (I repeat) If,

to

it,

which

is

now

to be tried, viz

,

the method of comparative morphology in

naturally into two parts. The first, "Form and Actuality," starts from the form-language of the great Cultures, attempts to penetrate to the deepest roots of their origin and so provides itself with the basis for a science of Symbolic. The second part, World-historical Perspec-

world-history.

The work

falls

' '

from the facts of actual life, and from the historical practice of higher mankind seeks to obtain a quintessence of historical experience that we can set to work upon the formation of our own future. The accompanying tables x present a general view of what has resulted from the investigation. They may at the same time give some notion both of che fruitfulness and of the scope of the new methods. tives," starts

1

At

the end of the volume.

CHAPTER

II

THE MEANING OF NUMBERS

CHAPTER

II

THE MEANING OF NUMBERS IT

is

used

necessary to begin

by drawing attention

to certain basic terms which, as Though the

m this work, carry strict and in some cases novel connotations.

metaphysical content of these terms would gradually become evident in following the course of the reasoning, nevertheless, the exact significance to be attached

them ought to be made clear beyond misunderstanding from the very outset. The popular distinction current also in philosophy between "being" and "becoming" seems to miss the essential point in the contrast it is meant to to

An endless becoming will always be "action," "actuality" thought of also as a condition (as it is, for example, in physical notions such as uniform velocity and the condition of motion, and in the basic hypothesis of " the kinetic theory of gases) and therefore ranked in the category of "being On the other hand, out of the results that we do in fact obtain by and in consciousness, we may, with Goethe, distinguish as final elements "becoming" and "the become" (Das Werden, das Gewordne) In all cases, though the atom of human-ness may he beyond the grasp of our powers of abstract conception, the very clear and definite feehng of this contrast fundamental and diffused express.

throughout consciousness

is

the most elemental something that

we

reach.

follows therefore that "the become" is always founded on a "becoming" and not the other way round. I distinguish further, by the words proper and alien (das Etgne, das Fremde), those two basic facts of consciousness which for all men in the waking It necessarily

'

'

' '

' '

' '

(not in the dreaming) state are established with an immediate inward certainty, -without the necessity or possibility of more precise definition. The ' '

'

'

element called alien is always related in some way to the basic fact expressed by the word "perception," i.e., the outer world, the life of sensation. Great thinkers have bent all their powers of image-forming to the task of expressing this relation, more and more rigorously, by the aid of half-intuitive dichotomies " world-as-will and worldsuch as "phenomena and things-in-themselves," as-idea," "ego and non-ego," although surely inadequate for the task.

human powers

of exact

knowing

are

involved with the basic fact known as Similarly, the element "proper" feeling, i e., the inner life, in some intimate and invariable way that equallj defies analysis by the methods of abstract thought. is

53

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

54

'

'

'

' '

'

' '

and world. The existence of this opposition is soul I distinguish, again, There are identtcal with the fact of purely human waking consciousness QVachsetn) degrees of clearness and sharpness in the opposition and therefore grades of the consciousness, of the spirituality, of life. These grades range from the feelingknowledge that, unalert yet sometimes suffused through and through by an

inward light, is characteristic of the primitive and of the child (and also of those of religious and artistic inspiration that occur ever less and less often as a Culture grows older) right to the extremity of waking and reasoning sharpness that we find, for instance, in the thought of Kant and Napoleon, for whom soul and world have become subject and object. This elementary structure of consciousness, as a fact of immediate inner knowledge, is not susceptible of

moments

conceptual subdivision. Nor, indeed, are the

two

factors distinguishable at

except verbally and more or less artificially, since they are always associated, always intertwined, and present themselves as a unit, a totality. The epistemological starting-point of the born idealist and the born realist alike, the all

assumption that soul is to world (or world to soul, as the case may be) as foundation is to building, as primary to derivative, as "cause" to "effect," has no basis whatever in the pure fact of consciousness, and when a philosophic system lays stress on the one or the other, it only thereby informs us as to the personality of the philosopher, a fact of purely biographical significance. Thus, by regarding waking-consciousness structurally as a tension of con'

' '

' '

'

' '

becoming and the thing-become, meaning that is closely allied to that of "becoming." We may describe becomings and the things-become as the form in which respectively the facts and the results of life exist in the waking consciousness. To man in the waking state his proper life, progressive and traries,

we

and applying to

find for the

word

it

the notions of

Life a perfectly definite

constantly self-fulfilling, is presented through the element of Becoming in his and it possesses that mysterious this fact we call the -present consciousness ' '

' '

property of Direction which in all the higher languages men have sought to imto rationalize by means of the enigmatic word time. vainly pound and It follows necessarily from the above that there is a fundamental connexion

between If,

the become (the hard-set)

and Death.

now, we designate the Soul

that

is,

the~Soul as

it is felt,

not as

it is

as the -possible and the World on the other hand as the reasonably pictured actual (the meaning of these expressions is unmistakable to man's inner sense), we see life as the farm which the actualizing of the possible is accomplished With

m

respect to the property of Direction, the possible is called the Future and the actualized the Past. The actualizing itself, the centre-of-gravity and the centre-

"Soul" is the still-to-be-accomplished, life, we call the Present. the accomplished, "life" the accomplishing In this way we are enabled to assign to expressions like moment, duration, development, lifeof-meaning of

"World"

content, vocation, scope, aim, fullness and emptiness of

life,

the definite mean-

MEANING OF NUMBERS ings which we shall need for ing of historical phenomena.

all

55

that follows and especially for the understand-

Lastly, the words History and Nature are here employed, as the reader will a quite definite and hitherto unusual sense. These have observed already, words comprise possible modes of understanding, of comprehending the totality

m

becoming as well as things-become, life as well as things-lived knowledge as a homogeneous, spiritualized, well-ordered world-picture fashioned out of an indivisible mass-impression in this way or in that according as the becoming or the become, direction ("time") or extension ("space") is the dominant factor. And it is not a question of one factor being alternative to the other " The possibilities that we have of possessing an outer world" that reflects and attests our proper existence are infinitely numerous and exceedingly heterogeneous, and the purely organic and the purely mechanical world-view (in the are only the extreme members of the precise literal sense of that familiar term series. Primitive man (so far as we can imagine his waking-consciousness) and of

we

can remember) cannot fully see or grasp these possibilities. of this higher world-consciousness is the possession of language, meaning thereby not mere human utterance but a culture-language, and such is non-existent for primitive man and existent but not accessible in the case of the child (as

One condition

the child. In other words, neither possesses any clear and distinct notion of the world. They have an inkling but no real knowledge of history and nature, being too intimately incorporated with the ensemble of these. They have no Culture.

And

therewith that important word

is

given a positive meaning of the high-

est significance which henceforward will be assumed in using it. In the same way as we have elected to distinguish the Soul as the possible and the World as the actual, we can now differentiate between possible and actual culture, i.e., culture as an idea in the (general or individual) existence and culture as the body of that idea, as the total of its visible, tangible and comprehensible expressions

acts and opinions, religion and state, arts and sciences, peoples and cities, economic and social forms, speech, laws, customs, characters, facial lines and costumes Higher history, intimately related to life and to becoming, is the actualizing of possible Culture? must not omit to -add that these basic determinations of

We

meaning

arc

by specification, definition or proof, and in their deeper import must be reached by feeling, experience and intuition. There is a distinc-

largely incommunicable

tion, rarely appreciated as it should be, between experience as lived and experience as learned (zwischen Erleben und Erkennen), between the immediate

certainty given

such as illumination, by the various kinds of intuition flair, experience of life, the power of "sizing men up"

inspiration, artistic 1

*

Weltanschauung im wortlichen Smne, Anschauung dcr Welt The case of mankind in the hmoryless state is discussed in Vol. n, pp. 58

ct seq

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

56

and the product of rational procedure and technical experiment. The first are imparted by means of analogy, picture, symbol, the second by formula, law, scheme The become is experienced by learning indeed, as we shall see, the having-become is for the human mind identical with the comCGoethe's "exact percipient fancy")

A becoming, on the other hand, can only be experiwith a deep wordless understanding. It is on this that what we call "knowledge of men" is based, in fact the understanding of history implies a superlative knowledge of men. The eye which can see into the owes nothing to the cognition-methods investigated depths of an alien soul pleted act of cognition.

enced by living,

felt

in the "Critique of Pure Reason," yet the purer the historical picture is, the less accessible it becomes to any other eye. The mechanism of a pure nature-picture,

such as the world of Newton and Kant, is cognized, grasped, dissected in laws and equations and finally reduced to system, the organism of a pure history-

world of Plotmus, Dante and Giordano Bruno, is intuitively inwardly experienced, grasped as a form or symbol and finally rendered in poetical and artistic conceptions. Goethe's "living nature" is a historical

picture, like the seen,

1

world-picture. ii

In order to exemplify the way in which a soul seeks to actualize itself in the how far Culture in the "beto show, that is, picture of its outer world I have chosen come state can express or portray an idea of human existence

m

' '

number, the

primary element on which

all

mathematics

rests.

I

have done so

because mathematics, accessible in its full depth only to the very few, holds a quite peculiar position amongst the creations of the mind It is a science of the

most rigorous kind, like logic but more comprehensive and very much fuller; a true art, along with sculpture and music, as needing the guidance of inspiration and as developing under great conventions of form, it is, lastly, a metaphysic of the highest rank, as Plato and above all Leibniz show us. Every philosophy has hitherto grown up in conjunction with a mathematic belonging to it Number is the symbol of causal necessity Like the conception it is

of God,

it

contains the ultimate meaning of the world-as-nature. The existmay therefore be called a mystery, and the religious thought

ence of numbers

of every Culture has felt their impress. 2 Just as all becoming possesses the original property of dtnctton (irreversibility), all things-become possess the property of extension. But these two

words seem unsatisfactory in that only an artificial distinction can be made between them The real secret of all things-become, which are zpso facto things extended (spatially and materially), is embodied m mathematical number as contrasted with chronological number. Mathematical number contains in its 1 3

With, moreover, a "biological horizon See Vol II, pp 317 et seq

"

See Vol

II,

p

34,

MEANING OF NUMBERS

57

very essence the notion of a mecbamcal demarcation, number being in that respect akin to word, which, in the very fact of its comprising and denoting, fences off world-impressions. The deepest depths, it is true, are here both incomprehensible and inexpressible. But the actual number with which the mathematician

works, the

figure, formula, sign,

thtnks, sfeaks or

wntes exactly,

is

diagram, in short the number-sign which he word) from the first a

(like the exactly-used

symbol of these depths, something imaginable, communicable, comprehensible to the inner and the outer eye, which can be accepted as representing the demarcation. The origin of numbers resembles that of the myth. Primitive man "

elevates indefinable nature-impressions (the deities, numma, at the same time capturing

alien," in our terminology) into

and impounding them by a name which limits them. So also numbers are something that marks off and captures nature-impressions, and it is by means of names and numbers that the human understanding obtains power over the world. In the last analysis, the numberlanguage of a mathematic and the grammar of a tongue are structurally alike. Logic is always a kind of mathematic and vice versa. Consequently, in all acts of the intellect germane to mathematical number measuring, counting, * men strive to delimit the exdrawing, weighing, arranging and dividing tended in words as well, i.e to set it forth in the form of proofs, conclusions, theorems and systems, and it is only through acts of this kind (which may be more or less unintentioned) that waking man begins to be able to use numbers, normatively, to specify objects and properties, relations and differentiae, unities and pluralities briefly, that structure of the world-picture which he feels as necessary and unshakable, calls "Nature" and "cognizes." Nature is the numerable, while History, on the other hand, is the aggregate of that which has hence the mathematical certainty of the laws of no relation to mathematics Nature, the astounding Tightness of Galileo's saying that Nature is "written in mathematical language," and the fact, emphasized by Kant, that exact natural science reaches just as far as the possibilities of applied mathematics ,

allow

it

to reach.

In number, then, as the sign of completed demarcation, lies the

of everything actual, which is cognized, is delimited, and has become all as Pythagoras and certain others have been able to see with complete at once

essence

inward certitude by a mighty and truly religious intuition. Nevertheless, mathematics meaning thereby the capacity to think practically in figures must not be confused with the far narrower scientific mathematics, that is, the vision theory of numbers as developed in lecture and treatise. The mathematical and thought that a Culture possesses within itself is as inadequately represented by its written mathematic as its philosophical vision and thought by its has also quite philosophical treatises. Number springs from a source that other outlets. Thus at the beginning of every Culture we find an archaic style,

which might

cases as fairly have been called geometrical in other " 1 Also See Vol. n, pp. 603 ct seq. "thinking in money

well as the

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

58

Early Hellenic. There is a common factor which is expressly mathematical in this early Classical style of the loth Century B c., in the temple style of the

Egyptian Fourth Dynasty with

its

absolutism of straight line and right angle, Romanesque construction and

in the Early Christian sarcophagus-relief, and

m

every deliberately non-imitative figure of man and beast, reveals a mystic number-thought in direct connexion with the mystery of

ornament. Here every

line,

death (the hard-set).

Gothic cathedrals and Doric temples Pythagoras was the

first

are mathematics z# stone

in the Classical Culture to conceive

Doubtless

number

scientif-

as standard ically as the principle of a world-order of comprehensible things but even before him it had found expression, ,as a noble and as magnitude

arraying of sensuous-material units, in the strict canon of the statue and the Doric order of columns. The great arts are, one and all, modes of interpretation by means of limits based on number (consider, for example, the problem of space-representation in oil painting). A high mathematical endowment may,

without any mathematical science whatsoever, come to fruition and

knowledge in

full self-

technical spheres.

In the presence of so powerful a number-sense as that evidenced, even in the in the dimensioning of pyramid temples and in the technique of building, water-control and public administration (not to mention the calendar), no one surely would maintain that the valueless arithmetic of

Old Kingdom, 1

Ahmes belonging to the New Empire represents the level of Egyptian matheThe Australian natives, who rank intellectually as thorough primitives, possess a mathematical instinct (or, what comes to the same thing, a

matics.

power of thinking in numbers which is not yet communicable by signs or words) that as regards the interpretation of pure space is far superior to that of the Greeks. Their discovery of the boomerang can only be attributed to their having a sure feeling for numbers of a class that we should refer to the higher

we shall justify the adverb later they possess an geometry. Accordingly extraordinarily complicated ceremonial and, for expressing degrees of aflinity, such fine shades of language as not even the higher Cultures themselves can show. There

is analogy, again, between the Euclidean mathematic and the absence, in the Greek of the mature Penclean age, of any feeling either for ceremonial

public life or for loneliness, while the Baroque, differing sharply from the Classical, presents us with a mathematic of spatial analysis, a court of Versailles and a state system resting on dynastic relations. It is the style of a Soul that comes out in the world of numbers, and the world of numbers includes something more than the science thereof. 1

Dynasties I-VIII, or, effectively, I-VI. The Pyramid period coincides with Dynasties IV-VI. Cheops, Chephren and Mycermus belong to the IV dynasty, under which also great water-control works were carried out between Abydos and the Fayutn. Tr,

MEANING OF NUMBERS

59

in

From this there follows a fact of decisive importance which has hitherto been hidden from the mathematicians themselves. There ts not, and cannot be, number as such There are several number-worlds as there are several Cultures. We find an Indian, an Arabian, a Classical, a Western type of mathematical thought and, corresponding with each, a type each type fundamentally peculiar and unique, an expression of a of number a symbol having a specific validity which is even capable specific world-feeling,

of scientific definition, a principle of ordering the Become which reflects the and only one soul, viz the soul of that particular Cul-

central essence of one

,

Consequently, there are more mathematics than one. For indubitably the inner structure of the Euclidean geometry is something quite different from ture.

that of the Cartesian, the analysis of Archimedes is something other than the matters of form, intuition and method but analysis of Gauss, and not merely above all in essence, in the intrinsic and obligatory meaning of number which

m

they respectively develop and

set forth.

This number, the horizon within

which it has been able to make phenomena self-explanatory, and therefore the whole of the "nature" or world-extended that is confined in the given limits and amenable to its particular sort of mathematic, are not common to all mankind, but specific in each case to one definite sort of mankind The style of any mathematic which comes into being, then, depends wholly on the Culture m which it is rooted, the sort of mankind it is that ponders it. The soul can bring its inherent possibilities to scientific development, can manage them practically, can attain the highest levels in its treatment of them but is quite impotent to alter them. The idea of the Euclidean geometry is actualized in the earliest forms of Classical ornament, and that of the Infini-

tesimal Calculus in the earliest forms of Gothic architecture, centuries before the first learned mathematicians of the respective Cultures were born.

A

deep inward experience, the genuine awakening of the ego, which turns the child into the higher man and initiates him into community of his Culture, marks the beginning of number-sense as it does that of language-sense. It is only after this that objects come to exist for the waking consciousness as things limitable and distinguishable as to number and kind; only after this that properties, concepts, causal necessity, system In the world-around, a form of the world,

and world laws (for that which

is set

and

settled is tpso facto

bounded,

hardened, number-governed) are susceptible of exact definition. And therewith comes too a sudden, almost metaphysical, feeling of anxiety and awe regarding the deeper meaning of measuring and counting, drawing and form.

has classified the sum of human knowledge according to syna fnon (necessary and universally valid) and a posteriori (experiential and variable from case to case) and in the former class has included mathematical knowledge. Thereby, doubtless, he was enabled to reduce a strong inward

Now, Kant

theses

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

60

feelmg to abstract form But, quite apart from the fact (amply evidenced in modern mathematics and mechanics) that there is no such sharp distinction between the two as is originally and unconditionally implied in the principle, the a -finon itself, though certainly one of the most inspired conceptions of philosophy, is a notion that seems to involve enormous difficulties. With it

Kant postulates both

proof

form jar all

portance

without attempting to prove what

is

quite incapable of

and tdennty of the same. And, in consequence, a factor of incalculable imthanks to the intellectual prepossessions of his period, not to

unalterableness of form in all intellectual activity

mm in

is

own simply ignored. This factor is the varying degree of this alleged "universal validity." There are doubtless certain characters of very wide-ranging validity which are (seemingly at any rate) independent of the mention his

Culture and century to which the cognizing individual may belong, but along with these there is a quite particular necessity of form which underlies all his

and to which he

is subject by virtue of belonging to his Here, then, we have two very different kinds of a prton thought-content, and the definition of a frontier between them, or even the demonstration that such exists, is a problem that lies beyond all possibili-

thought

own

as axiomatic

Culture and no other.

ties of

knowing and will never be

solved.

So

far,

no one has dared to assume

that the supposed constant structure of the intellect is an illusion and that the history spread out before us contains more than one style of knowing. But we

must not forget that unanimity about things that have not yet become problems just as well imply universal error as universal truth True, there has so much so, that the always been a certain sense of doubt and obscurity correct guess might have been made from that non-agreement of the philoso-

may

at the history of philosophy shows us. But that this not due to imperfections of the human intellect or present gaps in a perfectible knowledge, in a word, is not due to defect, but to destiny this is a dtsco-very. Conclusions on the deep and final and historical- necessity

phers

which every glance

non-agreement

is

things "are to be reached not entia:

by predicating constants but by studying differof differences. The comparative morphology domain which Western thought has still to attack.

and developing the

of knowledge forms is a

orgame logic

IV

mathematics were a mere science like astronomy or mineralogy, it would be possible to define their object. This man is not and never has been able to do. If

We

West-Europeans

may

put our

the same tasks as those with

own

scientific

notion of number to perform

which the mathematicians

of Athens and

Baghdad

busied themselves, but the fact remains that the theme, the intention and the methods of the like-named science in Athens and in Baghdad were quite differ-

own There ts no matbemanc but only mathematics. What "the history of mathematics" implying merely the progressive-

ent from those of our

we

call

MEANING OF NUMBERS

61

is in fact, below the actualizing of a single invariable ideal deceptive surface of history, a complex of self-contained and independent developments, an everof to new birth form-worlds and bringing repeated process appropriating,

transforming and sloughing alien form-worlds, a purely organic story of blossoming, ripening, wilting and dying within the set period The student must let himself be deceived. The mathematic of the Classical soul sprouted almost out of nothingness, the historically-constituted Western soul, already possessing the Classical science (not inwardly, but outwardly as a thing learnt),

not

its own by apparently altering and perfecting, but in reality destroying the essentially alien Euclidean system. In the first case, the agent was Pythathe second Descartes. In both cases the act is, at bottom, the same. goras,

had to win

m

The

relationship between the form-language of a mathematic and that of the cognate major arts/ is in this w'ay put beyond doubt. The temperament of the thinker and that of the artist differ widely indeed, but the expression-

methods of the waking consciousness are inwardly the same for each. The sense of form of the sculptor, the painter, the composer is essentially mathematical in its nature. The same inspired ordering of an infinite world which manifested

the geometrical analysis and projective geometry of the ijth Century, could vivify, energize, and suffuse contemporary music with the harmony that it developed out of the art of thoroughbass, (which is the geometry of the itself in

sound-world) and contemporary painting with the principle of perspective (the felt geometry of the space-world that only the West knows). This inspired ordering is that which Goethe called The Idea, of which the form is immediately ' '

whereas pure science does not apprehend but observes and dissects." The Mathematic goes beyond observation and its highest moments finds the way by vision, not abstraction. dissection, and To Goethe again we owe the profound saying the mathematician is only complete in so far as he feels within himself the beauty of the true." Here we cvpprehended in the

domain

of intuition,

m

' '

how nearly the secret of number is

feel

related to the secret of artistic creation.

And

so the born mathematician takes his place by the side of the great masters of the fugue, the chisel and the brush, he and they alike strive, and must strive, to actualize the grand order of all things by clothing it in symbol and so to communicate it to the plain fellow-man who hears that order within himself but cannot effectively possess it; the domain of number, like the domains of

and colour, becomes an image of the world-form. For this reason creative means more in the mathematical sphere than it does in the Newton, Gauss, and Riemann were artist-natures, and we pure sciences know with what suddenness their great conceptions came upon them. 2 "A tone,- line

word

the

'

'

'

'

1

As also those of law and of money See Vol II, pp 68 et seq pp 616 et seq his Science tt Mttbode (Ch III), searchmgly analyses the becoming of one of his Pomcar6, mathematical discoveries Each decisive stage in it bears "Its mimes caracteres de Irieveti, de soudatneti et de certitude absolue and in most cases this certitude was such that he merely registered Tr the discovery and put off its workiog-out to any convenient season. ,

2

m

' '

own

' '

'

'

' '

'

'

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

to.

mathematician," said old Weierstrass, "who " poet will never be a full mathematician

is

not at the same time a bit of a

The mathematic, then, is an art As such it has its styles and style-periods. the layman and the philosopher (who is in this matter a lay-

It is not, as

man

too) imagine, substantially unalterable, but subject like every art to unnoticed changes from epoch to epoch The development of the great arts ought never to be treated without an (assuredly not unprofitable) side-glance at con-

temporary mathematics. In the very deep relation between changes of musical theory and the analysis of the infinite, the details have never yet been investigated, although aesthetics might have learned a great deal more from these than from all so-called psychology." Still more revealing would be a history '

'

of musical instruments written, not (as it always is) from the technical standpoint of tone-production, but as a study of the deep spiritual bases of the toneat. For it was the wish, intensified to the point of a longing, to fill a spatial infinity with sound which produced in contrast to the Classical lyre and reed (lyra, kithara; aulos, syrinx) and the Arabian

colours and tone-effects aimed

two great families of keyboard instruments (organ, pianoforte, etc ) instruments, and that as early as the Gothic time. The development of both these families belongs spiritually (and possibly also in point of technical the

lute

and

bow

North lying between Ireland, the Weser and the The organ and clavichord belong certainly to England, the bow instruments reached their definite forms in Upper Italy between 1480 and 1530, while it was principally in Germany that the organ was developed into the s^ace-commandtng giant that we know, an instrument the like of which does not exist in all musical history. The free organ-playing of Bach and his time was analysis of a strange and vast tone-world. nothing if it was not analysis And, similarly, it is in conformity with the Western number-thinking, and in opposition to the Classical, that our string and wind instruments have been developed not singly but in great groups (strings, woodwind, brass), ordered origin) to the Celtic-Germanic Seine.

within themselves according to the compass of the four human voices; the history of the modern orchestra, with all its discoveries of new and modification of old instruments, is in reality the self-contained history of one tone-world a world, moreover, that

is

quite capable of being expressed in the forms of the

higher analysis.

When, about 540 B.C., the circle of the Pythagoreans arrived at the idea that is the essence of all a step in the development of mathethings, it was not matics that was made, but a wholly new mathematic that was born Long ' '

number

'

'

by metaphysical problem-posings and artistic form-tendencies, now it came forth from the depths of the Classical soul as a formulated theory, a mathematic born in one act at one great historical moment just as the heralded

MEANING OF NUMBERS

63

mathematic of the Egyptians had been, and the algebra-astronomy of the and new for these Babylonian Culture with its ecliptic co-ordinate system older mathematics had long been extinguished and the Egyptian was never written down. Fulfilled by the znd century B c., the Classical mathematic its turn (for though it seemingly exists even to-day, it is only as a convenience of notation that it does so), and gave place to the Arabian. From what we know of the Alexandrian mathematic, it is a necessary presumption

vanished in

was a great movement within the Middle East, of which the centre must have lain in the Persian-Babylonian schools (such as Edessa, Gundisapora and Ctesiphon) and of which only details found their way into

that there

of gravity

the regions of Classical speech. In spite of their Greek names, the Alexandrian Zenodorus who dealt with figures of equal perimeter,

mathematicians

who worked on the properties of a harmonic pencil in space, Hypsicles were introduced the Chaldean circle-division, Diophantus above all without doubt Arainasans, and their works only a small part of a literature

Serenus

who all

principally in Syriac. This mathematic found its completion in the investigations of the Arabian-Islamic thinkers, and after these there was again a long interval. And then a perfectly new mathematic was

which was written

born, the Western, our own, which in our infatuation we regard as "Mathematics," as the culmination and the implicit purpose of two thousand years' evolution, though in reality

its

centuries are (strictly)

numbered and to-day

almost spent.

The most valuable thing in the Classical mathematic is its proposition that number is the essence of all things perceptible to the senses. Defining number as a measure, it contains the whole world-feeling of a soul passionately devoted to the "here" and the "now." Measurement in this sense means the measurement of something near and corporeal. Consider the content of the Classical art-work, say the free-standing statue of a naked man, here every essential and important element of Being, its whole rhythm, is exhaustively rendered by surfaces, dimensions and the sensuous relations of the parts. The Pythagorean notion of the harmony of numbers, although it was probably deduced from music

formed

it noted, that knew not polyphony or harmony, and seems to instruments to render single plump, almost fleshy, tones

a music, be its

be the very mould for a sculpture that has this ideal. The worked stone is only a something in so far as it has considered limits and measured form, what it is is what it has become under the sculptor's chisel. Apart from this it is a chaos,

m

fact for the time being a null. The same feeling transferred to the grander stage produces, as an opposite to the state of chaos, that of cosmos, which for the Classical soul implies a cleared-up situation of the

something not yet actualized,

external world, a harmonic order

neither

more nor less

which

includes each separate thing as a well-

and present entity. The sum of such things constitutes than the whole world, and the interspaces between them,

defined, comprehensible

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

64

which for us are filled with the impressive symbol of the Universe of Space, are for them the npnent (TO ny &>). Extension means, for Classical mankind body, and for us space, and it is as a function of space that, to us, things "appear." And, looking backward from

this standpoint,

we may perhaps

see into the deepest concept of the Classi-

Anaximander's aireipov a word that is quite untranslatable into any Western tongue. It is that which possesses no "number" in the Pythagorean sense of the word, no measurable dimensions or definable limits, and therefore no being, the measureless, the negation of form, the statue not yet carved out of the block, the itpx'n optically boundless and formless, which only cal metaphysics,

becomes a something (namely, the world) after being split up by the senses. It is the underlying form aprtort of Classical cognition, bodilmess as such, which is replaced exactly in the Kantian world-picture by that Space out of which

Kant maintained that

We

can

all things could be "thought forth." understand what it is that divides one mathematic from anparticular the Classical from the Western. The whole world-

now

m

other, and feeling of the matured Classical world led it to see mathematics only as the theory of relations of magnitude, dimension and form between bodies. When,

from out of this

feeling,

Pythagoras evolved and expressed the decisive formula,

number had come,

not a measure of form for him, to be an optical symbol generally, an abstract relation, but a frontier-post of the domain of the Become, or rather of that part of it which the senses were able to split up and pass under

By the whole Classical world without exception numbers are conceived as units of measure, as magnitude, lengths, or surfaces, and for it no other sort of extension is imaginable. The whole Classical mathematic is at

review.

Stereometry (solid geometry). To Euclid, who rounded off its system in the third century, the triangle is of deep necessity the bounding surface of a body, never a system of three intersecting straight lines or a group of three points in three-dimensional space. He defines a line as "length without

bottom

breadth"

In our mouths such a definition

GUJJKOS airparks).

in the Classical

mathematic

it

was

would be

pitiful

brilliant

The Western number, too, is not, as Kant and even Helmholtz thought, something proceeding out of Time as an a frton form of conception, but is somethat it is an order (or ordering) of like units. thing specifically spatial, Actual time (as we shall see more and more clearly in the sequel) has not the

m

slightest relation

with mathematical things. Numbers belong exclusively to But there are precisely as many possibilities and

the domain of extension. therefore necessities

of ordered presentation of the extended as there are

a thought-process dealing not with spatial relaunits, and it follows naturally and necessarily that the Classical knows only the "natural" (positive and whole) numbers, which on the contrary t>lay in our Western mathematics a Cultures

tions but

Classical

number

is

with visibly limitable and tangible

MEANING OF NUMBERS

65

in the midst of complex, hypercoaplex, nonquite undistinguished part Archimedean and other number-systems

On

this account, the idea of irrational

numbers

the unending decimal

was

fractions of our notation

unrealizable within the Greek spirit. Euclid and he ought to have been better understood that incommensurable says not related to one another hke numbers. In fact, it is the idea of irralines are ' '

' '

number

that, once achieved, separates the notion of number from that of magnitude, for the magnitude of such a number (TT, for example) can never be defined or exactly represented by any straight line. Moreover, it follows from

tional

this that in considering the relation, say,

between diagonal and

side in a square

would be brought up suddenly against a quite other sort of number, which was fundamentally alien to the Classical soul, and was consequently the Greek

feared as a secret of

its

proper existence too dangerous to be unveiled. There

is

a singular and significant late-Greek legend, according to which the man who first published the hidden mystery of the irrational perished by shipwreck,

"for the unspeakable and the formless must be left hidden for ever." * The fear that underlies this legend is the selfsame notion that prevented even the ripest Greeks from extending their tiny city-states so as to organize the country-side politically, from laying out their streets to end in prospects and their alleys to give vistas, that made them recoil time and again from the 2 Babylonian astronomy with its penetration of endless starry space, and refuse to venture out of the Mediterranean along sea-paths long before dared by the Phoenicians and the Egyptians It is the deep metaphysical fear that the sensecomprehensible and present in which the Classical existence had entrenched itself would collapse and precipitate its cosmos (largely created and sustained

art) into

by

unknown

understand the

to understand this fear

number

that

is,

is

to

measure tn con-

and to grasp the high ethical significance of its hence his almost terriaversion to mathematics, which as we can now see was really an involun-

trast to the

immeasurable

limitation.

Goethe too,

fied

And

primitive abysses

final significance of Classical

as a nature-student, felt it

1 One may be permitted to add that according to legend, both Hippasus who took to himself public credit for the discovery of a sphere of twelve pentagons, viz., the regular dodecahedron or sether of a world of real tetrahedrons, (regarded by the Pythagoreans as the quintessence octahedrons, icosahedrons and cubes), and Archytas the eighth successor of the Founder are reputed

have been drowned at sea The pentagon from which this dodecahedron is derived, itself involves incommensurable numbers The "pentagram" was the recognition badge of Pythagoreans and the &\ojov (incommensurable) their special secret It would be noted, too, that Pythagoreamsm was popular till its initiates were found to be deahng'm these alarming and subversive doctrines, and then a persecution which suggests more than one deep analogy with they were suppressed and lynched certain heresy-suppressions of "Western history The English student may be referred to J. Allman, GreekGeometry from Tbales to Euchd (Cambridge, 1889), and to his articles "Pythagoras," "Philolaus" " Tr and "Archytas in the Ency Brit XI Edition 2 Horace's words (Odes I xf): "Tu ne quzsiens, scire nefas, quern mihi quern tibi finem di de. dermt, Leuconoe, nee Babylontos temptarts numeros carpe diem, quam mtntmttm credula fostefo.

to

G

,

.

Tr.

.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

66

tary reaction against the non-Classical mathematic, the Infinitesimal Calculus which underlay the natural philosophy of his time.

Religious feeling in Classical

upon physically

man

focused itself ever more and more intensely which alone expressed a college of Eucli-

present, localised cults

dean deities. Abstractions, dogmas floating homeless in the space of thought, were ever alien to it. A cult of this kind has as much in common with a Roman Catholic dogma as the statue has with the cathedral organ. There is no doubt that something of cult was comprised in the Euclidean mathematic consider, for instance, the secret doctrines of the Pythagoreans and the Theorems of regular polyhedrons with their esoteric significance in the circle of Plato. Just so, there is a deep relation between Descartes' analysis of the infinite and contemporary dogmatic theology as it progressed from the final decisions of the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation to entirely desensualized deism. Descartes and Pascal were mathematicians and Jansemsts, Leibniz a mathematician and pietist. Voltaire, Lagrange and D'Alembert were contemporaries.

Now,

the Classical soul felt the principle of the irrational,

which

overturned the statuesquely-ordered array of whole numbers and the complete and self-sufficing world-order for which these stood, as an impiety against the " Divine itself. In Plato's "Timasus this feeling is unmistakable. For the trans-

formation of a

series

of discrete numbers into a continuum challenged not merely number but the Classical world-idea itself, and so it is

the Classical notion of

understandable that even negative numbers, which to us offer no conceptual difficulty, were impossible in the Classical mathematic, let alone zero as a number, that refined creation of a wonderful abstractive

power which,

for

the Indian soul that conceived it as base for a positional numeration, was nothing more nor less than the key to the meaning of existence. Negative 6 is neither z) X ( 3) = magnitudes have no existence. The expression ( something perceivable nor a representation of magnitude. The series of magnitudes ends with+ i, and in graphic representation of negative numbers

+

(+3 tive are.

+2.

+

I

o

i

z

3)

we have

suddenly, from zero onwards, posi-

symbols of something negative, they mean something, but they no longer But the fulfilment of this act did not lie within the direction of Classical

number-thinking Every product of the waking consciousness of the Classical world, then, is elevated to the rank of actuality by way of sculptural definition. That which cannot be drawn is not "number." Archytas and Eudoxus use the terms surface- and volume-numbers to mean what we call second and third powers, and it is

easy to understand that the notion of higher integral powers did not power would predicate at once, for the mind based

exist for them, for a fourth

on the

plastic feeling, an extension in four dimensions, and four material dimensions into the bargain, "which is absurd." Expressions like e'z which we constantly use, or even the fractional index (e.g., 5*) which is employed in the

MEANING OF NUMBERS Western mathematics

as ea'rly as

67

Oresme (i^th Century), would have been

to

them utter nonsense. Euclid calls the factors of a product its sides (VXeupftf) and fractions (finite of course) were treated as whole-number relationships between two lines. Clearly, out of this no conception of zero as a number could the point of view of a draughtsman it is meaningless. possibly come, for from We, having minds differently constituted, must not argue from our habits to theirs and treat their mathematic as a "first stage" in the development of "Mathematics." Within and for the purposes of the world that Classical man it is evolved for himself, the Classical mathematic was a complete thing merely not so for us. Babylonian and Indian mathematics had long contained, as essential elements of /-/&<w number-worlds, things which the Classical numberand not from ignorance either, since many a feeling regarded as nonsense Greek thinker was acquainted with them. It must be repeated, Mathematics '

an

'

'

'

A

mathematical, and, generally, a scientific way of thinking is right, convincing, a "necessity of thought," when it completely expresses the life-feeling proper to it. Otherwise it is either impossible, futile and senseless, is

or

illusion.

else, as

we

in the arrogance of our historical soul like to say, "primitive." for the Western spirit, is un-

The modern mathematic, though "true" only

deniably a master-work of that spirit; and yet to Plato it would have seemed a " to wit, ridiculous and painful aberration from the path leading to the true mathematic. And so with ourselves. Plainly, we have almost the Classical '

'

no notion of the multitude of great ideas belonging to other Cultures that we have suffered to lapse because our thought with its limitations has not permitted us to assimilate them, or (which comes to the same thing) has led us to reject them as false, superfluous, and nonsensical. VI

The Greek mathematic,

as a science of perceivable magnitudes, deliberately confines itself to facts of the comprehensibly present, and limits its researches

and their validity to the near and the small. As compared with this impeccable consistency, the position of the Western mathematic is seen to be, practically, somewhat illogical, though it is only since the discovery of Non-Euclidean

Geometry that the fact has been really recognized. Numbers are images of the their abperfectly desensualized understanding, of pure thought, and contain stract validity within themselves. 1 Their exact application to the actuality of a problem which is conscious experience is therefore a problem in itself and the congruence of mathealways being posed anew and never solved

matical system with empirical observation is at present anything but selfis that mathevident. Although the lay idea as found in Schopenhauer ematics rest upon the direct evidences of the senses, Euclidean geometry, superficially identical

though 1

it is

with the popular geometry of

See Vol.

II,

pp. ii et seq.

all ages, is

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

68

only in agreement with the phenomenal world approximately and within very Extend these limits, narrow limits fact, the limits of a drawing-board and what becomes, for instance, of Euclidean parallels? They meet at the line of the horizon a simple fact upon which all our art-perspective is grounded.

m

Now, it is unpardonable that Kant, a Western thinker, should have evaded the mathematic of distance, and appealed to a set of figure-examples that their mere pettiness excludes from treatment by the specifically Western infinitesimal methods. But Euclid, as a thinker of the Classical age, was entirely consistent when he

from proving the phenomenal truth of his formed by an observer and two inneither be drawn nor "intuitively finitely distant fixed stars. For these can apprehended" and his feeling was precisely the feeling which shrank from

with

its spirit

axioms by referring

refrained

to, say, the triangle

the irrationals, which did not dare to give nothingness a. value as zero (i.e., a number) and even in the contemplation of cosmic relations shut its eyes to the Infinite and held to

its symbol of Proportion. Anstarchus of Samos,who in zSS-z/y belonged to a circle of astronomers at Alexandria that doubtless had relations with Chaldaeo-Persian schools, pro1 Rediscovered by Coperjected the elements of a heliocentric world-system. nicus, it was to shake the metaphysical passions of the West to their foundations

witness Giordano Bruno

2

become the fulfilment of mighty premoniGothic world-feeling which had already professed its faith in infinity through the forms of its cathedrals. But the world of Anstarchus received his work with entire indifference and in a brief space of time it was forgotten designedly, we may surmise. His few followers were nearly all natives of Asia Minor, his most prominent supporter Seleucus (about 150) being from the Persian Seleucia on Tigris In fact, the Anstarchian system had no spiritual appeal to the Classical Culture and might indeed have become dangerous to it. And yet it was differentiated from the Copernican (a point always missed) by something which made it perfectly conformable to the tions,

and to

to

justify that Faustian,

Classical world-feeling, viz., the assumption that the cosmos is contained in a materially finite and optically appreciable hollow sphere, in the middle of which the planetary system, arranged as such on Copernican lines, moved. In the Classical astronomy, the earth and the heavenly bodies are consistently regarded as entities of two different kinds, however variously their movements

m

detail

only a star

might be interpreted Equally, the opposite idea that the earth is 3 among stars is not inconsistent in itself with either the Ptolemaic or

1

In the only writing of his that survives, indeed, Anstarchus maintains the geocentric view, therefore that it was only temporarily that he let himself be captivated by a hypothesis of the Chaldaean learning 2 Giordano Bruno (born 1548, burned for heresy i6co) His whole life might be expressed as a Crusade on behalf of God and the Copermcan universe against a degenerated orthodoxy and an it

may be presumed

Tr Aristotelian world-idea long coagulated in death 3 F Strunz, Gesch A Naturwtss. tm Mtttflalter (1910), p. 30

MEANING OF NUMBERS

69

the Copermcan systems and in fact was pioneered by Nicolaus disarms and Leonardo da Vinci. But by this device of a celestial sphere the principle of infinity which would have endangered the sensuous-Classical notion of bounds was smothered. One would have supposed that the infinity-conception was

inevitably implied by the system of Anstarchus long before his time, the Babylonian thinkers had reached it. But no such thought emerges. On the * contrary, in the famous treatise on the grains of sand Archimedes proves that

of this stereometric body (for that is what Anstarchus's Cosmos is, with atoms of sand leads to very high, but not to infinite, figureresults This proposition, quoted though it may be, time and again, as being a first step towards the Integral Calculus, amounts to a denial (implicit indeed in the very title) of everything that we mean by the word analysis. Whereas the

filling

after all)

in our physics, the constantly-surging hypotheses of a material (i.e., directly cognizable) asther, break themselves one after the other against our refusal to

acknowledge material limitations of any kind, Eudoxus, Apollonius and Archimedes, certainly the keenest and boldest of the Classical mathematicians, completely worked out, in the main with rule and compass, a purely optical analysis of things-become on the basis of sculptural-Classical bounds.

They used deeplythought-out (and for us hardly understandable) methods of integration, but these possess only a superficial resemblance even to Leibniz's definite-integral method. They employed geometrical loci and co-ordinates, but these are always specified lengths and units of measurement and never, as in rermat and above all in Descartes, unspecified spatial relations, values of points in terms of their positions in space. With these methods also should be classed the exhaustion-

method of Archimedes, 2 given by him in his recently discovered letter to Eratosthenes on such subjects as the quadrature of the parabola section by means of inscribed rectangles (instead of through similar polygons). But the very subtlety and extreme complication of his methods, which are grounded in certain of Plato's geometrical ideas, make us realize, in spite of superficial analogies,

difference separates him from Pascal. Apart altogether from the idea of Riemann's integral, what sharper contrast could there be to these ideas than the so-called quadratures of to-day? The name itself is now no more

what an enormous

than an unfortunate survival, the "surface" is indicated by a bounding function, and the drawing, as such, has vanished. Nowhere else did the two mathematical minds approach each other more closely than in this instance, and nowhere is it more evident that the gulf between the two souls thus expressing themselves

to

is impassable. In the cubic style of their early architecture the Egyptians, so to say, con1 In the "Psammitcs," or "Arcnarius," Archimedes framed a numerical notation which was IT. be capable of expressing the number of grains of sand in a sphere of the st%t of oar untverse. s This, for which the ground had been prepared by Eudoxus, was employed for calculating the

volume of pyramids and cones

"

the means whereby the Greeks were able to evade the forbidden no-

tion of infinity" (Heibcrg, Naturwiss.

it.

Math,

t

Klass, Alter. [1911], p. 17)

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

70

cealcd pure numbers, fearful of stumbling upon their secret, and for the Hellenes too they were the key to the meaning of the become, the stiffened, the mortal.

The stone

statue and the scientific system deny

Mathematical number,

life.

the formal principle of an extension-world of which the phenomenal existence is only the derivative and servant of waking human consciousness, bears the is linked with death as chronological with becoming, with Itfe, with the necessity of destiny. This connexion of strict mathematical form with the end of organic being, with the phenomenon of its organic remainder the corpse, we shall see more and more

hall-mark of causal necessity and so

number

is

We

have already noticed the developclearly to be the origin of all great art. ment of early ornament on funerary equipments and receptacles. Numbers are symbols of the mortal. Stiff forms are the negation of life, formula; and laws spread rigidity over the face of nature,

Faust

II sit

numbers make dead

and the "Mothers" of

enthroned, majestic and withdrawn, in

"The realms

of Image unconfined.

. . . Formation, transformation, Eternal play of the eternal ffund With semblances of all things in creation

For ever and

for ever

sweeping round."

l

Goethe draws very near to Plato in this divination of one of the final secrets. the possibilities of a For his unapproachable Mothers are Plato's Ideas spirituality, the unborn forms to be realized as active and purposed Culture, as art, thought, polity and religion, in a world ordered and determined by that spirituality. And so the number-thought and the world-idea of a Culture are related, and by this relation, the former is elevated above mere knowledge and experience and becomes a view of the universe, there being consequently as many mathematics as many number-worlds as there are higher Cultures. Only so can we understand, as something necessary, the fact that the greatest mathematical thinkers, the creative artists of the realm of numbers, have been brought to the decisive mathematical discoveries of their several Cultures by a deep religious intuition. Classical, Apollinian number we must regard as the creation of Pythagoras who founded a religton. It was an instinct that guided Nicolaus Cusanus, the great Bishop of Bnxen (about 1450), from the idea of the unendingness of God in nature to the elements of the Infinitesimal Calculus. Leibniz himself, who

two was

methods and notation of the Calculus, speculations about the divine principle and its relation to infinite extent to conceive and develop the notion of an analysts

situs

centuries later definitely settled the

led

by purely metaphysical

probably the most inspired of all interpretations of pure and emancithe possibilities of which were to be developed later by Grass-

pated space

mann in his

Ausdehnungslehre and above all by Riemann, their real creator, in his 1

Dr. Anstet's translation.

Tr.

MEANING OF NUMBERS

71

symbolism of two-sided planes representative of the nature of equations. And Kepler and Newton, strictly religious natures both, were and remained convinced, like Plato, that it was precisely through the medium of number that they had been able to apprehend intuitively the essence of the divine worldorder. VII

The

we

always told, was first liberated from its sense-bondage, widened and extended by Diophantus, who did not indeed create algebra (the science of undefined magnitudes) but brought it to expression within the framework of the Classical mathematic that we know and so suddenly that we have to assume that there was a pre-existent stock of ideas which he worked out. But this amounts, not to an enrichment of, but a comClassical arithmetic,

are

and the mere fact should have Diophantus does not belong to the

plete victory over, the Classical world-feeling, sufficed in itself to

show

that, inwardly, is active in

What

him is a new number-feeling, or let us say a new limit-feeling with respect to the actual and become, and no longer that Hellenic feeling of sensuously-present limits which had produced the Classical Culture at all

Euclidean geometry, the nude statue and the coin. Details of the formation of this new mathematic we do not know Diophantus stands so completely by himself in the history of so-called late-Classical mathematics that an Indian influence has been presumed. But here also the influence must really have

been that of those early-Arabian schools whose studies (apart from the dogmatic) have hitherto been so imperfectly investigated. La Diophantus, unconscious though he may be of his own essential antagonism to the Classical foundations on which he attempted to build, there emerges from under the surface of Euclidean intention the new \\m\t-feeling which I designate the "Magian." He did not widen the idea of number as magnitude, but (unwittingly) eliminated it. No Greek could have stated anything about an undefined which are neither magnitudes nor number a or an undenominated number 3

whereas the new limit-feeling sensibly expressed by numbers of this sort at least underlay, if it did not constitute, Diophantine treatment; and the letter-notation which we employ to clothe our own (again transvalued) algebra

lines

first introduced by Vieta in 1591, an unmistakable, if unintended, protest against the classicizing tendency of Renaissance mathematics. Diophantus lived about 2.50 A.r> , that is, in the third century of that Arabian

was

CW/m whose organic history, till now smothered under the surface-forms of the 1

Roman Empire and

the "Middle Ages," comprises everything that happened beginning of our era in the region that was later to be Islam's. It was last shadow of the Attic statuary precisely in the time of Diophantus that the art paled before the new space-sense of cupola, mosaic and sarcophagus-relief after the

that

we have

in the Early-Chnstian-Syrian style i See

Vol. H, Chapter

m.

In that time there

was once

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

7i

mote

archaic art

and

strictly geometrical

ornament, and at that time too Dio-

cletian completed the transformation of the now merely sham Empire into a Caliphate. The four centuries that separate Euclid and Diophantus, separate

and Plotinus

also Plato fulfilled

Culture and the

the last and conclusive thinker, the Kant, of a schoolman, the Duns Scotus, of a Culture just

first

awakened. It is here that we are made aware for the first time of the existence of those higher individualities whose coming, growth and decay constitute the real substance of history underlying the myriad colours and changes of the surface. the cold intelligence The Classical spirituality, which reached its final phase of the Romans and of which the whole Classical Culture with all its works,

m

thoughts, deeds and ruins forms the "body," had been born about uoo B c. in the country about the ^gean Sea. The Arabian Culture, which, under cover of the Classical Civilization, had been germinating in the East since Augustus,

came wholly out of the region between Armenia and Southern Arabia, Alexandria and Ctesiphon, and we have to consider as expressions of this new soul almost the whole late-Classical art of the Empire, all the young ardent relig' '

ions of the East

and in

Rome

all first of

itself,

' '

Mandasanism, Manichseism, Christianity, Neo-Platonism, as well as the Imperial Fora, that Pantheon which is the

mosques.

That Alexandria and Antioch still wrote in Greek and imagined that they were thinking in Greek is a fact of no more importance than the facts that Latin was the scientific* language of the West right up to the time of Kant and that Charlemagne "renewed" the Roman Empire. In Diophantus, number has ceased to be the measure and essence of plastic thtngs In the Ravennate mosaics man has ceased to be a lody. Unnoticed, Greek

We

have left the realm of designations have lost their original connotations. Attic KoXoKajadla the Stoic drapa^ia and 70X17^. Diophantus does not yet know Zero and negative numbers, it is true, but he has ceased to know Pythagorean numbers And this Arabian indetermmateness of number is, in its turn, something quite different from the controlled variability of the later Western mathematics, the variability of the function The Magian mathematic we can see the outline, though we are ignorant of the details advanced through Diophantus (who is obviously not a startingpoint) boldly and logically to a culmination in the Abbassid period (c^th century) that we can appreciate in Al-Khwanzmi and Alsidsshi. And as Euclidean

geometry is to Attic statuary (the same expression-form in a different medium) and the analysis of space to polyphonic music, so this algebra is to the Magian art with its mosaic, its arabesque (which the Sassanid Empire and later Byzantium produced with an ever-increasing profusion and luxury of tangible-intangible organic motives) and its Constantinian high-relief in which uncertain

deep-darks divide the freely-handled figures of the foreground.

As algebra

is

to

MEANING OF NUMBERS

73

Classical arithmetic and Western analysis, so is the cupola-church to the Done temple and the Gothic cathedral. It is not as though Diophantus were one of

the great mathematicians. On the contrary, much of what we have been accustomed to associate with his name is not his work alone. His accidental

importance lies in the fact that, so far as our knowledge goes, he was the first mathematician in whom the new number-feeling is unmistakably present In comparison with the masters who conclude the development of a mathematic with Apollomus and Archimedes, with Gauss, Cauchy, Riemann Diophantus has, in his form-language especially, something -prtmtttve. This something, till now we have been pleased to refer to "late-Classical" decadence,

which

shall presently learn to understand and value, just as we are revising our ideas as to the despised "late-Classical" art and beginning to see in it the

we

tentative expression of the nascent Early Arabian Culture. Similarly archaic, primitive, and groping was the mathematic of Nicolas Oresme, Bishop of Lisieux (132.3 -13 82.), 1 who was the first Western who used co-ordinates so to 2 both say elastically and, more important still, to employ fractional powers of which presuppose a number-feeling, obscure it may be but quite unmistak-

able,

which

is

completely non-Classical and also non-Arabic

But

if,

further,

we think of Diophantus together with the early-Christian sarcophagi of the Roman collections, and of Oresme together with the Gothic wall-statuary of the German cathedrals, we see that the mathematicians as well as the artists have something in common, which

is, that they stand in their respective Culthe primitive) level of abstract understanding In the world and age of Diophantus the stereometric sense of bounds, which had long ago reached in Archimedes the last stages of refinement and elegance proper to

tures at the same (yifc

,

the megalopolitan intelligence, had passed away. Throughout that world men were unclear, longing, mystic, and no longer bright and free in the Attic way; they were men rooted in the earth of a young country-side, not megalopolitans 3 like Euclid and D'Alembert. They no longer understood the deep and comand their own were confused and new, plicated forms of the Classical thought, far as yet from urban clarity and tidiness. Their Culture was in the Gothic as even the Classical was condition, as all Cultures have been in their youth in the early Doric period which is known to us now only by its Dipylon pottery. in Baghdad and in the cjth and roth Centuries were the young ideas of the

Only

age of Diophantus carried through to completion by ripe masters of the calibre of Plato and Gauss. 1 the very Oresme was, equally, prelate, church reformer, scholar, scientist and tconomist Tr. type of the philosopher-leader * Oresme in his Latitvdims Formariem used ordinate and abscissa, not indeed to specify numeriTr cally, but certainly to describe, change, i.e , fundamentally, to express functions 3 Alexandria ceased to be a world-city in the second century A D and became a collection of houses left over from the Classical civilization which harboured a primitive population of quite

different spiritual constitution.

Sec Vol

II,

pp

izz. et

scq

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

74

VIII

The not

whose geometry appeared in 1637, consisted new method or idea m the domain of traditional

decisive act of Descartes,

m the

introduction of a

geometry (as we are so frequently told), but in the definitive conception of a new number-idea, which conception was expressed in the emancipation of geometry from servitude to optically-realizable constructions and to measured and measurable lines generally. With that, the analysis of the infinite became a fact. The rigid, so-called Cartesian, system of co-ordinates a semi-Euclihad long been dean method of ideally representing measurable magnitudes known (witness Oresme) and regarded as of high importance, and when we get to the bottom of Descartes' thought we find that what he did was not to Its last historic representative was off the system but to overcome it Descartes' contemporary Fermat. 1 In place of the sensuous element of concrete lines and planes the specific there emerged the abstract, character of the Classical feeling of bounds

round

element of the potnt which from then on was regarded as a group of co-ordered pure numbers. The idea of magnitude and of perceivable dimension derived from Classical texts and Arabian traditions was destroyed and replaced by that of variable relation-values between positions in space. It is not in general realized that this amounted to the supersession of geometry, spatial, un-Classical

which thenceforward enjoyed only a fictitious existence behind a facade of The word "geometry" has an mextensible Apollinian

Classical tradition.

meaning, and from the time of Descartes what

made up

work upon

is

called the

"new geometry"

of faints in a space which is no longer necessarily three-dimensional (a "manifold of points"), and in part of analysis, in which numbers are defined through point-positions in space. is

And

in part of synthetic

this replacement of lengths

the

by positions

-position

carries

with

it

a purely spatial,

and no longer a material, conception of extension.

The clearest example of this destruction of the inherited optical-finite which in geometry seems to me to be the conversion of angular functions the Indian mathematk had been numbers (in a sense of the word that is hardly into -periodic functions, and their passage thence accessible to our minds) into an infinite number-realm, in

which they become

series

and not the

smallest trace remains of the Euclidean figure. In all parts of that realm the circle-number T, like the Napierian base e, generates relations of all sorts

which

obliterate all the old distinctions of geometry, trigonometry and

algebra, which are neither arithmetical nor geometrical in their nature, and in which no one any longer dreams of actually drawing circles or working out

powers. 1

Bom

1601, died 1665.

See Ency. Brit.,

XI Ed

,

article Ftrmat,

and references therein.

TV.

MEANING OF NUMBERS

75

IX

At the moment exactly corresponding to that at which (c 540) the Classical Soul in the person of Pythagoras discovered its own proper Apolhnian number, the measurable magnitude, the Western soul in the persons of Descartes and his discovered a notion of number that was generation (Pascal, Fermat, Desargues) the child of a passionate Faustian tendency towards the infinite. Number as inherent in the material presentness of things is paralleled by pure magnitude numbers

as pure relation,

1

and

if

we may

characterize the Classical "world,"

the cosmos, as being based on a deep need of visible limits and composed accordingly as a sum of material things, so we may say that our world-picture is an actualizing of an infinite space in which things visible appear very nearly as realities of a lower order, limited in the presence of the illimitable. The symbol of the West is an idea of which no other Culture gives even a hint, the idea of Function. The function is anything rather than an expansion of, it is complete emancipation from, any pre-existent idea of number. With the function, not only the Euclidean geometry (and with it the common human geometry of children and laymen, based on everyday experience) but also the Archimedean arithmetic, ceased to have any value for the really significant mathematic of Western Europe. Henceforward, this consisted solely in abstract analysis For Classical man geometry and arithmetic were self-contained and complete sciences of the highest rank, both phenomenal and both concerned with magnitudes that could be drawn or numbered. For us, on the contrary, those things are only practical auxiliaries of daily life. Addition and multi-

two Classical methods of reckoning magnitudes, have, like their geometrical-drawing, utterly vanished in the infinity of functional Even the power, which in the beginning denotes numerically a set processes.

plication, the sister

of multiplications (products of equal magnitudes), is, through the exponential idea (logarithm) and its employment in complex, negative and fractional forms,

dissociated from all connexion with

magnitude and transferred to a transcendent world which the Greeks, knowing only the two positive wholenumber powers that represent areas and volumes, were unable to approach. relational

Think, for instance, of expressions like e~ Every one of the significant creations which succeeded one another so

imaginary and complex numbers, inrapidly from the Renaissance onward troduced by Cardanus as early as 1550, infinite series, established theoretically

by Newton's great discovery of the binomial theorem in 1666; the

differential

geometry, the definite integral of Leibniz; the aggregate as a new number-unit, hinted at even by Descartes, new processes like those of general integrals, the expansion of functions into series and even into infinite series of other functions 1 Similarly, coinage and double-entry book-keeping play analogous parts in the money-thinking of the Classical and the Western Cultures respectively. See Vol II, pp. 610 t seq.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

76

a victory over the popular and sensuous number-feeling in us, a victory which the new mathematic had to win in order to make the new world-feeling is

actual.

In all history, so far, there

is

no second example of one Culture paying

to

another Culture long extinguished such reverence and submission in matters of science as ours has paid to the Classical. It was very long before we found courage to think our proper thought But though the wish to emulate the Classical was constantly present, every step of the attempt took us in reality ideal. The history of Western knowledge is emancipation from Classical thought, an emancipation never willed but enforced in the depths of the unconscious. And so the develop-

further

away from the imagined

thus one of

-progressive

ment of the new mathematic the notion of magnitude.

consists of

a

long, secret

and finally

victorious battle against

1

y.

One result of this Classicizing tendency has been to prevent us from finding the new notation proper to our Western number as such. The present-day signlanguage of mathematics perverts its real content. It is principally owing to that tendency that the belief in numbers as magnitudes still rules to-day even amongst mathematicians, for is it not the base of all our written notation? But it is not the separate signs (e.g., #> f> serving to express the functions but the f-unction itself as unit, as element, the variable relation no longer

O

capable of being optically defined, that constitutes the new number; and this new number should have demanded a new notation built up with entire dis-

regard of Classical influences. Consider the difference between two equations x +4* = (if the same word can be used of two such dissimilar things) such as 3 n = z w * and x " (the equation of Fermat's theorem). The first consists -}-y 5

of several Classical numbers

i.e

,

magnitudes

but the second

is one

number

of a different sort, veiled by being written down according to EuclideanArchimedean tradition in the identical form of the first. In the first case, the

= establishes a rigid connexion between definite and tangible magnitudes, but in the second it states that within a domain of variable images there exists a relation such that from certain alterations certain other alterations necessarily sign

The first equation has as its aim the specification by measurement of a concrete magnitude, viz., a "result," while the second has, in general, no result but is simply the picture and sign of a relation which for w>z (this is follow.

the famous Fermat problem 2) can probably be shown

to

exclude integers.

A

The same may be said in the matter of Roman Law (see Vol II, pp 96 ct seq ) and of coinage (see Vol II, pp 616 et seq ) " 2 That it is impossible to is, part a cube into two cubes, a biquadrate into two biquadrates, and " Fermat claimed generally any power above the square into two powers having the same exponent 1

vo possess a proof of the proposition, but this has not been preserved, hitherto been obtained. It.

and no general proof has

MEANING OF NUMBERS

77

Greek mathematician -would have found it quite impossible to understand the like this, which was not meant to be "worked out." purport of an operation As applied to the letters in Fermat's equation, the notion of the unknown is completely misleading. In the first equation AT is a magnitude, defined and measurable, which it is our business to compute. In the second, the word "defined" has no meaning at all for x, y, %, n, and consequently we do not ' '

'

'

Hence they are not numbers at all in the attempt to compute their values a connexion that is destitute of the hallplastic sense but signs representing marks of magnitude, shape and unique meaning, an infinity of possible positions of like character, an ensemble unified and so attaining existence as a number

The whole equation, though written in our unfortunate notation as a plurality of terms, is actually one single number, x, y, being no more numbers than

+

and = are In fact, directly the essentially anti-Hellenic idea of the irrationals

is

introduced, the foundations of the idea of number as concrete and definite collapse. Thenceforward, the series of such numbers is no longer a visible row of increasing, discrete, numbers capable of plastic embodiment but a umdimensional continuum in which each "cut" (in Dedekind's sense) represents a number, Such a number is already difficult to reconcile with Classical number,

mathematic knows only one number between i and 3 whereas Western the totality of such numbers is an infinite aggregate. But when

for the Classical for the

,

we

i or i) and finally the complex introduce further the imaginary (v numbers (general form a -f bt), the linear continuum is broadened into the highly transcendent form of a number-body, i e., the content of an aggregate cut now stands for a number-surface of homogeneous elements in which a containing an infinite aggregate of numbers of a lower "potency" (for instance, all the real numbers), and there remains not a trace of number in the Classical and popular sense. These number-surfaces, which since Cauchy and Riemann have played an important part in the theory of functions, are fure thought* "

'

' "

a pctures Even positive irrational number (e g , Vi) could be conceived in sort of negative fashion by Classical minds; they had, in fact, enough idea of it to ban it as apprjros and 0X070?. But expressions of the form x + yi lie beyond every possibility of comprehension by Classical thought, whereas

on the extension of the mathematical laws over the whole region of the complex numbers, within which these laws remain operative, that we have built up the function theory which has at last exhibited the Western it is

mathematic in all purity and unity. Not until that point was reached could this mathematic be unreservedly brought to bear in the parallel sphere of our dynamic Western physics; for the Classical mathematic was fitted precisely to its own stereometric world of individual objects and to static mechanics as developed from Leucippus to Archimedes the counterpart of the The brilliant period of the Baroque mathematic

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

78

substantially in the i8th Century and extends from the decisive discoveries of Newton and Leibniz through Euler, Lagrange, Laplace and

Ionian

lies

this immense creation found wings, its rise was hardly dared believe their senses The age of refined scepticism witnessed the emergence of one seemingly impossible truth after another l

D'Alembert to Gauss. Once

Men

miraculous.

Regarding the theory of the differential coefficient, D'Alembert had to say: "Go forward, and faith will come to you." Logic itself seemed to raise obBut the goal was reached. jections and to prove foundations fallacious This century was a very carnival of abstract and immaterial thinking, in which the great masters of analysis and, with them, Bach, Gluck, Haydn and revelled in the most and speculations, from which Goethe and Kant remained aloof, and in point of content it is exactly paralleled by the ripest century of the Ionic, the century of Eudoxus and Archytas (440-350) and, we may add, of in which the Phidias, Polycletus, Alcamenes and the Acropolis buildings form-world of Classical mathematic and sculpture displayed the whole fullness of its possibilities, and so ended.

a small group of rare and deep intellects

Mozart

refined discoveries

And now

for the first time it

is

possible to comprehend in full the elemental

opposition of the Classical and the Western souls. In the whole panorama of history, innumerable and intense as historical relations are, we find no two things so fundamentally alien to one another as these. And it is because ex-

tremes meet

because

effort

may be there is some deep common we find in the Western Faustian soul

it

that

towards the Apollmian

and, for

its

origin behind

this yearning only alien ideal which we have loved power of intensely living in the pure sensuous present, have envied.

their divergence

ideal, the

XI

We

have already observed that, like a child, a primitive mankind acquires (as part of the inward experience that is the birth of the ego) an understanding of number and tpso facto possession of an external world referred to the ego. As soon as the primitive's astonished eye perceives the dawning world of ordered extension, and the significant emerges in great outlines from the welter of mere impressions, and the irrevocable parting of the outer world from his proper, his inner, world gives form and direction to his waking life, there arises in the soul instantly conscious of

its loneliness the root-feeling of longing (Sehnsucht). that urges "becoming" towards its goal, that motives the fulfilment and actualizing of every inward possibility, that unfolds the idea of indi-

It is this

the child's longing, which will presently come into the clearly as a feeling of constant direction and

vidual being

It is

consciousness

more and more

1 Thus Bishop Berkeley's Discourse addressed whether the mathematician were in a position to

faith.

Tr.

to

an mfidel mathematician (1735) shrewdly asked the divine for proceeding on the basis of

criticize

MEANING OF NUMBERS finally stand before the

insoluble.

mature

spirit as

the enigma of lime

79 queer, tempting,

Suddenly, the words "past" and "future" have acquired a fateful

meaning.

But this longing which wells out of the bliss of the inner life is also, in the intimate essence of every soul, a dread as well. As all becoming moves towards a having-become wherein it ends, so the prime feeling of becoming the longing

touches the prime feeling of having-become, the dread. In the

present we feel a trickling-away, the past implies a passing. Here is the root of our eternal dread of the irrevocable, the attained, the final our dread of mortality, of the world itself as a thing-become, where death is set as a frontier our dread in the moment when the possible is actualized, the life like birth is

inwardly fulfilled and consciousness stands

at its goal. It is the

deep world-fear

which never leaves the higher man, the believer, the poet, the that makes him so infinitely lonely in the presence of the alien powers

of the child artist

that loom, threatening in the dawn, behind the screen of sense-phenomena. The element of direction, too, which is inherent in all "becoming," is felt

owing

human

to its inexorable trreversifahty to be something alien and hostile, and the will-to-understanding ever seeks to bind the inscrutable by the spell

of a name. It

something beyond comprehension, this transformation of its contrast with space, has always a queer, oppressive ambiguity from which no serious man can wholly protect is

future into past, and thus time, in baffling,

himself.

to

This world-fear is assuredly the most creative of all prime feelings Man owes the ripest and deepest forms and images, not only of his conscious inward

it

but also of the infinitely-varied external culture which reflects this life. Like a secret melody that not every ear can perceive, it runs through the formlanguage of every true art-work, every inward philosophy, every important life,

deed, and, although those who can perceive it in that domain are the very few, it lies at the root of the great problems of mathematics. Only the spiritually

man

Hammurabi's Babylon, Ptolemaic Alexanonly the pure intellectual, Baghdad, Pans and Berlin to-day the sophist, the sensualist, the Darwinian, loses it or is able to evade it by setting up a secretless "scientific world-view" between himself and the alien. dead

of the autumnal cities

dria, Islamic

As the longing

attaches itself to that impalpable something whose thousandare comprised in, rather than denoted by, the

formed elusive manifestations

word "time,"

so the other prime feeling, dread, finds its expression in the symbols of extension; and thus we find

intellectual, understandable, outlinable

that every Culture is aware (each in its own special way) of an opposition of time and space, of direction and extension, the former underlying the latter as becoming precedes having-become. It is the longing that underlies the dread, becomes the dread, and not vice versa. The one is not subject to the intellect, the other is its servant. The r61e of the one is purely to experience, that of the

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

8o

In the Christian language, the other purely to know (erleben, erkennen) opposition of the two world-feelings Is expressed by: "Fear God and love

Him" all primitive mankind, just as in that of earliest childhood, something which impels it to find means of dealing with the alien powers of the extension-world that assert themselves, inexorable, in and through space To bind, to bridle, to placate, to "know" are all, in the last analysis, the same thing In the mysticism of all primitive periods, to know

In the soul of

there

is

to make him favourable, to appropriate him inwardly. the nomen achieved, principally, by means of a word, the Name and also by ritual practices of numen designates and calls up the

God means to conjure him,

' '

This

is

which

'

and the subtlest,

secret potency,

'

as

'

'

well as the most powerful, form of this

by label and number. only becomes wholly man when he has acquired language. When cognition has ripened to the point of words, the original chaos of imNature that has laws and must pressions necessarily transforms itself into a defence

is

causal and systematic knowledge, delimitation

In this respect

man

' '

' '

x obey them, and the world-in-itself becomes a world-for-us The world-fear is stilled when an intellectual form-language hammers out brazen vessels in which the mysterious is captured and made comprehensible.

2 is the idea of "taboo," which plays a decisive part in the spiritual life of primitive men, though the original content of the word lies so far from us that it is incapable of translation into any ripe culture-language Blind terror,

This all

religious awe, deep loneliness, melancholy, hate, obscure impulses to draw near, all those formed feelings of mature souls are in the to be merged, to escape

childish condition blurred in a monotonous indecision. The two senses of the word "conjure" (verschwdren), meaning to bind and to implore at once, may serve to make clear the sense of the mystical process by which for primitive man the formidable alien becomes "taboo." Reverent awe before that which

independent of one's self, things ordained and fixed by law, the alien powers of the world, is the source from which the elementary formative acts, one and all, spring. In early times this feeling is actualized in ornament, in laborious

is

rites, and the rigid laws of primitive intercourse. At the zeniths of the great Cultures those formations, though retaining inwardly the mark of their origin, the characteristic of binding and conjuring, have become the complete form-worlds of the various arts and of religious, scientific and, above

ceremonies and

mathematical thought.

all,

The method common

to

all

the only

way

of

is the symbolizing of extension, of space actualizing itself that the soul knows or of things, and we find it alike in the conceptions of absolute space that pervade Newtonian physics, Gothic cathedral-interiors and Moorish mosques, and 1

From the savage conjuror with

by attaching technical 2

See Vol

II,

his

nammg-tnagic to the modern scientist who subjects things form has in no wise changed. See Vol. II, pp 166 ct seq.,

labels to them, the

323. et seq.

pp. 137 et seq.

MEANING OF NUMBERS

81

the atmospheric infinity of Rembrandt's paintings and again the dark toneworlds of Beethoven's quartets, in the regular polyhedrons of Euclid, the Parthenon sculptures and the pyramids of Old Egypt, the Nirvana of Buddha, the aloofness of court-customs under Sesostris, Justinian I and Louis XIV, in the God-idea of an^Eschylus, a Plotmus, a Dante; and in the world-embracing spatial energy of

modern

technics. XII

To

return to mathematics.

every formative act was, as

was

we

In the Classical world the starting-point of have seen, the ordering of the "become," in so

The Western, Gothic, form-feeling on the contrary is that of an unrestrained, strong-willed far-ranging soul, and its chosen badge is pure, imperceptible, unlimited space. far as this

But

we must

present, visible, measurable and numerable.

not be led into regarding such symbols as unconditional.

On

the

contrary, they are strictly conditional, though apt to be taken as having identical essence and validity. Our universe of infinite space, whose existence, for It is not even us, goes without saying, simply does not exist for Classical man.

capable of being presented to him On the other hand, the Hellenic cosmos, is (as we might have discovered long ago) entirely foreign to our way

which

of thinking,

was

for the Hellene something self-evident.

The

fact is that the

space of our physics is a form of very numerous and extremely complicated elements tacitly assumed, which have come into being only as the infinite

copy and expression of our

type of waking

life.

our soul,

and are actual, necessary and natural only for are always the most difficult. They

The simple notions

are simple, in that they comprise a vast deal that not only is incapable of being exhibited in words but does not even need to be stated, because for men of the particular group it is all

alien

men

at once simple ' '

anchored in the intuition, and they are

their real content

and

difficult, is

is tpso facto

difficult

quite inaccessible.

because for

Such a notion,

our specifically Western meaning of the word

' '

The whole of our mathematic from Descartes onward is devoted to space. the theoretical interpretation of this great and wholly religious symbol. The aim of all our physics since Galileo is identical; but in the Classical mathematics and physics the content of this word is simply not known. Here, too, Classical names, inherited from the literature of Greece and retained in use, have veiled the realities. Geometry means the art of measuring, arithmetic the art of numbering.

The mathematic

of the West has long ceased

to have anything to do with both these forms of defining, but it has not manfor the word "analysis" is aged to find new names for its own elements

hopelessly inadequate

The beginning and end of the

Classical

mathematic

is

consideration of the

properties of individual bodies and their boundary-surfaces, thus indirectly taking in conic sections and higher curves. We, on the other hand, at bottom

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

82.

only the abstract space-element of the point, which can neither be seen, nor measured, nor yet named, but represents simply a centre of reference. The straight line, for the Greeks a measurable edge, is for us an infinite continuum

know

Leibniz illustrates his infinitesimal principle by presenting the straight line as one limiting case and the point as the other limiting case of a circle having infinitely great or infinitely little radius. But for the Greek the

of points

circle is a flane

and the problem that interested him was that of bringing

Thus the

into a commensurable condition.

Classical intellect the supreme problem of the finite. The form seemed to it to be to alter surfaces bounded

it

became for the deepest problem of world-

squaring of the

ctrcle

by curved lines, without change of magnitude, into rectangles and so to render them measureable For us, on the other hand, it has become the usual, and not specially significant, practice to represent the metrical image.

number

-jr

by algebraic means, regardless of any geo-

Classical mathematician knows only what he sees and grasps. Where the domain of his thought and defining visibility ceases, his science comes to an end The Western mathematician, as soon as he has quite shaken off the trammels of Classical prejudice, goes off into a wholly abstract region of (no longer 3) dimensions, in which his infinitely numerous "manifolds" of so-called geometry always can and generally must do without every common-

The

definite

place aid.

When Classical man turns

to artistic expressions of his form-feeling,

he tries with marble and bronze to give the dancing or the wrestling human form that pose and attitude in which surfaces and contours have all attainable proportion and meaning. But the true artist of the West shuts his eyes and loses himself in the realm of bodiless music, in which harmony and polyphony

him

"beyondness" that transcend all possibilities of of the meanings of the word "figure" as used respectively by the Greek sculptor and the Northern contrapuntist, and the opposition of the two worlds, the two mathematics, is immediately presented. The Greek mathematicians ever use the word Real history

divine the future (there

is

heavy with

fate but free of laws.

One can

indeed, a certain insight that can penetrate its secrets deeply) but one cannot reckon it. The physiognomic flair which enables one to read a whole life in a face or to sum up whole peoples from the picture of an epoch and to do so without deliberate effort or "system" is utterly

remote from

all

is,

"cause and

He who comprehends

effect."

the light-world that

is

before his eyes not physiog-

nomically but systematically, and makes it intellectually his own by the methods of causal experience, must necessarily in the end come to believe that every living thing can be understood by reference to cause and effect that is no secret and no inner directedness. He, on the other hand, who as

there

Goethe did and for that matter as everyone does in nine out of ten of his lets the impressions of the world about him work waking moments merely upon his senses, absorbs these impressions as a whole, feels the become in its

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY becoming. The

stiff

113

mask

of causality is lifted by mere ceasing to think Suda riddle, a notion, a "form" or "dimension" but be-

denly, Time is no more comes an inner certainty, destiny

itself, and in its directedness, its irrevcrsibihty, disclosed the very meaning of the historical world-picture. Destiny and Causality an related as Time and Space. In the two possible world-forms then History and Nature, the physiog-

its livingness, is

nomy of all becoming and the system of all things become Between them there is all the a method of knowledge. Each of them

prevails.

difference

destiny or causality

between a feeling of

life

and

the starting-point of a complete and self-contained, but not of a unique world. Yet, after all, just as the become is founded upon a becoming, so the knowledge of cause and effect is founded upon is

the sure feeling of a destiny. Causality is so to say destiny become, destiny made inorganic and modelled in reason-forms. Destiny itself (passed over in silence by Kant and every other builder of rational world-systems because

with

armoury of abstractions they could not touch

their

life)

stands beyond and

outside all comprehended Nature. Nevertheless, being itself the original, it alone gives the stiff dead principle of cause-and-effect the opportunity to figure in the later scenes of a culture-drama, alive and historical, as the incarnation of a tyrannical thinking. The existence of the Classical soul is the condition for

the appearance of Democntus's method, the existence of the Faustian soul for that of Newton's. We may well imagine that either of these Cultures might

have failed to produce a natural science of its own, but

we

cannot imagine the

systems without their cultural foundations. Here again we see how becoming and the become, direction and extension, include one another and are subordinated each to the other, according as we ' '

are in the historical or in the

which

order in scientific

all

work must

inter

aha

' '

natural

the become

focus

If history is that

kind of world-

to the becoming, then the products of be so handled, and, in fact, for the historical eye is fitted

It was Destiny that the discoveries of oxygen, Neptune, gravitation and spectrum analysis happened as and when they did. It was Destiny that the phlogiston theory, the undulatory theory of light, the kinetic theory of gases could arise at all, seeing that they were elucidations of results and, as such, highly personal to their respective authors, and that other " " theories (' correct or erroneous ') might equally well have been developed instead. And it is again Destiny and the result of strong personality when one

there

is

only a

history of physics.

'

'

theory vanishes and another becomes the lodestar of the physicist's world. a problem or the "history"

Even the born physicist speaks of the "fate" of of a discovery.

Conversely, if "Nature" is that constitution of things in which the becoming should logically be incorporated in the thing-become, and living direction in rigid extension, history may best be treated as a chapter of epistemology;

and so indeed Kant would have treated

it if

he had remembered to include

it

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

no

system of knowledge. Significantly enough, he did not, for him as for every born systematist Nature is The World, and when he discusses time without noticing that it has direction and is irreversible, we see that he is at all in his

dealing with the Nature-world and has no inkling of the possibility of another, the history-world Perhaps, for Kant, this other world was actually impossible.

Now, made up

Causality has nothing whatever to do with Time To the world of to-day, of Kantians who know not how Kantian they are, this must seem an

outrageous paradox. And yet every formula of Western physics exhibits the essence. As soon as the question "how" and the "how long" as distinct the statement that is pressed home, causality restricts its answer rigidly to

m

' '

'

'

and not when it happens. The effect must of necessity something happens be put with the "cause." The distance between them belongs to a different order, it lies within the act of understanding itself (which is an element of It is of the essence of the life) and not within the thing or things understood extended that it overcomes directedness, and of Space that it contradicts Time, latter; as the more fundamental, precedes and underlies the former. Destiny claims the same precedence, we begin with the idea of Destiny, and only later, when our waking-consciousness looks fearfully for a spell that will bind in the

and yet the

sense-world and overcome the death that cannot be evaded, do we conceive causality as an anti-Fate, and make it create another world to protect us from and console us for this And as the web of cause and effect gradually spreads over the is formed a convincing picture of timeless duration but Being endowed with attributes by the sheer force of This tendency underlies the feeling, well known in all mature

visible surfaces there essentially, Being,

pure thought

"Knowledge is Power," the 'power that is meant being power over Destiny. The abstract savant, the natural-science researcher, the thinker in systems, whose whole intellectual existence bases itself on the causality Cultures, that

principle, are

"late" manifestations of an unconscious hatred of the powers of

"Pure Reason" denies all possibilities that are Here strict thought and great art are eternally in conflict. The one keeps its feet, and the other lets itself go. A man like Kant must always feel himself as superior to a Beethoven as the adult is to the child, but this will not prevent a Beethoven from regarding the "Critique of Pure Reason" as a pitiable sort of philosophy. Teleology, that nonsense of all nonsenses within science, is a misdirected attempt to deal mechanically with the li-vmg content of scientific knowledge (for knowledge implies someone to know, and though the substance of thought may be "Nature" the act of thought is history), and so with life itself as an inverted causality. Teleology is a caricature of the incomprehensible Destiny. outside

itself.

Destiny-idea which transforms the vocation of Dante into the aim of the savant. It is the the deepest and most characteristic tendency both of Darwinism megalopolitan-intellectual product of the

most

abstract of all Civilizations

'

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

izi

and of the materialist conception of history which springs from the same root as Darwinism and, like it, kills all that is organic and fateful. Thus the morphological element of the Causal is a Principle, and the morphological element of Destiny is an Idea, an idea that is incapable of being "cognized," described or defined, and can only be felt and inwardly lived. This idea is something of

which one

is

either entirely ignorant or else like the man of the spring and man of the late seasons, believer, lover, artist, poet

every truly significant entirely certain

Thus Destiny is seen to be the true existence-mode of the prime phenomenon, that which the living idea of becoming unfolds itself immediately to the intuitive vision And therefore the Destiny-idea dominates the whole world-picture of history, while causality, which is the existence-mode of objects and stamps out of the world of sensations a set of -well-distinguished and well-defined thmgs, properties and relations, dominates and penetrates, as the form of the underin

standing, the Nature-world that is the understanding's "alter ego." But inquiry into the degree of validity of causal connexions within a presentation of nature, or (what is henceforth the same thing for us) into the destinies involved in that presentation, becomes far more difficult still when we to realize that for primitive man or for the child no comprehensive

come

causally-ordered world exists at all as yet and that we ourselves, though "late" men with a consciousness disciplined by powerful speech-sharpened thought,

can do no more, even in moments of the most strained attention (the only ones, really, in which we are exactly in the physical focus), than assert that the causal order

which we see in such a moment is continuously present in the " Even waking, we take m the actual, the living garment

actuality around us

of the Deity," pbysiognomtcally, and we do so involuntarily and by virtue of a is rooted in the deep sources of life.

power of experience that

A systematic delineation, on the contrary, is the expression of an understanding emancipated from perception, and by means of it we bring the mental picture of all times and all men into conformity with the moment's picture of Nature as ordered by ourselves. But the mode of this ordering, which has a history that we cannot interfere with in the smallest degree, of a cause, but a destiny.

is

not the working

II

The way

to the problem of Time, then, begins in the primitive wistfulness and passes through its clearer issue the Destiny-idea. We have now to try to outline, briefly, the content of that problem, so far as it affects the subject of this

book.

is a sort of charm to summon up that intensely personal earlier as the "proper," which with an inner certainty something designated " we oppose to the alien" something that is borne in upon each of us amongst

The word Time

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

izz

and within the crowding impressions of the sense-life. "The Proper," "Desand Time are interchangeable words tiny The problem of Time, like that of Destiny, has been completely misunderstood by all thinkers who have confined themselves to the systematic of the Become. In Kant's celebrated theory there is not one word about its character of directedness. Not only so, but the omission has never even been noticed. '

'

' '

' '

is time as a length, time without direction? Everything living, we can only repeat, has "life," direction, impulse, will, a movement-quality (Bewegtheit) that is most intimately allied to yearning and has not the smallest element in common with the "motion" (Bewegung) of the physicists. The

But what

is indivisible and irreversible, once and uniquely occurring, and its course entirely indeterminable by mechanics. For all such qualities belong to the that which we actually feel at the sound of essence of Destiny, and "Time"

living is

the word, which is clearer in music than in language, and in poetry than in has this organic essence, while Space has not. Hence, Kant and the prose rest notwithstanding, it is impossible to bring Time -with Space under one general Critique. Space is a conception, but time is a word to indicate something inconceivable, a sound-symbol, and to use it as a notion, scientifically, is utterly to which unfortunately canmisconceive its nature. Even the word direction is liable to mislead owing to its visual content. not be replaced by another

The vector-notion

in physics

is a

case in point. ' '

' '

For primitive man the word time can have no meaning. He simply lives, without any necessity of specifying an opposition to something else He has time, but he knows nothing of it. All of us are conscious, as being aware, of space only, and not of time. Space "is," (i.e. exists, in and with our senseas a self-extension while we are living the ordinary life of dream,

world)

impulse, intuition and conduct,

and as space in the

strict

sense

in

the

moments of strained attention. "Time," on the contrary, is a disco-very, which is only made by thinking. We create it as an idea or notion and do not begin till

much

later to suspect that we ourselves are Time,

inasmuch

as

we

live.

1

And

only the higher Cultures, whose world-conceptions have reached the mechanical-Nature stage, are capable of deriving from their consciousness of a well-ordered measurable and comprehensible Spatial, the projected image of 2 time, the phantom time,

which

satisfies their

need of comprehending, measuring

and causally ordering all. And this impulse a sign of the sophistication of existence that makes its appearance quite early in every Culture fashions, outside and beyond the real life-feeling, that which is called time in all higher

1

languages and has become for the town-intellect a completely tnorgamc magni1

The sensuous

life

and the intellectual

life

too are Time,

tellectual experience, the "world," that is spatial nature to Time, see Vol. II, pp 403 et seq )

it is only sensuous experience and in(As to the nearer affinity of the Feminine

"

8 The expression space of time" (Zeitraum) which is common to of our inability to represent direction otherwise than by extension.

many

languages,

is

evidence

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

12.3

deceptive as it is current. But, if the characteristics, or rather the limit and causality is really wizard's gear wherecharacteristic, of extension tuds, as

Goethe with our proper soul attempts to conjure and bind alien powers speaks somewhere of the "principle of reasonable order that we bear within

power upon everything that we which our world-dread hurries to fix upon the

ourselves and could impress as the seal of our

touch"

if all

law

is

a fetter

incrowding sensuous, a deep necessity of self-preservation, so also the invention of a time that is knowable and spatially representable within causality is a later act of this same self-preservation, an attempt to bind by the force of notion the tormenting inward riddle that is doubly tormenting to the intellect that has to find itself defied. Always a subtle hatred underlies the by which anything is forced into the domain and formworld of measure and law. The living is killed by being introduced into space, for space is dead and makes dead. With birth is given death, with the fulfilment hence comes the end. Something dies within the woman when she conceives

attained

power only

intellectual process

that eternal hatred of the sexes, child of world-fear.

The man

destroys, in a

very deep sense, when he begets by bodily act in the sensuous world, by x "knowing" in the intellectual. Even in Luther the word "know" has the

which remains secondary genital sense. And with the "knowledge" of life the knowledge of death has gamed that power alien to the lower animals which dominates man's whole waking

consciousness. By a -picture of time the 2 changed into the transitory. The mere creation of the name Time was an unparalleled deliverance. To name any thing by a name is to win power over it. This is the essence of primitive the evil powers are constrained by naming them, and man's art of magic the enemy is weakened or killed by coupling certain magic procedures with his actual

is

name. 3

And

is something of this primitive expression of world-fear in the way systematic philosophies use mere names as a last resort for getting rid of the Incomprehensible, the Almighty that is all too mighty for the in-

in

there

which

all

tellect.

We name something or other the

once

superior

its

Philosophy, the

love

"Absolute," and

of Wisdom,

is

we feel

ourselves at

at the very bottom defence

What is named, comprehended, measured is 4 overpowered, made inert and taboo. Once more, "knowledge is power." Herein lies one root of the difference between the idealist's and the realist's attitude towards the Unapproachable; it is expressed by the two meanagainst the incomprehensible.

tpso facto

ings of the 1

German word

Scheu

5 respect and abhorrence.

The

idealist con-

2 See Vol II, pp 19 et seq. the translated Bible. Tr. 3 See p 80 of this volume, and Vol n, pp. 166, 3x8. 4 See Vol H, p. 137. 6 The nearest English equivalent is perhaps the word "fear." "Fearful" would correspond exactly but for the fact that in the second sense the word is objective instead of subjective The Tr word "shy" itself bears the second meaning in such trivial words as gun-shy, work-shy.

I e

,

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

124

templates, the realist would subject, mechanize, render innocuous. Plato and Goethe accept the secret humility, Aristotle and Kant would open it up and

m

destroy it. The most deeply significant example of this realism is in its treatment of the Time problem. The dread mystery of Time, life itself, must be spellbound and, by the magic of comprehensibility, neutrali2ed.

All that has been said about time in "scientific" philosophy, psychology and physics the supposed answer to a question that had better never have been asked, namely what ts time? touches, not at any point the secret itself, but only a spatially-formed representative phantom. The hvingness and directedness and fated course of real

Time

is

replaced

by

a figure which, be

it

never so

intimately absorbed, is only a line, measurable, divisible, reversible, and not a portrait of that which is incapable of being portrayed, by a "time" that can 2 be mathematically expressed in such forms as Vr, t , t, from which the assumption of a time ofzero magnitude or of negative times is, to say the least, not excluded, 1 Obviously this is something quite outside the domain of Life,

Destiny, and living historical Time; is remote even from the sensuous

it is a

life

purely conceptual time-system that has only to substitute, in any

One

philosophical or physical treatise that one pleases, this word "Destiny" for the word "time" and one will instantly see how understanding loses its way

has emancipated it from sensation, and how impossible the group "time and space" is What is not experienced and felt, what is merely thought, necessarily takes a spatial form, and this explains why no systematic

when language

philosopher has been able to echoing sound symbols Past ' '

make anything out ' '

' '

of the mystery-clouded, far-

' '

In Kant' s utterances concerning and Future time they do not even occur, and in fact one cannot see any relation which could connect them with what is said there But only this spatial form enables

time and space to be brought into functional interdependence as magnitudes 2 of the same order, as four-dimensional vector analysis conspicuously shows.

As

early as 1813 Lagrange frankly described mechanics as a four-dimensional geometry, and even Newton's cautious conception of "tempus absolutum sive duratio" is not exempt from this intellectually inevitable transformation of the

living into mere extension. In the older philosophy I have found one, and only "If no one, profound and reverent presentation of Time; it is in Augustine " 3 one questions me, I know: if I would explain to a questioner, I know not

When

philosophers of the present-day West

"hedge"

as

they

all

do

1

The Relativity theory, a working hypothesis which is on the way to overthrowing Newton's which means at bottom his view of the problem of motion mechanics admits cases in which the words "earlier" and "later" may be inverted The mathematical foundation of this theory uses imaginary time units for measurement. Mmkowski by 2 The dimensions arc x, y, % (in respect of space) and (in respect of time), and all four appear t-

be regarded as perfectly equivalent in transformations. [The English reader may be referred to A, Einstein, "Theory of Relativity," Ch XI and appendices I, II. TV ] * Si nemo ex me quaerac, sao, si qaaerenti cxplican velim, nescio (Conf. XI, 14.) to

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY by saying that things an in time

'

'

iz 5 ' '

space and that outside them nothing is "conceivable," they are merely putting another kind of space (Raumlichkeit) beside the ordinary one, just as one might, if one chose, call hope and electricforces of the two the universe. It to have escaped Kant ity ought not, surely,

"two forms" of perception, that whereas it is easy to a scientific understanding about space (though not to exin the ordinary sense of the word, for that is beyond human powers),

when he spoke enough

to

as in

of the

come

'

'

plain" it, treatment of time on the same lines breaks down utterly The reader of the "Critique of Pure Reason" and the "Prolegomena" will observe that Kant gives a well-considered proof for the connexion of space and geometry but

same for time and arithmetic. There he did not go beyond enunciation, and constant reassertion of analogy .between the two conceptions lured him over a gap that would have been fatal to his system. Vis-a-vis the Where and the How, the When forms a world of its own as distinct as is metaphysics from physics. Space, object, number, notion, causality are so carefully avoids doing the

as countless mistaken systems prove intimately akin that it is impossible to treat the one independently of the other. Mechanics is a copy of the logic

of its day and vice versa. The picture of thought as psychology builds it up and the picture of the space-world as contemporary physics describes it are reflections

Conceptions and things, reasons and causes, conclusions and processes coincide so nicely, as received by the consciousness, that the abstract thinker himself has again and again succumbed to the temptation of setting of one another.

'

'

'

witness .Arisforth the thought-' process graphically and schematically totle's and Kant's tabulated categories. "Where there is no scheme, there is no

unacknowledged though it may philosophy" is the /objection of principle that all professional philosophers have against the "intuitives," to whom, be inwardly they feel themselves far superior. That is why Kant crossly describes " the Platonic style of thinking as the art of spending good words in babble" (die Kunst, wortreich zu schwatzen), and why even to-day the lecture-room philosopher has not a word to say about Goethe's philosophy. Every logical is

operation

capable of being drawn., every system a geometrical method of And therefore Time either finds no place in the system

handling thoughts. at

all,

or

is

made

its

victim.

the refutation of that widely-spread misunderstanding which connects time with arithmetic and space with geometry by superficial analogies,

This

is

an error to which Kant ought never to have succumbed though it is hardly surprising that Schopenhauer, with his incapacity for understanding mathematics, did so. Because the living act of numbering is somehow or other related to time, number and time are constantly confused. But numbering is not number, any more than drawing is a drawing. Numbering and drawing are a becoming, numbers and figures are things become Kant and the rest have in mind now the living act (numbering) and now the result thereof (the relations of the

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

iz6

finished figure), but the one belongs to the domain of Life and Time, the other to that of Extension and Causality That 1 calculate is the business of organic,

the business of inorganic, logic. Mathematics as a whole answers the How? and the language, arithmetic and geometry that is, the problem of the Natural order of things. In oppoWbatl sition to this problem stands that of the When? of things, the specifically

what in

I calculate

common

historical

problem of destiny, future and

prised in the

word

Chronology,

past;

and

all

these things are

which simple mankind understands

unequivocally. Between arithmetic and geometry there

com-

fully

and

1

is no opposition. Every kind of number, as has been sufficiently shown in an earlier chapter, belongs entirely to the realm of the extended and the become, whether as a Euclidean magnitude or as an analytical function; and to which heading should we have to assign the cyclometric 2 functions, the Binomial Theorem, the Riemann surfaces, the Theory of Groups? Kant's scheme was refuted by Euler and d'Alembert before he even set it up, and only the unfamilianty of his successors with the mathewhat a contrast to Descartes, Pascal and Leibniz, who matics of their time evolved the mathematics of their time from the depths of their own philosophy'

made it possible for mathematical notions of a relation between time and arithmetic to be passed on like an heirloom, almost uncnticized. But between Becoming and any part whatsoever of mathematics there is not the slightest contact. Newton indeed was profoundly convinced (and he was no mean philosopher) that in the principles of his Calculus of Fluxions 3 he had in a far subtler grasped the problem of Becoming, and therefore of Time form, by the way, than Kant's But even Newton's view could not be upheld,

even though it may find advocates to this day. Since Weierstrass proved that continuous functions exist which either cannot be differentiated at all or are capable only of partial differentiation, this most deep-searching of all efforts to close with the Time-problem mathematically has been abandoned.

in

Ttwe ts a counter-conception (Gegenbegrtff) to Space, arising out of Space, ]ust as the notion (as distinct from the fact) of Life arises only in opposition to thought, and the notion (as distinct from the fact) of birth and generation only 1 Save in elementary mathematics. (It may be remarked that most philosophers since Schopenhauer have approached these question with the prepossessions of elementary mathematics ) 2

The "inverse circular functions" of English text-books. Tr The Newtonian form of the differential calculus was distinct from the Leibnizian, which is general use. Without going into unnecessary detail, the characteristic of Newton's method was that it was meant not for the calculation of quadratures and tangents (which had occupied his *

now in

predecessors), nor as an organ of functional theory as such (as the differential calculus became much but quite definitely as a method of dealing with rate of change in mechanics, with the

later),

"

"flowing

was the

or "fluxion

"fluent," and

"

pure of a dependent variable under the influence of a variable which for call the argument of a function. Tr

which we

Newton

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY 1 in opposition to death. This

is

izy

implicit in the very essence of all awareness.

is only remarked when it detaches itself from Just as any sense-impression 2 another, so any kind of understanding that is genuine critical activity is only made possible through the setting-up of a new concept as anti-pole to one

we may call it so) of a pair of inwardly-polar concepts which as long as they are mere constituents, possess no 3 It has long been presumed and rightly, beyond a doubt that actuality. all root-words, whether they express things or properties, have come into being by pairs, but even later, even to-day, the connotation that every new word realready present, or through the divorce (if

ceives

is

And so, guided by language, the understandinward subjective certainty of Destiny into its out of space as its opposite. But for this we should

a reflection of some other.

a sure ing, incapable of fitting ' '

form-world, created the possess neither

time

' '

word nor

its

And

connotation.

so far

is

this process of

word-formation carried that the particular style of extension possessed by the Classical world led to a specifically Classical notion of time, differing from the time-notions of India, China and the West exactly as Classical space differs from 4 the space of these Cultures. For this reason, the notion of an art-form

which again is a "counterhas only arisen when men became aware that their art-creations concept" had a connotation (Gehalt) at all, that is, when the expression-language of the art, along with its effects, had ceased to be something perfectly natural and taken-for-granted, as it still was in the time of the Pyramid-Builders, in that of the Mycensean strongholds and in that of the early Gothic cathedrals. Men become suddenly aware of the existence of "works," and then for the first time the understanding eye is able to distinguish a causal side and a destiny side in every living In every

art.

work

that displays the whole

man and

the whole meaning of the

but they are and they remain " taboo" side of art different. To the fear, to the Causal, belongs the whole its stock of motives, developed in strict schools and long craft-training, care-

existence, fear

and longing

fully protected

and piously transmitted;

lie close together,

all

of

it

that

is

comprehensible, learn-

able, numerical; all the logic of colour, line, structure, order, which constitutes the mother-tongue of every worthy artist and every great epoch. But the other

opposed to the "taboo" as the directed is to the extended and as the development-destiny within a form-language to its syllogisms, comes out in genius (namely, in that which is wholly personal to the individual artists, their side,

1 *

Sec Vol. n, pp 13, 19. See Vol H, p 16

8

The

nur dadurch moglich . . ) dass original reads- "(So ist jede Art von Vcrstehcn . ein Begnffspaar von innerem Gcgensatz gewissermassen durch Auseinandertreten erst Wirkhchkeit Tr. erhalt." At this point the German text repeats the paragraph which in this edition begins at "Bat Tr. inquiry" (p. in) and ends at the close of section I (p. in). .

.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

iz8

imaginative powers, creative passion, depth and richness, as against all mere mastery of form) and, beyond even genius, in that superabundance of creativeness in the race which conditions the rise and fall of whole arts. This is the "totem" side, and owing to it notwithstanding all the assthetics ever art,

is no timeless and solely-true way of art, but only a history of 1 like everything that lives with the sign of irreversibility. which is the only one of this is why architecture of the grand style

there

penned

marked

And

the arts that handles the alien and fear-instilling

itself,

the immediate Extended,

naturally the early art in all Cultures, and only step by step their more mundane yields its primacy to the special arts of the city with the statue, the picture, the musical composition. Of all the great forms

the stone

is

artists of the West, it was probably Michelangelo who suffered most acutely under the constant nightmare of world-fear, and it was he also who, alone among the Renaissance masters, never freed himself from the architectural. He even painted as though his surfaces -were stone, become, stiff, hateful. His work was a bitter wrestle with the powers of the cosmos which faced him and challenged him in the form of material, whereas in the yearning Leonardo's

colour

we

see, as it

were, a glad materialization of the spiritual.

But in every

large architectural problem an implacable causal logic, not to say mathematic, in the Classical orders of columns a Euclidean relation comes to expression '

'

' '

of beam and load, in the analytically disposed thrust-system of Gothic vaulting the dynamic relation of force and mass. Cottage-building traditions which are to be traced in the one and in the other, which are the necessary background even of Egyptian architecture, which in fact develop in every early

contain the whole sum of this period and are regularly lost in every later logic of the extended. But the symbolism of direction and destiny is beyond all the "technique" of the great arts and hardly approachable by way of assthetics.

It lies

to take some instances

in the contrast that

is

always

or by Hebbel, elucidated) between Classical and Western tragedy, in the succession of scenes of old Egyptian relief and the serial arrangement of Egyptian statues, sphinxes, temple-halls; generally

felt

(but never, either

by Lessing

m

from the treatment, of materials (hardest diorite to to deny, the future); in the occurrence, and not in the grammar, of the individual arts, e g., the victory of arabesque over the Early Christian picture, the retreat of oil-painting before chamber music in the Baroque; in the utter diversity of intention in Egyptian, Chinese and Classical in the choice, as distinct affirm,

and softest

wood

' '

' '

'

'

'

'

statuary. All these are not matters of can but of must, and therefore it is not mathematics and abstract thought, but the great arts in their kinship with the contemporary religions, that give the key to the problem of Time, a problem. that can hardly be solved within the domain of history 2 alone. 1 *

See Vol II, pp. 137, 159 Here the author presumably means history in the ordinary acceptation of the

word

Tr

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

iz9

IV It follows from the meaning that we have attached to the Culture as a prime phenomenon and to destiny as the organic logic of existence, that each Culture must necessarily possess its own destiny-idea. Indeed, this conclusion is implicit from the first in the feeling that every great Culture is nothing but the actualizing and form of a single, singularly-constituted (emzigartig) soul. And what cannot be felt by one sort of men exactly as it is felt by another (since

the

life

of each

the expression of the idea proper to himself) and still less named by us "conjuncture," "accident," "Providence"

is

what

transcribed,

is

or "Fate," by Classical man "Nemesis," "Ananke," "Tyche" or "Fatum," by the Arab "Kismet," by everyone in some way of his own, is just that of which each unique and unreproduceable soul-constitution, quite clear to those

who

share in

it, is

a rendering.

The Classical form of the Destiny-idea I shall venture to call Euclidean. Thus it is the sense-actual person of CEdipus, his "empirical ego," nay, his aufj-a. that is hunted and thrown by Destiny. CEdipus complains that Creon has misused his lus, again,

1

2

"body" and that the oracle applied to his "body." JEschy3 Agamemnon as the "royal body, leader of fleets." It is

speaks of

same word crcojua that the mathematicians employ more than once for the " with which they deal. But the destiny of King Lear is of the "anato use here also the term suggested by the corresponding lytical type and consists in dark inner relationships. The idea of fathernumber-world hood emerges, spiritual threads weave themselves into the action, incorporeal and transcendental, and are weirdly illuminated by the counterpoint of the secondary tragedy of Gloster's house. Lear is at the last a mere name, the axis of something unbounded. This conception of destiny is the "infinitesimal" this

"bodies ' '

conception. It stretches out into infinite time and- infinite space. It touches Consider the bodily Euclidean existence not at all, but affects only the Soul.

the mad King between the fool and the outcast in the storm on the heath, and then look at the Laocoon group, the first is the Faustian, the other the Apollinlan way of suffering. Sophocles, too, wrote a Laocoon drama, and we may be certain that there was nothing of pure soul-agony in it. Antigone goes below

ground in the body, because she has buried her brother's body. Think of Ajax is and Philoctetes, and then of the Prince of Homburg and Goethe's Tasso not the difference between magnitude and relation traceable right into the depths of artistic creation? This brings us to another connexion of high symbolic significance. The drama of the West is ordinarily designated Character-Drama That of the 1

(Ed Rex

(1914), 2

3

,

641.

K<XKWS kl\i]a

rbv&v trapa avv

r4x*T? KOKQ.

p 9)

CEd Col

,

355

juaprcto.

Chocfhoras, 710. fcni

.

&

rovS' kxpflfBri

vavipxv o'wpart

..

T<J>

77 MuriX^vTj ^X0e KivSbvov), a phrase which recalls forcibly what has just been said regarding the "situation-drama." Tr

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

134

never do. Over our country-side, day and night from thousands of belfries, 1 ring the bells that join future to past and fuse the point-moments of the Classical present into a grand relation. The epoch which marks the birth of our the time of the Saxon Emperors marks also the discovery of the

Culture

wheel-clock. 2 Without exact time-measurement, without a chronology of becoming to correspond with his imperative need of archaeology (the preservation,

excavation and collection of things-become), Western man is unthinkable. The Baroque age intensified the Gothic symbol of the belfry to the point of grotesqueness, and produced the pocket watch that constantly accompanies the individual

3

Another symbol, of the clock,

is

as deeply significant and as little understood as the symbol that of the funeral customs which all great Cultures have con-

by ritual and by art. The grand style in India begins with tombtemples, in the Classical world with funerary urns, in Egypt with pyramids, in early Christianity with catacombs and sarcophagi In the dawn, innumerable secrated

equally-possible forms still cross one another chaotically and obscurely, dependent on clan-custom and external necessities and conveniences But every Culture promptly elevates one or another of them to the highest degree of

symbolism. Classical man, obedient to his deep unconscious life-feeling, picked upon burning, an act of annihilation in which the Euclidean, the hereand-now, type of existence was powerfully expressed. He willed to have no history, no duration, neither past nor future, neither preservation nor dissolution, and therefore he destroyed that which no longer possessed a present, the body of a Pericles, a Czesar, a Sophocles, a Phidias. And the soul passed to join the vague crowd to which the living members of the clan (but soon

ceased to pay) the

paid of ancestor-worship and soul-feast, and which in its an utter contrast to the ancestor-j-ewj-, the genealogical tree,

homage

formlessness presents

that is eternalized with all the marks of historical order in the family-vault of the West. In this (with one striking exception, the Vedic dawn in India) no 11

Besides the clock, the bell itself is a Western "symbol." The passing-bell tolled for St. Hilda of Whitby 680, and a century before that time bells had come into general use Gaul both for monasteries and for parish churches On the contrary, it was not till 865 that Constantinople possessed bells, and these were presented that year by Venice The presence of a belfry in a Byzantine church is accounted a proof of "Western influence" the East used and still largely uses mere gongs and rattles for religious purposes (British Museum "Handbook of Early Christian

m

m

m

Antiquities)"

Tf.

2

May we be permitted to guess that the Babylonian sun-dial and the Egyptian water-clock came into being "simultaneously," that is, on the threshold of the third millennium before Christ? The history of clocks is inwardly inseparable from that of the calendar, it is therefore to be assumed that the Chinese and the Mexican Cultures also, with their deep sense of history, very early devised and used methods of time-measurement (The Mexican Culture developed the most intricate of all known systems of indicating year and day See British Museum "Handbook of Tr ) Mayan Antiquities 3 Let the reader try to imagine what a Greek would feel when suddenly made acquainted with this custom of ours.

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

135

1 other Culture parallels the Classical. And be it noted that the Doric-Homeric spring, and above all the "Iliad," invested this act of burning with all the vivid

feeling of a new-born symbol, for those very warriors whose deeds probably formed the nucleus of the epic were in fact buried almost in the Egyptian manner in the graves of Mycenas, Tiryns, Orchomenos and other places And when in 2 Imperial times the sarcophagus or "flesh-consumer" began to supersede the vase of ashes, it was again, as in the time when the Homeric urn superseded

the shaft-grave of Mycena;, a changed sense of Time that underlay the change

of

rite.

The Egyptians, who preserved their past in memorials of stone and hieroglyph so purposefully that we, four thousand years after them, can determine the order of their kings' reigns, so thoroughly eternalized their our museums, recognizable in bodies that today the great Pharaohs lie

m

while of Dorian kings not even every lineament, a symbol of grim triumph the names have survived. For our own part, we know the exact birthdays and deathdays of almost every great man since Dante, and, moreover, we Yet in the time of Aristotle, the very zenith no longer known with certainty if Leucippus, the founder of Atomism and a contemporary of Pericles i.e hardly a had ever existed at all; much as though for us the existence century before 3 of Giordano Bruno was a matter of doubt and the Renaissance had become

see nothing strange in the fact. of Classical education, it was

,

pure saga. these museums themselves, in which we assemble everything that is of the corporeally-sensible past Are not they a symbol of the highest rank? Are they not intended to conserve in mummy the entire "body" of cultural

And

'

left

development?

As we

collect countless data in milliards of printed books,

also collect all the

West-European

cities,

do we not

the dead Cultures in these myriad halls of in the mass of the collection depriving each indi-

works of

all

vidual piece of that instant of actualized purpose that

is

its

own

the

genealogical order with strict ceremonies And whereas here ancestor-worship by degrees came to be the centre of all piety, in the Classical world it was driven entirely into the background by the cults of present gods, in Roman tunes it hardly 1

The Chinese ancestor-worship honoured

existed at

all.

" " (Note the elaborate precautions taken in the Athenian Anthestcna to keep the anonymous This feast was anything but an All Souls' Day of re-communion with the mass of ghosts at bay Tr.) departed spirits 2 With obvious reference to the resurrection of the flesh (tic venpuv) But the meaning of the term "resurrection" has undergone, from about loco A.D , a profound though hardly noticed change More and more it has tended to become identified with "immortality." But in the resur" imrection from the dead, the implication is that time begins again to repeat in space, whereas in

mortality" it is time that overcomes space. 3 For English readers, the most conspicuous case of historic doubt is the Shakespeare-Bacon matter. But even here, it is only the work of Shakespeare that is in question, not his existence and personality, for

which we have

perfectly definite evidence.

Tr.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i3 6

and tfso facto one property that the Classical soul would have respected Consider what it dissolving it into our unending and unresting Time?

was that the Hellenes named

i

Mouo-eTov,

how

deep a significance

lies

in the

change of sense! VI the pnmtttve fefltng of Care 2 which dominates the physiognomy of Western, as also that of Egyptian and that of Chinese history, and it creates, further, the symbolism of the erotic which represents the flowing on of endless It is

The pointthe form of the familial series of individual existences formed Euclidean existence of Classical man, in this matter as in others, conceived only the here-and-now definitive act of begetting or of bearing, and thus it comes about that we find the birth-pangs of the mother made the centre of life in

Demeter-worship and the Dionysiac symbol of the phallus (the sign of a sexuality wholly concentrated on the moment and losing past and future in it) more or less everywhere in the Classical In the Indian world we find, corre3 spondingly, the sign of the Lingam and the sect of worshippers of Parwati. In the one case as in the other, man feels himself as nature, as a plant, as a willless and care-less element of becoming (dem Sinn des Werdens willenlos und sorglos hingegeben). The domestic religion of Rome centred on the gentus, the creative power of the head of the family To all this, the deep and i.e ,

thoughtful care of the Western soul has opposed the sign of mother-love, a symbol which in the Classical Culture only appeared above the horizon to

we see it in, say, the mourning for Persephone or (though 4 The Mother this is only Hellenistic) the seated statue of Demeter of Knidos. the future at her breast, the Mary-cult in the new Fauswith the Child the extent that

tian form, began to flourish only in the centuries of the Gothic and found 5 highest expression in Raphael's Sistine Madonna. This conception is

its

1

Originally a philosophical and scientific lecture-temple founded in honour of Aristotle, and

later the great University of Alexandria, bore the title Movffetov Both Aristotle amassed collections hut they were collections of (a) books, (b~) natural history

and the University

specimens, living or In the West, the collection of memorials of the fast as such dates from the earliest days of the Renaissance. 41 Tr, 2 The connotation of care" is almost the same as that of "Sorge," but the German word in-

taken from

life

cludes also a certain specific,

"fear

ad

"

hoc apprehension, that in

English

is

expressed

by "concern" or

Tr.

The Ltngayats

are one of the chief sects of the Saivas (that

is,

of the branch of Hinduism

which

devotes itself to Shiva) and Parwati worshippers belong to another branch, having the generic name who worship the "active female principle" in the persons of Shiva's consorts, of whom

of Saktas,

is one. Vaishnavism the Vishnu branch of Indian religion also contains an erotic element in that form which conceives Vishnu as Krishna. But in Krishna worship the erotic is rather

Parwati

less precise

and more amorous

m

character

See "Imperial Gazetteer of India," Htndtttftn.

Tr

Museum

*

British

*

Dresden.

Tr.

Tr.

Vol

I,

pp. 411 ct seq

,

and Ency Brit

,

XI

Edition, article

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

137

not one belonging to Christianity generally. On the contrary, Magian Chrisl tianity had elevated Mary as Theotokos, "she who gave birth to God" into a symbol felt quite otherwise than by us. The lulling Mother is as alien to Early-Christian-Byzantine art as she is to the Hellenic (though for other reasons) and most certainly Faust's Gretchen, with the deep spell of un-

conscious motherhood on her,

nearer to the Gothic

is

Madonna than

all

the

of Byzantine and Ravenna te mosaics. Indeed, the presumption of a spiritual relation between them breaks down completely before the fact that the Madonna with the Child answers exactly to the Egyptian Isis with Horus

Marys

and that nevertheless this symbol had both arc caring, nursing mothers vanished for a thousand years and more (for the whole duration of the Classical and the Arabian Cultures) before it was reawakened by the Faustian soul. 2 From the maternal care the way leads to the paternal, and there we meet with the highest of all the time-symbols that have come into existence within a Culture, the State. The meaning of the child to the mother is the future, the continuation, namely, of her own life, and mother-love is, as it were, a welding of

two discontinuous individual

man is comradeship

existences, likewise, the

meaning of the

state

arms for the protection of hearth and home, wife and child, and for the insurance for the whole people of its future and its efficacy. The state is the inward form of a nation, its form in the athletic sense, and history, in the high meaning, is the State conceived as kinesis and not as kinema (mcht als Bewegtes sondern als Bewegung gedacht). The Woman as M.otber ts, and the Man as Warrior and Pohttcian makes, History 3 to the

in

'

' '

'

And

here again the history of higher Cultures shows us three examples of which the element of care is conspicuous: the Egyptian administration even of the Old Kingdom (from 3000 B c ); the Chinese state

state-formations in

Chou dynasty (116^-^.^6 B c.), of the organization of which the Chou Li gives such a picture that, later on, no one dared to believe in the authenticity of the book, and the states of the West, behind whose characteristic eye-toof the

the-future there

other hand

is

an unsurpassably intense Will to the future. 4 And on the the Classical and the Indian world in two examples

we have

a picture of utterly care-less submission to the 1

moment and

its

incidents.

See Vol n, p 316

In connexion with this very important link in the Author's argument, attention may be drawn to a famous wall-painting of very early date in the Catacomb of St Priscilla In this, Mary is definitely and unmistakably the Sttllmde Mutter But she is, equally unmistakably, different in soul and style from her "Early-Christian-Byzantine" successor the Theotokos. Now, it is well known that the art of the catacombs, at any rate in its beginnings, is simply the art of contemporary Rome, and that this "Roman" art had its home Alexandria See Woermann's Gescbtcbte der Kunst, HI, this 14-15, and British Museum "Guide to Early Christian Art," 71-74, 86 Woermann speaks of 2

m

Madonna

prototype of our grave, tenderly-solicitous Mother-Madonnas. Dr. Spengler would probably prefer to regard her as the last Isis In any case it is significant that the symbol disappears, Tr the very same catacomb is a Theotokos of perhaps a century later date as the

m

.

8

4

Vol II, pp 403 et seq. See, further, the last two sections of Vol.

n (Der Stoat

and Wirtscbaftslebtn).

Tiv

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

138

Buddhism (the old-age dispositions of these two worlds), they are at one in their negation of the historical feeling of care, their contempt of zeal, of organizing power, and of the duty-sense;

Different in themselves as are Stoicism and

and therefore neither in Indian courts nor

m Classical market-places was there

a thought for the morrow, personal or collective man applies also to the Apollmian state.

The

carf e diem of

Apollmian

As with the political, so with the other side of historical existence, the economic. The hand-to-mouth life corresponds to the love that begins and ends in the satisfaction of the moment. There was an economic organization on the grand scale in Egypt, where it fills the whole culture-picture, telling us in a thousand paintings the story of its industry and orderliness, in China, whose mythology of gods and legend-emperors turns entirely upon the holy tasks of cultivation; and in Western Europe, where, beginning with the model agriculture of the Orders, it rose to the height of a special science, "national

economy," which was in very principle a working hypothesis, purporting to show not what happens but what shall happen. In the Classical world, on the other men managed from day to day, in spite of to say nothing of India hand the example of Egypt; the earth was robbed not only of its wealth but of its on the city capacities, and the casual surpluses were instantly squandered Pericles and mob. Consider critically any great statesman of the Classical C^sar, Alexander and Scipio, and even revolutionaries like Cleon and Tiberius Gracchus.

made

it its

of them, economically, looked far ahead. No city ever business to drain or to afforest a district, or to introduce advanced

Not one

cultivation methods or new kinds of live stock or new plants. To attach a Western meaning to the "agrarian reform" of the Gracchi is to misunderstand its purport entirely. Their aim was to make their supporters -possessors of land.

Of educating these into managers of land, or of raising the standard of Italian one let the future husbandry in general, there was not the remotest idea come, one did not attempt to work upon it. Of this economic Stoicism of the Classical world the exact antithesis is Socialism, meaning thereby not Marx's theory but Frederick William I's Prussian practice which long preceded Marx and will yet displace him the socialism, inwardly akin to the system of Old Egypt, that comprehends and cares for permanent economic relations, trains the individual in his duty to the whole, and glorifies hard Time and Future.

work

as

an affirma-

tion of

VII

The ordinary everyday man physiognomy of becoming as is in

in all Cultures only observes so much of the his own and that of the living world around him

the foreground and immediately tangible. The sum of his experiand outer, fills the course of his day merely as a series of facts.

ences, inner

Only the outstanding (bedeutende) man

feels

behind the commonplace unities

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

139

of the history-stirred surface a deep logic of becoming. This logic, manifesting itself in the idea of Destiny, leads him to regard the less significant collocations of the day and the surface as mere incidents At first sight, however, there seems to be only a difference of degree in the connotations of "destiny" and "incident." One feels that it is more or less of an incident when Goethe goes to Sesenheim, but destiny when he goes to

Weimar,

*

one regards the former as an episode and the latter as an epoch. But

we can see at once that the distinction depends on the inward quality of the man who is impressed. To the mass, the whole life of Goethe may appear as a sequence of anecdotal incidents, while a very few will become conscious, with astonishment, of a symbolic necessity inherent even in its most trivial occurrences Perhaps, then, the discovery of the heliocentric system by Aristarchus

was an unmeaning

incident for the Classical Culture, but its supposed 2 redisWas it a destiny that Luther

covery by Copernicus a destiny for the Faustian? was not a great organizer and Calvin was? And

if so,

for

whom was

it

a des-

for Protestantism as a living unit, for the Germans, or for Western mankind generally? Were Tiberius Gracchus and Sulla incidents and Cassar a

tiny

destiny?

Questions like these far transcend the domain of the understanding that operates through concepts (der begriffliche Verstandigung). What is destiny, and of the what incident, the spiritual experiences of the individual soul Culture-soul decide. Acquired knowledge, scientific insight, definition, are

more, the very attempt to grasp them epistemologically For without the inward certainty that destiny is something entirely intractable to critical thought, we cannot perceive the world of becoming at all. Cognition, judgment, and the establishment of causal conall

powerless.

defeats its

own

Nay

object.

known (i.e between things, properties, and positions that have been distinguished) are one and the same, and he who approaches history " But that in the spirit of. judgment will only find "data be it Providence or Fate which moves in the depths of present happening or of represented past happening is lived, and only lived, and lived with that same overwhelming and unspeakable certainty that genuine Tragedy awakens in the uncritical spectator Destiny and incident form an opposition in which the soul is ceaselessly trying to clothe something which consists only of feeling and living and intuition, and can only be made plain in the most subjective religious and artistic creations of those men who are called to divination. To evoke this nexions within the

,

root-feeling of living existence

meaning and content,

I

know

picture of history with its for "name is mere noise and

which endows the

of no better

way

1 Sesenheim is the home of Friederike, and a student's holiday took him thither Weimar, of Tr. course, is the centre from which all the activity of his long life was to radiate. z Vermetntltcb The allusion is presumably to the fact that Copernicus, adhering to the hypothe-

sis of circular orbits, was obliged to retain some elements of Ptolemy's geocentric machinery of of any planetary orbit 7> epicycles, so that Copernicus 's sun was not placed at the true centre

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

140

than to quote again those stanzas of Goethe which the head of this book to mark its fundamental intention.

smoke"

"In the Endless,

hold

have placed at

self-repeating

flows for evermore

Myriad

I

The Same.

arches, springing, meeting,

at rest the

Streams from

mighty frame

all

things love of living,

grandest star and humblest clod. All the straining^ all the striving is

eternal peace in

God

' '

1

On

the surface of history it is the unforeseen that reigns. Every individual event, decision and |>ersonality is stamped with its hall-mark. No one foreknew the storm of Islam at the coming of Mohammed, nor foresaw Napoleon in the of Robespierre. The coming of great men, their doings, their fortune, are mcalculables. No one knows whether a development that is setting in powerfully will accomplish its course in a straight line like that of the Roman

fall all

patrician order or will go down in doom like that of the Hohenstaufen or the it is just the same with the science notwithstanding Maya Culture. And destinies of every single species of beast

and plant within earth-history and

beyond even this, with the destiny of the earth itself and all the solar systems and Milky Ways. The insignificant Augustus made an epoch, and the great Tiberius passed away ineffective. Thus, too, with the fortunes of artists, artworks and art-forms, dogmas and cults, theories and discoveries. That, in the whirl of becoming, one element merely succumbed to destiny when another became (and often enough has continued and will continue to be) a destiny that one vanishes with the wave-train of the surface while the other itself is something that is not to be explained by any why-and-wherefore of inward necessity. And thus the phrase that Augustine in a deep "if no one questions me, I moment used of Time is valid also of destiny know: if I would explain to a questioner, I know not."

makes this,

and yet

is

So, also, the supreme ethical expression of Incident and Destiny is found in the Western Christian's idea of Grace the grace, obtained through the sacrificial

death of Jesus, of being made free to will. 2 The polarity of Disposition and Grace a polarity which must ever be a projection of feeling,

(original sin)

of the emotional life, and not a precision of learned reasoning embraces the existence of every truly significant man of this Culture. It is, even for Protestants, even for atheists, hidden though it may be behind a scientific notion of

"evolution" (which

m

reality

is

its

direct descendant

),

the foundation of

every confession and every autobiography, and it is just its absence from the constitution of Classical man that makes confession, by word or thought, impossible to him It is the final meaning of Rembrandt's self-portraits and of 1 8

Spruche in Reimen The path from Calvm to Darwin

2

is

See Vol

II,

pp.

-2.94

et secj.,

easily seen in English philosophy.

359 et seq.

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY music from Bach to Beethoven

We may choose

141

to call that something

which

Western mep disposition, Providence or "inner " remains inaccessible to thought. Free will is an inward certitude. But whatever one may will or do, that which actually ensues upon correlates the life-courses of all ' '

evolution

*

'

but

'

it

issues from the resolution subserves abrupt, surprising, unforeseeable a deeper necessity and, for the eye that sweeps over the picture of the distant conforms a to order. And when the of that which major Destiny past, visibly

and

was willed has been Fulfilment we

What will,

and what

history?

Was

The

it

are fain to call the inscrutable

"Grace."

Luther, Loyola, Calvin, Jansen, Rousseau and Marx came of the things that they willed in the stream of Western

did Innocent

III,

Grace or Fate? Here

all rationalistic

dissection ends in non-

who, both of them more upright than Luther and Thomas Aquinas, dared to draw the causal conis the necessary clusion from Augustmian dialectic absurdity to which the sense.

Predestination doctrine of Calvin and Pascal

pursuit of these secrets

by the reason

leads.

They

lost the destiny-logic of the

world-becoming and found themselves in the causal logic of notion and law; they left the realm of direct intuitive vision for that of a mechanical system of objects. The fearful soul-conflicts of Pascal were the strivings of a man, at once intensely spiritual and a born mathematician, who was determined to subject the last and gravest problems of the soul both to the intuitions of a grand instinctive faith and to the abstract precision of a no less grand mathematical in the language of religion, God's Proviplan. In this wise the Destiny-idea is brought wttkm the schematic form of the Causality Principle, i e., the dence Kantian form of mind activity (productive imagination); for that is what Predestination signifies, notwithstanding that thereby Grace the causation-free, living Grace which can only be experienced as an inward certainty is made to appear as a nature-force that is bound by irrevocable law and to turn the religious worldpicture into a rigid and gloomy system of machinery. And yet was it not a that the English for the world as well as for themselves Destiny again Puritans, who were filled with this conviction, were ruined not through any passive self-surrender but through their hearty and vigorous certainty that their will

was the will of God? VIII

We

can proceed to the further elucidation of the incidental (or casual) without running the risk of considering it as an exception or a breach in the 1 This is one of the eternal points of dispute m Western art-theory The Classical, ahistoncal,

" Euclidean soul has no evolution ", the Western, on the contrary, extends itself in evolving like the convergent function that it is The one ts, the other becomes. And thus all Classical tragedy assumes the constancy of the personality, and all Western its variability, which essentially constitutes a "character" in our sense, vi2 , a picture of being that consists in continuous qualitative movement and an endless wealth of relationships. In Sophocles the grand gesture mnoblts the suffering, Shakespeare 'he grand idea (Gesmnung) ennobles the dotng As our zsthetic took its examples from both Cultures,

m

it

was bound to go wrong

in the very enunciation of its problem.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

141

causal continuity of "Nature," for Nature

is not

the world-picture in

which

Destiny is operative Wherever the sight emancipates itself from the sensiblebecome, spiritualizes itself into Vision, penetrates through the enveloping world and lets prime phenomena instead of mere objects work upon it, we have the grand historical, trans-natural, super-natural outlook, the outlook of Dante

m

old age that is most clearly this world linger in contemplation of Destiny and Incident, it will very likely seem to us incidental that the of "world-history" should have played itself out in this or that phase

and Wolfram and also the outlook of Goethe manifested in the finale of Faust

II.

If

m

we

episode of one particular star amongst the millions of solar systems; incidental that it should be men, peculiar animal-like creatures inhabiting the crust of this star,

m

that present the spectacle of "knowledge" and, moreover, present it just this form or in just that form, according to the very different versions of Aristotle, Kant and others, incidental that as the counter-pole of this "know-

ing" there should have arisen just these codes of "natural law," each supand each evoking a supposedly general and posedly eternal and universally-valid " banishes incidentals common picture of "Nature Physics quite rightly from its field of view, but it is incidental, again, that physics itself should occur in the alluvial period of the earth's crust, uniquely, as a particular kind of intellectual composition. The world of incident is the world of once-actual facts that longingly or anxiously we Itve forward to (jntgegenleben) as Future, that raise or depress us as the living Present, and that we contemplate with ]oy or with grief as Past. The world of causes

and

is the

effects

world of the constantly-possible, of the timeless truths which we know

by dissection and distinction The latter only are scientifically attainable

He who

they are indeed

identical

with

blind to this other, to the world as Divina Commedia or drama for a god, can only find a senseless turmoil of incidents, 1 and here we use in the word its most trivial sense So it has been with Kant and most other science.

is

systematists of thought. But the professional and inartistic sort of historical research too, with its collecting and arranging of mere data, amounts for all its

ingenuity to little more than the giving of a cachet to the banal-incidental. Only the insight that can penetrate into the metaphysical is capable of experiencing

which happened, and

so of elevating an Incident into a to himself a Destiny (like Napoleon) does not need this insight, since between himself as a fact and the other facts there is a harmony of metaphysical rhythm which gives his decisions their dreamlike in data symbols of that

Destiny.

And he who

is

2

certainty. It is this insight that constitutes the singularity and the power of Shake1 "The older one becomes, the more one is persuaded that His Sacred Majesty Chance does " (Frederick the Great to Voltaire) So, three-quarters of the work of this miserable Universe necessanlj, must the genuine rationalist conceive it. 3

Sec Vol.

II,

pp

2.0

et seq.

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

143

speare. Hitherto, neither our research nor our speculation has hit upon this in him that he is the Dramatist of the Incidental, And yet this Incidental is the

very heart of Western tragedy, which is a true copy of the Western history idea and it gives the clue to that which we understand in the world so mis-

with

"

It is incidental that the "Time construed by Kant political situation of "Hamlet," the murder of the King and the succession question impinge upon it is incidental that the just that character that Hamlet is. Or, take Othello man at whom. lago, the commonplace rogue that one could pick up in any street, aims his blow is one whose person possesses just this -wholly special physiognomy. And Lear' Could anything be more incidental (and therefore more "natural") than the conjunction of this commanding dignity with these fateful passions and the inheritance of them by the daughters? No one has even to-day realized all the significance of the fact that Shakespeare took his stories as he found them and in the very finding of them filled them with the force of inward necessity, and never more sublimely so than in the case of the Roman dramas. For the will to understand him has squandered itself in desperate efforts to bring in a moral causality, a "therefore," a connexion of "guilt" and "expiation." But all this is neither correct nor incorrect these are words that belong to the World-as-Nature and imply that something causal is but superficial, shallow, that is, in contrast to the poet's deep being judged subjectivizing of the mere fact-anecdote. Only one who feels this is able to admire the grand naivete of the entrances of Lear and Macbeth. Now, Hebbel is the exact opposite, he destroys the depth of the anecdote by a system of cause and effect. The arbitrary and abstract character of his plots, which everyone feels instinctively, comes from the fact that the causal scheme of his spiritual conflicts is in contradiction with the historically-motived world-feeling and the quite other logic proper to that feeling. These people do not live, they prove something by coming on. One feels the presence of a great understanding, not that of a deep life Instead of the Incident we get a Problem.

Further, this Western species of the Incidental is entirely alien to the Classical world-feeling and therefore to its drama. Antigone has no incidental character unlike the to affect her fortunes in any way. What happened to CEdipus fate of

Lear

might ' '

' '

well have happened to anyone else. This is the Fatum which is common to all mankind, which no wise depends upon incidents of personality.

just as

Classical "Destiny," the affects the body and in

The kind of history that

is commonly written must, even if it does not lose compilation of data, come to a halt before the superficially incidental that is the destiny of its authors, who, spiritually, remain more or less in the ruck. In their eyes nature and history mingle in a cheap unity, and incident

itself in

.

.

.

sacree majeste le Hazard," is for the man of the ruck the thing in the world to understand For him the secret logic of history 'which he does not feel is replaced bv a causal that is only waiting behind the

or accident,

"sa

easiest

'

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

144

come on and prove

itself. It is entirely appropriate that the anecdotal foreground of history should be the arena of all the scientific causality-hunters and all the novelists and sketch-writers of the common stamp. How many

scene to

wars have been begun when they were because some jealous courtier wished to remove some general from the proximity of his wife! How many battles have been won and lost through ridiculous incidents! Only think how Roman history was written in the i8th Century and how Chinese history is written even to-day! Think of the Dey smacking the Consul with his fly-flap 1

and other such incidents that enliven the historical scene with comic-opera Do not the deaths of Gustavus Adolphus and of Alexander seem like expedients of a nonplussed playwright, Hannibal a simple intermezzo, a surmotives!

prise intrusion

m Classical history,

or Napoleon's "transit"

more or

less of a

who

looks for the inner form of history in any causal succession of its visible detail-events must always, if he is honest, find a comedy of burlesque inconsequence, and I can well imagine that the dance-scene of the

melodrama? Anyone

' '

' '

drunken Triumvirs in Antony and Cleopatra (almost overlooked, 2 of the most powerful m that immensely deep work) grew up out of tempt of the prince of historical tragedy for the pragmatic aspect of For this is the aspect of it that has always dominated "the world," encouraged ambitious

were

on

set

this,

and

little

men

to interfere in

it.

It

was because

that Rousseau and

its rationalistic structure,

but one the conhistory.

and has

their eyes

Marx

could

persuade themselves that they could alter the "course of the world" by a theory. And even the social or economic interpretation of political develop-

work is trying to rise as to a peak-ideal biological cast constantly leads us to suspect foundations of the

ments, to which present-day historical

(though

its

causal kind),

is still

exceedingly shallow and trivial

in his graver moments a strong feeling for the deep logic of world-becoming, and in such moments could divine to what extent he was, and to what extent he had, a destiny. "I feel myself driven towards an end that I

Napoleon had

do not know. As soon as

I shall

have reached

atom will suffice to shatter me. mankind can do anything against me," he said

necessary, an

it,

as soon as I shall

become un-

Till then, not all the forces of

at the beginning of the Russian campaign. Here, certainly, is not the thought of a pragmatist. In this moment he divined how little the logic of Destiny needs particular instances, better

men or situations. Supposing that he himself, at

then that which he

Marengo

other form.

signified

' '

as

' '

empirical person, had fallen actualized in some

would have been

A

melody, in the hands of a great musician, is capable of a wealth can be entirely transformed so far as the simple listener is concerned without altering itself which is quite another matter fundaof variations;

mentally.

it

The epoch of German national union accomplished

1

The

9

Act. H, Scene VII.

incident

which

is

said to Tr.

itself

have precipitated the French war on Algiers (1817)

through Tr.

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

145

the person of Bismarck, that of the Wars of Freedom through broad and almost nameless events, but either theme, to use the language of music, could have been worked out in other ways. Bismarck might have been dismissed ' '

' '

early,

the battle of Leipzig might have been lost, and for the group of wars 1864-18661870 there might have been substituted (as modulations ') diplomatic, dynas' '

'

tic, revolutionary or economic facts though it must not be forgotten that Western history, under the pressure of its own physiognomic abundance (as distinct from physiognomic style, for even Indian history has that) demands, so to say, cm-

trafuntally

wars

strong accents

or

at the

big personalities

decisive

points

Bismarck himself points out in his reminiscences that in the spring of 1848 national unity could have been achieved on a broader base than in 1870 but for the policy (more accurately, the personal taste) of the

King of

Prussia,

x

and

yet, again, according to Bismarck, this would have been so tame a working-out that a coda of one sort or another (da capo e poi la coda) would have been im-

the meaning of the epoch would peratively necessary. Withal, the Theme have been entirely unaltered by the facts assuming this or that shape. Goethe have died young, but not his "idea." Faust and Tasso possibly might

"ma

' '

would not have been written, but they would have been deeply mysterious sense, even though they lacked the poet's elucidation For if it is incidental that the history of higher mankind fulfils itself in the form of great Cultures, and that one of these Cultures awoke in West Europe about the year 1000; yet from the moment of awakening it is bound by its charter. Within every epoch there is unlimited abundance of surprising and unforeseeable possibilities of self-actualizing in detail-facts, but the epoch itself is necessary, for the life-unity is in it. That its inner form is precisely what it is,

Fresh incidentals

constitutes its specific determination (Bestimmung).

can affect the shape of its development, can make this grandiose or puny, prosperous or sorrowful, but alter it they cannot. An irrevocable fact is not merely a special case but a special type; thus in the history of the Universe we have the the history of our type of the "solar system" of sun and circling planets, planet we have the type life with its youth, age, duration and reproduction; in the history of "life" the type "humanity," and in the world-historical

m

' '

'

'

2 stage of that humanity the type of the great individual Culture. And these Cultures are essentially related to the plants, in that they are bound for the whole duration of their life to the soil from which they sprang Typical, lastly, is the

manner in which the men of a Culture understand and experience Destiny, how1 In the general upheaval of 1848 a German national parliament was assembled at Frankfurt, of a strongly democratic colour, and it chose Frederick William IV of Prussia as hereditary emperor. ' For the history of this Frederick William, however, refused to pick up a crown out of the gutter. momentous episode, the English reader may be referred to the Cambridge Modern History or to the ' '

'

Tr. article Germany (Htstory) in the Ency. Brit , XI Edition 2 It is the fact that a whole group of these Cultures is available for our study that

the "comparative" method used in the present

work

See Vol.

II,

pp.

42.

et seq.

makes

possible

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

146

ever differently the picture may be coloured for this individual and that; what I say here about it is not "true," but inwardly necessary for this Culture and this time-phase of it, and if it convinces you, it is not because there is only one "truth" but because you and I belong to the same epoch. For this reason, the Euclidean soul of the Classical Culture could only exto present foregrounds, in the form of Western soul we can regard incident as a minor order of Destiny, in respect of the Classical soul it is just that is the very significathe reverse. Destiny is incident become immense

perience Its existence,

bound

incidents of the Classical style.

as this

was

If in respect of the

tion of Ananke, Heimarmene, Fatum.

As the

Classical soul did not genuinely

through history, it possessed no genuine feeling for a logic of Destiny. We must not be misled by words The most popular goddess of Hellenism was Tyche, whom the Greeks were practically unable to distinguish from Ananke. But Incident and Destiny are felt by us with all the intensity of an opposition, and on the issue of this opposition we feel that everything fundamental in our live

existence depends. its full actuality,

Our history is that of great connexions, Classical history of it that we get in the is, and not merely the image

that

is that of anecdotes, of a series of plastic details. historian (e.g., Herodotus) of every individual life within style of the Classical life generally, the style The sense-perceivable side it, is anecdotal, using the word with all seriousness.

The

of events condenses on

and disavowal of tragedies one and

all all

ante-historical > daemonic, absurd incidents, it is

the denial

logic of happening. The stories of the Classical masterexhaust themselves in incidents that mock at any meaning

of the world, they are the exact denotation of what is connoted by the word * in contrast to the Shakesperian logic of incident. Consider CEdipus dna.pij.kvTi

once more: that which happened to him was wholly extrinsic, was neither brought about nor conditioned by anything subjective to himself, and could just as well have happened to anyone else. This is the very form of the Classical inherent in and governed by the man's fftyth. Compare with it the necessity

whole existence and the relation of that existence to Time

that resides in

the destiny of Othello, of Don Quixote, of Werther. It is, as we have said before, the difference of situation-tragedy and character-tragedy. And this every epoch of the West has opposition repeats itself in history proper while each epoch of the Classical only presents a situation While the life of Goethe was one of fate-filled logic, that of Caesar was one of mythical

character,

and it was left to Shakespeare to introduce logic into it Napoa tragic character, Aicibiades fell into tragic situations Astrology, in the form in which from Gothic to Baroque the Western soul knew it was

incidentalness,

leon

is

dominated by

it

even in denying

it

was the attempt to master one's whole which the best-known example

future life-course; the Faustian horoscope, of 1

to

Derived from peipo^ai, to receive as one's portion, to have allotted to one, or, colloquially, " for or "step into." Tr.

"come in

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

147

perhaps that drawn out for Wallenstein by Kepler, presupposes a steady and direction in the existence that has yet to be accomplished But the purposeful is

Classical oracle,

always consulted for the indtvtdual

case, is the

genuine symbol

of the meaningless incident and the

moment; it accepts the point-formed and the elements of the world's course, and oracle-utterances were therefore entirely in place in that which was written and experienced as history at Athens. Was there one single Greek who possessed the notion of a should we have historical evolution towards this or that or any aim? And we the discontinuous as

been able to reflect upon history or to make it if we had not possessed it? If we compare the destinies of Athens and of France at corresponding times after Themistocles and Louis XIV, we cannot but feel that the style of the historical

and the style of its actualization are always one. In France logic % Athens un-logic. The ultimate meaning of this significant fact can now be understood. History is the actualizing of a soul, and the same style governs the history one makes as governs the history one contemplates. The Classical mathematic excludes the symbol of infinite space, and therefore the Classical history does

feeling

outrance, in

so too.

It is

not for nothing that the scene of Classical existence is the smallest it lacks horizon and notwithperspective

of any, the individual Pohs, that

1 just as the Attic stage cuts standing the episode of Alexander's expedition them off with its flat back-wall, in obvious contrast to the long-range efficacy of Western Cabinet diplomacy and the Western capital city. And just as the

Greeks and the Romans neither knew nor {with their fundamental abhorrence of the Chaldean astronomy) would admit as actual any cosmos but that of the foreground, just as at bottom their deities are house-gods, city-gods, field-gods 2 but never star-gods, so also what they depicted was only foregrounds Never in Corinth or Athens or Sicyon do we find a landscapewith mountain horizon and

has the same constitudriving clouds and distant towns; every vase-painting ents, figures of Euclidean separateness and artistic self-sufficiency. Every pediment or frieze group is serially and not contrapuntally built up. But then,

was one strictly of foregrounds. Destiny was not the something upon which one suddenly stumbles. And this Athens produced, with Polygnotus's fresco and Plato's geometry, a

life-experience itself "course of life" but is

how

in

fate-tragedy

which

fate is precisely the fate that

we

discredit in Schiller's

"Bride of Messina." The complete unmeaning of blind doom that is embodto the ied, for instance, in the curse of the House of Atreus, served to reveal ahistorical Classical soul the full meaning of its own world. 1

The

the expedition of

of "situations 2

Helios

goddess.

is

"

into Persia, is no exception. The Ten Thousand indeed adventures are truly Classical. It was confronted with a series

Tea Thousand

formed an ambulatory Pohs, and

its

Tr

only a poetical figure, he had neither temples nor cult. Even

less

was Selene

a

moon-

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

148

IX

We may now

point our moral with a few examples, which, though hazardous, ought not at this stage to be open to misunderstanding. Imagine Columbus supported by France instead of by Spain, as was in fact highly probable at one time. Had Francis I been the master of America, without doubt he and not

V would have obtained the imperial crown. The early Baroque period from the Sack of Rome to the Peace of Westphalia, which was actually the Spanish century in religion, intellect, art, politics and manners, the Spaniard Charles

would have been shaped from Pans and not from Madrid. Instead of the names of Philip, Alva, Cervantes, Calderon, Velasquez we should be talking to-day of if we may thus roundly express a very difficult great Frenchmen who in fact idea remained unborn. The style of the Church which was definitively fixed in this

epoch by the Spaniard Loyola and the Council of Trent which he

the war-technique of spiritually dominated; the style of politics to which Spanish captains, the diplomacy of Spanish cardinals and the courtly spirit of

theEscorial gave a stamp that lasted till the Congress of Vienna and in essential points till beyond Bismarck; the architecture of the Baroque, the great age of all these would Painting; ceremonial and the polite society of the great cities have been represented by other profound heads, noble and clerical, by wars

other than Philip IPs wars, by another architect than Vignola, by another Court. The Incidental chose the Spanish gesture for the late period of the logic of that age, which was bound to find its fulfilment

West. But the inward

in the great Revolution (or

some event of the same connotation), remained

intact.

This French revolution might have been represented by some other event of form and occurring elsewhere, say in England or Germany. But its which (as we shall see later) was the transition from Culture to "idea," Civilization, the victory of the inorganic megalopolis over the organic countrydifferent

side which was henceforward to become spiritually "the was provinces," necessary, and the moment of its occurrence was also necessary. To describe such a moment we shall use the term (long blurred, or misused as a synonym

When we say an event is epoch-making we mean that it marks in the course of a Culture a necessary and fateful turning-point. The for period) epoch.

merely incidental event, a crystallization-form of the historical surface, may be represented by other appropriate incidents, but the epoch is necessary and predeterminate. And it is evident that the question of whether, an respect of a particular Culture and its course, an event ranks as an epoch or as an episode is connected with its ideas of Destiny and Incidents, and therefore also with its idea of the Tragic as "epochal" (as in the West) or as "episodic" (as in the Classical

We

world)

can, further, distinguish between impersonal or

anonymous and

personal

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

149

to their physiognomic type in the picture of history. epochs, according " Amongst incidents" of the first rank -we include those great persons who are

endowed with such formative

force that the destiny of thousands, of whole are incorporated in their private destinies; but at the same peoples, and of ages, time we can distinguish the adventurer or successful man who is destitute of

inward greatness (like Danton or Robespierre) from the Hero of history by the fact that his personal destiny displays only the traits of the common the Jacobins destiny. Certain names may ring, but collectively and not individuals amongst them were the type that dominated the tune. The first part of this epoch of the Revolution is therefore thoroughly anonymous, just ' '

as the second or

' '

is in the highest degree personal. In a few years phenomena accomplished what the corresponding

Napoleonic

the immense force of these

epoch of the Classical (c. 386-312.), fluid and unsure of itself, required decades of undermining-work to achieve. It is of the essence of all Culture that at the outset of each stage the same potentiality is present, and that necessity fulfils itself thereafter either in the form of a great individual person (Alexander, Diocletian, Mohammed, Luther, Napoleon) or in that of an almost anonymous happening of powerful inward constitution (Peloponnesian War, Thirty Years' War, Spanish Succession War) or else in a feeble and indistinct evolution (periods of the Diadochi and of the Hyksos, the Interregnum in Germany). And the question which of these forms is the more likely to occur in any given instance, is one that is influenced in advance by the historical and therefore also the 1 tragic style of the Culture concerned. which still awaits discovery by a poet great The tragic in Napoleon's life was that he, who rose into effective enough to comprehend it and shape it

being by righting British policy and the British spirit which that policy so eminently represented, completed by that very fighting the continental victory of this spirit, which thereupon became strong enough, in the guise of "liberated nations," to overpower him and to send him to St. Helena to die. It was not Napoleon who originated the expansion principle. That had arisen out of the Puritanism of Cromwell's milieu which called into

life the British Colonial Transmitted through the English-schooled intellects of Rousseau and Mirabeau to the Revolutionary armies, of which English philosophical ideas were essentially the driving force, it became their tendency even from that 2

Empire.

day of Valmy which Goethe alone read aright. It was not Napoleon who formed the idea, but the idea that formed Napoleon, and when he came to the throne he was obliged to pursue it further against the only power, England namely, whose purpose was the same as his own. His Empire was a creation of 1 The original is somewhat obscure It reads: "Wclche Form die Wahrschemhchkcit fur sich uod also des tragischen Stils." Tr. hat, ist bereits einc Frage des histonschen 2 The words of Canning at the beginning of the XlXth century may be recalled. "South

America, free

1

and

purity than this.

if

possible English!"

The expansion

idea has never been expressed in greater

i5

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

o

French blood but of English style. It was in London, again, that Locke, Shaftesbury, Samuel Clarke and, above all, Bentham built up the theory of which Bayle, Voltaire the Western Hellenism "European Civilization"

and Rousseau carried to Paris. Thus it was in the name of tbts England of Parhamentarianism, business morality and journalism that Valmy, Marengo, in all these battles it was the Jena, Smolensk and Leipzig were fought, and of the West. 1 The First Consul English spirit that defeated the French Culture

had no intention of incorporating West Europe in France, his primary object to note the Alexander-idea on the threshold of every Civilization! was a French one Thereby, French prereplace the British Colonial Empire by on a practiponderance in the Western culture-region would have been placed been the Empire of Charles V on cally unassailable foundation, it would have which the sun never set, but managed from Pans after all, in spite of Columbus and Philip, and organized as an economic-military instead of as an ecclesiasticalchivalric unit. So far-reaching, probably, was the destiny that was in Napoleon. But the Peace of Paris m 1763 had already decided the question against France, and Napoleon's great plans time and again came to grief in petty incidents. At Acre a few guns were landed in the nick of time from the British warships: there was a moment, again, just before the signature of the Peace of when the whole Mississippi basin was still amongst his assets and he

Amiens,

was

in close

touch with the Maratha powers that were resisting British prog2 but again a minor naval incident obliged him to abandon the

ress in India,

whole of a carefully-prepared enterprise: and, lastly, when by the occupation of Dalmatia, Corfu and all Italy he had made the Adriatic a French lake, with a view to another expedition to the East, and was negotiating with the Shah of Persia for action against India, he was defeated by the whims of the Tsar Alexander, who at times was undoubtedly willing to support a march on India and whose aid would infallibly have secured its success. It was only after the failure of all extra-European combinations that he chose, as his ultima ratio in the battle against England, the incorporation of

Germany and Spam, and

so,

raising against himself bis own English-Revolutionary ideas, the very ideas of which he had been the vehicle, 3 he took the step that made him "no longer

necessary." 1 The Western Culture of maturity was through-afld-through a French outgrowth of the Spanish, beginning with Louis XIV. But even by Louis XVI's time the English park had defeated the French, sensibility had ousted wit, London costume and manners had overcome Versailles, and Hogarth, Chippendale and Wedgwood had prevailed over Watteau, Boulle and Sevres.

2

tion

The allusion is to the voyage of Linois's small squadron to Pondichery in 1803, lts confrontaby another small British squadron there, and the counter-order which led Linois to retire to

Mauritius. 3

Tr.

Hardenberg's reorganization of Prussia was thoroughly English in spirit, and as such incurred the severe censure of the old Prussian Von der Marwitz Scharnhorst's army reforms too, as a breakaway from the professional army system of the eighteenth-century cabinet-wars, are a sort of "return to nature" in the Rousseau-Revolutionary sense

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY At one time

151

to the Spanish spirit to outline, at another to the British or the French to remould, the world-embracing colonial system. A it falls

"United States of Europe," actualized through Napoleon as founder of a romantic and popular military monarchy, is the analogue of the Realm of the Diadochi, actualized as a iist-Century economic organism by a matter-of-fact Csesar, it is the counterpart of the im^enum Romanum. These are incidentals, but they are in the picture of history. But Napoleon's victories and defeats

(which always hide a victory of England and Civilization over Culture), his fall, the Grande Nation, the episodic liberation of Italy 1796, as in 1859, essentially no more than a change of political costume for a people long since become insignificant), the destruction of the Gothic ruin

Imperial dignity, his

(m

of the Roman-German Empire, are mere surface phenomena, behind which is marching the great logic of genuine and invisible History, and it was in the sense of this logic that the West, having fulfilled its French-formed Culture in the ancun regime, closed it off with the English Civilization. As symbols of

"contemporary" epochal moments, then, the storming of the Bastille, Valmy, Waterloo and the rise of Prussia correspond to the Classical-history facts of Chasronea, Gaugamela (Arbela), Alexander's Indian expedition and the Roman victory of Sentinum. 1 And we begin to understand that in wars and

Austerlitz,

political catastrophies is

the chief material of our historical writings

not the essence of the fight nor peace the aim of

a.

victory

revolution.

Anyone who has absorbed these ideas will have no difficulty in understandis bound to have a fatal effect upon the capacity for genuinely experiencing History when, at last, it attains its rigid form in that "late" condition of a Culture to which it is proper and in which it is able ing how the causality principle

to tyrannize over the world-picture. Kant, very wisely, established causality as a necessary form of knowledge, and it cannot be too often emphasized that this

was meant the

way

enough,

to refer exclusively to the understanding of man's environment by But while the word "necessary" was accepted readily has been overlooked that this limitation of the principle to a single

of reason. it

domain of knowledge is just what forbids its application to the contemplation and experiencing of living history. Man-knowing and Nature-knowing are in essence entirely incapable of being compared, but nevertheless the whole Nineteenth Century was at great pains to abolish the frontier between Nature and History in favour of the former. The more historically men tried to think, the more they forgot that in this domain they ought not to think. In forcing the rigid scheme of a spatial and anti-temporal relation of cause and effect upon something alive, they disfigured the visible face of becoming with the 1 Where in 195 B c the Romans Tr. hegemony over Italy.

decisively defeated the last great

Sammtc

effort to resist their

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

I5Z

construction-lines of a physical nature-picture, and, habituated to their own late, megalopolitan and causally-thinking milieu, they were unconscious of the

fundamental absurdity of a science that sought to understand an organic be-

coming by methodically misunderstanding become.

Day

is

it

as the machinery of the thing-

not the cause of night, nor youth of age, nor blossom of fruit.

we grasp intellectually has a cause, everything that we live organically with inward certitude has a past. The one recognizes the case, that which is generally possible and has a fixed inner form which is the same whenEverything that

ever and wherever and however which once was and will never in our

often recur

it

occurs, the other recognizes the event as we grasp something

And, according

envelope-world critically and consciously or physiognomically and inwe draw our conclusion from technical or from living experience,

voluntarily,

and we relate it to a timeless cause in space or to a direction which leads from yesterday to to-day and to-morrow. But the spirit of our great cities refuses to be involuntary. Surrounded by a machine-technique that it has itself created in surprising Nature's most dangerous the "law," it seeks to conquer history also technically, "theoretically and practically." "Usefulness," suitableness to purpose CZweckmassigkeit), is the great word which assimilates the one to the other. A materialist conception of history, ruled by laws of causal Nature, leads to the setting up of usefulness-

secret,

ideals such as "enlightenment," "humanity," "world-peace," as aims of world-history, to be reached by the "march of progress." But in these schemes of old age the feeling of Destiny has died, and with it the young reckless courage

and big with a future, presses on to meet a dark decision. For only youth has a future, and is Future, that enigmatic synonym of directional Time and of Destiny. Destiny ts always young. He who replaces it a mere chain of causes and effects, sees even in the by not-yet-actualized somethat, self-forgetful

direction is thing, as it were, old and past wanting. But he who lives towards a something in the superabundant flow of need not concern himself with

things

aims and

abilities, for he feels that he himself is the meaning of what is to happen. This was the faith in the Star that never left Csesar nor Napoleon nor the great doers of another kind; and this it is that lies deepest of all youthful in every childhood and in melancholy notwithstanding every young clan, that extends forward Culture, over all their people, history for men of act and

of vision, who arc young however white their hair, younger even than the most juvenile of those who look to a timeless utilitarianism The feeling of a significance in the momentarily world-around discloses itself in the present earliest days of childhood, when it is still the only persons and things of the nearest environment that essentially exist, and develops through silent and un-

conscious experience into a comprehensive picture. This picture constitutes the general expression of the whole Culture as it is at the particular stage, and it is only the fine judge of life and the deep searcher of history who can interpret it.

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY At

153

between the immediate impression of the present and the tmage of the past that is only presented in the spirit, in other words between the world as happening and the world as history. The eye of the man of action (statesman and general) appreciates the first, that of the man of contemplation (historian and poet) the second. Into the first one 1 plunges practically to do or to suffer; chronology, that great symbol of irrevocable past, claims the second. We look backwards, and we live forward towards the unforeseen, but even in childhood our technical experience soon this point a distinction presents itself

introduces into the image of the singular occurrence elements of the foreseeable, that is, an image of regulated Nature which is subject not to physiognomic fact

" head of game as a living entity and but to calculation. We apprehend a afterwards as a we see flash of food; immediately lightning as a peril and then as an electrical discharge. And this second, later, petrifying projection of the ' '

world more and more tends to overpower the first in the Megalopolis; the image of the past is mechanized and materialized and from it is deduced a set of causal rules for present and future. We come to believe in historical laws and in a rational understanding of them. Nevertheless science is always natural science. Causal knowledge and technical experience refer only to the become, the extended, the comprehended.

As

life is to history, so is knowledge (Wissen) to Nature, viz., to the sensible world apprehended as an element, treated as in space and subjected to the law of cause and effect. Is there, then, a science of History at all? To answer this question, let us remember that in every personal world-picture, which only approximates more or less to the ideal picture, there is both something of Nature and something of History. No Nature is without living, and no History without causal, harmonies. For within the sphere of Nature, although two like experiments, conformably to law, have the like result, yet each of these experiments is a historical event possessing a date and not recurring

And within

that of History, the dates or data of the past (chronologies, sta2 names, forms ) form a rigid web. "Facts are facts" even if we are unaware of them, and all else is image, Theoria, both in the one domain and in the other. But history is itself the condition of being "in the focus" and the material is only an aid to this condition, whereas in Nature the real aim tistics,

is

the winning of the material, and theory

There

is,

is

only the servant of this purpose. but an ancillary science for his-

therefore, not a science of history

1 Which, inasmuch as it has been detached from time, is able to employ mathematical symbols. These rigid figures stgntfy for us a destiny of yore. But their meaning is other than mathematical. Past is not a cause, nor Fate a formula, and to anyone who handles them, as the historical materialist handles them, mathematically, the past event as such, as an actuality that has lived once and only

once,

is

invisible.

2 That is, not merely conclusions of peaces or dcathdays of persons, but the Renaissance style, the Polts, the Mexican Culture and so forth are dates or data, facts that have been, even when we possess no representation of them.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

154 tory,

which

ascertains that

which has been. For the

historical

outlook

itself

the data are always symbols. Scientific research, on the contrary, is science and only science. In virtue of its technical origin and purpose it sets out to find data and laws of the causal sort and nothing else, and from the moment

that

it

turns

its

trans-scientific.

are different.

The

glance upon something else it becomes Metaphysics, something And just because this is so, historical and natural-science data

The

the former never.

latter consistently repeat themselves,

latter are truths, the former facts.

However

closely related incidentals

and

appear to be in the everyday picture, fundamentally they belong to different worlds. As it is beyond question that the shallowness of a man's is in proportion to the dominance history-picture (the man himself, therefore) causals

may

in it of frank incidentals, so it is beyond question that the emptiness of written in which it makes the establishment of history is in proportion to the degree its object. The more deeply a man lives History, the purely factual relations more rarely will he receive "causal" impressions and the more surely will he

be sensible of their utter insignificance. If the reader examines Goethe's writhe will be astounded to find how "living nature" can ings in natural science, be

without formula;, without laws, almost without a trace of the For him, Time is not a distance but a feeling. But the experience of

set forth

causal. last

and deepest things

and arranges purely feel.

is

practically denied to the ordinary savant who dissects and allows himself neither to contemplate nor to

critically

In the case of History, on the contrary, this power of experience is the And thus is justified the paradox that the less a historical researcher

requisite.

has to do with real science, the better it is for his history. To elucidate once more by a diagram: World

SoulLife, Direction

Extension Causal Knowledge

Destiny-Experience

The uniquely occurring and irrevocable

The

constantlypossible

"Fact"

"Truth"

Physiognomic tact (instinct)

Systematic criticism (reason)

Consciousness as servant of

The world-image

Being " History"

of

Consciousness as master of Being of "Nature"

The world-image

Life-experience

Image of the Past Constructive Contemplation (Historian, Tragic Dramatist) to tnvtsttgate Destiny

Direction into the Future Constructive Action

(Statesman) to bt Destiny

Scientific

Religion Theoretical'

methods

Natural Science

Myth and Dogma Hypothesis

Practical- Cult.

Technique

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

155

XI one, group of social, religious, physio"cause" of another? "Certainly," the rationalistic school of history, and still more the up-to-date sociology, would reply. That, they would say, is what is meant by our comprehending history and deepening our knowledge of it. But in reality, with "civilized" man there is

permissible to fix

Is it

upon one, any

as the logical or ethical facts

always the implicit postulate of an underlying rational purpose

without

which indeed his world would be meaningless And there is something rather comic in the most unscientific freedom that he allows himself in his choice of his fundamental causes. One

man selects

this,

another that, group as pima causa

and all fill their works with pretended an inexhaustible source of polemics elucidations of the "course of history" on natural -science lines. Schiller has of this method in one of his immortal banaligiven us the classical expression " " is stated to be ties, the verse in which the Weltgetriebe kept up "durch

Hunger und durch Liebe"; and the Nineteenth Century, progressing from Rationalism to Materialism, has made this opinion canonical. The cult of the

was set up on high. To it Darwin, in the name of his century, sacrificed Goethe's Nature-theory The organic logic of the facts of life was supplanted by a mechanics in physiological garb. Heredity, adaptation, natural selection, useful

are utility-causes of purely mechanical connotation. The historical dispensa" were superseded by a naturalistic movement "in space (But are there

tions

"

of any sort whatever? historical or spiritual "processes," or life-" processes Have historical "movements" such as, for example, the Renaissance or the

Age of Enlightenment anything whatever to do with the scientific notion of movement?) The word "process" eliminated Destiny and unveiled the secret of becoming, and lo' there was no longer a tragic but only an exact mathematical structure of world-happening. And thereupon the "exact" historian enunciated the proposition that in the history-picture we had before us a se" quence of "states of mechanical type which were amenable to rational analysis like a physical experiment or a chemical reaction, and that therefore causes, means, methods and objects were capable of being grouped together as a comsurface. It all becomes astonishingly simple. prehensible system on the visible

And one

is bound to admit that given a sufficiently shallow observer, the its world-picture) comes off. hypothesis (so far as concerns his personality and x Hunger and Love thus become mechanical causes of mechanical processes '

'

' '

life of peoples Social problems and sexual problems (both belonging existence) beall-too-public "physics" or "chemistry" of public come the obvious themes of utilitarian history and therefore of the corresponding the materialist treatment tragedy. For the social drama necessarily accompanies of history, and that which in Goethe's "Wahlverwandtschaften" was destiny

in the

.

to a

1

See

Vol n, pp. 403

et seq., 589 et seq.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

156

in the highest sense has

become

in Ibsen's

"Lady from

the Sea" nothing but

a

build sexual problem. Ibsen and all the reason-poets of our great cities build from their very first causes to their very last effect but they do not sing As

Hebbel fought hard to overcome this merely prosaic element in his more than intuitive temperament, to be a poet quand meme, hence his desperate and wholly un-Goethean effort to motive his events. In Hebbel, as in Ibsen, motiving means trying to shape tragedy causally, and he dissected and re-dissected and transformed and retransformed his Anecdote until he had made artist,

critical

Consider his treatment of the Judith story Shakespeare would have taken it as it was, and scented a world-secret in the physiognomic charm of the pure adventure. But Goethe's warning. "Do not, into a system that proved a case

it

I

beg you, look

for anything behind phenomena They are themselves their own sind die Lehre)" had become incomprehensible to the century and Darwin. The idea of trying to read a destiny in the physiognomy

lesson (sie selbst

of

Marx

of the past and that of trying to represent unadulterated Destiny as a tragedy were equally remote from them In both domains, the cult of the useful had

an entirely

aim Shapes were called into being, not to "Questions" of the day were "treated," social problems suitably "solved," and the stage, like the history-book, became a means to that end. Darwinism, however unconscious of what it was doing, set before itself

be, but to prove

different

something

has made biology politically effective. Somehow or other, democratic stirrings happened in the protoplasm, and the struggle for existence of the rain-worms is a useful lesson for the have who bipeds scraped through.

With and

the historians have failed to learn the lesson that our ripest would have taught them, the lesson of prudence. concede them their causal method, the with which superficiality

all this,

strictest science, Physics,

Even

if

we

an outrage There is neither the intellectual discipline nor the alone the scepticism that is inherent in our handling of physical 1 hypotheses. For the attitude of the physicist to his atoms, electrons, currents, and fields of force, to aether and mass, is very far removed from the naive faith of the layman and the Monist in these things. They are images which he subjects to the abstract relationships of his differential equations, in which he clothes trans-phenomenal numbers, and if he allows himself a certain freedom to choose amongst several theories, it is because he does not to find in them they apply keen sight,

it is

let

try

any actuality but that of the "conventional sign." 1

The formation of hypotheses

2

He knows,

too, that over

much mote thoughtless, owing to the less close Chemistry A house of cards such as is presented to us in the researches atom-structure (see, for example, M. Born, Der Aufbau dtr Matent, 1910) would be impossible in the near neighbourhood of the electro-magnetic theory of light, whose authors never for a moment lost sight of the frontier between mathematical vision and its representation by a picture, or of the fact that this was only a picture in

is

relation of that science to mathematics.

of the

2

moment on

There

diagram.

is

no

difference essentially between these representations and the switchboard wiring-

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

157

and above an experimental acquaintance with the technical structure of the world-around, all that it is possible to achieve by this process (which is the only one open to natural science) is a symbolic interpretation of it, no more certainly not "Knowledge" in the sanguine popular sense. For, the image of " Nature being a creation and copy of the Intellect, its alter ego" in the domain of the extended, to know Nature means to know oneself. If Physics is the maturest of our sciences, Biology, whose business is to explore the picture of organic life, is in point both of content and of methods the

What historical investigation really is, namely pure Physiognomic, cannot be better illustrated than by the course of Goethe's nature-studies. He works upon mineralogy, and at once his views fit themselves together into a conspectus of an earth-history in which his beloved granite signifies nearly

weakest.

which I call the proto-human signifies in man's history. well-known plants, and the prime phenomenon of metamorphosis, the original form of the history of all plant existence, reveals itself; proceeding further, he reaches those extraordinarily deep ideas of vertical and spiral tendencies in vegetation which have not been fully grasped even yet. His studies of ossature, based entirely on the contemplation of life, lead him to os intermaxillare the discovery of the in man and to the view that the skull-structure of the vertebrates developed out of six vertebras. Never is there a word of causality. He feels the necessity of Destiny just as he himself the same as that

He

investigates

' '

expressed

it

' '

in his Orfhische Urworte-

"So must thou be. Thou canst not Self escape. So erst the Sibyls, so the Prophets told. Nor Time nor any Power can mar the shape Impressed, that living must itself unfold."

The mere chemistry

of the stars, the mathematical side of physical observaand physiology proper interested him, the great historian of Nature very little, because they belonged to Systematic and were concerned with exThis is what underperiential learning of the become, the dead, and the rigid. lies his anti-Newton polemic a case in which, it must be added, both sides were in the right, for the one had knowledge of the regulated nature-process in the dead colour 1 while the experiencing of the other, the artist, was intuitivesensuous "feeling." Here we have the two worlds in plain opposition; and now therefore the essentials of their opposition must be stated with all stricttions,

'

' '

'

ness.

A

1 Goethe's theory of colour openly controverted Newton's theory of light. long account of a work that, taken the controversy will be found H. Lewes's Lzfe of Goetbe Chapter IX of his critique of Goethe's theory, all in all, is one of the wisest biographies ever written In reading of course, it has to be borne in mind that he wrote before the modern development of the electromagnetic theory, which has substituted a merely mathematical existence for the Newtonian physical

G

m

existence of colour-rays as such in

substance,

Goethe denied

white light

What he

Now,

this physical existence

was

affirmed, in the simpler language of his day,

just

was

what, in

that white

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

158

Nature that of the conHistory carries the mark of the singular-factual, the image of the world-around in order tinuously possible. So long as I scrutinize to see by what laws it must actualize itself, irrespective of whether it does of time then I am irrespective, that is, happen or merely might happen a genuine science. For the necessity of a nature-law (and there are working no other laws) it is utterly immaterial whether it becomes phenomenal inoften or never That ts, it ts independent of Destiny There are thousands

m

finitely

of chemical combinations that never are and never will be produced, but they for the fixed System of and therefore they exist are

demonstrably possible Nature though not for the Physiognomy of the whirling universe. A system consists of truths, a history rests on facts. Facts follow one another, truths

pom one

follow '

'

how.

'

'

another, and this

That there has been a

is

"when" and and can be indicated,

the difference between

flash of lightning is a fact

without a word, by the pointing of a finger. "When there is lightning there is thunder," on the contrary, is something that must be communicated by a or sentence. Experience-lived may be quite wordless, while sys-

proposition tematic knowing can only be through words. "Only that which has no history is capable of being defined," says Nietzsche somewhere. But History is present becoming that tends into the future and looks back on the past. Nature stands beyond all time, its mark is extension, and it is without direc-

tional quality. Hence, for the one, the necessity of the mathematical, for the other the necessity of the tragic.

and

In the actuality of waking existence both worlds, that of scrutiny and that of acceptance (Hingebung), are interwoven, just as in a Brabant tapestry warp and woof together effect the picture. Every law must, to be available to the under-

standing at all, once have been discovered through some destiny-disposition that is, it must have once been in experiential in the history of an intellect life,

and every destiny appears in some sensible garb

as persons, acts, scenes

light was something simple and colourless that becomes coloured through diminutions or modifications imposed upon it by "darkness." The modern physicist, using a subtler hypothesis than Newton's and a more refined "balance" than that which Lewes reproaches Goethe for "flinging

away," has found in white light, not the Newtonian mixture of colour-rays, but a surge of irregular wave-trains which are only regularized into colour-vibrations through being acted upon by analysers of one sort and another, from prisms to particulate matter This necessity of a counter-agent for the to a critical outsider at any rate production of colour seems very like the necessity of an efficient negative principle or "opaque" that Goethe's intuitive interpretation of his experiments led him " " to postulate It is this that is the heart of the theory, and not the of light per se. simplicity So much it seems desirable to add to the text and the reference, in order to expand the author's statement that "both were right." For Lewes, with all his sympathetic penetration of the man and real appreciation of his scientific achievement, feels obliged to regard his methods and his theory " as such as "erroneous And it is perhaps not out of place this book to adduce an instance of the peculiar nature and power of intuitive vision (which entirely escapes direct description) in which Vision frankly challenges Reason on its own ground, meets with refutation (or contempt) from the Reason of its day, and yet may come to be upheld in its specific Tightness (its Tightness as vision, that is, apart from its technical enunciation by tie seer) by the Reason of a later day. Tr.

m

DESTINY AND CAUSALITY

159

in which Nature-laws are operative. Primitive life is submissive and gestures before the daemonic unity of the fateful, in the consciousness of the mature Cul-

" ture this "early world-image is incessantly in conflict with the other, "late," world-image, and in the civilized man the tragic world-feeling succumbs to the mechanizing intellect. History and nature within ourselves stand opposed to one another as life is to death, as ever-becoming time to ever-become space. In the waking consciousness, becoming and

become struggle for control of the world-picture,

and the highest and maturest forms of both sorts (possible only for the great Cultures) are seen, in the case of the Classical soul, in the opposition of Plato and Aristotle, and, in the case of our Western, in that of Goethe and Kant

the pure physiognomy of the world contemplated by the soul of an eternal and its pure system comprehended by the reason of an eternal greybeard.

child,

XII

Herein, then, I see the last great task of Western philosophy, the only one which still remains in store for the aged wisdom of the Faustian Culture, the preordained issue, it seems, of our centuries of spiritual evolution. No Culture at liberty to choose the path and conduct of its thought, but here for the first time a Culture can foresee the way that destiny has chosen for it. Before my eyes there seems to emerge, as a vision, a hitherto unitnagmed

is

mode of

superlative historical research that is truly Western, necessarily alien a comprehensive Physito the Classical and to every other soul but ours

ognomic of all existence, a morphology of becoming for all humanity that drives onward to the highest and last ideas, a duty of penetrating the worldfeeling not only of our proper soul but of all souls whatsoever that have contained grand possibilities and have expressed them in the field of actuality as to which we and we alone are grand Cultures. This philosophic view entitled in virtue of our analytical mathematic, our contrapuntal music and our in that its scope far transcends the scheme of the sysperspective painting tematist, presupposes the eye of an artist, and of an artist who can feel the whole sensible and apprehensible environment dissolve into a deep infinity of mysterious relationships. So Dante felt, and so Goethe felt. To bring up, out of the

web

of world-happening, a millennium of organic culture-history as an

entity and person, and to grasp the conditions of

its

inmost spirituality

such

Just as one penetrates the lineaments of a Rembrandt portrait or a Caesar-bust, so the new art will contemplate and understand the grand, fateful lines in the visage of a Culture as a superlative human individuality.

is

the aim.

To attempt the interpretation of a poet or a prophet, a thinker or a conClassical, Egypqueror, is of course nothing new, but to enter a culture-soul tian or Arabian so intimately as to absorb into one's self, to make part of

own life, the totality expressed by typical men and situations, by religion and polity, by style and tendency, by thought and customs, is quite a new manone's

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

160

ncr of experiencing life. Every epoch, every great figure, every deity, the cities, the tongues, the nations, the arts, in a word everything that ever existed and will

become

that

it

existent, are physiognomic traits of high symbolic significance " will be the business of quite a new kind of judge of men (Menschenkenner) to interpret. Poems and battles, Isis and Cybele, festivals and Roman Catholic masses, blast furnaces and gladiatorial games, dervishes and Dar'

winians, railways and

Roman

'

roads> "Progress" and Nirvana, newspapers,

all these are equally signs and symbols in mass-slavery, money, machinery the world-picture of the past that the soul presents to itself and would interpret. " Alks Verganghchi ist nur tin Gleicbms." Solutions and panoramas as yet un-

imagmed await the unveiling. Light will be thrown on the dark questions those deepest of primitive human feelings which underlie dread and longing and which the will-to-know has clothed in the "problems" of time, necesThere is a wondrous music of the sity, space, love, death, and first causes spheres which wills to be heard and which a few of our deepest spirits will hear. The physiognomic of world-happening will become the last Fausttan philosophy.

CHAPTER V

MAKROKOSMOS I

THE SYMBOLISM OF THE WORLD-PICTURE AND THE SPACE-PROBLEM

CHAPTER V

MAKROKOSMOS I

THE SYMBOUSM OF THE WORLD-PICTURE AND THE SPACE-PROBLEM I

of a world-history of physiognomic type expands itself therefore into the wider idea of an all-embracing symbolism. Historical research, in the sense that we postulate here, has simply to investigate the picture of the once-

THE notion

living past and to determine its inner form and logic, and the Destiny-idea is the furthest limit to which it can penetrate. But this research, however comprehensive the new orientation tends to make it, cannot be more than a fragment and

a foundation of a still wider treatment. Parallel with it, we have a Nature-investigation that is equally fragmentary and is limited to its own causal system of relations. But neither tragic nor technical "motion" (if we may distinguish

by these words the respective bases of the lived and the known) exhausts the

We

both live and know when we are awake, but, in addition, we living itself. live when mind and senses are asleep. Though night may close every eye, the are moving in the moving (so a t least we try to indiblood does not sleep.

We

cate,

by a word borrowed from science, the

inexpressible that in sleep-hours "

we ' '

here feel with inward certainty) But it is only in the waking existence that and there appear as an irreducible duality. Every impulse proper to oneself has an expression and every impulse alien to oneself makes an impression. And thus everything of which we are conscious, whatever the form in which it is apsoul and world, or life and actuality, or History and Nature, prehended or law and feeling, Destiny or God, past and future or present and eternity has for us a deeper meaning still, a final meaning. And the one and only means of rendering this incomprehensible comprehensible must be a kind of meta.

' '

' '

' '

' '

' '

'

'

which regards everything whatsoever as having significance as a symbol. Symbols are sensible signs, final, indivisible and, above all, unsought impressions of definite meaning. A symbol is a trait of actuality that for the sensuously-alert man has an immediate and inwardly-sure significance, and that is incommunicable by process of reason. The detail of a Doric or Early-Arabic or Early-Romanesque ornament, the forms of the cottage and the family, of intercourse, of costume and rite, the aspect, gait and mien of a man and of whole classes of peoples and men, the communication- and community-forms of man physics

163

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

164

and beast, and beyond all this the whole voiceless language of Nature with her woods and pastures, flocks, clouds, stars, moonlight and thunderstorm, bloom all this is the emblematical impression of and decay, nearness and distance the Cosmos upon us, who are both aware and in our reflective hours quite capable of listening to this language Vice versa, it is the sense of a homogeneous understanding that raises up the family, the class, the tribe, or finally the Culture, out of the general humanity and assembles it as such. Here, then, we shall not be concerned with what a world "is," but with what it signifies to the being that it envelops When we wake up, at once We live the here something extends itself between a here and a there. as something alien There is there as something proper, we experience the a dualizing of soul and world as poles of actuality, and m the latter there are both resistances which we grasp causally as things and properties, and impulses in which we feel beings, numma (" just like ourselves") to be operative. But '

*

' '

' '

' '

'

' '

' '

'

is in it, further, something which, as it were, eliminates the duality. is for every individual the prothe world in relation to a soul Actuality the Proper mirrorjection of the Directed upon the domain of the Extended

there

ing itself on the Alien; one's actuality then signifies oneself By an act that is for it is not "I" who actualize the possible, both creative and unconscious the bridge of symbol is thrown bebut "it" actualizes itself through me tween the living "here" and "there." Suddenly, necessarily, and completely

"the" world comes elements: and as

it is

into being out of the totality of received and remembered an individual who apprehends the world, there is for each

individual a singular world. There are therefore as many worlds as there are

waking beings and

like-

living, like-feeling groups of beings. The supposedly single, independent and external world that each believes to be common to all is really an ever-new, uniquely-occurring and non-recurring experience in the existence of each.

A whole series of grades of consciousness leads up from the root-beginnings of obscure childish intuition, in which there is still no clear world for a soul or self-conscious soul within a world, to the highly intellectualized states of which only the men of fully-ripened civilizations are capable. This gradation is at the same time an expansion of symbolism from the stage in which there is an inclusive meaning of dreamer and the

when I am

all things to

one in which separate and

specific signs

not merely when, after the manner of the child, the am passive to a world full of dark significances, or awake without being in a condition of extreme alertness of thought

are distinguished.

It is

artist, I

and act (such a condition is much rarer even in the consciousness of the real thinker and man of action than is generally supposed) it is continuously and always, for as long as my life can be considered to be a waking life at all, that

I

am endowing that which is

outside

me with

the whole content that is in

me, from the half-dreamy impressions of world-coherence to the rigid world of

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

165

and binds them. And even in the domain of pure number the symbolical is not lacking, for we find that refined thought the triangle, the circle and the puts inexpressible meanings into signs like numbers 7 and ir. This is the idea of the Macrocosm, actuality as the sum total of all symbols in relacausal laws and

tion to one soul

number that

From

overlies

this property of being significant

nothing

is

exempt. All

symbolizes. From the corporeal phenomena like visage, shape, mien (of individuals and classes and peoples alike), which have always been known to possess meaning, to the supposedly eternal and universally-valid forms of

that

is,

knowledge, mathematics and physics, everything speaks out of the essence of one and only one soul At the same time these individuals' worlds as lived and experienced by men of one Culture or spiritual community are interrelated, and on the greater or less

degree of this interrelation depends the greater or less communicability of and thoughts from one to another that is, the possi-

intuitions, sensations bility of

making

intelligible

what one has

created in the style of one's

own

being, through expression-media such as language or art or religion, by means of word-sounds or formulas or signs that are themselves also symbols. The

degree of interrelation between one's world and another's fixes the limit at

which understanding becomes

self-deception. Certainly it is only very imperfectly that we can understand the Indian or the Egyptian soul, as manifested in the men, customs, deities, root-words, ideas, buildings and acts of it. The

Greeks, ahistoric as they were, could not even guess at the essence of alien witness the naivete with which they were wont to rediscover spiritualities

own gods and Culture in those of alien peoples. But in our own case too, the current translations of the dpxi? 5 or Atman, or Tao of alien philosophers presuppose our proper world-feeling, which is that from which our equivatheir

'

'

lents" claim their significance, as the basis of an alien soul-expression. And similarly we elucidate the characters of early Egyptian and Chinese portraits

with reference to our own life-experience. In both That the artistic masterpieces of all Cultures are ' '

cases still

we

deceive ourselves.

living for us

"im-

we

is another such fancy, kept alive by the unanimity with say which we understand the alien work in the proper sense. Of this tendency of ours the effect of the Laocoon group on Renaissance sculpture and that of Seneca

mortal

on the

as

Classicist

drama of the French

are examples.

Symbols, as being things actualized, belong to the domain of the extended. are become and not becoming (although they may stand for a becoming) and they are therefore rigidly limited and subject to the laws of space. There

They

' '

' '

are only sensible-spatial symbols. The very word form designates something extended in the extended, even the inner forms of music are no exception,

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

166 as

we shall

But extension

see.

is

the hall-mark of the fact

"waking

conscious-

this constitutes only one side of the individual existence and is intimately bound up with that existence's destinies. Consequently, every trait

ness,"

and

of the actual waking-consciousness, whether it be feeling or understanding, is in the moment of our becoming aware of it, already fast We can only reflect upon impressions, think them over as our happy phrase goes, but that which " '

' '

for the sensuous life of the animals

is fast, is for the grammatical (wortgebundene) understanding of man passing, transient That which happens is, of course, transient, for a happening is irrevocable, but every kind of significance is also transient. Follow out the destiny of the Column, from the Egyptian tomb-temple in which columns are ranked to mark the path for the traveller,

m

which they are held together by the body of through the Doric penpteros the building, and the Early-Arabian basilica where they support the interior, to the facades of the Renaissance in which they provide the upward-striving element As we see, an old significance never returns, that which has entered the domain of extension has begun and ended at once.

one which that

A

deep relation, and

early felt, exists between sface and death. Man is the only being death, all others become old, but with a consciousness wholly

is

knows

limited to the

moment which must seem

children in those cent," they

first

know

years in

nothing of

to

them

eternal

They

live,

but like

which life,

Christianity regards them as still "innoand they die and they see death without

Only fully-awakened man, man proper, whose understanding has been emancipated by the habit of language from dependence on sight, comes to possess (besides sensibility) the notion of transience, that is,

knowing anything about

a

memory

it.

of the past as past and an experiential conviction of irrevocability 1 but we possess also an image of history and in this image death,

We an Time,

and with death birth, appear as the two riddles. For all other beings life pursues its course -without suspecting its limits, i.e., without conscious knowledge of task, meaning, duration and object. It is because there is this deep and significant identity that we so often find the awakening of the inner life in a child associated with the death of some relation. The child suddenly grasps the lifeless

space,

corpse for what it is, something that has become wholly matter, wholly and at the same moment it feels itself as an individual betng in an alien

extended world.

"From

the child of five to myself is but a step But from is an appalling distance," said Tolstoi

the new-born baby to the child of five

moments of existence, when man first becomes man loneliness in the universal, the world-fear reveals

once. Here, in the decisive

and

realizes his

immense

the first time as the essentially human fear in the presence of death, the limit of the light-world, rigid space. Here, too, the higher thought originates as meditation upon death Every religion, every scientific investigation, every philosophy proceeds from it. Every great symbolism attaches its formitself for

1

See p. 113

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

167

language to the cult of the dead, the forms of disposal of the dead, the adornment of the graves of the dead. The Egyptian style begins with the tomb-temples of the Pharaohs, the Classical with the geometrical decoration of the funerary urns, the Arabian with catacomb and sarcophagus, the Western with the cathedral wherein the sacrificial death of Jesus is re-enacted daily under the hands of the priest. From this primitive fear springs, too, historical all its modes, the Classical with its cleaving to the life-abundant present, the Arabian with its baptismal rite that wins new life and overcomes sensitiveness

m

death, the Faustian

with

its

contrition that

Body of Jesus and therewith immortality.

Till

makes worthy to

receive the

we have the

constantly-wakeful no concern for that which ts -past.

concern for the life that is not yet fast, there is The beast has only the future, but man knows ^Iso the past. And thus every new Culture is awakened in and with a new view of the world, that is, a sudden

glimpse of death as the secret of the perceivable world. It was when the idea oi the impending end of the world spread over Western Europe (about the year looo) that the Faustian soul of this religion was born. Primitive man, in his deep amazement before death, sought with all the forces of his spirit to penetrate and to spellbind this world of the extended with the inexorable and always present limits of its causality, this "world filled with dark almightmess that continuously threatened to make an end of him. This energetic defensive lies deep in unconscious existence, but, as being the first impulse that genuinely projects soul and world as parted and opposed, it marks the threshold of personal conduct of life. Ego-feeling and world-feeling begin

work, and all culture, inner or outer, bearing or performance, is as a whole only the intensification of this being-human. Henceforward all that resists our sensations is not mere resistance or thing or impression, as it is for animals and for children also, but an expression as well. Not merely are things actually contained in the world-around but also they possess meaning, as phenomena in to

the world-w0. Originally they possessed only a relationship to men, but now there is also a relationship of men to them. They have become emblems of unconscious and inwardly And thus the essence of every genuine symbolism proceeds from the knowledge of death in which the secret of space reveals itself. All symbolism implies a defensive,- it is the 1 expression of a deep Scheu in the old double sense of the word, and its formlanguage tells at once of hostility and of reverence. Every thing-become ts mortal. Not only peoples, languages, races and Culture? are transient. In a few centuries from now there will no more be a Western Culture, no more be German, English or French than there were Romans in the

his existence.

necessary

time of Justinian. Not that the sequence of human generations failed; it was the inner form of a people, which had put together a number of these generations as a single gesture, that was no longer there. The Civis Romanus, one of *

Sec page 1x3.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

168

the most powerful symbols of Classical being, had nevertheless, as a form, only a, duration of some centuries. But the primitive phenomenon of the great

Culture will itself have disappeared some day, and with it the drama of worldhistory; aye, and man himself, and beyond man the phenomenon of plant and

animal existence on the earth's surface, the earth, the sun, the whole world of sun-systems. All art is mortal, not merely the individual artifacts but the arts themselves. One day the last portrait of Rembrandt and the last bar of Mozart will have ceased to be though possibly a coloured canvas and a sheet of notes may remain because the last eye and the last ear accessible to their

message will have gone. Every thought, faith and science dies as soon as the truths" were true and necessary are spirits in whose worlds their "eternal extinguished. Dead, even, are the star-worlds which "appeared," a proper world to the proper eye, to the astronomers of the Nile and the Euphrates, for our eye is different from theirs, and our eye in its turn is mortal. All this we know. The beast does not know, and what he does not know does not exist in his experienced world-around But if the image of the past vanishes, the

longing to give a deeper meaning to the passing vanishes also. And so it is with reference to the purely human macrocosm that we apply the oft-quoted line, which shall serve as motto for all that follows: Alles Vergctnghche ist nur

em

Gletchnis.

this we are led, without our noticing it, back to the space-problem, now it takes on a fresh and surprising form. Indeed, it is as a corollary

From though

it appears for the first time as capable of solution or, to just as the time-problem was made speak more modestly, of enunciation more comprehensible by way of the Destiny-idea. From the moment of our

to these ideas that

awakening, the fateful and directed life appears in the phenomenal life as an experienced dej>tb. Everything extends itself, but it is not yet "space," not something established in itself but a self-extension continued from the moving here to the

moving

there.

World-experience is bound up with the essence of In the abstract system of mathematics, depth ' '

de$tb (i.e. far-ness or distance). ,

'

'

taken along with "length" and "breadth" as a "third" dimension, but this trinity of elements of like order is misleading from the outset, for in our is

impression of the spatial world these elements are unquestionably not equivalents, let alone homogeneous. Length and breadth are no doubt, expenentially, a unit and not a mere sum, but they are (the phrase is used deliberately)

simply a form of reception, they represent the purely sensuous impression. But depth is a representation of expression, of Nature, and with it begins the

"world." This discrimination between the "third" and the other two dimensions, so called,

which

needless to say

is

wholly

alien to mathematics,

is

inherent

also in the opposition of the notions of sensation and contemplation Extension into depth converts the former into the latter, in fact, depth is the first

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

169

and genuine dimension in the literal sense of the word. 1 In it the waking consciousness is active, whereas in the others it is strict!)' passive. It is the symbolic content of a particular order as understood by one particular Culture that is expressed by this original fundamental and unanalysable element. The experiencing of depth (this is a premiss upon which all that follows is dependent) is an

involuntary and necessary as it is creative, whereby the ego world, so to say, in subordination (zudiktiert erhalt). Out of the rain of impressions the ego fashions a formal unit, a cinematic picture, which as soon as it is mastered by the understanding is subjected to law and the causality act, as entirely

keeps

its

principle,

and therefore,

as the projection of an individual spirit it is transient

and mortal. There is no doubt, however reason may contest it, that this extension is capable of infinite variety, and that it operates differently not merely as between child and man, or nature-man and townsman, or Chinese and Romans, but as

between individual and individual according

as they experience their worlds contemplatively or alertly, actively or placidly. Every artist has rendered Nature by line and by tone, every physicist Greek, Arabian or German has dissected "Nature" into ultimate elements, and how is it that they have ' '

' '

all discovered the same? Because every one of them has had his own with a naivete that was really the salvation of his world-idea Nature, though and of his own self every one believed that he had it in common with all

not

the rest. Nature is a possession which is saturated through and through with the most personal connotations. Nature is a junction of the -particular Culture.

in

Kant believed that he had decided the great question of whether this a his celebrated priori element was pre-existent or obtained by experience, by formula that Space is the form of perception which underlies all world impressions But the "world" of the careless child and the dreamer undeniably hesitant way, 2 and it is only the tense, possess this form in an insecure and technical treatment of the world-around imposed on the free-moving practical, that lets being which, unlike the lilies of the fields, must care for its life 1 The word dimension ought only to be used in the singular It means extension but not extenThe idea of the three directions is an out-and-out abstraction and is not contained in the immediate extension-feeling of the body (the "soul") Direction as such, the direction-essence, gives rise to the mysterious antmal sense of right and left and also the vegetable characteristic of below-to. above, earth to heaven The latter is a fact felt dream-wise, the former a truth of waking existence

sions.

m

to be learned and therefore capable of bang transmuted. Both find expression architecture, to wit, in the symmetry of the plan and the energy of the elevation, and it is only because of this that " " we specially distinguish in the architecture of the space around us the angle of 50 in preference, " dimensions for example, to that of 60. Had not this been so, the conventional number of our ' "

would have been quite 2

The want

themselves.

different

of perspective in children's drawings

is

emphatically not perceptible to the children

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i 7o

stiffen into rational tndimensionality. And it is only the city-man of matured Cultures that really lives in this glaring wakefulness, and only for his thought that there is a Space wholly divorced from sensuous life, "absolute," dead and alien to Time, and It exists not as a form of the

sensuous self-extension

There is intuitively-perceived but as a form of the rationally-comprehended. no manner of doubt that the "space" which Kant saw all around him with such unconditional certainty when he was thinking out his theory, did not exist in anything like so rigorous a form for his Carolmgian ancestors Kant's greatness consists in his having created the idea of a "form a prtort," but not in the application that he gave it. We have already seen that Time is not a "form forms exist only in the nor for that matter a form at all of perception and that there is no possibility of defining it except as a counterextended " does this word space" concept to Space. But there is the further question ' '

exactly cover the formal content of the intuitively-perceived? And beyond all this there is the plain fact that the form of perception alters with distance. Every distant mountain range is "perceived" as a scenic plane. No one will '

' '

'

pretend that he sees the moon as a body, for the eye it is a pure plane and it is i.e. when the distance is artificially reduced only by the aid of the telescope form that it progressively obtains a spatial form. Obviously, then, the ' '

of perception"

is

a function of distance.

Moreover, when

we reflect upon that we received at

anything, we do not exactly remember the impressions the time, but "represent to ourselves" the picture of a space abstracted from them. But this representation may and does deceive us regarding the living actuality. Kant let himself be misled; he should certainly himself to distinguish between forms of perception and 1 tion, for fos notion of Space in principle embraced both.

Just as

Kant marred the Time-problem by bringing

it

not have permitted forms of ratiocina-

into relation

with an

on that basis essentially misunderstood arithmetic and dealing with a phantom sort of time that lacks the life-quality of direction and is therefore a mere spatial scheme, so also he marred the Space-problem by relating it to a common-place geometry. It befell that a few years after the completion of Kant's main work Gauss discovered the first of the Non-Euclidean geometries. These, irreproachably 1 His idea that the a frtort-ness of space was proved by and through the unconditional validity of simple geometrical facts rests, as we have already remarked, on the all-too-popular notion that mathcmaocs are either geometry or arithmetic Now, even in Kant's time the mathematic of the

West had got

beyond this naive scheme, which was a mere imitation of the Classical Modern not on space but on multiply-infinite number-manifolds amongst which the is and within these groups investigates simply the undistinguished special case functional formations with reference to their structure, that is, there is no longer any contact or even possibility of contact between any possible kind of sense-perception and mathematical facts in the domain of such extensions as these, and yet the demonstrability of the latter is in no wise impaired thereby Mathematics, then, are independent of the perceived, and the question now is, how much of this famous demonstrability of the forms of perception is left when the artificiality of juxtaposIn a both ing supposedly single process of experience has been recognized. far

geometry bases

itself

three-dimensional

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE as regards their

own internal

171

to be proved that there are several strictly mathematical kinds of three-dimensional extension, all of which are a priori certain, and none of which can be singled out to rank as

demonstrated

validity, enable

it

the genuine "form of perception." It was a grave, and in a contemporary of Euler and Lagrange an unpardonable, error to postulate that the Classical school-geometry (for it was that

which Kant always had in mind) was to be found reproduced in the forms of Nature around us In moments of attentive observation at very short range, and in cases in which the relations considered are sufficiently small, the living impressions and the rules of customary geometry are certainly in approximate agreement. But the exact conformity asserted by philosophy can be demon-

by the eye nor by measuring-instruments. Both these must at a certain limit of accuracy which is very far indeed below that which would be necessary, say, for determining which of the Non-

strated neither

always stop short

Euclidean geometries scales

and for great

is

the geometry of "empirical" Space. 1 On the large where the experience of depth completely domi-

distances,

nates the perception-picture (for example, looking on a broad landscape as against a drawing) the form of perception is in fundamental contradiction with

A glance down any avenue shows us that parallels meet at the Western perspective and the otherwise quite different perspective of Chinese painting are both alike based on this fact, and the connexion of these perspectives with the root-problems of their respective mathematics is

mathematics. horizon.

unmistakable. Experiential Depth, in the infinite variety of its modes, eludes every sort of numerical definition. The whole of lyric poetry and music, the entire paint-

ing of Egypt, China and the West by hypothesis deny any strictly mathematical structure in space as felt and seen, and it is only because all modern philosophers

have been destitute of the smallest understanding of painting that they have The "horizon" in and by which every visual image gradually -passes info a definitive plane, is incapable of any mathematical

failed to note the contradiction.

treatment. Every stroke of a landscape painter's brush refutes the assertions of conventional epistemology.

As mathematical magnitudes abstract from life, the "three dimensions" have no natural limits. But when this proposition becomes entangled with the surface-and-depth of experienced impression, the original epistemological error leads to another, viz., that apprehended extension is also without limits, although in fact our vision only comprises the illuminated portion of space

and stops at the light-limit of the particular moment, which

may

heavens or merely the bright atmosphere. The "visual" world

is

be the

star-

the totality

1 It is true that a geometrical theorem may be proved, or rather demonstrated, by means of a drawing But the theorem is differently constituted in every kind of geometry, and that bang so, the drawing ceases to be a proof of anything whatever.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

171

since vision depends on the presence of radiated or reflected their stand on this and stayed there. It is the Western that has produced the idea of a limitless universe of space a world-feeling of infinite space star-systems and distances that far transcends all optical pos-

of

light-resistances.,

light.

The Greeks took

sibilities and this was a creation of the inner vision, incapable of all actualization through the eye, and, even as an idea, alien to and unachievable by the men of a differently-disposed Culture.

IV

of

The outcome, then, of Gauss's discovery, which modern mathematics, was the statement that 1

completely altered the course

there are severally equally

That it should even be asked shows that the problem was not in the least comprehended. Mathematics, whether or not it employs visible images and representations as working conveniences, concerns itself with systems that are entirely emancipated from life, time and distance, with formworlds of pure numbers whose validity not fact-foundation is timeless and like everything else that is "known" is known by causal logic and not valid structures of three-dimensional extension.

which of them corresponds

to actual perception

experienced.

With this, the difference between the living intuition-way and the mathematical form-language became manifest and the secret of spatial becoming opened out.

As becoming is the foundation of the become, continuous living history that of fulfilled dead nature, the organic that of the mechanical, destiny that of causal law and the causally-settled, so too direction is the origin of extension. The secret of Life accomplishing itself which is touched upon by the word Time forms the foundation of that which, as accomplished, is understood by (or rather indicated to an inner feeling in us by) the word extension that is actual has first been Space,

Every

accomplished in and with an experience of depth, and what cated by the word Time is just this first process of

is primarily indiextending, sensuously (m the main, visually) and only later intellectually, into depth and distance, i.e., the step from the planar semi-impression to the macrocosmically ordered world-pic-

ture with its feel and the feeling is what mysterious-manifest kinesis. constitutes the state of all-round awareness in us that we are in an extension that encircles us, and it is only necessary to follow out this original impression ' that we have of the worldly to see that in reality there is only one true dimen-

We

'

sion

"

of space,

which is direction from

one's self outwards into the distance, the "there" and the future, and that the abstract system of three dimensions is a

mechanical representation and not a fact of life By the depth-experience sensation is expanded into the world. We have seen already that the directedness that 1

So much so that Gauss said nothing about his discovery the clamour of the Boroaans."

iear of

until

almost the end of his

life

for

is

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE m life wears the badge of tmverstbihty, and there something of this is

hall-mark of Time in our instinctive tendency to

feel

the depth that

is

173

same

in the

from ourselves outwards, and never from the horizon inwards The bodily mobility of man and beast is disposed in towards the Future, nearing with every step this sense. We move forward and we feel every backward look as a not merely our aim but our old age 1 glance at something that is past, that has already become history. If we can describe the basic form of the understood, viz., causality, as destiny become rigid, we may similarly speak of spatial depth as a ttme become rigid. That which not only man but even the beast feels operative around him as destiny, viz

world uni-directionally also

,

listening, scenting as movement, and under and becomes causal. We feel that it is drawing towards spring and we feel in advance how the spring landscape expands around us; but we know that the earth as it moves in space revolves and that the duration of spring consists of ninety such revolutions of the earth, or days. Time gives birth to Space, but Space gives death to Time. Had Kant been more precise, he would, instead of speaking of the "two forms of perception," have called time the form of perception and space the form of the perceived, and then the connexion of the two would probably have

he

-perceives

by touching, looking,

his intense scrutiny

it stiffens

him The logician, mathematician, or scientist in his moments which has been detached from of intense thought, knows only the Become and true systematic the singular event by the very act of meditating upon it in which everything possesses the froperty of a mathematicallyspace

revealed itself to

expressible "duration."

But

it is

just this that indicates to us

how

space

is

continuously "becoming." While we gaze into the distance with our senses, it floats around us, but when we are startled, the alert eye sees a tense and rigid space. This space is; the principle of its existing at all is that it is, outside time

and detached from resides as a being in this

it

and from

life.

In

it

duration, a piece of perished time, ourselves too as

known property of things. And, as we know space, we know that we also have a duration and

a limit, of which

the moving finger of our clock ceaselessly warns us. But the rigid Space itself at the first relaxation of our intellectual tension it vanishes is transient too

and so it is a sign and from the many-coloured spread of our world-around symbol of the most elemental and -powerful symbol, of life itself. For the involuntary and unqualified realization of depth, which dominates the consciousness with the force of an elemental event (simultaneously with the Man. The awakening of the inner life), marks the frontier between child and . .

.

symbolic experience of depth is "what is lacking in the child, who grasps at the the outer world but, like the soul of moon and knows as yet no meaning primitive man, dawns in a dreamlike continuum of sensations (in traumhafter

m

1 The distinction of right and left (sec p. 169) is only conceivable as the outcome of this directed" has no meaning whatever for the body of a plant. ness in the dispositions of the body. "In front

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

174

Verbundcnheit mit allem Empfindungshaften hindammert) Of course the child is not without experience of the extended, of a very simple kind, but there is no world-perceptton; distance is felt, but it does not yet speak to the soul. And

with the

soul's awakening, direction, too, first reaches living expression Classical expression in steady adherence to the near-present and exclusion of the distant and future; Faustian in direction-energy which has an eye only for

the most distant horizons, Chinese, in free hither-and-thither wandering that nevertheless goes to the goal, Egyptian in resolute march down the path once

Thus the Destiny-idea manifests itself m every line of a life With it do we become members of a particular Culture, whose members are con-

entered.

alone

nected by a

common

world-feeling and a

common world-form

derived from

it.

A

deep identity unites the awakening of the soul, its birth into clear existence in the name of a Culture, with the sudden realization of distance and time, the birtk of ifs outer uorld through the symbol of extension, and thenceforth this

symbol is and remains the prime symbol of that life, imparting to it w hich it progressively actualizes style and the historical form

m

r

its

specific

its

inward

From

the specific directedness is derived the specific primepossibilities symbol of extension, namely, for the Classical world-view the near, strictly

Body, for the Western infinitely wide and infinitely profound three-dimensional Space, for the Arabian the world as a Cavern. And therewith an old philosophical problem dissolves into nothing this prime form of the world is innate in so far as it is an original possession of the soul of that

limited, self-contained

Culture which

is expressed by our life as a whole, and acquired in so far that every individual soul re-enacts for itself that creative act and unfolds in early childhood the symbol of depth to which its existence is predestined, as the

emerging butterfly unfolds

its

wings

The

first

comprehension of depth

is

an

the spiritual complement of the bodily l In it the Culture is born mother-landscape, and the act is repeated by every one of its individual

act of birtb

out of its

souls throughout its life-course. This is called anamnesis early Hellenic belief

what Plato connecting it with an The definiteness of the world-form,

which for each dawning soul suddenly ts, derives meaning from Becoming Kant the systematic, however, with his conception of the form a prtorz, would approach the interpretation of this very riddle from a dead result instead of along a living way.

From now on, we shall consider the kind of extension as the prtme symbol of a From it we are to deduce the entire form-language of its actuality, its

Culture

physiognomy as contrasted with the physiognomy of every other Culture and more with the almost entire lack of physiognomy in primitive man's world-around. For now the interpretation of depth rises to acts, to formative

still

expression in works, to the #w2.r-forming of actuality, not 1

now

merely in order

be out of place here to refer to the enormous importance attached in savage Tr society to iniuatlon-ntes at adolescence. It

may not

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

175

to subserve necessities of life (as in the case of the animals) but above all to create a picture out of extensional elements of all sorts (material, line, colour, a picture, often, that re-emerges with power to charm after tone, motion) lost centuries in

way

which

in

the world-picture of another Culture and authors understood the world.

tells

new men

of the

its

But the prime symbol does not actualize itself, it is operative through the form-sense of every man, every community, age and epoch and dictates the It is inherent in the form of the state, the religious style of every life-expression

myths and

the ethical ideals, the forms of painting and music and poetry, but it is not presented by these.

cults,

the fundamental notions of each science

Consequently, selves derived feelings,

not presentable by words, for language and words are themEvery individual symbol tells of it, but only to the inner

it is

symbols

not to the understanding. And when we say, as henceforth we shall prime-symbol of the Classical soul is the material and individual

say, that the

body, that of the Western pure infinite space, it must always be with the reservation that concepts cannot represent the inconceivable, and thus at the significative feeling may be evoked by the sound of words. Infinite space is the ideal that the Western soul has always striven to find,

most a

and to see immediately actualized, in

its

world-around, and hence

it is

that the

over and above all ostencountless space-theories of the last centuries possess " a deep import as symptoms of a world-feeling. In how far sible "results does unlimited extension underlie all objective things? There is hardly a single

problem that has been more earnestly pondered than this; it would almost seem as if every other world-question was dependent upon the one problem of the 7 And nature of space. And is it not in fact so how, then, has it for us escaped notice that the whole Classical world never expended one word on it, and indeed did not even possess a word 1 by which the problem could be exactly

had the

great pre-Socratics nothing to say on it? Did they ]ust that which appears to us the problem of all probin lems? not, fact, to have seen long ago that the answer is in the: is it that according to our deepest feeling the very fact of their silence? "world" is nothing but that world-of-space which is the true offspring of our outlined?

Why

overlook in their world

Ought we

How

whose grand emptiness is corroborated by the starsystems lost in it? Could a "world" of this sense have been made even comprehensible to a Classical thinker? In short, we suddenly discover that the depth-experience, and

'

eternal 1

problem

'

that Kant, in the

Either in Greek or in Latin. r6xos

name of humanity,

tackled with a passion

means spot, locality, and also social position; X ntvov (vacuum} means produce), quite unequivocally a hollow body, and the stress is emphatically on the envelope The literature of the Roman Imperial Age, which attempted to render the Mjgiaa

(=

locos')

world-feeling through Classical words, was reduced to such clumsy versions as 6par6s rixor (senthe root of the word world) or spattum tnane (" endless space," but also "wide surface" " "spatium means to swell or grow fat) In the true Classical literature, the idea not being there,

sible

there

was no

necessity for a

word to

describe it

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

176

symbolic, is a purely Western problem that simply does not arise in the intellects of other Cultures. that itself

What

is

then was

it

that Classical man,

around was certainly not

less piercing

whose

insight into his

than ours, regarded

as

own

world-

the prime problem

being? It was the problem of apx'n, the material origin and foundation of we shall get close to the sensuously-perceptible things. If we grasp this not the fact of space, but the fact that made it a significance of the fact of

all

all

become the problem of the Westand only the Western, soul. This very spatiahty (Raumlichkeit) that is the truest and sublimest element in the aspect of our universe, that absorbs into itself and begets out of itself the substantiality of all things, Classical humanity (which knows no word for, and therefore has no idea of, space} with one accord

necessity of destiny for the space-problem to 1

ern,

HTJ w, that which is not. The pathos of this denial can scarcely be exaggerated. The whole passion of the Classical soul is in this act of excluding by symbolic negation that which it would not feel as actual,

cuts out as the nonent, TO

that in

which

its

own

existence could not be expressed.

A world of other colour

suddenly confronts us here. The Classical statue in its splendid bodilmess all structure and expressive surfaces and no incorporeal arriere-pensee whatsoever contains without remainder all that Actuality is for the Classical eye. The material, the optically definite, the comprehensible, the immediately present this list exhausts the characteristics of this kind of extension The Classical universe, the Cosmos or well-ordered aggregate of all near

and completely view-

1 It

has not hitherto been seen that this fact is implicit in Euclid's famous parallel axiom ("through a point only one parallel to a straight line is possible") This was the only one of the Classical theorems which remained unproved, and as we know now, it is incapable of proof. But it was just that which made it into a dogma (as opposed to any experience) and. tbtrcfyrc the metaphysical centre and main girder of that geometrical system. Everything This one proposition is neceselse, axiom or postulate, is merely introductory or corollary to this sary and universally-valid for the Classical intellect, tmd yet not dcducittt What does this signify? It signifies that the statement is a symbol of the first rank. It contains the structure of Classical corporeality.

It is just this proposition., theoretically the weakest link in the Classical geometry it as early as Hellenistic times), that reveals its soul, and it was just

(objections began to be raised to

within the limits of routine experience, that the Faustian numberthinking, derived from incorporeal spatial distances, fastened upon as the centre of doubt It is one of the deepest symbols of our being that we have opposed to the Euclidean geometry not one but this proposition, self-evident

other geometries all of which for us are equally true and self-consistent. The specific tendency in which there may be no parallel or two parallels or of the ana-Euclidean group of geometries several parallels to a line through a point lies in the fact that by their very plurality the corporeal sense of extension, which Euclid canomztd by his principle, is entirely got rid of, for what they

itvtrttl

is that which all The question of which of the corporeal postulates but all spatial denies three Non-Euclidean geometries is the "correct" one (ic, that which underlies actuality) is in although Gauss himself gave it earnest consideration respect of world-feeling entirely Classical and therefore it should not have been asked by a thinker of our sphere Indeed it prevents us from The specifically seeing the true and deep meaning implicit in the plurality of these geometries

reject

Western symbol resides not in the reality of one or of another, but in the true plurality of tquattj in the abundance of which the classical geometries. It is the group of space-structures that has dissolved the last residuum of the system is a mere particular case corporeal into the pure possible

space-feeling

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

177

concluded by the corporeal vault of heaven. More there is The need that is in us to think of "space" as being behind as well as

able things,

not

is

before this shell

was wholly

absent from the Classical world-feeling.

went so far

The "

as to treat even properties and relations of things as "bodies. For Chrysippus, the Divine Pneuma is a "body," for Democritus seeing consists in our being penetrated by material particles of the things seen. The Stoics

is a body which is made up of all the bodies of its citizens, the law knows only corporeal persons and material things. And the feeling finds its last and noblest expression in the stone body of the Classical temple. The windowless

State

interior is carefully concealed one truly straight line to be

by the array of columns; but outside there is not Every flight of steps has a slight sweep

found

outward, every step relatively to the next The pediment, the roof-ridge, the sides are all curved Every column has a slight swell and none stand truly vertical or truly equidistant

from one another. But swell and inclination and

distance vary from the corners to the centres of the sides in a carefully toned-off ratio, and so the whole corpus is given a something that swings mysterious

about a centre.

The

curvatures are so fine that to a certain extent they are

invisible to the eye and only to be "sensed." But it is just by these means that direction in depth is eliminated. While the Gothic style soars, the Ionic hovers.

The laid

and

interior of the cathedral pulls up with primeval force, but the temple is in majestic rest All this is equally true as relating to the Faustian Apollmian Deity, and likewise of the fundamental ideas of the respective

down

physics. To the principles of position, material and form we have opposed those of straining movement, force and mass, and we have defined the lastnamed as a constant ratio between force and acceleration, nay, finally volatilized in the purely spatial elements of capacity and intensity. It was an obligatory consequence also of this way of conceiving actuality that the instrumental for it music of the great i8th-Century masters should emerge as a master-art is the only one of the arts whose form-world is inwardly related to the con-

both

templative vision of pure space In it, as opposed to the statues of Classical temple and forum, we have bodiless realms of tone, tone-intervals, tone-seas. The orchestra swells, breaks, and ebbs, it depicts distances, lights, shadows, storms, driving clouds, lightning flashes, colours etherealized and transcendent think of the instrumentation of Gluck and Beethoven. "Contemporary," in our sense,

with the Canon of Polycletus, the

sculptor laid authoritative

down

the strict rules of

human

treatise in

which the

great

body-build which remained

till beyond Lysippus, we find the strict canon (completed by Stamitz about 1740) of the sonata-movement of four elements which begins to relax in late-Beethoven quartets and symphonies and, finally, in the lonely,

utterly infinitesimal tone-world of the "Tristan" music, frees itself from all earthly comprehensibleness. This prime feeling of a loosing, Erlosung, solution, of the Soul in the Infinite, of a liberation from all material heaviness which the

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i 78

highest that is

moments of our music always awaken,

sets free also the

energy of depth

m

the Faustian soul whereas the effect of the Classical art-work is to bind and to bound, and the body-feeling secures, brings back the eye from distance to a Near and Still that is saturated with beauty.

Each of the great Cultures, then, has arrived at a secret language of worldis only fully comprehensible by him whose soul belongs to that We must not deceive ourselves. Perhaps we can read a little way

feeling that Culture.

into the Classical soul, because its form-language is almost the exact inversion of the Western, how far we have succeeded or can ever succeed is a question

which and

of the Renaissance, necessarily forms the starting-point of all criticism a very difficult one. But when we are told that probably (it is at best a

it is

doubtful venture to meditate upon so alien an expression of Being) the Indians conceived numbers which according to our ideas possessed neither value nor relativity, and which only became positive and negative, great or small units in virtue of position, we have to admit that it is impossible for us exactly to re-experience what spiritually underlies this kind of number. For

magnitude noi

us, 3 is always something, be it positive or negative, for the Greeks it was unconditionally a positive magnitude, +3 , but for the Indian it indicates a possiis not yet applicable, bility without existence, to which the word "something"

outside both existence and non-existence

which

are

-properties

to be introduced

thus emanating actualities of subordinate rank which some way that is entirely hidden from reside in the mysterious substance (3) us. It takes a Brahmanic soul to perceive these numbers as self-evident, as ideal into

it.

3, |, are

+3,

emblems of

m

a self-complete world-form; to us they are as unintelligible as is the for which, as lying beyond life and death, sleep and, waking,

Brahman Nirvana,

passion, compassion and dispassion and yet somehow actual, words entirely fail us Only this spirituality could originate the grand conception of nothingness as a true number, %ero, and even then this zero is the Indian zero for which x

existent and non-existent are equally external designations and they included Arabian thinkers of the ripest period first

minds of the very

order like Alfarabi and Alkabi

totle, proved

that the body

in controverting the ontology of Arisas such did not necessarily assume space for existence,

and deduced the essence of this space the Arabian kind of extension, that is from the characteristic of "one's being a position."

m

1

This zero, which probably contains a suggestion of the Indian idea of extension of that spatiality of the world that is treated in the Upamshads and is entirely alien to our space-consaousncss was of course wholly absent in the Classical By way of the Arabian mathematics (which its meaning) it reached the West, where it was only introduced in 1554 by moreover, again fundamentally changed, for it became the mean of +i and continuum, i e , it was assimilated to the Western number-world in a wholly

completely transformed Stipcl, with its sense, i as a cut in a. linear

un-Indian sense

oi.

relation

SYMBOLISM AND SPACE

179

this does not prove that as against Aristotle and Kant they were in error or that their thinking was muddled (as we so readily say of what our own

But

It shows that the Arabian spirit possessed other worldown. They could have rebutted Kant, or Kant them, with and both disputants would have remained conthe same subtlety of proof

brains cannot take in) categories than our

vinced of the correctness of their respective standpoints. When we talk of space to-day, we are all thinking more or less in the same are all using the same languages and word-signs, whether we mathematical space or physical space or the space of painting or that of actuality, although all philosophizing that insists (as it must) upon putting an tdcnttty of understanding in the place of such kinship of significancefeeling must remain somewhat questionable. But no Hellene or Egyptian or as style, just

we

are considering

re-experience any part of those feelings of ours, and no artor thought-system could possibly convey to him unequivocally what "space" means for us Again, the prime conceptions originated in the quite

Chinaman could

work

differently constituted soul of the Greek, like apxfi, vh], pop4>-f], comprise the But this world is differently constituted from ours.

whole content of his world

and remote. We may take these words of Greek and translate them by words of our ownlike "origin," "matter" and "form," but it is mere imitation, a feeble effort to penetrate into a world of feeling in which the finest It is, for us, alien

and deepest elements, in spite of all we can do, remain dumb, it is as though one tried to set the Parthenon sculptures for a string quartet, or cast Voltaire's God in bronze. The master-traits of thought, life and world-consciousness are as manifold and different as the features of individual men, in those respects as in others there are distinctions of "races" and "peoples," and men are as unconscious of these distinctions as they are ignorant of whether "red" and "yellow" do or do not mean the same for others as for themselves. It is par-

common symbolic

of language that nourishes the illusion of a inner-life and an identical world-form; in this respect the great thinkers of one and another Culture resemble the colour-blind in that each is unaware of his own condition and smiles at the ticularly the

homogeneous constitution of human

errors of the rest

And now

I draw the conclusions. There is a plurality of prime symbols. the depth-experience through which the world becomes, through which, extends itself to world. Its signification is for the soul to which it perception belongs and only for that soul, and it is different in waking and dreaming, It is

acceptance and scrutiny, as between

man and woman.

young and

old,

townsmen and

peasant,

high Culture the possibility of form upon which that Culture's existence rests and it does so of deep necessity. All fundamentals words like our mass, substance, material, thing, body, extension (and multitudes of words of the like order in other culture-tongues) are emblems, obligatory and determined by destiny, that out of the infinite abundance It actualizes for every

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i8o

of world-possibilities evoke in the name of the individual Culture those possiNone of them bilities that alone are significant and therefore necessary for it is exactly transferable just as it is into the experiential living and knowing of another Culture. And none of these prime words ever recurs The choice ofprtme symbol in the moment of the Culture-soul's awakening into self-consciousness a moment that for one who can read world-history thus on its own soil

contains something catastrophic decides Culture, as the soul's total expression

and works, as ber and causality:

tures

As the

its

all.

"become" and

perceptible in ges-

mortal transient body, obnoxious to law, num-

historical drama, a picture in the

whole picture of world-

history As the sum of grand emblems of life, feeling and understanding: this is the language through which alone a soul can tell of what it undergoes. :

The macrocosm,

how

it

too,

is

a property of the individual soul,

stands with the soul of another. That

which

is

we can never know-

implied by "infinite

space," the space that "passeth all understanding," which is the creative interpretation of depth-experience proper and peculiar to us men of the West the kind of extension that is nothingness to the Greeks, the Universe to us

dyes our world in had not on their

a colour that the Classical, the Indian

palettes.

One

and the Egyptian souls

soul listens to the world-experience in

major, another in F minor, one apprehends in the contrapuntal, a third in the Magian

it

A

flat

in the Euclidean spirit, another

spirit. From the purest analytical Space and from Nirvana to the most somatic reality of Athens, there is a series of prime symbols each of which is capable of forming a complete world out of itself.

And,

as the idea of the

Babylonian or that of the Indian world was

remote, strange and elusive for the men of the five or six Cultures that followed, so also the Western world will be incomprehensible to the men of Cultures yet unborn.

CHAPTER

VI

MAKR.OKOSMOS II

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN AND MAGIAN SOUL

CHAPTER VI

MAKROKOSMOS II

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN

HENCEFORTH we

AND MAGIAN SOUL

shall designate the soul of the Classical Culture,

which chose

the sensuously-present individual body as the ideal type of the extended, by the name (familiarized by Nietzsche) of the Apolltman. In opposition to it we have the Fausttan soul, whose prime-symbol is pure and limitless space, and whose

"body"

is

the Western Culture that blossomed forth with the birth of the

style in the loth century in the Northern plain between the Elbe and the Tagus. The nude statue is Apollinian, the art of the fugue FaustianApollmian are mechanical statics, the sensuous cult of the Olympian gods, the politically individual city-states of Greece, the doom of CEdipus and the phallus-symbol. Faustian are Galileian dynamics, Catholic and Protestant dogmatics, the great dynasties of the Baroque with their cabinet diplomacy, the destiny of Lear and the Madonna-ideal from Dante's Beatrice to the last

Romanesque

The painting that defines the individual body by contours Apollinian, that which forms space by means of light and shade is Faustian this is the difference between the fresco of Polygnotus and the oil painting of line of Faust II.

is

Rembrandt. The Apollinian existence is that of the Greek who describes his ego as soma and who lacks all idea of an inner development and therefore all real history, inward and outward, the Faustian is an existence which is led with a deep consciousness and introspection of the ego, and a resolutely personal culture evidenced in memoirs, reflections, retrospects and prospects and conscience. And in the time of Augustus, in the countries between Nile aloof but able to and Tigris, Black Sea and South Arabia, there appears the Magian speak to us through forms borrowed, adopted and inherited soul of the Arabian Culture with its algebra, astrology and alchemy, its mosaics and arabesques, its caliphates and mosques, and the sacraments and scriptures of the Persian, Jewish, Christian, "post-Classical" and Manichsean religions. ' '

is a spiritual something, speaking now in the Faustian idiom Space rigidly discmct from the momentary sense-present, which could not be represented in an Apollinian language, whether Greek or Latin. But the created

183

1

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

84

Apollmian arts is equally alien to ours. The tiny cella of the early-Classical temple was a. dumb dark nothingness, a structure (originin contrast to the ally) of perishable material, an envelope of the moment eternal vaults of Magian cupolas and Gothic naves, and the closed ranks of columns were expressly meant to convey that for the eye at any rate this body

expression-space of the

the socket, so possessed no Inward. In no other Culture is the firm footing, emphasized. The Doric column bores into the ground, the vessels are always thought of from below upward (whereas those of the Renaissance float above their footing), and the sculpture-schools feel the stabilizing of their figures as their main problem. Hence in archaic works the legs are disproportionately

emphasized, the foot

is

planted on the full sole, and

if

the drapery falls straight

a part of the hem is removed to show that the foot is standing. The Classical relief is strictly stereomctrically set on a plane, and there is an inter-

down,

A

landscape of Claude Lorrain, on space between the figures but no depth. the contrary, is nothing but space, every detail being made to subserve its illusAll bodies in

tration.

as carriers of light

it

possess an atmospheric and perspective

and shade

meaning purely

The extreme of this disembodiment of the world

is Impressionism Given this world-feeling, the Faustian soul in the springtime necessarily arrived at an architectural problem which had its centre of gravity in the spatial vaulting-over of vast, and from porch

in the service of space 1

to choir dynamically deep, cathedrals. This last expressed tts depth-experience. But with it was associated, in opposition to the cavernous Magian expression1

space,

the element of a soaring into the broad universe. Magian roofing, it be cupola or barrel-vault or even the horizontal baulk of a basilica,

whether

2 has very aptly described the architectural idea of Strzygowski as an introverted Gothic striving under a closed outer casing. On the other hand, in the cathedral of Florence the cupola crowns the long Gothic body of 1367, and the same tendency rose in Bramante's scheme for St Peter's to a veritable towering-up, a magnificent "Excelsior," that Michelangelo

tn.

covers

Hagia Sophia

earned to completion with the dome that floats high and bright over the vast vaulting. To this sense of space the Classical opposes the symbol of the Doric ^

peripteros, wholly corporeal and comprehensible in one glance. The Classical Culture begins, then, with a great renunciation.

A

rich, pic-

almost over-ripe art lay ready to its hand. But this could not become the expression of the young soul, and so from about noo B c. the harsh, narrow, and to our eyes scanty and barbaric, early-Doric geometrical style appears in opposition to the Minoan. 3 For the three centuries which correspond to the flowering of our Gothic, there is no hint of an architecture, and it is only at about torial,

6503 1

c.,

"contemporarily" with Michelangelo's transition into the Baroque,

The word

Hohlengefuhl is Leo Frobenms's (Patdeuma, p $z) (The Early-Christian Church of rhe Nativity at Bethlehem [A r> 317] is built over a natural cave Tr ) 1 Strzygowski's Ursprung der Cbrtstltdxn Kirchmkunst C*9D, p. 80, 8 See Vol. IT, p, 101 et seq.

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL

185

that the Doric and Etruscan temple-type arises. All "Early" art is religious, and this symbolic Negation is not less so than the Egyptian and the Gothic Affirmation The idea of burning the dead accords with the cult-site but not

with the cult-building, and the Early Classical religion which conceals itself from us behind the solemn names of Calchas, Tiresias, Orpheus and ([probably) Numa l possessed for its rites simply that which is left of an architectural idea

when one has cult-plan

subtracted the architecture, viz., the sacred precinct.

The

original

thus the Etruscan templum, a sacred area merely staked off on the the augurs with an impassable boundary and a propitious entrance

is

ground by on the East side. 2 A templum was created where a rite was to be performed or where the representative of the state authority, senate or army, happened to be. It existed only for the duration of its use, and the spell was then removed. ' '

It

' '

was probably only about 700 B

c.

that the Classical soul so far mastered

itself

form of a built body. In the long run the Euclidean feeling proved stronger than the mere antipathy as to represent this architectural

Nothing

in the sensible

to duration.

Faustian architecture, on the contrary, begins on the grand scale simultanefirst stirrings of a new piety (the Cluniac reform, c. looo) and a

ously with the

new thought

(the Eucharistic controversy between Berengar of Tours and Lanfranc io5o), 3 and proceeds at once to plans of gigantic intention; often enough, as in the case of Speyer, the whole community did not suffice to fill the cathedral, 4 and often again

it proved impossible to complete the projected passionate language of this architecture is that of the poems Far apart as may seem the Christian hymnology of the south and the

The

scheme. too. 6

Eddas of the

still heathen north, they are alike in the implicit space-endlessness of prosody, rhythmic syntax and imagery. Read the Dies Ires together with 6 the Voluspa, which is little earlier; there is the same adamantine will to over1

See Vol n,

pp 345 et seq Muller-Decker, Dte Etrusker (1877), II, pp. 118 et seq. Wissowa, 'Rtltgion und Ktdtus dor Rooter p 5x7. The oldest plan of Roma Quadrata was a "templum" whose limits had nothing to do with the building-up of the city but were connected with sacral rules, as the significance of this " " templum," too, was the Roman camp whose precmct (the Pomocnum ") in later times shows. many a Roman-founded town, it was the consecrated area rectangular outline is visible to-day 2

(1911),

A

m

within which the army felt itself under the protection of its gods, and originally had nothing whatever to do with fortification, which is a product of Hellenistic times. (It may be added that Roman

camps retained their rigidity of outline even where obvious "military considerations"' of ground, etc must have suggested its modification Tr) Most Roman stone-temples ("

wholly independent of origin.

Every imitation possesses beginBeing ning and end, while an ornament possesses only duration, and therefore we can only imitate the destiny of an individual (for instance, Antigone or Desdemona), while by an ornament or symbol only the generalized destiny-idea as such,

itself can be represented (as, for example, that of the Classical world by the Doric column). And the former presupposes a talent, while the latter calls for an acquirable knowledge as well.

All strict arts have their grammar and syntax of form-language, with rules and laws, inward logic and tradition. This is true not merely for the Doric 2 cabin-temple and Gothic cottage-cathedral, for the carving-schools of Egypt

and Athens and the cathedral plastic of northern France, for the paintingschools of the Classical world and those of Holland and the Rhine and Florence, but also for the fixed rules of the Skalds and Mmnesanger which were learned and practised as a craft (and dealt not merely with sentence and metre but also with gesture and the choice of imagery 3), for the narration-technique of the Vedic, Homeric and Celto-Germanic Epos, for the composition and delivery of the Gothic sermon (both vernacular and Latin), and for the orators' prose 4 in the Classical, and for the rules of French drama. In the ornamentation of an art-work is reflected the inviolable causality of the macrocosm as the man of the particular kind sees and comprehends it. Both have system. Each is pene6 A genuine symbol can trated with the religious side of life fear and love. instil fear or can set free from fear; the "right" emancipates and the "wrong" hurts and depresses. The imitative side of the arts, on the contrary, stands closer to the real race-feelings of bate and love, out of which arises the opposi1

Imitation, being

life, is

past

m the very moment of accomplishment.

The curtain

falls,

and

it

passes either into oblivion or, if the product is a durable artifact, into art-history. Of the songs and dances of old Cultures nothing remains, of their pictures and poems little. And even this little conOf a grand drama there tains, substantially, only the ornamental side of the original imitation

remains only the text, not the image and the sound; of a poem only the words, not the recital, and of all their music the notes at most, not the tone-colours of the instruments The essential is irrevocably gone, and every "reproduction" is in reality something new and different 2 For the workshop of Thothmes at Tell-el-Amarna, see Mtttetlmgen der Dtutschcn Onaa^Gtseltscbaft, 3

strict 4

No

52.,

pp

2.8

et seq.

K. Burdach, Dtutscbe Rtnatssance, p.

n

The

typism and symbolism E Norden, Anttke Kunst-prosa, pp. 8 ct seq. Sec Vol. H, p. 313.

pictorial art of the

Gothic period also has

its

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

i 94

tion of ugly and beautiful. This is in relation only with the living, of which the inner rhythm repels us or draws us into phase with it, whether it be that of the

sunset-cloud or that of the tense breath of the machine. An imitation is beautiful, an ornament significant, and therein lies the difference between direction

and extension, organic and inorganic logic, ' '

'

life

and death. That which

we

'

swings with us and draws us on to imitate, to join in the singing, to repeat. Our hearts beat higher, our limbs twitch, and we are stirred till our spirits overflow. But as it belongs to Time, it "has its time." A symbol endures, but everything beautiful vanishes with think beautiful

is

worth copying.

Easily

it

the life-pulsation of the man, the class, the people or the race that feels it as a 1 beauty in the general cosmic rhythm. The "beauty" that Classical

specific

is something different from sculpture and poetry contained for Classical eyes the beauty that they contain for ours something extinguished irrecoverably

while what we regard as beautiful in it is someClassical soul thing that only exists for us. Not only is that which is beautiful for one kind of man neutral or ugly for another eg, the whole of our music for the Chinese, or Mexican sculpture for us For one and the same life the accustomed,

with the

the habitual, owing to the very fact of

its

possessing duration, cannot possess

beauty.

And now for the first time we can see the opposition between these two sides of every art in all its depth. Imitation spiritualizes and quickens, ornament enchants and kills. The one becomes, the other is. And therefore the one is allied to love and,

above

all

in songs and riot

and dance

to the sexual

which

turns existence to face the future; and the other to care of the past, to recollection 2 and to the funerary. The beautiful is longingly pursued, the love,

significant instils dread, and there is no deeper contrast than that between the house of the living and the house of the dead. 3 The peasant's cottage 4 and its derivative the country noble's hall, the fenced town and the castle are man-

sions of life, unconscious expressions of circling blood, that no art produced and no art can alter. The idea of the family appears in the plan of the proto-

house, the inner form of the stock in the plan of its villages a century and many a change of occupation still show

many

was that founded them

which after what race it

5

the life of a nation and its social ordering in the 6 plan (not the elevation or silhouette) of the city. On the other hand, Ornamentation of the high order develops itself on the stiff symbols of death, 1 The translation is so far a paraphrase here that it is desirable to reproduce the German original: "AUes Schonc vergcht mit dem Lebenspulsschlag (dessen) der es aus dem kosmischen Takt heraus

als solchcs empfindct *

' '

Hence the ornamental character of

*

script

* 1 88, See Vol H, p 104 the Slavonic round-villages and Teutonic street-villages east of the Elbe Similarly, conclusions can be drawn as to many of the events of the Homeric age from the distribution of round and rectangular buildings in ancient Italy. Sec Vol. H, p 109.

Seep.

*

E g.,

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL

195

the urn, the sarcophagus, the stele and the temple of the dead, and beyond these in gods' temples and cathedrals which are Ornament through and through, not the expressions of a race but the language of a world-view. are 1

They

just what the castle and the cottage are pure art through and through not 2 For cottage and castle are buildings in which art, and, specifically, imitative art, is mads and done., the home of Vedic, Homeric and Germanic epos, of the songs of heroes, the dance of boors and that of lords and ladies, of the minstrel's lay. The cathedral, on the other hand, ts art, and, moreover, the only

art by which nothing is imitated; it alone is pure tension of persistent forms, pure three-dimensional logic that expresses itself in edges and surfaces and volumes. But the art of villages and castles is derived from the inclinations of the moment, from the laughter and high spirit of feasts and games,

and to such a degree is it dependent on Time, so much is it a thing of occasion, that the troubadour obtains his very name from finding, while as we see in the Tzigane music to-day is nothing but Improvisation race manifesting itself to alien senses under the influence of the hour. To this free creative

power in the

all spiritual

art opposes the strict school in

which

work

of building and carving is the servant of a logic of timeless forms, and so in all Cultures the seat of its style-history is in its early cult architecture. In the castle it is the life and not the structure that possesses style In the town the plan is an image

the individual

hymn

as in

the

of the destinies of a people, whereas the silhouette of emergent spires and tells of the logic the butlders' world-picture, of the "first and last

m

cupolas

' '

of their universe. things In the architecture of the living, stone serves a worldly purpose, but in the architecture of the cult it is a symbol.* Nothing has injured the history of the great architectures so much as the fact that it has been regarded as the history of architectural techniques instead of as that of architectural ideas which took

and where they found them. It has been 4 the same with the history of musical instruments, which also were developed on a foundation of tone-language. Whether the groin and the flying their technical expression-means as just

and the squinch-cupola were imagined specially for the great archiwere expedients that lay more or less ready to hand and were taken into use, is for art-history a matter of as little importance as the question of whether, technically, stringed instruments originated in Arabia or in Celtic Britain. It may be that the Doric column was, as a matter of workmanship, borrowed from the Egyptian temples of the New Empire, or the late-Roman buttress

tectures or

domical construction from the Etruscans, or the Florentine court from the North-African Moors. Nevertheless the Doric peripteros, the Pantheon, and 1

'

See p. 167. Sec p 12.8.

2

*

Sec Vol. n, pp. See p. 61.

142. ct scq.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

196

the Palazzo Farncsc belong to wholly different worlds they subserve the artistic expression of the prime-symbol in three different Cultures. IV In every springtime, consequently, there are two definitely ornamental and non-imitative arts, that of building and that of decoration. In the longing and centuries before it, elemental expression belongs exclusively to Orna-

pregnant mentation in the narrow sense. The Carolmgian period

ornament, as

its

its

architecture, for

want of the

Idea.,

is represented only by stands between the styles.

no buildings of of the great Culture, architecture as ornament comes into being suddenly and with such a force of exation-as-such shrinks away from it in pression that for a century mere decor awe. The spaces, surfaces and edges of stone speak alone. The tomb of Chephit is immaterial that similarly, as a matter of art-history,

And

1 the Mycenasan age have survived. But with the

dawn

is the culmination of mathematical simplicity everywhere right angles, squares and rectangular pillars, nowhere adornment, inscription or desinence and it is only after some generations have passed that Relief ventures to in-

ren

magic of those spaces and the strain begins to be eased. And the noble Romanesque of Westphalia-Saxony (Hildesheim, Gernrode, Paulinzella, Paderborn), of Southern France and of the Normans (Norwich and

fringe the solemn

Peterborough) managed to render the whole sense of the world with indescribable power and dignity in one line, one capital, one arch.

When the form-world of the springtime is ordained relation

is

that architecture

is

at its highest, and not before, the lord and ornament is vassal. And the

word "ornament"

is to be taken here in the widest possible sense. Even contf-motive with its quiet poised symmetry ventionally, it covers the Classical or meander supplement, the sfun surface of arabesque and the not dissimilar sur-

face-patterning of

Mayan

art,

and the "Thunder-pattern"

2

and others of the

Ch6u

period which prove once again the landscape basis of the old Chinese architecture without a doubt. But the warrior figures of Dipylon vases early

are also conceived in the spirit of ornament, and so, in a far higher degree are the statuary groufs of Gothic cathedrals. "The figures were

still,

composed pillar-

wise from the spectator, the figures of the pillar being, with reference to the specranked upon one another like rhythmic figures in a symphony that soars

tator,

heavenward and expands its sounds in every direction." 3 And besides draperand figure-types, even the structure of the hymn-strophe and the parallel motion of the parts in church music are ornament in the service of the ies, gestures,

1 The same applies to the architecture of Thimte Egypt and to the Seleucid-Pcrsian sun and fire temples of the pre-Christian area 2 The combination of scrolls and "Greek keys" with the Dragon or other emblem of storm'

power 3

Tr.

Dvorak, Ideahsmus

pp. 44 et seq.).

ttnd Natitrahsmas in dtr gat

Skulftur u. Maleret (Hist. Zeitscbrift, 1918,

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL

197

1 The spell of the great Ornamentation, remains all-ruling architectural idea. unbroken till in the beginning of a "late" period architecture falls into a greuf of civic and worldly special arts that unceasingly devote themselves to pleasing

and clever imitation and become tpso facto personal. To Imitation and Ornament the same applies that has been said already of time and space. Time gives birth to space, but space gives death to time

2

In the beginning, rigid symbol--

ism had petrified everything alive, the Gothic statue was not permitted to be a living body, but was simply a set of lines disposed in human form. But now Ornament loses all its sacred rigour and becomes more and more decoration for the architectural setting of a polite and mannered life. It was purely as this,

was adopted by the North (and by it alone!). Ornament meant something quite different in the Egyptian Old Kingdom from what it meant in the Middle; in the geometric period from what it meant in the Hellenistic, at the end of the izth Century from what it meant at the end of Louis XIV's reign. And architecture too becomes pictorial and makes music, and its forms seem namely as a

beautifying element, that Renaissance taste

courtly and patrician world of the

always to be trying to imitate something in the picture of the world-around,

From the Ionic capital we proceed to the Corinthian, and from Vignola through Bernini to the Rococo

At the last, when Civilization sets in, true ornament whole are extinguished. The transition consists

as a

and,

with

it,

great art

in every Culture

in

Classicism and Romanticism of one sort or another, the former being a sentimental regard for an Ornamentation (rules, laws, types) that has long been archaic and soulless, and the latter a sentimental Imitation, not of life, but of an In the place of architectural style we find architectural taste,

older Imitation.

Methods of painting and mannerisms of writing, old forms and new, home and foreign, come and go with the fashion. The inward necessity is no longer there, there are no longer "schools," for everyone selects what and where it pleases

him

to select.

ture

and music, poetry and drama

Art becomes craft-art (Knnstgewerbe) in all its branches architecand in the end we have a pictorial and

any deeper significance and is emform of Ornament no we have before longer historical, no longer in the condition of "becoming" us not only in the patterns of oriental carpets, Persian and Indian metal work, literary stock-in-trade

ployed according to

which

taste.

is

destitute of

This

final or industrial

And, finally, ornament in the highest sense includes serift, and with it, the Book, which is the true associate of the cult-building, and as an art-wort always appears and disappears with at. (Sec Vol. II, pp. i8r et seq., pp. zcj8 et seq) In writing, it is understanding as distinct from intuition that attains to form: it is not essences that those signs symbolize but notions abstracted therefrom 1

by words, and as for the speech-habituated human intellect rigid space is the presented objective, the writing of a Culture is (after its stone-building) the purest of all expressions of its prime-symbol It is quite impossible to understand the history of Arabesque if we leave the innumerable Arabian and it is no less impossible to separate Egyptian and Chinese stylescripts out of consideration, history from the history of the corresponding wnting-signs and their arrangemeae and application 2

Seep. 173.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

198

Chinese porcelain, but also in Egyptian (and Babylonian) art as the Greeks and Romans met it. The Minoan art of Crete is pure craft-art, a northern outlier of Egyptian post-Hyksos taste, and its "contemporary," Hellenistic-Roman art from about the time of Scipio and Hannibal, similarly subserves the habit of

comfort and the play of

intellect.

From

the richly-decorated entablature of the

Nerva in Rome to the later provincial ceramics in the West, we can trace the same steady formation of an unalterable craft-art that we find in the Egyptian and the Islamic worlds, and that we have to presume in India after Buddha and m China after Confucius

Forum

of

Now,

Cathedral and Pyramid-temple are different in spite of their deep in-

kinship, and it is precisely in these differences that we seize the mighty phenomenon of the Faustian soul, whose depth-impulse refuses to be bound in

ward

the prime symbol of a way, and from

its earliest beginnings strives to transcend every optical limitation. Can anything be more alien to the Egyptian concepwhose tendency we may describe as a noble sobriety tion of the State than the political ambitions of the great Saxon, Franconian and Hohenstaufen

who came to grief because they overleapt all political actualities and whom the recognition of any bounds would have been a betrayal of the idea

Emperors, for

of their rulership? Here the prime symbol of infinite space, with all its indescribable power, entered the field of active political existence. Beside the figures of the Ottos, Conrad II, Henry VI and Frederick II stand the VikingNormans, conquerors of Russia, Greenland, England, Sicily and almost of all of Constantinople, and the great popes, Gregory VII and Innocent III whom alike aimed at making their visible spheres of influence coincident with the whole known world. This is what distinguishes the heroes of the Grail and Arthurian and Siegfried sagas, ever roaming in the infinite, from the heroes of Homer with their geographically modest horizon, and the Crusades, that took men from the Elbe and the Loire to the limits of the known world, from the historical events upon which the Classical soul built the "Iliad" and which from the style of that soul we may safely assume to have been local, bounded, and completely appreciable. The Doric soul actualized the symbol of the corporally-present individual thing, while deliberately rejecting all big and far-reaching creations, and it is

for this very good reason that the first post-Mycenasan period has bequeathed attained nothing to our archaeologists The expression to which this soul finally

was the Doric temple with its purely outward effectiveness, set upon the landscape as a massive image but denying and artistically disregarding the space within as the JUT) 6v, that which was held to be incapable of existence. The ranked columns of the Egyptians carried the roof of a hall. The Greek in borhe turned rowing the motive invested it with a meaning proper to himself

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL the architectural type inside out like a glove. 1 sense, relics of a denied interior

The outer column-sets

199

are, in

a

The Magian and the Faustian

souls, on the contrary, built high, Their dream-images became concrete as vaultings above significant inner-spaces, structural anticipations respectively of the mathematic of algebra and that of analysis. In the style that radiated from Burgundy and Flanders rib-vaulting with its lunettes and flying buttresses emancipated the contained space from the '

'

2 sense-appreciable surface bounding it In the Magian interior the window is merely a negative component, a utility-form in no wise yet developed into an

to put it crudely, nothing but a hole in the wall." 3 When windows art-form were in practice indispensable, they were for the sake of artistic impression concealed by galleries as in the Eastern basilica. 4 The window as architecture, on the other hand, is peculiar to the Faustian soul and the most significant symbol of its depth-experience. In it can be felt the will to emerge from the interior into the boundless. The same will that is immanent m contrapuntal music was native to these vaultings. The incorporeal world of this music was and remained that of the first Gothic, and even when, much later, polyphonic music rose to such heights as those of the Matthew Passion, the Eroica, and Tristan and Parsifal, it became of inward necessity cathedral-like and returned to its

home, the stone language of the Crusade-time To get rid of every trace of Classical corporeality, there was brought to bear the full force of a deeply significant Ornamentation, which defies the delimiting power of stone with its weirdly impressive transformations of vegetal, animal and human bodies (St. Pierre in Moissac), which dissolves all its lines into melodies and variations on a theme, all its facades into many-voiced fugues, and all the bodihness of its statuary into a music of drapery-folds. It is this spirituality that gave their deep meaning to the gigantic glass-expanses of our cathedral-windows with an art that their polychrome, translucent and therefore wholly bodiless, painting has never and nowhere repeated itself and forms the completest contrast that can be imagined to the Classical fresco. It is perhaps in the Sainte-Chapelle at Paris that this emancipation from bodiliness is most evident. Here the stone practically vanishes in the gleam of the glass. Whereas the fresco-painting is co-material with the wall on and with effective as material, here

we have

which

it

has grown and

colours dependent on

its

colour

no carrying

is

surface

1 Certainly the Greeks at the time when they advanced from the Antz to the Peripteros were it was at this time that their sculpture under the mighty influence of the Egyptian jwKJ-coIumns in the round, indisputably following Egyptian models, freed itself from the relief manner which still clings to the Apollo figures. But this does not alter the fact that the motive of the Classical column and the Classical application of the rank-principle were wholly and peculiarly Classical. 2

The

pp 17 3

*

surface of the space-volume

itself,

not that of the stone Dvorak, Htst Ztscbr., 1918,

et seq

Dehio, Gtsch. der devtscktn ~Kxnst, I, p. 16 For descriptions and illustrations of types of

Ency. Brit

,

XI Ed

Tr.

Doming and

Vaulting, sec the article Vault in

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

zoo

but as free in space as organ notes, and shapes poised in the infinite. Compare almost wall-less, loftily vaulted, with the Faustian spirit of these churches the Arairradiated with many-coloured light, aspiring from nave to choir is, the Early-Christian Byzantine) cupola-church. The pendentive or the octagon, was cupola, that seems to float on high above the basilica indeed also a victory over the principle of natural gravity which the Classical

bian (that

a of architectural body, expressed in architrave and column; it, too, was defiance of "exterior." But the very absence of an exterior emphasizes the more the unbroken coherence of the wall that shuts in the Cavern and allows no look and

no hope to emerge from it An ingeniously confusing mterpenetration of a stone drum that it spherical and polygonal forms,- a load so placed upon seems to hover weightless on high, yet closing the interior without outlet, all structural lines concealed, vague light admitted, through a small opening in the heart of the dome but only the more inexorably to emphasize the walling-m

such are the characters that

we

see in the masterpieces of this art, S Vitale

m Ravenna,

x Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, and the Dome of the Rock in Where the Egyptian puts reliefs that with their flat planes studiJerusalem. ously avoid any foreshortening suggestive of lateral depth, where the Gothic architects put their pictures of glass to draw in the world of space without, the Magian clothes his walls with sparkling, predominantly golden, mosaics and arabesques and so drowns his cavern in that unreal, fairy-tale light which for Northerners is always so seductive in Moorish art.

VI

The phenomenon of the

great style, then, is

an emanation from the essence

of the Macrocosm, from the prime-symbol of a great culture. No one who can appreciate the connotation of the word sufficiently to see that it designates not a form-aggregate but a form-history, will try to aline the fragmentary and chaotic art-utterances of primitive mankind with the comprehensive certainty of a style that consistently develops over centuries Only the art of great Cultures, the art that has ceased to be only art and has begun to be an effective unit of expression and significance, possesses style.

" The organic history of a style comprises a "pre and a ," a "non 2 ." The bull tablet of the First Dynasty of is not yet "EgypEgypt tian. Not till the Third Dynasty do the works acquire a style but then they "post

' '

do so suddenly and very ' '

between-styles.

definitely.

of inwardly necessary expression. 1

"Mosque

of

Similarly the Carolingian period stands

We see different forms touched on and explored, but nothing

Omar

"

The

creator of the

Aachen Minster "thinks

Tr.

2 H. Scliafcr, Von Aegyf tucker Kanst, I, pp 15 ct seq. (The bolls are shown in Fig 18 in the article Egypt in the Encyclopedia Britannica, XI Edition. Vol. IX, pp 65-66 TrO

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL

zoi

1 The Manenkirche in the surely and builds surely, but does not feel surely." Castle of Wurzburg (c. 700) has its counterpart in Salonika (St. George), and

Germigny des Pres (c. 800) with its cupolas and horseshoe almost a mosque. For the whole of West Europe the period 850-550 almost a blank. And just so to-day Russian art stands between two styles.

the Church of St niches is

is

The primitive wooden

architecture

with

its

steep eight-sided tent-roof

(which

impressed with Byzantine motives from over the Danube and Armenian-Persian from over the Caucasus. We can cer-

extends from

Norway

to

Manchuria)

is

tainly feel an "elective affinity" between the Russian and the Magian souls* but as yet the prime symbol of Russia, the plane mthoat limit, 2 finds no sure expression either in religion or in architecture. The church roof emerges, hill-

from the landscape and on it sit the tent-roofs whose points kokoshniks that suppress and would abolish the upward tendency. They neither tower up like the Gothic belfry nor enclose like the mosque-cupola, but stt, thereby emphasizing the horizontality of the building, which is meant to be regarded merely from the outside. When about 1760 the Synod forbade the tent roofs and prescribed the orthodox onion-cupolas, the heavy cupolas were set upon slender cylinders, of which there may be any number 3 and which sit on the roof-plane. 4 It is not yet a style, only the ockwise, but are coifed

little

with the

'

'

'

'

promise of a style that will awaken when the real Russian religion awakens. In the Faustian West, this awakening happened shortly before A.D. 1000. In one moment, the Romanesque style was there. Instead of the fluid organization of space on an insecure ground plan, there was, suddenly, a strict dynamic

From the very beginning, inner and outer construction were placed in a fixed relation, the wall was penetrated by the form-language and the form worked into the wall in a way that no other Culture has ever imagined. From of space.

the very beginning the

window and

the belfry were invested with their mean-

The form was irrevocably assigned. Only its development remained to be worked out. The Egyptian style began with another such creative act, just as unconscious, just as full of symbolic force. The prime symbol of the Way came into being suddenly with the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty (1930 B.C.). The world-

ings.

creating depth-experience of this soul gets its substance from the directionfactor itself. Spatial depth as stiffened Time, distance, death, Destiny itself 1

Frankl, Baukunst des Mtttelalters (1918), pp. 16 et seq See Vol. II, pp. 362. ct seq The lack of any vertical tendency in the Russian life-feeling is perceptible also in the saga-figure of Ilya Murometz (sec Vol U, p Z3i). The Russian has not the smallest relation with a Father-God. His ethos is not a filial but purely a fraternal love, radiating in s

all directions along the human plane. Christ, even, is conceived as a Brother. The Faustian, wholly vertical, tendency to strive up to fulfilment is to the real Russian an incomprehensible pretension. The same absence of all vertical tendency is observable in Russian ideas of the state and property. s The cemetery church of Kishi has xz-

"

*

J.

Grabar,

Introduction,

History of Russian Art

"

(Russian, 1911), I-IH.

Eliasberg, JUf.r. Bavkunst (19x2.),

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

zoz

dominate the expression, and the merely sensuous dimensions of length and breadth become an escorting plane which restricts and prescribes the Way of

The Egyptian flat-relief, which is designed to be seen at close quarters and arranged serially so as to compel the beholder to pass along the wall-planes in the prescribed direction, appears with similar suddenness about the begin1 ning of the Fifth Dynasty. The still later avenues of sphinxes and statues and

destiny.

the rock- and terrace-temples constantly intensify that tendency towards the one distance that the world of Egyptian mankind knows, the grave Observe

how

soon the colonnades of the early period come to be systems of huge, This is something that has never

close-set pillars that screen off all side-view.

reproduced itself in any other architecture. The grandeur of this style appears to us as rigid and unchanging. And certainly it stands beyond the passion which is ever seeking and fearing and so imparts to subordinate characters a quality of restless personal movement in the flow of the centuries. But, vice versa, we cannot doubt that to an Egyptian the Faustian style (which is our style, from earliest Romanesque to Rococo and Empire) would with its unresting persistent search for a Something, appear far more uniform than we can imagine. It follows, we must not forget, from the conception of style that we are working on here, that Romanesque, Gothic, Renaissance, Baroque and Rococo are only stages of one and the same style, in

which it is naturally the variable that we and the constant that men of other eyes remark In actual fact, the inner unity of the Northern Renaissance is shown in innumerable reconstructions of Romanesque work in Baroque and of late Gothic work in Rococo that are not in the least startling. In peasant art, Gothic and Baroque have been identical, and the streets of old towns with their all sorts of gables and fagades (wherein definite attributions or Gothic Renaissance or Baroque or Rococo are often quite

pure harmony of to

Romanesque

impossible)

show

that the family resemblance between the members

is far

greater than they themselves realize.

The Egyptian style was purely architectural, and remained so till the Egypwas extinguished. It is the only one in which Ornamentation as a

tian soul

decorative supplement to architecture is entirely absent. It allowed of no divergence into arts of entertainment, no display-painting, no busts, no secular

music. In the Ionic phase, the centre of gravity of the Classical style shifted

from architecture to an independent plastic art, in that of the Baroque the style of the West passed into music, whose form-language in its turn ruled the entire building art of the i8th Century, in the Arabian world, after Justinian and 1 The disposition of Egyptian and that of Western history are so dear as to admit of comparison being earned right down into the details, and it would be well worth the expert's while to carry out such an investigation The Fourth Dynasty, that of the strict Pyramid style, B c 2.930^.750 (Cheops, Chephren), corresponds to the Romanesque (980-1100), the Fifth Dynasty (1750-2.615, Sahu-re) o the early Gothic (1100-1130), and the Sixth Dynasty, prime of the archaic portraiture (2.62.5to the mature Gothic of 1130-1400. 1475, Phiops I and II),

APOLLINIAN, FAUSTIAN, AND MAGIAN SOUL

zo 3

Chosroes-Nushirvan, Arabesque dissolved all the forms of architecture, painting and sculpture into style-impressions that nowadays we should consider as

But in Egypt the sovereignty of architecture remained unchallenged; merely softened its language a little. In the chambers of the pyramid-temple of the Fourth Dynasty (Pyramid of Chephren) there are unadorned angular

craft-art. it

pillars.

makes

In the buildings of the Fifth (Pyramid of Sahu-re) the plant-column appearance. Lotus and papyrus branches turned into stone arise

its

gigantic out of a pavement of transparent alabaster that represents water, enclosed by purple walls The ceiling is adorned with birds and stars. The sacred way from the gate-buildings to the tomb-chamber, the picture of life, is a stream tion.

from

it is

The

spirit

the Nile itself become one with the prime-symbol of direcof the mother-landscape unites with the soul that has sprung

it.

In China, in lieu of the awe-inspiring pylon with its massy wall and narrow entrance, we have the "Spirit-wall" (yin-pi) that conceals the way in. The

Chinaman

slips into life

and thereafter follows the Tao of

life's

path; as the

to the

up-and-down landscape of the Hwang Ho, so is the stoneenclosed temple-way to the mazy paths of Chinese garden-architecture. And just so, in some mysterious fashion, the Euclidean existence is linked with the multitude of little islands and promontories of the JEgean, and the passionate Western, roving in the infinite, with the broad plains of Frauconia and Burgundy and Saxony.

Nile valley

is

VII

The Egyptian it

Egyptian

man

style is the expression of a brave soul himself never felt and never asserted

The rigour and force

He

dared

all,

of

but said

nothing. In Gothic and Baroque, on the contrary, the triumph over heaviness became a perfectly conscious motive of the form-language. The drama of

Shakespeare deals openly with the desperate conflict of will and world. Classiman, again, was weak in the face of the "powers." The Kad&pa-ts of fear

cal

m

the moment of the and pity, the relief and recovery of the Apolliman soul was, according to Aristotle, the effect deliberately aimed at in. Attic tragedy. As the Greek spectator watched someone whom be knew (for everyone knew the myth and its heroes and lived in them) senselessly maltreated by irepLTrfreia

fortune,

without any conceivable possibility of resistance to the Powers, and

saw him go under with splendid mien,

defiant, heroic, his

own

Euclidean soul

experienced a marvellous uplifting. If life was worthless, at any rate the grand and dared nothing, gesture in losing it was not so. The Greek willed nothing but he found a stirring beauty in enduring. Even the earlier figures of Odysseus the patient, and, above

all,

this characteristic quality. of Epicurus, the common.

Achilles the archetype of Greek manhood, have of the Cynics, that of the Stoics, that

The morale

Greek ideals of

ffa^pomivi]

and drapaa, Diogenes

ZG4

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

all this is masked cowardice in the face devoting himself to dewpia in a tub of grave matters and responsibilities, and different indeed from the pride of the Egyptian soul. Apolhman man goes below ground out of life's way, even to

the point of suicide, which in this Culture alone (if we ignore certain related Indian ideals) ranked as a high ethical act and was treated with the solemnity of a ritual symbol. 1 The Dionysiac intoxication seems a sort of furious drowning

of uneasinesses that to the Egyptian soul were utterly unknown. And conis that of the small, the easy, the simple. Its 2 technique is, compared with Egyptian or Babylonian, a clever nullity. No

sequently the Greek Culture

ornamentation shows such a poverty of invention as theirs, and their stock of sculptural positions and attitudes could be counted on one's fingers. "In its poverty of forms, which is conspicuous even allowing that at the beginning of its development it may have been better off than it was later, the Doric style pivoted everything on proportions and on measure." adroitness in avoiding'

The Greek

architecture

with

3

its

Yet, even so,

what

commensuration of

load and support and its peculiar smallness of scale suggests a persistent evasion of difficult architectural problems that on the Nile and, later, in the

high North were literally looked for, which moreover were known and certainly not burked in the Mycenaean age. The Egyptian loved the strong stone of immense buildings, it was in keeping with his self-consciousness that he should choose only the hardest for his task. But the Greek avoided it; his architecture first set itself small tasks, then ceased altogether. If we survey it as a whole, and then compare it with the totality of Egyptian or Mexican or even, for that matter, Western architecture, we are astounded at the feeble few variations of the Doric temple and it was style.

development of the exhausted. It

was already

A

closed off about 400

when

the Corinthian capital

was invented, and everything subsequent to this was merely modification of what existed. The result of this was an almost bodily standardization of form-types and style-species. One might choose between them, but never overstep their strict limits that would have been in some sort an admission of an infinity of There were three orders of columns and a definite disposition of the architrave corresponding to each; to deal with the difficulty (considered, as early as Vitruvius, as a conflict ) which the alternation of triglyphs and

possibilities.

1

metopes produced at the corners, the nearest intercolummations were narrowed no one thought of imagining new forms to suit the case If greater dimensions were desired, the requirements were met by juxtaposition, superposition, of additional elements. Thus the Colosseum possesses three rings, the of Miletus three rows of columns in front, and the Frieze of the Didymieum etc.,

1 That which differentiates the Japanese harakm from this suicide is its intensely purposeful a and (so to put it) active and demonstrative character Tr See Vol IT, p 616. > Koldewey-Puchstem, Die grucb. Tempel in Unter-balun Dtscattt and Gtmtl Tr. a contemporary of Machault and Philippe de Vitrv, in whose generation

Note that Oresme was

the rules and prohibitions of strict counterpoint were definitively established. 3 See p 19 and Vol. n, p. 357 4 Even the first great troubadour, Gmlhem of Poitiers, though a. reigning sovereign, Tf. ambition to be regarded as a "professional," as we should say. 6

See also

VoL

II,

p. 365.

made

it

his

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

X3o

of strict musical form from the Motet to the four-voice Mass through Dunwithin the magic circle staple, Bmchois and Dufay (c. 1430) proceeded wholly of Gothic architecture. From Fra Angelico to Michelangelo the great Netherlanders ruled alone in ornamental music. Lorenzo de' Medici found no one in strict style, and had to send for Dufay. And while Leonardo and Raphael were painting, in the north Okeghem (d. 1495) and his school and Josquin des Pres (d. 15x1) brought the formal polyphony of human voices to the height of fulfilment. The transition into the "Late" age was heralded in Rome and Venice. With Baroque the leadership music passes to Italy. But at the same time architecture ceases to be the ruling art and there is formed a group of Faustian

Florence who understood the

m

this region

m

m

which oil-painting occupies the central place. About 1560 the empire of the human voice comes to an end in the a caffella style of Palestrina and Orlando Lasso (both d 1594). Its powers could no longer express the passionate drive into the infinite, and it made way for the chorus of inspecial-arts

struments,

the

string And thereupon Venice produced Titian-music, that in its flow and ebb follows the sense of the text. The

wind and

new madrigal

is architectural and vocal, that of the Baroque pictorial and instrumental. The one builds, the other operates by means of motives. For all the arts have become urban and therefore secular. We pass from superpersonal Form to the personal expression of the Master, and shortly before 1600 Italy produces the basso continue which requires virtuosi and not pious

music of the Gothic

participants.

Thenceforward, the great task was to extend the tone-corpus into the an infinite space of tone. Gothic had developed the instruments into families of definite timbre But the new-born orchestra

infinity, or rather to resolve it into

'

'

no longer observes limitations imposed by the human voice, but treats it as a voice to be combined with other voices at the same moment as our mathematic proceeds from the geometrical analysis of Fermat to the purely functional 1 In Zarlmo's "Harmony" (1558) appears a genuine analysis of Descartes. perspective of pure tonal space. We begin to distinguish between ornamental and fundamental instruments Melody and embellishment join to produce the Motive, and this in development leads to the rebirth of counterpoint in the form of the fugal style, of which Frescobaldi was the first master and Bach the culmination. To the vocal masses and motets the Baroque opposes its grand, orchestrally-conceived forms of the oratorio (Carissimi), the cantata (Viadana) and the opera (Monteverde). Whether a bass melody be set against upper voices, or upper voices be concerted against one another upon a background of basso continue, always sound-worlds of characteristic expression-quality

work

reciprocally

upon one another

in the infinity of tonal space,

supporting, intensifying, raising, illuminating, threatening, overshadowing 1

Sec P . 74-

THE ARTS OF FORM

z3 i

a music all of interplay, scarcely intelligible save through ideas of contempo-

rary Analysis. From out of these forms of the early Baroque there proceeded, in the ijth Century, the sonata-like forms of suite, symphony and concerto grosso. The inner structure and the sequence of movements, the thematic working-out and modulation became more and more firmly established. And thus was reached the great, immensely dynamic, form in which music now completely bodiless was raised by Corelli and Handel and Bach to be the ruling art of the West. When Newton and Leibniz, about 1670, discovered the Infinitesimal Calculus,

the fugal style

was fulfilled. And when, about

1740, Euler began the definitive

formulation of functional Analysis, Stamitz and his generation were discover1 ing the last and ripest form of musical ornamentation, the four-part movement as vehicle of pure and unlimited motion For, at that time, there was still " " that of the new sonatathis one step to be taken. The theme of the fugue is,

movement "becomes," and the

issue of its

working out

is

in the one case a

picture, in the other a drama. Instead of a series of pictures we get a cyclic 2 succession, and the real source of this tone-language was in the possibilities, realized at last, of our deepest and most intimate kind of music the music of

the strings. Certain it is that the violin is the noblest of all instruments that the Faustian soul has imagined and trained for the expression of its last secrets, and certain it is, too, that it is in string quartets and violin sonatas that it has

experienced its most transcendent and most holy moments of full illumination. Here, in cbamber-mustc, Western art as a whole reaches its highest pomt. Here our prime symbol of endless space is expressed as completely as the Spearman of Polycletus expresses that of intense bodiliness.

When

one of those ineffably

yearning violin-melodies wanders through the spaces expanded around it by the orchestration of Tartini or Nardini, Haydn, Mozart or Beethoven, we know ourselves in the presence of an art beside which that of the Acropolis is alone

worthy to be set. With this, the Faustian music becomes dominant among the Faustian arts. It banishes the plastic of the statue and tolerates only the minor art an entirely of porcelain, which musical, refined, un-Classical and counter-Renaissance art (as a discovery of the West) is contemporary with the rise of chamber-music to full effectiveness. Whereas the statuary of Gothic is through-and-through architectural ornamentation, human espalier-work, that of the Rococo remarkably exemplifies the pseudo-plastic that results from entire subjection to the form-language of music, and shows to what a degree the technique govern1

A

movement in sonata form consists essentially of (*) First Subject; Qr) Second Subject Cin an allied key), (V) Working-out, or free development of the themes grouped under (a) and (); and (J) Recapitulation, in which the two subjects are repeated in the key of the ionic. The English usage is to consider (a) and Q>) with the bridge or modulation connecting them, together as the "Exposition," and the form 1 Einstein, Gescb. dtr Mustk, p. 67.

is

consequently designated "three-part."

Tr.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST ing the presented foreground can be in contradiction with the real expressionx language that is hidden behind it. Compare Coysevox's (1686) crouching in the one Venus in the Louvre with its Classical prototype in the Vatican '

'

is understudying music, in the other plastic is itself. Terms like staccato," "accelerando," "andante" and "allegro" best describe the kind of movements that we have here, the flow of the lines, the fluidity in the being of

plastic

which like the porcelain has more or less lost its fine compactHence our feeling that the granular marble is out of keeping Hence, too, the wholly un-Classical tendency to work with reference to effects of light and shade. This is quite in conformity with the principles of oil-painting from " Titian onwards. That which in the 1 8th Century is called colour in an etchmusic. a a Music or dominates ing, drawing, sculpture-group really signifies the painting of Watteau and Fragonard and the art of Gobelins and pastels, and since then, have we not acquired the habit of speaking of colour-tones or tone-colours? And do not the very words imply a recognition of a final homogeneity between the two arts, superficially dissimilar as they are? And are not these same words perfectly meaningless as applied to any and every Classical art? But music did not stop there, it transmuted also the architecture of Bernini's Baroque into accord with its own spirit, and made of it Rococo, a style of transcendent ornamentation upon which lights (or rather "tones") play to dissolve ceilings, walls and everything else constructional and actual into polyphonies and harmonies, with architectural trills and cadences and runs to complete the identification of the form-language of these halls and galleries with that of the music imagined for them. Dresden and Vienna are the homes of this late and soon-extinguished fairyland of visible chamber music, of curved furniture and mirror-halls, and shepherdesses m verse and porcelain. It is the final brilliant autumn with which the Western soul completes the expression of its high style. And in the Vienna of the Congress-time it faded the stone itself

ness.

' '

and died.

The Art of the Renaissance, considered from

this particular

one of its many

2 aspects, is a revolt against the spirit of the Faustian forest-music of counterpoint, which at that time was preparing to vassalize the whole form-language of the

Western Culture. It was the logical consequence of the open assertion of this will in matured Gothic. It never disavowed its origin and it maintained the character of a simple counter-movement; necessarily therefore it remained dependent upon the forms of the original movement, and represented simply the effect 1

of these

upon a hesitant

Coysevox lived 1640-1710

soul.

It 1

Sec Vol.

II,

Hence,

it

was without

true depth, either

Much of the cmbclkshment and statuary of Versailles

pp. 357 ct seq., 365 ct scq.

is

his

work.

THE ARTS OF FORM

z33

Heal or phenomenal. As to the first, we have only to think of the bursting with which the Gothic world-feeling discharged itself upon the whole passion Western landscape, and we shall see at once what sort of a movement it was that the handful of select spirits initiated scholars, artists and humanists about 14x0.

x

In the

first

soul, in the second it

the issue

was

was one o

a point of

taste.

life

and death for a new-born

The Gothic gripped

life in its

most hidden corners. It created new men and a new the idea of Catholicism to the state-theory of the Holy Roman Emperors, from the knightly tourney to the new city-form, from cathedral to cottage, from language-building to the village maiden's bridal attire, from

entirety, penetrated its

world.

From

oil-painting to the Spielmann's song, everything is hall-marked with the stamp of one and the same symbolism. But the Renaissance, when it had mastered arts of word and picture, had shot its bolt. It altered the ways of thought and the life-feeling of West Europe not one whit. It could penetrate as far as even in Italy costume and gesture, but the roots of life it could not touch the world-outlook of the Baroque is essentially a continuation of the Gothic. 2 It produced no wholly great personality between Dante and Michelangelo, each of whom had one foot outside its limits. And as for the other phe-

some

nomenal or manifested depth in Florence itself.

The man

for

the Renaissance never touched the people, even a phethey had ears was Savonarola

whom

quite another spiritual order and one which begins to be comprediscern the fact that, all the time, the deep under-currents are steadily flowing on towards the Gothic-musical Baroque. The Renaissance as an anti-Gothic movement and a reaction against the spirit of polyphonic

nomenon of hensible

when we

its Classical equivalent in the Dionysiac movement. This was a reaction against Doric and against the sculptural-Apollinian world-feeling. It did not "originate" in the Thracian Dionysus-cult, but merely took this upas

music has

a weapon against and counter-symbol to the Olympian religion, precisely as in Florence the cult of the antique was called in for the justification and confirmation of a feeling already there. The period of the great protest was the yth

Century in Greece and (therefore) the 15 th in West Europe. In both cases we have in reality an outbreak of deep-seated discordances in the Culture, which physiognomically dominates a whole epoch of its history and especially of its artistic in other words, a stand that the soul attempts to make against the world Faust's Destiny that at last it comprehends. The inwardly recalcitrant forces are striving to deflect the second Soul that would separate itself from the other 1 It was not merely national-Italian (for that Italian Gothic was also)' it was purely Florentine, and even within Florence the ideal of one class of society. That which is called Renaissance in the Trecento has its centre in Provence and particularly in the papal court at Avignon, and is nothing whatever but the southern type of chivalry, that which prevailed in Spain and Upper Italy and was so strongly influenced by the Moorish polite society of Spain and Sicily. 1 Renaissance ornament is merely embellishment and self-conscious "art "-inventiveness. It is only with the frank and outspoken Baroque that we return to the necessities of high symbolism.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

234

sense of the Culture, to repudiate, to get rid of or to evade its inexorable necesthe call to accomplish its historical fate sity, it stands anxious in presence of

in Ionic and Baroque.

This anxiety fastened

itself in

Greece to the Dionysus-

musical, dematenalizing, body-squandering orgasm, and in the Renaissance to the tradition of the Antique and its cult of the bodily-plastic

with

cult

its

m

In each case, the alien expression-means was brought consciously in order that the force of a directly-opposite form-language

tradition.

and deliberately,

should provide the suppressed feelings with a weight and a pathos of their in Greece the stream own, and so enable them to stand against the stream which flowed from Homer and the Geometrical to Phidias, in the West

which flowed from the Gothic

that

cathedrals, through

Rembrandt, to

Beethoven. follows from the very character of a. counter-movement that it is far easier for it to define what it is opposing than what it is aiming at. This is the diffiIt

In the Gothic (and the Doric) it is just the are contending for something, not against it but Renaisis nothing more nor less than anti-Gothic art Renaissance music,

culty of all Renaissance research

men

opposite sance art

too, is a contradiction in itself, the music of the

Medicean court was the

Southern French "ars nova," that of the Florentine

German

Duomo was

the

Low-

counterpoint, both alike essentially Gothic and the property of the

whole West.

of

The view that is customarily taken of the Renaissance is a very clear instance readily the proclaimed intentions of a movement may be mistaken for

how

1 deeper meaning. Since Burckhardt, criticism has controverted every tndiproposition that the leading spirits of the age put forward as to their and yet, this done, it has continued to use the word Renaisown tendencies

its

wdtictl

sance substantially in the former sense. Certainly, one is conscious at once in passing to the south of the Alps of a marked dissimilarity in architecture in particular and in the look of the arts in general.

But the very obviousness of

the conclusion that the impression prompts should have led us to distrust it and to ask ourselves, instead, whether the supposed distinction of Gothic and '

'

antique

was not

aspects of one

in reality merely a difference between Northern and Southern and the same form-world. Plenty of things in Spain give the

impression of being "Classical" merely because they are Southern, and if a layman were confronted with the great cloister of S Maria Novella or the fagade " of the Palazzo Strozzi in Florence and asked to say if these were Gothic" he

would

wrong. Otherwise, the sharp change of spirit ought to not beyond the Alps but only beyond the Apennines, for Tuscany artistically an island in Italian Italy. Upper Italy belongs entirely to a

have is

certainly guess

set in

Byzantine-tinted Gothic; Siena in particular 1

Jacob Burckhardt, Dtt Cultur der Renatssana in

vn 1878.

Tr.)

is

Italten.

a genuine

monument

of the

(An English translation was published

THE ARTS OF FORM is

and

Rome

already the

2.35

home

of Baroque. But, in fact, It the change of landscape that coincides with the change of feeling, In the actual birth of the Gothic style Italy had indeed no inward share.

counter-Renaissance,

is

At the epoch of 1000 the country was still absolutely under the domination of Byzantine taste in the East and Moorish taste in the South. When Gothic first took root here it was the mature Gothic, and it implanted itself with an intensity and force for which we look in vain in any of the great Renaissance think of the "Stabat Mater," the "Dies Irzc," Catharine of Siena, At the same time, it was lighted from the South

creations

Giotto and Simone Martini!

its strangeness was, as it were, softened in acclimatization. That which suppressed or expelled was not, as has been supposed, some lingering strains of the Classical but purely the Byz:antine-c#OT-Saracen form-language that ap-

and

it

m

in the buildings of Ravenna familiar everyday life pealed to the senses and Venice but even more in the ornament of the fabrics, vessels and arms

imported from the East. If the Renaissance had been a "renewal" ([whatever that may mean) of the Classical world-feeling, then, surely, would it not have had to replace the symbol of embraced and rhythmically-ordered space by that of closed structural

But there was never any question of this. On the contrary, the Renaissance practised wholly and exclusively an architecture of space prescribed for it by Gothic, from which It differed only in that In lieu of the Northern "Sturm body!

und Drang

'

'

it breathed the clear equable calm of the sunny, care-free and unquestioning South. It produced no new building-idea, and the extent of its architectural achievement might almost be reduced to facades and courtyards.

Now, this focussing of expressible effort upon the street-front of a house or the side of a cloister many-windowed and ever significant of the spirit within is characteristic of the Gothic (and deeply akin to its art of portraiture); and the cloistered courtyard itself is, from the Sun-temple of Baalbek to the Court of the Lions in the Alhambra, as genuinely Arabian. And in the midst of this art the Poseidon temple of Passtum, all body, stands lonely and unrelated: no one saw it, no one attempted to copy it. Equally un-Attic is the " Florentine sculpture, for Attic is free plastic, in the round" in the full sense of the words, whereas every Florentine statue feels behind it the ghost of the niche into which the Gothic sculptor had built Its real ancestors. In the relation of figure to background and in the build of the body, the masters of the "Kings' " heads" at Chartres and the masters of the George" choir at Bamberg exhibit the same interpenetration of "Antique" and Gothic expression-means that we have, neither intensified nor contradicted, in the manner of Giovanni Pisano and Ghiberti and even Verrocchio. If we take away from the models of the Renaissance all elements that that Is to say, those belonging originated later than the Roman Imperial Age to the Magian form-world nothing is left. Even from Late-Roman archi-

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

1-1,6

tecture itself all elements derived

vanished

Most

conclusive of

dominates the Renaissance,

from the great days of Hellas had one by one though, is that motive which actually

all,

which because of its Southern-ness we regard

as the

noblest of the Renaissance characters, viz., the association of round-arch and column. This association, no doubt, is very un-Gothic, but in the Classical

not exist, and in fact it represents the leitmotif of the architecture that originated in Syria. But it was just then that the South received from the North those decisive

style it simply does

Magian

impulses which helped it first of all to emancipate itself entirely from Byzantium and then to step from Gothic into Baroque. In the region comprised between * the counter-pole to Tuscany in the stylecounterpoint and oil-painting had been created history of our culture association with the Gothic architecture. Thence Dufay in 14x8 and Willaert

Amsterdam, Koln and Paris

m

in 1516

school

came to the Papal Chapel, and in 15x7 the latter founded that Venetian which was decisive of Baroque music. The successor of Willaert was

A

Florentine commissioned Hugo van der Goes to exede Rore of Antwerp. cute the Portinari altar for Santa Maria Nuova, and Memlinc to paint a Last Judgment And over and above this, numerous pictures (especially Low-

Countries portraits) were acquired and exercised an enormous influence. In 1450 Rogier van der Weyden himself came to Florence, where his art was both

admired and imitated. In 1470 Justus van Gent introduced oil-painting to Umbna, and Antonello da Messina brought what he had learned in the Netherlands to Venice.

How much "Dutch"

and

how

little

"Classical" there

is

in the pictures of Filippmo Lippi, Ghirlandaio and Botticelli and especially in the engravings of Pollaiulo! Or in Leonardo himself Even to-day critics

hardly care to admit the full extent of the influence exercised by the Gothic North upon the architecture, music, painting and plastic of the Renaissance. 2 It was just then, too, that Nicolaus Cusanus, Cardinal and Bishop of Bnxen (1401-1464), brought into mathematics the "infinitesimal" principle, that by deduction from the idea of

contrapuntal method of number which he reached God as Infinite Being It was from Nicholas of

decisive impulse that led

him

to

work out

Cusa that Leibniz received the and thus

his differential calculus,

was forged

the weapon with which dynamic, Baroque, Newtonian, physics overcame the static idea characteristic of the Southern physics that reaches a hand to Archimedes and is still effective even in Galileo. definitely

The high period of the Renaissance is a moment of affarent expulsion of music from Faustian art. And in fact, for a few decades, in the only area where Classical

as

and Western landscapes touched, Florence did uphold

1 Inclusive of Paris itself Even as late as the fifteenth century Flemish was as French, and the architectural appearance of the city in its oldest parts connects

Ghent and not with Troyes and Poitiers 2 A Schmarsow, Gottk in der Renaissance

(192.1),

Taskana-Umirienf QAmatshtjtt fur Ktmstwtssenscb.

B Haendke, Der

with one

much spoken there it

with Bruges and

mederl Etnfluss auf die Malerei

THE ARTS OF FORM

2.37

an grand effort that was essentially metaphysical and essentially defensive image of the Classical so convincing that, although its deeper characters were without exception mere anti-Gothic, it lasted beyond Goethe and, if not for our criticism, yet for our feelings, is valid to this day. The Florence of Lorenzo

Medici and the Rome of Leo the Tenth that is what for us the Classical an eternal goal of most secret longing, the only deliverance from our heavy hearts and limit upon our horizon And it is this because, and only because, it is anti-Gothic. So clean-cut is the opposition of Apollinian and Faustian de' is,

spirituality.

But

let there

be no mistake as to the extent of this

illusion.

In Florence

men

practiced fresco and relief in contradiction of Gothic glass-painting and Byzantine gold-ground mosaic. This was the one moment in the history of the West when sculpture ranked as the paramount art. The dominant elements in the picture are the poised bodies, the ordered groups, the structural side of architecture. The backgrounds possess no intrinsic value, merely serving to fill up

between and behind the self-sufficient present of the foreground-figures. For a while here, painting is actually under the domination of plastic, Verrocchio, Pollaiuolo and Botticelli were goldsmiths Yet, all the same, these frescoes have nothing of the spirit of Polygnotus in them. Examine a collection of Classical painted vases not in individual specimens or copies (which would give the wrong idea) but in the mass, for this is the one species of Classical art in which originals are plentiful enough to impress us effectively with the will that is behind the art. In the light of such a study, the utter un-Classicalness of the Renaissance-spirit leaps to the eye. The great achievement of Giotto and Masaccio in creating a fresco-art is only apparently a revival of the Apollinian way of feeling, but the depth-experience and idea of extension that underlies it is not the Apollinian unspatial and self-contained body but the Gothic field (Bildraum). However recessive the backgrounds are, they exist. Yet here again there was the fullness of light, the clarity of atmosphere, the great noon-calm, of the South; dynamic space was changed in Tuscany, and only in Tuscany, to the static space of which Piero della Francesca was the master. fields of space were painted, they were put, not as an existence unbounded and like music ever striving into the depths, but as sensuously definable. Space was given a sort of bodiliness and order in plane layers, and drawing, sharpness of outline, definition of surface were studied with a care that seemingly approached the Hellenic ideal. Yet there was always this difference, that Florence depicted space perspectively as singular in contrast with things

Though

as plural, whereas Athens presented things as separate singulars in contrast to general nothingness. And in proportion as the surge of the Renaissance smoothed down, the hardness of this tendency receded, from Masaccio 's frescoes

Chapel to Raphael's in the Vatican Stanze, until the sfumato of Leonardo, the melting of the edges into the background, brings a musical in the Brancacci

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

z3 8

ideal in place of the relief-ideal into painting.

The hidden dynamic

is

equally

it would be perfectly unmistakable in the sculpture of Florence hopeless to 1 look for an Attic companion for Verrocchio's equestrian statue. This art was a sometimes and a mask, a mode of the taste of an elite, comedy though

never was comedy more gallantly played out. The indescribable inward purity of Gothic form often causes us to forget what an excess of native strength and depth it possessed. Gothic, it must be repeated again, is the only foundation of the Renaissance. alone understood

The Renaissance never even touched the The consciousness it or "revived" it

real Classical, let

of the Florentine

elite, wholly under literary influences, fashioned the deceptive name to positivize the negative element of the movement thereby demonstrating how little such currents are aware of their own nature. There is not a single one

of their great works that the contemporaries of Pericles, or even those of Cassar, would not have rejected as utterly alien. Their palace courtyards are Moorish courtyards, and their round arches on slender pillars are of Syrian origin. Cimabue taught his century to imitate with the brush the art of Byzantine

mosaic.

Of

the

two famous domical buildings of the Renaissance, the domed

cathedral of Florence early Baroque.

is

When

a masterpiece of late Gothic, and St. Peter's is one of set himself to build the latter as the

Michelangelo

"Pantheon towering over the Basilica of Maxentms," he was naming two is there indeed And ornament

buildings of the purest early Arabian style.

a genuine Renaissance ornamentation? Certainly there is nothing comparable in symbolic force with the ornamentation of Gothic. But what is the provenance of that gay and elegant embellishment which has a real inward unity of its own and has captivated all Europe? There is a great difference between the " home of a "taste and the home of the expression-means that it employs one is Northern in the early Florentine motives of Pisano, Maiano, Ghiberti and Delia Quercia. We have to distinguish in all these chancels, tombs, niches and porches between the outward and transferable forms (the Ionic column itself is doubly a transfer, for it originated in Egypt) and the spirit of the form-language that uses them as means and signs. One Classical element or item is equivalent to another so long as something unClassical is being expressed significance lies not in the thing but in the way in which it is used But even in Donatello such motives are far fewer than in mature Baroque. As for a strict Classical capital, no such thing is to be found.

finds a great deal that

And yet, at moments, Renaissance art succeeded in achieving something wonderful that music could not reproduce a feeling for the bliss of perfect nearness, for pure, restful and Itberafing space-effects, bright and tidy and free from the passionate movement of Gothic and Baroque. It is not Classical, but it is a dream of Classical existence, the only dream of the Faustian soul in which it was able to forget itself 1

The

colossal statue of

Bartolommeo Colleone

at Venice.

Tr.

THE ARTS OF FORM

139

VI

And now, with

the i6th Century, the decisive epochal turn begins for West-

m

ern painting. The trusteeship of architecture the North and that of sculpture in Italy expire, and painting becomes polyphonic, "picturesque," infinityseeking. The colours become tones. The art of the brush claims kinship with the style of cantata and madrigal. The technique of oils becomes the basis of

an art that means to conquer space and to dissolve things Leonardo and Giorgione begins Impressionism.

m that space.

With

In the actual picture there is trans valuation of all the elements. The background, hitherto casually put in, regarded as a fill-up and, as space, almost shuffled out of sight, gams a preponderant importance. A development sets in that is paralleled in no other Culture, not even in the Chinese which many other respects is so near to ours. The background as symbol of the infinite

m

conquers the sense-perceptible foreground, and at last (herein lies the distinction between the depicting and the delineating styles) the depth-experience of the Faustian soul is captured in the kinesis of a picture. The space-relief of

Mantegna's plane layers dissolves in Tintoretto into directional energy, and the picture the great symbol of an unlimited space-universe there emerges the boriwhich comprises the individual things within itself as incidentals

m

%pn.

Now,

that a landscape painting should have a horizon has always seemed we have never asked ourselves the important question"

so self-evident to us that

always a horizon, and if not, when not and why not? In fact, there is not a hint of it, either in Egyptian relief or in Byzantine mosaic or in vasepaintings and frescoes of the Classical age, or even in those of the Hellenistic Is there

in spite of its spatial treatment of foregrounds.

This

line, in

the unreal vapour

of which heaven and earth melt, the sum and potent symbol of the far, contains the painter's version of the "infinitesimal" principle. It is out of the remoteness of this horizon that the music of the picture flows, and for this reason the

great landscape-painters of Holland paint only backgrounds and atmospheres, just as for the contrary reason "anti-musical" masters like Signorelli and ' '

' '

It is in the horizon, especially Mantegna, paint only foregrounds and reliefs. then, that Music triumphs over Plastic, the passion of extension over its substance. It is not too much to say that no picture by Rembrandt has a foreground

at all In the North, the home of counterpoint, a deep understanding of the meaning of horizons and high-lighted distances is found very early, while in the South the flat conclusive gold-background of the Arabic-Byzantine picture long remained supreme. The first definite emergence of the pure space-feeling is in the Books of Hours of the Duke of Berry (that at Chantilly and that at Turin) about 1416. Thereafter, slowly and surely, it conquers the Picture.

The same symbolic meaning attaches to clouds. Classical art concerns itself with them no more than with horizons, and the painter of the Renaissance

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST them with

a certain playful superficiality But very early the Gothic looked at its cloud-masses, and through them, with the long sight of mysticismand the Venetians (Giorgione and Paolo Veronese above all) discovered the

treats

full

magic of the cloud-world, of the thousand-tinted Being that fills the its sheets and wisps and mountains. Grunewald and the Nether-

heavens with

landers heightened its significance to the level of tragedy. the grand art of cloud-symbolism to Spain

was

El Greco brought

same time that along with oil-painting and counterpoint the Here, expressed on the canvas of Nature itself by extended pools, brick walls, avenues, vistas and galleries, is the same tendency that is represented in painting by the effort towards the linear perspective that the early Flemish artists felt to be the basic problem of their art and Brunellesco, Alberti and Piero della Francesca formulated. We may take it that it was not entirely a coincidence that this formulation of perspective, this matheIt

at the

art of gardens ripened.

matical consecration of the picture (whether landscape or interior) as a field limited at the sides but immensely increased in depth, was propounded just at this particular moment. It was the proclamation of the Prime-Symbol.

The point

at

which the

perspective lines coalesce

is

at infinity.

It

was

just

avoided infinity and rejected distance that Classical painting possessed no perspective. Consequently the Park, the deliberate manipulation of Nature so as to obtain space and distance effects, is an impossibility in Classical because

art.

it

Neither in Athens nor in

the Imperial

Rome proper was

there a garden-art, it

was only

with ground-schemes of Eastern origin, l and a glance at any of the plans of those gardens that have been preserved is enough to show the shortness of their range and the emphasis of their bounds.

Age that

gratified its taste

'

'

' '

And yet

the first garden-theorist of the West, L. B. Alberti, was laying down the relation of the surroundings to the house (that is, to the spectators in it) as early as 1450, and from his projects to the parks of the Ludovisi and Albani 2 villas, we can see the importance of the perspective view into distance becoming ever greater and greater. In France, after Francis I (Fontainebleau) the long narrow lake is an additional feature having the same

The most

meaning

significant element in the

Western garden-art

is

thus the potnt de

we of the great Rococo park, upon which all its avenues and clipped-hedge walks open and from which vision may travel out to lose itself in the distances. This element is wanting even m the Chinese garden-art. But it is exactly matched by some of the silver-bright of the music of that age (in

key

Coupenn

for example).

distance-pictures pastoral It is the point de vue that gives us the

to a real understanding of this remarkable

mode

of

making nature

itself

r 1

Svoboda, ~SJmischt ttnd Romamscbt PalSste (1919), RostowZew, Pompetamscbe Landscbaftcn und Romiscie Vtllen (Rom mitt , 1904) * Environs of Rome. They date from the late i7th and the mid-i8th centuries respectively, the gardens of the V. Ludovisi were laid out by Lc N6tre. Tr.

THE ARTS OF FORM

341

speak the form-language of a human symbolism. It is in principle akin to the dissolution of finite number-pictures into infinite series in our ma thematic: 1 reveals the ultimate meaning of the series, so as the remainder-expression the glimpse into the boundless is what, in the garden, reveals to a Faustian meaning of Nature. It was we and not the Hellenes or the men of the

soul the

high Renaissance that prized and sought out high mountain tops for the sake of the limitless range of vision that they afford. This is a Faustian craving to be alone with endless space. The great achievement of Le N6tre and the landscape-gardeners of Northern France, beginning with Fouquet's epoch-making creation of Vaux-le-Vicomte, wr as that they were able to render this symbol

with such high emphasis. Compare the Renaissance park of the Medicean with these parks age capable of being taken in, gay, cosy, well-rounded in which all the water-works, statue-rows, hedges and labyrinths are instinct with the suggestion of long range It is the Destiny of Western oil-painting told over again in a bit of garden-history. But the feeling for long range is at the

same time one for history. At a distance, space becomes time and the horizon signifies the future. The Baroque park ts the fark of the Late season, of the approaching end, of the falling leaf. Renaissance park is meant for the summer and the noonday. It is timeless,

A

and nothing in

its

form-language reminds us of mortality

It is perspective

awaken a premonition of something passing, fugitive and final. The very words of distance possess, in the lyric poetry of all Western languages, a plaintive autumnal accent that one looks for in vain in the Greek and Latin. It is there in Macpherson's "Ossian" and Holderlin, and m Nietzsche's DionysusDithyrambs, and lastly in Baudelaire, Verlaine, George and Droem. The Late that begins to

poetry of the withering garden avenues, the unending lines in the streets of a megalopolis, the ranks of pillars in a cathedral, the peak in a distant mountain us that the depth-experience which constitutes our spacein the last analysis our inward certainty of a Destiny, of a prescribed direction, of time, of the irrevocable. Here, in the experience of horizon as future, we become directly and surely conscious of the identity of

chain

all

world for us

tell is

Time with the "third dimension" of that experienced space which is living self-extension. And in these last days we are imprinting upon the plan of our megalopolitan streets the same directional-destiny character that the xyth Century imprinted upon the Park of Versailles. We lay our streets as long arrow-flights into remote distance, regardless even of preserving old and historic parts of our towns (for the symbolism of these is not now prepotent in us), whereas a megalopolis of the Classical world studiously maintained in its extension that tangle of crooked lanes that enabled Apolliman

man 1

*

to feel himself a That

body in the midst of

the expression for the Sec Vol. II, pp. 117 et seq. Is,

sum

bodies,

2

Herein, as always,

of a convergent series beyond any specified term.

It.

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

24i

practical requirements, so called, are merely the

mask

of a profound inward

compulsion. With the

rise of perspective, then, the deeper form and full metaphysical significance of the picture comes to be concentrated upon the horizon. In Renaissance art the painter had stated and the beholder had accepted the con-

tents of the picture for

the

title.

what they were,

as self-sufficient

But henceforth the contents became a

and co-extensive with mere vehicle of a

-means, the

possibility of verbal expression With Mantegna or Signorelli the pencil sketch could have stood as the picture, without being in some cases, indeed, we can only regret that the artist carried out in colour did not stop at the cartoon. In the statue-like sketch, colour is a mere supple-

meaning that was beyond the

ment. Titian, on the other hand, could be told by Michelangelo that he did " not know how to draw. The object," i.e., that which could be exactly fixed the near and material, had in fact lost its artistic actualthe drawn outline, by theory of art was still dominated by Renaissance impressions, there arose thereupon that strange and interminable conflict concerning the "form" and the "content" of an art-work. Mis-enunciation of the question

ity, but, as the

has concealed

its real

and deep significance from us. The first point for conwhether painting was to be conceived of plastically

sideration should have been

or musically, as a static of things or as a dynamic of space (for in this lies the essence of the opposition between fresco and oil technique), and the second point, the opposition of Classical and Faustian world-feeling. Outlines define the material, while colour-tones interpret space * But the picture of the first it narrates. order belongs to directly sensible nature Space, on the contrary, is by its very essence transcendent and addresses itself to our imaginative powers,

and in an art that

is

under

its

suzerainty, the narrative element enfeebles and

more profound tendency. Hence it is that the theorist, able to feel the secret disharmony but misunderstanding it, clings to the superficial opposition of content and form. The problem is purely a Western one, and reveals most strikingly the complete inversion in the significance of pictorial elements obscures the

that took place when the Renaissance closed down and instrumental music of the grand style came to the front. For the Classical mind no problem of form and content in this sense could exist, in an Attic statue the two are completely identical

and

identified in the

human body.

The

case of Baroque painting is further complicated by the fact that it involves an opposition of ordinary popular feeling and the finer sensibility.

Everything Euclidean and tangible is also popular, and the genuinely popular art is therefore the Classical. It is very largely the feeling of this popular char1

In Classical painting, light and

shadow were

first

day

But even with the

affected

by atmosphere.

by Zeuxis, but only body painted from the shadows to the ttms of

consistently employed

shading of tie tbtng ttself, for the purpose of freeing the modelling of the restriction of the relief-manner, i e , without any reference to the relation of

for the

earliest of the Nctherlanders light

and shade are already

colour-tones

and

THE ARTS OF FORM

243

charm for the Faustian intellects win their world by hard wrestling. For

acter in it that constitutes its indescribable

that have to fight for self-expression, to

contemplation of Classical art and its intention is pure refreshment: here nothing needs to be struggled for, everything offers itself freely. And something of the same sort was achieved by the anti-Gothic tendency of Florence. Raphael us, the

is,

in

many

sides of his creativeness, distinctly popular.

But Rembrandt

is

not,

From

Titian painting becomes more and more esoteric. So, too, poetry. So, too, music. And the Gothic per se had been esoteric from its very witness Dante and Wolfram. The masses of Okeghem and beginnings Palestrma, or of Bach for that matter, were never intelligible to the average

cannot be, so.

member

of the congregation. Ordinary people are bored by Mozart and Beethoven, and regard music generally as something for which one is or is not in certain degree of interest in these matters has been induced by the mood.

A

concert '

room and

'

art for all. If

"

gallery since the age of enlightenment invented the phrase " art is not, and by very essence cannot be, for all. " '

But Faustian

modern painting has ceased

circle of connoisseurs, it is

any but a small (and ever decreasing) has turned away from the painting of

to appeal to

because

it

things that the man in the street can understand. It has transferred the propthe space through which alone, erty of actuality from contents to space according to Kant, things are. And with that a difficult metaphysical element

has entered into painting, and this element does not give itself away to the layman. For Phidias, on the contrary, the word "lay" would have had no meaning. His sculpture appealed entirely to the bodily and not to the spiritual eye. An art without space is a prton unphilosophical. VII

With

an important principle of composition. In a picture it is possible to set the things inorganically above one another or side by side or behind one another without any emphasis of perspective or interrelation, i.e., without insisting upon the dependence of their actuality upon the structure of space

this is connected

which does not

men and

necessarily

mean that

this dependence

is

denied. Primi-

draw

thus, before their depth-experience has brought the sense-impressions of their world more or less into fundamental order. But this order differs in the different Cultures according to the prime symbols of these tive

children

Cultures. The sort of perspective composition that is so self-evident to us is a in the painting of any particular case, and it is neither recognized nor intended other Culture. Egyptian art chose to represent simultaneous events in superposed ranks, thereby eliminating the third dimension from the look of the

with a depicture. The Apollinian art placed figures and groups separately, liberate avoidance of space-and-time relations in the plane of representation. Polygnotus's frescoes in the Lesche of the Cnidians at Delphi are a celebrated instance of this. There is no background to connect the individual scenes

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

z44

background would have been a challenge to the principle that things alone are actual and space non-existent The pediment of the ^Egina temple, the procession of gods on the Francois Vase and the Frieze of the Giants of Pergamum are all composed as meander-syntheses of separate and interchangeable motives, without organic character. It is only with the Hellenistic age

for such a

(the Telephus Frieze of the altar of Pergamum is the earliest example that has been preserved) that the un-Classical motive of the consistent series comes into as in others, the feeling of the Renaissance was truly existence. In this respect,

Gothic. It did indeed carry group-composition to such a pitch of perfection that its work remains the pattern for all following ages But the order of it all it was a silent music of colourproceeded out of space. In the last analysis, illumined extension that created within itself hght-reststances, which the understanding eye could grasp as things and as existence, and could set marching

with an

swing and rhythm out into the distance And with this with its unremarked substitution of air- and light-perspective

invisible

spatial ordering,

for line-perspective, the Renaissance was already, in essence, defeated And now from the end of the Renaissance in Orlando Lasso and Palestrma

right up to Wagner, from Titian right up to Manet and Marees and Leibl, great musicians and great painters followed close upon one another while the

Oil-painting and instrumental music evolve organically towards aims that were comprehended in the Gothic and Faustian in the highest sense are withthe Baroque. Both arts achieved in those limits -prime -phenomena They have a soul, a physiognomy and therefore a history. And in this they are alone All that sculpture could thenceforward plastic art sank into entire insignificance.

m

achieve was a few beautiful incidental pieces in the shadow of painting, gardenart, or architecture. The art of the West had no real need of them. There was

no longer a style of plastic in the sense that there were styles of painting or music. No consistent tradition or necessary unity links the works of Maderna, Goujon, Puget and Schluter. Even Leonardo begins to despise the chisel outmost he will admit the bronze cast, and that on account of its picTherein he differs from Michelangelo, for whom the marble block was still the true element And yet even Michelangelo in his old age could no longer succeed with the plastic, and none of the later sculptors are great in the sense that Rembrandt and Bach are great There were clever and tasteful performances no doubt, but not one single work of the same order as the right: at torial

advantages

"Night Watch" or the "Matthew Passion," nothing that expresses, as these whole depth of a whole mankind. This art had fallen out of the destiny of the Culture. Its speech meant nothing now. What there is in a Rembrandt portrait simply cannot be rendered in a bust. Now and then a express, the

sculptor of power arises, like Bernini or the masters of the contemporary Spanish school, or Pigalle or Rodin (none of whom, naturally, transcended the decorative and attained the level of grand symbolism), but such an artist is always

THE ARTS OF FORM

245

visibly either a belated imitator of the Renaissance like Thorwaldsen, a disguised painter like Houdon or Rodm, an architect like Bernini and Schluter or

a decorator like Coysevox. And his very appearance on the scene only shows the more clearly that this art, incapable of carrying the Faustian burden, has ao and therefore no longer a soul or a life-history of specific longer a mission in the Faustian world. In the Classical world, corstyle-development respondingly, music was the art that failed. Beginning with probably quite important advances in the earliest Doric, it had to give way in the ripe centuries of Ionic (650-350) to the two truly Apoilinian arts, sculpture and fresco; re-

nouncing harmony and polyphony, it had to renounce therewith any pretensions to organic development as a higher art. VIII

The strict style in Classical painting limited its palette to yellow, red, black and white. This singular fact was observed long ago, and, since the explanation was only sought for in superficial and definitely material causes, wild hypothewere brought forward to account for it, e.g., a supposed colour-blindness in Even Nietzsche discussed this (Mergenrote, 4x6). But why did this painting in its great days avoid blue and even blue-green, and only begin the gamut of permissible tones at greenish-yellow and bluishred? It is not that the ancient artists did not know of blue and its effect. The metopes of many temples had blue backgrounds so that they should appear deep in contrast with the triglyphs; and trade-painting used all the colours that were technically available. There are authentic blue horses in archaic Acropolis work and Etruscan tomb-painting; and a bright blue colouring of the hair was quite common. The ban upon it in the higher art was, without a doubt, ses

the Greeks

imposed upon the Euclidean soul by its prime symbol. Blue and green are the colours of the heavens, the sea, the fruitful plain, the shadow of the Southern noon, the evening, the remote mountains. They are essentially atmospheric and not substantial colours. They are cold, they disembody, and they evoke impressions of expanse and distance and boundlessness.

For

this reason

they were kept out of the frescoes of Polygnotus.

And

for

"

infinitesimal" blue-to-green is the space-creating element throughout the history of our perspective oil-painting, from the Venetians right into the i9th Century; it is the basic and supremely important tone which this reason also,

an

sufforts the ensemble of the intended colour-effect, as the basso continue supports the orchestra, whereas the warm yellow and red tones are put on sparingly and in dependence upon this basic tone. It is not the full, gorgeous and fatmltar use for and seldom at that green that Raphael and Durer sometimes

into white and draperies, but an indefinite blue-green of a thousand nuances grey and brown; something deeply musical, into which (notably in Gobelin

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

146 tapestry) the

named

whole atmosphere

Baroque perspective this.

is

which we have and might also have called

plunged. That quality

aerial perspective in contrast to linear

m contrast to Renaissance

rests

almost exclusively upon

We find it with more and more intense depth-effect in Leonardo, Guercmo,

m

the case of Italy, and in Ruysdael and Hobbema in that of Holland, Albani but, above all, in the great French painters, from Poussm and Claude Lorram

and Watteau to Corot. Blue, equally a perspective colour, always stands in It does not press in on us, relation to the dark, the unillummed, the unactual " Goethe calls it it pulls us out into the remote An "enchanting nothingness in his Farbenlehre.

Blue and green are transcendent, spiritual, non-sensuous colours. They are missing in the strict Attic fresco and therefore dominant in oil-painting. Yellow and red, the Classical colours, are the colours of the material, the near, the hence it is the full-blooded. Red is the characteristic colour of sexuality

only colour that works upon the beasts. It matches best the Phallus-symbol but it is pure blue that and therefore the statue and the Doric column etherealizes the Madonna's mantle. This relation of the colours has established itself in every great school as a deep-felt necessity. Violet, a red succumbing to blue, is the colour of women no longer fruitful and of priests living in

celibacy.

Yellow and red are the f of alar colours, the colours of the crowd, of children, Amongst the Venetians and the Spaniards high personages affected a splendid black or blue, with an unconscious sense of the aloofness inherent in these colours. For red and yellow, the Apollmzan, Euchof

women, and of savages

belong to the foreground even in respect of social life; they are meet for the noisy hearty market-days and holidays, the naive immediateness of a life subject to the blind chances of the Classical Fatum, the pointdean-folytbeistic colours,

the Faustian, monotheistic colours But blue and green are those of loneliness, of care, of a present that is related to a past and a future, of destiny as the dispensation governing the universe from within. existence.

The

relation of Shakespearian destiny to space and of Sophoclean to the inbody has already been stated in an earlier chapter. All the genuinely

dividual

transcendent Cultures

that

is all

whose prime-symbol

requires the overcoming

of the apparent, the life of struggle and not that of acceptance have the same metaphysical inclination to space as to blues and blacks. There are profound observations on the connexion between ideas of space and the meaning of colour in Goethe's studies of "entoptic colours" in the atmosphere, the symbolism that is enunciated by him in the Farbenlebre and that which we have deduced

here from the ideas of Space and Destiny are in complete agreement. The most significant use of dusky green as the colour of destiny wald's.

The

brandt's.

is

Grune-

power of space in his mghts is equalled only by Remthe thought suggests itself here, is it possible to say that his

indescribable

And

THE ARTS OF FORM bluish-green, the colour in

147

which the

interior of a great cathedral is so often it clothed, is the specifically Catholic colour? being understood that we mean Faustian the "Catholic" strictly Christianity (with the Eucharist as its by

centre) that was founded in the Lateran Council of 1115 and fulfilled in the Council of Trent. This colour with its silent grandeur is as remote from the

resplendent gold-ground of Early Christian-Byzantine pictures as it is from the gay, loquacious "pagan" colours of the painted Hellenic temples and statues. It is to be noted that the effect of this colour, entirely unlike that of yellow and red, depends upon work being exhibited indoors Classical painting is emphatically a public art, Western just as emphatically a studio-art. The

whole of our great oil-painting, from Leonardo to the end of the i8th Century, Here once more we meet the same is not meant for the bright light of day opposition as that between chamber-music and the free-standing statue. The climatic explanation of the difference is merely superficial; the example of Egyptian painting would suffice to disprove it if disproof were necessary at all. Infinite space meant for Classical feeling complete nothingness, and the use of blue and green, with their powers of dissolving the near and creating the far, would have been a challenge to the absolutism of the foreground and its unitbodies, and therefore to the very meaning and intent of Apollmian art. To the Apollmian eye, pictures in the colours of Watteau would have been destitute

of all essence, things of almost inexpressible emptiness and untruth. By these colours the visually-perceived light-reflecting surface of the picture is made effectively to render, not circumscribed things, but circumambient space. And that is why they are missing in Greece and dominant in the West.

Arabian art brought the Magian world-feeling to expression by means of the gold ground of its mosaics and pictures. Something of the uncanny wizardry of this, and by implication of its symbolic purpose, is known to us through the mosaics of Ravenna, in the work of the Early Rhenish and especially North Italian masters

who were

still

entirely under the influence of

Lombardo-

Byzantine models, and last but not least in the Gothic book-illustrations of which the archetypes were the Byzantine purple codices. In this instance we can study the soul of three Cultures working upon very similar tasks in very dissimilar ways. The Apollinian Culture recognized as and thus actual only that which was immediately present in time and place it repudiated the background as pictorial element. The Faustian strove through

and it projected the centre of gravity sensuous barriers towards infinity of the pictorial idea into the distance by means of perspective. The Magian felt all happening as an expression of mysterious powers that filled the worldall

and it shut off the depicted scene with by something that stood beyond and outside all

cavern with their spiritual substance a gold background, that

is,

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

148

is not a colour. As compared with simple yellow, it the metallic, diffuse refulproduces a complicated sense-impression, through whether coloured gence that is generated by its glowing surface. Colours substance incorporated with the smoothed wall-face (fresco) or pigment apare natural. But the metallic gleam, which is practiplied with the brush

nature-colours.

Gold

1

It recalls impressively cally never found in natural conditions, is unearthly. the other symbols of the Culture, Alchemy and Kabbala, the Philosophers'

Holy Scriptures, the Arabesque, the inner form of the tales of the "Thousand and One Nights." The gleaming gold takes away from the scene, the life and the body their substantial being Everything that was taught in

Stone, the

the circle of Plotmus or by the Gnostics as to the nature of things, their innotions paradoxical and almost dependence of space, their accidental causes is implicit also in the symbolism of this unintelligible to our world-feeling

mysterious hieratic background. The nature of bodies was a principal subject of controversy amongst Neo-Pythagoreans and Neo-Platomsts, as it was later

Baghdad and Basra. Suhrawardi distinguishes extension, as the primary existence of the body, from width and height and depth as its accidents. Nazzim pronounced against the corporeal substantiality and space-fill-

In the schools of

ing character of the atom. These and the like were the metaphysical notions that, from Philo and Paul to the last great names of the Islamic philosophy, manifested the Arabian world-feeling. They played a decisive part in the disof Christ 2 And thus the gold putes of the Councils upon the substantiality

background possesses, in the iconography of the Western Church, an explicit dogmatic significance. It is an express assertion of the existence and activity of the divine spirit. It represents the Arabian form of the Christian world-consciousness, and with such a deep appropriateness that for a thousand years this and treatment of the background was held to be the only one metaphysically even ethically possible and seemly in representations of the Christian legend. When "natural" backgrounds, with their blue-green heavens, far horizons and

depth perspective, began to appear in early Gothic, they had at first the appearance of something profane and worldly. The change of dogma that they implied was, if not acknowledged, at any rate felt, witness the tapestry backgrounds

with which the real depth of space was covered up by a pious awe that disguised what it dared not exhibit. We have seen how just at this time, when the Faustian (German-Catholic) Christianity attained to consciousness of itself a new religion in the through the institution of the sacrament of Contrition the tendency to perspective, colour, and the mastering of aerial old garb 1

The

brilliant polish of the stone in

Egyptian art has a deep symbolic significance of much the

same kind. Its effect is to dernatenalize the statue by causing the eye to glide along its exterior Hellas on the contrary manifests, by its progress from "Poros" stone, through Naxian, to the translucent Parian and Pentelic marbles, material essence of the body. 2 See Vol. II, pp. 314 et scq

how

determined

it is

that the look shall sink right into the

THE ARTS OF FORM the art of the Franciscans space in

l

149

transformed the whole meaning of

painting. The Christianity of the West is related to that of the East as the symbol of to the symbol of gold-ground and the final schism took place perspective almost at the same moment in Church and in Art. The landscape-background

of the depicted scene and the dynamic infimteness of God were comprehended at the same moment, and, simultaneously with the gold ground of the sacred there vanished from the Councils of the West that Magian, ontologicai picture,

problem of Godhead which had so passionately agitated Nicasa, Ephesus, Chalcedon and all the Councils of the East.

The Venetians

discovered, and introduced into oil-painting as a space-

forming and quasi-musical motive, the handwriting of the mstble brush-stroke. wouldThe Florentine masters had never at any time challenged the fashion of smoothing out all turns of the be Classical and yet in Gothic employ brush so as to produce pure, cleanly-outlined and even colour-surfaces. In consequence, their pictures have a certain air of bezng y something felt, unmistakably, as the opposite of the inherent zwtam-quality of the Gothic expression-means that were storming in from over the Alps. The i5th-Century

manner of applying colour is a denial of past and future. It is only in the brushwork, which remains permanently visible and, in a way, perennially fresh, that the historical feeling comes out. Our desire is to see in the work of the painter not merely something that has become but something that is becoming. And this is precisely what the Renaissance wanted to avoid. A piece of Perugino drapery

tells

us nothing of its artistic origin, it is ready-made, given,

first met with as a comsimply present But the individual brush-strokes the later work of Titian are accents of a perplete new form-language sonal temperament, characteristic in the orchestra-colours of Monteverde, melodically-flowing as a contemporary Venetian madrigal: streaks and dabs,

m

immediately juxtaposed, cross one another, cover one another, entangle one another, and bring unending movement into the plain element of colour, Just so the geometrical Analysis of the time made its objects become instead of being. Every painting has in its execution a history and does not disguise it, and a Faustian who stands before

it feels that he too has a spiritual evolution, Before " " any great landscape by a Baroque master, the one word historical is enough to make us feel that there is a meaning in it wholly alien to the meaning of an Attic statue. As other melody, so also this of the restless outlineless brushstroke is part of the dynamic stability of the universe of eternal Becoming, directional Time, and Destiny The opposition of painting-style and drawing1

The

life

and teaching of

St. Francis

were, morally and sesthetically alike, the centres of

Italian spiration for Cituabue, Giotto and the

Gothic generally,

Tr,

in-

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

z5 o

style is but a particular aspect of the general opposition of historical and ahistorical form, of assertion and denial of inner development, of eternity and Classical art-work is an event, a Western is a deed. The one instantaneity.

A

symbolizes the here-and-now point, the other the living course an ornamentation that physiognomy of this script of the brush

And is

the

entirely

is new, infinitely rich and personal, and peculiar to the Western Culture purely and simply musical. It is no mere conceit to compare the allegro feroce of Frans Hals with the andante con moto of Van Dyck, or the minor of Guercmo

with the major of Velasquez. Henceforward the notion of tempo

is

comprised in

the execution of a painting and steadily reminds us that this art is the art of a contrast to the Classical, forgets nothing and will let nothing be soul which,

m

forgotten that once was. The aery web of brush-strokes immediately dissolves the sensible surface of things. Contours melt into chiaroscuro. The beholder

has to stand a very long way back to obtain any corporeal impression out of our coloured space values, and even so it is always the chromatic and active air itself that gives birth to

the things.

At the same time with this, there appeared in Western painting another symbol of highest significance, which subdued more and more the actuality of all colour the "studio-brown" (atelierbraun). This was unknown to the early Florentines and the older Flemish and Rhenish masters alike. Pacher, Holbein, passionately strong as their tendency towards spatial depth

Diirer,

seems, are quite without it, and its reign begins only with the last years of the This brown does not repudiate its descent from the "infini1 6th Century

tesimal" greens of Leonardo's, Schongauer's and Grunewald's backgrounds, but it possesses a mightier power over things than they, and it carries the battle of Space against Matter to a decisive close. It even prevails over the more primitive linear perspective, which ciation with architectural motives.

is

unable to shake off

its

Renaissance asso-

and the Impressionist technique of the visible brush-stroke there is an enduring and deeply suggestive connexion. Both in the end dissolve the tangible existences of the sense-world the world into atmospheric semblances. Line disappears of moments and foregrounds from the tone-picture. The Magian gold-ground had only dreamed of a mystic power that controlled and at will could thrust aside the laws governing corporeal existence within the world-cavern But the brown of these pictures opened a prospect into an infinity of pure forms. And therefore its discovery marks for the Western style a culmination in the process of its becoming As

Between

it

contrasted with the preceding green, this colour has something Protestant in it. It anticr Northern pantheism of the i8th Century which the ipates the hyperbolic 2 The of Archangels voice in the Prologue of Goethe's "Faust."

atmosphere

Lear and the atmosphere of Macbeth are akin to

it

The contemporary

1

Der nordische im Grcnzenlose schweifende Pantheismus.

3

On

the following page

is

a translation of this chorus

Tr.

striving

THE ARTS OF FORM

151

of instrumental music towards freer and ever freer chromatics (de Rore s Luca. Marenzio} and towards the formation of bodies of tone by means of string and

wind choruses corresponds exactly with the new tendency of oil-painting to create pictorial chromatics out of pure colours, by means of these unlimited brown shadmgs and the contrast-effect of immediately juxtaposed colour-strokes. Thereafter both the arts spread through their worlds of tones and colours an atmosphere of the purest spatiality, which colour-tones and tone-colours the human being as a shape but enveloped and rendered, no longer body the soul unconfined. And thus was attained the inwardness that in the deepest

works of Rembrandt and of Beethoven is able to unlock the last secrets themthe inwardness which Apollinian man had sought with his strictly selves somatic art to

keif at bay

From now onward,

the old foreground-colours yellow and red the employed more and more rarely and always as deliberate the distances and depths that they are meant to set off and emphasize

Classical tones

contrasts to

are

(Vermeer in particular, besides of course Rembrandt). This atmospheric brown,

which was is.

entirely alien to the Renaissance, is the unrealest colour that there one major colour that does not exist in the rainbow. There is white

It is the

and yellow and green, and red and other light of the most entire purity. But a pure brown light is outside the possibilities of the Nature that we know. All the greenish-brown, silvery, moist brown, and deep gold tones that appear in their splendid variety with Giorgione, grow bolder and bolder in the great Dutch painters and lose themselves towards the end of the iSth Century, have light,

the

common

quality that they strip nature of her tangible actuality. They conwhat is almost a religious profession of faith, we feel that here

tain, therefore,

we

are not very far

who

other hand

from Port Royal, from Leibniz. With Constable on the

is

the founder of the painting of Civilisation

it is

a differ-

ent will that seeks expression, and the very brown that he had learnt from the Dutch meant to him not what it had meant to them Destiny, God, the meanbut simply romance, sensibility, yearning for something that was ing of life

gone, memorial of the great past of the dying art. In the last German masters too Kafhael.

The Sun outsmgs

the brother-spheres in olden rivalry of song,

Michael

Tis from

his face the angels

their strength, but scan

it

The

gam

lightning is thy flaming sword, the thunder veils thee on thy way, yet ever spare thy envoys, Lead, the gentle changing of thy day.

no one may.

outranged and Works remain sublime as on Creation-Day.

Gabrul.

is

And, swift beyond description, flies the circling scene of land and sea, in alternance of Paradise with dark and awful Mystery. The ocean swings, the billows sway, back from the cliff the waves are hurled.

But

cliff and waves alike obey the mightier movement of the World.

storms arise and swell and ebb and mountain, lake and field,

o'er sea

the preordained path along

Thought

And

ia wild contention weave a. web of forces purposed though concealed

and thunder-girt pursues the years

The Three

lace the angels gain their strength, but scan it no one may. all thought thy Works remain sublime as on Creation-Day.

Tis from thy Beyond

THE DECLINE OF THE WEST

1.52.

l whose belated arc is a. romantic Lessing, Marges, Spitzweg, Diez, LeibI as a precious heirloom. retrospect, an epilogue, the brown tones appear simply of the great style, they Unwilling in their hearts to part with this last relic of their generation preferred to set themselves against the evident tendency the soulless and soul-killing generation of phtn-atr and Haeckel. Rightly

understood (as it has never yet been), this battle of Rembrandt-brown and the case of the hopeless resistance put plem-atr of the new school is simply one more up by soul against intellect and Culture against Civilization, of the opposition of symbolic necessary art and megalopolitan "applied" art

which

affects

building and painting and sculpture and poetry alike Regarded thus, the When it dies, an entire significance of the brown becomes manifest enough.

Culture dies with It

it.

was the masters who were inwardly

greatest

Rembrandt above

all

the enigmatic brown of his most telling work, and its origin is in the deep lights of Gothic church-windows and the tone of the great twilight of the high-vaulted Gothic nave. And the gold is always Venetians Titian, Veronese, Palma, Giorgione reminding us of

who best understood this

colour.

It is

that old perished Northern art of glass painting of which they themselves know almost nothing. Here also the Renaissance with its deliberate bodilmess of colour is seen as merely an episode, an event of the very self-conscious surface,

and not a product of the underlying Faustian instinct of the Western soul, whereas this luminous gold-brown of the Venetian painting links Gothic and Baroque, the art of the old glass-painting and the dark music of Beethoven.

And

it

coincides precisely in time

with the establishment of the Baroque

style

of colour-music by the work of the Netherlanders Willaert and Cyprian de Rore, the elder Gabrieli, and the Venetian music-school which they founded.

Brown, then, became the characteristic colour of the

soul,

and more particu-

Nietzsche has, I think, spoken somewhere of the "brown" music of Bizet, but the adjective is far more appropriate to the music which Beethoven wrote for strings z and to the orchestration that even larly of a historically-disposed soul.

as late as Bruckner so often fills space with a browny-golden expanse of tone. All other colours are relegated to ancillary functions thus the bright yellow 1 it is

His portrait of Frau Gedon, all steeped in brown, is the last Old-Matter portrait of the West; pirated entirely in the style of the past The strings in the Orchestra represent, as a class, the colours of the distance The bluish green

3

of Watttau

is found already in the Neapolitan bel canto of about 1700, in Coupenn, in Mozart and Haydn; and the brown of the Dutch in Corelh, Handel and Beethoven The -wood-wind., too, calls distances illumined Yellow and red, on the other hand, the colours of nearness, the fafular up colours, are associated with the brass timbre, the effect of which is corporeal often to the point of vulgarity. The tone of an old fiddle is entirely bodiless It is worth remarking that the Greek music, insignLficent as it is, underwent an evolution from the Dorian lyre to the Ionian flute ([aulos and syrinx) and that even in the time of Pericles strict Dorians blamed this as an enervating and lowering

tendency. is

(The horn is an exception, and is always treated as an exception, to the brass generally with the woodwind, and its colours are those of the distance. XV.)

Its

place

X53

and the vermilion of Vermeer intrude with the spatial almost as though from another world and with an emphasis that is truly metaphysical, and the yellow-green and blood-red lights of Rembrandt seem at most to play with the brilliant performer but no symbolism of space. In Rubens, on the contrary the brown is almost destitute of idea, a shadow-colour. (In him and Watteau, the "Catholic" blue-green disputes precedence with the brown.) All this shows how any particular means may, in the hands of men of inward depth, become a symbol for the evocation of such high transcendence as that of the Rembrandt landscape, while for other great masters it may be merely a

thinker in

or in other words that (as we have already serviceable technical expedient seen) technical "form," in the theoretical sense of something opposed to

"content," has nothing whatever to do with the real and true form of a great work. I have called brown a historical colour. By this is meant that it makes the atmosphere of the pictured space signify directedness and jutwt> and overpowers the assertiveness of any instantaneous element that may be represented. The other colours of distance have also this significance, and they lead to an important, considerable and distinctly bizarre extension of the Western symbolism. The Hellenes had in the end come to prefer bronze and even giltbronze to the painted marble, the better to express (by the radiance of this phenomenon against a deep blue sky) the idea of the individualness of any and every corporeal thing. 1 Now, when the Renaissance dug these statues up 3

found them black and green with the patina of many centuries. The historic and from that time spirit, with its piety and longing, fastened on to this forth our form-feeling has canonized this black and green of distance. To-day it

an ironical illusour eye finds it indispensable to the enjoyment of a bronze tration of the fact that this whole species of art is something that no longa concerns us as such. What does a cathedral dome or a bronze figure mean tc us without the patina which transmutes the short-range brilliance into the tone of remoteness of .time and place? Have we not got to the point of arti2

producing this patina? But even more than this is involved in the ennoblement of decay to the level of an art-means of independent significance. That a Greek would have regarded the formation of patina as the rum of the work, we can hardly doubt It is not merely that the colour green, on account of its "distant" quality, wa; avoided by him on spiritual grounds Patina is a symbol oimortahty and hena related in a remarkable way to the symbols of time-measurement and th